entional discrimination claim . . . are present in this case because the evidence tends to show the discriminatory effect of greater law enforcement activity at [the plaintiffs business] than at other bars, and the discriminatory intent of singling out Benigni based on his Italian ancestry.
The Court cited St. Francis College for the interrelated proposition:  targets of race discrimination for purposes of Section 1981 include groups that today are considered merely different ethnic or national groups.
In another context, the Supreme Court has ruled that peremptory challenges in jury selection may not be used to further racially discriminatory motives. Under existing case law, a defendant must establish that he is "a member of a cognizable racial group" to make a prima facie or initial showing of discriminatory peremptory challenges. In 1989, United States v. Biaggi treated the issue. A motion to set aside a verdict on the ground that the prosecution had used its peremptory challenges discriminatorily to exclude Italian Americans from the jury was brought. In his moment of defeat, Mario Biaggi, the senior United States Congressman from New York City, provided yet another service to an Italian-American constituency that extended well beyond the confines of his congressional district. Relying on characteristic Italian names ending in vowels to make the claim, it was argued that the prosecution had exercised certain peremptory challenges solely to strike potential Italian-American jurors. The Court held that Italian Americans constitute a "cognizable racial group" for purposes of raising objections to this form of challenge. The Biaggi decision followed two strands of reasoning: The first traced the meaning of "racially cognizable group"; the second traced the meaning of this term in light of St. Francis College. As to the first strand, the Court found:
Italian Americans are "recognizable" and "distinct." and appear to have been "singled out for different treatment under the laws, as written or applied. . . ." Italian Americans share a common ancestry in Italy, a common cultural and religious heritage here and there, and they often still share a common language. They are identifiable, in part, by their characteristic last names. The Court takes judicial notice that Italian Americans are considered in this district to be a recognizable and distinct ethnic group, commonly identified by their last names and by their neighborhoods. These qualities are sufficient to render Italian Americans no less cognizable than the other groups who have already been recognized for equal protection purposes.
The Court referred to three criteria useful in finding Italian Americans a cognizable racial group. They "(1) are definable and limited by some clearly identifiable factor; (2) share a common thread of attitudes, ideas or experiences; and (3) share a community of interests, such that the group's interests cannot be adequately represented if the group is excluded from the jury selection process."
Limiting its holding to the Eastern District of New York, which is based in Brooklyn, the Court held that
Italian Americans satisfy these criteria to maki cient showing to categorize [themselves] as co; Moreover, it provided a detailed and illuminatii sion of its reasons for taking judicial notice Americans' cognizability:
These observable, distinguishable names con: clearly identifiable factor separating Italian Ai from most other ethnic groups. These names from Italian ancestors who immigrated to this cou who constitute a discrete resource from whid American heritage has been passed down.
Italian Americans share a common experience; ground in their links to Italian families, Italian cul Italian group loyalties, and often share the same and culinary practices. The Court takes judicial n Italians have been subject to stereotyping, invid nic humor and discrimination. (" . . . Italians tinue to be excluded from executive, middle-man and other job levels because of discrimination ba their religion and/or national origin"). . . .Like a recently emigrated from a cohesive nation, Italia cans share numerous common threads of attitud and experiences, often including largely intertwi ily relations in the country of origin. Finally, Italic cans have a community of interest; they gener; certain cherished values received through gene: Italian civilization and religion, including value: to moral culpability. Across the board exclusic group could not but impair the representatior interests in juries.
Having concluded that Italian Americans are e racial group, the Court recounted St. Franc review of the nineteenth-century scholarly de race and the legislative history of the 1866 Act second strand of reasoning, it found that the history of post-Civil War statutes provides cc support for the view that, at that time, "race: "immigrant groups" coming from each fon and, further, "[i]t can therefore be confidently that . . . cognizable racial groups include[s] a ethnic and ancestral groups subject to inte crimination, including Italian Americans."
The Biaggi decision has since been cited wit Although the Court did accept the prosecuti neutral explanations for exercising the peren lenges, and denied the motion to set aside verdict, the decision is still crucial. It admii nizes discrimination against Italian Americar aspects of American society. Additionally, it h us that as an ethnic group, "Italian Americ shielded by the [Fourteenth Amendment s] e tion clause's prohibition against discriminatio ancestry."
In sum, Section 1981 grounds for seeking r of national origin discrimination illustrate trend; namely, an expanded equal protecti dence where race can be and, in fact, has b with ethnicity, or national origin. The Sectior effective vehicle where injustice or ineqt against ethnic minorities. Moreover, Sectioi
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are neither limited to the employment arena nor burdened with detailed procedural requirements that are a prerequisite to filings under modern-day civil rights legislation. Ethnics who have suffered discrimination as a result of their national origin in any area, would be well served in seeking judicial solicitude by alleging discrimination based on "race" under this statute either alone or in conjunction with other statutory remedies.
In seeking social justice where right or entitlement within a sphere of cultural pluralism is denied, servitude in any form is alien to the espousal of a philosophy based on mutual respect and tolerance for differences. Indeed, it has been argued that the theory of Anglo conformity is inherently discriminatory: it requires assimilation into a majoritarian culture and inferentially emarginates other
38. Italian Americans
legitimate forms of cultural expression. Section 1981 relief, as we have seen from a reading of Scelsa, provides a wide avenue to redress this form of coercion. At the very least, it should suffice to assist plaintiffs who allege national origin discrimination in crossing the litigation threshold to test the merits of their cause before the Courts.
WORK CITED
Scelsa v the City University of New York, 806 F.Supp. 1126 (S.D.N.Y, 1992).
St. Francis College v. Al-Kharaf, 481 US. 604 (1987).
DeSalle v Key Bank of Southern Maine, 685 F. Supp. 282 (D. Me., 1988).
Benigni v. City of Hemet, 879 F. 2d 472 (9th Cir., 1989).
United States v. Biaggi, 673 F. Supp. 96 (E.D.N.Y, 1989).
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Article 40
Greek-Americans in the Political Life of the United States
John Brademas
On June 12, 1984,1 addressed the Propeller Club of the United States in Athens, Greece. With headquarters in Washington, D.C., and seventeen thousand members in one hundred clubs worldwide, the Propeller Club brings together leaders of the maritime industry interested in promoting better understanding among nations. As the first native-born American of Greek origin elected to Congress, I decided to discuss the increasing participation of Greek-Americans in the political life of the United States.
Having while in Congress been deeply involved in the foreign policy struggle that followed the August 1974 invasion of the Republic of Cyprus by Turkish military forces equipped with arms supplied by the United States, I also spoke of the continuing problem of Cyprus.
At this writing, twenty-two thousand Turkish troops, in violation of international law, and of resolutions of the United Nations, remain on Cyprus. In July 1985, the first  government  of the  Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus  assumed office, thereby underscoring the continuing refusal of the government of Turkey to remove its military forces. Like his predecessor, President Carter, President Reagan, while claiming to work through the United Nations and other diplomatic channels for a solution to this ongoing crisis, has been unwilling to press Turkey to take serious steps for a fair and peaceful resolution of the Cyprus problem. Beyond the terrible injustice done to the people of this small island republic who have been driven from their homes, the impasse continues to poison both Greek-American and Greek-Turkish relations

and thus threaten the effectiveness of the NATO Alliance.
THE SON of a Greek immigrant, I naturally feel at home in the land of my father s birth. After all, every one of us of Greek origin takes a special pride in that fact. We remember what the great poet Constantine Cavafy said of King Antiochus:
... He was the best of all things, Hellenic 
mankind has no quality more precious: everything beyond that belongs to the Gods.
Yet because I am not only a Hellene but an American, I want to discuss today the role that Americans of Greek descent play in the politics of the United States.
We all know that in the early part of this century, thousands of Greek men and women emigrated to America. My own father, Stephen Brademas, at the age of twenty-one, left Calamata to make his way eventually to northern Indiana, where he met my mother, a schoolteacher. Stephen and Beatrice Brademas settled down and raised their family in the town of South Bend, Indiana.
Estimates differ, but the most reliable are that about two and a half million people who were either bom in Greece or are of Greek descent live in the United States, with substantial Greek communities in Boston, Chicago, Detroit, San Francisco and New York. In New York City, there are 300,000 Greek-Americans; in Astoria, in the Borough of Queens, nearly 100,000, the largest Hellenic community outside Greece. After early years of struggle,
most Greek-Americans have i the ranks of middle-incomi with a healthy percentage en per-income status.
Over the years, American: Origin have been prominent business, education, the arts, and public life. In medicine, pie, the Greek-American coni represented by Dr. George laou, who invented the Pap for cervical cancer, and E Cotzias, who developed L drug used in treating Parkir ease; in business, by the pi Mobil Corporation, Williai lareas; shipping executive Ge vanos; the Gouletas family ( in education, by my fellow president, Peter Liacouras, x Temple University; in the ai painter Theodoros Stamos, tt tor Dimitri Mitropoulos, the rector Elia Kazan, the filmmal Lucas, the actors John Cassax Karras and Telly Savalas, I Maria Callas; and in journ writing, Nicholas Gage, autl best-selling book Eleni.
The Greek Immigrant Ex|
Important as the achievemet compatriots in all these areas 1 I want to focus today on the tion of Greek-Americans in f First, you must understand tl were in significant ways diff< other ethnic groups who cai United States. Few in nun rarely congregated in permane By avoiding the hardships of 1: crowded, working-class neigh
986, pp. 213-219.   1986 by John Brademas. Reprinted
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39. Greek-Americans
they were not compelled to organize politically either for individual gain or community protection.
Like all immigrants, our people initially worked for someone else, but eventually most su