








cceeded in owning their own businesses. As independent entrepreneurs, they rarely looked to government jobs or public assistance, and they stood apart from the growing political influence of the trade union movement. This commercial independence was augmented by the social isolation stemming from the inward aspect of the Greek-American community the preoccupation with family, church and local social clubs. Finally, an obsessive preoccupation during the 1920s and 1930s with the politics of the Old Country tended to dissipate the political energies of Greeks living in the United States.
Political Involvement
It would be a mistake, however, to say that political life was completely dor-roant for Greek-Americans. Viewing politics as a civic obligation, our people voted proudly and regularly, with a few reek-Americans emerging into the pu lie limelight. Two of the most promi-AUt?iTere ^eor8e Voumas, the great AoePA (American Hellenic and Progressive Association) leader, and Char-2? Maliotis of Massachusetts, a close en of the Kennedys and of two nfo ers United States House  Representatives, the late John W.
c ormack and the present Speaker, Thomas P. O Neill, Jr.
In the subsequent rise of Greek-eve?^ ^mer can politics, certain n s and personalities stand out as im-want symbols. One was Mike Mana-GrepiTA to 1961 became the first staff uTican on the White House V.   j ere he served both Presidents son J Johnson. In later years, his drew was an Assistant Secretary Peter ^merce- Here I must also mention hold eters?n  fhst Greek-American to Com 3 cabinet post, as Secretary of q..- Another symbol was George Mavn  c F  wh   in 1955, was elected Ameri  * $an Francisco, first Greek-since c  tO ,ead a big city- In the years  avo  ^ek-Americans have served as Paul cities coast to coast: Saint
  mnesota; Gary, Indiana; Savan
nah, Georgia; Syracuse, New York; Hartford, Connecticut; Annapolis, Maryland; and Lincoln, Nebraska. George Athan-son served longer as Mayor of Hartford than any other person, while Lee Alexander, Mayor of Syracuse for fourteen years, is chairman of the National Conference of Democratic Mayors.
In 1958, I became the first native-born American of Greek origin ever to serve in either chamber of Congress when, on my third attempt, I was elected to the United States House of Representatives. Actually, the first Hellene elected to Congress was Miltiades Miller, who was bom in Greece, came to America and served one term in the House of Representatives in the late nineteenth century. I regret to have to tell you that he was a Republican!
It would not be until 1966 that I would be joined in Congress by other Greek-Americans.   That year, however, marked the beginning of an escalation of political victories by Americans of Greek descent that continues until today. In 1966, Peter Kyros of Maine and Nick Galifianakis of North Carolina were elected to Congress, and Spiro Agnew of Maryland became the nation s first Greek-American governor. In 1968, Agnew was designated by Richard Nixon to be Vice-President and overnight the name Spiro became a household word. Also that year Gus Yatron of Pennsylvania was elected to Congress, bringing the number of Greek-Americans in the House of Representatives to four.
Two years later, Paul Sarbanes of Maryland, son of immigrants from Laconia, Greece, was elected to the House and in 1972, L. A.  Skip  Bafalis of Florida also became a Congressman.
In 1974, Michael Dukakis, son of a highly respected Greek immigrant physician, was elected Governor of Massachusetts, a position to which he was again elected last year, while in 1974, Paul Tsongas went to the U.S. House of Representatives from the same state.
In 1976, Congressman Sarbanes of Maryland set a precedent when he was elected the nation s first United States Senator of Greek origin. You may be interested in this sidelight: Paul Sarbanes, Mike Dukakis and I have in common more than our Greek heritage. All three of us are Democrats, all graduates of Harvard and all of us studied at Oxford University as Rhodes Scholars. Let me here interject that there is no abler Governor in the United States than Mike
Dukakis nor a finer member of the United States Senate than Paul Sarbanes. Both of these men are exceptionally intelligent, have now had several years of experience in high public office and are nonetheless relatively young. In my judgment, they will both be increasingly important figures on the national scene.
In 1978, Paul Sarbanes was joined in the Senate by Paul Tsongas, while Nicholas Mavroules was elected to the House of Representatives and Olympia Bouchles Snow of Maine became the first Greek-American woman elected to Congress.
In 1980, having served twenty-two years in Congress, I was defeated in my bid for reelection. My district had become over the years more conservative, unemployment was high and Ronald Reagan won in my area by a landslide over President Jimmy Carter.
But the elections of 1982 brought two more Greek-Americans to Washington  Congressmen Mike Bilirakis of Florida and George Gekas of Pennsylvania.
My brief survey has focused on persons elected to national office and so does not include hundreds of Greek-Americans in state and municipal posts or in staff positions on Capitol Hill.
Let me here observe that the preoccupation with small business, which forty years before had kept early immigrants from involvement in politics, developed during the 1960s and 1970s into a useful vehicle for influencing public opinion. Greek-Americans have also generally been treated more favorably by the press and the public than other ethnic groups. These factors have meant that Greek-Americans are often in positions in business and the professions that give them an opportunity for meaningful exposure to the public and for political action.
Greek Americans and Cyprus
This combination of more and more Greek-Americans winning elections to office, growing economic strength in the small business community and the professions and public respect for persons of Greek origin helped make possible their effective political participation in the events following the invasion of Cyprus in 1974 by Turkey.
This is not the place to rehearse the tragic events of nearly a full decade ago. Let me make just a few observations
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7. ETHNIC LEGACY
here. As you know, the American political system is based on a constitutional separation of powers. We do not have a parliamentary system of government in which the legislature must customarily support the executive branch. Even today, on such issues as Central America, you will observe how members of Congress of President Reagan s own party oppose him.
In the American democracy, Congressmen and Senators have an independent and often powerful influence on the conduct of foreign policy. This arrangement often frustrates Presidents, of both parties, but it is the American way of governing. We certainly had an example of such influence by Congress in the Cyprus crisis.
You will all recall the invasion, in midAugust of 1974, of the sovereign Republic of Cyprus by some forty thousand Turkish troops equipped with weapons supplied by the United States. Under our law, no country receiving American arms is permitted to use them for other than defensive purposes. Moreover, U.S. law says that if American arms are used by recipient nations for aggression, all further arms must be immediately terminated. The law, to reiterate, mandates a halt to further shipments.
Because the then Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, refused to enforce the clear requirement of American law and halt additional arms to Turkey, several of us in Congress acted. We insisted that the laws of our country be enforced and we, therefore, organized an effort to impose an arms embargo on Turkey. Beyond my own work, the leaders of this
movement were then Congressman Sarbanes and the late Benjamin Rosenthal in the House of Representatives and Senator Thomas Eagleton of Missouri in the Senate.
A Question of Law and Principle
Although there was much talk of a  Greek lobby,  the truth is that there were only a handful of Americans of Hellenic origin in Congress at the time. That we were able to win this struggle was in large measure due to the effectiveness of our argument, namely, that the laws of the land must be respected, even by Presidents and Secretaries of State. You will also recall that these events occurred only a few days and weeks following the resignation of President Nixon, in effect, for his failure to obey the law.
There was another reason for our effectiveness in winning the Turkish arms embargo fight in 1974, and that was the public support for our cause generated across the country by Americans of Greek and Armenian origin and by our friends. I shall not here describe the legislative battles over the last nine and a half years on the arms embargo on Turkey and the occupation of Cyprus. You and I know that the embargo was finally lifted, and we know, too, that there has still been no resolution of the Cyprus tragedy. The struggle for justice for the people of that beleaguered island nation therefore continues.
My point here, however, : issue of Cyprus produced a r demonstration of political act part of the Greek-American c and its friends. We were effe< organizations were created events and older ones made ir cally conscious.
For example, the America Institute, led by Washingtoi Eugene Rossides, and the U lenic American Congress, or; Chicago businessman Andre helped focus these politic Members of AHEPA and otl American societies intensi activities while leaders like Livanos and others gave stro every step of the way. W1 Americans discovered from 1 crisis, then, was that well political action, combined leadership and the right issue, nificantly affect national poli
As you are all aware, both unilateral declaration of inc by Turkish Cypriots and the of the Reagan Administratic tary aid to Greece and Turke; voked renewed criticism by C the part of both Democrats ; licans. Ironically, ten years a vasion and occupation of ( must still be concerned over that small, democratic count
The question of Cyprus c trouble not only American! origin but all Americans whc the rule of law in the cone nation s foreign policy.
uh A
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Article 40
POLISH AMERICANS AND THE HOLOCAUST
Rev. John T. Pawlikowski, O.S.M., PhD.
lam most grateful for the opportunity to present the 1994 Fierdorczyk lecture. The topic suggested to me, Polish Americans and the Holocaust, is one surrounded with great possibilities for enhanced understanding but considerable controversy as well. Since I have found members of Polonia, as well as the general American community, fairly unacquainted with the details of the Polish story o victimization during the Nazi era I shall begin my narrative with a brief account of that story. Following that I would like to turn my attention, and yours, to some contemporary implications of e Holocaust for Polish Americans, in particular or their relations with Jewish Americans with whom they share a patrimony of victimization.
The Nazi Invasion of Poland: Its Goals and Impact
On September 1, 1939, Poland was invaded by one of the world s strongest and most modern armies. Over 1,800,000 soldiers, representing the elite oi the German army, took part in the campaign against it. The German army was vastly superior to any counter - force Poland could mount in its e fense because of its tremendous fire-power an mo hility enhanced by its motorization. On September 3> 1939, in fulfillment of their treaty obligations to Poland, Great Britain and France declared war on Nazi Germany. The war had been transforme in o an allied effort. Though this Franco-British declaration was of great political significance, it ha(l^  nmediate impact on the military situation. Fign-hig alone and basically unaided, Poland ha o co front more than two thirds of the com in German forces.	. f

