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Mulvaney and Kelsey  Advancements in Agricultural Development 
  Volume 1, Issue 1, 2020 
  agdevresearch.org 

1. Chandler Mulvaney, Extension Agent I, 4-H Youth Development, UF/IFAS Extension Marion County, University of Florida 
2232 NE Jacksonville Rd, Ocala, FL 34470 
chandlermulvaney@ufl.edu, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3030-6604   

2. Kathleen D. Kelsey, Professor and Director, Impact Evaluation Unit, University of Georgia 
203 Lumpkin House, 145 Cedar St., Athens GA 30602 
kaykelseyuga@gmail.com, https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9683-6993   

           63 
   

A Phenomenological Inquiry to Understand Ugandan Farmers’ 
Perceived Barriers to Fertilizer Use 

 
C. Mulvaney1, K. D. Kelsey2 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

Abstract 
Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries hold the promise of becoming the second breadbasket of the 
world if they adopt modern farming practices, including the use of fertilizers and other agricultural 
inputs. Increasing food production is imminent for all nations, especially in SSA due to the growing 
global population. Agricultural input adoption, such as fertilizers, leads to an increase in productivity; 
however, adoption rates among SSA nations remain chronically low. Using a phenomenological lens 
and qualitative research methods to gather interview data from 30 Ugandan subsistence farmers in 
situ, we described what and how farmers experienced in regard making decisions to adopt or reject 
fertilizers. Findings indicated that farmers experienced two poverty traps, resource and cultural 
beliefs. Recommended interventions include increasing participation in farmer groups and increasing 
participation in Extension training on the use of agricultural inputs, especially fertilizers.  
 
Keywords 
Uganda; fertilizer adoption; qualitative inquiry; poverty trap theory; international development; 
Extension education. 
 



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Introduction and Problem Statement  

Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries hold the promise of becoming the second breadbasket of 
the world if they are able to adopt modern farming practices, including the use of fertilizers and 
other agricultural inputs (FAO, 2015). Specifically, Uganda is well positioned to advance their 
agricultural sector with sufficient arable land and labor; however, productivity is hampered by 
low rates of adoption of modern farming technologies and sufficient application of fertilizers 
(The World Bank, 2013). 
 
Uganda is a rapidly growing country in SSA with a population primarily comprised of 
undereducated youth. A third of Uganda’s 35 million people are between the ages of 10-24 
years and 56% of the population is under the age of 18 (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2010). The 
majority of Ugandans (72%) work within the agricultural sector (FAO, 2015); however, farmers 
lack training in the agricultural sciences, leading to an industry that consistently underperforms 
given its potential (The World Bank, 2013).  
 
In addition, the majority of farmers suffer from persistent poverty due to poverty traps, defined 
as living below the nation’s poverty line with little opportunity for advancement due to social 
and economic barriers (Barrett, Garg, & McBride, 2016). One example of a poverty trap is that 
farmers infrequently apply agricultural inputs in part because they practice subsistence-farming 
methods on small plots of land whereby they do not have surplus crops for generating cash to 
purchase inputs (Banerjee & Duflo, 2011; Lade et al., 2017). Ugandan farmers reported the 
lowest rate of fertilizer adoption among SSA countries at 3.2% (Barrett & Sheahan, 2017).  
 
The Ugandan government and the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO, 2015) have 
emphasized the need to increase production of agricultural commodities to lift farmers and the 
nation out of poverty; however, attempts to increase agricultural productivity have failed. We 
sought to describe subsistence farmers’ decision-making process for adopting or rejecting 
fertilizers in the Central Region of Uganda and if poverty traps were a co-variable in making 
fertilizer adoption decisions.  
 

Theoretical and Conceptual Framework  

A poverty trap is defined as “a situation in which self-reinforcing mechanisms trap people in 
poverty” (Lade et al., 2017, para 1), whereby “household income or expenditures consistently, 
or at least on average, fall below the poverty line” (Barrett & Carter, 2013, para. 4). Poverty 
traps keep individuals and households in poverty and are caused by structural mechanisms at 
both macro and micro levels. Macro causes include geography, climate, social networks, social 
norms, and fixed endowments. Micro causes include mental or physical disability, systemic 
discrimination, and social exclusion, among other immutable characteristics (Barrett & Carter, 
2013). An example of a poverty trap occurs when declining yields from degraded farms require 
the poor to farm more intensively on smaller plots, reinforcing the degradation of soils and low 
agricultural productivity (Enfors, 2013). 



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Poverty traps emerge for substance farmers when (a) increases in earnings are scaled below 
the cost of purchasing inputs, thus minimizing returns on investment such as fertilizers, (b) 
lower income households have restricted access to financial service, such as credit or insurance, 
and (c) exclusions occur within social and economic environments such as failure to affiliate 
with a farmer group or cooperative that would provide access to markets and farming 
knowledge (Adato, Carter, & May, 2006; Barrett, Garg, & McBride, 2016; Chantarat & Barrett, 
2012).  
 
Under these conditions, low-income households face economically stalled situations 
characterized by low assets and unsuccessful efforts to amass wealth. The poor are often 
excluded from jobs, social contacts, and access to transportation to pursue income. The initially 
poor are trapped in persistently low levels of well-being, while initially better-off individuals can 
parlay wealth into higher levels of well-being (Adato et al., 2006).  
 
Existing poverty traps constrain poor farmers by limiting their access to capital, credit, 
insurance, and stable markets that are important factors in reducing risk and increasing wealth. 
In addition, social networks and cultural norms may serve to exclude individuals from growing 
wealth and assets (Barrett, Garg, & McBride, 2016). In most cases, the poor will remain so due 
to social, cultural, and economic environments that disadvantage those already trapped in 
poverty (Adato et al., 2006; Lade et al., 2017).  
 
Lade et al. (2017) examined the political, social, economic, biophysical and historical settings 
that limited subsistence farmers from escaping poverty traps. A lack of access to capital and 
insurance may lead to social exclusion and inequality as farmers were ashamed to appear in 
public or participate in community activities that would advantage them (Bhalla & Lapeyre, 
2002). Adato et al. (2006) also found that as inequality increased, an individual’s social identity 
became increasingly intertwined with economic status, further trapping them in poverty.  

 

Purpose 

The purpose of the research reported here was to describe subsistence farmers’ decision-
making process for adopting or rejecting fertilizers in the Central Region of Uganda in 
relationship to the poverty trap conceptual framework (Adato et al., 2006; Lade et al., 2017). 
Understanding farmers’ barriers to fertilizer use and how poverty traps may be a co-variable in 
nonuse of agricultural inputs is important to assist non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and 
government Extension agencies in creating approaches to increase fertilizer adoption, thereby 
reducing poverty in subsistence farming communities in Uganda.  
 

Methods 

The population for the study consisted of 30 subsistence farmers in the Central Region of 
Uganda. The farmers were criterion selected by in-country staff from the International Fertilizer 
Development Center (IFDC), an NGO operating globally, and the Ugandan Ministry of 



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Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries division. The selection criterion consisted of farmers 
who belonged to registered farmer groups (n=22) and those who did not (n=8). The researchers 
used convenience sampling to identify farmers registered in groups, while snowball sampling 
was employed to generate non-farmer group members to deepen  our understanding of 
emerging social knowledge (Chaim, 2008). Farmer groups in Uganda are formed through the 
Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries Division. Upon the formation of a farmer 
group, the members are certified in order to lease land, establish access to savings and loan 
vehicles, and sell harvested crops to reputable buyers.  
 
We invited 30 farmers to participate in the research through key informants in their respective 
communities. Key informant contacts helped to establish trust and rapport among potential 
participants (Williamson et al., 2011) and facilitated us in making appointments to visit 
participants for data collection.  
 
We used phenomenological research design to frame data collection, analysis and reporting 
(Van Manen, 2014). The central phenomenon addressed was subsistence farmers’ decision-
making process for adopting fertilizers and barriers that limited adoption through the lens of 
poverty trap theory. The principal researcher acknowledged his bias by searching for a 
convergence of information among multiple data sources to form themes and draw conclusions 
(Golafshani, 2003).  
 
The principal researcher traveled to Uganda and conducted interviews with participants in 
October 2018 on the participants’ farms or at the local sub-county building. The interviews 
were recorded and later transcribed verbatim. An interpreter was present at all 30 interviews. 
The interpreter assisted with 23 interviews, while seven were conducted in English. The 
interpreter was Ugandan, spoke seven languages, and held a bachelor’s degree from Makerere 
University in Kampala, Uganda. The interpreter worked as a consultant with the sponsor of the 
study, International Fertilizer Development Center (IFDC), and external organizations collecting 
household data with farmers in the region. She was a trusted member of the community. The 
principal  researcher mitigated field issues when using an interpreter by observing responses of 
both the interpreter and the participant (Williamson et al. 2011), while relaying questions to 
the interpreter for clarity of perspectives and experiences shared during the interviews. The 
principal researcher acknowledged that all information disclosed during each of the thirty 
interviews was interpreted by one party, making precision a limitation of the study.  
 
However, to enhance quality and validity we (a) conducted a literature review to determine the 
interview protocol, (b) collected data from participants using face-to-face interviews in situ, (c) 
transcribed the interviews verbatim and sent the transcripts to the interpreter for verification 
(unfortunately, member checking was not conducted with the participants due to 
communication barriers), (d) analyzed the transcripts line-by-line to highlight significant 
statements (open coding) using Atlas.ti software (Saldana, 2015), and (e) clustered the 
significant statements into themes that enabled us to draw conclusions regarding the 
phenomena. We added participants’ quotations in the findings to establish truth-value. To 
ensure anonymity, we used pseudonyms (Tracy, 2010; Van Manen, 2014).  



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Findings 

Overall, farmers experienced several barriers to adopting agricultural practices that were 
consistent with the literature on poverty traps (Barrett & Carter, 2013; Barrett, Garg, & 
McBride, 2016; Chantarat & Barrett, 2012). Farmers were interested in learning about new 
farming innovations that would facilitate consistent and appropriate use of fertilizers but were 
constrained by cultural beliefs, social networks, social norms, and economic resource traps.  
 
All of the farmers reported farming out of necessity versus choice, as they had limited options 
for pursuing economic opportunities outside of working for a farmer or becoming a farmer by 
acquiring credit or small plots of land or both.  
 
We classified the participants into two groups, those who did not associate with a farmer group 
(n=8) and those who did (n=22) (see Table 1). Farmers who associated with farmer groups in all 
cases except one (Sarama), served as the chairperson for the group. Sarama served as the 
secretary and treasurer for her farmer group (Table 1). Farmer group members were poor but 
reported reduced levels of poverty stress due to slight increases in household income. 
 
Theme 1: Systemic Poverty Resulted in Reduced Motivation to Use Fertilizers 
Claim: Farmers desired to use fertilizers but could not afford to consistently purchase them due 
to a lack of income. 
Supporting Evidence: All but one (Sadah) farmer used organic or mineral fertilizers or both 
inconsistently as they were unable to reliably buy fertilizers and hire labor due to a lack of cash 
or credit. The primary barrier to adoption was an inability to pay for fertilizers after purchasing 
basic household necessities such as food, water, and school fees for their children’s education. 
Often, even these necessities were forgone due to poverty.  
 
A lack of resources sustained systemic poverty and reduced farmers’ motivation to adopt new 
technologies beyond what they learned from their parents, who were also subsistence farmers. 
Zaharrah reported she was stuck in “a little hole,” unable to move by making changes such as 
adopting agricultural innovations and inputs due to a lack of cash and credit. She said, 

We lack [items needed for farming] at times. If we are cultivating tomatoes, you 
need a system for spraying and watering, watering cans, those tools [needed] for 
agriculture. We lack all of those things that help in agriculture. So we have to 
struggle in a small hole. You cannot move anywhere. Yes, if you have such things, 
you can help your farm, you can grow crops on a large scale because this little 
hole here will take you nowhere, and you cannot move (371-385). 

 All of the participants reported feeling uncertain about how to overcome the challenges 
they faced to escape poverty. Fourteen farmers reported that fertilizer affordability was the 
main barrier to adoption.  
  



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Table 1 
 
Demographic Profile of Farmers  

Pseudonym and 
Gender 

District Age Educational 
Levelabc 

Dependentsd Fertilizer 
Usee 

Farmers not Associated with a Farmer Group    
Caliana, F Budaka 49 S3 5 Organic 
Dawda, F Budaka 64 S1 14 Both 
Farya, F Budaka 35 S2 8 Organic 
Kali, F Budaka 27 S4 5 Organic 
Laila, F Budaka 45 P7 12 Both 
Mada, F Budaka 30 P7 8 Organic 
Mae, F Budaka 35 P5 7 Organic 
Saleem, M Budaka 46 S3 10 Both 
Farmers Associated with a Farmer Group   
Aaden, M Mbale 58 P6 15 Both 
Abby, F Mbale N/A S3 14 Both 
Abdulla, M Mbale 34 S2 9 Organic 
Abraham, M Butaleja 35 P3 13 Organic 
Ali, F Tororo 50 S4 10 Both 
Amare, F Budaka 40 P3 5 Mineral 
Ami, F Butaleja 55 None 3 Organic 
Asha, F Tororo 52 P7 12 Organic 
Esther, F Tororo 51 S4 10 Mineral 
Halah, F Butaleja 46 P3 15 Mineral 
Kwame, F Butaleja 48 S2 11 Both 
Moses, F Mbale 56 P2 8 Both 
Noah, M Tororo 59 Bachelor 2 Mineral 
Ode, F Budaka 32 Bachelor 2 Both 
Omari, M Butaleja 36 S4 4 Both 
Rabea, F Tororo 31 S3 6 Mineral 
Sabah, F Butaleja 30 P7 10 Both 
Sadah, F Mbale N/A P5 8 None 
Sarama, F Butaleja 47 U Bachelor’s 3 Both 
Zaharah, F Tororo 53 S4 7 Organic 
Zakai, F Butaleja 58 P7 12 Mineral 
Zane, F Budaka 75 S2 20 Both 

Note. aP=Primary school level achieved. bS=Secondary school level achieved. cU=University 
education. dDenotes the number of immediate family members the farmer was responsible for 
housing and feeding, including adopted children. eDenotes the type of fertilizers the farmers 
used. Both denotes the use of mineral and organic fertilizers. None denotes farmers’ non-
adoption of any fertilizer inputs. 
 



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Theme 2: Fertilizers Equate to Increased Yields 
Claim: Participants believed that fertilizer use increased yields and would use them if they had 
the resources to purchase them. 
Supporting Evidence: Despite the existing poverty that affected all of the participants, farmers 
valued fertilizer use over all other inputs they had adopted in the past. When asked why they 
were motivated to use fertilizer, Zaharrah said,  

The yield, the yield! Because people who are using fertilizers you find they are 
getting a bumper harvest. Some good, good harvest. Even the soil remains fertile. 
The moment you apply, the soil changes and the fertility is boosted (276-278). 
Eleven farmers reported that fertilizers increased their yields when applied to a crop. 

Ode, a consistent user of both organic and mineral fertilizers, mentioned that when he used 
fertilizers on his crops, he was “assured of good yields” (193-194). 
 
Nineteen farmers believed that fertilizers were directly associated with increased yields, 
despite that fact that 17 of the 19 farmers had not received any formal fertilizer training. 
Despite the lack of formal knowledge and training regarding fertilizer use, farmers were 
confident in fertilizers’ ability to positively affect crop yields and provide an increase in one’s 
profitability.  
 
Theme 3: Farmers Felt Cheated by the Government, Agricultural Buyers and 
Consumers 
Claim: Farmers reported feeling cheated by the government, agricultural buyers, and 
consumers resulting in lost income to advance their farming practices and receive fair prices for 
their crops. 
Supporting Evidence: All 30 farmers reported financial stress. Eleven farmers reported feeling 
cheated by the government, market buyers, and consumers. Noah said,  

There was one time a group came and they gave us seed for soybeans and they 
told us they would get us a market [to sell]. So we planted and then the people 
disappeared. Then, we got stuck with all of this soybean in our house and had to 
sell for cheap. People got discouraged to grow soybean. Some people will use 
tricks to convince farmers to grow something and then cheat us into [poor] prices 
later (304-308). 

Noah spoke about the poverty trap that existed within his household. Farmers attempted to 
break free from poverty by trusting agricultural buyers. However, after the agricultural buyers 
abandoned them, farmers feel devalued by the system that was supposed to support them.  
 
Eleven farmers cited access to markets and transportation issues as barriers to wealth. Esther, a 
farmer who lacked access to transportation from the fields to the market, said, 

After harvesting, those people [buyers] just disappear and they send people to 
come and cheat you from your products. Then, you must search for a person to 
buy. It was promised that the person would buy for a certain price. But when they 
come back, they do not remember the agreed upon price and try to cheat you 
(308-310). 



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Mada also reported that she was cheated by agricultural buyers. She said,  
We depend on the buyers. We [farmers] don't have bargaining power because 
what they [buyers] give you is what you take. At the end of the day, they [buyers] 
are selling it at a much higher price but we depend on them [buyers] because 
what they say is what we take. Take it or leave it. We depend on the local 
methods and buyers for our crops (495-500).   

 
Inconsistent prices and market conditions affected farmers’ ability to buy seeds and hire 
labor. Despite a desire to adopt fertilizers, ten farmers believed that corrupt 
governmental employees and market buyers abused their power during peak sell-off 
times by offering below market prices, thus, draining farmers’ small savings. Ode said, 

Some of the challenges are the prices; there are no stable prices. We are seriously 
engaging in farming but the bias [of the governmental employees and 
agricultural buyers] always determine the prices. So they are not even 
considering us (224-226). 

 
With limited transportation availability to markets farmers traded with unscrupulous buyers, 
receiving marginal prices for their crops, leading to a poverty trap. Farmers’ feeling cheated in 
the existing market system eroded their confidence in buying fertilizers as the investment may 
not be returned. 
 
Theme 4: No Other Way - We Are Trapped in Farming 
Claim: Farmers were trapped in a subsistence farming lifestyle with no path to additional 
income or alternative employment.  
Supporting Evidence: Twenty-eight farmers said that subsistence farming was their only 
employment option. When asked why he continued to farm, Omari said, “farming is what you 
rely on. You get food and in the case of plenty, I sell some to earn a living” (96-97). These 
farmers were in a subsistence farming trap, with no opportunity to escape based in part on 
their identity as substance farmers. 
 
For half of the participants, farming was their only option for survival. Sabah said, “there was a 
moment when poverty was too much and I felt like I could hardly even afford a meal. So I was 
forced to go and work in the rice fields” (23-25). The participants believed they were trapped in 
subsistence farming because they possessed limited skills and training for other work. However, 
all of the participants expressed hope for the future, despite their reported barriers to 
generating wealth from farming. When asked why he continued to farm, Noah said, “I know 
farming but the problem is we are just doing it locally because God has given us an ability. So, it 
is my prayer that God helps us, trains us and gives us new skills” (21-23).  
 
Farmers desired to improve their economic and social status but lacked external macro support 
structures to do so such as fertilizer application training from government Extension agencies 
and NGOs, lack of access to credit and cash, and a lack of stable markets. Therefore, they 
remained in a cultural and resource trap.  
 



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Conclusions, Discussion, and Recommendations 

Our findings uncovered two poverty traps to explain why farmers did not adopt fertilizers, a 
cultural trap and a resource trap (Barrett & Carter, 2013; Chantarat & Barrett, 2012; Lade et al., 
2017). Farmers’ cultural identity as subsistence farmers prevented them from escaping poverty, 
leading to “persistent poverty as the natural consequence of the group-defining characteristic, 
resulting in a single equilibrium poverty trap” (Barrett, Garg, & McBride, 2016, para 9). The 
culmination of external factors combined to de-motivate farmers’ who understood the value of 
fertilizers when applied appropriately but lacked the knowledge and capital to access fertilizers. 
The implications of the two poverty traps identified in this study resulted in farmers’ feeling 
stuck in poverty, with few opportunities to access capital and markets.  
 
In addition, the cultural trap was rooted in farmers’ belief that there were no other options for 
employment. Because all of the participants came from subsistence farming families, their 
families expected them to continue in that vocation. Economic and social constraints limited 
their opportunity for professional growth, despite a desire to do so. To further compound the 
lack of opportunity for social growth, farmers’ who participated in the study felt trapped in 
their current occupation, as described in theme four. The knowledge of alternative lifestyles 
and new technology was limited, resulting in culturally imposed limitations.  
 
The resource trap included economic vulnerability from unpredictable markets and a lack of 
access to credit, labor, transportation, agricultural inputs, and Extension training. With a lack of 
control in the markets, farmers reported feeling devalued and cheated by governmental 
employees, agricultural buyers, and consumers. The resource trap left farmers with little 
motivation to adopt new agricultural practices, deepening the cycle of poverty. Not belonging 
to a farmer group was important for understanding social exclusion and how it reinforced the 
poverty trap as the chronically poor associated mainly with similar others, who also lacked 
knowledge and resources (Chantarat & Barrett, 2012).  
 
Alleviating poverty traps requires a multi-pronged approach and is dependent on national and 
international policy to support and protect farmers from exploitation. Barrett, Garg, and 
McBride (2016) recommended initiatives that could move people out of poverty traps, 
including investments in assets such as farm equipment, adoption of agricultural production 
technologies and inputs, participation in remunerative markets, credit and insurance programs, 
safety net programs, education, and entrepreneurial activities. Transfer programs (giving cash 
directly to the poor) are also an effective policy for addressing poor sociocultural identities in 
the short term (Barrett & Carter, 2013).  
 
While these issues are beyond the scope of this study, we recommend that NGOs and 
government Extension agencies serving farmers in SSA provide educational programs to 
empower farmers to gain memberships in farmer groups as an important first step (Sigman, 
Chibwana, & Matenje, 1994). Farmer groups can serve as collective groups to provide 
individuals with access to inputs and farm tools through cooperative social structures. 
Additionally, future research should be conducted on the impact of participation in a farmer 



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group and the potential relationship that increased knowledge has on fertilizer adoption or 
rejection in Uganda.  
 
Farmers would benefit from targeted educational programs focusing on best practices for 
applying agricultural inputs, including fertilizers (Bunyatta et al., 2005). Such programs could be 
implemented through existing Extension programs with the Ugandan National Agricultural 
Advisory Development Services (NAADS) and external NGOs. Educational opportunities serve to 
integrate new technology into the community, leading to economic growth, and reducing both 
types of poverty traps identified in this study. 
 

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