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Advances in Politics and Economic 
ISSN 2576-1382 (Print) ISSN 2576-1390 (Online) 

Vol. 1, No. 2, 2018 
www.scholink.org/ojs/index.php/ape 

126 
 

Original Paper 

Economic Inclusion: A paradigm Shift from the Radical 

Economic Transformation (RET) in the Context of Growing 

Xenophobia in South Africa 

Buhle Mpofu1* (Note 1) 
1 School of Religion Philosophy and Classics (SRPC), University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 

South Africa 
* Buhle Mpofu, School of Religion Philosophy and Classics (SRPC), University of KwaZulu-Natal, 

Pietermaritzburg, South Africa 

 

Received: October 10, 2018    Accepted: October 26, 2018     Online Published: October 31, 2018 

doi:10.22158/ape.v1n2p126              URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v1n2p126 

 

Abstract 

This article analyses the experience of migration in the light of Radical Economic Transformation 

(RET) program of the SA government and argues that the program has been high jacked by nationalists 

who are now using transformation to side-line non South Africans in the socio-economic development 

programmes. Article contends that migrants contribute to regional, national, and global development 

through networks and (like anywhere in the world) are an integral part of the South African society, 

playing a “multifaceted role” in various capacities such as workers, business owners, community 

members/organisers and leaders of social justice and faith based movements. Given the volatility of the 

South African society, it suggested that use of a term such as “Economic Inclusion” could be less 

controversial than Radical Economic Transformation which breeds violence. In addition, it is 

suggested that while acknowledging that the extremes between poverty and wealth require a radical 

economic paradigm, political and public discourse should be sensitive to the volatility of the South 

African context and promote the inclusion of migrants in socio-economic development programs. 

Keywords 

migration, transformation, economic development, Southern Africa, exclusion 

 

1. The Radical Economic Transformation (RET) Program 

According the ANC Policy Discussion Document (Note 2), the Radical Economic Transformation 

(RET) program was born out of the ANC’s 53rd National Conference at Mangaung in 2012 where it 



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was resolved that:  

“[W]e are boldly entering the second phase of the transition from apartheid colonialism to a national 

democratic society. This phase will be characterised by decisive action to effect economic 

transformation and democratic consolidation, critical both to improve the quality of life of all South 

Africans and to promote nationbuilding and social cohesion”. In order to advance economic 

transformation, the ANC resolved, at Mangaung, as follows:  

 To promote growth and development and eradicate the triple scourge of unemployment, poverty 

and inequality,  

 To increase State-led infrastructure investment aimed at massively improving social and 

economic infrastructure, with an emphasis on the use of local content and local companies, 

 To give effect to the National Development Plan (NDP), and the New Growth Path and the 

Industrial Policy Action Plan with the aim of stimulating growth, employment and the 

re-industrialisation of the South African economy, 

 To transform the mining sector with the aim of widening the benefits of South Africa’s 

abundance of minerals, including the creation of safe and decent work on the mines as well as benefits 

for near-mine local communities, as well as give particular focus to mineral beneficiation,  

 To promote youth employment, small business and co-operatives, 

 To build a developmental state with the technical and political capacity to lead development and 

transform the economy,  

 To maintain a supportive macroeconomic policy framework, oriented towards reconstruction, 

growth and development, and informed by the imperatives of sustainability and long-run 

macroeconomic stability.  

This document was circulated as the ANC prepared for Policy Conference and National Conference in 

2017 where they took stock of the economic conditions locally and globally and later adopted the 

policy for implementation. Commenting on this program, Deon Oberholzer the CEO of Gestalt (Note 3) 

observed that “Radical Economic transformation done right is economic inclusion”. Highlighting the 

shortfalls of the Mining Charter as an example of how the term “transformation” is misleading, he 

noted that, “the current version of the Mining Charter excludes a proper integration of the 

transformation of the sector’s supply chain, one of the most important areas in which transformation 

could occur”. The term. Radical, has also been misunderstood to imply use of force by the poor masses 

who are desperate for economic change in a country where unemployment …“increased to 27.2 percent 

in the second quarter of 2018 from 26.7 percent in the previous period. The number of unemployed rose 

by 103 thousand to 6.08 million while the number of employed fell by 90 thousand to 16.29 million”. 

(Note 4) 

 

 

 



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2. Economic Inclusion as an Alternative Term 

What I also find misleading is the use of the term “radical”, given the high levels of violence, crime 

and corruption it would appear like some opportunists are now using it for political and selfish gains, at 

the expense of national development. As a transformation expert, Oberholzer suggested that terms such 

as “Economic Inclusion” is a less scary way of talking RET. While acknowledging that the extremes 

between poverty and wealth require a radical economic paradigm, political and public discourse should 

be sensitive to the volatility of the South African context and promote peace and stability. For example, 

the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF)’s land reform draws it radical approach from this narrative and 

most landless people have been using this political drive to conduct “unlawful” land invasions. In an 

article that seeks to conceptualise “radical land reform” Jankielsohn and Duvenhage (2017) examine 

similar approaches in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the former Union of Soviet Socialist 

Republics (USSR) and Zimbabwe to draw lessons through comparative analysis indicating that land 

reform requires a balance between existing land rights and food security on the one hand, and the 

urgency for historical redress and redistribution on the other and observing that: 

A great deal of political rhetoric has been uttered regarding radical economic transformation that 

includes calls for more radical land reform proposals. This rhetoric is the source of political 

mobilisation in both the governing African National Congress (ANC), as well as the Economic 

Freedom Fighters (EFF) opposition. While the ANC call for the end of the willing buyer, willing seller 

principle in land reform policies and legislation in line with their National Democratic Revolution 

(NDR), the EFF support a more extreme expropriation without compensation approach. Both these 

approaches can be regarded as forms of radical land reform that are grounded in their specific 

ideological orientations (Jankielsohn & Duvenhage, 2017). 

Jankielsohn and Duvenhage (2017) further observe that radicals are known to challenge the most 

established values of society and may differ from one another in fundamental ways. On the one hand 

there are radicals who postulate the idea, “I know the good, extend it”, while on the other side there are 

those who postulate, “I know the evil, eliminate it”. While the former may promote greater 

involvement in their approach to politics, the latter may promote greater resistance (Stankiewicz, 2001, 

p. 217). Those on the extreme left of the radical spectrum are often referred to as hawks, due to the 

often violent methods employed by them, while those on the right of this spectrum are referred to as 

doves, due to the often peaceful methods of protest. Within the South African context, the use of the 

term “radical” provides political justification for leaders who think they “know good from evil” and 

therefore consider themselves as liberators of the masses, with little or no consideration on of the 

implications for such rhetoric on peace and stability. In my view, this political discourse is partly 

responsible for the violent crimes and xenophobia which are prevalent in South African communities. 

Therefore, it is not surprising that the RET program has received mixed opinions since it was launched. 

For example, the Sunday Times (Note 5) reported that one of South Africa’s richest businessmen 

Johann Rupert described the program as “a code word for theft” to the ire of the political leaders who 



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labelled him a Capitalist. What was even more detrimental to the government was that Rupert made 

these comments in Geneva on the side-lines of Richemont’s Annual General Meeting. Making such 

comments in a global platform would surely impact on the global image of South Africa, and this was 

the reason there was swift diplomatic intervention to allay fears from investors. Government had to 

give assurances that alleged corruption exposed through what is now known as “State Capture” was in 

the process of formal investigations and had nothing to do with the RAT program. A similar diplomatic 

intervention from the ANC led government (Note 6) was also displayed after the US President Trump 

tweeted on South Africa’s land reform program after watching news from Fox News who alleged that 

South Africa’s land reform was racist, prompting the Rand to fall as investors reacted negatively. The 

South African government hit back, tweeting that it “totally rejects this narrow perception which only 

seeks to divide our nation” and later issued public statements to assure investors that the land reform 

program will be conducted lawfully and South Africa will not follow the route taken by Zimbabwe. 

On the contrary, we have not seen such high level interventions when migrants are attacked. The 

government continues to downplay violent xenophobia and instead, it has naturalised anti-outsider 

violence by constantly blaming it on criminality or the natural resentment poor South Africans feel 

towards those they perceive as “stealing” opportunities from them, ignoring evidence from 

authoritative studies which have warmed the government of impending attacks. Similarly, civil society 

efforts have fared little better in arresting the violence as most organisations have also responded in 

what others (Note 7) call a classic “garbage-can” fashion, matching ready-made solutions to problems 

through marches, education campaigns, rights awareness symposiums, and social cohesion summits, 

ignoring documented abuse of migrants. Changing dynamics in South African communities constantly 

present complex challenges which will require new interventions based on the recognition that 

migrants are an integral part of the South African society.  

 

3. Radical Transformation, as Exclusion of Migrants 

It is a well-documented reality that the response to increased migration in the world has been marked by 

restrictive regulatory responses to migrations flows especially in Europe where they frame asylum 

seekers fleeing wars in Syria, Libya, Yemen and other countries as a “security threat” and thereby 

criminalise the act of seeking safety, including the humanitarian aid workers and organisations. For 

example, in June this year the world witnessed a “cruel stand-off” (Note 8) on the Mediterranean when 

the governments of Italy and Malta refused to allow the vessel with 630 migrants and asylum seekers to 

dock from a search and rescue operation conducted by SOS Mediterranne and Doctors Without Borders 

(MSF). Equally disturbing was the EU’s deal with Turkey which provided Turkey with financial 

compensation to block asylum seekers and migrants coming into Europe, clandestinely violating 

international law and abdicating its moral and legal responsibilities to provide asylum to those in great 

need.  

Sadly, we are seeing an upsurge of similar responses in South Africa, albeit in different forms as the 



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South African political and public discourses on foreign migrants are increasingly oriented towards 

regimes of exclusion, as opposed to promotion of diversity. Civic and state approach to migration along 

this trajectory ranges from integration, tolerance, to outright hostile xenophobia which manifests in 

sporadic waves of xenophobic attacks and a clear distinction between citizens/non-citizens brazenly 

maintained and now slowly reinforced through legislature which limit rights to non-South African 

citizens. As the vestiges of apartheid remain intact, neoliberalists resist socio-economic transformation 

intended to shift the balance of fortunes towards creating more opportunities for the previously 

disadvantaged black majority. From the early 1990s, which kicks off a particularly neoliberal phase of 

capitalist globalization which necessitated the surge in migrations flows, the global economy has 

changed rapidly as migrations shift from significant numbers of highly skilled professionals to ordinary 

people on the move. To stem this tide, the South African government now prioritises reception of highly 

skilled labour, neglecting its legal responsibility to provide refuge to asylum seekers. 

These restrictive and inhuman policies against the movement of people wane humanitarianism and 

have led to hospitality fatigue. As Agnes Musonda and Liesbeth Schokaert (Note 9) observed while 

reflecting on the white paper on immigration by the Department of Home Affairs, the highlight the 

South African government’s subtle move to stifle migration when they observe that: 

Last year, the Cabinet approved locating the department of home affairs within the security cluster 

(alongside justice, police, military and correctional services). It repositioned the department towards 

adopting a new, empowered border management approach and playing a strategic role in South Africa’s 

economic development. Additionally, South Africa’s recently adopted white paper on international 

migration is evidence of a trajectory that will conflate migration legislation and policy with national 

security and migrants with skills and capital”, and shut out unskilled people from the region with more 

stringent measures, including criminalising the undocumented, who keep entering the country… In crude 

terms, it proposes introducing interventions to “attract international migrants with skills and capital”, and 

shut out unskilled people from the region with more stringent measures, including criminalising the 

undocumented, who keep entering the country. 

In what the authors refer to as a callous policy, they argue that the passing of the Border Management 

Agency Bill by the National Assembly last year set in motion the creation of a centralised authority with 

sweeping powers over South Africa’s ports of entry, including policing and customs. The Bill is set to be 

considered by the National Council of Provinces although legal experts and civic organisations that took 

part in the consultative process of the bill, have raised concerns about extensive powers of search, seizure 

and arrest with or without a warrant contained in the Bill, which could lead to the abuse of vulnerable 

people and asylum seekers. Based on the comparisons with the developments in Europe, Musonda and 

Schokaert conclude that the white paper paved way towards South Africa’s eerily path which is 

reminiscent of some of what we have witnessed in Europe and they warn that South Africans now face a 

challenge to: stand up to prevent a roll-back of protections that vulnerable people require when they flee 

persecution and unliveable conditions back home, or witness the institutionalised erosion of humanity 



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and dignity we’ve seen globally.  

Within the South African context, the political and public discourse on transformation seems to be taking 

another dimension; it means putting South African citizens first and replacing foreigners in employment 

positions with South African citizens, especially in public institutions managed by the government. As 

part of ongoing research I have listened to migrants and refugees sharing their experiences of living in 

South Africa and most of them live in fear, hopelessness as they are not certain if their jobs or economic 

welfare is guaranteed under the new dispensation of Radical Economic Transformation. Most of the 

people that I have engaged, have either been directly affected or know of someone who has been exposed 

to the following:  

 Work permits have not been renewed or have been declined 

 Permanent residence applications have been declined 

 Promotion to senior position denied in favour of a local South African 

 Employment denied even when they qualify for the job 

 Affected by changes in the requirements for various permits/citizenship 

In an article entitled, The Limits of Social Responsibility with respect to Religion and Migration in 

South Africa (Note 10) we contrasted the views of Mary Robinson (Note 11) who proposed an 

expansion of the concept of citizenship to embrace all those people who find themselves in the 

country-nationals and migrants alike with the current Mayor of Johannesburg, speaking against African 

migrants in the city with the largest settlement of migrants in South Africa. We argued that Herman 

Mashaba, unlike Mary Robinson, draws a stark distinction between citizens and migrants, and he has 

risen to prominence for his very critical stance against migrants as he announced marking his 100 days 

in office “I will do everything possible to provide accommodation. But the City of Johannesburg will 

only provide accommodation to South Africans. Foreigners, whether legal or illegal, are not the 

responsibility of the city”. (Note 12) While many have dismissed Mayor Mashaba as xenophobic 

nationalist, we observed that a close reading of his speeches suggest that he frames his expulsion of 

migrants as a socially responsible campaign, invoking the right to exclude migrants in the interest of 

the citizenry and national development. 

In this paper we also discussed recent developments in the field of religion and migration studies and 

argued that migration of people has untapped resources for development and social transformation, 

warning that engagements with migration serves as a barometer for social cohesion and social 

responsibility in South Africa. It is therefore critical to counter and debunk these divisive discourses 

which unconsciously sustain and reinforce parallel societies through the exclusion or marginalisation of 

migrants. With migration a part of global life for many societies, there is growing intolerance and the 

phenomenon of parallel migrant communities living on the margins of society, has emerged as a 

counter response to nationalism and marginalisation of foreigners in host communities. As Laura Grillo 

(in Adogame & Spickard, 2010, p. 143) also observes; the “African Diaspora” has been conceived as 

an epistemological community, a shared consciousness activating a sense of transnational affiliation 



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across political boundaries”. Laura further suggest that the consciousness of the African diaspora, and 

the self-conscious communities it fosters, has its basis in an overarching religious worldview, and more 

particularly, in the principles and values encoded in and transmitted through the practice of divination 

and its culminating ritual sacrifice. Religion often binds migrants together as means to sustain and 

maintain migrant communities. 

Migrants contribute to the construction and reconstruction of communities in many ways. For example, 

a recent publication Migrants and City-Making (Note 13), Caglar and Schliller (2018) demonstrate how 

migrants contribute to regional, national, and global development through networks and debunk the 

notion that migrants threaten social cohesion/stability and challenge assumptions that they exist on the 

periphery of society (and require integration). Instead, as Caglar and Schiller rightly argue, migrants 

play a “multifaceted role” as City Makers, urban developers, business owners, community organisers 

and leaders of social justice movements. By reflecting on the role of migrants in City Making in this 

way, the authors highlight how urban development or city making as they call it, highlights multiple 

forces at play as people move. It is therefore disturbing to note how the current political and public 

discourse frame migrants as helpless people who need the sympathy and hospitality of the host 

communities.  

The political and public discourse on transformation seems to be taking another dimension; it means 

putting South African citizens first and replacing foreigners and changing this situation will also require 

going against dominant narratives to destabilise the language and approaches used to speak about 

violence and immigration in South African and the rest of the world. 

 

4. Conclusion 

This article first analysed South Africa’s Radical Economic Transformation (RET) program and 

suggested that a term “Economic Inclusion” is less controversial rather than Radical Economic 

Transformation which fuels crime and xenophobic violence. Drawing from the global increase in 

migration, article observed that there has been restrictive regulatory responses to migrations flows and 

there is a tendency to frame migrants and asylum seekers as a “security threat”. In addition, while 

acknowledging that the extremes between poverty and wealth require a radical economic paradigm, 

political and public discourse should be sensitive to the volatility of the South African context and 

promote the inclusion of migrants in socio-economic development programs. This article also argued 

that the Radical Economic program of the SA government has been high jacked by nationalists who are 

now using transformation to side-line non South Africans in the socio-economic development 

programmes and contends that migrants contribute to regional, national, and global development 

through networks and (like anywhere in the world) are an integral part of the South African society, 

playing a “multifaceted role” in various capacities such as workers, business owners, community 

members/organisers and leaders of social justice and faith based movements.  

 



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References 

Çaglar, A., & Schiller, N. G. (2018). Migrants and City-Making: Dispossession, Displacement and 

Urban Regeneration. 

Greiner, C., & Sakdapolrak, P. (2012). Rural–Urban migration, agrarian change, and the environment in 

Kenya: A critical review of the literature. Population and Environment, 1-30. 

Grillo, R., & Riccio, B. (2004). Translocal development: Italy-Senegal. Population, Space and Place, 

10(2), 99-111. https://doi.org/10.1002/psp.321 

http://ewn.co.za/2017/07/24/joburg-mayor-mashaba-foreigners-not-the-responsibility-of-the-city# 

http://gestaltconsult.com/radical-economictransformation/?gclid=EAIaIQobChMI24W_lca13QIVy7Ht

Ch36fAZ7EAAYASAAEgJXn_D_Bw 

http://www.anc.org.za/sites/default/files/National%20Policy%20Conference%202017%20Economic%

20Transformation_1.pdf 

http://www.cnbc.com/2018/06/11/italy-refuses-to-accept-migrant-rescue-ship-in-standoff-with-malta.ht

ml  

https://businesstech.co.za/news/government/266925/government-responds-to-trumps-land-tweet-as-ran

d-takes-a-knock/ Accessed 13 September 2018.  

https://tradingeconomics.com/south-africa/unemployment-rate?continent=asia 

https://www.timeslive.co.za/sunday-times/business/2017-09-13-radical-economic-transformation-is-jus

t-a-code-word-for-theft-rupert/ Accessed 13 September 2018. 

Jankielsohn, & Duvenhage. (2017). Radical land reform in South Africa. Journal for Contemporary 

History.  

Machado, D. L. et al. (Ed.). (2018). Borderland Religion Ambiguous practices of difference. In Hope 

and Beyond. New York: Routledge. 

Mpofu, B., & Settler, F. (2017). The Limits of Social Responsibility with respect to Religion and 

Migration in South Africa. Journal for the Study of Religion, 30(2), 12-31. 

Muschiol, G. (2011). Migrating Nuns-Migrating Liturgy? The Context of Reform in Female Convents of 

the Late Middle Ages. Paper presented at a conference on Liturgy and Migration; Cultural Contexts 

from the Upper Room to the Cyberspace. Feb 24-27, Yale Institute of Sacred Music. 

Musonda, & Schockeart. (2018). South Africa on a perilous path to making criminals of people on the 

move. Mail and Guardian, 16 August 2018. 

Stankiewicz, W. J. (2001). The essential Stankiewicz on the importance of political theory. Vancouver: 

Ronsdale Press. 

 

Notes 

Note 1. Dr Buhle Mpofu is a Post-doctoral Research Fellow at the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s 

School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa. Buhle has an interest on 

the role of religion and human rights on the experience of migration and is also an ordained minister 



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within the Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa. Most of his research focuses on the 

interface between Religion and the lived experience of migration and his PhD thesis was entitled, 

“When the people move, the Church moves”: A critical exploration of the interface between Migration 

and Theology through a Missional study of selected congregations within the Uniting Presbyterian 

Church of Southern Africa in Johannesburg and this study demonstrated how migrants appropriate their 

vulnerability and marginalization to reinvent and recreate metaphors of survival through constructing 

or deconstructing new forms of identity in contested transnational religious spaces within their hostile 

communities. 

Note 2. http://www.anc.org.za/sites/default/files/National%20Policy%20Conference%202017%20 

Economic%20Transformation_1.pdf 

Note 3. http://gestaltconsult.com/radical-economic-transformation/?gclid=EAIaIQobChMI24W_lca13 

QIVy7HtCh36fAZ7EAAYASAAEgJXn_D_BwE 

Note 4. https://tradingeconomics.com/south-africa/unemployment-rate?continent=asia 

Note 5. https://www.timeslive.co.za/sunday-times/business/2017-09-13-radical-economic-transformatio 

n-is-just-a-code-word-for-theft-rupert/ 

Note 6. https://businesstech.co.za/news/government/266925/government-responds-to-trumps-land- 

tweet-as-rand-takes-a-knock/  

Note 7. Musonda and Schockeart, South Africa on a perilous path to making criminals of people on the 

move. Mail and Guardian, 16 August 2018. 

Note 8. http://www.cnbc.com/2018/06/11/italy-refuses-to-accept-migrant-rescue-ship-in-standoff-with- 

malta.html  

Note 9. Musonda and Schockeart, South Africa on a perilous path to making criminals of people on the 

move. Mail and Guardian, 16 August 2018. 

Note 10. Mpofu, B., & Settler, F. (2017). The Limits of Social Responsibility with respect to Religion 

and Migration in South Africa. Journal for the Study of Religion, 30(2017) 12-31 Online ISSN 

2413-3027. 

Note 11. Mary Robinson is the former President of Ireland and president of the Mary Robinson 

Foundation-Climate Justice. The lecture, “Freedom, Truth, Democracy: Citizenship and Common 

Purpose” was delivered on xxxx and reported in the Sunday Times xxx (Sunday Times, 14 July, 2013: 

10). 

Not 12. “Joburg Mayor Mashaba: Foreigners Not The Responsibility Of The City” reported on 24 July 

2017 (see 

http://ewn.co.za/2017/07/24/joburg-mayor-mashaba-foreigners-not-the-responsibility-of-the-city#) 

Note 13. Ayse Çaglar and Nina Glick Schiller, 2018. Their work was grounded in comparative 

ethnographies of three cities struggling to regain their former standing—Mardin, Turkey; Manchester, 

New Hampshire; and Halle/Saale, Germany—Çaglar. In each city Çaglar and Glick Schiller met with 

migrants from around the world; attended cultural events, meetings, and religious services; and 



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patronized migrant-owned businesses, allowing them to gain insights into the ways in which migrants 

build social relationships with non-migrants and participate in urban restoration and development. By 

exploring the changing historical contingencies within which migrants live and work, Çaglar and Glick 

Schiller highlight how city-making invariably involves engaging with the far-reaching forces that 

dispossess people of their land, jobs, resources, neighborhoods, and hope. 

 

 


