431 Blaha Copyedited.docx


VOLUME 42, 2023
ISSN 1093-7099

EDITORS: BEVERLY J. IRBY, NAHED ABDELRAHMAN, BRAD BIZZELL, AND JULIA BALLENGER
ASSISTANT EDITOR: JORDAN DONOP



Advancing Women in Leadership Vol. 42, 34-47, 2023
Available online at http://www.awlj.org/
ISSN 1093-7099

Full Length Research Paper

The Invisible Labor for Emerging Women Leaders: A Critical Analysis of
Literature in Higher Education

Kathryn R. Blaha, Kristine Reed, Lisa A. Newland, Karen Card, & Larianne Polk
Kathryn R. Blaha: Doctoral Student, University of South Dakota, kathryn.r.blaha@gmail.com

Kristine Reed: Professor Emerita, University of South Dakota, kristine.reed@usd.edu
Lisa A. Newland: Professor of Human Development and Educational Psychology, University of South Dakota, lisa.newland@usd.edu

Karen Card: Associate Professor of Adult and Higher Education, University of South Dakota, karen.card@usd.edu
Larianne Polk: Educational Service Unit 7 Chief Administrator, University of South Dakota, polk.larianne@gmail.com

Accepted March 6, 2023

While studies focused on gender and negotiations have explored the procedures or outcomes of the negotiation, little is known
about how women experience the process of negotiation for salary and compensation. This hermeneutic phenomenological study
gave voice to female school superintendents’ experiences with negotiation through 11 semi-structured interviews in the
Midwestern US. Each 60-minute interview was recorded, transcribed, and verified. Keywords and phrases were identified, and
clusters of meaning were developed to articulate themes and provide detailed descriptions of what women experienced
throughout the negotiation process. Trustworthiness techniques were utilized in this study, including journaling, bridling, and
member checking. Six themes emerged from the 11 semi-structured interviews: I am a Woman in a Man’s World (Still),
Negotiating for Myself is Uncomfortable, The School Board Holds the Cards, Experience and Salary Data are Key, Fairness is
Important, and Female Leaders Need Support. Recommendations are provided to bolster support and preparation for women’s
participation in negotiation, including creation of network support groups, mentorship programs, and personal development
opportunities, as well as further education for school boards regarding gender bias and disparity in negotiation.
Recommendations are also provided for future research regarding female superintendents’ experiences of negotiations.

Keywords: leadership, female superintendents, negotiation, gender, salary, compensation

While a variety of factors, including experience and
qualifications, can influence employment compensation,
negotiation remains key. Kugler et al.’s (2018) recent
meta-analysis revealed consistent gender differences in
negotiations. Their work highlights the continued inequality of
resource distribution amongst males and females, which
reinforces the glass ceiling and the gender wage gap. Yet little
is known about female personal experiences with negotiation
for compensation (in part because of their tendency not to
negotiate). There is even less research on women in specified
fields (e.g., K-12 administration).

In this qualitative study, the negotiation experiences of 11
female superintendents are explored. While previous studies
have focused on negotiation processes or outcomes, relatively
little work has focused on the lived experiences of females –
particularly from rural Midwest public school systems. A
phenomenological approach was therefore taken to study
female superintendents’ lived experiences of advancement and
salary/compensation negotiation. This allows the female voice
to be heard and recognized in a male-dominated world.

Methodology for this study included purposeful sampling of
female superintendents, whose responses to the semi-structured
interviews were analyzed. Six themes emerged: I am a Woman
in a Man’s World (Still), Negotiating for Myself is
Uncomfortable, The School Board Holds the Cards, Experience
and Salary Data are Key, Fairness is Important, and Female
Leaders Need Support. Limitations, recommendations for
practice, and suggestions for future research are identified.

The Female Experience in School Leadership

Women entering the superintendency tend to do so later in their
careers than males (Robinson et al., 2017). Alarmingly, the
number of women in the superintendency does not reflect the
number of women qualified to hold the position (Rodriguez,
2019; Tarbutton, 2019). This discrepancy is based on biases
that influence candidate recruitment and stereotypes regarding
women’s capacity to be successful leaders that are still
prevalent (Superville, 2017). The United States’ educational
system has a gendered career system that favors males over
females in leadership roles at all levels (Kolb. 2012; Maranto et

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al., 2019). This gender bias has implications regarding what
topics can be negotiated and by whom (Kolb, 2012; Kolb &
McGinn, 2009). Kolb’s work called to light the “role of
institutionalized social practices that sustain gender differences
and inequalities” (2009, p. 515). Social reinforcement of gender
distinctions has allowed “second generation gender issues [to]
become embedded in institutional cultures and practices” (Kolb
& McGinn, 2009, p. 5). This inequality continues even when
women advance into leadership positions (Gresham &
Sampson, 2019).

Women, Negotiations, Salary, and the Gender Pay Gap

Northouse (2019) drew attention to a major behavioral
difference between women and men; men readily self-promote
and negotiate, while women typically do not. In fact, women
negotiate at a much lower rate than men (Fischer & Bajaj,
2017; Kugler et al., 2018). To complicate things further, males
may be viewed as “more deserving of benefits and rewards over
equivalent women” which in turn makes it more acceptable and
appropriate for men to ask (Kolb 2012, p. 131). It is also
suggested women hold lower pay expectations than their male
counterparts, negotiate less intensely, and as a result, accept
lower outcomes (Mazei et al., 2015). The likelihood of
negotiating and the outcomes achieved when negotiating
wage-setting arrangements can be very impactful on access to
opportunities and other resources (Blau & Kahn, 2017;
Northouse, 2019). Through negotiations, one may profit in
ways that include improving salaries, benefits, and careers
(Kugler et al., 2018).

Toosi et al. (2019) found that gender disparities in pay over a
lifetime are closely connected to starting salaries. Failing to
negotiate the initial salary is so significant and challenging to
overcome that it has been argued the wage gap between the
sexes is primarily due to discrepancies in entering salaries
(Babcock & Laschever, 2007). Therefore, women need to
negotiate early and consistently to improve their economic
standing (Toosi et al., 2019).

The gender wage gap is ascribed to females’ behavior to
negotiate less regularly and less effectively than their male
counterparts (Kugler et al., 2018). The differences associated
with gender are influential in connection to negotiation
behaviors and are also associated with the wage gap between
the sexes (Catalyst, 2021). Yet, focusing on gender differences
may place blame on women and in turn ignores the culture and
institution that may be contributing to the wage gap (Meyerson
& Fletcher, 1999). When acknowledging females’ careers over
their lifetimes, the ripple effect associated with the outcomes of
negotiations cannot be overlooked (Pardal et al., 2020).
Recognizing the impact gender differences have on
negotiations helps highlight the inequitable allocation of funds
between males and females while reinforcing concepts
including the glass ceiling and the gender wage gap (Kugler et
al., 2018).

Purpose and Rationale for the Study

While studies focused on gender and negotiations have
explored the process or outcomes of the negotiation, little is
known about how women experience the process of negotiation
for salary and compensation. This phenomenological study
gave voice to female school superintendents’ experiences with
negotiation. Creswell and Poth (2018) explained that this
exploration through qualitative research provides researchers an
opportunity to develop a deeper understanding of a complex
issue and further insight into “the process that people
experience, why they responded as they did, the context in
which they responded, and their deeper thoughts and behaviors
that governed their responses” (Creswell & Poth, 2018, p. 46).

Heidegger, the father of hermeneutic phenomenology, held “the
assumption that humans live in the world as interpretive beings
in a continuously interpreted world” (Vagel, 2018, p. 81).
Researchers use hermeneutic phenomenology to study the lived
experience to get at the essence of the experience and
thoughtfully describe its meaning to others, balancing
interpretation with bias/assumption checking in a cyclical
process (Vagel, 2018). In that way, the meaning of a lived
experience is gathered and reduced to its essence to facilitate
understanding of the phenomenon (Creswell & Poth, 2018).
The purpose of this qualitative hermeneutic phenomenology
was to develop an understanding of how female superintendents
experience negotiation through description and the meaning
they ascribe to that process. By exploring how female school
superintendents experience salary negotiations, this study fills a
gap in the literature while allowing for the participants’ voices
and insights to be heard. In hermeneutic phenomenology’s
interpretive style, attention is paid to a conceptual framework
for the problem (Peoples, 2021; Vagel, 2018). In this study,
Kolb’s (and others’) work on female negotiations provides the
framework for understanding this phenomenon.

Method

Participants

Purposeful sampling was used to ensure that participants could
provide insight into the phenomenon being studied (Creswell &
Poth, 2018). Each of the eleven female participants was leading
a public K-12 school district as a superintendent. Two rural
Midwestern states were chosen for sampling because of the
limited research on the topic in that demographic area. In
addition, accessibility of the data to the researcher was
considered. The sample was chosen to highlight the similarities
and differences in salaries and negotiation processes based on
salary data, in what are otherwise very similar Midwest states.
Most of the participants were white, which is reflective of the
general demographics of female superintendents in this area.
District size ranged from approximately 176 to 25,000 students.
Participant superintendent experience ranged from 4 to 18
years, total years of experience in education ranged from 16 to
39 years, and years of experience with negotiation ranged from
zero to 13 years.

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Procedures

Several inclusion criteria were identified, specifically: job title,
gender, place of employment, and experience with negotiations.
Such criteria were in place to ensure the participants selected
held the position of the superintendent as their job title, were
female, held employment in a public school district within the
geographical region of the Midwest, and had either participated
in or elected to forgo the negotiation process. The eleven
participants who met the criteria were interviewed using audio
and video recordings.

Interview Protocol

In phenomenological research, data are often collected through
interviews with a group of people who have experienced the
studied phenomenon. This interview is a conversation-based
interaction where knowledge is developed as the researcher
tries to understand the interviewee’s point of view in her world
to find meaning (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2015). The researcher
used a semi-structured interview which lasted approximately 60
minutes. Semi-structured interviews allowed for interview
questions to be developed to ensure research relevancy and that
the main characteristics of the study were addressed while
providing the participants the opportunity to discuss other
material that could be relevant to the study (Peoples, 2021).

The semi-structured interviews included five sets of questions.
The questions were grouped and included questions addressing
the participants’ years in education, years as a superintendent,
and years in the current school district; questions associated
with gender and leadership addressing the participants’ role as a
female superintendent and obstacles they may have faced;
questions related to gender and social roles/norms addressing
how gender roles and social norms may have impacted their
experience as a superintendent; questions related to negotiation
experience(s) addressing how many times the participants had
experienced negotiations and various aspects of their
experience; and questions providing the opportunity to share
information not previously addressed.

Data Analysis

The goal of data analysis in a phenomenological study aims to
provide a comprehensive narrative drawing from essential
themes identifiable to those who have experienced the
phenomenon (Peoples, 2021). Each interview was recorded and
analyzed using qualitative data analysis techniques. All data
were treated equally during this process, as Merriam and Tisdel
(2016) recommend. After identifying keywords and phrases,
the researcher developed clusters of meaning to articulate
themes and provide detailed descriptions of what was
experienced and how it was experienced (Creswell & Poth,
2018). Journaling and bridling were used to offset potential
bias. Journaling allows the researcher to track adjustments and
changes in thinking as data is analyzed and reflect on her
thinking to view the phenomenon more clearly and impartially
(Peoples, 2021). Bridling assists with recognizing one’s beliefs

to prevent them from compromising one’s openness to the
phenomenon and is more suitable for hermeneutic
phenomenology than bracketing (Vagel, 2018).

Participants were offered opportunities to review their
transcripts to help ensure the study’s trustworthiness, as
supported by Shenton (2004). Two participants also completed
member checks. Member checks ensure internal validity by
asking for feedback from the participants and checking for
accuracy (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Such checks help prevent
misinterpretation and ensure the participants’ perspectives are
given while also serving as a way to identify researcher biases
and misunderstandings (Maxwell, 2013). Confidentiality and
anonymity were upheld through pseudonyms to protect
participants.

Findings

Upon analysis of the data, six themes emerged in connection to
the female superintendents’ negotiation experiences. While the
themes are representative of the participants’ lived experiences
in both states, there are noted differences between the states as
well – most noticeable was the availability of data through
transparency or the lack of such. Nebraska’s Superintendent
Pay Transparency Act places stipulations and expectations
regarding publishing superintendent contracts (Gessford, 2014).
Access to such contracts could allow for data analysis and the
potential use of such data to become talking points during
negotiations. This data is gathered into a spreadsheet that
provides salaries, benefits, and days of the contract, among
other things, to allow for comparability studies.
Superintendents draw upon this readily available information to
help them prepare for negotiations. While South Dakota
requires educators’ pay to be published, South Dakota does not
have as robust of a policy as Nebraska. One resource
commonly accessed is a salary survey created by a professional
organization, which gathers self-reported pay and is shared with
its members.

It is important to note that context matters in negotiations
within the public educational system. There are inherent limits
within the educational system. Namely, the elected members of
the school board have power when working within the confines
of the school board meetings and exert such influence through
voting. Furthermore, as public schools are funded mainly
through federal, state, and local funds, decisions are often
financially driven. As the school board governs the school, the
use of resources is an important responsibility to oversee
(Phillips & Dorata, 2013). With only limited funds available,
fiscal responsibility is taken seriously as sound management is
expected (Phillips & Dorata, 2013).

I am a Woman in a Man’s World (Still)

Beyond the duties associated with being a leader, the
participants juggled other challenges unique to being female –
challenges often related to social norms and stereotypes. Across
interview participants, there was a general concern about how

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they were being viewed as a leader. Considering perceptions of
the superintendent’s leadership abilities and success in the
position are directly evaluated and often tied to negotiations,
this is a valid concern. Areas addressed included
acknowledging the role of gender (despite wanting to remove it
from influence), facing criticism, giving extra attention to
appearances, and navigating relationships.

Many of the superintendents in this study did not view their
roles differently due to gender. Anne explained, “It’s an
awesome responsibility not to talk about being female, but just
to show that you can dig in and get the work done.” Jasmine
and Penny expressed the desire for expectations to be the same
regardless of gender and approached their positions as a job to
be done. Yet, Gina voiced concern regarding the number of
women holding superintendent positions in the state. She
explained, “There are fewer candidates that are women…
[F]ewer interviews that are women [and] … fewer selections
that are women.” Gina’s concern alludes to potential biases in
recruitment, as suggested by Superville (2017), and called
attention to the gendered educational system, as noted by
Maranto et al. (2019).

Female superintendents are in the minority, and that fosters
challenges. Laurie explained, “You do have to kind of figure
out and read people a little bit better – how they’re going to
react to a woman that is … in charge of a district.” Mira
recognized some people do not believe women should “be
making that much” money. She faced a board with members
“that did not feel like they needed to pay a female
superintendent what men were getting paid.” Jasmine also
acknowledged the challenge of having to prove herself as a
leader. Laurie felt things have improved for her “because I
believe I’ve got a solid reputation established.” Northouse
(2019) called out empirical evidence exemplifying how gender
stereotypes can influence the perception of females in positions
of leadership, while Kugler et al. (2018) drew attention to how
gender roles influence people’s expectations of what others can
and should do. While gender schema are the embedded beliefs
associated with sex differences, such schema can create bias
when evaluating “professional women’s behavior, competence,
and performance” (Kolb, 2013, p. 246). Such conditions benefit
men reinforcing both status and advantages associated with
superior rights due to their connection to identity with their
group (Kolb & McGinn, 2009).

Despite working to demonstrate ability and professionalism, the
study participants still faced criticism associated with their
gender. Anne pointed out, “Stereotypes of what leadership
looks like can really affect you and affect others.” Cora
explained she has been told several times, “You’re very direct,”
and reflected, “I don’t think they’d tell a man that.” Dee shared
she was told she needed “to be meaner.” Heather reported being
told she “wouldn’t get a superintendent position because it is a
male-dominated role.” Then, when she did earn such a position,
“the person who was there was mortified that [the board] had
… hired … a woman.” She added she was referred to as G.I.

Jane, a reference to the term used to describe females who step
out of their traditional roles and enter positions traditionally
held by males as well as an allusion to the movie by the same
title released in 1997 starring Demi Moore. Mira admitted
having encountered being “called derogatory names” also.
Stepping outside of the gender stereotypes traditionally
assigned has prompted social backlash where these women in
leadership have faced criticism not directly in connection to
their ability in fulfilling their duties but in connection to their
gender (Bernal et al., 2017; Cheryan & Markus, 2020; Chiefs,
2019; Eagly & Wood, 2013; Ibarra et al., 2013; Kennedy &
Kray, 2015; Meltzer, 2018; Maranto et al., 2019; Reyes et al.,
2021). Associating a job with a specific gender connects
specific qualities and characteristics to fit and thus perpetuates
the stereotype (Kolb & McGinn, 2009). This leads to the
challenge of “redefining norms and expectations around what it
takes to be seen as an appropriate fit and then to succeed” in a
specific job or at a specific level (Kolb & McGinn, 2009, p. 7).

Appearances are also influential as the participants have
stepped outside of the traditional stereotypes and social norms
ascribed to women. Anne admitted, “Being a female in
leadership… I guess it never occurred to me that it was a big
deal. To some people, it is. I am very cognizant of how I come
off to people.” Anne continued, “I think it’s very important that
I dress … for my day and for what I expect.” She added, “I just
have to adjust my presence, and image is important.” On the
other hand, Dee also shared her board’s discussion of a dress
code and how they reminisce about the heels and skirts teachers
wore years ago. While none of these participants have
specifically been told how to dress, some shared that they knew
of other women who have been in that very situation. Bernal et
al. (2017) highlighted professional dress as well.

Stereotypes and social norms also impact how women navigate
their professional relationships as they are frequently “judged
on a double standard” associated with authority (Kolb &
McGinn, 2009, p. 7). Dee explained, “As a woman, you’re
going to have to explain everything that you do,” while men
seem to be trusted more and not questioned. Dee further shared
that there are areas her board does not trust her with, which has
prompted her to delegate responsibilities to compensate. Dee
added the need to coach delegates “as even though I let [them]
be my voice, I have to coach [them] so we are on the same
page.” Coaching takes extra time and effort, recognizing social
roles and the need to navigate them strategically. Mira
recognized that while she has had a blessed career, “I have not
been fully included” in her male counterparts’ conversations.
Four participants recognized the good ole boys club, with Dee
explaining, “I don’t go fishing or drinking, so I’m out of the
loop.” Laurie expressed frustration, “We are still invisible – and
it’s frustrating!” Such recognition illustrates the challenges
stereotypes and social norms have created for women in
leadership. Indeed, perceptions of women’s knowledge and
abilities have influenced others’ beliefs regarding their
competence, creating obstacles for women to navigate (Bernal
et al., 2017; Ibarra et al., 2013; Northouse, 2019). Furthermore,

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when women are excluded from such social activities, they are
also excluded from opportunities such as relationship-building
(Kolb & McGinn, 2009).

There are also relationships beyond the professional ones to
consider – specifically in connection to motherhood, the social
roles most commonly associated with it, and its impact on their
leadership. While participants did not address regret at entering
the superintendency, a sense of sadness could be heard in the
interview for some. Anne recognized it is important for others
to see her as a mother and acknowledged, “there’s a reason
there aren’t very many female superintendents with kids – it’s
not easy. It’s hard on the family. It’s hard on me. [There are]
sometimes when I’m not the mom I wish I was.” Kelli recalled
walking into a local store under new management and hearing,
“Oh, these boys do have a mom!” She also shared how one of
her children said, “I liked you better when you were just a
principal because you were home more,” and acknowledged the
challenge of finding that life-work balance as well as the
benefit of a supportive husband. Gina echoed this, explaining
there is a price when “you’re giving and giving and giving.”
Time is sacrificed. Gina continued, “It’s sacrificed to your
family. It’s sacrificed to your kids….” While Barrosa and
Brown (2021), Fernandez et al. (2021), Parmer (2021), and Tarr
(2018) have identified motherhood and related responsibilities
as elements that pull women away from work, these
superintendents are recognizing the challenge and making
sacrifices involving their families to meet the demands of the
position.

Negotiating for Myself is Uncomfortable

Considering negotiations allow access to improved resources,
tasks, and compensation (Reif & Brodbeck, 2014;
Sӓve-Sӧderbergh, 2019), it is critical to participate in the
process. Yet, seven of the eleven participants addressed
difficulty with the process of negotiations. Participants
addressed topics associated with negotiation ranging from
discomfort, the impact of stereotypes and gender, and
acknowledgment that it can lead to resignations.

Discomfort with negotiations is not uncommon, and
participants were very candid in their responses to this topic.
Dee does not consider herself “the best expert on negotiation.”
Cora admitted she is “not a very good negotiator for myself.”
Betty, Kelli, Mira, and Gina all agreed negotiations are not their
favorite things. Gina shared, “I just hate going through it, and
I’m glad when it’s done!” These findings support Reyes et al.
(2021) that negotiations can be unpleasant. Kolb and Williams
(2000) pointed out a negative focus highlights perceived
weaknesses in turn preventing the use of women’s assets, so it
is essential to take stock of one’s assets and recognize their
associated value while also acknowledging weaknesses.

Yet, while these superintendents are uncomfortable negotiating
for themselves, three participants expressed different feelings
when negotiating for or with their staff. Heather shared, “I like
to negotiate for the teachers or with the teachers better than I do

for myself.” Penny voiced enjoyment in that experience as well.
Finally, Cora admitted, “I’m much better at negotiating for my
staff and my principals.” Again, these findings are supported by
prior research as Bear and Babcock (2017), Kugler et al.
(2018), Mazei et al. (2015), and Schneider (2018) all addressed
the communal or other-focused viewpoint which assists women
when negotiating, as it fits more closely with their social roles.

There is more to this discrepancy. The participants shed light on
this as well. Betty explained, “I don’t want to appear or … give
people a perception that I’m needy or feel that I’m worth
more.” She continued, “I don’t want to draw attention to
myself.” Mira expanded on this thought: “I think one of the
hardest things you can do is talk about yourself… It’s
uncomfortable when you have to talk about yourself and
promote yourself.” Dee added there is a “need to justify
yourself and sell yourself even though we’re not raised to
believe it. We are raised to have … humility.” Anne also echoed
the need to “try to be incredibly humble.” Betty acknowledged
the feeling of awkwardness when “asking for that raise.” Gina
shared, “It makes me feel like I’m begging for more when I’m
happy with what I’m getting.”

Negotiation will be considered unnatural and distasteful when it
is thought of as a selfish or otherwise negative activity, but
women must use their voice if they want others to know their
thoughts and expectations (Kolb & Williams, 2000). Reif et al.
(2019) suggested women need to look at negotiations as an
opportunity for open discussion. There is also the need for
confidence when negotiating (Chiefs, 2019). Women must
recognize their worth so as not to undervalue it (Fischer &
Bajaj, 2017; Harvard, 2019; Kay & Shipman, 2014; Schneider,
2018). Knight (2017) drew attention to making sure the salary
reflects the skills and knowledge possessed as well as fair
market value – even if the salary offered would support a
comfortable lifestyle. Again, extensive research ties to these
experiences of the impact of norms and stereotypes, social
backlash, and the sense of not belonging (Bernal et al., 2017;
Bien et al., 2018; Cheryan & Marcus, 2020; Kugler et al., 2018;
Northouse, 2019; Wynn & Correll, 2017).

Beyond the discomfort that negotiations can create, this process
brings about more questions for the female superintendents.
While more than one participant addressed the need to remove
gender from the table and focus on the job, gender still
surfaced. Dee asked, “Would my gender make a difference in
my salary? Can I negotiate for more?” Betty shared, “I feel like
I have to … advocate a little bit more and have to push harder. I
have to fight a little bit more.” Gina recalled, “There were times
earlier in my career as a superintendent that I felt too much like
I had to defend when I was asking for the money I was asking
for.” Dee also remembered someone once told her that her
gender would make a difference in her salary. Gina shared an
example, “I do think that some thought I was going to be
cheaper, and not necessarily because I was younger and …
newer to the profession – but because I was a woman.” Laurie
echoed experiences where others were “not giving me the same

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type of attention as ...a male counterpart” received. She
expounded on the impact she felt gender had made in her
experience, saying, “Maybe my credibility or even skillset was
overlooked.” Gina acknowledged others “may need a little
more time to accept you.” Mira added she felt her gender also
impacted the negotiation process early in her career. She
continued, “I think your performance and the skills that you
bring to the district, your knowledge of the district, and all of
that outweigh that – eventually.” Gina wondered, “Just because
there are fewer of us… maybe it takes a little more effort to be
seen in that more serious role or to be taken a little bit more
seriously.”

These comments associated with gender, as shared by the
participants, are reminiscent of current research literature on
gender and leadership. Previously, researchers have found that
expectations associated with gender influence people’s
thoughts, behaviors, and leadership success beliefs (Blau &
Kahn, 2017; Eagly, 2020; Seitchick, 2020). Eagly and Wood
(2012) identified ways in which society supports or dismisses
behavior associated with gender roles. Those women who
participate in the act of negotiation make decisions to behave
outside of the stereotypical female gender role, thereby pushing
against their gender-based identity and running the risk of
receiving social backlash (Kugler et al., 2018; Schneider, 2018;
Williams & Tiedens, 2016).

Challenges associated with negotiations also led to some
superintendents’ resignations. Jasmine candidly explained,
“There is only one way to get a raise sometimes – pack your
bags.” For one participant, her resignation followed the school
board’s reluctance to raise her pay, as the data suggested. This
superintendent recalled how a board member asked her, “Do
you know how much it’s gonna cost to replace you?” She
replied, “Yes, I do. Those are the numbers I give you every
single time [we] negotiate. That’s why I’ve been fighting with
you to give me the appropriate raise!” Another participant who
left a district following a contract negotiation experience
explained, “It got down to negotiating for my contract and the
level of … disrespect for my job and what I was doing, and I
even said to a board member, is it because I am female?” These
women seemed to recognize the impact low pay can have over
time on one’s career, as highlighted by DePaul (2020), and
acted to make changes to benefit their circumstances.
Additionally, Card et al. (2016) drew attention to negotiation
differences associated with gender and income.

The School Board Holds the Cards

The process of negotiation involves two parties. For the
participants in this study, the other party was the school board
and its members. The negotiation experience is as varied as the
school boards with whom superintendents negotiate. A
superintendent’s contract is developed and finalized through
negotiation, but the relationship with the board is very
impactful on both the process and the outcome. The participants
shared experiences associated with poor and positive

relationships and further stressed the value of that relationship
in how they approach negotiations with their school board.

Heather explained, “You have your own contract. It’s between
you and the board what that contract looks like.” Cora added,
“If they want to keep somebody and they offer … extra money,
it makes it tough to leave.” Kelli pointed out that the process of
negotiating “is such an opportune time to really show people
how much they appreciate you.” Laurie shared, “I’m pretty
excited when that time comes around. I hope that whatever I’ve
done up to that point in that school year, that the board
recognizes it as I’m working hard and am continuing to move
the district forward.” She continued, expressing hope “that
they’re willing to give me compensation that rewards and
recognizes what I’m doing.” These statements support the
assertions by Northouse (2018) that women are less likely to
self-promote.

For some, the relationship with the board has led to positive
negotiation experiences. For example, Laurie shared, “I really
have never negotiated for my contract. [The school boards]
have paid me well – to the point where I want to keep a very
great relationship with my board.” Laurie continued to explain,
“I’m being paid better than most, but again, I have a doctorate.
I’ve got some experience. I think they pay me well because
they don’t want me to leave.” Kelli shared how her board is
adamant about transparency and will provide the best offer first
but has also become more generous each time. Anne shared the
unique experience when her board “wanted to move me higher
… and I told them we can’t do that with our budget.” She
expressed satisfaction with her proposed salary, saying, “That’s
enough.” She then moved attention to gaining benefits for her
administrative team. Mira felt fortunate “to have people that I
trust and that I believe will represent me well” on her board.

Other women have not had such positive experiences with their
boards. One participant addressed how rural areas may have
more old-fashioned views and how those board members will
be the ones that provide pushback. Mira stressed the importance
of listening and “trying to get a feel for how they were.” She
shared, “I think that’s when I started noticing … the gender
differences, how it wasn’t outright spoken.” Heather
acknowledged she has “had a couple of board members who
may have thought that a woman’s role wasn’t in the
superintendency.” Mira shared that in her experience, there
were board members “that did not feel like they needed to pay a
female superintendent what males were getting paid.” Dee
supported this view, explaining, “If I were a man, they’d have
no problem – we’ll give you the money. You’re worth it.” She
went on to express frustration, saying, “I’m working hard, and
that’s what I’ve had to tell them. I really had to sell myself.”
Others have recalled other challenges associated with their
gender. One participant admitted she was uncomfortable asking
for a raise from one board. These experiences associated with
pushback, gendered views, and the challenges of selling oneself
to demonstrate their worthiness of the pay are reflected in the

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literature as well – most notably connected with norms and
stereotypes (Mazei et al., 2015; Seligman et al., 2018).

Relationships with the board are essential. Mira talked about
her process of strategizing with the board President “to ensure
that I’m getting an equal shake. And then to be able to allow
him to speak on my behalf to the board prior to any agreements
being made.” Dee stressed the need to be willing to explain to
the board what they are getting and remind them of all the
things that are getting done because she is in that position. Mira
approached things differently, saying, “I like to go in and say,
you know I really appreciate the support and everything… This
is what I feel would be appropriate next year.” She continued,
stressing to make “sure that they’re clear about what they are
paying for.” While the dynamic of a board can change with an
election, that change can also influence the negotiation
experience. Mira shared that when an educated woman in a
leadership position came on the board, “It made my negotiation
much more fluent and engaged.”

Experience and Salary Data are Key

In education, data is quite frequently sought after and analyzed
for a variety of purposes. This study shows a discrepancy
between the two states regarding how they report
superintendents’ pay and the availability of such data, which
relates directly to transparency. The participants shared their
experience of accepting that first contract and were able to
address how their lack of experience and lack of data access
could have been impactful. A closer look at the two states in
connection to salary transparency and the impact on
participants’ experiences with negotiations was also explored.

Experience and availability of resources such as salary data
make a difference in how one approaches negotiations. Several
superintendents addressed how the first year differed from later
years in connection to their approach. Betty explained, with the
first job, I was “so thankful to get the opportunity… just
whatever you [the school board] want, that's good enough. Now
I better understand the whole system.” Gina shared, “I was just
so happy to get my first job and excited about that raise.” She
pointed out a significant change in pay from a principal to a
superintendent, but one may not recognize the workload that
goes with the pay until one experiences it. She continued,
saying, “That first experience [of negotiating], you don’t quite
know what you’re doing, whether it’s a fair contract or not,
versus what you were doing before. Moving from principal to
superintendent is a big increase no matter what, so you’re
looking at the bottom line.” In contrast, Betty highlighted the
role experience plays, explaining, “I knew exactly where I was
willing to be within [regarding the salary range]… felt less
desperate… [and] had a little more power to make that decision
as opposed to just take whatever they offered.”

Inexperience is not helping women who are entering their first
superintendent position. Research again sheds light to support
the findings of this study. While Fischer and Bajaj (2017)
addressed the impact of women’s beliefs connected with

financial need to determine if they will negotiate, Miller and
Miller (2002) called attention to women’s beliefs associated
with luck in landing a position and fearing risk, which may
jeopardize the offer. It is certainly not luck, but success that has
come from “constant improvisation, negotiating opportunity,
evading roadblocks, creating value” (Kolb & Williams, 2000, p.
240).

Nebraska Superintendents’ Experiences

Nebraska’s Superintendent Pay Transparency Act places
stipulations and expectations regarding publishing
superintendent contracts (Gessford, 2014). Access to such
contracts could allow for data analysis and the potential use of
such data to become talking points during negotiations. This
data is gathered into a spreadsheet that provides salaries,
benefits, and days of the contract, among other things, to allow
for comparability studies. Furthermore, the provided data
increases attention to pay by “breaking apart total pay
packages” (Klein et al., 2021, p. 748). Superintendents draw
upon this readily available information to help them prepare for
negotiations. In addition, some participants reported there are
districts that use law firms or private companies to draw up
comparison studies for use during negotiations.

The Nebraska superintendents referenced access to data
heavily. One superintendent shared how negotiations can be
tense times, and she felt concerned about “What to say, what
not to say. What’s appropriate to say and what’s not appropriate
to say.” Yet, when using this data, the superintendent suggested,
“Just look at the numbers. Don’t get into all the fluff. That can
really alleviate a lot of problems with negotiations.” By relying
on the data, a superintendent felt “it just makes the process go a
lot easier because [the board knows] you’re trying to do what’s
best for everybody.” Another superintendent agreed, saying, “I
usually collect all these data points… and I share that with the
board prior to negotiations.” Another superintendent suggested
being data-driven allows the board to see the “fair market value
for the work that you’re getting.” Another explained that the
numbers allowed her to justify whatever request she would take
to the board.

Many participants stressed the value of the data by staying
away from the emotional side. One superintendent expounded
on this, explaining, “I prefer everything to be based on data and
less on … intangible statements that are really difficult to
prove.” There is value in having resources that provide useful
data. As one superintendent summarized, “Now I have the
resources to get the numbers that I need to use … to help me
negotiate – knowledge… experience in the job… I have more
tools to bring to the table.” Another participant recognized that
her inexperience as a first-year superintendent allowed the
district to “have me for really cheap labor.” She continued,
explaining that moving forward, we “brought the actual
numbers and wanted to be at the … middle range. It was two
months of back and forth at board meetings” as they worked to
find an agreeable price point. She admitted that even with the
data for support, this experience was “quite painful.” Yet, it is

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the availability of solid data that provides protection from being
taken advantage of (Kolb & Williams, 2000).

South Dakota Superintendents’ Experiences

While South Dakota requires educators’ pay to be published,
the state does not have Nebraska’s robust policy. A resource
often mentioned is a salary survey created by a professional
organization from self-reported compensation and shared with
its members.

Three of the superintendents addressed the use of data in
driving their negotiation process. Two superintendents stressed
market value, as well as gathering and analyzing data reflective
of their district’s size. There was also mention of transparency.
For example, one superintendent gathered district-specific data
and used the daily rate as the basis for her negotiation. She
shared, “The only reason I went into negotiation was because I
had [the data].”

Some superintendents expressed concern or questioned whether
they were fairly compensated. One asked, “Where do I fit as far
as negotiating for myself?” Another explained a significant
barrier to salary negotiation “is knowing what to ask for.”
While others could be asked, she added that many of the men
keep things “pretty close to the vest on some of their
strategies.” To find some answers, one superintendent logged
onto the salary survey “to see where I’m at with pay, but I don’t
always know what that is because every district pays so
differently.” Another participant shared she cannot enter the
negotiation process emotionally. She needs to have the mindset
that she “might have to look for another job.”

Fairness is Important

It is often said that fairness is a state of mind. Yet, for the
participants in this study, fairness is sought after. When it
comes to negotiation for salary and compensation, these female
superintendents measured fairness by the numbers, their
experience, and their credentials but also recognized a variety
of other factors that are impactful. While different elements
may be placed on the scale to help tip or balance it regarding
fairness, finding a balance that is interpreted as fair is the goal –
and that concern for fairness was for both parties involved.
Among the participants, there have been both positive
experiences and negative experiences. Yet, even when
exploring the issue of fairness in connection with negotiations,
participants also brought up their comfort level in negotiating
and the differences within their male counterparts’ contracts.

Fairness, while an element that is highly sought after, is elusive.
All but four participants specifically mentioned fairness as a
concern connected with negotiation. Heather explained some of
the influential elements on one’s contract are the “predecessor,
your credentials, experience, and market value.” Jasmine added
that through “experience, you start understanding your worth.”
Gina pulled no punches when talking about contracts and
negotiation as she stated, “It just needs to be fair. It just needs
to be comparable.” Gina further explained, “My goal is to be

fairly compensated for what I’ve accomplished, for how
satisfied they are with how I’m doing my job, and for someone
with my credentials to be making.”

One aspect of fairness addressed is the balance struck for the
benefit of the school and the superintendent. Anne has asked
her board, “what they believe is fair based on what I’m
producing for them and what the market is asking for.” Jasmine
explained that she looks, “for that fairness in what you do for
the school and what the school pays you.” Jasmine added the
data needs to be accurate as it makes the whole process “go a
lot easier” as everyone is “trying to do what’s best for
everybody.” Anne shared that she’s had to say, “I don’t think
you should… go that high. I’m good where I’m at, and it’s
fair.” She added, “My personal motivation is to be fairly
compensated while the community and the board do not think
I’m an overpaid, underworking slouch.” She further recognized
there is a fine line to maintain such balance. Cora highlighted
the value of compromising as she successfully used that
strategy when a board was concerned about the financial
bottom line. She was able to adjust her contract in other ways
as compensation.

Several participants discussed experiences where they felt they
were treated fairly by their boards during the negotiation
process, with some mentioning the value of relationships. For
example, Cora stated that most of her boards have been
generous and treated her fairly. She added, “I’ve taken what
they’ve offered – except [for the one time] where I started
looking at daily rates.” Jasmine shared she is “perfectly happy
just because of the school I was coming to” and added she felt
they treated her fairly after reviewing the data. Another
superintendent shared that there have been many times when
the board has “given me more than I’ve asked for.” Laurie
mirrored that statement when she shared, “I have never asked
for more pay, and whatever the salary is, my salary is more than
the [the others’ salaries in the] conference.” This behavior
supports the assertion by Northouse (2018) that women are less
likely to self-promote. Fischer and Bajaj (2017), Odell (2020),
and Reyes et al. (2021) all called attention to the value of
relationships for women and the fear of harming such
relationships through negotiations.

Others believed they had received unfair treatment. This belief
prompted some to negotiate when they actively had not done so
before. For example, Cora candidly shared she has only asked
for one raise, and this request had been “based on what others
are making” as she was requesting to, at minimum, match the
daily rate of other male administrators within her district.
Another superintendent shared it “took a lot of convincing,”
and she “had to pull a lot of data” for the board to recognize
that they were behind in her pay. These examples demonstrate
how access to data for comparison provides information that
sparked active negotiation, as supported by Coglan (2018).

For others, concern regarding unfair treatment caused them to
leave the district. A superintendent shared, “The [male]
superintendent before me worked half-time. I got paid the same

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amount he did [for working full-time]. The superintendent that
followed me is paid considerably more, and he’s male. I
question that.” Another participant did her research and “had
asked for the average. [While the male] principal who was
demoted got the average, [the board] would not give me the
average – and they were going to make me do even more
work!” It is important to do some research and discover one’s
alternatives as they can strengthen one’s position while also
focusing on one’s goals (Kolb & Williams, 2000). Additionally,
the authors highlighted alternatives that can “provide a litmus
test for the ability of either party to walk away” from the
negotiation table (p. 64). These experiences also support the
literature addressing discrepancies in earnings by gender
(AASA, 2021; Barroso & Brown, 2021; Catalyst, 2021; Kugler
et al., 2018) as well as in gender inequality (Parmer, 2021).

For some of these women, the only way to rectify their
situation was to move on. Yet, even when moving to another
district, some questions are raised. For example, one participant
was hired on an interim basis, but the two male predecessors
before her “were given two to three-year contracts.” Dee
shared, “Every job that I left, they’ve paid my predecessor more
than they paid me,” and it was “a lot more, so that’s tough.”
But, she continued, “That’s motivated me to make sure that I’m
… where I should be on the pay scale in comparison to my
male counterparts.” Again, these experiences support the
literature addressing discrepancies in earnings by gender
(Barroso & Brown, 2021; AASA, 2021).

Another challenge was also addressed – comfort level. Gina
explained, “If you’re middle of the road or there’s lots of room
for improvement, I would feel less comfortable asking for what
I felt was fair.” She continued, saying, “If they’re happy with
what I’m doing, it makes me a little bit more comfortable
saying … we’re behind the curve here.” Betty shared, “I never
want to ask for more than what everyone else already has – and
so that’s probably where I struggle the most.” Kelli admitted, “I
don’t want some exorbitant amount more than what the
teachers get, and I’m completely happy with that.” She
continued, “I’ve never thought that I deserve more than what
[the board] gave me, but I would probably take less because
they are so supportive.” Betty shared, “I don’t want to … be
perceived that I’m not thankful.” Cora’s discomfort with one of
her boards ultimately prevented her from actively entering
negotiations to ask for a salary increase. Fischer and Bajaj
(2017), Odell (2020), and Reyes et al. (2021) all called
attention to the value of relationships for women and the impact
fear of harming these relationships has on negotiations.

Women also discussed what they might know about their male
counterparts’ contracts and negotiations. For example, in
connection to the contracts of her male counterparts, one
superintendent expressed amazement at what they received and
asked, “How do they talk somebody into that?” This ties into
Northouse’s (2019) acknowledgment that men readily
self-promote and negotiate as well as the finding of Fischer and

Bajaj (2017) that women may not recognize some of the
elements up for negotiation.

Female Leaders Need Support

It is recognized that female superintendents are in the minority
– holding 24% of the positions nationwide, according to the
AASA survey in 2010 (Enfield & Gilmore, 2020, para. 5). Gina
simply asked, “Women, where are you?” Indeed, part of the
challenge is not negotiating for compensation, but negotiating
for the right to be considered for the job (Kolb & McGinn,
2009). When questioned about support, many participants
addressed the value of relationships, mentoring, and
professional development.

Positions of leadership require skill in navigating people and
professional relationships. Again, there are undertones of
stereotypes and social roles at play within the participants’
interviews. While some participants acknowledged needing just
a few close friends, who often come from their professional
network, others did talk about the role professional
relationships play in their leadership role. Dee addressed the
need to have a core team “looking out for you,” while Kelli
valued a “handful of other female superintendents that really
are my trusted peers.” Gina admitted it can get lonely at the
meetings and stressed the need to “find people to support you in
the areas you’re less strong in.” While these insights support
areas that Fernandez et al. (2021) and Ibarra et al. (2013)
recognized in connection to mentors or sponsors, they also call
on the relational and communal nature of women (Eagly, 2020;
Seitchik, 2020).

Mentors are not new within the field of education, and for some
of the participants, they have directly benefited from a mentor.
Some of these mentors came from a network of women, while
others were well-respected males in the educational field. Kelli
shared that her male mentor “was able to provide what to
expect and how he has done it.” Several women recognized the
benefits of a strong mentor or role model. Gina, Heather, and
Mira all expressed a desire to help aspiring leaders as they have
been supported. Gina also wondered what support could be
provided at the state level to bolster a mentoring program
through more structure and attention to the negotiation process.
Research recognizes that mentors serve as role models and
support others early in their careers (Chiefs, 2020; Fernandez et
al., 2021).

Beyond mentoring, discussion regarding professional
development was also addressed. While these women are all
well-educated and hold the highest leadership position within a
school district, they recognize the need for general or specific
professional development. Kelli shared her knowledge of an
annual negotiation training hosted by one of the organizations
she belongs to. Yet, there is a need for further professional
development. Cora suggested professional development on how
the genders look at things differently, while Mira would
welcome training on navigating stereotypes. Dee would
appreciate information on “what to ask for.” Betty suggested

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professional development on data usage for negotiations and
general negotiation skills. All recognized that general or
specific professional development is both vital and helpful.
However, as Anne cautioned, one must critically examine it to
remove the pieces that can be used while still being yourself.

There is a need to have access to leadership experiences
(Meltzer, 2018) as well as opportunities through professional
development and informal activities (Chiefs, 2019). Gina
admitted such professional development associated with
negotiations “would have been very helpful” early in her career.
Laurie recognized the value of knowledge as “the more you
know, the more you know.” These various requests and insights
tie back to the advice to acknowledge their worth in comparison
to others and learn what is and is not negotiable (Fischer &
Bajaj, 2017) while also supporting education (Ibarra et al.,
2013) and programming to bolster leadership skills (Seligman
et al., 2018; Ibarra et al., 2013).

Both women who provided member checks addressed
appreciation for having an opportunity to gain the information
provided and read other women’s perspectives of their role as
superintendents. One of the participants who completed the
member check shared, “I didn’t realize that there were so many
of us feeling the same way and having the same issues.” She
added, “This makes me wonder if there are other areas of
concern that we all have in common within the position.” She
acknowledged that the topic of negotiations “will continue to
need extra support and resources.” Her comments highlight the
need for women to have the opportunity to visit with each other
and share their experiences, perspectives, challenges, and
lessons learned.

Recommendations for Practice

In light of this study’s findings, the following recommendations
are put forward for women leaders, employers, supervisors,
organizations, and educational institutions:

1. Engage women in discussions with their female peers
regarding life experiences associated with leadership, including
but not limited to negotiation. Such network groups can provide
needed support and information and “often occur naturally for
white, heterosexual men” (Kolb & McGinn, 2009, p. 9).
Talking to female colleagues allows women to share
experiences and gain feedback (Kolb & Williams, 2000).

2. Create intentional support for women in connection to
the experience and process of negotiation through a mentorship
or sponsorship program addressing negotiation strategies to
better prepare females in education for this aspect of leadership.
Literature suggests inadequate opportunities to participate in
networks of mentorships can have negative effects on
negotiated items such as compensation and other benefits
(Dreher & Cox, 1996; Seidel et. al, 2000).

3. Encourage women to seek personal development
through exposure to such things as literature, conferences, and
workshops addressing negotiation-related topics. It is important

to note that female superintendents, a marginalized group, may
need to learn how to recognize and learn how to “negotiate for
authority, personal respect, access, and resources” - elements
that are typically granted to the members in the dominant group
(Kolb & McGinn, 2009, p. 8). Furthermore, it is essential to
recognize that what is bargained for actively, as well as that
which is permitted to be decided by others, will impact
opportunities associated with future negotiations (Kolb &
Williams, 2000).

4. Encourage school board members to seek resources to
increase awareness of gender-related challenges associated with
negotiation to help combat gender bias and disparity. By
heightening the awareness of “factors that shape how gender
gets mobilized in negotiation settings” negotiators may be able
to recognize the “choices they have in the roles and positions
they take up” (Kolb, 2000, p. 350).

5. Encourage school board members as well as other
school leaders to examine the unspoken rules within the
organization’s order to uncover second-generation gender
issues. Such work will allow progress to be made as a focused
attempt to create gender equity can be made which will also
allow opportunities to create change associated with
“structures, practices, policies, and procedures” leading to
greater organizational effectiveness (Deutsch, 2007, as cited in
Kolb, 2013, p. 262).

Limitations of the Study

This study served to develop an understanding of how female
superintendents in education experience negotiation through
description and meaning drawn out of their lived experiences
connected to the negotiation process. While the qualitative
methodology of hermeneutic phenomenology was effective and
provided valuable and insightful data in connection to the topic,
the following study limitations need to be noted:

1. The research results may have limited transferability
due to the small sample size.

2. The study participants represented only female
superintendents in public school settings within two geographic
Midwestern states, limiting access to female superintendents’
perspectives and experiences in private schools and other states.

3. The study participants’ experiences may be biased
because the data is self-reported by participating female
superintendents and based on feelings and insights into their
negotiation actions and life experiences.

4. Researcher bias could have been a factor in the study
as the researcher was in a life situation similar to some
participants. While unintended and unintentional, participants’
stories may have been analyzed through a biased lens due to the
researcher’s experiences. As supported by Creswell and Poth
(2018) and Peoples (2021), the researcher used journaling and
bridling to avoid this potential bias.

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Recommendations for Further Research

The following recommendations for further research are offered
to further explore female superintendents’ experiences of
negotiation:

1. This research could be replicated with a larger sample
size of female superintendents in a broader geographical area
and representing greater racial and ethnic diversity to determine
if the results are consistent. Kolb and McGinn (2009) aptly
pointed out that “different groups of women … are likely to be
affected differentially” (p. 3).

2. Future research could examine whether rural female
superintendents are impacted by lack of mobility due to other
factors such as their spouse’s current employment.

3. Future research could not only expand the diversity of
populations examined but also different organizational settings
to explore the impact of gender in connection to negotiation as
Kolb suggests such avenues can assist in moving past the
stereotypes and limitations of past research regarding gender
and negotiations (2012, p. 127).

Conclusion

Recognizing there are fewer women than men in the role of the
school superintendent, those females who reach this point have
overcome odds and faced challenges to get there. The female
superintendents’ experiences of negotiations in this study both
identify and articulate the challenges they have faced. While
they shared their experiences which included both celebrations
and challenges, many had the nagging question associated with
the role of gender in their experience. Support to assist women
in navigating negotiations is needed as it is through
negotiations the opportunity to improve resources, tasks, and
financial compensation is made (Reif & Brodbeck, 2014;
Sӓve-Sӧderbergh, 2019).

In addition, clear information needs to be provided to eliminate
the vagueness that disadvantages women – as, under those
conditions, females often end up with lower income than their
male counterparts (Ammerman & Groysberg, 2021).
Ultimately, attention needs to be drawn to the social norms and
systems that slow women’s progress because as long as women
face bias and discrimination based on their gender, disparities
will continue (Fernandez et al., 2020). Therefore, as a society,
we must recognize our biases and work to amend the
stereotypes that unfairly impact women in the negotiation
process. Suggestions provided could be a start to supporting
women as necessary for their success in navigating
negotiations.

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