AISW Vol. 8, No. 1:AISW Vol. 5, No. 2 Kinship Ties: Attachment Relationships that Promote Resilience in African American Adult Children of Alcoholics J. Camille Hall Abstract: For many African Americans, the extended family has been the source of strength, resilience, and survival. Although changes in African American families, like changes in all families in the United States that have diluted the importance of kinship ties, many African Americans continue to place a high value on extended family members. Children of Africans and communities of African descent tradi- tionally interact with multiple caregivers, consisting of kin, and fictive kin. Utilizing both attachment theory and risk and resilience literature, this paper discusses ways to better understand the resilient nature of African American families and how mul- tiple attachment relationships assist at-risk African American children, specifically adult children of alcoholics (ACOAs). Keywords: African-American, ACOAs, kinship ties INTRODUCTION Alcoholism is a complex phenomenon, with many factors affecting its onset, progress, and remission. The effects on individuals in the alcoholic’s life are equal- ly as complex, as is the fact of resiliency in many of those people (Hall, 2007; Hawley, 2000). It is estimated that one out of every eight Americans is the child of an alco- holic (NIAAA, 2002a, 2002b). A rather large body of current empirical research clear- ly indicates that there is great variability in adult children of alcoholics’ adjustment and that, not all children of alcoholics develop drinking problems or psychopathol- ogy as a result of their alcoholic parentage (Black, 2001). Many studies (Hall, 2007; NIAAA, 2002a; Velleman, 1999) have pointed to a common core of individual dis- positions and support systems in the extended family and community, which appear to foster resilience. This paper explores the effects of secure attachment relationships through a known support system within African American families, kinship ties, in promoting resilience among African American adult children of alcoholics (ACOAs). In this paper, factors related to ACOAs’ risk and resilience, and the protective functions of the kinship network within African Americans, which are significant in the development of kinship ties, are presented. I will conclude this paper by proposing an agenda for future research and implications for social work practice. 130 J. Camille Hall, Ph.D. is assistant professor, BSSW Program, College of Social Work, The University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN 37996. Copyright© 2007 Advances in Social Work Vol. 8 No. 1 (Spring 2007) 130-140. Indiana University School of Social Work. ALCOHOLISM AND AFRICAN AMERICAN ALCOHOLICS Alcohol is the world’s most commonly used drug. Unlike most addictive sub- stances, alcohol is legally available with minimal governmental regulation, does not require a prescription, is openly and frequently advertised, and is relatively inexpensive. Alcohol-related problems include economic losses resulting from time off of work, owing to alcohol-related illness and injury; disruption of family and social relationships; emotional problems; impact on health; violence and aggression; and legal problems. There is now a burgeoning interest in alcoholism among African Americans (NIAAA, 2002a). The National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) contends that alcoholism ranks almost certainly as the number one mental health problem, if not the most significant of all health problems in black urban communities (2002b). Determining the incidence of alcoholism in any community is difficult and largely depends on the definition one uses. The NIAAA (2002a) found that African Americans report significantly higher numbers of drinking consequences and alcohol-dependence symptoms than do whites. According to a report by the NIAAA (2002a), African Americans and whites report similar rates of frequent heavy drinking, but, African Americans are more likely to die of alcohol-related ill- nesses and injuries, such as cirrhosis of the liver and alcohol-related car crashes. Results from research studies on alcohol consumption among racial/ethnic groups found that African American men with relatively low incomes were signif- icantly more likely than their white counterparts to report high rates of alcohol dependence symptoms; the reverse was true for African American and white men with relatively high incomes (NIAAA, 2002a). Alcohol studies on African Americans make up a small but growing body of research. A report by the NIAAA summarized research regarding drinking patterns in African Americans as follows: 1) African Americans report higher abstention rates than do whites; 2) African Americans and whites report similar levels of fre- quent heavy drinking; 3) Rates of heavy drinking have not declined at the same rate among African American men and women as among white men; and 4) Variables, such as age, social class, church attendance, drinking norms, and cop- ing behaviors may be important in understanding differences in drinking and drinking problem rates among African Americans and whites (2002b). Adult Children of Alcoholics Data suggest that families with alcoholic members are often confused about the specific ways alcoholism has compromised their lives (Black, 2001; NIAAA, 2002a). The NIAAA (2002b) contend that the clinical literature focusing on the more dra- matic events associated with alcoholism gives a misleading picture of its impact on the family. Adult children of dysfunctional families, where alcoholism is pres- ent, are typically referred to as adult children of alcoholics (ACOAs). Numerous self-help books and other publications describe ACOAs as maladapted. More than 20 years ago, researchers first noted that children of alcoholics (COAs) appeared to be affected by a variety of problems over the course of their lifespans. Such prob- lems include fetal alcohol syndrome, which is first manifested in infancy; emo- tional problems and hyperactivity in childhood; emotional problems and conduct 131Hall/ACOAS ATTACHMENT RELATIONSHIPS problems in adolescence; and the development of alcoholism in adulthood (Black, 2001; NIAAA, 2002a, 2002b). Currently, there is a move to classify ACOAs’ identifiable and diagnosable char- acteristics as a separate clinical syndrome in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR) (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). COAs tend to encounter many serious problems as they attempt to fulfill the demands of adult life. The clinical literature has suggested that ACOAs may also be at risk for emotional and interpersonal problems (Black, 2001). ACOAs have reported more alcohol-related deaths, more frequent divorces, significantly less communication with their parents, and greater frequency of parental argu- ments and violence in their families of origin (Black, 2001; NIAAA, 2002a, 2002b). Limited data is available that examines the development of resilience among this population; very few studies have targeted the African American population. Although it is clear that many ACOAs experience difficulties within their families, it is also clear that many factors can contribute to positive adjustment outcomes. Extended family and/or social support networks found in African American fam- ily systems are known protective mechanisms for at-risk children. Research regarding the impact of kinship ties on fostering resilience among African American ACOAs is scarce. Researchers (Black, 2001; Hall, 2007; NIAAA, 2002a, 2002b) suggest that children of alcoholic parents may be at risk for developing a variety of self-esteem, depres- sive symptoms, coping problems, family dysfunction, and perceived lack of con- trol over events in their environment. Family circumstances define the nature and extent of the trauma, making a detailed examination of family environment important. In addition, COAs’ adjustment to the alcoholic member and their attempts to cope with and survive the realities of alcoholism may mediate the effects on COAs. Because it is clear that not all COAs are maladjusted, examination of the variables, such as secure attachment relationships with other family mem- bers, may have a role in buffering the stress of parental alcoholism and may pro- vide important insights. Alcoholic family environments have been demonstrated to exhibit a higher level of family conflict and a lower level of cohesion than non- alcoholic families. It is unclear whether those characteristics of the alcoholic fam- ily that lead to poor offspring outcome are specific to alcoholic families or are merely characteristic of dysfunctional families in general and may lead to similar negative outcomes in families where alcoholism does not play a role. Consequently, COAs’ status has been linked to various negative outcomes, while certain aspects of family environment (i.e., high conflict and low cohesion) have also been linked to negative offspring outcome. Alcoholic homes are not all alike, but there are threads of commonality. Conflict, inconsistency, and role confusion are daily occurrences. An air of tension is near- ly always present. Reality testing is difficult when the child is confronted by an alcoholic parent’s cycle between drinking and sobriety and also starts reactive cycles of turmoil (demanding heightened problem-solving and emotional states) and calmness for family members (Black, 2001; Hall, 2007). The ever-presence of alcoholism is such that families’ inclination to preserve homeostasis leads them to confront, yet accommodate to the alcoholic (NIAAA, 2002a). 132 ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK Which parent and how sick s/he is seems to be an important consideration. If the mother is an alcoholic, the household is usually more chaotic and the children suf- fer more, especially if the father escapes the drinking problem by overworking (Black, 2001). When the mother is an alcoholic, the oldest child may be turned into a surrogate housekeeper and companion, giving rise to the problems that accom- pany pseudo adulthood (Black, 2001). This is especially true for African American children living in an alcoholic home. In many cases, younger siblings in the home form a secure attachment to the eldest female (Hall, 2007; Werner & Smith, 1992). This child is respected and held in high regard, because of his or her ability to take care of everything and perform well. African American ACOAs in this role earn respect in the community (Hill, 1999). Werner (1999) asserted that the feeling of being responsible is a source of satisfaction for those providing assistance or sup- port to the family. McCubbin and Thompson (1998) pointed out that the African American female, because of culture, will also assume the role of hero in healthy family functioning and is unlikely to seek help for her problems because of the rewards of praise from the family for being responsible. Children in alcoholic homes live with chronic embarrassment. A lack of trust develops in children who grow up in alcoholic homes (Black, 2001; NIAAA, 2002a). One or both parents seemingly fail to nurture the child; hence the child discovers his or her parents cannot be depended on (Black, 2001; Hall, 2007). The availabili- ty of caring and emotionally supportive family, friends, siblings, teachers, and neighbors (multiple attachment relationships) help to mediate stressors for African American ACOAs. Bernard (1999), Hall (2007), Hawley (2000), and Werner (1999) found that, in the presence of stressful life events, the odds of child mal- treatment decreased as social support increased. Werner and Smith’s 1989 longi- tudinal study, covering more than 40 years, found that the presence of at least one caring person provides support for healthy development and learning (Werner & Smith, 1992). Participants in Hall’s study of African American ACOAs reported their problems decreased when kin and fictive kin provided support. Risk and Resilience Factors The literature is replete with references to the strengths and resiliency in African American families (Logan, 2000). African American families have received an abundance of negative press in regard to crime, violence, female-headed house- holds, joblessness, and alcohol and other drug use, while the positive aspects have not received comparable attention. At a time of widespread concern about the demise of the family, the African American family has much to teach us, because social workers need useful conceptual tools as much as techniques to support and strengthen families. McCubbin and Thompson (1998) found that knowledge of successful adaptation under stressful life conditions also strengthens the concep- tual base needed to frame both treatment and preventive intervention for high- risk youth, families, and especially ethnic minority families. Rutter (1994) noted that there are difficulties in presenting a format for research in an area in which there exists neither a substantial body of empirical data nor a formal conceptualization. Resilience implies the presence of two components in the lives and makeup of “at-risk” children: 1) the presence of sustained and intense life stresses, and 2) the maintenance of mastery and competence despite such 133Hall/ACOAS ATTACHMENT RELATIONSHIPS stress exposure. Garmezy (1993) posits that three types of protective factors emerge as recurrent themes from several diverse studies: 1) dispositional attrib- utes of the individual that elicit predominantly positive responses from the envi- ronment, such as physical, robustness, and vigor; an engaging, “easy” tempera- ment; good problem-solving and communication skills; and an area of compe- tence valued by the person or society; 2) socialization practices within the family that encourage trust, autonomy, initiative, and affectional ties to a stable, caring, competent adult, whether a parent, grandparent, older sibling, or other kin; and 3) external support systems in the neighborhood, school, church, or the community that reinforce self-esteem and self-efficacy and provide the individual with a posi- tive set of values. These “buffers” appear to make a more profound impact on the life course of children and youth who grow up under adverse conditions than do specific risk factors or stressful life events. Hence, these buffers appear to tran- scend geographical, historical, and social class boundaries and have been repli- cated in samples of Asian, Black, Caucasian, and Hispanic youth (NIAAA, 2002a). Hawley (2000) contends that specific family circumstances define the nature and extent of trauma; however, others (Bernard, 1999; Black, 2001; NIAAA, 2002a; Werner, 1999) have suggested that parental alcoholism can be conceptualized as a form of chronic stress and trauma. Risk factors are factors that have a statistically significant association with the occurrence of one or more harmful outcomes (e.g., physical and/or mental illness, substance abuse, poverty, racism). Resilience appears to be governed by interac- tions among protective factors within the individual, the family environment, and the larger social context. Werner (1999) documents how a chain of protective fac- tors is forged over time, making it possible for high-risk children to become com- petent, confident, and caring individuals. For example, when Werner and Smith examined the links among protective factors within the individual and outside sources of support, they noted a certain continuity that appeared in the life cours- es of the men and women who successfully overcame a variety of childhood adver- sities (including parental alcoholism) (Werner & Smith, 1992). Their individual dis- positions led them to select or construct environments that, in turn, reinforced and sustained their active, outgoing dispositions, and rewarded their competen- cies. There was, for example, a significant positive link between an “easy” infant temperament and the sources of support available to the individual in early and middle childhood. Werner (1999) posits that individual disposition is critical to being resilient. An understanding of the correlation between the infant and moth- er attachment behavioral systems is important for the development of resilience. Attachment theory also has relevance to our understanding of the role of the fam- ily in African American ACOAs’ lives. A broader discussion of kinship ties and social support, in the context of multiple attachment relationships, follows. KINSHIP TIES: A CULTURALLY UNIQUE PROTECTIVE MECHANISM Hollingsworth (1999) proposed that the African American community is central in the socialization of African American children. The childrearing strategies of African American families are protective of the child against the antagonistic envi- ronment located beyond the community and, in some cases, within the family. McCubbin and Thompson (1998) noted that, without the agency of caregivers 134 ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK from outside nuclear families, many black children would live significantly brief and less comfortable lives. This interaction gives meaning to the definition of fam- ily and the ways in which extended family members assist in socialization of the young. Multiple attachment relationships formed by kin and fictive kin caring for children began during slavery. According to Bowlby, a warm and continuous rela- tionship with a caregiver promotes psychological health and well-being through- out life in a manner that accords with the adaptive requirements of the human species (Thompson, 1999, p. 265). The Afrocentric paradigm proposes that, in African culture, humanity is viewed as a collective, rather than as individuals, and that this collective view is expressed as shared concern and responsibility for the well being of others (Mbiti, 1969). “My family, “my folks,” “my kin,” “my people” are terms used by African Americans to identify blood relatives and to denote relationships with special friends or “cared for” individuals who are not related. Thus, family is a group of people who feel they belong to each other, although they may or may not live in the same house, and those relationships are governed by complex rules that guide interactions and ensure that physical necessities and support are available to all. Common cultural patterns that have contributed to the resiliency of African American families include supportive social networks, flexible relationships within the family unit, a strong sense of religiosity, the extensive use of extended family, and a strong iden- tification with their racial group (Billingsley, 1992). It bears repeating that a discussion of African American family characteristics is exemplified in the extensive use of the entire family in childrearing, including sib- lings, and the extensive use of intergenerational support-giving (usually a grand- mother or aunt to a younger mother). Various scholars have found that many grandmothers, sisters, aunts, or cousins act as “other mothers” by taking on child- care responsibilities for one another’s children (Guy-Sheftall, 1995; Hill-Collins, 2000). In 1995, Guy-Sheftall added that the presence of other mothers in black extended families and community role modeling offers powerful support for the task of strengthening black selfhood. Hill-Collins (2000) adds that boundaries between biological mothers and other women who care for their children are fluid. Hence, a child living with an alcoholic parent can receive the nurturance and sup- port needed to become resilient. Juxtaposed with the role of motherhood, the parameters of fatherhood are broad in the African American community. Uncles, ministers, deacons, elders of the church, and male teachers can all be viewed as father figures. In his discussion of father-child interaction in the African American family, Denby (1996) noted that, given economic and social supports, African American fathers welcome the responsibilities of childrearing; black fathers, like fathers of all ethnic groups, take an equal part in childrearing decisions in the family. In the case of the dubious father who may require an extra incentive to fulfill his rightful responsibilities, eld- ers or male fictive kin fill in the gaps by encouraging and redirecting him towards familial matters of importance. These elders or male fictive kin also serve as role models, caretakers, tutors, and informal counselors for the youth of the commu- nity. African American ACOAs form attachment relationships with many family members. 135Hall/ACOAS ATTACHMENT RELATIONSHIPS ATTACHMENT THEORY The importance children having close ties may be understood in the context of attachment theory. The origin of attachment theory lies in the early work of John Bowlby, who posited that individuals are motivated to maintain a dynamic bal- ance between attachment to familiar situations and protective figures who pro- vide security and “antithetical exploratory and information-seeking behaviors” (Bretherton, 1992, p. 28). Bowlby (1988) introduced the idea that individuals may have multiple models of attachment figures. The first and most important test for Bowlby’s theory of attachment was conducted by Mary Ainsworth in a series of naturalistic and laboratory studies in which she coined the term “secure base rela- tionship” (Ainsworth, 1967). Bowlby’s evolutionary rationale is that infants in all cultures should demonstrate secure base behavior. Data provided by researchers support the idea that the secure base phenomenon is observable in different social and cultural contexts (see Ainsworth, 1985; Bretherton, 1992; Howes, 1999). In his early writings, Bowlby (1951) proposed that a child develops a hierarchy of attachment relationships: first, to the mother as the primary relationship, and then to others, specifically the father. Later, Ainsworth (1967) wrote that “nearly” all the babies in a Ganda sample, who became attached to their mothers during the peri- od spanned by observations, also became attached to some other familiar figure— father, grandmother, or other adult in the household, or to an older sibling (p. 67). Hence, Ainsworth acknowledged the possibility of other attachment figures. Although these findings show that the recognition of alternative attachment fig- ures has been a part of attachment theory since its development, attachment research has largely been conducted on the child-mother attachment relation- ship; considerably less is known about attachment to other familiar figures (Ainsworth, 1985). The significance of this theory for African American ACOAs is that it stresses the nature of alternative and multiple attachments found in the African American family system. These attachment relationships have been proven to be significant in the development of resilience (see Hall, 2007; Rice, Cunningham, & Young, 1997). Multiple and Cross-cultural Patterns of Attachment Various studies have generally shown that emotional availability and other aspects of emotional communication are predictive of security of attachment (see Ainsworth & Eichberg, 1991). For example, infants whose mothers are depressed are often insecurely attached, though not all infants of depressed parents will develop insecure attachments. It is the quality of caregiving, not the depression per se, that is predictive of attachment. Other factors, such as infant temperament, may be indirectly related to attachment, though causal relationships are difficult to demonstrate. Hence, it is reasonable to conclude that infant temperamental characteristics interact with caregiving to increase or decrease the probability of developing an insecure attachment. Unfortunately, A/COAs’ parents are not always available to nurture or provide them with a secure base for exploration, which is important for future development (Main, 1990). Fortunately, African American ACOAs have the benefit of multiple caregivers, who facilitate the devel- opment of secure attachment relationships. The African American family emits an opportunity for support and attachment relationships that serve as protective bar- 136 ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK riers against the negative dynamics of alcoholism. Attachment in a network of multiple caregivers is of crucial importance, because cross-cultural evidence shows that, in most societies, non-parental caretaking is either the norm or is fre- quently formed (Marvin et al., 1977). Rothbaum et al. (2000) argue that the focus on individuation and related qualities, such as self-reliance and efficacy, seems to lead many researchers to devalue reliance on others as a way of meeting one’s needs. Perhaps further exploration of multiple attachment relationships provided through kinship ties is a beginning step towards acknowledging the value and worth of interdependence found in the African American culture. DISCUSSION After years of focusing on pathology, social scientists have begun the task of iden- tifying strengths, resources, and talents of individuals and families. Werner and Smith’s 1989 longitudinal study of 49 at-risk children, which covers more than 40 years, found that the presence of at least one caring person provides support for healthy development and learning (see Werner and Smith, 1992). This availability of caring and emotionally supportive family, friends, siblings, teachers, and neigh- bors may mediate stressors. Bowlby clearly recognized that an infant can, and usu- ally does, become attached to more than one figure. In fact, Bowlby maintains that, at 9 or 10 months of age, most children have multiple attachment figures. The small but growing literature on attachment to an alternative caregiver suggests that this process is similar to that of the infant-mother attachment. Many, if not most of the infants in the United States today, will have multiple caregivers. Some longitudinal studies, several of which follow individuals over their entire lifespan, have consistently documented that, between half and two- thirds of children growing up in families with mentally ill, alcoholic, abusive, or criminally-involved parents or those in poverty-stricken or war-torn communities, do overcome the odds and turn a life trajectory of risk into one that manifests “resilience” (Bernard, 1999; Rutter, 1994; Weinfield, Sroufe, & Egeland, 2000; Werner & Smith, 1992). In sum, a key characteristic of resilient children was their history of having received whatever emotional nurturance is available in the family. Rice, Cunningham, and Young (1997) posit that an attachment bond can be considered a resource factor in the initiation of other relational support systems as well as serve as a factor in the evolution of coping skills necessary for managing develop- mental challenges. Rice and others (1997) further argue that, having an attach- ment to the mother, was not a significant predictor of social competency or emo- tional well-being among black and white adolescent students. Research has demonstrated that infant attachment security might provide a buffer, which allows for continued competence in the face of adversity (Weinfield, Sroufe, & Egeland, 2000). Difficult life experiences take their toll on children, despite possible avenues of resilience. Research has indicated that individuals with secure early histories may show a rebound to better functioning after setbacks. Furthermore, Rice and others (1997) found that, early on, children develop internal working models with multi- ple attachment figures, which enable them to bounce back and serve as protective 137Hall/ACOAS ATTACHMENT RELATIONSHIPS mechanisms when exposed to risky situations. By acknowledging the significance of kinship ties/bonds that serve as alternate attachment figures for at-risk popula- tions, we have identified a resource that enables African American ACOAs and/or groups to prevail against adversity. IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE The literature on ACOAs tends to focus mostly on males, alcoholics, and non-peo- ple of color. Studies tend to contain too few people of color to infer useful con- ceptual tools for understanding African American ACOAs. African American ACOAs, like all other children, are apprentices of their parents and family. They learn to function based on the models they observe. A variety of adults, older chil- dren, and friends also influence the self-concept and personality development of any one black child. The development of a positive self-concept for African American ACOAs is predicated based on their ability to overcome economic, environmental, and psychological stressors (parental alcoholism). In spite of these obstacles, African American families have been able to instill positive self- concept into their children. To uncover the role of kinship ties in fostering resilience, emphasis should be placed on the connection between African American functioning and the ACOAs’ attachment experiences within the context of the family and community. The prognosis for children growing up in alcoholic families is bleak. These chil- dren are twice as likely to develop an alcohol problem compared to children of abstainers and moderate drinkers. It is therefore important to help them modify their coping techniques to withstand their adverse conditions. Attachment to a caretaker in the first few years of life is apparently crucial to the child’s later abil- ity to cope with a chaotic household. Thus, when there is an infant in an alcoholic home, and the primary caretaker is unable to provide consistent care, extended family members who act as surrogates become important resources. Armed with this insight, attachment and risk and resilience theories provide a starting point for understanding some of the types of experiences that may help to inoculate at- risk children against the deleterious effects of stress. We infer from such research that adaptive, stressed children seemed to have enjoyed compensatory positive experiences outside the family and a bond with some supportive surrogate fig- ure/s. We infer too that these children appear to possess cognitive skills that are critical for adaptation under stress—social problem-solving skills marked by greater variability, flexibility, and resiliency. The ability of African American family members to exercise extendedness and role reversibility when faced with a crisis increases strong kinship ties and pro- vides a balance for the family in the event of prolonged illness of dysfunction among key family members. We may conclude, therefore, that modes of inter- vention are available for effecting change in less favored children. Surrogate fig- ures are to be sought, models are to be observed, and a more formal explanation invoked to teach those problem-solving skills so as to facilitate in a crisis. 138 ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK References Ainsworth, M.D.S. (1967). Infancy in Uganda: Infant care and the growth of attachment. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Ainsworth, M.D.S. (1985). Patterns of infant-mother attachment: Antecedents and effects of development. Bulletin of New York Medicine, 61, 771-791. Ainsworth, M.D.S., & Eichberg, C. (1991). Effects on infant-mother attachment of mother’s unresolved loss of an attachment figure or other traumatic experience. In C.M. Parkes, J. Stevenson-Hinde, & P. Marris (Eds.), Attachment across the life cycle (pp. 160-183). London: Tavstock. American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic statistical manual of mental disorders. (4th ed. text revised), Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Association. Bernard, B. (1999). Applications of resilience: Possibilities and promise. In M.D. Glantz, & J.L. Johnson (Eds.), Resilience and development: Positive life adaptations. Longitudinal research in the social and behavioral sciences (pp. 269-277). New York, NY: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Billingsley, A. (1992). Climbing Jacob’s ladder: The enduring legacy of African American families. New York: Simon and Schuster. Black, C.A. (2001). It will never happen to me: Growing with addictions as youngsters, adolescents, and adults. Minneapolis, MN: Hazelden. Bowlby, J. (1951). The nature of the child’s tie to his mother. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 39, 350-373. Bowlby, J. (1988). The secure base: Parent-child attachment and healthy human development. New York: Basic Books. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. Developmental Psychology, 28, 749-775. Denby, R.W. (1996). Resiliency and the African American family: A model of family preservation. Kansas: Westview Press. Garmezy, N. (1993). Resilience and vulnerability to adverse developmental outcomes associated with poverty. American Behavioral Scientist, 34, 416-430. Guy-Sheftall, B. (Ed.). (1995). Words of fire: An anthology of African-American feminist thought. New York: The New Press. Hall, J.C. (2007). An exploratory study of differences in self-esteem, kinship social support, and coping responses among black ACOAs and non-ACOAs. Journal of American College Health, 56(1), 49-54. Hawley, D.R. (2000). Clinical implications for family resilience. The American Journal of Family Therapy, 28, 101-116. Hill, R.B. (1999). The strengths of African American families; Twenty-five years later. New York: University Press of America. Hill-Collins, P. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). New York and London: Routledge. Hollingsworth, L.D. (1999). Symbolic interactionism, African American families, and the transracial adop- tion controversy. Social Work, 44(5), 443-453. Howes, C. (1999). Attachment relationships in the context of multiple caregivers. In J. Cassidy, & P.R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical implications (pp. 671-687). New York: Guilford Press. Logan, S.L.M. (Ed.). (2000). The black family: Strengths, self-help, and positive change. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Main, M. (1990). Parental aversion to infant-initiated contact is correlated with the parents own rejection during childhood: The effects of experience on signals of security with respect to attachment. In K.B. Barnard (Ed.), Touch (pp. 461-495). Madison, Connecticut: International Universities Press. Marvin, R.S., VanDevender, T.L., Iwanaga, M.I., LeVine, S., & LeVine, R.A. (1977). Infant-caregiver attach- ment among the Hausa of Nigeria. In H. McGurk (Ed.), Ecological factors in human development (pp. 247-259). Amsterdam: North-Holland. 139Hall/ACOAS ATTACHMENT RELATIONSHIPS Mbiti, J.S. (1969). African religions and philosophy. New York: Praeger. McCubbin, H.I., & Thompson, E.A. (Eds.). (1998). Resiliency in African-American families. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA). (2002a). Alcohol and minorities: An update. October (23). Rockville, MD: Author. National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA). (2002b). Children of alcoholics are they dif- ferent? January (55). Rockville, MD: Author. Rice, K.G., Cunningham, T.J., & Young, M.B. (1997). Attachment to parents, social competence and emo- tional well-being: A comparison of black and white late adolescents. Journal of Counseling and Psychology, 44(1), 89-101. Rothbaum, F., Weisz, J., Pott, M., Kazuo, M., & Morelli, G. (2000). Attachment and culture: Security in the United States and Japan. American Psychologist, October, 55(10), 1093-1104. Rutter, M. (Ed.). (1994). Stress, coping and development in children. London: Oxford University Press. Thompson, R.A. (1999). Early attachment and later development. In J. Cassidy & P.R. Shaver (Eds). Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical implications (pp. 265-286). New York: Guilford Press. Velleman, R. (1999). Risk and resilience: Adults who were the children of problem drinkers. Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers. Weinfield, N.S., Sroufe, L.A., & Egeland, B. (2000). Attachment from infancy too early adulthood in a high- risk sample: Continuity, discontinuity and their correlates. Child Development, 71(3), 695-702. Werner, E.E. (1999). Can we apply resilience? In M.D. Glantz, & J.L. Johnson (Eds.), Resilience and develop- ment: Positive life adaptations, longitudinal research in the social and behavioral sciences. (pp. 259-268). New York, NY: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Werner, E.E., & Smith, R. (1992). Overcoming the odds: High-risk children from birth to adulthood. New York: Cornell University Press. Author’s Note: Address correspondence to: J. Camille Hall, Ph.D, assistant professor, BSSW Program, 323 Henson Hall, College of Social Work, The University of Tennessee, 1618 Cumberland Avenue, Knoxville, TN 37996, USA. e-mail: jhall39@utk.edu. 140 ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK