ercent agreed ' offended by the program -five percent agreed program was a waste of time four percent agree there was no major difference between blacks an whites on these items. . the central message of the celebration of diversi y program was characterized by interviewees as follows. everyone needs to make an effort to know and un er stand each other. differences are something to celebrate ... they are positive and not negative! e university is willing to deal with issues of race ... an will deal with them now before they become a pro lem. we should respect other ethnic groups because everyone is different and everyone has something to contribute. we need to get out and learn about other people and other ways of life. we should eva ua e people by what is on the inside and not on the u s1 e-and finally, the university is committed to offering an environment that recognizes and honors difference. for a faculty member, the program increased my fervor to help my students be more open an tolerant. for another it provided concrete i eas o restructuring courses and curriculum. i was ready o make changes... now i have the information, student remarked that the program caused him to -evaluate myself and become more conscious of racia prejudices i have. and perhaps most to the point, 1 will be more understanding of different cultures. i won t label people. interviewee after interviewee expressed praise and appreciation to the university for taking a lead in the community by addressing issues of diversity and taking steps to make a change. while there was skepticism expressed by some i think this is a passing phase, one week, a lot of noise, and then it will pass -others were looking to the future: this is not ar answer, only the beginning. this is the frosting but th( cake is yet to be baked. the celebration of diversity program has fundamentally changed the university of louisville. fifty-four percent of the participants in the prograr felt that their behavior and attitudes had been change as a result of the celebration of diversity prograir that percentage is impressive. one out of every tw participants-1,750 people-claimed that they ha been changed by a progressive program ' integration, tolerance and understanding, not hater separatism. diversity leaders are seen as hateful. th university of louisville program contradicts the coi ventional media view of diversity programs as beir hateful, separatist, and sometimes violent. outcomes the celebration of diversity program has fund of diversity program: . greater scholarship aid todivers . a mandate for annual celebration o . expectations to address diversity ssgsss diversity-wide enrollment-management p ji b 'h m recruitm? a efforts,x all needy and nder-pnv.leged , dents; 9. understanding cultural pluralism the athletic department has enhanced its involvement in the academic performance of student athletes; the concept of a campus community particularly for students both inside and outside class, is becoming more of a reality; the essence of racism, both direct and indirect, is being challenged frequently and effectively; the 1991 fiesta bowl team displayed the diversity symbol to millions of television viewers as they honored the memory of dr. martin luther king, jr.; there will be ongoing research to analyze and foster diversity programs in a timely and helpful fashion; a multi-cultural center was established; and hundreds of college administrators and community groups from around the country have received presentations on the university of louisville program. unresolved issue: incorporation of diversity into the curriculum in the fall of 1991, the university provost led an initiative to encourage diversity in the curriculum.9 while most agree that it is important, differences exist concerning content. some faculty members committed to diversity in the curriculum argue that academics should only be party to truth and not worry that facts might be upsetting to students. others believe that diversity in the curriculum means material is uplifting and encourages minorities to feel better about themselves. in the curriculum. ninety-five percent agreed wi statement minority perspectives should be inclu appropriate courses, and 94 percent agreed ths fessors should provide competing perspectives, portionate number felt that we must be toler competing perspectives. as one white male f member expressed it: faculty members need to e and examine the issues of race and gender classroom. however, we must also have tolerai perspectives that challenge the liberal agenda, dent is not racist if he or she opposes affirmative or sexist if he or she opposes abortion. participants in the celebration of diversity program are nearly unanimous on the need for greater diversity in the curriculum. the athletic department has enhanced its involvement in the academic performance of student athletes... it seems absurd to mandate that a race or culture be portrayed only in positive or uplifting ways. academics describe these kinds of depictions as biased instead of objective. does someone of german background feel awkward, embarrassed or depressed when hitler and nazism are discussed in history classes? do white americans take offense when southern slavery is taught? perhaps, but no one is calling for these topics to be removed from the curriculum because some people might feel ill at ease. 'ruth over sensitivity must prevail in any university classroom. after all research that reflects negatively on a particular minority is also subject to challenge. as writer-activist randy shilts notes, there is a fundamental fallacy in preaching diversity but rejecting the most important form of diversity of all, which is diversity of thought w participants in the celebration of diversity program are nearly unanimous on the need for greater diversity one out of every five participants felt that re reflecting negatively on minorities should be ] ited from the classroom. a white male profes plained: the issue of research reflecting neg on minorities is loaded because much so-call search is tendentious, false, sometimes falsified, i subject to independent verification or questioni: example, holocaust studies appearing in the jou the neo-nazi institute of revision, when represe: research, would violate norms of responsibility ati to academic freedom. a white faculty member summed up the pre attitude when he said, the university lea< needs to send a signal that diversity must be the curriculum, but only when we tolerate con viewpoints: truth is more important than sen to minority groups. recommendations kentucky s largest newspaper, the courier--^ declared in an editorial, u of l aimed to ge concerns on the table with a celebration of di the celebration of diversity is only a beginnin; minds of many respondents. as one member university community stated, it s not enough that we re going to have a week-long celebrat must continue to explore and work toward res one another. indeed, this celebration of diversity can be for future programs which are richer, deeper a. more inclusive. important considerations for programming should include the following. diversity programs should not be narro fined as attempting only to ameliorate racism1 224 48. diversity against african-americans. the theme of diversity should embrace the broad range of race and ethnicity (african-american, hispanic, asian, arabic, etc.), religion, sexual orientation, disability, age, and gender. non-african-american minorities and whites should participate as speakers and panelists. issues common to all these groups are the need to fight harmful stereotyping and demonstrate the significant array of contributions they have made to american society and culture. the theme of diversity is humanistic in tone, imploring society not to judge by physical characteristics, but to view all community members as individuals with unlimited possibilities. diversity programs should not be narrowly defined as attempting only to ameliorate racism directed against african-a mericans. i invited speakers must have cutting edge credentials, particularly in the eyes of university faculty and students. when faculty supported or required student attendance at events, the auditoriums would be filled, when this did not occur the rooms would sometimes be virtually empty. an effective way to marshall faculty and student support is to seek their input in the selection of speakers and involve them in event planning. a result of elective as opposed to mandatory participation (less than 20 percent of the survey re spondents indicated attendance due to requirement) was a liberally oriented audience. of those who attended the program, only 17 percent voted for presi dent george bush while 51 percent voted for dukakis. over half of the attendees participated in protest movements for civil rights, empowerment of women, and anti-war activity. this could indicate, that the program was preaching more to the choir and per haps not reaching those most in need of the message. administrators should consider mandating atten ance r exploring other methods of achieving a more representative pattern of attendance at such events. diversity programs should be opened to inc u e a variety of perspectives and stimulate lively a e most of the university of louisville s celebration o diversity had a 1960s-era liberal perspective, this might have alienated conservative students from program. diversity programs also should recognize steady rise in conservatism among minorities, an include minority conservative speakers in the program conclusion during the ten-day celebration, students, faculty, staff, guests, presenters, alumni, and community leaders shared heart-felt concerns with disarming candor. there was silence, there were smiles, and indeed there were sparks. clearly, acknowledging, accepting, respecting, enhancing, and eventually celebrating diversity is a difficult, demanding and at times agonizing business. the celebration of diversity at the university of louisville went from a typical business-as-usual opening of the academic year to a whirlwind of activity focusing on issues of diversity and multiculturalism. the celebration of diversity fused over 35 separate events into a coordinated exploration of important cultural and racial values and traditions. the purpose of the program was the promotion of human dignity, tolerance and appreciation of diversity. the events were designed to meet the university president s goal of increasing awareness and appreciation for the different races and ethnic groups represented on the university campus. the purpose of the program was the promotion of human dignity, tolerance and appreciation of diversity. we are encouraged by the celebration divers^ ability to address the following: 1) the undergraduate diversity, pluralism an pp articulate< vals throughout their g * yehicle fo theteperfunhanding o non has existed and exists, wrote seton-watson. and will continue to exist in the foreseeable future, we may safely add. one of the most original explanations of why ethnicity is so persistent was provided by pierre van den berghe. it is based on notions derived from sociobiology and regards ethnicity as kin selection. ethnicity is common descent, either real or putative, but, even when putative, the myth has to be validated by several generations of common historical experience. 10 ethnicity is thus perceived as something natural, rooted in the biological makeup of humankind. and favoring one s ethnic brothers (another kin term!) is part and parcel of any traditional social system. this fact, of course, does not explain the many masks of nationalism. it was born in the struggle of the west european middle class against feudal privilege and absolutism. later, it was used by the state for colonial expansion and imperialism (the bureaucratic nationalism, as anthony smith calls it.11) meanwhile, as it expanded (or contaminated) multinational empires of central and eastern eu-r pe, nationalism was adopted by the nascent intelligentsias of ethnic minorities who sought freedom and development through self-determination and secession. as it penetrated the lower social strata, nationalism merged with populism and xenophobia to support us against them and provide structure and cohesion that the uprooted masses lacked. in short, nationalism can put on any number of masks, which explains why it has expanded and proliferated into the most powerful yet elusive of all modem ideologies. 12 and there is no end in sight. the ideal of self-determination is now firmly established in the popular mind. liberation movements of all kinds ethnic, gay, women s, racial have gained acceptance and respectability. size no longer matters iceland, luxembourg, and malta proved that even very small states can be viable. accession to economic unions, such as the european community, gives even the smallest states access to huge markets. and successfill conclusion of liberation struggles in former colonies gave a tremendous boost to ethnic political movements in the old countries in europe. thus, smaller and more ethnies the basques and the catalans, the scots and the flemings are beginning to seek more autonomy and, eventually, independence, perhaps within a unified europe.13 and on it goes. from vienna to versailles the gradual acceptance of the principle of self-determination can clearly be seen in the history of international congresses called upon to solve political problems after major wars. up until the nineteenth century, ethnicity got scant attention from statesmen and diplomats. as late as 1862, lord acton, in a flash of prescience, wrote that nationality does not aim at either liberty or prosperity, both of which it sacrifices to the imperative necessity of making the nation the mould and measure of the state. its course will be marked with material as well as moral ruin. only an absolutist state ruled by an established dynasty was recognized as an acceptable international partner. ta, at the congress of vienna, the great pow ers upheld^the legitimacy of^dynastic empire and confirmed the partition of poland with total disregard for ethnic sent zt. however, even mighty empires could not withstand the spread of new ideas, including the idea of p pul^7he eighty. when applied to nationality, the principle of popular sovereignty whed that ethnically alien government was file ^x^thnic nationalism gained momentum european powers could no longer ig-x it. the greek war of independence, the conflict between germans and danes in schleswig-holstein, the italian struggle for unification, polish uprisings, all demanded settlement based on self-determination. once the great powers realized that they could not control or resist the rising tide of nationalism, they tried to use it for their own gain as, for example, napoleon iii used italian struggle against austria for his own purposes in 1859. at the congress of berlin in 1878 the great powers had to concede independence to various balkan peoples who had broken away from the ottoman empire, but still felt free to carve up bulgaria when it suited their interests. it was only at the paris peace conference of 1919 that the principle of nationality and self-determination was firmly established as the normative principle of a legitimate government. thus, between 1814 and 1919 there occurred a major shift in the principle of settling international disputes. since then, ethnicity has retained its importance. germany, austria, and turkey after world war i, czechoslovakia in 1938, romania in 1940, yugoslavia in 1941 all lost territory or were dismembered along ethnic lines. (there are, of course, notable exceptions, as when germany lost ethnically german territories after world war ii, but even here populations were expelled to make sure that political and ethnic borders coincided.) it was precisely for that reason (the lack of congruence between political and ethnic borders) that the settlement reached at versailles proved so ephemeral: it left too many ethnic enclaves, too many ethnic problems unsettled. solutions: the melting pot and the unmeltable ethnics americans are probably most familiar with the notion of a melting pot. it could have developed only in a country of mass immigration, a country that had successful absorbed mittons of immigrants. america, of course, is not unique ir that sense. other settler colonies cana da, australia, new zealand, south afri ca to name a few have also been settlec in a similar pattern. and old coimtne: like france after world war i also al lowed and even promoted massive in-mi gration. 20 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s however, america has always been a classical land of immigration, so it is no wonder that the theory of assimilation and amalgamation of people of different ethnic stock was developed in this country. basically, the theory postulated that assimilation was a four-stage process that included contact, competition, accommodation, and, finally, assimilation. since then the theory has been much tinkered with. for example, it has been suggested that white immigrants assimilate within large religious denominations. some sociologists even ventured to predict that eventually large ethno-religious blocs of protestants, catholics, and jews would develop. the data on intermarriage seem to support this hypothesis. in the late 1970s, 40 percent of jews and catholics married outside their religion. and among certain ethnic groups high rates of intermarriage suggest the approach of complete meltdown: 70 percent for germans and irish, 50 percent for poles and italians, 40 percent for french canadians.15 however, there are several cracks clearly visible in the melting pot. one is that ethnic identification often persists even after all ethnic peculiarities have been lost. america is full of italians whose italianness finds expression in eating pasta and poles whose polishness is limited to kielbasa. second, it takes two to assimilate. acculturation, in other words, changes in observable behavior, can be accomplished by one actor. but assimilation, that is, absorption into the social structure of another group, is impossible without at least a tacit approval of the assimilating group. in a country like australia, which was without significant racial minorities (until very recently), such assimilation may proceed relatively smoothly, but in the united states with its ethnic and racial diversity, complete amalgamation may have stalled, perhaps for good. does the melting pot work? there is no overall answer. we have to proceed country by country. in the united states, it worked for virtually all white immigrants although rates of assimilation and the degree of assimilation achieved vary from group to group. some asians, particularly secondand third-generation japanese, have also achieved high rates of outmarriage. it is quite possib will eventually dissolve, like grants, in the american stew. the question is more with black and latino pop though rates of outmarriage to increase among these gro the presence of large latino south of the border and the bers of the black minority (tl make absorption more difficu so the verdict is still out tant thing to keep in mind is ing pot can only work in a se where ethnic groups lack 1 whenever the territorial di pears as in quebec the would not work. switzerland: the adv of apartheid the exact opposite < pot is the concept in other words, a and structural sepa stituent racial or ethnic grou various approximations though best known as it wa from serbia^ he return of baranya territory 202 south africa, can be found all over the globe, including switzerland. (i can already see stares of incredulity on most readers faces ... but wait.) even in south africa, apartheid was never carried out to its logical extreme the complete separation of racial groups from each other. in a developed industrial society dependent on cheap black labor that was impossible. so, even south africa at the height of apartheid would not qualify as an example of pure apartheid. on the other hand, america, the classical land of a melting pot, never achieved complete melting. so, we have to keep in mind that we are talking about ideal types. romansh. in terms of religious subdivisions, 58 percent are protestant and 42 percent catholic. if we now take a closer look at the cantons, we will find that of the twenty-six cantons (actually, twenty-two cantons and four semicantons), twenty-three are more than 80 percent monolingual and in the other three the percentage of people speaking the main language does not dip below 60. what s more, in seventeen cantons, monolinguals amount to 95 percent. the same pattern can be observed in the distribution of religious denominations. in eighteen cantons religious majority exceeds 70 percent; nowhere does it fall below 53 percent.16 44. ethnic conflic man, two french, and one italian (there is, however, a marked tendency for uneven income/religion distribution; thus, nine of the ten richest cantons are protestant, nine of the ten poorest are catholic, a clear indication of how protestantism interacts with the spirit of capitalism).17 in short, each canton has a large linguistic and religious majority, and this prevents fission based on language and religion. a recently resolved problem in jura is a hint of what might have happened if swiss ethnic, linguistic, and denominational communities were mixed together. the territoiy, predominantly francophone and catholic, was attached to bern by the vienna congress of 1814 as now, switzerland is far from being a land of apartheid in its pure form because all swiss citizens are equal before the law (at least in theory). however, its major linguistic and religious groups do not mix, for each one has a canton or cantons of its own. and this fact allows me to call it, tongue in cheek, msuit edition. adolph coors, g^ts its share of complaints for the w it is promoting its killian's irish brand with contests and other ^ dcs; irish red drinkers will be d such freebies as leprechaun and shamrock hats. mmer brewing comes in for for a series of st. patrick's ^at warn against drinking the philip morris .newspaper ads, for example, sod ? akttached to a green j^ychain with the words, t htg to remember this st. patrick's day. think when you drink." sober enough-but critics say the ads unfairly associate drunken driving with the irish. the beer companies say they've heard no complaints. and some irish-american ad executives say their outraged brethren are a little too sensitive. "lighten up!" scoffs sean fitzpatrick, vice chairman of interpublic group's mccann-erickson. as for himself, mr. fitzpatrick confides, "i never go to an irish bar to drink on st. patrick's day because i don't like to drink with amateurs." but the national ethnic coalition of organizations insists the ads are no laughing matter. last week it fired off a letter to anheuser-busch's president, august a. busch iii, demanding that the company pull the kathy ireland spot. "we believe strongly that it is exploitative marketing and is tantamount to an ethnic slur when drinking and alcohol are equated with the celebration of the patron saint of ireland," fumed william fugazy travel-company executive and chairman of the group, which represents 66 ethnic organizations. "we have the same problems as the italians with [stereotypes of] mafia ties and the polish with jokes, mr. fugazy, who is partly of irish heritage, said in an interview. an anheuser-busch spokesman said the company hadn't seen the letter and couldn't comment on it. the budweiser spot follows ms. ireland unnamed and fully clothed through a crowded neighborhood bar, all the while punning on the swimsuit model's name by suggesting bud is the official beer of ireland. the st. patrick's day campaign marks an ironic twist for budweiser, the no. 1 selling beer: it comes as brand manager august a. busch iv is proudly touting his effort to cut down on the use of sexy babes and assorted bimbos to sell brews in advertising. the irish-american groups, in any case, have already succeeded in pressuring other kinds of marketers to drop hard-drinking stereotypes. they organized protests against greetingcard companies in the past few years, and take credit for persuading them to abandon some of the most tasteless st. patrick's day cards. between 40 million and 70 million americans have some irish heritage, and "they're saying all these people are drinkers? that's not the case whatsoever," says john finucane, president of the american irish political education committee. marketers probably wouldn't dream of touting such stereotypes in ireland itself, where st. patrick's day is a religious holiday. "it tends to be a very sober day" notes ray o'hanlon, national editor of the new yorkbased irish echo, the country's largest irish-american weekly. "the pubs close earlier than usual." reprinted reserved with permission from wall street journal. wodrtwiho m 15. s "np " 175 article 39 polish american congress 1992 convention resolution committee repor conceived during a devastating war, the polish american congress was organized in 1944 to unite and solidify the patriotic, political and social conscience of americans of polish descent or birth. poland had already been victimized by nazi german brutality and bondage. the potential of soviet oppression in the post world war ii era was evident. poland s geographical, historical and very cultural identity was threatened with extinction. the establishment of the polish american congress as a strong, central force in the united states created a platform upon which polish americans could defend and advance poland s right to freedom and independence as a sovereign nation. the congress provided a ray of hope and rejuvenation to polish americans, inspired a renewed awareness of their ethnic heritage and aroused in them a renewed desire to elevate their status in the american mosaic of pluralism. the emergence of the polish american congress as a unifying umbrella laid a firm base for the defense of the interests of poland . it created the avenue for polish americans and encouraged visions of positive achievements that would be the driving force following the second world war serving to elevate th! good name and prestige of poland, the polish people and americans of polish heritage. p 31x1 more than 2,600 delegates representing organizations from 26 states participated in our founding convention. negative world events that ensued after world war ii led to th 8 . absorption of poland into the soviet union or^tts consent and the threat of soviet inspired communist a of the world, including the unit^e^^ made the cause of poland and communism the dominant issues on the polish amt gress agenda. its people s tragic fate under soviet domination congress to focus its energies on the work to free as the years passed, generations of american! descent lost interest in the polish american congress the lack of programs about their concerns. they 1 invisible polonia of largely assimilated citizens i surnames, who knew little if anything about thei roots. we recognize the complexities of the dilemma th; and hurts americans who trace their heritage to pol; also aware that 383 years of polish presence in a fostered and evolved with a redefined heritage-american heritage. the unfortunate fact is that ai polish ancestry, especially the present younger have had and continue to have very limited exposure and knowing about the great accomplishments of immigrated here and americans of polish desceni made contributions at the highest levels to the pro; united states. curriculums in schools do not focus and the polish american heritage. our many c oriented parochial schools no longer emphasize any on polish heritage, arts, music, etc. the polish langu cases was eliminated decades ago. there are very ft texts on polish american heritage for primary and schools. we continue to have a very deep affinity and sy poland, her struggle and needs. poland is free, bui secure. the latter has been a problem over cen co lapse of the soviet union, disintegration of 176 reprinted from the 1992 convention resolution report of the polish american congress. k in eastern europe and the emergence of new free republics in the former soviet union may have led to overstated optimism. former soviet republics, whose politics are un-predictable, have access to or control of nuclear and conventional weapons. there is a rise in right-wing extremist attacks on ethnic immigrants in germany. most notable are the recent reports and investigation of ethnic cleansing and genocide in the former yugoslavia, a grim reminder of the nazi rise to power in the 1930 s. nonetheless, the polish american congress has attained one of its primary goals. poland is free. the polish american congress charitable foundation is continuing its outstanding assistance. that effort is ongoing and highly successful. it should be encouraged and supported. this is a historic convention because it is the first polish american congress convention held in a time of elation over a free poland. it is a critical convention because poland s emergence as a free nation places the polish american congress at the crossroads. the congress played a lead role in the struggle for poland s freedom and defeat of communism in europe. ironically, it has yet to focus equivalent vigor and resources in meeting the challenges of domestic polish american problems. during the years of actions for poland s freedom, the issues affecting the esteem and quality of status of polish americans may have become the inadvertent casualties of that commitment and dedication. a generation of americans of polish ancestry has been virtually left, unwittingly, to the assimilative structure of the melting pot, without any knowledge about their heritage, and, perhaps, feeling left out of its own ethnicity and regarded as second class. there are very few polish americans in the highest levels of political, business, educational and governmental hierarchies. polish americans are out of the inner circle of power and influence. compared to other ethnic groups, there are very few polish americans ascending to those lofty positions. our successes have been unnoticed or, to be blunt, almost non-existent or very short termed. over the years, the polish american congress has built an effective lobby for poland at the highest levels of influence. however, that influence has not translated into effective pro-granis t0 help americans of polish ancestry to advance in wies, government, business, and other endeavors. n e have often heard the phrase: let poland be poland . w is the time to put this into practice. poland is a free and ependent sovereignty. it has a duly elected government. er the polish american congress or any other private ^ upkthe government of poland. our current responsibility is respect that sovereign status which the polish american ^flitch ^ped attain, continue the caring humanitarian work haritable foundation, offer counsel when requested and faithina?eamer*can ovcrnmcnt aid. above all, we must place iithe" 6 res 1ve and capability of the polish people to succeed ll ill; discovered tree enterprise and remain vigilant to fended obstacles. tbat tbc polish american congress broaden 4:^/ vigorous program that addresses and utions to the domestic concerns of polish americans. 39. polish american congres dedicated people have given years of devotion to poland: e om. the same type of concerted energies must now lx exercised in creating and implementing positive actions for the benefit of americans of polish ancestry. consequently, having considered and thoroughly reviewec the record of the polish american congress and looking to the future, we, the delegates to the polish american congress convention, assembled in washington, d.c., do hereby recommend and resolve, with firm conviction, the following proposals for consideration by the national council of directors: 1. we recommend that the conduct of polish american congress affairs be pursued from a broad domestic concept which includes all efforts of polish americans or permanent residents of the united states in acting on behalf of our own ethnic community and poland. 2. our polish american fraternal organizations, mainly the polish national alliance, the polish roman catholic union, the polish women s alliance, and the polish falcons of america have been the resource lifelines of the polish american congress. considering their financial and human resource commitments to maintain the work of the polish american congress on the national and international levels, we express our appreciation and commend their contributions. 3. one of the very serious and chronic problems facing the organization is its lack of sufficient funding. it i rly terrify m very nature of their fellow black citizens by reinf liberal authority, the most archetypal of r; fears and stereotypes a picture of jungle and degeneracy, inarticulateness and sloth so i onlookers could actually forget the terrible natk tion, wholesale public and private immorality massive problems about them, in horrified fasc: the doings of these others. and second, to ma tion seem so hopeless that realistically there i be done about it anyway. racism is no longer t self-destructiveness is. and if that is so, why throw good taxpayer dollars after bad? in the older black woman selected by moyers to delivei at the end: if martin luther king were alive, 1 be talking about the things i think he was talk labor and all that. he would be talking abo family. it is hard to believe that it was simply bad 1 cbs to choose the very week of the first nations of king s birthday to televise his fellow southei side. african-americans had hardly had a mor the honor to the martyred black minister before were so powerfully assaulted. the extent of the commonplace manner in seated black response is blocked out from the 1 may be seen in several postscripts to the broadc; when the national black leadership roundta ing the chief executive officers of more than 154 organizations, directed a detailed letter to cbs to pro-t the untimely and indeed . . . suspect airing of an unlanced, unfair and frequently salacious documentary. the n.b.l.r. challenged the implication that the only ptimate and sanctioned family form is nuclear and patri-chal, and observed: one was left with the impression that black families generally do not have fathers in the home, but there was no serious examination of the reasons for the absence of the father within some black families. the unconscionable high levels of unemployment, underemployment, imprisonment, drug addiction and mortality among black men effects of an economy which does not fully respond to the employment needs of all americans all play a role. . . . single-parent families then, are not, as implied ... the result of immorality or promiscuity, but rather are adaptive responses to economic and social forces. iwo months later cbs vice president of public affairs mdcasts eric ober, speaking for moyers, replied. he reused to meet with walter fauntroy, n.b.l.r. president, or any member of your group. and to the n.b.l.r. query as owhat experts had been consulted within the black community, he replied that the experts we consulted were primarily officials of the department of the census (emphasis added.) little did he know the history. the reinforcing white response was predictable. in early 1987, the columbia university graduate school of journalism gave its highest award in broadcast journalism the alfred i. dupont-columbia university gold baton for the "program judged to have made the greatest contribution to the public s understanding of an important issue to cbs news for the moyers special report on the disintegration of black family life. moyers s contribution lies not only in his restoration to pnmacy of old images through the power of television but in _ encouragement of the willingness, indeed the eagerness, o mge numbers of white americans to have all that he por-yed be true at any cost so that the victims might deserve fate. such is the depth of the entrenched white desire to ^d facing the society s culpability for creating and main-g the two ever more unequal societies the kerner rt asked us to face up to a generation before. ^n8 the darker impulses centsuc 3 c^mate a 's not surprising that politicians like formerv democrat char'cs robb, l.b.j. s son-in-law and moyer governor. now senator, promptly picked up tung of c}< ^nce upon a time, black people were the vic-toaco 7 te rac*sm* r bb conceded in his keynote speech passed11 on johnson presidency. but that time has the trad t'1s t*me t0 pr mary focus from racism, term of k0^.enemy ft m without, to self-defeating pate avior, the new enemy within. followby establishment opinion makers was swift to of hard t ew times editorial endorsed robb s brand tuth, and journalists flung the name of the mes34. politics of family in america senger into the public arena as a worthy candidate for president. in such a climate, the level of public tolerance of the intolerable increased. even years before, there had been little reaction when, at a speech in new orleans to the international association of chiefs of police, president reagan had drawn applause and some whoops of approval for remarks that included the following: it has occurred to me that the root causes of our ... growth of government and the decay of the economy ... can be traced to many of the same sources of the crime problem. .. -. many of the social thinkers of the 1950s and 60s who discussed crime only in the context of disadvantaged childhoods and poverty-stricken neighborhoods were the same people who thought that massive government spending could wipe away our social ills. the underlying premise in both cases was a belief that there was nothing permanent or absolute about any man s nature that he was a product of his material environment, and that by changing that environment ... we could ... usher in a great new era. the solution to the crime problem will not be found in the social worker s files, the psychiatrist s notes or the bureaucrat s budget.... only our deep moral values and strong institutions can hold back that jungle and restrain the darker impulses of human nature. most black people knew immediately of which jungle and whose darker impulses reagan was speaking, and that his words represented a not-so-subtle invitation to white-against-black terror. reagan s position was a theological one in the american calvinist tradition, a division of the world into good and evil, with a scapegoat selected to serve as sacrificial animal upon whose back the burden of unwanted evils is ritualis-tically loaded, in kenneth burke s definition. through such projections, the culture thus expiates its sins and receives absolution. cers was a direct corollary of his theological labeling of the soviet union as an evil empire (a remark now implicitly withdrawn in the case of the russians, but not that of african-americans!). it indicates how high is the level of responsibility for nationwide police practices of treating black americans as if they are foreign enemies and, with sickening regularity, eliminating many. and it also indicates the treatment of a variety of foreign enemies -now mostly desperately struggling third world countries-on the basis of a moral stance rooted in the myths of a fatalistically corrupt domestic system. it is on this level that the politics of family-which is to say the politics of power and domination-threatens not only domestic but world social, political and economic order. ft j likewise on this level that the political manipulation nf the intermingled race/sex/religion syndrome of the soci-e y sxbly wedded to violence; in its ultimate form, xltic. for the identities of those who create the mon the mind (toni morrison calls the creations gnn-sters in the nnnd ^ant attention to 155 6. african americans it is this system of macho ethics that was successfully drawn upon in george bush s march to the white h usev tyue to tradition, the ultimate scapegoat tapped was a black male, the rapist willie horton (whether real or fancied does not traditionally matter), projected before millions via television and print. those who make use of such a repugnant and dangerous tactic among them south carolina s lee atwater, now chair of the republican national committee, and texan james baker 3d know these traditions well. and they know further that it is not possible for the image of a black man accused of rape to be flashed before black americans by white men independent of the psychic association for blacks with lynchings. after the election, the new york times not only contributed the verdict to history that the bush campaign was tough and effective, this pre-eminent sheet augmented that judgment with strident editorial criticism of black students at howard for their successful protest action when lee atwater was suddenly named to the university s board of trustees. while white perception of black criminality is readily evoked, white awareness of black anger or anguish has been not only historically avoided but, on the deepest psychic levels, guarded against. existentially, the concept of black people as vulnerable human beings who sustain pain and love and hatreds and fears and joy and sorrows and degradations and triumphs is not yet permitted in the national consciousness. hence the constant need of the dominant society, in age after age, to reinforce linguistic and ritualistic symbols that deny black humanity. historically, white terror is the sustaining principle of the system. whether overtly applied or covertly threatened, not only has this basic device of subjugation never been nationally rejected, it has, on the contrary, always been sanctioned. the family as unifying principle a few weeks after his election, george bush addressed the republican governors association in alabama where, some months before, several black legislators had been arrested for trying to remove the confederate flag from above the state capitol, presided over by republican governor guy hunt. the theme of the conference century of the states resurrected overtones of calhoun s old brand of states rights. to this audience, a smiling bush announced that building more prisons was a major domestic priority of his administration (on education, he emphasized initiative would be left up to the states). only a few weeks later a smiling bush assured gathering celebrating the birthday of martin luther that he is committed to the fulfillment of king s c america, just as they are. that king s dream doe elude the construction of prisons is immaterial. in vailing political realm, language does not matter: are all. however, the renewed focus on the black family t duced a sleeper. for the very technology of commt which carries the message of black pathology to w pie conveys to blacks the unmistakable message t again the dominant culture needs the assurance tl pathology prevails. clearly, we must bestir ourselvi the threat. ironically, we have been handed a mighty to millions of ordinary human beings the family symbol to be manipulated by opportunistic politi the essential nurturing unit from which they draw ing. for african-americans (and for hundreds of of others), it is the institution around which our 1 memories cling. through the extended family of fathers, sisters and brothers, uncles and aunts, coi unsung numbers of others who simply mothered less children, black people got over. it is unbelievable that on the eve of the twenty-tury those who are still fashioning the political for who and what make a family remain ov ingly male! but it is women who n) we will destroy the evidei with you. and even if some ] remain and some of you sur will say that the events you too monstrous to be believe say that they are the exag allied propaganda and wii who will deny everything, a who would believe the i jews whom an american lit george patton, described human species without an) tural or social refinements c he also said no ordinary p have sunk to the level of these have reached in the si four years. imagine thinking of fc dachau as short. then again, who could reality of the holocaust? fn ning it has been a rumor, newspaper story, an idea sibility, an invocation. st world war ii, newspapers stories about it, if they rai governments found it con nore what reports there w strategists found it incident business of the war. tbward the end of the v genocide had to be in1 scribe it. the word hole enter general use until the 1 ted the decade as a comm ended it capitalized. as really mattered. elie wit the holocaust in its en language and art, and yet used to tell the tale, the tai told. some have a tale of nc all. for years, a small but 1 of independent scholars, neo-nazis has denied that ever happened. some of tl are the very people wh< supported it. their books have titles myth of the six miuioi million swindle" and tl tvventieth century. a f buchenwald survivor nar sinier wrote in 1964 182 hr^d8 of the 6,000,(xx) were alive. another claim had it that the holocaust was a propaganda coup created by a partnership of nazis and zionists. the reality of the holocaust grows, shrinks and metamorphoses. when we look back at world war ii, the holocaust stands out, but it didn t look that way at the time, says historian peter novick, who is writing a book on the shifting meaning of the holocaust in american culture. from 1933 to 1938, there are hardly any jews as jews in concentration camps. they are communists, socialists, dissidents. for the first nine of 12 years of the thousand-year reich a well-informed observer would conclude that while jews were among the victims of nazism, they didn t stand out. by the time news of the mass annihilation of the jews comes out,it gets assimilated into this previous framework, novick says. also, there was still a lot of isolationism on behalf of the american public. what we all know now comes from the pictures from the liberations. you have to remember that the americans only liberated the western camps, and most people there weren t jewish. you looked at those pictures then and saw victims of nazism. you look at them now and you see jews and the holocaust. back then it was the habit of journalists after the war to call a french jew a frenchman, a belgian jew a belgian. to call them jews was buying into hitler s categories. what we call survivors now were dps [displaced persons], people jeei"8 the soviets, people fleeing the nazis. in the struggle over immigration there was a deliberate attempt by jewish organizations to downplay jewishness in ones who talked toe m tk russiathe caust were the am? a^ ut dte holo-the biggest eet moving into pr^sees/z^.^ ins ethnic d,fferen ^^ who came hem . wdniea to fit in______wa timni mvented the science of vicfender 11,6111 helpless. eui^ j s of the 46 b k play d movie out, and she became a sort of saint-not but forrh2tld * ber8en'be1^ the n? hk ^pp1" 58 confidence. in the play, her final words are: in snite of really good at heart. _ prompted psychologist (and refugee) bruno bettelheim to say if all men are good, there was never an auschwitz. the hard facts grew to m 1961, with toe israelis trial of adolf chman. who was a major architect of the holocaust complex. later in the 60s says novick, friction between blacks and jews would lead toe jews to use toe holocaust as their credential of oppression. .-bui *he biggest single thing was the tj arab isracli war, novick says. there was tremendous anxiety that the past history of the holocaust had become 40. gates of nightma hilburg, on the other hand^w th the we f now t0i978 wit *holn f television serie dep^ to1^ no. i * were 3,1,01,8 jewsand toe krte ? '^rch f 3 m ral ahs i of vietnam, he t , class on e holocaust. i got 50 students, then 80, then 120, and pretty soon we had to ask for a prerequisite to limit toe numbers. and the museum was going up in washington. 6 f ^what is the holocaust in toe american it s nazis striding around with riding crops. it s a plea for sympathy, or a demand for respect. it s guard towers, sophies choice, toe horrible ee-oo sirens of gestapo mercedeses and toe old grandpa down toe block who stayed in his room reading so you never got to see toe number tattooed on his arm. it is elie wiesel s night. it was a technological inevitability, a moral probability, a freak of human nature. it s toe boyman, a ghost, a historical event that someday will fade in students minds like toe council of hent or toe hanseatic league. yesterday, for instance, a roper poll for toe american jewish committee was released, showing that 53 percent of high school students and 38 percent of adults were unable to correctly define toe word holocaust. a fifth said it was possible it never happened at all. 183 1 the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s the process of better understanding the multiethnic character of america involves the coordinated efforts of public and private sectors, educational institutions, and voluntary associations. this collection of articles addresses the sort of balances that are appropriate and required for education at various levels. resistance to the challenge of incorporating approaches to learning about the cultural variety of america can be found in various sectors, and in behavior that indicates confusion, uncertainty, insensitivity, and violence toward and between ethnic groups. the persistence of these tensions calls for thoughtful examination of strategies for dealing with the reality of bias, hatred, and prejudice. examination, for example, of the legacy of the civil rights laws crafted during the 1960s and the process of shaping a society grounded in exclusionary habits and institutions involves assessment on many levels the social, the political, the ideological, and the economic. even on the most basic level of public perception, most agree that progress has been made toward a society of equality and social justice, with increased hopes for decreased segregation in schools and neighborhoods. yet disparities of these views among ethnic and racial groups indicate that uniformity and a shared sense of the past and present are not generally common. the process of attempting to overcome such gulfs of misunderstanding that lead to more serious forms of conflict is among the great challenges of the present and the future. novel approaches toward the peaceful reconciliation of conflict should be explored more thoroughly. for example, unlike interethnic conflict between groups in the united states, conflict between the united states and native americans is regulated by treaties. the struggle over claims regarding the rights of nations and the interests of the u.s. government and its citizens defines a field of conflict that is no longer at the margin of public affairs. does the definition of this conflict as an issue of foreign and not domestic policy provide a meaningful distinction*? should the claims of ethnic groups in defense of culture territory, and unique institutions be honored and protected by law and public policy? questions on the future state of american ethnic groups raise even more profound issues. for example understanding of the changing structure of the black family in america has stubbornly eluded researchers as well as parents who confront the realities of pride and prejudice. how does the continual redevelopment of an ethnic population enter public discussion, and what are the implications for public policy built upon models of the family? should public policy ethnic model of family or direct the formation ( that is consonant with public purposes and c the civil rights movement has been over imately 20 years, but many african america challenges in housing, employment, and changing circumstances within the larger am ety and the civil rights agenda itself have been success and failure, as well as by movement of clear issues and solutions to a time when more complex structural, economic, and p dimensions. the growing gap between black: in terms of education, financial status, and cli growing crime and death rates of young black daunting picture of the success of past policie population's future. according to scales < health, income, education, and marital sta americans have emerged as one of the m segments of american society. these problei shadow grave difficulties for the african ami in the years ahead. to be sure, african americans have mac since the civil rights movement of the 1960s made dramatic gains in education, empk financial status. unfortunately, they still are being part of an urban underclass when only third of their population could be considerei group. while not all african americans are who are poor are in desperate situations. w from the african american population that no part of the middle and upper classes of amer scholarly differences of opinion concernin sition of the urban underclass do not minim ships that many poor people face. the g underclass, its isolation from society, and so ity to help it are tremendous obstacles t nation. concrete strategies for improving this upon the public and the private sector in an tion, employment, and training. suggestion future needs of this population and pra< responses also will help the general popul< patent historical distortion and various for cal evidence have been included in interp rearticulations of race and ethnicity. the iss the workplace and remedies for discrimina have been raised in the debate regarding tt act of 1991. exploring the sources of ethi 184 (nobility and the development of approaches and strategies that foster the breakdown of discrimination engages us in a web of baffling arguments and an array of social and political images and institutional forces practices and procedures. since the breakup of the soviet empire, ethnicity has reoriented the international arena. new national claims as well as the revival of ancient antagonisms are fragmenting europe. war, the systematic expression of conflict, and its i aftermath are also occasions for the use and misuse of i ethnically charged political rhetoric. the presence of a politically relevant past and the invocation of religious i warrants for group conflict have indicated the need for i new approaches to peacekeeping and educational strategies for meeting and transcending group differences. the critique of diversity expressed in challenges to multiculturalism and the educational controversy regarding the i dominant expressions of our human commonality and the i shared values and virtues found in all ethnic traditions i pose challenges for e sident of the greater little rock ministerial association, said: this may ire looked back upon by future historians as the turning point for good of race relations in this country. 10. memphis and the triumph of the spirit there had never been a moment like this one. time stopped. everything stopped. and every man and woman living at that terrible time would be able to tell you until the end of their time what they were doing and where they were on events in african-american history thursday, april 4, 1968, when word came that martin luther king jr. had been assassinated on the balcony of the lorraine motel in memphis, tenn. the response in black and white america was tumultuous. performances, plays, meetings, baseball games were cancelled, and men and women walked aimlessly through the streets, weeping. there were tears, rivers of tears, and there was also blood. for black communities exploded, one after another, like firecrackers on a string. some 46 persons were killed in uprisings in 126 cities, and federal troops were mobilized to put down rebellions in chicago, baltimore and washington, d.c. lb counteract this fury, and to express their sorrow, americans of all races and creeds joined forces in an unprecedented tribute to a black american. resident lyndon b. johnson declared a national day of mourning and ordered u. s. flags to fly at half-mast over u. s. installations at home and abroad. on the day of the funeral tuesday, april 9 more than 200,000 mourners followed kings coffin, which was carried through the streets of atlanta on a wagon, borne by two georgia mules. eighteen years later, the spirit and the truth of martin luther king jr. triumphed when he became the second american citizen (with george washington) to be celebrated in a personal national holiday. 137 article 30 ------------------------- black americans: the new generate generational shift of black leaders detroit s best days are still ahead, say city s young black activists keith henderson staff writer of the christian science monitor detroit detroit has the largest proportion of african-americans of any major city in the united states. nearly 80 percent of its residents are black. the same black mayor, coleman young, has run the city for the past 20 years. his tenure has been a constant struggle to rescue detroit from the economic decline caused by shrinkage in the us automobile industry. twenty-five years after riots scattered many white residents to the suburbs, the city is typically described as a shriveled core surrounded by relative prosperity crime in detroit is endemic; gun-toting youngsters regularly kill each other. according to some of its most prominent young leaders, however, detroit is not inexorably collapsing in on itself. they have a determined optimism about the city that defies the statistics about population loss and unemployment, as well as the boarded-up store fronts, weed-filled lots, and other daily reminders of decay. the rev. wendell anthony, a united church of christ minister who was recently elected president of the de publishing soc^ety^t^ghts^rese^vect r/s^a<7 science march 8,1993, pp. 9-12. 138 troit branch of the national associa tion for the advancement of colored people (naacp), says "detroit has not seen its best days." the "media image" of the city, mr. anthony says, does not account for the substantial talents and abilities of its citizens. anthony's point is bolstered by melvin j. hollowell, jr., a lawyer in his mid-30s who puts in 12 hours or more of pro bono (unpaid) work for the naacp each week. mr. hollowell's firm lewis, white & clay is the largest black-owned law firm in the country, he says, with 35 lawyers at its detroit headquarters and in washington. while his professional specialty is bond counseling for cities, hollowell's passion is clearly civil rights. he is currently shepherding a discrimination lawsuit against the carinsurance industry through the state courts. i believe people should be charged based on how they drive, not where they live," he says. the case plunges into what mr. hollowell calls "the new civil rights arena." such cases "will make us get into the guts of how things work," says the attorney. he sees banking practices, which put hurdles before black homeowners or businesspeople who want loans, as another part of this "arena." hollowell has an eye on the political arena, too. he is "in tl become us attorney in e like many other young bl sionals "buppies" holl his wife live in the city, grew up. their five-year-tends a private school called nataki talibah. li the detroit public schools sizes african culture. from the one-story, gol angle of his fellowship mcnichols road, anthor own african-flavored 5 grams isuthu and inton (african) terms for comin hood and womanhood, grams, which include youngsters aged 6 to 18, mium on helping the c serving the community. despite the low incon detroit residents, the cit american community ma impressive fund raising, the local naacp with 2 bers, by far the largest bi us holds a freedom f for some 10,000 guests, which attracts wide cor port, brings in more tha: for scholarships and ott programs. but that shoul start, says anthony. "if freedom fund dinner, w' a grass-roots breakfast." 1993 by the christian science he worries about a gap between lent leaders in the community ce mass of people struggling to lafloat in detroit's e^^ ice to solve the city s problems, irony says, "we must work in joajitionwith others" businesspeople government, people of all races. but the prerequisite for progress, he yys, is a drawing together of the city's black population itself. institutions of government may have to change. keith butler, another prominent young black minister before he became the first republican elected to detroit's city council in decades, says the city has to lighten its tax burden before it can hope to retain the businesses it has, much less attract new ones. also, the crime problem has to be attacked with a larger, revitalized police force, mr. butler says-some-thing that could be possible, he adds, if inefficiency were rooted out of city government. 30. black americans butler hopes for a changing of the guard in city hall this year. after 20 years, he says, the young administration "has run out of steam." anthony defends the mayor, while noting that "within any group, you always have another generation coming up." "i don't like the old-guard, new-guard split," he says. "there's only one guard, guarding against racism and deprivation, regardless of age, gender, or ethnicity." the rising generation of leaders comes from diverse backgrounds james h. andrews staff writer of the christian science monitor boston when benjamin hooks retires this month as executive director of the national association for the advancement of colored people (n a at i ), fe event will mark another milestone in a generational shift that is taking place in black leadership in the united states. those mentioned to succeed him-including randall kobmson, executive director of trans africa, and jesse jackson are half a generation younger than mr. hooks, who is 68. 1 looks belongs to a generation of black americans who wrought a historic civil rights revolution in the country. now, many major figures of that generation either are gone (thur-g<x>d marshall most recently) or like hooks are what washington post columnist juan williams calls "graying revolutionaries." as their ranks thin, a new genera tion of african-americans is assuming positions of leadership not only in civil rights organizations, but also in politics, business, academia, and the arts. while black scholars agree that this transition is occurring, they point out that the leadership structure in black america is changing in other respects as well. "the civil rights movement embedded reforms in political and legal institutions," says prof. ron walters, by income (in percent) je naacp, the notionol urban league, 7^ and core ore useful to blacks.' 90 86 87 of1'ob the naacp, the ^m^ung for black civil rightsf' sat 65 62 57 w-w 10-15k 15-30k 30-50k 50k+ a gannot newsmk*. im 33 who spiaks for how hoda regard the national association for the advancement ot colored people (naacp), the national urban league, the southern christian leadership conference (sclq, and the congress of rosai equality (core): . , rich or poor, block americans be-lievethat the major avi![rights organizations are useful to wa 5 < jd do a good job to donation. (see charts ot left.) but many africamamencons, especially younger ones, believe that help blacks get jobs and to bdd unity within the block communrty. (see charts at right.) responses by age (in percent) -what type of job are the naacp, the national urban league, sclc, and core doing in making sure blocks get decent employment? poor 62 good 3= 39 4445 41 "what type of job are je j national urban league, soc and cort do. g in building unity in the black communrty? poor 61 59 57 ,0 18^4 25-34 3>54 55total . , of 1 211 black americans sjdforlhe detroitligand gannett news service, nov. 1b". ____________ 139 6. african americans chairman of the political science department at howard university in washington. "consequently, black leadership has shifted in part from ministers and civil rights activists to government officials." arvarh strickland, a professor of history at the university of missouri, columbia, similarly notes that whereas the earlier black leaders came heavily from churches, today many leaders are coining from business and the professions as blacks have found greater opportunity in those fields. "the leadership spectrum has broadened," dr. strickland says. some black scholars say that, in contrast to many generational shifts, younger black leaders today largely share the perspectives of their predecessors. "the ideas [regarding the place of blacks in america] being brought forward by younger leaders are not that different," says political science prof. ron brown of wayne state university in detroit. "incorporation is still the goal." according to professors brown, walters, and strickland, such developments as blacks' growing focus on african culture, the creation of magnet schools designed to appeal to black students, and the growth of black suburbs do not betoken a retreat from the goal of integration. "blacks, like other groups, enjoy being with their own people," walters notes. "but they still want free access to all aspects of the american culture and economy." but if younger african-americans generally share common ideals with their elders, many young that black leaders should what less on civil rights a economic and social issu education, and drug e charts.) while the civil rights lea doors for black people american life, mr. wi their triumphs also "slov ment of the next genera leaders. . . . the new ge been inhibited from p forward for fear of appe travene the honor due leaders." today, however, with of the guard, younger a icans are putting their on er edition he mentions that the lexicographer abdulah skaljic, a representative of the reis-ul ulema, the highest islamic religious authority in bosnia, objected to his use of the term renegade" for those who had "taken the right road and the right faith." (actually, the adoption of the religion of the conqueror i in order to maintain certain privileges such as landholding was common not only to the ottoman empire. a similar situation existed m ireland, where one or two brothers, with the agreement of the rest of the family, sometimes joined the protestant church in order to pre-the family's land ) inthebosnian case, the situation is further complicated by the fact that great numbers of those who converted to were members of a heretical christian sect called ('pleasing to (. ,od '] diev were threatened ? e^^sition, and some historians have written that y invited the ottomans m (1463), rather than face *'onbyahungan<> r .irmv blessed by the pope. mfe1 ^'s carnt the saving; "bosnia fell with a 4^ ' /wasnt until the rise of nationalism in the last mth ' 116 ccn,u, v hat these converts to islam ^lvhlrv^escen^dnts " r,> branded "traitors." partic-totitury mmh ot the bknidshed of the 20th be traced to sir h reinterpretations of cul-by ^h-'vnhirv hist<'nans. an pur'hcation (, meme) of bosnian villages re mods me of a similar action, u>nll,rv montenegrin poet njegos han eu?ain wreath 1 l smgs of the events leading \.^h^ntnrv extermination of muslims in soffo dlrec,ed bx danilo, the orthodox prince and motivated bv fear of contam-todayparanoia may be found in 42. ends of history mainly muslim, the holy ground" of the serbian medieval empire. rec 7ears' 1 heard worried talk of how islamic fundamentalism was sweeping bosnia and of saudi arabian money being used to rebuild mosques and muslim schools. i used to smile at such stories, as indicative of excessive serbian anxiety about muslims. but i was wrong. obviously, serbian extremists played on fears of a revived islamic state in bosnia as a way to spur their savage war. the fact that the bosnian president, izet-begovic, was the author of the islamic declaration, a 1970 tract calling for the moral renewal of islam throughout the world for which he was jailed by the yugoslav communist government in the early 1980s-hardly reassured the serbs. this oppressive preoccupation with muslims albanians in particular is vividly illustrated in the war diary of a serbian reservist from valjevo, named aleksandar jasovic, published in a belgrade journal this year. jasovic served as a medic in the serbian ranks in the fighting for vukovar in croatia in 1991. while his battery was shelling the croats in the northeast, he recounts in his diary, he actually was preoccupied with fears about kosovo far to the south the cradle of the serbian medieval kingdom and the scene of the serbs' fateful loss to the turks in 1389. he writes of the albanian muslims, who because of a high birthrate and immigration from neighboring albania now are a huge majority in kosovo: "their sarajevo mother supports them!" westerners may find the phrase obscure, but it illuminates what in the medic's mind seems the powerful, irrefutable and threatening connection between the muslims of bosnia and those of kosovo. of slav macedonians, who also occupy a former serbian medieval province, he comments: "the macedonians are continuing to play the fool. the time is near when we'u have to protect kumanovc> too[the scene da major serbian victory in the first balkan war, m serbs there are being threatened more and more, the albanians are continuing to act in their usual fashion nxd to know about the slovenes s goats. europe is against us and everyone . against usfm 0( s medic. not once does j worrjes of millions of worries and by ext ^n'. facts. elsewhere he other serbs are 1^"let there be borrows an apocalyp^ c iose these ancient what there cannot be. the end. such 191 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s tonal aggrandizement. will kosovo and macedonia be next on the list for "purification" and "ethnic cleansing ? is there any way out of the gyre of death and destruction in the balkans? there may be, but the failure of diplomatic efforts up to now have shown that without more active u.s. participation, nothing will happen. western europe's leaders seem incapable of seeing that they should act forcefully with military power, if needed to force a ceasefire. for those untroubled by the daily murder of innocents in sarajevo, gorazde and other bosnian towns, i should point out the danger to europe's economy posed by the permanent immigration of 2 or 3 million balkan refugees. the u.s. offer of air and naval support for the u.n. relief effort is a first step, but even if this should bring about a ceasefire, we shall have to prepare ourselves to play a very strong role in the overall negotiations. several european powers, particularly britain, germany, italy and turkey, seem immobilized, perhaps by their own past history of invasion or involvement in the balkans. if there is ever to be a healing, it may be that it can only begin with the establishment of a unique, continuing conference of serbian, croatian, muslim and other historians, to arrive at a core of mutually-agreed upon statements regarding each group's history. ideally, this multicultural convocation would face shibboleths regarding "enemy" ethnic groups, examine national memories for their accuracy and rationality and separate truth from prejudice. the mediation of western experts will be vital, since balkan scholars always seem biased in fav own group. in examining the more documented history c century, responsibility will have to be accepte crimes of one nation against the other. for exam will have to admit their nation's guilt for the di of king alexander in the 1920s and '30s, whi mined the pre-war kingdom of slovenia, ci serbia. in the same way, croatia will have to c on the holocaust of serbs at jasenovac. only t sion of guilt on one side, and the granting of fc on the other, can start the healing process. the same is true for the christian relationshi muslims (the "turks"). the muslims need to i their ancestors abused and lorded it over the 1 for centuries. and the serbs especially, whik them forgiveness, must ask in turn for their j recent savagery. we have precedents for sud confessions of guilt, in the west german acct responsibility for nazi crimes against jews an (june 21) in the french intellectuals' call for the ment to condemn, in the name of "the french memory," the vichy government's persecutio if such a healing process is to take place in th it will be best to keep it out of the hands o leaders and politicians. the liturgy of rec should be written by the poet, aided by othei will. thus the yugoslavia that many of us in truly loved for its diversity may pass peac< history. 192 article 43 race and urban poverty comparing europe and america i n the past decade, a new specter has haunte eu i rope. the intertwining of race and poverty, once i considered a distinctively american problem, as i become a european concern as well. in the ace o i racial conflict and ethnic disadvantage, the press i and some politicians have warned that europe s i cities are developing american-style ghettos pop i ulated by ethnic minorities cut off from the mam 1 stream of social and economic life. no one contends that europe s cities today ace t e extremes of ethnic and racial segregation, violence, and poverty that blight american cities. but many ear that europe is on the same trajectory as the united states, only a decade or so behind. and they ave cause for concern. racial ghettoization does not just happen. a tional political arrangements profoundly affect the way people and economic activity are organized spati y, either uniting or dividing people of different income levels and races. in the era after world war ii, t e forces shaping the way groups and economic activities sorted themselves out on the local level establis e is tinct metropolitan spatial patterns in the united tates, britain, and france. american political structures in vited extreme segregation within cities and the su ur banization of the white working and middle class, while british and french political structures ten e t allow more mixing by race and income. but t e so ing out was not immutable. policy responses in^t united states, britain, and france since the ate have influenced the development of concentrations poor ethnic and racial minorities in each nation. margaret weir, a seniorfellow in the brookings governmental studies program, is working on a book on race and poverty in the city. this article is drawn from a paper prepared for the training and research workshop on race, ethnicity, representation, and governance, sponsored by the harvard university centerfor american political studies. c mpr 1993 pp. 23-27. 1993 by the brookings from the brookings review, sum margaret weir are france and britain now 10 years behind the united states ? in some ways the similarities are stnk government promotion of homeownership and the ensuing suburbanization of the middle class, whic the ensuing states, were simph k y fo *ds .n bn d toe over 1* poo. be 'd7" x tas spite united states. the political featur metropolitan spatial united states in t e s aping nments although patterns is the pow formal constimunicipalities in the united states lack^ tutional recognition substantial powers, state governments y control over land use. among the most imp measures formally meant through zoning an o locailties determine x,hey ire institute. reprinted by permission. 1 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s atively easy to form. areas often split away from existing jurisdictions to form new ones. by contrast, expanding existing jurisdictions, by way of annexation or consolidation, is usually much more difficult. and chief among many incentives to form separate political jurisdictions is the importance of local property taxes in financing public schools. precisely those features of american local political organization hailed by public choice analysts as allowing local residents to choose the mix of services and taxation they most desire the organization of social policy, the power of local government, and the ease of forming separate political jurisdictions provide powerful incentives for whites to separate out by income and by race. rather than counterbalancing local fragmentation, the federal government has reinforced it. washington has supported suburban life by building highways, promoting automobile use, and subsidizing private homeownership, especially through the favorable tax treatment of mortgages. it has also engaged in practices that encouraged racial exclusion. most significantly, until the late 1960s it sanctioned discrimination in housing markets by promulgating rules preventing blacks from receiving mortgages insured by the federal housing administration. similarly, bowing to lo ack people who can afford it. who s right? both sides are too busy pointing fingers to find out. we re never going to get to where we need to be if we first have to settle whose fault it is, says writer nicholas lemann, whose 1991 book, the promised land, chronicles the great migration of blacks from the rural south to the industrialized north. but if there is any optimism, it is that now, after more than two decades on the defensive and with a democratic president in the white house for the first time m 12 years, the african-american community is beginning to talk a little more openly about its problems be cause of all the debate about morality' socia! programs, individual responsibility, it became very difficult to have an honest discussion, says angela glover blackwell, who heads the children s de-forscmdd s ^ommunity crusade for children. i d like to think we ve 148 entered an era where we re willing to accept that there is a dual responsibility between government and ordinary citizens. without question, government must do more to help. but increasingly, african-americans are unwilling to wait for white america to step in. during integration, says virginia walden, who owns a day-care center in washington, d.c., we kept saying that the white people did us wrong, and that they owed us. well, white people did us wrong, but i tell my children, don t nobody owe you anything. you ve got to work for what you get . in response, many african-american men and women have thrown themselves into a range of grassroots efforts from volunteer work in their communities to adopting children stopgap efforts, perhaps, but to many, also cathartic and energizing. in many neighborhoods, the black church has led the awakening. ministers began chastising themselves for sidestepping some basic moral, issues. we don t use family values as an ax, says wallace smith e ^hu h baptist church in washington. but if someone is shacked up t0 et carried sethis remarkably blunt about his own riaz " n p0rtance of a stable mar-right quayle he says' was . at,thleir kitchen * and in their lie^k to"16? ty biack fami-^xf^ worries them i part of what y ack women are sapphires, 37% prow aduh 35% lowtii pies pietl the ne gust it trying to dominate, exj psychologist alvin pouss to the wife of kingfish andy, who epitomized th black woman. but boston liz walker believes that m mistake self-reliance for ness. i don t think blacl thrown black men out, who sparked a controvei became pregnant out of years ago, long before brown knew what a home was. i think black worn abandoned." more commonly, though feel the fallout of the econ chological battering the a can male has taken in the 1; of course black women i commitment. but not with chief qualification for ma he s, well, a man. the rei cess of terry mcmillan : waiting to exhale, un( passion. the book s main -four strong-minded black can t seem to find men wb they clearly struck a n terry mcmillan wrote tl reason it was so popular v was u.s." says walker, night from too much bii pagne and pepperoni piz quartet robin, gloria, b savannah get to the esser what s happened to all the r where are they hiding? wsweek oll (at black iults think hich one n do ostto iprove the iuation r black milies to-ay? 41% blade families themselves 25% churches 14% community organizations 14% government for this special newsweek poll, prince* ton survey research associates interviewed a national sample of 600 black adults ry telephone avgust lst-15. the marcin of error is +a 5 percentage points. don t know" and other responses not shown. the newsweek poll 1993 by newsweek, inc. they re ugly. stupid. in prison. unemployed. crackheads. short. liars. unreliable. irresponsible. too possessive . . . childish. too goddam old and set in their ways. the litany drives the women to tears, ta does marriage really matter? or is a amily headed by a single mother just as mod as the nuclear unit? the evidence me down solidly on the side of mariage. by every measure economic, so-h educational the statistics conclude hat two parents living together are better han one. children of single mothers are significantly more likely to live in povy than children living with both parts. in 1990, census figures show, 65 percent of children of black single pothers were poor, compared with only $ percent of children of black married touples. educationally, children in one-homes are at greater risk across board for learning problems, for left back, for dropping out. psychi-t i^es p. comer, who teaches at <~e university s child study center, that the exploding population of can-american children from single-** represents "the education w is going to kill us. the crisis mvj6 concerned about that ameri^on t achieve as well as euro-and some asian kids won t ^orin [american students are] onetia enough to compete. the a will kill us is the large number of bright kids who fall out of the mainstream because their families are not functioning. statistics tell only part of the story. equally important are the intangibles of belonging to an intact family. growing up in a married family is where you learn the value of the commitments you make to each other, rather than seeing broken promises, says roderick harrison, chief of the census bureau s race division. it deals with the very question of what kind of personal commitments people can take seriously. boys in particular need male role models. without a father, who will help them define what it means to be a man? fathers do things for their children that mothers often don t. though there are obviously exceptions, fathers typically encourage independence and a sense of adventure, while mothers are more nur turing and protective. it is men who teach boys how to be fathers. a woman can only nourish the black male child to a certain point, says bob crowder, an atlanta lawyer and father of four, who helped organize an informal support group for african-american lathers. and then it takes a man to raise a boy into a man. i mean a real man. mothers often win the job by default, and struggle to meet the challenge. but sometimes, even a well-intentioned single mother can be smothering, especially if her son is the only man in her life. down the road a few years, she hears erstwhile daughters-in-law lament how she ruined him for every other woman. like the street-smart new yorker she is, bisi ruckett, who is dianne caballero s daughter, says flat out that she can t rule her boyfriend. and just as quickly, she concedes she can't compete with his mom. if he tells her he needs a zillion dollars, she ll get it, says ruckett, 23. without a father for a role model, many boys learn about relationships from their peers on the street. in the inner city in particular, that often means gangs; and the message they re selling is that women are whores and handmaidens, not equals. having a father does not, of course, guarantee that the lessons a young male learns will be wholesome. but research shows that, with no father, no minister, no boss to help define responsibility, there s nothing to prevent a boy from treating relationships perversely. university of pennsylvania professor elijah anderson, who authored a 1990 study on street life, says that, 33. endangered family among the poor, boys view courting as a game in which the object is to perfect a rap that seduces girls. the goal: to add up one s sexual conquests, since that s the measure of respect. often, for a girl, anderson says, life revolves around the dream, a variation of the tv soaps in which a man will whisk her away to a life of middle-class bliss even though everywhere she looks there are only single mothers abandoned by their boyfriends. not surprisingly, the two sexes often collide. the girl dreams because she must. it has to do with one s conception of oneself: i will prevail , anderson says. but the boy tramples that dream because he must his game is central to his vision of respect. one of the reasons why, when a woman wallace smith, pastor of washington s shiloh church, puts it bluntly: dan quayle was right. agrees to have a baby, these men think it s such a victory is that you have to get her to go against all the stuff that says he won t stick around. for teenage mothers not mature enough to cope, single parenthood is not the route to the dream, but entrapment. they have too many frustrations: the job, the lack of a job, the absence of a man, the feeling of being dependent on others for help, the urge to go out and dance instead of pacing with a crying child. taken to its extreme, says pous-saint, the results can be abuse or neglect. they ll see a child as a piece of property or compete with the child calling them dumb or stupid, damaging their growth and education to maintain superiority, he says. the middle class is not exempt from such pain. even with all the cushions money could buy doctors and backup doctors, nannies and backup nannies liz walker says that trying to raise her son, nicholas, alone was draining. certainly, the best situation is to have as many people in charge of a family as possible, says walker, who is now married to harry graham, a 41-year-old corporate-tax lawyer; together, they re raising her son and his two children from a previous marriage. i can see that now, she adds. physically, you need it. 14 6. african americans not just an underclass problem in every economic group, black women are two to six times more likely to have a child before marriage than white women. under *10,000*25,000*30,000*50.000ovk *10,000 20,000 30,000 35,000 75,000 *75 o o sotlbck census bureau, 199* more and more, black men aren t there to build marriages or to stick around through the hard years of parenting. the question we re too afraid to confront is why. the biggest culprit is an economy that has locked them out of the mainstream through a pattern of bias and a history of glass ceilings. the economic state of the african-american community is worse in 1993 than it was in 1963, says naacp head benjamin chavis jr. he could be speaking, just as easily, about the black family, since the two fell in tandem. a man can t commit to a family without economic security, but for many african-american men, there is none. the seeds of modern economic instability date back to the 1940s, when the first of 6v2 million blacks began migrating from the rural south to the urban north as farm mechanization replaced the need for their backs and hands. at first, black men built a solid economic niche by getting factory jobs. but just as the great migration ended in the 70s, the once limitless industrial base began to cave in. and as steel mills and factories swept offshore, the last hired, first fired seniority rules disproportionately pushed black men out. during that time, says billingsley, unemployment for blacks became twice as high as it was for whites, and it has rarely dropped below that [ratio] a country that practices apartheid. swiss indigenous population is highly heterogeneous, consisting of 75 percent german speakers, 20 percent francophones, 4 percent italians, and 1 percent one may add that religion has not been a political factor in switzerland since a brief civil war in 1847 that pitted the industrialized, liberal, largely urban northwest against the predominantly rural, conservative southeast. but even then, divisions cut across both major linguistic communities. the same felicitous balance is found in terms of income distribution. of the ten richest cantons, seven are german and three are french. and among the ten poorest ones there are seven ger a compensation for the loss of a dependent territoiy. its inhabitants never reconciled themselves to this gunpoint marriage. they continued to struggle againsl the imposition until, in a series of referenda conducted in the early 1970s, the catholic part was allowed to secede anc form a new canton, jura. protestant! stayed with bern. does swiss apartheid work? appar ently it does. will it work elsewhere? (inci dentally, the swiss model has elicitec much interest in south africa, whicl 202 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s i quite possibly will try to follow the swiss path, rather than the american, as a road to a multiracial, multiethnic society). consociationalism consociational or proportional democracy is a last-ditch arrangement when all alternatives are worse than a precarious balance.18,19 under consociationalism the constituent ethnic groups remain distinct for an indefinite period of time within one political system, but do not form separate administrative units. such a system requires stability and cultural pluralism. it also needs a cleavage between constituent groups (to reduce interethnic contact and, therefore, conflict and competition), absence of hegemony by one of the groups, attitudes favorable to all-inclusive coalition governments, and lack of external threat. it also helps if there is a limited interpenetration of the ethnies (this makes partition more difficult), some intermarriage (to prevent extreme polarization), and functional interpenetration at the governmental level (the more they share the less need they would feel to separate). actually, there are two kinds of consociationalism: one is political, that is, a situation where several political or spiritual families (e.g., catholics, liberals and socialists) share power. political consociationalism is fairly stable, as is evidenced in austria or the netherlands. the second kind is ethnic consociationalism, which is extremely unstable. belgium gradually evolved toward a federalized tripartite system, while lebanon (it would be more accurate to call it denominational, rather than ethnic, consociationalism) collapsed into chaos and civil war. autonomy among various solutions to ethnic problems the first one that comes to mind is autonomy. usually, it means territorial au tonomy, although there is also personal and corporate autonomy as well. in the less-known personal autonomy, the autonomous status applies to the minority individual no matter where he lives, as long as he is willing to be officially assigned minority status. the status is given to the individual on the basis of a personal declaration, government ordinance, or court decision based on language, origin, or a national characteristic. ultimately, this form of autonomy is based on a personal decision of the individual. historically, corporate autonomy was tried in the moravian compromise of 190520; it was cut short by the collapse of austria-hungary in 1918, but theoretically, this solution is very promising because it combines personal choice with protection of minority rights and does not lead to the creation of rigid territorial units. entitlement programs in the united states (e.g., affirmative action, financial assistance to minority students, etc.) come very close to the model of corporate autonomy. in this instance, autonomous status is given to the minority as a whole, no matter where its representatives live, but the personal decision is lacking. an individual is assigned to his/her group on the basis of origin, language, or religion and eqjoys all the advantages or disadvantages of a minority, but only on a corporate basis. this pattern is less flexible from the individual s standpoint, but it gives more organizational muscle to the minority group. finally, the best-known type of autonomy is territorial. it can be applied to those ethnic groups that live in compact territory with clearly marked borders. when such borders are lacking, things can get very complicated, as witnessed by german (and now russian) ethnic enclaves scattered throughout much of eastern europe. territorial autonomy has been tried many times and in many countries, often to satisfy aspirations toward self-determination by a small but strategically located ethnic minority whose complete separation would be detrimental to the interests of the larger state. however, federal autonomy often proved to be a steppingstone toward a complete vorce. the soviet union anc slavia serve as good exam; has to keep in mind that in tonomy was largely fictitioi were ultimately held toge force. what is usually overlo the laments about fragmei fact that virtually all tl tablished states aspire to joi rope. thus, further unificat this time on the basis of volt tion, rather than force, w without the fragmentation pires. it is a dialectic that ma ly guessed, although he co that the new freedoms wo end of the proletarian he was the ultimate victory c over its old ally. notes i. clifford gvortz. old societies anc don the erc press of glencoe. 196 2 arend lyphart. political theories ant ethnic conflict in the western world: fais plausible pomdirtk'ns." ethnic conflict in millon j kaman. ed (ithaca and london pm*. 1977 3. karl kautsky, neue zed 11886), 522-6 nationalism and socialism, (new york and view presa, i967i, 142. ref. in a. smith, nat tieth century (new york: new york un 163 4 hush seton-watson. nations and statei view preen. 197 1, 446 5 cynthia enloe. ethnic conflict and i (boston utile. brown & co . 19731.67. 6 paul johnson, modem times (nevi y 1983). 117 7 jahnaon. modern times. 62. 8 joseph stalin. marxism and the nationa 9 hugh seton-watson. .x\i/ionsa^ 10 pierre van den berghe. the ethnic phe elaevier. 1981 . 16 11 anthony smith. nationalism in the (now york now york umvenuty press. 12 smith. nationalism m the twentieth cer 13 a neologism borrowed from the french, sociologists to denote a group that is ligioualy. or otherwise distinct, so long 15 pierre van 16 pierre van 17 pierre van den berghe. the ethnwphenl den berghe. the ethnic den berghe. the ethnic phen. 18 arend lyphart. democracy in plural so yale university press. 1977). 19 gerhard lehmbruch. 'prepondemo^ 20 rob", kann. the ^itin^ e^ bis l'nivereity press. 1950'. ^99. relations new york. elsevier. 19761.9^ article 45 the walls that have yet to fall ulrike helwerth and gislinde schwarz ulrike helwerth, who lives in west berlin, is a sociologist and journalist. gislinde schwarz, who lives in east berlin, is a journalist. helwerth and schwarz have been commissioned by the berlin senate for employment and women to do research for a project called estranged sisters: differences between east and west german feminists. this article was translated from the german by annegret daiss and zoran minderovic. picture a regular lufthansa weekday flight from berlin to frankfurt. the four female flight attendants are wearing, on the lapels of their blue jackets, buttons that say, we re foreigners every day. it s part of the company s public relations campaign against racism and xenophobia. one of the flight attendants is black. a businessman points at the button she s wearing, calling it a capital idea. he then asks her, with a charming smile: excuse me, and where are you from? heidelberg, she replies. this is an everyday scene that mirrors germany s great conflict: the inner contortions of a lily-white society determined to show that xenophobia and racism are not pervasive traits of the german national character, a society bent on proving that the images of refugee homes in flames, of screaming nazi skinheads, represent merely an eddy in the wake of german unification. adama ulrich, who grew up in the former east germany, acutely feels the polarization. i didn t use to be aware of the act that i m black. i was born and raised here. roughly a year ago, however, i started noticing two distinct kinds of reactions tom strangers. some people now openly show their friendliness through glances and body language; others are standoffish r aggressive. ulrich is the daughter of a german mother and a nigerian father. she has become fearful. nowadays i carefully think where i go and i hardly ever use public transpor-totion. the circle in which i feel safe is circumscribed by a wall ^aggression and violence that is closing in on me. ulrich and . *ends female and male, black and white, germans and oreigners who formed human chains and organized candle-^t vigils in munich, dresden, and elsewhere, have voiced eir opposition to violence, racism, and xenophobia. what they ^ant is a multicultural germany. any observer can notice that e majority of the antiracism protesters are women. do women feel less resentment toward foreigners and anything un-german? is racism the problem of (young) men? according to a 1989 survey to determine the attitudes of west german youth toward authoritarian and nationalistic ideas, girls were less receptive than boys to extreme right-wing slogans such as germany for the germans or out with the foreigners. studies conducted after unification showed similar results. men constitute close to two thirds of the right-wing electorate voting for such parties as the republicans and the german popular union. among card-carrying party members, women are an even smaller minority. indeed, it is young men who roam around with chains and baseball bats, ready to clobber foreigners and throw molotov cocktails into their homes. but none of this can obscure the fact that there are some women behind the young thugs, standing, so to speak, in the second line. these women incite their friends to violent acts and reward them afterward with admiration. they are the ones who applaud those who will finally create order. in late 1992 a group of young men attacked a home for asylum-seekers in the eastern german town of thale. they fired tracer rockets, broke into the building, vandalized the furniture, and attempted to rape three vietnamese women. there were also two young women who excitedly watched the assault. three years ago, 20-year-old jessica moved from the west german town of hamburg to east berlin, where she started hanging out in a known skinhead haven. i used to participate in the attacks, she says. i feel good among the skinheads. i secretly rejoice when the asylum-seekers home out of: a woman called the station and castigated 1 who had moved out of the citv. she said she blacks should be living near whites. the caller needed to have pride in their communities, talk, massey was confronted by a community 35. home ownership anchors the middle class rends in black and white suburbanization 'centages of blacks and whites who lived in the suburbs j 1980 (the last year for which research was available). [ x \ blacks 58.5% whites 56.5% i\\\\\\\\\\j2o.6% new york i\\\\l8.2% philadelpma^^^ st.luis louston 32w] 16.9% san francisco-oakland lwwwwwwwwwl 36.8% 91.7% ikansas cil _j4.8% 60.2% source: douglas s. massey and nancy a. denton, "suburbanization and segregation in u.s. metropolitan areas," american journal of sociology told him that pursuit of integration by leaving the black ghetto was a dilution and betrayal of black political interests. massey said he was stunned. the bottom line is that i don t know'of any story that begins with segregation and endsup with economic success. segregation makes oppression easy and efficient. it allows disinvestment in the black community and it ultimately means the end of hope for the future. fair housing advocates: national fair housing alliance 1400 j street, n.w. washington, d.c. 20005 202-898-1661 fund for an open society 1 south juniper street, suite 400 ^adelphia, pa. 19107 215-735-6915 ^oership council chi s uml state street> suite 860 z'^o, 111.60605 312-341-5678 cincinnati coalition of neighborhoods 6566 montgomery road, suite 210 cincinnati, ohio 45213 513-531-2676 fair housing congress of southern california 3535 west 6th street, second floor los angeles, calif. 90020 213-365-7184 d.c. fair housing council 1400 i street, n.w. washington, d.c. 20005 202-289-5360 tennessee mid-south peace and justice center p.o. box 11428 memphis, tenn. 38111-0428 901-452-6997 oakland county center for open housing 3060 telegraph road, suite 1233 bingham farms, mich. 48025 313-647-0575 161 the ethnic legacy ethnicity is often associated with immigrants and with alien importation of culture, language, stories, and food from foreign shores. appalachian, western, and other regional ethnicities are evidence of multigenerational ethnic cultural development within the american reality. the persistence and ongoing process of humanity expressed in unique and intriguing folkways, dialect-languages, myths, festivals, and foods displays another enduring and public dimension of ethnicity. as this section s articles i illustrate, ethnic experiences may be less foreign and alien than most imagine them to be. the persistence of contributions and concerns of various ethnic immigrant groups over many generations provided a deep weave and pattern to the material and social history of america. there is a consciousness of ethnic tradition, exasperation and anger about stereotypes, and efforts to institutionalize ongoing attention to groups as the most relevant aspects of groups identity are ever present and clearly growing in interest and magnitude. change and ethnicity are not contradictory, for each generation creates anew its ethnicity, which, alongside other affinities, affiliations, and loyalties, helps to guide our interaction with each other. some present concerns of ethnic groups include language, preservation of neighborhoods, ethnic studies, and the rearticulation of historical claims to fairness, justice, and equity. perhaps the most obvious oscillation between celebration of achievement and concern about fairness is seen in the legacies of persons and groups that constitute ancestry-conscious populations. that such populations should be denied their distinctiveness through absorption into the mass of modernity and that their distinctiveness can accompany them into mainstream modern american identities are parallel lines of argument for their insistence that their ethnicity is not a form of diminished existence, but that they are american plus america multicultural affinity and competencies in mon culture. the winds of social change, whether in the plains, eastern europe, or in the internal m populations reveal the varied texture of etf america. these articles explain the transmissic tradition in music and suggest linkages betwe and ethnicity. the story of the interaction of etl religion is curiously exposed in the etymok greek word ethnikos (i.e., the rural, gentile, people of the ancient mediterranean world). th philological roots no longer drive our princi] standing of ethnicity, the experience of social c cultural affiliation elaborated in the following art ethnics deepens our awareness and unders ethnicity a changing yet persistent aspect identity and social cohesiveness. looking ahead: challenge questions does ethnicity of an earlier era adequately s tension between worlds of meaning discuss section? d es the legacy of multiple ancestral origins ethnic identities of european americans from era in america argue for the passing relevant ethnic populations and their marginality to t ethnic issues of our time? what is a central ethnic issue? by wha: decide the importance and preferential pt ethnic group vis-a-vis another group? what lessons can be learned from the -settlement experiences of eastern and o peans? 162 article 36 early italian sculptors in the united states regina soria college of notre dame of maryland, baltimore, maryland among constructive projects for the bicentennial celebrations, a thorough and objective study of the cultural history of the united states, focusing on the italian contribution to the artistic consciousness of this country, at least up to 1876, would surely be fruitful, and, for a great many americans, quite revealing. during the centennial celebrations, in 1876, the exhibition at philadelphia showed that the arts had progressed and flourished in america, to a sufficient extent as to make it plausible to talk of an american art. to those who visited the exhibition it was quite evident that most of the native artists during the first one hundred years of the american republic had gone abroad, for shorter or longer periods, in order to acquire or perfect their skills. in fact most especially the sculptors, had gone to italy. ' writing in 1853 in my consulship, charles lester, american consul at the court of savoy stressed "the mysterious tie which unites men bom in this country with those bom in the land that gave birth to columbus and vespucius."1 he advocated that italians be invited to come to america, to give the benefit of their way of life and genius in art, so as to help america create treasures for new museums, art galleries and palaces similar to those he admired in italy. travelling through that country lester was well aware that american sculptors such as hiram powers, the greenoughs, and thomas crawford who had worked in florence and rome in the second quarter of the nineteenth century, and who had received commissions from the u.s. congress to decorate the washington capitol and many other public buildings in different states derived much of their success from dose relationship to italian craftsmen. indeed, they owed early commissions to the desire of some of the founx fathers especially jefferson-to establish an artistic df mate m america that would embellish her in a faxl . rival european dries. the pabular jefferson was naturally one in keeping jith the s cratic ideals of the young republic. the choice inevitx fell upon the nineteenth-century neodassical moi y reprinted by permission from ltaiian americana neoclassical art, of which antonio canova the most important exponents, had a decisive on nineteenth-century american sculpture. no: for a long time it was little known and even si "academic." now that a new long look is beinj nineteenth-century painting, it is time for the who brought so much art to america to be rest their oblivion. their contribution should be r and cleansed of the stigma of academic coldr nelius vermeule stated clearly: the artistic movement known as neoclassicisn gripped europe from 1760 to 1820, began for a { reasons once defined with utmost simplicity and i in increasingly complex terms. pompeii and h eaum were rediscovered and excavated. stuart an published their antiquities of athens (1762) and bu tures comparable to the propylaea and the little by the ilissos in the english parklands. wine history of art among the ancients (1764) gave substance to the notion of quality in ancient french rococo had run its course as a reaction to 1 french baroque, and the artistic extravagance french court were associated with increasingly in political beliefs and practices. writers made thes and practices seem inconsistent with the ideals uity. when the new humanism of the american and italian revolutions burst upon europe, th purity, simplicity and spiritual containment of c were associated with the democratic virtues of th republic and ... of the early ages of greece.2 more recently and more specifically wayne c written: neoclassical art implanted in this country by sue! ceracchi, franzoni and andrei, and their cou who followed them to america in the second a decade of the 19th century . . . was thoroughly ' ble with the political and philosophical foundatk national government. the u.s. capitol took a revival form because this country could align its< cally with ancient rome . . . thus was neodassk cessfully received in the early years of the repu the italian sculptors quite naturally carried the n cal style to america.3 how the italian artists brought the neoclassk america in the early days of the republic, how in this country, and what impact their works f development of art in america is a fascinating ' vol. 2, no. 1, spring 1976, pp. 171-189. 164 ^giuseppe ceracchi is not the first italian sculptor to come to america, he is surely the most important one. ceracchi introduced the portrait bust to america; it was to become the most significant form of american sculpture in the early nineteenth century. everyone familiar with houdon's statue of george washington knows that it was done de visum, from life. not many know that the only other sculptor to do the general de visum was ceracchi. houdon's statue of washington in military dress enjoys much fame and is admired for its realism. yet contemporaries and washington's family said that ceracchi's sculpture was truer to life. ceracchi persuaded george washington to sit for a few hours and he modelled the bust in terra cotta, larger than life. ceracchi did two marble renditions of his washington; one is at the metropolitan museum of art, the other at gibbes art gallery, charleston, south carolina. other marble versions of his original were later done by other hands. one is in baltimore, one is at the white house (bought by president monroe), and one is in the national portrait gallery. another copy, ordered by the city of new orleans, was put up for sale some years ago, for offidals did not know who the portrait represented. it was purchased by james lamantia, an archite linton? early on, as white house negotiators worked with congressional staff, they considered listing "diversity" as a criterion when giving out money; programs that sought to mix whites and blacks would be more likely to get funding than those that didn't. but the staff of the house education and labor committee feared that such a preference might sink the all-minority programs popular with black and hispanic members of the committee. after all, if the government funds a program with 50 blacks and 50 whites, it has less money to fund the program with 100 blacks. "every time 'diversity' would come up [in legislative negotiations, the committee's staff] would say, 'well, the house is going to have some problems with that' and we'd say, 'ok, ok, we'll take it out'," one white house official said. the white house did not put up much of a fight, severely underestimating how hard it will be to produce mixed programs. they even casually agreed to set aside at least one third of the money for programs that recruit mostly "disadvantaged" youths, further reducing the pot of money that will go to truly diverse programs. there were other ways of encouraging raceand classmixing without requiring it but these methods threatened to alienate key interest groups. clinton believed that if he offered to wipe out large chunks of college-loan debt, the service program could attract white middle-class kids. in a feb. 24 meeting, he argued that college graduates had genuinely greater skills and could therefore contribute more than a 17-year-old just out of high school. and, he told aides, the college grad would be making a sacrifice by taking two years to teach, "a real gift to society." seventeen-year-olds, on the other hand, have fewer skills and expenses, since many live at home clinton decided to offer a $10,000 benefit to college graduates and $5,000 in aid to those who serve before college or don't intend to go to college. but advocates for the non-college-bound hated ton's idea. "the whole message is we value peopl< go to college more than those who don't," longtim income advocate sam halperin told while house ol at a private meeting sponsored by the umbrella youth service america. clinton couldn't bear unde ing the non-college-bound. he agreed to have one s benefit of $6,500, which seemed to settle the issue, other group could possibly object? april 28, twc before they were scheduled to unveil their plan found out who. veterans. these were the men who did serv vietnam, who really don't much like this gays-i military idea the last group in america with clinton could pick a fight just then. the veterans a: using some slightly deceptive arithmetic, that the benefit was more than gis get as college aid. house staff at first debated how hard to fight, b debate came to an abrupt close when top adviser c stephanopoulos entered the discussion, incredul the political naivete of his colleagues. he knew tl erans could sink the entire bill, shaky statistics < segal's staff cut the benefit to $5,000 faster than y say "political viability." clinton lost what he consic key tool for luring a broad range of young peop service, but at least he seemed to have cleared the n ing obstacles to swift legislative passage. republicans in congress were not about to make easy. as the legislation journeyed through congres proposed a series of changes that struck the dem party's exposed nerves. in both the senate and the they offered killer "trigger" amendments forbiddi government to spend a penny on national service had first boosted pell grants. one by one, repu rose to accuse clinton of insensitivity to the pool want to help young kids, then double and triple t grants. reach out to millions!" sen. al d'amato si on the floor of the senate. "this bill is a turk should shoot, kill it, now!" this republican rigl ness was too much for sen. edward m. kennedj national service advocate. "tonight at 8 o'clock v how some are absolutely indignant about what pening to these programs. where were they wl appropriations were coming out over the last 12 where were they?" behind the scenes, though, kennedy himself i rious about the administration's other student-ai "this is crazy!" he wrote in thick marker atop a from a staffer. although much of the republicar was cynical posturing, critics had a legitimate national service did pose a threat to pell grants am based financial aid. if national service continues t it will be very difficult to increase grant aid. clinton was partly to blame for the rep attack. for all his criticism of the p entitlement," he could not resist pitching 232 50. ask n give up the 'self-centered' life president clinton discussed service [august 1993] in the oval office with newsweek's steven waldman: newsweek: looking back on your own life, what made you interested in service? clinton: when 1 became governor i saw all kinds of unmet needs in every community that, hell, we simply couldn't raise the taxes to pay for. i also became convinced that a lot of problems in this country were highly personal in nature that the culture had changed in ways that broke down the traditional bonds of community. they suffered internally not just economically, but emotionally from having insufficient order and emotional support and role models. you really think [a national service program] can address that? i think it can make a huge difference ... i watched how the systematic attempt to affect people individually was making a difference in [schools] far beyond what could otherwise be predicted. then i started seeing the same sort of potential happening in service projects. the summer of service program had about 75 percent minorities. would you be disappointed if that was the makeup of the rest of the program? i would be disappointed if we didn't have a lot of white kids, middle-class white kids, in there, too. and i think we will. i fought very hard to keep the means testing [which targets aid toward the needy] out of the program because i want all kinds of people. in a time of scarce resources, you're giving educa tional benefits, potentially, to the son of a millionaire. only if they really do something for their country. you know, wealthy people may go into the military, u if they do they're entitled to the gi bill. some republicans attacked comparisons between domestic service and military service. imcurio , about your reaction. on a personal level, i t ere been a civilian-service option available during i nam, would you have chosen that? probably. i mean, who knows what i would have dorii . always thought i was going to be dra te . u ward college benefits more than the sncrifice. national setvice as a student-aid forced the comparison with pell grants. ,. jneffistudent-aid program, national c1ent roughly $1,300 per person for of to $22,000 per person for service. longtime supp that most people would like the feeling of serving their country. i think all these kids doing drugs, shooting guns, dropping out of school, going to jail, changing the culture of life in a destructive way and losing then-opportunity to have a good life i see that as a nationalsecurity issue. you often speak about the plan as opening access to college. yet the loan forgiveness will affect a very, very small percentage of people with loans. isn't it misleading to talk about it that way? no, because when i was in the campaign i always . . . saw reformation of the student-loan program as an important part of this, too. this income-contingent loan business [in which people can repay loans in small installments as a percentage of their income] is, i think, very important. it is my belief that if you know that the burden of repaying your loans is not a problem, then you are free to take a job that might pay somewhat less but be somewhat more rewarding. i talked to a young couple that had a combmed collegeloan repayment schedule of $1,000 a month. both of them said they would like to have been domg something a little bit more community oriented than what they were doing. but it's all they could do to scramble and put together $1,000 a month. during the campaign, you promised that anyone could wipe out their loans with service. obviously, the [law] is to from that. wasn't that really a pretty unrealistic campaign promise to make. well i don't think you can do it overnight. there was a limit' to how fast you could start and expand a program effectively. how do you respond to the argument that you're not asfongmudi of young people if you're offering them a zend and a generous college benefit-that it s al. asking peo-nie to give up what in almost every case will be ar easier life and a more self-centered one to devote ; significant period of their lives to primarily helpm] otoer people their problems. you're reward n; them for serving their country, for doing somethin, that most people their age wont do, don t do. national service such as sen. harris wofford pnv< pleaded ^th clinton to stress the benefits to com nt service sen. david durenberger, a repub "hovongly supported clinton's legislation, feared the president's hyperbole would jeopardize the entire "everything the president has done and said is an ( 9. understanding cultural pluralism geration," he complained as other senate republicans mounted a brief but aggressive filibuster in july. "the rhetoric is destroying the reality and the republicans took advantage of it." but clinton's political advisers such as mandy grunwald and pollster stan greenberg still believed that lofty service rhetoric wouldn't win over middle-class voters and clinton sided with them. "i want my national service plan to pass; that will open the doors of college education to millions of americans," clinton said in a staggeringly misleading statement on "larry king live" the same week the senate was considering his legislation. the white house was able to defeat the lethal "trigger" amendments by restoring some of the money that had been cut from student aid and promising future generosity to pell grants. it avoided a rift the old-fashioned way papering it over with money. but the republicans weren't done. they launched another attack from the left, this time proposing to forbid rich kids from receiving national service benefits. again, they were trying to drive a wedge through the democratic coalition with an argument designed to appeal to liberals: shouldn't money for national service scholarships be given according to need? the notion had some immediate appeal particularly to members of the house education and labor committee, which is, in the words of one staff member, so far to the political left it "would pass the communist manifesto if it had jurisdiction." the committee's chairman, bill ford of michigan, was a lyndon johnson protege who had disliked national service in past years and always fought hard for targeting aid to the poor. this time was different. ford had decided to help clinton out. in part, it was out of personal affection. clinton had helped ford wi im presence in the former colonial powers of france and england has long been much more pronounced. and indeed, it is the muslim factor, first and foremost, that arrests the attention of many europeans. for them, transfixed by the ancient rivalry between musselman and christian, europe s very identity hangs in the balance. the anxiety is nothing very new. surely such a manichean vision infused the peculiar prophecy that ernest renan, france s pre-eminent theorist of nationalism, offered in the fateful year of 1848. since the aryan race and the semitic race ... are destined to conquer the world and restore unity to the human species, he wrote, the rest of the world counts, alongside these races, only as experiments, obstacles, or auxiliaries. almost a century and a half later, patrick buchanan, a leading spokesman for american nativism, made a similar prediction in characteristically apocalyptic tones. for a millennium, the struggle for mankind s destiny was between christianity and islam; in the 21st century, it may be so again for as the shiites humiliate us, their co-religionists are filling up the countries of the west. 6 the old story, with new twists and so the question naturally arises: will these concerns be un abated 150 years hence? will the nativists direst prophecies be fulfilled? at this point, it might be worth distinguis tween two, not wholly consistent, sources of concern. first, there is the charge that these immigrants a truly integrated into western societies, so inimical are t res and collective allegiances. they are happy to take vices and benefits of their prosperous host countries warned, but foil to extend their loyalties to them. as i mond, an oxford historian, expresses the apprehensii one thing to deal with immigrants, even great masses who see the new host society as admirable and the plac future prosperity, as scores of millions of new arrivals last 200 years have viewed the united states; it is quite to come to terms with newcomers who reject many of tenets of the society into which they are entering. it will not do to dismiss these concerns out of hai would be mistaken, i think, to make too much of their allegiances? of coufse but this is hardly anything m manufacture of the modern nation. gascon or frenc or british? catalan or spanish? the answer has nc been obvious; for some, it still isn t. then, too, the terms of argument about the mt tor are reminiscent of the language in which the jeu tion was debated in england a century and a half ago babington macaulay s swingeing 1831 essay, on the < abilities of the jew," can be read today with a sense oi it has always been the trick of bigots to make theii miserable at home, and then to complain that they relief abroad; to divide society, and to wonder that united; to govern as if a section of the state were the w to censure the other sections of the state for their patriotism. one thing to remember; most of those third-world who are in the west chose to be there. intruders in o the 1989 gulf war provided a test whose results shot lost on us. it was a time when french officials survt large arabic population, with so many unemployedyt worried about violent acts of protest, sabotage, terroi fears proved groundless. a perfect proving ground seilles, a city where 100,(xx) residents are classified t grants , and where unemployment among young ad hovers around 40%. both support for saddam hu opposition to the war ran high among its arab popul the crisis passed without so much as a demonstratic but if some fear that the west's new muslim cor will prove to be social immiscibles gravel in the ethi for others, it is the prospect of integration itself th since integration, historically, is a two-way street, ger gration would seem toentail the transformation not' immigrant, but of the host nation as well. this is l sort of concern we face, and, i think, a deeper one.1 charles moore gave voice to an undoubtedly widesp ment when he wrote in a spectator editorial in 1991. basically english-speaking, christian and white, starts to think that it might become basically urdi and muslim and brown, one gets frightened and ah this speaks to the west s growing identity crisis: to th of who we are and will be. undoubtedly the islamicisation of the west, to that it happens, will usher in changes. but they wt r the sort that conservatives fear. most immediate y. rennial kulturkampfbetween foith and secularism, oflslam will fortify the side of faith the side wi w 228 49. blood and irony cultural conservatives in the west have allied themselves. in this sense, the muslim from south asia or the maghreb has more in common with his god-fearing christian opposite from the home counties than with his secular compatriot. an unexpected pattern of alliances, then, may be in store. in american cities, many muslims of third-world origins staunchly support vouchers for private school tuition and an array of key family-values issues, including opposition to abortion, pornography, homosexuality and sexual promiscuity. so the mordant irony is that cultural conservatives like mr buchanan may find their best hope for expanding their political base lies with those brown-skinned muslims whose growing numbers they find so unsettling. there are other ways in which anxious westerners misapprehend the likely impact of muslim immigration. again, though, it is important to proceed carefully, for there are dangers on both sides. one is to overestimate the assimilative capacity of western culture; the other is to underestimate it. we should grant that a blithely triumphalist view of western culture simply is not born out by history. it will not do to ignore the obduracy of cultural differences; yet to exaggerate their obduracy would be equally mistaken. those who spend time among the muslim communities of france s cities find that while the older generation tend to be poorly educated and devoutly religious, their children, the young women especially, are inclined to be as irreligious as their western counterparts. most of france s second-generation arabs seek protection against discrimination, not sponsorship of muslim worship. what these unlikely evolues want, first and foremost, is to be allowed to be french. what is more, western apprehensions of the impact of islam on the west tend to be blinkered by an unduly monolithic, static conception of islam itself. for in the longer term, there is reason to think that islam is poised to undergo significant internal changes, changes that must prompt a re-examination of the putative clash between islam and liberal democracy. actually, many muslim intellectuals have been arguing for islamic modernism since at least the mid-19th century; but increasingly, these modernists are moving away from the framework of the traditional sharia, which was developed between the 7th and 9th centuries, and seeking instead to develop a new, more humane, version of sharia based on new interpretations of islamic texts. these clerics and intellectuals know that secularism is doomed to irrelevance for most islamic societies, and that the most important project they can pursue is the reformation of islam from within. an islamic reformation cannot be a belated and poor copy of the european christian model, argues abdullahi ahmed an-na im, executive director of africa watch, a humanrights group, and a major theorist of this movement. it will have to be an indigenous and authentically islamic process if it is to be a reformation at all. dr an-na im courageously carries on the reformist project ofhis teacher, m. m. taha (executed by the sudanese authorities in 1985 for his opposition to sharia), and he is joined by growing numbers. they go about their work quietly, without fuss; they issue no fatwas, capture no headlines. maybe these are not the islamic spokesmen favoured by the western media, but their message of tolerance may carry more weight in the long run. for all the undoubted strength of the fundamentalist revival, they are making headway too. islam will remain islam: but the transformation of islamic tradition cannot long be deferred. now, what muslims are to europe, hispanics are to the united states. they have, we are told, demography on their side: between birth rate and immigration, they are the single fastest-growing component of the population. for large parts of the country, the doomsayers insist, english will become an extinct tongue: it is just a matter of time. so what must come as a surprise to them-and what confounds nativist stereotypes is that the overwhelming majority of hispanics in the united states actually believes that the country permits too much immigration. (of course the impulse to close the door behind you makes a kind of economic sense: the competition for labour that immigration poses is most acute for those who have just immigrated themselves.) an even greater majority of hispanics believes that all residents of the united states should learn english. on key issues, the newcomers are more nativist than the natives. the nationalism vaccine noneofthis is meantas an adjuration to,asitwere, stop worrying and love the population bomb. what western intellectual and political leaders can properly concern themselves with is not the conservation of complexion, but the preservation, indeed, expansion, of democratic culture. and while transnational flows can be regulated responsibly, harshly exclusionary policies the creation of fortress europe -would be extremely hazardous to that culture s health. if nationalism we must have, and in some measure we must, let us plump for a modulated, liberal, embracive, self-conscious nationalism-debilitated but therapeutic, like the virus in a polio vaccine. surely nationalism red in tooth and claw is not the only kind. indeed, what is striking about the dark conviction of charles moore and his co-religionists that national cohesion requires the preservation of racial homogeneity is how utterly unhistorical it is. in the last century, ernest renan went so for as to venture that the noblest countries-england, france, lt-alv_are those where the blood is most mixed. germany is no exception. and in the first century of american independence the great advocates of american exceptionalism, from crevecoeur to margaret fuller, found the diversity of its interminded tribes to be its foremost asset. mixing ana hybridisation what french thinkers like to call metissage is the future, as it was our past. at the end of the day, we cannot long escape the simple logic ofdemography. while africa, for example, has an annual birth surplus of 15m, the european community has an annual birth deficit of 1.2m. according to un estimates, in just 30yea the copulation of sub-saharan africa will exceed the com binetpopulation of all western nations. most men in this world are coloured, the great black amencan intellectual e. b. du bois once observed. a belief in humanity means _ belief in coloured men. the future the black experience georgia congresswoman empowers voiceless bia clara germani staff writer of the christian science monitor washington black, female, and young, newly seated congresswoman cynthia mckinney is part of the forward guard of a new generation infiltrating the corridors of traditionally white male power. her reception at the capitol is perhaps the clearest example of how unusual the georgia democrat's presence here is: guards at staff entrances and staff elevators still try to turn her away because she doesn't look like a member of congress, she says. but then, says ms. mckinney, she s not trying to fit into a status quo that has traditionally left her constituents "voiceless and oftentimes voteless as well." instead, she wants washington to adjust to where she's coming from: the newly drawn majority-black 11th district of georgia. extending through urban, suburban, and rural areas 140 with high concentrations of poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, and teen pregnancy, the district that mckinney fought to create while she was a state representative is full of people "who have never seen a congressperson, never knew what congress was," she says. "because i go into these meetings and hearings [here] and am invited to sit at the table, [my constituents] have a seat at the table where decisions are being made that will impact their lives. and that's what is new and different and exciting [about my being here]," she says. small behind her big governmentissue desk, mckinney wore braids, a batik dress, and a mickey mouse watch during a recent interview. but her voice fiercely pointed at times fills her capitol hill office with authority. she is most vehement when explaining the needs of the black community. mckinney, a 37-year-old divorced single mother of a seven-year-old boy, is the daughter of 1c rep. billy mckinney, on first black policemen. si atlanta accompanying civil rights demonstrati she bridles at questio there is a new agenda-that of the civil right 1960s for a new gener leaders. "the agenda for civ stops," she says. "in congressional distric have black people whe nied their right to v elections that have tur who have been turm the polls. no, i can't sa rights era is over." while the black age broadened to include t tions, she says that be remains a core issue tl times be obscured b success of many blacl "certainly you've hi who've been able to t t the system as it is, and that s a thing," she says. "but we need ^have more blacks who are able to veup, and to do that we need to have a government that's more sensitive to the needs of the rest of us." black-community problems such as teenage pregnancy, limited access t0 health care, joblessness, and inferioreducation are all ultimately rooted in limits to avil rights, mckinney says. and how much are these problems due to white racism? "racism is sort of the structural construct around which our society today operates. ... we have a lot of rightthinking, good-hearted white americans who understand that there's a problem. . . but nobody seems to know the answer. ..." mckinney credits her career in politics and as a college instructor working on her doctorate in international affairs to being a "child of affirmative action." but, she adds, that doesn't mean that blacks have completely achieved the civil rights they are due. she points to her own experience campaigning in rural georgia as an example of how racism can still bar access to basic civil rights. she describes how local officials in one rural town escorted her out of the county rather than have her spend the night there, because of fears that ku klux klan members, upset about being put into a majority-black district, might do her harm. but she says the fact that the area elected her as the first black congresswoman from georgia shows that 30. black americans blings are changing. and getting more people of color elected to city councils and county commissions and school boards" is a major part of the minority agenda for the 1990s, mckinney says. but as a black leader, can she represent the interests of the 45 percent of her constituents who are not black? "that was the fallacy all along of those who led white backlash movements: that there was some danger in incorporating blacks into the mainstream of whatever it was to be an american," mckinney says. she adds: "[i] provide an opportunity for them to redeem themselves in a way that is tolerant of people who are different and accepting of differences of opinions." community activist in los angeles stresses economic clout for blacks daniel b. wood ^writer of the christian science monitor los angeles the civil rights era, africanencans should have been looking or economic power instead of the p wer which we thought the answer," says mark whit-^^tive director of l.a. renais-new6 38 year old founder of this 'v?e hos menhi says thdt such fundaw"*" ,ts"w in a in l t ^^ shment for blacks l s ,ha the quart argely unchanged in ploded e century since ^atts ex-"instehere n 1965 money anrl foxing government urband2 ]nvesting k in homes and put it in^ oy,ment' we should have wlocv businesses," mr. foplovinr^5' would now be ourselves, doing business with ourselves, and we would have our own economy that would ensure our place at the decisionmaking tables." the lesson needs to be learned in every large city in america, says whitlock, a st. louis native who went to l. a., later became a chicago businessman, and now is a los angeles father of two. df blacks controlled a more proportional slice of each community's economic pie, he says, clout would extend naturally into politics, culture, and education^ since they do not, he says, the american dream is still a dream deferred for most african-americans." to emphasize his fundamental difference in approach, whitlock has been creating an alternative to the more well-known consortium of city, state, and federal bodies known here as "rebuild l.a." that organization is attempting mere patchwork from the top down, he says, and is doomed to repeat past failures. "you can't rebuild something that was built wrong in the first place," whitlock says. "we need to build anew, from the community up." enter l.a. renaissance, an umbrella organization for about seven programs intended for african-americans to break their cycle of financial and psychological dependency and poverty. to get low-interest loans of $2,000 to $20,000 to start a business in the community for instance, applicants must first complete a 10-week entrepreneurial program. a job-creation and employment section focuses on rareer development and promotion, developing skills for particular industries. another program provides mentoring for young men and women about discipline, self-esteem, and getting on successful educational tracks early other ideas include breakfasts to hear national and community leaders, and sports activities to provide alter141 6. african americans natives to gangs and the drug culture. "this is a response to the total reversal of the great society programs of the '60s," says the rev. john cager, an l.a. renaissance project manager. "ceta [the comprehensive employment and training act], jtpa [the job training partnership act], job corps you don't hear about [federal] programs like that anymore. they failed because they just threw money at the problems until things quieted down. so we're starting our own." by most accounts, credit for the success of l.a. renaissance in securing nearly $5 million in underwriting from such companies as the disney company, reebok, and arco goes to whitlock. a self-described ex-drug user and dealer, formerly a gang member and a homeless person, whitlock broke that cycle through his involvement with the leading african-american church in los angeles, first african methodist episcopal (fame). after rising to vice president of a chicago insurance firm, whitlock wanted to harness his experience for struggling blacks back on the streets of his former community. "i learned how millions of dollars were advancing the goals of my employers from real estate to banking," says whitlock. "i thought, why not translate my experience directly to the african-american community?" "mark has come to los angeles as a care package," says cecil murray, head pastor of fame. "he is equally comfortable in the boardroom, on the gang streets, or in the pulpit. he helps african-americans believe in themselves because they believe in him." the wall of whitlock's office bears tributes to his civic accomplishments. certificates from the police department, the mayor, and the city attorney recognize such programs as one he spearheaded four years ago to rid the local community of gangs, crack houses, and prostitution. fifty to 200 men walked the streets for months serving notice t1 havior would not be tok teen crack houses were "i want everything i message to african-an you cannot blame the what has happened," v "if you do, you will cc main a victim." african-americans e nied the same financial fair housing, and e< whites, he says. but he time is ripe to reverse his clarion call for a cans in the 1990s: har: and brightest, not for 500 companies, but bad where they can help the themselves up by the b "many have had . mentality for so ion; know how to break says. "well, it's the e: creates the rules, and ii to create our own rule 142 article 31 growing up in black and white for african-american children, learning to love themselves is a tough challenge jack e. white mommy, i want to be white. imagine my wife s anguish and alarm when our beautiful brown-skinned three-year-old daughter made that declaration. we thought we were doing everything right to develop her self-esteem and positive racial identity. we overloaded her toy box with black dolls. we carefully monitored the racial content of our tv shows and videos, ruling out song of the south and dumbo, two classic disney movies marred by demeaning black stereotypes. but we saw no harm in pinocchio, which seemed as racially benign as sesame street or barney, and a good deal more engaging. yet now our daughter was saying she wanted to be white, to be like the puppet who becomes a real boy in the movie. how had she got that potentially soul-destroying idea and, even more important, what should we do about it? that episode was an unsettling re-minder of the unique burden that haunts hck parents in america: helping their children come to terms with being black m a country where the message too often to be that being white is better. developing a healthy self-image would difficult enough for black children with all the real-life reminders that macks and whites are still treated differ-cnly but it is made even harder by the seductive racial bias in tv, movies and mildren s books, which seem to link ^erything beautiful and alluring with wmteness while often treating blacks as aftenhoughts. growing up in this all fading world of whiteness can be psychologically exhausting for black children just as th l disturbance of the 20th century. prior to 1965, when discriminatory barriers against asian immigration were lifted, the korean population in the united states was small. but from 1970 to 1990 the numbers of koreans soared from 70,598 to 820,000. since 1980, 33,000 koreans have entered the country each year, a rale of growth exceeded only by filipinos and hispanics. middle class in origin and highly educated as a group, korean immigrants have made their mark on the local los angeles economy. although composing ^ly 10 percent of the koreatown population, koreans own 42 percent of the commercial lots, 40 percent of office buildings, and 41 percent of all shopping centers within an area ten times arger than chinatown and little tokyo combined. throughout the 1970s to the present, the korean american ethnic sub-economy in los angeles has flour-j 'n comparison to the sluggish per-qtmance of the county at large. but such economic strides have earned the of many blacks and latino, tie winning the praise of commen-who point to korean americans as a shining example of entrepreneurial capitalism at work. nationally, black-korean tensions have often escalated into violent incidents. in brooklyn, new york the family red apple grocery store operated by bong jae jang was boycotted for 16 months by protesters after it was claimed that store employees beat an african american customer they had accused of stealing. the city of los angeles was the site of the march 16, 1991 shooting death of 15from new york to los angeles, the korean american shopkeeper has been portrayed as the principal antagonist of the ethnic underclass composed of blacks and hispanics. year-old latasha harlins by the proprietor of a family-nm market. soon ja du. the following november, when compton superior court judge joyce a. karlin sentenced soon ja du to five years probation, the african american community was outraged. in the popular imagination, the , reprinted by permission. drama of black-korean conflict is played out at mom and pop food and liquor stores. in truth, korean-owned businesses comprise a diverse range of enterprise including manufacturing, finance, insurance, retail and wholesale trade, construction, and real estate. the popular association of the retail food and liquor trade with korean americans no doubt stems from their over representation in this area of business activity. as of 1980, 3.5 percent of all businesses that sell liquor were owned by koreans although they represented only 0.8 percent of the population in los angeles county. prior to the mid-1960s, the liquor store trade in south-central los angeles was dominated by jewish american merchants. the watts riots of 1965 precipitated the flight of jewish american proprietors, who sold their stores cheaply to blacks. african american proprietors in turn dominated the retail liquor store trade from the late 1960s through the 1970s. the deregulation of liquor prices in 1978 made it difficult for small store owners to maintain already marginal profits. as a consequence, many african american owners sold their stores, often at a good profit, to korean immigrants who saw small-scale family proprietorships as a point of entry into the economy. from new york to los angeles, the korean american shopkeeper has been portrayed as the principal antagonist of the ethnic underclass composed of blacks and hispanics. a classic example of what sociologists refer to as a middleman minority, korean american small business owners serve as an effective buffer between absentee euroamerican capitalist owners and non 5. asian americans white residents living in core urban areas. the korean american business person is often held up as proof of social mobility in a class-bound society, a living denial that race prejudice works as a barrier to economic success. yet it is a combination of social discrimination and lack of english language competence that forces korean immigrants into the ethnic enclave economy in the first place. the myth-making potential of asian immigrants in the service of u.s. capital already has been exploited by government officials. in june of last year, president bush addressed a crowd of an estimated 40,000 asian americans at mile square park in fountain valley, california. the event was billed by the white house as being the first such address delivered specifically to an asian american audience. over the past several years, the gop has sensed a strengthening ideological linkage between its attacks on the welfare state and the growing asian american immigrant community. many recent asian immigrants to the united states embrace such republican verities as free enterprise, family-based entrepre-neurialism, self-help, and a minimalist deflnition of government. the anticommunism of republican leaders and pro-business policies of the conservative regime are additional lures to this i rapidly emerging constituency. as part of the attack on the welfare state, the forces of conservative reac-i tion point to asian immigrant families ! as exemplars of the entrepreneurial ideal which eschews federal support in favor of a self-sufficient localism. it ' is not uncommon for newspaper accounts to write of asian newcomers who have provided a fresh injection of economic investment and ingenuity for their new communities. vietnamese and korean merchants in particular are praised for their bringing about the revitalization of areas that were once in economic decline. but as ivan light and edna bon-acich observe in their exhaustive study immigrant entrepreneurs: koreans in los angeles 1965-1982 (1991), large-scale u.s. capital looms in the back-ground through the sales and service of national business franchises and by subcontracting piece-work to korean american manufacturing concerns. the highly competitive garment manufac-wring industry is but one example of unequal economic exchange between 130 historically, the responses to asian immigration to the u.s. has ranged from enthusiastic acceptance to violent rejection depending on a given group s relationship to capital. korean small business and large u.s. corporations. more importantly, korean american small businesses provide indirect benefits to large-scale capital by distributing national brand-name products to under served urban populations, reducing labor standards and costs, pioneering new areas of enterprise for eventual takeover by big capital, and perpetuating the myth of ethnic entrepreneurial success within class society. the calamitous events that followed the not-guilty verdict in the rodney king trial gives lie to the myth of asian american entrepreneurial success currently being trumpeted by a number of journalists and academics, including joel kotkin, james fallows, peter l. berger, thomas sowell, and dinesh d souza. koreatown was especially hard hit by firebomb attacks and looting, two days and nights of terror which were interpreted by the news media as the almost inevitable result of ongoing conflict between blacks and korean americans. the estimated loss of about 850 korean-owned businesses at a cost of up to $300 million during the rebellion graphically illustrates the daily risks taken by merchants who do business in urban areas deemed too unprofitable by corporate chains. in the popular culture, the tension-fraught relationship between the korean store owner and his black clientele in spike lee s do the right thing was emblematic of the black-korean conflict, with the climactic scene prefiguring the much larger conflagration that was to later engulf large sections of los angeles. rap artist ice cube added fuel to the fire by his 47second diatribe black kore death certificate, which advis respectful chop suey ass merci pay respect to the black fist, c bum your store right down to a c placed in its historical cont< recent attack on l.a. s koreal consistent with 150 years of 1 and overt acts of violence agains american communities. suchen in asian americans: an inte, history (1991) divides anti-asi tility into several distinct but categories: prejudice, econon crimination, political disenfn ment, physical violence, imm exclusion, social segregation, ar ceration. the irony of this mos attack against the korean a community lies in the fact that during a time when immigrati no longer discriminate against de jure discrimination has cea legislation exists to presen rights. but such formal gains past 25 years have been rend< wally meaningless because 12 regressive social and economic under reagan/bush has fra: cities such as los angeles into ly antagonistic groups for wl vival means ongoing struggle one another with little regar abstract principles of liberal dei the first recorded attack on community in los angeles to in 1871, when a mob invade town and attacked its resident: end of the melee, fifteen chi been hanged, four shot, i wounded. as in the case crimes committed against as perpetrators were never fully by white civil authorities. the record is filled with many i counts of violent attacks agaii communities of which the k siege is but the latest example. historically, the responses immigration to the u.s. ha from enthusiastic acceptance rejection depending on a give relationship to capital. for leland stanford, whose centi railroad was in dire need of < ploitable labor, welcomed i migration while the irish wor was noteworthy for its virule: tion to chinese workers v economic competitors. acc david r. roediger in the whiteness: race and the mal american working class (1 28. black-korean confli ^^chinese campaign was national aki ^eartteaded by irish american im-ctigrant workers for whom whiteness" their ticket for inclusion into a her-guttm republican order where class divisions were elided by a common anglo-saxon racial heritage. in the latter 19th century when antiasian hysteria was at a high, asian immigrants, mexicans, indians, and african americans were lumped together as equally ineligible for full participation in the economy. yet in 1992 we are treated to the specter of non-white minorities battling each other for the few crumbs that have fallen from the well-set tables of capitalists who live in homogeneous communities patrolled by private security forces. fully 122 years separate the first recorded attack on an asian community in los angeles and the april 1992 outbreak of violence in koreatown. while the faces of the koreatown attackers were predominantly black and brown, the underlying causes of their anger. hostility, and resentment against asia are not so dissimilar from that of th white working class counterparts w also have been blinded to the subi mechanisms of a capitalist society th divides disenfranchised groups in waning camps. the current blacl korean conflict is at bottom a displaa ment of the more fundamental problen the profoundly disruptive effects c economic inequality. ilie black-korea conflict is not likely to abate unless thi nation moves in the direction of greate economic democr s the elected president of the student body, said that blacks feel as if they re not given the same respect, and to a large extent that feeling is justified. copland, former editor of a conservative campus magazine, has become sympathetic to black activists. they have to use tough tactics, he argued, to get whites to pay attention. for example, said copland, for year after year, there has been an effort on the part of leaders pushing for a free-standing black cultural center to communicate in a civil forum with the administration. and year after year, they have been unsuccessfill. only when they turned up the heat, he said, did the administration respond. but for some, the tactics used by the campus demonstrators were a turn-off. if you can t go through proper channels like i have to do every day, then i can t be supportive, said lee hark. backers of the center counter that focusing on the tactics misses the point. it s kind of scary that what determines support for or against the center is the actions of those trying to achieve it, said valerie halman, a 20-year-old senior from montreal. no bonds. many of the students think the animosity between the races is exacerbated by their relative isolation. most blacks choose to live on the south campus, instead of the more convenient north campus, because that is where they have a feeling of community. if you do not live with people of other races, then you don t form friendships and bonds, said julie davis, a 21-year-old junior from atlanta. lili stern, a 19-year-old sophomore from oriental, n.c., proves the point: she has made a number of black friends because she lives on the south campus. if you want to learn about black culture, then the south campus is where you have to be, she says. still, there are real cultural gaps white students, the group agreed, tend to center social activities on alcohol, while blacks make music the center. many of the students believe that blacks who try crossing racial unes to socialize are pressured to back off. culley carson, a 21-year-old junior from durham n.c., said that a friend who has a white and a black parent was told by blacks: you re gray. what are you doing over there at that white fraternity? said carson: it was basically people saying we don t care what your background is, this is what we want you to do. jill jacobs, 22, a senior from goldsboro, n.c., said freshman african-american students feel a lot of pressure initially to be black. ... i m not suggesting that there is anything wrong in identifying with your culture and finding that there are other people who feel the same way that you do, but there is something wrong in saying you re here, we re going to take care of you and you can separate yourself from all that other stuff. then there is dating. most of the couples that are interracial are not out in the open about it, said stern, because they are just so afraid. black male friends have told stern that if they were ever to date a white female, they would just be closed off from the black female population of the school. athletes seem to be the only ones who can comfortably defy campus mores. hark said his often intolerant fraternity brothers view it as cool when a black basketball player has a white girlfriend. i guess it s just pointing to a double standard. many whites deeply resent what they see as a double standard in admissions. jim copland told of a white high-school classmate whose admission to chapel hill was denied and another whose entry was deferred, while a black with weaker credentials was admitted. a lot of friends from my hometown know the people who ve gotten in and the people who haven t, and it s a big issue with them, said copland. about 68 percent of black applicants are admitted, compared with a 60 percent admission rate for in-state students and a 12 percent rate for out-of-staters. i definitely think there s a feeling that the affirmativeaction system admits people who are not qualified, said julie davis. yet, despite all the tension, students in the group are surprisingly optimistic. valerie halman sees the campus turning the corner very soon. she anticipates a surge in education, awareness and communication between groups arising from the debate over the black cultural center. and that, said halman, is really going to make the difference. evident that the gulf of mi misunderstanding between t whites was wide indeed. its va dramatically demonstrated by tense exchanges. many whites, for example gered when philip charles-pie was not too convinced that are white and liberal, who thii are so open, are truly very c many liberals, he said, sufl messiah complex, believin are the only ones who can sav view he deemed subconsc ist. in a retort filled with hark said: philip, that ini when you say stuff like that. was scarcely acknowledged. eighty-eight percent newspaper editors at schools believe that i possible to improve i racial climate on col campuses. black and white together ^hat do you want us to do? when the two groups of students came together on the third night, it was quickly many of the black studei whom would not be considei by chapel hill standards, wished they could be blind 1 ferences but that the reality ways intrudes. vikki merc joint group: i start from the great-grandfather used to then i try to put that out c for a while, that works real! 1 turn on the television and s a ku klux klan march in takes me right back. history s legacy. for phi the best efforts of well-met cannot heal the wounds of r cause of what's happened there s always going to be who consider black people there ll be black people who hate white people," he sai understand that? that s not away." why then, trey ezzel are you trying to educate if. realistically, it s just ne work?" if it doesn t w mcadoo, it would not be effort on his part. but, he < can be mr. unc or mr. still walk around the street < 218 nigger. such experiences, he said, make him wonder what s the purpose of my accomplishments? do the rest of the black students have that same fatalistic viewpoint? lee hark interjected, and jill jacobs then asked plaintively: what do you want us to do? jasme kelly tried to make the whites understand the depth of her racial hurt. she explained that when she becomes friends with whites they unfailingly ask her to come onto their turf but are unwilling to come onto hers. why don t you come to church with me? why don t you come to my grandma s house? she asked of no on in particular. adding to her frustration is a fact of campus life she confronts when visiting predominantly white sororities. every house i ve ever been to, the cook and the housekeeper have been black, said kelly. that s too gone with the wind for me. when the conversation turned to the success of a rally in support of the black cultural center held earlier that day, the racial rift manifested itself again. ezzell, among the most conservative whites in the group, noted that the rally began with hip-hop music. he compared the event with an earlier silent protest that just seemed much more intelligent than a rally where people are rapping. this provoked philip mcadoo: it was so obvious to me when you said there should have been a more intelligent way that you just totally degrade this part of black culture and call it nonintelligent because it s not part of white culture. . . . and you can t tell me that s not what you meant. i don t think it s the responsibility of black people to step outside of who we are when you re not willing to step outside of who you are. but lee hark didn t see it that way: the theme that i ve gotten from the get-go of all the rallying and marching is, we re going to do our black thing, and if you don t understand it and if you can t be with it then screw you. that s how the vast majority of white students on this campus feel, added julie davis. 47. students talk about rac you say to them, you re white and yoi don t understand. to be sure, not all the blacks in the group are as frustrated as mcadoo, noi all the whites as frustrated as davis anc hark. yet it is these exchanges that re veal the real chasm between the races or the chapel hill campus and in much o the world beyond. they illustrate, ir ways that rallies, slogans and speeches simply cannot, just how much race has transformed student life at chapel hill they show the magnitude of die challenge facing not only that campus but higher education as a whole. unfortunately, for all the progress of the pasi decades, race relations today still remair what they have been for generations: ar american dilemma. by alvin p. sanoff and scott minerbrook with jeannye thorntof and elizabeth pezzullc in chapel hill article 48 diversity: a progressive approach organizational programs to celebrate racial and ethnic diversity hold gre promise for promoting respect for human dignity, values of tolerance, an appreciation of difference. john i. gilderbloom and dennis c. golden john i. gilderbloom is an associate professor of urban policy at the university of louisville, louisville, kentucky. dennis c. golden is vice president for student affairs at the university of louisville, louisville, kentucky. diversity programs to fight racism and bigotry have generated a great deal of controversy. detractors of diversity programs claim they cause a simmering backlog of resentment i and division, 2 while producing fraudulent 3 and ugly 4 re suits. the university of louisville s experience with organizing a large-scale, campus-wide diversity program offers no lessons that support these inflainma tory charges. while certain diversity programs have emphasized a separatist and hostile theme which has polarized groups, the university of louisville s cele bration of diversity emphasized the themes ofintegra tion as opposed to segregation, tolerance as opposed to intolerance, heterogeneity as opposed to homogeneitv and inclusiveness rather than exclusiveness. diversity is... one of the most neglected elements of our democracy universities can play a major role in molding com mumty consciousness and influencing a generation young adults by sponsoring celebration of dwersity reprinted with permission from national civir-civic league, inc. all rights reserved c vol. 81, no. 3 s, programs. the success of the university of loi diversity program serves as a model that other emulate. diversity: a progressive apprc diversity is one of the most important aspec development of citizenship, and yet it is ofte the most neglected elements of our democra important to develop informed, accepting and people. if we do not meet this challenge, we wi a nation. valuing diversity means recognizi individuals need to be accepted, understood, nurtured, cherished, and well utilized. erne: argues that we must strive to create a pu community, an open community, a just comm disciplined community, a caring community, nally, a celebrative community.5 boyer s are the stones of a wall against which we will all smash ourselves. many walls must come down in today s germany. even among feminists. 207 understanding cultural pluralism the increase in racial violence and hatred on campuses across the country is manifested in acts ranging from hateful speech to physical violence. strategies for dealing with this problem on a campus include increased awareness through mandatory ethnic studies classes, the empowerment of targets of violence, and fostering social and cultural interaction in festivals, folk-arts fairs, and literary and political forums. systematic knowledge about ethnic groups has not been a central scholarly concern in fact mainstream literacy, humanistic, and historical disciplines have only recently begun to displace sociological attention to the pathologies of urban ethnicity as the primary contact and source of information and in ethnic traditions. the historic role that vo have played in the reduction of bias an needs to be understood and revitalized, ciations can take part in a host of state an that can improve intergroup relations, ents can help children understand co differences among and within ethnic groups. the incorporation of everyday families and a formal pedagogy root locally relevant resources are essential understanding diversity. 208 educational efforts are necessary and productive, but it would be foolish to neglect the enormity of the issues of ethnocentrism and group hatred and prejudice that infect opportunities for better cultural understanding. philosophical reflection on these dimensions of conflict, as well as. recognition of the role of mass media in the social construction of cultures throughout the world, reveal the longterm need for attention to the nature of ethnically charged conflict. there are many ways of measuring the development of wholesome relations among persons and ethnic groups. the evidence cited by various authorities in this chapter indicates contradictions that are probably caused by differences in assumptions and models of social processes used to frame the issues of group development. important in this discussion is the role of government in the process of ethnic group relations. progress in civil rights promoted changes in attitudes toward affirming the equality of all people. the development of this principle has been tracked by the national opinion research center (norc) from the 1960s to the 1980s. norc findings include increased levels of acceptance for blacks and a decreased desire for segregated schools and neighborhoods and for laws prohibiting interracial marriage. nonetheless, attitudes regarding frustration, powerless-ness, racial distrust, and hostility reveal striking disparities in attitudes between blacks and whites. ethnic communities are also frequently in conflict with large-scale corporate powers and the media. what avenues of resolve are available to ensure that authentic cultural resources are preserved and presented in ways that enrich the overall legacy and endowment of america's multiethnic traditions? can the promotion of pluralism and the enhancement of positive prototypes of ethnicity assist the shaping of our national self-image? dialogue among conflicting parties about dilemmas that confront us all in a society driven by technological and economic changes is an essential feature of our freedom and of our responsibility to share and shape the burden of s cial change. although significant strides have been made in combat-lf19 discrimination and defamation against americans of various ethnic groups, much still remains to be done, ^flattering and often distorted stereotypes of ethnic americans continue to appear in the media. in the national and local media in america, ethnic americans still remain substantially underrepresented. efforts to inform our fellow countrymen and women and our children of the history and culture of american ethnic groups through educational programs have suffered serious setbacks. many of the institutions and foundations that were in the forefront of the struggle to create a genuine multicultural pluralism, to promote better understanding between various groups of americans, and to end discrimination have adopted other agendas. advocates of multicultural development, however, argue that to secure rights and justice for all americans, we must address such tasks as: 1. fairness and equal treatment under the law; 2. compilation of full and accurate data on the ethnic composition of the american people; and 3. the promotion of corporate leaders and the appointment of public officials who are representative of and sensitive to america s ethnic diversity. looking ahead: challenge questions have you seen signs of an increase in racist, anti-semitic, anti-immigrant, and antiminority group acts that recent studies apparently confirm? what explains the fact that large population studies confirm that in the areas of ethnic, racial, and religious differences, americans are more tolerant than ever? why do teenagers commit eighty percent of all bias related acts? the public s reluctance to support programs for singlt groups is forcing ethnic advocates to adopt coalitions approaches to solving problems. as a result, coalition building has been transformed from a crusade by utopiai reformers, who once regarded ethnic advocacy as ques tionable, to a movement of rooted leaders and servic providers who work together to meet the needs of divers groups. should ethnic communities formally train the leaders in the art and science of coalition-building? should ethnic groups meet regularly with other ethni groups and engage in friendly what s your agends meetings? does anyone benefit from the persistence of ethn tension and conflict? article 46 america: still a melting pot* tom morganthau few americans remember israel zangwill, but he was a transatlantic celebrity in the years before world war i. poet, novelist, dramatist and political activist, zangwill was a founding father of the zionist movement and an ardent suffragist. he knew theodore roosevelt, oscar wilde and george bernard shaw, and he was a prolific, if preachy, writer. here is a bit of dialogue from zangwill s greatest hit, a four-act melodrama that opened in washington in 1908. the speaker is david, a young composer: america is god s crucible, the great melting-pot where all the races of europe are melting and re-forming. . . germans and frenchmen, irishmen and englishmen, jews and russians into the crucible with you all! god is making the american! the imagery comes from steelmaking which was state-of-the-art technology then. the play is the melting-pot, a phrase that has lived ever since zangwill, despondent at the eclipse of many of his political ideals, suffered a nervous breakdown and died in england in 1926. america had already turned its back on his optimism and, in an orgy of blatant racism, virtually cut off immigration. two generations later, immigration is running full blast-and americans once again are asking fundamental questions about the desirability of accepting so and the very id<* of the melting pot. they believe, with some justice, that the nation has lost control f its borders. they are frightened about the long-term prospects8for k e^n my and worried about their jobs. they think, erroneously, that immigrants are flooding the welfare rolls and are heavily involved in crime. and 210 from newsweek, august 9,1993, they are clearly uncomfortable with the fact that almost all the new immigrants come from latin america, the caribbean and asia. the latest newsweek poll reveals the public s sharply shifting attitudes. fully 60 percent of all americans see current levels of immigration as bad; 59 percent think immigration in the past was good. fifty-nine percent also say many immigrants wind up on welfare, and only 20 percent think america is still a melting pot. all this an incendiary mixture of fact, fear and myth is now making its way into politics. the trend is most obvious in california, where immigration is already a hot-button issue, and it is surfacing in washington. recent events like the world trade center bombing, the arrest of sheik omar abdel-rahman and the grounding of the 1600-1776 seeking greater fortune and religious freedom, europeans braved the atlantic to settle in america before the revolution golden venture, an alien-smuggline shin ig ^ 300 ch nese em contrse^^^ *e 10-year-old we must not-we ti^^ our borders . not~surrender our historv of c wh wish t0 exploit 172 5 propx t!"''" 8 "" 9 ,993............................. visa fraud and phony asylun capitol hill, the revival of; many had thought dead is s political parties, and democ sen. dianne feinstein of c; scrambling to neutralize nt lash. some of the people v me totally 10 years ago are : what s happening to our c gotta do something! said sen. alan simpson of wyoi rennial advocate of tougher i enforcement. it s ironic be; attitudes have shifted dram; it s coming from the citizens this is not the 1920s a most americans regarded d people as inherently inferioi ku klux klan marched thr< ington in a brazen display of when the president of the ui could tell an italian-america man. in writing, that ii predominantly our murderet leggers . . . foreign spawn [v appreciate this country. (th was herbert hoover and th< man was fiorello la gua civil-rights revolution chan; thing: it gradually made ov sions of any ethnic prejud cultural taboo. almost accid moral awakening of the i960 the nation an immigration k opened the golden door. th sed in 1965 with the firm robert kennedy, edward ke lyndon johnson, has slowly le of sustained immigration that as large as that of 1900-1920. tently but totally reversed the law toward immigration ft01 and it created a policy so 0 that almost no one understan policy, in fact, is a mess, w thinks of the desperate chtn< 46. america: still a melting pot' immigration has ranked with com and cars as a mainstay of american economic growth. the traditional theory is simple: energetic workers increase the supply of goods and services with their labor, and increase the demand for other goods and services by spending then-wages. a benign circle of growth uncurls as a widening variety of workers create rising riches for each other. two hundred years of u.s. history seem to confirm this theory. yet the perception today is that immigration is a drag on the economy, not a lift. in truth, it s both. the short-term costs of immigration today are much higher, says michael boskin, formerly chief economist to george bush, but in the long run, immigrants are still great news for our economy. the newsweek poll shows that 62 percent of those surveyed worry that immigrants take jobs away from native-born workers. that can be true in times of high unemployment. in california, where the jobless rate is 9 percent, immigration is soaring and native-born americans are actually leaving to find work in other states, some temporar ct and connoisseur of that city, who immediately recognized washington by his prominent nose. ceracchi's bust of washington the terra cotta original is in the nantes museum in france shows that this sculptor is above all valuable as a portraitist, quick to seize the resemblance, to put in relief the characteristic traits of a person, capable of finesse in details, but unable to bring out completely the individuality of his models. the reason for this being that he put his gift of shrewd observer at the service of an aesthetic resolutely opposed to the portrait nd vivum. having given life to his portraits, he then gives them lifeless eyes, a conventional posture, corresponding to a greek-roman type and with accessories from classical times. faithful to reality at first, he then clothes his portraits with conventional idealization. in this, he be-ongs to the spirit of the times, which demanded rhetoric. is style which also corresponds to his own personality 0 proud theoretician, imbued with republicanism.4 born in rome on july 5, 1751, son of domenico, a 8 smith, giuseppe ceracchi studied at the accademia 01 san luca and received a prize in 1771. at this time he to have adopted neoclassical aesthetics. he * * ^an' florence, and london, where he exe-,e several important monuments and portrait busts, sh ud*g one sir joshua reynolds. ceracchi's work a combination of the nobility of roman busts and expression suggested by his french conf porar^; he was also extremely faithful to the model s ter^v vienna, in 1779, he worked for empress maria card $ i to rome, he did the portrait busts of meta t s and rinunaldi, as well as one of the poet but n 10' ^ginally destined for the pantheon in rome w the pinacoteca capitolina in rome. in berlin 36. early italian sculptors he did the portrait bust of frederick ii and in amsterdam began the monument to baron van der capellen, which, unpaid for, was to end up at the pincio garden in rome' ceracchi arrived in america with his family in 1791. he brought with him a project for an equestrian monument to george washington. this monument was to be a group sculpture sixty feet high with a base circumference of eleven colossal statues, six smaller statues of animals and other ornaments, the whole in marble together with a bronze equestrian statue of the hero set on a large pedestal. the model of this monument was publicly exhibited in philadelphia. since the continental congress had voted for the erection of a monument to washington, ceracchi had come to bid for the commission. however, the sum of $30,000 was considered too large, and private subscriptions were not successful in raising the sum. the project was put off until after the death of the general. it was left to another italian, enrico causid, to execute the first washington monument in baltimore in 1829. the commission for the washington monument in raleigh, north carolina, was given to antonio canova, who used the ceracchi portrait bust for his larger-than-life washington, portrayed in the dress of a roman general and writing on a tablet; the inscription read: "giorgio washington al popolo degli stati uniti 1796 amici e concittadini." canova's statue arrived in november 1821 and was placed in the raleigh state house. according to craven, it was one of the most famous works of art in america, and "it played a large role in establishing monumental marble statuary in america."5 unfortunately it was destroyed by fire in 1830. ceracchi had brought art objects to present prominent americans, induding washington, who felt obliged to refuse the gift because of his public office. ceracchi is considered, with the exception of houdon, to be the greatest sculptor ever to have visited america. he modeled about two dozen busts of american founding fathers. leaving america at the end of 1792 with his terra cotta casts as well as the model for the equestrian statue, he planned to carve them in marble in italy. ulysse desportes, ceracchi's biographer, wrote: a treasure trove of extraordinary interest to students of early american art and history may wait unrecognized in some storeroom in florence. over two dozen life portrait busts of america's founding fathers were left m the tuscan capital by their author, giuseppe ceracchi, roman sculptor and political exue. the busts, m terra cotta, were madded in the united states in t791-1792. among the distinguished subjects represented were the first four presidents of the republic, as weu as alexander hamilton sal henry knox and david rittenhouse. ceracchi hadbeen obliged to abandon them in florence when he s from the city under pressure from the local authon x left& us to model to monument to george washington.6 ceracchi returned to the united states in 1794, bringing x 2 marble busts of washington and some of hrs other american portraits. 165 7. the ethnic legacy ceracchi next began a project for a colossal group honoring the goddess liberty. in his prospectus, he wrote that liberty was to be represented . . . descending in a chariot drawn by four horses, darting through a volume of clouds which conceal the summi of a rainbow. her form is at once expressive of dignity and peace. in her right hand she brandishes a flaming dart, which dispels the mists of error and ffluminates the universe; her left is extended in the attitude of calling upon the people of america to listen to her voice. the project was dismissed, however, only to be realized about a century later, with a number of attempts made during the interval. meanwhile, ceracchi became very busy doing busts of jefferson, franklin, rittenhouse, and alexander hamilton. desportes said of the hamilton bust: "probably no example of neoclassical portrait sculpture ever proved to be as successful as this one." after hamilton's tragic death in 1801, this bust enjoyed great commercial success, with hundreds of copies being executed. a thirty-cent u.s. stamp of 1870 carried hamilton's bust by ceracchi; in fact the bust has served as a modd for most, if not all, the effigies of hamilton. the painter john trumbull, who had known ceracchi and done his portrait, painted his hamilton from ceracchi's bust, and an engraving based on that portrait can be seen on our ten-dollar bill.7 on december 29, 1794, ceracchi attended a meeting arranged by charles willson peale to plan for the establishment of an academy in philadelphia, then the foremost artistic center, where the arrival of a number of experienced painters and engravers (mostly from england) made the idea of an american academy seem possible. the agreement, adopted and signed by sixty-two artists, expressed the desire "to do our utmost effort to establish a school or academy within the u.s. to be called the columbianum, or american academy of fine arts." however, here the agreement faltered. the group split between the newly arrived artists from england, who proposed to offer honorary leadership to george washington, thereby putting him in the same position as the king of england in regard to the royal academy, and the native artists, who felt the idea abhorrent. ggrarrhi, "disputatious, sharp, uncompromising, heart and soul for freedom and democracy/'8 was among the most vehement in protest. upon his return to france, ceracchi became a very good friend of napoleon, then a young general, of whom he did the first portrait bust, now known only in an engraving. he hoped that napoleon would help him in his dream of freeing the papal states and eventually the whole of italy from foreign rule and bring about a democratic italian republic. however, when napoleon proclaimed himself first consul-obviously betraying the democratic ideal ceracchi cherished above art and life-he took part in a conspiracy against him. by a strange coincidence, john vanderlyn, one of the first native amer ican artists to go to europe to study, was in paris on his way to rome when ceracchi, "the celebrated set and his three companions were publicly guillotii january 31,1801. vanderlyn witnessed the executi was greatly moved, describing deaths in a tribute bravery of these lovers of freedom.9 we have seen ceracchi at home in america, wl found his dream of freedom a reality. eager to port founding fathers, he applied his ideals of neoc purity and severity to his portrait busts and mont plans. but america, into which he brought a st; was to last for the next seventy years, was not r give its financial support to the artist and his large even those who posed for their portraits found it that they should pay for them. ceracchi, so celebrated during his life and cor second only to canova, sank into oblivion. foi century he was remembered chiefly because of h death, or else he was dismissed rather contemptu unstable. some art historians even were in error a birthplace; as late as 1970, he was said to have be in corsica. a general confusion has existed regar works. only recently, the art historian desportes historian, de felice,10 have told the full story. we ceracchi as an extraordinary product of that era o nate ideals of democracy and freedom. the parallels between ceracchi and vittork (1749-1803), italy's foremost tragic playwright, v almost an exact contemporary of ceracchi, are irn like ceracchi, alfieri was an enthusiastic ad: george washington, to whom, in 1787, he dedic tragedy brute primo: to the illustrious and free man, general washington: only the name of the liberator of america can stand before the tragedy of the liberator of rome. a presentation copy of the play, bearing was! signature on the page on which the dedication i in the boston athenaeum. alfieri had already h american revolution with a group of five odes, 1 libera (1781-1783). however, it is the brute secondo, the play 2 conspiracy against caesar, which might have ceracchi. "i believe firmly that in the theater mf learn to be free, strong, generous, zealous fol true virtue . . . devoted to their country . . their emotions and enthusiasms ardent, upri magnanimous,"11 alfieri had written. we do i whether these two great italians, both restless c lious against the foreign rulers of their country, travelled extensively around europe, ever met. 1 ble, however, that on fearlessly climbing the ceracchi's thoughts were on alfieri's brutus. ceracchi was not the first italian sculpto national monuments in the united states. th' montgomery in st. paul church, new york cuted in 17//, is considered the first national n 166 in this country, and it is the work of caffieri. other italians who did washington portraits (though not from life) were trentanove, from the stuart portrait, and antonio capellano, in 1828. capellano also did the marble sculpture for the battle monument by godefroy in baltimore and probably many other works, not yet identified, for he was able to retire in wealth to a "small palace" in florence, where his friend rembrandt peale, the painter, visited him in 1831. had ceracchi stayed in the united states, he would surely have been called to decorate the u.s. cap since. unarguably, economic restructuring hit whites as well as blacks, but the new service sector favored those with education and there were many more educated white men than blacks in the 70s as vast numbers of baby boomers streamed out of the nation s colleges looking for jobs. ironically, just as the job market col 150 lapsed for black men, it opened for black women, who went to college while black men went to war. armed with the college degrees that black males didn t have and pushed by the burgeoning women s movement, growing numbers of black women found spots in corporate america. as with white women in the 80s, that bought them greater independence. but the jobs of black women came at the expense of black men. throughout the workplace, says yale s comer, there was a trade-off. the one black woman was a two-fer: you got a black and a woman. since then, the gap between white women s income and black women s has disappeared black women s salaries are the same as whites . but the chasm between black and white men has barely moved. in 1969, black men earned 61 cents for every dollar white men earned; by 1989, the number had increased to only 69 cents. and that s for black men who were working; more and more, they found themselves without jobs. during the same time, the number of black men with less than a high-school education who found jobs dropped from two thirds to barely half. and it s likely to worsen: in the last 25 years, the proportion of black men in college has steadily eroded. america has less use for black men today than it did during slavery, says eugene rivers, who helps run computertraining programs as pastor of boston s azusa christian community. though he is scarcely 11, lugman kolade dreams of becoming an electrical engineer. but he already wears the grievous pain of a man who feels left out. lugman is a small, studious, roman catholic schooler from washington, d.c., who will enter the six fall, a superb student who u diocese science fair with ; electric meter. unlike most male youth project he attem baptist church, his parents his mother works for the d public works; describing w' does doesn t come easy. m to be a [construction] engii his job because they weren t right; they would give whit jobs who did less work. nt an ice-cream truck. black men were hurt, illegal economy. as the lej ketplace case them aside, tl took off, enlisting anyone promise of fast money. ire comer, you had to make a extra effort to get into the and no effort to get into th tern. for many on the fring no contest. it overwheln structive forces in the stream, he says. disprt too, black men are in pri: while african-americans n 12 percent of the populatio posed 44 percent of the inr prisons and local jails in 1 1990, homicide was the lea death for young black men the economy explains on what happened. the sexual the 70s was the second g) changed the black family, social tide that erased taboos motherhood affected all w and blacks took different women delayed both marric bearing, confident that, do there would be a pool of men. not so for black wor layed marriage but not chi they were less certain there' for them. in what they call* shift, census officials repor year that less than 75 per women are likely to ever ma with 90 percent of whites. more dramatic is the chi! ture. between 1960 and i1 portion of young white v birth out of wedlock rose percent, markedly faster tl blacks. the slower rate oi blacks was small comfort-42 percent was already so that if it had kept pace w race, ti would have topped by now. as things stand, it 33. endangered family yecting marriage fore 1950, young black women were ually more likely to get married than lite women. 390 1900 10 '20 30 40 50 '60 70 80 '90 juke andrew chekun, "marriage. divorce. hfmarriage". 91 harvard u,wersm press traditionally, the extended family has :rved as a safety net. but the terrible ony of history is that it has also hurt the lack family. while intended as a cush-m, the network, in effect, enabled more ingle women to have children. and that teips explain why not only poor black ramen, but middleand upper-class 'lacks as well, have had children out of vedlock at higher rates than white ramen. historically, white women have tad only themselves to rely on for child rearing, and so marriage became more of an imperative. for blacks, the network of extended kin is a tradition rooted in african customs that emphasize commu-over marriage. although historians y that most black children grew up in hvo-parent households during slavery, as we" as in the 19th and early 20th centu-nes, high rates of poverty, widowhood and urban migration reinforced the need or interdependence that continues today. e oft-repeated african proverb it a whole village to raise a child ecnoes back to that. now the extended family is breaking down. yet the black family s expectations for it haven t diminished. both sides feel the strains. with the soaring number of teenage mothers, grandparents today are getting younger and more likely to be working themselves. a 32-year-old grandmother isn t necessarily eager, or able, to raise a grandchild, especially when that child becomes a teenager and the problems multiply. and, after generations of no fathers, there are no grandfathers, either. what s more, the tradition of a real neighborhood is disappearing. it used to be that everyone looked out for everyone else, said community activist claudette burroughs-white of greensboro, n.c. now i think people are kind of estranged. they don t get involved. it s safer not to. many families left in the inner city the ones most in need of support are increasingly isolated from relatives able to flee to the suburbs. not every poor black mother is in a strong kinship network, says cherlin. many are living alone, hiding behind double-locked doors in housing projects. what s the solution? nearly 30 years after lyndon johnson launched the war on poverty, experts on the black family return again and again to the same ideas better education, more jobs, discouraging teen pregnancy, more mentoring programs. but now the question is, who should deliver government or blacks themselves? ever since the government started abandoning social programs in the 70s and early 80s, black families have been left on their own to find a way out. those who would argue against funneling in more government dollars say we tried that, but nothing works. lemann, who believes that most of the positive social changes in black america were sparked by government intervention, dismisses the conceit that spending on social welfare failed. the war on poverty, he says threw out some untested ideas, some of which worked like head start, the job corps and foster grandparents and some of which didn t. beyond the all-or-nothing extremes, there is room for solutions. moynihan believes the nation has been in a collective denial phase about the black family for the last 25 years. but he says he s encouraged. we re beginning to get a useful debate on this. will self-help do it? though few african-american leaders expect what they call white america to come to the rescue, they re equally skeptical that the thousands of programs filling church rec rooms and town-hall meeting rooms can, on their own, turn things around. people who are trying to salvage a lot of the children are burnt out, they think it s like spitting into the ocean, says poussaint, who doesn t dispute the pessimism. the problems are overwhelming. it s like treating lung cancer and knowing that people are still smoking. there aren t many places left to look for answers. when black leaders peak with one voice, it is about the deep crisis of faith and purpose that came with integration: the very promise that african-americans would be brought into the american mainstream has left many by the wayside. what s the penalty for doing nothing? we could revert to a caste society, says moynihan. others are just as bleak. there are sparks of hope, says comer, but he warns: it s getting late, very late. the problems of the black family have been apparent for decades. and so has our collective understanding that we must take them on. what we need to find now is a voice to start the dialogue. 151 article 34 m white patriarchal supremacy the politics of family in americ jewell handy gresham the past is not dead. it s not even past. william faulkner in april 1844, secretary of state john calhoun, the pre-eminent southern philosopher of states rights, directed a letter to the british ambassador in washington attesting that where blacks and whites existed in the same society, slavery was the natural result. wherever the states changed that providential relationship, the blacks invariably degenerated into vice and pauperism accompanied by the bodily and mental afflictions incident thereto deafness, blindness, insanity, and idiocy. in the slave states, in contrast, the blacks improved greatly in number, comfort, intelligence, and morals. to prove his point, calhoun supplied statistics from the 1840 census. the data showed a shocking rate of black insanity in new england: one out of every fourteen in maine, every twenty-eight in new hampshire, every forty-three in massachusetts, etc. the overall figure for the north was almost ten times the rate in the south, where only one lunatic for every 1,309 blacks was shown in virginia, one in 2,447 in south carolina, etc. at the time calhoun wrote that letter, one of the country s leading newspapers had just broken the scandal of the plot by president tyler s administration to annex texas as slave territory a potential constitutional crisis certain to inflame the bitter north-south conflict. in that context, calhoun s statistics were intended less for the british than for congress, to which he forwarded copies. there was only one flaw in his argument: the figures were false. dr. edward jarvis of massachusetts general hospital, a leading specialist in the incidence of insanity, immediately challenged them. joined by the prestigious american statistical association, jarvis conducted an exhaustive study of every town and county in the free states in which black insanity had been reported by the census bureau in case after case, the number of insane blacks proved larger than the state s total black population! the a.s.a. s comprehensive study forward president john quincy adams in the house o tives concluded that it would have been far no census at all, than such a one as has been pi urged congress either to correct the data or c own it as the good of the country . . . and humanity shall demand. but when adams, t his diary, confronted calhoun at the state de; latter answered like a true slavemonger. .. like a trodden rattlesnake on the exposure of h to the house . . . and finally said that where many errors they balanced one another, and le conclusion as if they were all correct. th p rt blocked by the speaker the and prosl d critically. 1 what we mean by liberal education not that a ti plumps for certain political programs, but th teaching is done in a liberal (open, undog style. i do not doubt that there are conservative an cal teachers who teach in this liberal spirit. v was a student at city college in the late 1930s, ied philosophy with a man who was either a m of the communist party or was cheating it dues. far from being the propagandist of th< line, which sidney hook kept insisting was the sary role of communist teachers, this man was c humane, and tolerant. freedom of thought pn in his classroom. he had, you might say, a li character, and perhaps his commitment to teacl a vocation was stronger than his loyalty to the were such things not to happen now and then, sides would be intolerable. if, then, a university proposes a few required < so that ill-read students may at least glance a they do not know, that isn t (necessarily) elitis ferent teachers will approach the agreed-upon 1 different ways, and that is as it should be. if 2 student gets stuck with a conservative teache conservative student with a leftist teacher, that s what education should be. the university is sa its incoming students: here are some sources dom and beauty that have survived the centui time you may choose to abandon them, but fin something about them. your list of classics includes only dead, white m tied in to notions and values of western hegemony, this narrow excessively the horizons of education? all depends on how far forward you go to c( your list of classics. if you do not come closer present than the mid-eighteenth century, t! course there will not be many, or even any, wo your roster. if you go past the mid-eighteen tury to reach the present, it s not at all tn only dead, white males are to be included, ample and this must hold for hundreds o. teachers also i have taught and written abo austen, emily bronte, charlotte bronte, el gaskell, george eliot, emily dickinson, edith ton, katherine anne porter, doris lessing, an nery o connor. i could easily add a compan of black writers. did this, in itself, make me teacher? i doubt it. did it make me a better 238 51. value of the canoi we still lack modes of evaluation subtle enough to say for sure. the absence of women from the literature of earlier centuries is a result of historical inequities that have only partly been remedied in recent years. virginia woolf, in a brilliant passage in a room of one s own, approaches this problem by imagining judith, shakespeare s sister, perhaps equally gifted but prevented by the circumstances of her time from developing her gifts: any woman born with a great gift in the sixteenth century would certainly have gone crazed, shot herself, or ended her days in some lonely cottage outside the village, half witch, half wizard, feared and mocked at. . . . a highly gifted girl who had tried to use her gift for poetry would have been so thwai ted and hindered by other people, so tortured and pulled asunder by her own contrary instincts, that she must have lost her health and sanity. . .. the history that virginia woolf describes cannot be revoked. if we look at the great works of literature and thought through the centuries until about the mideighteenth century', we have to recognize that indeed they have been overwhelmingly the achievements of men. the circumstances in which these achievements occurred mav be excoriated. the achievements remain precious. to isolate a group of texts as the canon is to establish a hierarchy of bias, in behalf of which there can be no certainty of judgment. there is mischief or confusion in the frequent use o the term hierarchy by the academic insurgents, a conflation of social and intellectual uses. a social hierarchy may entail a (maldistribution of income and power, open to the usual criticisms; a literary hierarchy signifies a judgment, often based on historical experience, that some works are of supreme or abiding value, while others are of lesser value, and still o ers quite without value. to prefer elizabeth bishop dith krantz is not of the same order as sanctioning e inequality of wealth in the united states. to pre er shakespeare to sidney sheldon is not of the same order as approving the hierarchy of the nomenklatura in communist dictatorships. _ . , as for the claim that there is no certainty o ju g ment, all tastes being historically molded or in ivi dally subjective, i simply do not believe that t e pe pie who make it live by it. this is an egalitananisrn f valuation that people of even moderate dera y know to be false and unworkable the making judgments, even if provisional and historically mo luted, is inescapable in the life of culture. 1 cannot make judgments or demonstrate t e grou for our preferences, then we have no business fog literature we might just as well be teac mg tising and there is no reason to have departme literature. . / the claim that there can be value-free teaching is a deception or self-deception; so too the claim t at ^.,1^ texts untouched by social and political bias. po dies is everywhere, and it s the better part of honesty to if you look hard (or foolishly) enough, you can fm< political and social traces everywhere. but to see pol tics or ideology in all texts is to scrutinize the riches c literature through a single lens. if you choose, you cai read all or almost all literary works through the singl lens of religion. but what a sad impoverishment of th-imagination, and what a violation of our sense of real: ty, this represents. politics may be in everything, bu not everything is politics. a good social critic will knot which texts are inviting to a given approach and whicl it would be wise to leave to others. to see politics everywhere is to diminish the weigh of politics. a serious politics recognizes the limits of it reach; it deals with public affairs while leaving alon large spheres of existence; it seeks not to totalize it range of interest. some serious thinkers believe tha the ultimate aim of politics should be to render itsel superfluous. that may seem an unrealizable goa meanwhile, a good part of the struggle for freedom ii recent decades has been to draw a line beyond whic politics must not tread. the same holds, more or les: for literary' study and the teaching of literature. wittingly or not, the traditional literary and intellects canon was based on received elitist ideologies, the values^ western imperialism, racism, sexism, etc na*e^ the humanities was marked by corresponding biases-it is no necessary to enlarge the canon so that voices from africa asu for minority students so that they may learn about their ongi and thereby gain in self-esteem. it is true that over the decades some university teaci orworse,could bux al! and devoted to democrat norms demic insu yet the picture drawn by some . gents that most teachers, u wgstern society is ove l grip of the and col!et drawn. i can testify upholding we teachers a few ^ades sharply cri em imperialism or w i instances from a bol cal of american soci ty, us care abo * reformist oudoot th literature both to7ts f their worldviews. (and felt, it ofwn\he firm their worldviews.) o 1 vt reolkach introduced me to hardy's high school teache cruel society can be obscure as a novel sho right at college, a rebels, and up to a p > wrote a thought! fervent anti-stalinis* spenser s poetry for an class analysis o instructor, whose poh gnsh class and fjfrom mine, suggestedit were proba^ hi s in the world, especially as sf there were more thi g recognize. i mem > xces to suggest that there has always bet these instances to sugg 9. understanding cultural pluralism range of opinion among teachers, and if anything, the american academy has tilted more to the left than most other segments of our society. there were of course right-wing professors too; i remember an economics teacher we called steamboat fulton, the object of amiable ridicule among the students who nonetheless learned something from him. proposals to enlarge the curriculum to include nonwestern writings if made in good faith and not in behalf of an ideological campaign are in principle to be respected. a course in ancient thought might well include a selection from confucius; a course in the modern novel might well include a work by tanizaki or garcia marquez. there are practical difficulties. due to the erosion of requirements in many universities, those courses that survive are usually no more than a year or a semester in duration, so that there is danger of a diffusion to the point of incoherence. such courses, if they are to have any value, must focus primarily on the intellectual and cultural traditions of western society. that, like it or not, is where we come from and that is where we are. all of us who live in america are, to some extent, western: it gets to us in our deepest and also our most trivial habits of thought and speech, in our sense of right and wrong, in our idealism and our cynicism. as for the argument that minority students will gain in self-esteem through being exposed to writings by africans and black americans, it is hard to know. might not entering minority students, some of them ill-prepared, gain a stronger sense of self-esteem by mastering the arts of writing and reading than by being told, as some are these days, that plato and aristotle plagiarized from an african source? might not some black students feel as strong a sense of self-esteem by reading, say, dostoyevsky and malraux (which ralph ellison speaks of having done at a susceptible age) as by being confined to black writers? is there not something grossly patronizing in the notion that while diverse literary studies are appropriate for middle-class white students, something else, racially determined, is required for the minorities? richard wright found sustenance in dreiser, ralph ellison in hemingway, chinua achebe in eliot, leopold senghor in the whole of french poetry. are there not unknown young wrights and ellisons, achebes and senghors in our universities who might also want to find their way to an individually achieved sense of culture? in any case, is the main function of the humanities directly to inculcate self-esteem? do we really know how this can be done? and if done by bounding the curriculum according to racial criteria, may that not perpetuate the very grounds for a lack of self-esteem? i do not know the answers to these questions, but do the advocates of multiculturalism? one serious objection to multicultural studies re mains: that it tends to segregate students into cate; fixed by birth, upbringing, and obvious environ had my teachers tried to lead me toward certain v because they were jewish, i would have balked i w to find my own way to proust, kafka, and pirandelk ers who didn t need any racial credentials. pt things are different with students today we oug to be dogmatic about these matters. but are the shared norms of pride and independence among people, s are attacked. the foreigners must leave. jessica doesn t dress like a skinhead anymore. i had to find work, and nobody need know what i think. but what i do after work is nobody s business. doreen, also 20, comes from a small town in eastern germany. she is furious that nothing has happened after the firebombing attacks in rostock and molln. the government must close the border. but not only skinheads are against foreigners; some quite normal people are as well. we are at least doing something. men practice violence; women are the victims. for many years this was the basic formula underlying feminist theory and practice in the west german women s movement. everything could be explained from that standpoint. by assuming the role of victim, one finds a way of legitimately rejecting an awareness from ms., may/june 1993, pp. 18-21. reprinted by permission of ms. magazine. 1993. 205 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s of one s own unjust acts, as well as an awareness of the injustices committed by one s own society. in other words, the others are worse than we are. this was written by christina thiirmer-rohr in a recent article entitled white women and racism. the berlin professor and psychologist is one of the best known theorists of the women s movement in western germany. three years after the political and social upheaval in germany and europe, she is sending an urgent appeal to the white, western women s movement to reject the romantic western view of the white woman as victim, to renounce the self-indulgent self-definition as helpless and incompetent. it s a harsh and sweeping criticism, but it hits home, revealing the weak point in the german women s movement. already in the 1980s much of the west german women s movement had given up a global political vision in favor of a pragmatic here and now reformism. feminists focused their energies on developing numerous social and cultural projects: they founded businesses, worked in political parties, unions, and state institutions, and fought for better status for women and for equal representation in government. slowly but surely, the slogan women s liberation turned into self-actualization. internationalism lost ground and the issue of racism ceased to play an important role in discussions. thiirmer-rohr writes: feminism became a limited intellectual model, a therapeutic instrument for the liberation of the white middle-class woman. then came november of 1989, a turning point in east germany. suddenly, at demonstrations and rallies of the citizens opposition movements, feminist slogans appeared next to demands for more democracy slogans such as the country needs a new kind of woman and those who don t fight end up in the kitchen. seemingly overnight, a more political, activist women s movement emerged in east germany. the movement participated in the process of change at all levels of society, demanding, in a radical and very imaginative spirit, a new, nonpartriarchal society. it was a great feeling we would change everything. we sat in grass-roots political committees, outlined a new constitution, sent our representatives to parliament; we even had a feminist cabinet minister for women s affairs. ulrike bagger, who in late 1989 helped found the independent women s alliance of the gdr, today remembers those times as a dream. within a few months, there were women s centers, cafes, and shelters, as well as municipal offices for women s rights in east germany s larger urban centers. for a short while, there were indications that the awakening in the east might rejuvenate the women s movement in west germany. in many ways they reminded me of our own beginnings in the 1970s. what a fantastic impetus for us. but i also felt that all this wouldn t last long, says historian ursula nienhaus, a feminist activist from western germany as soon as it became obvious that the former east germany would be assimilated into the federal republic, the cassandras from the east and west raised their voices. they warned of the consequences of unification, which for east german women meant the loss of previously unquestioned social rights such as guaranteed employment, day care facilities, and virtually unre stricted abortion rights. in the west, women who during ie dast 20 years had managed to sensitize the society to gender discrimination feared that in a united fatherlan political discourse would gradually disappear from reunification meant more power to men, conservat alism perhaps worse. feminists from the two parts of geri are drifting farther apart. the united fatherland has been a reality for and no unity has been achieved. shortly after the fell, both sides realized that they are not really o that 40 years of separation produced two differei mind-sets, even linguistic differences, and, final social differences between east and west remainec ters are now separated by a new german wall: disappointment, distrust, envy, and competitivenes! in the west say that their eastern counterparts havt how to fight, that they have relinquished their rij feminists in eastern germany, their western sisters s itarian, overbearing, and egoistic. instead of orga actions, feminists from the two parts of germany interest in one another and drifting farther apart. at saying goes: women are losers in the unification is a seldom mentioned common denominator for women; common because women from both side themselves in the familiar role of victim. with th broad-based political vision, there arc now few sign part of germany of an assertive and responsibl movement. i have a feeling that many women here paralyzed. they are preoccupied with their persona women may still attend self-defense classes or carry but that seems to be it, says ulrich, who remarks t not accept the victim role because she knows na' renders many feminists incapable of reacting to whai in their country. but some feminists have begun to react, espe november 1992, when a group of extreme right-win; to a house in molln that was occupied mostly families. 1\vo turkish women and a small girl were result, the subject of racism to which lewish, in african german women have been trying to direct tl of white feminists suddenly acquired a terrifying significance that could no longer be ignored. a grow responsibility among white feminists has result actions that, although lacking in coordination at impact, are a beginning. in november, the germa council, an umbrella organization of womens gi demned all xenophobic and racist attacks. it also work on integrating immigrant women into the co activism of women's organizations in germany-same time, berlin feminists created an antiracism g women s action alliance, modeled after the ew women s action coalition. other groups have set uf respond to calls for help when foreigners homes are 206 campaigning against frauenhass emma, germany s leading feminist magazine, was the first of its kind in europe when it was founded in 1978. it was also the first western german magazine to be distributed in the east, according to its founder and editor in chief alice schwarzer. emma has now initiated a campaign against frauenhass, or hate of the woman, during a time when the country is struggling with fremdenhass hate of the other in hopes of illuminating the connections. this violence is not, as is being reported, the violence of young people, because 99 percent of it is being committed by young men, says schwarzer. the source of hatred of the other is the hatred of men for women, because the woman is the first other for man. she notes that in 1992, 12 people were killed because they were not german, while 800 women were killed because they were women, adding that what we are seeing is the first generation that has been entirely pornographized, that has its head full of the association of desire and violence. schwarzer says that emma, having coined the term frauenhass, is lobbying the justice system to begin collecting statistics on hate crimes against women. jana meredyth talton and have organized protective vigils. some women have taken refugees into their homes to help them adjust to life in a new country. feminists are also fighting to change the country s proposed constitution, due to be adopted this year. one of the principal demands is immediate asylum for women who have been persecuted because of their gender. in addition, activists are hoping to inundate the constitutional commission with letters from women requesting that germany s citizenship requirements be revised. activists say that every person born in germany should, as a matter of course, be given german citizenship, and dual citizenship should be readily granted. it s unacceptable that people who live beyond the urals and do not 45. walls that have yet to fall speak a word of german but claim that their blood is german are instantly granted citizenship. others who have been living here for 30 years, or who were born here and whose mother tongue is german, remain foreigners, says emine demir-buken, spokeswoman for the association for immigrants from thrkey. alisa fuss is a 73-year-old antiracism activist, one who knows that racism and anti-semitism are closely connected in germany. in 1935, she fled from the nazis to palestine. she returned to germany in 1976. in september 1992, the jewish barracks of the old sachsenhausen concentration camp were set on fire. within hours, fuss had assembled a few hundred people at the site of the camp. on another occasion, she organized a solidarity convoy from berlin to hoyerswerda an eastern german town where, in 1991, asylum-seekers homes were attacked for an entire week. she also set up protective vigils in front of refugees homes. there can only be a united struggle against racism and anti-semitism. we know that this always starts with the most vulnerable group. today it s the foreigners, the refugees, then we move on to the disabled and everybody else who is different. and finally, there are always the jews. one of the few feminist organizations that have for years been dealing actively with the connections between misogyny, racism, and anti-seminitism is orlanda frauenverlag, a berlin publishing house. in 1986 orlanda, inspired by the african american writer audre lorde, published farbe bekennen, afro-deutsche frauen auf den spuren ihrer geschichte [showing our colors: afro-german women speak out], african german women thus publicly confronted white german women with the following truths: racism in germany cannot be neutralized by slogans including the word xenophobia ; racism has nothing to do with nationality and everything to do with color; and white germans, men and women, have a hard time accepting others. discovering that racism is harbored not only by extreme right-wingers, nazis, and men is a painful process for many white feminists. and this realization triggers feelings of guilt. but guilty feelings, as audre lorde once wrote, rticle 47 students talk about race at chapel hill, n.c., racial tension runs high. a special report on the basketball court in new orleans last week, blacks and whites teamed together to win the national championship for the university of north carolina. but back at chapel hill, togetherness is a description few would use to characterize relations between blacks and whites. it has been brutal, says associate vice chancellor edith wiggins. there is blood all over this campus. the reason: a proposal to build a privately funded, free-standing black cultural center on campus. when school opened last september, unc chancellor paul hardin opposed the project, fearing that as has happened at some schools the facility would promote separatism. in reaction, almost 300 students, most of them black, staged a disruptive late-night demonstration at hardin s campus home. a few weeks later, supporters of the center held a rally during which several speakers spouted anti-white rhetoric. adding to the confusion and turmoil: verbal attacks by militant black students on black faculty and administrators like journalism prof. chuck stone, a well-known veteran of the civil-rights movement, who, although supportive of the center, questioned the demonstrators tactics. blustered one militant at stone: if you stand in the way of our progress, we re going to have to roll over you. signs of trouble. for a few months, tensions eased after a committee appointed by hardin came out in support of the center, prompting the chancellor to change his mind about the project. but now black-white relations are strained once again, this time by conflict over whether the center should be built on the main campus or just across from it iwo weeks ago, supporters of the on-campus site began a sit-in at the main university administration building, vowing not to leave until the chancellor acceded to their demand. 216 u& news & worlcl report *1o permission. large institutions, where self-segregation is greatest, are more likely than other schools to have had racial incidents. ness and whiteness as opposin and all share the same distre bleaker dynamics of race whether it s racial epithets sen bathroom mirrors or assumptic their academic qualifications b( their skin color. one source of nearly univc comfort: being constantly singl represent the views of all blacl the continuing battle over the center is just one of many sources of tension between the races at an institution that calls itself the southern part of heaven. in january, for example, a sign appeared in a residence-hall lavatory: this bathroom is no longer desegregated. no niggers allowed except for housekeepers. in an effort to understand the often complex relationships between the races at a university long admired for its liberal traditions, u.s. news recently conducted an intensive series of focus groups on the chapel hill campus. for two evenings, teams of u.s. news reporters discussed race relations with separate groups of 10 black students and an equal number of white students. on a third night, six members of each group came together tor a free-ranging exchange about the attitudes and animosities shaping campus life at unc, which, in many ways, typifies race relations on campuses through-fo,lowing three reports on the discussions at chapel hill jasme kelly, 19, a sophomore ft ham, n.c., who attended a nantly white high school, says, every time i go somewhere witl person, something is going to racial. that is why one of kell friends refuses to associate witl she says, crackers ain t good in but cheese. asked if this example of black bigotry, k others said it is more a sum resentment. at half of the large sd white students feel that blacks receive special treatment that is not warranted. the black experience strangers in a strange land m ckapel hu1 means sh ul-sin? burdenin additi n to april i . 1993, pp. 57-58, 61-64. that resentment has its roots riences like that of philip mcadi year-old senior from haw riy when he stopped to visit a fr*1 worked in a campus building, tionist asked if he would sign basketball: because he is tall ai and was wearing sweat pants, assumed that i was on the 1 team. kelly tells a similar tale o typing. when she went to a fra1 see a friend, the student who a the door asked her, are you apply to be the cook? 1993 by u.s. news & world report. reprinted by m. students talk about race michelle thomas, a 23-year-old senior from laurinburg, n.c., suffered an indignity of a different kind. when she arrived at chapel hill, she recalled, white friends from her high school treated her like a stranger. it was three vears before she made her first white friend at chapel hill. philip charles-pierre, 19, a sophomore from new york city, added that when he is with white friends they seem unwilling to enlarge the conversation beyond their own world. often, black students just over 10 percent of all undergraduates at chapel hill-feel isolated from the intellectual environment because of what they perceive as subtle bias. not long ago, for instance, the university provided space for a statue that showed a black man twirling a basketball and white students with stacks of books. african-americans were insulted. eventually, the statue was moved to a less central location. there are individual slights, as well. before carolynn mcdonald, 20, a sophomore from goldsboro, n.c., changed her major from premed to international studies, she told an adviser she wanted to take a second-semester calculus but was informed she didn t need to; the adviser seemed to assume mcdonald would not apply to a top-notch medical school. more black. not all blacks, of course, have such perceptions. kenneth atan, a 20-year-old national merit scholar from havelock, n.c., said his faculty adviser invited him to take his course in english and was helpful in other ways, because allen had taken pains to distinguish himself as an individ-uai if there is racial bias, allen argued, 't stems from black students themselves. feels quite confident in his abilities said the criticism he gets usually comes from blacks who feel he should ^ak differently or be interested in other things or have more black ends. in other words, they think that ne should act more black. economic differences are a partic-utaly sore point. jasme kelly told the ^1 while she worries about where 0 md $30 for the week s groceries, she ?es white fraternity members spending t ely on drinking sprees. and vikkt ercer, a 20-year-old sophomore from mvilie, n.c., said that her financial ls a slow dance with penury, while $ ,te parents pay for everything and ejr children drive new cars every se-uotifr s just unreae mercer is upset because whites have money but be cause they have no concept of what this money means. in their own minds, several students clearly identified whiteness with success and couldn t see themselves fitting into it. true or not, blacks also believe that whites have greater access to university financial aid, although allen and two others revealed that they are on full scholarships. three of the students turned down full scholarships to other elite schools to attend unc. at i out of 3 large schools, most whites have a physical fear of black students, while the reverse is true at fewer than 1 in 10. curiously, despite its divisive impact on the campus as a whole, the students felt that the controversial black cultural center was a force for greater understanding. many agreed that it did more to unite blacks and like-minded whites than any campus issue in years. and, said philip mcadoo, the bcc provides the incentive for blacks who often aren t very tolerant of differences among themselves to unite behind a shared purpose. at first, mcadoo said, he hadn t marched for the bcc and was criticized for it by black friends who questioned his blackness. but then he recognized an opportunity to educate others about african-american history and to heal divisions within the black student community. those are goals that transcend the immediate controversy. as carolynn mcdonald puts it: we are trying to educate not only ourselves but the larger community as well. the white experience the double-standard perplex for white students at unc, the lofty view of the university as a bastion of reason where even the most contentious matters can be calmly debated is simply a myth. they live in a world where discussions about race can be a dicey proposition except among very close friends. it is a world where nerve endings lie close to the surface and where tolerance for dissent is in short supply. white students in the u.s. news focus group said that even the simplest conver sation with a black classmate can be fraught with anxiety. jenny johnson, a 20-year-old junior from kernersville, n.c., worried about offending black acquaintances and having them jump at my throat because i used the word black instead of african-american. there is just such a huge barrier that it s really hard ... to have a normal discussion. lee hark, a 21-year-old senior from rome, ga., who is president of the interfraternity council, said that writing a letter to the school newspaper criticizing the september march on the chancellor s house got him stamped as a racist. hark, who views himself as a political moderate, said he was simply trying to voice an opinion, but the feeling [among blacks] is that if you re not with us, you re against us, and that alienates me. at 53 percent of the large schools, editors say blacks feel that white students are hostile and aloof toward them. trey ezzell learned an even harsher lesson. when the 21-year-old junior from hillsboro, n.c., wrote a sarcastic letter to the daily tar heel about a planned rally in support of the black cultural center, two black students knocked him to the ground. immediately, i knew the letter got published, he said wryly. during the next several days, ezzell, who calls himself very conservative, got nasty phone calls at his off-campus apartment. he even started checking his car before driving to school. when someone is telling you they re coming after you, a lot of things change, he explained. white boy. patrick herron, a 21-year-old senior from malvern, pa., was among a small number of white supporters of the black cultural center who took part in the march on the chancellor s home. as the demonstrators joined hands, the black woman next to herron turned and said: i refuse to hold your hand, white boy. herron was upset, but said you have to realize [that given] the history of race relations in this country .. . she s entirely rational to distrust me. besides, other blacks made it clear that she did not speak for them. like herron, some in the focus group argued that whites need to make a 217 i i 9. understanding cultural pluralism i y 'l i ; i i.l !j :i. i; i greater effort to understand the anger of black classmates. jim copland, a 20-year-old junior from burlington, n.c., who i cal opposition to subsidized housing that might promote integration, the federal government predicated its housing policies on local acceptance. public housing, launched during the 1930s, remained a small program targeted on the very poor. publicly subsidized housing currently comprises only about 4.5 percent of the u.s. housing stock. the opposition of the building the power of local governments and federal underwriting of decentralization carved u.s. metropolitan areas into distinct jurisdictions defined by income and race. industry to public spending in this area and the local option to accept or reject subsidized housing kept it in the cities and out of the suburbs. crucially, public housing was also mciauy segregated, ensuring that pub-hc housing for african americans would be located in the already crowded and deteriorating inner city, fed the ,power of local governments and the federal underwnting of decentralization carved metro pohtan areas into distinct jurisdictions defined by in come and race. in this process of metropolitan fr 7^ cities were disproportionately left oulder the burden of metropolitan poverty in addi tion, fragmentation spurred interiors! r md ereumgly, iosers these contesbc' . from bad to worse policy changes in the 1980s drove deener i. cult for cities to address the deepening poverty witl their borders. since the 1950s, several federal government pi grams had cushioned the spatial inequalities that companied the suburban exodus. the urban renet program helped local governments underwrite ma physical renewals of their central business districts the 1960s, democrats undertook new urban prograi such as model cities, that focused on improving i quality of life for poor urban residents. the creation the department of housing and urban developmi in 1965 signaled the special place that urban aid wo have at the federal level. with the election ofrich; nixon in 1968, assistance for poorer localities cont ued as a legitimate federal government responsibil no-strings-attached revenue sharing and commur development block grants i acted under nixon used differ approaches but reflected a sim sensibility that localities, and es] ctally cities, required special from the federal government. until the l')80s, helping ci was good politics for democr the urban vote, together w southern democrats, had bi the electoral core of the pa since the new deal. the dot nance of' urban interests wit the party as a whole was cleai congress, where democrats fr suburban areas in the north vo heavily in favor of aid to cities demographic shifts during 1980s contributed to the polit eclipse of cities, however. in i1 the nation's population ' evenly divided among cities, si urbs, and rural areas. by 15 both urban and rural populati had declined, with cities becc ing poorer and more hea composed of minorities. ne: half the nation lived in the s urbs. the terms of partisan competition did not t long to register these changes. republicans mobili a distinctive suburban political identity. during 1960s and 1970s central cities and suburbs in north and midwest had tended to vote in similar rections; by 1980 the suburban and urban vote split sharply, with cities remaining the only der cratic stronghold. the declining political importance of cities reflected in the abandonment of many federal ur programs. the only programs totally eliminated dui the 1980s were those that particularly benefited cities 1981 congress ended the comprehensive employe and training act, which cities had used (unofficially bolster the ranks of their employees. general reve sharing, which provided extra funds for localities, en in 1986. urban development action grants were el inated and subsidized housing severely cut. ove grants for cities were cut almost in half. 194 cities fared only slightly better at the hands of the states. long dominated by rural interests, state governments instituted reforms during the 1960s and 1970s that equalized urban representation. but by that time, suburban influence overshadowed the cities in manv statehouses. although some states compensated cities for the withdrawal of federal aid in the 1980s, others took only limited steps or actually worsened cities problems. state legislatures often rejected urban efforts to raise local taxes. states did little to guide the development that continued to spur the exodus from the cities, nor did they do much to improve possibilities for regional cooperation across city-suburban boundaries. toward the end of the decade, recession-strained state budgets were simply unable to provide significant aid. the struggle to survive cities were left alone to bear the twin burden of needy populations and a precarious economic base. to attract private development, urban leaders offered tax abatements and other incentives, in the process heightening interjurisdictional competition, draining future tax revenues, and reducing the scope for local public action. other strategies, such as forming special taxing authorities within cities (with a variety of names such as business improvement districts), further fragmented the public tax base. the intergovernmental transfers that had helped sustain cities during the 1960s and 1970s represented a national recognition of the special fiscal burden cities carried because of the concentrations of poor within their borders. for the most part, the transfers did not directly serve the urban poor, or even appreciably stem the flight to the suburbs, but they did provide a cushion that allowed for high levels of public services such as libraries, police protection, and infrastructural maintenance to improve the quality of urban life. as these funds dried up, cities compensated by attracting private investment, often relying on tax abatements. this strategy increased private wealth in cities, but it precipitated a deterioration of urban public services that undermined efforts to rebuild an urban middle class and to stem the further decline of the poor. changes in industrial structure and the location of industry have also exacerbated the burden and political isolation of cities. the revolution in information technologies combined with the lack of metropolitan planning to deconcentrate economic activity. as new businesses and commercial centers appeared in suburban edge cities, the connections between city and suburb further attenuated. in a recent poll, 51 percent of metropolitan new yorkers said that events in the city had hardly any effect on their lives. the story of social policy decentralization, the reduction of federal aid to cities, and the divisions between cities and suburbs can all be told without mentioning race. but the preexisting concentrations of poor minorities in cities meant that each of the policy decisions discussed above had racially targeted consequences. it also meant that racial concerns and conflicts would affect the fate of any proposed solutions to cope with urban poverty. 43. race and urban poverty britain s cities: a different mix in britain, limited suburbanization and a vast public housing sector created quite different patterns of metropolitan development and population movements. county governments used their regional planning powers to restrict suburbanization at the same time that the central government underwrote public housing. whereas the united states had sought to meet postwar housing needs by underwriting suburban homeownership, britain rebuilt the housing stock with public housing. by the end of the 1970s, a third of british households lived in council housing. the very size of the british public sector made some level of income mixing inevitable. and council housing was not solely confined to the city. most early postwar development was in the form of small units built in new towns well beyond areas of existing settlement. during the 1960s the government redirected public housing to the cities to combat suburban sprawl and deteriorating urban living conditions. here, both spatial constraints and architectural fashion favored the highrise project. for the most part, the middle-class suburban boroughs of outer london were able to limit the amount of council housing built in their areas. by the early 1980s, 43 percent of london s council housing was concentrated in poorer inner london, but 29 percent was still in the central business district and 23 percent in outer london. compared with the united states, economically disadvantaged populations were still much more dispersed. britain s postwar sorting of populations did have some negative consequences for racial mixing, but it did not create sharp racial segregation. initially the system for allocating public housing (one element of which was length of tenure in the borough) worked against members of racial minorities, most of whom were recent immigrants. although this discrimination was substantially remedied by the race relations act of 1968, minorities had missed out on the council housing built outside the central city. minority populations therefore tended to concentrate in the inner city. yet the extent of segregation within the cities was tempered by integrated public housing because there were no preexisting racial ghettos, public housing was sited without racial considerations in mind. much public housing was built in working class districts, which were not racially defined. moreover, with the less favorable tax treatment of homeownership and without the abundance of financing that encouraged suburban homeownership in the united states, mo of britain s working class was not able to make its suburban exodus until the 1970s. the lack of local government autonomy also stemmed the impulse to fragmentation and movement. in the highly centralized british politick system local authorities exist at the pleasure of the central government. local authorities have access to only one independent source of revenue, the property tax, or ratep which until recently was levied on property owners and businesses. because local governments have so little autonomy and discretion in financing, the dynamic f interlocal coinpen n ecn.nl m .be 1? 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s united states is far less evident. throughout the postwar era, british cities remained poorer than their surrounding suburbs, but they continued to house a significant part of the british working class. moreover, the central government redistributed resources to reduce territorial inequalities. most local expenditures were financed by the centrally provided rate support grant, calculated in part on the basis of local need. an inner city policy, modeled after that in the united states, offered special assistance to the poorest areas. a decade of thatcherism prime minister margaret thatcher s new brand of conservative politics put an end to the postwar consensus. her government reduced the equalizing role of the central government and left localities more on their own and less able to cope with t f the basic value of respec for our fellow human beings. notes 1 s goode, efforts to deal with diversity can g af^ wet ^ lnsight 1 dt?btimmons,' fraudulent diversity, newsweek, 1 n 4v7bsulls, racism 101, new republic, vol. 22 (199( pp. 18-21. 2 9. understanding cultural pluralism 5. e. l. boyer, college: the undergraduate experience in america (new york: harper & row, 1987). 6. the authors thank ralph fitzpatrick for providing the history of the university of louisville. additional thanks are extended for the contributions of phyllis webb, linda wilson, denise fitzpatrick, adam matheny, patricia gilderbloom, and jim van fleet. special assistance and funding for this project was contributed by dr. donald c. swain, president of the university of louisville. additionally, ralph fitzpatrick, director of the office of minority services of the university of louisville, is recognized for his leadership, cooperation and support. the following graduate students participated in the research study of the university of louisville s celebration of diversity program, and prepared preliminary reports of the findings: william p. friedlander, gary dennis, mary henderson, gracie wishnia, greg bucholtz, samantha israel, david a. collins, mike burayidi, sheila thompson, pat bailey, dennis j. golden, david w. parrott, karen king, manuel mcmillan, mark buchter, stephen l. wagner, and frances campeau (see gilderbloom, et al., below). 7. the demands submitted to the university president by the black student alliance are as follows: 1. the campus housing office is to begin the development of a plan to end the segregation of the panhellenic dormitory immediately, and complete the plan by thursday, november 16, 1989. 2. the campus housing office is to increase the number of resident assistants to a level directly proportional to the number of black students living in campus housing. 3. the campus housing office is to reimburse ms. dawn ones [the racially slighted student] for her dormitory fees and inconvenience during the incident of racial bias. 4. the university of louisville is to develop a facility for black students, similar to the martin luther king cultural center at the university of kentucky. 5. the university must end its plans to separate upperclassmen from lowerclassmen in housing; the plan is genocide for the younger black students on campus, acting as a role model drain for black students. 6. the university must change the name of the confederate apartments and the campus street where it is located, confederate place, to the name of a black leader. 7. the university must develop a race consciousness course and require all resident assistants to attend it. if the course is not developed, resident assistants should be required to take a minimum of six credit hours of instruction in black history. 8. the university must adopt a policy of automatic expulsion of anyone who is convicted of racist intimidation or harassment. this includes defamation of private or school property characterized by racial slurs and/or repeated verbal abuse by a person or persons on the university campus directed at specific persons of another race which causes emotional duress. emotional duress is defined as the need for a victim to report specific victimizers directly to resident directors, the university administra tion or concerned student organizations. such reports of victimization would become written public information 8. derrick bell, jr., is among the nation s leading ej in civil rights law and a former professor of law a harvard university school of law. his demands for tenured african-american and female law professors al vard university school of law led to recent front-page stories around the nation. dr. harry edwards is a p nent sociologist at the university of california at ber as well as a leading social critic, author and activist. 1 forefront of the movement to increase black participat coaching, management and ownership of professional i teams, he is a special advisor to the commissioner of league baseball. jaime escalante is the east los ai barrio calculus teacher immortalized in the recent n picture stand and deliver. escalante s minority str rank near the top in the nation in mathematics test s dr. jacqueline fleming is an expert on how perso sparks individual motivation differences and an instrui undergraduate courses on the psychology of racisn human motivation at barnard college. she also serves advisory committee of the united negro college fun edwin j. nichols is a psychologist recently retired frc national institute of mental health where he held v; positions, including section chief for special popul and chief of the center for studies of child and i mental health. michael woo is the first asian-ameri serve on the los angeles city council, represent!: unusually diverse constituency of 198,000 people who 54 separate languages and dialects. a leader in eth form, he is widely considered a strong prospective can to replace outgoing los angeles mayor tom bradley, carlo esposito is an actor and screenwriter best kno' his recent role as buggin out in spike lee s film j right thing. he is a winner of the obie and theater awards. 9. this section is adapted from a recently completed on the university of louisville s second annual dn celebration program (j. gilderbloom with w. friedl building diversity in the curriculum: charting the i [louisville, ky.: office of the provost, univers louisville, 1992]). 10. j. gross, gay journalists gather to complai celebrate progress at work, the new york times, 2! 1992, p. a7. 11. a bowlful of opportunity, the louisville c journal, 30 december 1990, p. d2. other sources chafetz, j., hispanics in the united states, new re, fall 1990, pp. 15-18. depree, m. leadership is an art (new york, dell, 19 gilderbloom, j. et al. attitudes and reactions to the i sity of louisville s celebration of diversity p? (louisville, ky.: university of louisville school of policy, unpublished report, 1990). green, m. f. minorities on campus: a handbook for e ing diversity (washington, d.c.: american cour education, 1989). steele, s., white guilt, american scholar, autumr pp. 487-507. 226 article 49 blood and irony how race and religion will shape the future henry louis gates henry louis gates is head of the department of afro-american studies at harvard. we live in confusing times. communism, we now , the opiate of the nationalities. as its stuporous in uen^ t off, assertive and sometimes clashing national aspira 10 from the baltic states to the transcaucasus. separ^st ments have left the former yugoslavia a bloo y jtgsa communism had joined, nationalism has been al oo g put asunder. , , , in the industrialised west, though, things loo very_ in fact, never in this century has the western p j supranational unification seemed closer to re isa long-deferred idea of genuine european jl foe fitfully, to be acquiring an aura of inevitability, e > countries of north america have been hammering trade compact. isn t economic integration suppos handmaiden of political integration? , foe today, in short, both the forces of . t which forces of consolidation are abundantly on display. j uncouth, thoroughly pre-modern rationalists find so irksome. in 1796 that illucentral actionary, joseph de maistre, scorn^zfoera^^^ enlightenment creed when he avowed know, thanks i have seen frenchmen, italians, russians , have to montesquieu, that one can be a persian n0 men in never met. in de maistre s hard sense, ther ,. ht ne(j?the bosnia. are the rest of us really so much mor founder secular creed of the technocrats and planners may y n the home-style politics of identity. @ 1993by from the economist, september 11,1993, pp-special features. more than 100 new nations have come into existence in the past 50 years, and yet the proliferation of new national identities may prove less important, in the long run, than the transformation of old ones. to be sure, the phenomenon sometimes known as the browning of the west is not without its own ironies. for while the west worries about being inundated by migrants from the third world, many in the third world continue to worry about the westernisation of the globe. still, even as the economic apparatus of euro-unification is being assembled, the countenance of europe itself is changing in unprecedented ways. in present-day western europe, there are perhaps 10m legal immigrants from the third world; the number of illegals can only be guessed at. hundreds of thousands of asylum-seekers from eastern europe have joined them. the human tide now moves not just from south to north, but from east to west. indeed, some argue that the past few years have witnessed the largest peacetime movement of peoples in europe since the middle ages. the short-term consequences, at least, are plain to see. west european states, france and germany in particular, are buffeted between the pressures of the demographic influx on the one hand and of native reaction on the other. the force of neither can be gainsaid. the resurgence of the racist right in germany has been a matter of widespread attention and concern but germany, (which has had, in some respects, t singularly generous policy of asylum) has no unique claim to it by the year 2000, roared jean-marie le pen of the frencl far-right national front this spring, the majority of th< population of paris will be foreign! in 1992 he got a robust 14% of the vote in regional election: judging from electoral returns this past march, his suppo seems to be ebbing. but that is because his tough line on imm gration has, in no small measure, been absorbed by moi mainstream parties. meanwhile, in belgium s national ele the economist, ltd. distributed by the new york times 22 9. understanding cultural pluralism tions last year, the vlaams blok party called for the outright expulsion of all of the country s 400,000 immigrants and was rewarded with a fairly robust 10.7% of the vote. and what of america? we are not a nation, herman melville avowed of his country a century ago, so much as a world. never has his description seemed more apt. in the 1980s 8.6m people emigrated to the united states, more than in any decade since the first decade of the century. according to one estimate, by 2020 the number of non-white or hispanic inhabitants of america will have doubled, while the white melville s world immigrants entering the united states, by country of origin, % 1992 total: 923.977 population will remain essentially unchanged. by 2050 the percentage of asian-americans will have quintupled, with the total reaching 40m. already in new york state, 40% of school children are classified as ethnic minorities. already in los angeles, the most popular radio station is a spanish-language one. and within just a decade or so, muslims will be more numerous in america than presbyterians or jews. but then america is fairly backward in this respect. for historical reasons, the musl t served as the cornerstone of the university c villes first annual celebration of diversity. background6 the university of louisville is considered th municipal college in the united states; its orig back to 1778. up until 1970, u of l was a privs funded institution. because of budget constrai niversity of louisville merged formally intot system in 1970 and was assigned an urban n t this time the university s enrollment total t an 10,000 students and had fewer than 200 220 r american students. the university of louisville has a statewide admission mandate that provides for the admission of any student who graduated from an accredited high school in kentucky. the tuition rate was also lowered to make college more accessible to minorities. within ten years of its merger with the state university system, the university of louisville s enrollment had increased from 10,000 to 20,000 students. meanwhile, african-american student enrollment had skyrocketed from 200 students in 1970 to 2,000 students by 1980. this increase in african-american students was not matched by an increase in minority faculty. the percentage of african-american faculty remained unchanged from 1978 to 1980. in 1989, a radical incident occurred that galvanized the university campus into combatting racism. in 1980, the university experienced a change in leadership. dr. donald swain from the university o california system was hired as president, and broug a progressive perspective and vision. he embar e upon a strategic planning course to help meet t e kentucky council of higher education s mandate to carry out an urban mission. president swain charged every academic and administrative unit with the re sponsibility to develop individual unit-level plans o address urban issues. a ph.d. program in urban and public affairs was initiated which is now ran e among the nation s top ten programs. in 1989, a radical incident occurred that galvanized the university campus into combatting racism, young female african-american student came forwar and alleged she was called a nigger by a w i e fraternity member. the university community was outraged. african-american students presente a is of demands to the president.7 the universi y o louisville was committed to a proactive dealing with racial friction between whites and ac . dr. swain appointed a committee to take the ea ro in planning a celebration of diversity to hea racial animosity and division on campus. leadership the celebration was planned and implemented by a combined student, faculty and administrative com tee in accordance with the university p^esl e charge. the effort was coordinated under the lea -ship of the vice president for student a air chaired the committee, and the director o mino 48. diversit services, who served as vice chair. the initial commi tee of nine members was expanded to 17 because of th tremendous amount of work involved in planninj coordinating and implementing the complex details < a program of this breadth and consequence. the hand-picked committee consisted of membei with a demonstrated record of concern for minorit needs and ability to organize events. specific tasl included contacting speakers, negotiating contract organizing logistics, scheduling, informing the medi conducting outreach, and writing and publishing pr gram brochures. task force members were encourage to think big. the committee chair required stror consensus-building skills. committee members needf commitment to openness, inclusivity and genuii progress. program description for ten days in the early fall of 1990, the universi of louisville campus went into a whirlwind of activi focusing on diversity issues. the celebration of div< sity program fused over 35 separate events into coordinated exploration of important racial issues a: concerns. the purpose of the event was to promt human dignity, tolerance and appreciation of humankii events included more than 20 lectures and wo: shops, forums, films, discussions, entertainment ever and social programs designed to meet the univers president s goal to increase awareness and apprec tion of the different races and ethnic groups rep sented on the university campus. the speak, included some of the nation s leading spokesperso including derrick bell, jr., dr. harry edwards, jai escalante, dr. jacqueline fleming, dr. edward nichols, michael woo, and giancarlo esposito.8 for ten days... the university... campus went into a whirlwind of activity focusing on diversity issues. topics discussed by speakers ranged from entert; ment, gender, hiring practices, and professional at tics to politics and education. these issues generi much discussion among the participants both dui and after the lectures. in addition to a major lecture series, worksl offered an opportunity for discussion of issues rela to race and cultural diversity. discussion participi ranged from college republicans to black musi the films presented were portrayals of minority which were designed to sensitize individuals on n and cultural issues. among the movies shown wer 9. understanding cultural pluralism the right thing, leadbelly, my left foot, el norte, and stand and deliver. social events included a football half-time show that recognized the theme of diversity, an ethnic heritage festival, performance of the black diamond gospel choir, an interfaith celebration, and jamaican reggae dances. symbol and covenant in order to establish and maintain a unified focus, a symbol defining diversity was needed. the symbol used at the university of louisville was the covenant of justice, equity and harmony, which originated with the council of churches in boston, massachusetts in the late 1970s at a time of enormous racial tension and strife. the graphic incorporates the olive branch, representing peace and harmony; a red background, representing the blood relationship that exists between and among all people; a green branch, symbolizing hope and the common dignity shared among all human beings; and colored leaves, corresponding to the major races of people. in order to establish and maintain a unified focus, a symbol defining diversity was needed. the university s student government association and student senate purchased thousands of t-shirts bearing the inscription celebrate diversity and the multicultural logo described above. huge banners with the symbol were placed on the academic building and in front of the new student activities center. the covenant symbol was also printed on book markers which were distributed throughout the university of louisville campus. in addition, thousands of covenant buttons were given out and people proudly wore them around campus, and are still doing so many months after the actual celebration. the goal was to establish a diversity symbol, adopt it, maintain momentinn, and proudly display the symbol as a statement of unity and an ethic of care and concern. when the university of louisville football team played in the 1991 fiesta bowl, the diversity symbol was proudly worn by the coach, the players, the band the cheerleaders, and thousands of fans at sun devil stadium m tempe, arizona. the statement of commit ment to diversity and its celebration, in conjunction with honoring the egacy of dr. martin luther king jr., was seen by millions of people watching fnnthoii new year s day, 1991. as the theme sxou^ claimed, the dream lives on, the symbol ailing the participants to identify who we were and whawt were about. that symbol carries a message of bi friendship and affiliation. impact of diversity program does a celebration of diversity make a diffi who goes to these programs and why? how do react to programs such as the university of lou celebration of diversity? how are people im these are important questions that deserve ai nine major lectures were selected and phon bers were gathered from participants who atten program. a questionnaire, which included a mi: open-ended and forced-choice items, was admir to 220 randomly selected celebration of divers ticipants. the response rate was a respectable cent, which is considered excellent for survey re counting attendance at each event, a total c people participated. who attended the events association with this program? roughly 63 pei the people in attendance were white. thirty-t cent were african-americans. sixty percen women. breaking down participants by status, cent were students, 15 percent were faculty, 30 were staff, and ten percent came from the surrc community. people who attended these even! liberal: only one out of eight voted for george 1 1988. approximately 50 percent of the parti were involved in 1960s-era protest movemen civil rights, antiwar, etc.), women s issues, and d and tenants -rights issues. one out of every tended religious services regularly. when asked whether they had experienced ra the past year at the university of louisville, 31 of the blacks and 13 percent of whites felt that t] experienced some sort of racism or bigotry. ex of racism on campus were typically graffiti rooms, a professor using the word negro classroom, or an african-american basketball being described as a natural-born athlete or thoroughbred. perceptions of racism cover t continuum of different actions and thoughts. ( of every two participants had experienced ra1 the community during the past year. our su participants found very little difference betwe blacks and whites felt about integration. how feel about living in the same neighborhood person of another race? one hundred percent problem at all. living next door to someone of < race? again, no difference between blacks and working with someone of another race? one 1 percent said no problem. sharing a friendsh someone of another race. one hundred perce fine. in other words, no fundamental differenc identified. inviting a person of another race home? ninety-nine percent reported no p 222 48. diversity some disagreement arose with the question of dating or marrying someone of another race; 76 percent of whites and 75 percent of blacks approved inter-racial dating and/or marrying. one out of every two participants had experienced racism in the community during the past year. the celebration of diversity was widely perceived as a timely, educational and relevant program. participants felt it was a positive step on the part of the university administration toward creating greater understanding and acceptance of the diverse populations comprised by the university community. our survey revealed the following: helps increase awareness of diversity 95 percent agreed helps increase understanding of people of other cultures -67 percent agreed is educational 96 percent agreed speakers were prepared, knowledgeable and enthusiastic 95 percent agreed relevant to society 96 percent agreed relevant to the respondent -92 percent agreed is timely 96 percent agreed will improve racial harmony 61 percent agree promoted positive change in the respondent -6 p . crucially, 40 pen difference was the lack of home equity between white families. the latest numbers come from 1989. the median value of home equity for all famihe numbers of whom were white was $48,000. for b $37,000. thus, while a white person can lean on i owning parents or relatives money needed for oi ments to buy a larger house the next time, to finar education, a vacation blacks do not enjoy this some of this is the result of the historic legacy of s since blacks have been barred in past generations fi valuable homes, there is less money passed frot generations to the new. "wealth begets wealth : wealth gets stuck, said galster. one of the most important consequences of thes differences between blacks and whites, said ga number of blacks who would have enough money standard 10 percent down payment on a home and mortgage on a home at today's standard, aboul national figures show that 42 percent of white rent< 158 35. home ownership anchors the middle class afford to purchase a typical starter home in a metro-itan area, while just 26 percent of blacks would be able to te that leap. what this means is that middle-class housing in ameri-is bifurcated into two extremes, explained bromley. if 11 are white, you can trade up into a place in chevy chase id.], while a black family is sitting in a home in shepherd rk in northwest washington, d.c., or in silver spring, d., where demand isn t as great and the returns are low. in 1989, money magazine found that housing segrega tended to stifle the black middle class in its ability to iild wealth through the appreciation of home values. the agazine illustrated the deflation in prices in black middle-iss areas by comparing residential areas with the same come patterns. it found that price appreciation in middleass black areas lagged behind those in white areas. for stance, in washington, d.c. s predominantly black rookland/catholic university area, housing prices rose 8 trcentfrom 1985 to 1989. that was a 10 per cent drop in alue (adjusting for inflation), the magazine reported. by mparison, in north highland, which was 98 percent toe, home prices increased nearly 100 percent. in atlanta, prices in ben hill, about 97 percent black, appreciated 6 percent while those in north highland, 93 percent white, limped by 67 percent. there are other costs to blacks as well. as a rule, blacks imply have far less wcalih to give to their children. a 1984 census bureau study found that blacks who earned between 524,000 and $48,000 that year had net worths one-third as urge as whites at the same income level. this means that whites will generally give their children a head start on blacks of the next generation. "that is generally the difference between going to the college of your choice and settling for a state or community college or no college at all, said bart landry, a sociologist at the university of maryland and author of the new black middle class. in general, scholars are finding that these patterns of dis-nnty and limitation of economic opportunity can be laid at the oorstep of racial discrimination by the real estate, banking insurance industries. by far the most damaging evidence of ^crimination by lenders is in how blacks and whites are mated when they try to obtain home mortgages. according to 1989 ^edera' reserve bank of boston, published in , even after accounting for differences in income and wnite neighborhoods received 24 percent more loans ton f|ack nes' the study 'ooked at ^,000 mortgage applica-with d fr m m re than 300 lenders and found that people race credentials were rejected purely on the basis of were $6 percent more likely to be rejected than *2 "l> credentials. variou'6 w^'tes were generally encouraged to learn about thtoul m rt8age plans blacks were often discouraged p|e ^^information and lack of clear advice, for exam-the d w t0 c ean up poor credit records. ngind 1scriminatory behavior was not limited to the lend-and urb^ mother study, by the department of housing racially rf11 development, found widespread evidence of in 19$$ ^criminatory practices in the real estate industry lion irist 6 report estimated that there were 2 mil-ances of housing discrimination annually against and liabilities amount and type of wealth in total net worth 543 164 $8)981 white black 1988 (in 1990 dollars) i^eres^arning 3t financia| ---------------------6.162 735 regular checking stock and mutualjunds . .. 2.884 97 equity in business . _________________ 3.846 351 equity in motor vehicle _______________2.434 974 equity in home 18.236 equity in rental property 3.412 704 other real estate _______________________________1.860 272 u.s. savings bonds ira or keoghs 1.714 m 1,859 source: u.s. census bureau african-americans and other minorities. housing was sys-tematically made more available to whites in 4s percent of all transactions in the rental market and in 34 percent of the sales market. whites also received more favorable credit assistance in 46 percent of sales encounters and were offered more favorable terms in 17 percent of rental transactions. in the sales market, the question of differential treatment boils down to behavior: how often a broker will call a buyer back; or if a buyer is called back, if the buyer be shown the preferred tree-lined streets and the cul-de-sacs. an agent will rely on code words, telling a white person, you wouldn t feel comfortable here, while a black person will be told, there s nothing in your price range here, said bromley. frequently, steering behavior consists of showing a black potential homebuyer a house priced at $150,000 after they ve told the realtor to look for a house for no more than $125,000, bromley said. it s about the persistent feeling of being unwelcomed. it s about racism with a smile. often, the only time black home buyers get a chance to smile back is in the courtroom. under fair housing laws, any agent who has referred clients to banks or other lending institutions that discriminate automatically become liable themselves. it was this 159 6. african americans leverage that donnell cravens used successfully when he threatened to sue the realtor and the banks in his attempt to buy a home in bloomfield, mich. there are alternatives to the litigation threat for blacks who are seeking to break down the barriers of segregation. one of the best is offered by the fund for an open society. it helped build a national model for resolution of the problems of segregation in shaker heights, ohio, by trying to help address racial balance in both black and white communities. that unique approach allows individuals trying to find homes a low-interest loan as an incentive to integrate racially-segregated areas. often, whites will be approached with the loan incentive to integrate black neighborhoods that appear to be in danger of losing their attractiveness because the density of black households is too high. or, alternatively, the fund will approach blacks with the chance to integrate nearly all-white areas. similar programs have been formed around the country, based on this model. in the past, the real estate industry has been stuck in their basic way of thinking about human beings as economic objects. while whites have been encouraged to buy housing for its investment value because they are seeing them as future-oriented people, blacks have been stigmatized by the industry which sees them as people who want to buy as much shelter as possible for the dollar, regardless of whether it is in an area that is losing its marketability to the majority population. one result is that blacks are forced to rely on mortgages from sources other than private lending institutions falling back on government agencies such as va and the fha loans, where closing costs are higher, and additional points are required. the result is that blacks are pushed by realtors into areas where private mortgages aren t even offered, bromley said. breaking out of this pattern of inertia is difficult because there are so many higher costs. the difficulty is overcoming the inertia of past generations. demarco said his program seeks to remedy this condition by involving the banks, real estate interests and home buyers in the process of keeping areas marketable through integrative efforts. he explained, you have to recognize that in this country, the majority simply has the money to determine supply and demand and unless minorities can link up with that system, they are in danger of losing out. massey proposed ending the crisis of inequality in black housing patterns by attacking racial discrimination in private housing markets, which comprise 98 percent of all dwellings in america. public policies, he said, must interrupt the institutionalized process of neighborhood racial turnover, which is the ultimate mechanism by which the ghetto is reproduced and maintained. that process depends on white prejudice and racial discrimination which restrict black access and channels black housing demand to a few black or racially mixed areas. the federal government must insert itself into the housing markets with hud taking a greater role in enforcing fair housing act directives, massey said. whether the clinton administration is willing to address the issue of housing segregation, meanwhile, is anybody s g^s there are strong indications that it may happen hud secretary henry cisneros has promised stepped-up 160 percentage of black who live in segregated neighborhoods in selectei metropolitan areas. atlanta _6lil7%i^b baltimore him birmingham 71.7% m boston 68;2%3h chicago ! cleveland 1 dallas fort worth rdetroit . houston 0o%jb| kansas city 72.6% los angeles long beach 73.1% | memphis miami 71.8%~m new orleans 68.8% hi new york 82 77.2% philadelphia st. louis 77.0% san francisco oakland washington d.c. source: population association c enforcement activities and the u.s. justice appears to be increasing its monitoring of dis practices in the real estate and banking industri but this isn t enough. one source of d whether housing segregation will end any time from the black community itself, which appears faith in the benefits of integrated housing, di spread evidence that it is a powerful vehicle foi economic mainstream. there appears to be a 1 talgia that has settled in in many quarters of t community that support the idea that segregai may not be such a bad thing. even among aft cans, who are most hurt financially by segreg appears to be little agreement on how to invest gle against housing segregation with passion; ment. recently, massey was asked to discuss his black chicago radio station. he spoke of tf blacks have with access to capital, about the industry which blocks blacks from finding out 1 cise their options for a wider range of economi housing choices. i was saying it was all ah access to greater opportunities, which basically ing the mainstream, which means are you willi with white people to get what you want give birth, and children w sent the one essential entity which must exist if t does. it is simply inconceivable that women, ths can any longer allow men to retain almost exclusiv over the vital process of defining the human fam the concept of family can and should be a rather than divisive, principle. given the weight ol tory that we uniquely bear, black women should collectively not only as blacks but as women, in th our lost children throughout history including gently the present generation. one of the first s confront, in all their ramifications, the racist/se historically concocted by opportunistic, ruthless white males in the interests of white-over-black ; over-female dominance. never again should the future of black childrer dren anywhere in the world be left in such han< 156 article 35 home ownership anchors the middle class but lending games sink many prospective owners icott minerbrook t was the kind of house donnell cravens and his wife, ugenie, had prayed for: a four-bedroom brick colonial with irown trim, hedges all around and an attached garage. they aw it for the first time in early july, and it was almost an ipparition of earthly rewards. for him, a personnel director, here was a garden to raise corn, tomatoes and melons. for her, tn accountant with the detroit symphony orchestra, a greensward of lawn manicured like a royal garden. true, west bloomfield, mich., didn t have many minority children for their kids to play with, but they d somehow make do. they almost didn t get it. they had $54,000 in the bank from the sale of their detroit home and had been pre-ipproved for a $150,000 mortgage, complete with a letter of qualification from one financial institution. then came the meeting with the seller s realtor. one look at the agent and eugenie told donnell, "she's going to give us trouble. the agent tried. she told the seller that the cravens weren t qualified, even though she d gotten a full rundown about the husband s finances without his consent. the seller was about to pull out when the cravens threatened to call in their lawyers. that seemed to do the trick. it was a travty, donnell said. i knew about the race game in real estate, but i wouldn't have believed it if i hadn t experied it myself. welcome to the world of real estate, to seclusion and exclusion. it is a world where many minorities give up. j eed, the very intent is to make minorities give up. the u rimate humiliation for the black middle class is the denial j eclual access to housing, said charles bromley, director orthe metropolitan strategy group in cleveland, ohio. at all levels, the hoops are higher and smaller le ^or whites, they are wider and lower. it s discrimina-10nmth a smile. forthe black middle class, exclusion from better hous-j'l bitter fruit of a legacy of racial prejudice. in what 3rs call the inertia of segregation, millions o th 'can;atner cans who have climbed into the security, of dle and upper classes about 12 per cent of all yeacan artler*cans now have earnings exceeding $50,000 a night" nl' t0 f'ncl thar the dream of buying a home is a great**131* miscues and obstacles. nowhere is this fact of ho*r consequence than in the field of housing. buying a 1s not only part of the american dream, it is essential to grasping it. but study after study reveals that those in the middle class are restricted in their choice of where to live and what to buy. they are treated differently by lending and insurance institutions simply because of the color of their skin. this has a profound impact on the wealth of generations to come. more than two decades after the 1968 fair housing act banned discrimination in the sale and rental of housing, blacks who try to move away from the disadvantages of city living often find themselves re-segregated into what sociologists call the inner ring or near-in suburbs, such as prince george s county or silver spring, in maryland, which surround washington, d.c. they find themselves hemmed in by housing practices that put them in close proximity to the poor and to lesser educational opportunities, despite the fact that they may be earning as much as their white counterparts. steered there by discriminatory practices on the part of banks, insurance companies and realtors, middle-class blacks find themselves in areas where the demand for the houses they have purchased has already peaked, virtually ensuring a deflation in the value of their homes compared to those of the whiter suburbs beyond. the net result of segregation is that the black middle class loses the very freedom of movement that defines being in the middle class, said douglas s. massey, a sociologist at the university of chicago. massey has a word for these collective experiences: hypersegregation. it is a term that defines the increasing spatial isolation of blacks from whites, not only in american cities, but in the suburbs that weren t built for blacks in the first place. in his recent book, american apartheid: segregation and the making of the underclass, massey and his co-author, nancy a. denton, show just how deeply segregated america continues to be. a principal finding: race, not class, is the main determinant of where blacks are allowed to live. according to the authors data, a black person who makes $50,000 has fewer choices in where he or she can live and is more segregated than an hispanic person earning $2,500. the authors say blacks earning $50,000 a year also experience the same degree of segregation as african-americans earning $2,500 a year. and according to the national research council, it will take about six decades for blacks to achieve the minimal levels of economic security that integration with whites has already brought to hispanics and asians. from emerge, october 1993, pp42-48. reprinted by permission. 157 6. african americans this is the penalty of race, said sociologist george galster, of the washington-based urban institute. it is a reality so widespread that it is almost never challenged. the bottom line, massey said, is that blacks in many big cities are less likely to move to the suburbs than either asians or hispanics and are more likely to live segregated lives once they are there. in the chicago area, or instance, fewer than 16 percent of blacks live in the su urbs, compared to 27 percent of hispanics and nearly half of the area s asians. the numbers are just as stark when massey compares where blacks live to where whites live. by 1980, when black economic progress was beginning to stall because of resistance to affirmative action, 71 percent of all whites lived in northern suburbs. blacks then composed less than a quarter of all suburban residents. in the south, the suburbs were 65 percent white and 34 percent black. in the north and midwest, blacks were even less likely to live in the suburbs of indianapolis, kansas city, milwaukee and new york all of which had black residential rates of less than 10 per cent. in the suburbs of los angeles, pittsburgh and st. louis, the black residential rates didn t approach that of whites. but even these numbers are potentially misleading. while blacks began moving into the suburbs in the 80s, massey said, this didn t mean the neighborhoods where they lived were integrated. in fact, many black suburbs were often simply sections of declining municipalities, replete with all the problems that have hobbled the economic growth of central cities. even if an african-american moved to the suburbs, various studies show high degrees of segregation of blacks closer to blacks and whites closer to whites were usually the rule. and this does not bode well for blacks living there. those suburbs where the numbers of blacks have increased have followed the old rule of real estate: where blacks are, white homeowners stay away, fearful that the value of their homes won t increase. this may or may not be racism per se, scholars say, since racial attitudes are often indistinguishable from economic ones. one expert has estimated that between 30 percent and 70 percent of racial segregation is the result of economic concerns, such as home value. in large measure it is perception that becomes reality. in most instances, whites are reluctant to move to areas where housing approaches a 20 percent black ratio. once this level is reached, white demand softens even as black demand increases. this often leads to re-segregation of an area. so set are white home buyers in their identification of the suburbs as being white that a 1985 study of white voters in detroit by the michigan democratic party found that whites believed that not being black is what, by definition, constitutes being middle class and that not living with blacks is what makes a neighborhood a decent place to live. this generally has devastating effects on the areas that have become integrated. proud and comfortable as they may be, weakening white demand means blacks will find themselves stuck with homes they can t sell. median home prices in the city of detroit tell this story over time the median home value of a single-family home in that city dropped (in 1990 dollars) from $49,000 m ' $36,000 in 1980 to $27,000 in 1990 a 45 per c in their equity as whites moved out over the 20-yea as whites leave an area, a pattern of disinvestment i hurts the areas where middle-class blacks are movi and that s for starters. the inability of large numbers of blacks to buy 1 the suburbs reduces their ready access to jobs and i income. galster, at the urban institute, said tha access to markets in outlying areas where wages a than in the cities means lower savings rates, which personal wealth. thus, the usual rule that has applied to virtua immigrant european group and now asian tl ical and economic power across generations can b through home purchase, has largely not been the e: of african-americans. in 1970, 65 percent of whit homes. today, that number is 69 percent. in 197( cent of blacks owned homes. that number increa percent in 1989, before falling back to 42 per years later. instead of the crescendo of rising home values nomic viability, there is stagnation. realtors s weakness and begin offering forms of credit other ventional mortgages, said don demarco, execui tor of the fund for an open society, a philadelp fair housing group. this tends to be a code for th the neighborhood is no longer attractive to the population. real estate agents jump into the i offering various federally-subsidized mortgage ments, including veterans administration am homeowners administration loans that becom< tom of weakening market demand. and since th points and closing costs is generally higher for tl blacks who move into the neighborhoods o socked with a third whammy: neighborhoods of investment value where residents must deplete t to close, leaving less money to fix the homes. the effect on black wealth is devastating. in u.s. census bureau concluded that white families h the wealth of blacks in america ew ethnicity to revise his account and to call the district humphrey country." it is one of the most consistently liberal districts in pennsylvania. why send this constituency the message that it is the enemy? jimmy breslin was once asked by an interviewer in penthouse how, coming out of queens, he could have grown up so liberal. actually, next to brooklyn, there is no more liberal county in the nation. a similar question was put to a liberal journalist from the dorchester area, in boston. the class and ethnic bias hidden in the way the word "liberal" is used in such interviews cries out for attention. one of the large social generalizations systematically obscured by the traditional anti-catholidsm of american elites is the overwhelmingly progressive voting record in america's urban centers. the centers of large catholic population in every northeastern and north central state have been the key to democratic victories in those states since at least 1916. the hypothesis that catholics have been, second only to jews, the central constituency of successful progressive politics in this century is closer to the facts than historians have observed. (massachusetts, that most catholic of our states, stayed with mcgovern in 1972.) the language of politics in america is, however, mainly protestant, and protestant biases color public perception. protestant leadership is given the halo of morality and legitimacy, catholic life is described in terms of negatively laden words: catholic "power," "machine politics," etc. there are other examples of odd perception on the part of american elites with respect to catholic and other ethnic populations. the major institutions of american life-government, education, the media give almost no assistance to those of "white ethnic" background who wish to obey the socratic maxim: "know thyself." one of the greatest and most dramatic migrations of human history brought more than thirty million immigrants to this land between 1874 and 1924. despite the immense dramatic materials involved in this migration, only one ajor american film records it: elia kazan's america! merica! that film ends with the hero's arrival in amer-ka. the tragic and costly experience of americanization as scarcdy yet been touched. how many died; how were morally and psychologically destroyed; how carry the marks of changing their names, of g their mother tongue and renouncing their for-^er 1 entity in order to become "new men and new 10^ ~these are mchhs of violence, self-mutilation, frony the inner history of this migration must as .e 0 be understood, if we are ever to understand the ahons and fears of some seventy million americans. i a then this part of the population exhibits self-y v consciousness and begins to exert group ^ratpa d^s'^whether these are claims made by ag-ateregi] ^^^uals or claims that are corporate they 31 y confronted with the accusation that they are bemg divisive". ("divisive" is a code word for catholic ethmcs ^d jews, is it not? it is seldom used of others: white southerners, appalachians, chicanos, blacks, native americans, prep-school british americans, or others who maintain their own identity and institutions.) earl raab writes eloquently of this phenomenon in commentary (may, 1974): "modern europe . . . never really accepted the legitimacy of the corporate jew although it was at its best willing to grant full civil rights to the individual jew. that, for the jews, was an impossible paradox, a secular vision of christian demands to convert . . . [and] it is precisely this willingness to allow the jews their separate identity as a group which is now coming into question in america." individual diversity yes; group identity, not for all. ' the christian white ethnic, like the jew, actually has few group demands to make: positively, for educational resources to keep values and perceptions alive, articulate, and critical; negatively, for an equal access to power, status, and the definition of the general american purpose and symbolic world. part of the strategic function of the cry "divisive!" is to limit access to these things. only those individuals will be advanced who define themselves as individuals and who operate according to the symbols of the established. the emotional meaning is: "become like us." this is an understandable strategy, but in a nation as pluralistic as the united states, it is shortsighted. the nation's hopes, purposes, and symbols need to be defined inclusively rather than exclusively; all must become "new men" and "new women." all the burden ought not to fall upon the newcomers. there is much that is attractive about the british american, upper-class, northeastern culture that has established for the entire nation a model of behavior and perception. this model is composed of economic power; status; cultural tone; important institutional rituals and procedures; and the acceptable patterns of style, sensibility, and rationality. the terse phrase "ivy league" suggests all these factors. the nation would be infinitely poorer than it is without the ivy league. all of us who came to this land-including the many lower-class british americans, scotch-irish, scandinavians, and germans are much in the debt of the ivy league, deeply, substantially so. _ still, the ivy league is not the nation. the culture ot the ivy league is not the culture of america (not even of protestant america). who are we, then, we who do not particularly reverberate to the literature of new england, whose interior history is not puritan, whose social class is not brahmin (either in reality or in pretense), whose ethnicity is not british american, or even nordic? where * american institutions, american literature, american education is "entity mirrored, objectified, rendered accessible to intelligent criticism, and confirmed? we are still, i think, ^blidy verified culture to sustain us and our duldre . 171 7. the ethnic legacy it is not that we lack culture; it is not that we lack strength of ego and a certain internal peace. as jean-paul sartre remarks in one of his later works, there is a distinction between one's identity in one's own eyes and one's identity in the eyes of others. in the united states, many who have internal dignity cannot avoid noticing that others regard them as less than equals, with a sense that they are different, with uncertainty, and with a lack of commonality. it is entirely possible that the melting pot" would indeed have melted everyone, if those who were the models into which the molten metal was to be poured had not found the process excessively demanding. a sense of separate identity is, in part, induced from outside-in. i am made aware of being catholic and slovak by the actions of others. i would be sufficiently content were my identity to be so taken for granted, so utterly normal and real, that it would never have to be self-conscious. the fact of american cultural power is that a more or less upper-class, northeastern protestant sensibility sets the tone, and that a fairly aggressive british american ethnocentricity, and even anglophilia, govern the instruments of education and public life. moreover, it is somehow emotionally important not to challenge this dominant ethnocentricity. it is quite proper to talk of other sorts of social difference income, class, sex, even religion. to speak affirmatively of ethnicity, however, makes many uneasy. some important truth must lie hidden underneath this uneasiness. a niebuhrian analysis of social power suggests that a critical instrument of social control in the united states is, indeed, the one that dares not be spoken of. in new york state, for example, in 1974 the four democratic candidates for the office of lieutenant governor (not, however, for governor) were named olivieri, cuomo, la falce, and krupsak. it was the year, the pundits say, for "ethnic balance" on the ticket. but all four candidates insisted that their ethnicity was not significant. two boasted of being from upstate, one of being a woman, one of being for "the little guy. " it is publicly legitimate to be different on any other account except ethnicity, even where the importance of ethnic diversity is tacitly agreed upon. if i say, as i sometimes have, that i would love to organize an "ethnic caucus" within both the democratic party and the republican party, the common reaction is one of anxiety, distaste, and strained silence. but if i say, as i am learning to, that i would love to organize a "caucus of workingmen and women" in both parties, heads quickly nod in approval. social class is, apparently rational. cultural background is, apparently, counter-rational. yet the odd political reality is that most americans do not identify themselves in class terms. they respond to cultural symbols intimate to their ethnic history in america. ethnicity is a "gut issue," even though it cannot be 172 mentioned. a wise political candidate does not, oi speak to a longshoreman's local by calling its n italian american and appealing to some suppo tural solidarity. that would be a mistake. but if h( about those themes in the cultural tradition that their own identity themes like family, childrer neighborhood, specific social aspirations, and grie they know he is with them: he does represent i order to be able to represent many constitue representative has to be able to "pass over" in cultural histories. he may never once make < explicit as a public theme; but, implicitly, he recognizing the daily realities of ethnicity an experience in the complex fabric of american soci< according to one social myth, america is a ' pot," and this myth is intended by many to be nc descriptive but normative: the faster americar daily white ethnic americans "melt" into th american pattern, the better. there is even ; ranking according to the supposed degree of tion: scotch irish, norwegians, swedes, germar dutch, liberal or universalist jews, the irish, and the line to the less assimilated: greeks, yugosla garians, central and east europeans, italians, ( jews, french canadians, portuguese, latins and speaking. . . . (the pattern almost exactly rei history and literature of england.). now it was one thing to be afraid of ethnicity i: confronting a first and second generation of irni it is another thing to be afraid, in 1974, in conf third and fourth generation. indeed, fears about of ethnicity seem to be incompatible with c about how successful the "melting pot" has be about a "revival" of ethnicity confirm the fact nicity is still a powerful reality in american lif what, then, are the advantages and disadva making this dangerous subject, this subterranea explicit? the disadvantages seem to be three. the fir everyone's mind is that emphasis on ethnicity i to the disadvantage of blacks. it may, it is said, legitimization of racism. it may "polarize" w blacks. nothing could be further from the tru who are concerned about the new ethnicity ge (washington), irving levine (new york), barbe ski (baltimor e), ralph perrotta (new york), 5 ubado (newark), otto feinstein (detroit), stan (buffalo), kenneth kovach (cleveland), edward (chicago), and others have given ample proc concern for the rights and opportunities of bla cans. many got their start in the new ethnicit their work among blacks. the overriding politic tion among those concerned with the new e1 that the harshness of life in the cities must be r1 whites and blacks together, especially in woi neighborhoods. present social policies punish hoods that integrate. such neighborhoods f rewarded and strengthened and guaranteed a long-range stability. . but fears about ethnicity require a further two-part response. racism does not need ethnicity in order to be legitimated in america. it was quite well legitimated by anglo-american culture, well before white ethnics arrived here in significant numbers, well before many white ethnics had ever met blacks. indeed, there is some reason to believe that, while racism is an international phenomenon and found in all cultures, the british american and other nordic peoples have a special emotional response to colored races. not all european peoples respond to intermarriage, for example, with quite the emotional quality of the anglo-saxons. the french, the spanish, the italians, and the slavs are not without their own forms of racism. but the felt quality of racism is different in different cultures. (it seems different among the north end italians and the south boston irish of boston, for example.) in america, racism did not wait until the immigrants of 1880 and after began to arrive. indeed, it is in precisely those parts of the country solely populated by british americans that the conditions of blacks have been legally and institutionally least humane. in those parts of the country most heavily populated by white ethnics, the cultural symbols and the political muscle that have led to civil-rights and other legislation have received wide support. liberal senators and congressmen elected by white ethnics including the kennedys led the way. even in 1972, both hamtramck and buffalo went for george mcgovern. mcgovern's share of the slavic vote was fifty-two per cent. nixon won the white protestant vote by sixty-eight per cent. it will be objected that white ethnic leaders like frank zzo of philadelphia, ralph perk of cleveland, and others are signs of a new racism on the part of white ethnics in the northern cities, of a retreat from support orblacks, and of a rising tide of anti-"crime" and anti-using sentiment. the proponents of the new ethnicity perceive such developments as a product of liberal ne-ipect and liberal divisiveness. the proponents of the new p tics talk well of civil rights, equal opportunity, eco ic justice, and other beautiful themes. but the new pi ties, in distinguishing "legitimate" minorities (blacks, itiet s/ native americans) from "less favored" minor-pui?^'aris' ^avs' orthodox jews, irish, etc.), has set up has ai>d ^'defeating mechanisms. the new politics in^eedless'y divided working-class blacks from work-militans w^es' 'n part by a romance (on television) with ^nin? and ^amboyance, in part by racial discrimina-butk avor sorne against others, not because of need ^ause of color. ibis response *s that the politics of e constituency of conscience" (as michael har-he eu ene mccarthy, and others have called p itics of the liberal, the educated, the enlight 37. new ethnicity ened-is less advantageous to blacks than is the politics ol 6 u 1116 new politics is less advantageous to blacks because it is obsessed with racial differences, and approaches these through the ineffectual lenses of guilt and moralism. second, it is blind to cultural differences among blacks, as well as to cultural differences among whites; and sometimes these are significant. third, it unconsciously but effectively keeps blacks in the position of a small racial minority outnumbered in the population ten to one. by contrast, the new ethnicity notes many other significant differences besides those based upon race, and defines political and social problems in ways that unite diverse groups around common objectives. in chicago, for example, neither poles nor italians are represented on the boards or in the executive suites of chicago's top 105 corporations in a higher proportion than blacks or latinos all are of one per cent or less.* in boston, neither white ethnics nor blacks desire busing, but this highly ideological instrument of social change is supported most by just those affluent liberals in such suburbs as brookline and newton whose children will not be involved. the new ethnic politics would propose a strategy of social rewards better garbage pickup, more heavily financed and orderly schools, long-range guarantees on home mortgages, easier access to federally insured home improvement loans, and other services for neighborhoods that integrate. as a neighborhood moves from, say, a ten per cent population of blacks to twenty per-cent or more, integration should be regulated so that long-range community stability is guaranteed. it is better long-range policy to have a large number of neighborhoods integrated up to twenty or thirty per-cent than to encourage even by inadvertence a series of sudden flights and virtually total migrations. institutional racism is a reality; the massive migration of blacks into a neighborhood does not bring with it social rewards but, almost exclusively, punishments. there are other supposed disadvantages to emphasis upon ethnicity. ethnicity, it is said, is a fundamentally counter-rational, primordial, uncontrollable social force; it leads to hatred and violence; it is the very enemy of enlightenment, rationality, and liberal politics. but this is to confuse nationalism or tribalism with cultural heritage. because a man's name is russell, or ayer, or flew, we would not wish to accuse him of tribalism on the ground that he found the britons a uniquely civilized and clearheaded people, thought the germans ponderoi^ and mystic, the french philosophically romantic, etc. a bttl 25 we might conclude, but harmlessly ethnocentac and if'it is not necessarily tribalistic or unenlightened^tc read english literature in american schools, just possib j 820 nt ,h mkhl8 av e chicago, illinois 60611. i: 7. the ethnic legacy it would be even more enlightened and even less tribalis-tic to make other literatures, germane to the heritage of other americans, more accessible than they are. the united states is, potentially, a multiculturally attuned society. the greatest number of immigrants in recent years arrives from spanish-speaking and asian nations. but the nation's cultural life, and its institutions of culture, are far from being sensitive to the varieties of the american people. why should a cultural heritage not their own be imposed unilaterally upon newcomers? would not genuine multicultural adaptation on the part of all be more cosmopolitan and humanistic? it would be quite significant in international affairs. the americans would truly be a kind of prototype of planetary diversity. some claim that cultural institutions will be fragmented if every ethnic group in america clamors for attention. but the experience of the illinois curriculum in ethnic studies suggests that no one school represents more than four or five ethnic groups (sometimes fewer) in significant density. with even modest adjustments in courses in history, literature, and the social sciences, material can be introduced that illuminates inherited patterns of family life, valuer and preferences. the purpose for introducing multicultural materials is neither chauvinistic nor propagandistic but realistic. education ought to illuminate what is happening in the self of each child. what about the child of the mixed marriage, the child of no ethnic heritage the child of the melting pot? so much in the present curriculum already supports such a child that the only possible shock to arise from multicultural materials would appear to be a beneficial one: not all others in america are like him (her), and that diversity, as well as homogenization, has a place in america. the practical agenda that faces proponents of the new ethnicity is vast, indeed. at the heights of american economic and social power, there is not yet much of a melting pot. significant ethnic diversity is manih the proportion of each group studying in univers faculties, in the professions, on boards of di among the creators of public social symbols, and 1 in patterns of home ownership, family incom< patterns, care for the aged, political activism, au1 ianism, individualism, and matters of ultimate c group differences are remarkable. about all these more information is surely needed. appropriat policies need to be hypothesized, tried, and ev; ethnic diversity in the united states persists consciousness of individuals, in their perceptions, ences, behavior, even while mass production ar communications homogenize our outward appei some regard such persistence as a personal failu would prefer to "transcend" their origins, or j they believe that they have. here two questior what cultural connection do they have wit brothers and sisters still back in montgomery, or ing, or skokie, or pawtucket? second, has their j assimilation introduced into the great american si ture fresh streams of image, myth, symbol, and intellectual life? has anything distinctively theii formed in them by a history longer than a tl years been added to the common wisdom? the new ethnicity does not stand for the balka: of america. it stands for a true, real, multicultural politanism. it points toward a common cultu altered by each new infusion of diversity. until i common culture has been relatively resistant to transformation; it has not so much arisen from th of all as been imposed; the melting pot has hac single recipe. that is why at present the common seems to have become discredited, shattered, un able. its cocoon has broken. struggling to be b creature of multicultural beauty, dazzling, free, < and richer form of life. it was fashioned in the darkness of the melting pot and now, at the ap time, it awakens. 174 article 38 irish-americans attack beer-ad images joanne lipman on the eve of st. patrick's day, some infuriated irish-american groups are lashing out at america's beer marketers for ads they say perpetuate the worst stereotypes about the irish and they are demanding that the ads be pulled. just in time for the holiday, the country's top beer marketers have been unrolling ad campaigns tying their brands to party-down leprechauns and three-leaf clovers. but a number of irish-american groups me mobilizing to declare that the mage of the irish as excessive drinkers is nonsense. the ads sling ethnic slurs against the irish, the critics say, reinforcing damaging stereotypes. the groups are especially furious w a budweiser spot starring kathy ^ d, the bikini-clad model who graces the cover of sports illustrated's w swi acy. 131 african americans a1988 new york times editorial suggests an appropriate introductory focus to the following collection of articles about an ethnic group that traces its american ancestry to initial participation as three-fifths persons in the u.s. constitution and to its later exclusion from the polity altogether by the u.s. supreme court s dred scott decision. the editors of the times write in the article negro, black and african american (december 22,1988): the archaeology is dramatically plain to older adults who, in one lifetime, have already heard preferred usage shift from colored to negro to black. the four lingual layers provide an abbreviated history of civil rights in this century. perhaps the fact of renaming this ethnic group african ^merican may produce fresh vision needed to understand and transcend the deep racism that infects society. the following glimpses of the african american reality, its struggles for freedom, its tradition and community, its ichievements, and the stresses of building bridges be-ween worlds reveal a dense set of problems. more importantly, they suggest pieces of authentic identity i ather than stereotype. becoming a healthy ethnic society i wolves more than the end of ethnic stereotyping. the basis of ethnic identity are sustained by authentic por-t -ayal of positive personal and group identity. the cultiva-t on of ethnicity that does not encourage disdain against c nd self-hatred among members and groups is an impor-t mt psychological and social artifice. progress or lack of progress on issues of race involves e xamination of a complex of historical, social, cultural, and e conomic factors. analysis of this sort requires assessment of the existence of deep racism in the american mentality that is, the cultural consciousness and the ir stitutions that transmit images and practices that shape the foundations and configurations of social reality. discrimination and prejudice based on skin color are e issues rarely broached in mainstream journals of opinion. ehnic and racial intermarriage and the influence and impact of skin hue within the african american community re ise attendant issues of discrimination and consciousness of color. this concern is ultimately traced to the eighteenth and nineteenth century its origins in laws arid practices of defining race that shaped the ongoing m entalities of color consciousness, prejudice, and racism in america. other dimensions of the african experience can be found in this section s ac african american traditions and experiences o and the family, in addition to the african roots of i have been incorporated into the general cultur obviously, what some see as strengths an contributions, others argue are merely romai sions from more compelling social, economic, cal issues. though this debate continues, p change within african american populations f pelled discussion of the emerging black middle' purpose and influence of the historically black and the reopening of the discussion of separate in the courts and in the renewed attention to z education are clear evidence of the ambival ambiguity inherent in the challenges of a n al society. earlier dichotomies slave/free, bl poor/rich are still evident, but a variety of groui based on historical and regional as well as ir agendas to preserve cultural and racial cons have complicated the simple hope for liberty that was shared by many americans. issues o class are openly addressed by several articl section as are the ideological and psychologic of the complicated journey of african americe full participation in the promises of liberty and well as the enjoyment of cultural freedom in a r america. looking ahead: challenge questions what are the most compelling issues that fa american communities? what social, economic, and political condi supported the expansion of an african americ class? what explains the persistence of an african underclass? what effect does the media have on st consciousness of ethnic group identity? in what respect is attention to pluralism dim the economic and social plight and isolation americans? does the name african americans augm< velopment of pluralism? 131 article 29 10 most dramatic events african-american histon lerone bennett jr. 1. the black coming a year before the arrival of the celebrated mayflower, 244 years before the signing of the emancipation proclamation, 335 years before brown vs. board of education, a big, bluff-bowed ship sailed up the river james and landed the first generation of african-americans at jamestown, va. nobody knows the hour or the date of the official black coming. but there is not the slightest doubt about the month. john rolfe, who betrayed pochohontas and experimented with tobacco, was there, and he said in a letter that the ship arrived about the latter end of august in 1619 and that it brought not anything but 20 and odd negroes. concerning which the most charitable thing to say is that john rolfe was probably pulling his boss leg. for no ship ever called at an american port with a more important cargo. in the hold of that ship, in a manner of speaking, was the whole gorgeous panorama of black america, was jazz and the spirituals and the black gold that made american capitalism possible.* bird was there and bigger and king and malcolm and millions of other xs and crosses, along with mahalia singing, duke ellington composing, gwendolyn brooks rhyming and michael jordan slam-dunking. it was all there, illegible and inevitable, on that day. a man with eyes would have seen it and would have announced to his contemporaries that this ship heralds the beginning of the first civil war and the second. as befitting a herald of fate, the ship was nameless, and mystery surrounds it to this day. where did this ship come from? from the high seas, where the the shaping of black america 134 reprin,ed by lerone bennett, jr., and ebony crew robbed a spanish vessel of a cargo of africans bound for the west indies. the captain ptended, john rolfe noted, that he needed food, and he offered to exchange his cargo for vic-tualle. the deal was arranged. an-toney, pedro, isabella and 17 other africans with spanish names stepped ashore, and the history of africans in america began. and it began, contrary to what almost all texts say, not in slavery but in freedom. for there is indisputable evidence that most of the first black immigrants, like most of the first white immigrants, were held in indentured servitude for a number of years and then freed. during a transitional period of some 40 years, the first black immigrants held real property, sued in court and accumulated pounds and plantations. this changed drastically in the sixth decade of the century when the white founding fathers, spurred on by greed and the unprotected status of african immigrants, enacted laws that reduced most africans to slavery. and so, some 40 years after the black coming, black and white crossed a fatal threshold, and the echo of that decision will reverberate in the corridors of black and white history forever. 2. the founding of black america tithen, on a sunday in november v 1786, the little band of black christians arrived at philadelphia s st. george s methodist episcopal church, the sexton pointed to the gallery. the blacks paused and then started up the rickety stairs with downcast eyes and heavy hearts. to the leaders of this group, richard allen and absalom jones, this was the ultimate to be shunted from the first gallery in a church blacl helped build. the group had barely rea< of the stairs when a voice fro, said, let us pray. withoi the men plopped down ' were in the front of the g; was praying as hard as he co, heard loud voices. he oper and saw a white sexton trying salom jones from his knees. you must get up; you mi down here! the white sexi wait until the prayer is replied. the voices echoed tl church, and people looked held the incredible scene christian and a white chi tling in the house of the l color of god s word. get up! the sexton saic wait until the prayer is replied wearily, and i will you any more. four or five white chris to the sexton s aid, and 1 spread over the gallery. bel was resolved, the prayer black men stood up then ai word, streamed out of the < first mass demonstration in ican history. richard allen added a m script: .. and they were no n by us in the church. they were no more plagi in a lot of places. for the demonstration was the fix national movement that foundations of black amer 12, 1787, richard allen t roated the free african society ^dubois called the first wavering 5apeople toward a m re is'societies were formed in most ^northern cities. and onah.s foun-s arose an intricate structure of im indent black churches, schools and organizations. the movement s^the^^^ foui^g of freedom s journal, the first black newspaper, and the convening of first national black convention. 3, nat turner's war cod was speaking, nat turner said later. there was, he remembered, thunder and lightning and a loud voice" in the sky. and the voice spoke to him, telling him to take up the yoke and fight against the serpent for the time was fast approaching when the first should be last and the last should be first. nat turner was numbered among the last. and although hi' was a slave in southampton county, va., it would be saidofhim later that he "made an impact upon the people of his section its great as that of john c. calhoun or jefferson davis. a mystic with blood on his mind and a preacher with vengeance on his lips, he was an implacable foe of slaveholders. he had believed since he wits a child that god had set him aside for some great purpose. and he decided wwthat god was calling him to rise up day my enemies with their own weapons. to this end, turner, who wits alxmt 30 wold, chose four disciples and set his towards jerusalem, the county seat 0 southampton. ^sunday morning, aug. 21, 1s31, , ls^ples gathered on the banks of irak property of joseph tump "1^ mah'fod the widow of fotpzt^stn?aster an(l who had there-whoiented turner an(l ^ ^h. nat, and dr/the value of a delayed hte10 e.n?rance apppared sud-noimced thl afterno n antl an night hsm a would strike that ferandnwv/1 j?at home of his masfe)|. p^eding^ house to house, ^everyman woman chi|d ^ptthj? i^.at burner and his army woods t0 the home of ^mens seph travis. they were ^toadax with one hatchet and 1wenwbur hours later, they 29. dramatic would be seventy and at least fifty-seven whites would be dead. when, on monday morning, the first bodies were discovered, a nameless dread seized the citizens. men, women and children fled to the woods and hid under the leaves until soldiers and sailors arrived from richmond and norfolk. some whites left the county; others left the state. defeated in an engagement near jerusalem, turner went into hiding and was not captured until six weeks later. on nov. 11, 1831, the short black man called the prophet was hanged in a f will in all reasonable po -sibility, be what coloured men make of it. article 50 ask not 90s style national service: newsweek went behind the scenes for 10 months as clinton's dream smashed against the politics of race, class and selfishness steven waldman when bill clinton thinks of national service, this is what he sees: a roomful of earnest young people talking about how, as part of a program called city year, they have cleaned the apartments of frail seniors, tutored in inner-city schools and fixed up community playgrounds. as clinton campaigned for the new hampshire primary in december 1991 and listened to these stories, he was struck by the racial and social mix of the young workers. yes, there was a former drug dealer from boston, but alongside him was a prep-school student from texas and a working-class white from south boston. one by one they talked about how serving together had forced them to shed prejudices and opened up new worlds. visibly moved, clinton told them, "you make a statement every day that there is an american community." here is a reality clinton must deal with: last june the white house launched the summer of service to demonstrate what service could do. seventy-five percent of participants at the training retreat near san francisco were minorities. by the third day the 1,500 young people from around the country had split into black, hispanic, native american and gay/lesbian/bisex-ual caucuses. some of the african-american groups debated whether whites should even be allowed to attend their meetings. vegetarians complained that organizers hadn't attended to their needs. students berated eli segal, the head of the white house office of national service, about gays in the military, the failures of the federal government and the need for the program to politically organize poor people to demand benefits "i almost thought we were going to have a riot," said one official who helped organize the retreat. in bill clinton's ideal world, all things are possible you can help the middle class and uplift the poor convince blacks and whites to serve side by side, and make govern ment work without wasting the taxpayers' money. but the political reality is that the great liberal ideals of the democratic party have been soured by the persistent from newsweek, september 20, 1993, pp 46^o permission. 51. divisions of race and class. in many precincts, hope idealism have been replaced with cynicism and isola ism. clinton tried to replace washington's prevailing mine" attitude with the message he took from joi kennedy's "ask not what your country can do for j but the demands of class and race kept intruding int plans. a compromiser at heart, clinton in the end h settle for less. last week congress passed clinton' tional service plan. even after all the dealmaking ducking, the president achieved something signifies plan that will ask thousands of young americar perform some national service in exchange for help their college education. and his program will rely burgeoning collection of successful local service 0 but the program is far from what clinton once prom many have noted its modest size. more important, not the engine for social and racial integration th; envisaged as he listened to the young work mates of year. ten months ago newsweek launched a special pi designed to track the national service initiative's drai but barely reported journey from campaign applause to law. the obstacles clinton faced along the way s how difficult it will be for "new democrats" to "reir government" and restore the idealism that moved ton as a young high-school student shaking jfk's hai years ago. during the early months of the campaign, clin political advisers rolled their eyes whenever the cand started talking about a national program to encot young people to serve their country. "every cand has one of these things," james carville said later, sj ing as if it were a bad habit, like bingeing on big ft you humor him and you move on." the joking stopped once the aides heard the appl< clintons plan to reward service with a college sch ship was the most consistent crowd-pleaser in his st speeches. clinton had melded two controversial i into a proposal designed to please everyone. just as for service would have appealed to a narrow sliver 0 gooders. on the other hand, just offering bundk 993 by newsweek. inc. all rights reserved. reprinted by 230 50. ask no college aid would have seemed like profligate "tax and spend" liberalism. but put the two together and clinton sounded like a new democrat who preserved the best of his party's past while junking the worst. yes, clinton was saying, government does have a role to play in improving society. but people can't just ask for handouts. they should have to give something back. crowds loved clinton's stock speech line about his "domestic gi bill." there was only one problem: it was wildly expensive. if he really allowed all students to wipe out all of their loans, the program could cost as much as $40 billion. of course, not everybody would want to serve, but even if just 3 percent of those with loans did as the campaign predicted it would still cost $8 billion, more than the government now spends on the entire student-loan program. during the campaign, reality did not intrude. aides who gingerly asked about the true cost of the program were told to be quiet. but when clinton as president had to produce his first federal budget, he shrank his promise considerably: $3.4 billion by 1997. that would fund 70,000 students four times as many, clinton liked to point out, as were enrolled by the peace corps during its heyday but hardly the scholarships-for-all he had initially promised. so before clinton's plan was even introduced to congress, it had been radically scaled back. and the real fight, over the true mission of national service, had not yet begun. at its core, clinton's proposal changed the government's approach to helping people go to college. for the past 30 years congress has given out financial aid based almost entirely on who needs it most. income, not ability, has been the criterion. attempts to tie aid to academic merit were viewed as anti-democratic. clinton's national service program contained a new message: the government will still give aid according to need but will give more money to those who serve their country. a seemingly worthy ideal, but it was deeply worrisome to the colleges and universities that rely on and lobby for federal education aid. the significance of clinton's shift was not lost on former congressman william gray iii, the president of the united negro college fund. gray believed the approach seriously threatened his schools and their students, many of whom survive on pell grants, the no-strings attached scholarships for the needy. on march 25, gray summoned other leaders of higher educa tion to a summit at the american council on education offices. "it's american pie, you know, national service, he said dismissively, "doing something for the country, shades of jfk, the whole bit. wonderful images of americana et cetera." but the ultimate goal of national service, he warned, was to replace pell grants, which aid 4.4 million low-income students, in order to give a nice expen-ence to 100,000 middle-class kids. the new program at a glance service jobs: the government will create 20,000 full-time service slots by fall 1994. high-school graduates or anyone working toward an equivalency diploma can apply through local programs. college loan forgiveness: for each year of full-time service, participants will earn a $4,725 scholarship. they can use it for future schooling, including job training, or to pay off past loans. they will receive a stipend (probably minimum wage) and health care. flexible loan repayment: as of the 1994-95 school year, students can repay loans as a percentage of future income, instead of in fixed payments. the goal: to spur people to take low-paying publicservice jobs by easing burden of debt. a practicing baptist minister, gray pounded the table warning that when members of congress have to decidi between a middle-class program like national service, o one for the poor like pell grants, "i can tell you right awai which they're going to pick. they're going to pick the on< for the people who vote! middle-class americans. middl< class vote! poor folks don't!' in a private meeting the next day with officials from th< american council on education, bud blakey, the counse for the united negro college fund, turned up the heat "if we end up trading the interests of upper-incom whites for low-income blacks and latinos ... he didn finish that sentence, adding: "if the race card has to ge played to stop this bull-from happening, then the rao card is going to be played here!" by making "service" a criterion for aid, the whit house had backed into the dangerous arena of racu politics. in times of scarcity, giving money to whit middle-class kids-even those who've earned it throug good works-can mean taking money away from poc kids the white house tried to reassure colleges that would support pell grants but undermined its credibilit by simultaneously cutting millions of dollars from othe ^until smsef^f service awakened them, white hous negotiators were oblivious to the fact that their notions < race were deemed by some to be naive, antiquated an condescending. clinton wants to solve racial troubh through aggressive integration-an approach admire when he was memorizing martin luther king s i have dream" speech but out of touch with sentiment in tl streets today. king and busing to achieve school integi tion are out; malcolm x and afrocentric curricula are i clinton implicitly assumes that low-income blacks v. benefit more from exposure to affluent whites than frc working in their own communities. and affluent whit 9. understanding cultural pluralism are more likely to drop their prejudices if forced to work on an equal footing with blacks than if they watch in the heat of the night" in their homogeneous suburbs. national service "is one of the things we have to do, clinton says, "to re-establish the ability to talk to one another. but some groups that work with minorities view these assumptions with contempt. kathleen selz represents local service corps mostly comprising low-income blacks and hispanics and believes that racemixing proponents overstate the magical ability of yuppie whites to transform the lives of the underclass. "these girls from [affluent] bethesda at the d.c. service corps are always saying things like, 'oh, it opened our horizons!' " says selz, mimicking the syrupy voice of an earnest suburbanite. "well, you notice the welfare mother doesn't say much like that." if money were unlimited, clinton could give aid to programs that celebrate unifying ethnic groups and minority self-help programs that emphasize separateness. but the white house had to decide: should the legislation favor local programs that share the same vision as c y displacement may be occurring. but in normal times, any job loss is more than offset by the creation of new jobs stemming from the immithe economic cost of immigration grants own work. the immigrants new spending creates demand for housing, groceries and other necessities, and their employers invest their expanding profits in new machinery and jobs. it is called competitive capitalism, says tony carnevale of the american society for training and development, and it works. it s how america got rich. two forces, however, have recently helped to undercut the benefits of immigration: the welfare state and the steep decline in the skill levels of immigrants since 1970. in the last great decade of immigration, 1900 to 1910, public education and a little public health were the only services provided to those migrating to new york and other northeastern cities. one third of the new immigrants simply failed and moved hack home. today dozens of welfare programs from food stamps to unemployment compensation cushion failure and attract immigrants who might otherwise stay home. in california, children bom to illegal parents now account for one in eight beneficiaries of one program alone, aid to families with dependent children (afdc). the state-run medicaid program provided $489 million in health care to more than 400,000 illegal aliens last year. legal aliens got hundreds of millions more. donald huddle, an immigration expert at rice university, recently calculated that the 19.3 million legal, illegal and amnestied aliens accepted into the united states since 1970 utilized $50.8 billion worth of government services last year. they paid $20.2 billion in taxes. so the net burden on native-born taxpayers was $30.6 billion a social-welfare cost per immigrant of $1,585. huddle projects these immigrants will cost taxpayers another $50 billion a year on average over the next 10 years. a decline in the skills of new immigrants helps to explain these numbers. ninety percent of current immigrants arrive from third world countries with income and social-service levels one tenth or even one twentieth those of the united states . their education levels relative to those of native-born americans are steadily declining. so are their earnings. george borjas of the university of california, san diego, says that in 1970 the average immigrant actually earned 3 percent more than a native-born american but by 1990 was earning 16 percent less. each year the percentage is heading downward, says borjas. what s more, welfare dependency has steadily climbed and is now above that of native-boms. in 1990,7.7 percent of native californians received newsweek poll was immigration a good thinj or a bad thing for this country in the past? 59% good thing 31% bad thing is immigration a good thing or a bad thing for this country today? 29% good thing 60% bad thing is the u.s. still a melting pot, or do immigrants today maintain their national identity more strongly? 20% still a melting pot 66% maintain identity the newsweek poll. july 29-3o. 1^93 public assistance vs. 10.4 percent of new immigrants. the welfare costs of immigration should dramatically decrease as the california and u.s. economies recover. the long-term benefits of immigrant labor and business enterprise will then be more apparent. but the age of innocence in the american immigration experience is over. the rise of the u.s. welfare state has placed a cushion under the immigrant experience and diminished the benefits of immigration to the countiy at large. rich thomas with andre w murr in los angeles golden venture or the young latinos *ho scale the fence at tijuana every night. bill clinton s goal, like that of most defenders of continued large-scale immi-gration, is to drive home the distinction between legal immigration (good) and 'begal immigration (very, very bad). hle-831 immigration is undeniably out of control. congress tried to stop it in 1986 with a law called irc a, the immigration reform and control act, which was based on a two-pronged strategy. irca offered amnesty and eventual citizenship to an estimated 3.7 million illegal aliens and, at the same time, aimed at shutting down the u.s. job market by making it illegal for employers to hire undocumented aliens. the act has failed. despite the amnesty, the estimated number of illegals has once again risen to between 2 million and 4 million people. for the first two years there was a significant drop . . . because folks thought there was a real law here, says lawrence h. fuchs, acting chair of the u.s. commission on immigration reform. but the word got out that irca had no teeth, fuchs says, and the influx resumed. fuchs concedes that as many as 500,000 illegals now enter this country each year, though he admits it is impossible to know for sure. the concern over illegal immigration is fueled, in part, by two conflicting fears. illegals are vulnerable to exploitation by employers and are often victimized extorted, kidnapped, raped, tortured and sometimes killed by crimi211 9. understanding cultural pluralism 1820-1870 the potato famine of the mid-1840s sent the irish scurrying to the promised land, while economic depression in germany triggered an exodus start a family and invest in the next generation. immigration is for the young: it takes courage, stamina and determination to pull up your roots, say goodbye to all that is dear and familiar, and hit the long and difficult trail to el norte. illegal immigration, with all its hazards, is for the truly daring: the latino men who wait on los angeles street corners, hoping for daywork, have faced more risk than most americans will ever know. . you can argue, then, that t tion between legal and illega tion is nearly meaningless. i are immigrants: how they go detail. and, in fact, the area regulation created by the 19( gether with its amendments; ments since, implicitly ac argument. the law recognize sons to award immigrant skills, especially those that match the needs of the u.s. t demonstrable reason to seek i nals and smugglers. at the other extreme, in cities like los angeles, they flood the labor market and set off bitter competition with american workers and legal immigrants for jobs. but the real problem is the subversion of u.s. law and policy, and that creates two dilemmas for the federal government. the first is what to do about the undocumented aliens who have made their way into this country since irc a: another amnesty, obviously, would only encourage more illegal immigration. the second dilemma is worse. there is no particular reason to believe that the current influx of illegals cannot rise from 500,000 a year to 600,000 a year or even beyond. this is conjectural but not necessarily alarmist: as fuchs says, the word is out. looking around the world, one can t find the natural forces that will bring down the flow, says harvard university sociologist nathan glazer. the first impact of prosperity will be to increase it. look at china. these people don t come from the backward areas, they come from the progressive parts. as they learn how to run a business, they say to themselves, why not go to the united states and do even better? the same applies to bangladesh, the dominican republic, mexico or the philippines. the dynamic, as fuchs says, is rooted in powerful macroeconomic forces now at work all around the globe rising birthrates and the conquest of disease, prosperity or the hope of prosperity, even modern telecommunications. (the glittery materialism of american tv shows is now being broadcast everywhere.) much as americans tend to regard the new immigrants as poor, uneducated and less skilled, the vast majority are surely enterprising. what they seek is opportunity the opportunity to hold two jobs that no americans want, to buy a television set and a beat-up car, to n |?california\ 1 735, 732 war or political persecution, to an american citizen or a this triad of goals replaced tl origin quota system of h heavily favored immigrants f (40%) i california when los angeles erupted in rioting last year, tensions grev between the black community and immigrants; roughly 2,(xx owned businesses were among those looted or damaged by 1 immigrants by country mexico 69% philippines 4% el salvador 3% vietnam 3% china 2% othere19%' texas texas and mexico share some 1.200 miles of porous border, along which the ins has apprehended about 380,000 illegal aliens so far this year. immigrants by country mexico 80% el salvador 4% vietnam 2% others 14% america s legal immigr the united states accepts more immigrants than allot industrialized nations combined. in fiscal 1991 the unistates government granted 1,827,167 people legal pern '4' arizona although many are just passing through in search of opportunities, arizona s mexican immigrants often feel at home amid the state's hispanic heritage immigrants by country mexico 86% vietnam 2% other* 12%---: 40,624 (2%) 212.600 (12%) 212 46. america: still a melting pot? ern and western europe and severely restricted immigration from everywhere jjse. it is a matter of lasting national shame that congress, throughout the 1930s and even after world war ii, re-fosed to adjust the law to admit the victims of the holocaust. that shabby record outraged jews and had much to do with the passage of [the] act of 1965. so did the old law s bias against slavs, poles, italians, the chinese and the japanese. but all three of these goals have been steadily distorted chipped at, twisted out of shape by the realities of immigration since 1965. kinship to u.s. citizens, known as the family-reunification policy, has become the overwhelming who they are and where they go residence. seventy-nine percent of these legal immigrants, looking for everything from freedom to financial opportunity, chose the seven states below as their new homes. illinois new york more poles live in chicago than any other city in the world except warsaw. the polish community continues to draw new immigrants to the windy city. immigrants by country mexico 54% poland 9% india 5% philippines 4% former soviet union 4% others 24%------new jersey (3%) illinois 73.388 (4%) wave of mnagrants to miami, but record numbers of cubans continue to cross the 90-mile stretch on makeshift rafts. florida fleeing haitians are the latest emigrants by country mexico 30% haiti 21% cuba 6%.___ jamaica 4% colombia 4% others 35% 1880-1920 persecution and poverty throughout europe unleashed the greatest flock of immigrants ever; no fewer than 12 million sought refiige here favorite of visa seekers and the primary reason the pattern of immigration has shifted so hugely to the third world. it was never intended to be: given the fact ellis island dosed as a port of entry in 19s4, but new york city still lures more immigrants .wwk (10%) than any other u.s. city. immigrants by country oom. republic 12% i former j soviet union 10% jamaica 6% i china 5%-----1 india 5% i others 62%--------j new jersey of the architect of the capitol, for this publicc well as for information regarding the franzoni desc still living in the united states today.) 14. congressional record, 1930, p. 2. 15. sellers, peale, p. 333. . 16. richard r. borneman, "franzoni and andrei sculptors in baltimore, 1808," the william and mary q third series, 10, no. 1 (january 1953), pp 108-h. > craven, sculpture in america, pp. 58-9. 17. fairman, art and artists, p. 452. 18. lorado taft, american sculpture (new york: m co., 1924), p. 568. article 37 the new ethnicity michael novak the word "ethnic" does not have a pleasing sound. the use of the word makes many people anxious. what sorts of repression account for this anxiety? what pretenses about the world are threatened when one points to the realities denoted and connoted by that ancient word? an internal history lies behind resistance to ethnicity; such resistance is almost always passional, convictional, not at all trivial. many persons have tried to escape being "ethnic," in the name of a higher moral claim. there are many meanings to the word itself. i have tried to map some of them below. there are many reasons forresistance to the word "ethnic" (and what it is taken to represent). rather than beginning with these directly, 1 prefer to begin by defining the new ethnicity. the definition 1 wish to give is personal; it grows out of personal experience; it is necessitated by an effort to attain an accurate self-knowledge. the hundreds of letters, reviews, comments, invitations, and conversations that followed upon the rise of the unmeltdble ethnics (1972) indicate that my own gropings to locate my own identity are not isolated. they struck a responsive chord in many others of southern and eastern european (or other) background. my aim was and is to open up the field to study let later inquiry descern just how broadly and how exactly my first attempts at definition apply. it is good to try to give voice to what has so far been untongued and then to devise testable hypotheses at a later stage. the new ethnicity, then, is a movement of self-knowl-e 8e on the part of members of the third and fourth deration of southern and eastern european inuni-^ts in the united states. in a broader sense, the new e hnicity includes a renewed self-consciousness on the m of other generations and other ethnic groups: the / the norwegians and swedes, the germans, the and japanese, and others. much that can be said of these groups can be said, not univocally but speal^5^' qthers. in this area, one must learn to aii multiple meanings and with a sharp eye for resemmces detail. (by "analogous" i mean "having cal" i but also essential differences"; by univocal a generalization that applies equally to all my sentences are to be read, then, analogously further reflections on ethnicity (jednota permission. --- <07^ hu michael novak. repnnreo uy hv not univocally; they are meant to awaken fresh perception, not to dose discussion. they are intended to speak directly of a limited (and yet quite large) range of ethnic groups, while conceding indirectly that much that is said of southern and eastern europeans may also be said, mutatis mutandis, of others. i stress that, in the main, the "new" ethnicity involves those of the third and fourth generation after immigration. perhaps two anecdotes will suggest the kind of experience involved. when time magazine referred to me in 1972 as a "slovak-american," i felt an inner shock; i had never referred to myself or been publicly referred to in that way. i wasn't certain how i felt about it. then, in 1974, after i had given a lecture on ethnicity to the only class in slavic american studies in the united states,* at the city college of new york, the dean of the college said on the way to lunch, "considering how sensitive you are on ethnic matters, the surprising thing to me was how american you are." i wanted to ask him, "what else?" in this area one grows used to symbolic uncertainties. the new ethnicity does not entail: (a) speaking a foreign language; (b) living in a subculture; (c) living in a "tight-knit" ethnic neighborhood; (d) belonging to fraternal organizations; (e) responding to "ethnic" appeals; (f) exalting one's own nationality or culture, narrowly construed. neither does it entail a university education or the reading of writers on the new ethnicity. rather, the new ethnicity entails: first, a growing sense of discomfort wit! the sense of identity one is supposed to have universalist "melted," "like everyone else"; then a growing appreda tion for the potential wisdom of one's own gut reaction (especially on moral matters) and their historical roots;. growing self-confidence and social power; a sense c being discriminated against, condescended to, or care lessly misapprehended; a growing disaffection regardin those to whom one had always been taught to defer; an a sense of injustice regarding the response of liber; spokesmen to conflicts between various ethnic group especially between "legitimate" minorities and "illegit *this slavic american course-in a happy symbol of the ne ethnicity is housed in the program of puerto rican stud through^ the generosity of the latter. michael novak. originally appeared in center magszm 1 7. the ethnic legacy mate" ones. there is, in a word, an inner conflict between one's felt personal power and one's ascribed public power: a sense of outraged truth, justice, and equity. the new ethnicity does, therefore, have political consequences. many southern and eastern european-ameri-cans have been taught, as i was, not to be ethnic, or even "hyphenated," but only "american.' yet at critical points it became clear to some of us, then to more of us, that when push comes to shove we are always, in the eyes of others, "ethnics," unless we play completely by their rules, emotional as well as procedural. and in the end, even then, they retain the power and the status. still, the stakes involved in admitting this reality to oneself are very high. being "universal" is regarded as being good; being ethnically self-conscious raises anxieties. since one's whole identity has been based upon being "universal," one is often loathe to change public face too suddenly. many guard the little power and status they have acquired, although they cock one eye on how the ethnic "movement" is progressing. they are wise. but their talents are also needed. the new ethnicity, then, is a fledgling movement, not to be confused with the appearance of ethnic themes on television commercials, in television police shows, and in magazines. all these manifestations in the public media would not have occurred unless the ethnic reality of america had begun to be noticed. in states from massachusetts to iowa, great concentrations of catholics and jews, especially in urban centers, have been some of the main bastions of democratic party politics for fifty years. the "new politics," centered in the universities, irritated and angered this constituency (even when, as it sometimes did, it won its votes). thus there is a relation between the fledgling new ethnicity and this larger ethnic constituency. but what that relationship will finally be has not yet been demonstrated by events. those who do not come from southern or eastern european backgrounds in the united states may not be aware of how it feels to come from such a tradition; they may not know the internal history. they may note "mass passivity" and "alienation" without sharing the cynicism learned through particular experiences. they may regard the externals of ethnic economic and social success, modest but real, while never noticing the internal ambiguity and its compound of peace and self-hatred, confidence and insecurity. to be sure, at first many "white ethnics" of the third generation are not conscious of having any special feelings. the range of feelings about themselves they do have is very broad; more than one stream of feeling is involved. they are right-wingers and left-wingers, chauvinists and universalists, all-americans and isolationists many want nothing more desperately than to be considered "american." indeed, by now many have so deeply acquired that habit that to ask them point-blank how thev are different from others would arouse strong emotional resistance. for at least three reasons, many white ethi becoming self-conscious. as usual, great forces outside the self draw forth from the s< responses. first, a critical mass of scholars, artis writers is beginning to emerge the italians, for e> are extraordinarily eminent in the cinema. secoi prevailing image of the model american the "b the brightest" of the ivy league, wealthy, suai powerful has been discredited by the mismana of war abroad, by racial injustice at home, and tudes, values, and emotional patterns unworthy < lation internally. the older image of the truly c american is no longer compelling. many, theref thrown back upon their own resources. finally, the attitudes of liberal, enlightened con tors on the "crisis of the cities" seem to fall into tra patterns: guilt vis-a-vis blacks, and disdain for the bunkers of the land (bunker is, of course, a class) american name, but carroll o connor is in app undisguisably irish). the national media presen public a model for what it is to be a "good an which makes many people feel unacceptable betters, unwashed, and ignored. richard he wrote of "the anti-intellectualism of the peop another feature of american life is the indifferenc hostility of many intellectuals to main street. ir then, many people respond with deep conte experts, educators, "limousine liberals," "radio "bureaucrats" a contempt whose sources an those of class ("the hidden injuries of class") an those of ethnicity ("legitimate" minorities and u able minorities). the national social class that pri< on being universalist has lost the confidence c votes on school bond issues are an example of resistance to professionals. in my own case, the reporting of voting among white ethnic voters during the wallace ca of 1964 and 1968 first aroused in me ethnic self-cc ness. descriptions of "white backlash" often blame inaccurately i came to see upon slavs a catholic groups. the slavs of "south milwaukt singled out for comment in the wallace vote in ia in 1964. first, south milwaukee was not distil from the south side of milwaukee. then, it was r that the slavic vote for wallace fell below his s average. then, the very heavy vote for wallace in german and british american areas was not poi finally, the strong vote for wallace in the wealtl eastern suburbs of milwaukee was similarly ig seemed to me that those whom the grandfatht hunkies" and "dagos" were now being called fascists," and "pigs," with no noticeable gain tion. even in 1972, a staff advisory in the shn book for a congressional district in pittsburgh < district "wallace country," though the wallace vc district in 1968 had been twelve per cent, and t phrey vote had been fifty-eight per cent. i ot 170 37. n ely one cannot open a newspaper or view the tv news without finding an item describing an attack on refugees in germany or presenting the horrors of ethnic cleansing in the former yugoslavia. events such as these have stunned the civilized world. aren t we supposed to have left such barbarity behind? there is a common, widely held assumption that there is no place for ethnic nationalism in the modern world. modernity and the concomitant urbanization, industrialization, and social mobility are deemed inimical to primordial attachments. clifford geertz defined primordial attachments as those that stem from being born into a particular religious community, speaking a particular language ... and following particular social practices. 1 in other words, all attachments engendered by ethnicity those of kin, language, and custom will gradually recede, lose their importance under the relentless assault of the all-pervasive modernity. this assumption is based partly on the liberal principle that people should be treated as individuals, and not as members of racial, religious, and other groups. . . . [eventually] membership in ethnic groups must become increasingly irrelevant and partly on the mistaken belief that increased economic and cultural integration of the global economy will diminish primordial attachments.2 porter. printed di **** rt^*tei^ 10 ti'nulal< ce hatr d crudely put, if serbs and croats both like hamburgers they are less likely to kill each other. 198 ral communities where everyb< longed to the same ethnic group, the modem world, people of differ1 nic backgrounds are increasing centrated in huge urban aggioma and compete against each other ir sumably meritocratic society in a i ian all against all. the very fact that mobile soc that is why the recent explosion of nationalist passions in europe and elsewhere caused such a shock. in fact, modernity is highly conducive to ethnic tensions. n ationalism was not an explosive issue when most people lived in small ru... ...... appeared in the world & i, july 1993, pp. 465-477. reprinted with permission from the world publication of the washington times corporation. 1993. this article first appeared in the 44. ethnic conflict fers a way to the top leads to fierce competition in which any weapon, but especially ethnic differences, lends itself to effective use. as kautsky put it, raffways are the greatest breeder of national hatreds. 3 and airlines work even better, we may add. class and ethnicity one s ethnic/racial group, whose economic and ideological life was to be developed along socialist principles. socialism, that is, class nationalism (as opposed to ethnic nationalism), emphasized devotion to one s class within one s ethnic entity. it tried to suppress (ethnic) nationalism in the belief that it tied the working classes to their capitalist exploiters, thus blunting the class struggle. the most principled socialists, such as rosa luxembourg, always insisted that there was no place for nationalism in a socialist society. she was even willing to give up hope for polish reunification because, once austria, germany, and russia turned socialist, national oppression would disappear and nationalism itself would become meaningless. once the bolsheviks came to power, the end-of-primordials assumption is shared by the left, especially marxists, but while liberals believe in the triumph of modernity, orthodox marxists await the triumph of the working class. to marx, nationalism was part of the ideological superstructure arising on the foundations of economic self-interest. like a true bourgeois, marx was obsessed with monetary/economic relations of dominance and exploitation that reflected the ownership of the means of production. the main conflict pitted those who owned the means the bourgeois against those who did not the proletariat. everything else culture, religion, ethnicity was derivative. marx s hostility to nationalist movements also reflected his view that they served the interests of the middle classes and the bourgeoisie, diverting the proletariat from the really important task: the class struggle. actually, the relationship between nationalism and socialism was very complicated. in the nineteenth century they were allies in their struggle against autocracy and feudalism, at least in the semi-feudal austrian, russian, and ottoman empires. marx himself distinguished between national movements that were progressive, that is, all those struggling against czarist russia and austria, and those that were reactionary, for example, croats who allied themselves with vienna in 1848 out of fear of hungarian centralism. this artificial distinction led to strange ideological somersaults: romanians of transylvania who, like croats, sided with vienna, were reactionary, while romanians of bessarabia fighting against st. petersburg were progressive. once the feudal order was defeated and the old empires collapsed, in 1917-18, nationalism and socialism parted company. nationalism, for example, ethnic nationalism, tried to absorb socialism and quickly evolved into national socialism, which emphasized adherence to precis the recent outbreak of fierce ethnic and nationalist passions in europe and elsewhere has shocked many. modernity's urbanization, industrialization, and social mobility were supposed to have crowded out ethnic nationalism and primordial attachments of kin, language, custom, and religion. classical liberalism holds that people should be treated as individuals, not as members of racial, religious, or other groups. marxists, seeing struggle in terms of economic classes, were hostile to ethnic and nationalist movements, and saw them to be serving the interests of the bourgeoisie. socialism class nationalism was to lead to a one-class society. but communist ruling elites did not actually destroy nationalism; instead, they often put it to their own use, so nationalism worked to undermine socialism. fascism emphasized primordial attachments, and shared marx's anti-semitism; both promoted paranoid hate. breakup of empires has historically allowed ethnic differences to emerge. favoring one s ethnic brothers is part of any traditional social system. and modern mobility leads to competition in which ethnic differences can be used as a tool of triumph. the melting pot works only somefimes. although the world knows and condemns it in south africa, apartheid is one solution: switzerland has such a system with its cantons. other proposals include proportional democracy and territorial autonomy. 19? 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s however, they quickly realized that nationalist passions were a powerful tool, particularly in russia, which transferred its religious zeal from orthodox christianity to orthodox marxism. when in 1941 the german armies were approaching moscow, stalin called for the defense of mother russia, not world socialism. contrary to commonly held opinion, communist ruling elites did not put nationalism on ice. instead, they put it on the back burner, to be served to the presumably gullible public whenever an internal situation called for cohesion. they tried to domesticate it, to use it for their own purposes, as evidenced by government-inspired and -organized nationalist campaigns in virtually every socialist country, for example, poland and romania in the 1960s and repeatedly in soviet russia. in the process, there occurred a nationalization of socialism that, in some aspects, moved it closer to the nationalist socialist mode. thus, one hundred years after nationalism and socialism parted company, they joined hands again, this time with state socialism in the driver s seat. gradually, however, nationalism destroyed socialism from within and then slunk out of the old socialist skin. this is what happened in eastern europe in 1989. this is what accounts for nationalist virulence in the former communist countries. national socialism while marxism is a chilias-tic movement striving for the yawning heights of a rational, scientific (perfect) society, fascism is representative of a whole class of antimodem ideologies that reject the anomie, the atomization and impersonal character, of modem society. it stresses social harmony, spiritual values, and cooperation that tilt it toward emphasizing primordial attachments, that is, ethnicity. because ethnicity... implies affection based on intangible bonds and a belief in collective sustenance. 5 that, incidentally, explains why, in a struggle of ethnic nationalism class nationalism, ethnic nationalism always wins: it offers the additional comfort of kinship and affective ties, the warmth of community as opposed to impersonal class interests. fascism proclaims society s organic unity, which marxist class struggle and liberal individualism have destroyed. urban environment and industry, by their very nature, destroy human and social solidarity. therefore, where modernity promotes conflict and individualism, fascism offers unity and mutual support. and unity based on ethnic community is all the stronger. this may be one of the main reasons for fascism s success: it promised supsemitism into a bourgeois/pn chotomy. marx s invention o geoisie, wrote paul johnso: most comprehensive of [the1 ries and it has continued to pre dation for all paranoid re movements, whether fascist or communist-intemationali theoretical anti-semitism [is] of marxism. 7 port and solidarity to atomized, insecure, vulnerable masses. communism did likewise but only to the working classes; fascism offered panacea to all. among things both movements share, none goes deeper than anti-semitism. marx, imbued with virulent ger-man raasm and jew-hatred ( this jewlassalle 6), redirected the hatred against an alien religious and ethnic hatred of economic s ^^sie. jew the swindler became bourgeois-wis rtransfoted the jewx ivchnshan dichotomy of traditional antiit is no accident that virt ropean communist countries enced periodic flare-ups of an russia repeatedly, czechc 1952 53 (largely russian-ir land in 1967-68, and so forth are ethnicity and nai here to stay? ttempts to define too numerous to b perhaps the bes that of stalin, w* 200 44. ethnic conflict indispensable characteristics: a common language, a common territory, a common economic life, and a common mental , 8 makeup. , c j however, one can always find ethnic groups that aspire to be called or to become full-fledged nations even though they lack one of these characteristics. are hispanics who barely speak english disqualified from being american? do transylvanian hungarians cease being hungarian because there is a stretch of romanian ethnic territory that separates them from the bulk of their ethnic cousins? was partitioned poland no longer a nation? wasn t germany? and, of course mental makeup is too vague to be useful. that is why many specialists despair. thus i am driven to the conclusion that no scientific definition of a nation can be devised; yet the phenome s amazing that so much has been accomplished, almost unnoticed, or a very frugal budget. we recommend with urgency that the executive leadership and national council of directors appoint a qualified committee of individuals to address the pac funding needs. we also recommend that this special committee include a review and consideration of suggestions made at the american agenda workshop on october 13, 1992, prior to the convention sessions. 4. we recognize the absence of polish americans in the hierarchy of political parties and actions. we recommenc the establishment of a national political network to develoj and enhance the progress of polish americans toward the highest levels of all major parties and government. the network should include all polish american elected federal state and local officials, regardless of political part; affiliation. 5. we need effective initiatives and organized efforts t< respond quickly and accurately to defamation and bigotr aglst poland, the polish people and polish americans network throushont the polish amenca, congress districts should provide a united effort to respon and prevent such attacks. , one of the major problems in building an effective organ: 6' we urge the couneh t t 7. the ethnic legacy directors to appoint a qualified editor for the polish american congress newsletter and ensure regular issuance of the publication on a quarterly basis. the newsletter costs can be covered by adding a publication fee to membership dues. the final responsibility for content would rest with the leadership of the polish american congress, the publisher. 7. today, many polish americans have only a limited knowledge of their heritage. to help deal with this problem we recommend to the national council of directors that we consider pursuing the following course: a. a close alliance is needed between the polish american congress and educators, and educational, historical and cultural organizations. we call upon the polish american congress state divisions to work with colleges and universities in their areas to create and promote workshops, courses and lectures on the polish experience. b. establish a national network to promote and promulgate the inclusion of a polish and east central european studies curriculum either independently or as part of existing courses, in social studies, american history and multi-cultural studies at the public and parochial schools, so that children of polish and other backgrounds are not educated away from their respective ethnic values, customs and heritage and can build esteem and pride from the accomplishments of their forefathers. c. organize national and regional conferences of primary and secondary educators to develop appropriate materials for a polish and east central europe curriculum. d. encourage polish american authors by promoting their publications among publishers and other communication outlets. e. utilize the capabilities and expertise of polish americans who are involved in higher education at the college and university level through existing qualified organizations such as the polish institute of arts and sciences and polish american historical association. these resources, including the kosciuszko foundation and similar established groups, can be very productive and positive sources for addressing the problems polish americans face in getting a college or university education. regarding higher education, we recommend creation of a national scholarship resource information bank utilizing appropriate professional expertise to help polish american students attain grants and scholarships. the resource bank could be effectively organized with assistance of some well known groups already operating in our community. f. we appreciate and commend the educational work of polish language schools. we recognize the effort to teach immigrants english. given today s societal struc ture and economic needs, we encourage bilingual the part of our people. 8. we encourage the creation of polish american cent culture and heritage in local communities, and de ment of a cooperative spirit that assures their survh growth. such centers can be vital arms to the american congress in matters dealing with heritag< lore, music, history and arts. they can be a very infl force in putting the younger generation in practical with the polish american heritage. 9. we recommend that the national council of di utilize the spiritual leadership of the polish an clergy to develop a program for strengthening the american family. in these times of various cone family life, it is important that the traditional units polish american family be focused toward the va unity and understanding. 10. on the occasion of the 14th anniversary of his elev; the papacy, we recommend that a communication be pope john paul ii wishing him well and express! happiness that he has recovered from his recent illn continues his spiritual crusade for world peace and less fortunate who live in poverty and sta conditions. 11. we commend and appreciate the president of the states, the congress, all other government agenci the private sector for their assistance to poland dui ordeal under communism and after her emergen free nation, and we urge its continuance in the fu 12. we are grateful to the united states government revered care and respect provided for a half centur memory of ignacy jan paderewski, polish statesm for the honors bestowed during the ceremonies tran his remains to poland. 13. we acknowledge, with appreciation, that a deleg polish americans participated in the historic confe world polonias, the first held since prior to world the conclave, sponsored by spolnota polska , v in krakow, poland, august 13-23, 1992. we honor those who contributed toward the eventual: of poland and the demise of communist domination in europe. we especially pay tribute to the memory of th gave their lives on the battlefields, leaders and activis polish american congress who dedicated their lives to! cause and who did not live to experience the joys of 1 we congratulate and appreciate the organizers of this tion for their hospitality and excellent arrangements. this had been a crossroads meeting of diverse gre individuals; the representation spans different ideas cepts based on generational experience. it is evident polish american congress needs a healing process itself together and a deeper understanding of its own 178 ^and organizational personality, and the broad generational constituency it represents. this convention can be the body that creates the moving force for a united community. let us begin long live the united states of america long live a fully free poland long live the ideals of the polish american congress. 39. polish american congress resolutions committee hilary czaplicki, chairman john olko ewa gierat things to do during national polish american heritage month ---suggestion sheet_ 1. request the elected leaders in your area to present proclamations and greetings at a public event to leaders in the polish american community. don t hesitate to ask them for a presentation that will honor the polish american taxpayers during polish american heritage month. (sample proclamations are available upon request.) invite the entire polonia to attend as well as the news media. 2. unite all polish american organizations for a mass for the mention of polish americans. encourage each parish to have a wither k 6 ntent'on 1)1 ,,lc'r parishioners. have a reception inn tha? pastr'es and re,resh nts the parish hall follow-your activities^ a,ncrican clergy to participate in the anna an event 10 flonor general pulaski (october 11th is layingcea53^ dcalt' pulask*)organize a wreath the colorin111011^ ^ep rc a portra>* pulaski and possibly award from you contest pr'zes during that event. invite everyone organbatil t0 at,e,kl along with the polish american nations and polonia. 4 fy 1 ^dquarter^h^ anier'can flags in homes, organizations lions to fly p11^' businesses, etc. ask your local organiza-to entire nro k ''s^ alongside the american flag during ^hflani n p gv^ober. (information on purchasing a s available from the national committee.) organize an essav r, ur'ng a school con cs1 in your local schools. award prizes mon(you ca assemb|y or public event to encourage particiiiinsj. ask vo ta'n pr zes *roni l cal businesses or organiza-contest ur area tcac^crs to help organize and judge the 5 co] popular n general pulaski. this type of contest is ^"tstoorg ith thc ehildren. ask some of the local art the anw^r |ud^e ^e entries. ask a local printer to at i?r p r your committee with the name of his 0,6 ^'om as advertising. 7. organize a library display of polish books, arts and crafts, wycinanki and paintings by polish american artists. contact local artists and request them to display their works at the local library, parish hall, organization hall, public building or office building lobby. 8. children s recital in local organization headquarters, school hall or recreation center. there are many children groups that would participate and appreciate this type of exposure for their students. invite the public as well as the polonia to attend the children s recital. 9. display national polish american heritage month posters. posters are available by contacting the polish american heritage month committee at the address listed on this suggestion sheet. ask all of your local stores, banks, supermarkets, churches and organizations to display polish american heritage month posters throughout the month of october. 10. contact your local radio, television and newspapers to tell them about polish american heritage month and its activities in your area. if they are advertising the various activities, compliment them; if they have not complied with your request to advertise activities, call and complain about their lack of interest. 11. ask all local radio programs to mention your local events in october as part of their community bulletin board or public service announcements. press releases pertaining to the national celebration can be obtained by writing to the national committee. 12 ask local organizations, banks, businesses and elected leaders to place polish american heritage month salutes in local newspapers and on radio programs. place a salute each week during the month of october in local newspapers, this will remind everyone about polish american heritage month. (the national committee has an xus the newspaper snln.es which is free p n request.) 179 7. the ethnic legacy 1 13. call upon your area high school students and college students of polish descent to help with press releases and other activities. polish american heritage month will he very successful if we get everyone involved. members of your organizations have children and grandchildren that could volunteer some time for this very worthy cause. 14. senior citizen groups could sponsor a polish american day lunch or dinner with a guest speaker or entert ersity. but it hardly seemed to make, much difference, at least at first: history textbooks continued to focus on the white experience. liberal educators and minority advocates complained that the books were increasingly out of touch with the demographic reality of california. by omitting the non-whites contribution to us nation-building, they argued, the textbooks distorted history, failed to instil pride in minority students and may have fed negative stereotypes of non-whites. so this year, california invited publishers to submit new history textbooks prepared strictly according to a new set of guidelines. among other things, the new textbooks were to foster cultural literacy, so that students could grasp the nation-building contributions of various ethnic groups. the object was to strike a balance between emphasis on traditional american democratic values, on the one hand, and a new awareness of the racial, cultural and ethnic roots of those who make up the nation. seven years ago, the last time the state renewed its history textbooks, 22 publishers sought a piece of california s us$170 million textbook market, the nation s largest. but this year, unwilling to spend the money for new books to meet e state s stringent requirements, all but 111116 publishers dropped out of the running. public hearings and a panel of state-app inted experts (including minorities) a different mix california population by ethnic group1 further narrowed the short-list down to two: offerings from houghton mifflin and holt rinehart & winston, respectively. these are impressive history textbooks by any standard certainly by any asian standard. they bend over backwards to be honest, accurate and sensitive. for example, the eighth grade book by houghton mifflin suggests that the teacher challenge students with the question: how did the treatment of [early] immigrants ridicule, hostility, violence, job and housing discrimination compare with the ideals of the declaration of independence and the constitution? later on, the book invites students to comment on the incongruity of a world war ii photograph of young japanese americans being drafted into the us army from an internment camp where they were being held on suspicion of disloyalty. the books elicited a storm of controversy before they were approved. all sorts of interests women and gays, as well as assorted religious and ethnic groups wanted their stories told their way, and at length. on the other side of 27. spicier melting pot the spectrum, some critics argued that the new books had already gone too far. the frantic attempt to include everybody, the critics argued, amounted to effective ethnic and gender quotas on public school curricula. the end result, they warned, could be a balkanised california, splintered into self-centred and mutually hostile groups. indeed, asian americans can come in conflict with other groups particularly the larger, more homogeneous and also fast-growing hispanic community as they compete for scarce resources. for example, asian americans and hispanics are united in their opposition to a radical english only movement, led by white conservatives and insisting that all official business must be conducted solely in english. the movement s extremists have tried to suppress the use of foreign languages even in commercial signs and opposed public libraries carrying asian-language books. but while most minorities uphold bilingualism in principle, asian american students living in areas with large hispanic populations often complain that their schools offer spanish (along with french, german and so on) as a second language but not korean or vietnamese. optimists counter that california and the nation will hold together and evolve into a harmonious microcosm of the world as it should be a more perfect union (as one of the books is entitled, borrowing language from the preamble to the us constitution). to reach that goal, though, will require a lot more debate on how much multiculturalism is desirable, versus how much and what sort of a common american culture. but, as asian americans gain political clout and increasingly assert themselves, the evolving american culture will inevitably incorporate more of their inputs and become asianised. susumu awanohara scapegoats no more japanese americans caught in trade war cross-fire half a century after the us, at the start of world war ii, incarcer-tenti ^pa*1686 americans in delaw camps without due process of 1 e government has acknowledged its mistake and begun paying compensation to surviving internees. that bittersweet victory was a reminder of how far japanese americans have come. today, they are arguably the best-as similated asian american community. still, some of them worry that japanese americans could be victimised once again, now that us-japan relations are deteriorating. 127 5. asian americans the institutions and self-perceptions of the japanese american community were profoundly affected by the struggle to redress wartime internment. unorganised demand for redress arose early, but picked up momentum in the radical atmosphere of the civil rights and antivietnam war movements of the 1960s and early 1970s. encouraged by official admissions at that time that the world war ii internments had been an error, japanese american activists notably those of the japanese american citizens league (jacl) began a concerted campaign for more concrete redress and reparations. the struggle was painful and divisive for the japanese american community itself. accusations were traded on who turned in whom to the fbi as dangerous aliens. debate was revived on whether japanese american draft resisters among the internees deserved condemnation or praise. yet the struggle was also cathartic, particularly for those who spoke of their wartime experiences and feelings for the first time. the fight for redress also renewed the ties between japanese americans and other us ethnics: asian american, black, hispanic and jewish groups supported it. the humiliation of internment probably made the japanese americans more eager to join the us mainstream and become like hakujin, or whites. in this, they have succeeded, more or less. the assimilationist trend was reinforced by the dwindling of japanese immigration to the us. as a result, the ratio of us-born japanese americans is much higher than for other asian american groups. the japanese americans enjoy impressive educational achievements, an enviable occupational profile and the highest average family income of all asian american groups. no wonder they have fewer grievances than newer asian american arrivals a possible cause for the occasional asian american complaint that the japanese americans are aloof and fail to make common cause politically. many japanese americans fret that mounting us-japan friction over trade investment, technology and security issues could damage relations between japanese americans and the mainstream population. some alarm bells went off in the community a few years ago when hawaii, worried about rising japanese investment in the state s real estate, tried (unsuccessfully) to pass legislation restricting land ownership. for the most part, though, japanese americans have tried to steer clear of us-japan disputes. some japanese americans may feel they understand japan s positions on issues and can help articulate them to mainstream america. in the past, they might have been more inclined to serve as a bridge between the two countries. nowadays, it is riskier. besides, japanese americans have long nurtured a grudge that japanese from japan tend to treat them as inferiors and ignore them when doing business in the us. this gap may have narrowed as the japanese americans have gained respectability back in the ancestral homeland through their success. but, at the same time, younger japanese americans have grown more distant from things japanese. many of them share the mainstream american exasperation at japan s perceived intransigence. self-preservation instincts might also help explain some of the japanese american coolness to the motherland. to seem to be doing tokyo s bidding is an increasingly risky business, particularly for a japanese american with any political ambitions. whatever latent sympathy they may retain for the japanese side on bilateral issues, hardly any japanese americans can forgive the racist remarks of some japanese officials. in this, they are motivated not only by fear of racial backlash. as beneficiaries of the us civil rights movement, many japanese americans are truly indignant. how else to react to comments like japanese justice minister seiroku kajiyama s recent comparison of foreign prostitutes in tokyo with blacks moving into white us neighbourhoods? both influxes, kajiyama quipped, n atmosphere. japanese americans still wine recollection of former prime i yasuhiro nakasone s 1986 pro: ment that american knowledgt trail japan s because of the admi blacks, puerto ricans and mex the us population. in the same the more recent assertion by watanabe, a leading politicia american blacks have few qualn defaulting on debts. bruce iwasaki, a member of tional coalition for redress and tions, wrote in the los angele lately that japanese american ] could not have occurred without rights movement led by african cans. the most heinous single vio civil liberties inflicted by the i ernment in this century was the i ation of 120,ocx) japanese amei world war ii concentration cai in the decades [since], the i movement against segregation america s attitude toward racial members of the congressioi caucus were the first to suppor tions [for the internees]. japanes icans have [black leaders] to t winning redress. perhaps the time has now c japanese americans to lend a ha re-education of the ancestral h< muses jacl president cress gawa. tokyo s abject apologies isterial wise-cracks are not en says. they must be accompanie islative and educational progra overcome racial bigotry and dis tion. the difference between th< japan is that the us has th grammes and japan doesn t, b points out. he hopes the jacl. help of us minority organisai the japanese government, can curriculum on the subject for schools. he has already appro panese ambassador in washing! murata with the idea. susumu av 128 article 28 black-korean conflict in los angeles darrell y. hamamoto darrell k hamamoto teaches at the uni-mity of california, irvine program in comparative culture. of the estimated 820,000 koreans in the united states, over 164,000 reside in los angeles county. one in five koreans in the southern california region live in the district of los angeles known as koreatown. koreans represent 10 percent of the population of koreatown with african americans and latinos predominating. along with south-central los angeles, crenshaw, hollywood, mid-wilshire, echo park, and silver lake, the koreatown community bore the brunt of the recent urban rebellion, perhaps the worst civi h the students had. at home, however, my mother often told me to look in the mirror to see just how ridiculous these assertions were. "it is obvious to everybody but you," she'd say, "just how beautiful you are. there are different up, i_., ths washington post. reprinted by permission. 14' u. ai-kican americans shades of skin and different grades of hair, but they are all beautiful. especially yours." while 1 didn't understand it then, my mother knew firsthand how difficult it is to love yourself while concurrently changing yourself to meet society's standards for acceptance and beauty. she knew why i had suddenly become interested in over-the-counter bleaching creams; she knew why i begged her to let me permanently straighten my hair. in short, my mother understood my conflict the conflict that occurs when one strives for acceptance by rejecting everything that he or she is. these feelings of conflict are foremost in my mind when i think of kate's assertion that many women today refuse to reproduce what they perceive as their own ugliness. because of my own experiences, i know where they are coming from, but at the same time, i have to wonder where we are going. to answer this question, i talked with several women about being dark-skinned in america. not surprisingly, almost every person i spoke with told me of numerous painful experiences; in fact, many of them admitted their own desire to reproduce lighter children children who could easily assimilate in a white american society. statistics show that black women are less likely to marry white men than black men are to wed white women. still, my women friends believe that their careful selection process-planning the exact skin tone and hair texture of one's children is practiced in households all over america. i have personally seen the anxiety some parents experience when their child is born a shade too dark; and i am fearful of what might happen if that anxiety is transferred to the child. it has been suggested to me more than once that our jails are not only filled with more blacks, but more dark-skinned blacks: those who carry the double burden of blackness being black in a white society, and too black in all of society. washington post reporter leon dash spoke of this phenomenon in his 1989 book, "when children want children." several teenagers he interviewed made a direct link between skin tone and self-worth. he quoted one teenaged girl as saying, "dark-skinned men lie more than light-skinned men," and wrote of another girl rejecting dark men because dating someone lighter "gave her higher status in the neighborhood." dash argues that this prejudice, which goes back to the time of slavery, exists especially "among poor urban blacks those who were generally passed over by the internal self-evaluation {from] the civil rights movement of the 1960s and 1970s." for them, he says, "color consciousness, or being 'color struck' continues as an overt social consideration." but 1 know that it goes far beyond the urban poor. i have often wondered what ever happened to such dicta as, "black is beautiful," a phrase to which i clung desperately in the late '60s and early '70s. it helped me begin to discover my inner, as well as outer beauty; even so, i was 21 years old before i ceased to define myself through other people's eyes. four years ago i married a man whose mother is ethiopian and whose father is half white, half lebanese. he is light-skinned, but i did not fall for him because of his child producing ability, } traded to me. but moreij he was attracted to my da thought me beautiful, ; refreshing to be loved bet darkness, rather than in as far as children are cor husband and 1 plan to ai will be someone who lot maybe that's because i w a difference in a chil maybe, selfishly, iwantti paradox in my own. perhaps the practice hold of a little piece of m one's children is in fact; to rectify this paradox self. or perhaps it is at have control over one's perhaps it is the final foi lation. either way, i car and because of that, 1 re! these women. what 1 do want is sin with them my own exp to tell them that there is to win that internal stru; assimilation and self h start by recognizing our beauty whether we are: one of the many beauti tween. we can say we v alter ourselves to meet t standards of beauty that black americans sine brought to this countr now our home. we c< notion that to validate c tence, we must prod with hair and eyes diffei own. identity, i have learne can be a hard thing to fi searching for it in somei no longer bother. inste the mirror to see who i beautiful i am. and, bel i have not been disapp 146 article 33 endangered fan ii for many african-americans, marriage and childbearing do not go together. after decades of denial and blame, a new candor is emerging as blacks struggle to save their families. late on a sultry summer morning, dianne caballero settles onto her porch in the new york suburb of roosevelt, bemused by the scene playing out across the street. behind electric clippers, a muscular black man is trimming hedges with the intensity of a barber sculpting a fade; nearby, his wife empties groceries from the car. in most quarters, they might elicit barely a nod. but in this largely black, working-class community, the couple is one of the few intact families on the block. all too common are the five young women who suddenly turn into view, every one of them pushing a baby stroller, not one of them married. resigned, caballero says with a sigh, where are the men? a black child has only one chance in five of growing up with two parents it s a lament she knows too well. like her mother before her and her daughter after, caballero, who is black, had a child out of wedlock at 16. twenty-three years later, even she is astounded at the gulf between motherhood and marriage. her mother got pregnant in the she says, she was considered when caballero had a baby in 0> no one ostracized her, though it i wasn t something nice" girls did. the time her daughter had a baby t^^arsago, it was regarded as nor now, caballero says regretfully, s c ntntonplace, "and there doesn t reported by farai chideya. 'we ingrassia, vern e. smith and pat !t was wriuen michele lnseem to be anything happening to reverse it. that prospect troubles black leaders and parents alike, those like caballero, who worries that her granddaughter is destined to be the fourth generation in her family to raise a child without a man. the odds are perilously high: for blacks, the institution of marriage has been devastated in the last generation: 2 out of 3 first births to black women under 35 are now out of wedlock. in 1960, the number was 2 out of 5. and it s not likely to improve any time soon. a black child born today has only a l-in-5 chance of growing up with two parents until the age of 16, according to university of wisconsin demographer larry l. bumpass. the impact, of course, is not only on black families but on all of society. fatherless homes boost crime rates, lower educational attainment and add dramatically to the welfare rolls. many black leaders rush to portray out-of-wedlock births as solely a problem of an entrenched underclass. it s not. it cuts across economic lines. among the poor, a staggering 65 percent of never-married black women have children, double the number for whites. but even among the well-to-do, the differences are striking: 22 percent of never-married black women with incomes above $75,000 have children, almost 10 times as many as whites. nearly 30 years ago, daniel patrick moynihan, then an assistant secretary of labor, caused a firestorm by declaring that fatherless homes were the fundamental source of the weakness of the negro community. at the time, one quarter of black families were headed by women. today the situation has only grown worse. a majority of black families with children 62 percent are now headed by one parent. the result is what r 1993 bv newsweek, inc. ah rights johns hopkins university sociologist andrew cherlin calls an almost complete separation of marriage and childbearing among african-americans. it was not always so. before 1950, black and white marriage patterns looked remarkably similar. and while black marriage rates have precipitously dipped since then, the desire to marry remains potent: a newsweek poll of single african-american adults showed that 88 percent said that they wanted to get married. but the dream of marriage has been hammered in the last 25 years. the economic dislocations that began in the 70s, when the nation shifted from an industrial to a service base, were particularly devastating to black men, who had migrated north in vast numbers to manufacturing jobs. the civil-rights movement may have ended legal segregation, but it hasn t erased discrimination in the work force and in everyday life. when men lose their ability to earn bread, their sense of self declines dramatically. they lose rapport with their children, says university of oklahoma historian robert griswold, author of fatherhood in america. some whites overlooked jobs and discrimination as factors in the breakdown of the black family. back in the 60s, at the peak of the battle over civil rights, moynihan infuriated blacks by describing a pattern of pathology. understandably, blacks were not willing to tolerate a public discussion that implied they were different less deserving than whites. the debate quickly turned bitter and polarized between black and white, liberal and conservative. emboldened by a cultural sea change during the reagan-bush era, conservatives scolded, it s all your fault. dismissively, this camp insisted that what blacks need art mainstream american values read: whitt values. go to school, get a job, ge married, they exhorted, and the famib reserved. reprinted by permission. 14 6. african americans steep rise in out-of-wedlock births since the sexual revolution, the rate has shot up for both races. but the numbers are much higher for black women than white women. newsweek poll what black adults think how important are the following reasons young, unmarried black people today are having children? (pere biqwr 53% unde blrtt 48% use i orh; for j relig 38% sotm own will be just fine. not so, liberals fired back. as neoliberal university of chicago sociologist william julius wilson argued in the declining significance of race, the breakdown of the african-american family resulted from rising unemployment, not falling values. liberals have regarded the conservative posture as blaming the victim, a phrase that, not coincidentally, white psychologist william ryan coined in a 1965 assessment of moynihan s study. to this camp, any family structure is good, as long as it s nurturing. marriage is important in the black community, just not the most important thing, says andrew billingsley, the university of maryland sociologist who wrote the pioneering black families in white america. it is not an imperative for bl nese. this is the price or the gift, depending on how you look at it of global interdependence and communications. so the cultural dilemma of the american of mexican, cuban or puerto rican descent is suddenly universalized: to integrate or not? to maintain a personality and add to the diversity of north american society, or to fade away into anonymity in the name of the after-all nonexistent melting pot ? well, perhaps the question is really, once more, to be or not to be? to be with others or to be alone? isolation means death. encounter means birth, even rebirth. california, and especially los angeles, a gateway to both asia and latin america, poses the universal question of the coming century: how do we deal with the other? north africans in france; turks in germany; vietnamese in czechoslovakia; pakistanis in britain; black africans in italy; japanese, koreans, chinese and latin americans in the united states-instant communications and economic interdependence have transformed what was once an isolated situation into sal, defining, all-embracing reality of the twenty-firsi is anyone better prepared to deal with this centra dealing with the other than we, the spanish, the americans, the hispanics in the united states? we ai black, european, but above all mixed, mestizo. we ai and greek; roman and jewish; arab, gothic an spain and the new world are centers where multipl meet centers of incorporation, not of exclusion. w1 elude, we betray ourselves. when we include, we find people and their cultures per isolation, but they are born oi reborn in contact with other r and women of another culture another creed, and another rc who are these hispanic ourselves ? perhaps no ter renders the simultaneity of cultures than the / the argentine author jorge luis borges. in the a narrator finds a perfect instant in time and space the places in the world can be seen at the same morr out confusion, from every angle, in perfect, simulti istence. what we would see in the spanish-ameri would be the indian sense of sacredness, commui the will to survive; the mediterranean legacy of lav phy and the christian, jewish and arab strains r a multiracial spain; and the new world s challenge the syncretic, baroque continuation of the multici multiracial experience, now including indian, eur black african contributions. we would see a strug mocracy and for revolution, coming all the waj medieval townships and from the ideas of the eur lightenment, but meeting our true personal and < experience in zapata s villages, on bolivar s plain; amaru s highlands. and we would then see the past becoming pres seamless creation. the indian world becomes pre paintings of rufino tamayo, who was born in an lage in oaxaca and whose modern art includes an i tinuity in the sense of color and the spirit of cele the cosmic consciousness and in tamayo s capaci ate on canvas the dream of a form that can conta a younger painter, francisco toledo, also from an lage in oaxaca, gives the ancient indian fear and ture their most physical and visual proximity to lives, while the cuban wifredo lam permits his al to grow in his pictures. the mexican painter albert 188 the traditions of spanish art and commerce: gly recov^ offs are framed by sardine cans. his velazquez laugh, even at ourselves, as in the culture is co|ombian fernando botero. it is the way paintings o venezuelan jacobo borges imagwe remem en of memory. but culture is above all our ines the en so often sacrificed and denied, our shackl^dies,our carnai bodies, like the body of the mexican led' kahlo. our bodies are deformed and dreamy crea ntheart of the mexican josd luis cuevas. indeed, like ^luevas offers the mirror of imagination as the only g s hk figures are the offspring of our nightmares, but also b brothers and sisters of our desires. the union of cuevas in the americas with goya in spain 2 reminds us that when we embrace the other, we not only ourselves, we embrace the marginal images that the modem world optimistic and progressive as it has been, has shunned and has then paid a price for forgetting. the conventional values of middle-class western society were brutally shattered in the two world wars and in the totalitarian experience. spain and spanish america have never fooled themselves on this account. goya s black paintings are perhaps the most lasting reminder we have of the price of losing the tragic 41. mirror of the other sense of life in exchange for the illusion of progress. goya asks us again and again to harbor no illusions. we are captive within society. poverty does not make anyone kinder, only more ruthless. nature is deaf to our pleas. it cannot save the innocent victim; history, like saturn, devours its own children. goya asks us to avoid complacency. the art of spain and spanish america is a constant reminder of the cruelty that we can exercise on our fellow human beings. but like all tragic art, it asks us first to take a hard look at the consequences of our actions, and to respect the passage of time so that we can transform our experience into knowledge. acting on knowledge, we can have hope that this time we shall prevail. we will be able to embrace the other, enlarging our human possibility. people and their cultures perish in isolation, but they are bom or reborn in contact with other men and women, with men and women of another culture, another creed, another race. if we do not recognize our humanity in others, w< shall not recognize it in ourselves. often we have failed to meet this challenge. but we hav< finally seen ourselves whole in the unburied mirror of iden tity only when accompanied ourselves with others. we cai hear the voice of the poet pablo neruda exclaiming through out this vision, i am here to sing this history. article 42 the ends of history: balkan culture and catastrophe thomas butler thomas butler is author of several books, including "memory: history, culture and the mind," and "monumenta ser-bocroatica," a bilingual anthology of serbian and croatian texts. abuse of cultural memory the manipulation of long-invalid past grievances to obtain present-day advantage-rules the day in the war-tom lands of yugoslavia. deliberate misreadings and misrepresentations of history are destroying the future in the balkans. the fundamental cause of yugoslavia's terrible calamity is not just recent history, such as the infamous genocide by croatians at the jasenovac concentration camp during world war ii. nor is the cause rooted solely in the more distant chronicle of the ottoman rule. today's horrors are woven from strands of nothing less than the entire tapestry of history since the 6th-century slavic invasion of the balkans, with the subsequent division of croats and serbs between catholicism and orthodoxy and eventually islam. all these elements play a role in the minds of those destroying bosnia. they are sick from history from halftruths and ethnic prejudices passed from one generation to the next, through religion, political demagoguery, inflammatory tracts and even, through abuse of folk song and tales. more recently, the books of unscrupulous writers and the deliberately inaccurate speeches of rm-principled leaders have further contaminated the atmosphere. two years ago, at an international conference in boston on cultural memory, i argued with an american scholar about the causes of the unfolding yugoslav crisis. she felt that everything was traceable to 1941 and the croatian killing of some 600,000 serbs, jews and gypsies at the concentration camp of jasenovac. (many of these serbs were from the krajina area of croatia, which is now trying to merge with serbia.) but i felt that the roots of the current conflict between croats and serbs ran much deeper, at least as far back as the schism between the catholic and orthodox churches in 1054 a.d. it appears we were both right. she, in that the ate cause of the fighting between serbs and c croatia was serbian fear of another jasenovac franjo tudjman, author of a book stating that losses were only one-tenth what they claimed, president of croatia, serbs in croatia saw this c that they were not to expect fair and unbiased ti in the new state. tudjman did not offer them guarantees that would have allayed their worrit although it was the serbs in krajina who prov outbreak of hostilities, over the long run the between serbs and croats in croatia and slav been fueled by culturally derived feelings of "otl between orthodox serbs and catholic croats. o catholic prejudice is a powerful force. a few yet visited the orthodox monastery of iviron or athos, greece. while i was attending the early liturgy, a monk approached and asked wheth orthodox or catholic. when i replied "catholic/ me to "go outside and pray." the greek orthodox church, like rome, hi memory: in the young monk's mind, i wa municated. the schism in 1054 a.d. and t dering of constantinople in 1204 a.d. by the crusade are alive in the orthodox mind of to continue to affect orthodox-catholic relations, i those between serbs and croats. some of the differences between the two churches seem 1 today. take for example the "filioque" controvers ding to the roman catholic creed, the holy spi ceeds from the father and the son" (et filioque whereas the orthodox church claims that acct the original nicene creed (325 a.d), the spirit from the father alone. the difference had already threatened to church in the 9th century, with pope and hurling anathemas at each other. this is not to serbs feel justified in shelling dubrovnik beca believe its inhabitants eire schismatics, but rather are affected in their relations with the "latini' five feelings of "otherness," the residue of doct putes of long ago. the sense of "otherness" i 190 from washington post, august 30, 1992, o 1992 by the washington post. reprinted by permission. rbated by the fact that the two peoples were ruled different and opposing empires: the croats by the ?stro-hungarian empire and the serbs by the ottoman. for croatian and serbian relations with bosnia's muslim population (who are actually slavs), no one will ly that the croats have the more harmonious dealings with their islamic brethren. this may be because they see muslims as heretics, who can be saved through baptism. in fact, tudjman was photographed a year ago, smiling benignly at the baptism of a group of muslim children. this drove bosnia's muslim president, alija izetbegovic, into such a frenzy that he actually made a short-lived treaty with his arch-enemy, serbia. serbs, on the other hand, take a different stance toward muslims: they see them as traitors, as well as heretics. scratch a muslim, they believe, and you have a serb whose ancestor went over to the ottoman side four or fivehundred years ago, in order to keep his land. the late novelist mesa selimovic, who was ixirn and raised a muslim but considered himself a serbian writer, referred tohimself and other yugoslav muslims as "renegades" in his autobiographical " menu >ries." in a lat asian indians, one of the fastest-growing immigrant groups in new jersey, speak as many as 20 different languages. immigrants by country india 9%--------------------~~j dom. republic 7% ~i colombia 6% mexico 5%' peru 5%~ others 68% sovschs: immigration and naturalization service and newsweek sources julie shaver newsweek that most immigration to the united states had always been from europe, those who voted for the act of 1965 generally assumed that family-reunification visas would be used by europeans. they also assumed that there would be no large increase in immigration to the united states. our cities will not be flooded with a million immigrants annually, sen. edward kennedy told a subcommittee hearing. under the proposed bill, the present level of immigration [about 300,000 a year] remains substantially the same. . . that is not what happened. immigration from latin america, the caribbean and asia, a trickle in 1965, has steadily widened so that it now comprises about 90 percent of the total. legal immigration from 1971 to 1990 was 10.5 million people but if 3 million illegals are (conservatively) added in, the total is pretty much the same as 1900-1920, the peak years in american history. owing partly to a further liberalization of the law in 1990 and partly to the irca amnesty, the united states now accepts more immigrants than all other industrialized nations combined. (upwards of 80 percent are persons of color: so much for the myth that u.s. policy is racist.) proponents of further immigration argue that the current influx is actually lower than the 1900-1920 peak when considered as a percentage of the u.s. population. they are right: it was 1 percent of the population then and about one third of 1 percent now. but it is still a lot of people. and the law is full of holes. a majority of those who get familyreunification visas (235,484 in 1992) come in with no numerical restriction at all: for them, at least, immigration is a form of entitlement program. others game the system by forging documents, faking job histories and hiring smart american lawyers to get them eligible for resident visas and green cards. this is known in federal jargon as adjusting status, and in most years it works for more than 200,000 immigrants. the asylum hustle is the newest wrinkle. by claiming political asylum, would-be immigrants circumvent the normal rules and, because the jails are full, are usually freed to stay and work. many simply vanish into the underground economy. we didn t [expect] the asylum problem, says lawrence fuchs. we thought of it as the ballerina 213 pluralism 9. understanding cultural in the tutu saying, i defect, i defect. immigration policy is simultaneously a statement of america s relationship with the rest of the world and a design for the national future: it is, and probably should be, a mixture of altruism and selfinterest. current u.s. policy contains elements of both but it is a blurry, heavily brokered policy that has been cobbled together over the decades to reflect the changing fads and competing interests of domestic politics. a purely selfish policy would accept only immigrants who could contribute to economic or social progress. but this idea awarding visas on the basis of talent or skill has always been opposed by organized labor and other groups, and it is a minor feature of today s law, totaling about 140,000 out of 810,000 visas annually. conversely, providing a haven for refugees is in the best tradition of the american conscience, and the united states has taken a lot of refugees since 1970 1.5 million vietnamese, laotians, cambodians, cubans, russians and other oppressed nationalities. but the vast majority of those who get here are ordinary folks pursuing a better life and although this, too, is part of the american tradition, the question can and should be asked: what s in it for us? what does all this immigral america and americans? ju] a university of maryland says he knows the answer: r gration means more economi more wealth and more prog americans, period. pat buc talk-show host and erstwhile candidate, has a different an immigrants mean more sot and the slow erosion of tl speaking, hybrid european call american. there is a third issue as many people, really, can th united states support? immi immigrant schools: the wrong lessons union avenue ele-mentary school, a dusty sprawl of concrete, asphalt and chain-link fence just west of downtown los angeles, bears all the scars of the inner city. yellow caution signs mark the perimeter: narcotics enforcement area. residents only. in the distance a police helicopter circles over a crime scene. after school, parents anxiously hook their fingers through the fence and wait for their kids to emerge. but because union avenue draws from a heavily immigrant neighborhood, its 2,000 students have even more to surmount than the grim realities of crime and poverty. they also face the enormous obstacles, educational and societal, that stand in the way of foreign-bom newcomers. the student body is more than 93 percent latino. the second largest group is filipino, at 2.9 percent. a third of the students were bom outside the united states, and well over half are not proficient in english. as many as half may be children of illegal aliens. there are as few anglos as there are native americans: six. in the school library there are books in tagalog, korean, vietnamese, spanish and english. but not even a third of the faculty can speak spanish. the others rely on bilingual teacher assistants to translate the lessons. this is an explosive subject here. many claim that bilingual education has done more to divide teachers than to help spanish speakers. defenders see it as a multicultural keystone. the faculty has been balkanized by bilingualism: at lunchtime the two sides segregate themselves by table. most of the newest immigrants come from central america, and many bring with them the trauma of war. asked whether he had witnessed much fighting in his hometown of san rafael, el salvador, which he left three years ago, fifth grader angel alfaro nods but doesn t want to talk about it. asked about his school and what he would do to fix it, he perks up and says in unaccented english, nothing. it s perfect. the union avenue kids eagerness to please, and to learn is irrepressible. yet it is hard to be optimistic about their future. for all of its inadequacies, the school is a relatively calm way station. most of the kids will go on to virgil middle school, where education competes with gangs, graffiti tag gers and drugs. fifth grader reggie perez, whose parents are guatemalan, says he is going to go to a school in north hollywood because at virgil there are just too many gangs. out of 15 students interviewed last week (the school is in session year round), all but one said their parents were trying to get them into a parochial school or bused to a school in a better neighborhood. still, most of the fifth graders will end up at virgil. schools like union avenue are making a valiant effort. but as a recent report from the rand corp, says, school systems that are beset by debt, declining and unstable revenues, dilapidated buildings and inadequate instructional resources cannot improve simply by trying harder. the federal government has all but ignored the needs of states with large immigrant populations like california, new york, texas, florida and illinois. the single federal program that targets immigrant students is funded at $30 million a year or $42 per child. in california, where budget tightening has hit specialized programs especially hard, state officials estimate that they are short 8,000 bilingual teachers. newsweel do you agree or t (percent saying a; 62% immigrant jobs of u.s. work 78% manyimm hard often takii americans don t 59% manyinur up on welfare an for americans thf newsweek poll. ju historically, a s tion has been the to assimilation. bi ing the greatest su immigration since the century, the sc failing the 2 milli< who have been pa flux. their educat isolating them froi stream, rather tha them to join it, ar them to all of the of ghetto life. me the newsweek pc anti-immigrant sei the rise. such a c sphere doesn t n any easier, said mcdonnell, coaul rand report. the of getting the bes new home has to get the worst. stryker mcgui 214 produces about a third of u.s. population growth, and projections for the future ^nge from a population of about 383 million in 2050 to 436 million by the year 2090. all of these projections are sftjky based on complex assumptions about birth and death rates as well as immigration policy. some environmentalists (and many californians) think the united states should immediately halt immigration to protect the ecosystem and die quality of life. fuchs says his commission has consulted environmentalists and population experts. they persuaded us that the population growth is terribly serious on a planetary scale, but not in the united states, he says. so migration to the united states perhaps has a beneficial effect on the global environmental problem. still, congress took no notice of this question when it voted to increase immigration in 1990 and given the wide disparity of current views, picking the right number of future americans is ultimately a combination of taste and guesswork. 1965-1993 the face of immigration has changed over the last few decades, adding noneuropean cultures, languages and religions to the melting pot the further question is one that troubles pat buchanan and many others: can america absorb so many people with different languages, different cultures, different backgrounds? the answer, broadly, is yes which does not mean there will be no ethnic friction and does not mean that assimilation is easy for anyone. assimilation is a generational thing. the first generation the immigrants themselves are always strangers in the land. the second generation is 46. america: still a melting pot? halfway between or (kids will be kids) rejects the immigrant culture. the third generation is hyphenated-american, like everybody else, and begins the search for roots. the tricky part, which worries fuchs considerably, is that america s civic culture is unique in all the world. it is the belief, as embodied in the constitution and our political tradition, that it is individual rights, not group rights, that hold this country together. so here is the question for all of us, native-born and immigrant alike. at what point do policies like affirmative action and minorityvoting rights stop being temporary remedies for past injustices and start being permanent features of the system? the whole concept of group rights, as fuchs says, is tribalism the road to bosnia, not east l.a. and that, surely, is not what israel zangwill had in mind when he described america as the crucible of a new civilization. with adam wolfberg and bob cohn in washington, andrew murr in los angeles and bureau reports 215 a avei the house never reached the floor. while these developments unfolded, southe of course in no position to challenge the cla their welfare was critical. nor did the free b york city under the leadership of the disting physician/abolitionist james mccune smith si of having their memorial to congress protes! umnies against free people of color recogniz who held political power, it was imperative ths ply not exist except as objects, and the truth what was said was beside the point. what mat now, was not the facts but only that the sembli stance be provided for a time sufficient to con and carry the day. the need to segregate or quarantine a 1 after the civil war, the calhoun view of th< generacy of blacks, which held that they coul outside slavery, was tenaciously clung to by bered whites of mississippi. in 1865 the meri asserted with unconcealed satisfaction that tl from the nation, july 24-31 1qbo 152 ^doomed: a hundred years is a long time to one man; lut to a nation or a race, it is but a limited period. well, in hat time the negro will be dead. in due course, mississippi produced figures to prove it: 'he 1866 state census showed a more than 12 percent decline n the black population. unfortunately for the prophets, lowever, this data was as accurate as calhoun s: the 1870 federal census showed an increase of more than 7,000, vhich turned out to be an undercount of between 50,000 md 75,000, corrected in the 1880 federal figures. nonetheless, in the 1880s, the reverend c.k. marshall, he most prominent preacher in the state, predicted that by january, 1920 . . . except for a few old people [who] will linger as the cherokees do on their reservation . . . the colored population of the south will scarcely be counted. with the passage of more years without apparent visible diminution in black ranks, however, white theories of a built-in biological solution to the black problem obviously had to be augmented. in the plantation negro as freeman (1889), the historian philip a. bruce used the black family as a device for attacking all blacks. bruce, the scion of a former virginia slaveowner, simply advanced calhoun s thesis: with the end of slavery, the loss of white supervision led to a severe and menacing deterioration in blacks social and moral condition. the black family as such did not exist, he announced; black children, accordingly, were bom into a state of moral degeneracy. bruce viciously castigated black women. alluding to the alleged propensity of black men to rape white women, he asserted that they found something strangely alluring and seductive ... in the appearance of a white woman because oft he wantonness of the women of his own race. the act that black women failed to complain of being raped by men of their race counted as strong proof of the sexual ^ess of plantation women as a class. erbert gutman called bruce s work perhaps the most portant connecting link between the popular views of ncan-american degeneracy in the 1880s and the support-wor^s the ensu*ng decades before . war i. these latter writings rested heavily on the survi |c ent ^c data of social darwinism the doctrine of ftola'' the historian george frederickson reliance of such theories in his book the black lma^m the white mind-. prob* were a degenerating race with no future, the shin ceasedt01* one f how to prepare them for citizen-member7611 h w t0 make them more productive and useful tather t * commun'tythe new prognosis pointed tn a 01 e necd to segregate or quarantine a race liable to fce contam nat'on and social danger to the white vice 35 sank cver deeper into the slough of disease, ^d criminality. still gainst these brutally repressive rationalizations ^ar u the southern apartheid system after world erupted t rights revolution of the 1950s and 1960s it was at the climactic stages of that struggle 34. politics of family in america that labor department official daniel patrick moynihan conceived, in december 1964, his supposedly secret internal memorandum on the black family. whether moynihan knew his history or not, his report served the time-tested purpose: whenever the system is in crisis (or shows signs of becoming transformed); whenever blacks get restless (or show strength); whenever whites in significant numbers show signs of coming together with blacks to confront their mutual problems (or enemies), the trick is to shift the focus from the real struggle for political and economic empowerment to black crime, degeneracy, pathology and in moynihan s innovative twist the deterioration of the black family (previously defined as nonexistent!). moynihan s report was subtitled the case for national action. but just how much serious action it intended was made plain in the author s next internal memo this time to richard nixon counseling benign neglect. in the light of subsequent events it is interesting to discover in pat, the senator s biography, that it was presidential assistant bill moyers who, in may 1965, first brought the black family report, until then ignored, to lyndon johnson s attention and arranged for the president to deliver a major policy speech based on it. curiously, the moyers-arranged speech bypassed all agencies of the government set up to aid the passage of the president s civil rights agenda. it was delivered at the graduation exercises of howard university before an overwhelmingly black audience of thousands of students, parents, friends and dignitaries. apparently few observers among the editors, journalists and scholars present found what johnson did reprehensible. howard was one of the colleges that had sent a sizable contingent of students into the revolutionary nonviolent southern struggle which at that moment was galvanizing, inspiring and, in a thousand unforeseeable ways, transforming the nation. before the young people whom he should have congratulated for the extraordinary example of sacrifice and heroism they were setting, the president emphasized the historical degenerate state of the families from which they came! true, words of noble intent were there (as they were in moynihan s original), and they heartened many. but so were the declarations of black degeneracy that reinforced the racism of many more and signaled the open-door policy for what was to come. through the summer, however, the secret moynihan report continued to be leaked to selected journalists. then came the event that cemented its impact. ten days after the august passage of the voting rights act of 1965 watts exploded and in a mad scramble for instant wisdom, journalists turned to the blackfamily report and drew on its conclusions as explanations for the violent civil disorders. what did it explain? what were the causes of watts and the^uccxg ghetto rebellions? not, as the kerner commission concluded in 1967, the division of america into two ses separate and unequal. not historical white racism, unemployment and the mtotatble eondt153 1 6. african americans tions of the ghetto that cut short the dreams and lives of millions of black men, women and children. not at all. ours is a society, offered moynihan, which presumes male leadership in private and public affairs. . .. a subculture such as that of the negro american, in which this is not the pattern, is placed at a distinct disadvantage." to overcome that disadvantage, he said, the malaise of the black family, characterized by the unnatural dominance of a black matriarchy, had to be cured. in contrast, moynihan wrote: "the white family has achieved a high degree of stability and is maintaining that stability." (emphasis added.) against the backdrop of the next twenty-five years, this declaration would be hilarious were it not for the fact that, for untold millions of white working women divorced, single and joint providers the idealized patriarchal structure held up as an icon had always been a myth! indeed, even as moynihan wrote the words, the modem women s movement for equal rights and a sense of selfhood, submerged under the centuries-old domination of that very model, was being forged in the crucible of the civil rights struggle. mamas and superstuds raw and uncontrolled sex is at the root of the black family problem. this is the most enduring of all lies about blacks, and sociologists and historians froth at the mouth and strain at the leash of synonymity ( riotous debauchery, unbridled passions, wild and primitive emotions ) in passionate attempts to express this academic and political voyeurism. for most, if not almost all, critics of the black family, there is always at the back of the mind this myth, this image of black america as babylon, where the studs and sapphires are always making babies, where in the words of the myth they do it, honey, right out in the middle of the streets. and one of the most challenging problems we face is confronting scholars, journalists and politicians, who have repeatedly used the black family to exorcise the demons of their own sexuality and the guilt of their complicity in oppression. what makes this so difficult is that we are dealing here with a magical idea that is impervious to facts. there are, in fact, no facts in this area, for there has never been a systematic analysis of the sexual differences between american blacks and american whites. and the few facts we have contradict the supersex theory of black history and suggest that the differences between racial groups are relatively small especially when you correct for economic and historical differences. more to the point, blacks, according to the statistics, are not even in the running in the areas of wife-swapping and other experiments of the sexual revolution. -lerone bennett jr ebony, august 1986 those who found the moynihan report usefu sumably unaware that the archetypal sexism o rests is inextricable from its racism. at any rate, signaled, at the very height of the civil rights that northern whites would pick up where the forced to leave off in blocking the long black s parity with whites in american life. line of descent on january 25, 1986, bill moyers, moynihai booster, invoked the full power of a prime-tims cbs special report to beam the old theme into homes. the title: the vanishing black family black america (shades of the old mississipp clarion'.). the east texan, in sympathetic libi took cameras into a newark, new jersey, hous for an intimate portrait of black teen-age we ers, sexually irresponsible if not criminal youtl black male superstud, and pervasive pathology moyers s report was directed not at the cause o of the people whose confidences he elicited. v shown, rather, a pathology in black america so ing and irredeemable as to leave the panel of bla in at the end to discuss the subject helpless the impact of the carefully selected imagery. the result, whatever sympathy toward indivk white viewers might have felt, and whatever resj some might acknowledge that america has f past, could only be: first, to utte he rising needs of their citizens. the government reduced the central grant and made it less redistributive. it limited the rates that local authorities could levy, thus hampering local efforts to compensate for the central government cutbacks. and thatcher created new policymaking bodies to promote economic development, for example removing the power to undertake urban regeneration from local authorities and granting it to private urban development corporations. the 1980 housing act allowed council housing tenants of three years standing to buy their units, a measure that proved one of the most popular of thatcher s administration. by 1990 one-fifth of the council housing stock had been sold to tenants, though most sales were in suburban areas, and very few in the inner city. sales patterns followed existing lines of decade of thatcherism has transformed british politics in ways that will make it harder to assist disadvantaged metropolitan areas. division and thus did not increase racial or income segregation. but reductions in expenditures on maintenance and construction of public housing have reduced its quality, making it less desirable than in the past. in addition, local authorities have often concentrated racial minorities in the worst of the deteriorated housing estates. although levels of racial segregation do not approach those of the united states, the large dilapidated housing estates located in the british inner city and the urban periphery most closely resemble the isolation and hopelessness found in america s poor urban neighborhoods. although a decade of thatcherism has transformed british politics in ways that will make it harder to assist disadvantaged areas, existing struc tures of policy and politics in britain nevertheless hampered the government s ability to impose losses on poor places. because localities can raise revenues only from the property tax, rich conservative au thorities joined poor labour ones in opposing drastic reductions in the central grant. unlike america) middle-class localities that can make up for with drawn central funds by raising local taxes or fees, al local authorities in britain still depend heavily o: central government support. this dynamic led to the repeal of thatcher s pro posed poll tax, opposition to which was central t thatcher s resignation in the fall of 1990. the poll tai proposed in 1986, would have replaced the local prof erty tax by an equal tax levied on each voter, with th amount to be decided by the local authority. it re placed the local business rate with a uniform rate to h collected by the central government. a far more rt gressive tax on individuals, the poll tax would har sharply limited revenues of poorer localities. the ne tax aroused enough opposition i conservative constituencies i provoke a party revolt. und< prime minister john major tl poll tax has been replaced by council tax, which promises few disadvantages for poor places. the strong role of the centi government has made it hard for british leaders simply to i nore the problems of the inn city. throughout the 1980s, tl conservative government expt imented with a string of polic: aimed at revitalizing cities. / though these programs have ret rected urban policies toward ec nomic redevelopment, they ha kept the problems of cities pron nent on the national agenda, striking contrast to the unit states. the urban landscape in france in france, population sortingaf world war ll was even more ct trally directed than in britain, i ter an initial emphasis on industrial development, central planning agency, the commissariat general plan, turned to housing. as in britain, decades of < pression and war had left a dilapidated and mea housing stock, and the french government looked the fastest and cheapest means possible to address problem. in the parisian metropolitan area, this me massive high-rise housing projects on new sites outs the city. hlm housing, as the public housing program called, came to serve 14 percent of the french p l lation, far less than in britain, though much more ti in the united states. the suburban housing were conceived as workers lodgings, located f (and often subsidized by) industries in the parl-suburbs. as in britain, rules governing access to pu housing initially worked against immigrant racia norities. in fact, hlm housing tended to serve middle and lower-middle classes rather than the ' 196 poor, who lived in private rental housing in city slums. by the 1970s, however, hlm housing had been opened to immigrant racial minorities, and the proportion of immigrants in hlm housing reached 30 percent in some estates. at the same time, national programs to promote homeownership prompted the exodus of many middle-class families from hlm housing. during the 1980s, the french socialists, with political aims and a constituency far different from that of thatcher, also introduced sweeping changes in central-local relations. their aim was to produce more local democracy and enhance local public powers. local government in france, as in the united states, is fragmented into many small units. although the central government has the formal authority to reduce the number of units, in practice the penetration of central power by local authorities (who are allowed to hold multiple offices simultaneously) has blocked territorial rationalization. the central government exercised power over this fragmented political terrain through the departmental prefect, whose approval was necessary for most local actions. through a new system of block grants and the devolution of some social responsibilities to lower levels of government, the socialists gave localities much more autonomy in urban planning and in allocating spending. not surprisingly, however, well-positioned localities used their new autonomy to attract investment and enrich the local tax base, while poorer localities had to levy higher taxes and cut back on services. and an overall decline in public spending in france during the 1980s exacerbated these differences. the myriad development decisions of local governments replaced the strong central hand that once allocated economic activities and populations among different regions and within metropolitan areas. and the central government s postwar power of siting social housing was sharply curtailed, while the local power to reject such housing, or to resist undesirable tenants, grew considerably. the least powerful and least well-off localities ended up with more social housing. in response, the socialists passed a series of laws aimed at reversing the new inequalities. one law transfers resources from rich localities to poorer ones. another obliges localities to pay a penalty if they refuse to accept a certain percentage of social housing for the poor. a third seeks to remedy the housing problems of the extremely poor by helping them pay back-rent. finally, the central government enacted a new minimum income financed by the central government for those not covered by existing social assistance. the new revenue minimum d insertion seeks, as its name implies, to insert the poor into french society by providing financial resources in exchange for which recipients seek work or training. many of the inequalities that the french government has sought to combat are closely linked to fears of developing american-style ghettos. in contrast to the short-lived shock experienced in the united states after the los angeles riots last year, the disturbances that have sporadically rocked french suburban housing projects since 1981 have provoked a nationa 43. race and urban poverty soul-searching about french identity. government action has been aimed at preventing the consolidation of separate ethnic and racial communities. the socialist government has sought to combine the benefits of decentralization greater local democracy, freeing of local economic initiative, and the reduction of central government responsibility for administering austerity with a commitment to equalizing the territorial distribution of economic resources. by most accounts, the growth in the number of elected officials has not invigorated local democracy; it has merely increased the power of local notables. as such it introduces a dynamic into french politics familiar to americans: representatives of localities with different resources may interpret not only the local interest but also the national interest quite differently. the changes introduced by decentralization have created political forces that may challenge equalization efforts now that a conservative political coalition has replaced the socialists. building national community concentrated, racially identified poverty presents a formidable challenge for liberal democratic regimes. the existence of such sharp racial and economic divisions has fostered a kind of defensive localism that corrodes any notion of a national community. the central challenge facing political leaders who wish to build national community in racially and ethnically diverse societies is to recreate a sense of common fate. to do that, they must understand how public policies and political institutions are contributing to the racially identified divisions that now form the subtext of politics across the west. governments cannot erase social differences, but they can use policy to reduce the economic and political importance of such divisions. the central task for policy is to reconnect the poor to the sources of vitality in the economy. politically feasible starting points would fold initiatives for the poor into policies that also address the concerns of other sectors of society. political leaders and policymakers must look for those points of connection and bear them in mind when making policy. that task is politically easier in the more centralized context o european politics, although it may be more culturally difficult in these once racially homogenous nations. in the united states, where long experience with ethnic diversity sits uneasily with a history of racial exclusion and a celebration of political localism, the pohtica task is difficult indeed. but there are some possible points of departure, which include: dissatisfaction with the environmental consequences of deconcentrated patterns of metropolitan development, emerg-ng strains in suburban public budgets, the growing needs of employers for better-educated entry-level workers, and the widely felt problems of combmmg work and family. the political structures and policies that have helped create concentrated racial pov ty will not be easily or comprehensively but federal and state political leaders do have power to initiate changes that will provide a foundation for asserting a broader collective interest m american political life. 1 article 44 ethnic conflict andrew bell-fialkoff andrew bell-fialkoff, a former associate of the center for the study of small states at boston university, is completing his ph.d. in ethnic conflict studies. lat itol. however, two other italians, giuseppe franzoni and giovanni andrei, were the first sculptors called by benjamin latrobe to decorate the u.s. capitol in 1806. the story of their fortunes was recorded by charles e. fairman, art curator of the u.s. capitol.12 he was given the opportunity to retell it in a speech to the house of representatives in 1930, through the initiative of fiorello laguardia, then a congressman from new york.13 it is worth retelling in part. fairman reminded the house of representatives that, when these young italian sculptors andrei and his brother-in-law franzoni arrived in washington, on a cold february 24, 1806, with their wives, they were "people destined to exert a lasting influence upon the art of the capitol of the united states." they had left carrara and italy, both so full of artistic wealth. sailing from leghorn, they had been at sea for 146 days. they contemplated the unfinished condition of the capitol, "begun at a time when the country was entirely destitute of artists" and the meager settlement destined to be the capital city with an obvious feeling of disappointment. there were no people who spoke italian, and they must have wondered why they had come at all. for these, as fairman stressed, were not ordinary immigrants. franzoni's father, antonio, was a distinguished sculptor who had done extensive restoration and original work for the animal room of the vatican museum and was the presi-ent of the carrara academy. andrei had studied at the arrara academy and decorated the balustrade of the in santa maria novella in florence. franzoni's was a cardinal. they did not lack money or recogni-on their native land. why did they come? it must be assumed that the desire to contribute to the birth of to ph^e in the budding republic had persuaded them ^ertake the venture. instrumental in their enthusi-jeff was course the personal persuasion of thomas bufl^t ^en president, who, in his determination to had * 6 u s' capitol and to foster the arts in america, 1803 av^> ^ntec^ ben)amin latrobe, as public architect, in hou latrobes hrst project was the completion of the scu1^ representatives. his plan called for extensive phtfal ornamentation. philip mazzei was asked to suitable sculptors in italy. great u8h the name of mazzei is surely familiar to a worthmany people in the united states today, it may be remembering that this physician from tuscany had 36. early italian sculptors come to albemarle county virginia, in 1773, to introduce the cultivation of grape, olive, and other italian fruits in america. he was a neighbor of thomas jefferson, and in the course of their growing friendship he became his advisor not only in agricultural matters, but in democratic kieais and also in art. no wonder then that jefferson advised latrobe to ask mazzei's help in securing sculptors. hi latrobe's journal two letters to mazzei carry explicit directions as to the quality of the sculptors and the financial arrangements proposed during their two-year contract with the u.s. government. upon their arrival, franzoni and andrei found latrobe a warm and helpful friend. he was also the only person who could converse in italian with them. interestingly, the italian sculptors, as was customary in italy had brought marble articles as presents for jefferson when they called on him. like washington, jefferson also felt he could not accept them: "be assured that i receive this mark of good will as thankfully as if i could accept it, but i have laid it down as a law to myself to accept no presents of value while i am in public life."14 this he wrote to franzoni, march 2,1806. jefferson assured the sculptor that he would "avail myself of every occasion to be helpful to you," and according to fairman, he gave mrs. franzoni a silver dish for christmas. furthermore, it is reported by franzoni's descendants (still living today in the united states) that he was often invited to dine at the white house on sunday evenings. one of the very first tasks for giuseppe franzoni was to do a huge eagle for the frieze of the house of representatives. since his design represented the classical roman eagle, latrobe asked charles w peale for a drawing of the bald eagle (preserved in the peale museum) to acquaint franzoni with the american variety of the species.15 although the italian sculptors' two-year contract was to become a lifetime one, in 1808, due to jefferson's budget economy, they found they needed more work. the architect maximilian godefroy, latrobe's friend, asked them to come to baltimore for about four months. there they did, among other works, a large lunette for the tympanum of the union bank, a piece which is now on the garden wall of the peale museum.16 as wayne craven notes, after they returned to washington, they did a great deal of sculpture in the capitol, most of which, however, was destroyed when the english burned it in 1814. giuseppe franzoni died in washington on april 6, 1815, leaving a widow and six children, all but one bom in america. at that time, his brother-in-law andrei was sent to italy by the government to procure carrara marble for the corinthian capitals in the hall of die house of representatives, since 1857 known as the statuary hall. andrei returned in 1816, with carlo franzoni, a younger brother of giuseppe, and a cousin francesco lardella lardella's work that has been identified so far the tobacco capitals in the small rotunda north of the canitol rotunda andrei died in 1824. carlo fran-of history" is believed to be the oldest 167 7. the ethnic legacy another important italian sculptor was giuseppe val-aperta, of genoa, who arrived from france in 1815 and enjoyed a considerable reputation, until his death under mysterious circumstances two years later. he too did an american eagle, upon the frieze at the south side of statuary hall."17 all the sculptors mentioned so far came from the school of carrara. according to fairman they were the best. in his opinion, capellano, of florence, who did preservation of captain john smith by pocahontas, causici, of verona, who did landing of the pilgrims and daniel boone and the indians, all in the capitol, and persico, of naples, sculptor of the statues of peace and war and the discovery group, did not show great strength of inspiration in their attempts "to americanize italian art." still, it is interesting to examine their attempts to express events that were so far from their own experience, and it is possible that a second look at their achievements might provide some insights into the power of adaptation of artists. the 1820s brought a period of stagnation for the capitol decoration. latrobe retired and bullfinch, the new architect of the capitol took over. fairman mentions cardelli, another italian sculptor of the time, and the letters in which he lamented the state of art in the capital. these letters were sold at auction in the early part of this century and surely ought to be retrieved and made available to the archives of american art and the immigration history research center. however, thanks to the influence of the italian sculptors, a new era in american sculpture was dawning the native one. congress began granting commissions to native sculptors, most of whom had gone to italy to learn their craft. the first of this long series is of course horatio greenough, whose statue of washington scrupulously modeled on the phidias zeus and intended for the rotunda, found little favor in the eyes of his fellow citizens; "the general looks so pale," a kindly old lady was heard muttering, after viewing the statue, which is now at the smithsonian institution. the list of native sculptors who studied and even settled in italy is a long one. their interaction with italian artists invites fruitful study. lorado taft noted in 1923: ... at a recent meeting of the national sculpture society there were four candidates for membership-all italians on another occasion, among ten candidates four again were italians. the catalogue of the great sculpture exhibit of 1923 seems to be half italian. masters of the solid attainments of the piccirillis, the wizardry of lentelli and the imagination of billotti, salvatore, and scarpitta en liven exhibitions of the academy and make their valuable contributions. ... on the whole ... the presence of this army of traditional sculptors is one of the most potent factors m america's artistic development.18 it would seem that the time has come for a systematic study of the interaction between italian and american art this brief sketch of the early italian sculptors in america has been written in the hope that it will stimulate new generations of art historians, and especially those of 168 italian heritage, to undertake the exploration o largely untouched field. the reward will be a rich or a real contribution to the artistic and social hist< america. acknowledgement: i wish to thank ulysse g. desport ceracchi expert, for his generous assistance in the prepare the ceracchi portion of my study. painter, sculptor, a historian, professor desportes is chairman of the art i ment of mary baldwin college in staunton, virginia 1956, when he wrote his doctoral dissertation on cerai the sorbonne, professor desportes has published a nw articles on the subject and has completed a definitive bio and catalogue raisonne of ceracchi's works. notes 1. charles lester, my consulship, 2 vols. (new york 1:301. 2. cornelius vermeule, european art and the classic (cambridge. mass.: harvard university press, 1964), 3. wayne craven, sculpture in america (new york: thi crowell co., 1968), p. 59. 4. gerard hubert, les sculpteurs italiens en france . revolution l'empire et la restauration, 1790-1830 (paris: e e. de boccard, 1964), p. 28. 5. craven, sculpture in america, pp. 63-64. 6. ulysse desportes, "giuseppe ceracchi in amer: his busts of george washington," the art quarterly 2f (1963), ill. p. 141. 7. ulysse desportes, "ceracchi's bust of alexande ilton," the currier art gallery bulletin, april-june 1969, also desportes, "great men of america in romar sculptured by giuseppe ceracchi," antiques, july 196 8. charles coleman sellers, charles willson peale (ne 1969), p. 269. 9. marius schoonmaker, john vanderlyn, artist, 17/ (kingston. n.y.: the senate house association, 1950 10. renzo de felice, "ricerche storiche sul 'giacobir italiano," rassegna storica del risorgimento, anno xlv cicolo 1 (gennaio-marzo 1960) 11. ernest hatch wilkins, a history of italian literatui bridge, mass.: harvard university press, 1954), pp. 3' 12. charles e. fairman, art and artists of the capit united states of america, 2d ed. (washington: u.s. gove printing office, 1923). 13. "art of the italian artists in the united states c extension of the remarks of the hon. fiorello h. lagu new york in the house of representatives, january an address by mr. charles e. fairman, curator of ai capitol, congressional record. (i am deeply grateful florian h. thayn, head of the art and reference i office conomic and socially turbulent i mes. whether these moments are crises of growth or decline will be measured by a host of indicators. which of i ese indicators are the most salient is, of course, to pose i another question that is often determined by our selec tive invocation of historical materials and ethnic symbols as guides for contemporary analysis of ethnic and racial factors in political action. looking ahead: challenge questions international events will continue to frequently affect the united states. in what respect do such events have special significance to ethnic populations? does the relationship of ethnic americans to changes and challenges in the world arena provide a strength or a liability for the well-being of american interests? does conflict between ethnic interests and national interests present real or imaginary fears about our activities in international affairs? how will increased immigration, technological advances, and a more competitive world market affect the relationships between ethnic groups? unlike interethnic conflict within the united states, conflict between native americans and the national government is resolved through treaties. should the claims of ethnic groups in defense of culture, territory, and unique institutions be honored and protected by law and public policy? 185 1 article 41 m hispanic u.s.a. the mirror of the other carlos fuentes carlos fuentes is the author o/the campaign. he u.s.-mexico border, some of those who cross it say, is not really a border but a scar. will it heal? will it bleed once more? when a hispanic worker crosses this border, he sometimes asks, hasn t this always been our land? am i not coming back to it? is it not in some way ours? he can taste it, hear its language, sing its songs and pray to its saints. will this not always be in its bones a hispanic land? but first we must remember that ours was once an empty continent. all of us came here from somewhere else, beginning with the nomadic tribes from asia who became the first americans. the spaniards came later, looking for the seven cities of gold, but when they found none in what is today the southwestern united states, they left their language and their religion, and sometimes their blood. the spanish empire extended as far north as oregon and filled the coastal region with the sonorous names of its cities: los angeles sac ramento, san francisco, santa barbara, san diego, sari luis obispo, san bernardino, monterey, santa cruz. when it achieved independence, the mexican republic inherited these vast, underpopulated territories, but it lost them in 1848 to the expanding north american republic and its ideology of mamfest destiny: the u.s.a., from sea to shining sea lav angeles is now the second-largest spanish-speaking city in the world, after mexico city, before madrid and barcelona. so the hispanic world did not come to the u the united states came to the hispanic world, an act of poetic justice that now the hispanic v return, both to the united states and to part of heritage in the western hemisphere. the imm coming, not only to the southwest but up the east to new york and boston and west to chicago and where they meet the long-established chicano americans of mexican origin, who have been her than the gringos. they all join to make up the 25 panics in the united states the vast majority of igin, but many from puerto rico, cuba, and centi america. it is the fastest-growing minority in the i los angeles is now the second-largest span: city in the world, after mexico city, before mad celona. you can prosper in southern florida even only spanish, as the population is predominantly antonio, integrated by mexicans, has been a bilir 150 years. by the middle of the coming century, the population of the united states will be spam this third hispanic development, that of the l is not only an economic and political event; it i cultural event. a whole civilization with a hispai been created in the united states. a literature h< in this country, one that stresses autobiographynarrative, memories of childhood, the family way of answering the question, what does it meai cano, a mexican-american, a puerto rican livinj tan, a second-generation cuban-american livir miami? for example, consider the varied work anaya (blessme, ultima), ron arias (the road chale), ernesto galarza (barrio boy), alejam (ne brick people), arturo islas (the rain god vera (yno se lo hugo la tierra) and rolando h 186 from the nation, march 30,1992 dn 40a m ..tu 1992 of the women writers sandra cisneros (wom hollering creek), dolores prida (beautiful seftoritasa other plays) and judith ortiz cofer (the line of the sun)or of the poets alurista and alberto rios. or consider the definitive statements of rosario ferr^ or luis rafael sdnchez, who sim ply decided to write in spanish from the island of puerto rico an art has also been created here; in a violent, even garish way, it joins a tradition going all the way from the caves of altamira to the graffiti of east los angeles. it includes pic tares of memory and dynamic paintings ofclashes, like the car-crash paintings of carlos almardz, who was part of the group called los four, along with frank romero, beto de la rocha and gilbert lujdn. the beauty and violence of these artists work not only contribute to the need for contact be tween cultures that must refuse complacency or submission to injustice in order to become alive to one another. they also assert an identity that deserves to be respected and that must be given shape if it is not visible, or a musical beat if it is in audible. and if the other culture, the angiomainstream de' nies hispanic culture a past, then artists of latin origin must invent, if necessary, an origin. and they must remember every single link that binds them to it. y for example, can one be a chicano artist in los angeles 8 the memory of marhn ^'rez? born in 1885, ramirez was a migrant railroad worker from wholost his speech and for this was condemned three decades in a california madhouse, until his death in tte majority of mexican immigrants are temporary and eventually return to mexico ^differences between anglo' ^rica and ibero-america with each other. and drew hk uds so he became j5tmanifest itself a f'spank' cul,urt of ,hc united states p^yasinas i ccfu"> as ln * ^n painting; as s^lasthanproduction by l.uis valdez; with a c v ' 8i'runn bl.d ind h r webrin'i45 native hisna affirmall n forces newcomwhat * uld vh'k a'k ,hcmie,v ' do ^country?-hkc 10 retain? what do we want c answers are determined by the fact __^mirror of the oth andth^i^~~ social group that inworks, transmitting valuw 811(1 net' the spectrum are 300 000 hisnan' h radlllonsat one end in the united states andat^tbuslnessmenprospering american shoos^^ reason that he hates mz?!? the simpk statistic that hispanic-ownwi k ne prou<uy sp uts the ^biihonaye^ immigrants are shot at bv an i k proudly, report that of their migrant workers in the united states and thatths w rkers down vehicles on back roads near their campsites. and if, finally, one realizes that the majority of mexican immigrants are temporary and eventually return to mexico, then one must bear in mind the persisting differences between anglo-america and ibero-amenca, as these continue to oppose, influence and clash with each other. the two cultures coexist, rubbing shoulders and questioning each other. we have too many common problems, which demand cooperation and understanding in a new world context, to clash as much as we do. we recognize each other more and more in challenges such as dealing with drugs, crime, the homeless and the environment. but as the formerly homogeneous society of the united states faces the immigration of vastly heterogeneous groups, latin america faces the breakdown of the formerly homogeneous spheres of political, military and religious power through the movement of the urban dispossessed. in this movement, which is taking place in all directions, we all give something to one another. the united states brings its own culture the influence of its films, its music, its books, its ideas, its journalism, its politics and its language to each and every country in latin america. we are not frightened by this, because we feel that our own culture is strong enough, and that, in effect, the enchilada can coexist with the hamburger. cultures only flourish in contact with others; they perish in isolation. the culture of spanish america also brings its own gifts. when asked, both new immigrants and long-established hispanic-americans speak of religion not only catholicism 187 8. the ethnic factor: challenges for the 1990s but something more like a deep sense of the sacred, a recognition that the world is holy, which is probably the oldest and deepest certitude in the amerindian world. this is also a sensuous, tactile religion, a product of the meeting between the mediterranean civilization and the indian world of the americas. then there is care and respect for elders, something called respeto respect for experience and continuity, less than awe at change and novelty. this respect is not limited to old age in itself; in a basically oral culture, the old are the ones who remember stories, who have the store of memory. one could almost say that when an old man or an old woman dies in the hispanic world, a whole library dies with that person. and of course there is the family family commitment, fighting to keep the family together, perhaps not avoiding poverty but certainly avoiding a lonely poverty. the family is regarded as the hearth, the sustaining warmth. it is almost a political party, the parliament of the social microcosm and the security net in times of trouble. and when have times not been troubled? the ancient stoic philosophy from roman iberia is deep indeed in the soul of hispanics. what else do ibero-americans bring to the united states? what would they like to retain? it is obvious they would like to keep their language, the spanish language. some urge them to forget it, to integrate by using the dominant language, english. others argue that they should use spanish only to learn english and join the mainstream. more and more often, however, people are starting to understand that speaking more than one language does not harm anyone. there are automobile stickers in texas that read monolingualism is a curable disease. is monolingualism unifying and bilingualism disruptive? or is monolingualism sterile and bilingualism fertile? the california state law decreeing that english is the official language of the state proves only one thing: that english is no longer the official language of california. multilingualism, then, appears as the harbinger of a multicultural world, of which los angeles is the prime example. a modern byzantium, the city of the angels receives each day, willy-nilly, the languages, the food, the mores not only of spanish-americans but of vietnamese, koreans, chinese, japa ey begin to figure out * othey are. as a four-year-old boy told s father after another day in the over-elmingly white environment of his connecticut day-care facility, dad, i m tired of being black. in theory it should now be easier for children to develop a healthy sense of black pride than it was during segregation. in 1947 psychologists kenneth and mamie clark conducted a famous experiment that demonstrated just how much black children had internalized the hatred that society directed at their race. they asked 253 black children to choose between four dolls, two black and two white. the result: two-thirds of the children preferred white dolls. the conventional wisdom had been that black self-hatred was a by-product of discrimination that would wither away as society became more tolerant. despite the civil rights movement of the 1960s, the black-is-beautifiil movement of the 70s, the proliferation of black characters on television shows during the 80s and the renascent black nationalist movement of the 90s, the prowhite message has not lost its power. in 1985 psychologist darlene powell-hopson updated the clarks experiment using black and white cabbage patch dolls and got a virtually identical result: 65% of the black children preferred white dolls. black is dirty, one youngster explained. powell-hopson thinks the result would be the same if the test were repeated today. .zblack mental-health workers say the trouble is that virtually all the progress the u.s. has made toward racial fairness has been in one direction. to be accepted by whites, blacks have to become more like them, while many whites have not changed their attitudes at all. study after study has shown that the majority of whites, for all the commitment to equality they espouse, still consider blacks to be inferior, undesirable and dangerous. even though race relations have changed for the better, people maintain those old stereotypes, says powell-hopson. the same racial dynamics occur in an integrated environment as occurred in segregation; it s just more covert. psychiatrists say children as young as two can pick up these damaging messages, often from subtle signals of black inferiority unwittingly embedded in children s books, toys and tv programs designed for the white mainstream. there are many more positive images about black people in the media than there used to be, but there s still a lot that says that white is more beautiful and powerful than black, that white is good and black is bad, says james p. comer, a yale university psychiatrist who collaborated with fellow black psychiatrist alvin f. poussaint on raising black children (plume). the bigotry is not as usually as blatant as it was in roald dahl s charlie and the chocolate factory. when the book was published in 1964, the new york times called it a richly inventive and humorous tale. blacks didn t see anything funny about having the factory staffed by oompa-loompas, pygmy workers imported in shipping cartons from the jungle where they had been living in the trees. today white-controlled companies are doing a better job of erasing racially loaded subtexts from children s books and movies. yet those messages still get through, in part because they are at times so subtle even a specialist like powell-hopson misses them. she recently bought a book about a cat for her six-year-old daughter, who has a love of felines. only when powell-hopson got home did she discover that the beautiful white cat in the story turns black when it starts behaving badly. moreover, when the prod100'1 143 6. african americans ucts are not objectionable, they are sometimes promoted in ways that unintentionally drive home the theme of black inferiority. powell-hopson cites a tv ad for dolls that displayed a black version in the background behind the white model as though it were a second-class citizen. sadly, black self-hatred can also begin at home. even today, says powell-hopson, many of us perpetuate negative messages, showing preference for lighter complexions, saying nappy hair is bad and straight hair is good, calling other black people niggers, that sort of thing. this danger can be greater than the one posed by tv and the other media because children learn so much by simple imitation of the adults they are closest to. once implanted in a toddler s mind, teachers and psychologists say, such misconceptions can blossom into a full-blown racial identity crisis during adolescence, affecting everything from performance in the classroom to a youngster s susceptibility to crime and drug abuse. but they can be neutralized if parents react properly. in their book, comer and poussaint emphasize a calm and straightforward approach. they point out that even black children from affluent homes in integrated neighborhoods need reassurance about racial issues because from their earliest days they sense that their lives are viewed cheaply by white society. if, for example, a black little girl says she wishes she had straight blond hair, they advise parents to point out in a relaxed and unemotional manner . . . that she is black and that most black people have nice curly black hair, and that most white people have straight hair, brown, blond, black. at this age what you convey in your voice and manner will either make it o.k. or make it a problem. powell-hopson, who along with her psychologist husband derek has written different and wonderfid: raising black children in a race-conscious society (fireside), takes a more aggressive approach, urging black parents in effect to inoculate their children against negative messages at an early age. for example, the authors suggest that african-american parents whose children display a preference for white dolls or action figures should encourage them to play with a black one by dressing it in the best clothes, or having it sit next to you, or doing anything you can think of to make your child sense that you prefer that doll. after that, the hopsons .say, the child can be offered a chance to play with the toy, on the condition that you promise to take the very best care of it. you know it is my favorite. by doing so, the hopsons claim, most ch jump at a chance to hold the t a second. white children are no less to racial messages. their re range from a false sense of over blacks to an identify sports superstars like michas complete that they want to be but if white parents look f< from popular child-care ma won t find any. i haven t because i don t feel like an e: area, says t. berry brazelto infants and mothers and othe books. i think it s a very, i issue that this country hast to. unless it does, the u.s. i of rearing another generate children crippled by the bell are better than blacks and bl who agree. as for my daughter, we r but confident. as comer says, run what children learn from is more powerful than anyth from any other source. wt girl expressed the wish to b wife put aside her anguish a replied that she is bright an beautiful, a very special chile telling her that until we re si herself as much as we love 1 article 32 beyond the pale why my 'too-black' friends want light-skinned babies portia williams portia williams is a maryland writer. what with michael jackson s controversial color-change and the mulatto heroine of alex haley's tv mini-series, "queen," people are talking again about the consequences of being a dark-skinned" or "light-skinned" african american. five years after spike lee's school daze" raised wes by airing the issue outside the black community, this is a debate that will not die for some of us. my 29-year-old friend kate, on the other hand, doesn't bother herself with w discussions. she thinks that in $ fears being dark-skinned in america may be a non-issue. that's because an increasing number of wskinned women simply refuse ^reproduce a dark-skinned child. fet me explain. kate laid out this theory a few hours after i attended a party she wta 1-year-old daughter. at the p^y, 1 had met several of her fends and their children; i hap-to mention to kate that i recall meeting the mother of me white girl. w' replied kate. "you met her the little girl is not white, her father is. . . . you know, ev-wants a good-looking baby. ome on, i said laughing. this is i > people don't focus on complex? anymore. "no, you come on," i e sfet 'this is how it is. nobody wants a dark-skinned, nappy-haired baby. . . ." this statement, of course, is not daily for me: "portia was a black baby; portia was a thief; portia came to my house and stole a leg of beef.' " it was hardly the worst thing i heard as a child. i am dark, like my mother and two true. kate and millions of other black mothers not only want but adore their kids regardless of color. yet after a moment i realized that indeed every dark-skinned mother at this party had a very light child. and now kate was telling me that this was no accident. she said many of the women i met that day spoke openly about the necessity of having light-skinned children; that they had their children out of wedlock, and that the fathers of their children had not mattered as much as the lightness of their skin. "it's sad, and nobody wants to admit it," she said, "but even many educated, professional women of today don't want their babies to have to go through the same things they went through when they were growing up." suddenly i knew why this conversation so disturbed me. not because it was outrageous; because it was plausible. for kate and i weren't merely talking about light-skinned children or near-white partners, we were talking about the painful and contradictory effects of forced assimilation the everyday struggle for social acceptance and against self-hate. if you're black, the struggle is hard enough. but if you're "too black, it can become your life. color can mean everything; if you let it, it can consume you. it can dictate a womans most fundamental choices. in the neighborhood where i grew kids had a chant reserved espeof my brothers; dark unlike my father, my sisters and one brother. in short, i was the only dark-skinned girl in my family. growing up, i was called tar-baby, nappy-head and black baby so many times that, for a period, i automatically looked up when a derogatory name was called. i can remember with glowing clarity one of my brothers coming home from high school and noting how difficult it was to date dark-skinned girls. the guys at school joked about wanting only the light-bright-and-damn-near-white girls. if you're caught with somebody dark, he said, they'll trash you. j already understood what he meant. i had been told by a lightskinned playboy that dark-skinned girls were only good for sex. it wasn't just school-age kids who trashed dark skin, however; many children learned of their ugliness from figures of authority. i was in third or fourth grade when my african-american teacher told the class that beauty was high cheekbones, t narrow noses and small lips none t of whic democrats will not take such challenges lying down. they can point to an undeniably better record on such minority issues as civil rights, immigration, redress for japanese american internees, equal employment opportunities and healthcare. but the party realises it can hardly rest on its laurels. maeley tom, a chinese american and dean of california legislative aides, now sits on the executive committee of the democratic national committee. the party also recruited a prominent activist from the organisation of chinese americans to handle its asian american outreach programme. state assembly candidate lon hatamiya got some campaign help from the democrats in his unsuccessful bid in last month s elections to become california s first asian american legislator. california is shaping up as a crucial battleground, both for the national parties and for asian american aspirations. after the 1990 census results are in, the state will gain seven or eight congressional seats through reapportionment and redistricting. given the tenacity of congressional incumbents, the best hope for increased asian american representation would seem to be creating new districts where they would have an easier time getting elected. that means targeting areas with high concentrations of asian american voters and guarding against dilution by other groups. the deadline is fast approaching for specific district line proposals to the state legislature. some asian american groups have already identified two or three possible districts where a third of the population would be ethnically asian. in the redistricting that followed the 1980 census, blacks and hispanics made benchmark gains. asian americans now want the same, but in the process, they could clash with other minorities interests and stir up communal tensions. the dilemma underscores the delicacy of the balancing act of us ethnic politics for asian american candidates. it is seldom enough to appeal only to one s own ethnic group for support, particularly for higher level offices with larger constituencies where voters of any particular asian ancestry cannot account for more than a few percent of the total. 27. spicier melting pot the next best thing is to seek the support of other asian american groups. but even the block support of all asian americans would not be enough to carry the day in most cases. you just can t win as an asian candidate per se, says hatamiya. in his northern california district of rich farmers, for instance, asian americans accounted for only 2% of the votes. most of the rest were whites. nevertheless, ethnic asian candidates will continue to play to the asian american galleries, if for no other reason than to secure the generous campaign finance they provide. at the same time, asian american politicians must transcend parochial interest to get elected. and once in office, they must attend to the concerns of the different groups which put them there. too much focus on asian american causes will earn the ire of nonasian american supporters, and vice versa. the answer, says furutani, is to bust a gut and try to satisfy all groups. scrupulously pursued, this approach could nurture asian american politicians as truly national, rather than parochial, leaders. agreeing on agenda rallying point or stumbling block if asian americans are to emerge as a political force, they will need to nurture common concerns around which to rally. some existing issues have been natural meeting grounds for diverse ian american groups. others are potentially divisive. but, to gain political clout, asian encan groups know they must trade t;n ur^ w'^ each ^er and build coali-d there is already evidence that am are astering these political arts. am.ng top 'ssues on the asian ^ncan agenda are: 'nter^ed88;/0' japanese americans world wartim31 0" camps during cans h,, i*' ^t only asian ameri-rishts n even and hispanic civil becauseu^ ra^ed around this question sent it a e japanese were able to pre-dnp 3 ^^hitional issue of bypass* anti-ar cess f ^aw on rac al grounds, typified klan. v* lence and hate crimes, chin a murder of vincent mese american, in detroit. l\vo white auto plant workers, mistaking chin for a japanese, vented their frustration about die plight of the us auto industry by bludgeoning him to death with a baseball bat. asian americans, outraged by what it saw as lenient punishment, sought heavier sanctions against the murderers. national attention has also focused on the boycott of korean american shopowners by new york city blacks. less publicized cases of verbal harassment, vandalism, arson, beatings and killings fill the columns of asian american newspapers. and things could get worse as recession sets in and the public mood grows uglier. prodded by asian american and other minority groups, congress passed a hate crimes statistics act this year, requiring the justice department to track racially motivated crimes. immigration curbs on asians is something that all asian american groups can readily unite against. in the debate leading to the recent passage of the 1990 immigration act, mainstream politicians tried to bridle the tide of asian and hispanic arrivals by reviewing the immigration privileges of relatives of naturalised us citizens. asian american groups, mainly led by chinese americans, made common cause with jews and mexicans to keep family-based immigration opportunities open. job discrimination for asian american professionals takes the form of a glass railing an invisible barrier that keeps them from ever reaching the topmost rungs of the corporate or social ladder. studies also suggest that, adjusting for occupation and industry, highly educated, us-born asian american males earn less than similarly qualified white men. glass ceilings are, by definition, hard to legislate against. but, at least, measures now before congress would minimise discrimination against foreign-trained doctors (of whom there are many from india). thanks to legal victories in the 1970s, asian americans are entitled to affir125 5. asian americans mative action benefits preferential hiring by such employers as police forces, the media and trade unions where they were adjudged to be under-represented. they are also eligible, as minorities and small businessmen, for affirmative action quotas in government procurement. getting the traditionally reticent asians to use the quotas they are entitled to is another matter, but asian american activists are now taking up the theme. even the independent equal employment opportunity commission now includes an indian american appointee. education is an issue with more divisive potential. some groups are battling racial college admission ceilings designed to prevent asian american overrepresentation, while others seek preferential affirmative action access to schools. high achievers advocate a strict merit system on the grounds tha the only way to beat sociel tion. but some groups advantaged filipino anc students at some califon for instance find it doubl excluded from affirmativ grammes on the grounc americans are already do: susumi on an uptick model minority or ethnic grab-bag? diverse as they are, statistically, it is debatable whether it makes any sense to speak of asian americans as any sort of cohesive group at all. but, if taken in the aggregate, they comprise by far the fastest growing us minority. experts project their numbers to grow by the end of the century to around 10 million, or 4% of the us population. by 2010, they will number nearly 13.4 million, or 5% of the population; and 18 million (or 6.4%) by 2050. the chinese were the first to arrive in the 19th century to work in the mines, lay down the rail tracks and perform assorted domestic services. the japanese, filipinos, and a few koreans followed, despite laws and practices excluding asians from civil rights and citizenship. fuelled by a 1965 liberalisation of us immigration laws and the refugee backwash of indochinese wars, asian immigration has surged again in recent years. the asian share of us legal immigration soared from 5% in 1931-60 to nearly 50% in the 1980s, exceeding legal immigrants from latin america. the 1965 law abolished the national origin quotas (heavily stacked against asians) in favour of preferences for workers with needed skills and relatives of us residents. some 120,000 immigrants a year were to be admitted from the western hemisphere and 170,000 from the eastern hemisphere, with a 20,000 ceiling on nationals of any one country (exclusive of immediate family members of already naturalised immigrants as well as refugees). most asian americans are clustered in just a few states. three out of five of them live in california, hawaii or new york. they comprise nearly half of hawaii s population and are the second largest minority group in california (after hispanics). lately there also has been an influx of asians into cities like chicago, washington dc, philadelphia, seattle and houston. the academic achievements of asian american students have stirred both admiration and envy. one estimate has it that nearly half of all us graduate students are asian americans. aside from family pressure and bookish cultural traditions, asian americans scholastic distinction might represent a bid to overcome discrimination through good grades, some experts suggest. not all asian america successful, though. man refugees, for instance, fac midable english-language out of school to find only unemployment, howevi low among all asian am us-born asian americans the same occupations a counterparts. but foreij american immigrants s patterns. on the one hand, im india, the philippines an higher ratio of top-payinj agers, professionals and the other hand, a greater immigrants from china, south korea found their paying service jobs. the average family in asian american groups high, and usually highei whites. one explanation more family members, i hours, contribute to the notable exception has t namese, whose average ft only 60% that of white t susun textbook tussle demographic shift forces historical reassessment california is the belwether state where the future of other american states can be observed today. with the influx of asian americans and hispanics, white students have already 126 become a minority in california public schools. within the next 15 years, whites are likely to become a minority population in the state. experts project that whites will eventually become a n wide perhaps by the it as the us continues european immigrants un commands a majority, bound to grow stronger and more assertive. but, in its efforts to accommodate the demands of diverse groups, the us risks undermining its commitment to common ideals. what this could mean for the american self-image is suggested by a recent controversy in california over a new set of history textbooks. a quarter century ago, sacramento enacted laws requiring all teaching materials to reflect the state s ethnic div n re-election narrowly by campaigning in his suburban detroit district six times in 1992. ford also rediscovered his own political inner child values not from the 1960s but from the 1940s. he had gone into the navy during world war ii, met people of many different backgrounds, gone to college on the gi bill and discovered "christ, i'm just as smart as these rich guys. it changed my whole life." ford, in essence, saw clinton's new democratic approach as a return to the fdr/truman democratic party, the party of old world war ii movies in which joey brooklyn learns to love tex hayseed because he throws himself on a grenade. on june 16 segal called clinton to tell him that the house committee had voted with the president that is, against targeting the money toward the poor. clinton the man attacked by republicans carter-mondale-dukakis liberal clenched his fis pumped it in the air. next time clinton saw for, president of the united states went over to the authoritarian committee chairman . . . and gave hug. "damn good victory," clinton said, lifting fc the floor with his embrace. "the guy is a really enth tic young man," ford says. in the end, the white house did win a key allowing middle-class and rich kids to get the benefit as the poor. they won a partial victory on tl of the scholarship; the final amount was $4,725 per far cry from the $10,000 they originally sought, but j bly generous enough to attract a variety of kids in program. as a result, clinton may get middle-class lies to feel invested literally, financially invested proving their communities and understanding who are different from them. the white hous succeeded in structuring a highly flexible prograi can subsidize existing charities like the red cn habitat for humanity; urban and environmental professional corps like teach for america, which recent college graduates to teach in disadvantagec munities; and even "service learning" efforts that porate service into high-school curricula. by augu summer of service had illustrated the tremendous tial of the approach: volunteers in atlanta set up ar school program for 250 poor kids; 87 volunteers in texas went door to door and brought 100,000 scho in for immunizations. but the white house lost, without even fighting, critical issue of whether to favor local programs th races. as summer of service showed, racial an nomic diversity won't happen unless organizers m; prominent goal. the administration passed the legi swiftly, but merely postponed the day when clinti have to decide: does he want racial progress to be to his national service program, and is he willing the heat from those who disagree? for all his inspiring rhetoric, john f. kennedy at to his peace corps a narrow group of mostly whitt educated americans. clinton's plan is far more ami seeking to regenerate fragmented american comm and break down rock-hard barriers of the heart. b clinton must confront the emotional issues of ra class, he is more likely to fail. but should he st clinton will have accomplished something far me nificant than his hero ever did. 234 the value of the canc irving howe irving howe is at work on a book about the novel titled elected short subjects. his selected writings: 1950-1990 vas published in 1990 by harcourt brace jovanovich. odll the disputes agitating the american campus, the one that seems to me especially significant is that over the canon. udi at should be taught in the humanities and social sciences, die61 t 'nt' <miuctory courses? what is the place of ,e c how shall we respond to those professors hurocentrism and advocate multicultur-ism this is not the sort of tedious quarrel that now then flutters through e academy; it involves matters of public urgency. i propose to see this dispute, a hrst, through a narrow, ten sectarian lens, with the pe that you will come to ccept my reasons for doing so. st ^re> are the lines of division. on one side and (too often, fall) the cultural traditionalists, q 0 may range politically across the entire spectrum. pposing them is a heterogeneous grouping of mostly w tt achers, many of them veterans of the 1960s, lch includes feminists, black activists, marxists, denstructionists, and various mixtures of these. t some colleges and universities traditional survey ourses of world and english literature, as also of social ught, have been scrapped or diluted. at others they ue ln peril. at still others they will be. what replaces .. ern *s sometimes a mere option of electives, sometimes ^ulticultural courses introducing material from ird world cultures and thinning out an already thin arnpling of western writings, and sometimes courses geared especially to issues of class, race, and gender. giv-n ^he notorious lethargy of academic decision-making, there has probably been more clamor than chan if there s enough clamor, there will be change. university administrators, timorous by incli are seldom firm in behalf of principles regardir cation. subjected to enough pressure, many o: will buckle under. so will a good number of pro who vaguely subscribe to the humanist traditio: are not famously courageous in its defense. acs liberalism has notable virtues, but combativeness often one of them. in the academy, whichever goes on the offensive gains an advantage. so: those who are now attacking traditionalist h ities and social science courses do so out of si persuasion; some, from a political agenda (what first solemnly and now is half-ironically called politically correct); and some from an all-too-h readiness to follow the academic fashion that, f< moment, is in. can we find a neutral term to designate the traditionalists? i can t think of a satisfactory' one propose an unsatisfactory one: let s agree to call the insurgents, though in fact they have won qi few victories. in the academy these professors are called the left or the cultural left, and that is many of them see themselves. but this is a comic m derstanding, occasionally based on ignorance. ii half of both their self-awareness and a decent c of debate, i want to show that in fact the soc and marxist traditions have been close to traditioi views of culture. not that the left hasn t had its sha ranters (i exclude stalinists and hooligans) who, ii name of the revolution, were intent upon jettisonin culture of the past; but generally such types have bt mere marginal affliction treated with disdain. let me cite three major figures. here is georg lui the most influential marxist critic of the twentieth cen those who do not know marxism may be surprised at t respect for the classical heritage of mankind which one finds the really great representatives of that doctrine. (empha; added.) reprinted by permission of the new repubtie, february 18, 1991, pp. 40-44, 46-47. 1991 by the new republic. 9. understanding cultural pluralism here is leon trotsky, arguing in 1924 against a group of soviet writers who felt that as the builders of a new society they could dismiss the reactionary culture of the past: if i say that the importance of the divine comedy lies in the fact that it gives me an understanding of the state of mind of certain classes in a certain epoch, this means that i transform it into a mere historical document. . . . how is it thinkable that there should be not a historical but a directly aesthetic relationship between us and a medieval italian book? this is explained by the fact that in class society, in spite of its changeability, there are certain common features. works of art developed in a medieval italian city can affect us too. what does this require? .. . that these feelings and moods shall have received such broad, intense, powerful expression as to have raised them above the limitations of the life of those days. (emphasis added.) trotsky s remarks could serve as a reply to those american professors of literature who insist upon the omnipresence of ideology as it seeps into and perhaps saturates literary texts, and who scoff that only formalists believe that novels and poems have autonomous being and value. in arguing, as he did in his book literature and revolution, that art must be judged by its own laws, trotsky seems not at all p.c. still less so is antonio gramsci, the italian marxist, whose austere opinions about education might make even our conservatives blanch: latin and greek were learnt through their grammar, mechanically, but the accusation of formalism and aridity is very unjust. ... in education one is dealing with children in whom one has to inculcate certain habits of diligence, precision, poise (even physical poise), ability to concentrate on specific subjects, which cannot be acquired without the mechanical repetition of disciplined and methodical acts. these are not the isolated ruminations of a few intellectuals; lukacs, trotsky, and gramsci speak with authority for a view of culture prevalent in the various branches of the marxist (and also, by the way, the non-marxist) left. and that view informed many movements of the left. there were the labor night schools in england bringing to industrial workers elements of the english cultural past; there was the once-famous rand school of new york city; there were the reading circles that jewish workers, in both eastern europe and american cities, formed to acquaint themselves with tolstoy, heine, and zola. and in ignazio silone s novel bread and wine we have a poignant account of an underground cell in rome during the mussolini years that reads literary works as a way of holding itself together. my interest here is not to vindicate socialism or marxism that is another matter. nor is there anything sacrosanct about the opinions i have quoted or their authors. but it is surely worth establishing that the claims of many academic insurgents to be speaking from a left, let alone a marxist, point of view are highly dubious. very' well, the more candid among them might reply, so we re not of the left, at least we re not of the eurocentric left. to recognize that would at least help clear the atmosphere. more import might shrink the attractiveness of these people i is perhaps the only area of american society wh< label of the left retains some prestige. what we are witnessing on the campus tod strange mixture of american populist sentime french critical theorizing as they come together half of changing the subject. the populism p: an underlying structure of feeling, and the the provides a dash of intellectual panache. the po releases anti-elitist rhetoric, the theorizing r highly elitist language. american populism, with its deep suspicion making of distinctions of value, has found exp not only in native sages (henry' ford: his bunk ) but also in the writings of a long line c lectuals indeed, it s only intellectuals who c; full expression to anti-intellectualism. such sent have coursed through american literature, bi recently, since the counterculture of the 1960 they found a prominent place in the universit as for the french th eorizing metacritical, philosophical, and at times of a stupefying verbt ity it has provided a buttress for the academii gents. we are living at a time when all the regnant world systems that have sustained distorted) western intellectual life, from theolc ideologies, are taken to be in severe collaps leads to a mood of skepticism, an agnosticism ( ment, sometimes a world-weary nihilism in whit the most conventional minds begin to questio distinctions of value and the value of distinct you can find projections of racial, class, and bias in both a western bv louis l amour and ; cal greek play, and if you have decided to rej elitism said to be at the core of literary distil then you might as well teach the western as th< play. you can make the same political poin more easily, in studying" the western. and happen not to be well informed about greek it certainly makes things still easier. i grew up with the conviction that what ge kacs calls the classical heritage of mankir precious legaev. it came out of historical stances often appalling, filled with injusti outrage. it was often, in consequence, alloy* prejudice and flawed svmpathies. still, it was a 1 that had been salvaged from the nightmares, o< ally the glories, of historv. and now we would ours, we who came from poor and worki families. this heritage of mankind (which eludes, of course. romantic and modernist < had been denied to the masses of ordinary trained into the stupefaction of accepting, ev brating, their cultural deprivations. one task c cal consciousness was therefore to enable the n share in what had been salvaged from the p literature, art. music, thought and thereby t an active relation with these. that is whv many 236 not just socialists but liberals, democrats, and those without political tags, kept struggling for universal education. it was not a given; it had to be won. often, wnning proved to be vety hard. knowledge of the past, we felt, could humanize by promoting distance from ourselves and our narrow habits, and this could promote critical thought. even partly to grasp a significant experience or literary work of the past would require historical imagination, a sense of othei times, which entailed moral imagination, a sense of other wavs. it would create a kinship with those who had come before us, hoping and suffering as we have, seeking through language, sound, and color to leave behind something of enduring value. by now we can recognize that there was a certain naivete in this outlook. the assumption of progress m education turned out to be as problematic as similar assumptions elsewhere in tfe. there was an underestimation of human recalcitrance and sloth. 1 here was a failure to recognize what 1 v1uit l'as taught us: that aesthetic sen-si t ity by no means assures ethical value. there was itte anticipation of the profitable industry of mass cuture, with its shallow kitsch and custom-made reck. nevertheless, insofar as we retain an attachment t0 t e democratic idea, we must hold fast to an educational vision somewhat like the one i ve sketched. per-aps it is more an ideal to be approached than a goal 0 e achieved; no matter. i like the epigrammatic exaggeration, if it is an exaggeration, of john dewey s remark that the aim of education is to enable individ-uaj cont'nue their education. his vision of culture and education started, i suppose, at some point in the late eighteenth century or e early nineteenth century. it was part of a great ^veep of human aspiration drawing upon western tra-'tions from the renaissance to the enlightenment. it spoke in behalf of such liberal values as the autonomy the self, tolerance for a plurality of opinions, the 'ghts of oppressed national and racial groups, and so n, the claims of the women s movements. to be vure these values were frequently violated that has een true for every society in every phase of world '^toi-y. but the criticism of such violations largely in-the declared values themselves, and this remains rue h>r all our contemporary insurgencies. some may sneer at western hegemony, but knowingly or not, ey do so in the vocabulary of western values. fo invoking the classical heritage of mankind i on t propose anything fixed and unalterable. not at ? there are, say, seven or eight writers and a simi-ar number of social thinkers who are of such pre-entinence that they must be placed at the very center 0 this heritage; but beyond that, plenty of room rebins for disagreement. all traditions change, simply through survival. some classics die. who now reads ^ ostor a loss, but losses form part of tradition too. "hid new arrivals keep being added to the roster of c assies it is not handed down from mt. sinai or the 51. value of tl university of chicago. it is composed and fot by cultivated men and women. in a course r students a mere sample of literature, there si included some black and women writers who, of inherited bias, have been omitted in the p; think we must give a central position to what i john searle in a recent new york review of boot specifies as a certain western intellectual t that goes from, say, socrates to wittgenstein ii ophy, and from homer to james joyce in litera it is essential to the liberal education of you and women in the united states that they shi ceive some exposure to at least some of th works of this intellectual tradition. nor is it true that most of the great works of the bleakly retrograde in outlook-to suppose that is a cultural illiteracy. bring together in a course or thought selections from plato and aristotle, mac and rousseau, hobbes and locke, nietzsche and marx and mill, jefferson and dewey, and you have variety of opinions, often clashing with one another, times elusive and surprising, always richly complex, are some of the thinkers with whom to begin, if on] to deviate from. at least as critical in outlook are n the great poets and novelists. is there a more pene historian of selfhood than wordsworth? a more st critic of society than the late dickens? a mind devoted to ethical seriousness than george eliot? a si critic of the corrupting effects of money than bal melville? these writers don t necessarily endorse our ci opinions and pieties why should they? we read for what robert frost calls counterspeech, the er and brilliance of other minds, and if we can gc yond them, it is only because they are behind what is being invoked here is not a stuffy obei before dead texts from a dead past, but rather a cal engagement with living texts from powerful r still very much active in the present. and we si want our students to read shakespeare and to jane austen and kafka, emily dickinson and lee senghor, not because they support one or am view of social revolution, feminism, and black esteem. they don t, in man} instances; and we < read them for the sake of enlisting them in a cau our own. we should want students to read such w so that they may learn to enjoy the activity of mine pleasure of forms, the beaut} of language in s the arts in their own right. by contrast, there is a recurrent clamor in the versity for relevance, a notion hard to resist wishes to be known as irrelevant?) but procee from an impoverished view of political life, anc often ephemeral in its excitements and transient impact. i recall seeing in the late 1960s large stac eldridge cleaver s soul on ice in the stanford univ, bookstore. hailed as supremely relevant and w described as a work of genius, this book has fallen disuse in a mere two decades. cleaver himself drifte into some sort of spiritualism, ceasing thereby t 9. understanding cultural pluralism relevant. where, then, is soul on ice today? what lasting value did it impart? american culture is notorious for its indifference to the past. it suffers from the provincialism of the contemporary, veering wildly from fashion to fashion, each touted by the media and then quickly dismissed. but the past is the substance out of which the present has been formed, and to let it slip away from us is to acquiesce in the thinness that characterizes so much of our culture. serious education must assume, in part, an adversarial stance toward the very society that sustains it a democratic society makes the wager that it s worth supporting a culture of criticism. but if that criticism loses touch with the heritage of the past, it becomes weightless, a mere compendium of momentary complaints. several decades ago, when i began teaching, it could be assumed that entering freshmen had read in high school at least one play by shakespeare and one novel by dickens. that wasn t much, but it was something. these days, with the disintegration of the high schools, such an assumption can seldom be made. the really dedicated college teachers of literature feel that, given the bazaar of elective courses an entering student encounters and the propaganda in behalf of relevance, there is likely to be only one opportunity to acquaint students with a smattering indeed, the merest fragment of the great works from the past. such teachers take pleasure in watching the minds and sensibilities of young people opening up to a poem by wordsworth, a story by chekhov, a novel by ellison. they feel they have planted a seed of responsiveness that, with time and luck, might continue to grow. and if this is said to be a missionary attitude, why should anyone quarrel with it? ii. et me now mention some of the objections one hears in academic circles to the views i have put down here, and then provide brief replies. by requiring students to read what you call clas sics in introductory courses, you impose upon them a certain worldview and that is an elitist act. in some rudimentary but not very consequential sense, all education entails the imposing of values. there are people who say this is true even when children are taught to read and write, since it assumes that reading and writing are good. in its extreme version, this idea is not very interesting, since it is not clear how the human race could survive if there were not some imposition from one generation to the next. but in a more moderate version, it is an idea that touches upon genuine problems much depends on the character of the individual teacher, the spirit in which he or she approaches a dialogue of plato, an essay by mill, a novel by d. h lawrence. these can be, and have been, used to pummel an ideological line into the heads of students (who often show a notable capacity for emptying out again). such pummeling is possible for all of view but seems most likely in behalf of total: politics and authoritarian theologies, which d their adherents to fanaticism. on the other han texts i ve mentioned, as well as many others, c taught in a spirit of openness, so that studen trained to read carefully, think independently, a: questions. nor does this imply that the teacher his or her opinions. being a teacher means ha certain authority, but the student should be a confront that authority freely an ainment. 15. local polish american organizations could sponsor a lunch or dinner reunion day to get the people together for a polish american heritage month celebration. 16. hold a fundraiser to help the polish american causes in your area or to help the needy children in poland. 17. sponsor a polish american evening social with music, food and entertainment. 18. contact the other polish american organizations to see what they will be planning during national polish american heritage month and possibly unite your efforts. 19. solicit several area businesses to donate towards a highway billboard that reads we salute polish americans during october. list their names on the billboard, it s great advertising. (sample billboard artwork available upon request) 20. wear red and white or polish and proud butte local events and encourage others to do the same. 21. tell friends and family about national polish heritage month events and invite them to attend celebrations. 22. encourage everyone you know to join a polish organization. 23. encourage everyone to read a book about polish contributions or a book written by a pole or a polish 24. if there is a polish american radio program in yo them to do something special during regular pre throughout the month of october. we encourage all to write for info! about any of the suggestions listed formation is free. the address is: poli< ican heritage-month committee, 308 street, philadelphia, pa 19106; pho1 922-1700. let s get together and celebrate! 180 at the gates of nightmare a new museum raises old questions abmu eni and ourselves henry allen washington post staff writer six million jews died in the holocaust, and who can name one of them? well, there s anne frank. and, if you re jewish, there s a grandmother at treblinka, a cousin at auschwitz, and all the faces touched by forefingers in photo albums. . . that was your mother's great-uncle george, he won medals for swimming and later he owned a factory that made mother-of-pearl brushes. after that, nothing but a number the six million. as stalin is said to have said, a single death is a tragedy, a million deaths is a statistic. the statistic what does it mean? is the companion of the images buried in your nervous system like herpes viruses: the barbed wire, the overcoats and soup bowls, the innocence of starvation eyes, tra s> gas, children, experiments, smokestacks, the pornography of nazi evildagger sticks, dogs, hitler s frantic rao voice, torches and then the allies .dozers pushing slow piles of bodies into pits. whatever it means, this is our holo-^t, the memorial inside our heads. jve built it from television, books, trials and college courses. now we have the u.s. holocaust me-iiltalmuseum which opens monday, off independence avenue. the m\i put th6 holocaust next to tock merry-go-round, moon spirip3?^ ot^ct tr'umpbs the human 'iisast we want t0 cornmemorate a the why not a museum of slavery or ^aghter of cambodia? head^f u michael berenbaum, e museum s research center. have them. di^ argument goes, many slaves but their owners wanted them alive not dead. unlike the miffion or so cambodians killed by pol pot the jews were not being killed for their politics, intellect or even religion, but for their race. why a museum dedicated almost entirely to the jews who died in the holothe-swer runs along thel i. gypsies, jehovah s witnesses, poles, political prisoners, homosexuals, the insane and the enfeebled too, but not with the earnestness they brought to the jews. the scope, intention and logic of the jewish holocaust make it unique. why have a memorial to a european genocide in the capital of the united states of america? i myself am not happy about having a building on the mall. i belong to a generation that says a building cannot express mis idea, says literary critic alfred kazin. i don t think the holocaust is part of american culture. john roth, a professor of claremont mckenna college in california, says the museum belongs here. auschwitz and treblinka those death camps shadow american ground. they warn us never to take the dream for granted. more reasoning: if we have museums of art from asia, africa and europe, there s no reason to ban this museum because the holocaust happened on another continent. the museum illustrates american values by displaying their opposite. the holocaust is a moral absolute worth commemorating in an age of moral relativity. the holocaust gets used to denote an endless list of evils-the slaughter of the bos, aids, abortion and animal experimentation. shouldn t we try to keep opportunists from misusing it? on and on and on. the holocaust has been corrupted by sentimentality, emotionalism and bathos, writes scholar jacob neusner. now it s getting invoked when we re talking about bosnia, says peter novick, a historian at the university of chicago. we re supposed to have learned the lessons of the holocaust. this is especially dopey. what is the lesson? that killing 6 million men, women and children is wrong? we knew that! what the hell are these lessons? it doesn t matter. that fact is, the holocaust museum is here, a national monument. but what does it mean? it is a brick and limestone building that reminds you of the factory on the edge of town when you were growing up, an industrial smugness about it. it has metal doors with big bolts in the frames. it has smokestacks, towers and blind niches. it has a lonely row of metal-shrouded security lights jutting from the wall. it overwhelms you with a sort of grim seniority, like a prison or like a railroad station in a bad memory. it looks like an old photograph of itself. its indifference is crushing. inside, you feel as though you re being processed through the exhibit rather than strolling through it. a staircase narrows as it rises. catwalks over the hall of witnesses provoke a piranesian paranoia. you sense how industrial engineering and 20th century social engineering are the same thing, the same belief in rationality s ability to solve problems. zygmunt bauman writes in modernity and the holocaust that modem genocide is a grand vision of a better, and radically different, society. from the nazi point of view, the killing of the jews was not the work of destruction, but creation. they were eliminated so that an objectively better human world-more efficient, more moral, more beautiful could be established. 7. the ethnic legacy it took the planning and machinery of the holocaust a work of mass genius in its way to get the job done. the old pogrom techniques wouldn t do. for instance, kristallnacht, when the nazis went berserk and attacked jews all over germany, was a pogrom of the sort the jews had endured for centuries. about 100 jews were killed. as bauman points out, at that rate it would have taken 200 years to kill the jews who were killed by the holocaust. reason, efficiency, a grand vision. wouldn t you be happier if i had been able to show you that all the perpetrators were crazy? writes historian raul hilberg. yes, indeed. by calling it madness, you absolve both the nazis and yourself from responsibility for the holocaust. you say it s not quite real. this is one of the many ways of explaining how it happened. it cannot be understood. it must be understood. it is unique. it is universal. on and on. it happened because of the glamour of evil. it happened because of the banality of evil. it happened because hitler had intended the whole thing all along. (known as the intentionalist position.) it happened because hitler was only looking for an answer to the jewish question, and germany s bureaucracy, technology and culture created the death camps as the solution. (the functionalist position.) it happened because mankind is inherently evil. (the hobbesian or original sin position.) it happened because mankind is inherently good, but corrupted by society. (the rousseauian position.) it happened because the jews participated in their own destruction, from the judenrates governing the ghettos to the jewish kapos in the camps. it happened despite brave and constant resistance, the warsaw ghetto uprising being the most famous. it happened because the allies didn t do more to destroy auschwitz and other camps. it happened because there was nothing the allies could do if the bombers couldn t take out the third reich s ballbearing factories, how could they take out the camps? it happened, and half a century later you take a small, grim elevator to the fourth floor, and descend through the permanent exhibit. in keeping with the latest museum technology, there are video screens everywhere, enough to prompt the feeling you get from the tv walls in electronics stores as if you re being stared at by blind people, an unsettling blend of reality and unreality. nazis salute hitler with beefy tiptoe eagerness. they smash the windows of jewish stores. and all the photographs: bookburning gleefulness, and an ss officer by the railroad tracks in auschwitz, orderingpeople to the right or left, to death now or death later. as tadeusz borowski put it in the title of his auschwitz memoir: this way for the gas, ladies and gentlemen. holocaust photographs are nothing new. they hardly seem real anymore. but the sense of reality tingles quite vividly at the sight of the hollerith machine. there, glowering with the bustling potential you remember from old sewing machines, is the ibm computer that sorted lebensunwertes leben, life unworthy of life, into stacks of punch cards. as you descend from floor to floor, things get even realer: a boxcar that hauled people to 'freblinka it smells like a bureau drawer in a summer house. a pile of shoes. the ovens. then the newsreels of the liberation. the bulldozers. the eyes. carved into a museum wall is the testimony of gen. dwight eisenhower. the things i saw beggar description. . . . the visual evidence and the verbal testimony of starvation, cruelty and bestiality were so overpowering . . . i made the visit deliberately, in order to be in a position to give first-hand evidence of these things if ever in the future there developed a tendency to charge these allegations merely to propaganda. how strange. who could forget something as real as the holocaust? everybody could forget. or at least a lot of people didn t want to remember, or know. primo levi, an italian survivor of auschwitz, describes the first russian troops to reach the camp: they did not greet us, nor did they smile; they seemed oppressed not only by compassion but by a confused restraint ... it was that shame we knew so well, the shame that drowned us after the selections, and every time we had to watch, or to submit to, some outrage: the shame the germans did not know, that the just man experiences at another man s crime; the feeling of gi a crime should exist, that it been introduced irrevocabl world of things that exist. irrevocably. what a triun simon wiesenthal rem troopers telling the prisoner there will be no certai ield near the courthouse. before climbing the gallows, he made one last prophecy, saying there would be a storm after his execution and that the sun would refuse to shine. there was, in fact, a storm in jerusalem on that day, but turner was not talking about the weather he was predicting a major disturbance in the american psyche. the storm he saw came in the generation of crisis that his act helped precipitate. 4. free at last! t) felix haywood, who was there, it was the time of glory when men and women walked on golden clouds. to frederick douglass, it was a down-payment on the redemption of the american soul. to sister winny in virginia, to jane montgomery in louisiana, to ed bluff in mississippi, to black people all over the south and all over america, it was the time of jubilee, the wild, happy, sad, mocking, tearful, fearful time of the unchaining of the bodies of black folks. and the air was sweet with song. free at last! free at last! thank god almighty! we re free at last. w. e. b. dubois was not there, but he summed the whole thing up in phrases worthy of the ages. it was all, he said, foolish, bizarre, and tawdry. gangs of dirty negroes howling and dancing; poverty-stricken ignorant laborers mistaking war, destruction, and revolution for the mystery of the free human soul; and yet to these black folk it was the apocalypse. and he added. all that was beauty, all that was love all that was truth, stood on the top these mad mornings and sang with foe stars. a great human sob shrieked in the events in african-american history wind, and tossed its tears upon the sea_ free, free, free. contrary to the common view, the emancipation of blacks didn t happen at one time or even in one place. it started with the first shot fired at fort sumter. it continued during the war and in the jubilee summer of 1865, and it has not been completed. for the slaves, who created the foundation of american wealth, never received the 40 acres of land that would have made freedom meaningful. it was in this milieu that african-americans embarked on a road called freedom. as the road twisted and turned, doubling back on itself their enemies and their problems multiplied. but they endured, and endure. 5. booker t. washington vs. w. e. b. dubois there was a big parade in atlanta on wednesday, sept. 18, 1895, and a huge crowd gathered in the exposition building at the cotton states exposition for the opening speeches. several whites spoke and then former gov. rufus bullock introduced professor bookert. washington. the 39-year-old president of tuskegee institute moved to the front of the platform and started speaking to the segregated audience. within 10 minutes, reporter james creelman wrote, the multitude was in an uproar of enthusiasm handkerchiefs were waved . .. hats were tossed into the air. the fairest women of georgia stood up and cheered. what was the cheering about? metaphors mostly and words millions of whites wanted to hear. washington told blacks: cast down your buckets where you are. to whites, he offered the same advice: cast down your bucket [among] the most patient, faithful, law-abiding and unresentful people the world has seen suddenly, he flung his hand aloft, with the fingers held wide apart. in all things purely social, he said, we can be as separate as the fingers, yet [he balled the fingers into a fist] one as the hand in all things essential to mutual p se crowd came to its feet, yelling. washington s atlanta compromise sneech made him famous and set the tone for race relations for some 20 years. one year after his speech, the supreme court rounded a fateful fork, endorsing 135 6. african americans in 7lessy vs. ferguson the principle of separate but equal. 1 vashington s refusal to make a direct anc open attack on jim crow and his im-plic it acceptance of segregation brought hin into conflict with w.e.b. dubois and| a group of black militants who or gan ized the germinal niagara movement. at its first national meeting at hai pers ferry in 1906, the niagara militants said, we claim for ourselves every ie right that belongs to a freeborn sindl am< rican, political, civil, and social; and unti we get these rights we will never ceas e to protest and assail the ears of america. so saying, the niagara militants laid the foundation for the national association for the advancement of colored peoj le which merged the forces of black milit mcy and white liberalism. 6. the great migration hi >tory does not always come with irums beating and flags flying. so; netimes it comes in on a wave of silenqe. sometimes it whispers. despai it dras like that in the terrible days of lir that preceded the unprece-dentep explosion of hope and movement that is thi terna and oi called the great migration. ; event, which was the largest inmigration in american history le of the central events of africanamerican history, started in the cracks of histon, masse; the stat in the minds and moods of the of blacks, who were reduced to tus of semi-slaves in the post-reconstrjjction period. pushed back toward lavery by lynchings, segregation and the sharecropping systems, they turner around within themselves and decide d that there had to be another way ar d another and better place. the feeling moved, became a mood, an imperativ amble, e, a command. without pre-| without a plan, without leaderi i ship, tne people began to move, going from the plantation to southern cities, going from there to the big cities of the k' ithere, they found jobs in war-idustries and sent letters to a north. time ir cousin saying: fr an aunt or sister or brother, come! and they came, hundreds ahd hundreds of thousands. the first wa re (300,000) came between 1910 and 192 0, followed by a second wave (1,300,0 x)) between 1920 and 1930, and third (500,000) and fourth (2,500,000) waves, even larger, in the 30s and 40s. in the big cities of the north, blacks emancipated themselves politically and economically and created the foundation of contemporary black america. 7. brown vs. board of education the marshal s voice was loud and clear. oyez! oyez! oyez! all persons having business before the honorable, the supreme court of the united states, are admonished to draw near and give their attention, for the court is now sitting. the marshal paused and intoned the traditional words. god save the united states and this honorable court! it was high noon on monday, may 17, 1954, and the supreme court was crammed to capacity with spectators. among the dozen or so blacks present was thurgood marshall, chief counsel of the naacp, who leaned forward in expectation. cases from four states (south carolina, virginia, delaware, kansas) and the district of columbia were before the court, which had been asked by marshall and his associates to overturn the plessy vs. ferguson decision and declare segregation in public schools unconstitutional. all america awaited the long-expected decision which would come on a monday. but which monday? no one knew, and there was no sign on the faces of the justices that the issue was going to be settled on this day. the court disposed of routine business and announced decisions in several boring cases involving the sale of milk and the picketing of retail stores. then chief justice earl warren picked up a document and said in a firm, quiet voice: i have for announcement the judgment and opinion of the court in no. 1 oliver brown et al. v. board of education of topeka. it was 12:52 p.m. a shiver ran through the courtroom, and bells started ringing in press rooms all over the world. warren held the crowd in suspense, reviewing the history of the cases. then, abruptly, he came to the heart of the matter: does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other tangible factors ma deprive the children of tl group of equal educatio tunities? warren paused ai believe that it does. the t unanimous: 9-0. the words raced across and were received by diffe according to their diffei southern diehards like h madge issued statements of promised a generation of li the implications of the deci enormous that many arne shocked into silence and farmville, va., a 16-year-named barbara trent bur when her teacher announc sion. we went on studying said later, but things were and will never be the same 8. montgomer the freedom movement it was a quiet, peaceful <! gomery, ala., the cradle federacy but it was unse; for december 1. the cleveland avenue through court square, w were auctioned in the days federacy, and braked to a h the empire theater. there special about the bus or the the driver nor the passen; that a revolution was about would turn america and tl side down. six whites boarded th' empire theater, and the di to the rear and ordered 1 blacks to get up and give the white citizens. this w custom, sanctioned by 1 mores of the south, and it e due comment. three blacl mediately, but rosa parks, nered seamstress in rim kept her seat. for this acl she was arrested. local les one-day bus boycott on mo 1955, to protest the arrest, boycott stretched out to i 381 days changed the face black america, creating; (martin luther king jr. movement. there then quick succession a series c 136 , w ins and freedom rides) and dra-(birmingham. selma, ums the march on washington) that constituted black americas finest hour one of the greatest moments in the fetory of the republic. 9, little rock the giant c-119 flying boxcars cir-ded the field, like grim birds. one by one, they glided into the little rock, ark., airport and debouched paratroopers in full battle gear. there were, in all, more than 1 ,(xx) soldiers, black and white; and they were in little rock to enforce the orders of a federal court. for the first time since the ri'con-struction era, the united state's of america was deploying federal tnxips to defend the rights of black americans. escorted by city police cars, a convoy of olive-drab jeeps and trucks sped to central high school where a howling mb had prevented the enrollment of nine black students. the troops deployed on the double to block all entrances to the schools, and signalmen strung telephone lines and set up command posts. wednesday morning, sept. 25, 1957 wiied bright and clear, and nine black teenagers gathered at the ranch-style 29. dramatic home of daisy bates, president of the arkansas naacp. at 8:50 a.m., there was a rumble of heavy wheels. the teenagers rushed to the window. the streets were blocked off, daisy bates recalled later. the soldiers closed ranks . . . oh! it was beautiful. and the attitude of the children at that moment: the respect they had. i could hear them saying, for the first time in my life i truly feel like an american. i could see it in their faces: somebody cares for me america cares. at 9:45, u. s. soldiers with drawn bayonets escorted six black females and three black males into central high school, and the rev. dunbar h. ogden, pre cks, home ownership and, 157-161 middleman minority, korean-americans as, 129-130 model cities, 194 model minority, asian-americans as, 112, 118, 126 mody, navrose, murder of, 120-121 mongolia, indigenous peoples of, 70 moore, charles, 228, 229 moyers, bill, 153, 154, 155 moynihan, daniel patrick, 147, 148, 151, 153-154 multiculturalism, 235 myanmar, indigenous peoples of, 71, 72 namibia, indigenous peoples of, 70 national association for the advancement of colored people (naacp), 33, 136, 137, 138, 139, 150 national black leadership roundtable, 154-155 national indian youth leadership project, 78-80 national origins quota system, 33-34, 35 41 national service program, clinton s, 230-234 nationalism, ethnic conflict and, 198, 227 native americans, 55, 56, 67-68; athletic team names and, 73-77; environmental issues and, 69-72; north american, 73-77, 78-80, 81-85, 86-87, 88-89; south american, 60-64 65-66, 67 nativist movement, u.s., of the 1830s, 32 nazis, holocaust and, 181-183 neoclassical sculptors, early italian, in the u.s., 164-168 nepal, indigenous peoples of, 70 new deal, 194 new zealand, 72, 201 niagara movement, 136 nicaragua, indigenous peoples of 70 nisei, 119, 120 novick, peter, 181, 183 nunavut, 67 okamoto, kiyoshi, 118, 119 o loughlin, frank, 48-49 operation wetback, 35 opium war, 32 pakistan, indigenous peoples of, 70 panama, indigenous peoples of, 71 papua new guinea, indigenous peoi of, 71 paraguay, indigenous peoples of, 61 passel, jeffrey s., 38, 39, 40, 81, 82 peace corps, 231, 234 peale, charles willson, 166, 167 pell grants, 231, 232, 233 pequot people, of north america, 8f peru, indigenous peoples of, 61-62, 67, 68, 72 philippines, indigenous peoples of, 1 plessy v. ferguson, 10-16, 17, 18, 11 135-136 poland, immigrants from, 46-47 polish-american congress, 1992 convention resolution committe report of, 176-180 political asylum, 213-214 politics: asian-americans and, 123-1 polish-americans and, 177 poll taxes, 108 poussaint, alvin e, 143, 144, 148, poverty: immigrants and, 50, 51, 54; urban, race and, 193-197 powell-hopson, darlene, 143, 144 proportional democracy, 204 quotas, racial, and university of cal regents v. bakke, 20-25 racism, 173; in athletic team names, 73-77; in germany, 205-206 rassinier, paul, 182-183 refugee act, 35-36 religion: hispanics and, 96, 97, 187-race and, 227-229; supreme co and, 26-29 revenue sharing, 194 reverse discrimination, and universi california regents v. bakke, 20-ritual dancing, native american, 88-russia: indigenous peoples of, 71; nationalism in, 200 saint francis college v. al-khazraji, 27-29 "sapphires, black women as, 148, schemitzun, 88-89 school segregation, and brown v. b of education of topeka, 17-19 sculptors, early italian, in the unitec states, 164-168 segal, eli, 230, 234 separate but equal, and plessy v. ferguson, 10-16, 17, 117, 135-11 serbia, ethnic conflict in, 190-192 shaare tefila congregation v. cobb shining path, peru s, 62, 64 shiptars, 191 siberia, indigenous peoples of, 70, skin color, blacks and, 145-146 skinheads, 205 slavery, 10, 16, 134, 135, 152; and scoff v. sandford, 6-9 slovak-americans, ethnicity and, 16 social darwinism, 153 socialism, 199, 200 south africa, 201, 203 ( spanish language, hispanics and,. 102, 188 special agricultural worker (saw) program, 41 sports: hispanics and, 97; racism in team names and, 73-77 stalin, joseph, 181 200-201 stewardship, environmental, indigenous peoples and, 71 streicher, julius, 75, 77 studs, black men as, 154 supreme court, see individual cases switzerland, apartheid and, 202-204 szewczyk, jean, 86-87 taiwan, indigenous peoples of, 70 tanzania, indigenous peoples of, 71 television, spanish-language, 96 textbooks, ethnic influence on, 126 thailand, indigenous peoples of, 71 thirteenth amendment, of the u.s. constitution, and plessy v. ferguson, 10, 11 tibet, indigenous peoples of, 72 tourism, native americans and, 81-85 trade war, japanese-americans and, 127-128 universal declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples, 72 university of california regents v. bakke, 20-25 university of louisville, program to encourage diversity in, 220-226 university of north carolina, racial tension in, 216-219 united states: early italian sculptors in, 164-168; indigenous peoples of, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73-77, 78-80, 81-85, 86-87, 88-89; race and urban poverty in, 193-197 urban poverty, race and, 193-197 venezuela, indigenous peoples of, 67 victimization, of asian-americans, 114-122 vietnam: immigrants from, 47-48; indigenous peoples of, 71 voting rights act, 153; and mexican-americans, 107-109 walker, liz, 148, 149 walters, ron, 139-140 war brides act of 1945, 34 war on poverty, 151 washington, booker t., 135-136 whitlock, mark, 141-142 wiesel, elie, 182,183 williams, juan, 139,140 woo, mike, 123, 124 world war ii, holocaust and, 181-183 xenophobia, in germany, 205-206 yick wo v. hopkins, 118,120 yugoslavia, ethnic conflict in, 190 191 201, 227 credits/ ______ dthnouiledgments -------cover design by charles vitelli 1race, ethnicity, and the law facing overview ap/wide world photos. 2. immigration and the american experience facing overview reproduced from the collections of the library of congress. 3native american groups facing overview reproduced from the collections of the library of congress. 4. hispanic/latino americans facing overview united nations photo by heidi larson. 3 asian americans facing overview new york convention and visitors bureau. 6 african americans facing overview-reproduced from the collections of the li r of congress. 7 . the ethnic legacy facing overview sula benet. 8 . the ethnic factor facing overview-united nations photo. 9 understanding cultural pluralism facing overview-united nations photo by y. nagata. photocopy this page!!!* annual editions article review form 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whatever their race and color? the jazz musician wynton marsalis testifies: body has two heritages, ethnic and human. the k aspects give art its real enduring power. . .. the aspect, that s a crutch so you don t have to go oi the world. david bromwich raises an allied qu< should we wish to legitimize the belief that the of a student deserves to survive in exactly the t that it corresponds with one of the classes of s constructed group minds? if i were a student t would find this assumption frightening. it is, in more than a license for conformity. it is a fot sentence to conformity. what you have been saying is pretty much the same < conservatives say. doesn't that make you feel uncomf no, it doesn t. there are conservatives and < vatives. some, like the editor of the new criteria frantic ideologues with their own version of p. classics as safeguard for the status quo. this is nt attractive than the current campus ideologizing. bi are also conservatives who make the necessary disci tions between using culture, as many have tried religion, as a kind of social therapy and seeing culti realm with its own values and rewards. similar differences hold with regard to the teacl past thinkers. in a great figure like edmund burke y find not only the persuasions of conservatism but critical spirit that does not readily lend itself to idee coarseness. even those of us who disagree wi fundamentally can learn from burke the discipl argument and resources of language. let us suppose that in university x undergoini riculum debate there is rough agreement about books to teach between professors of the democr; and their conservative colleagues. why should th ble us or them? we agree on a given matter, f for different reasons. or there may be a more shared belief in the idea of a liberal education. if t so much the better. if the agreement is moment, differences will emerge soon enough. a little epilogue a new republic reader: good lord, you re ing a virtuoso at pushing through open doors, carrying on just to convince us that students read great books. it s so obvious . . . i reply: dear reader, you couldn t be mon but that is where we are. 240 indi acuna, rudy, 92, 104, 105 affirmative action, 158, 204; asian-americans and, 125-126; hispanics and, 105, 109; and university of california regents v. bakke, 20-25 afghanistan: immigrants from, 45-46; indigenous peoples of, 70 africa, indigenous peoples of, 70 alien act of 1798, 32 allen, richard, 134-135 american indian movement. 73 anderson, niida, 94, 96 andrei, giovanni, 164, 167 anti-semitism, 26, 75, 183, 200, 207; see also, jews apartheid, 202-203 arsua, tomas, 92-93 art, mexican-american, 187-188 asian-americans, 112-113; politics and, 123-125; victimization of, 114-122 asiatic barred zone, 33 athletic team names, racism in, 73-77 australia, 201, 202; indigenous peoples of, 70, 72 bali, indigenous peoples of, 71 balkans, ethnic conflict in, 190-192 bangladesh, indigenous peoples of, 70 beer-ad images, of irish-americans, 175 belgium, 227-228 bilingual education, 102 biological diversity, 71 blacks: and brown v. board of education of topeka, kansas; children of, 143-144; and dred scott v. sandford, 6-9; family and, 147-151, 152-156; generational shift in leadership of, 138-142; hispanics and, 105-106; home ownership and, 157-161; korean-amencans and, 125, 129-131; and piessy v. ferguson, 10-16; and racial tension at the university of north carolina, 216-219; skin color and, 145-146; and ten most dramatic events in afro-american history, 34-137; and university of california regents v. bakke, 20-25 oat people, vietnamese, 47 ogomils, 191 lma, indigenous peoples of, 60, 65-66, 67, 68, 72 or^r patro* immigration and naturalization service, 42, 43, 210 snia, ethnic conflict in, 190-192 bra^^na incl'9enous peoples of, 70 r n, indigenous peoples of, 60, 67, 68, 70, 72 228; race and urban poverty in, 193-197 lomley, charles, 157, 159, 160 r wn v. board of education of topeka, 17-19, 134, 136; asian-americans and, ^5, 117, 120 uchanan, patrick, 214, 215, 228 uppies, 138 oreaucratic nationalism, 201 dsh, george, 123, 130, 147, 156, 225 usiness ownership: blacks and, 141-142; cultural diversity and, 55-57; native americans and, 84, 85 calhoun, john, 152,153,156 anada, 201; indigenous peoples of, 67-68, 70, 71 canova, antonio, 164,165,166 cardenas, victor hugo, 65-66 ceracchi, giuseppe, 164,165-166 cherlin, andrew, 147,151 cherokee people, service-learning (gadugi) among, 78-80 children, black, 143-144,147-151 chile, indigenous peoples of, 72 chin, vincent, murder of, 115,118,125 china, immigration from, 11,12, 32-33, 34; indigenous peoples of, 70, 71, 72 cisneros, henry, 108, 160 citizenship: asian-americans and, 118; definition of, and dred scott v. sandford, 6-9 civil rights movement, 136,139-140,141, 143, 146, 147, 216 class, and ethnicity, 199-200 cleaver, eldridge, 237-238 clinton, bill, 108; immigration policy of, 210, 211; national service program of, 230-234 college campuses: hate crimes on, 121-122; programs to encourage diversity on, 220-226; racial tension on, 216-219 columbus, christopher, 60, 67,101, 104, 106 comer, james r, 143, 144, 149, 150,151 community development block grants, 194 . . comprehensive employment and training act, 194 consociationalism, 204 constitution, u.s., see fourteenth amendment; thirteenth amendment cortez, eddie, 92, 93 counterspeech, 237 craven, wayne, 164, 167 croatia, ethnic conflict in, 190-192 cultural diversity, 39, 71; business ownership and, 55-57; university of louisville program to encourage, 220-226 cultural literacy, 127; debate over, 235-240 dancing, native american ritual, 88-89 de la garza, rodolfo o., 97-98 demarco, don, 158,160 demographics: of hispanics, 94-98; among immigrant groups, 50-54 der, henry, 112,113 desegregation, school, 137 desportes, ulysse, 165,166 displaced persons act, 34 dred scott v. sandford, 6-9, 15 dubois, w e. b., 135-136, 229 due process clause, of the fourteenth amendment, 13,19 eastern europeans, ethnicity and, 169-174 economic clout, blacks and, 141-142 economic cost, of immigration, 211 ecuador, indigenous peoples of, 61, br, 68, 69-70, 71 education: blacks and, 149;^cuhural literacy and, 126-127, 235 240, hispanics and, 92, 93,102; immigrants and, 52-53, 54; polish-amencans and, 177, 178 , . 79 el salvador, indigenous peoples of, emancipation proclamation, 55 employment, immigrants and, 39 4( 42, 52 english only movement, 127 environmental issues, indigenous pe and, 67, 69-72 equal opportunity employment commission, 126 equal protection clause, of the fourti amendment, 20, 21, 22 ethiopia, indigenous peoples of, 72 ethnic conflict, 198-204; in the balka 190-192 ethnicity, eastern europeans and, 16! eurocentrism, 235 europe: eastern, ethnicity and, 169-1 immigration to, 43-44; race and u poverty in, 193-197; racism and religion in, 227-229 experiential education, for native american youth, 78-80 fair housing act, 156, 160 family; blacks and, 147-151,152-156; hispanics and, 96-97,188 family-based immigration, 39 family-reunification policy, immigration and, 213 farm workers, immigration and, 41, 48 fascism, 200 feminists, in germany, 206-207 fetishes, 82 filioque controversy, 190 fix, michael, 38, 39, 40 fong, matthew, 124-125 fong yue ting v united states, 33 foreign miner's tax, 114-115, 116 fourteenth amendment, to the u.s. constitution: and brown v. board < education of topeka, kansas; and plessy v. ferguson, 11,12,13,14,' and university of california regem bakke, 20, 21, 22, 23 france, 201, 227, 228; race and urban poverty in, 193-197 franklin, benjamin, 118,166 franzoni, giuseppe, 164, 167-168 freedom rides, 137 fuchs, lawrence, 211, 213-214, 215 furutani, warren, 123,124, 125 gadugi, as service-learning model tor native american communities, 78-1 gambling casinos, native americans a 68, 81-85, 88-89 gangs, black, 149 garcia-sayan, diego, 61-62 generational shift, of black leaders, 138-142 genocide, 177; holocaust and, 181-183 213, 224 gentleman s agreement, 33, 34 germany, racism and xenophobia in, 205-206 . _ glass ceiling, for asian-americans, 1 gong lum v. rice, 117 great migration, 136, 148,150, 151 great society, 142 greenland, indigenous peoples of, 70, guatemala, immigration from, 48 hate crimes, 112, 120-122, 125 hispanics, 186-189; definition of, 94-9 mexican-americans as, 92-93, 99107-109; racism and, 103-106 history, ten most dramatic events in african-american, 134-137 hitler, adolph, 182, 183 hokoyama, j. d., 112, 113 holocaust, 181-183, 213, 224 home ownership, blacks and, 157-161 huerta, dolores, 104,105 humphrey, hubert, 170-171 hypersegregation, 157 immigration, 202, 210-215; asian, 114-115, 125; demographic differences among, 50-54; first-person accounts of, 45-49; historical discrimination toward, 32-36; mexican, 186-189; reform of laws concerning, 37-45 india, indigenous peoples of, 70 indian self-determination act, 68 indigenous peoples, environmental issues and, 69-72 indonesia, indigenous peoples of, 71, 72 intellectual property rights, 72 iran, indigenous peoples of, 70, 71 irish-americans, beer-ad images of, 175 islam: balkans and, 190-191; growth of, 228-229 italian sculptors, early, in the united states, 164-168 ivy league, 171 japanese americans, 114, 116, 119, 124, 125, 127-128 jasovic, aleksandar, 191-192 jefferson, thomas, 164, 166, 167 jews, 171, 207, 213; holocaust and, 181-183 johnson, lyndon b., 137, 151, 153, 210, 234 jones, absalom, 134-135 jones, lafayette, 95, 98 kennedy, blake, 119-120 kennedy, edward, 210, 213, 232 kennedy, john f., 230, 234 kenya, indigenous peoples of, 71 kerner commission, 153, 155 kim ark wong v. united states, 118, 120 king, martin luther, 136, 137, 154, 156, 222, 231 know-nothing party, 32 korean-americans, blacks and, 125, 129-131 korzenny, felipe, 95, 98 ku klux klan, 141, 210, 218 la guardia, fiorello, 167, 210 lakhota sioux people, of north america, 86-87 language: hispanics and, 94-96, 102, 188; immigrants and, 51-52; polish, 176, 177 laos, indigenous peoples of, 71 la raza cosmica, mexican americans as, 99-102, 103, 104, 106 latin america, indigenous peoples of, 67 latrobe, benjamin, 167, 168 lemann, nicholas, 148, 151 lincoln, abraham, 55, 117 liquor industry, and beer-ad images of irish-americans, 175 literacy tests, for immigrants, 33 literature, mexican-american, 186-187 lukacs, george, 235-236 manifest destiny, 55 march on washington, 137 margolin, malcolm, 81-82, 85 marquesas islands, indigenous peoples of, 71 marriage, blacks and, 147-151 marshall, thurgood, 136,139 marxism, 199, 200, 235-236 massey, douglas s., 157, 158, 160-161 mccarren-walter act of 1952, 34-35, 116 mcgovern, george, 171, 173 mckinney, cynthia, 140-141 melting pot theory, 113, 169, 172, 174, 177, 201-202, 210-215 mestizos, 61 mexican-americans, 186-189; in california, 92-94; as la raza cosmica, 99-102; racism and, 103-106; voting rights act and, 107-109 mexico: immigrants from, 11, 34, 35, 38, 48; indigenous peoples of, 70, 71 middle-class bla g the impor149 5. african americans expectations, and role models, according to booker t. washington it makes a great deal of difference in the life of a race, as it does in the life of an individual, whether the world expects much or little of that individual or that race. i suppose that all boys and girls bom in poverty have felt at some time in their lives that the weight of the world was against them. what the people in their communities did not expect them to do, it was hard for them to convince themselves that they could do. after i got so that i could read a little, i used to take a great deal of satisfaction in the lives of men who had risen by their own efforts from poverty to success. it is a great thing for a able to read books of that kind. it not only inspires him v to do something and make something of his life, but it te that success depends upon his ability to do something perform some kind of service that the world wants. the intellectuals and the bos speech deliverei rance of industriousness and sobriety he sought to link a home-spun nationalism to a personal commitment to the ongoing improvement of the race. if the legacy of slavery had its countless adverse consequences, then it was up to blacks to discover a positive legacy on which to capitalize and turn to their advantage. as a former slave, washington was well acquainted with the humiliation of bondage, yet he had no patience with those who would replay the sins of the past. with all of its ambiguities, he still viewed america as a land of opportunity for blacks. he declared, we should not permit our grievances to overshadow our opportunities. yes, it was possible for blacks themselves to retrieve from the years of degradation the means for economic and moral uplift, and to find, through their own effort, compensations for the losses suffered. washingtons rational, optimistic message was fully appreciated by a great many blacks of the time. in 1899, when william pettiford became head of the black-owned alabama penny loan & savings in birmingham, he was determined that the bank should be a tool of instruction for birmingham s blacks. his goal was to educate ordinary people in the principles of saving and thrift, to impart the importance of sacrificing today to build for tomorrow. after a successful advertising campaign to recruit new depositors, pettiford discovered that about 90 percent of his new customers had never before held bank accounts. regarding it his duty to encourage the wise use of money, he set about educating all who walked through his bank s doors in finance and investment, while providing loans and other services. pettiford claimed that by encouraging blacks to save and make prudent investments, it has been possible to stimulate a wholesome desire among our people to become property owners and substantial citizens. penny savings became well known for granting loans for home building and business development. the bank was praised also for the role it played in keeping the money of blacks constantly in circulation in our immediate community. washington called the oo-eration of penny loan & savings the best illustration of how closely the moral and spiritual interests of our people are interwoven with their material and economical welfare. he praised pettiford because he was far-seeing enough to attempt to develop this wealth that is latent in the negro people. 150 just as honorable were those blacks who used fi to combat racism. washington celebrated harlem realtt ton, who attained national attention when he and other bought two apartment buildings in order to prevent tl black tenants by bigoted white landlords. a newspaper payton s actions as an unexpected and novel metho race prejudice. inur black characters ire often prosperous doctors, caterers, and modistes. thore is a staidness, a steadiness about them, hot they are do oreos. they are securely colored aod securely american. payton s sense of responsibility epitomized ington sought to teach. by acquiring wealth as pa; blacks could slap bigotrv in the face, and be pre confidently into the future when legal restrictio lifted. throughout the worst days of jim cr bookert. washington never doubted that efforts 1 rights would eventually succeed. i le said, it is right that all privileges of law be ours, but it is vast tant that we be prepared for the exercise of these f is why he saw in a healthy business class the key t< held business men and women to a high standai lieved they had a unique responsibility to the rac< 30. alternative afrocentrisms ss depended the building of a sound economic foundation ,on which everything else would rest. to people like washington, the businessman was the ulti-lte black role model. it was evident, he wrote that the suc-ss of negro businessmen was largely dependent upon, and juld tend to instill into the mass of the negro people, habits of stem and fidelity in the small details of life, and that these bits would bring with them feelings of self-reliance and self-re-ect, which are the basis of all real progress, moral or material. in turning obstacles and difficulties to advantage, claimed 'ashington, the negro businessman has a peculiar opportunity r service, an opportunity that is offered to no other class among e members of the race. he wanted all blacks to take pride in e race s business people. in referring to the perseverance rented by black entrepreneurs to overcome what often seemed like surmountable obstacles, he once reflected, i was never more oud than i am today that i am a negro. i am proud and grateful be identified with a race which has made such creditable ogress in the face of discouragement and difficulty. the business successes of blacks during the eighteenth and neteenth centuries were achieved before severe jim crow relictions went into effect in the south. but even after such biased ws were in place, great numbers of blacks continued to found mis, turning sections of some cities into what historian john sibley utler describes as entrepreneurial enclaves. serious damage was me to black economic development by laws that prevented the ipansion of their businesses beyond the limited borders of segre-ited black neighborhoods. but even greater damage was caused i the later arrival of a black leadership whose teachings were vastly fferent from those of people like washington, pettiford, and pay-n. suddenly blacks were guided to view their problems as beyond eir abilities to resolve: to look outward, especially to government, >r solutions; and to see themselves as objects of sympathy. washington s greatest fears came true. by the time of the legal ictories in the 1960s, the earlier spirit of enterprise had been de-eted, and a new civil rights vision redefined black missions and mis. the call to group solidarity now became a strategy primarily 1 coerce benefits from whites, or the system. even self-help was defined as an initiative first requiring the input of whites. the moral force of earlier leaders, who had galvanized tens t ousands of individuals to work toward economic indepen-^nce and self-reliance, ceased to carry influence. booker t. wash-y ns ca^ for blacks to make themselves economically indispens3 e aded into a distant echo. is it not time to listen once more? ^beth wright is editor of issues & views, a quarterly publication on subjecting the black community (po box 467, new york, ny 10025), jhssie fauset ^kauffinan for never let the thought arise at we are here on sufferance bare; outcasts, asylumed neath these skies, and aliens without part or share. this land is ours by right of birth, this land is ours by right of toil; we helped to turn its virgin earth, our sweat is in its fruitful soil. james weldon johnson from fifty years 1863 1913" the notion that african americans are here on sufferance bare never once crossed the mind of jessie fauset, whose novels depicted a robust negro middle class that was much more than george babbitt in blackface. jessie redmon fauset was bom in 1882 to a father who was a respected a. m. e. minister in camden, new jersey. the faucets were on the fringe of stylish old philadelphia society; they were frayed gentility, polite and mannerly if occasionally behind on the grocery bill. ( there is no pride so strong, so inflexible, so complacent as the pride of the colored old philadelphia , wrote fauset in comedy: american style.) hers was a close and loving family; she was raised, she later recalled, in a very conservative, not to say very religious, household, and she grew up with a sense of the dignity of her race. of course when the white world impinged young jessie met the usual slights. at the philadelphia high school for girls i happened to be the only colored girl in my classes ... and i ll never forget the agony i endured on entrance day when the white girls with whom i had played and studied through the graded schools refused to acknowledge my greeting. upon graduation from cornell, jessie fauset taught french for a dozen years at washington, d.c. s storied dunbar high ( the greatest negro high school in the world ), named after the turn-of-the-century black american poet best remembered for his exclamation, i know why the caged bird sings! fauset chose w. e. b. dubois as her mentor. he, in turn, recognized his protege as a distaff member of the talented tenth whose efforts dubois believed would uplift the race. we must, jessie lectured the usually unlecturable dubois, teach our colored men and women race pride, tc//pride, self-sufficiency (the right kind) and the necessity of living our lives, as nearly as possible, absolutely, instead of comparing them always with white standards. fauset wrote stories, reviews, and poetry for the crisis, the naacp flagship, before becoming full-time literary editor in october 1919though her own experiences of the richness of segregated black middle-class life kept her from swallowing whole the naacps integrationist panacea, she worked alongside the prickly dubois for seven fruitful years. with sweetness and vigor she cultivated the flowering of negro letters, for she shared in the delight expressed by her friend, the poet countee cullen: yet i do marvel at this curious thing: to make a poet black, and bid him sing! 151 5. african americans jessie fauset disdained literary politics and petty jealousies. as a wise older brother counsels in her first novel, there is con-fasion (1924), our battle is a hard one and for a long time it will seem to be a losing one, but it will never really be that as long as we keep the power of being happy...happiness, love, contentment in out midst, make it possible for us to face those foes without. happy warriors, thats the ideal for us. fauset practiced what she preached. her little kindnesses and generous praise encouraged the harlem renaissance of the 1920s. she was, arguably, the discoverer of langston hughes, who was forever grateful. ( i found jessie fauset charming a gracious, tanbrown lady, a little plump, with a fine smile and gentle eyes... from that moment on i was deceived in writers, because i thought they would all be good-looking and gracious like miss fauset. ) even the rouge et noir bad boy claude mckay said of fauset: all the radicals liked her, although in her social viewpoint she was away over on the other side of the fence. few people, it seemed, wanted to hear about jessie s side of the fence. there is confusion was rejected by one publisher because, she was told, white readers just don t expect negroes to be like this. her black characters are often prosperous doctors, caterers, and modistes: the sort who have, rather than are, domestic help. there is a staidness, a steadiness about them, but they are no oreos. they are securely colored and securely american. her four novels frequently feature light-skinned negroes who pass for white in st frontier province and karachi, pakistan; haryana, delhi, and gangaaagar district of rajasthan, india bengali 38,101 bangladesh, west bengal, tripura, and assam, ma marathi 14,755 m^rsshtra and eight adjohrieg districts in three older states of india source: u.s, censut bureau 185 6. asian americans the community, says kothari. metropolitan life was a major sponsor of the local navaratri, a religious festival that attracted some 100,000 participants from around new jersey, new york, and even further afield. it didn t take a lot. one of the chief executives of the company attended the festival, and the company took out a series of ads in the souvenir program. now we feel that we should reward the company for taking an interest in us. indians do not have a throw-away mentality, says jain. they expect value for their money and buy things with an eye to quality and durability. some westasian indians expect value for their money. they shop for quality and durability. well-schooled in bombay asian-indian americans are better educated than i average american. (perceot dmribatim of total aad aaiaa-ladiaii population aged 25 and okh educational attakhneat, 1090) lees ttan ngh school soon codege, associate s bachelot's advanced ugh school gradoate no degree degree degree degree .sourre: u.s. i i i erners may think it strange to see a doctor or engineer standing in line at a department store to get a broken appliance repaired. they may think, wouldn t it be easier just to buy a new one? but that is not the indian way, says jain. seeking value goes beyond durable goods. many asian indians run up large long-distance telephone bills talking to extended family in india, so they actively price-shop among both major and smaller long-distance companies. these telecommunications companies are perhaps the most active in marketing directly to asian indians, with indian-theme advertisements, indian-language services, and highly competitive rates. assimilating easily the children of asian-indian immigrants set the tone for many purchases made outside the local indian communities, especially for clothing and food. second generation and generation one-and-a-halfers, as bryn mawr college assistant dean sonya mehta describes indians who came to the u.s. when they were young, may feel more american than indian. asian-indian children, like most second-generation americans, are straddling two cultures. while they are as american ized as their schoolmates, they are strongly influenced by their parents tradition and religion. they may listen to american pop music and watch american movies, but they are also comfortable with the popular music and movies of india. they also tend to follow the ways of their elders when it comes to such traditions as marriage and child-rearing. this dual existence has found an outlet in a flourishing subculture of indo-american magazines like masala, onward, and hum. the magazines feature articles on drug use and prostitution among young asian-indian americans, but they also review indian art and dance exhibitions. advertisers include long-distance telephone companies, airlines, indian restaurants, and matchmaking/dating services. children in asian-indian american households carry a lot of weight when it comes to non-indian food purchases. my kids want american food. they don t like indian food, says pradip kothari s wife nandini. and they want specific things mcdonald s, coke, and things like that. suny buffalo s arun jain points out that many indian women, especially those who may not be particularly english-literate or educated in western traditions, are not familiar with many product typical supermarket. he s food manufacturers and n enhance sales to this grou hints on how to adapt prodi recipes and the indian pa. cooking courses on cable t\ ethnic newspapers. while children may influei ping choices, parents e thers are the primary dec for most major purchases, together, but the husband n power over purchases, acco this is especially true foi wealthy shoppers. even w and wife* are both professic unusual for the man to domi decisions. the children of older indis are now beginning to mai families of their own. many | are willing to spend a larj money on parties, gifts, hon even down payments for h dominiums. at the same t these parents are about to another reason for parties a goods and services associate banquet halls, caterers, i 186 36. asian-indian americans >ther service providers. asian indians retimes seek such services from other indians who understand their culture, but wt always. indians do not necessarily vantto deal with other indians, says jain. what they want is credibility, re-.pect, and good service. indians will patronize stores with good service. jain sees a burgeoning opportunity for the travel and tourism industries as this older generation reaches its retirement years. most people go to india to see their families, but as they age, there is less reason to travel, since there are fewer people left to visit in the old country. this is the time for indian empty nesters to see the united states, jain says. and while most non-indians may assume that the only foreign trips indians make are back to their home country, nandini kothari points out that her family does so only once every three or four years. we go to see our families, but we don t go too often. it s usually too hot, the kids don t enjoy it, and there are so many family obligations that we don t get much of a chance to rest. we prefer to go to the caribbean for our vacations. reaching asian indians although 68 percent of asian indians aged 5 and older speak a language other than english, only 21 percent do not speak english very well. should marketers go out of their way to reach a group that has little problem accessing the information and advertisements already out there? most definitely, says jain. if you want to win asian-indian customers, you have to participate in their communities, says pradip kothari. you don t have to spend a lot of money for if you want to win asian-indian customers, you have to participate in their communities. name recognition a little goes a long way. rajiv khanna, president of the new york city based india-america chamber of commerce, a national organization with more than 300 members, agrees. become involved with organizations such as ours. advertise in community newspapers and on indian cable tv. network with indian groups; sponsor indian cultural events. one way to contact asian-indian consumers is to get on the information highway. the internet is a wonderful resource for keeping informed about business affairs, says bryn mawr dean sonya mehta, who points out that there are more than a dozen newsgroups for asian-indian subscribers on the net (see taking it further ). asian indians also keep tabs on each other and informed about news at home through a host of indian newspapers and magazines published in the u.s. the choices range from the 25-year-old weekly india abroad to an array of glossy monthly magazines with cultural and business features. iselin, new jersey, has local cable tv geared to its large asian community, and cable offerings on such networks as tvasia, eye on asia, and vision of asia offer programming of interest to the market. local radio programming is also important to asian indians as a vehicle for disseminating information about indian culture and events. targeted media are available, says suny buffalo s jain. there are even specialty mail-order lists that target asian indians. but even more important than media advertising is the power of word of mouth. indians talk to each other; they share information, recipes, news. they remember companies and organizations that sponsor indian events. reaching key opinion leaders will guarantee that your product or service quickly reaches the entire market. taking it further for more information about the demographics of asian indians, see asian and pacific islanders in the u.s.: 1990, cp-35, available from the government printing office at (202) 512-1800. immigration data are available from the immigration and naturalization service; telephone (202) 376-3066. the statistical record of asian americans ($105) is published by gale research, inc.; telephone (313) 9612242. foreign-born professionals in the united states, by leon f. bouvier and david simcox, is available from the center for immigration studies; telephone (202) 466-8185. india-net is an online communication service for people of indian origin residing outside of india; for more information, contact gaurang desai, gdesai@megatest.com. info-india is a volunteer-written digest of indian newspapers; contact vishal sharma, vishal@spetses.ece. ucsb.edu. prakash reviews about 60 indian publications a day; contact arvind sitaram, asita-ram@us.oracle.com. the worldwide indian network lists useful documents for indians in the u.s.; contact biswanath halder, bhalder@lynx.dac.neu.edu. 187 the ethnic legacy ethnicity is often associated with immigrants and with importation of culture, language, stories, and foods from foreign shores. appalachian, western, and other regional ethnicities are evidence of multigenerational ethnic cultural development within the american reality. the persistent, ongoing process of humanity expressed in unique and intriguing folkways, dialect languages, myths, festivals, and foods displays another enduring and public dimension of ethnicity. as this unit's articles illustrate, ethnic experiences may be less foreign and alien than most imagine them to be. the contributions and concerns of various ethnic immigrant groups over many generations provided a deep weave and pattern to the material and social history of america. today we see a consciousness of ethnic tradition, exasperation and anger about stereotypes, and efforts to institutionalize attention to groups. change and ethnicity are not contradictory, for each generation creates anew its ethnicity, which, alongside other affinities, affiliations, and loyalties, helps to guide our interactions. present concerns of ethnic groups include language, preservation of neighborhoods, ethnic studies, and the rearticulation of historical claims to fairness, justice, and equity. perhaps the most obvious oscillation between celebration of achievement and concern about fairness is seen in the legacies of ancestry-conscious persons and groups. should such populations be denied their distinctiveness through absorption into the mass of modernity, or can their distinctiveness accompany them into mainstream modern american identities? their ethnicity is not a form of diminished existence; they are "americans plus" americans with a multicultural affinity and competencies in more than one culture. the winds of political change in ireland an the middle east, and eastern and central eu the saliency of ethnicity and the varied textun relations. in america the ongoing affinity of et lations to the nations of their origins is expresse as well as obvious ways. these articles explair mission of ethnic tradition in music and sugg< between religion and ethnicity. the story of 1 tion of ethnicity and religion is curiously expt etymology of the greek word ethnikos (i.e., gentile, or pagan people of the ancient me< world). though such philological roots no ic our principal understanding of ethnicity, the of social affinity and cultural affiliation elabon following articles about ethnics deepens our and understanding of ethnicity a changing ye aspect of human identity and social cohesiver looking ahead: challenge questions how does the ethnicity of an earlier era s tension between worlds of meaning discussed comment on the idea that the legacy of m cestral origins and ethnic identities of european rom an earlier era in america argues for the pc vancy and their marginality to the central etl of our time. what is m a lowdown dirty deal and whose feelings are all hurt about it. even in the helter-skelter skirmish that is my life, i have seen that the world is to the strong regardless of a little pigmentation more or less. no, i do not weep at the world i am too busy sharpening my oster knife. someone is always at my elbow reminding me that i am a granddaughter of slaves. it fails to register depression with me. slavery is 60 years in the past. the operation was successful and the patient is doing well, thank you. the terrible struggle that made me an american out of a potential slave said on thi reconstruction said get set! ; and the generation go! i am off to a flying start and i must not halt is to look behind and weep. slavery is the price 1 paid for and the choice was not with me. it is a bully adventui all that have paid through my ancestors for it. no ( ever had a greater chance for glory. the world to bet ing to be lost. it is thrilling to think to know that f< mine, 1 shall get twice as much praise or twice as mt is quite exciting to hold the center on the national stag tators not knowing whether to laugh or to weep. from how it feels to be c 154 article 31 art 1 god and the civil rights movement professor james m. washington addresses union day '96 attendees uowing a luncheon in the refec-ory, union day participants and ndees gathered in james chapel a lecture by professor of church tory james m. washington on and the civil rights movent: a retrospective, 1941 1968," subject of his current research, put forth a central question to ich panelists would later re-nd: can one do a religious his-f of the civil rights movement? what was there religious about dvil rights movement? uon theological seminary is a d place to ask this kind of quesc.." washington said, quoting il tillich's comment that "religion te substance of culture and culture >rm of religion." yet, washington 5< when he hears that assertion, he ask: "and? and? and?" ascribing the way african ameri-s have written and spoken about lr pain and its connection to reliexperience, washington drew on washington identified an implicit conflict between the philosophy of the declaration of independence and that of the constitution. pendence and that of the constitution." according to washington, this tension came to a head in 1845, when many denominations in this country split over the issue of slavery. the debate, washington noted, was not just over the translation of the greek word doulas as either slave or servant, but about the nature and destiny of this country and whether or not one could create a society that was truly under god. "by 1861, as the nation was on the brink of warfare," he said, "a presbyterian minister cried out 'the stench of slaves long-since gone has finally reached the nostrils of god.' " albert jay raboteau's slave religion. the book examines the experience of slaves and their grappling with the problem of evil as reflected in the question, "could it be possible that the old god of the african continent had failed them?" "not only is this a centtai theological question that has been addressed from a black theological perspective, a womanist perspective, and several other historical perspectives," washington said, "it is a question in american society, as well." washington identified "an implicit conflict between the philosophy of the declaration of indetw the union . . cemjnary in the city theological seminar the civil rights movement was not just a movement for social change.... it was a fight for the soul of america. of new york. reprinted by 5. african americans washington, who grew up in knoxville, tennessee during the civil rights movement, says he has learned a great deal by reflecting on that experience from an historical perspective. "the civil rights movement was not just a movement for social change," he said, "it was a fight for the soul of america; a fight not simply about ideology but about whether or not people of conviction and values, people who had a firm belief that god somehow plays a part in human history, would have their prayers answered. these people uttered prayers, sang songs, engaged in the movement, not simply because they wanted freedom, but because they wanted to know the answer to the question: 'is there a god?' they asked over and over again, 'is god on our side?' "in order for people not just students but indigenous people to do what they did, which was like going into guerrilla warfare in some communities, it had to be based on some strong religious conviction. "the question is: 'how did we muster the courage to resist this form of oppression?'" washington asked. "those who have interpreted the civil rights movement are right when they msist that one has to see the move ment in the context of the history of protest in the united states." the feeling that the presence of god must be linked somehow in struggle is one of the great legacies of the civil rights movement. washington pointed to the abolitionist movement and various attempts to defeat and oppose the system. "one of the more common rationales for putting forth the challenge and motivation," he observed, "was christian idealism or christian pacifism... which dovetailed with the social gospel movement itself and had its roots in biblical understanding of martyrdom. indeed, one great misreading of uncle tom's cabin has ignored the fact that what was seen as tom's 'accommodationism' by those who do not read the text in the context of biblical narrative, was not 'accommodation,' but tom as the paradigmatic christian martyr...based on the conviction that without the shedding of blood, there can be no remission of sin. "the idea that god plays some role in american history, as well as in of the church, was in crisis 1930s, partially because of the wide depression, but partly many were beginning to exj the 'death of god'.... what w on the part of protesters and < whether motivated by christ viction or patriotism, was th; how god plays a role (although) some used differer like transcendence, some p beyond themselves. "the feeling that the presence must be linked somehow in st one of the great legacies of rights movement," washing eluded. "what i am trying write and research an interf interdenominational history movement. what is clear to m larger standpoint, is that the ( the 'death of god' movem hung over the heads of peop sixties was not just a forma among theologians but som was an experience on the stree washington ended his pres with some words from the k abemathy:"lord, we don't h; money. but we have our boc is what we offer on this day." part 2 of article continues on next page. 156 i 31. josephites 12 josephites mark 125 years service: the order of catholic priests has staffed african-american parishes in baltimore and other cities for over a century. rilyn nlccraven staff ihen carl stokes won a partial warship to loyola high school in the 5s, there was no way his family could e up the difference. lot to fear: his parish priest, a sphite at st. francis xavier in east imore, made sure all expenses were sred. it you had the ability, they would sure that you got all the tools and educational opportunities to go to the t level," said stokes, 46, a former timore city councilman and lifetime ^ber of st. francis. pokes story is one of many that be shared as the josephites cele-te their 125th anniversary today, 1 cardinal william h. keeler presid-,at a 5 p.m. mass at st. francis fler church, 1501 e. oliver st., the jntrys oldest african-american rocatholic parish. a reception and w will follow at the baltimore ^ention center. 176 events mark the 1871 founding joseph s society of the sacred es> ? ^ond n> which sent white ik... baltimore that same year to ^an-american catholic parishes hools. they assumed control of st. francis xavier and in 1892 became a separate american order to concentrate on their work among blacks, many of them freed slaves. st. francis xavier spawned seven other parishes for african-americans in baltimore. st. monica s and sacred heart are defunct, but still operating are st. peter claver in sandtown-winchester; st. pius v in harlem park, which merged with st. barnabas; and st. veronica s in cherry hill. christ the king in dundalk was turned over to the archdiocese. these were the only parishes blacks attended until the 1950s, when they felt accepted at baltimore's other catholic churches, said the rev. peter e. hogan, the josephite archivist. though in decline in recent years, the order has continued to play a significant role in education, housing, the rehabilitation of drug addicts and alcoholics and other pursuits, say local religious and civic leaders. black catholics have always seen the josephites as somebody who could go to the pope and the bishops for us, said sister claudina sanz, superior general of the 168-year-old oblate sisters, a group of african-american nuns founded here. the rev. robert m. kearns, the superior general of the josephites, led the effort to raise money to build new and renovated homes under the nehemiah project. his appeal to a variety of religious groups synagogues and black and white protestant churches netted $2.2 million in pledges that leveraged millions more in federal, state and city dollars. the groups promised to rise up and build as the old testament prophet nehemiah had urged in the impoverished neighborhoods of sandtown-win-chester and penn north in west baltimore. with the enterprise foundation as the developer, 300 houses have been built, 150 are to be built and 150 are to be renovated, kearns said. the josephites are to be commended for the leadership they've shown in their outreach to the oppressed in the city, especially through the ne-i hemiah project, said rev. douglas miles i of baltimoreans united in leadership development, the church-based community group that initially lobbied the religious community for money for the project in 1986. the josephites sponsor the largest head start program in maryland, with nearly 300 preschoolers at st. veronica's. a josephite, bishop john h. ricard, oversees parishes serving 85,000 catholics in baltimore and is head of baltimorekar 30 is*, pp1a1 from the baltimore sun, novem 1996 w 1716 sun reprinted by pedion-baltimore sun. * 157 5. african americans based catholic relief services, the world s second-largest nonprofit provider of foreign aid. another josephite, the rev. joseph verrette, runs the state-funded tuerk house in west baltimore, a 28-day inpatient drug and alcohol treatment program for people with no health insurance. but the shortage of priests has caused the order to curtail its projects. we've pulled out of 26 parishes over the past 20 years in the united states and the bahamas, said the rev. eugene mcmanus, former josephite superior general. however, there are several new black priests, and they're working closely with an order of priests from nigeria, which is sending missionaries to this country for long stints. several joesphite parishes in baltimore remain vibrant, said mcmanus. st. francis xavier and st. peter claver have 800 registered families each, church officials say. some st. francis members travel from washington and pennsylvania to attend one of the three sunday masses, said the rev. william norvel, pastor at st. francis xavier. when i go there. i m surrounded by people i ve known since i was 5 years old, said stokes. sun staff 7 state del. kenneth c. montague jr. also credits the josephites with helping to open the door to educational opportunities. in 1960, montague became the first african-american to attend loyola high school. as a student at st. peter claver elementary, he said, one day they just came to me and said take this test and if you pass, you ll go to loyola i never asked, but i m s josephites] were instrumental ir the opportunity available, sai tague, a un ed by a major united states telecom-lunications company to make a bid for a able television channel license in china s ichuan province. unable to offer any sweet eals, he didn t get the contract. most of the mainland contracts go to overseas chinese ompanies from hong kong and taiwan, ithough the japanese and the germans ave been quick to catch on to the realities f doing business in china. the only reason lie japanese don t get more business deals in ihina is that many chinese still hate them m account of the japanese occupation of hina more than fifty years ago. there may be advantages for ethnic chi-tese, but businesspeople don t have to be chinese to be successful in china. westerners an succeed if they understand the bribery ystem there and are willing to cultivate per-onal trust with officials. it s really no big leal for most businesses, the ex-maoist hemical executive says. you are only asked o do double accounting. if the cost of a product is $1,000, your invoice should say >m00. once the bill is paid, you and the ifhcial split the $100. it s no skin off your ack. the poor chinese people are paying ?nywat after a pause, he adds, i vish that capitalism would eliminate this orrupt feudal chinese system though i tunny saying this. western observers have noted, with a dose of derision, hong kong s obsession with the cellular telephone. but the standard pnone greeting in hong kong these days ows that there is more going on than just nes c ijter' instead of the traditional chie ve you eaten? comes the rather what s y ur game these the latlhat constanl obsessive search for fectly opportunity fits perglohai the ever-shifting nature of sat m usuless global^ation has meant produc^t ^en tban not' g ods are not places a sin8le factories but in several comput7<?und tbe w rld. for example, a various t ' may be constructed in shenzheatles asia, assembled in ton ana0, tested and packaged near bos-sold in pans. ^markab^'^0113' fnrn'ly based system is within th we^ sulted f r fast movement taking a subcontracting setups, constantly antage of shifting labor costs, while in a typical western corporation the hierarchi-calcham of command makes major changes difficult. for the americans, every contract is scrutinized by hundreds of lawyers and bickered over by various departments, says the hong kong real estate executive. by the time the cumbersome decision-making machinery reacts, the opportunities in the flexible new markets have already been detected by smaller, more agile firms, and are long gone. in the 1970s and 1980s, for example, while the west focused its attention on competition from japan, other parts of asia presented a host of new business opportunities. though many southeast asian national economies were enjoying an even faster rate of growth than japan s, western firms were reluctant to venture into what they considered to be risky markets. overseas chinese businesses were already there, however: they detected the new opportunities and took full advantage of them. the global marketplace has also seen these ethnic chinese family businesses begin to modify the age-old structures based on family, clan, and home village, in favor of the same rational business organizations that businesspeople of any other ethnic group would establish. deals such as the one in which li ka-shing bought canadabased husky oil in 1987 and the one in which thailand's chinese-owned charoen pokphand teamed up for a time with the united states giant wal-mart to open discount stores throughout china are examples of how business for the diaspora has evolved. as china has tried to become a modern, industrialized country, the various reformers and revolutionaries have lobbied the overseas chinese communities for material support. attributing their mistreatment in foreign lands at least partly to china s backwardness and degraded international status, the overseas chinese wanted to help transform china, and a few of them became very nationalistic and patriotic the father of chinese nationalism and the founder of the republic of china, sun yat-sen was himself a scion of an overseas chmese family in the 1940s the overseas chinese became heavily embroiled in the civil war, as cause; among them we^q00 chinese indo-miserable fate becau s and capiern backgrounds branded razors, a talists because of their ngscated during their family property ^as "re impris-the cultural revolution nd they w oned. some tried to escape, ai 179 6. asian americans those who survived joked bitterly about their predicament by calling themselves the dead huaqiao [the dead overseas chinese] in contrast to the living huaqiao, their compatriots who had remained abroad and prospered. ever since the mainland chinese government began to allow capitalism to flower in the 1980s in an effort to modernize, it has tried to enlist the help of the overseas chinese. in doing so it has even been willing to admit that some excesses were made during the cultural revolution, and as a gesture of goodwill it has returned confiscated property to expatriate families and praised them copiously for their patriotism and their contributions to the betterment of china. although they may be enjoying some of the benefits, the overseas chinese have learned to keep their distance from the mainland. their loyalties do not lie with the chinese nationstate but rather with the profits that can be made there, through special economic zones where their investments are protected and they are free to move their capital. at the same time, ethnic chinese around the world are watching how china deals with taiwan and hong kong. for many of them who might have been sold on the we are all chinese pitch, the saber rattling of recent months has been sobering. many hong kong and taiwan residents hold foreign passports, obtained either through investment in canada, the united states, or australia or through their children s foreign citizenship abroad. although overseas chinese claim that all they need is freedom to make money, they like to send their children to western universities and establish a foothold in an english-speaking country. they regard their assets in countries such as the united states as an insurance policy against potential instability in southeast asia or on mainland china. in the united states there really is a respect for law, says andrew kwan, a united states citizen who owns an insecticide factory near beijing. that s very attractive for us. my family is here; we have a house. a lot of us would not be willing to give up our foreign passport to go back to china. overseas chinese businesspeople whose professional and private interests are truly global are called astronauts by their less fortunate compatriots because, for example, they live in california and do business in asia. they will invest in china if that is where the money is to be made, but if the labor costs there increase and productivity levels off, they are just as likely to turn to vietnam to set up fertilizer plants, to india to set up joint ventures in electronics, or to bangladesh, fiji, mauritius, or guatemala to set up garment factories. increasingly, they are joining the transnational world of capitalism developed under european domination, where national borders lose meaning and national identity is neither a hindrance nor an asset. it is increasingly a world in which chineseness also means very little. as len ang, a chinese scholar born in indonesia to chinese parents and raised in holland, says: i am inescapably chinese by descent. i am only sometimes chinese by consent. when and how is a matter of politics. it is ultimately political questions such as whether china attacks taiwan or crushes the spirit and laws of hong kong that will determine if overseas chinese continue to invest in china and profit from its seemingly boundless opportunities. even singapore s lee kuan yew, a great champion of the cultural pull of confucianism, admits that ethnicity will take a backseat to the pressures of realpolitik. we are ethnic chinese, lee has said, but we must be honest with ourselves and recognize that at the end of the day, our fundamental loyalties are to our home, not to our ancestral country. to think otherwise is not realistic. it will only lead to grief when our interests fail to coincide. peter kwong, the director of asian american studies at hunter college in new york city, is the author of the new chinatown. dusanka miscevic, a writer and historian, also contributed to this article. article 36 asian-indian americans -summary ----------------- the asian-indian population of the u.s. is affluen and growing. asian indians often work as professionals and entrepreneurs. marketers divide the group into three seg merits, but all indians are keenly interested in financia security, good value, and shopping around. although asian indians assimilate easily into u.s. culture, the best way reach them is to support their communities and tradition 1980. furthermore, the population fluctuates as temporary residents arrive and leave as students, management trainees, and visiting technology specialists. as of 1990, however, the asian-indian popularcia mogeloit'^y mogelon g is <r co n t rilmt i ng 'tor of american demographics. imagine a rapidly growing ethnic group of almost 1 million people who are generally well-educated and wealthy. best of all, they speak english. some may call this peter s dream. it also happens to 'sthe general profile of asian-indian orleans, a segment of the population 'w 1 a closer look. renumber of asian indians immi^gto the united states increased reorintarl with normission rapidly after 1965, when amendments to the immigration and nationality act made it possible for them to enter the country in greater numbers than ever before. although the first sizable group of asian indians arrived in this country between 1907 and 1914, the population today is still primarily first-generation immigrants. although immigration data have been available for decades, the u.s. decennial census did not enumerate the asian-indian population separately from a miscellaneous category of other asians until from american demographics, august 1995, pp. 32-39. 1995 by american demographics, inc. asian indians are an especially strong presence in middlesex* somerset-hunterdon, new jersey. lation in the united states numbered 815,000, up 111 percent from 387,000 in 1980. while the increase may look small when measured against the 819 percent increase for cambodians or the 1,631 percent increase in the hmong population, it is impressive when compared with the 4 percent increase in non-hispanic whites or 13 percent increase among blacks. pakistani and bangladeshi populations in the united states are much smaller, but have been growing even faster. the pakistani population increased fivefold in the 1980s, from 16,000 to 81,000. almost 12,000 people identified themselves as bangladeshi in the 1990 census, up from a miniscule 1,300 in 1980. 181 6. asian americans asian-indian country more than three-quarters of asian-indian americans fee in ten states. (top-tee state* wtui largest asian-mian poptilatioos to1990, pomtatfoe to 1990 wd 1980, md percent change 1980-90} 1990 1990 pepdatiee 1980 percent chaege nek state popriatlm 1980-90 1 califonria............... 189,973 59,774 167.6% 2 now yorii * * 140,985 67,636 108.4 3 now jofsojf 79,440 30,684 158.9 4 rm 64300 37,438 71.5 5 texas 58,795 23395 138.5 6 florite 31,457 11,039 185.0 7 pommevivshis 28,396 17,230 64.8 8 marytand................ 28,330 13,788 105.5 9 mchsm 23,845 15363 583 10 20,848 13,602 53.3 total u.s 815,447 387323 110.6 source: u.s. census bureau asians indians traditionally have flocked to the northeast, and primarily the urban portions of new york and new jersey. but california led the states in 1990, with hts or running water, he says. nationwide, the poll suggested that asian americans as a group think they have done much better economically than hispanics think they have done. asian americans also have a far more optimistic view of their chances for success. eighty-four percent of asian americans guessed that the average asian american is at least as well off as the average white american, and 58 percent said they have the same or better chance of becoming wealthy. hispanics, on the other hand, tended to be more pessimistic and to believe others critical views of them. in the poll, 74 percent of hispanics said the average hispanic is worse off than the average white, and 41 percent cited low motivation and unwillingness to work as a reason for their lack of advancement. yet studies show that hispanics have an unusually high level of participation in the work force. we are very susceptible to what others think about us, so we absorb those negative stereotypes in defiance of the facts, says cecilia munoz, washington director of the national council of la raza, a hispanic advocacy group. a 1994 survey by the council found that hispanics have been most often depicted on tv and in films as poor, of low sta deceptive, and criminals. in the post/kaiser/harvard poll, only one-quarter americans cited unwillingness to work as a major ob hispanics; many more agreed with hispanics that problems and lack of educational opportunities are gest problems. in assessing the status of asian a whites cited only language difficulties as a major suggesting that whites believe that asian americans f barriers than hispanics face. more hispanics say they thought they face the i crimination as a group, but despite their relative ecom cess, more asian americans say they and their rela friends had experienced prejudice personally. a majority of both groups agree that minorities she their way up without special government help but a that government should protect their rights, for ex: enacting tougher laws against workplace discriminai in interviews, many hispanics and asian americans deep concerns about a rising tide of anti-immigrant some specialists say the recent political furor o\ immigrants has exacerbated a false impression that foreigners are arriving on u.s. shores. in the poll, th dents guessed that 65 percent of hispanics in the uni were bom in foreign countries. according to the council of la raza, only 33 percent of hispanics x in foreign countries. i see many latinos trying to distance themselves i roots as they react to the wave of anti-immigrant ss says harry pachon, who directs the tomas rivera ce i keep asking, how does an anglo driving down the s out which latino is native-born, which is a refugee, undocumented? in other ways, the poll suggested th/ respondents are not especially hostile to either ethnic three-quarters said it wouldn t make much differen country if the number of hispanics or asian ameri' to increase significantly. less than one-quarter said be a bad thing if either group were to grow subsl yet the perception of growing xenophobia has cr sions between foreign-bom and more established and asian americans. even in a community such a heights, in queens, n.y., where korean, cuban, v and colombian immigrants live in tolerant proximit' generation residents expressed concern in interviews erate or illegal newcomers are creating a negative iff ethnic minorities. people have this idea that we are coming here in quantities to invade america and go on welfare. ti that most of us were bom here, we are working har< to school, says mario vargas, 22, a college studt parents emigrated from colombia. but these days, t types are making it harder for the rest of us. i 168 'j article 34 neighboring faiths how will americans cope with increasing religious diversity? hana l eck uma l. eck, ph.d. 76, professor of comparative religion and inn studies, chairs the committee on the study of religion in the acuity of arts and sciences and is also director of the pluralism reject. the project's multimedia cd-rom, on common ground: world religions in america, will be published in early 997 by columbia university press. eek's most recent book is en-ountering god: a spiritual journey from bozeman to ba-aras (beacon press, 1993). this article is slightly adapted from cps 1996 phi beta kappa oration, delivered during commence-teni week. i first came to harvard as a student of the culture and re g10' lot india. i was fascinated by india's many religious r itions -the interrelations, tensions, and movemen s iindu, buddhist, jain, muslim, and sikh traditions over many untunes in a complex culture. but never did 1 imagine 'agan teaching here in the late 1970s that the very m e counter in a world shaped by a new geopolitical and a new "georeligious" reality. for me, this journey began in the academic year 1989-90. suddenly the contextual ground under my own feet as a scholar and teacher began to shift. in the past, i had always had several students from india in my classes on india, but in that year, their numbers increased. only now, they were not from india, but were indian americans, bom and raised in san antonio, baltimore, or cleveland. they were, as i discovered, the children of the first generation of immigrants who had settled in america after the passage of the 1965 immigration act. that historic event finally removed the legal legacy of racism that had been built into immigration legislation from the first chinese exclusion act in 1882 to the johnson reed act in 1924, which effectively barred asian immigrants for four decades. the 1965 policy opened the door again for immigration from asia and from other parts of the world. t.. hindus from baltimore, here were muslims from prov!de rsev phey represented the sikhs from chicago, jains from hi yj religious reality, emergence in america of a new cultural ano y . the 1990s to the drew me to india would lead me scholar of com-study of the united states. so how is it t a * past hve pmative religion and indian studies as sfearful to be tread-years studying america furtively at s ' distinguished g on the territory of some of harvard s zeaiously? molars, then unapologetically, flagran y>3 began here ^at intellectual passage from india to study amer-at harvard. the circumstances that drove united states, raise important issues for harvard, or us en perhaps for the world. they are issues from harvard magazine. september/oct as a scholar of india, i had taken note of the effects of the new immigration on that country, the so-called brain drain, as thousands of indian professionals, doctors, and scientists left india for the united states. i have to admit, however, that i had never stopped to think what this would mean for the united states until the children of this first generation of indian immigrants reached college age and enrolled in my classes at harvard that year. there were muslims from providence, hindus from baltimore, sikhs from chicago, jains from new jersey. they represented the emergence in america of a new cultural and religious reality. 0^44 1996 by diana l 1996, pp38^' eck. reprinted bv pe ssion169 6. asian americans some came from very secular families and knew little of their indian heritage. others had grown up in the new hindu or mus-i lim culture of temples and islamic centers their parents had ' begun to establish here in the united states. some had been to | muslim youth leadership camps, organized by the islamic soci' ety of north america. some had been to a hindu summer camp at rajarajeswari pitha in the poconos, or to a family vedanta camp at arsha vidya gurukulam in saylorsburg, pennsylvania. some were involved as founding members of the jain youth of 1 north america. straddling two worlds, critically appropriating i two cultures, they lived in perpetual inner dialogue between the i i' distinctive cultures of their parents and grandparents and the i t forceful, multiple currents of american culture. in their own struggles with identity lay the very issues that were beginning to torment the soul of the united states. the new questions that arose were not only those that under-i lay the foreign cultures requirement of the core curriculum j how we might understand some other civilization so different : from our own. other questions pushed themselves to the fore: what does it mean to speak of our own culture? who do we : mean when we say we? how are difference and otherness 1 defined, and by whom? the word multicultural signaled the fact that every dimension of american culture had become more i complex. racial issues became multisided, with hispanic and j latino, korean and filipino, chinese and indian perspectives. | religious diversity shattered the paradigm of an america the so-j' ciologist will herberg had confidently described as a three re-i ligion country protestant, catholic, and jewish. by the 1990s, ' there were hindus and sikhs, buddhists and jains. there were more muslims than episcopalians, more muslims than presbyterians, perhaps soon more muslims than jews. the sons and daughters of the first generation from south asia rose at harvard to become some 5 percent of the harvard undergraduate population. in the spring of 1993, when that first class graduated, i slipped into the balcony at memorial church for the baccalaureate service and sat with the families of mukesh prasad and maitri chowdhury, the first marshals of the harvard and radcliffe graduating classes that year both hindus. maitri recited a hymn from the rig-veda in ancient sanskrit. it was a new harvard. it had happened in four years. the puritans founded harvard college to provide an educated christian ministry for the churches. before judah monis, a sephardic jew, was hired to teach hebrew in 1722, he publically converted to christianity. but both judah monis and cotton mather would be astounded at harvard in the 1990s its chinese and korean christian fellowships, its diverse and vibrant jewish community, its rapidly growing islamic society. in december 1994, ae newly founded harvard buddhist community observed the buddha s enlightenment day for the first time ever at harvard. there in the divinity school s braun room, beneath the august portraits of a long lineage of divinity deans, some so harvard students from a dozen buddhist lineages sat on rows of square zabutons, listening to pali, tibetan, and vietnamese chanting and rising, one by one, to make offerings of incense what has happened at harvard has happened at major universities throughout the country. in the 1990s, universities have become the microcosms and laboratories of a new multicultural and multireligious america. it is not uncommon to have hindu an jew, muslim and christian in a single rooming group. these changes in university demographics have come not froi but from the rapidly changing cultural and religious ] of the united states. harvard s issues, america s issues come, increasingly, a fresh recasting of many of india s i world s issues: race, culture, religion, difference, dive whether it is possible to move from diversity to pluralis i knew in 1990 that my own teaching context had changed and the scope of my academic work woul change, too. increasingly, it became clear to me that shape of traditional fields of study was inadequate to world. in my field, those of us who study buddhism, hinduism all earn our academic stripes, so to speak, by study in japan, egypt, or india, doing language studie editions and translations, fieldwork. and those who s gion in america focus largely on the protestant main: perhaps on catholics, or american judaism but not < can buddhism, not on the muslims of america, not on of america. and those historians who focus their wor] has become known as ethnic studies are curiously sil the religious traditions of america's ethnic minorities islamic tra view of the american founders. the expansion of the american regime across the continent, the importation of asian workers, and the subsequent exclusion of asians from the american polity are signs of the tarnished image and broken promise of refuge that america extended and then revoked. the asian world is a composite of ethnicities and traditions ranging from the indian subcontinent northeastward to china and japan. the engagement of the united states beyond its continental limits brought american and asian interests into a common arena now called the pacific rim. the most recent and perhaps most traumatic episode of this encounter was the conflict that erupted in 1941 at pearl harbor in hawaii. thus, examining the asian relationship to america begins with the dual burdens of domestic exclusion and war. the cultural roots and current interaction between the united states and asia form a complex of concerns explored in this unit's articles. understanding the cultural matrices of asian nations and their ethnicities and languages initiates the process of learning about the asian emigrants who for many reasons decided to leave asia to seek a fresh beginning in the united states. the population growth of asian americans since the njm'grafon reform of 1965, the emergence of japan and other asian nations as international fiscal players, and the image of asian amencan intellectual and financial success have heightened interest in this ethnic group in the united states. the vanety of religious traditions that asian immi grants bring to america is another dimension of cultural and moral importance. in what respect are non-judeo-chrfc tian-isiamic faith traditions issues of consequences this aftermath of conflict and resulting analysis have riveted attention to the ethnic factor. eted the details of familial and cultural development within asian amencan communities compose worlds of meamng that are a rich source of material from which botf and troubling questions of personal and group emerge. pivotal periods of conflict in the dram american experience provide an occasion for le< much about ourselves as about one of the newes of ethnicities the asian americans. one of the first large-scale interactions betv united states and asia was with the philippim and its populations. this experience of war ant and the attendant century-long process of mili defense relationships as well as the exportation tutions and cultural change have forged a unique tional-intercultural symbiosis. the role of the ethnit diaspora and the emergence of economic strength litical change in asia suggest the globalization of tl factor. even the name of this american ethnic pc has changed, as has its relationship to the island ancestry. there is new politicization of the future an asian homeland and the diasporic remnant, ing leaders are fashioning a new consciousnes meaningful for its time and is inspiring artions articulate a most worthy future. looking ahead: challenge questions the public passions generated during work ave subsided, and anti-japanese sentiment is n card. is this statement true or false? why? under what circumstances and toward which could the snarls of ethnic hatred be renewed? what impart did asian americans have on t dential elections? are attitudinal and institution ces to inclusion such as contributions from associated with foreign interests and corporation matters of law or are they symptoms of prejud rears of ethnic politics? how can inclusiveness as an american v aug t? what approaches are most promising? 164 165 article 33 misperceived minorities good and bad stereotypes saddle hispanics and asian americans pamela constable washington post staff writer richard lopez, 29, a fourth-generation mexican american businessman from san bernardino, calif., grew up in what he called a brady bunch suburb, and learned spanish only to communicate with his great-grandmother. he is mystified when hispanic newcomers complain of discrimination and angry when whites assume he needed special help to move up in american society. nobody ever put a roadblock in front of me. i earned my way into college, and it offended me when people asked if i was receiving affirmative action, he says in a telephone interview. i think a lot of the whining about discrimination is blown out of proportion. the biggest thing holding a lot of mexicans back here is their resentment against those who succeed. ray chin, 46, an insurance agent in new york s chinatown, spent his teenage years washing bathrooms and delivering groceries in the city after his parents fled communist china in the 1950s. today he has earned the stature that often leads asian americans to be called the model minority, a phrase he views as more curse than compliment. yes, we can successfully join the mainstream, but once we reach a certain level, we re stifled by that glass ceiling, chin says amid the din of a crowded chinese restaurant. people think we asians can take care of ourselves, and they don t see the need to help us. but it s not true. we are still not included in things and we have to work three times harder to get to the same level as our co-workers. no matter how much personal success they achieve, hispanics and asian americans say they must fight stereotypes that can undermine their confidence or limit their potential whether negative or positive -the lazy, welfare-dependent hispanic or the shy, technically oriented asian american-such perceptions can be equally harmful and unfair, members of both groups say. worse, they say, is that ethnic minorities in the united states sometimes come to accept others stereotypes about hem, even when the facts and their experiences do not support those biases. for that reason, they may remain extremely sensitive to discrimination even when they have matched or surpassed white americans in income and education. from the washington post national weekh, fm reprinted by permission. edition, october such contradictions both in the views of other an toward hispanics and asian americans and, at times views of those groups about themselves appeared thn a nationwide telephone poll of 1,970 people conducted washington post, the kaiser family foundation and university. yet there is also enormous diversity of opinion an rience within these two ethnic categories, other surv interviews show. the perceptions of hispanics and asian cans about their opportunities and obstacles vary dramatii pending on their class, community and country of origii it s very misleading to talk about the views of wh: sus the views of minority groups like latinos, beca cannot assume commonalty within those groups at a rodolfo de la garza, a professor of government at t versity of texas in austin. he says it is crucial to kn( language people speak, where they were bom and how li had been in the united states to accurately assess their in a recent nationwide survey of 1,600 hispanics tomas rivera center in claremont, calif., for exan percent of hispanics from central america said they that u.s. society discriminates against hispanics, but percent of cuban americans agreed. just over half of 1 american respondents, by far the largest group of h in the united states, shared that view. poverty rates vary widely within both the hispa asian american communities, often depending on wl from what country, members emigrated. in los ange employment is only 4 percent among korean america flocked to the united states in the 1960s, but it is 21 among newly arrived cambodian refugees. in new 1 percent of dominican americans are poor, but only 11 of colombian americans are. for hispanics or asian americans who live in the of urban ethnic enclaves, it may take a foray into other to make them appreciate the prejudice faced by othe santiago, 30, an office manager in the bronx, n.y. parents emigrated from the dominican republic, says 1 experienced discrimination growing up in his heavily 1 can neighborhood. then he went out to new mexico a man on a construction job. all the workers were mexican, and the white owi no respect for them. the work was very hard, the ] 1 995, pp10-11. 1995 the washington post. 166 33. misperceived minorities poll how hispanics, asians see themseives and how others see them aq oil respondents were given a list of things some people have mentioned as reasons for 1 the economic and social problems that some hispanics and asian americans face today and were asked if each one is a major reason for those problems. 1$ ml a hispanics who said yes whites who said yes' blacks who said yes ] 53% lack of jobs ] 42% 74% language difficulties ] 56% 59% [ lack of educational opportunities 51% ]46% breakup of the hispanic family 45% 28% 38% b3 22% past and present discrimination 43% 31% 58% 29% lack of motivation and an unwillingness to work hard 41% 19% r^32% those polled were asked the same question about aslans. reason for language difficulties 44% whites who sald yes' blacks who said yes hispanics who said yes 44% 52% 37% lack of jobs m34% 31% 46% 43% 41% 31% past and present discrimination ^9 20% 31% lack of educational opportunities 1$ 17% 27% 35% breakup of the asian family 14% 252 hispanics. the minority groups were oversampledxfo tbe tour in public opinion polls. *us 3 percentage points the margins of samphng error "a, sources of error fa hispanic subsample. sampling error is only one of m y itv survey sources: washington posvkaiser famdy foundation/harvard univers, 23% 20% /ery and 0e*p!oit ere was no overtime he recounts. they tried tani, ljntiltleh *0 ^ut i knew my rights and i wouldn t let fen was then 1 never really understood what discriminabut life inside ethnic ghettos also can confine and isolate, discouraging immigrants from joining american society at large and reinforcing others misperceptions about them. in interviews, many foreign-bom hispanics and asian 167 5. asian americans americans said they cling to immigrant communities, speaking to bosses and salesclerks in their native tongues and rarely meeting white americans. yu hui chang, 35, a waitress in lower manhattan, n.y., says she and her husband work 12 hours a day in chinese restaurants and rarely see their young son. speaking through an interpreter in the cramped office of a chinatown labor union, the shanghai-born woman says she feels trapped in her community but is determined to succeed in her new country. it is very hard to be a woman in chinatown, says chang, who emigrated in 1982. my life is nothing but working, working all the time. in china, i thought america was full of gold, and i still have the dream of taking that gold back home, but i can never save any. like chang, the great majority of asian americans and hispanics who responded to the post/kaiser/harvard poll said they believe strongly in the american dream, but 46 percent of asian americans and 55 percent of hispanics said they are farther from achieving it than they were a decade ago. both groups singled out hard work and family unity as keys to success here, and both singled out the same major obstacles: lack of good jobs, crime and violence, high taxes and the gap between their incomes and the rising cost of living. all agreed that learning english is crucial. you have to learn the language of the enemy to survive, says juan garcia, a dominican-born man who manages a discount clothing shop in washington heights, a largely hispanic section of manhattan. i ve been here 13 years and my english is still poor, so i can t always defend myself, he adds in spanish, describing his humiliation at being turned away from a fast-food counter when he could not explain his order. nonetheless, garcia says he would not want to give up the comforts of american life. his son, 16, is studying computers and dreams of becoming a doctor. once you become civilized, you don t want to go back to a village with no lig a burlesque of the integrationist dream. emotionally, as far as race was concerned, she was a girl without a country, fauset mourned for one such woman in her final novel, comedy: american style (1933). later on in life it occurred to her that she had been deprived of her racial birthright and that that was as great a cause for tears as any indignity that might befall man. what is fundamentally important to mankind everywhere, fauset understood, is love of kind, love of home...love of race. jessie fausets ardent hope was that colored boys and girls be raised in the fullest knowledge of their birthright. in there is confusion joanna comes home from school and asks plaintively, didn t colored people ever do anything, daddy? her father then tells her of douglass and vesey and turner. there were great women too, harriet tubman, phyllis wheatley, sojourner truth, women who had been slaves, he explained to her, but had won their way to fame and freedom through their own efforts. she abhorred sugarcoating and counseled truth: the successful negro novel must limn negro men and women as they really are, with not only their virtues but their faults, she averred. it was for the joannas of america that fauset and dubois edited the brownies book, an unprofitable monthly published from january 1920 until it folded two years later. this wholesome hodgepodge of homilies, lore, and biography was dedicated, fauset rhymed: to children, who with eager look scanned vainly library shelf, and nook, for history or song or story that told of colored peoples glory. the publication s purpose, declared the editors, was to make colored children realize that being colored is a normal, beautiful 152 thing. to make them familiar with the history and a< the negro race. to make them know that other cc have grown into beautiful, useful, and famous pet them delicately a code of honor and action in their white children. to turn their little hurts and resentm lation, ambition, and love of their homes and compa: out the best amusements and joys and worthwhile th inspire them to prepare for definite occupations ant broad spirit of sacrifice. fauset devoted her career to acts of ancestor covery and restoration. she translated haitia her sister died she endowed a "i men lann the public school in which nus. lanning h room was to contain books only about cole pecially colored children. she sponsored similar s upston was suspicious ol anyone, from let! or right, who med individuals hy category: "the solace ol easy generalization was taken from me, but i received the richer gift ol individualism," she wrote. u schools. in 1932 fauset insisted, no part of b needs more building up than biography.. h is t'r tious negro youth be able to read of the achievi race....there should be some sort of plutarchs hit race. someday, perhaps, i shall get around to writ! she didn t. a marriage a happy, compann intervened, and the illness of various relatives b nurse in jessie fauset. she published no books bet her death in 1961. unlike zora neale hurston, j enjoyed no spectacular revival nor, given the unfas her resolutely middle-class colored american subjects. yet she speaks to us still. the better afrocent: helen lanning comers. renewed appreciation of si tural achievements as baseball s negro leagues is v fauset stream. every ohio boy reading langston hi every black girl who feels a confident, bitterless p and her country is a daughter of jessie fauset. associate editor bill kaufman is the author of every mai towns of new york, and america first! 30. alternative afrocentrisms old philadelphian jessie fauset on black roots he started out as a slave but he rarely thinks of that. to himself he is a citizen of the united states whose ancestors came over not along with the emigrants in the mayflower, it is true, but merely a little earlier in the good year 1619. his forebears are to him quite simply early settlers who played a pretty large part in making the land grow. he boasts no association of the sons and daughters of the revolution, but he knows that as a matter of fact and quite inevitably his sons and daughters date their ancestry as far back as any. so quite as naturally as his white compatriots he speaks of his old boston families, old philadelphians, old charlestonians. and he has wholesome respect for family and education and labor and the fruits of labor. he is still sufficiently conservative to lay a slightly greater stress on [the] first two of these four. briefly he is a dark american who wears his joy and rue very much as does the white american. he may wear it with some differences but it is the same joy and the same rue. from the chinaberry tree, 1931 l&ora neale hurston y david t. beito ora neale hurston has been rediscovered. her reputation shines luch brighter today, in fact, than it ever did in her lifetime. a articipant in the harlem renaissance as a folklorist and play-'right, she became a best-selling novelist in the 1930s and 1940s. ess than two decades later, she died in obscurity and poverty. her rputation languished until 1975 when alice walker, the author f the color purple, published a laudatory essay in ms. since then, hurston has inspired a virtual cottage industry of books and arti-les. her fiction has been embraced by assorted varieties of femi-ists, multiculturalists, and black nationalists. a kind of zoramania 05 taken hold among the politically correct in particular. there is no small amount of irony here. for hurston sub--tibed to political views that would surprise many of her modern ms. she backed the republican presidential primary bid of > bert taft in 1952, condemned the supreme court s decision in ^rou>n v. board of education, and implied that eleanor roosevelt ad cynically manipulated black voters. if hurston could partici-ate in todays political debates, she would no doubt be consigned ? a netherworld populated by the likes of walter williams, nomas sowell, and anne wortham. the environment of hurston s youth nurtured attitudes of 'vidualism and self-reliance. she grew up in the all-black town nd ^or'^a where her father, a former sharecropper son of a slave, once served as mayor. eatonville was the set-or ^urstons most famous novel, their eyes were watching ' 937). with much justification, saturday review put it in same category with that of the william faulkner, an fhzgerald, and ernest hemingway of enduring ameri, ltjrature. not all the reviews were positive. novelist |em , bright, then a member of the communist party, con-)e the novel s implicit message that the lives of blacks could )rejpprec*ated apart from a focus on racist and capitalistic op-leted ni,^a'n locke, a leader in the harlem renaissance, won-sn , , en hlurston would take up the more legitimate task of clal document fiction. wright and locke were right to be worried over hurston s freethinking. while she never expressed a systematic political philosophy, hurston s instincts, as reflected in her writings, were those of a libertarian. her biographer, robert e. hemenway, has identified deep aversion to the then-fashionable model of black pathology as a major source for her views. hurston found fault with the pathology model not only because it discounted the creative richness of black culture but because it gloried in victimization. it treated blacks as little more than cardboard cut-outs: there is an over-simplification of the negro. he is either pictured by the conservatives as happy, picking his banjo, or by the so-called liberals as low, miserable, and crying. the negro s life is neither of these. rather, it is in between, and above and below these pictures. one of the most worrisome implications of the black pathology approach was that it gave social engineers an entree to rescue blacks from themselves. hurston s comments on the role played by the welfare state in this process were prescient. welfare, she charged, was the biggest weapon ever placed in [the] hands of those who sought power and votes. it created a world that turned independent and prideful individuals into pawns of the little white father in washington. once they had weakened that far, she concluded, it was easy to go on and on voting for more relief, and leaving government affairs in the hands of a few. hurston was not a garden variety black conservative, however. her novels and nonfiction reveal what today would be called individualist feminism. camille paglia would have delighted her. in many ways, she resembled her contemporaries rose wilder lane, isabel patterson, and ayn rand in personal and intellectual profile. all four women advanced an old right critique of the welfare state in the tradition of h. l mencken, robert taft, and garet garrett hurston also shared an affinity with the isolationism of the old right. a now-restored chapter from the original manuscript of her autobiography dust tracks on a road features a biting indictment of imperalism. she declared: i do not mean to single out england as something strange and different in the world. we, too, have our marines in china. we, too, consider machine gun bullets good laxatives for heathens who get constipated with toxic ideas of a country of their own. for hurston, international big-power politics represented little more than a glorified scramble for protection money. 153 5. african americans her individualism, however, unlike that of lane, rand, and pat erson, had to contend directly with the thorny question of race. circumstances forced hurston into an almost impossible dilemma. on the one hand, she deplored the imposed sorting of legal segregation. hurston demanded the complete repeal of all jim crow laws in the united states once and for all, and right now. at the same time, she was not about to entrust new deal liberals with the job. they were racial cardsharps who would use any pretext to fasten dependency on big government. faced with limited alternatives, she proved willing to support segregationists, such as senator spessard holland of florida, as long as they opposed the common enemy of welfare-state liberalism. hurston may have made wrong choices but she certainly was not any more naive than new dealers who had once formed alliances with senator theodore bilbo of mississippi and other vitriolic racists for the greater good of fdr s programs. race pride and race consciousness seem to me to b fallacious, but a thing to be abhorred. hurston was suspicious of anyone, from left or right, who judged individuals by category. i found, she asserted, that i had no need of either class or race prejudice, those scourges of humanity. the solace of easy generalization was taken from me, but i received the richer gift of individualism.... so in 1955, hurston returned to the limelight by oppo; preme court s decision in brown v. board of education gated the ruling as forced association and as an ins teachers who taught in segregated schools. it is a con' terms, she argued, to scream race pride and equality same time spuming negro teachers and self-associatioi row impact of the ruling, however, was not as imports the long-term implications for liberty. she feared that it balloon that would be used as a precedent in a larger replace the constitution with government by administrat neither assimilationist, nor accomodationist, not hurston defies tidy categorization within black history, guishes her is her ability to speak directly to the quest c for freedom and self-reliance. this gives her writing quality, and a very broad appeal. david t. beito is an assistant professor of history at the alabama. zora neale hurston describes the joy of blackness but i am not tragically colored. there is no great sorrow damned up in my soul, nor lurking behind my eyes. i do not mind at all. i do not belong to the sobbing school of negrohood who hold that nature somehow has given the the cen-'s h u^ ^ouse, this was unusual. the makeup of recent ju-ack^o16611 n th6 avera8e> 46 percent white, 25 percent )g/ percent latino, and 10 percent asian. the pool of hite ^wh*ch the simpson jurors were drawn was 40 percent sian h percent black, 17 percent hispanic, and 15 percent he d w ^en did the final panel become 75 percent black? krcis0^0111018 made scant use of a jury consultant, failed to race peremptory challenges, ignored the question scused instead on picking women in the belief 32. from scottsboro to simpson that they would listen with particular sympathy to the domestic-violence evidence. it was a gamble, and it worked out badly. a mostly black jury was an invitation to racial mischief, readily accepted by the defense. the race card wasn t just played; it was played from the bottom of the deck, as defense attorney robert shapiro lately acknowledged. in fact, cochran s closing statement eerily echoed a defense attorney s final argument on behalf of the two white men accused of the brutal murder of a 14-year-old black youngster, emmett till, after he wolf-whistled at a white woman in 1955: i am sure that every last anglo-saxon one of you has the courage to acquit these men. there were actually two racial cards in cochran s hand. in equating detective mark fuhrman with the lapd and with hitler, he brilliantly indicted the entire lapd for the racism of a single individual and appropriated the holocaust for his own ends. the suffering of blacks in los angeles in 1995 became the moral equivalent of that of jews under the third reich. and he placed all those who sought simpson s conviction (including the family of ronald goldman, conveniently jewish) on the side of the nazis. the goldman parents and their son, not to mention nicole simpson and her family, were thus stripped of their moral standing as victims. in their place stood o. j., now a symbol of black suffering. cochran s appeal to racial solidarity was ugly and perhaps unnecessary. most members of the jury had apparently made up their minds before the closing arguments, as had the public outside the courtroom. after the preliminary hearing, about 60 percent of whites in a national sample said they believed simpson to be guilty, and the same was true in march 1995, two months into the trial. for blacks, by contrast, 68 percent of those polled that march believed simpson innocent, and the percentage expressing an opinion of actual guilt had declined from 15 percent in november to 8 percent four months later. at the end of the trial, 83 percent of blacks agreed with the verdict, while only 37 percent of whites did. between the public at large and the jury, however, there was obviously one important difference. the racial split on the outside was not reflected in the final verdict of those on the inside, although with nine blacks on the jury and the threat of another riot (implicitly made by cochran), perhaps a simple desire for self-and public-preservation made unanimity inevitable. indeed, one of the white jurors has since stated her belief in simpson s guilt. the racial divide split television pundits as well; black commentators were almost uniformly cheerleaders for the defense, while the white attorneys were more balanced in their views. reactions to cochran were similarly divided. he was hailed in the black community as our new joe louis. in august, he gave the keynote speech at the annual convention of the national association of black journalists and, a month later, stole the spotlight from both president clinton and general colin powell at a conference of the congressional black caucus attended by 5,000 participants. after the verdict, former los angeles mayor tom bradley called him a national hero. 161 5. african americans white perceptions of cochran s style have, let us say, not been as favorable. two races, two views two nations, separate and unequal, was the kerner commission s description in 1968. the inequality has been dramatically reduced (the good news that the media largely ignores). the median income of black married couples with children is only somewhat less than that for all american families; 12 percent of all college students are now black a figure proportionate to the black population. it s the sense of separation quite a different matter that is truly worrisome. the simpson polling data was a wake-up call, but ominous signs had been flickering on the landscape for some time. in a 1970 harris poll, 64 percent of blacks said that the black panthers gave them a sense of pride. in a 1989 abc/washington post survey, 26 percent of blacks signed on to the notion that the majority of whites shared the racist views of the ku klux klan, with another 25 percent of blacks believing that at least one-quarter of whites were in the kkk camp. a 1993-1994 black politics survey found that 50 percent of african-american respondents thought a separate black political party was a fine idea. after a grand jury dismissed tawana brawley s totally groundless 1988 claim that she had been kidnapped and raped by a gang of white men, including a couple of policemen, 73 percent of white new yorkers understood that she had fabricated the entire story, while only 33 percent of blacks did. gallup organization and other analyses indicate that up to 40 percent of african americans believe that some sort of white conspiracy accounts for the scourge of drugs, guns, or aids in black inner-city neighborhoods and, even more ominously, that educated blacks hold views that are as conspiratorial as those of the uneducated. virulently anti-white voices like that of khalid muhammad and leonard jeffries are regularly heard on college campuses because that is where they find a sympathetic audience. the national association of black social workers has declared that black children should not be placed with white parents under any circumstances. in recent years, the percentage of blacks who approve of interracial marriage has been dropping, while white acceptance has been going up. likewise, some data from detroit suggest that black enthusiasm for integrated neighborhoods has been declining. in the years from 1978 to 1992, detroit s whites increasingly accepted having black neighbors, but blacks became less willing to live in predominantly white parts of the metropolitan area. it s a black thing, you wouldn t understand was the slogan on a t-shirt popular among black youth a few years back. in many of the nation s urban schools, racially divisive messages permeate afrocentric and other curricular materials. racially determined perspectives are much celebrated. fundamental differences between whites and blacks are emphasized; agreement is viewed as racially and culturally coercive. it s no wonder that race consciousness is rising. we ve been hard at work encouraging it, and not only in our schools. every affii action policy delivers the message that white folks ar folks really are not the same, that blacks have much from that perceived difference, that color consciousne: ticket to success. the simpson acquittal is affirmativ gone over the cliff: such racial double standards h< infected juries and perverted the administration of jj tragic denouement to the half-century-old quest to e bias against blacks in the legal system. the simpson acquittal was not unique. no ont how often black jurors have cast a racial protest vol face of overwhelming evidence that a black defei guilty. courts do not keep records indicating the bre of juries by race. but, in the bronx, black defend acquitted in felony cases almost one-half of the nearly three times the national rate. in washingto 95 percent of defendants are black, as are 70 percei jurors; in 29 percent of all felony trials last year, the went free. in addition, post-verdict letters and state a number of cases draw a clear picture of jury nulli thus a baltimore jury that included eleven blacks to convict davon neverdon of murder last july, de presence of four eyewitnesses; the lone asian-ame ror blew the whistle. in washington in 1990, an jury acquitted darryl smith of murder; a subsequ* from an anonymous juror to the court said a mir the panel who didn t want to send any more you, men to jail had swayed the rest. a sense of racial grievance infecting the crimin system whatever its source is not benign. the n heightened distrust of the law, the vital foundation up justice, order, and racial harmony depend. color-blii is the american ideal; color-consciousness is its en as the simpson case highlights so starkly, seems to increase. from such color-conscious justice, there is, no appeal no redress. acquittals (unlike conviction end of the legal road, except in those rare instances federal prosecutors can start anew. from scottsboro to simpson interviewed for a symposium in a september 199' ebony, author nikki giovanni described the simps* scottsboro redux. johnnie cochran, in his closing also referred to the scottsboro nine. there is a sim it is not the one that either giovanni or cochran i have in mind. in both the scottsboro and o. j03 were asked to go beyond the evidence in the interest societal purposes. show them, show them that al< tice cannot be bought and sold with jew money york was the 1933 send-a-message appeal, on* just as successful as cochran s. but there the similarity ends. recall the scotts' on a march morning, nine black youths were rous 162 >ht train in northern alabama by a hastily assembled posse accused of rape by two white women. after a narrow es-> from lynching, the nine, ranging in age from 13 to 20, e rushed to trial in a scottsboro courtroom within two ks of the arrest. represented by an unprepared out-of-state nsel who had no more than a half-hour consultation with clients, eight of the defendants were summarily convicted sentenced to death by all-white juries who deliberated iin earshot of large crowds surrounding the courthouse, ering each guilty verdict. after seven subsequent trials, two reals by the supreme court, and a recantation by one of two women, five of the men served varying prison terms, last released only in 1950. so leisurely police escort, phone calls to mom, calming ! of orange juice, black jurors, celebrated black attorney, or icitous judge for the scottsboro nine. in that case, the duly horized legal process made a mockery of due process, ely something that cannot be said about the simpson trial, atever its other flaws. and yet, such ludicrous comparisons e real currency. with the republican ascendancy in con32. from scottsboro to simpson gress, jesse jackson regularly refers to the end once again of reconstruction, while representative charles rangel has equated today s conservatives with yesterday s kkk. the rhetoric of racial grievance carries a high cost. the views of jackson, rangel, and other black leaders help shape the perceptions of ordinary blacks, raising the level of despair and anger, inviting just the sort of hunger for retribution that was on display in the post-verdict days. i think he did it, said a black los angeles musician. but i don t think he s guilty. there is an unpaid debt in black history, and we [pulled] for o. j. because of past injustices to blacks. among african americans, it was clearly a widely held view or at least so it seems from media reports. it was a great day for african americans, a former simpson juror said on the day of the verdict. that great day was followed by another: an unprecedented rally of black masses led by an extremist messenger of separation and bigotry. whites and blacks ever more apart: it s a black catastrophe and an american tragedy. the storm warnings are up; we ignore them at our peril. 163 j > asian americans the following collection of articles on asian americans invites us to reflect on the fact that the united states is related to asia in ways that would seem utterly amazing to the world hem upon the soil, upon the solid and nevt deceptive foundation of mother nature, where all nations and ract that have ever succeeded have gotten their start. whatever oi thinks of a policy of mass rustication for black americans (toi brown, in his provocative new book black lies, white lies, co tinues to recommend it in 1995), the point is that neither washingt nor hurston nor fauset lack for boldness of vision or ambition. the other thing they share is a common idea that afric american business, art, literature, and social institutions can pi per only through the efforts of their own race. this places the and their heirs outside the bounds of current polite debate. w; ington, hurston, and fauset all disdained the enfeebling de; dence on great white father state that current establishment li als preach, but they would also scoff at the establishment const from a . . mac 1995 by the american enterprise institute. reprinted rorrj rhe american enterprise, september/october 1995, pp55-63. vy 5. african americans live fantasy that a colorblind society is right around the corner and perhaps even resist the desirability of such a society. this doesn t imply anti-white animus, an emp asis black enterprise, for instance, will actually lead to closer coopera tion and understanding between the races. booker t. as mg ton believed that the brickmaking program at tuskegee institute fostered racial harmony, for in educating our students we were adding something to the wealth and comfort of the community. as the people of the neighborhood came to us to buy bricks, we got acquainted with them; they traded with us and we with them. our business interests became intermingled. we had something which they wanted; they had something which we wanted. this, in a large measure, helped to lay the foundation for the pleasant relations that have continued to exist between us and the white people in that section. this theme was taken up in the 1960s by malcolm x, who said (in a sermon that supreme court justice clarence thomas is fond of quoting): the american black man should be focusing his every effort toward building his own businesses and decent homes for himself. as other ethnic groups have done, let the black people, wherever possible, however possible, patronize their own kind, and start in those ways to build up the black race s ability to do for itself. that s the only way the american black man is ever going to get respect. this sentiment was distinctly unfashionable when malcolm x uttered it, and booker t. 'washington s emphasis on self-help and mutual aid seemed positively anachronistic to the 60s civil-rights movement, with its single-minded pursuit of things political. in a 1987 profile by juan williams in the atlantic monthly, clarence thomas argued, i don t see how the civil-rights people today can claim malcolm x as one of their own. where does he say black people should go begging the labor department for jobs? he was hell on integrationists. where does he say you should sacrifice your institutions to be next to white people? today, virtually no one except the odd klansman defends state-mandated segregation. but state-mandated integration, the cornerstone of the last three decades of civil-rights law, is definitely under fire. and the failures of government programs erected under the aegis of civil rights are now manifest and massive: the relentlessly ugly and impersonal public housing projects in which the negro proletariat is warehoused-the coercive experiments in busing and school integration that have waged war on working-class white neighborhoods while belittling black students (whose iqs will skyrocket, they are told merely by rubbing shoulders with white urchins); the widely re sented quotas that require corporate america to over-promote black professionals, irritating white professionals, while doing absolutely nothing for the kid on a watts streetcorner. faced with this collapse of the 1960s program, many black americans are suddenly casting about for alternative models and political allegiances. the new exemplars seem, at first wildly incongruous-ranging from malcolm x to claren thomas to louis farrakhan to colin powell to thom c u the black panthers. there are j |homas s wel110 mong this group. recall thaijusfathom) mn n mi'fs 'euecrual x lied with the black panthers in their early pre-vk when they promoted neighborhood schooling a community-funded lunches for kids, and the second quite apart from the lynch ropes placed around i a livid civil rights establishment, there are other ties t freethinkers today. race pride, a fierce independenci buy into the cheap sentimentalities that have debasei currency: these are qualities shared by african-americ of the 1990s. they are qualities found in washington fauset too. such qualities explain seemingly inexplicable zora neale hurston s denunciation of the brown v., cation decision: the whole matter revolves around t of my people. how much satisfaction can i get froir for somebody to associate with me who does not them?... 1 regard the ruling of the united states s as insulting rather than honoring my race. or as cl; told reason in 1987, you don t need to sit next to to learn how to read and write." black is beautiful. so said the slogans of th ment; yet too few black children absorbed t fullness. some made the leap only weakly, ar in the swamp called unblack is ugly. one thing booker t. washington, zora b and jessie fauset had in common was a humanil them to celebrate the world of blackness without ther historical fact or the self-regard of their non-t izens. a second shared trait was their view that o america unless one first loves one s very own bit south carolinian, methodist, black, whatever. t1 sights, grown rare today, especially joined togetl person. we might yet recreate that wise combinat if we will study the ideas of these distinctive afi greats and some of their pre-1960s brethren. lintel. washington by elizabeth wright booker t. washington might have expressed th different terms, but he probably would have : major theme of joel korkin s recent book, zr lects five of americas immigrant ethnic groups how each jews, chinese. japanese, british, achieved economic health primarily due to strong ethnic ties. in each case, cultural identity acted as a positi* the trust and mutual dependence that were the c nomenal success in business. members of these expanded the american economic pie, but went < own peculiar niches. each group became, as kot bedded in the american economy. 148 30. alternative afrocentrisms every member of the pace should strive to make himself the most iodispeosable man hi his community, and la he successful in business, however humble diet business might he, he would contribute much towards smoothing the pathway of bis own and future generations." at the turn of this century, a very similar idea ruled washing-on s vision of the role of blacks in america. it was his determination hat his people should create for themselves, through the struggle oward economic success, an indispensable place in the american conomy. he spoke of blacks knitting our business and industrial nations to those of others, so that the contribution of blacks would become essential to the welfare of the republic. in 1900, at the founding convention of the national negro busiess league, there was good reason to hope that these aspirations vould come to fruition. after all, the purpose of the league was to lelp black men and women who had already achieved success in usiness to become even more effective entrepreneurs. it is easily seen, wrote washington, that if every member f e race should strive to make himself the most indispensable an in his community, and to be successful in business, however e that business might be, he would contribute much towards oothing the pathway of his own and future generations. ^a h'^ 1 ^server behavior of other ethnic groups, ln ton reflected on their mutual cooperation, which eased hat^f^ t0 ^us*ness success. at one point, he cautioned blacks hin t not their place in the economic scheme of ho ss> there were sure to be more immigrants coming to the wfi w uld eagerly fill the void. j| th resources scarce among blacks, washington stressed hnce m re dle cfhical importance of group solidarity. indepen-vorkand se^ sufficiency could best be achieved when blacks, c 0peratively, would gain knowledge, experience, and ^hwuhin our own ranks. bla jzl 6 t'me th'5 fi|rst convention of the league, thousands rreies m demonstrated their capacity to seize opportuany engaged in the skilled trades, since every type of craft had been learned by the slaves. later, blacks took advantage of the fact that most crafts businesses could be started with little capital. as noted in a 1950 study, the negro in american business, the negro in the south was not only proficient as a carpenter, blacksmith, shoemaker, barber, tailor, and cook, but as a result of almost two-and-a-half centuries of slavery, up to the outbreak of the civil war, the knowledge of these skills was concentrated almost exclusively in the hands of the negroes, free and slave. by the late eighteenth century, blacks were an economic presence in several cities. in philadelphia, which was regarded as the largest and most important center of free black life in the country, a 1798 report showed that almost 25 percent of the black families used their property for business. the city was renowned for its excellent restaurants and caterers both fields monopolized by blacks. success stories were common also in southern cities like richmond, norfolk, charleston, baltimore, and washington, d.c. in virginia, property ownership among free blacks doubled between 1830 and 1860, and in tennessee, real estate owned by blacks tripled during the decade 1850-60. before the end of slavery, savannah had more free blacks and black businesses than any other municipality in georgia, and there were many successful businesses in macon. the wealthiest free black in georgia was james boisdair, who owned a popular saloon and the largest dry goods store in dahlonega. these blacks clearly understood the connection between the ownership of businesses and property and the ability to have greater control over what happened in their lives. historian juliet walker points out: in pre-civil war america, even the absence of political freedom did not preclude the business participation of blacks as creative capitalists.... antebellum blacks developed enterprises in virtually every area important to the pre-civil war business community. the very principle that protected property rights in general, including slave ownership, was what protected blacks rights to own personal property. walker writes, it was the very sanctity of private property in american life and thought that allowed blacks, slave and free, to participate in the antebellum economy as entrepreneurs. by the turn of the century, it was clear that a spirit of enterprise prevailed among large numbers of blacks. it was washingtons mission to find the methods to transmit this spirit to still greater numbers. he made an appeal to group identity, to the individual s responsibility to play his part in uplifting the race. that it would take black helping black was a given. selfhelp began with each persons willingness to commit himself to the discipline of work, no matter how modest the labor. like others before and after him, washington linked moral virtues to his bootstraps philosophy of self-help. the defining expression born in this period, that which exhorted blacks to live their lives so that each would become a credit to the race, still rings in the latent memories of many. washington s teaching of capital development through work and thrift acknowledged the customs so characteristic of other economically successful groups. by emphasizin 29. color blind ties in which they are written off even before their character has been shaped. we must replace a presumption that minorities will fail with an expectation of their success: when doing research with young drug dealers in california, anthropologist john ogbu found himself both impressed and immensely saddened. those guys have a sense of the economy. they have talents that could be used on wall street, he remarked. they have intelligence but not the belief that they can succeed in the mainstream. somewhere along the line, probably long before they became drug dealers, that belief had been wrenched out of them. creating an atmosphere in which people learn they cannot achieve is tantamount to creating failure. the various academic programs that do wonders with at-risk youths share a rock-hard belief in the ability of the young people in their care. these programs manage to create an atmosphere in which the success syndrome can thrive. instead of focusing so much attention on whether people with less merit are getting various slots, we should be focusing on how to widen and reward the pool of meritorious people. we must stop playing the blame game: too often america s racial debate is sidetracked by a search for racial scapegoats. and more often than not, those scapegoats end up being the people on the other side of the debate. it s your fault because you re a racist. no, it s your fault because you expect something for nothing. it s white skin privilege. it s reverse racism. and on and on it goes. american culture, with its bellicose talk-show hosts and pugnacious politicians, rewards those who cast aspersions at the top of their lungs. and american law, with its concept of damages and reparations, encourages the practice of allocating blame. although denying the past is dishonest and even sometimes madden-lng, obsessing about past wrongs is ultimately futile. certainly, loudmouths will always be among us and will continue to say obnoxious and foolish things, but it would be wonderful if more of those engaged in what passes for public scourse would recognize an obvious reality: it hardly maters who is responsible for things being screwed up; the only re evant question is, how do we make them better?" we must do a better job at leveling the playing field: as long as roughly a third of black americans sit on the bottom of the nation s economic pyramid and have little chance of mov-,. ing up, the united states will have a serious racial cold 'ts hands. there is simply no way around that reality. it is pointless to say that the problem is class, not d race and class are tightly linked. ne ^e past several decades, americans have wit-equat 311 es teric debate over whether society must provide it i pportunity or somehow ensure equality of result, cent 0wever> something of a phony debate, for the two cons are not altogether separate things. if america was, in som pj^rling equality of opportunity, then we would have sent c^oser t0 equality of racial result than we do at prely be d pr hlem is that equality of opportunity has general-and e?. ehned quite narrowly such as simply letting blacks pes take the same test, or apply for the same job. wealth pportunity is meaningless when inherited (and e 1s 3 determinant of what schools one attends ven whether one goes to school), what neighborhoods one can live in, and what influences and contacts one is exposed to. in black wealth, white wealth, sociologists melvin oliver and tom shapiro pointed out that most blacks have virtually no wealth even if they do earn a decent income. whites with equal educational levels to blacks typically have five to ten times as much wealth, largely because whites are much more likely to inherit or receive gifts of substantial unearned assets. this disparity is a direct result of jim crow practices and discriminatoiy laws and policies. america is not about to adopt any scheme to redistribute resources materially. what americans must do, however, if we are at all serious about equality of opportunity, is to make it easier for those without substantial resources to have secure housing outside urban ghettos, to receive a high-quality education, and to have access to decent jobs. we must become serious about fighting discrimination: in their rush to declare this society colorblind, some americans have leaped to. the conclusion that discrimination has largely disappeared. they explain away what little discrimination they believe exists as die fault of a few isolated individuals or the result of the oversensitivity of minorities. making discrimination a felony is probably not a solution, but more aggressive monitoring and prosecution especially in housing and employment situations would not be a bad start. just as one cannot get beyond race by treating different races differenfly, one cannot get beyond discrimination by refusing to acknowledge it. one can get beyond discrimination only by fighting it vigorously wherever it is found. we must keep the conversation going: dialogue clearly is no cure-all for < racial estrangement. conversations, as opposed to confrontations, about race are inevitably aimed at a select few those who make up the empathic elite. yet, limited as the audience may be, the ongoing discourse is crucial. it gives those who are sincerely interested in examining their attitudes and behavior sm opportunity to do so, and, in some instances, can even lead to change. we must seize opportunities for interracial collaboration: eventhose who have no interest in talking about the so-called racial situation can, through the process of working with (and having to depend on) people of other races, begin to see beyond skin color. conversation, in short, has its limits. only through doing things together-things that have nothing specifically to do with racewill people break down racial barriers. facing common problems as community groups, as work colleagues, or as classmates can provide a focus and reduce awkwardness in a way that simple conversation cannot. we must stop looking for one j solution to all our racial probi ems; meetings on racial justice often resemble nothing so much as a bazaar filled with peddlers offering the all-purpose answer the reality is that the problem has no single or simple solution if there is one answer, it lies m recognizing how complex the issue has become and in not using that complexity as an excuse for inaction. in short, if we are to achieve our country we must attack the enemy on many fronts. ellis cose 145 5. african americans ed minorities and women exist, they say, corporations will reward them because they will recognize that it is wi in their economic interest to do so. that may well be true, u i is also true that effective executives are trained, not bom. they come about because companies make an investment m them, in their so-called human capital, and nurture their careers along and if corporations only see the potential m white men, those are the people in whom the investments are likely to be made. our problems, including our racial problems, belong to us not to our descendants john kotter, a harvard business school professor and author of the general managers, discovered that effective executives generally benefited from what he called the success syndrome. they were constantly provided with opportunities for growth: they never stagnated for significant periods of time in jobs where there were few growth possibilities. the executives also, to be blunt about it, are often people of relatively modest intellectual endowment. they succeed largely because they are chosen for success. a true meritocracy would do a much better job of evaluat-mg and choosing a broader variety of people. it would chal lenge the very way merit is generally imputed anc people ample opportunity to develop and to pr selves, it would create a truly level playing field. simply eliminating affirmative action would not a true meritocracy about. indeed, a large part of affirmative action is so appealing to so many pec a meritocracy that fully embraces people of color of reach; and affirmative action is at least one get people to accept the fact that talent comes in one color. yet, by its very nature, affirmative action is wouldn t it be better, argue a growing number cans, to let it die in peace? a chorus of conserva even invoke the dream of martin luther king jr. t( case. king would probably be more astonished than hear that conservatives now claim him as one of that they have embraced his dream of a color-b and invoke it as proof of the immorality and unt of gender and racial preferences. but even if he of trouble accepting his status as a general in the v affirmative action, he would appreciate the jok would realize that it is the fate of the dead to bt angels to the living. king no doubt would be have new friends in his fight for justice, but he proach them with caution. after sharing his disaj over past alliances with people whose comr change did not match his own, king would addn associates bluntly. all right, he might say, i why you oppose affirmative action. but tell m your plan? what is your plan to cast the slums o on the junk heaps of history? what is your progra form the dark yesterdays of segregated educatii bright tomorrows of high-quality, integrated what is your strategy to smash separatism, to d crimination, to make justice roll down like watei eousness flow like a mighty stream from every c: statehouse in this great and blessed nation? he pause for a reply, his countenance making it un clear that he would accept neither silence nor swe as an answer. 146 article 30 ernative rocenlrisms three paths hot taken yet .re, m * * m to toe m ms* mm* * f * americans this m.k ms ms c is dead to mtog l>tot sm^se o sm adorn to^ me boys ml girls ". "'x , a km / social p"^z .x matos oar citos. and to my demised by black polilical leaders .so " mny mpormnins of maulers m era if mong fellow blacks a frantic attempt to but f interracial t comes at the expense of truth, self-improvement, a armony ay it doesn t have to be this way. african americans a fhealthy and inspiriting traditions upon which to dra i^20s gainst despair and dependence. a full two generations ovelist jessie fauset brought to life characters w o <; p * f the contemporary dilemma. it comes to every co omments one of her protagonists, when he thinks, s well fall back; there s no use pushing on. a coore $ anl make any headway in this awful country. of co dlacy. and if a fenow sticks it out he finally gets pa * ^ore it has worked considerable confusion in his lifethe forgotten fauset is one of three african america n the suite of essays that follows. the others are the fam looker t. washington and the novelist-folklorist zora ton. in very different ways, each embodies a tradition ft american blacks today might draw proud sustenance a nthout resorting to historical distortions or group-agat nimosity. of our trio, only the practical, gritty washington offered himself as a political leader. the irrepressible hurston, a libertarian republican, was an enthusiastic supporter of senator robert a. taft for her party s presidential nomination, however. fauset preferred art to politics; a friend and ally of naacp leader w. e. b. dubois, she occupied an anomalous position within that organization as a kind of tony washingtonian (of the booker t. variety). welfare checks and gerrymandered black congressional districts were of no interest to this trinity. surveying the state of potomac blacks during reconstruction, booker t. washington fretted thai among a large class there seemed to be a dependence upon the government of every conceivable thing.... how many times wished then, and have often wished since, that by some power o magic i might remove the great bulk of these people into the countr districts and plant t d together n c^urc^ and a new mosque, to be built side by side psame property. they named their common access road fann ^errace," and they are now next-door neighbors. we 0 s an example for the world," said one of the muslim <ers. i^acr?ss america, there are new interreligious councils lterjs tulsa, oklahoma, and lincoln, nebraska the pdni? ous council of southern california supported the en* f a buddhist chaplain in the california tate eles backed the sikhs in their petition to the los anhce department to be allowed to wear the turban first eid celebration ever to take place there. she said, "this celebration is an american event. we are a nation of immigrants who have long drawn on our diverse religious traditions and faiths for the strength and courage that make america great." the sacred hindu thread ceremony, the upanayana, at sri venkateswara temple, bridgewater, new jersey. colleague samuel huntington, . row vfars ago, my harvard----. sx me of d7 "j'6 ', a ^tingmsne p shape the av]hzations of t^orid* in thf new posticold war era, he predicted that the world. in t have a conung "civilizational ld^ y intended that the confucian, is-political reahg^ to reckon th lamic, and hindu foresees a "clash of civilizations, geopolitical arena worlds dvilizations/ we but where ^ y dus leicester, durban, toronto, and might ask, with paris/ london, chicago, and houston? with hug of 1980s and 1990s has toledo? one of the f peopies from one nation to another, both as irnnugr demographic changes of these the globe is expt* no longer somewhere migrations. today, _________________________ ___________________________7th clash of civilizations?" foreign affairs, 173 6. asian americans today, the islamic world is no longer somewhere else, in some other part of the world; instead chicago, with its 50 mosques an nearly half a million muslims, is part of the islamic world. else, in some other part of the world; instead chicago, with its 50 mosques and nearly half a million muslims, is part of the islamic world. america today is part of the islamic, the hindu, the confucian world. it is precisely the interpenetration of ancient civilizations and cultures that is the hallmark of the late twentieth century. this is our new georeligious reality. the map of the world in which we now live cannot be color-coded as to its christian, muslim, or hindu identity, but each part of the world is marbled with the colors and textures of the whole. the plurality of religious traditions and cultures challenges people in every part of the world today, including the united states, which is now the most religiously diverse country on earth. diversity we have here in america and here at harvard. it is not an ideology invented by the multicultural enthusiasts of the left. it is the new reality of our society. diversity we have. but what is pluralism? first, pluralism is not diversity alone, but the energetic engagement with that diversity. diversity can and has meant the creation of religious ghettoes with little traffic between or among them. in this new world of religious diversity, pluralism is not a given, but an achievement. in the world into which we now move, diversity without engagement, without a fabric of relationship, will be increasingly difficult and increasingly dangerous. second, pluralism will require not just tolerancf active seeking of understanding. tolerance is a neces lie virtue, but it does not require christians and mus dus, jews, and ardent secularists to know anything another. tolerance is simply too thin a foundation ft of religious differences. it does nothing to remove rance of one another, and leaves in place the stere' half-truth, the fear that underlie old patterns of dix violence. in the world into which we now move, rance of one another will be increasingly costly. and finally, pluralism is not simply relativism, paradigm of pluralism does not require us to leave tities and our commitments behind, for pluralism counter of commitments. it means holding ou differences, even our religious differences, not in iso in relationship to one another. the language of pl that of dialogue and encounter, give and take, crii self-criticism. in the world into which we now me language we will have to learn. whether in india or america, whether on new 1 avenue or at harvard university, the challenge fc today is how to shape societies, nations, neighborl universities that now replicate and potentially ma ure the differences that have long divided human article 35 fh e chinese diaspora eter kwong qr undreds of years before there was | any talk of an asian miracle, i vast numbers of chinese left their . a homeland in search of fortune xoad. most, from southern china, traveled :st to the area that is now laos, myanmar, id vietnam, then farther afield, into what is to thailand, indonesia, and malaysia. the alifornia gold rush lured some, while eco-amic growth in larin america beckoned thers. often they left china out of despera-on because of land shortages, wars, imines, or intrusive governments. many left dine with little except their dreams of turning as wealthy men. now the wealth created by the ethnic chi-ese consists of a great deal more than the hinatowns of major cities. the chinese busi-ssmen who live across southeast asia have the driving force behind the region s eco-omic explosion. in thailand ethnic chinese take up 10 percent of the population but con-ol 81 percent of the market value of listed ompanies. in indonesia they compose 3.5 wcent of the population but control 73 per-ent of such capital. most of asia s estimated nehundred billionaires are ethnic chinese. me of these tycoons have also trans-3rmed parts of north america. for example, y moneyed elite from hong kong own size portions of san francisco s downtown and reside in large mediterranean-style ^sions in the hills surrounding the city, 'an d ^'^sos, they began investing in erm w^ere government has promised res dence to people who have a lolla fat 'east a half-million canadian antts are willing to invest signifi-9s/utn??n the canadian economy. from to 1994, a little over 9.7 percent of all dhv toot0 canada were businesspeople, 94 more chan half of those usually affluent tmnugrants came from either taiwan or hong kong. by the end of 1994, according to one estimate, ethnic chinese had added a net worth of $15 billion to canada s economy. toronto and montreal both benefited from this movement of overseas chinese capital, and vancouver, partly because of its location and climate, has been particularly blessed by some of east asia s wealthiest investors, who now control 25 percent of its most expensive and prestigious neighborhood, the west end. when the totals are added up, overseas chinese are said to control more than $2.5 trillion of wealth. for perspective, compare that with the 1995 gross domestic product in japan of $5.1 trillion, or the figure for the united states of $7.2 trillion. in a sense, many of these chinese have fulfilled their ancestors dreams of coming home rich. the entrepreneurs who fared so well in asia and north america have been fueling mainland china s double-digit growth since free-market reforms opened its economy in 1979. by 1993, 69 percent of direct foreign investment in china, totaling $47.5 billion, came from ethnic chinese in hong kong. taiwan, according to china, had by 1993 put up $6.4 billion, or 9.3 percent of total foreign investment in the mainland economy. (the true figure is likely to be much higher.) the recent success of chinese expatriates has been so stunning that businesspeople everywhere are searching for explanations, much like when pundits speculated on the successes of japan in the 1970s and 1980s. was the secret ingredient teamwork? company loyalty? a stronger work ethic? now economic theorists are studying chinese culture and history, and confucius has become the patron saint of entrepreneurs and developing >. economies worldwide. the overseas chinese, bw^*^ overseas chinese are investing in china, to be sure. w not just out of love of ancient homeland. it s business. its ^ue, new york. ny 10153 6. asian americans long the outcasts of asia, are now the international business community s model citizens. ask casey k. c. foung why the majority of investors who fueled and have capitalized on the asian boom are of chinese descent, and he has a simple answer. when asian countries sought foreign investment to develop, western capital was not there, says foung, a new york resident who is the founder of arch associates, a medium-size quilt-making firm with extensive operations in china. when china decided to open, the only capital came from the overseas chinese. china would have preferred infusion from high-tech american and european corporations, but the west was reluctant to venture in without legal guarantees: property rights, tax laws, price deregulation, international arbitration. overseas chinese capital took the risk. members of the chinese diaspora come from a 600-year tradition of enterprising fortune seekers who escaped china s strict government controls in order to ply their trades. most of them came from two southeastern provinces, guangdong and fujian, on the cultural periphery of the chinese empire. operating in their new homelands without the protection of china s government, they readily adapted to different trading systems and governing styles and established importexport businesses through commercial networks, often made up of chinese who spoke the same dialect. for more than 300 years, ethnic chinese around asia controlled rice mills, light manufacturing, and money lending. they owned plantations, oil mills, timber industries, manufacturing concerns, and the bulk of small retail shops selling staples. they thereby made themselves indispensable to the various indigenous populations and later to the imperialists who ruled them. the chinese, wrote t. m. ward, a british physician stationed in malacca in 1827, are the most enterprising, the most opulent, the most industrious and the most determined in pursuit of wealth. british, dutch, and french colonial rulers recognized this indispensability and capitalized on it, giving the ethnic chinese throughout asia special status as go-betweens, especially during the nineteenth century, colonialism s peak. their businesses also provided the most reliable and readily available tax revenue for colonial governments, and because of that these governments barred the chinese from all but their traditional trading occupations. understandably, the non-chinese who lagged behind economically were often resentful, accusing their chinese residents of dominating their economies by dubious means and unfair practices. after world war ii, postcolonial nationalist governments in the region generally became hostile to chinese residents, and after the fall of the nationalists in 1949, suspected them of having ties to the communists. almost without exception, the ethnic chinese experienced severe persecution and restrictions. in thailand and indonesia, they were forced to assimilate by adopting local names. in malaysia, the government set up impediments through occupational, educational, and other quotas favoring ethnic bumiputras, or sons of the soil. there have been periods of intense racial violence, such as in malaysia in the 1960s and 1970s, and in indonesia in 1965. because of the centuries of persecution, overseas chinese have developed a deepfollow the money foreign direct investment 1 in china, 1979-1994. i in billions of dollars | hong kong $67.3 ! taiwan* 9.8 i united states 6.1 | japan 5.3 | singapore 2.7 i 'analysts estimate (hat (he ; chinese government may 1 underreport taiwanese invest ; merit in china by as much .is 1 50 percent because a large i percentage of taiwanese , money is invested in ( hin.i via hong kong companies. , source: statistical ditions of the african slaves, the old chines in montana and idaho, or the early sikh communities i nia s imperial valley. the muslim co center on nev shire avenue 1 spring, maryla in 1991, the pluralism project at harvard set out multireligious america, beginning right here in bo research seminar visited the mosque in quincy bt shadow of the great cranes of the shipyards by leb migrants who came early in the century, and we f< there were some 20 other mosques and islamic ce are part of the islamic council of new england in i wayland, cambridge. we went to the spectacular nev shim temple in ashland, a temple designed by hu architects with tall towers decorated with the imaj gods and consecrated with the waters of the gangs: with the waters of the mississippi, the colorado, anc rimack rivers. we visited half a dozen other hindi nities in boston, and two sikh gurdwaras in h milford, and a jain temple in norwood, housed in swedish lutheran church. we found a dozen buddl tation centers, with their respective tibetan, burmesi and japanese lineages of instruction. and we visits* pies of the cambodian buddhists in lowell and vietnamese in roslindale and revere, the chinese and lexington. eventually, we published world r boston, a documentary guide to a dty whose asian p had doubled in 10 years, now a multireligious city it was dear that what was true of boston migl trus of many other american cities. so the plural sent a research team of students, multiethnic anc 170 34. neighboring faiths stupa containing relics of the buddha, presented as a gift from thailand to the jodo shinshu buddhist mission of north america in 1935. the stupa is built on the roof of the buddhist church of san francisco on pine street. pous, to study "hometown" america, fanning out across the [nited states every summer for three years, e wer y three kinds of questions. first, who is ere_ n0 _ 990s? how many hindu temples are there in tany mosques in oklahoma city? how many u les in houston? second, how are these tra tions c . s they take root in american soil? and third, ow is hanging as americans of many religions begin to appro lisnew multireligious reality and come to terms once g nth our foundational commitment to religious ee o onsequently, religious pluralism? , we found many remarkable developments. for examp e> ihist communities widely separated in asia are now neig 11 los angeles, seattle, and chicago vietnamese am o . hai, chinese, japanese, korean, and tibetan bu s s' betica, these buddhist communities are just beginni. g ow one another and to meet the distinctive communi new buddhists americans of all races who ave co bddhism through its meditation practices an its et c hiddhist sangha council of southern california, t e '-ouncil of the midwest, the texas buddhist association a knee of the beginning of a new ecumenical bu sm. 16 american buddhist newspapers and magazines, emm atting groups, exemplary buddhist aids hospice pr buddhism is an american religion. of we visited communities that represent the entire spe . . 51111 in america: african american communities, us , ^ts syria and lebanon whose forebears ca _e, y 1900s, and new immigrant muslims from a rica ah of them are in the process of working out wha 1 t muslim and american. they gather in huge ^tions in dayton or in kansas city to discuss the u j j america or the american public schools. the sa 31 association tackles ethical issues in medical pract , the washington-based american muslim council facilitates islamic participation in the american political process. we found that most of the new religious institutions are invisible. the first generation of american mosques could be found in places like a former watch factory in queens, a u-haul dealership in pawtucket, rhode island, a gymnasium in oklahoma city, and a former mattress showroom in northridge. california. there were hindu temples in a huge warehouse in queens, a former ymca in new jersey, or a former methodist church in minneapolis. most of the vietnamese buddhist temples of denver, houston, and orange county were in ranch-style homes. because of the invisibility of these first-generation religious institutions, many americans, understandably, have remained quite unaware of these new communities. the past decades, however, have also seen the beginnings of a striking new visible landscape. there are new mosques and islamic centers in manhattan and phoenix, rising from the cornfields outside toledo and from the suburbs of chicago and houston. there are multimillion-dollar hindu temples, like the sri venkateswara temple in pittsburgh, the bharatiya temple in the northern suburbs of detroit, the spectacular sri meenakshi temple south of houston, the ganesha temple in nashville, and dozens of others. the buddhists have made a striking architectural imprint, with, for example, the huge hsi lai temple in hacienda heights, california, and the jade temple in houston. in the western chicago suburb of bartlett, the jains have built a large new temple. to the north in palatine is a striking new hexagonal gurdwara of the sikhs. there are some neighborhoods where all this is visible in short compass. for example, driving out new hampshire avenue, one of the great spokes of washington, d.c., into silver spring, maryland, just beyond the beltway there is a stretch of road a few miles long where one passes rhe new cambodian buddhist temple with its graceful, sloping tiled roof, the ukrainian ortho 17 6. asian americans dox church, the muslim community center with its new copper-domed mosque. farther along is the new gujarati hindu temple called mangai mandir. the many churches along the way also reveal the new dimensions of america s christian landscape: hispanic pentecostal, vietnamese catholic, and korean evangelical congregations sharing facilities with more traditional english-speaking mainline churches. the diversity of new hampshire avenue, however, is not simply a curiosity for a sunday drive. what it represents has profound implications for every aspect of american public life. what is happening to america as all of us begin to renegotiate the "we" of "we, the people"? that "we" in the united states is increasingly complex, not only culturally and racially, but also religiously what will this religious diversity mean for american electoral politics, for the continuing interpretation of "church-state" issues by the supreme court, for american public education and the controversies of school boards, for hospitals and health-care programs with an increasingly diverse patient population, and for colleges and universities with an increasingly multireligious student body? while many americans are only dimly aware of the changing religious landscape, the issues this new diversity has raised are already on the agenda of virtually every public institution, including harvard. new hampshire avenue dramatizes the new diversity, but building a pluralist society from that diversity is no easy matter in a world in which the "politics of identity" is busy minting our identities in smaller and smaller coins, and in a world in which religious markers of identity are often pre: be the most divisive of all differences. american pub is charged with the power of these issues. some s; multicultural and multireligious society is impossil voices have been raised at each and every stage of. immigration too many catholics, too many jews, chinese and japanese. those voices are present t< some of the most extreme have called for the rep< 1965 immigration act. others have insisted there is s much pluribus and not enough unum. and still oth< insist that this is a secular society, so why make i looking at religious differences at all? but to ascertain how we all of us are doing in struggle for america's soul, we have to look not on not only at ethnicity, but at religion. the history of and stereotype demonstrates that religious insignia tutions often become key markers of "difference." sistent attacks on synagogues and jewish graveyarc ample testimony to the tactics of hatred. so does the continuing history of racist attacks on black churd ious insignia, religious markers of identity, and re' stitutions come to stand in a public way for the vei the community and often become the most visible bigotry and violence. and so it is as america's new immigrants becon ingly visible as religious minorities. in new jersey, bindi on the forehead, worn by many hindu won for the strangeness of the whole indian immigrant c in the eyes of a racist group calling themselves th< the temple^t^ massachusetts. above lefttp :s in may 1990. consecratlon ceremony, the mahakumbhabhis 172 those who beat navroze mody to death in 1987, shout hindu, hindu, hindu," did not know or care whether , hindu but conflated race, religion, and culture in was a nuim*/ p cry of hatred. ^ pluralism project has documented the ways in which , minority religious communities have experienced the ilence of attacks on their visible religious institutions. in bruary 1983, for example, vandals broke into the newly con-uded hindu-jain temple in pittsburgh and smashed all the ute marble images of the hindu deities. the sacred scrip-re of the sikhs, housed on a side altar, was tom to pieces, eave!" was written across the main altar. in 1993, the temple a tiny cambodian buddhist community in portland, maine, u vandalized with an axe, its doorjambs hacked, its doors aken, the contents of the buddha hall strewn in the front rd, and the words "dirty asian chink, go home!" written 34. neighboring faiths while serving as policemen. the interfaith conference of metropolitan washington, d.c., brought people of all religious communities together in march 1994 in the wake of the hebron massacre. because of new relationships of trust, the head of the washington board of rabbis offered prayers right there on new hampshire avenue at the muslim community center. the public symbolic acknowledgment of america's diversity is also becoming more visible. in april 1990, for example, the city council of savannah, georgia, issued a proclamation in which islam was recognized as having been "a vital part of the development of the united states of america and the city of savannah." on june 25, 1991, for the first time in history, a muslim imam, siraj wahaj of brooklyn, opened a session of the u.s. house of representatives with prayer. on february 20, 1996, at the end of the month of ramadan, hillary clinton welcomed muslims to the white house for the there on a hillside overlooking farm fields, rabbis and priests, imams and muslim leaders each turned a shovel of earth for the new islamic center of new england. i the walls. in september 1994, a nearly completed mosque ?uba city, california, was burned to the ground, leaving dome and minaret in the ashes of a fire that the sheriff !emed to be arson. there are dozens of these incidents every at some of them now documented by such groups as the ouncil on american-islamic relations, but most of them )ted only in the pages of local newspapers. bie documentary register of acts of violence is easier to semble than the register of new initiatives of cooperation id understanding, for violence is still deemed more news-orthy than cooperation. yet assembling the evidence of w patterns of interreligious encounter, cooperation, and redonship is also important in discerning how the "we is dng reconfigured in multireligious america. for example, 1 april 2,1993, a groundbreaking in sharon, massachusetts, ought jews, christians, and muslims together from the reater boston area. there on a hillside overlooking the fields a former horse farm, rabbis and priests, imams and muslim a ers each turned a shovel of earth for the new islamic cen-r of new england. two weeks later, across the country in california, saint paul's united methodist church fae islamic society of the east bay broke groun iversity of maryle school graduate. the josephites national hi ters and residence are in a fo brownstone in the 1100 block o vert st. downtown. their retirem dence is on lake avenue neai park. in baltimore, there are eigl priests, 10 administrators and 1 members. many of the order s 1: priests are in deep south pai texas, louisiana and mississipi most josephite priests and are white, typically irish-americ major east coast cities, but mo: seminarians are black, said w the former josephite superior despite the difference in r< josephites bond with african-ai to the extent that some even themselves as being black. i never thought of myself i after becoming a josephil mcmanus, who still has a trac native brooklyn, n.y., accent. 7 of the people i worked with we i was working for black causi thought of myself as black. 158 article 32 i from scottsboro to simpson igail thernstrom & henry d. fetter igail thernstrom is a senior fellow at the manhattan in ite and author of whose votes count? henry d. fetter dices law in los angeles. depressing episodes in american r come and go, but this one may s i is the news of the verdict in the o. jp . . 1 fresh, though a new drama has quickly tep ac eme one. race not crime and punishment is its goober he the long-running show that ended on the t ir te^ev js^on s part soap, part sporting event (with an a"a> ' forgettable adits keeping score), this one is no fun at al. cheers, ages have flitted across our television screen: gs, and high fives among black crowds; o racis atwood, the white, traditionally liberal, upwaie !ations 0,1 in which o. j. and nicole both lived. are we ne? the question long a staple in the r e o t mst now be taken seriouslyhence of guilt ^as a man confronted with overwhelming happ60 aba^ w gone free. it has happened before, 1 1994 this t, from day one a friday evening m act. a dou-15 a tale like no other. remember the ope e-murder suspect on a leisurely cruise, wi ^y^pters w and an armada of law-enforcement an black ghetto, bering overhead. simpson the pro^^ . o league stai ^ter of the heisman trophy, nationa 00 and nationally known actor, sportscaster, and commercial spokesman was a man on a jog from the law. along the route taken by simpson and a long-time friend, spontaneous crowds formed, chanting free the juice. (the suspect had already become a victim.) only at his brentwood home was simpson finally taken into custody. the charge was first-degree murder: his ex-wife, nicole brown simpson, and ronald l. goldman, a waiter at a neighborhood restaurant, had been found dead in the blood-spattered courtyard of nicole s condominium. both had been stabbed repeatedly; nicole s throat had been slashed through to the spinal bone. simpson quickly assembled a self-described dream team of lawyers, with johnnie cochran, los angeles s most prominent black attorney, as lead trial counsel, backed up by a nationally renowned battery of experts. millions of dollars were available and committed to the defense. with a judge scrupulously attentive to the rights of the accused and the desires of the defense, the trial proceeded at a leisurely pace in a courtroom dominated by cochran. outside there quickly gathered a caravan of television trailers, mobile studios, and souvenir sellers, dubbed camp 0. j., all of whom set up shop for the year-long stay. business in simpson memorabilia boomed, and the flood of bestsellers spawned by the case still shows no signs of abating. simpson is not the most prominent american ever to be charged with murder. (that honor still belongs to vice president aaron burr, charged with the killing of alexander ham151 public inters ^'e,'"6'pp' dhors and the 5. african americans ilton.) and yet the trial was unique. the courtroom proceedings were televised live; in making their closing and other arguments, lead lawyers for the opposing teams often turned their gaze from the jurors to the cameras. anyone with a computer and modem could read the daily transcripts. if print and broadcast tabloids were consumed by the case, much the same was true for national public radio, the new yorker, and other quality media. numerous law schools based courses on the case, although only harvard believed that memoranda prepared by its first-term students warranted the trial judge s unsolicited attention. every conceivable angle of the case was explored at length, including a not-uninteresting piece in a golf magazine which assessed the charges against simpson in light of his jekyll and hyde conduct at the prominent los angeles country club at which he played. and, as the verdict came in, an estimated 100 million television viewers watched an audience larger than that for the first night of the gulf war, the resignation of richard nixon, or the apollo 11 moon walk. the cult of celebrity race is what makes the case significant, but it was actually fame that determined much of its handling by the authorities. although he had been charged with two brutal murders, the police made no effort to take simpson into custody, instead, negotiating a surrender at a time and place of his choosing, in a manner more akin to a prosecution for insider trading than a double homicide. then, when he violated that agreement, the officers did not intervene by force; instead, they languidly escorted simpson to his house and watched while he sat in his car for an hour, telephoned his mom, and drank a glass of orange juice. once in jail, the mantle of celebrity remained firmly in place. there, simpson was allowed a privileged regimen that lasted until public disclosure reportedly curtailed it. he was allowed to sleep later than other inmates, shower more often, exercise or watch television during more free hours, receive hot meals at irregular hours, enjoy unlimited visits with his girlfriend, use a special pillow, and, on weekends, receive dozens of friends, who were listed on an extraordinarily lengthy material witness list. on christmas day, he was the only inmate permitted to have visitors. considerations of celebrity informed the formal trial proceedings as well. prospective jurors had to complete an unprecedented 60-plus-page questionnaire in which they were asked a mass of not especially pertinent questions that ranged far beyond those necessary to elicit prior knowledge, bias, or prejudice. where celebrities roam, the media follows, and trial judge lance ito proved more than willing to lend his presence to the hoopla. early on, he appeared in a week-long series of television interviews. he went out of his way to welcome into his chambers such celebrity figures as geraldo rivera and larry king. a number of discharged jurors became part of the show. appearing at press conferences and on televisic about their experiences and offering opinions about they became a regular adjunct to the proceedings in ter the verdict, jurors who lasted emerged on opral and other shows. money for talking was theirs for tl bit players in the drama attained their 15 minutes of fame, most notably kato kaelin, the unemployed lived in o. j. simpson s guest house and baby-sat f after giving equivocal and inarticulate testimony kaelin became the host of a los angeles radio progr reviews were quite favorable. meanwhile, his old, pom films turned up on various cable networks. then too, the televised trial opened up new caree: lawyers, a notoriously frustrated group. whereas lax have once aspired to judgeships, their star is now on that ne plus ultra of contemporary life: the talk-! they became sportscasters, recruited in droves to f stant analyses of the trial-as-super-bowl by a b< broadcast outlets, including e! (entertainment) net erwise best known for the howard stem show. a the most prominent lawyer-sportscasters were elevai time status as the new hosts of regularly scheduled having nothing to do with the trial or even the notably, gerry spence, leslie abramson (defense eric menendez in his televised trial and perhaps the created by this still relatively novel process), and ( regular trial watchers, greta van susteren and rogt two of the defense lawyers have found their new lebrity to be a useful vehicle for pitching screenplaj had been toiling on, without success, before the t have now also begun work on a cbs drama series, one thinks of the verdict, it is clear that at least tht had a good trial. but what made the often tawdry spectacle that the case most truly representative of the celebrio exemplified was the lack of substance at its core, all, was simpson? his great feats on the college ; sional gridiron were almost 20 years in the past, career had fizzled out after some embarrassing app grade-b movies, and his life as a sportscaster was it had been almost a decade since he had appearec prime-time monday night football. as a corporati most notably for hertz, he had become the prototy rity someone famous for being famous, or what c stin has called the human pseudo-event. indeed, nothing better illustrated simpson s relai rity than the lack of attention paid, at the time, viction for wife beating in 1989. in a culture that for the most minor peccadilloes of the truly famou passed almost without notice. and in the five year murder, the only extended mention of simpson in geles times was in a 1993 piece marking the twei niversary of his heisman trophy. it was really n< that lead prosecutor marcia clark had never heard until that day in 1994 when she was called by the needed help in applying for a warrant to search i 160 the race card npson was rich and famous, and he wore his racial iden-, exceedingly lightly. he had black friends, but his life s not notable for involvement in black issues or causes, lived in a largely white neighborhood, his murdered ex-fe was white, as is his former girlfriend. the black media d largely ignored his activities in recent years. apart from ?it part in the television miniseries roots, almost two cades ago, it is hard to think of any connection between n and anything race-related. booked for murder, however, became a racial cause. black defendants in criminal cases are, alas, common ough, and, most of the time, the prosecutors have the upper nd. but celebrity status shifts the balance of power. all eyes : on highly visible black defendants particularly all black es. every move, from arrest to trial, is watched with deep spicion. and, while in an earlier era authorities could ignore : deeply felt emotions stirred by such cases, in 1995 es-cially in los angeles they cannot. in the city of rodney king, the authorities were from the tset on their racial toes. despite the brutality of the crime, ; apparently overwhelming evidence of simpson s guilt, his ght from arrest, and a sordid history of domestic abuse and olence, the prosecutors chose not to seek the death pen-ty. rather than try the case in the largely white locality here simpson lived and the crime had been committed, e los angeles district attorney selected a downtown nue. a conviction by a mostly white jury drawn from the :st side of los angeles would lack credibility, he pri-tely explained. in the prosecution of los angeles police officers for the ating of rodney king, the initial verdict of acquittal was wed as lacking credibility because white jurors sat in judg-ent of the beating of a black man by whites. in the simpson so, the logic was reversed: the victims are white, the de-ndant black, but racial fairness demands (the d.a. con-lded) a heavily black jury. the original jury consisted of six black women, two ack men, two hispanics, one white woman, and one juror " ratified himself as half white and half native ameri-n(no white male was selected as either a juror or alter-alternates replaced many of those initially selected, t -suit that the final breakdown was one black man, s t black women, two white women, and one hispanic an. th tl q6 was thus three-quarters black. even for (2) "from relocating the institute and transferring its operations to several different units of cuny , and (3) from removing him as the institute's director. at the heart of his brief was the averment of discrimination in employment on the basis of national origin. the statutory prohibition against this type of discrimination is specifically proscribed by title vii of the civil rights act of 1964. notwithstanding, the prohibition has been largely ignored by the courts and rarely used with success by plaintiffs seeking redress on this ground. the scelsa court granted all three requests (or prayers as we say) by way of a preliminary injunction pendente lite; that is, pending trial, it barred cuny from acting so as to prevent the further perpetration of a perceived wrong(s) until such time as the underlying issues are resolved. it concluded that the plaintiffs (dr. scelsa and the institute) had "shown a balance of hardships tipping decidedly in their favor" and "irreparable harm" would otherwise follow. significantly, the court allowed dr. scelsa, equating his position as director of the calandra institute with representation of the italian-american community of new york city, to cross the litigation threshold to test the merits of the case. in doing so, the court relied not only on the so-called "disparate impact" theory of title vii, wherein a discriminatory effect may be shown vis-a-vis employment patterns, but, sua sponte: by its own initiative, it also invoked section 1981 of the civil rights act of 1866, our nation's first civil rights statute for jurisdictional purposes. this reconstruction era statute is far wider in scope than title vii. it concerns the right to make and enforce both private and public contracts and provides broad federal remedies for the enjoyment of all benefits of a contractual relationship. the court noted that "in grant-[ing injunctive] relief to which the party in whose favor it is rendered is entitled," it may do so on such grounds "even if the party has not [specifically] demanded such relief in the party's pleading." section 1981 was not pleaded in the moving papers. but the court raised cuny's two-decade-old awareness of italian-american nonrepresentation and the university's pledge(s) to address and seek to correct this imbalance to the level of a contractual relationship with the italian-american community. it noted: a section 1981 violation may be established not only via presentation of evidence regarding defendant's affirmative acts but also by evidence regarding defendant s omission where defendant is under some duty to act. . the court must find that cuny's current policy represents either an attempt to renege on the promises of the past or by denying that such promises were ever made or intended to be kept, a reaffirmation of the original findings of discrimination against an under-representation of italian americans that motivated the original kibbee memorandum. . . . cited by the scelsa court is a case entitled st. francis college v. al-khazraj, which was decided by the united states supreme court five years earlier in 1987. this also 198 is significant. due to the representative confer to dr. scelsa because of the calandra instih purposes, the citation espouses, on a stage c than employment, an opportunity for italian as a group to redress harms arising out of nati discrimination. discrimination on the basis i origin has always been, and sadly continue destructive force in american society. as : indistinguishable from racial discrimination standing, modern day civil rights legislatior prohibiting discrimination based on "race, cok sex or national origin," has not been interpr administratively or judicially to afford protecti victims of national origin discrimination. th< unambiguous language set forth in title vii a in scelsa states that failure by an employer national origin "to hire ... or otherwise to d against any individual with respect to his coir terms, conditions, or privileges of employm unlawful employment practice. yet the act he of selective enforcement and it would appear of national origin discrimination either dis procedural grounds or on the merits have failure. a review of the regulations charting with title vii reveal that, notwithstanding the ence to "national origin," redress has prirr defined within the context of racial classil governmental purposes. neither racial min ethnic minorities (including italian amerk "melted" into anglo conformity. sociologist agree that thus far in the american saga, "acc and not "structural assimilation" has prover norm; and the diversity inherent in "cultural has persisted well into the third, even the fou tion. public policy misconception of the proces to ignore this reality, and the legal definition < continues for practical purposes to be synony skin color. in light of this, no governmental compilatic data is either required or taken; thus, legal wri contend that is all but impossible to prove the < discrimination based on national origin. there americans who are victims of discrimination prove their case without the benefit of official) statistics an overwhelming task given essent procedural requirements. the need for statist! in order to fulfill the initial legal burden of goi to establish what we term a prima facie case w scelsa; nor did cuny, despite good faith proir ted in the 197os to do so, maintain ongoii italian-american recruitment and employme. mative action purposes. however, and in v failure, two statistical studies compiled by d calandra institute, were deemed "the best a' dence" by the court. the scelsa court went adopting the conception of race set forth in college under the 1866 law, it eased the v addressing not only employment but an array of civil rights violations alleging national origin discrimination against italian americans by cuny. the civil rights act of 1866 was an enabling statute for the thirteenth amendment. this post-civil war enactment intended to confer the equality "enjoyed by white citizens" of the time the white majoritarian anglo or nordic "race" then populating the country, the standard control group, if you will upon all other persons and in all respects. the supreme court's decision in st. francis college, relying on the 1866 act, significantly expanded the definition of "race" for purposes that can find and have found expression in the modern day search for equal protection under the law by those claiming national origin discrimination. in st. francis college, the court held that a white person may be protected from racial discrimination. it based its holding on a broad construction of the original intent of sedion 1981 of the 1866 act. section 1981 of the act states: "all persons . . . shall have the same right ... to make and enforce contracts . . . and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings. . . the court rejected the counter argument that a caucasian was barred from suing other caucasians under the statute. instead, relying heavily on the legislative history of section 1981 and on the general conception of race during the nineteenth century when the statute was enacted, it observed: [it] may be that a variety of ethnic groups . . . are now considered to be within the caucasian race. the understanding of "race" in the nineteenth century, however was different. plainly, all those who might be deemed caucasian today were not thought to be of the same race at the time section 1981 became law. in support of this reasoning, the court exanun strands of evidence from the nineteenth cen ury-nary and encyclopedia definitions of racj $ legislative history of section 1981. in consi eri g teenth-century definitions of race, webster s ic 1877 proved insightful: "[tjhe descendants o a ancestor; a family, tribe, people or presumed to belong to the same stock. ^,,rtnne-listed "races" found in nineteenth-century e , dias: the encyclopedia americana (1858) an t e , britannica (1878) that inter alia referred to and various other ethnic "races." similar y, a r . the legislative history of section 1981 prove co to the court. it too was "replete with re s" nniversality of its application"; that is, to all e r ^his, combined with the nineteenth-century c race as illustrated by reference materials o formed the foundation for the court s ho mg. based on the history of section 1981, ^vejj^tect from >n concluding that congress intended op^ who are discrimination identifiable classes of p upcause of subjected to intentional discrimination so y riinina. their ancestry or ethnic characteristics, u , j gec. tlqn is racial discrimination that congress 38. italian americans tion 1981 to forbid, whether or not it would be classified as racial in terms of modern scientific theory. the court's opinion specifically rejected reliance on genetics and/or physical characteristics: it is clear from our holding that a distinctive physiognomy is not essential to qualify for section 1981 protection. in making this finding, the court defined the word race" in its sociological, perhaps sociopolitical, rather than biological sense. "race" in the sociological sense considers the concept that people differ from each other not primarily because of physical attributes, but because of differences rooted in culture. a review of the legislative history of the act reveals that its supporters intended that its protection be liberally construed, encompassing the civil liberties of all persons without distinction as between race and national origin. interestingly, the court's research disclosed that only in this century have "races" been divided physiognomically, that is, "caucasoid," "mongoloid" and "negroid," footnoting that many modem biologists and anthropologists . . . criticize [these] classifications as arbitrary and of little use in understanding the viability of human beings." the scelsa court found that "[djiscrimination on the basis of national origin is encompassed within the scope of activities prohibited by section 1981." italian americans have benefited from this revised standard on a number of occasions prior to scelsa, although not with the same potential for a sweeping remedy. the district of maine in desalle v. key bank of southern maine in 1988 was the first court to hold that italian americans are an identifiable class entitled to maintain an action under section 1981 for purposes of discrimination. in desalle, the plaintiff had sued his former employer, alleging breach of contract and violation of civil rights on the basis of his italian heritage. in accordance with st. francis college, the court held that discrimination based on a plaintiffs ancestry was actionable as a civil rights claim under section 1981. the court highlighted the references in st. francis college to various ethnic "races." it concluded: the definition of race in the nineteenth century, when the legislative sources for section 1981 were enacted, differed from the definition prevalent today; not all caucasians were considered of the same race. . . . section 1981 was designed to protect identifiable classes of persons, such as italo-americans, "who are subjected to intentional discrimination solely because of their ancestry or ethnic characteristics. ..." in one of the few cases where a plaintiff prevailed on the merits is a 1989 national origin discrimination case. the ninth circuit, which is based in san francisco, held in benigni v. city of hemet that italian americans are protected against discrimination for purposes of a companion section 1982 of the 1866 act, which concerns the right to hold property. the plaintiff, an owner of a restaurant, had obtained a jury verdict claiming that the defendant's police officers had discriminatorily harassed his business and customers forcing him to sell his busi199 7. ethnic legacy ness at a loss. the court of appeals, in upholding the verdict, agreed: elements of an int es between the catholic church and polish nationalism over the centuries, the nazis realized they would have to break the 207 7. ethnic legacy back of the church if their plan of national annihilation was to succeed. when the nazis partitioned poland after the invasion, they seriously undercut the church s own territorial structures by dividing up historic dioceses. thus weakened, the polish church, especially in the annexed areas, lost most of its hierarchy and clergy: wroclaw, 49.2 percent; chef mo, 47.8 percent; lodz, 36.8 percent; and in poznan, 31.1 percent. overall 1,811 polish diocesan priests perished under the nazis out of the total of 10,017 in 1939. many church buildings were also destroyed. in poznan, for example, only two out of the pre-war thirty churches remained at the end of the war. polish catholics, in addition to suffering the internal destruction of their church, also felt abandoned by the catholic leadership. the holy see basically followed a policy of reserve even after it received strong appeals from polish bishops to denounce nazi atrocities against polish catholics as well as in the case of the third reich s euthanasia campaign and the italian attack against greece. the london-based polish government-in-exile also frequently expressed discontent with the vatican s unwillingness to denounce the nazi atrocities against the polish nation in a more public and detailed fashion. richard lukas addresses this issue in his writings on the nazi era. he recognizes the practical difficulties the vatican faced with respect to poland, in part due to the flight of cardinal hlond from the country which caused great disruption in the polish church. he likewise acknowledges that pius xii s rather cold reception of hlond in rome is considered by poles one saving feature of the overall papal approach to their national suffering under the nazis. yet, for lukas, the balance sheet does not read well, an evaluation he supports with references to concrete reactions by poles during the period. in the face of the.persecution of the church of poland, says lukas, the vatican pursued a timid, reserved attitude. 9 this was likely the result of a constellation of forces a sentimentality about poland on pius part, a tinge of germanophilism, and fears that public denunciations would make matters worse for the poles. it was not until june 2, 1943, that the pope finally issued the long awaited statement denouncing the attack against poland. just as in the case of the jews, pius xii shied away from explicit condemnation of the nazis. the 1943 statement, which admittedly did ease polish-vatican tensions to some degree, was an effort to counteract the wide-spread criticism that had grown up within clerical ranks because of the vatican s seeming hesitancy on the polish question. there were even polish voices calling for the severing of ties with the vatican. some poles, according to lukas, were so upset at rome that church at the mention of pius name. th of warsaw were so concerned about the that they published a defense of vatican in behalf of poland. and catholic historiar morley, who also raises the polish que; sees vatican inaction as resulting from th< accorded by the holy see to its relations many, relates how rome explicitly insti nuncios on ways to counter the mountii isfaction with its approach to poland.10 the political opposition forces in poland highly critical of pius stance. an undergroi published by the polish socialists accusec of walking hand in hand with the hitlerit cists. glos pracy, another underground per, declared that the pope had shut him the vatican without bothering to defenc people. and the polish minister of interioi the people would be relieved by official n the protest of the holy see and the polis ment, given the flagrant and never hithei enced persecution of the church in pola contemporary implications of p< victimization under the nazi as we reflect today on the continuing si of the determined effort by the nazis to i land to perpetual servitude by totally des national identity, and perhaps even, if th ity had presented itself, to eradicate the ] as such, the first responsibility that loot remembrance. nobel prize author elie 1 said that to forget the victims of the h< to kill them a second time. yet, i mus say, that in working on holocaust-relatei scholarly and public circles for well ove ades my judgment must be that both p poland itself has fared poorly up till n duty of remembrance. we have been far in criticizing jews for not including rer of polish victims in programs under the than we have been active as a comma ganizing our own. my own efforts over t generate interest within polish organizat regard has generally met no response. w be quite proper to criticize the exclusio victims in public holocaust ceremonies lar, such criticism will inevitably lose it less it is accompanied by internal e. within polonia and within poland. for 1 i was pleased to read several months ag a call by pna president edward jmos hanced commemoration of the polish vic nazis coupled with a willingness to ex 208 40. polish americans example, in recording his personal testimony of prison life under the nazis for the museum is vital for preserving the story of polish victimization for future generations. so is the witness of ambassador wfadysfaw bartoszewski, a leading figure in zegota and now polish ambassador in vienna, who was honored along with zegota at a public ceremony at the holocaust museum on march 22nd. all is not perfect in terms of the polish story at the holocaust museum. but it is far better than many have made it out to be in public comments in the press. i might add that a recent professional poll of museum visitors which included a question on attitudes towards poles and poland revealed little or no anti-polish feeling among such visitors. the second major implication i see for polonia and poland today from a reflection on the holocaust is the importance of cultural preservation and enhancement. this does not mean that i advocate cultural isolationism on the part of poles or polish americans. quite the contrary. i am totally in support of my colleague dr. thaddeus gromada, director of the polish institute of arts and sciences, who insisted, in a major address at the shrine in doylestown, pa in september 1992, on efforts to integrate the authentic polish and polish-american experience into the mainstream of american culture.13 but we have seen from the example of th nazi period that destruction of a culture goes handin-hand with the physical disappearance of a peo=^s^so=s to^es^ttaph?atio^posf the holocaust concerns th vailed issue of church-state relations, the much central constitutional question for this remains a central anew, albeit in poland here ta the united states and catholic scholarhow the professor gordan zahn^ church desire on tiie par hitter muffled its t0 xue of nazism developed by original p 1^. qat their fulde meeting in the german bishops ar holocaust for 1934. formalntalnbrg a the state for the sake of the church s own integrityamericans continue to weigh ihe^ " th church-state rela: the failures in this regard to the polish commu-01 as well.12 my fervent hope is that this plea by sent moskal will be taken seriously and im-lemented by polish religious groups, fraternal or-lizations, and academic associations. s let me add here that in addition to remembering the polish victims, we must also pay greater honor to the polish righteous, especially the heroic members of zegota, the only group in nazi occupied europe dedicated specifically to saving jews. i am well aware of some of the political complications with respect to certain members of this movement. but we must put that aside and honor them here in north america as well as in poland for their courage during the war itself. so far the only film or video that i know of on zegota was produced by a jewish film maker from washington, sy rotter. where are the polish efforts in this regard? at this point let me introduce an issue which has produced considerable controversy within polonia, namely, the presentation of polish victimization and the polish righteousness in the new u.s. holocaust memorial museum in washington, d.c. as a member of the federal holocaust commission since its creation by congress in 1980, i feel quite justified in standing before you and saying that the initial goals for this museum with respect to poland have been realized to a significant extent. the stories of polish victimization, as well as of polish rescue efforts, have been fully integrated into the museum s main exhibit. they are not just off somewhere in a side room. and the stories are told with fundamental accuracy. while some legitimate questions have been raised about certain portions of the text, and while i certainly believe the exhibit needs amplification and expansion, the museum graphically portrays the nazi attack on the polish nation, depicts the incarceration and extermination of e elites, and even includes (prominently displaye 1 ne of the key texts regarding future nazi plans or mass annihilation of poles. and the special exhibit n zegota, as well as the official lists of righteous from yad vashem in israel, clearly give visitors (the vast majority of whom are non-jewish) an understanding of the extent to which poles attempted to rescue jews under the most trying of conditions. clearly there are issues in the museum (e.g. e kielce pogrom) that need further review. i am com-^itted to such an effort, along with additional pol's11 representatives on the council who president tinton will hopefully soon appoint. i look 0 continued collaboration with interested o s academics and groups, such as the holocaust u ration committee of the kosciuszko foundation ^ york, who have proven so helpful in generating aterials and testimonies from polish su y r tie witness of joseph wardzala of derby, ct, 209 7. ethnic legacy tions today in both our countries, the holocaust can teach us that it seems in the best interests of the church itself to keep a distance from the state. official recognition may well mean official cooperation which can easily degenerate into co-option by the state authorities for their own ends, thereby muting the church s prophetic mandate in any society. in light of the holocaust experience it is important for poles to listen to such voices as jerzy turowicz, jozef tischner and bishop jozef zycinskl, who in varied ways have urged restraint with respect to the church s direct role in public affairs.14 and polish americans should support such a perspective in poland rather than giving encouragement to the i forces of excessive religio-nationalism. the polish / i american community can also assist poles in better understanding the american experience in church' | state separation, even though they recognize that no simple transfer of perspective is possible or de sir able. as in other central areas of polish national life, poland must be allowed to be poland even though it can surely profit from contact with the u.s. experience. i have in fact found many poles ji significantly interested in such interchange on the |' church-state question, as a number of recent colf loquia, including one sponsored by the marshall [' foundation to which i was invited, bear witness. the final implication of the polish experience of i the holocaust that i would like to raise this evening 1 ( is that of solidarity. on one of the walls of the holocaust museum in washington we have a portion of the famous quote attributed to lutheran pastor niemoller who eventually died for his opposition to hitler. pastor niemoller said, if i may paraphrase his remarks, that when the nazis came for the trade unionists, the homosexuals, the commu-i nlsts, the jews, and the catholics, he did not protest because he was not identified with any of who is a jew has reappeared in countless forms and disputes. under jewish religious law, a jew is defined as a person whose mother is a jew. but the law of return was drafted to grant israeli citizenship to those who would have been persecuted as jews under the nazis and so was extended to the grandchildren of a jew. the exception was those who deliberately adopted another faith. these rules, however, mingled religious and civil definitions in a way that gives rise to endless disputes. thus a russian immigrant who is recognized as a jew for purposes of citizenship may not be recognized as a jew by the orthodox rabbis, a conflict that has already created problems with marriages and burials, which are controlled by the orthodox rabbinate. another conflict to which american jews are particularly sensitive is the resistance of israeli orthodox rabbis to recognizing conversions performed by reform or conservative rabbis in the united states. thus an american converted to judaism in the united states could be judged ineligible to settle in israel. in mrs. deriev s case, one twist is that she had immigrated first and converted later, she would have had far fewer problems. once she had re ceived her citizenship, she would have been free to convert to christianity. the derievs lawyer, lynda brayer, is in fact a south african jew who was baptized into the catholic church after she was already in israel. her practice is in human-rights law. the only reason they re in trouble is that they didn t lie, mrs. brayer said. mrs. brayer said she believed that the derievs were victims of a fundamental clash between the israeli government s historic effort to bring as many jews as possible into israel and the determination of the rabbis to maintain as much control as possible over the purity of the arrivals. her argument before the high court was that the israeli official in moscow who told applicants to put jewish or non-believer on their application forms did so deliberately, to bring in as many immigrants as possible while the doors were open. she declared that israel was therefore bound to accept the derievs. by contrast, immigrants from the united states would have had to submit to a thorough check by religious authorities before being allowed to make aliyah, as jewish immigration to israel is called. her next step, mrs. brayer said, will be to seek refugee status for the derievs, so they could at least settle in another country. 213 the ethnic factor international challenge for the 1990s i he process of better understanding the multiethnic character of america and the world involves the coordinated efforts of formal and informal education, which are influenced by public and private institutions and the community-based voluntary associations that are the buildinq blocks of society. this collection of articles addresses re-2 fhe challenges that are embedded in passion-tely held and politically potent traditions of ethnic opposition. the persistence of confusion, uncertainty insensitivity, and violence toward and between ethnic ?nr up^s ls bering and stunnin9 fact. strategies for dea -s unit rejlity f bias are in this unit. hatred and prejudice are frequently based on foux^^^ of powerfol images that pro? roundly shape personal and group identity fxnlndr, other societies is often a way of aain nn f p 9 five on the american reality,"dx^ce? and co^ pondering^16 in this are worth progress has been made toward mfst agree that social justice, with increased h 3 c|ety of equality and gation in schools i? 9 5 for decreased seqre-these views among ethn^ldzad^5 disparities of uniformity and a shared sense th groups indicate that not generally common attemn^6 past and present are gulfs of misunderstandino bef ^tl9 to overcome such ous forms of con h a12t they lead to ^ri-present. $ the great challenges of the reorie^d\^ ethnicity has well as the revival of ancient antanon^ natl0nal claims as europe. war, the systematic e 9 ms are fra9menting ine use and misuse of ethnically charged political rhetoric. the presen litically relevant past and the invocation of rel rants for group conflict have indicated the nei approaches to peacekeeping and educational for meeting and transcending group differenci tiques challenging multiculturalism, the educatic versy regarding which should be the dominant ( of our human commonality, and the various ' virtues found in all ethnic traditions pose cha economically and socially turbulent times, these moments are crises of growth or declii measured by a host of indicators. which of i cators are the most salient is, of course, ano tion, whose answer depends on our selective i of historical materials and ethnic symbols as contemporary analysis. ethnic relations have erupted into warfare where conflicts have shattered emerging state; challenged the hopeful myth of postcolonial r weh as the racial/ethnic myth of black solidaril rica s emerging countries are not alone: the mi central europe, canada, and the balkans are venues of destructive conflict. each of these j cauldrons not melting pots illustrates the si consequences of unresolved conflict and distrus mg land, religion, culture, leadership, and econ uction and distribution. each also shows th< and recognitions that fuel human passions, < and the will to dominate and to govern the a estinies of various peoples that cohabit conti 9'0ns. ^0$, the dramas of regional ethnic stn t e growth of worldwide ethnic challenges to t ution of human order itself are increasingly n episodes of blatant bigotry and intolerance. f zealotry impose themselves on the stage c which is rushing toward a new millennium. the of hope that it promises for those who can rec embrace the mystery of diversity waits to defin man condition in the twenty-first century. 214 unit 8 looking ahead: challenge questions international events frequently affect the united states. in what ways can such events affect ethnic populations? explain how the relationship of ethnic americans to :hanges and challenges in the world arena provides strength or liability to american interests. does conflict between ethnic interests and national interests present eal or imaginary fears about our activities in international ffairs? explain. how will increased immigration, technological advances, and a more competitive world market affect the relationships between ethnic groups? is the american military becoming a society unto itself? has the end of the military draft isolated military society from the american mainstream? is national service a duty of citizenship? should the claims of ethnic groups in the united states in defense of culture, territory, and unique institutions be honored and protected by law and public policy? why? article 42 resurgence of ethnic nationalisn in california and germany: the impact on recent progress in education jose macias university of texas at san antonio in a comparative study, the author examines the recent passage of california s anti-illegal immigrant proposition 187, and the resurgence of hostility toward resident foreigners in germany, as forms of ethnic nationalism resulting in exclusionary movements directed toward mexicans, and turkish and other nongerman groups, respectively. historical analysis and data from educational ethnographic studies reveal the interrelationship of historically constructed racial or ethnic ideology, intergroup experience, and education. schools, while recent targets of exclusionary social movements, are still key sites for an education tn new ways of thinking about racial and ethnic-group relations. california, 1994: the results of the rail general elections included the passage of proposition 187 by a large majority of the california electorate. the state referendum proposed to withhold virtually all services and benefits to uegal immigrants in the state, in-chidmg support to families with dependent children, most health care, and all education to children of undocumented immigrant parents its proponents argued that this population does not legally qualify for the aforementioned benefits and ser-burden for the taxpaying citizens of ^ country s largest stal xus ss?10" has blocked by tion of int* rders a redefi^ ethnic roup relations and the open persecution of undocumented mexicans and other suspects was clearly established in the state, region, if not the whole of the united states. [macias 1995:4-5] germany, 1992: during the course of fieldwork in september, a colleague and i sat in a restaurant in mainz, discussing a variety of topics related to my comparative research project migration, education, and integration of ethnic groups in germany, as well as related hot topics including german reunification, the european community, guestworkers, and the like. midway through our main course a sudden flash of light and a deafening thud from the front of the building interrupted the tranquil evening. we were later to learn after the initial shock, confusion, and arrival of the police squad cars that we had just witnessed a violent attack by a german redneck on the syrian restaurant m which we were dining. fortunately no one was injured in this incident, there was minor damage to the property, and we were able o continue, as our conversation turned to the escalating german hostility and violence toward foreign residents of germany that has been reported in recent years by the media and german government itself, [field notes] in this article, i examine the growing phenomenon of ethnic group conflict exyathe return of open hos,ility aj nty p pu*ati n toward z for tw are the basis for this discussion: california, with its proposition 187, the anti-il grant referendum; and german' marked by growing hostility foreign residents in recent year pose here is to compare and coi two situations to search for th underlying dynamics in which tically weak, foreign ethnic g been singled out for societal pi scapegoating, and exclusion objective is to examine the rc cation both as part of the dis well as a potential, albeit parti in this kind of group conflict two methodological thread; twined here. first, i take a diacl spective to outline some fu historical elements of the two time (brubaker 1990; macias 15 this approach assumes that con nomena follow from a series that need to be taken into accoi of an explanation of the pre second line is ethnographic, i draw on data from two proje< out over the last several years. i to 1991, i conducted fieldworl the educational experiences of immigrant students moving in1 school system and within a trai migrant stream (macias 199( the overall study involved f in immigrant communities am in both mexico and the unite the data reported here depict fomia situation before the backlash. the mexico-u.s. project nat volved a review of a compart of cases on migration, and th education for the integration o from ^nthropqioqy si edi r nation. reprinted by pp232-252. c 1996 by the american anthropological 216 groups in receiving nation states. out of these, the case of turkish guestworkers and foreigners in germany presented several similarities to mexican immigrants in the united states. armed with a few key contacts and german language fluency, i decided to develop this comparative study, and between 1990 and 1993 i conducted fieldwork in berlin, hamburg, and frankfurt. but nobody had foreseen in the late 1980s, when i was still planning the work, gorbachev and the collapse of the communist bloc, the fall of the berlin wall, and german reunification. and few were prepared for the open return of hostility toward guestworkers and other non-germanic ethnic populations of a kind that had not been seen since the end of world war ii. the dramatic escalation of this hostility was widely documented during the fieldwork period and added a critical focus to my inquiry. ethnographic data presented here :ame from similar sources entional discrimination claim . . . are present in this case because the evidence tends to show the discriminatory effect of greater law enforcement activity at [the plaintiffs business] than at other bars, and the discriminatory intent of singling out benigni based on his italian ancestry. the court cited st. francis college for the interrelated proposition: targets of race discrimination for purposes of section 1981 include groups that today are considered merely different ethnic or national groups. in another context, the supreme court has ruled that peremptory challenges in jury selection may not be used to further racially discriminatory motives. under existing case law, a defendant must establish that he is "a member of a cognizable racial group" to make a prima facie or initial showing of discriminatory peremptory challenges. in 1989, united states v. biaggi treated the issue. a motion to set aside a verdict on the ground that the prosecution had used its peremptory challenges discriminatorily to exclude italian americans from the jury was brought. in his moment of defeat, mario biaggi, the senior united states congressman from new york city, provided yet another service to an italian-american constituency that extended well beyond the confines of his congressional district. relying on characteristic italian names ending in vowels to make the claim, it was argued that the prosecution had exercised certain peremptory challenges solely to strike potential italian-american jurors. the court held that italian americans constitute a "cognizable racial group" for purposes of raising objections to this form of challenge. the biaggi decision followed two strands of reasoning: the first traced the meaning of "racially cognizable group"; the second traced the meaning of this term in light of st. francis college. as to the first strand, the court found: italian americans are "recognizable" and "distinct." and appear to have been "singled out for different treatment under the laws, as written or applied. . . ." italian americans share a common ancestry in italy, a common cultural and religious heritage here and there, and they often still share a common language. they are identifiable, in part, by their characteristic last names. the court takes judicial notice that italian americans are considered in this district to be a recognizable and distinct ethnic group, commonly identified by their last names and by their neighborhoods. these qualities are sufficient to render italian americans no less cognizable than the other groups who have already been recognized for equal protection purposes. the court referred to three criteria useful in finding italian americans a cognizable racial group. they "(1) are definable and limited by some clearly identifiable factor; (2) share a common thread of attitudes, ideas or experiences; and (3) share a community of interests, such that the group's interests cannot be adequately represented if the group is excluded from the jury selection process." limiting its holding to the eastern district of new york, which is based in brooklyn, the court held that italian americans satisfy these criteria to maki cient showing to categorize [themselves] as co; moreover, it provided a detailed and illuminatii sion of its reasons for taking judicial notice americans' cognizability: these observable, distinguishable names con: clearly identifiable factor separating italian ai from most other ethnic groups. these names from italian ancestors who immigrated to this cou who constitute a discrete resource from whid american heritage has been passed down. italian americans share a common experience; ground in their links to italian families, italian cul italian group loyalties, and often share the same and culinary practices. the court takes judicial n italians have been subject to stereotyping, invid nic humor and discrimination. (" . . . italians tinue to be excluded from executive, middle-man and other job levels because of discrimination ba their religion and/or national origin"). . . .like a recently emigrated from a cohesive nation, italia cans share numerous common threads of attitud and experiences, often including largely intertwi ily relations in the country of origin. finally, italic cans have a community of interest; they gener; certain cherished values received through gene: italian civilization and religion, including value: to moral culpability. across the board exclusic group could not but impair the representatior interests in juries. having concluded that italian americans are e racial group, the court recounted st. franc review of the nineteenth-century scholarly de race and the legislative history of the 1866 act second strand of reasoning, it found that the history of post-civil war statutes provides cc support for the view that, at that time, "race: "immigrant groups" coming from each fon and, further, "[i]t can therefore be confidently that . . . cognizable racial groups include[s] a ethnic and ancestral groups subject to inte crimination, including italian americans." the biaggi decision has since been cited wit although the court did accept the prosecuti neutral explanations for exercising the peren lenges, and denied the motion to set aside verdict, the decision is still crucial. it admii nizes discrimination against italian americar aspects of american society. additionally, it h us that as an ethnic group, "italian americ shielded by the [fourteenth amendment s] e tion clause's prohibition against discriminatio ancestry." in sum, section 1981 grounds for seeking r of national origin discrimination illustrate trend; namely, an expanded equal protecti dence where race can be and, in fact, has b with ethnicity, or national origin. the sectior effective vehicle where injustice or ineqt against ethnic minorities. moreover, sectioi 200 are neither limited to the employment arena nor burdened with detailed procedural requirements that are a prerequisite to filings under modern-day civil rights legislation. ethnics who have suffered discrimination as a result of their national origin in any area, would be well served in seeking judicial solicitude by alleging discrimination based on "race" under this statute either alone or in conjunction with other statutory remedies. in seeking social justice where right or entitlement within a sphere of cultural pluralism is denied, servitude in any form is alien to the espousal of a philosophy based on mutual respect and tolerance for differences. indeed, it has been argued that the theory of anglo conformity is inherently discriminatory: it requires assimilation into a majoritarian culture and inferentially emarginates other 38. italian americans legitimate forms of cultural expression. section 1981 relief, as we have seen from a reading of scelsa, provides a wide avenue to redress this form of coercion. at the very least, it should suffice to assist plaintiffs who allege national origin discrimination in crossing the litigation threshold to test the merits of their cause before the courts. work cited scelsa v the city university of new york, 806 f.supp. 1126 (s.d.n.y, 1992). st. francis college v. al-kharaf, 481 us. 604 (1987). desalle v key bank of southern maine, 685 f. supp. 282 (d. me., 1988). benigni v. city of hemet, 879 f. 2d 472 (9th cir., 1989). united states v. biaggi, 673 f. supp. 96 (e.d.n.y, 1989). 201 article 40 greek-americans in the political life of the united states john brademas on june 12, 1984,1 addressed the propeller club of the united states in athens, greece. with headquarters in washington, d.c., and seventeen thousand members in one hundred clubs worldwide, the propeller club brings together leaders of the maritime industry interested in promoting better understanding among nations. as the first native-born american of greek origin elected to congress, i decided to discuss the increasing participation of greek-americans in the political life of the united states. having while in congress been deeply involved in the foreign policy struggle that followed the august 1974 invasion of the republic of cyprus by turkish military forces equipped with arms supplied by the united states, i also spoke of the continuing problem of cyprus. at this writing, twenty-two thousand turkish troops, in violation of international law, and of resolutions of the united nations, remain on cyprus. in july 1985, the first government of the turkish republic of northern cyprus assumed office, thereby underscoring the continuing refusal of the government of turkey to remove its military forces. like his predecessor, president carter, president reagan, while claiming to work through the united nations and other diplomatic channels for a solution to this ongoing crisis, has been unwilling to press turkey to take serious steps for a fair and peaceful resolution of the cyprus problem. beyond the terrible injustice done to the people of this small island republic who have been driven from their homes, the impasse continues to poison both greek-american and greek-turkish relations and thus threaten the effectiveness of the nato alliance. the son of a greek immigrant, i naturally feel at home in the land of my father s birth. after all, every one of us of greek origin takes a special pride in that fact. we remember what the great poet constantine cavafy said of king antiochus: ... he was the best of all things, hellenic mankind has no quality more precious: everything beyond that belongs to the gods. yet because i am not only a hellene but an american, i want to discuss today the role that americans of greek descent play in the politics of the united states. we all know that in the early part of this century, thousands of greek men and women emigrated to america. my own father, stephen brademas, at the age of twenty-one, left calamata to make his way eventually to northern indiana, where he met my mother, a schoolteacher. stephen and beatrice brademas settled down and raised their family in the town of south bend, indiana. estimates differ, but the most reliable are that about two and a half million people who were either bom in greece or are of greek descent live in the united states, with substantial greek communities in boston, chicago, detroit, san francisco and new york. in new york city, there are 300,000 greek-americans; in astoria, in the borough of queens, nearly 100,000, the largest hellenic community outside greece. after early years of struggle, most greek-americans have i the ranks of middle-incomi with a healthy percentage en per-income status. over the years, american: origin have been prominent business, education, the arts, and public life. in medicine, pie, the greek-american coni represented by dr. george laou, who invented the pap for cervical cancer, and e cotzias, who developed l drug used in treating parkir ease; in business, by the pi mobil corporation, williai lareas; shipping executive ge vanos; the gouletas family ( in education, by my fellow president, peter liacouras, x temple university; in the ai painter theodoros stamos, tt tor dimitri mitropoulos, the rector elia kazan, the filmmal lucas, the actors john cassax karras and telly savalas, i maria callas; and in journ writing, nicholas gage, autl best-selling book eleni. the greek immigrant ex| important as the achievemet compatriots in all these areas 1 i want to focus today on the tion of greek-americans in f first, you must understand tl were in significant ways diff< other ethnic groups who cai united states. few in nun rarely congregated in permane by avoiding the hardships of 1: crowded, working-class neigh 986, pp. 213-219. 1986 by john brademas. reprinted 202 39. greek-americans they were not compelled to organize politically either for individual gain or community protection. like all immigrants, our people initially worked for someone else, but eventually most su uccession of european nations to import (guestworkers) for the n nomic boom (castles 1986' first to arrive were worker spain, and portugal; others slavia, greece, and turkey itially imported as temper; the 1970s many of these had brought or started fami] permanently settled in gem 1985). today, the turks ar of these guestworker group 1.8 million. furthermore, si 1980s increasing numbers refugees from around the taken advantage of germa policy, the most liberal in a to contribute to the exponc of the foreigner population actively recruited and k ted by the german state, i have been accepted by mucl man citizenry, but contir have prevented their full i in german society. these 1 included widespread cross-i understanding, social di< and residential segregation, ers to full integration take myriad governmental laws that regulate entry and legal and economic opportunities tion and social benefits (o by the mid-1970s the gen ment reacted to a dramatic number of all foreigners by ing a program for encourag mg turks and other gues return to their homelands mehrlander 1986; penninx remigration policy generally population has worked, sett families in germany, with t and third-generation childre little knowledge of or exp< turkey (komer and mehrk but by the end of the 1981 man mood towards immi) soured.... guestworkers in 1989, particularly turks, [wi ject of widespread hostility ing anti-immigrant polit (tomasi, tomasi, and miller was just before the fall ol wall. now germany s pre global economic competitio integration and, since 1990, unification all have aggr; more ethnic group tension ; toward foreigners. germany apparently has erably less experience wit 42. resurgence of ethnic nationalism manic ethnic groups, in contrast with the united states, whose experience with racial and ethnic diversity was underway for two centuries before its existence as a nation. so, are today s observations simply a modem resurgence of the nazi era, which is often explained away as an aberration in german history, as hitler s doing ? or does a longer historical view perhaps help explain both that era and the present? the german case reveals a set of assumptions and beliefs that crystallized in the nation-building era of 19th-century europe. one strand in this thought derived from german romanticism, a genre exemplified by goethe, schiller, and other philosophers and writers of the 18th and 19th centuries. a key part of the romantic vision was the idealization of the natural domain: the cosmos, the natural environment, and humanity. this view pointed to nature for both practical teachings and moral guidance in human affairs. then darwin, with his theory of biological evolution, arrived by the middle of the 19th century. the idea of a natural hierarchy of the species in which homo sapiens ruled superior, while controversial among the general populace (it challenged creation theories of the universe), provided the spark for a social darwin-ism built upon both darwin s science and the idea of essential nature from german romanticism. german writers, thinkers, and social critics quickly attributed an ethical qual-tty to nature. for instance, the idea that the more developed, superior species supersede and dominate the less evolved, urferior forms was evidence of the wisdom of nature to ensure the survival of the fittest. by extension, human races also were judged to have evolved in a hierarchy, as evidenced in each group s achievements and the domination of one superior group over all others. thus darwinism provided a scientific rationale for a number of assumptions hat were incorporated into a romantic vision of a german race by not only the but also the social thinkers of the th-century nation-building era: the aesthetic and socio-historical idiom of german romanticism was perfectly suited to the elaboration of the ethnocultural conception of nationhood. the celebration of individuality as einzigkeit or uniqueness .. of unconscious, organic growth ... of the vitality and integrity of traditional, rooted folk cultures:... all of these themes were easily transported from the domain of aesthetics and cultural criticism to that of social philosophy. [brubaker 1990:391] german romanticism and its philosophy had peaked at a critical time of historical transformation, and its seductive images were appropriated for the political task of nation building: in the social and political thought of romanticism ... nations are conceived as historically rooted, organically developed individualities, united by a distinctive volkgeist and by its infinitely ramifying expression in language, custom, law, culture and the state. (brubaker 1990:391] thus a number of related concepts, including german organic kinship, racial purity, and cultural superiority were first introduced into the german social consciousness and contributed a racial element to germany s national ideology. within this historically constructed ideology, racial assumptions have defined who is and who is not german. a racial group is biologically related; thus kinship or blood ties determine who is german. the idea of racial and ethnic boundaries was extended to political boundaries and membership: what is specific about the concept of the german nation... lies in the fact that it is constructed biologically. german nationals are defined by their origin; one can only be bom a german (rathzel 1990:41). since 1913 until only recently, german citizenship has been legally based in the principle of jus sanguinis, or blood-kinship (brubaker 1990). for decades, an explicit racial ideology formed part of the dominant group s social philosophy, politics, and institutional treatment of ethnic groups defined as not belonging to the german nation. the semantic category auslander (foreigners) separates those who do not belong from the dominant, majority german ethnic group. it was this very principle germany for germans only that supported the takeover by the national socialists (nazis) before world war ii, as they justified ethnic cleansing as a solution to broader economic, political, and international crises (burleigh 1991). today we see in germany the resurgence of ethnic hostilities not seen since the 1940s. a reactionary social climate and the popularity of nationalistic, antiforeigner politics have resulted in physical violence toward german residents in guestworker or refugee statuses. while only a very small minority of germans is actually involved in these actions, historically minded observers cannot help but see these current hostilitiy toward turks and other ethnic groups as a resurgence of old, stable patterns of german thinking and behavior (o brien 1988). many germans agree with this view, as they openly debate this crisis and ask themselves what kind of folk and society they want to be. the schooling of foreigners, the reeducation of germans some indications are that many germans have decided to redirect their nation s history to become a more inclusive society. for instance, large public demonstrations against racism and xenophobia have been organized in berlin, frankfurt, and other german cities. the green party and other political organizations also are working against blatant anti-foreigner politics, while the national leadership has recently taken an aggressive stance against the proliferation of extremist, neo-nazi groups. in settings ranging from neighborhood and workplace to family, many other germans have assumed personal responsibility for speaking out and acting concretely on these critical issues. in all of this, education, schools, and educators appear to be key actors resisting the past and working for progressive change. this was not always the case, because german education has been marked by systematic neglect, discrimination, and exclusion of turks and other foreigners, even into the 1980s. turkish-german bilingualism has undergone intensive study, but no systematic initiatives have begun to address the critical issues inherent in language transition and loss, and their impact on school achievement (pfaff 1981, 1991). structural barriers to schooling remain, while research has documented the segregation of educational opportunity for foreigner children who, by the secondary level, cluster at the lowest level the hauptschule md remain there (baker 221 8. ethnic factor: international challenges et. al. 1985:219) to receive preparation for unskilled and semiskilled jobs (git-mez and wilpert 1987). the last set of issues to gain notice have been the personal experiences of students living between two worlds: the dilemma of choosing between two sets of cultural values and beliefs, the crisis of identity, or the decision whether to wear traditional or modem clothes (saydam 1990; springer 1992). but in berlin and hamburg, i interviewed and observed administrators and teachers who felt a responsibility to address issues of diversity and inclusion in their professional roles. high in the educational hierarchy are administrators such as herr schmidt, a hamburg school board administrator and also the german national representative to the education task force of the european community. in response to the shortcomings of the past, state educational agencies now have offices to oversee policy and programs addressing the education of foreigners. the reality, says schmidt, is that germany is an immigration country responsible for the integration of children and youth through education. since the late 1970s, states have responded variably through programs for newcomers, bilingual instruction, german as a second language, and vocational education. schmidt shared a vignette that captures the tension inherent in these attempts to reform the past. he explained that the multikulturelle gesellschaft (multicultural society) is now in but that some theories about the multicultural society and intercultural education can be extreme. then schmidt told of one community in which multicultural enthusiasts insisted that germans learn turkish, and noted that these extreme supporters of intercultural education actually stimulated a right-wing reaction among those who countered, we want this to be a german school. but more successful attempts to initiate educational change can be found in progressive communities. the hamburg suburb of wilhelmsburg is known as a sozialsbrennpunkte (social flashpoint). this is jargon for communities of both german and foreigner, working, or welfare families, who live in public housing located in areas with high levels of poverty, substance abuse, and crime. according to one teacher, families are typically afraid to let children out of their massive, impersonal high-rise apartments. at the same time, wilhelmsburg 222 is an historically red workers community with a population mixed along class and ethnicity, and a record of progressive action. this progressive bent is often expressed in the attitudes and behaviors of administrators and teachers of the local grundschule (elementary school). in an interview, the school principal indicated that integration is the main goal of education for the foreign students, who make up about 35 percent of her school s population. this is not a straightforward matter for turks and other groups who suffer from stigma, discrimination, relative poverty, and related social disadvantages in germany. the turkish community s strong fear of losing its culture further points to the crucial role of education in providing an accepting and effective experience for turkish students and their families. the staff of this school explained that most of their students have grown up in germany, unlike many newcomers at higher grade levels who are likely to have had formative experiences in turkey or other countries of origin. but children come to school typically not ready to learn, as the bleak neighborhood provides few stimulating environments, from the very outset of the german invasion oland, it was apparent that the nazis were_ engaged in a conventional war to defeat e ^htary nor even to subdue the state po11c. ^tead, as the contemporary polish-american^his-tonan richard lukas puts it, the je waged war against the polish people, intent on , 1996 -perspectives in polish history." 1996 by the polish studies program, central conner, stroying the polish nation. 1 this is an extremely crucial point, one that is often overlooked in writings on polish victimization under the nazis. poles were not killed first and foremost as individual dissenters, whether religious or political. nor did the nazi leadership wish only to conquer poland m a military or political sense. rather, the polish nation as nation fell victim to the same basic ideology which eventually turned its attention with even greater fury to the annihilation of the entire jewish population of europe. p the nazi theory of racial superiority totally de defeated and occupied, the primary goal of the sub z'jsared hitler, "but the annihilation of living forces. 2 even prior to the actual poland. hitler had authorized on augu chll h, msisted -can we obtain the living space i way, hemsiste. n placed in charge of imi we need. and the p heinrich himmler, said outn^it m ^ah should consider it as its major task to destroy above puo^^ dent that key nazi op total extermination self, seriously contemplated toe of the polish p0^ lan fully if they had would have carne matter of conjecture at best. the arm of ^ory, m merely a pos lb^ here poles fit into the trying to nnders h e n0 other conclusion can nazi victimization s . jews gyp. and physically incapacitated 205 7. ethnic legacy as candidates for eventual total extinction in the gradual emergence of the new aryan humanity once poland was firmly under nazi control, th country was divided into two separate zones. o western poland, including the regions of poznama, pomerania and silesia, and sections of central and southern poland were formally annexed to the reich. the remaining polish territories not annexed outright into germany were set up for administrative purposes as an occupation region and assigned the name general government. the nazi policy of imposed germanization in the annexed territories relied upon four strategies: a campaign of wide-spread and unmitigated terror; expropriation of land and possessions; deportations; and enslavement. the terror, designed to be harsh enough to mute all possible resistance, began immediately after the invasion in 1939. virtually every city, town and village in western poland witnessed wholesale massacres and executions of the leading citizenry. in the city of bydgoszcz, for example, some 10,000 people perished, out of a population of 140,000, during the first four months of occupation. but even the regions designated as falling under the general government were subjected to much the same treatment. the terror employed by the nazis to pacify the polish population included an extensive use of torture. one of the most notorious sites was the training school for the gestapo at fort vii in poznan. famous as an institute of sadism. fort vii drew its victims from the ranks of the clergy, university professors and politicians. it experimented with every conceivable form of torture, from massive beatings to the inflation of prisoners intestines to the point of bursting. the nazi policy of destroying the polish nations focused strongly, but not exclusively, upon eliminating anyone with even the least political and cultural prominence. but the nazis had a wide definition of those falling under the rubric of elite. the category included teachers, physicians, priests, officers, people in business, landowners, writers and extended even to anyone who had completed secondary school. as a result, millions of poles qualified for liquidation in the nazi effort to reduce poland to a nation of indentured servants in the first instance and, perhaps in due time, to wine it off the map completely. p hitler gave the initial approval and then turned ,?f poils11 campalsn to ss and the police forces. the ss lost little time in implementing his order. in november. 1939. thej arrested almost two hundred professors and felloe of the jaeeuonlan university in cracow one of europe s oldest centers of higher learning: as well as the faculty of the polytechnic. those seized were all sent to sachsenhausen, where mar the incident caused great concern europe. the nazis thus decided to sp process of removing the polish professc scene. taking advantage of the preoc world opinion with military operations in the spring of 1940, the nazis launc sive program to exterminate the polis! sia living in the general government r the code name of extraordinary pur tion. at least six thousand were mure spot; several thousand others were a sent to the newly established auschwit tion camp. it is important to underline at this p< trality of the auschwitz camp in the : destroy poland and why, as a result, it central symbolic value for contemp originally opened as a camp for germ of war, auschwitz was quickly transfer principal camp for polish victims even i were also sent to stutthof, dachau, f sachsenhausen, mauthausen and n poles remained the majority of the auschwitz until 1942, when jews a: dubious distinction. for poles, the aus remains a vital link in their collectiv facing the threat of national, not ji extinction. in the course of the controversy o melite convent at the auschwitz siti mistakes were made on all sides.6 su critical misstep was taken on the < when approval was granted for the ei carmelite convent at the camp with< sultation with the jewish community not, this unilateral move left the dis slon within the jewish community tl considered auschwitz their sacred : this was bound to provoke deep and standable feelings of hostility among cially the survivor community and th famflies whose relatives had perished but as the controversy became pub more intense, some european jewis particular spoke about auschwitz as i the exclusive domain of their cornu seemed to lack any basic informati historical origins of the camp as a p ceration for german political prisoner: role as the central execution site in to annihilate the elite of polish socle islaw krajewski, a polish jew who american jewish committee's repr warsaw, has written of the problem o understanding. he admits that m s recognize the exceptional character 206 40. polish americans to wipe out the jewish people and either poorly understand or altogether ignore the jewish significance of auschwitz. but he likewise insists that people in the west, including jews, simply do not appreciate the depth of polish suffering at auschwitz: the historical fact is that the nazis tried to crush the polish nation; they not only introduced bloody tenor but began to murder polish elites and destroy polish culture. the auschwitz camp was used also for this purpose, and during its first two years of existence, this was its main function. 8 i might add at this point that even western christians, with extensive experience in christian-jewish dialogue, frequently reveal insufficient awareness of the profound (and enduring) impact of the nazi era on polish national life. returning to the narrative of the nazi attack on the polish nation, we find various tactical shifts in the campaign of extermination against the polish elite. but the main thrust of the campaign, reduction of the nation to a condition of servitude, continued unabated throughout the war, even when personnel and equipment were needed much more urgently on the war front itself. this took a heavy toil on the polish people, not only physically but psychologically as well. the nazis, for example, committed troops to the work of museum destruction in poland at a time when the absence of reserves on the frontlines was beginning to impinge upon the nazi war machine. such activities clearly show that the nazis envisioned far more than merely the military defeat of poland. they literally wished to wipe out its cultural identity, preparing perhaps for the time in the future when the people itself might vanish as well. by the time the war had ended and the nazis defeated, poland had suffered the loss of forty-five percent of its physicians and dentists, fifty-seven percent of its attorneys, over fifteen percent of its eachers, forty percent of its professors, thirty percent 0 its technicians, and nearly twenty percent of its cergy. the majority of its journalists also disap-p^^ed. while these statistics are considerably lower the ones for the jewish community, and prob-w y tower than those for the gypsy community as n t categories would be applicable this community), it still represents a substantial estruction of the carriers of the polish cultural, ec*uah political and religious traditions. he nazi effort to annihilate the polish intelli-p0? ia was part of a systematic program to destroy the n cu^ure. education was a particular focus of for plan. the nazis hoped eventually to trans-dem1 hito an intellectual desert. the nazis and young people the right to a secondary wer university education. most primary schools orced to use german as their language of instruction. polish universities were often occupied by military and civil authorities, and their libraries and laboratories were pillaged. state, municipal, and ecclesiastical archives suffered the same fate. polish art and history also became the targets of the nazi effort to eradicate polish national selfidentity. major art museums were generally stripped of their collections, with many going to germany (including some to hitler himself). after the war only thirty-three of the one hundred seventy-five pre-war art museums had sufficient collections remaining to reopen for public viewing. museums that were left untouched usually were used by the nazis to demonstrate alleged german influences on polish culture. history books were largely confiscated by the nazis and teachers forbidden to make reference to the nation s past and the persons who shaped it. monuments, busts, memorials, and inscriptions of polish heroes, including koscluszko, chopin, and pifsudski were removed. in warsaw the nazis even planned to erect a monument to the victory of the third reich in the exact place where the monument to king zygmunt iii was located. this was thus a plan of total national annihilation, a plan the nazis enacted in poland alone of all their occupied territories. hitler understood that the attack on polish culture would remain incomplete unless poland s cities took on a german character. the change in this direction began with a change of names gdynia became gotenhafen, lodz was called litzmannstadt, rzeszow was renamed reichshof. street names were also germanized. hitler hoped eventually to reduce warsaw to a german provincial town of 100,000-200,000 people. this plan was never realized, however, because of the increasing drain on nazi resources as the war went on. cracow, however, which became the center of the general gov| eminent, did take on a very german flavor with a large transplanted german population. himmler and his chief assistant in the polish campaign. general hans frank, launched a program to expel poles from certain areas of the country (e.g., the lublin region) and replace them with german peasants. by and large, these programs proved unsuccessful. but they were very painful for the affected people, sometimes involving the abductions of children from their parents who in some instances were sent to the reich to be raised as germans and in others were assigned to medical experimentation centers. racial factors played an important role in determining where a person, especially a child, was sent. auschwitz and other camps were the lot of many of those displaced. because of the close ti < cation and deprived them of opportunities due to all ameri change was slow, and mex mained largely excluded from for decades. an upturn in the educatic aptly describes the progress lowed the supreme court schi regation ruling of 1954. mid-1960s federal governmeii and programs were in place t sented the first good-faith at 218 provide equitable education for ethnic minorities. for instance, programs began to address inequity and the special needs of children with social, cultural, and linguistic disadvantages. furthermore, the education profession generally jumped on the ethnic-minority education bandwagon and developed more inclusive philosophies, curricula, and instructional strategies. in the 1970s and 1980s cultural difference, learning styles, and bilingual and multicultural education became standard jargon in the educational lexicon. ironically, california was until recently in the vanguard of most initiatives to improve the schooling of ethnic minority students. for instance, port-of-en-try programs specifically targeted students newly arrived in the united states. a typical example was the newcomers program, which i observed in the large central valley city of vintageland.1 beginning in the late 1970s, vintageland school district experienced a great influx of mexican immigrants, as well as refugees from several asian nations among its student population. these students came with distinct cultural backgrounds, limited english skills, and diverse educational backgrounds (macias 1990, 1993). officially, the vintageland program provided these newcomers with an english as a second language (esl) program and a basic curriculum to prepare them for regular classrooms. but mrs. weiss, the program s director, added that we provide a warm, comfortable, secure environment... [and] give confi-cnce.... students learn what school is 3 dut an^ et one semester credit. moreover, the program main-ained working ties with other key agen-c>es, regularly referring students and en families for appropriate medical, ental, or social services. the program managed in these ways to mainstream i lesp nd to the needs of its migrant, 'grant, and refugee student body. another example of california edu-a 10na* leadership was in orchardtown, south^ immunity i studied on the ci emmost margins of the san fran0 bay area. although rapid growth of m ^erni2ati0n has come in the form sh pping centers and increased hieh uter tra c along the nearby state preswa^ viahle old downtown feei^8 orchardtown s small-town the ? a8ricuhure still the base of eonomy, much of the local popula 42. tion and labor pool is comprised of mexicans, the only group in the area willing to fill this economic niche. a part of this population is settled, but a large cohort follows the seasonal migrant workstream that brings them here from april through october for work in the tomato, spinach, and other field harvests. families represent more than one migration pattern: some former migrants have settled in the community, and others traverse texas, arizona, and other states; some migrate between mexico and the united states, and others are new arrivals from mexico. these migrant families bring about 300 schoolage children with them, a number that increases by another hundred in summer. educators in orchardtown school district generally knew much about the migrant experience, particularly the low-income and family stresses that detract from students schooling. the district addressed the educational needs of students in various ways, including a duallanguage emphasis, curricular rigor, and special attention to the socioeconomic and cultural situation of the students. mary paz, principal of morningside elementary, said the district philosophy holds that kids can learn and considers language difference a strength. the real factor, she added, is good teachers and how they implement these ideas. ms. rogelio is one of these teachers whose classroom at one school is made up of mostly kids from mexico who receive some bilingual content instruction everyday. for example, rogelio teaches social studies in spanish and math in english on one day and then switches languages on the next. every school in the district had at least two classrooms that implemented a bilingual or esl program. another third-grade teacher, tina pulido, says that students with mexican schooling tend to bring high levels of spanish language competence: when we write stories, the mexican kid has a sense of what a story is:... organized sentences. pulido asserts that students advanced grounding in spanish is generalizable to other academic subjects, although her observation does not apply to students who ve had little schooling, or a poor experience in mexico or in the united states. but positive assessments of students skills such as these heighten teachers expectations. high expectations, in turn, appear to drive a general emphasis on a strong resurgence of ethnic nationalism curriculum. angela rogelio related that her own success hypothesis requires that students have a quality schooling that includes a good curriculum, appropriate instruction, and appreciation of students cultural heritage. martin sosa is a 7th-and-8th-grade math teacher at rancho san jose junior high school who supports rigor in the curriculum. sosa also claims that students who come with schooling from mexico are well prepared in mathematics, with good comprehension and problem solving skills. the point is that sosa also tends to push his math curriculum to all students, since he says that even the average students are ready to handle it. roberto gomez is director of the district s migrant education program, which attends to the particular needs of migrant students. eligibility for the program requires evidence that the student s parents must move during the school year because of employment in an agriculturally related job. there has been no requirement for proof of citizenship or legal residence status; it has not been the responsibility of school personnel to verify if students or families are legal or illegal. the migrant program supports schooling in a variety of ways. migrant students, for example, are monitored through a national system, as they move across state lines, between school districts, and through local migrant programs. for students and parents, participation in the migrant program provides information and helps facilitate entry into each new school situation. those who periodically leave for mexico remain eligible for the program upon their return. meanwhile, an individual service contract may be drawn up between program personnel and the student, who agrees to a plan of study while away. students are able to receive credit and keep up this way. parents benefit in various ways through their involvement in the program. director gomez says that the mexican parents have little knowledge of u.s. schools. through program meetings, classroom visits, and other involvement, parents receive information, suggestions, and encouragement to help their children succeed in school. gomez believes this kind of support is especially important because the parents, as former migrant students themselves, may have little schooling in either country. families typically hear about the migrant program and other school services through 219 8. ethnic factor: international challenges relatives and other personal sources. but one evening, i attended a multifaceted informational program that had been organized at rancho san jose junior high. the well-publicized program drew about 150 parents, their children, and school personnel. noche ranchera was opened by a faculty music ensemble playing traditional mexican music. the principal gave a brief welcome, after which the curriculum coordinator gave an overview of the school curriculum and special programs. then another faculty member explained the district s testing program and alerted the audience to some approaching schoolwide testing dates. then a series of activities related to the topic of parental support followed: a teacher s brief speech, a parent small-group activity, and an emotional testimonial by martin sosa, who shared his personal journey from migrant student to teacher and spoke of the support given him by his parents and teachers. the evening was interspersed with music throughout and appeared to succeed as an educational, social, and cultural program. the foregoing examples illustrate some of the ways that california schools and educators have recently served students of mexican and other immigrant origins. school-level personnel, in particular, supported these improvements not only because they work closely with students and families but also because they understand the pedagogical bases of the policies and programs that they are putting into practice. ostensibly, a growing interest in diversity and effective schooling for ethnic-minority students would seem to characterize the education camp, if not california society as a whole. but suddenly, the direct impact of proposition 187 would simply rid the schools of illegal immigrant students, making irrelevant the question of what kind of schooling they should receive. local districts are free to make their own improvement efforts, but this is less feasible with shrinking budgets and a growing hostility from outside. what, then, accounts for the sudden flip-flop in which california voters singled out immigrants for their illegal status and moved to deny them education? politics is a key element in the turn of events. public educational policies are always determined within a wider public discourse that is ultimately a political one. in california, the discourse around a number of socioeconomic 220 problems found a political target in illegal immigrants, their children, and state programs that provided them with benefits. while the problems have been around since the mid-1980s, the discourse escalated and finally took on a life of its own as a political, electionyear movement, with education a logical, easy target. recent trends within education also figured here: since the early 1980s widespread criticism of the entire education system has dominated the public discourse, and since that time, we have been in a back-to-basics cycle that stresses mathematics, science, and literacy. although nobody can disagree with the necessity of these subjects, this push deemphasizes, by default, improvement efforts in history, geography, languages, arts, and music. these are subjects in which teachers might find it relatively more straightforward to develop multicultural curricula and, concurrently, to use it as a means of including mexican students in the instructional process. thus, both california s serious economic downturn, in an epoch when simple politics played well and when education needed reforming anyway, and the rise of interethnic hostilities, including immigrant bashing, are elements that all came together in the form of proposition 187. german national development and racial ideology germany presents another case of contemporary ethnic conflict that has received wide media coverage. reports of harassment and violence directed toward guestworkers, refugees, and other resident foreigners, the rise of neo-nazi groups, and a shift to nationalist, anti-foreigner politics are instantly interpreted as a resurgence of nazi germany, and easy comparisons to other situations are tempting. but prior to any comparisons, the german case must be seen within its own historical development. through world war ii, germany harbored an image of itself as an ethnically homogeneous nation, even if contrary to historical evidence (sauer 1992). but the postwar period left a critical need for labor and led to the undeniable ethnic diversification seen in germany today. in the 1950s germany entered into agreements with a s in both sites: school and classroom observations; in-:erviews with teachers, program specialists, and school administrators; and iocuments describing relevant policies md programs. german fieldwork activi-ies also included home-family observa-ions and interviews, and interviews vith government and community agenies that served guestworker and other ithnic communities. california ethnic nationalism: territorial displacement and structural exclusion tee two events described in the opening 1 this article are each grounded in hisses that can help us understand the nnilar evolution and common meaning 1 current phenomena apparently sepa-ated by geography, culture, and nation. or instance, proposition 187 can be un-erstood as a form of ethnic nationalism fed ch maj rity ethnic group sin-out undocumented immigrants, s 2 represent a foreign ethnic group, e source of california s recent so-oeconomic problems, and who then re defined as not belonging in the lety of which they have been a part u a century and a half. these two as-mp1*008 beared the way for an official ;si?s10nary movement against illegal ess6 fts wh'ch culminated in the suc-of proposition 187. but for mexi 42. cans, the main group targeted, this is not a new experience. they know their own history in the united states, including their periodic subjection to this kind of treatment since the arrival of the united states in the southwest. california ethnic nationalism, as exemplified by proposition 187, is grounded in the earliest contact between northern european americans and previously settled american indians and mexicans. the early 19th century marks the beginning of substantial contact between whites and the settled people of the southwest. in the 1800s the indian problem was being resolved through u.s. government policies of territorial displacement, cultural destruction, and genocide a treatment that ultimately resulted in the relegation of small numbers of surviving american indians onto a reservation system. this treatment of american indians had been politically and morally justified by the ideology of u.s. manifest destiny: manifest destiny had its roots in puritan ideas, which continue to influence anglo-american thought to this day.... anglo-americans believed that god had made them custodians of democracy and that they had a mission.... their destiny made manifest was to spread the principles of democracy and christianity to the unfortunates of the hemisphere. [acuna 1988:13] but while manifest destiny was largely successful in the removal of american indians, mexicans presented another kind of problem. when people from the united states reached mexico in the early 1800s, they found a people struggling toward nationhood after its 300-year legacy of spanish colonial rule. as a nation left destitute and politically chaotic from centuries of spanish plundering and dominance, the government not only allowed but invited u.s. americans to help mexicans settle their northern territories (acuna 1988). from present-day utah to texas, and in new mexico, arizona, nevada, and california, the newcomers came in contact with spanish creoles, indians, and the numerically dominant mestizos, all citizens of the young mexican nation. but the mexican policy of open borders and peaceful cooperation met its demise when the new settlers and their government quickly turned to manifest resurgence of ethnic nationalism destiny and the supremely grounded right to appropriate all territory to the pacific ocean. to make a very long story very short, the united states pressured, threatened, made war, and then assumed this control through the treaty of guadalupe hidalgo and the annexation of the northern territories of the weakened mexican nation. mexicans resisted this forced incorporation through both political and violent means, but to no avail. under the new regime, u.s. americans systematically abrogated the treaty, illegally appropriated most mexican land-holdings, and relegated mexicans to the lowest ranks of the political economy and social order (acuna 1988). since that time, mexicans have been subjected to a love-hate relationship with u.s. society. when in favor with the dominant majority, mexicans are welcomed, employed as a needed labor force, and are allowed to make their lives peacefully in the united states. but at other times, they have been singled out for persecution, blamed for society s problems, and targeted for deportation. for example, through the early 20th century, the u.s. border with mexico was open, and mexicans crossed it freely, back and forth. mexicans in this period, as today, were the largest non-european ethnic group involved in the development of the u.s. southwest. their skills and labor ensured the building of the transcontinental railroad, helped mine the region s natural resources, made farming a lucrative enterprise, and made ranching a traditional hallmark of u.s. american culture. in fact, the entire cowboy culture for example, horses, leather, livestock, rodeos, the barbecue, chili, and the guitarstrumming, singing cowboy was taken from the already existing mexican charro subculture and ensured the successful adaption of u.s. americans to the harsh and expansive west. but by the early 1900s a deep anti-immigrant sentiment permeated the national mood, with the most severe actions coming in the form of the chinese exclusion act (takaki 1993). with restrictions now also established for mexicans, european immigrants came under the more generous quotas reserved for them. a brief period of interest in mexicans and other latins took place in the 1920s and 1930s within u.s. popular culture. the oversexed latin lover, the saucy hot senorita, and the uncouth mexican bandit epitomize the type of superficial, romantic, and negative im217 8. ethnic factor: international challenges ages that dominated the cinematic, printed, and other popular media of that period. but the mexican masses remained exotic and foreign enough to still be relegated to the lowest ranks of society and its institutions. another flipflop in relations occurred after the 1929 wall street crash that marked the beginning of the great depression. in 1930 herbert hoover began a program of deportation of mexicans in which thousands were repatriated to mexico without due process, many as legal citizens and residents of the united states. thus, government policy to the effect that mexicans do not belong in the united states coincided with a peak in immigration, economic decline, and the negative stereotyping of certain groups selected for scapegoating as the source of the nation s problems. through the 1950s, conditions for mexicans in the southwest did not change substantially. for instance, mexicans were allowed to hold only agricultural, manual labor, and service jobs that paid substandard wages under the poorest of working conditions. those who broke this pattern often capitalized on their light skin color, changed their names, or otherwise managed to pass the barrier of being mexican. while illegal, segregation in housing and education was systematic and effective. their treatment at the hands of the u.s. public ranged from stereotyping to violent attack. mexicans rejected these conditions as they have resisted their oppression since the intrusion of the united states a century and a half ago. labor strikes were a common form of protest, as were legal challenges to school segregation. a few local victories were won, but with little systematic change. world war ii and its aftermath included a few expressions of normal relations between u.s. americans and mexicans. a labor shortage in that period led to the importation of temporary workers from mexico through the brac-ero program, an international agreement that lasted through the 1950s. after its conclusion, many braceros who had decided to stay and work were periodically rounded up and deported by the immigration and naturalization service. the societal lot of mexicans remained marginal as a result of their systematic exclusion from opportunities for economic mobility, political power, and the education that would lead to these. since the 1960s, some measure of social progress has resulted from the in itiatives of the civil rights movement, but a period of regression began in the early 1980s with two trends: (1) the return of a fundamental american social ideology and politics, with californian ronald reagan its banner carrier and (2) a dramatic rise in illegal immigration from mexico and other nations experiencing economic and political hard times. the present period thus represents a cyclical resurgence of a complex of dominant group beliefs about and behavior toward mexicans that has taken place against the backdrop of u.s. national development, and within a history of intimate, conflictual experiences between the two groups. the cycle of mexican educational exclusion, inclusion, and back the chaotic world war i era marked a period of large-scale migration to the united states. europe s conflict of empires and nations caused waves of displaced humanity to land on u.s. shores, while in america the aftermath of the 1916 mexican revolution pushed hundreds of thousands of mexican nationals across the border. while reaping the benefit of abundant, cheap labor, the nation also faced the task of integrating millions of newcomers into society. thus, systematic public schooling came to be offered to mexicans and other immigrant groups, just as the sociopolitical ideology of americanization gained dominance. americanization was grounded in a set of ideas current at that time. for instance, nationalistic fervor had resulted in the ethnic conflicts of world war i, but if everyone were uniformly american, with a common national identity and loyalty, we could avoid political conflict. also, a common socialization for work and citizenship would benefit immigrants and society. moreover, the popular melting pot idea held that immigrants should give up their cultures, languages, and all other foreign attributes. americanization thus became the dominant policy for immigrant education. throughout the southwest, mexican children attended americanization schools to receive english instruction, citizenship training, and preparation for work. the latter curriculum stressed non-skilled job training, for example, home economics and factory work. citizenship involved a dose of u.! and saluting the flag. english ii used the sink or swim metho explicit rejection of spanish. beyond its logic, however, 1 ric of americanization was bol dictory and extreme in prac instance, americanization sc classrooms were implemented school districts but were s from regular ones and, thus, equitable in terms of resources ity. in addition, lack of coi interaction with peers in m schools precluded a full soc experience that would enhance skills and competencies in soci the main purpose of this pro; to teach american cultural v behavior, the incorporation of cultural knowledge and skills i a consideration. moreover, the personal treatment given studi forced the formal program, ant regularly meted out verbal hi and corporal punishment to sti speaking spanish, for their e havior, for their physical appe: other words, for being mexicai mexicans were to give up all their foreign heritage in order t american. this brand of was designed to culturally : mexican children, bring the control, while preparing then tinue in the lowest strata of t economic order. mexican parents resisted this individuals sometimes petitio schools to allow their childrei regular program; other times group action. the documentary lemon grove incident depicts case of school segregation in wherein a mexican community gal action against the local si trict and wins (espinosa california court ruled for th who claimed that their childre gated school provided an inf of these groups. and when the nazis finally came for him, there was no one left to protest. i; niemoller s statement serves as a powerful re; ? minder for all peoples today, including polish (i americans, of two basic realities. the first is the j critical importance of establishing networks of intergroup bonding and support in times of relative < social tranquility. there is little hope of developing ] such ties in times of acute social crisis if they have * not been nurtured in more peaceful moments. and j we never know when and where such can suddenly ! become vital. only recently two u.s. cities, billings, montana and eugene, oregon have experienced j sudden challenges from neo-nazi elements. both ; have responded in exemplary fashion. one lesson that emerges from a study of the holocaust for pol; ish americans (and i dare say for poles as well) is that the polish nation stood pretty much alone when it was attacked by the nazis in 1939. the i 210 d i' i.il nation was more or less abandoned by th countries, despite certain military alliance isted on paper, and even to a significant the vatican. this abandonment has generated deca ger within polonia. i do not wish to su; this anger has been without any foundat do want to urge polish americans to take look at the matter, to see whether a cer gerated nationalism which in turn bred ism might not have contributed to the re of effective alliances in the inter-war per poles in poland will need to re-examli tion s set of alliances in this new hopefi tentially threatening, era in europe. it role to enter into that discussion here. j americans will also need to seriously r their ties to other groups in our societ establishing effective relationships with 1 ity groups, especially hispanics and afrit cans with whom polish americans often urban landscape, becomes an importar equally so do ties with american jewry historic linkage between the two co stemming from poland itself. while poli relations have been marked by tensions ' ous occasions here in america,15 we hav nessed reasonably successful efforts lasting coalitions, both in several local co such as new york, chicago, buffalo and and through the national polish americ american council based in chicago. thr< channels poles and jews have begun no discuss and study our past mutual histc we continue this process, to work coope mutual support of each other s social well as joint action on issues of importai our communities (e.g. foreign aid legisla efforts need expanded support both fror ership of american polonia as well as grass roots. the holocaust has taught and polish americans that safety exists c darity with others. the second implication emerging fror general notion of solidarity is the im[ standing up for the basic rights of all p< must answer the challenge of dis< whether directed against them or others one group is singled out for attack, the evitably enters the bloodstream of sock gins to claim other victims as well. thl clear in the holocaust. the experience c tion under the nazis, then, should p americans in the forefront of the strug man rights and human equality for all. which polonia becomes identified with to human rights and human equality is 40. polish americans which it has lost all sense of its own victimization under the nazis. responding to the holocaust in the constructive ways i have suggested above, particularly the commitment to improve bonding with the jewish community with whom we share a history of nazi victimization, will not prove easy. but i know from my own experience of my grandmother s very human and personal interaction with polish jews in the logan square neighborhood of chicago where iwas reared, as well as from my experience of seeing firsthand the profound welcome accorded the first group of israelis to revisit poland in twenty years (a professional dance company), jews and poles both have roots in the soil of poland that can never be totally erased. it will take the courage and tenacity of the soldiers who tried to defend poland against impossible military odds and the partisans who kept the spirit of freedom alive; it will take the resolve of the courageous men and women of ze-gota. we should not expect it to be otherwise. nothing worthwhile ever is. notes 1. richard c. lukas, forgotten holocaust: the poles under german occupation 1939-1944. lexington, ky: the university press of kentucky. 1986. 2. cf. eugeniusz duraczynski, wojna i okupacja: wrzesien 1939-kwleclen 1943. warsaw: wledza powszechna, 1974, 17. also jewry 1933-1945. new york: schocken, 1973, 163; 193 and leon poliakov, harvest of hate: the nazi program for the destruction of the jews of europe (new york: holocaust library. 1979), 263. 3. cf. janusz gumkowski and kazimierz leszczynski, poland under nazi occupation. (warsaw: polonia publishing house. 1961), 59. 4. cf. karol pospleszalski, polska pod nlemiecklm prawem. (poznan: wydawnlctwo instytutu zachodnlego, 1946), 189. 5. for a discussion of the elimination of the handicapped and the gypsies relative to the extermination of the jews, cf. sybil milton, the context of the holocaust," german studies review, 13:2 (may 1990), 269-283. 6. cf. john t. pawllkowski, the auschwitz convent controversy: mutual misperceptions," in carol rittner and john k. roth (eds.). memory offended: the auschwitz convent controversy. (new york, westport, ct., london: praeger, 1991), 63-73. also cf. wladyslaw t. bartoszewski, the convent at auschwitz. (new york: george braziller, 1990). 7. john t. pawllkowski, the auschwitz convent controversy, 65. 8. cf. stanislaw krajewski, carmel at auschwitz: on the recent polish church document and its background, sidic 22 (1989), 16. 9. richard lukas, forgotten holocaust, 16. 10. john morely, vatican diplomacy and the jews during the holocaust: 1939-1943. (new york: ktav. 1980), 140; 146. 11. cited in richard lukas, forgotten holocaust, 16-17. 12. edward j. moskal, the polish victims of the holocaust, zgoda (february 15, 1994), 5. 13. thaddeus v. gromada, polish americans and mainstream america, unpublished lecture, polish apostolate seminar, our lady of czestochowa shrine, doylestown, pa, september 27, 1992, 4. 14. cf. john t. pawllkowski, the holocaust: its implications for contemporary church-state relations in poland," religion in eastern europe, xiii:2 (april 1993), 1-13 and ka-tollcyzm a zycie publiczne najnowsze doswladczenla amerykanskle," wiez 35:2 (luty 1992), 93-110. also cf. part iv, the church, in janine r. wedel, (ed.). the unplanned society: poland during and after communism. new york: columbia university press, 1992, 188-219. 15. the tension over the auschwitz convent situation is certainly not the first instance of pollsh-jewlsh controversy in the united states. for an earlier example, cf. andrzej kaplszewskl, pollsh-jewlsh conflicts in america during the paris peace conference: milwaukee as a case study, polish american studies, xlix:2 (autumn 1992), 5-18. 211 article 41 jerusalem journal a riddle: what is catholic, jewish and stateless? serge schmemann jerusalem, nov. 24 in 1990, regina and alexander deriev and their son, denis, took advantage of the new religious freedoms in the soviet union and were baptized into the roman catholic church. in 1991, they immigrated to israel. that combination in itself would not make the derievs different from many other soviet immigrants in israel. it is common knowledge here and a source of some resentment among israelis that tens of thousands of the immigrants the exact figure is impossible to ascertain have questionable jewish credentials. some are christians, while some others have little or no jewish ancestry, and many of those who are jewish have little interest in observing jewish customs and law. the difference is that mrs. deriev, a jew by birth, insisted when they arrived in israel on telling authorities that she is christian, instead of simply maintaining that she is a non-believer as many other soviet immigrants have done. that thrust the derievs smack into the heart of the fundamental israeli debate over who is a jew, and for five years it left them in a singular state of limbo. last friday, the israeli high court rejected the derievs application for citizenship, noting that the law of return, which governs the right of jews to settle in israel, excludes jews who have adopted another faith. under the law, spouses and immediate family of someone who is accepted as jewish are allowed to qualify for israeli citizenship. the country from which the derievs came, the soviet union, no longer exists. so they cannot be deported, and they cannot go to some other country because they have no passports. kazakstan, where they last lived when it was part of the soviet union, will not take them back because they are not kazaks. russia will not take them because they are not russians mr. deriev, a non-jew, is ukranian and mrs. deriev, by russian standards, is still a jew. ukraine would not take them because mr. deriev does not speak ukrainian. the derievs have been living in a small, one-bedroom apartment in an arab suburb of jerusalem. mr. deriev works as an engineer recording liturgical music and their son attends an arab christian school. back in 1991, when the derievs decided to emigrate, they had no idea it would be like this. in the soviet union, being jewish was a matter of nationality like being ukranian, chechen or russian and had nothing to do with religion. in fact, the russian language, unlike english or hebrew, has separate words for jewish nationality yevrei and the jewish religion ludeistvo. so mrs. deriev who like many other soviet jews had never practiced judaism, but whose nationali listed in their passport as je\ not think she was changing 1 ality, much less betraying he tage, when she adopted cath nor would most soviet jews the father of yuli edelstein-soviet refusenik who is now of absorption and thus charg bringing jews to israel is a orthodox priest in russia. my father and mother wi jewish in their passports, but were staunch communists, ai put any significance on bein; ish, mrs. deriev said. in ft ther was a professor of marxism-leninsim. a family sinking religious and eti quicksand. i was different i wrote the authorities didn t like. th kept tabs on me, my poetry ' never published, and i was oi cepted into the union of wri glasnost the new policy ness introduced by mikhail c bachev after 1985. from the new york vmes, november 25, 1996, p. m. 19q_ . _ by the new york times company. reprinted by permission. 212 41. a riddle but mrs. deriev s poetry did at-nact the attention of joseph brodsky, ihe exiled poet, and he urged her to leave the soviet union. israel seemed a logical choice. the derievs were living in the remote kazakstan city of karaganda, the soviet union was falling apart, thousands of soviet jews were leaving and many of their friends were already in israel. we presumed that israel was a western, democratic country, where [would finally be published, mrs. deriev said. so mr. deriev went to distant moscow to fill out the forms at the dutch embassy, which represented israeli interests at a time when there were no diplomatic relations. the form had blanks for nationality and faith, and i asked the israeli official what i should put for my wife, if she s jewish and catholic, mr. deriev said. he said for faith, put either jewish or non-believer. i put non-believer. on arrival in israel, mrs. deriev was given another form. on this one, she put catholic. i thought it was shameful to hide my faith, she said. it was the only important choice i wer made, and i didn t hide it even from my father. what mrs. deriev did not appreciate at the time was that the issue she raised went to the very identity of the state of israel. ever since the found ing by secular zionists many of them socialists from russia the question d families must somehow be supported in their task of caring for and socializing their children and helped to gain new understandings about human differences that should not matter, such as race, and actions that are unsupportable, such as negative stereotyping and discrimination. education continues to be a great need in the workplace, despite recent advances. several instances of racial or ethnic discrimination have been widely reported in the media recently, involving issues that range from verbal and physical harassment to problems of hiring, promotion, and pay. the backlash against affirmative action policy reminds us that lasting social progress is ultimately dependent on popular understandings that support that change. political and government leaders need to understand the key role they play in the resolution of racial and ethnic conflicts, and education can help. the preparation of informed leadership will depend on the accessibility of useful information about what the real problems are, about how schools can continue to be part of a constructive solution, and about how social policy and legislation are involved. a role for anthropologists is clearly implied in all of these potential educational sites. but neither anthropologists, nor families, nor school teachers, nor politicians, acting alone, can turn an entire nation s history around. all must contribute to such a transformation based on education. that education must be based on dialogue, a sense of responsibility to resolve common societal problems, and knowledge of our common and group histories. only when we begin to understand the present as directly linked to the past will we be in a position to explore new ways of thinking about intergroup relations in a free democracy. jose macias is an associate professor in the division of bicultural bilingual studies at the university of texas at san antonio. notes acknowledgments. the research reported here was supported by the university research committee, the department of educational studies, and the ethnic studies program, all units of the university of utah. the author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of elizabeth escalera-bell in the preparation of the manuscript. 1. all community names and personal names are pseudonyms. references cited acuna rodolfo. 1988. a history of chicanos, 3rd edition. new york: harper and row. arendt, hannah. 1973. the origins of ism. new york: harcourt, brace, j. baker, david, yilmaz esmer, gero l john meyer. 1985. effects of immi ers on educational stratification sociology of education 58(octobi brubaker, william r. 1990. immigrat ship, and the nation-state in frar many: a comparative historic; international sociology 5(4):379-burleigh, michael. 1991. racism as s the nazi euthanasia programme ethnic and racial studies 14(4):4f castles, stephen. 1985. the guests w the debate on foreigners policy man 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lawson is a writer living in toronto. love consists in this, that two solitudes protect and touch and greet each other. rainer maria rilke ^n a frigid monday night last november, four weeks after quebec s referendum on separating from tbe rest of canada, i took a walk up montreal's main north-south street, known to the city's french inhabi-tants as boulevard st-laurent and 1 its english inhabitants as st. lawrence or, as some still call it, the mam. it is, by tradition, the segregation line of montreal: east is l^nch, west is english. the first blizzard of winter had hit town, and city workers were out with their plows. the snow was falling sideways. as i trudged past chic bistros, la look grunge bars, bilingual beggars ("as-tu trente sous?" fol-wed by "buddy, can you spare some change?"), there were no visible traces of the latest crisis to tear w^ugh the city. during the refer-endum campaign, every lamppost ad been covered with posters. risk your job? the federalists asked; vote ab n ail separatists yes to independence becomes possible the answered. but the morning after the vote the posters were gone, instant ephemera. most of the stores on the street were shabby and forlorn, low-rise buildings pocked with for rent signs. plus qa change, plus c'est la meme chose. but in the quiet of the night and the slanting snow, st-laurent seemed to me a cultural war zone, dividing a city stuck somewhere between the past and the present, between the enervating, centuries-old french-english conflict and the cosmopolitan society of today, between the last referendum and the next one. 1 had come to montreal in the final tense days before the vote on october 30 expecting to see a country, my country, die. when the campaign began in september the sovereigntist leader was jacques parizeau, the premier of quebec, an oddly anglophilic man from a wealthy montreal family, with a taste for three-piece suits and pompous gestures. parizeau promised voters that quebec would have an economy the size of austria's; that it would be canada's equal, a full member of the north american free trade agreement, a nation entire of itself. federalists in ottawa and quebec city said that separation would have disastrous financial consequences: the canadian dollar would plummet, the stock market would collapse, businesses would flee. in the last referendum on separation, in 1980, premier rene levesque had argued, as parizeau was now doing, that quebec could stand alone economically. it was an argument that failed to resonate, apparently; the separatists lost, 60 percent to 40 percent. in 1995 parizeau was certain that another appeal to the voters financial interests would prevail, and his government confidently selected experts to report on the economic impact of sovereignty. but in the early weeks of the campaign the reports came back, and they were uncertain at best and entirely gloomy at worst. trying to run on a platform at once culturally conservative nothing will change; your language and way of life will be protected and socially liberal everything will change; together we will at last build a just society the separatists trailed badly in the polls. quebec s voters seemed unmoved by the whole idea of indepen:. some federalists even talked of destroying the nationalist movement forever. dence. 15 on october 7 control of the campaign changed hands. lucien bouchard, the leader of the bloc quebecois, the separatist party that held fifty-three of quebec s seventy-five seats in the federal parliament in from harper s magazine, april 1996, pp. 67-71 rennntart bv soecial permission. k harper's magazine foundation. , 74.78. b* the h aii rights reserved. 22! 8. ethnic factor: international challenges ottawa, became the de facto leader of the sovereigntists, and what had been under parizeau a tedious discourse about passports and currency and deficits was transformed into a bitter struggle to forge a new nation. bouchard had been a small-town lawyer and had learned to speak english late in life, but his american wife and his years as canada s ambassador to france had given him a reputation, somewhat exaggerated, for sophistication and worldliness. a year earlier bouchard had lost a leg in a near-death fight with necrotizing fasciitis, the flesh-eating disease, and his survival and recovery had come to symbolize the movement for independence. bouchard dismissed the ominous economic reports with a wave of his hand. he ridiculed surveys showing that many voters were confused by the referendum question, which was artfully designed to imply that separation might not really mean separation. he ignored statements by quebec s aboriginal people, who claim vast tracts of the province as their traditional land, that they would separate from quebec if quebec separated from canada. parizeau was a technician; one of his few attempts at emotional symbolism was a mawkish poem to the quebecois nation that he had commissioned from a committee consisting of two lawyers, a sociologist, a journalist, and a folk singer. bouchard, on the other hand, understood anger and the power of an image: in a televised address just prior to the referendum, bouchard held up a montreal tabloid newspaper from 1981. on the cover was a lurid color photograph of then prime minister pierre trudeau and current prime minister jean chretien, both francophone quebecers, laughing at a news conference the morning after what separatists all know as the night of the long knives. during constitutional negotiations in ottawa, the story goes, while rene levesque slept in his hotel bed, trudeau and chritien (who was trudeau s justice minister) cut a deal with canada s other provincial premiers to create a new constitution. for bouchard, the referendum was about quebec s humiliation, and putting an end to it. the rallying cry of the separatists, maftres chez nous (masters in our own house), pricked 226 the collective unconscious. real and imagined quebecois history since the conquest of the french by the british in 1759 rose from the dead. a vote for oui became a vote for we. with bouchard leading the campaign, a solitary figure leaning resolutely on his cane as he shuffled from speech to speech, the separatist cause climbed steadily, inexorably, in the polls. what had been an obscure canadian nonstory, just another chapter in an endless saga of debate and dispute, suddenly had become world news. by the time 1 arrived in montreal, the federalist campaign, bewildered by the hurricane of passion sweeping across quebec, had fallen into desperate and frenzied confusion. at the unity rally staged in the center of the city three days prior to the referendum, more than 100,000 canadians, mostly english-speaking, many bused in from other provinces, waved flags and non signs stapled to the ends of hockey sticks. people of every skin color jostled and shoved, always politely, while politicians babbled incomprehensibly over the huge loudspeakers, the feedback punctuated by one recognizable word: canada! ... such as parks, museums, or wholesome recreational venues. the school s approach is to provide a safe, supportive, and enriching environment to all children, regardless of background. while staff claims to make no distinctions among students, i took note of some efforts they clearly are making on behalf of their foreign students. in the classroom, these include both the integration of culturally inclusive curricular content and bias-free instruction elements of the typical multi kulti (multicultural education) approach. outside of school the staff takes advantage of the strong turkish family and community systems (gitmez and wilpert 1987). for instance, in addition to the typical school-to-home notes and phone calls, individual teachers try to know and maintain personal contact with turkish parents. occasional invitations to turkish homes are seen as opportunities to make contact, as are standing invitations by teachers for turkish parents to visit the classroom or share a cultural activity with the class. the director described a schoolwide project they had once organized. wir kbnnen viel zusammen tun (we can do much together) was a parent-involvement program that, in cooking, dancing, and othe tivities, had as its goal co raising to combat auslanderj (hostility toward foreigners) project had attendance prob parents working, the neec care, and turkish parents h ity in german, the effort had to change school relations within the community. in one case, a teacher s in community was great enougl become closely involved w of turkish boys. originally : gang to protect against ge heads who regularly invade munity to beat up turks foreigners, the group contini cial club, with the german ing as advisor and cultural f the turkish adolescents. he sive community attitudes atl tors who believe they have; in one teacher s words, that mize their students educatic in berlin 1 found another gressive action in frau adk grade classroom. this involved in a special turkis biliteracy project that has re funding (berlin is a city-st; years. the project is in pk the collaborative efforts of free university of berlin and the school s administra ers, and staff (personal com: carol pfaff, 1991). the prog to both germans and turks, must request it. while the ultimate goal german, adler and the turl who co-ops with her use wh; coordination to teach both g damentals and turkish basic: fashion. bilingual language is the focus, but the team a in the content areas. a pan ment component encourages to come into class to cook, crafts, or other forms of cultu while adler admits tl measures of achievement m prove, she claims other be: this program. children receh training in two languages, the improves, and they gain ne' as secondor third-generatk germany, adler s turkish stu little about their own histoi ture. thus a critical benefit turkish children as they he 42. resurgence of ethnic nationalism their language used in class and as they see the involvement of their parents grow through the acceptance of turkish language and culture. they gain a new consciousness and feeling about themselves, says adler. but the german children benefit as well, she continues. the learning of a second language enhances their learning of german. and the german children gain another consciousness about languages, that is, that another language is just another system of communication, she adds. adler s hope is that these new attitudes generalize to other forms of diversity with which children must be prepared to live in school and in society. these examples are followed by a less than optimistic postscript, however. schmidt notes that lack of resources have prevented the development of systematic improvements so far. now with the sparpolitik (budget-cutting policy) that has kicked in since reunification in 1990, state and local governments find it even more difficult to fund educational improvements. moreover, in the current reactionary social climate, educators find it more difficult to carry out alone the changes needed to better include and school turkish and other foreign children. history, ideology, society: the place of education clearly, we need to learn more about each of the cases presented here, and to bear in mind that all things are not equal in any two situations. still, we can begin to better understand the central problem front this kind of historical comparison. within this view, three interrelated elements stand out in the california and german cases: ideology, experience, and education. in both cases, a resurgence of ethnocentrism, xenophobia, and nation-afrsm can be linked to a standing ideolgy that rationalizes dominant-group exclusion and persecution of target groups (arendt 1973). a particular set of beliefs has been constructed through mternal processes of group development and refined over time through external contact with others. historically, the germanic people represented a number f different tribal heritages that needed a common identity and cohesion before a nation-state could be built. race, a narrowly defined blood kinship, pro-vided this organizing principle, which then came to function with other assumptions of group superiority and purity. these ideas have been part of germany s legacy since its inception as a nation. the atrocities of world war ii, the persecution, imprisonment, and genocide of unwanted groups, primarily the jews, were the logical extreme expression of this ideology, and the events of today represent a return by some elements in germany to that belief system, however modified in form. in contrast to germany s ideological headstart, experience preceded ideology in the united states. for example, african slavery in the united states was initially justified on a christian-heathen argument, but race became the rationale after slaves began to adopt christianity (takaki 1993). the enslavement of africans and removal of american indians provided the experiential ground in which the official policy of manifest destiny was cultivated to justify the territorial displacement and subjugation of mexicans in the latter half of the last century. the standard cliche that americans only think through action and doing applies, in that historical subjugation and exclusion of racial and ethnic groups became a key part of a definition of the united states as a nation. although the development of racial or ethnic ideologies took different routes in germany and the united states, the common point is that a similar complex of ideas has existed at some level in both places. the identification of an ideology does not mean that a group goes about daily life thinking consciously about a related set of racist or ethnocentric beliefs, plotting how to act on them. except for the most fundamental elements, most members of a group would not admit holding ideas that have received negative criticism in modem times. the longevity of these ideas depends on more subtle mechanisms including: the popular repackaging of imagery of romanticism or of the manifest destiny of a chosen people with a great calling to fulfill; the official representation of historical events in favor of the dominant group, to the degree that the mistreatment of other groups never really happened or was not that bad, or that victim groups are actually the racists; or in the political revival of earlier, simple solutions to complex issues, a return to an idealized past when we had few problems, and other groups were easily dismissed by decree. politics is clearly the arena to which elements of racial or ethnic thinking have returned, through the kind of nationalistic imagery, informational selectivity, and emotional persuasion in which politicians are skilled. beyond similar ideologies, other historical factors in each case have mediated their translation into practice. for example, the u.s. constitution, with its principles of equality, democracy, and human rights, together with the concept of equal legal protection, is another way of thinking about the rights and recourse due to all, including members of minority groups. thus, two competing ideologies have been in tension throughout u.s. history, with the result that systematic racial persecution and exclusion have been reduced over time, albeit gradually and largely through the efforts of the persecuted groups themselves. this tension has accounted in part for the periodic expression of the racial and ethnic system of thought, not only in the historical love-hate mexican-u.s. relationship described earlier but in other phenomena such as racial segregation (after emancipation), americanization policy ( ethnic/language difference is bad ), or immigrant bashing ( get rid of them ). the manifestation of this ideology is thus cyclical, coming out at certain times in social discourse, in local and national politics, and in the treatment of target groups. in contrast, german society has been relatively less constrained in the practice of its racial beliefs. ultimately, world war ii and world condemnation were necessary to put an end to the nazi atrocities. but an externally motivated change of behavior did not necessarily affect deeply seated german beliefs about permissible intergroup relations; they simply have been suppressed. one way of summarizing these different conditions is that germany has had the more explicit ideology but a shorter history of implementation and now faces external pressures to change. the united states, on the other hand, has applied a less-articulated exclusionary ideology over a longer period of time and with more groups. but the periodic return of exclusionary social phenomena appears to automatically force an internal examination of those historically grounded beliefs that are, by definition, in direct contradiction with essential democratic values. this does not imply an advantage in either nation s quest to redirect its history, for both in223 8. ethnic factor: international challenges temal dialogue and external opinion would appear to be important. on the other hand, internally motivated dialogue and change would seem to be minimum requirements, and a more solid basis for lasting resolutions. the critical point of commonality in these cases is what dominant groups have come to believe about targeted ethnic groups and what is permissible behavior toward them. an education, in the broad sense, in certain beliefs, ideas, and behavior has formed the predispositions of both individuals and groups. but it follows equally that education, or reeducation, is thoroughly implied in the redirection of the habits of the past. the role of education in the present cases illustrates how schools actually have taken responsibility for implementing policies, programs, and strategies that constructively address the group divisions at issue here. the california and german schools studied here feature curricula that incorporate students ethnic backgrounds, instruction that utilizes their cultural knowledge and linguistic skills, and educators concerted attention to the material and social conditions faced by their students. the ends achieved through these school improvement efforts are the enhanced inclusion of all students in the educational process, and the new conceptions of race and ethnic group relations modeled through those efforts. but we cannot assume that formal education can solve all the problems of ethnic group interaction in either california or germany, especially when reactionary sociopolitical movements have targeted the best efforts of schools for easy solutions. the abundance of uninformed, political, and emotionally charged solutions suggests the potential and critical role of education beyond school fences. although proposition 187 surfaced in the political arena, its ideas obviously found support in many other places, including families, the workplace, and the media. parents an canada! . .. canada! and yet, despite their passion, not one of the federalists was able to say anything coherent about the country they were trying to save. there were, by that point, two referenda being contested simultaneously in quebec. prime minister chretien warned of the dire consequences of separation. unemployment, uncertainty, economic chaos. separatists spoke of ancestry and identity, questions of the heart. it was not that oui voters did not believe chretien s threats. it was that they had heard them too often. the separatist supporters 1 talked with before the referendum accepted that independence would bring economic sacrifices and had in fact come to see those sacrifices as noble, a sacred duty. a generation or two would suffer, they said, but that suffering would be heroic, part of the long quebecois narrative of victimization and survival. chretien s realpolitik had nothing in common with bouchard s appeal to the id. they were, quite simply, not sp. same language. a he result of the vot< ber 30 was 50.6 percent b percent oui, a margin votes out of almost 5 m cording to polls, 60 perce cophones voted for inch and 95 percent of anglop allophones in the doul race and language in quel phone, from the greek los, the other, is the eupl those whose mother ton; ther french nor englis against. october 30 was si be a night of finality. but i cession speech lucien boi dared the vote a moral 5 separatists and said that ai erendum would be held i mier parizeau promised re said, we are beaten, it s ti what? money and the ethn later that night, at 3 bernard landry, the depui of quebec, who was also th responsible for immigratioi his montreal hotel to che walked up to the night woman named anita mart out his glasses, and stared at tag. then he leaned a< counter and said, menacing was because of people like 1 grants, that the oui side why is it that we open th this country so you can v landry demanded. martine and crying, retreated to a b when another clerk, a frar asked if she could help lane in, he flew into a rage. / guard had to be called. as l er explained to the montra in quebec, we insist on correct [french] expressic time, enregistrer. as for landry denied he d blamed 1 norities for the loss. the < tion, he said, was done i tone and i never raised my v a few days later, in a me provincial government sp said was completely unrelat referendum, quebec cut th< of immigrants the province cept in the future. later sti members of the 1960s natioi rorist group front de lib& quebec (flq) redubbed th themouvement de liberation nationale du quebec and demanded a moratorium on immigration until the province becomes an independent republic. it was reported in the english press that scrutineers appointed by the provincial government had rejected thousands of ballots in some predominantly english suburbs of montreal because, it was said, the x s were too thick, too skinny, not at the right angle. and a few days after the rote, the government announced that four hospitals in montreal, which provided service mostly for anglophones and allou t phones, were to be closed. a feel like they're waiting for me to leave, sylvia wilson said to me that monday night in a spanish restaurant on st-laurent. it s not in ray day-to-day life. it s more abstract. you don t mean anything, we won t pay attention to you, you re not part 0 the vision. it s like attrition or ear y retirement: we re not going to ire you, but could you please leave the company? hl ^t*a a tedhead with freckles, big ac oots, and a tom gray sweater, t or a film production company p ejcity' as we talked, a montreal th^tx^ls1 h ckev game played on behind the bar. another of ceaseless reminders of montreal s cronv1! st0pped by our table, a nark etlt00t^e^ wa'f *n a stained us ' .j money she collected from g0 to buy homeless kids f d andi sbe said with mg honesty, cigarettes. want 1 cth1 they re supposed to work in f vr !a d i m bilingual, i also th jng lsh and french. she is in.rt 6 aagbter of a pure lame (dyed-an an quebecoise mother and calk g ph ne father, a marriage she lack '^^bly brave because of the from p ti?pp rt ^er parents received been j comrnunity. her life has gua?p a lned, by the politics of lan-ing s a cbild she remembers hav-kinj r' us ^an uage confusion. in ptenckr^ajten 1 was thinking in 1 didn t3^ english at the same time. 'ng-1 i was coming or go1980 c?11 an t communicate. in the favor of erendum> her mother was in the separation; her father, against. sylvia md she saidwas tense. tew up on the west side of the city in the 1970s, when the separatist government of rene levesque made french the only official language of quebec. she witnessed the mass flight of anglos from montreal more than 150,000 between 1976 and 1981, many of them members of the city s english elite. when i asked her if she was going to leave montreal, at first she said, those who are going to leave have left. the rest of us will stay. ten minutes later, as she talked about the mess that is montreal s economy, she said, this is the first time i ve considered moving for reasons that have nothing to do with my career. i like being a canadian. ten minutes after that, she sighed and said, to leave montreal for purely political reasons isn t what i m like. i don t know. i am thinking about it. it was the kind of confusion i found in every anglophone and allophone i met in montreal. defiance and uncertainty and displacement and free-floating anxiety. madame chu, the owner of a comer store in the east end, said that sometimes french people get angry and yell at me when i serve a customer in english. she said she doesn t know what to do. she wants to leave, but she has a lease. the man who runs the delicatessen where i bought my newspapers every morning told me he has a degree in medicine from lebanon, but that he d never get a chance to practice in montreal because he s not a quebecois. he would dlike to leave as well. r. barbara rubin wainrib, a clinical psychologist and adjunct professor who teaches crisis and trauma intervention at mcgill university, explained to me that nothing s been done physically in montreal to nonfrancophones the houses are still intact but psychologically houses have been destroyed. when i met with her in a cafeteria on the mcgill campus, dr. wainrib, a new yorker who has lived in montreal since the 1950s, was wearing a red blazer and white blouse, the colors of the canadian flag. she handed me her study, the results of a questionnaire completed by 292 people who were asked about their emotional state in the two weeks prior to the referendum. half reported sleep disturbances and 43. no canada? nightmares, 72 percent said they d felt angry and irritable, 65 percent said they were concerned about having to move somewhere else what dr. wainrib called the spontaneous flight response 83 percent said they had financial concerns for themselves or their family because of the vote. she pointed to what she said was the most important column: half of her sample ticked the box describing the elements of having suffered actual trauma. one woman wrote on the back of her questionnaire, i can t describe to you the fear, despair, anger, depression i experienced.... my family has been here for 200 years. i felt that, no matter what happens, we of the minority, no matter what our race or ethnic origin, will suffer. those of the visible minorities will be in an even worse position than so-called anglophones. if they separate and the economy suffers, we will be blamed. if they can t separate we are still blamed. when there is cheating at the ballot box, lies by bouchard on the podium, racial slurs that the majority doesn t immediately renounce, we are not safe. i noticed that on the bottom of her survey dr. wainrib had asked, optional: do you identify yourself as a sovereigntist () or federalist ()? i asked her if any sovereigntists had replied and she said she didn t think so. i asked about the emotional responses to the referendum among francophones and she said, i don t know. i live and work on an anglophone island. she pulled out the forms of a couple of francophones who had answered. a woman wrote, i am a french-speaking quebecoise and i was treated as a dog by my coworkers because i was not for the yes. they made me feel that i did not belong in the frenchi speaking socety. watched the referendum results in an apartment in the plateau district of montreal at a kind of super bowl party for separatists: play-byplay analysis and computer graphics and catchy theme music beamed out of three televisions; beers were scattered on the coffee table beside a bowl with the stakes from a pick-the-winner pool. a dozen young quebecois, all but one of whom voted oui, 227 8. ethnic factor: international challenges tilted forward in their seats as the early results came in. marie-claude dore, a oui, watched as lac-st-jean, her home region, a remote area in the northeast famous for its huge succulent blueberries and hell-or-high-wa-ter nationalism, reported 70 percent for independence. the excitement, early on, was palpable: yes was ahead, 57 percent to 43 percent. but in the hyper-speed of electronic elections the lead quickly shrank: 56, 53, 51. when the tally reached a dead heat, marie-claude and her friends joined hands and said a silent prayer. the yes percentage ticked up a few hundredths. they laughed. it worked! then it ticked down again. i kept a diplomatic silence as torpor settled in. marie-claude said what everyone was thinking: it s montreal. quebec s only cosmopolitan city and canada s only truly bilingual city, more than two-thirds francophone, a sixth anglophone, and a sixth allophone, voted 65.5 percent against independence. marie-claude-is, in many ways, a perfectly unremarkable young urban professional. her black volkswagen jetta was parked outside on rue st-joseph, she works out at the ymca, and she goes with her girlfriends for overpriced pasta at loud bistros. she has a bob of blonde hair that she gets streaked and curled, and, as a dentist, she has a patient but firm manner. but she s also a quebecoise from the small city of chicoutimi, in lac-st-jean; her grandmother is a bouchard. quebec outside of montreal is a vast wilderness dotted with homogeneously quebecois small cities and villages like chicoutimi; in those regions the vote was 59 percent in favor of separation. during the weeks leading up to the referendum, marie-claude wavered between voting oui and not voting at all. to vote non wasn t an option it would be a vote against her people and her past. when i asked her why she finally voted oui, she said, i hear about the night of the long knives and i m angry about rene levesque waking up that morning and being cheated this feeling that things are always planned behind quebec s back. i see a continuous line from the conquest by the english in 1759. from the beginning the relationship wasn t equal. you can still feel it. i think we still feel attacked maybe even when it s not true. history is always there for us. when she thought that the separatists were going to win she was elated. i had so much energy to give to my country, to the new project. but at 10:20 on october 30 the announcement was made: the oui side had lost. the party broke up. shrugs and two-cheek kisses were exchanged. tomorrow everything would be back to normal. what would have been a cataclysm for others had been a simple hope for marie-claude and her friends. i stole a glance at the sheet of paper with everyone s predictions in the pool and saw that more than half of them, including marie-claude, j had bet against themselves. osh freed, a montreal humorist, was the co-editor and author, in 1984, of the anglo guide to survival in quebec, a satirical primer to the french east end of montreal that had as its principal advice, if you want almost 159,000 asian-indian residents, up from 60,000 in 1980. wyoming boasts the smallest population of asian indians 240 but it is also the first state in the nation to elect an asian indian to its legislature, republican nimi mcconigley. throughout the u.s., well-educated asian indians are assuming positions of power. as with most recent immigrant groups, asian indians tend to live in and around major metropolitan areas. new york city, home to more than 106,000 asian indians in 1990 (1.2 percent of the city s population), had the largest population. it is followed by chicago (54,000), los angeles-long beach (44,000), and washington, d.c. (36,000). asian indians are an especially strong presence in middlesex-somerset-hunterdon, new jersey. they accounted for 2.3 percent of its population in 1990, the largest concentration of any metro area. they also made up 2.1 percent of the population of the jersey city metro. 182 professionals and entrepreneurs in many cases, the first wave of an immigrant group consists of affluent people. asian indians are a classic example of this rule. among asian indians in the work force in 1990,30 percent were employed in professional specialty occupations, compared with 13 percent of all u.s. employees. twenty percent of foreign-born indian professionals are physicians, 26 percent are engineers, and 12 percent are post-secondary teachers, according to the washington, d.c.-based center for immigration studies. asian indians are slightly overrepresented among managerial and sales/technical/ clerical workers, and underrepresented among service and blue-collar workers according to the 1990 census. the earlier immigrants came because of their qualifications. they had no trouble getting green cards or profes sional posts, says dr. madhulika khan-delwal of the asian/american center at queens college in flushing, new york indeed foreign-born indian professionals are highly qualified: more than 67 percent hold advanced degrees. and 2 the 14,000 american-born as aged 25 and older hold post degree accreditation. the more recent immigra: two ways, says khandelwal fessionals among them, thos, ter s degrees or even medical doctorates, are not always : jobs in their chosen profess country. they are faced wit) staying in india and working sionals, or emigrating to a working in trade or service jo not suit their qualifications. wave also includes lower-mid< dians who tend to work in se: tries, usually with members tended families, says khande united states immigration p< on family reunification, so it is ing that the qualifications of have changed over the past de< ing to the center for immigra many find positions in famil nesses or work in service ind as taxi driving until they m money to pursue more lucrati more than 40 percent of new 40,000 licensed yellow cab south asian indians, paki bangladeshis. but most see th ing phase as a transitional pe: matize them to the u.s. and 1 the money they need to get s many asian indians are se the number of asian-indian-nesses increased 120 perce 1982 and 1987, according t available survey of minority-1 ness enterprises released bj bureau. dollar receipts for nesses increased 304 percent five-year period. asian indians dominate in such as convenience and static says eliot kang of the new based kang and lee advert specializes in marketing to asi: kang points out that asia tailers get an edge on competi ing their resources and forrr tions, which enables them tc 36. asian-indian americans indian density and sell at lower prices. "large family networks and family financing give these busiindia is home to almost 1 billion, but much of the country is still rural. (population per square kilometer of states in india, 1991) ten indian states have more than 10 million residents. state state population u ar pradesh 139,112,287 madhya pradesh .... 66,181,170 bihar qc 17a aaa .... 55,858,946 maharashtra 78,937,187 karnataka .... 44,977,201 west bengal 68,077,965 rajasthan .... 44,005,990 ^bhra pradesh 66,508,008 .... 41,309,582 sonnes: h/. infomap private lit!.. sen delhi, india p. (mappingsoftware). fall. churrh, ^population statmtw.); arrvww 2. esri, redlands. ca^nopp^---------- asian indians dominate in some trades, such as convenience and stationery stores. nesses a chance to grow and expand. and because so many family members are involved, asian-indian businesses can flourish in labor-intensive sendee industries. the census bureau tallied close to 30,000 asian-indian-owned service businesses in 1987. retail establishments ran a distant second, at slightly more than 9,000. asian-indian ownership of hotels and motels is the standout example of indian penetration into the service segment. in 1994, 7,200 asian-indian owners operated 12,500 of the nation s 28,000 budget hotels and motels, according to the atlanta-based asian american hotel owners association. one market, three segments the median income for asian-indian households is $44,700, versus $31,200 for all u.s. households, according to the 1990 census. not all asian indians are affluent, however. dr. arun jain, professor of marketing at the state university of new york in buffalo, divides the market into three distinct segments. the first, the majority of whom immigrated in the 1960s, is led by a cohort of highly educated men who came to this country because of professional opportunities. most are doctors, scientists, academics, and other professionals who are now in their 50s and at the peak of their earning potential. jain estimates that their average annual income may top $100,000. the asian indians may save at least 15 percent of their income. wives of these high-powered professionals usually do not work outside of the home and are not highly educated. these wo183 6. asian americans men may have no more than a high school education, and a good portion do not speak english fluently, says jain. among this group, the majority of children are in college or about to marry and start families of their own. the second segment includes immigrants who came to the u.s. in the 1970s. like the first segment, the men are highly educated professionals. yet unlike the first wave, many are married to highly educated women who work outside of the home. their children are college-bound teenagers. the third segment is made up of relatives of earlier immigrants who have been sponsored by established family members in this country. they are often less well-educated than members of the first two segments. this is the group most likely to be running motels, small grocery stores, gas stations, or other ventures. in this group, jain also includes the majority of asian-indian ugandans who fled that regime in the 1980s and have established themselves in this country. lifestyle and generational differences set the three groups apart, at least to some extent. people in the first segment are thinking about their children s marriages, while those in the second are about to put their children through college. men in the first segment may be looking toward retirement, while the men and women in the third group are trying to establish themselves in successful businesses. generational distinctions are only part of the story, however. india has nearly 1 billion residents separated into 25 states and 7 union territories, speaking 15 official languages. we are like europe, says pradip kothari, president of the iselin, new jersey-based indian business association, a not-for-profit organization linking the more than 60 small businesses that flourish in this heavily indian enclave of middlesex county. security and value linguistic, nationalistic, and generational differences may divide the indian populafrom calcutta to camcorder asian indians are good customers for electronic equipment. (percent of asian-indian and total u.s. households owning selected items, 1994) iw w. mediomorfc rwarrh /of -----------------w m. and bud media y rl, u tion, but they share a number ing principles and goals. jain that all asian indians place gre education. indians will do a further their children s educ says. financial security is also i saving money is a major pari culture, and targeted saving tion or retirement is especia sized. jain estimates that the si among asian indians in the u.i than the national average of 5 j places it as high as 15 to 20 pei lar to the rate in india. asian-in icans also place a high value ance and prize investments th tee a secure future for children children. when indians get togethe! discuss such things as cd which banks are offering the b says eliot kang of kang and 1 tising. they are savvy, info conscious of getting value for t! ments. they will compare an< formation carefully and thor fore making a commitment. jain points out that invests ers and financial institutions out to this market stand to ma tial gains, particularly those ii dian communities. we rel banks for local transactions, kothari. because there are banks in new jersey, we ar rely on indian banks in new for international transactions, vest locally. we try to buy ce that is interested in our comm asian indians also find secu defined property and life insu dians love insurance, says they tend to buy policies with i he points out another motivs surance companies to pursue t indians tend to carry little d surance. this is especially tru sionals who may be self-empk asian-indian merchants tree road area of iselin, new vor metropolitan life and nei because these companies pa 184 36. asian-indian americans the indian tower of babel sian-indian immigrants to the u.s. share the same mother country, but this doesn t mean they understand each other. india's consti tution recognizes a total of 15 official languages, and a recent indian census tabulated more than 500 mother tongues spoken within the nation's boundaries. these languages are similar to regional accents in the u.s., because they give clues to an asian indian s regional origin. this may in turn point to other cultural differences, such as religion or food preferences. the languages of india are members of the ported speaking a language other than english at home. the u.s. has 330,000 hindi speakers, and a sizable number speak gujarathi, panjabi, bengali, or marathi. some language groups are microscopic, however, such as the 18 people who speak bihari and presumably hail from the northeastern indian state of bihar, where it is the official language. fortunately for them, all 18 speak english well, as do the vast majority of all asian indians in the u.s. marketers don't necessarily need to speak 500 indo-aryan languages. but they do need to be aware of the diversity among their asian-indian customers. marcia mogelonsky indo-aryan branch of indo-european, the family to which the majority of western languages belong. while some indian languages are spoken by millions of people, others are common only to a handful. each indian state has its own official language or dialect, but residents may speak a host of other dialects, which form a sort of chain link with each other. this means that although neighbors who speak different dialects may understand each other, those who live a few dialects apart may not. almost 70 percent of asian in-hians aged 5 and older enumer-atedin the 1990 u.s. census rel speaking in indian tongues english may be the only common language spoken by asian-indian americans. fflw indian languages spoken by largest umbers of americans, number speaking fangnage in u.s. in 1990, and indian/pakistanl states where languages are spoken) language umber of speakers la ux. hmflae/pekfstani states where laagsege is spoken hindi (urdu) 331,484 uttar pradesh, madhya pradesh, bfcar, haryana, delhi, rajasthan, punjab, himachal pradesh, west bengal, and maharashtra, india gujarathi 102,418 cajend, boabay district of maharashtra, ma panjabi 50,00$ punjab, northwe , the media gi' assistance to those of "white ethnic" back! wish to obey the socratic maxim: "know thy the greatest and most dramatic migration history brought more than thirty million in this land between 1874 and 1924. despite t dramatic materials involved in this migratk major american film records it: elia kazs america! that film ends with the hero's am ica. the tragic and costly experience of am has scarcely yet been touched. how man; many were morally and psychologically des many still carry the marks of changing the "killing" their mother tongue and renounci mer identity, in order to become "new m women" these are motifs of violence, sei joy, and irony. the inner history of this mi; come to be understood, if we are ever to un aspirations and fears of some seventy milhoi when this part of the population consciousness and begins to claims whether these are claims gregated individuals or claims that are cor are regularly confronted with the accusation fog divisive". ("divisive" is a code word ethnics and jews, is it not? it is seldom us< white southerners, appalachians, chicanos five americans, prep-school british america w o maintain their own identity and instil raab writes eloquently of this phenomenon ary (may, 1974): "modem europe . . nev cepted the legitimacy of the corporate jew-a* its best willing to grant full civil i individual jew. that, for the jews, was ar 37. new ethnicity the fact of american cultural power is that a more or less upper-class, northeastern protestant sensibility sets the tone, and that a fairly aggressive british american ethnocentricity, and even anglophilia, govern the instruments of education and public life. paradox, a secular vision of christian demands to convert.. . [and] it is precisely this willingness to allow the jews their separate identity as a group which is now coining into question in america." individual diversity, yes; group identity, not for all. the christian white ethnic, like the jew, actually has few group demands to make: positively, for educational resources to keep values and perceptions alive, articulate, and critical; negatively, for an equal access to power, status, and the definition of the general american purpose and symbolic world. part of the strategic function of the cry "divisive!" is to limit access to these things. only those individuals will be advanced who define themselves as individuals and who operate according to the symbols of the established. the emotional meaning is: become like us." this is an understandable strategy, but a nation as pluralistic as the united states, it is shortsighted. the nation's hopes, purposes, and symbols need to be defined inclusively rather than exclusively; all must become "new men" and "new women." all the burden ought not to fall upon the newcomers. there is much that is attractive about the british american, upper-class, northeastern culture that has established for the entire nation a model of behavior and perception. this model is composed of economic power; status; cultural tone; important institutional rituals and procedures; and the acceptable patterns of style, sensibility/ and rationality. the terse phrase "ivy league" suggests all these factors. the nation would be infinitely poorer than it is without the ivy league. all of us who came to this land including the many lower-class british ericans, scotch-irish, scandinavians, and germans are much in the debt of the ivy league, deeply, substantially so. j ^1' ^e ivy league is not the nation. the culture of the league is not the culture of america (not even of i?bestant america). who are we, then, we who do not particularly reverbe-ae to the literature of new england, whose interior ( i8 n * puritan, whose social class is not brahmin g1. er m reality or in pretense), whose ethnicity is not n rsh american, or even nordic? where in american institutions, american literature, american education is our identity mirrored, objectified, rendered accessible to intelligent criticism, and confirmed? we are still, i think, persons without a public symbolic world, persons without a publicly verified culture to sustain us and our children. it is not that we lack culture; it is not that we lack strength of ego and a certain internal peace. as jean-paul sartre remarks in one of his later works, there is a distinction between one's identity in one's own eyes and one's identity in the eyes of others. in the united states, many who have internal dignity cannot avoid noticing that others regard them as less than equals, with a sense that they are different, with uncertainty, and with a lack of commonality. it is entirely possible that the "melting pot" would indeed have melted everyone, if those who were the models into which the molten metal was to be poured had not found the process excessively demanding. a sense of separate identity is, in part, induced from outside-in. i am made aware of being catholic and slovak by the actions of others. i would be sufficiently content were my identity to be so taken for granted, so utterly normal and real, that it would never have to be selfconscious. the fact of american cultural power is that a more or less upper-class, northeastern protestant sensibility sets the tone, and that a fairly aggressive british american ethnocentricity, and even anglophilia, govern the instruments of education and public life. moreover, it is somehow emotionally important not to challenge this dominant ethnocentridty. it is quite proper to talk of other sorts of sodal difference income, dass, sex, even religion. to speak affirmatively of ethnidty, however, makes many uneasy. some important truth must lie hidden underneath this uneasiness. a niebuhrian analysis of social power suggests that a critical instrument of sodal control in the united states is, indeed, the one that dares not be spoken of. in new york state, for example, in 1974 the four democratic candidates for the office of lieutenant governor (not, however, for governor) were named olivieri, cuomo, la falce, and krupsak. it was the year, the pundits say, for "ethnic balance" on the ticket. but all four candidates insisted that their ethnidty was not significant. two boasted of being from upstate, one of being a woman, one of being for "the little guy. " it is publidy legitimate to be different on any other account except ethnicity, even where the importance of ethnic diversity is tadtly agreed upon. if i say, as i sometimes have, that i would love to organize an "ethnic caucus" within both the democratic party and the republican party, the common reaction is one of anxiety, distaste, and strained silence. but if i say, as i am learning to, that i would love to organize a "caucus of workingmen and women" in both parties, heads quickly nod in approval. sodal dass is, apparently, 193 7. ethnic legacy rational. cultural background is, apparently, counter-rational. , yet the odd political reality is that most americans do not identify themselves in class terms. they respond to cultural symbols intimate to their ethnic history in america. ethnicity is a "gut issue," even though it cannot be mentioned. a wise political candidate does not, of course, speak to a longshoreman's local by calling its members italian american and appealing to some supposed cultural solidarity. that would be a mistake. but if he speaks about those themes in the cultural tradition that confirm their own identity themes like family, children, home, neighborhood, specific social aspirations, and grievances they know he is with them: he does represent them. in order to be able to represent many constituencies, a representative has to be able to "pass over" into many cultural histories. he may never once make ethnicity explicit as a public theme; but, implicitly, he will be recognizing the daily realities of ethnicity and ethnic experience in the complex fabric of american social power. according to one social myth, america is a "melting pot," and this myth is intended by many to be not merely descriptive but normative: the faster americans especially white ethnic americans "melt" into the british american pattern, the better. there is even a certain ranking according to the supposed degree of assimilation: scotch irish, norwegians, swedes, germans, swiss, dutch, liberal or universalist jews, the irish, and on down the line to the less assimilated: greeks, yugoslavs, hungarians, central and east europeans, italians, orthodox jews, french canadians, portuguese, latins and spanishspeaking. . . . (the pattern almost exactly reflects the history and literature of england.). now it was one thing to be afraid of ethnicity in 1924, in confronting a first and second generation of immigrants. it is another thing to be afraid, in 1974, in confronting a third and fourth generation. indeed, fears about a revival of ethnicity seem to be incompatible with conviction about how successful the "melting pot" has been. fears about a "revival" of ethnicity confirm the fact that ethnicity is still a powerful reality in american life. what, then, are the advantages and disadvantages in making this dangerous subject, this subterranean subject the new ethnicity notes many significant differences besides those based upon race, and defines political and social problems in ways that unite diverse groups around common objectives. the disadvantages seem to be three. the everyone's mind is that emphasis on ethnicit to the disadvantage of blacks. it may, it is sail legitimization of racism. it may "polarize" blacks. nothing could be further from the t who are concerned about the new ethnicity ( (washington), irving levine (new york), bai ski (baltimore), ralph perrotta (new york), ubado (newark), otto feinstein (detroit), st< (buffalo), kenneth kovach (cleveland), edwai (chicago), and others have given ample pi concern for the rights and opportunities of i cans. many got their start in the new ethnic their work among blacks. the overriding poli tion among those concerned with the new that the harshness of life in the cities must be whites and blacks together, especially in w neighborhoods. present social policies punis hoods that integrate. such neighborhoods rewarded and strengthened and guaranteed; stability. but fears about ethnicity require a furtf response. racism does not need ethnicity in legitimated in america. it was quite well le$ anglo-american culture, well before white rived here in significant numbers, well before ethnics had ever met blacks. indeed, there is i to believe that, while racism is an internation non and found in all cultures, the british ai other nordic peoples have a special emotioi to colored races. not all european peoples intermarriage, for example, with quite th< quality of the anglo-saxons. the french, t the italians, and the slavs are not withou forms of racism. but the felt quality of racisn in different cultures. (it seems different amor end italians and the south boston irish of example.) in america, racism did not wait until the in 1880 and after began to arrive. indeed, it is those parts of the country solely populate* americans that the conditions of blacks have and institutionally least humane. in those country most heavily populated by white culturd symbols and the political muscle tha civil-rights and other legislation have receive port. liberal senators and congressmen eled ethnics including the kennedys led the v 1972, both hamtramck and buffalo went mcgovern. mcgovern's share of the slavic vc two per cent. nixon won the white protest sixty-eight per cent. it will be objected that white ethnic leadei rizzo of philadelphia, ralph perk of cie others are signs of a new racism on the p ethnics in the northern cities, of a retreat fi for blacks, and of a rising tide of anti-"crim jusing sentiment. the proponents of the new ethnicity perceive such developments as a product of liberal ne-ject and liberal divisivenes s. the proponents of the new politics talk well of civil rights, equal opportunity, economic justice, and other beautiful themes. but the new politics, in distinguishing "legitimate" minorities (blacks chicanos, native americans) from "less favored" minorities (italians, slavs, orthodox jews, irish, etc.), has set up punitive and self-defeating mechanisms. the new politics has needlessly divided working-class blacks from work-ing-dass whites, in part by a romance (on television) with militance and flamboyance, in part by racial discrimination in favor of some against others, not because of need but because of color. the second part of this response is that the politics of "the constituency of conscience" (as michael harrington, eugene mccarthy, and others have called it)-the politics of the liberal, the educated the enhght-ened-is less advantageous to blacks than is the politics of the new ethnicity. the new politics is less advantageous to blacks because it is obsessed with racial differenc , and approaches these through the ineffectual enses guilt and moralism. second, it is blind to ences among blacks, as well as to cultural di e^n among whites; and sometimes these are si^unca ' third, it unconsciously but effectively keeps blac s in position of a small racial minority outnumbere in population ten to one. . .,. by contrast, the new ethnicity notes many ot er sign:11 cant differences besides those based upon race, defines political and social problems in ways t a 1101 diverse groups around common objectives. in ' for example, neither poles nor italians are represente o the boards or in the executive suites of chicago s op corporations in a higher proportion than blacks or a inos all are of one per cent or less.* in boston, net white ethnics nor blacks desire busing, but this g y ideological instrument of social change is supporte m just those affluent liberals-in such suburbs as broo -line and newton whose children will not be invo v the new ethnic politics would propose a sjate8y social rewards better garbage pickup, more ea y priced and orderly schools, long-range guaran ees home mortgages, easier access to federally insure wement loans, and other services-for neign boods that integrate. as a neighborhood moves from^say, a ten per cent population of blacks to twenty per c m re, integration should be regulated so that longg community stability is guaranteed. it is better long-range to have a large number of neighborhoods intend up to twenty or thirty per-cent than to encour cf/^--------in the e j representation of poles, italians, latins, and blacks the instih^^6 bu*tes f chicago's largest corporations." chicabn w-e of urban life, 820 north michigan avenue, 8 / illinois 60611 37. new ethnicity age even by inadvertence a series of sudden flights and virtually total migrations. institutional racism is a reality; the massive migration of blacks into a neighborhood does not bring with it social rewards but, almost exclusively, punishments. there are other supposed disadvantages to emphasis upon ethnicity. ethnicity, it is said, is a fundamentally counter-rational, primordial, uncontrollable social force; it leads to hatred and violence; it is the very enemy of enlightenment, rationality, and liberal politics. but this is to confuse nationalism or tribalism with cultural heritage. because a man's name is russell, or ayer, or flew, we would not wish to accuse him of tribalism on the ground that he found the britons a uniquely civilized and clearheaded people, thought the germans ponderous and mystic, the french philosophically romantic, etc. a little insular, we might conclude, but harmlessly ethnocentric. and if it is not necessarily tribalistic or unenlightened to read english literature in american schools, just possibly it would be even more enlightened and even less tribalistic to make other literatures, germane to the heritage of other americans, more accessible than they are. the united states is, potentially, a multiculturally at-tuned society. the greatest number of immigrants in recent years arrives from spanish-speaking and asian nations. but the nation's cultural life, and its institutions of culture, are far from being sensitive to the varieties of the american people. why should a cultural heritage not their own be imposed unilaterally upon newcomers? would not genuine multicultural adaptation on the part of all be more cosmopolitan and humanistic? it would be quite significant in international affairs. the americans would truly be a kind of prototype of planetary diversity. some claim that cultural institutions will be fragmented if every ethnic group in america clamors for attention. but the experience of the illinois curriculum in ethnic studies suggests that no one school represents more than four or five ethnic groups (sometimes fewer) in significant density. with even modest adjustments in courses in history, literature, and the social sciences, material can be introduced that illuminates inherited patterns of family life, values; and preferences. the purpose for introducing multicultural materials is neither chauvinistic nor propagandistic but realistic. education ought to illuminate what is happening in the self of each child. what about the child of the mixed marriage, the child of no ethnic heritage the child of the melting pot? so much in the present curriculum already supports such a child that the only possible shock to arise from multicultural materials would appear to be a beneficial one: not all others in america are like him (her), and that diversity as well as homogenization, has a place in america. the practical agenda that faces proponents of the new ethnicity is vast, indeed. at the heights of american 195 7. ethnic legacy group studying in patterns of home ownership, family income, wor patterns care for the aged, political activism, authontar-fanism individualism, and matters of ultimate concern, group differences are remarkable. about all these things, more information is surely needed. appropriate social policies need to be hypothesized, tried, and evaluated* ethnic diversity in the united states persists m the consciousness of individuals, in their perceptions, preferences, behavior, even while mass production and mass communications homogenize our outward appearances. some regard such persistence as a personal failure; they would prefer to "transcend" their origins, or perhaps they believe that they have. here two questions arise. what cultural connection do they have with their brothers and sisters still back in montgomery, or wheeling, or skokie, or pawtucket? second, has 1 assimilation introduced into the great ameri ture fresh streams of image, myth, symbol intellectual life? has anything distinctive! formed in them by a history longer thai years been added to the common wisdoi the new ethnicity does not stand for the of america. it stands for a true, real, multic politanism. it points toward a common altered by each new infusion of diversity, common culture has been relatively resist transformation; it has not so much arisen f of all as been imposed; the melting pot 1 single recipe. that is why at present the seems to have become discredited, shattei able. its cocoon has broken. struggling t creature of multicultural beauty, dazzling and richer form of life. it was fashioned darkness of the melting pot and now, at time, it awakens. 196 article 38 italian americans as a cognizable racial group dominic r. massaro dominic massaro is a justice of the supreme court of new york. a "grande ufficiale della repubblica italiana," he is chairman emeritus of the conference of presidents of major italian-american organizations. in 1991 his treatise, cesare beccaria the father of criminal justice: his impact on anglo-american jurisprudence (prescia: international up, w, garnered italy's international dorso prize. justice massaro is the representative of the american judges association to the united nations. italian americans are a cognizable raci . poses of the scope and application of civi rig s this view is confirmed by the sophistication o soci cal definition and historical evidence, which in legal analysis and judicial interpretation. ere number of citations, quotes, and references to w ic allude, including a limited amount of previous s ship. let me note at the onset that italian me ' more often than not, take umbrage at beingtselaw minority group. yet, a review of the releyan ca suggests that in no other manner can they p success in advancing legal claims that allege 1s< . tion on the basis of national origin. traditional y rights legislation has provided virtually no pr0 against this form of discrimination. t e ecu scelsa v. the city university of new york last november in federal district court in a hereinafter referred to as scelsa accents t e s , steady erosion of the artificial distinction between and "national origin" that has heretofore giveni ethnic minorities, including italian americans, different treatment under the law, as wnttenor as an aside, you should be aware of w a i tg w view of scelsa. in my position [as] hum bfr of commissioner, and in response to a growing complaints, i threatened mandamus against november 1971; that is, i mandated that it retease statistical breakdown of americans o aia employed throughout the university sys e _ ojce years later, while on the bench as a non-par is by jerome ;n a multicultural so&ew this article first appeared in aten reprinted by permission. 1994, pp. 44-55. 1994 by forum italicum, was invited to chair the legislative advisory committee on urban public higher education. the committee's central charge was to investigate and suggest redress for discrimination against italian americans at cuny its final report, rendered 12 september 1991, contained a series of recommendations utilizing the special expertise of cuny's italian american institute aimed at "under-scorfing] the university's commitment to the richness of diversity." within a year, as the scelsa court observed that cuny sought "to sever the outreach, counseling and research aspects of the institute . . . [and] shunt aside its director." however, what i found particularly disturbing was that, despite two intervening decades, only negligible changes had been made to remedy the woeful underrepresentation of italian americans in the work force. the release of these earlier statistics became the underpinning for critical reportage, academic study, the designation of italian americans as an affirmative action category by cuny (the so-called kibbee memorandum), and legislative inquiry. the latter culminated in public hearings and provided the backdrop for the establishment of the john d. calandra italian american institute of cuny in 1979. from a purely legal perspective, scelsa presents us with a precedent-making judicial grant of extraordinary relief to italian americans; not only did the case galvanize italian-american organizations, it placed the italian american legal defense and higher education fund that handled the action in the forefront of civil rights activity. by its very nature, injunctive relief is an extraordinary remedy; it is grounded in equity; that is, it is responsive to the demands of justice and right conscience. the manner in which it was granted and the fact that it was granted by the scelsa court is significant. a colleague stated it rather succinctly; namely, that the decision "is a delight to those who are sympathetic to the plaintiffs' position and a nightmare to those favoring the defendants." the petitioner, dr. joseph v scelsa, filed the action in both an individual and representative capacity (as director of the calandra institute). as dual plaintiff, he sought to bar cuny from accomplishing three things: (1) "from employment discrimination against italian americans"; krase and judith n. desena, 197 ji 7. ethnic legacy cceeded in owning their own businesses. as independent entrepreneurs, they rarely looked to government jobs or public assistance, and they stood apart from the growing political influence of the trade union movement. this commercial independence was augmented by the social isolation stemming from the inward aspect of the greek-american community the preoccupation with family, church and local social clubs. finally, an obsessive preoccupation during the 1920s and 1930s with the politics of the old country tended to dissipate the political energies of greeks living in the united states. political involvement it would be a mistake, however, to say that political life was completely dor-roant for greek-americans. viewing politics as a civic obligation, our people voted proudly and regularly, with a few reek-americans emerging into the pu lie limelight. two of the most promi-aut?itere ^eor8e voumas, the great aoepa (american hellenic and progressive association) leader, and char-2? maliotis of massachusetts, a close en of the kennedys and of two nfo ers united states house representatives, the late john w. c ormack and the present speaker, thomas p. o neill, jr. in the subsequent rise of greek-eve?^ ^mer can politics, certain n s and personalities stand out as im-want symbols. one was mike mana-grepita to 1961 became the first staff utican on the white house v. j ere he served both presidents son j johnson. in later years, his drew was an assistant secretary peter ^mercehere i must also mention hold eters?n fhst greek-american to com 3 cabinet post, as secretary of q..another symbol was george mavn c f wh in 1955, was elected ameri * $an francisco, first greek-since c to ,ead a big cityin the years avo ^ek-americans have served as paul cities coast to coast: saint mnesota; gary, indiana; savan nah, georgia; syracuse, new york; hartford, connecticut; annapolis, maryland; and lincoln, nebraska. george athan-son served longer as mayor of hartford than any other person, while lee alexander, mayor of syracuse for fourteen years, is chairman of the national conference of democratic mayors. in 1958, i became the first native-born american of greek origin ever to serve in either chamber of congress when, on my third attempt, i was elected to the united states house of representatives. actually, the first hellene elected to congress was miltiades miller, who was bom in greece, came to america and served one term in the house of representatives in the late nineteenth century. i regret to have to tell you that he was a republican! it would not be until 1966 that i would be joined in congress by other greek-americans. that year, however, marked the beginning of an escalation of political victories by americans of greek descent that continues until today. in 1966, peter kyros of maine and nick galifianakis of north carolina were elected to congress, and spiro agnew of maryland became the nation s first greek-american governor. in 1968, agnew was designated by richard nixon to be vice-president and overnight the name spiro became a household word. also that year gus yatron of pennsylvania was elected to congress, bringing the number of greek-americans in the house of representatives to four. two years later, paul sarbanes of maryland, son of immigrants from laconia, greece, was elected to the house and in 1972, l. a. skip bafalis of florida also became a congressman. in 1974, michael dukakis, son of a highly respected greek immigrant physician, was elected governor of massachusetts, a position to which he was again elected last year, while in 1974, paul tsongas went to the u.s. house of representatives from the same state. in 1976, congressman sarbanes of maryland set a precedent when he was elected the nation s first united states senator of greek origin. you may be interested in this sidelight: paul sarbanes, mike dukakis and i have in common more than our greek heritage. all three of us are democrats, all graduates of harvard and all of us studied at oxford university as rhodes scholars. let me here interject that there is no abler governor in the united states than mike dukakis nor a finer member of the united states senate than paul sarbanes. both of these men are exceptionally intelligent, have now had several years of experience in high public office and are nonetheless relatively young. in my judgment, they will both be increasingly important figures on the national scene. in 1978, paul sarbanes was joined in the senate by paul tsongas, while nicholas mavroules was elected to the house of representatives and olympia bouchles snow of maine became the first greek-american woman elected to congress. in 1980, having served twenty-two years in congress, i was defeated in my bid for reelection. my district had become over the years more conservative, unemployment was high and ronald reagan won in my area by a landslide over president jimmy carter. but the elections of 1982 brought two more greek-americans to washington congressmen mike bilirakis of florida and george gekas of pennsylvania. my brief survey has focused on persons elected to national office and so does not include hundreds of greek-americans in state and municipal posts or in staff positions on capitol hill. let me here observe that the preoccupation with small business, which forty years before had kept early immigrants from involvement in politics, developed during the 1960s and 1970s into a useful vehicle for influencing public opinion. greek-americans have also generally been treated more favorably by the press and the public than other ethnic groups. these factors have meant that greek-americans are often in positions in business and the professions that give them an opportunity for meaningful exposure to the public and for political action. greek americans and cyprus this combination of more and more greek-americans winning elections to office, growing economic strength in the small business community and the professions and public respect for persons of greek origin helped make possible their effective political participation in the events following the invasion of cyprus in 1974 by turkey. this is not the place to rehearse the tragic events of nearly a full decade ago. let me make just a few observations 203 7. ethnic legacy here. as you know, the american political system is based on a constitutional separation of powers. we do not have a parliamentary system of government in which the legislature must customarily support the executive branch. even today, on such issues as central america, you will observe how members of congress of president reagan s own party oppose him. in the american democracy, congressmen and senators have an independent and often powerful influence on the conduct of foreign policy. this arrangement often frustrates presidents, of both parties, but it is the american way of governing. we certainly had an example of such influence by congress in the cyprus crisis. you will all recall the invasion, in midaugust of 1974, of the sovereign republic of cyprus by some forty thousand turkish troops equipped with weapons supplied by the united states. under our law, no country receiving american arms is permitted to use them for other than defensive purposes. moreover, u.s. law says that if american arms are used by recipient nations for aggression, all further arms must be immediately terminated. the law, to reiterate, mandates a halt to further shipments. because the then secretary of state, henry kissinger, refused to enforce the clear requirement of american law and halt additional arms to turkey, several of us in congress acted. we insisted that the laws of our country be enforced and we, therefore, organized an effort to impose an arms embargo on turkey. beyond my own work, the leaders of this movement were then congressman sarbanes and the late benjamin rosenthal in the house of representatives and senator thomas eagleton of missouri in the senate. a question of law and principle although there was much talk of a greek lobby, the truth is that there were only a handful of americans of hellenic origin in congress at the time. that we were able to win this struggle was in large measure due to the effectiveness of our argument, namely, that the laws of the land must be respected, even by presidents and secretaries of state. you will also recall that these events occurred only a few days and weeks following the resignation of president nixon, in effect, for his failure to obey the law. there was another reason for our effectiveness in winning the turkish arms embargo fight in 1974, and that was the public support for our cause generated across the country by americans of greek and armenian origin and by our friends. i shall not here describe the legislative battles over the last nine and a half years on the arms embargo on turkey and the occupation of cyprus. you and i know that the embargo was finally lifted, and we know, too, that there has still been no resolution of the cyprus tragedy. the struggle for justice for the people of that beleaguered island nation therefore continues. my point here, however, : issue of cyprus produced a r demonstration of political act part of the greek-american c and its friends. we were effe< organizations were created events and older ones made ir cally conscious. for example, the america institute, led by washingtoi eugene rossides, and the u lenic american congress, or; chicago businessman andre helped focus these politic members of ahepa and otl american societies intensi activities while leaders like livanos and others gave stro every step of the way. w1 americans discovered from 1 crisis, then, was that well political action, combined leadership and the right issue, nificantly affect national poli as you are all aware, both unilateral declaration of inc by turkish cypriots and the of the reagan administratic tary aid to greece and turke; voked renewed criticism by c the part of both democrats ; licans. ironically, ten years a vasion and occupation of ( must still be concerned over that small, democratic count the question of cyprus c trouble not only american! origin but all americans whc the rule of law in the cone nation s foreign policy. uh a 204 article 40 polish americans and the holocaust rev. john t. pawlikowski, o.s.m., phd. lam most grateful for the opportunity to present the 1994 fierdorczyk lecture. the topic suggested to me, polish americans and the holocaust, is one surrounded with great possibilities for enhanced understanding but considerable controversy as well. since i have found members of polonia, as well as the general american community, fairly unacquainted with the details of the polish story o victimization during the nazi era i shall begin my narrative with a brief account of that story. following that i would like to turn my attention, and yours, to some contemporary implications of e holocaust for polish americans, in particular or their relations with jewish americans with whom they share a patrimony of victimization. the nazi invasion of poland: its goals and impact on september 1, 1939, poland was invaded by one of the world s strongest and most modern armies. over 1,800,000 soldiers, representing the elite oi the german army, took part in the campaign against it. the german army was vastly superior to any counter force poland could mount in its e fense because of its tremendous fire-power an mo hility enhanced by its motorization. on september 3> 1939, in fulfillment of their treaty obligations to poland, great britain and france declared war on nazi germany. the war had been transforme in o an allied effort. though this franco-british declaration was of great political significance, it ha(l^ nmediate impact on the military situation. fign-hig alone and basically unaided, poland ha o co front more than two thirds of the com in german forces. . f yearbook of china 199$ and overseas : chinese business networks j in asia . rooted sense of insecurity and impermanence. "we'll be here as long as there's money to be made," is a frequent refrain of theirs throughout asia. this outlook, not unlike that of an illegal street vendor ready to roll up his merchandise and disappear before the police arrive, is reflected in the way in which many smaller overseas chinese businesses operate. they favor gutsy investments in industries such as garment manufacturing, shoes, toys, textiles, plastics, and electronics, while spreading their investments around the world in order to minimize risks from political or economic collapse in their own fields. deals are often marked by access to reliable, timely information and quick action, both of which are made possible by far-flung business networks forged along the lines of kinship and common dialects as well as by the family structure of the businesses themselves. wl*en ks 'n family, things are more exible; there is more trust, says the irector of a publicly traded real estate company in hong kong. (like many overseas chinese business executives, the executive s uns puicity, asking to remain anony-ous.) here isn t so much of a corporate 176 35. chinese diaspora ierarchy. people genuinely work for the fam-y s interests, not to prove themselves and iimb the corporate ladder. traditionally, visions are made more quickly. there s no eed to jump through the hoops of board leetings and shareholders meetings. of course, there is nothing peculiarly '.hinese about these networks or patriarchal imily businesses. just look at the rocke-jler family, says a chinese american with a master s degree in business from columbia jniversity who once worked for a major jnited states corporation. he is now helping o restructure his family s manufacturing msiness, which has operations in asia, north america, and latin america. there is noth-ng ethnic about it. american businesses start mt small, too, and they have the same amily-oriented structure. but as the business ;rows, accountability and reporting become note and more important. westerners don t mow much about the chinese, so they like to omanticize them. and they are wrong! says peter li, a hong kong-born soci-)logy professor at the university of saskatchewan: the west has not been pay-ng attention [to ethnic chinese business levelopment], and when it finally did, it was surprised and felt locked out. when you lon't know what's going on, you look for ill sorts of cultural explanations. this happened to the jews as well." the crudest, most commonly expressed cultural explanation is that chinese people succeed because of their work ethic: chinese entrepreneurs are the very embodiment of diligence and thrift. herman kahn, the founder of a united states think tank, the hudson institute, observed as early as 1979 that so-called neo-confucian societies create dedicated, motivated, responsible, and educated individuals with an enhanced sense of commitment, organizational identity, and loyalty to various institutions. these so-'aeties, kahn argued, are superior to those o the west in the pursuit of industrializa-on' affluence, and modernization. , .there are overseas chinese who promote s cnaracterization as well. wang gungwu, a prominent indonesian-born historian and a retired vice chancellor of the university of n ng kong, has observed many ethnic chi-pcse living to embrace their historic culture. example, dozens of conferences on the erseas chinese have been held in hong pr^ taiwan, singapore, the united states, pant rrhd netherlands, with numerous f's discussing such matters as the role of reculture in business. pertst too invites overseas extop0 seminars and conferences, on such teristi ^oc aksm with chinese charac-tuted on the capitalist reforms insti-parent ^eng xiaoping. overseas chinese s previously uninterested in chinese at home abroad population and percentage of ethnic chinese in selected countries unese % at total courtly population poprtatim taiwan 20,370,000 97.0% myanmar 7,805,000 17.5 indonesia 6,552,000 3.5 hong kong 6,174,000 98.0 thailand 5,800,000 10.0 malaysia 5,510,000 29.0 singapore 2,079,000 77.0 united states 1,645,500 0.7 philippines 1,200,000 2.0 vietnam 1,000,000 1.4 canada 587,000 2.2 macao 446,200 97.0 cambodia 250,000 2.5 japan 110,000 0.9 laos 50,000 1.3 sources: overseas chinese business networks in asia, by the east asia analytical unit of the australian department of foreign affairs and trade; 1990 united states census; 1991 canadian census; united states state department; world bank culture are now pushing their children to learn the chinese language and study their heritage in order to be in a better position to exploit the new opportunities proliferating through ethnic ties. for example, during a 1989 conference on confucianism held in china, china's president, jiang zemin, appealed to overseas chinese to show support for china's precious cultural heritage. the overseas chinese have, at times, answered such calls, such as when they donated $700,000 for the reconstruction of a shrine to the yellow emperor (the mythical ancestor of all chinese people) in central china. one of neo-confucianism s top promoters is singapore s senior minister, lee kuan yew. lee is a former anglophile, who is proud of his cambridge university education. his is a well-ordered society, buttressed by lee s interpretation of neo-confucianism. he has been outspoken among those attributing asian successes to asian values, often a euphemism for strong rulers, obedient citizens, and hard work. lee argues that democracy as understood and practiced in the west, is not conducive to rapid economic growth and that asians strongly desire that kind of growth. this new love of confucianism by people in business, no less is strange. in the confucian world, merchants were always frowned upon because their main motivation was profit instead of learning. and although china s ruling bureaucracies historically colluded with merchants to control the peasant population, and merchants were sometimes allowed to elevate their status by paying off officials, merchants were generally kept at the very bottom of the confucian social ladder. 177 6. asian americans starting in the late nineteenth century, every chinese leader who attempted to pull china out of the backwardness and misery of the feudal age saw confucianism as a curse. getting rid of its pervasive, stultifying influence was critical, they thought, if china was to emerge as a modem nation in the twentieth century. coastal traders from southern china in the 1700s and 1800s sailed across the south china sea to escape the restrictions placed on them by the confucian state. they went as far as they could from the seat of confucian authority beijing in pursuit of the freedom to trade and make a profit. all the asian economic miracles have so far occurred on the periphery of china's confucian civilization: japan, south korea, taiwan, hong kong, singapore, and now the special economic zones in coastal china. these booming areas are very much heirs to the old colonial treaty ports, areas that were the most exposed to the influences of western civilization in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. i m successful not because i m chinese, says casey foung, the new york-based executive. i m not chinese. i grew up an american in the united states, and had to learn chinese late in life. i am successful precisely because i am american, bringing american know-how to the chinese. americans can be helpful in chinese economic development, and they can take advantage of their knowledge of marketing, advertising, international finance. the chinese are so new to this that they can use any help they can get. that s precisely what i did. foung s vision contrasts dramatically with other theories about why members of the chinese diaspora have been so successful and in turn what it takes to be successful in china and the rest of asia. if success is implicitly attributed to membership in an exclusive group, doesn t that mean that competition is unfairly stacked against people who aren t of that group? overseas chinese businesses do help one another, pool their resources, and feed one another information within their business networks. but too frequently, all that is distilled into a simple cultural explanation: to do business with the chinese, you have to be chinese. at the very least, westerners feel they need guanxi, connections to break into the networks of this alien culture, or a chinese mediator who can provide such connections. old-boy networks based on college affiliation, club memberships, or ethnicity are common in the united states and elsewhere, but knowing the right people can be even more important in an environment where the legal system is weak, as in china. in this sense, men such as singapore s lee cannot claim to share in china s socialist values so confucian culture becomes a form of guanxi. for example, at the second world chinese entrepreneurs convention in hong kong in 1993, lee enthusiastically hobnobbed with some of the top overseas chinese businesspeople, such as hong kong s li ka-shing, the head of hutchison whampoa, and malaysia s robert kuok, who controls shangri-la hotels and resorts, stressing that guanxi is an important advantage of the overseas chinese that they should put to use as they compete against western rivals for business opportunities in china. guanxi, lee said, will be useful for about twenty years, until china develops a legal system that will assuage foreign investors. one businessman, who as a college student in the united states in the 1960s was a maoist but is now an investor in chemical factories in china, doesn't underestimate the importance of having an understanding of language and culture that overseas chinese might bring to the negotiating table. but their expertise often boils down to something far more vulgar than a deep knowledge of china's history, language, or literature. "when you operate in asia, you are talking about doing business in areas where there are no written laws," he says. "doing business means dealing with officials and bureaucrats at all levels and bribing them to leave you alone. the real advantage for chinese expatriates is that the officials expect you to understand that. they find it easier to open their mouth to ask for bribes openly." the overheated economy of the mainland is still hobbled by a myriad of bureaucratic restraints. all new ventures there require commercial permits; licenses to buy, own, sell, or lease property; land-use permits; construction permits; licenses to import raw materials; permission to exchange currency the list goes on and on. doing business in china is a constant problem, says a manufacturer from taiwan who recently set up a factory in the city of changchun, in the northern province of ^rst y u spen<^ a lot of money to obtain licenses. then you entertain local officials. you pay high rents, you bribe lyour way] around housing regulations it cost us a mint just to wine and dine the offi-cia s m charge. it took six months to get e operating license, then another three months to get the land permit to build the c ory. oing business in china is not just about the business operation: you are really dealing with people. without a legal system, t0 tat\sfy a11 the pe ple in charge. nd although they won t let you do busi-s 6 k their palms are greased, the officials in charge find it difficult to tell you 178 35. chinese diaspora act]y what they want with people they jn tknow. overseas chinese entrepreneurs in asia e accustomed to this kind of bribery, hich is prevalent throughout the region, xecutives from united states companies, a the other hand, are not. in fact, the for-gn corrupt practices act makes bribery legal. one chinese american consultant -as hir a central ethnic issue? by what criti 'mportance and preferential protect ethnic group vis-^-vis another group? what lessons can be learned from the immig settlement experiences of eastern and southern i 188 unit 7 189 article 37 the new ethnicity michael novak the word "ethnic" does not have a pleasing sound. the use of the word makes many people anxious. t.n. what sorts of repressi n account for this anxiety what pretenses about the world are threatened when one points to the realities denoted and connoted by that ancient word? an internal history ues behind resistance to ethnicity; such resistance is almost always passional ssxb persons have tried to cls 8 mc' m the name of a higher moral there are many meanings to the word itself. i have tried to map some of them below. there are many reasons nrefx in t r hu ^s^g with these directly i p th ?abe m by definins new ethnicity y background. my aim was anh t ^p6311 (or other) studylet later ^xxcxusth t up fidd exactly my first aerts at tj 1 h w broadly and how try to uotc^^^ w to then .o devise tesuble the n^w ethnicity, then is a ater sta e edge on the part of members of ^third h t 1' generation of southern and eastern fourth grants in the united states in a bro^ew pean ethnic indudes a part of other generations and other ethnic gi irish, the norwegians and swedes, the gen chinese and japanese, and others. much that c of one of these groups can be said, not univ analogously, of others. in this area, one mus speak with multiple meanings and with a sha differences in detail. (by "analogous" i mear resemblances but also essential differences"; b cal i mean a generalization that applies equ cases.) my sentences are to be read, then, an not univocally; they are meant to awaken fres tion, not to close discussion. they are intended directly of a limited (and yet quite large) range groups, while conceding indirectly that much tl of southern and eastern europeans may also mutatis mutandis, of others. i stress that, in the main, the "new" ethnicity those of the third and fourth generation af gration. perhaps two anecdotes will suggest of experience involved. when time magazine re ^^2 as a "slovak-american," i felt an inne a never referred to myself or been publicly rc m that way. i wasn't certain how i felt about it. z after i had given a lecture on ethnicity to , ass slavic american studies in the united s the city college of new york, the dean of the col on the way to lunch, "considering how sensitive n ethnic matters, the surprising thing to me american course-in a happy symbol o thrnnjt^n.18 h used in the program of puerto rica ugh the generosity of the latter. 1977. originally from center magazine. 190 the new ethnicity is a fledgling movement, not to be confused with the appearance of ethnic themes on television commercials, in television police shows, and in magazines. american you are." i wanted to ask him, "what else?" in this area one grows used to symbolic uncertainties. the new ethnicity does not entail: (a) speaking a foreign language; (b) living in a subculture; (c) living in a "tight-knit" ethnic neighborhood; (d) belonging to fraternal organizations; (e) responding to "ethnic" appeals; (f) exalting one's own nationality or culture, narrowly construed. neither does it entail a university education or the reading of writers on the new ethnicity. rather, the new ethnidty entails: first, a growing sense of discomfort with the sense of identity one is supposed to have universalist, "melted," "like everyone else"; then a growing appreciation for the potential wisdom of one's own gut reactions (especially on moral matters) and their historical roots; a growing self-confidence and social power; a sense of being discriminated against, condescended to, or carelessly misapprehended; a growing disaffection regarding those to whom one had always been taught to defer; and sense of injustice regarding the response of liberal spokesmen to conflicts between various ethnic groups, especially between "legitimate" minorities and "illegitimate ones. there is, in a word, an inner conflict between ones felt personal power and one's ascribed public power: a sense of outraged truth, justice, and equity. the new ethnicity does, therefore, have political consequences. many southern and eastern european-ameri-cans have been taught, as i was, not to be "ethnic," or even hyphenated," but only "american." yet at critical points it became clear to some of us, then to more of us, at when push comes to shove we are always, in the eyes 0 others, "ethnics," unless we play completely by their es/ ^motional as well as procedural. and in the end, hen, they retain the power and the status. still, the es involved in admitting this reality to oneself are bein "universal" is regarded as being good; *^8 ethnically self-conscious raises anxieties. since "e s whole identity has been based upon being "univer-d ' one is often loathe to change public face too sud-ac y many guard the little power and status they have tu^ed, although they cock one eye on how the ethnic tai veinent" is progressing. they are wise. but their ^ts are also needed. to bp6 ew ethnicity, then, is a fledgling movement, not confused with the appearance of ethnic themes on 37. new ethnicity television commercials, in television police shows, and in magazines. all these manifestations in the public media would not have occurred unless the ethnic reality of america had begun to be noticed. in states from massachusetts to iowa, great concentrations of catholics and jews, especially in urban centers, have been some of the main bastions of democratic party politics for fifty years. the new politics," centered in the universities, irritated and angered this constituency (even when, as it sometimes did, it won its votes). thus there is a relation between the fledgling new ethnicity and this larger ethnic constituency. but what that relationship will finally be has not yet been demonstrated by events. those who do not come from southern or eastern european backgrounds in the united states may not be aware of how it feels to come from such a tradition; they may not know the internal history. they may note "mass passivity" and "alienation" without sharing the cynicism learned through particular experiences. they may regard the externals of ethnic economic and social success, modest but real, while never noticing the internal ambiguity and its compound of peace and self-hatred, confidence and insecurity. to be sure, at first many "white ethnics" of the third generation are not conscious of having any special feelings. the range of feelings about themselves they do have is very broad; more than one stream of feeling is involved. they are right-wingers and left-wingers, chauvinists and universalists, all-americans and isolationists. many want nothing more desperately than to be considered "american." indeed, by now many have so deeply acquired that habit that to ask them point-blank how they are different from others would arouse strong emotional resistance. for at least three reasons, many white ethnics are becoming self-conscious. as usual, great social forces outside the self draw forth from the self new responses. first, a critical mass of scholars, artists, and writers is beginning to emerge the italians, for example, are extraordinarily eminent in the cinema. second, the prevailing image of the model american the "best and the brightest" of the ivy league, wealthy, suave, and powerful has been discredited by the mismanagement of war abroad, by racial injustice at home, and by attitudes, values, and emotional patterns unworthy of emulation internally. the older image of the truly cultured american is no longer compelling. many, therefore, are thrown back upon their own resources. finally, the attitudes of liberal, enlightened commentators on the "crisis of the cities" seem to fall into traditional patterns: guilt vis-a-vis blacks, and disdain for the archie bunkers of the land (bunker is, of course, a classy british american name, but carroll o'connor is in appearance undisguisably irish). the national media present to the public a model for what it is to be a "good american" which makes many people feel unacceptable to their 191 7. ethnic legacy 38. ne betters, unwashed, and ignored. richard hofstadter wrote of "the anti-intellectualism of the people, but another feature of american life is the indifference even hostility of many intellectuals to main street. in return, then many people respond with deep contempt or experts, educators, "limousine liberals," "radical chic " "bureaucrats" a contempt whose sources are partly those of class ("the hidden injuries of class") and partly those of ethnicity ("legitimate" minorities and unacceptable minorities). the national social class that prides itself on being universalist has lost the confidence of many. votes on school bond issues are an example of popular resistance to professionals. in my own case, the reporting of voting patterns among white ethnic voters during the wallace campaigns of 1964 and 1968 first aroused in me ethnic self-consciousness. descriptions of "white backlash" often put the blame inaccurately i came to see upon slavs and other catholic groups. the slavs of "south milwaukee" were singled out for comment in the wallace vote in wisconsin in 1964. first, south milwaukee was not distinguished from the south side of milwaukee. then, it was not noted that the slavic vote for wallace fell below his statewide average. then, the very heavy vote for wallace in outlying german and british american areas was not pointed out. finally, the strong vote for wallace in the wealthy northeastern suburbs of milwaukee was similarly ignored. it seemed to me that those whom the grandfathers called "hunkies" and "dagos" were now being called "racists," "fascists," and "pigs," with no noticeable gain in affection. even in 1972, a staff advisory in the shriver "trip book" for a congressional district in pittsburgh called the district "wallace country," though the wallace vote in that district in 1968 had been twelve per cent, and the humphrey vote had been fifty-eight per cent. i obliged the staff member to revise his account and to call the district "humphrey country." it is one of the most consistently liberal districts in pennsylvania. why send this constituency the message that it is the enemy? jimmy breslin was once asked by an interviewer in penthouse how, coming out of queens, he could have grown up so liberal. actually, next to brooklyn, there is no more liberal county in the nation. a similar question was put to a liberal journalist from the dorchester area, in boston. the class and ethnic bias hidden in the way the word liberal" is used in such interviews cries out for attention. one of the large social generalizations systematically obscured by the traditional anti-catholicism of american elites is the overwhelmingly progressive voting record in america s urban centers. the centers of large catholic population in every northeastern and north central state have been the key to democratic victories in those states since at least 1916. the hypothesis that catholics have been, second only to jews, the central constituency of successful progressive politics in this century is closer to the facts than historians have observed. (massachusetts, 192 that most catholic of our states, stayed with 1 1972.) the language of politics in america mainly protestant, and protestant biases perception. protestant leadership is given morality and legitimacy, catholic life is descr of negatively laden words: catholic "powei politics," etc. become like us is an understai strategy, but in a nation as plura the united states, it is shortsightt there are other examples of odd perceptio of american elites with respect to catholi ethnic populations. the major institutions life government, education at, they walk barefoot and weighed down with belongings, up and down the lake kivu region, in and out of the mountains, deep into the jungle. 235 i article 46 military-civilian schism widens, posing danger 4s fewer and fewer citizens experience military service, society increasingly is dividin into two groups who disdain each other. that s bad for democracy amy waldman amy waldman is an editor at the washington monthly. the revelations of rape and sexual harassment at aberdeen, md., and other army bases have drawn renewed and deserved attention to the military s difficulty in integrating women. but the stories about aberdeen contain a detail illustrative of another side of the military: soldiers found guilty of sexual liaisons with trainees may face charges of not just rape or sodomy but, if they are married, adultery as well. yes, adultery. as civilians from president clinton to jim bakker make infidelity seem as common to modern marriage as the honeymoon, the armed services remain a bastion of traditional morality. in a society increasingly guided by situational ethics and moral relativism, the military evinces a steadfast commitment to right and wrong. the difference is just one part of a broader schism between military and civilian views that could become dangerous. a military with little respect for amoral civilians, and civilian leadership that neither understands nor stands up to the military, is bad news for our democracy. forget the post-vietnam military, when morale was low and desertion, illiteracy, drunkenness and drug abuse were rife. in the 1980s, the armed services began raising their standards; today they accept applicants of only the highest caliber. recruits must have at least a general educational development degree, and most have high school diplomas. equally impressive is the quality of soldiers and citizens the military produces. members of the armed services practice not only rigid self-discipline but also unflagging selflessness. as society at large increasingly exalts individual rights, the military continues to prioritize responsibilities to your unit and, most of all, your country. the armed services also have successfully addressed problems, most notably race, that still bedevil civilian society. blacks in the military have attained leadership positions at a remarkable rate because the military practices the kind of affirmative action the rest of america should aspire to: expand the pool of qualified applicants through recruitment or remedial education, then promote strictly on merit. yet few of us are learning the many lessons the military offers because the proportion of society with military experience has been shrinking dramatically. as a result, people in the military increasingly exude disdain for nonservers, whom they perceive as undisciplined, immoral and selfish. civilians, in turn, traffic in blatant stereotypes people as stupid or fascistic. these stereotypes have currency because the lack of t perience is most glaring amt ica s decision makers am shapers. bill clinton is the r ous and troubling example server, but he has plenty of close to 60% of men in the j veterans, but only a third of' (and only a quarter of the 105th congresses freshmen), of senate-confirmed clinton s are veterans, and only 4% house staff. how many of 01 leaders children have servt known, but by all accounts tf is small. so who is serving? mostl; dren of the poor and the wc middle classes. of 220 marine the 1983 beirut bombing, catholic and 64 were baptis nominations most common to ing class. there were two epi: and two presbyterians. of the cans killed in june s terrorist t saudi arabia, 10 were roma and five were baptist. this class split is relatively vietnam, military service we and honorable for elite and i youths alike. but as the vie machine geared up, leaden "6 by usa today, a division of gannett company, inc. reprinted 236 from usa today newspaper, november 26,1996 by permission. -les, notably educational deferexempting the well educated and the war s character became ap-juent, elites began to see military jervice as immoral (not to mention danous). by 1973, when we officially incited an all-volunteer force, the morality of nonservice had been ce-nented. and with the draft s end, the nldren or youthful versions of for-iie 500 executives, professors, con-jessmen and journalists no longer had evade service; they simply could ig-we ft. pie trend away from service among elites has perpetuated itself. the reserve officer training corps, for exam-has long been a conduit for college students into military service. but in vietnam s wake, student opposition prompted many colleges to phase out botc. in the 1970s and 1980s, rotc made something of a comeback. but then the fight over gays in the military again drove rotc programs from many campuses, this time with the support of professors who had been students during the first round of purgings. that military service is becoming a rarity bodes ill for many reasons. most dangerous is the growing abstractness of the military in the eyes of civilian leaders who decide to deploy it. deciding to send troops to war or trouble spots is never easy, but it is easier if none of those deciding have children at risk. ignorance about the military, meanwhile, encourages a romanticized view of its ability to solve any problem, whether the influx of drugs here or hunger in somalia. at the same time, guilt about not serving can make civilian policymakers loath to challenge the military industrial complex s demands. combine that with military leaders growing lack of 46. military-civilian schism widens respect for their civilian commanders consider the open sniping at clinton in the ranks and the potential for an unhealthy concentration of power and hubris in the military becomes clear. as with most problems, the civilianmilitary divide is easier to identify than remedy. returning to the draft is politically and practically impossible: it would churn up far more recruits than a shrinking and technologically sophisticated military could train or use. but there are things we can do to encourage more military service. expand, rather than curtail, rotc programs, for example. or institute a national-service lottery, with the option for civilian or military service. that, at least, would send the message that serving the country, whether by protecting its interests or caring for its elderly, is a task not for the few but for all of us. 237 understanding cultural pluralism i he increase in racial violence and hatred on campuses across the country is manifested in acts ranging from hateful speech to physical violence. strategies for dealing with this problem on a campus include increased awareness through mandatory ethnic studies, the empowerment of targets of violence, and fostering social and cultural interaction in festivals, folk-arts fairs, and literary and political forums. systematic knowledge about ethnic groups has not been a central scholarly concern. in fact, mainstream literary, humanistic, and historical disciplines have only recently begun to displace sociological attention to the pathologies of urban ethnicity as the primary contact and source of information and interpretation of ethnic traditions. the historic role that voluntary groups have played in the reduction of bias and bigotry also needs to be revalued and revitalized. voluntary associations can take part in a host of state and local initiatives to improve intergroup relations. schools and parents can help children understand commonalities and differences among and within ethnic traditions and groups. the incorporation of everyday experiences of families and a formal pedagogy rooted in accurate and locally relevant resources are essential building blocks for understanding diversity. the reemergence of the discussion of race, ethnicity, and intelligence that is included in the selections found in this unit reveals the embeddedness of interpretive categories that frame the discussion and analysis of race and ethnic relations. the enormity of the educational effort that is required as we attempt to move beyond the ethnocentrism and racism that bred hatred and destructive relationships between persons and communities is revealed in a variety of ways. philosophic reflection on the epistemological issues associated with explaining human variety is rarely invited. however, it is precisely at this intersection of social philosophy and science that the crucial breakthroughs in understanding are likely to appear. the continual mismeasures of intelligence and misreadings of meaning indicate the long-term need for critical reformulation of the very idea of race. at this time a variety of ways of measuring the development of race and ethnic relations are imposing the accuracy of their claims. evidence cited by claimants to such authoritative knowledge and the attendant public criterion of credibility point to the expectation of a spirited debate. this unit challenges us to rethink th tions, contradictions, and aspirations of socii ment models. looking ahead: challenge questions what signs have you seen of an increase in semitic, anti-immigrant, and antiminority grou recent studies apparently confirm? what explains the fact that large populati confirm that in the areas of ethnic, racial, an differences, americans are more tolerant than why do teenagers commit 80 percent of all t acts? conflict in ethnic and race relations pose v lems for corporate and governmental institutic what media images of race and ethnicity nant? what avenues are available for the authen resources of ethnic communities and traditions how can multiethnic expressions of traditior with the breakdown of community and the tendencies related to individual and person< ment? how can the promotion of positive prototyi nicity ever become as powerful as negative st. how can dialogue among conflicting parties lemmas that are essential to technological and change enable us to share and shape the burde change? contrast local knowledge with national and ia as sources of information on race and ethi why should advocates of multicultural de' and diversity argue for the following: (1) fair protection under the law; (2) the compilation ' accurate data on the ethnic composition of the population; (3) corporate and governmental i are focused on issues that do not exacerbate among persons because of ethnicity and race. are the benefits if ethnic groups meel with other ethnic groups and engage in friend your agenda" meetings? who, if anyone, benefits from the persistence tension and conflict? 238 unit 9 article 47 so you want to b color-blind alternative principles for affirmative action peter schrag peter schrag is editorial page editor of the sacramento bee. by now, there s not much doubt that when americans are asked yes-or-no questions about the legitimacy of race preferences in public-sector hiring, contracting, and education, the answer is likely to be a flat no. roughly 60 percent of californian voters say that they support the proposed california civil rights initiative (ccri), which would prohibit all consideration of race or gender in public employment, education, and contracting; only 35 percent oppose it. those findings are consistent with a decade of other survey data showing overwhelming opposition, among both men and women and among member of both political parties, to race and gender preferences. they suggest relatively few americans will be troubled, and many will be delighted, when newt gingrich and other republicans try to write prohibitions against contract set-asides and other minority preferences into the federal budget this summer. by next year, when ccri is expected to be on the california ballot, the undoing of race preferences could become a political and social avalanche. the people who will be living under that avalanche are called libera , fritz fischer, in 1961 published a book about germany s policies during the first world war, griff nach der weltmacht. the title translates as grab for world power, although "griff" has a slightly less negative color than grab. an abridged version was published by the new york publisher w. w. norton under the calm title germany s aims in the first world war. in the book fischer showed how the kaiser s serious, polite, formalistic germany was in its policies painfully elose to nazi germany in the next war. naturally, the book caused an outcry in west germany, but its scholarship and the mass of documentation it presented left little room for factual criticism. fischer documented that germany s war aim, almost until the bitter end, was the creation of a german mitteleuropa that would include belgium, holland, scandinavia, and, of course, poland. in 1918 the ukraine was added. (analogous to it would be mittelafrika, a gerit'an colony stretching across africa from ocean to ocean.) wartime german state documents said nonetheless that germany was fighting for the liberty of the continent of europe and its peoples , france, weakened forever by a gertan demand for 40 billion gold francs reparations, would be forced to join the war against england. a report to the imperial chancellery showed a map of the frontier strip isolating a rump poland (perhaps to be ceded to austria-hungary), which was to be settled by germans from the old reich after being cleared by deporting part of its polish population and all its jews. a memorandum drawn up at the instruction of chancellor beth-mann hollweg declared, the german people, the greatest colonising people of the world,... must be given wider frontiers within which it can live a full life. if the word lebensraum isn t there yet, the concept certainly is. i realize that it is not politically correct to generalize about an entire nation; still, centuries of a common history may put a stamp on a society which makes it hard for other societies to understand. i hope i am not venturing into an area of pseudoscience when i suggest that german aggressiveness was based not only on an overconfidence that the country presumably no longer feels about itself but also, paradoxically, on a lack of confidence it does feel. what is one to make otherwise of a report by gustav krupp, the arms manufacturer, written for the government in the fall of 1914? (the great industrialists of germany played a large role in defining war policies.) krupp wrote that german domination should continue in belgium and extend to the north coast of france. he explained. here we should be lying at the very marrow of england s world power, a position perhaps the only one which could bring us england s lasting friendship [italics mine]. for only if we are able to hurt england badly at any moment will she really leave us unmolested, perhaps even become our friend , in so far as england is capable of friendship at all. the truth about nations is endlessly complicated, and political predictions based on generalization may go awry: the recent past provides plenty of examples. i find reason for some optimism in this. an experience i had toward the end of my visit may illustrate what i mean. one of my conversations about the german irredenta was with an academician whose real feelings about the matter didn t become quite clear to me. he seemed to feel that germany s reunification had indeed created a new legal context. he then started talking about himself. i was often told that kohl promotes a united europe because he does not trust his country to be left on its own. this man would have been born in konigsberg, in east prussia, he told me, if his parents had not fled to the west from the approaching battles, in the winter of 1944-1945. he was bom in west germany just after the war ended. konigsberg is now kaliningrad, a town in russia. as a naval base on the baltic sea, it was for many years closed to foreigners but no longer. two years ago the academician traveled there. he wandered through what he still considered to be his home town, accompanied by a russian student guide who spoke german. coming to the street where his parents had lived, he found that their house was still standing. he looked at it for a while and then hastened on. but his guide suggested that they go back and ring the bell and ask for a look inside. the man balked at first, but then his curiosity got the better of him and he agreed. they were asked in. three families now lived in the house. when the man explained the reason for his visit, the russians made him sit down and brought out tea and cakes, and eventually (of course) vodka. they were clearly poor people, but they searched high and low for something to give him as a present. if he warned them in advance, they told him, the next time they would receive him in style. the academician paused here, lost in thought. then, to my astonishment, he ended, and i now think that that was the best day in my entire life. 233 article 45 size, scope of hutu crisis hotly debated refugees caught in e. zaire chaos lynne duke washington post foreign service nyabibwe, zaire, nov. 23 high in the eastern zaire mountains where the clouds hug the earth, gunfire crackled on the lush green slopes where a mass of rwandan refugees was hidden. believed to number between 150,000 and 400,000, they were driven here like cattle by the armed former rwandan soldiers among them who have used the helpless as human shields for their pillaging of towns and villages. down below, this tiny hamlet of 8,000 people looked as if an apocalyptic prophecy had been realized. several small wooden houses were burned and torn apart. the wreckage of 30 charred, twisted cars and tankers blocked the main dirt road, also littered with shrapnel as well as unexploded grenades and mortars. men dug graves for those killed when the town was overrun wednesday by the armed rwandans, who destroyed what they could not take, followed by zairian rebels, who arrived to restore order. with nyabibwe still smoldering friday, john demescene baragondoza and 70 other refugees, including about 20 small children, made their escape. they left the maelstrom of refugees behind them and began the long trek back to bukavu, 65 miles to the south. dusty but dignified in a double-breasted blazer, the former rwandan postal worker stepped forward to issue a simple appeal to a group of journalists he encountered on the road: can you tell people that we need help? we need something to eat. we are very tired. for the hapless rwandan refugees remaining in eastern zaire, weeks if not months of continued wandering and hard ship appear to be in store. they are caught in the nexus of political, ethnic and military conflicts in zaire, in rwanda and in global capitals, were politicians continue to debate the refugees numbers and whether they are significant enough to warrant help. traveling through the hinterlands of eastern zaire, it becomes clear that many people the numbers are uncertain remain in desperate circumstances that will deepen without help and could sow the seeds for future instability in central africa s great lakes region. these refugees are the remainder of what the united nations says were 1.1 million rwandan hutu refugees who had been living in eastern zaire camps since 1994 when they fled rwanda after extremists among them perpetrated a genocide against rwanda s minority tutsis. some 500,000 refugees have returned to rwanda in recent days in a mammoth repatriation through the border station at goma, zaire. if 1.1 million were here to start with, then hundreds of thousands of refugees remain. but the goma exodus inspired a sense of diminished urgency among the world s political powers. a planned multinational peacekeeping force is on hold pending further deliberation. the united states believes that the bulk of the refugees have gone home and that about 200,000 remain. the united nations contends that 700,000 refugees remain in zaire more than have been repatriated. the rebel movement that controls eastern zaire claims there are no more refugees in its territory a claim clearly refuted by the nyabibwe story and that rebels will fight to stop a multinational force from bringing humanitarian assistance. rwanda s tutsi-dominat ment, which has trained and the zairian rebels, also is e force. we are opposed to the m force because we believe tl nocent people who were not the massacres in rwanda i home, said jonas sebatum man for the rebel alliance. tl assassins. instead of bringing humar sistance, the zairian tutsi-led democratic forces for the lil congo-zaire, known genera banyamulenge, wants an in force to come in to disarm th litias and former soldiers a refugees and bring them to ji the refugee groups are lar the control of hutu soldiers of armed forces of rwanda and hamwe militia, both of which v the old hutu regime in rwanc believed responsible for the 19& human rights advocates ao former soldiers of using the zt gee camps as launching pads cleansing against tutsis in ea as well as for military attacl rwanda s tutsi-dominated gc tutsis in eastern zaire are group amid several other ethi eluding zairian hutus. the eastern zairian insta rise to the banyamulenge ti merit. with rwandan governmi and support, the movement all-out war against zairian g* forces at the end of october t a swath of territory along za bound border. when the zai fled in defeat, former armed f diers and interahamwe a 234 from the washington post, november 24, 1996 pp at, a34. 1996 by the washington post. reprinted by permission. among the refugees took up the slack and battled the rebels themselves. low-^1 conflict between these two forces continues. refugees report severe repression from former members of the jmed forces and interahamwe and that people who resist instructions are killed. there are many bodies in the mountains, said baragondoza, who fled the interahamwe, as he and his group rested on the road before gathering their belongings for the monthlong trek back to the border and, they hope, back home. the fighting that broke out a month ago scattered refugees from a string of 40 u.n. camps. they surged toward the largest of the camps, called mugunga, near goma, zaire, where interahamwe forces held them under tight control until nine days ago, when the massive exodus began. since then, debate has raged about how many refugees remain and where they are. the hutu refugees who last week were reported moving on ny-abibwe and points northwest are one of several groups still on the move. another, smaller group is believed to be headed west from bukavu, beyond rebel-held territory, toward the no man s land of the jungle. already, the westwardmoving refugees, believed to number 30,000, have encountered stiff resistance and fighting from villagers fearful of plundering by refugees. residents of the region say some communities have destroyed small bridges to limit refugee access. in the town of walungu, about 30 miles west of bukavu, a hospital director reported that interahamwe fighters battled among themselves over provisions and medicine before pressing further west. 45. size, scope of hutu crisis humanitarian relief workers fear that a combination of battle, malnutrition and inaccessibility could seal the refugees fate if they are not helped soon. but several factors are preventing aid workers, from finding or gaining access to the refugees. the zairian rebels holding eastern zaire were, until recently, loath to allow aid workers into their area. and even when aid workers are able to circulate freely here, there are unknown numbers of refugees who have been pushed so far west that they may be beyond reach. still, the refugees keep marching. they are faceless masses to much of the world, which spots them on satellite photographs or hears of their numbers. with little to e ls. republicans are relishing the difficulties that the rollback of preferences will cause democrats forced to choose between their civil rights constituencies and what left of their blue-collar support. which, of course, is why even such republicans as senate majority leader bob dole and california governor peter wilson, not long ago regarded as among the steadfast supporters of affirmat tion, flipped on the issue and why they d soon keep it a question of either-or: colo scious or color-blind. it s hard to think of a political wedge to use on the democrats ne> it could kill clinton in california, a state ind able to his re-election. it could make today tensions look benign next to what follows. aire we prepared to accept the larger effects of an absolute ban on racial preferences? but this ought not to be that kind of q the issue is too complex, too nuanced, too stantial, too slippery in definition, too divi debate it in such terms is almost certain to e and distort whatever outcome the chooses and to assure a democratic disast between black and white affirmative action has produced some unreasonable results. in san francisco, fo pie, substantial numbers of high-achieving students are denied entrance to lowe reprinted with permission from the american prospect summer z p ' summer 1995, pp. 38-43. 1995 by new prospect, inc. 240 47. so you want to be color-blind school, a selective public institution, to make room for blacks and hispanics (and even some whites) with lower scores and weaker records. at the university of california medical school at irvine, the blacks and hispanics who are accepted have lower average medical school admission test scores than the vietnamese applicants who are rejected. it would be hard to defend either of these policies against the charge that it is both unfair and academically debilitating. but does the effort to eliminate such distortions also justify an absolute prohibition against efforts of the police chief of los angeles (or detroit or chicago) to seek out and promote qualified minority officers to diversify their departments? why should a school system, seeking more effective models, not give some margin of preference to teacher candidates from underrepresented minority groups? if such private firms as the bank of america or nynex regard it as good business practice to seek out minorities to work in ethnically diverse markets and communities, why shouldn t the state department of motor vehicles or the city zoning board do so for the same reasons? there s no end of questions. are we prepared to accept the larger effects of an absolute prohibition on racial preferences in all public-sector activities? would we create an even larger playpen for lawyers and consultants to file reverse discrimination suits on the grounds that some practices were not truly color-blind? how, absent a court order, could any employer voluntarily mitigate the effects of past discrimination? would it be better for the federal government (a) to encourage its contractors to take reasonable steps to diversify their workforces; (b) to adopt a fiercely neutral position; or (c) to prohibit its contractors from in any way noticing gender and ethnicity? so far, however, instead of asking such questions, the parties in this debate liberals and democrats in thrall to their minority constituencies, republicans exploiting the liberals panic are usually talking past the central issue. to what extent should merit be compromised for the sake of inclusion? the defenders of race-based affirmative action insist that no such preferences are ever given to unqualified people that the choice is only made among the qualified and that if that principle is violated, somebody or something, probably the courts, will crack down in righteous remedy. they are also quick to remind critics of race preferences correctly, for the most part that such practices were and still are used to benefit wasp legacies in the ivy league and other selective colleges long before they were ever applied in favor of blacks and hispanics. (what is not said is that the losers in both cases tend to be the same kinds of people: jews and asians.) but what s the meaning of qualified? some preferences clearly favor the less qualified. under current law, contractors may win awards despite relatively high bids simply because they are black or hispanic. in the ordinary sense, they are not as qualified as and cost the taxpayers more than lower (white) bidders passed over. but in trying to predict who will make a good cop or a good truck driver for the road crew, is there really any significant difference between the top three scores on the average civil service exam or perhaps even among the top ten? to what extent, indeed, are some affirmative action programs merely attempts to avert attacks on conventional hiring practices or university admission policies that are themselves based on shaky criteria and which, in any case, have never been fully disclosed, much less debated? the critics of affirmative action may have wildly exaggerated ideas of how much merit criteria are stretched in the cause of diversity. the defenders of race preferences may exaggerate how often relatives of union members get breaks in applying to apprenticeship programs, or how many alumni children get preferences in admission to harvard or princeton, but so far those institutions are not going out of their way to clarify what they do. shaky from the start the foundations were always shaky. from the earliest presidential orders of the 1960s kennedy s, johnson s, nixon s calling on federal agencies and contractors to use affirmative action to eliminate discriminatory racial practices, to the introduction of goals and timetables in industry training and hiring, to the reagan-era attempt, largely unsuccessful, to dismantle affirm son the country was always and uncomfortable about formal racial even when invoked for the most nob e p^p^5' this after all, was what the whole civil nghts fig about, what the movement had -d m teach the country, and what for the mo partdespi.e continuing subrle and^omeumes ou discriminationi^^ 241 9. understanding cultural pluralism that discrimination. in 1965, the year of the great triumphs of the civil rights movement, it made sense to argue, as lyndon johnson did, that you do not take a person who has been hobbled by chains, liberate him, bring him up to the starting line and then tell him you are free to compete with all the others. but the consensus for preferences was always tentative. in bakke, where the court sanctioned the use of race as one plus factor among many extra-academic characteristics (musical or artistic or athletic talent, geographic background, unusual experiences, public service) that might be considered in university admissions justice powell called it the harvard plan" justice blackmun spoke of the need for a period of transitional inequality. within a decade at most, he hoped, the need would disappear. then persons will be regarded as persons and discrimination of the type we address today will be an ugly feature of history that is instructive but that is behind us. but that was 1978, and in the meantime almost precisely the opposite has happened. race preferences, justified as a choice among equally qualified candidates, have been institutionalized and have grown to the point where the university of texas law school argues that if it did not use two sets of criteria in admissions there would be virtually no blacks or hispanics at all, and where the average sat scores for preferred minority groups at universities like berkeley are now between 200 and 250 points lower than they are for whites and asians. (it s between 150 and 200 points elsewhere in the university of california system.) yet even that was not sufficient for the california legislature, then controlled by democrats, which took note of the unsurprising fact that uc s minority graduation rates were significandy lower than those of whites and asians and in 1991 quiedy approved an education equity act to put fiscal and administrative pressure on the state s universities not just to admit students in the ethnic proportions in which they were graduating from the state s high schools, but to graduate them from college in the same proportions. only pete wilson s veto kept the bill from becoming law. (it was that bill, incidentally, that prompted glynn custred and thomas wood, the two conservative academics who wrote ccri, to begin work on the initiative.) elsewhere as well, inches have become yards. outreach in contracting has turned to tax breaks and set asides for women and minority-owned businesses, even when the owners are themselves multimillionaires, and (increasingly) into a scandalous use of ownerships by whiteor male-controlled ei es. pressure on businesses from equal opp bureaucrats wielding the club of rigid d impact standards has pushed goals and bles toward de facto quotas. (in one c equal employment opportunity commissi a chicago company that employed only bls hispanics, charging that it did not have blacks.) the guarantee of voting rights ha racially gerrymandered districts and rep control of most southern congressional tions. in the process, what had been an i understanding to pursue a high moral o through a combination of stringent rules discrimination and marginal race preferei evolved into a system of quasi-entitleme rigid legal impositions governed by a c structure of quietly enacted law, appella decisions, civil service rules, university anc ate school admissions practices, set-aside; goals, and eeoc formulas managed by a counselors, contract compliance auditors, trainers, affirmative action officers, expert parate impact studies, and layer upon lawyers a huge panoply of law, regulati administrative practice affecting virtually e' tor of the nation s life. rising up angry it s hardly surprising that there s growii about this unsightly landscape of entitlem< demands. working-class americans and many others face tightening economic pr talk radio and other new media now le attitudes that were regarded as offensivi unspeakable, not so long ago. yet economic fears and the angry voice radio are hardly the whole explanation, now thirty years beyond the searing consc of what things were like before the civil ri and the voting rights act, even among the ty of black people. there is much dispul who has gained from race preferences, bu little doubt that where the original argur affirmative action rested in passionately * tionist demands for equal justice, its conse< especially on university campuses, ha1 increasingly manifest in segregated progra their own criteria, shape-up courses for bk latinos, theme housing, student-adnh speech codes enforcing political correctn the threat of suspension, even separate grj exercises plus the long train of racial ten; comes with them. the moral case that hac 242 47. so you want to be color-blind with we shall overcome and martin luther king seems to be ending with gangsta rap, ice-t, melanism, louis farrakhan, and khalid muhammad. it is hard to defend affirmative action for an in-your-face separatism that rejects the western values that underlie and represent the only justification for the whole effort. but if there are moral problems, there are practical ones as well. the proliferating list of protected groups blacks, latinos, women (in some circumstances), asians (in others), the handicapped (plus veterans and legacies) makes the future of group preferences increasingly dubious. it was almost inevitable that ccri, which sparked our current affirmative action fight, would arise in the nation s most heterogeneous state. california s multicultural population makes it increasingly difficult to draw legitimate distinctions between who s to be favored and who is not, or even to make reasonable decisions, as the c about the thick, sickening expectation of violence on the night of the referendum, when it seemed to me that it had, as the separatist campaign slogan promised, all become possible. t jlhe surreal calm in montreal after the referendum only hid the sense of dread among anglophones and allophones. in january, two months after i spoke to the english businessman, 1,200 montrealers held a rally in support of the idea that the city should be partitioned from a sovereign quebec and attached to what would be left of canada, ignoring the fact that 2 million of the city s 3 million people are francophone. the cree, who have a land claim to most of the north of the province, repeated their long-standing demand to remain in canada and not be kidnapped by separatists. chretien, once again resorting to scare tactics^ replaced the economic threats he had made during the referendum campaign with a territorial threat. if canada is divisible, quebec is divisible too, he said. it s the ic. bouchard s comment i and cutting: canada is dit cause it is not a real count are two people, two nation! territories. and this one is < bouchard s words were to many canadians precise they now rang so true. perh da no longer was a coun come to montreal in octo ing that the separatists wou and that canada would di< erendum failed, and the i dia s attention moved else1 in the months since the s seemed to me that canac anyway. the country was paradox: what united cana divisions. the conflict of 1 and english, two dominant isting cultures what can: elist hugh maclennan c solitudes created a tol< mopolitan nation. and m< always its centerpiece, uniquely canadian city, that montreal had offere there was a peaceful, con way to live with differen difference as profound as now, in a few short week endum had replaced the 1 of compromise and tolei the abstractions of us and t a month after the refe the spanish restaurant or st-laurent, ghosts and snow drifted along the st: the window. sylvia, wh raised by a quebecoise i an anglophone fathe: identified herself as engli that she had seen grai painted on walls all arou al: anglos go home. d< alize this is my home? and that, 1 thought, is will fall apart in montt the shouts and curses < and divisive political c that will come with the r dum but in the quiet between fights, when s) of us are left to wonder ' thing, the word home to mean. 230 article 44 germania irredenta renouncing a provision of the 1945 potsdam declaration, germans are looking more than wistfully at lands they lost in the war and suing to get them back. do some things never change? hans koning hans koning is at work on a novel, night and day, to be published next year. 1 clearly remember a newsreel of the state memorial ceremony for reinhard heydrich, which i saw in late 1942, when i was a very young sergeant in the british army. (germany exported movie news to sweden and switzerland, and some got to england.) heydrich, the german governor of bo-hemia and moravia (now the czech republic), had been killed by two czech resistance fighters that spring. the service was in a dark hall in berlin, li* by torches; a heathenish, valhallaeffect had been achieved. in his oration hitler screamed that if the czechs would not co-exist peacefully in the corman reich, they would at some fu-hire date be resettled in the polar cir-c'ehis audience shouted its approval. earlier hitler had picked the small town lidice, near the spot where the czechs attacked heydrich s car, as the focal point for immediate vengeance. its adults were killed, its children shipped to camps and german orphanages and given german names. heydrich had not only been the ruler of bohemia and moravia; he had also been given the task of organizing the extermination of the jews of europe. the invitations to the wannsee conference of january 20, 1942, where the logistics of the gas chamber were worked out, had been sent out by him from prague. mit anschliessendem friihstiick, his letters said with breakfast to follow. hitler s polar circle plans have, fifty-four years later, attracted unexpected new interest. several sudeten germans have sued in czech courts for the restitution of lands and property that were appropriated after the sudetens were expelled from what is now the czech republic, at the end of the second world war. the government of chancellor helmut kohl, which wants an apology from the czechs for those expulsions, announced last year through its foreign minister, klaus kinkel, that approval of the expulsions as part of the 1945 potsdam declaration by the big three (the united states, the united kingdom, and the soviet union) did not make them legal. kinkel sided with the sudeten germans, who assert that the declaration is in conflict with the united nations charter. (he uses the more circumspect phrase in conflict with international law. ) a shiver must have gone through ger-many s neighbors at this argument, which questions the very foundation of their states. last february the ambassadors of the united states, the united kingdom, and russia published a statement in prague reaffirming the potsdam declaration. but a feeling persisted that, just maybe, we were going back to square one. as far as 1 could see, the u.s. media gave very little attention to this. it made me decide to take a trip, early this year to southern germany. the second world war really start ed with those sudeten germans some two to three million of them live, in the sudetenland, as the german called a czech region along the borde in 1938 hitler declared that the sude tenland was germany s last irredenta-the last foreign territory that really b< longed to germany and that to get was his last demand in europe. a through the summer he fought a war 2 from the atlantic monthly, july i"6 pr 8. ethnic factor: international nerves against the west, raving about the perfidious czechs and their stage actor president, eduard benes, who were terrorizing germans, beating german women and children who wore white stockings (the german uniform ) and murdering germans in isolated villages. the circus of provocation was orchestrated for him by the leader of the sudeten germans, the nazi konrad henlein. the united states was looking away at that time; england and france caved in and forced the czechs to cede the sudetenland. this was munich the after 1945 maps continued to show the 1937 borders. east germany was called middle germany. shameful surrender led by the english prime minister, neville chamberlain, in the fall of 1938. czechoslovakia lost its fortified border with germany and its important armaments factories, and some six months later the rest of the country was taken by the germans without a shot. hitler came to prague and slept in the government hradcany castle under the swastika flag. i saw our enemies at munich, he told his followers later. they are little worms. when one rethinks this story and the terror of the six-year german occupation that followed, in which some 350,000 czechs lost their lives, one cannot be surprised that after the german surrender in 1945 there were numerous acts of local vengeance in which sudeten germans were killed. the bulk of those who remained were deported by the czech government with a minimum of consideration not to the polar circle, though, but challenges back to their fatherland. these germans and their descendants now want their lands and houses back. meanwhile, the czech survivors of the german concentration camps, some 17,000, still have not received any compensation from bonn. i learned on my visit that there is a specifically political angle to this: the sudeten germans have a pressure group within germany, the sudetendeutsche landsmannschaft, with political clout that the millions of german deportees from poland never had. bavaria, where most of them live, is one of the sixteen lander (states) in reunited germany; it has a lot of autonomous power. a 1954 act of its government established the sudeten germans as one of the four population groups that make up bavaria (with the swabians, the franconians, and the old bavarians) and guarantees them schirmherrschaft high protection or guardianship. this gives the sudetens a direct channel to the bavarian government and through that to bonn. bonn s conservatives are particularly nervous right now about being outflanked on the right. what is happening could be nothing more than a war of words. (indeed, in a may speech kinkel spoke of compensation for the czech victims of nazi injustice. ) it points, though, to a basic dilemma: either united germany is an established country like any other, with all the egotism and arrogance of a major power, or it is still in a kind of quarantine. europe s politicians and businesspeople have long accepted the first alternative, although i was often told that kohl himself promotes a united europe so fervently because he does not trust his country to be left on its own. he has called germany s integration into europe a matter of life or death for the twenty-first century. one of the people who stressed this point of view to me was an editor of the stuttgarter zeitung, a serious and liberal south-german newspaper. the day we first met he wrote in his paper, he who tries to demand certain rights based on the past prepares a european catastrophe. those words were directed at the sudeten germans in bavaria. thoughtful as they sound, they gave me the feeling that even he still didn t get it. it s not a matter of the f claiming their property on ti past records. it is a matter of not being a source of any kii man rights. if germany had i tor, even for a limited time, tions and many old and fan would have been wiped off the best that reunited germa for, it seems to me, is a cleai no stretch of emotion or lav expect a court to study the def the sudetens or any other st outside their contexts. when my discussion with turned to united germany s 1 poland, he called it a wohlst a line between poor and w pie. he was, perhaps unco downgrading a national be affair of economic zoning, i west german maps and atlase to show the 1937 borders. ea was usually called middle the potsdam demarcations, tl dicated, were but temporal they were but no one in th, dieted that they would chan germany s advantage. amon who played along with this postwar political reality was can oil company esso, as exx called; when one had to driv checkpoint, the east german fiscated esso road maps and t with great gusto. a conferei german education ministers schoolbooks the loss of ger the east is to be established the entire civilized world. when i traveled this sprin to frankfurt on an evening to my horror that the railroa corridor showed no bordt tween germany and polar two-inch-long dotted li szczecin. with the first da covered that there was indi marked, so thin as to be alrr against the blue of the < which it followed. i am st man railroad officials would done unthinkingly. the tow border were shown with bt ish and old german names. i had a few years befort train from berlin to warsa 232 44. germania irredenta partment full of what are called here feimwehtouristen homesickness tourists. at each stop they stood at the window and discussed what this or that town was really called. a german atlas from the time between the two world wars shows strasbourg as a german town and omits the polish corridor. one might say that german cartography is always one war behind. nothing in this is so very surpris-1 ing. i cannot think of a single historical example of a country s voluntarily giving up on its irredenta. that gemiany is now as strong as it was in 1914, and russia perhaps as weak as it was in 1914, does not make it any likelier that germany will be the exception. the best chance for lasting peace would be if germany under the nazis was a historically unique situation. a german historian ensus bureau is now pointing out, about how individuals should be counted. and as intermarriage proliferates among all those groups, who s to say how their offspring should be counted? should the son of an argentinian immigrant, now a corporate executive in san diego (or a cuban in miami), get preference as a latino? how do you classify a student with a hyphenated name, half hispanic and half jewish? why do we give preference to the child of the black doctor and none to the child of the appalachian coal miner? historian hugh davis graham of vanderbilt university points out that the most overlooked law of the civil rights era, the immigration reform act of 1965, which ended the system of national-origins quotas in u.s. immigration policy, had enormous consequences that we still don t fully comprehend. although its sponsors claimed that it would produce little significant increase in immigration, it brought to the country more than 20 million legal immigrants during the thirty years after its enactment, approximately 75 percent of whom qualified upon arrival for minority-group preferences over americans whose citizenship cached back many generations. surely that was rt t justified by any effort to remedy past injustices. surely that was not part of any tacit bargain to which the country ever agreed. $trains of ambivalence but does even that certify the wisdom of a deci-sion that would, virtually overnight, impose the across-the-board prohibitions on race preferences that the opponents of affirmative action are now demanding? or does it make more sense politi-cal, social, moral to return to the limited (bakke) version of affirmative action, messy as it often was, to which the country seemed to give its consent a generation ago and which it may still be willing to accept? to return to polls for a moment: if the question is changed from an either-or choice about explicit race preferences to more general matters about affirmative action, the answers change as well. in a usa today/cnn poll this spring, 73 percent said they favor companies making special efforts to find qualified minorities and women. similar answers are given to questions about special training programs for minorities and women. the vast majority of respondents, white and black, don t believe that the country has been purged of racial discrimination. on a general question about affirmative action programs on the usa today poll, 31 percent favored expansion, 37 percent favored a decrease, and 26 percent thought they should be kept about the same. it may be impossible to fully articulate that ambivalence, much less write it into policy. but with the stakes as high as they are on this issue, it surely deserves the effort. considerations in the appointment of scholars for a research university may not apply to the hiring of heavy-equipment operators or postal clerks. what applies to contracting with small businesses, regardless of the race and gender of their owners, may not apply to large corporations. and what may apply to some colleges may not apply to others. many states have created twoor three-tiered higher education systems to serve both merit and inclusion a highly selective university combined with readily accessible junior colleges and moderately selective four-year state colleges. why should that principle be compromised by tempering admission standards for the selective institutions in order to further inclusion there as well? hich brings the issue back to a more basic question: what is merit and to what extent are existing criteria merit-based? in the past year there has been a bitter fight in chicago over the promotion of a hand-fill of black cops who were ranked high on merit even though they scored lower on the civil service exam than some officers over whom they were promoted. in that case, either the word merit is fatuous or it raises serious questions about just what the exam measures. admissions officers at colleges raise the same issue when they defend affirmative action by arguing that test scores aren t good predictors of performance in college. but if that s the case, why use the test at all? 243 9. understanding cultural pluralism chances are that it s not the case. as the neoconservatives some of whom defected from liberalism precisely over this issue will tell you, the whole point of such tests was to foster merit against spoils systems at city hall and good-old-boy bias in the admission office at yale. ethnic spoils are no more acceptable now than the earlier varieties. in any case, nobody has yet shown what would be a better predictor of academic success for minorities. and yet that hardly vitiates the general proposition: in many of the areas affected by public-sector racial preferences, there may be better ways of making choices than those we use now. if only court-ordered make-whole remedies to proven discrimination are permissible (which is what the opponents of race preferences advocate), how many more civil rights lawsuits would be filed that are now averted by voluntary action? would any public employer, recognizing past discrimination, have to encourage a lawsuit before the victims could be made whole? can race sometimes even be regarded in practice, not in law as part of the qualifications for certain jobs? if you seek out people not just for their technical knowledge, or their test-taking skills, but for their ability to deal with and be trusted in a community, why shouldn t ethnicity be a plus factor in the package? the answers are hardly self-evident. none of these questions should suggest that it s proper for the police chief in grosse pointe to hire only white cops. this area doesn t lend itself well to across-the-board legal rules; it s better to build in flexibility and room to fudge. if there is a flat ban on any consideration of race in public policy, what happens to efforts to foster integration in elementary and secondary schools? john bunzel, a former member of the u.s. civil rights commission, now a fellow at the hoover institution and a sharp critic of the excesses of race preferences, has declined to support measures like ccri which, he says, are too blunt; they simplify, and i m a complexifier. shouldn t there be room at the margins, he asks, for ethnic diversity among all the other criteria? and that, of course is what the supreme court s bakke decision, with all its flaws, sought to do. six alternative principles it s not an easy task. yet surely before the country is forced to a set of either-or choices, some alternative principles are worth considering: 1. the more sophisticated the enterprise or skill for which candidates are chosen, the more important merit becomes and the weaker the claims for non-meritocratic criteria. the kind of considerations we give in selecting people for blue-collar jobs not be the same as the ones given to selectin uate students in nuclear physics or brain s the public junior college, by mandate, def and tradition, is more inclusive than the ii for advanced study. thomas sowell makes suasive argument that the issue is not so mu should go to college but where. the frustrat tensions not to mention the various dist that have been created on many campi accommodate marginal students result ft effort to bring people into academic situat! which they are not qualified. as a result, eve who are qualified are suspect and discredits 2. in public as well as private enterprises, ty may well be a legitimate business consia where the choice is between candidates tractors with similar bids or equal qualifies skill, doesn t it make sense to consider fir who come from underrepresented groups a will for that reason be more effective or n enterprise more legitimate with clients community? in such choices, the lines of c sense, if they can be maintained, are better lines drawn by law. 3. in college admission, economic disadvi a more legitimate extra factor for a borderhi date than membership in a preferred racih why not shift the emphasis in affirmativ from minorities to children from families v one has ever gone to college? such poli< well result in smaller proportions of b hispanics at selective universities, at lea: short run, but it may have a far greatc impact. and unlike race preferences, econ< advantage will not become a permanent ment. as such, it s far more consistent nation s historic principles. and to the ex race preferences are forgotten, so will i assumptions about how minority stude: accepted. what will become clear is the in secondary school preparation, or worse, th the underrepresentation in the first place. 4. all race preferences in publ* activities in contracting, hiring, an< tion should be made fully public and s time limits and periodic public review by tive, nonpartisan process. "we have alret aged to do away with one of the most re ble practices: race-norming, the system rately ranking candidates within their ox groups on labor department job tests a: from the top of each list. the expectation be that we will gradually do away wit! many more in coming years. an obvior 244 47. so you want to be color-blind begin is to make affirmative action goals and the administrative definitions of disparate impact more flexible. 5. exclude all foreign-born residents, citizens, and diens, and perhaps even the children of immigrants, from race preferences, excepting only children of american citizens who were living abroad. there is no history of discrimination to justify such preferences. and they generate no end of resentment, as the passage of california s proposition 187, the measure designed to deny social services to illegal aliens, has demonstrated. 6. vigorously enforce anti-discrimination law, not perhaps to the point of criminalizing discrimination as shelby steele proposes, but far more vigorously than we do now, and systematically review all publicsector merit systems to make certain that tests and other criteria are tn fact appropriate to the tasks and positions for which they're used. this is hardly a complete list, much less an ideal one. but it recognizes that affirmative action even race preference has different meanings depending on the context, and that flexibility is critical. affirmative action bears a heavy burden against the claims of real merit; where it favors rich over poor, strong over weak, it bears an insurmountable one. yet rigid rules are likely to take us into a thicket of legal combat and social division more bitter than anything generated by the policies we have now. if the democrats, rather than standing frozen in the headlights of the approaching disaster, were to try to articulate a third alternative, they might well reclaim some credibility on the issue. the sense of a national moral imperative that once sustained affirmative action is rapidly eroding. it is only a matter of time before it s all gone. in those circumstances a soft landing no phrase could be more appropriate in this context would surely be better than a yes-or-no choice whose answer will almost certainly be no. but unless those who regard themselves as people of good will offer a third alternative, that s the answer we ll get. 245 article 48 goin gangsta, choosin cholita teens today "claim" a racial identity nell bernstein west magazine nell bernstein is editor of yo! (youth outlook), a bay area journal of teen life produced by pacific news service. subscriptions: $12 youngpeoplel$75 supporter!yr. (6 issues) from pacific news service, 450 mission st., room 506, san francisco, ca 94105. her lipstick is dark, the lip liner even darker, nearly black. in baggy pants, a blue plaid pendleton, her bangs pulled back tight off her forehead, 15-year-old april is a perfect cholita, a mexican gangsta girl. but april miller is anglo. and i don t like it! she complains. i d rather be mexican. april s father wanders into the family room of their home in san leandro, california, a to be spoken to in english in montreal speak french badly francophones will immediately switch. but if you want to speak french, insist on speaking english. at a smoked-meat joint on st-laurent, on another cold montreal night, freed was exhausted, his sense of humor, he said, sorely tested. one of the horrible things about the referendum, freed said, is this weird calling up of your roots. i consider myself jewish, bald, of russian ancestry, a quebecer, a canadian, a montrealer, and i ve never really weighed the degree to which i m one or the other. but in the weeks before the referendum, when it looked like the separatists might win, i found this canadian root called up. it s very painful to feel these parts of yourself fighting. i didn t want to know i m more canadian than quebecer. freed told me of the overwhelming reception he had received at a chinese banquet after the referendum. suddenly, we re all ethnic together, he said. the separatists have turned everyone who isn t quebecois into a f g family, united in our opposition to them. he said he knows only one person who is actually leaving because of the referendum. but i know a thousand who are talking about it, he said. people are going t houses, go liquid in a b guess ten to twenty thou; are going to leave befor referendum which, of < separatists are counting c of the things that pisses in their interest for us to i downtown, in the cli< scrapers at the foot of mont royal, i met with i anglophone businessmj had talked to on the pho; nervously told me, off th< death threats associates of ceived from separatist fai large suite at the end o corridor, the businessma ing the latent fear of repr pervasive among non-frai said he did not want to be a lot of business is bein and a lot of business is i poned. companies are d out of quebec. there wo lie announcements. pe learned to slip out quiet don't upset their french c the businessman, wl volved in organizing the i in the last few days of tl dum, showed me a poster shot of the crowd that d; tell you how many hard-i nessmen had tears in the said. it was the fear of 1c of community, of friends position in society, all at c in my twenty-five-y there have been six proloi sions because of politics ; this is not a sport. tb causes consternation abo bility of doing business lowered his voice. bu won t be unprepared r there s serious money be treal separating from qut set up a corridor to ont; treal has 65 percent of provincial product and 8 the population, have the rest of m he sunday after the r rene-daniel dubois, quebecois playwright, was of a full-page interview ir of paris. a former separat was one of the 40 percei cophones who voted likened the referendum t 228 43. no canada? suicide." the quebecois imagine that sovereignty will be their act of birth, he said. meanwhile, they do not define themselves as actors, but as victims of the hatred and wickedness of the others. describing quebec as a soft totalitarian society, dubois said, the true alternative is this: to be die young man in the white shirt in front of the tank in tiananmen square, or to be the driver of the tank. our myths tell us that we are the young man. the truth is that we are seated in the tank. 1 met with dubois on a saturday innovember, just before the closing night of the revival of his seventeenpart one-man play in french, don t blame the bedouins. a stocky man with hair shaved to prickle length, wire-rimmed glasses, and a tobaccorasp voice, dubois told me that he was suffering a kind of boycott. people scream at me, won t talk to me. culture is always used symbolically in quebec. artists are only good if they can be used for nationalism. what was lost in the symbolism were real social problems, dubois said. half the boys in montreal don t finish high school, and quebec has the highest youth suicide rate in the western world. it s a catastrophe. the audiences for his play, he told e, had been unusually small. the english-language daily, on the other hand, did a big spread on him, and anglo columnists had quoted approvingly from his le monde interview. when i pointed out that he had been shunned by the french and bear-hugged by the english, dubois shrugged. what do you a expect? a couple of weeks after the refer-^ndum i arranged to meet again with marie-claude and her friend chan-*a e. over a vrai quebecois break-ast bacon and eggs and potatoes ^d beans and toast and, for the secnd course, a plate of crepes swimin maple syrup they told me lat evancophones who had voted u* were depressed. they thought nothing had changed, that nothing change. 1 asked them how they e t about bernard landry s behavior night of the referendum and ,e cut *n immigration to quebec and e fears of anglophones and allop ones. they both looked at me with surprise. the stories hadn t been covered in the french media, they said. we are not in contact with anglos, you know, marie-claude said, except you. i was, i realized, on the other side of a segregated city. the divide of boulevard st-laurent, the frenchspeaking and english-speaking neighborhoods of montreal, the french and english press, meant that there were two versions of everything. when bouchard spoke on television just before the referendum, the french version of his address summoned the spirits of the night of the long knives; the terse, disjointed english version he delivered that same night talked of the future partnership between quebec and the rest of canada. there were two sets of facts here. if the facts were agreed upon, then there were two completely different interpretations of those facts. how you saw what was happening in quebec depended on your point of view. to anglophones and allophones, the quebecois are a dominant, even oppressive majority. but through francophone eyes, the province is a tiny, embattled island in an invincible sea of english. the idea that the quebecois could ever oppress anyone seems, to them, ludicrous. 1 told chantale and mane-claude how pervasive anxiety and uncertainty were among the non-francophones i had encountered, and that people were talking openly and constant y about as many as a million peop e leaving quebec, but to chantaleit sounded like just another attack. we treat the anglophones well, she said. they don t do so badly. on the night of the referendum, when parizeau announced that etn-l, were to blame fa the crowd cheered i had seen rhe color drain from marie-claude * cheeks. caught between the mono culture of her childhood and cos mopolitan montreal, she had always teen worried about rhe shadow ^ racism in the separatist movemen . i would like everyone to be inclu ed in the project of a new country, she said now. but i can undead their feeling of rejection. i know that it exists, but only because you tell me it does. i m not so much in contact with these people. i don t have close friends that aren t francophones. the thing that makes me sad is that i m more conscious of the walls in my city. i don t know how to reach out. the walls were there before, but now they ve been named. a rode montreal s absurdly quiet, rubber-wheeled metro east the guy beside me was reading a pamphlet on esperanto grammar to meet pierre vallieres, the intellectual leader of the front de liberation du quebec during the 1960s and the author of the best-selling white niggers of america, a revolutionary tome in which vallieres likened the quebecois to slaves: the workers of quebec are aware of their conditions as niggers, exploited men, second class citizens.... were they not imported, like the american blacks, to serve as cheap labor in the new world? the only difference between them is the color of their skin and the continent they came from. in the 1960s in montreal, flq bombs were routinely exploding on the wealthy english west side of the city. vallieres was convicted of contributing to one bombing through his writings, his words, his attitudes, etc. in a vietnamese restaurant in the gay village, vallieres, a frail jesuitical man, said he had recanted the use of the term nigger : you have to understand the context. in the sixties, it meant somebody who was downtrodden, somebody who was abused. that was the situation here. now this is not the case. there is more poverty than there ever was before, but there are many, many allophones who are poor as well. i had heard vallieres on the radio talking about his frequent visits to sarajevo over the last few years. when i asked him why he had gone, he said, i felt it was my duty to see an experiment in self-management and self-determination and socialism fal into fratricidal wars and internecine killing. vallieres, who now says he was never a quebecois nationalist, doesn t see what happened in sarajevo happening in montreal. sarajevo is a small city, a unilingual city, and it s a city that is steeped in tradition. montreal is younger, larger, and north american. in sarajevo the war began outside the city, but if there is a 229 i 8. ethnic factor: international conflict here, it would arise from inside, like the blacks in south-central los angeles. 1 don t think it would be a real war with arms and bullets, but there might be some sparks. andre mclaughlin, vallieres s companion, who also spends a lot of time in sarajevo, said, i m much more pessimistic about montreal. after the referendum, a young man came to the house, very disappointed with the result, and he said he agreed with parizeau s statement that the ethnics were to blame. he believes that quebec is taking 40 percent of canada s immigrants. that s not true, but try to convince that young man that what he thinks is based on emotion. when i tell my friends in sarajevo about the referendum here, they say, remember, that s how we started. we have a lot of volunteers in sarajevo who are willing to come here and i teach us the art of survival. n the parallel universes of french and english newspapers and television, politicians continued their poisonous post-referendum fighting now, once again, pre-referendum fighting always with a different interpretation. jacques parizeau resigned without apologizing for his remarks, and was given a statesman s send-off. lucien bouchard, the man of fate, gave up his position as leader of her majesty s loyal opposition in the federal parliament to take parizeau s place as premier of the province and prepare for the next vote on independence. bernard landry remained the deputy premier. prime minister chretien, fulfilling promises he had made during the referendum campaign, introduced bills recognizing quebec as a distinct society, giving the province a veto over constitutional change, and decentralizing power. nothing chretien did seemed to matter. the popularity of sovereignty rose in the polls. the rest of canada, as separatists hoped, was exhausted. patience with the quebec problem was spent; the country had been desensitized to what seemed to be the certainty of its fragmentation. challenges one of the enormous diaspora of exmontrealers now living in toronto told me his eighty-year-old parents had left montreal for ontario. he laughed and said he now calls quebec the old country. the only thing that no one i met, separatist or federalist, talked about was what would have happened if the vote had gone the other way. nobody wanted to talk about the fact that a few days before the referendum a member of parliament of the bloc quebecois, bouchard s separatist party in the federal assembly, had sent a statement to army barracks in quebec saying that soldiers of quebec origin would be expected to transfer their loyalty to the new nation. no one mentioned the october crisis of 1970, when prime minister trudeau declared a state of emergency and sent tanks into the streets of montreal and arrested hundreds to put down the picayune threat of the front de liberation du quebec. no one wanted to think . it makes kids think all tough and bad. those who, like roland, dismiss the gangs cholo styles as affectations can point to the fact tl eral companies market overpriced knockoffs of wear targeted at teens. but there s also something going on out he transcends adolescent faddishness and pop cultur cism. when white kids call their parents racist 1 ging them about their baggy pants; when the spanish to talk to their boyfriends; when m american boys feel themselves descended in spii white uncles ; when children of mixed marriagi that they are whatever race they say they are, all < are more than just confused. they re inching toward what andrea jones c: dream of what the 21 st century should be. in the e^ diverse communities of northern california, they re ing the complicated reality of what their 21st centur meanwhile, in the living room of the miller san leandro home, the argument continues ur you don t know what you are, april s father has more than once. but she just keeps on telling doesn t know what time it is. 248 the ___________________________________________article 49 in the eighteenth century a disastrous shift occurred in the way westerners perceived races. the man responsible was johann friedrich blumenbach, one of the least racist thinkers of his day. geometer of race stephen jay gould stephen jay gould, a contributing editor of discover, is a professor of zoology at harvard who also teaches geology, biology, and the history of science. his writing on evolution won many prizes, including a national book award, a national magazine award, and the phi beta kappa science award. for discover j november 1993 special section on ten treat science museums, gould wrote about the glass flowers at harvard s botanical museum. 'nteresting stories often lie encoded in names that either capricious or misconstrued. why, for examp fecal radicals called left and their conservative conn right ? in many european legislatures, the most of members sat at the chairman s right, following a courtesy as old as our prejudices for favoring e o of most people. (these biases run deep, extending w can openers and scissors to language itself, w ere stems from the latin for right, and sf ster. . tended fe left. ) since these distinguished nobles an of ae to espouse conservative views, the right and legislature came to define a geometry of po ti o among such apparently capricious names in my wogy and evolution, none seems more d ignatjon of tts more questions after lectures, than the o xjorth africa bght-skinned people in europe, western asia, an . caucasian. why should the most comm stradthe western world be named for a mountain groenbach russia and georgia? johann friewho (1752-1840), the german anatomist and invented fished the most influential of all racial classi this name in 1795, in the third edition of his seminal work, d< generis humani varietate nativa (on the natural variety o mankind). blumenbach s definition cites two reasons for hi choice the maximal beauty of people from this small region and the probability that humans were first created in this ares caucasian variety. i have taken the name of this variety from mount caucasus, both because its neighborhood, and especially its southern slope, produces the most beautiful race of men, i mean the georgian; and because... in that region, if anywhere, it seems we ought with the greatest probability to place the autochthones [original forms] of mankind. blumenbach, one of the greatest and most honored sdei tists of the enlightenment, spent his entire career as a profe sor at the university of gottingen in germany. he first pr sented de generis humani varietate nativa as a doctor dissertation to the medical faculty of gottingen in 1775, as ti minutemen of lexington and concord began the americ revolution. he dien republished the text for general distrib tion in 1776, as a fateful meeting in philadelphia proclaim our independence. the coincidence of three great documei in 1776--jefferson s declaration of independence (on the p itics of liberty), adam smith s wealth of nations (on the et nomics of individualism), and blumenbach s treatise on rac classification (on the science of human diversity) records 1 social ferment of these decades and sets the wider context t makes blumenbach s taxonomy, and his subsequent dedsior call the european race caucasian, so important for our hist and current concerns. the solution to big puzzles often hinges upon tiny curii ties, easy to miss or to pass over. 1 suggest that the key to reprinted with permission from discover magazine, november 1994, pp. 65-69. 1994 by the walt disney company. 9. understanding cultural pluralism demanding blumenbach s classification, the foundation of much that continues to influence and disturb us today, lies in the peculiar criterion he used to name the european race caucasian the supposed superior beauty of people from this region. why, first of all, should a scientist attach such importance to an evidently subjective assessment; and why, secondly, should an aesthetic criterion become the basis of a scientific judgment about place of origin? to answer these questions, we must compare blumenbach s original 1775 text with the later edition of 1795, when caucasians received their name. blumenbach s final taxonomy of 1795 divided all humans into five groups, defined both by geography and appearance in his order, die caucasian variety, for the light-skinned people of europe and adjacent parts of asia and africa; the mongolian variety, for most other inhabitants of asia, including china and japan; the ethiopian variety, for the dark-skinned people of africa; the american variety, for most native populations of the new world; and the malay variety, for the polynesians and melanesians of the pacific and for the aborigines of australia. but blumenbach s original classification of 1775 recognized only the first four of these five, and united members of the malay variety with the other people of asia whom blumenbach came to name mongolian. we now encounter the paradox of blumenbach s reputation as the inventor of modem racial classification. the original four-race system, as i shall illustrate in a moment, did not arise from blumenbach s observations but only represents, as blumenbach readily admits, the classification promoted by his guru carolus linnaeus in the founding document of taxonomy, the systema naturae of 1758. therefore, blumenbach s only original contribution to racial classification lies in the later addition of a malay variety for some pacific peoples first included in a broader asian group. this change seems so minor. why, then, do we credit blumenbach, rather than linnaeus, as the founder of racial classification? (one might prefer to say discredit, as the enterprise does not, for good reason, enjoy high repute these days.) but blumenbach s apparently small change actually records a theoretical shift that could not have been broader, or more portentous, in scope. this change has been missed or misconstrued because later scientists have not grasped the vital historical and philosophical principle that theories are models subject to visual representation, usually in clearly definable geometric terms. by moving from the linnaean four-race system to his own five-race scheme, blumenbach radically changed the geometry of human order from a geographically based model without explicit ranking to a hierarchy of worth, oddly based upon perceived beauty, and fanning out in two directions from a caucasian ideal. the addition of a malay category was crucial to this geometric reformulation and therefore becomes the key to the conceptual transformation rather than a simple refinement of factual information within an old scheme. (for the insight that scientific revolutions embody such geometric shifts, i am grateful to my friend rhonda roland shearer, who portrays these themes in a forthcoming book, the flatland hypothesis.) blumenbach idolized his teacher linnaeus an edged him as the source of his original fourfold rat cation: i have followed linnaeus in the number, b fined my varieties by other boundaries (1775 edit in adding his malay variety, blumenbach identified as a departure from his old mentor in the most respe it became very clear that the linnaean division < could no longer be adhered to; for which reason i, work, ceased like others to follow that illustrious m linnaeus divided the species homo sapiens int< varieties, defined primarily by geography and, intert in the ranked order favored by most europeans i tradition americanus, europaeus, asiaticus, a african. (he also alluded to two other fanciful cate; for wild boys, occasionally discovered in the woe sibly raised by animals most turned out to be mentally ill youngsters abandoned by their parents strosus for hairy men with tails, and other travelei lations.) in so doing, linnaeus presented nothing merely mapped humans onto the four geographi conventional cartography. linnaeus then characterized each of these grou] color, humor, and posture, in that order. again, n categories explicitly implies ranking by worth. onci naeus was simply bowing to classical taxonomic making these decisions. for example, his use of the reflects the ancient and medieval theory that a pers ament arises from a balance of four fluids (humor moisture ) blood, phlegm, choler (yellow bile), choly (black bile). depending on which of the fou dominated, a person would be sanguine (the chee: blood), phlegmatic (sluggish), choleric (prone to angi cholic (sad). four geographic regions, four humor for the american variety, linnaeus wrote n cus, rectus (red, choleric, upright); for the euro] sanguineus, torosus (white, sanguine, muscular); f luridus, melancholicus, rigidus (pale yellow, mela and for the african, niger, phlegmaticus, laxus ( matic, relaxed). i don t mean to deny that linnaeus held com liefs about the superiority of his own european others. being a sanguine, muscular european s better than being a melancholy, stiff asian. inde ended each group s description with a more ove bel, an attempt to epitomize behavior in just two the american was regitur consuetudine (ruled 1 european, regitur ritibus (ruled by custom); the tur opinionibus (ruled by belief); and the africa! bitrio (ruled by caprice). surely regulation by es1 considered custom beats the unthinking rule of h and all of these are superior to caprice thus lead) plied and conventional racist ranking of europeal and americans in the middle, and africans at th< nonetheless, and despite these implications, ometry of linnaeus s model is not linear or hierai scientists assume that their own shifts in interpretation record only their better understanding of newly discovered facts. they tend to be unaware of their own mental impositions upon the world s messy and ambiguous factuality. 250 we visualize his scheme as an essential picture in our mind, we see a map of the world divided into four regions, with the people in each region characterized by a list of different traits. in short, linnaeus s primary ordering principle is cartographic; if he had wished to push hierarchy as the essential picture of human variety, he would surely have listed europeans first and africans last, but he started with native americans instead. the shift from a geographic to a hierarchical ordering of human diversity must stand as one of the most fateful transitions in the history of western science for what, short of railroads and nuclear bombs, has had more practical impact, in this case almost entirely negative, upon our collective lives? ironically, blumenbach is the focus of this shift, for his five-race scheme became canonical and changed the geometry of human order from linnaean cartography to linear ranking in short, to a system based on putative worth. i say ironic because blumenbach was the least racist and most suburb near oakland. hey, cholita, he teases. go get a suntan. we ll put you in a barrio and see how much you like it. a large, sandy-haired man with april tattooed on one arm and kelly the name of his older daughter on the other, miller spent 21 years working in a san leandro glass factory that shut down and moved to mexico a couple of years ago. he recently got a job in another factory, but he expects nafta to swallow that one, too. sooner or later we ll all get nailed, he says. just another stab in the back of the american middle class. later, april gets her revenge: hey, mr. white man s last stand, she teases. wait till you see how well i manage my welfare check. you ll be asking me for money. a once almost exclusively white, now increasingly latin and black working-class suburb, san leandro borders on predominantly black east oakland. for decades, the boundary was strictly policed and practically impermeable. in 1970 april miller s hometown was 97 percent white. by 1990 san leandro was 65 percent white, 6 percent black, 15 percent hispanic, and 13 percent asian or pacific islander. with minorities moving into suburbs in growing numbers and cities becoming ever more diverse, the boundary between city and suburb is dissolving, and suburban teenagers are changing with the times. in april s bedroom, her past and present si layers, the pink walls of girlhood almost obscu n roses and pearl jam posters overlaid by rap and ice cube. i don t have a big enough attiti black girl, says april, explaining her current ethnic identification. what matters is that she thinks the choice i april and her friends, identity is not a matter of come from, what you were bom into, what colo is. it s what you wear, the music you listen to, you use everything to which you pledge alle matter how fleetingly. the hybridization of american teens h; talk show fodder, with wiggers white kids and talk black appearing on tv in fu regalia. in indiana a group of white high si raised a national stir when they triggered ar race war at their virtually all white high schc simply by dressing black. in many parts of the country, it s televisior not neighbors, that introduce teens to the allui difference. but in california, which demograpl will be the first state with no racial majority by th the influences are more immediate. the califc schools are the most diverse in the country, white, 36 percent hispanic, 9 percent black, 8 pe sometimes young people fight over their students at virtually any school in the ba; recount the details of at least one race riot conflict between individuals escalated ini between their clans. more often, though, ti rather join than fight. adolescence, after all, od when you re most inclined to mimic the p< at hand, from stealing your older sister s clotl ing the ruling clique at school. white skaters and mexican would-be g listen to gangsta rap and call each other term of endearment; white girls sometimes all accents; blond cheerleaders claim cherokee claiming is the central concept here. a teen in hayward, another oakland subur oakland and by implication blackness lived there as a child. a law-abiding white ki< mexican gang he says he hangs with. a bro from utne reader, march/april 1995, pp. 87-90 excernted (mm __ mercury news, november 13, 1994. 1994 by nell bernstein. reprinted by'^xtonttheau^ ' he 246 48. goin gangsta girl with a mexican father and a white mother claims her mexican side, while her fair-skinned sister claims white. the word comes up over and over, as if identity were territory, the self a kind of turf. at a restaurant in a minimall in hayward, nicole huffstutler, 13, sits with her friends and describes herself as "indian, german, french, welsh, and, urn...american : if somebody says anything like yeah, you're just a peckerwood, i ll walk up and i ll say white pride! cause i m proud of my race, and i wouldn t wanna be any other race. claiming" white has become a matter of principle for heather, too. who says she s sick of the majority looking at us like we re less than them." (hayward schools were 51 percent white in 1990, down from 77 percent in 1980, and whites are now the minority in many schools.) asked if she knows that nonwhites have not traditionally been referred to as the majority in america, heather gets exasperated: i hear that all the time, every day. they say, well, you guys controlled us for many years, and it's time for us to control you. every day. when jennifer vargas a small, brown-skinned girl in purple jeans who quietly eats her salad while heather talks softly announces that she s mostly mexican, she gets in trouble with her friends. no. you're not! scolds heather. i m mostly indian and mexican, jennifer continues flatly. i m very little...i'm mostly... your mom s white! nicole reminds her sharply. she has blond hair. that s what i mean, nicole adds. people think that white is a bad thing. they think that white is a bad race. so she s trying to claim more mexican than white. i have very little white in me, jennifer repeats. i have mostly my dad s side, cause i look like him and stuff. and most of my friends think that me and my brother and sister aren t related, cause they look more like my mom. but you guys are all the same race, you just look different, nicole insists. she stops eating and frowns. ok, you re half and half each what your parents have. so you re equal as your brother and sister, you just look different. and you should be proud of what you are every little piece and bit of what you are. even if you were afghan or whatever, you should be proud of it. will mosley, heather s 17-year-oldbrother, says he and his friends listen to rap groups like compton s most wanted, nwa, and,above the law because they sing about life that is, what happens in oakland, los angeles, anyplace but where will is sitting today, an empty round table pizza in a minimall. . no matter what race you are, will says, if you live like we do, then that s the kind of music you like. and how do they live? we don t live bad or anything, will admits. we ive in a pretty good neighborhood, there s no violence or crime. i was just... we re just city people, i guess. will and his friend adolfo garcia, 16, say they ve outgrown trying to be something they re not. when i was 11 or 12, will says, i thought i was becoming a big gangsta and stuff. because i liked that music, and thought it was the coolest, i wanted to become that. i wore big clothes, like you wear in jail. but then i kind of woke up. i looked at myself and thought, who am i trying to be? they may have outgrown blatant mimicry, but will and his friends remain convinced that they can live in a suburban tract house with a well-kept lawn on a tree-lined street in not a bad neighborhood and still call themselves city people on the basis of musical tastes. city for these young people means crime, graffiti, drugs. the kids are law-abiding, but these activities connote what will admiringly calls action. with pride in his voice, will predicts that in a couple of years, hayward will be like oakland. it s starting to get more known, because of crime and things. i think it ll be bigger, more things happening, more crime, more graffiti, stealing cars. that s good, chimes in 15-year-old matt jenkins, whose new beeper an item that once connoted gangsta chic but now means little more than an active social life-goes off periodically. more fun. the three young men imagine with disdain life in a gangsta-free zone. too bland, too boring, adolfo says. you have to have something going on. you can t just have everyday life. mowing your lawn, matt sneers. , like beaver cleaver s house, adolfo adds. it s too clean out here. ............. not only white kids believe that identity is a matter ol choice or taste, or that the power of claiming can transcend ethnicity. the manor park locos-a group of mostly mexican-americans who hang out. iri san leandro s manor park-say they descend from the manor lords, tough white guys who ruled the neig borhood a generation ago. they are like our...uncles and dads, the older ge -eration, says jesse martinez, 14. we* what they were when they were around, except we re mexican sthtee generations,says oso, jesse s younger brothm them's manor lords, manor park loeos,and w park pee wees the pee wees consist mainly of manor park pee wees .1 the locos y ^es and bragabout punking people. mke will mosley, the loeos find me glamour m tv life they survey the changing suburban andscape s lot acdon or more fun but frightening eucalyptus: stands, asian group> waves jesse s fne . few years ago, every bench 3ed hesay^ sr^ s a"! > * f ,h" ' ,j"s' hope this doesn t turn into oakland. 247 9. understanding cultural pluralism glancing across the park at april miller s street, jesse says he knows what the white cholitas are about. it s not a racial thing, he explains. it s just all the most popular people out here are mexican. we re just the gangstas that everyone knows. i guess those girls wanna be known. not every young californian embraces the new racial hybridism. andrea jones, 20, an african-american who grew up in the bay area suburbs of union city and hayward, is unimpressed by what she sees mainly as shallow mimicry. it s full of posers out here, she says. when boyz n the hood came out on video, it was sold out for weeks. the boys all wanna be black, the girls all wanna be mexican. it s the glamour. driving down the quiet, shaded streets of her old neighborhood in union city, andrea spots two white preteen boys in raiders jackets and hugely baggy pants strutting erratically down the empty sidewalk. look at them, she says. dislocated. she knows why. in a lot of these schools out here, it s hard being white, she says. i don t think these kids were prepared for the backlash that is going on, all the pride now in people of color s ethnicity, and our boldness with it. they have nothing like that, no identity, nothing they can say they re proud of. so they latch onto their great-grandmother who s a cherokee, or they take on the most stereotypical aspects of being black or mexican. it s beautiful to appreciate different aspects of other people s culture that s like the dream of what the 21 st century should be. but to garnish yourself with pop culture stereotypes just to blend that s really sad. roland krevocheza, 18, graduated last year from arroyo high school in san leandro. he is mexican on his mother s side, eastern european on his father s. in the new hierarchies, it may be mixed kids like roland who have the hardest time finding their place, even as their numbers grow. (one in five marriages in california is between people of different races.) they can always be called wannabes, no matter what they claim. i ll state all my nationalities, roland says. but he takes a greater interest in his father s side, his ukrainian, romanian, and czech ancestors. it s more unique, he explains. mexican culture is all around me. 1 mexican food all the time, i hear stories from my: mother. i see the low-riders and stuff. i m already j it. i m not trying to be; i am. his darker-skinned brother says he s not prou white, roland adds. he calls me mr. nazi. room the two share, the american flags and the duction of the bill of rights are roland s; the enemy poster belongs to his brother. roland has good reason to mistrust gangsta att in his junior year in high school, he was one of arroyo students who were beaten up outside the at lunchtime by a group of samoans who came from oakland. roland wound up with a split lip, cussion, and a broken tailbone. later he was told t assault was gang-related that the samoans wei ing up anyone wearing red. rappers, i don t like them, roland says. they re a bad influence on kids f implied worth that has fostered so much social grief ever since 252 scholars often think that academic ideas must remain at worst, harmless, and at best, mildly amusing or even instructive. but ideas do not reside in the ivory tower of our usual metaphor about academic irrelevance. we are, as pascal said, a thinking reed, and ideas motivate human history. where would hider have been without racism, jefferson without liberty? blumenbach lived as a doistered professor all his life, but his ideas have reverberated in ways that he never could have anticipated, through our wars our social upheavals, our sufferings, and our hopes. i therefore end by returning once more to the extraordinary coincidences of 1776 as jefferson wrote the declaration of independence while blumenbach was publishing the first edition of his treatise in latin. we should remember the words of the nineteenth-century british historian and moralist lord acton, on the power of ideas to propel history: 49. geometer of race it was from america that... ideas long locked in the breast of solitary thinkers, and hidden among latin folios, burst forth like a conqueror upon the world they were destined to transform, under the title of the rights of man. for further reading daughters of africa. margaret busby, editor. pantheon, 1992. a comprehensive anthology of prose and poetry written by women of african descent, from ancient egyptian love songs to the work of contemporary americans. the collection features the work of phillis wheatley, the first black to publish a book of poetry in the united states. 253 article 50 minority rights: on the importance of local knowledge i cannot stand forward, and give praise or blame to anything which relates to human actions, and human concerns, on a simple view of the object, as it stands stripped of every relation, in all the nakedness and solitude of metaphysical abstraction. circumstances (which with some gentlemen pass for nothing) give in reality to every political principle its distinguishing colour and discriminating effect. edmund burke, reflections on the revolution in france daniel a. bell daniel a. bell teaches political philosophy at the university of hong kong. he is the author of communitarianism and its critics and the co-author of towards illiberal democracy in pacific asia. a a sb small set of crucial human rights are valued, at least in theory, by all governments in the contemporary world. rights against torture, murder, genocide, and slavery are simply not contested in the public rhetoric of the international arena. of course, gross violations occur off the record, but in such cases the task of the human rights activist is to expose the gap between public allegiance to rights and the sad reality of ongoing abuse. there is not much point deliberating about practices that everyone already condemns. but political thinkers and activists can and do take different sides on many pressing minority rights conflicts. whether the dispute is over the choice of language in schools and parliaments, the decentralization of govermental powers to regions controlled by minorities, or the protection of traditional homelands, there do not seem to be any readily available general proposals for noncontroversial solutions. in my view, it is important to refrain from moral and political judgments about disputes of this sort until one has acquired detailed knowl edge of local political circumstances and relevant cultural outlooks. unlike most contemporary philosophers and political theorists, i want to found judgments not on principles derived from reasoning about universal human needs and interests but rather on the actual dispositions and pressing concerns of a society in this or that historically contingent condition. this culturally sensitive approach, needless to say, requires a great deal of time and energy spent learning a society s culture, history, politics, and language, but there may be no other path to sound and effective political judgments. in this essay i propose four arguments in favor of a culturally sensitive approach to minority rights. identifying the group political thinkers tend to define cultural groups in terms of language, race, or religion. vernon van dyke, for example, defines an ethnic community as a group of persons, predominantly of common descent, who think of themselves as collectively possessing a separate identity based on race or on shared characteristics, usually language or religion. if the aim is to identify vulnerable minority groups deserving of special political rights, however, definitions in terms of shared language, race, or religion may have the effect of unjustifiably rewarding some groups and denying the legitimate aspirations of others. from dissent, summer 1996, pp. 36-41. 1996 by the foundation for the study of independent social ideas, inc. reprinted by permission. 254 it is instructive to look at some examples from china. according to the chinese government, there are over fifty-five ethnic minorities in the country, amounting to more than 8 percent of the population. these officially recognized minorities are labeled as such by virtue of being non-han, meaning they do not use the chinese script or bear all the physical characteristics of the han chinese. leading experts on the subject such as june teufel dreyer (author of china's forty millions) and colin mackerras (author of china's minorities) also operate with the government s definition of a minority group. contrary to popular belief, the chinese government does recognize in principle that minority groups are entitled to special status in the chinese political system. for example, the national people s congress in 1984 passed the law on regional autonomy for minority nationalities that allows for self-administration in tibet and other minority regions. self-administration in practice, needless to say, does not amount to much. but some tangible benefits are in fact granted to officially recognized minority groups. nicholas tapp notes that provisions for representation of minority nationalities in state organs, general exemption from the most stringent applications of the regulations on birth control, and the lower marks commonly required of members of minority nationalities who apply for admission to universities or colleges add up to a policy of positive discrimination. the problem, however, is that under the current system benefits may accrue to individuals and groups not in need of special protection. not surprisingly, the children of mixed marriages between han and minority members usually choose minority rather than han status. whole counties and districts have applied for autonomous minority status on the basis of extremely slender evidence, such as the discovery of nonhan names in genealogies of several generations depth. ^^t the same time, restricting the definition of minority groups to shared language or ethnicity can conceal vulnerable minority groups from political view and so play into the hands of conservative majorities intent on denying legitimate aspirations for self-administration. as emily honig explains in her book creating chinese ethnicity: subei people in shanghai, 18501980, the prejudice against subei people is comparable to that experienced by african-americans in the united states. unlike african-americans, however, the subei are not physically dis50. minority rights tinct from the rest of the shanghainese population, almost all of whom are han chinese. rather, subei are defined as such by virtue of being individuals whose families were originally poverty-stricken refugees from jiangsu province. the political result is that subei people do not benefit from the official chinese policy of positive discrimination and special political representation for minority groups. consider as well the development of a distinctive taiwanese identity defined primarily by a common experience with free market institutions and (more recently) a relatively democratic form of government rather than by shared language and ethnicity. any prospect for a fair and workable reunification with the people s republic of china cannot ignore the fact that many taiwanese now think of themselves as sufficiently distinct to seek some form of self-administration. but this is a non-issue if one accepts the official chinese view that the taiwanese are not a distinct cultural grouping. and defining minority groups in terms of language or ethnicity leads one to endorse the official view.1 vulnerable minorities are more likely to be protected by policies sensitive to their actual history and self-understanding. trade-offs much ink has been spilled debating whether or not civil and political rights need to be sacrificed in the interests of economic development. proponents of authoritarianism primarily government officials in east and southeast asia argue that if factional opposition threatens to slow down economic development or to plunge the country into civil strife, then tough measures can and should be taken to ensure political stability. liberal thinkers in the west then counter by reaffirming the value of civil and political liberties for human beings in general or by pointing out that social scientific evidence simply does not support the claim that there is a causal connection between authoritarianism and economic success. . there is, however, a narrower claim being presented by authoritarian governments that cannot be dismissed so readily: namely, that particular rights may need to be curbed in particular contexts, for particular economic or political purposes, as a short-term measure, in order to secure a more important right or to secure that same right in the long-term. xin chunying, a lawyer working at the human rights center of the chinese academy of the social sciences, notes that east asian governments emphasize 255 9. understanding cultural pluralism the particularity of human rights protection and the priority determined by the specific conditions of each country. 2 justifications for the temporary suspension of a particular right are put forward by government officials, but often attract significant local support. consider for example the recent political history of singapore. kevin tan, a professor of constitutional law at the national university of singapore, notes that singapore in the 1960s was plagued by a communalism which pitted singapore s majority chinese population against the minority malays. communalism, and the attendant threat of racial riots, was dealt with by measures intended to construct an ethnically neutral national identity that might override par-ticularist commitments to ethnic groups. this included such policies as a public housing program designed to break up ethnic enclaves and compulsory education in the unifying language of english. t^ese policies seem problematic: what do minority rights mean in practice if not the right to education in one s mother tongue and the right to live together as a community? note, however, that the singaporean government need not object to the principle of minority rights. if all it meant to say is that rights had to be curtailed in response to a pressing social problem (the need to curb racially motivated violence), then it seems besides the point to counter with the argument that rights are universal and cannot be restricted under any circumstances. singaporean officials can concede that governments ought ideally to secure minority rights, adding that in this case these rights had to be sacrificed in order to secure more important rights to life and minimal subsistence.3 nor would it be appropriate to respond with social scientific evidence based on generalizations. the specific argument that in the singaporean context restricting minority rights was the most effective way of dealing with racial riots need not be (and may not be) a eir mixed genetic heritage. if a certain proportion of those people say, ten per cent should elect to identify themselves as multiracial, legislative districts in many parts of the country might need to be redrawn. the entire civil-rights regulatory program concerning housing, employment, and education would have to be reassessed. schooldesegregation plans would be thrown 51. one drop of bloo< into the air. of course, it is possible tha only a small number of americans wil elect to choose the multiracial option if it is offered, with little social effect merely placing such an option on thi census invites people to consider choosing it, however. when the census listec cajun as one of several examples under the ancestry question, the numbei of cajuns jumped nearly two thousanc per cent. to remind people of the possibility is to encourage enormous change those who are charged with enforcing civil-rights laws see the multiracia box as a wrecking ball aimed at affirmative action, and they hold those ir the mixed-race movement responsible there s no concern on any of thes< people s part about the effect on policy^ it s just a subjective feeling that thei identity needs to be stroked, one gov ernment analyst said. what they don understand is that it s going to cos their own groups by losing the ad vantages that accrue to minorities b way of affirmative-action programs, fo instance. graham contends that the ob ject of her movement is not to creat another protected category. in any cast she said, multiracial people know t check the right box to get the goodies. of course, races have been mixing i america since columbus arrived. visi tors to colonial america found planta tion slaves who were as light-skinned their masters. patrick henry actually pre posed, in 1784, that the state of virgin: encourage intermarriage between whit< and indians, through the use of tax ir centives and cash stipends. the legar of this intermingling is that americar who are descendants of early settlers, < slaves, or of indians often have ancesto of different races in their family tree. thomas jefferson supervised tl original census, in 1790. the populatic then was broken down into free whi males, free white females, other persoi (these included free blacks and taxab indians, which meant those living in around white settlements), and slavr how unsettled this country has alwa been about its racial categories is e\ dent in the fact that nearly every ce sus since has measured race different for most of the nineteenth century, t census reflected an american obsessi with miscegenation. the color of sla 9. understanding cultural pluralism was to be specified as b, for black, and m, for mulatto. in the 1890 census, gradations of mulattoes were further broken down into quadroons and octoroons. after 1920, however, the census bureau gave up on such distinctions, estimating that three-quarters of all blacks in the united states were racially mixed already, and that pure blacks would soon disappear. henceforth anyone with any black ancestry at all would be counted simply as black. actual interracial marriages, however, were historically rare. multiracial children were often marginalized as illegitimate half-breeds who didn t fit comfortably into any racial community. this was particularly true of the offspring of black-white unions. in my family, like many families with african-american ancestry, there is a history of multiracial offspring associated with rape and concubinage, g. reginald daniel, who teaches a course in multiracial identity at the university of california at los angeles, says. i was reared in the segregationist south. both sides of my family have been mixed for at least three generations. i struggled as a child over the question of why i had to exclude my east indian and irish and native american and french ancestry, and could include only african. until recently, people like daniel were identified simply as black because of a peculiarly american institution known informally as the one-drop rule, which defines as black a person with as little as a single drop of black blood. this notion derives from a long-discredited belief that each race had its own blood type, which was correlated with physical appearance and social behavior. the antebellum south promoted the rule as a way of enlarging the slave population with the children of slaveholders. by the nineteen-twenties, in jim crow america the one-drop rule was well established as the law of the land. it still is, according to a united states supreme court decision as late as 1986, which refused to review a lower court s ruling that a louisiana woman whose great-great-great-great-grandmother had been the mistress of a french planter was black even though that proportion of her ancestry amounted to no more than three thirty-seconds of her genetic heritage. we are the only country in the world that applies the one-drop rule, and the only group that the one-drop rule applies to is people of african descent, daniel observes. people of mixed black-and-white ancestry were rejected by whites and found acceptance by blacks. many of the most notable black leaders over the last century and a half were white to some extent, from booker t. washington and frederick douglass (both of whom had white fathers) to w. e. b. du bois, malcolm x, and martin luther king, jr. (who had an irish grandmother and some american indian ancestry as well). the fact that lani gui-nier, louis farrakhan, and virginia s former governor douglas wilder are defined as black, and define themselves that way, though they have light skin or european features, demonstrates how enduring the one-drop rule has proved to be in america, not only among whites but among blacks as well. daniel sees this as a double-edged sword. while the one-drop rule encouraged racism, it also galvanized the black community. but the one-drop rule is racist, daniel says. there s na way you can get away from the fact that it was historically implemented to create as many slaves as possible. no one leaped over to the white community that was simply the mentality of the nation, and people of african descent internalized it. what this current discourse is about is lifting the lid of racial oppression in our institutions and letting people identify with the totality of their heritage. we have created a nightmare for human dignity. multiracialism has the potential for undermining the very basis of racism, which is its categories. but multiracialism introduces nightmares of its own. if people are to be counted as something other than completely black, for instance, how will affirmative-action programs be implemented? suppose a court orders a city to hire additional black police officers to make up for past discrimination. will mixed-race officers count? will they count wholly or partly? far from solving the problem of fragmented identities, multiracialism could open the door to fractional races, such as we already have in the case of the american indians. in order to be eligible for certain federal benefits, such as hous ing-improvement programs, a must prove that he or she eit member of a federally recognize tribe or has fifty per cent indiar one can envision a situation i nonwhiteness itself becomes the ued quality, to be compensated it ways depending on a person s ] kwame anthony appiah, of f philosophy and afro-american departments, says, what the m category aims for is not people ancestry, because a majority of a are actually products of mixed this category goes after people 5 parents who are socially recog belonging to different races. o.k. that s an interesting soc gory. but then you have to ask v pens to their children. do we war more boxes, depending upon whe marry back into one group or tl what are the children of thes supposed to say? i think about the because look, my mother is en; father is ghanaian. my sisters an to a nigerian and a norwegiar nephews who range from bloi kids to very black kids. they an cousins. now according to the ? scheme of things, they re all bls the guy with blond hair who skis that s what the one-drop rule s * multiracial scheme, which is i solve anomalies, simply creat anomalies of its own, and that s the fundamental concept that yc be able to assign every american three or four races reliably is i these are sentiments that r tative sawyer agrees with pro he says of the one-drop rule, embedded in our perception an but it doesn t allow for the blur is the reality of our population.. at what are the numbers? h his congressional office as h through a briefing book. thii per cent of american japanese and eighteen per cent of a japanese males marry outside t ditional ethnic and nationalit seventy per cent of american marry outside. i grant you that 1 mous growth potential of mi marriages starts from a relativi base, but the truth is it starts fr< tion to begin with; that is, i think of as black-and-white n 262 51. one drop of bloo are not marriages between people who come from anything like a clearly defined ethnic, racial, or genetic base. the united states supreme court struck down the last vestige of antimiscegenation laws in 1967, in loving v. virginia. at that time, interracial marriages were rare; only sixty-five thousand marriages between blacks and whites were recorded in the 1970 census. marriages between asians and non-asian americans tended to be between soldiers and war brides. since then, mixed marriages occurring between many racial and ethnic groups have risen to the point where they have eroded the distinctions between such peoples. among american indians, people are more likely to marry outside their group than within it, as representative sawyer noted. the number of children living in families where one parent is white and the other is black, asian, or american indian, to use one measure, has tripled from fewer than four hundred thousand in 1970 to one and a half million in 1990 and this doesn t count the children of single parents or children whose parents are divorced. blacks are conspicuously less likely to marry outside their group, and yet marriages between blacks and whites have tripled in the last thirty years. matthijs kalmijn, a dutch sociologist, analyzed marriage certificates filed in this country s non-southern states since the loving decision and found that in the nineteen-eighties the rate at which black men were marrying white women had reached approximately ten per cent. (the rate for black women marrying white men is about half that figure.) in the 1990 cen-sus, six per cent of black householders nationwide had nonblack spouses still a small percentage, but a significant one. multiracial people, because they are now both unable and unwilling to be 'snored, and because many of them refuse to be confined to traditional ra-c'al categories, inevitably undermine the entire concept of race as an irreducible ifference between peoples. the con-rinual modulation of racial differences m america is increasing the jumble cre-by centuries of ethnic intermarriage. be resulting dilemma is a profound olle. if we choose to measure the mix ing by counting people as multiracial, we pull the teeth of the civil-rights laws are we ready for that? is it even possible to make changes in the way we count americans, given the legislative mandates already built into law? i don t know, sawyer concedes. at this point, my purpose is not so much to alter the laws that underlie these kinds of questions as to raise the question of whether or not the way in which we currently define who we are reflects the reality of the nation we are and who we are becoming. if it does not, then the policies underlying the terms of measurement are doomed to be flawed. what you measure is what you get. science has put forward many different racial models, the most enduring being the division of humanity into general argument for repression. it is simply not relevant to point out that other countries do not face similar problems or that social peace can sometimes be secured without similar restrictions. when countering specific trade-off arguments for rights violations, one can question either the premise that the society under question is actually facing a social crisis requiring immediate political action or the idea that curbing minority rights is the best means of overcoming that crisis. but whatever the response, the social critic must be armed with detailed and historically informed knowledge of that society. of course, even if the critic were to concede (a) that the social crisis is real and (b) that curbing minority rights is the most effective way of overcoming it, such local justifications for the denial of minority rights are only of limited validity: they no longer apply once the crisis is overcome. but local knowledge is also necessary for the argument that the state of emergency can, and therefore should, be lifted. local justifications it is commonly believed that secular western societies are uniquely tolerant and respectful of nonmainstream ways of life, including the cultural particularities of minority groups. from this it follows that policies designed to protect vulnerable minorities must draw on the social experiences and political ideals of western societies, cast in universalist terms. against this view, however, it can be argued that values similar to western conceptions of minority rights can also be found in some nonwestern cultural traditions. for example, nurcholish madjid of the indonesian human rights commission notes that islam too recognizes ... the right to use one s own language, the right to practice one s own culture, and the right to freedom of religion. 4 moreover, if the purpose of rights is primarily to protect minority cultures from the political decisions of the majority, then clearly the functional equivalents of rights practices can sometimes be found in non-western traditions. chinese rule over tibet in the mid-eighteenth century, for example, was primarily a matter of form, with the tibetans in charge of their own affairs so long as they secured social peace and recognized a formal link with china. the dalai lama proposed a similar formula in 1988, but the chinese government, seemingly oblivious to historical precedent, denounced the offer, calling it a disguised form of independence. still, the struggle to promote minority rights is more likely to be won if it is fought in ways that build on, rather than challenge, local cultural traditions. consider the case of the persecution of the al-arqam islamic group in malaysia. in accordance with a ruling from the national fatwa council and a decree by the ministry of home affairs in august 1994, the malaysian government launched a systematic campaign to suppress the al-arqam group. the malaysian leader and founder of al-arqam, ashaari muhammad, was arrested and held without 256 50. minority rights charge or trial; the group s written, audio, and visual presentations were banned; and malaysian muslims were prevented from joining al-arqam or participating in any of its activities. in the eyes of islamic legal scholar and human rights activist abdullahi a. an-na im, however, the government of malaysia violated shari'a law in the name of protecting islam against deviationism. deviationism, explains an-na im, is unknown to any orthodox formulation of shari a. the government of malaysia could potentially have appealed to the notion of apostasy (although many muslim scholars today oppose this view of shari 'a}, but by failing to apply even the notion of apostasy with its own legal safeguards under . .. islamic law, the government of malaysia has given itself licence to penalize and persecute ashaari and his followers without conforming to the demands of the principle of legality and rule of law under shari 'a itself. no doubt the government of malaysia s behavior can also be criticized by appealing to nonreligious political principles. an-na imnotes, for example, that the secular human rights activist can criticize the government of malaysia for denying a group of citizens their freedom of belief and for detaining them without charge or trial on the basis of a ruling from a council of religious scholars, hence violating the principle that religion not be used for political ends. perhaps the social critic could also invoke article 27 of the united nations international covenant on civil and political rights: in those states in which ethnic, religious, or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language. this right, the secular activist will argue, is due all human beings simply by virtue of their humanity, and does not depend on the interpretation of a particular religion or cultural tradition. but how persuasive are these universal justifications in a country dominated by a muslim majority where rights are generally thought to have theocentric foundations5 and where islamic legal codes already shape family and criminal law? in this context, arguments that appeal to widely shared religious values are far more likely to be effective than arguments founded on the principle that a human rights regime mandates a strict separation between religion and the state. and even if changes can be temporarily instituted on the basis of secular human rights principles, long-term commitment to minority rights is best secured by drawing on the expressed aspirations of those who adhere to a particular tradition. in short, local cultural traditions may well provide sufficient resources to justify local commitment to values and practices similar to minority rights, and strategic considerations may speak in favor of using these resources to protect vulnerable groups. non-liberal cultural traditions but while some aspects of local culture may be invoked for this purpose, the problem is that other aspects can justify curtailing minority rights. for example, the many references in the confucian tradition to barbarians may lend support to civilizing missions that have the effect of annihilating non-han chinese cultures. one response available to the proponent of a culturally sensitive approach is that even aspects of cultural traditions seemingly inconsistent with minority rights can sometimes be re-interpreted in ways that render them consistent. but these re-interpretations are unlikely to be widely accepted, and one might conclude that culturally sensitive approaches need to be buttressed by a u.s.-style right to free speech so that majority viewpoints can be challenged and eventually replaced by values more supportive of minority rights. as professor an-na im puts it, there must be the widest possible multiplicity of voices and perspectives on the meaning and implications of cultural norms and institutions. i am inclined, however, to question the need for an internal cultural discourse that allows for the widest possible multiplicity of voices and perspectives. what is needed is a mechanism for change within a tradition that allows minority viewpoints to become dominant or, at least, politically relevant. but this mechanism need not be an absolute right to free speech, and more generally it need not be the same in all times and places. consider the case of dr. sulak sivaraksa, a leading pro-democracy activist in thailand and a nominee for the nobel peace prize. in 1991, the thai ruler. general suchinda, pressed charges against dr. sulak for lese majeste and for defaming him (the general) in a speech given at thammasat university. fearing for his life, sulak fled the country, but returned in 1992 after the suchinda government had fallen to face the charges. in court, sulak did not deny that he had attacked the dictator suchinda, but he did deny the charge of lese majeste, referring to the many 257 9. understanding cultural pluralism services he had performed for the royal family. sulak explains: i did not. . . stake my ground on an absolute right to free speech. my defense against the charge of lese majeste was my innocence of the charge; my defense was my loyalty to the king and royal family and, even where i discussed the use of the charge of lese majeste in current siamese political practice, it was to highlight abuse and to point to the ways in which abuse might undermine the monarchy, rather than to defend any theoretical right to commit this action. i am not affirming, nor would i affirm, a right to commit lese majeste. this aspect of the case is particularly concerned with my being siamese and belonging to the siamese cultural tradition. 6 in other words, dr. sulak aimed to persuade fellow citizens that the dominant political system should be replaced with an alternative, relatively democratic political structure, but he made it explicit that he did not want to challenge a mechanism for change that places a constraint on direct criticism of the thai king. there is no reason to doubt dr. sulak s sincerity (perhaps he, like many thais, would feel deeply offended, if not personally harmed, by an attack on the king). is there anything wrong with a mechanism for changing a cultural tradition that has constraints like this one, endorsed by both defenders and critics of the prevailing views? liberal thinkers may worry about this line of argument. the claim that for strategic reasons the social critic should sometimes appeal to local traditions to justify values and practices that in the western world are normally realized though a rights regime may be palatable, but few liberals will go along with the suggestion that cultural traditions can provide a genuinely moral foundation for illiberal norms and political practices. this latter argument may be employed as an excuse to justify or tolerate the subjugation of members of cultural groups who have been denied the opportunity to reflect on and criticize norms of deference and humility to powerful leaders. still, one can exaggerate this worry. for one thing, there may not be many other examples of illiberal constraints on challenges to prevailing cultural viewpoints endorsed by both political leaders and leading social critics (certainly one could not justify curtailing rights against murder, torture, slavery, and genocide on these grounds). moreover, the argument for respecting the norms and practices endorsed by most adherents of particular cultural traditions (including leading social critics) can sometimes be employed to expand rather than restrict the set of rights typically enjoyed by members of liberal western societies. for example, east asian societies influenced by confucianism strongly emphasize the value of filial piety or the idea that children have a profound duty to care for elderly parents, a duty to be forsaken only in the most exceptional circumstances. in political practice this means that parents have a right to be cared for by their children and that it is incumbent on east asian governments to provide the social and economic conditions to facilitate the realization of this right. political debate tends to center on the question of whether the right to filial piety is best realized by means of a law that makes it mandatory for children to provide financial support for elderly parents (as in singapore or japan), or whether the state should rely on more indirect methods such as tax breaks (as in hong kong) and housing benefits that simply make care for the elderly easier. but the argument that there is a pressing need to secure this right in east asia is not a matter of political controversy. let me be more explicit about how these arguments may bear on the question o genial of all enlightenment thinkers. how peculiar that the man most committed to human unity, and to inconsequential moral and intellectual differences among groups, should have changed the mental geometry of human order to a scheme that has served racism ever since. yet on second thought, this situation is really not so odd for most scientists have been quite unaware of the mental machinery, and particularly of the visual or geometric implications, lying behind all their theorizing. an old tradition in science proclaims that changes in theory must be driven by observation. since most scientists believe this simplistic formula, they assume that their own shifts in interpretation record only their better understanding of newly discovered facts. scientists therefore tend to be unaware of their own mental impositions upon the world s messy and ambiguous factuality. such mental impositions arise from a variety of sources, including psychological predisposition and social context. blumenbach lived in an age when ideas of progress, and the cultural superiority of european ways, dominated political and social life. implicit, loosely formulated, or even unconscious notions of racial ranking fit well with such a worldview indeed, almost any other organizational scheme would have seemed anomalous. i doubt that blumenbach was actively encouraging racism by redrawing the mental diagram of human groups. he was only, and largely passively, recording the social view of his time. but ideas have consequences, whatever the motives or intentions of their promoters. blumenbach certainly thought that his switch from the lin-naean four-race system to his own five-race scheme arose only from his improved understanding of nature s factuality. he said as much when he announced his change in the second (1781) edition of his treatise: formerly in the first edition of this work, divided all mankind into four varieties; but after i had more actively investigated the different nations of eastern asia and america, and, so to speak, looked at them more closely, i was compelled to give up that division, and to place in its stead the milowing five varieties, as more consonant to nature. and in me preface to the third edition, of 1795, blumenbach states 49. geometer of race that he gave up the linnaean scheme in order to arrange the varieties of man according to the truth of nature. when scientists adopt the myth that theories arise solely from observation, and do not grasp the personal and social influences acting on their thinking, they not only miss the causes of their changed opinions; they may even foil to comprehend the deep mental shift encoded by the new theory. blumenbach strongly upheld die unity of die human species against an alternative view, then growing in popularity (and surely more conducive to conventional forms of racism), that each major race had been separately created. he ended his thin! edition by writing: no doubt can any longer remain but that we are with great probability right in referring all... varieties of man... to one and the same species. as his major argument for unity, blumenbach noted that all supposed racial characteristics grade continuously from one people to another and cannot define any separate and bounded group. for although there seems to be so great a difference between widely separate nations, that you might easily take the inhabitants of the cape of good hope, the greenlanders, and the circassians for so many different species of man, yet when the matter is thoroughly considered, you see that all do so run into one another, and that one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out die limits between them. he particularly refuted the common racist claim that black africans bore unique features of their inferiority: there is no single character so peculiar and so universal among the ethiopians, but what it may be observed on the one hand everywhere in other varieties of men. blumenbach, writing 80 years before darwin, believed that homo sapiens had been created in a single region and had then spread over die globe. our racial diversity, he dien argued, arose as a result of this spread to other climates and topographies, and to our adoption of different modes of life in these various regions. following the terminology of his time, blumenbach referred to these changes as degenerations not intending the modem sense of deterioration, but the literal meaning of departure from an initial form of humanity at the creation {de means from, and genus refers to our original stock). most of these degenerations, blumenbach argued, arose di-recdy from differences in climate and habitat ranging from such broad patterns as the correlation of dark skin with tropical environments, to more particular (and fanciful) attributions, including a speculation that the narrow eye slits of some australian aborigines may have arisen in response to constant clouds of gnats... contracting the natural face of the inhabitants. other changes, he maintained, arose as a consequence of customs adopted in different regions. for example, nations that compressed the heads of babies by swaddling boards or papoose carriers ended up with relatively long skulls. blumenbach held that almost all the diversity of the form of the head in different nations is to be attributed to the mode of life and to art blumenbach believed that such changes, promoted over many generations, could eventually become hereditary. ^vith blumenbach upheld the unity of the human species against an alternative view, then growing in popularity (and surely more conducive to conventional racism), that each race had been separately created. 25 9. understanding cultural pluralism the progress of time, blumenbach wrote, art may degenerate into a second nature. but he also argued that most racial variations, as superficial impositions of climate and custom, could be easily altered or reversed by moving to a new region or by adopting new behavior. white europeans living for generations in the tropics could become dark-skinned, while africans transported as slaves to high latitudes could eventually become white: color, whatever be its cause, be it bile, or the influence of the sun, the air, or the climate, is, at all events, an adventitious and easily changeable thing, and can never constitute a diversity of species, he wrote. convinced of the superficiality of racial variation, blumenbach defended the mental and moral unity of all peoples. he held particularly strong opinions on the equal status of black africans and white europeans. he may have been patronizing in praising the good disposition and faculties of these our black brethren, but better paternalism than malign contempt. he campaigned for the abolition of slavery and asserted the moral superiority of slaves to their captors, speaking of a natural tenderness of heart, which has never been benumbed or extirpated on board the transport vessels or on the west india sugar plantations by the brutality of their white executioners. blumenbach established a special library in his house devoted exclusively to black authors, singling out for special praise the poetry of phillis wheatley, a boston slave whose writings have only recently been rediscovered: i possess english, dutch, and latin poems by several [black authors], amongst which however above all, those of phillis wheatley of boston, who is justly famous for them, deserves mention here. finally, blumenbach noted that many caucasian nations could not boast so fine a set of authors and scholars as black africa has produced under the most depressing circumstances of prejudice and slavery: it would not be difficult to mention entire well-known provinces of europe, from out of which you would not easily expect to obtain off-hand such good authors, poets, philosophers, and correspondents of the paris academy. nonetheless, when blumenbach presented his mental picture of human diversity in his fateful shift away from linnaean geography, he singled out a particular group as closest to the created ideal and then characterized all other groups by relative degrees of departure from this archetypal standard. he ended up with a system that placed a single race at the pinnacle, and then envisioned two symmetrical unes of departure away from this ideal toward greater and greater degeneration. fore could not use these conventional criteria of raci to establish degrees of relative departure from the 1 ideal. instead, and however subjective (and even risibl the criterion today, blumenbach chose physical be; guide to ranking. he simply affirmed that europeans beautiful, with caucasians as the most comely of al plains why blumenbach, in the first quote cited in t linked the maximal beauty of the caucasians to the p man origin. blumenbach viewed all subsequent varia partures from the originally created idealtherefon beautiful people must live closest to our primal hon blumenbach s descriptions are pervaded by his subj< of relative beauty, presented as though he were discus: jective and quantifiable property, not subject to do agreement. he describes a georgian female skull (fou mount caucasus) as really the most beautiful form of ... always of itself attracts every eye, however little < he then defends his european standard on aestheti in the first place, that stock displays... the most bea of the skull, from which, as from a mean and primev others diverge by most easy gradations.... besides, ii color, which we may fairly assume to have been the pri of mankind, since ... it is very easy for that to dege brown, but very much more difficult for dark to becc blumenbach then presented all human variety o of successive departure from this caucasian ideal, er two most degenerate (least attractive, not least n worthy or mentally obtuse) forms of humanity as side, and africans on the other. but blumenbach a to designate intermediary forms between ideal an generate, especially since even gradation formed i argument for human unity. in his original four-race could identify native americans as intermediary bi ropeans and asians, but who would serve as the t form between europeans and africans? the four-race system contained no appropriate inventing a fifth racial category as an intermediary b ropeans and africans would complete the new sytru ometry. blumenbach therefore added the malay r; minor, factual refinement but as a device for refon entire theory of human diversity. with this one str< duced the geometric transformation from linnaeu: geographic model to the conventional hierarchy worth that has fostered so much social grief ever s we may now return to the riddle of the name caucasian, and to the significance of blumenbach s addition of a fifth race, the malay variety. blumenbach chose to regard his own european variety as closest to the created ideal and then searched for the subset of europeans with greatest perfection the highest of the high, so to speak. as we have seen, he identified the people around mount caucasus as the closest embodiments of the original ideal and proceeded to name the entire european race for its finest representatives. but blumenbach now faced a dilemma. he had already affirmed the mental and moral equality of all peoples. he therei have allotted the first place to the caucasian . makes me esteem it the primeval one. this diverge directions into two, most remote and very different f other; on the one side, namely, into the ethiopiai the other into the mongolian. the remaining tw the intermediate positions between that primeval these two extreme varieties; that is, the american the caucasian and mongolian; the malay between caucasian and ethiopian. [from blumenbach s thirc with one stroke, blumenbach produced the geometric transformation from linnaeu. unranked geographic model to the conventional hierarchy o f protecting vulnerable minorities from the decisions of majorities. on the one hand, respect for minority groups in liberal societies may translate into (illiberal) restrictions on criticism of aspects of cultural traditions held to be sacred by all (or nearly all) members of those groups. for example, bhikhu parekh suggests that laws against libel can be employed to protect minority cultures from various forms of defamation and hate speech. on the other hand, a richer and fuller respect for minorities may translate into expanding the set of social and economic rights typically granted in liberal societies. perhaps the parents of east asian immigrants can be given the right to immigrate as well, and adults of east asian origin who care for their elderly parents can be given a special right to claim tax benefits. nor should one rule out the possibility that liberal majorities learn from the cultural traditions of minority groups. in an age when social security payments may no longer be economically sustainable at their current level and when it is widely seen as morally acceptable in the west to commit relatively fit elderly parents to nursing homes, it may not be entirely implausible to promote the value of filial piety in liberal societies. but whether the issue is restricting rights, expanding rights, or learning from nonliberal cultures, the political proposals that we endorse should always be based on detailed knowledge of the cultural self-understandings of minority groups. 258 50. minority rights notes 1 it is worth noting, however, that in a different context even the chinese government concedes that minority groups with legitimate aspirations for autonomy need not be defined in terms of language or ethnicity. in the case of hong kong the chinese government officially endorses a one country, two systems political proposal for rule in the post-1997 period. what defines group particularity in this case is shared attachment to the rule of law and experience with a free economic system, not shared language or ethnicity. 2 1 quote from a paper presented at a workshop held in hakone, japan, june 1995, the first of three workshops on the theme the growth of east asia and its impact on human rights. more generally, the second through fourth sections of this essay draw on papers presented in hakone and at the second workshop held in bangkok, thailand, march 1996, as well as on ideas contained in my article the east asian challenge to human rights: reflections on an east west dialogue, forthcoming in the human rights quarterly, august 1996. 3 it is worth noting that article 4 of the united nations international covenant on civil and political rights (1966) explicitly allows for short-term curbs on some rights (in cluding the right to the protection of minority cultures, article 27) if these are necessary to deal with particular social crises. article 4 goes on to state that the derogation of rights against murder, torture, and slavery, among others, may not be made under this provision. 4 it is not well known that the iranian parliament guarantees five seats for religious minorities. jews, zoroastrians, and armenian and assyrian christians are allowed to elect deputies. a recent article in the international herald tribune noted that iran s 30,000 jews turned out in force in general elections here to elect their representative to the islamic republic s parliament. (march 13, 1996) 31 do not mean to imply that islamic countries are unique in this regard. many religious americans, for example, might think that the idea of human rights derives its ultimate justification from god s special concern for human beings. 6 dr. sulak explains that he uses the older terms siam and siamese rather than the government terms thailand and thai out of respect for the non-thai minorities within the country. the word thailand was initially imposed by the dictators in 1939. 25 article 51 one drop of blood do ethnic categories protect us or divide us? the way that washington chooses to define the population in th\ 2000 census could trigger the biggest debate over race in america since the nineteen-sixties. laurence wight washington in the millennial years is a city of warring racial and ethnic groups fighting for recognition, protection, and entitlements. this war has been fought throughout the second half of the twentieth centuiy largely by black americans. how much this contest has widened, how bitter it has turned, how complex and baffling it is, and how far-reaching its consequences are became evident in a series of congressional hearings that began last year in the obscure house subcommittee on census, statistics, and postal personnel, which is chaired by representative thomas c. sawyer, democrat of ohio, and concluded in november, 1993. although the sawyer hearings were scarcely reported in the news and were sparsely attended even by other members of the subcommittee, with the exception of representative thomas e. petri, republican of wisconsin, they opened what may become the most searching examination of racial questions in this country since the sixties. related federal agency hearings, and meetings that will be held in washington and other cities around the country to prepare for the 2000 census, are considering not only modifications of existing racial categories but also the larger question of whether it is proper for the government to classify people according to arbitrary distinctions of skin color and ancestry. this discussion arises at a time when profound debates are occurring in minority communities about the rightfulness of group entitlements, some government officials are questioning the usefulness of race data, and scientists are debating whether race exists at all. tom sawyer, forty-eight, a former english teacher and a former mayor of akron, is now in his fourth term representing the fourteenth district of ohio. it would be fair to say that neither the house committee on post office and civil service nor the subcommittee that sawyer chairs is the kind of assignment that members of congress would willingly shed blood for. indeed, the attitude of most elected officials in washington toward the census is polite loathing, because it is the census, as much as any other force in the country, that determines their political futures. congressional districts rise and fall with the shifting demography of the country, yet census matters rarely seize the front pages of home-town newspapers, except briefly, once every ten years. much of the subcommittee s business has to do with addressing the safety concerns of postal workers and overseeing federal statistical measurements. the subcommittee has an additional responsibility: it reviews the executive branch s policy about which racial and ethnic groups should be officially recognized by the united states government. we are unique in this coi the way we describe and defi and ascribe to it characterist other cultures view very diffe sawyer, who is a friendly m; an open, boyish face and grayi: hair, says. he points out that the c in the midst of its most profoun graphic shift since the eighteen-n a time that opened a period of the immigration we have ever seer numbers have not been matched u now. a deluge of new americ. every part of the world is overv our traditional racial distinctions believes. the categories thems evitably reflect the temporal bias age, he says. that becomes a when the nation itself is undergo and historic diversification. looming over the shoulder yer s subcommittee is the c management and budget, the agency that happens to be res for determining standard classi of racial and ethnic data. sint those categories have been o.m.b. statistical directive 1! controls the racial and ethnic si on all federal forms and st directive 15 acknowledges foui racial groups in the united american indian or alaskan asian or pacific islander, bk white. directive 15 also breal ethnicity into hispanic origin ; 260 ju'y 1"4' pp' 46'5 ' 52 55 1"4 by w"9hv r d permission of the wendy of hispanic origin. these categories, or versions of them, are present on enrollment forms for schoolchildren; on application forms for jobs, scholarships, loans, and mortgages; and, of course, on united states census forms. the categories ask that every american fit himself or herself into one racial and one ethnic box. from this comes the information that is used to monitor and enforce civil-rights legislation, most notably the voting rights act of 1965, but also a smorgasbord of set-asides and entitlements and affirmative-action programs. the numbers drive the dollars, sawyer observes, repeating a well-worn washington adage. the truth of that statement was abundantly evident in the hearings, in which a variety of racial and ethnic groups were bidding to increase their portions of the federal pot. the national coalition for an accurate count of asian pacific americans lobbied to add cambodians and lao to the nine different nationalities already listed on the census forms under the heading of asian or pacific islander. the national council of la raza proposed that hispanics be considered a race, not just an ethnic group. the arab american institute asked that persons from the middle east, now counted as white, be given a separate, protected category of their own. senator daniel k. ataka, a native hawaiian, urged that his people be moved from the asian or pacific islander box to the american indian or alaskan native box. there 15 the misperception that native ha-waiians, who number well over two hundred thousand, somehow immi-grated to the united states like other asian or pacific island groups, the senator testified. this leads to the erroneous impression that native ha-waiians, the original inhabitants of the hawaiian islands, no longer exist. in me senator s opinion, being placed in the same category as other native americans would help rectify that sltuation. (he did not mention that certain american indian tribes enjoy privileges concerning gambling conces-si ns that native hawaiians currently don t enjoy.) the national congress f american indians would like the hawaiians to stay where they are. in every case, issues of money, but also of identity, are at stake. in this battle over racial turf, a disturbing new contender has appeared. when i received my 1990 census form, i realized that there was no race category for my children, susan graham, who is a white woman married to a black man in roswell, georgia, testified. i called the census bureau. after checking with supervisors, the bureau finally gave me their answer: the children should take the race of their mother. when i objected and asked why my children should be classified as their mother s race only, the census bureau representative said to me, in a very hushed voice, because, in cases like these, we always know who the mother is and not always the father. graham went on to say, i could not make a race choice from the basic categories when i enrolled my son in kindergarten in georgia. the only choice i had, like most other parents of multiracial children, was to leave race blank. i later found that my child s teacher was instructed to choose for him based on her knowledge and observation of my child. ironically, my child has been white on the united states census, black at school, and multiracial at home all at the same time. graham and others were asking that a multiracial box be added to the racial categories specified by directive 15 a proposal that alarmed representatives of the other racial groups for a number of reasons, not the least of which was that multiracialism threatened to undermine the concept of racial classification altogether. according to various estimates, at least seventy-five to more than ninety per cent of the people who now check the black box could check multiracial, because of th three broad groupings: the mongoloid, the negroid, and the caucasoid. an influential paper by masatoshi nei and arun k. roychoudhury, entitled gene differences between caucasian, negro, and japanese populations, which appeared in science, in 1972, found that the genetic variation among individuals from these racial groups was only slightly greater than the variation within the groups. in 1965, the anthropologist stanley garn proposed hundreds, even thousands, of racial groups, which he saw as gene clusters separated by geography or culture, some with only minor variations between them. the paleontologist stephen jay gould, for one, has proposed doing away with all racial classifications and identifying people by clines regional divisions that are used to account for the diversity of snails and of songbirds, among many other species. in this gould follows the anthropologist ashley montagu, who waged a lifelong campaign to rid science of the term race altogether and never used it except in quotation marks. montagu would have substituted the term ethnic group, which he believed carried less odious baggage. race, in the common understanding, draws upon differences not only of skin color and physical attributes but also of language, nationality, and religion. at times, we have counted as races different national groups, such as mexicans and filipinos. some asian indians were counted as members of a hindu rac in the censuses from 1920 to 1940; the. they became white for three decades racial categories are often used as eth nic intensifiers, with the aim of justify ing the exploitation of one group by an other. one can trace the ominou example of jews in prewar germany who were counted as israelites, a re ligious group, until the nazis came t< power and turned them into a race mixtures of firstand second-degre, jewishness were distinguished, much a quadroons and octoroons had been ii the united states. in fact, the nazi ex perience ultimately caused a widespreac reexamination of the idea of race canada dropped the race question fron its census in 1951 and has so far resiste< all attempts to reinstitute it. people whi were working in the united states bu reau of the census in the fifties ani early sixties remember that there wa speculation that the race question wouli soon be phased out in america as wel the american civil liberties unio tried to get the race question droppe from the census in 1960, and the stat of new jersey stopped entering race in formation on birth and death certifi cates in 1962 and 1963. in 1964, how ever, the architecture of civil-rights law began to be erected, and many of th new laws particularly the votin rights act of 1965 required high! detailed information about minoi ity participation which could be gathere only by the decennial census, the nation supreme instrument for gathering dem< graphic statistics. the expectation that tl race question would wither away surrei dered to the realization that race data we: fundamental to monitoring and enforcir desegregation. the census soon acquire a political importance that it had nev had in the past. unfortunately, the sloppiness ar multiplicity of certain racial and ethn categories rendered them practical meaningless for statistical purposes. . 1973, caspar weinberger, who w then secretary of health, educatk and welfare, asked the federal inte agency committee on education (nc to develop some standards for classif ing race and ethnicity. an ad-hoc cor mittee sprang into being and propos to create an intellectual grid that woi 9. understanding cultural pluralism sort all americans into five racial and ethnic categories. the first category was american indian or alaskan native. some members of the committee wanted the category to be called original peoples of the western hemisphere, in order to include indians of south american origin, but the distinction that this category was seeking was so-called federal indians, who were eligible for government benefits; to include indians of any other origin, even though they might be genetically quite similar, would confuse the collecting of data. to accommodate the various, highly diverse peoples who originated in the far east, southeast asia, and the pacific islands, the committee proposed a category called asian or pacific islander, thus sweeping into one massive basket chinese, samoans, cambodians, filipinos, and others peoples who had little or nothing in common, and many of whom were, indeed, traditional enemies. the fact that american indians and alaskan natives originated from the same mongoloid stock as many of these peoples did not stop the committee from putting them in a separate racial category. black was defined as a person having origins in any of the black racial groups of africa, and white, initially, as a person having origins in any of the original peoples of europe, north africa, the middle east, or the indian subcontinent everybody else, in other words. because the black category contained anyone with any african heritage at all, the range of actual skin colors covered the entire spectrum, as did the white category, which included arabs and asian indians and various other darker-skinned peoples. the final classification, hispanic, was the most problematic of all. in the 1960 census, people whose ancestry was latin-american were counted as white. then people of spanish origin became a protected group, requiring the census to gather data in order to monitor their civil rights. but how to define them? people who spoke spanish? defining the population that way would have included millions of americans who spoke the language but had no actual roots in hispanic culture, and it excluded brazilians and children of immigrants who were not taught spanish in their homes. one approach was to count persons with spanish surnames, but that created a number of difficulties: marriage made some non-hispanic women into instant minorities, while stripping other women of their hispanic status. the 1970 census inquired about people from central or south america, and more than a million people checked the box who were not hispanic; they were from kansas, alabama, mississippi the central and southern united states, in other words. the greatest dilemma was that there was no conceivable justification for calling hispanics a race. there were black hispanics from the dominican republic, argentines who were almost entirely european whites, mexicans who would have been counted as american indians if they had been bom north of the rio grande. the great preponderance of hispanics are mestizos a continuum of many different genetic backgrounds. moreover, the fluid latin-american concept of race differs from the rigid united states idea of biologically determined and highly distinct human divisions. in most latin cultures, skin color is an individual variable not a group marker so that within the same family one sibling might be considered white and another black. by 1960, the united states census, which counts the population of puerto rico, gave up asking the race question on the island, because race did not carry the same distinction there that it did on the mainland. the ad-hoc committee decided to dodge riddles like these by calling hispanics an ethnic group, not a race. in 1977, o.m.b. statistical directive 15 adopted the fice suggestions practically verbatim, with one principal exception: asian indians were moved to the asian or pacific islander category. thus, with little political discussion, the identities of americans were fixed in five broad groupings. those racial and ethnic categories that were dreamed up almost twenty years ago were not neutral in their effect. by attempting to provide a way for americans to describe themselves, the categories actually began to shape those identities. the categories became political entities, with their own constituencies, lobbies, and vested interests. what was even more significant, they caused people t of themselves in new ways as bers of races that were little me statistical devices. in 1974, the j ad-hoc committee set to woi people referred to themselves : panic; rather, people who fell ir grouping tended to identify the by nationality mexican or don for instance. such small cate however, are inconvenient for s and politics, and the creation meta-concept hispanic has res the formation of a peculiarly a group. it is a mixture of ethnic ture, history, birth, and a prest of language, sawyer contends, because of immigration, the / pacific islander group is considi fastest-growing racial group united states, but it is a raci egory that in all likelihood ex where else in the world. the third growing category is other mai the nearly ten million people, them hispanics, who refused t any of the prescribed racial american indian groups are als ing at a rate that far exceeds the of the population as a whol about half a million people in nearly two million in 1990 hundred-and-fifty-nine-per-< crease, which was demographic possible. it seemed to be accou by improvements in the censu procedure and also by the fact 1 five americans had become fas! and people now wished to iden them. to make matters even m founding, only seventy-four pe those who identified thems american indian by race repot ing indian ancestry. whatever the word race rr elsewhere in the world, or to t of science, it is clear that in am categories are arbitrary, confu hopelessly intermingled. in ma americans don t know who 1 racially speaking. a national c health statistics study found per cent of the people who call' selves black were seen as w1 census interviewer. nearly a thi people identifying themselves were classified as white or bia dependent observers. that was 264 of seventy per cent of people who identified themselves as american indians. robert a. hahn, an epidemiologist at the centers for disease control and prevention, analyzed deaths of infants born from 1983 through 1985. in an astounding number of cases, the infant had a different race on its death certificate from the one on its birth certificate, and this finding led to staggering increases in the infant-mortality rate for minority populations 46.9 per cent greater for american indians, 48.8 per cent greater for japanese-americans, 78.7 per cent greater for filipinos over what had been previously recorded. such disparities cast doubt on the dependability of race as a criterion for any statistical survey. it seems to me that we have to go back and reevaluate the whole system, hahn says. we have to ask, what do these categories mean? we are not talking about race in the way that geneticists might use the term, because we re not making any kind of biological assessment. it s closer to self-perceived membership in a population which is essentially what ethnicity is. there are genetic variations in disease patterns, hahn points out, and he goes on to say, but these variations don t always correspond to so-called races. what s really important is, essentially, two things. one, people from different ancestral backgrounds have different behaviors diets, ideas about what to do when you re sick that lead them to different health statuses. two, people are discriminated against because of other people s perception of who they are and how they should be treated. there s still a lot of discrimination in the health-care system. racial statistics do serve an important purpose in the monitoring and enforcement of civil-rights laws; indeed, that has become the main justification for such data. a routine example is the home mortgage disclosure act. because of race questions on loan applications, the federal government has been able to document the continued practice of redlining by financial institutions. the federal reserve found that, for conventional mortgages, in 1992 the denial rate for blacks and hispanics was roughly double the fe is vet steep. even today we hear echoes < idolatry, religious chauvinism and polit cal triumphalism in claims that americ is a christian nation. not so! americ is a nation of catholics, jews, prote: tants, eastern orthodox, muslims, buc dhists, agnostics and nonbelievers. w must ever acknowledge, embrace an celebrate that religious and secular he erogeneity. for it is precisely in wel coming such diversity that we keep on society free. public morality the two guidelines i have discussed ap ply to the content and the tone of th relation between religion and the publi order. my third guideline concerns th objective of that relationship, which ii my view should be to fashion a workin; consensus on matters of public morality as governor cuomo made clear s< eloquently in his speech here, concern rooted in religious teachings influeno both law and the policies of govemmen most effectively and legitimately whei 27 9. understanding cultural pluralism they have gathered broad support. of course, changes in law and policy also contribute to altering standards of public behavior. ideally, however, the morality encoded in our laws represents a shared understanding of the common good. that morality ought not be the reflection of any one faith but of the varied traditions, secular and religious, of our nation. obvious illustrations of how religious leaders can contribute to building consensus on issues that unqestionably have implications for public policy are the recent pastoral letters from the national conference of catholic bishops. both the letters on nuclear war and peace and on poverty and the american economy expressed strong moral stands. yet both letters also stressed principle over technique; allowed for, indeed, encouraged, debate over the implementation of the principles; and urged catholics to work in various ways toward progress on the same objectives reducing the threat of war and the circumstance of poverty. both letters have, in fact, sparked considerable discussion and disagreement within the roman catholic church. let me here remind you that, as the great theologian john courtney murray once put it, pluralism implies disagreement and dissension within a community [as well as] agreement and consensus. so that while we must marshal our convictions toward achieving consensus, we must also live peacefully with people we consider, by our particular standards of right and wrong sinners. these then are some of the gui i modestly suggest as we think how to engage our religious faith half of political purposes. those guidelines are, to repea that religious convictions should be too hastily nor too narrowly lated into public policy positions second, in political debate, h rather than self-righteousness characterize our appeals to re sources. and, third, our objective sho on matters of public morality, t< consensus rather than to win lej tories that may incorporate our d< but divide us as a people. 172 index adoption, of native american children, 98-99 advertising industry, hispanics and, 108-114 125-127 affirmative action, 31, 32, 34, 35, 143-144, 146, 166, 197; alternatives to, 240-245 afro-americans. see blacks afrocentrism, 22, 130-137, 147-154, 162 ali, muhammed, 131-132 alien and sedition acts of 1798, 41 allen, richard, 138-139 american civil liberties union, 28 american racial classification, 249-253 americanization, of mexican immigrants, 218, 223 anglophones, quebec and, 225-230 asian americans, 32, 33, 67, 83, 121; chinese diaspora and, 175-180; indian, 181-187; stereotypes of, 166-168; u.s. citizenship and, 10-15 atlanta compromise, 139 baltimore, md, josephite priests in, 157-158 baragondoza, john demescene, 234, 235 bernardin, joseph, 270-271 bilbo, theodore, 154, 270 bilingual education, 49 bill of rights, 90, 91, 93 birthright citizenship, 10, 11-12 bishop, sanford, 29, 30 black panthers, 135, 148, 162 blackmun, harry, 27, 242 blacks, 32, 33, 67; afrocentrism and, 130-137, 147-154; civil rights movement and, 155-156; and dred scott v. sandford, 6-9; and josephite priests in baltimore, md, 157-158; o. ]. simpson trial and, 19-26; school segregation and, 19-26; ten most dramatic events in u.s. history of, 138-141; in the workplace, 142-146 blumenbach, johann friedrich, racial classifications of, 249-253 boorstin, daniel )., 67, 69, 160 bouchard, lucien, 225, 226, 230 brimelow, peter, 38, 65 brown v. board of education of topeka, ks, 16-18, 21-22, 35, 138, 140, 148, 153, 154 burr, aaron, 159-160 business: chinese diaspora and, 175-180; native american ownership of, 86 california: proposition 187 and, 216-224; proposition 209 in, 31-34, 35, 119 california civil rights initiative, 240-245 caminker, evan, 31, 32 canada: quebec and, 225-230; rights of native americans in, 96-97 carson, julia, 29-30 carter, jimmy, 48, 81, 203 casinos. see gambling industry caucasian racial classification, 263; historical view of, 249-253 celebrity, cult of, o. j. simpson trial and, 159-160 census, u.s., 125; racial classifications in, 51-58, 260-266 children: adoption of native american, 98-99; of asian indian immigrants, 186-187 chinese diaspora, asian americans and 175-180 chinese exclusion act, 10, 46, 121, 169 chretien, jean, 226, 230 citizenship: international views on, 70-71; racial restrictions on, 6-9, 10-15; and soviet immigrants to israel, 212-213 civil liberties act of 1988, 72 civil rights act of 1866, 11, 199 civil rights act of 1965, 242 civil rights movement, 140-141; religion and, 155-156 civil war, 199 "claiming," of racial identity, by teenagers, 246-248 clark, william, 102-103 clines, 263 clinton, bill, 30, 33, 38, 59, 60, 68, 72, 79, 81, 120, 161, 236 cochran, johnny, 161, 162 cold war, 46, 173 congress, race-based redistricting of, 27-28, 29-30 constitution, u.s., 11, 38, 223. see also individual amendments cortina, betty, 125, 127 cowgirls, mexican, 122 crouch, stanley, 134, 136 cumming v. county board of education, 17 cuomo, mario, 268, 270, 271 cypress, creek-americans and, 203-204 czechoslovakia, potsdam declaration and, 231-233 darwin, charles, 221, 251 declaration of independence, 43, 67, 249, 253 demographics: hispanic marketing, 108-114; of u.s. ethnic groups, 51-58, 62-63 depression, 46, 156, 218 deriev, regina and alexander, 212-213 diaspora, chinese, 175-180 diop, chiekh anta, 134-135 displaced persons act of 1948, 46 dole, bob, 120, 240 douglass, frederick, 139, 262 dred scott v. sandford, 6-9, 11, 12, 35 du bois, w. e. b., 19, 131, 135, 139-140, 147, 151, 262 dubois, rene-daniel, 228-229 education, migrant, 219-220. see also schools emancipation proclamation, 138 english as a second language programs, 219 enlightment, 251 entrepreneurs, asian indian, 182-183 equal employment opportunity commission, 242 equal protection clause, of the fourteenth amendment, 16, 18, 35 ethiopian racial classification, 249-253 ethnic groups, demographics of u.s., 51-58, 62-63 eurocentrism, 132, 133, 134, 135 europe, immigrants from, 40-45 falwell, jerry, 267, 271 family ties, as immigration requirement, 64-66, 182 farrakhan, louis, 131-132, 148, 243, 262, 2< fauset, jessie, 147, 151-152, 153 feminism, black, 130-131 fields, cleo, 27, 29 fleming, thomas, 67-68, 69 foreign corrupt practices act, 179 foung, casey k. c., 176, 178 fourteenth amendment, to the u.s. constitution, 11, 16, 18, 35 francophones, quebec and, 225-230 franklin, benjamin, 40, 67 french and indian war, 40 gambling industry, native americans and, 83-87, 100-101 garvey, marcus, 132, 133, 136 genocide, 254 genocide convention of 1948, 80 germany: immigrants to, 216-224; potsdam declaration and, 231-233. see also nazis gerrymandering, racial, in congress, 27-28, 29-30 gingrich, newt, 65, 240 glasnost, 212 goldman, ronald, 159, 161 gong lum v. rice, 17 gonzales, freddy, 115-118 great migration, 140 great society, 47 greek americans, 202-204 group rights, of native americans, 88-95 guanxi, 178 hamilton, alexander, 159-160 harlem renaissance, 152, 153 haubegger, christie, 125-126 hesburgh, theodore, 267, 270 himmler, heinrich, 205, 206, 207 hing, bill ong, 11, 65 hispanics, 21, 32, 33, 67, 83, 264; and california's proposition 187, 216-224; as immigrants, 119-121; internment of japanese, during world war ii, 72 73; marketing demographics of, 108-114; and mexican women in the u.s., 122-124; in the military, 115-118; stereotypes of, 166-168; u.s. citizenship and, 10-15 history: of racial classification schemes, 249-253; ten most dramatic events in african american, 138-141 hitler, adolf, 12, 46, 221, 231, 268; holocaust and, 205-211. see also nazis; world war i) holocaust, polish americans and, 205-211 home mortgage disclosure act, 265 hooks, bell, 130-131 housing, racial segregation and, 22 huerta, dolores, 123-124 hughes, langston, 132, 152 human rights, 210-211; of indigenous peoples, 77, 88, 93, 94; in zaire, 234-235 see also minority rights hurston, zora neale, 135, 147, 148, 153 hutu people, of zaire, 234-235 hyde, henry, 268, 270 immigration, 164, 194, 245; citizenship and, 10-15; in germany and california, 216-224; greek, 202-204; hispanic, 108-114, 119-121; history of u.s., 38-50; from india, 182, 184; and proposition 187, 216-224; public opinion on u.s., 59-61; soviet, to israel, 212-213; u.s. policy toward, 64-66 immigration act of 1965, 47 india, asian americans from, 181-187 indian child welfare act, 98-99 indian civil rights act of 1968, 90 indians. see native americans indigenous peoples, united nations and, 76-82. see also native americans international views: on citizenship, 70-71; on minority rights, 254-259 israel, soviet immigrants to, 212-213 italian americans, 197-201 jackson, jesse, 27, 163, 268 jain, arun, 183, 184, 187 jefferson, thomas, 41, 136, 249, 253, 261 jim crow, 142, 147, 150, 151, 154 job skills, as immigration requirement, 64-66 john xxiii, pope, 269 johnson, gary e., 100, 101 johnson, lyndon, 47, 141, 203, 241, 242 johnson-reed act of 1924, 45-46, 169 jones, absalom, 138-139 josephite priests, of baltimore, md, blacks and, 157-158 jury nullification, 162 kang, eliot, 182-183 kelly, john )., 100, 101 kennedy, edward m., 65, 66 kennedy, john f., 203, 241, 270 kibbee memorandum, 197 king, martin luther, jr., 27, 136, 140-141, 144, 146, 243, 262, 270 kinkel, klaus, 231, 232 know-nothing political party, 43 kohl, helmut, 231, 232 kothari, pradip, 184, 186, 187 krajewski, stanley, 206-207 ku klux klan, 45, 162, 163, 268 kwanzaa, 1321 landry, bernard, 226, 230 lane, rose wilder, 153, 154 languages, indian, 185 lanser, thomas r., 70-71 latinos. see hispanics law of return, israel's, 212-213 lee kuan yew, 177, 178 legal issues, o. j. simpson trial and, 159-163 levesque, ren^, 226, 228 lewis, meriwether, 102-103 li ka-shing, 178, 179 lincoln, abraham, 43, 271 local knowledge, importance of, and minority rights, 254-259 loving v. virginia, 263 magazines: hispanic, 125-127; indian, 187 magnet schools, 31, 32 malay racial classification, 249-253 manifest destiny, 217, 223 margolin, malcolm, 83-84, 87 marketing, of magazines to hispanic women, 125-127 marlin, myron, 72-73 marx, karl, 130, 133, 134 mccarran-walter act, 46, 121 mcdonald, forrest, 68, 69 mcgovern, george, 192, 194, 195 mcintosh, peggy, 19, 21 mckinney, cynthia, 29, 30 mclaurin v. oklahoma state regents, 17 media, o. j. simpson trial and, 159-163 mehta, sonya, 186, 187 mestizos, 264 middle class, native american, 83-87 military-civilian schism, widening of, 236-237 minority rights, and importance of local knowledge, 254-259 miscegenation, 261, 263 missouri ex rei. caines v. canada, 17 missouri v. jenkins, 22 mongolian racial classification, 249-253, 263, 264 moral majority, 267, 271 moses, wilson jeremiah, 130, 137 muhammad, ashaari, 256-257 muhammad, khalid, 162, 243 mulattos, 262 multiculturalism, 39, 222 multiracial, lack of, as u.s. census category, 260-266 naacp (national association for the advancement of colored people), 10, 28, 29, 35, 140, 141 national or being. religion and politics although last month s election i and this month s white house i proposals point in just the oppos rection, the commitments of my on capitol hill were to such pv as the war on poverty; aid to dis taged schoolchildren; educatu handicapped children; services : elderly; scholarships, loans and study for college students; an: rights for blacks. 9. understanding cultural pluralism having as an eighteen-year-old naval-officer candidate at the university of mississippi stood in the little, william faulkner-like town of pontotoc and heard the late senator theodore g. bilbo give vent to his virulent racism with attacks on clare boothe luce and those other communists [sic] up north who want to mongrelize the white race, i trust you will understand why, seventeen years later, i felt myself right where i thought i should be, standing on the steps of the lincoln memorial behind martin luther king, jr. i must add that through all my years in congress, i took much comfort and derived more inspiration than i am sure my constituents ever knew from the knowledge that father hesburgh of notre dame shared those commitments. i recall these several efforts not out of pride although i am proud of them but to remind us all that in a year when one political party and one strain of fundamentalism seem to have asserted a proprietary claim to god and so-called christian values, many of the liberals i knew in congress and i were raised in strong religious traditions that informed our choices and our vision of a just and open society. let me remind you that the major candidates for the 1984 democratic presidential nomination included a baptist preacher, the son of a methodist minister and a graduate of the yale divinity school. there is one other point i should like to make here, and that is that the nie-buhrian views with which i have expressed sympathy also prepared me for the combat style of american politics. for the christian faith gives one an appreciation of the tentative nature of the human condition and so arms one for the uncertainties of political life. that perspective also equips one with the patience to work long and hard on one issue and the strength to endure defeat without being devastated. it must be evident from what i have said that i have never understood the doctrine of separation of church and state to mean that religion has no role in politics. nor can i agree with the assertion of my friend and former colleague congressman henry hyde, in his speech here last september, that religious values have been driven from the public arena. the question raised by recent events is not about whether but how religion and politics ought to mix. consider how this debate has shifted in the past twenty-five years. i remember how on april 8, 1960, i introduced on this campus a young massachusetts senator, then on his way to nomination and election as the first roman catholic president of the united states. i remember, too, the intensity, here in indiana and elsewhere, of anti-catholic sentiment during that campaign and how john kennedy was repeatedly pressed not to assert his religious convictions but to deny that he spoke for his church or that his church spoke for him. in his famous speech to the greater houston ministerial association before the election, kennedy declared: i do not accept the right of any ecclesiastical official to tell me what i shall do in the sphere of my public responsibility as an elected official.... whatever issue may come before me as president on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling, or any other subject i will make my decision in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictate. in the 1984 presidential election, on the other hand, the situation was sharply reversed. candidates and major public officials, most prominently geraldine ferraro, were challenged to explain why their decisions as public officeholders did not always conform to the tenets of their church and to their own religious convictions. many of you heard the eloquent words of governor cuomo on just this question on this campus only three months ago. now if i have said yes to the question, does religious faith have a place in public life?, i must at the same time insist that there be limitations on the relationship. i should like, therefore, now to suggest some guidelines that can help us distinguish between appropriate and inappropriate mixtures of religion and politics. seems to me obvious that ou can and should be a source c ance on basic values, yet i t equally clear that we must be x those who insist when it co: public policy that a principle o ious belief presents only one sol here i am in agreement with nor cuomo that whereas we may joined to accept the teachings faith, in the application of those te ings the exact way we tran them into political action, the cific laws we propose, the exac gal sanctions we seek there . no one, clear, absolute route tha church says, as a matter of doct we must follow. in my view, strident insisten there is only one way that a principle of religion or morality written into the laws of the land dangerously close to using the ment of government to impose < ally specific views on others whc share them. certainly my respect for the of adherents to minority religic of nonbelievers was among the i that, as a member of congress posed legislation to permit or; prayer in public schools. oppos such prayer has been voiced, by nearly every mainline pn church in this country as well most of the principal leaders jewish community. moreover, distinguished theologian john 1 has noted: private prayer is vo and legal now! let me make clear that i am i ing here that religious leaders o should not speak out for or agar cific policies or on single issues. i am asserting that when they do leave behind the authority and th force of their faith and becom dane in the sense of earthly ] actors. whatever they propose t evaluated through the political ] according to the standards of fe: and judgments about the publi that hold for all citizens of a der faith and political action the first guideline concerns the level at which religious convictions are most properly applied in public debate. it society. but there is another point make here, one that joseph ( bernardin made in his gannon at fordham university last year urged the church to adopt what 270 52. place of fai a consistent ethic of life rather than focus on just one issue, whether nuclear war or abortion. in similar vein. professor robert bel-lah of the university of california at berkeley has observed that ronald reagan is highly selective about the areas in which he finds a link between religion and public morality. in bellah s words: how can one hold that there is a relationship when it comes to matters of school prayer and abortion but not when it comes to matters of poverty, civil rights, and the prevention of nuclear war? in this respect, i remember well that the right-to-life advocates who used to visit me in congress never said a word in support of legislation i was writing to help educate poor children and handicapped children, and to provide services to the elderly or the disabled. i found the silence of my constituents on these issues of human life eloquent and distressing. candor constrains me here also to remark that many observers have noted how during the recent campaign, the catholic bishops, despite their representation of a consistent ethic of life, targeted only one candidate on the national ticket for attack and on only one issue. these observers have reminded us that although there was a sharp divergence between the bishops pastoral letter on war and peace and both the record of the reagan administration and the planks of the republican platform at dallas, the bishops voiced no similar criticism of reagan and bush. in like fashion, such observers who range from the washington post columnist haynes johnson to the roman catholic priest and professor at saint john s university, paul surlis note that the bishops pastoral letter on the u.s. economy seems a near frontal attack on the administration s domestic policies, yet this letter did not appear until after the election. a need for tolerance my second guideline for relating religion and politics follows from the first but is more a matter of tone than of scope or substance. it is that when we appeal to religious convictions in political life, we should do so in a spirit of tolerance and humility, and not with self-righteousness. we must beware of those who claim for themselves a monopoly on morality and truth in any realm, but especially in politics. groups like the moral majority and christian voice that call for the defeat of candidates on so-called moral grounds and that rank public officials on biblical scorecards distort the political process. what kind of morality assigns a zero to congressman paul simon and former congressman robert dri-nan the first a devoted lutheran layman and the second a jesuit priest and a perfect, 100 percent record to another congressman convicted in the abscam scandal! in similar fashion, i remind you that at a prayer breakfast in dallas during the republican convention, president reagan asserted that those who opposed officially organized prayer in public schools were intolerant of religion. mr. reagan went on to say that morality s foundation is religion, as if nonbelievers were by definition immoral. you will recall, too, the letter sent on behalf of the reagan campaign by senator paul laxalt of nevada to forty-five thousand christian ministers in which he attempted to make god a republican county chairman well, national chairman! by warning the clergymen that as leaders under god s authority we cannot afford to resign ourselves to idle neutrality. jerry falwell struck the same theme in dallas when he proclaimed to the republican delegates assembled that the party s standardbearers were god s instruments in rebuilding america. instead of such arrogance, i would urge on the part of those who invoke religion in the political process a degree of self-restraint, not to say humility. religious leaders in particular should remind their followers that other solutions than the ones they propose are possible and appropriate and should be scrupulous in their respect of the right of others to disagree in the public arena. otherwise, these leaders unfairly constrain debate with innuendos of faithlessness and even heresy. the fact is each of us brings a particular heritage to bear when he or she enters the political fray, and each of us is obliged to listen intently and respectfully to the arguments of those with differing views. each of us should be open to persuasion if the reasoning of others speaks more effectively for the put good. for we must never forget the m sage that abraham lincoln deliverec war-tom nation on the occasion of 1 second inauguration as president: b< [parties in the civil war] read the sat bible, and pray to the same god; a each invokes his aid against the othe surely it is fundamental in the jude christian heritage that all people ai all nations are under the judgment god. here i recall how reinhold niebu warned us that religious pluralism itsc depends on a sense of our own impe fection. in his words: religious diversity ... requires a very high form of religious commitment. it demands that each religion, or each version of a single faith, seek to proclaim its highest insights while yet preserving a humble and contrite recognition of the fact that all actual expressions of religious faith are subject to historical contingency and relativity. religious faith therefore ought to be a constant fount of humility. the price of arrogance, pride, sei righteousness in the expression of rel gious convictions in political li rate for whites. hiring practices, jury selection, discriminatory housing patterns, apportionment of political power in all these areas, and more, the government patrols society, armed with little more than statistical information to insure equal and fair treatment. we need these categories essentially to get rid of them, hahn says. the unwanted corollary of slotting people by race is that such officially sanctioned classifications may actually worsen racial strife. by creating socialwelfare programs based on race rather than on need, the government sets citizens against one another precisely because of perceived racial differences. it is not race but 2 practice of racial classification that bedevils the society, writes yehudi webster, a sociologist at california state university, los angeles, and the author of the racialization of america. the use of racial statistics, he and others have argued, creates a reality of racial divisions, which then require solutions, such as busing, affirmative action, and multicultural education, all of which are bound to fail, because they heighten the racial awareness that leads to contention. webster believes that adding a multiracial box would be another leap into absurdity, because it reinforces the concept of race in the first place. in a way, it s a continuation of the one-drop principle. anybody can say, i ve got one drop of something i must be multiracial. it may be a good thing. it may finally convince americans of the absurdity of racial classification. in 1990, itabari njeri, who writes about interethnic relations for the los angeles times, organized a symposium for the national association of black journalists. she recounts a presentation given by charles stewart, a democratic party activist: if you consider yourself black for political reasons, raise your hand. the vast majority raised their hands. when stewart then asked how many people present believed they were of pure african descent, without any mixture, no one raised his hand. stewart commented later, if you advocate a category that includes people who are multiracial to the detriment of their black identification, you will replicate what you saw an empty room. we cannot afford to have an empty room. njeri maintains that the social and economic gap between light-skinned blacks 51. one drop of bloot and dark-skinned blacks is as great as th< gap between all blacks and all whites ir america. if people of more obvious!) mixed backgrounds were to migrate to multiracial box, she says, they would be politically abandoning their former allies and the people who needed their help the most. instead of draining the established categories of their influence, njeri and others believe, it would be better to eliminate racial categories altogether. that possibility is actually being discussed in the corridors of government. it s quite strange the original idea of o.m.b. directive 15 has nothing to do with current efforts to define race, says sally katzen, the director of the office of information and regulatory affairs at o.m.b., who has the onerous responsibility of making the final recommendation on revising the racial categories. when o.m.b. got into the business of establishing categories, it was purely statistical, not programmatic purely for the purpose of data gathering, not for defining or protecting different categories. it was certainly never meant to define a race. and yet for more than twenty years directive 15 did exactly that, with relatively little outcry. recently, a question has been raised about the increasing numbei of multiracial children. i personally have received pictures of beautiful childrer who are part asian and part black, or par american indian and part asian, witl these letters saying, i don t want to checl just one box. i don t want to deny part o my heritage. it s very compelling. this year, katzen convened a nevi interagency committee to consider hov races should be categorized, and ever whether racial information should b< sought at all. to me it s offensive-because i think of the holocaust-for someone to say what a jew is, says katzen. i don t think a government agency should be defining racia and ethnic categories that certain!) was not what was ever intended b) these standards. is it any accident that racial and ethnic categories should come unde attack now, when being a member o a minority group brings certain ad vantages? the white colonizers of nortl america conquered the indigenou people, imported african slaves, brough 2( 9. understanding cultural pluralism in asians as laborers and then excluded them with prejudicial immigration laws, and appropriated mexican land and the people who were living on it. in short, the nonwhite population of america has historically been subjugated and treated as second-class citizens by the white majority. it is to redress the social and economic inequalities of our history that we have civil-rights laws and affirmative-action plans in the first place. advocates of various racial and ethnic groups point out that many of the people now calling for a race-blind society are political conservatives, who may have an interest in undermining the advancement of nonwhites in our society. suddenly, the conservatives have adopted the language of integration, it seems, and the left-leaning racial-identity advocates have adopted the language of separatism. it amounts to a polar reversal of political rhetoric. jon michael spencer, a professor in the african and afro-american studies curriculum at the university of north carolina at chapel hill, recently wrote an article in the black scholar lamenting what he calls the postmodern conspiracy to explode racial identity. the article ignited a passionate debate in the magazine over the nature and the future of race. spencer believes that race is a useful metaphor for cultural and historic difference, because it permits a level of social cohesion among oppressed classes. to relinquish the notion of race even though it s a cruel hoax at this particular time is to relinquish our fortress against the powers and principalities that still try to undermine us, he says. he sees the multiracial box as politically damaging to those who need to galvanize peoples around the racial idea of black. there are some black cultural nationalists who might welcome the multiracial category. in terms of the african-american population, it could be very, very useful, because there is a need to clarify who is in and who is not, molefi kete asante, who is the chairperson of the department of african-american studies at temple university, says. in fact, i would think they should go further than that identify those people who are in interracial marriages. spencer, however, thinks that it might be better to eliminate racial categories altogether than to create an additional category that empties the others of meaning. if you had who knows how many thousands or tens of thousands or millions of people claiming to be multiracial, you would lessen the number who are black, spencer says. there s no end in sight. there s no limit to which one can go in claiming to be multiracial. for instance, i happen to be very brown in complexion, but when i go to the continent of africa, blacks and whites there claim that i would be colored rather than black, which means that somewhere in my distant past probably during the era of slavery i could have one white ancestors. so does tl that i, too, could check mi certainly light-skinned bl pie might perhaps see this out of being included among; racial group. the result cou creation of another class o who are betwixt and betwi and white. whatever comes out of tl sion, the nation is likely to the most profound debate questions in decades. we the importance of racial cat correcting clear injustices i law, representative sawyer i dilemma we face is trying to fundamental guarantees of c opportunity while at the s recognizing that the populati selves are changing as we se egorize them. it reaches where it becomes an absurd game. part of the difficulty are dealing with the illusior sion. we wind up with prec of everybody in the country are precisely wrong. they fleet who we are as a peof effective, the concepts of and group identity need to only who we have been but \ becoming. the more these distort our perception of r less useful they are. we ar knew what we re talking al we talk about race, and w< 266 article j the place of faith in public life: a personal perspective john brademas on december 11, 1984, i delivered the annual liss lecture at the university of notre dame. sponsored by the department of theology, the lecture came weeks after the 1984 presidential campaign that brought a potentially dangerous intrusion of religion into the national political arena. in these observations, i discussed what 1 believe should be the relationship between religion and politics in the american democracy. i also reflected upon the importance of religion in my own life. a am delighted to be back on a campus and in a community that hold for me such deep personal meaning and so many warm memories. as you know, i was bom in mishawaka, grew up in south bend and so lived all my life in the shadow of notre dame. for twenty-two years, i had the privilege of representing the people of the third district in the congress of the united states, and, without question, my most famed constituent was my longtime mentor, valued friend and now academic colleague, father theodore hesburgh. he has, for an entire generation, served as president of notre dame, an extraordinary record in american higher education. beyond this stewardship, father hes-hurgh has been the conscience of our nation, bringing his religious vocation and a remarkable range of experience to bear on the most challenging issues of our times civil rights, human rights, the struggle against poverty at home and abroad, and the control of nuclear arms. i am proud now to serve on the board of trustees of the university he has done so much to build. i am especially pleased to be here at the invitation of my dear friend, bert liss. the goal of the lecture series he created is to enhance communications across the boundaries of faith, a purpose with which i feel wholly at home. for my late father was greek orthodox, my mother is a member of the disciples of christ church and i was brought up a methodist. before going to congress, i taught at saint mary s college; and during my campaigns, i was enriched by the opportunity to represent people with a wide variety of religious traditions, including, beyond those i have mentioned, amish, mennonite, brethren and, of course, jewish. indeed, i recalled my own religious background in 1965 during a debate in the house of representatives on aid to parochial schools. i recited the diversity of my family s religious ties and added that as one of the remaining bachelors then on capitol hill, all i needed to complete my experience was a jewish wife. not long thereafter, i received a letter from new york city on saks fifth avenue stationery, which began: dear sir, i have read with interest your advertisement in the congressional record. i am 5'4", green eyed, blonde gle and jewish. your attention wi appreciated! on a more serious note, 1 shall s to you on the relationship of reli; faith to the political order, first, bei my own religious background h definite effect on my career in f life; and, second, because of the e sion of attention to the question < ligion and politics during this ; presidential campaign. religion and politic of the latter point, i note some from contemporary american life debate has escalated in the las ade over such highly charged as abortion and school prayei during 1980, we observe emergence of the religious 1 spearheaded by the reverenc falwell s moral majority, a targeting for defe at of candids public office i was one basis of so-called morality cards developed by this and groups. we saw falwell and his alii an increasingly aggressive the presidential race on be mr. reagan and in the o sional contests. several roman catholic e led by archbishop john j. ' from washington, d.c. to washington square by john brademas, 1986, pp. 238-252. weidenfeld & nicolson, new 9. understanding cultural pluralism nor of new york, publicly took to task geraldine ferraro, a roman catholic and first woman nominated for nationwide office by a majority party, for her position on abortion. the american jewish community displayed rising apprehension both at the rhetoric of jesse jackson and his muslim supporter louis farrakhan, on the one hand, and, on the other, the increasing influence of the falwellians. major candidates were pressed to clarify their understanding of the proper relationship between church and state. we heard some thoughtful statements on religion and political life, such as those made here at notre dame by governor mario cuomo of new york and congressman henry hyde of illinois. most recently, the national conference of catholic bishops issued its pastoral letter on catholic social teaching and the u.s. economy; while one year earlier, the bishops published another such letter on war and peace, with particular focus on the morality of nuclear war. finally, theologians and other writers, like harvey cox, richard neuhaus and michael novak, have turned scholarly attention to the relationship of faith to political action in today s world. international religious fervor beyond all these indications that religion and politics are becoming a potent combination at home, there is ample evidence that they are also a volatile mix abroad: in the unrelenting hostilities between protestants and catholics in ireland; in the uneasy truce between church and state in poland; in the repression of jews and christians in the soviet union; in debates over liberation theology within the catholic church of latin america; in the ongoing strife in lebanon among several religious and ethnic groups; in the assassination of indira gandhi by militant sikhs; and in the unremitting hostility toward the west and the united states in particular of the followers of the ayatollah khomeini in iran. given the range and complexity of the interplay between religion and politics, in our own country and others, i do not presume to address such weighty matters from the perspective of a scholar or theologian. rather, i should like to offer some observations about the place of faith in public life based on my own experience, especially my service in congress. today, of course, i speak from a different vantage point, as president of a large private, urban university. you may be interested to know that, although secular, new york university has more roman catholic and jewish students than any other university in the united states. religious heritage please allow me a few more comments about my own religious roots. although as i have said, my father was greek orthodox and my mother a disciple, my brothers and sister and i grew up in the first methodist church, 333 north main street, south bend, indiana; and that church was a vital part of our lives. our ministers and sunday school teachers were outstanding, and i also spent many sunday evenings there as president of the methodist youth fellowship. important as well were summer months in the small central indiana farm town of swayzee in grant county, where we stayed with my mother s parents. in swayzee, a kind of thornton wilder community of seven hundred, we attended the first christian church with my grandparents and also, occasionally, taylor s creek baptist church, a tiny rural church where my great-uncle, a successful farmer and part-time primitive baptist preacher, often filled the pulpit. i loved going to these several churches, and so you will not be surprised to learn that years later, as a student for a brief time at notre dame before joining the navy, i befriended father roland simonitsch, with whom i discussed the basic tenets of roman catholicism, or that in a sailor suit at the university of mississippi, i attended the first methodist church in oxford. during four years in cambric massachusetts my principal exti ricular life was at the harvard-ep methodist church, where i was dent of the wesley foundation thought seriously about going int methodist ministry. i told my paste i was considering a career as eit methodist minister or a politiciai that after attending an annual c< ence of the methodist church ' is when all the preachers get togetl knew it would be politics either v it must be obvious that re] played an important role in my life and, accordingly, in the cai chose and followed for nearly a ter of a century. that the metl church had a lengthy tradition of mitment to social justice made a pact on me. vivid, too, were recollections father s descriptions of street fig south bend between ku klux klai and notre dame students and he restaurant business was boycotted klan because he was not a was1 and as a grade-schooler at madison school in south bend, i re ber the revulsion i felt on h adolph hitler s radio broadcasts, tuated by the commentary of h. \ tenbom, and having my first brus censorship when the school princi fused to permit publication of my cal attack on hitler in the sc mimeographed newspaper. we wc yet at war with germany, she exp! so that my little essay was not appre all these memories returned later when as a member of con; visited auschwitz; when in leni i met surreptiously with jewish dents and gave them mezuzahs ai brew-russian dictionaries; and early snowy morning in ta; uzbekistan, attended services in thodox synagogue. i think as well of my audie two with cardinal wyszynski ii saw; at the first, i found him bre pessimistic, depressed; at the s not long after the election of c wojtyla as the holy father, e? joyous, exuberant. i recall, too, how years earl 1957, when i was teaching at mary s college, i had an extrao day with the benedictine mo montserrat near barcelona and 1 to their scathing criticism of thos ops of the church of spain whe 268 52. place of ft to attend to the poor and unemployed but instead made common cause with franco. during my later years in congress, i also visited cardinal macharski of krakow, who succeeded wojtyla; cardinal lekai, primate of the church of hungary; in bucharest and moldavia, patriarch justin of the rumanian orthodox church, with whom i served on the central committee of the world council of churches; with pimen, the patriarch of moscow; and earlier still, in istanbul, with athenagoras, patriarch of the eastern orthodox church. yet i must tell you that i should not have been open to, indeed, eager for, such experiences had it not been for my roots here in south bend and during my college years. even as a student for a short time at notre dame, in 1945,1 was moved by the encyclicals of leo xiii and found the understanding in the roman catholic tradition of the social fabric of human existence richer in many ways than the often excessively atomistic, individualistic emphasis of much of mainstream protestantism. in like fashion, i was impressed as a young man by the thunderous passages of the hebrew prophets, like isaiah, whose denunciations of idolatry and corruption and whose call for justice i found in many respects consonant with the social teachings of leo xiii and, years later, john xxiii, as well as with the writings of some of the protestant reformers of the 1940s and 1950s. indeed, a principal influence on me was a course i took at harvard nearly thirty-five years ago on the classics of the christian tradition taught by the great historian of american puritan thought, perry miller. we read kierkegaard, pascal, augustine and reinhold niebuhr. niebuhr was especially important to me, and i heard him preach at the memorial church in harvard yard, read most of his books and later had the privilege of meeting him a few times. niebuhr s translation of the insights of christian faith into the fundamentals of political democracy in his remarkable study the children of light ond the children of darkness directly affected my decision to go into politics and helped shape my commitments as a legislator. now these were not the only encounters with religion that mattered to me, hut i cite them because they illustrate the kind of experience that ultimately set me on the path of electoral politics. although i feel broadly heir to the judeo-christian tradition, my principal heritage is clearly christian, and protestant. let me put my point as simply as i can by saying that i would find it difficult to imagine how i would even begin to understand the world and my place in it if i were not a christian. the christian in politics yet what do i mean when i say this? what does it mean to be a christian? in my view, the central core of the christian faith is agape, love, self-sacrificing, self-giving, other-regarding love, symbolized by, incarnated by, christ on the cross. what, in turn, is the relationship between the christian faith, looked at in this way, and politics? when i entered the political arena just thirty years ago, a problem for me was how to justify, from a specifically religious perspective, a political career. for a generation ago, i would remind you, certainly in protestant circles, there were many, especially of conservative outlook, who argued that agape applied solely to private life and that the individual christian and the christian church must stand aside from the hurly-burly of politics. obviously, that was not my view, for i believed and still do that our religious faith must touch every dimension of human experience social, economic and political as well as personal. i find it fascinating that the question that preoccupied me as a novice politician is still very much with us today. what is the link between the christian law of love and the practice of politics? now justice is not the same as 1 love does not count or reckon, as p; first letter to the corinthians, chs 13, reminds us. but justice does. ju; must be calculating. it is not love, th fore, but justice that must be the im diate objective of political action. as arthur walmsley, an episc church leader, has written: the balance of the rights and n sponsibilities of one group again: those of another involves issues c justice. justice seen in this light i not a crude approximation of lov but the means by which the chri: tian co-operates with the will < god precisely in the midst of life is love then irrelevant to politics tion? no! on the contrary, it is our for our fellow human beings manded christians by christ that erates in us a concern for justice ar men and women. the late archbishop of canter william temple, put the point this associations cannot love one a other; a trade union cannot love employers federation, nor can o national state love another.... co sequently, the relevance of chr tianity in these spheres is qu different from what many christis suppose it to be. christian char manifests itself in the temporal < der as a supernatural discernment and adhesion to, justice in relati to the equilibrium of power. given what i have said, you wi ter understand, if not agree with, n termination three decades ago to r congress and understand, too, shaped my choices about where my energies as a legislator over tl lowing years. the role of justice if the question remains the same, as i think it does, the answer for me in 1984 is the same as it was in 1954 that the nexus between the law of love and the practice of politics is the concept of justice. the idea of justice varies in human history, but i suggest that at the very least, justice means assuring every person his or her due, what he or she is entitled to as a human igin act of 1924, 10 nationality act of 1940, 11 native americans, 11, 12, 20, 32, 80, 81; adoption of children of, 98-99; minority groups rights of, 88-95; in the 1990s, 83-87; rights of canadian, 96-97; women, in history, 102-105 naturalized citizenship, 10, 12-13 nazis, 12, 46, 220; holocaust and, 205-211. see also hitler, adolf; world war ii negritude, 131 neo-nazis, 35, 38, 61 new deal, 46, 154 new mexico, indian casinos in, 100-101 niagara movement, 140 niebuhr, reinhold, 269, 271 night of the long knives, 226, 228 nixon, richard, 80, 203, 241 nongovernmental organizations, 77, 79 north american free trade agreement, 60-61, 93, 225, 246 o'connor, john )., 267-268 octoroons, 262 one-drop rule, racial categories and, 260-267 pan-africanism, 131, 134, 136 parizeau, jacques, 225, 226, 229, 230 patterson, isabel, 153, 154 payson, philip, 150, 151 pettiford, william, 150, 151 plessy v, ferguson, 16, 17, 35, 140 pocahontas, 102-105, 138 polish americans, and the holocaust 205-211 political issues: greek americans and, 202-204; new ethnicity and, 190-196-religion and, 267-272 ' potsdam declaration, 231-233 powell, colin, 148, 161 proposition 187, california's, 216-224 proposition 209, california's, 31-34, 35, 119, quadroons, 262 quebec, and canada, 225-230 raab, earl, 192-193 raboteau, albert jay, 155 racial identity: claiming" of, by teena 246-248; historical view of, 249-253; italian-americans and, 197-201; and u.s. census, 260-267 rand, ayn, 153, 154 reagan, ronald, 87, 120, 203, 218, 26', reconstruction, 140, 163, 198 redlining, 265 refugee act of 1980, 48 religion: blacks and, 138-139; 157-158; rights movement and, 155-156; diver of american, 169-174; immigrants an 43, 44; polish americans and, 207 2i 209-210; role of, in political life, 267 reserve officer training corps, 237 revolutionary war, 41 ricard, john h., 157-158 rolfe, john, 102, 138 romanticism, german, 221 roosevelt, eleanor, 153 roosevelt, franklin d., 72, 154 roosevelt, theodore, 45 rwanda, and ethnic conflict in zaire, 234-235 sacagawea, 102-105 safire, william, 78 sartre, jean-paul, 135, 193 sawyer, thomas c., 260, 262-263, 26( schools: immigrants and, 44-45; racial segregation in, 16-18, 19-26, 140, 14 scottsboro nine, 162-163 segregation, racial, in the schools, 1619-26, 140, 141, 218 self-determination for indigenous peo1 76-82 settlement houses, 44 simpson, alan, 49, 50, 64-65 simpson, o. j., murder trial of, 159-14 sipuel v. oklahoma, 17 sivarakas, sulak, 257-258 slavery, 139, 140, 153 slovak americans, new ethnicity and, 190-196 smith, adam, 249 smith, john, 102 smith, lamar, 64-65 southern christian leadership confen 33 sovereignty, native americans and, 8 soviet union, immigrants from, to isr 203-204 sowell, thomas, 68-69, 148, 153, 244 steele, shelby, 245 stereotypes, of asian and hispanic americans, 166-168 st. francis college v. al-khazraj, 198-19 stokes, carl, 157, 158 stowe, harriet beecher, 132, 133 sudetenland, potsdam declaration an 231-233 sun yat-sen, 179 supreme court, 11, 13, 35, 91, 93, 13 148, 153, 154, 163, 218, 241; and race-based redistricting of congress 27-28. see also individual cases sweatt v. painter, 17 taft, robert a., 147, 153 taney, roger, 6, 11 teenagers, "claiming" of racial identity by, 246-248 thirteenth amendment, to the u.s. constitution, 199 thomas, clarence, 22, 148 tocqueville, alexis de, 67, 68 tourism industry, native americans and, 83-87 treaty of guadeloupe hildago, 123 trudeau, pierre, 226 truman, harry, 46 truth, sojourner, 152 tsongas, paul, 203 tubman, harriet, 1s2 turkey, immigrants from, in germany, 216-224 turner, nat, 139 tutsi people, of zaire, 234-235 tyson, mike, 136 udall, mo, 98 udall, tom, 101 united farm workers, 123-124 united nations, indigenous peoples and 76-82, 88 united states v. biaggi, 200 u.s. v. wong kim ark, 11 vallidres, pierre, 229-230 vasquez, martha, 100, 101 vidor, king, 131 vietnam war, hispanic soldiers in, 115-118 voting rights act of 1965, 28, 29 47 242 261, 263 walker, alice, 153 wallace, george, 192 walmsley, arthur, 269 wannsee conference, 231 war brides act of 1945, 46 warren, earl, 16, 140 washington, booker t., 19, 135, 139-140, 147, 148-151, 262 washington, george, 67, 141 watt, james, 87 wattenburg, ben, 67 webster, yehudi, 265 weinberger, caspar, 263 welfare, immigrants and, 66, 120 whatley, phyllis, 152, 252, 253 wiesel, elie, 208 wilder, douglas, 262 wilkins, helena, 119, 120 williams, chancellor, 133-134 wilson, pete, 11, 34, 38, 61, 119, 120, 24 242 wilson, william julius, 21 winnemucca, sarah, 103 winthrop, john, 39-40 women: citizenship and, 13; magazines f hispanic, 125-127; mexican, in the u.s. 122-124; native american, in history, 102-105 wood, gordon s., 68 wood, thomas, 242 woodson, carter g., 130, 135 workplace, blacks in the, 142-146 world war i, 45 world war ii, 12, 46, 220, 221; holocaus and, 205-211; internment of japanese hispanics during, 72-73; potsdam declaration and, 231-233 wright, richard, 142, 153 x, malcolm, 136, 148, 262 zaire, ethnic conflicts in, 234-235 zenophobia, 168 zionism, 213 credits/acknowledgments cover design by charles vitelli 1. race and ethnicity in the american legal tradition facing overview dushkin/mcgraw*hill photo. 2immigration and the american experience facing overview library of congress photo. 69 bettmann archive illustration. 3indigenous ethnic croups facing overview united nations photo by jerry frank. 5. african americans facing overview ap/wide world photo. 6. asian americans facing overview-new york convention and visitors bureau photo. 170-174-pluralism project photos. 7. the ethnic legacy . facing overview-new york convention and visitors bureau photo. 8. the ethnic factor international challenges for the 1990s facing overview united nations photo. 4. hispanic/latino americans facing overview digital stock photo. 9. understanding cultural pluralism facing overview united nations photo. photocopy this page!!!* annual editions article review form name:_________________________________________ date: title and number of article:________________________________________ briefly state the main idea of this article: list three important facts that the author uses to support the main idea: what information or ideas discussed in this article are also discussed in your textbook or other readings that you have done? list the textbook chapters and page numbers: list any examples of bias or faulty reasoning that you found in the article: list any new terms/concepts that were discussed in the article, and write a short definition: *your instructor may require you to use this annual editions article review form in any number of ways: for articles that are assigned, for extra credit, as a tool to assist in developing assigned papers, or simply for your own reference. even if it is not required, we encourage you to photocopy and use this page; you will find that reflecting on the articles will greatly enhance the information from your text we want your advice annual editions revisions depend on two major opinion sources: one is our advisory board nsthr fth nt lthls volume' wh,ch works with us in scanning the thousands ozarticles plpa^h'i 10 the ,c press year; the other is you the person actually using the book please help us and the users of the next edition by completing the prepaid article ratinq form on this page and returning it to us. thank you for your help! p p 9 annual editions: race and ethnic relations 97/98 article rating form here is an opportunity for you to have direct input into the next revision of this volume. we would like you to rate each of the 52 articles listed below, using the following scale: 1. excellent: should definitely be retained 2. above average: should probably be retained 3. below average: should probably be deleted 4. poor: should definitely be deleted your ratings will play a vital part in the next revision. so please mail this prepaid form to us just as soon as you complete it. thanks for your help! rating article article 1 dred scott v. sandford 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. racial restrictions in the law of citizenship brown et al. v. board of education of topeka et al. "is racial integration essential to achieving quality education for low-income minority students, in the short term? in the long term? court crows critical when race, law intersect new tolerance in the south or old power of incumbency? 7. proposition 209 is a blueprint for court fights, scholars say 8. the long retreat back to 'separate-but-equal' 9a nation of immigrants 10. american ethnicities and the politics of inclusion and 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. not quite so welcome anymore is latest wave a drain or boon to society? solidarity doesn't mean lost identity citizenship is a malleable concept held in war, latins seek reparations 12th session of un working croup on indigenous peoples american indians in the 1990s the good, the bad, and the intolerable canada pressed on indian rights amity in indian adoptions dispute over indian casinos in new mexico produces quandary on law and politics native-american women in history l specific hispanics the ballad of freddy gonzalez baiting immigrants: heartbreak for latinos ' from out of the shadows: mexican women in the united states ' magazines, latinos find themselves on the same page 27. understanding afrocentrism 28. 10 most dramatic events in african-american history 29. color blind 30. alternative afrocentrisms: three paths not taken-yet 31. god and the civil rights movement and josephites mark 125 years 32. from scottsboro to simpson 33. misperceived minorities: 'good' and 'bad' stereotypes saddle hispanics and asian americans 34. neighboring faiths 35. the chinese diaspora 36. asian-indian americans 37. the new ethnicity 38. italian americans as a cognizable racial group 39. greek-americans in the political life of the united state; 40. polish americans and the holocaust 41. a riddle: what is catholic, jewish, and stateless? 42. resurgence of ethnic nationalism in california and germany. the impact on recent progress in education 43. no canada? 44. germania irredenta 45. size, scope of hutu crisis hotly debated 46. military-civilian schism widens, posing danger 47. so you want to be color-blind 48. goin' gangsta, choosin' cholita: teens today "claim" a racial identity 49. the geometer of race 50. minority rights: on the importance of local knowledge 51. one drop of blood 52. the place of faith in public life: a personal perspective (continued on next pagej about you name_______________________________________ ------------------are you a teacher? or a student? your school name______________________________________________ date____________________ department-----------------.-----------------------------------------------------------address__________________________________________ -------------------------------------city_____________________________________________ state zip-------------------------------school telephone #-----------------------------------------------------------------------your comments are important to us i please fill in the following information: for which course did you use this book?________________________________________________ did you use a text with this annual edition? yes no what was the title of the text?___________________________________________________________ what are your general reactions to the annual editions concept? have you read any particular articles recently that you think should be included in the next edition? are there any articles you feel should be replaced in the next edition? why? are there any world wide web sites you feel should be included in the next edition? please annota may we contact you for editorial input? may we quote your comments? annual editions: race and ethnic relations 97/98 dushkin/mcgraw-hill sluice dock guilford, connecticut 06437 no posl necess if mai in th united s iiiiiiiiihiiiii