_________ Ijeoma Nwabuzor Ogbonnaya, MSW, PhD, Associate Professor, Stephanie Lechuga-Peña, MSW, PhD, Associate Professor, Tina Jiwatram-Negrón, MSW, PhD, Assistant Professor, Felicia M. Mitchell, MSW, PhD, Watts Endowed Coordinator of Indigenous Scholarship & Associate Professor, Chandra Crudup, MSW, PhD, Associate Dean of Inclusive Design for Equity and Access & Clinical Associate Professor, Matt Ignacio, MSSW, PhD, Assistant Professor, Shanondora Billiot, MSW, PhD, Assistant Professor, Natasha S. Mendoza, MSW, PhD, Research Director & Associate Professor, School of Social Work, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ. Copyright © 2025 Authors, Vol. 25 No. 1 (Spring 2025), 36-50, DOI: 10.18060/28037 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Improving Hiring, Retention, and Promotion of BIPOC Faculty Ijeoma Nwabuzor Ogbonnaya Stephanie Lechuga-Peña Tina Jiwatram-Negrón Felicia M. Mitchell Chandra Crudup Matt Ignacio Shanondora Billiot Natasha S. Mendoza Abstract: Social workers are responsible for dismantling systems of oppression, promoting equity and inclusion, and creating and implementing just systems. Yet, the structural inequities that disadvantage historically marginalized populations, including BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) populations, continue to be embedded into the very thread of social work practice, education, and research. Using critical race theory, we discuss how race and racism lead to the undervaluing of BIPOC scholarship and how BIPOC scholars with intersecting identities are doubly undervalued. We provide empirical evidence and case examples that illustrate undervalued BIPOC scholarship and its ongoing impact on the oppression and disempowerment of BIPOC scholars within academia, specifically in the areas of hiring, retention, and promotion of BIPOC faculty. We end with recommendations for addressing these areas of oppression, such as convening a multi-university effort to rethink promotion criteria for scholars engaged in diversity, equity, and disparity work. Such an effort could have implications for promoting social work scholars, many of whom are BIPOC. We hope this paper initiates timely and essential discussions, leading to new, anti-racist practices in hiring and retaining BIPOC faculty and evaluating BIPOC scholarship and related teaching and service. Keywords: BIPOC, racism, Critical Race Theory, Intersectionality, racial/ethnic disparities, tenure and promotion Research demonstrates glaring disparities in rates of White and BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) faculty by academic rank. These disparities are even more apparent as faculty move across the tenure line and when disaggregated by gender. In fall 2022, among full-time faculty in postsecondary institutions with reported race/ethnicity, Black and Latina women represented 5% and 4% of assistant professors, respectively, and each represented only 2% of full professors (Institute of Education Sciences, 2025). Black and Latino men each comprised 3% of assistant professors; Black men represented 2%, and Hispanic men represented 3% of full professors. Asian men and women each comprised 7% of assistant professors, and 9% and 4% of full professors, respectively. Regardless of gender, Pacific Islander, American Indian/Alaska Native, and mixed-race (two or more races) faculty made up 1% or less of assistant and full professors. Conversely, White men and women comprised nearly three-quarters or more of tenure-line faculty positions: 30% of assistant professors were White men, and 38% were White women; 49% of full professors were White men, and 28% were White women. about:blank Ogbonnaya et al./IMPROVING RETENTION 37 Despite emphasizing social justice and equity (Council on Social Work Education [CSWE], 2021), schools of social work (SSW) are beset with similar racial disparities. The most recent available CSWE (2023) estimates revealed that more than half (59.1%) of full- time faculty members are White, 19.5% African American/Black, 1.2% American Indian/Alaska Native, 7.8% Asian, 8.3% Hispanic/Latinx, and 1.4% two or more races. Although these data were not disaggregated by tenure-line/status group or gender, given the disparities in the larger context of academia described above, we argue that similar racial/ethnic disparities also exist in SSW when comparing tenure-line faculty by tenure status and gender. The disproportionally lower rate of BIPOC faculty relative to White faculty in academia leads to tokenism (Niemann, 2016), helping to maintain racial and ethnic disparities in SSW (Azhar & McCutcheon, 2021) and silencing or excluding the voices of BIPOC scholars (Molina, 2008). When tokenized, BIPOC faculty are seen first for their race/ethnicity and second as peers or academics (McGee et al., 2021). Furthermore, as tokens, BIPOC faculty members must work harder to gain recognition and respect from their White colleagues and prove their qualifications for promotion and tenure (Niemann, 2016). Tokenism experienced by BIPOC faculty may result in feelings of isolation, alienation, and resentment (Antonio, 2002; Brayboy et al., 2012; Porter et al., 2020) and impact BIPOC faculty’s recruitment and retention, preventing them from entering or eventually leaving academia altogether (Baez, 1998; Griffin et al., 2011). Tokenism affords racial stereotypes and microaggressions (Azhar & McCutcheon, 2021). Constant exposure to racism and racial microaggressions can produce race-related stress or “racial battle fatigue” among BIPOC faculty (Arnold et al., 2016; Louis et al., 2016). The high effort exerted by BIPOC faculty to actively cope with chronic exposure to racial discrimination, also known as John Henryism (James, 1994; Rolle et al., 2021), comes at the expense of their mental (e.g., depression) and physical (e.g., hypertension) health. John Henryism also promotes imposter syndrome, a feeling of “being an imposter in higher education” (Woldai, 2021, p. 1), and can lead to burnout or loss of focus (Rolle et al., 2021). These effects can be more debilitating when one is of solo status or the only member of one’s racial group in a department (Sekaquaptewa, 2014). Applying the double or triple jeopardy hypothesis (King, 1988), the adverse effects of racism experienced by BIPOC faculty in predominantly White institutions (PWIs) increase if occupying two or three marginalized statuses than if occupying one. Thus, to help combat the racism experienced by BIPOC faculty, we, a group of BIPOC faculty, school, and college leaders who primarily identify as women, offer a paper discussing the critical need for SSW to better support BIPOC faculty throughout their careers. Drawing on Critical Race Theory’s (CRT; Bell, 1995; Crenshaw, 1989; Ladson- Billings, 2013; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) tenets of racism as endemic, intersectionality, and counter-narratives, we provide examples based on our personal experiences and research evidence (see Table 1) of how race and racism impact BIPOC faculty, and particularly, tenured/tenure-track (T/TT) faculty in PWIs (i.e., the academy) and lead to being undervalued and overburdened. We end with recommendations for addressing these areas of oppression by improving the hiring, retention, and promotion of BIPOC T/TT faculty. ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK, Spring 2025, 25(1) 38 Table 1. Examples of How Race and Racism Impact BIPOC Faculty in PWIs and Recommendations to Address These Areas of Oppression Examples Recommendations H ir in g ● Indirectly excluding BIPOC scholars from hiring, promotion, & tenure decisions due to policies that do not allow non-tenured faculty to be part of these decisions ● Hiring BIPOC faculty to fulfill diversity initiatives without providing retention support ● Low rates of BIPOC scholars in high-ranking social work positions (e.g., few BIPOC deans, directors, & journal editors) ● Create job announcements that are transparent about why BIPOC faculty are needed (e.g., “seeking faculty who have extensive lived, practice, & research experience with populations of the southwest"). Do not use coded language such as “diversity.” ● Hire more BIPOC faculty across all rankings & levels, not solely as assistant professors. Such constellation hires go one step further than cluster hires by creating webbed support systems for BIPOC faculty. ● Hire an external advisory board composed of BIPOC scholars & community representatives to inform hiring decisions & hold SSW accountable for decisions R et en tio n ● Tokenism- seen first for race/ethnicity & second as academics; attributed to historic exclusion of BIPOC faculty o Leaving the academy o Silenced- difficulty speaking out or going against social (White) normative expectations in academia; if they do, they face taxation ● John Henryism- high effort exerted by BIPOC faculty to actively cope with chronic exposure to racial discrimination o Poor physical & mental health o Burnout o Imposter syndrome ● Design formal, structured, & strong mentoring programs designed for BIPOC faculty, including racial/ethnic-specific programs ● Require ongoing training on racism & contending with its effects on well-being & equitable practices in academia, including implementation of ongoing evaluation & performance systems that examine their impacts. ● Educate doctoral students on the “taxation” BIPOC scholars encounter when matriculating & working in a PWI ● Educate doctoral students on how to navigate PWIs as a BIPOC ● Provide BIPOC faculty a safe space (virtual or physical) to discuss racial discrimination & stress & rejoice in BIPOC success Te ac hi ng ● Lack of BIPOC scholarship & writings used in social work courses ● Student evaluations consisting of gender & racial bias, especially when teaching race-focused courses ● Require pedagogical development to facilitate teaching outside of traditional white-centric perspectives, including how to engage in critical conversations using scholarship produced by BIPOC scholars ● Adjust teaching evaluation scores by giving less weight to scores associated with race-focused courses & instructors with one or multiple marginalized identities (e.g., BIPOC & women) ● Do not overburden faculty of color with race-focused courses. Rotating how often & how many race-focused courses BIPOC faculty teach can help to account for the emotional/psychological tax & evaluation consequences associated with teaching these critical courses Se rv ic e ● Overburdening BIPOC faculty with diversity, equity, & inclusion-related work yet failing to recognize and/or credit this work in tenure or promotion review ("invisible labor") ● Disproportionate BIPOC faculty: BIPOC student ratio, despite BIPOC students’ desire for culturally similar faculty ● Use a standard set of questions to engage in self-reflection & critical thinking (e.g., via written/video entries, group discussions) about biases at the intersection of race & gender & examine how these biases might have influenced their decisions, developing practices & policies to mitigate such harm ● Use a team mentoring approach, including one BIPOC faculty & one non-BIPOC faculty member when mentoring students to help disperse labor R es ea rc h ● Failing to recognize the effort & time associated with community-based research & the impact it may have on promotion-related timelines ● Prioritizing the number of publications in hiring, promotion, & tenure decisions over the time needed to engage BIPOC populations in research due to historical, ethical, & cultural issues ● Undervaluing publications in journals with "low" impact scores, even though journals may focus on specific BIPOC populations with open access to communities & practitioners ● Replace or supplement white-centric measures as indicators of scholarly success (e.g., h-index, impact factor) with metrics that account for diversity work (e.g., publications focused on race, ethnicity, racism, & diversity science; community experts; BIPOC scholar mentor) ● Increase the number of reviewers, including editors-in-chief, editorial board members, & ad hoc reviewers, who are BIPOC & experts in BIPOC-focused research ● Create pilot funding to invest in BIPOC scholarship Note: BIPOC = Black, Indigenous, and People of Color; SSW = schools of social work; PWI = predominantly White institution Ogbonnaya et al./IMPROVING RETENTION 39 CRT and BIPOC Tenured and Tenure-Track Faculty The first tenet of CRT we present, racism as endemic, acknowledges that race continues to be a significant factor in determining inequity in the United States (Bell, 1995; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). For example, Delgado Bernal and Villalpando (2002) argue that BIPOC faculty are undervalued as a strategy to support and maintain the historical (male) White dominance and supremacy in academia. The second tenet, intersectionality, considers multiple identities such as race, gender, and class (Crenshaw, 1991). It is widely accepted that BIPOC women scholars experience a “double jeopardy;” they are expected to handle gender and racial inequities (Turner, 2002). BIPOC women faculty frequently encounter “unequal standards of having to work harder and prove themselves more” in the academy (Corley, 2020, p. 1). They are presumed incompetent and must continuously demonstrate their competence and contributions (Flaherty, 2019; Mitchell & Miller, 2011; Niemann et al., 2020). The last tenet, counter-narratives, documents how oppression operates in the everyday lives of BIPOC (Ladson-Billings, 2013; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) and how BIPOC faculty experience invisibility and hypervisibility within the academy (Settles et al., 2019). In particular, BIPOC women faculty members have shared their experiences with microaggressions and tokenism, finding the academic environment to be competitive, isolating, and lacking a sense of community (Cooke, 2014; Jackson et al., 2022; Ponjuan et al., 2011). Tenure and Promotion Issues related to problematic and pathological environments are compounded when BIPOC faculty seek promotion and tenure (PT). T/TT faculty are expected to fulfill teaching, service, and research obligations to achieve PT. Many schools use student evaluations to assess teaching. However, these evaluations consist of gender and racial bias (Anderson & Smith, 2005; Huston, 2005), contributing to the career advancement gaps between BIPOC and White faculty (Mendez & Mendez, 2018). Biased student evaluations are particularly risky for BIPOC social work faculty who teach race-focused courses (Perry et al., 2015). Students, especially White students, are more likely to prefer White faculty and assume they are more competent than BIPOC faculty (Mendez & Mendez, 2018). Although teaching is not always heavily weighted in PT decisions, particularly at research- intensive universities, BIPOC faculty members might face a “retaliation tax,” in which their teaching evaluations are weighted more heavily than those of White faculty and used to retaliate by denying tenure or merit-based raises (Arnold et al., 2021). Additionally, BIPOC faculty, especially women, are frequently overburdened with service responsibilities (Domingo et al., 2020) compared to their White male colleagues (Social Sciences Feminist Network Research Interest Group, 2017). BIPOC faculty must manage the cultural taxation (Padilla, 1994) associated with being one of the few or sole BIPOC faculty members identified to address their school’s diversity-related issues and the growing diverse student body (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012; Law et al., 2019; Rideau, 2021; Sekaquaptewa, 2014). This extra work often becomes "invisible labor,” unaccounted for in PT decisions (Beeman, 2021; Porter et al., 2020; Reid, 2021; Rucks-Ahidiana, 2019). BIPOC faculty who decline excess service incur a “group status tax” (Arnold et al., 2021); ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK, Spring 2025, 25(1) 40 they are viewed as not being “nice” or “collegial,” and those who participate may still be marginalized for speaking their mind rather than passively accepting their White colleagues' idea (Molina, 2008), which serves to silence BIPOC colleagues. Moreover, some BIPOC faculty opt not to decline additional service roles for fear of retaliation (Arnold et al., 2021). Research productivity is judged on quality, quantity, and visibility (Hodge et al., 2020). The assumption is that more citations indicate better quality work, and one's work is more likely to be cited if published in prestigious or highly visible ("high impact") journals (Hodge et al., 2021). PT and hiring committees use citation-based metrics to assess research quality and visibility (e.g., h-index, impact factors; Allen et al., 2017; Seipel, 2003). However, citation-based metrics may undermine BIPOC scholarship, hindering the success of BIPOC faculty in the PT process. BIPOC scholars have fewer publications and lower h-index figures than White scholars due to systemically racist practices, such as not being cited as frequently or included as an author in publications, limited funding, and lack of mentorship (Hopkins et al., 2013; McFarling, 2021). Further, many BIPOC faculty engage in research focused on BIPOC communities (Madyun et al., 2013; Matthews et al., 2021). However, BIPOC-focused journals (e.g., Journal of Indigenous Social Development, Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences) are typically not considered "high impact" or prestigious (Hall & Maramba, 2001). Thus, BIPOC faculty must sometimes choose between publishing in more mainstream journals versus those more relevant to their work (Arnold et al., 2021). Scholars conducting BIPOC-focused research might also face a “leading edge tax,” receiving fewer rewards for their research if it is BIPOC-focused (e.g., less funding). Further, they may incur a “credibility tax,” in which the credibility or legitimacy of their research is questioned due to their epistemological perspectives (Arnold et al., 2021). The dominant view is that the most rigorous science is objective, using methods aligned with causal principles (e.g., randomization) and testing the cause-and-effect relationship between variables (Granger, 1980; Langley et al., 2019). Although some BIPOC faculty conduct research aligned with these epistemological assumptions, many use methods that give voice to marginalized populations (e.g., qualitative methods, community-based participatory research; Delgado Bernal & Villalpando, 2002; Matthews et al., 2021). These methods require more time and effort due to the historical, ethical, and cultural issues faced by marginalized groups, as well as the complexities involved in community-research partnerships (Wilson et al., 2018). Furthermore, social bounds define White men as the prototype full professor (Reid & Curry, 2019), privileging them as gatekeepers and supporting their conscious and unconscious exclusion of BIPOC scholars from positions of power (Gonzales, 2018; Lamont & Molnár, 2002). For example, researchers with a history of funding are more likely to get funded than those without (Ginther et al., 2012). Consequently, White researchers have an advantage over BIPOC scholars when competing for funding, particularly funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH). White researchers are twice as likely to receive NIH funding as Black researchers (Ginther et al., 2011; Hoppe et al., 2019). New initiatives must address this disparate treatment and the other forms of Ogbonnaya et al./IMPROVING RETENTION 41 systemic racism that permeate academia and negatively influence BIPOC faculty careers. As such, we provide the following recommendations for SSW. Recommendations for Decreasing Racial and Ethnic Inequities Among SSW Faculty Although the social work field has acknowledged the disparate treatment and outcomes of BIPOC scholars (e.g., Holosko et al., 2018; McMahon & Allen-Meares, 1992; Schiele & Hopps, 2009; University of Houston, 2021), we are a long way from addressing these inequities. As Teasley et al. (2021) state, “the grand challenge to eliminate racism calls for the social work profession to focus on the centrality of racism and White supremacy. . .” (p. 1). Institutional-level efforts to eliminate racism (e.g., changes in productivity metrics, recruitment, and PT guidelines) are necessary for long-lasting changes that support the hiring, retention, and promotion of BIPOC faculty (Bryson et al., 2024; Diaz et al., 2020; Rabinowitz & Valian, 2022). One hurdle to eliminating racism is using white-centric measures as indicators of scholarly success. Such measures often discount BIPOC scholarship. SSW must make the "invisible labor" of BIPOC faculty visible by transforming how decisions are made regarding what constitutes valuable scholarship. In addition to recognizing and weighing invisible labor with students and diversity-related initiatives, indicators of research quality should account for BIPOC-related domains, including time-intensive research methods often used by BIPOC scholars and work published in BIPOC-focused journals. Other disciplines have already begun discussing ways to redesign scientific assessments to account for diversity work. For example, Buchanan et al. (2020) propose using a Diversity Accountability Index for Journals. This index includes benchmarks for ensuring that psychology journals promote BIPOC research (e.g., publications focused on racism and diversity science; BIPOC scholar mentor). Building on Buchanan and colleagues’ (2020) idea, we propose that social work researchers develop and test diversity metrics to assess research productivity and that social work journals report these metrics. The social work research community can utilize these metrics in place of, or in combination with, existing measures to assess scholarly impact in more culturally responsive ways (Huggins-Hoyt, 2018). However, similar to what happened when NIH increased funds for health equity research (McFarling, 2021), we caution that these diversity metrics could inadvertently lead to social work scholars who never focused on BIPOC populations doing so solely to advance their careers. Thus, if using these metrics, it is imperative that social work journals also increase the number of reviewers, including editors-in-chief, editorial board members, and ad hoc reviewers, who are BIPOC and experts in BIPOC-focused research (Watts, 2021). Additionally, social work journals can require authors to include a “community statement.” This statement or letter of support should describe the potential impact of the BIPOC-focused research from the perspective of a BIPOC community member sharing characteristics like those of the participants involved in the research. Doing so could further help validate the research's impact on BIPOC populations. SSW must also employ an intersectional lens to account for the disparities between BIPOC T/TT women faculty and their White counterparts. For example, if using student ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK, Spring 2025, 25(1) 42 evaluations, SSW PT committees should adjust evaluation scores, giving less weight to scores associated with race-focused courses and instructors with one or multiple marginalized identities (e.g., BIPOC and women). Additionally, using standard questions, SSW PT and hiring committee members should engage in self-reflection and critical thinking (e.g., via written/video entries, and group discussions) about their biases at the intersection of race and gender and examine how these biases might have influenced their decisions, developing practices and policies to mitigate such harm. Finally, SSW must value the lived experiences and narratives of BIPOC T/TT faculty who have historically been marginalized and excluded in the academy. While counter- narratives highlight our own racial and gender oppression in the academy, they are provided to address broader social justice issues in social work to help our profession consider how to value and honor BIPOC faculty. To give voice to BIPOC faculty, SSW must hire and retain more BIPOC faculty across all rankings, not solely as assistant professors (Watts, 2021). Doing so can also reduce the burdens associated with tokenism and the burden of being solo status. Being hired with tenure, especially as a full professor or dean/director, gives BIPOC faculty more power and may have significant implications for the career progression of BIPOC tenure-track faculty (Ogbonnaya et al., 2023). With more power comes more opportunities to lead decision-making bodies (e.g., chair hiring committees). Additionally, given the job security associated with tenure, BIPOC faculty may feel safer speaking out against school policies and practices that negatively impact the BIPOC community. SSW aiming to hire more BIPOC faculty should avoid inherently biased recruitment strategies (e.g., based on the number of publications, funding, and graduate school). For example, in addition to using a diversity metric like the one described above, hiring committees should hire an external advisory board composed of BIPOC scholars and community representatives to inform hiring decisions and hold them accountable for their choices (Campos, 2021). Further, job announcements should avoid coded language such as “diversity” (Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017). Rather, announcements should speak to the merit and qualifications of potential BIPOC candidates. For example, highlight the diverse perspectives that are missing at the school and explain why these perspectives are necessary. Being transparent about why BIPOC faculty are needed can help candidates assess the potential diversity-related challenges they may experience if hired and, based on this assessment, determine if the school is a good fit for them. It may also help current faculty value the open position more, improving their chances of respecting the BIPOC candidate as someone qualified and vital, rather than as merely hired to fulfill a diversity need. To appropriately support BIPOC faculty once hired and improve their long-term retention chances, SSW must also transform their organizational culture into one that is supportive of BIPOC faculty. Supporting BIPOC faculty means taking active steps to tangibly value and promote their scholarship, while also improving school culture, practices, and policies. “Diversity” hires are not enough to shift the racial and gendered power dynamics in academia from one that favors whiteness and maleness /misogyny to one that is inclusive (Smith & Mayorga-Gallo, 2017). Ogbonnaya et al./IMPROVING RETENTION 43 Standardized anti-racist policies and practices are essential for holding SSW and their employees accountable for racism. For example, all employees should be required to participate in ongoing training on racism and contending with its effects on well-being and equitable practices in academia (Watts, 2021). To ensure that what is taught is implemented, this training should be paired with ongoing, annual performance evaluations related to the training content. Additionally, pedagogical development is required to facilitate teaching outside of traditional white-centric perspectives, including how to engage in critical conversations using scholarship produced by or about BIPOC. Doctoral students should be taught to navigate PWIs based on their race/ethnicity and educated on the “taxation” BIPOC scholars encounter when matriculating and working in a PWI (Jackson et al., 2022; Outlaw, 2021). Recognizing that racial inequalities exist in federal grant funding distribution, SSW should create a pilot funding program to invest in BIPOC scholarship and mechanisms for ongoing support, thereby increasing the chances that larger funding agencies will fund and continue funding this work after the pilot is complete. Such support may include assistance with marketing and promoting the pilot work, cultivating relationships with funders, identifying potential co-investigators, and framing or reframing research that is typically resisted by White academics, without altering or compromising the primary research interests and aims. SSW must not confuse John Henryism with resilience or strength, as the long-term health effects of John Henryism are detrimental and could lead to premature death (Zambrana, 2018). Thus, prevention and intervention are necessary to address John Henryism. At the institutional level, SSW can help BIPOC faculty cope with John Henryism by providing a safe space (virtual or physical) to discuss racial discrimination and stress (Palfrey, 2017). We define safe spaces as environments where BIPOC faculty are comfortable sharing their experiences because they trust that what is shared in the space will not lead to negative repercussions and will remain confidential. Recognizing that trust is something that is developed over time and dependent on past experiences, SSW may help foster this trust by creating policies that protect BIPOC scholars against potential retaliation associated with sharing their experiences of racism in academia and hiring leaders who are willing to address concerns of racism or discrimination shared by BIPOC faculty (e.g., Lin & Kennette, 2022). Disclosing experiences of racism can improve physical health, especially among Black women (Lu et al., 2019). Additionally, Azhar and McCutcheon (2021) recommend creating a space to celebrate the success of BIPOC faculty. This form of recognition may help BIPOC faculty cope with impostor syndrome. At the individual level, BIPOC faculty can cope with racism in the academy by being resilient; challenging ways of thinking about race; mentoring doctoral students and junior faculty of color to help their future success; finding internal and external support from other faculty of color; separating personal from professional life; and praying and seeking spirituality and faith-based support (Baez, 1998; Griffin et al., 2011; Louis et al., 2016; McGee et al., 2021). BIPOC faculty also need to be self-reflective of their own needs and aware of ways internalized racism may develop. SSW should incorporate formal mentoring programs designed for BIPOC faculty to support these coping mechanisms. Mentorship is a prominent theme in the success of BIPOC faculty, increasing research productivity and bicultural competence (Allen et al., ADVANCES IN SOCIAL WORK, Spring 2025, 25(1) 44 2017; Mendoza et al., 2019). Thus, social work researchers might consider designing and testing BIPOC faculty mentoring programs to ensure they are evidence-based and effective. Recognizing that not all BIPOC faculty experience the same challenges (e.g., anti-Blackness, anti-Asian, first-generation) and coping mechanisms for dealing with racism and stress differ culturally (McGee et al., 2021), race- or ethnicity-specific mentoring programs could assist BIPOC faculty with approaches for navigating PWIs while simultaneously staying true to one’s identity. Such programs may be even more impactful if, in addition to race/ethnicity, BIPOC faculty are matched with mentors based on other shared identities (e.g., gender, sexual orientation) and interests (e.g., research topic). Regarding student mentoring, we suggest a team mentoring approach involving BIPOC and White faculty to help alleviate and better disperse the considerable amount of time spent by BIPOC faculty mentoring BIPOC students (Brunsma et al., 2016). If this approach is used, mentor training is also imperative to help faculty understand the unique challenges and barriers that BIPOC students face in academia, primarily those in PWIs (Ocampo & BlackDeer, 2022), and prevent the backlash sometimes experienced by BIPOC faculty after White faculty attempt to mentor students of color (Mustafa, 2023). In conclusion, a collective, multisystemic, and inter-institutional effort is needed to instill change. Without critically examining and changing SSW policies, practices, and values responsible for racial/ethnic disparities in hiring, promotion, and tenure, we allow the foundation of racism to remain intact and, thereby, risk being unable to make long-term progress towards improving the experiences of BIPOC faculty. Organizational and institutional change must occur for lasting effects to occur. 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Author note: Ijeoma Nwabuzor Ogbonnaya, Arizona State University, School of Social Work, University Center 411 N Central Ave #800 Phoenix, AZ 85004. Email: iogbonna@asu.edu, Fax: (602) 496-0960 Acknowledgments: We wish to acknowledge Drs. Kelly F. 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