print the increasing number of cases of poverty and human-made disasters has exacerbated the issue of displacement in previous years. narratives of the experiences of the internally displaced persons living in the cities have not been thoroughly reported in the local context. the purpose of this study is to describe the lived experience of the internally displaced persons currently residing in cotabato city, philippines. this research utilized a mixed methods design in the triangulation of the results, and a quantitative approach was used in the first part of the study. descriptive-qualitative data were gathered through focused group discussion and in-depth interviews. generally, this study discovered that idps consistently faced financial difficulties living in poverty in rural areas, which motivated them to resettle and live in urban areas. it was revealed that living in the city was privileged for their peace of mind in terms of source of income which helped their husband sustain and augment their financial status, and being inspired in religious gathering. moreover, the idps preferred to stay in the city where their children pursue education, are financially sustained, strengthen gender roles in islamic teachings, and have access to health care services. keywords: financial status, internally displaced persons, lived experience, poverty, urban areas. abstract article history received: 27 october 2022, revised: 17 february 2023, accepted: 22 may 2023, published: 30 june 2023 the lived experiences of muslim internally displaced persons in cotabato city, southern philippines jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 cotabato state university, philippines norissalam@yahoo.com doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.16326 norodin salam cotabato state university, philippines marwisasedik79@gmail.com marwisa sedik salam universitas islam negeri kiai haji achmad siddiq, indonesia corresponding author: aminelhady@uinkhas.ac.id aminullah elhady* the increasing number of poverty incidents in the regions has been linked to the problem of displacements in previous years. human-induced activities also added to the unfavorable economic crisis of poor sectors in the present society. various surveys have found that most displaced families had stayed in the cities to look for the most instant means of survival. the role of different stakeholders, particularly the local government sectors, is considered, and governance is one of the strategic venues for communication. one of the greatest challenges of the world today is on difficult recovery of economic deficits due to the ever-increasing desire for wealth by introduction some selfish capitalists and leaders in our modern society. as a result, there is a continuous burden on the third world countries to develop their own system of economy. in western countries, institutions have been established to support the government with its financial requirements. enhance institutional arrangements within the international humanitarian sector to meet the relief and protection needs of idps.1 the support from the guiding principles on improving the implementation of the idps law and policies set out a range of responsibilities and supports to the idps on the part of the state and other actors.2 however, the philippines does not have special laws relating to idps. in contrast, the legal guidelines for the state’s response in cases of idps are based on the philippine disaster risk reduction and management (pdrrma) act of 2010, as stated in the republic act 10121.3 further, the pdrrma has also provided guidance on establishing special trust funds for emergency response in which local governments have to transfer unused balance from previous years, but some local governments have failed to do so, weakening local capacity to respond.4 thus, this study provides significant data on the lived experiences of the idps in light of the beneficial effect of living in urban areas. the results of this study will generate policies to sustain their emerging needs. cotabato city is a region in southern philippines. it has an area of 176.00 km2 with a population of 325,079 based on the 2020 census, with a muslim majority, and the rest are christians, buddhists, and others. since 15 december 2020, the city has officially entered the jurisdiction of the bangsamoro autonomous region in muslim mindanao.5 in many parts of the world, many people experience social problems from economic, educational, or cultural aspects. in several southeast asian countries, it has happened, for example, in indonesia and the philippines. several factors caused it, including sociocultural conflicts, socio-religious conflicts, natural disasters, and other causes. because of these social problems, many people left their hometowns and moved to places considered safer and more comfortable. the place in question was an urban area, which most migrants consider to be better than their original place. big cities in indonesia every year get new settlers for economic and welfare reasons. some are for career development reasons. the same thing happened in cotabato city, in southern philippines. the case experienced by muslims in cotabato is the focus of this study. there have been several similar studies that have been carried out by previous researchers. one of them is research conducted by batubara et al. on marginal groups living in cities in indonesia. they stated that the uneven development in cities and villages caused gaps between urban and agricultural development in rural areas. the rural communities can not feel the pleasure of development, so many of them migrate to cities, even though after migrating, they live in poor ecological areas, flood-prone, and slums. even though they live in urban areas, they are still marginal communities.6 meanwhile, putra, in his research on the relationship between disaster and poverty in indonesia, stated that natural disasters negatively affect people's lives, including the family's economic incomes. they can be the cause of increasing poverty that afflicts the community.7 a similar study was conducted by awasthi on a case in nepal, mentioning that natural disasters due to climate change or human actions such as infrastructure development and deforestation have exacerbated people's suffering, leading to increased poverty.8 another study by sawada sought to discuss the relationships between disasters and the formal and informal guarantees against disaster risk. stakeholders must be concerned about the relationship between disaster and poverty to take action to overcome it. the government needs to involve the community to overcome disasters on the side of the poor successfully.9 another 51afkaruna study examined the physical damage caused by the disaster, which then impacted the poverty in the community around the disaster area. in contrast, natural disasters caused a change in the environmental poverty levels. natural disasters have had a very bad impact on the poverty level among low-income communities.10 to the muslim community, islamic teachings indeed command families to pay attention to the future of their children, lest they live in weakness after their parents die. in the holy book of the quran 3: 9, it is explained that this verse gives advice to the believers to pay attention to the fate of their children when they become orphans. and let them be afraid that in the future, they leave weak children who are orphans who have not been able to be independent and worry about their welfare because they are neglected, weak, and live in poverty.11 the study aimed to describe the life situation and experiences of the internally displaced victims currently residing in cotabato city. further, the study sought to find answers to the following questions: (1) what was the socio-demographic profile of the idps in terms of their age, civil status, educational attainment, and place of origin? (2) what were lived experiences of the idps in urban areas? why do the idps prefer to choose to live in urban areas? the study utilized a mixed methods design. the quantitative approach was utilized in the socio-demographic profile of the idps, and the qualitative approach was used in interpreting the narrative responses of the idps. focus group discussions were conducted among idps currently residing within 10 years in cotabato city, and in-depth interviews among concerned government officials. coordination from city government to the barangay level was executed to seek approval for the data collection. moreover, the collection of data used was a purposive sampling technique. participants were chosen with the assistance of the barangay chairman and the market administrator. a semi-structured self-made questionnaire was used in the fgds, and in-depth interviews were translated into a vernacular language. before the interviews, a recorder was used with the consent of the participants. the statistical tool was used through frequency in terms of the socio-demographic profile and thematic analysis on the presentation of the idps' narrative responses. methodology results i. the socio-demographic profiles table 1: age no range of age number percent 25 – 35 years 36 – 45 years 46 – 55 years 56 – 65 years 7 21 15 7 1 2 3 4 14% 42% 30% 14% 52 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 participants in the focus group discussions share common experiences in their place of origin as “mapasang” (difficulty), in a sense of financial crisis because of limited income. often, the cause was war between government soldiers and rebels, a political conflict for more than 50 years, but sometimes it was due to family feuds. in addition, the participants similarly described their lives during the presence of conflict as so hard to forget. this matches the responses of the market administrator during in-depth interviews based on the record. most of the idps in the market suffer difficulties while living in the rural areas due to financial crises that encourage them to relocate to the city. there were fifty (50) idps in cotabato city. thirty of them were from purok ulandangen ii, and 20 were from purok masigay, poblacion mother barangay participated in the focused group discussion, aged from 25 to 65 years old, 37 of them were married, 7 widows, and 5 were divorced. twenty (25) were high school graduates, ten (10) finished arabic education, and 8 (eight) were college graduates who finished bs in education (4), bs in public administration (3), and bs in commerce (1). furthermore, most of the participants came from datu piang, maguindanao, who preferred to stay in cotabato city. ii. lived experiences of internally displaced persons before living in the urban areas financially unstable due to man-made catastrophe table 2: civil status no status number percent single married widow divorced 1 37 7 5 1 2 3 4 2% 74% 14% 10% table 4: place of origin no grade number percent talayang datu piang pikit shariff aguak 8 19 15 8 1 2 3 4 16 38 30 16 table 3: educational attainment no grade number percent elementary school graduate high school graduate college graduate arabic level 7 25 8 10 1 2 3 4 14% 50% 16% 20% 53afkaruna the conflict occurred outside cotabato city, namely neighboring towns, whose people were evacuated to cotabato so that they would not be involved in or become victims of the conflict. otherwise, poverty that caused idp, among others, were floods and typhoons. in addition, it was also caused by a mixture of natural disasters and disasters caused by men made. kalima from datu piang said: when the times of war conflict, we hide inside the cave so that people cannot see us because there were so many guns like m79. we need to hide frequently. if we stay outside, the plane will see us.” the women’s intense sharing of their experiences was mostly on their fears and safety on how they overcame the conflict.12 most of their experience was fear during the war conflict. as subayda said: i recalled during the morning prayer when the soldiers raided our house, they arrested my two brothers and brought them somewhere. my one brother died as they killed him in 1972. my other brother surrendered so that the soldiers never hurt him. this happened during martial law, and so many got imprisoned by the soldiers.13 people moved to a safer place, namely in the city. the problem became complicated when these two causes occurred, natural disasters followed by conflicts. they were running away from man-made disasters people and wanted to find peaceful life in other places. according to the report of the guiding principles on internal displacement (gdip) in 1998,14 escaping from the consequences of natural and man-made disasters motivated people to relocate to other regions where peace of mind could be achieved. implications are likely significant for these idps.15 it is related to the study by despiting aside the very real human cost. war also has serious financial costs: a declining working population, inflation, shortages, uncertainty, increased debt, and disruption to ordinary economic activity.16 people in disaster areas did not get certainty for their welfare, so they chose migration to cities, where most people saw that living in cities gave more promising welfare. apart from that, many thought that living in the city felt better in terms of security. most of those who migrated to the city had no relatives, but they were determined to try their luck there. the majority of the women answered that they are more secure in the city. they described their life in the city as “we are more satisfied here.” aida, a participant from purok ulandangen ii, described her life as: “we are fine here because we can sleep well… even at night we can go outside because the streets are bright and concrete…there is the presence of tanod roaming around and curfew hour to regularly discipline the residents here.”17 they were generally informal workers or did not have any permanent jobs. when they migrated to the city, they did any kind of work, such as sewing. living in the urban areas safe and secured similarly, annie from purok ulandangen ii described her life in the city as good: “when we transferred here in cotabato city became worthy by means of curfew every night, it’s good to stay here.”18 sharida also shared, “we have time here in the teachings of islam, reading the qur’an, methods of child-rearing.” she also added: “there are organized women's committees here. women organization responses in terms of conducting various occasions like symposium… gatherings… we planned for it for its betterment.”19 while saima narrated that “i preferred to stay here in the city because i have lots of opportunities here for my family and my children as well.”20 religious gathering 54 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 samina voluntarily left her hometown due to the continuous war. thus, she and her family decided to stay in the city to find peace and for the safety of her children’s education: “our children took their good schooling here in the city, and lately we have our good business (selling) here.”21 the other participants described their lives in the city as good and fine. where their children could focus on their studies. annie said: “it’s good because we found a source of income here until i got married, and my children are studying here.”22 common answers of the participants were: “it is fine to live here in the city.” others added: “we could earn a living well.” ate saya narrated: “we are happy because we are living no matter how little it is, and my children have good education here.”23 iii. preffered to stay in cotabato city education of the children most participants revealed that living in the city was a privilege for their peace of mind and, most importantly, having a regular source of living. tarhata said: “our living here is safe because there is a curfew hour to follow.”24 the same answers with other participants like hadja nora, subiya, rahima, and kalima said, “it is easy to get a source of income here because there are many work opportunities.”25 it is inferred from the 2013 collaborative study conducted by the global forum on migration and development from turkey that the program enlightened people on business opportunities. it reaps benefits in various business activities, which results in continuous innovation in business investment. lheds added: “we also have women’s organization here to help us.”26 likewise, alma added: “there is a distribution of supply we received when there is flood, and we also benefited other services from the barangay.”27 financially sustained noticeable among the women participants who shared experiences living in the city are the roles they play as family members. they said that at home, even their husband worked but sometimes did household chores. like, sarida said: “my husband helps with household chores. in terms of decision-making, we both agreed on the decision… sometimes, it depends upon the situation. if he is tired, he does not help inside the house.”28 the women participants also shared that they took part in earning a living for the family. when asked about what else they contributed to financial matters, some said to help earn a living. their husband’s source of livelihood mostly engaged in businesses. commonly answered sources of income of the women are sewing, owning a variety store, and assisting their husbands in the business. nheds said, “we did our sewing when we were in our places before, but when we transferred here in the city… we sew more because we have more customers.”29 strengthen gender roles in islam with regards to the accessibility of women to health services, most women always find ways to go to the nearest health center. as bainot narrated: “i always went to a health center to check my blood pressure and to know if i am sick.”30 aida added, “sometimes i go to the health center to request medicine for my cough. it’s free.”31 the same answer as nora: “when i was pregnant, i visited a health center because it’s free. i only gave donations, and it also provides free medicines with free access to health care services 55afkaruna immunization.”32 they responded when they asked if there were no health centers in their place of origin. lheds answered, “there are some, but it’s far away. we have to wait in the morning to reach the health center. it would be better if there were early staff on duty. here, it’s easy because you only have to ride a tricycle to go through the health center.33 based on the results and the research findings, it was revealed that internally displaced persons faced financial difficulties when living in rural areas. meanwhile, living in the city was undisputedly advantageous for their peace of mind, as they could find safety and security while staying in cotabato city and being inspired by religious gatherings. furthermore, internally displaced persons preferred to live in cities where their children could pursue education, be financially supported for their family's needs, strengthen gender roles following the teaching of islam, and have access to health care. they seldom visited their provinces on special occasions. conclusion endnotes john borton, support to internally displaced persons – learning from evaluations synthesis report of a joint evaluation programme, 134. phill orchard, “improving the implementation of national internally displaced persons laws and policies”, unhcr the un refugee agency, asia pacific, 2012. republic of the philippines congress of the philippines, republic act 10121 philippine disaster risk reduction and management act of 2010, metro manila, may 27 2010. republic of the philippines commission on audit, report on drrm funds, 2016. https://www.philatlas.com/mindanao/r12/cotabato-city.html bosman batubara, et.al., “urbanization in (post-) new order indonesia: connecting unevenness in the city with that in the countryside,” the journal of peasant studies, (2022). heru syah putra, “bencana alam dan kemiskinan di indonesia,” jurnal transformasi administrasi 07, no. 2 (2017), 1420–1431. pallavi awasthi, “a relationship between natural disaster and poverty,” journal of apf command and staff college 2, no. 1 (2019), 67–69. yasuyuki sawada & yoshito takasaki, “natural disaster, poverty, and development: an introduction,” world development, volume 94 (2017), 2-15. dalbyul lee, “the impact of natural disasters on neighborhood poverty rate: a neighborhood change perspective,” journal of planning education and research 40, no. 4 (2020). kementerian agama, al-qur’an & tafsirnya 2, jakarta: lentera abadi, 2010, 123-124. “su timpo na kinambakwit name na nagena kami sa takub, madakel ged a mga timbak i gailay ko 79 a timbak, para di kami melay na nagena kami temandang sia sa aden paksul nin ka lemyu kami na melay kami na plane”. “niako katanudan na oras na suboh na ni raid kami lu sa walay, kinuwa na mga sundalo su mga suled ko a mama, su duwa kataw na kinuwa nilan pidtapik nilan, su sakataw menem a suled ko a mama na minatay, inimatayan na sundalo, kanu 1972 a langun intuba na su sakataw pan a suled ko a mama na midsurender den endu di den kasakitan, niaba nanggula na kanu timpu nu martial law san tuba, madakel a mga taw a pembilanggun na mga sundalo.” ocha, guiding principles on internal displacement, geneva: united nations publication, 2004 win naude, melissa sigel, katrin marchand, “migration, entrepreneurship and development: critical questions,” iza journal of migration, 6, no. 5 (2017). tom pettinger, “what is the impact of foreign military intervention on radicalization?”, journal for deradicalization, no. 5, winter (2015). aida, a participant from purok ulandangen ii said: “siya gapiya i ginawa name ka pakatulog kami sa mapya… apiya magabi menem na gapakay kami belyu ka malinawag i lalan endo kalsada na sineminto den… aden mga taw a tanod a pedsuroy uman magabi endu aden pan curfew para madisiplina su manga pegkakaleben siya.” annie also said: “su kina alat nami siya sa cotabato city na nakagkapia benal i aden curfew uman magabi, nia bun mapia i kapendalpa sia.” 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 56 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 sharida said: “aden oras nami siya sa kapemtiyitala sa agama islam, kapembatya sa qur’an, ukit a kaped tarbiya sa manga wata.” she added: “aden mga committee endu organization. organization na mga babay ka amengka aden mga pakalagyan siya na ya gatawag na su umpungan nu mga babay a makanggalbek sa ento ba. ya nin upaman na amengka aden symposium…. kanduli …. na bamagumpong kami a manga babay san ngin ba i makagkapiya kanu ento ba a kapendidilimudan.” saima said: “yako temu i siya ako den mun sa city ka madakel i mapiya a nanganggula ko siya taman kanu pamilya, manga wata ko”. samina said: “su mga wata nami na sia den namakapangagi sa mapia siya sa city taman pan sa nakandagang kami sa mapia.” annie said: “mapia bun ka nakapangelay sia sa koyagan enggo sia ako den nakagkaluma. madakel pan i nakilala ko sia sa cotabato endo nakapangagi pan i mga wata ko siya.” ate said: “gangapya i ginawa nami siya ka pakapantiyali kami sa mapiya apiya manot den mun a kabaguyag endo siya nakapangagi sa mapya i mga wata ko.” tarhata answered: “su kapendalpa nami na safe bun ged ka aden curfew uman magabi”. they said: “malemu a kabaguyag ka madakel a koyagan siya sa city”. lheds added: “na aden su mga organization na manga babay siya a makadtabang sa lekami”. alma said: “aden su mga bangenggay sa supply ka pakaamung kami sa bagenggan amengka pegkadalem siya endo pakabenepisyo kami pan sa kaped a ibangenggay nu barangay.” sarida answered: “si kaluma ko na pedtabang bun penggalbebek siya sa walay. amengka pendisisyun sia sa ludep na walay na sekami bun sa mga kaluma name… depende sa kaluma mama amengka penggalbek endu galugat na di den pedtabang sia sa ludep na walay.” nheds said: “kabamanay i pantiyaliyan name siya, kanu lu kami pan sa naganatan nami na bamanay kami bun uged na endo su naka alat kami siya na kabamanay bun pantiyaliyan name uged na mas madakel den i bamanen nami siya ka madakel den i costumer nami”. bainot said: “saki na istidi ako belu sa health center para pabpagelay sa lugo para gatawan u aden sakit ko.” aida replied: “ananto na belu ako bun sa health center ka bangeni sa gamut para sa batuk endu sepu”. nora said: “kanu kagingay ko pan na lu ako bun sa health center pebpawang ka libre… donation bu i ibagenggay taman sa ananto na pakakwa ako bun sa gamut a libre enggo amengka kapapem bakuna sa mga wata ko na libre bun”. lheds answered: “aden bun uged na sobla i kawatan nin… angapan nengpa pan i kagkapita tupan ka pakalu ka sa health center na mapiya pan u aden gauman nengka lu sa mapanay. siya na ape ka bu blu bagedan bu sa sikad na makauma ka den. ya tabya na sapto enggo akad ka closed mambu i health center.” references 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 batubara, bosman., kooy, michelle. (2022). yves van leynseele, margreet zwarteveen & ari ujianto, “urbanization in (post-) new order indonesia: connecting unevenness in the city with that in the countryside,” the journal of peasant studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2021.2000399 cotabato city, https://www.philatlas.com/mindanao/r12/cotabato-city.html lee, dalbyul . (2020). “the impact of natural disasters on neighborhood poverty rate: a neighborhood change perspective,” journal of planning education and research. volume 40, issue 4. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739456x18769144 global forum on migration and development. “seventh summit meeting”, stockholm, sweden, 2014. heru syah putra, “bencana alam dan kemiskinan di indonesia,” jurnal transformasi administrasi 07 no. 2, (2017), 1420–1431. john borton, margie buchaan-smith & ralf otto, support to internally displaced persons – learning from evaluations synthesis report of a joint evaluation programme. stockholm: swedish international development cooperation agency, 2005. isbn 91-586-8659-2. kementerian agama, al-qur’an & tafsirnya 2, jakarta: lentera abadi, 2010. ocha. (2004). guiding principles on internal displacement, geneva: united nations publication. pallavi awasthi, “a relationship between natural disaster and poverty. journal of apf command and staff college 2, no. 1 (2019), 67–69. https://doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v2i1.26733 57afkaruna orchard, phill. (2014). “improving the implementation of national internally displaced persons laws and policies,” unhcr the un refugee agency, asia pacific. orchard, phill. (2018)., protecting the internally displaced: rhetoric and reality. routledge. republic of the philippines commission on audit, report on drrm funds, 2016. republic of the philippines congress of the philippines, republic act 10121 philippine disaster risk reduction and management act of 2010, metro manila, may 27 2010. sigue, k.s., e.v. bayogan, h.p. lozada, a.y. fuentes, m.o. orbeta, j.d. ignacio. “roles of site facilitators in improving farm income by vegetable growing in south cotabato and maguindanao, philippines using the livelihood improvement through facilitated extension (life) model”, international society for horticultural science, 1312. doi: 10.17660/actahortic.2021.1312.75 pettinger, tom. (2015). “what is the impact of foreign military intervention on radicalization?”, journal for deradicalization, no. 5, winter. naude, win., sigel, melissa., marchand, katrin. (2017). “migration, entrepreneurship and development: critical questions,” iza journal of migration, 6, no. 5. sawada, yasuyuki., takasaki, yoshito. (2016) “natural disaster, poverty, and development: an introduction,” world development, volume 94 , (2107), 2-15. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.12.035 58 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 islamic movement global jihad: analysis of online media framing doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0123.249-262 imam suprabowo,1 twediana budi hapsari1 islamic broadcasting & communication. universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta 55183, indonesia 1 correspondence email: imamsuprabowo@umy.ac.id abstract in 2015-2016, news in online media related to jihad issues developed significantly, marked by the emergence of various religious sites. however, in the indonesian context, there has not been much literature that specifically explores the relationship between online media ideology and religious issues. to fill this gap, this article aimed to analyze the framing of islamic online media related to the issue of jihad. this research used descriptive qualitative to analyze the issue of jihad in online media. the entman framing theory applied in this study, including jihad as war, improving welfare, dangerous jihad, enforcement of islamic law and jihad against the authorities. the study focused on four islamic sites of arrahmah.com, hidayatullah, hizb ut-tahrir indonesia, nu online and republika online from 2015-2016. the results showed that arrahmah portrayed jihad in the framework of war to uphold allah’s law, while hidayatullah.com framed jihad as a real war. hidayatullah focused on liberating muslim lands related to conflicts in the rohingya and palestine. in comparison, nu online uplifted jihad for the welfare of the community. one of the biggest frameworks was to defend the state for the welfare of society, eradicating ignorance and poverty, and anti-corruption jihad. in the fourth media, republika online emphasized social welfare and jihad and pushed it over other news. from the analysis, the issue of jihad was framed differently by online islamic media. consequently, the difference was in the selection of events, the frequency of news titles, the emphasis on the selection of words, examples and illustrations. keywords: framing, jihad, online media introduction the momentum of the fall of the new order regime has been utilized very well by radical groups to rise, especially in the world of cyber and information technology developments that impact the development of new media through the internet. the emergence of new media is indirectly changed 250 afkaruna the ‘face’ of the mass media today. the mass media no longer a ‘monopoly’ of the owners of capital, but now the typical audience can access the media with minimal costs. the new media also has ‘blurred’ the line between producer and audience messages in the media. nowadays, everyone can be a message producer, as well as the audience on the internet as supported by the sydney jones research results, a researcher at the institute for analyst of conflict (iptc) said that terrorist groups use social media to propagate in poso, showing the very strategic power of online media.1 this phenomenon prompted the emergence of internet sites indefinitely. the phenomenon is in line with the results of research by bergin in the australian strategic policy report published in 2009 that the number of internet users has increased by 900% from 2000 to 2009 driven by the increasing cheapness of getting a website domain, and even easier to upload and download media content.2 similarly, the identical rises also happened in the world of propaganda sites of islam with a variety of information about islam’s growth. islamic groups or individual preachers leveraged this opportunity to participate and take part in spreading islamic teachings and development information.3 the development of these islamic sites and then raises its concerns amidst the government. twenty-two islamic websites blocked the access of authorized providers in the country. the reasons for the government’s worries are the propaganda of radicalism, the issue of global jihad ideology, and the spread of terrorism among the community. the government argued that the content of the blocked sites contained the propaganda of radicalism, contrary to the philosophy of life of the indonesian nation.4 this paper aimed to get a review of how the media framed islam’s online issue of jihad. as the theme of jihad, radicalism, and terrorism is framed as a global issue, a question arises about the portrayal of jihad in the islamic media online such as arrahmah.com, hidayatullah, nu online and republika. the four online media were chosen because of differences in ideological backgrounds. bargin and said that the arrahmah website (arrahmah.com) was a militant islamic media. the founder of arahmah was muhammad jibril, a senior member of the islamic congregation. hidayatullah.com was chosen because it was conservative.5 the media that represents the moderate muslims in this discussion is nu online (nu.org.id). nu online is the official website of the nahdhatul ulama organization, one of the largest islamic mass organizations in indonesia. as 251vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 an official website, nu online publishes organizational activities and nu’s views on current issues. in addition, this website also provides sermon material, prayers and articles written by nu leaders. meanwhile, republika is a media with the muslim target audience.6 unlike the previous two online media managed by individuals and mass organizations, republika is a commercial mass media with a corporate form. therefore, republika has an approach and considerations that are not the same as arrahmah and nu online in publishing news. the primary consideration of republika in publishing news is to get as much profit as possible by reaching as widest muslim audience as possible. research method this study uses a qualitative descriptive approach by applying the method in analyzing the framing of the process related to the issues of radicalism, jihad and terrorism. islamic sites are selected based on alexa.com because it has the most extensive search metric panel that accesses popular websites around the world. data regarding the most frequently accessed islamic sites, the top ten islamic sites with the highest number of accesses, are selected as a research subject, while the unit of analysis is all news containing words describing violence such as radical jihad and terrorists from 2015 to 2016. the period of january 2015-2016 was chosen with the consideration that during that time several important events occurred, such as isis executing its prisoner, the sarinah bomb, the murder of siyono by densus 88 while still being investigated, and the proposed revision of the terrorism law. the case of the suspected terrorist siyono’s death became controversial because siyono, who was only a terrorist suspect, was killed by a member of densus 88 who was guarding him. in 2017, after a year had passed, this case reappeared in various media because the killer had not been appointed as a suspect.7 literature reviews a. definition of radicalism radicalism in terms of language means a movement that wishes for changes in the social and political situation by force or drastic measure. however, in another sense, the essence of radicalism is the concept of mental attitude in carrying the change. meanwhile, radicalism is a notion that is made up of a group of people who intend to change the social and political reform drastically by using violent means.8 radicalism is the embryo of terrorism since it 252 afkaruna aspires to change something totally and revolutionary by overturning existing values drastically through violence and extreme actions. there are several characteristics that can be identified from a radical attitude and understanding: 1) intolerant (do not want to respect the opinions & beliefs of others), 2) fanatical (self-righteous, others are wrong), 3) exclusive (differentiate themselves from other muslims) and 4) revolutionary (tend to use violent ways to achieve goals). however, when viewed from a religious point, it can be interpreted as a religious ideology that refers to the foundation of religion supported with very high religious fanaticism, making it prone to using violence to different people to actualize the religious ideas which embraced and believed to be accepted by force. radicalism is a very conservative movement and often resorts to violence to teach their beliefs. since islam is the religion of peace, it does not justify the use of force in spreading the practice of religion, religious ideas, and political views.9 adjie suradji expressed that the definition of radicalism is equal to terrorism. but then he uses the term radicalism to distinguish both. radicalism is a policy, and terrorism is part of radical policies. radicalism contains a mental attitude that leads to action aimed at weakening and changing the order of establishment and replace them with new ideas. for the latter meaning, radicalism holds a negative understanding and can even be dangerous as the extreme left or right.10 radicalism is an embryo for the birth of terrorism. radicalism is an attitude that craves a total change by overturning the existing values drastically through violence and extreme actions. several characteristics can be recognized and understood from radicalism such as 1) intolerant (do not value the opinions and beliefs of others), 2) fanatic (always feel alone; consider everyone else wrong), 3) exclusive (distinguish themselves from muslims in general) and 4) revolutionary (likely to use violent means to achieve the goal).11 b. definition of extreme beliefs extremism is a strong idea or belief toward something beyond the limits of reasonability and contrary to ruling law. extremism often uses violent and fanatic means in achieving the goals. extremism resulted in contradictions between each other, causing mutual suspicion, resulting in a split between one another, causing social breakdown. extremism is a form of abuse of political activities that take advantage of 253vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 the group or organization. meanwhile, the term extremism is to describe a doctrine of using all means to achieve its objectives. extremism is an exaggeration in religion, applying religious principles rigidly beyond the norms. extremism with a broader sense, including: 1. fanaticism (ta’ashub), in one opinion, does not recognize others and cannot correctly apply religious values and tend to be violent. 2. tend to prejudice and claim other people with different interpretations as an infidel. a. right extremism (religious fundamentalists) right extremism is a term that refers to a segment of the political spectrum usually associated with conservatism, classical liberalism, religious right groups. b. left extremism (communist) the group that is usually associated with the flow of socialist or socialdemocratic. everyone agreed that none of the religion’s teaching instructs the followers to commit violence and destruction. hendrapriono stated that violence, anarchy, and all forms of radicalism are against religious values that teach people to be good to all god’s creatures. c. islam online media development in indonesia the fall of the suharto regime is the start of the momentum of freedom for the media in indonesia, started from the abolishment of license for publishing business press during the reign of president habibie, which previously restricted the circulation of the media. since the license was no longer valid and was replaced by law no. 40/1999, the policy of press in indonesia turned into the liberal press because it limits government intervention in the freedom of the press.12 in the reformation era, the emergence of mass media grew exponentially, including islamic media. many islamic magazines had sprung up. though some had been published in the suharto era, at that time, they could only circulate internally. for example, some militant magazines with salafi backgrounds such as the sunnah, assyariah, an nashihah, fatwa, qiblati, marriages and elfata. since the entry into force of the new system, the emergence of mass media grew exponentially, including islamic media. many islamic magazines had sprung up. though some had been published in the suharto era, at that 254 afkaruna time, they could only circulate internally. for example, some militant magazines with salafi backgrounds such as the sunnah, assyariah, an nashihah, fatwa, qiblati, marriages and elfata. in this reform era, the internet becomes a new media emerging in indonesian society. this new technology also brings about changes in the media landscape in indonesia. muslim activity using the internet to spread ideas about islam and their attention grows along with the conditions around them in accordance with their ideological background. grifith et al. found that the websites of the hard-line ideological groups used various media to spread their ideological beliefs. they were able to create a larger community with shared values ideologically with a much larger amount than they had before the internet. the islamist group also includes drawings and specific issues to create effective processes to indoctrinate and organize group members.13 the online radicalism phenomenon emphasizes the growth of groups with specific attention through the internet, which was formed by people who do not know each other between internet users and to develop a sense of greater closeness among the members. if this proximity has been established, then the openness among users who do not know each other is also increased to build a sense of closeness between them. therefore, to develop ideological attention and to get the attention of the wider community, many new websites used names and symbols of islam. some examples are the salafy.or.id (2005), alsofwah.or.id, eramuslim.com (2005), arrahmah.com (2006) and muslim.or.id (2008).14 some researchers have investigated the use of websites to spread the messages of radicals in indonesia. bergin et a., in a special report for the australian strategic policy institute issued in march 2016, reported that internet users in indonesia had risen sharply to 900%. bergin et al. also found that the number of websites with radical messages increased dramatically, from only 15 in 2007 to 670 in one year. in this report, bergin identifies various administrators of these radical websites, namely the muslim radical groups, schools, and sympathizers. hui also explores how these radical websites often misrepresent the injustice and the threat to the lives of the mujahid (jihadists), also praise for those who have been ‘martyred’.15 bergin categorizes arrahmah administrators from the group of radical muslim fundamentalism. arrahmah.com founded by muhammad jibril, son of abu jibril, the most influential person in the 255vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 jama’ah islamiyah. muhammad jibril established a media network arrahmah, a publishing company that produces a variety of media such as cds, magazines (jihadmagz),16 books and videos about jihad. in march 2015, the government of indonesia banned arrahmah.com along with 21 other islamic sites with charges of propagating isis (islamic state of iraq and syria) belief to the muslim community of indonesia. there were 22 online sites suspected of radicalism: arrahmah.com, voaislam.com, ghur4ba.blogspot.com, panjimas.com, thoriquna.com, salanoline.com, aqlislamiccenter.com, kiblat.net, dakwahmedia.com, muqawamah.com lasdipo.com, gemaislam.com, eramuslim.com, daulahislam.com, soutussalam.com, azzammedia.com, dakwatuna.com, khafilah mujahid.com, annajah.net, muslimdaily.net, hidayatullah.com. after careful investigation, the charges against 22 muslims banned sites is not proven. therefore, arrahmah.com and several other sites can continue to operate until now, only thoriquna, khafilamujahid, an-najah.net, dakwahmedia.com gemaislam.com, daulahislam.com and indonesia support islamicatate.blogspot.com that cannot proceed further. media representing the selected moderate season in this discussion is nu online (nu.org.id). nu online is the official website of nahdlatul ulama organization, one of the largest islamic organizations in indonesia. as an official website, nu online publicize the organization’s activities and nu views on current issues. moreover, this website also provides sermon materials, prayers and articles written by the leaders of nu. republika is a medium that has a target audience of muslims. unlike the previous online media managed by individual and mass organizations, republika is a commercial mass media to shape the company. therefore, republika’s approaches and considerations are not the same as arrahmah and nu online in portraying the news. the primary consideration in the republika in publishing a story is to benefit as much to achieve the broadest reach possible toward the muslim audience. d. media framing the word ‘framing’ means the process of giving more attention to an issue in the mind of a person. framing has been used in many fields such as sociology, politics, linguistics, psychology and art,17 frame as a ‘scheme to interpret’ someone by placing, perceiving, identifying and labeling a situation or information. 256 afkaruna in the field of psychology, it is associated with the process of individual cognition, which brings up the information process. in the political area, entman defines framing as public opinion in which the elite politicians control the democratic process. the formation of frames allows the political elite to direct the ‘truth’ in the majority of public opinion favorable local government. entman describes the four steps in the process of framing: defining the problem, diagnose why to make moral judgments and recommend solutions. defining the problem is to determine the causative agent associated with gains and losses in the context of the current cultural values. once the causative agent is found, then the second step of the process is to diagnose the cause of framing begins with identifying and background pressure that causes the problem. the third step is to make a moral assessment to evaluate the causative agent and its effect. the final step is to offer alternative solutions to resolve the issue and predicted subsequent effects. entman also defines the process of framing that appears on the four stages of the communication process: a communicator, receiver, and cultural texts. the framing process at the level of communicators occurs when a communicator makes decisions about what to say, guided by the frame or viewpoints, organize their belief system. the framing process occurs in the text when representations appear in the text, namely the presence or absence of keywords, phrases, stereotypical images, and resources that lead to specific research. the recipient or audience may have the same or different frame of media content. the process of framing in cultures is established from the empirical custom frame through discourse and thinking of most people in the socio-cultural environment.18 furthermore, scheufele describes the process of framing a circle includes a frame-building process, frame-setting, framing effect levels of individual and audience of journalists that connects the individual frame by media. scheufele frame-building process is defined as involving the formation of media frames that require resources that affect the creation of the frame as the value of media professionals and journalists, organizational pressures, and other external sources of influences as political actors, interest groups and other elites. the results of the frame-building can be seen in the media frames. once the media frame is formed, the next step is frame-setting. this process involves the perception of the audience and attributes highlighted by the 257vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 media frames to construct frames audience called frames setting. the level of influence of individual frames occurs when the individual frames (in this case, frames the audience) have deconstructed. the unique effects can be in the form of behavior, attitude or the result of thought. the final step in the process of framing is to involve journalists who are also at the same time into the audience. in this step, together with an audience of journalists are considered ‘normal’ and affected by media texts as well.19 van grop concluded that the analysis of the frame is a dynamic process of the social construction of reality, and therefore framing studies should use a constructivist paradigm approach. van gorp found in the process of finding the frame either in the media or in the form of the audience, subjective interpretation of the researcher can not be avoided. the reporter also only accepts as reality; then, by selecting and constructing specific facts, they emphasize particular evidence in the news, and consequently, the audience also pays attention to the evidence.20 the process of choosing and building this issue is also the necessary procedure for framing a message. in the context of media frames, this discussion should discover the possibilities inherent in the media frame by exploring a number of elements in the text. in contrast, in the frame of the audience, the critic must explore the interpretive view of specific issues related to the audience. media frames can be searched by identifying keywords, phrases, stereotype images, resources and sentences containing facts and opinions contained in the media frame would then be consumed by the audience, which will affect their daily conversation. analyzing the media frames can be used to browse the media production process, how journalists convey the information in the media, and how it is represented in newspapers, television and websites. however, frames in the media can influence the audience, and a different audience would probably catch a different frame toward an issue when compared to the existing frame in the media. analyzing the media frame, including the analysis of media production and media contents. the report of media production includes how media represents an issue. researchers in this area analyze the frame in the news media, including examining the influence of social institutions, structural strength and professional practitioners, and also the value in selecting and shaping the media frame. the analysis of media content includes media representation of the events or to specific issues, such as poverty, radical mus258 afkaruna lims and the war against terrorism. kiousis explained the internal and external characteristics of the emphasis on the media issue. external features are visibility, consisting of attention and interest, including the number of the media’s problems, while the benefit is news placement, size, pictures, graphs and other illustrations to attract the audience. in contrast, the internal characteristics include valence issues classified as positive, negative and neutral.21 result & discussion islam online media framing issues jihad against radicalism and terrorism. the issue of jihad in a frame in 5 main topics, namely: jihad is a war, a jihad to improve the welfare of the community, jihad is earnest, jihad to enforce the law of allah and jihad against the rightful ruler is zalim as can be seen in the table i. table i. recap of framing by online media coverage of jihad issues in islam no frame online media arrahmah hidayatullah nu republika total 1. jihad is a war 131 9 12 15 167 2. jihad is for the welfare of society 0 2 100 29 131 3. jihad to uphold the religious laws of god 55 3 16 6 80 4. jihad is taking seriously 1 7 47 23 80 5. jihad against the dzalim ruler 52 33 0 1 86 1. arrahmah.com online islamic media arrahmah.com broadly publicize news of the struggle of many jihadists who joined the iia (islam international al jazair) and the fight against isis, so arrahmah tends to frame the issue of jihad as fighting the infidels. so the large part of the jihad arrahmah frame is within the meaning of war and enforces the sharia of allah. furthermore, some frames exist only in the media arrahmah.com, jihad is the solidarity of faith aimed to liberate people from oppression, jihad against the shia, while the theme of jihad to uphold the shariah of allah only arrahman.com believe that leaving jihad caused humiliation of muslims. it means that the issue of jihad in arrahmah.com is a war against the dzalim ruler and enforce shari’a of allah. 259vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 2. hidayatullah.com in hidayatullah.com, the most prominent jihad frame is the war in earnest. hidayatullah focuses on muslim land acquisition related to the conflict in rohingya and palestine. while in other cases, it focuses more earnestly to try your best and jihad in wealth. it is fascinating to examine not only the theme of jihad minimal frame but no jihad frame against the dzalim ruler. hidayatullah activities focus on community empowerment requiring various parties’ cooperation, especially those in power, deliberate actions taken by editor in chief of hidayatullah. 3. nu online focus frame of the issue of jihad at nu online is jihad for the welfare of society. one of the largest jihad frames at nu online is a jihad to defend the state, jihad to public welfare, framing of nu populist with cultural propaganda and the fight against ignorance and poverty and anti-corruption jihad. generally, jihad framing in nu online is quite varied. however, no dzalim ruler framing similar to hidayatullah. nu possibly does not conflict with the government, so that framing of dzalim ruler is unnecessary. 4. republika online a large part of the jihad frame in republika online is improving social welfare and jihad in earnest. jihad of making peace is more prominent than other framings. republika tries to put themselves in a neutral position and does not favor one group of muslims. therefore keeping inter-group harmony becomes important to republika since, from the beginning, it positioned itself as a reference for indonesian muslims. conclusion from the above analysis, it can be concluded that the issue of jihad is framed differently by each online islam media. the difference was apparent in the selection of events, the frequency of the selection and loading of news, emphasizing aspect in the choice of words, examples and illustrations. the meaning of jihad has different interpretations, even among muslims. some interpret it as a seriousness that someone strives for in struggling to uphold the religion of allah. in comparison, according to the kbbi (big indonesian dictionary), the word jihad has three meanings: (1) all efforts to achieve goodness (2) serious efforts to defend the religion of islam by sacrificing property, body and soul (3) holy war against infidels to defend islam. 260 afkaruna the jihad framing on arrahmah.com media, hidayatullah.com, nu online, and republika online also showed the difference in meaning. arrahmah’s framing about the causes of jihad because of allah’s promise of the ultimate victory for the mujahid is going to heaven (qs al-taubah; 111), and as for the jihad activity that arrahmah.com means is liberating everything, for example, a form of oppression and slavery that was carried out by “thagut” and defending and upholding islamic law, and jihad becomes compulsory for all believers. in comparison, nu online and republika online defined jihad in a broader sense, such as prospering and building society, jihad against lust and ignorance. also, another meaning of jihad is by defending the country, being serious in the path of allah. in relation to that, nu online also recommends jihad assets and jihad against corruption. rais suriyah pbnu kh subhan makmundalam in harlah 33 at man 1 brebes february 2016 stated that currently muslims must do economic jihad instead of taking up arms, send children to school and treat sick parents. meanwhile, republika online proposes jihad actions with peaceful jihad, political jihad and seeking knowledge. according to prof. achmad satori of uin syarif hidayatullah, the most relevant jihad is peaceful jihad, which focuses on the fields of education, economics and politics. from the explanation above, the jihad frame in the media arrahmah.com and hidayatullah.com is different compared to nu online and republika online. the framing of jihad in arrahmah and hidayatullah.com is interpreted in a narrow sense by fighting against infidels, upholding islamic law for all muslims. therefore the humiliation and fall of islam will come if jihad is abandoned. on the other hand, nu online and republika online issue a broader meaning in this islamic jihad. it is also interpreted as being really serious against corruption, wealth jihad, political jihad to jihad in peace, however, the four online media studied have the same frame for the reason of muslim jihad. all four platforms agree that jihad is the obligation of all muslims and to uphold islamic law. also, the research found that online islamic media with various ideological backgrounds have different perspectives. the issue of jihad from its meaning is in accordance with its ideology, similar to the theory put forward by entman, which offers moral judgment or moral evaluation, showing how the media offers a solution to problems in the news. as a result, researchers can see how the media selects issues and highlights particular aspects. 261vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 endnotes 1 samosir, “isis di indonesia juga pakai media sosial.” accessed march 3, 2021 2 twediana budi hapsari. framing media islam terhadap isu jihad radikalisme dan terorisme. 2019th ed. yogyakarta: lp3m umy, n.d 3 mala, “‘e-dakwah: tinjauan awal kontestasi islam, dakwah dan internet.” n.d. 15 4 kandi, “bnpt serahkan tinjau ulang pemblokiran situs islam ke kominfo.” 2015 5 byrne et al., “online ideology.” 2013 6 “pengalaman republika, ini tantangan mengelola media muslim | republika online.” 2018 7 budi hapsari, framing media islam terhadap isu jihad radikalisme dan terorisme. 2019 8 terrorism: fundamentalist christianity, judaism and islam (jakarta: compass books, 2009),. 9 “hendropriyono, jewish christian fundamentalist islamic terrorism, compass jakarta, 2009. use. journal of computer-mediated communication, 18, 137-153. doi: 10.1111 / jcc4.12003. google search.” 10 soeradji, terrorism, (jakarta: surya multi graphic, 2010), 13. 11 terrorism: fundamentalist christianity, judaism and islam (jakarta: compass books, 2009),. 12 satrio saptohadi, “indonesian press freedom, journal of laws dynamics. vol 11 (1), (2011), 127-138.” 13 byrne et al., “online ideology.” 2013 14 bergin, “sulastri bte osman, carl ungerer, and nur azlin mohamed yasin. countering internet radicalisation in southeast asia.”. 2009 15 hui, “the internet in indonesia.” 2010 16 muzakki, “the roots, strategies, and popular perception of islamic radicalism in indonesia.” 2014 17 kitzinger, “framing and frame analysis.” 2007 18 “framing: toward clarification of a fractured paradigm entman 1993 journal of communication wiley online library.” 1993 19 scheufele, “framing as a theory of media effects.” 1999 20 jennings, “book reviews.” journal of communication 56, no. 4 (december 1, 2006) 21 kiousis, “explicating media salience.” 2004 references bergin, a., osman, s.b., ungerer, c & yasin, n.a.m. (2009). countering internet radicalization in south east asia, an rsis aspi joint report, march 2009, issue 22. byrne, christina, l., darin, s., nei., jamie, d. b., michael, g., hughes, j. l., davis, j. a., griffith, l. n., harkrider, k. s., hester, a. d. & issac, c. r. 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(2006).”book reviews.” journal of communication 56(4), pp. 869– 870. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00329.x. kandi, rosmiyati dewi. “bnpt serahkan tinjau ulang pemblokiran situs islam ke kominfo.” nasional. accessed march 3, 2021. https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20150412140929-12-46032/bnpt-serahkan-tinjau-ulangpemblokiran-situs-islam-ke-kominfo. kiousis, s. (2004). explication media salience: a factor analysis of the new york times issue coverage during the 2000 us presidential electionjournal of communication, 54 (march): 71-87.doi: 10.11ll / j.1460-2466.2004.tb026l4.x kitzinger, j. (2007). framing and frame analysis. media studies: key issues and debates. london, uk: sage, pp. 134-161 lincoln, y. s., lynham., s. a, & guba, e. g. (2011) paradigmatic controversies, contradictions and emerging confluences, revisited. in denzin, nk and lincoln, ys (eds). the sage handbook of qualitative research, california: sage. mala, f. (n.d). e-dakwah: tinjauan awal kontestasi islam, dakwah, dan internet. 15 muzakki, a. (2004). the roots, strategies and popular perception of islamic radicalism in indonesia. journal of indonesian islam, 8 (1). noer, d. modern islamic movement in indonesia 1900-1942, jakarta: lp3es 1990. noor, f. a., sikand, y., & bruinessen, m. (ed). the madrasa in asia: political activism and transnational linkage, vol 2, amsterdam university, 2008. paletz, d. l. & entman, r. m. (1980). presidents, power, and the press. presidential studies quarterly, 10 (3). scheufele, d. a. (1999). framing as a theory of media ettects. journal of communication 49. twediana, b. h. (2019). framing media islam terhadap isu jihad radikalisme dan terorisme. publisher: lp3m, yogyakarta van, g., & baldwin. (2007). the constructionist approach to pack in frame bringing culture. journal of communication. zada, k. radical islamic mass organizations struggle islam teraju hardliners in indonesia, south jakarta, article media. 2002. jurnal af ka ru na vol. 17 no . 1 juni 2021 the influence of online media on muslim radicalism among senior high school students doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i1.10747 iqbal miftakhul mujtahid1, rian vebrianto2, musa thahir3, nell yusro4 faculty of law, social and political sciences, universitas terbuka1 faculty of tarbiyah and teacher training, universitas islam negeri sultan syarif kasim riau2,3,4 correspondence e-mail: rian.vebrianto@uin-suska.ac.id2 abstract the analysis of radicalism attitudes among students is triggered by the lack of supervision of information and communication technology usage. this study aims to find the attitude of radicalism among senior high school students based on gender. the research is designed with a quantitative approach. the data were collected using a questionnaire. this study involved 229 students selected by random sampling, with a total of 107 male and 122 female students. the data were collected using a questionnaire and essay. the data were further analysed qualitatively and quantitatively. the results of this study showed that in part a, 34% male and 19% female students often sent and shared religious content and conflicts on social media. in part b, 13% male and 14% female students agreed on courtship, marriages with different religion, polygamy, and divorce. in part c, 2% male and female students are anti-ideological and uphold islamic law. furthermore, in part d, 67% male and 46% female students declare non-muslims as infidel, and war is a part of jihad. keywords: radicalism; senior high school (sma, smk and man), gender abstrak analisis sikap radikalisme di kalangan mahasiswa dipicu oleh kurangnya pengawasan penggunaan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi. oleh karena itu penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui sikap radikalisme di kalangan siswa sma berbasis gender. penelitian ini merupakan jenis penelitian survey (tinjauan) dengan pendekatan kuantitatif melibatkan 229 siswa yang dipilih secara random sampling, dengan jumlah 107 laki-laki dan 122 siswa perempuan. pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan kuesioner dan essay. data tersebut selanjutnya dianalisis secara 114 a f k a r u n a kualitatif dan kuantitatif. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa di part a, 34% laki-laki dan 19% mahasiswi sering mengirim dan membagikan konten dan konflik agama di media sosial. di bagian b, 13% siswa laki-laki dan 14% perempuan setuju tentang pacaran, perkawinan beda agama, poligami, dan perceraian. di bagian c, 2% siswa laki-laki dan perempuan anti ideologis dan menjunjung tinggi hukum islam. lebih lanjut, di bagian d, 67% pria dan 46% wanita menyatakan nonmuslim sebagai kafir, dan perang adalah bagian dari jihad. keywords: radikalisme; sekolah menengah atas (sma, smk dan man), gender introduction personality, mindset, and knowledge of students are influenced by several factors constituting internal and external factors. students are a component of the education system. human resources were abundant in quality and quantity that are molded into persons exhibiting value, morals, and manner in seeking knowledge, which is the ultimate goal of national education. this component is currently facing the threat of different ideologies that pose the risks of corrupting morals and personalities. coupled with the feudalism system, it is feared that the seeds of radicalism have been planted that may sprout at any time in the future. radicalism is prone to be exhibited by teenagers, especially students. it may be attributable to the lack of understanding about tolerance behaviors and the importance of avoiding reproach behaviors, including hate speech on ethnicity, race, religion, and groups. fadjar mentioned that research conducted by institute for islamic studies and peace (lakip) in 2010 showed that 48.9% of students in jakarta, bogor, depok, tangerang, and bekasi approved of behaviors of islamic radicalism.1 there are several factors to radical behaviors, namely a) frustration-aggression hypothesis (perceived deprivation, problems related to political, economic, and personal needs), b) negative identity hypothesis (anger and helplessness involving a rejection of expected roles in family and society), c) narcissistic rage hypothesis (mental issues, sociopathic, arrogant, narcissistic, personality disorder).2 elaborated on the escalation of person’s radical behaviors to terrorism which is affected by a number of factors, among them are differences in beliefs, ethnicity, socio economic status.3 the education world is unavoidably mentioned in the discussion of radical behaviors among students, such as in a study by, suggesting that radicalism has been a prominent issue in an educational institution.4 one example is a controversy in 2015 surrounding the findings of radical teachings contained in a student worksheet and religious education textbooks in 115vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 jombang, east java, and bandung, west java. social media is a means of online social interaction where users can communicate and interact, exchange messages with each other, share and build networks (networking).5 social media is an application that allows the creation and exchange of user-generated content.6 other findings, one of them from the ministry of communication and information technology, shows that the role of parents is significant in controlling children’s internet use. however, it turns out there are still many parents who are lagging in terms of mastery and use of digital media compared to their children. a shocking number of parents do not bother to monitor and oversee their children’s internet and social media use. the positive and negative impacts of social media on children’s moral education, taking viii graders of smp negeri 2 banda aceh as the sample.7 the result showed that the negative impacts outweigh the positive ones. early detection or recognition of student radical behaviors is vital, though gender-based studies are needed to develop training, education, and understanding program. umar in pointed out that “gender” derives from a word in the english language, which means “sex.” in webster’s new world dictionary, gender is defined as distinguishable characteristics between men and women in terms of values and behaviors.8 internet stands for internetworking. in the technical career survival handbook, networking can be done using social media such as facebook. social media is increasingly being used as a platform for marketing and advertising activities. organizations have spent a lot of time, money and resources on social media advertising.9 in the book a new vision for supporting caregivers in the future, the term media refers to a communication tool by which information can be disseminated to the general public (for example via radio, newspaper, or television). although valuable knowledge can be circulated and gained from these resources, traditional media provide only one-way mechanisms for sharing information. on the other hand, social media makes it possible to share information and ideas collaboratively and to share in promoting connection, conversation, and community building by providing the opportunity to see what others are saying and to provide feedback.10 the nascent social media has participated in the historical process of social reform and change.11 according to research by mitchell hamilyon, velitchka d. kaltcheva, and andrew j. rohm, in their research they identified a social media strategy for brands related to interaction and immersion satisfaction 116 a f k a r u n a based on the three types of customer values studied. the reported findings offer important managerial and theoretical implications with regard to the effects of discrete social media interactions on customer value creation.12 research by farzana parveen tajudeen, noor ismawati jaafar, and sulaiman ainin investigated the antecedents and impacts of social media use in organizations. this research uses technology, organizational, and environmental frameworks and includes certain introductory factors that are specific to the use of social media in organizations. items for measuring different purposes of social media use in organizations were developed, which contributed to the increase in the measurement of social media use. this study develops and tests an integrated model that contributes to scientific research on social media and information systems. this study also helps organizations to understand the benefits of using social media and provides justification for investment in social media by organizations.13 on the other hand, social media has developed rapidly and has become a normal channel and a powerful tool for citizens to communicate and carry influential messages among the community. based on the description above, this study aims to examine radicalism behaviors among high school students exposed to social media which is broken down into several parts, namely part a discussing the use of information and communication technology, part b discussing moral behavior based on religious belief, part c discussing islam and nation ideology and part d discussing islam and personality. research method the design of a research is survey research design with a quantitative approach.14 the data were collected using a questionnaire. this questionnaire contains the use of social media in adolescents and exposure to radicalism which consists of part a constituted the assessment to identify the percentage of male and female students using technology and information, part b constituted the assessment to identify student responses on behaviors, based on beliefs and morals, part c constituted the assessment to identify student responses on islamic sharia and national ideology, and part d constituted the assessment in the form essay to identify student responses on islam, state, and radical behaviors. this questionnaire was adapted from research and has received validation from 3 experts.15 this instrument is considered feasible to be carried out in research. 117vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 this study was conducted to identify radicalism behaviors among high school students, including public senior high school (sman), madrasah aliyah negeri (man), and vocational high school (smk) in riau province. sampling was performed using a random sampling technique. the samples analyzed consisted of 65 students each from sma and ma and 99 smk students, totaling 229 students. this study involved 229 students selected by random sampling, with a total of 107 male and 122 female students. a likert-scale questionnaire and essay were used for data collection, and the data were analyzed using spss for window to descriptive analysis. discussion before getting into the discussion, it will be explained the discussion for each section according to the theme in this instrument. the use of information and communication technology items in part a included a1 (the role of religion in life), a2 (islamic boarding school [pondok pesantren]), a3 (free time habits), a4 (time of internet use), a5 (devices for accessing the internet and social media), a6 (device ownership), a7 (availability of credit or internet connection), a8 (purposes of accessing internet), a9 (contents of social media and internet accessed), a10 (use of internet for religious sites), a11 (administration or membership in social media), a12 (religious information), a13 (sharing of religious information), a14 (reading religious information) and a15 (religious problems), which were presented in figure 1 below. figure 1. student responses on the use of information technology and islamic information 118 a f k a r u n a as seen in figure 1, part a constituted the assessment to identify the percentage of male and female students using technology and information. in a1, 83% of male students and 84% of female students stated that the role of religion was crucial in life. in a2, 87% of male students and 86% of female students stated that they never went to an islamic boarding school. in a3, 27% of male students and 15% of female students stated that they frequently surfed the internet in their free time. in a4, 95% of male students and 91% of female students stated that they spent more than 13 hours of their time to access the internet and social media. in a5, 79% of male students and 80% of female students stated that they accessed social media through a smartphone. in a6, 88% of male students and 93% of female students stated that they owned their device to access the internet. in a7, 75% of male students and 70% of female students stated that they bought a data plan on their own. in a8, 70% of male students stated that they used the internet for playing online games, and 60% of female students stated that they used the internet for chatting or messaging. furthermore, in a9, 44% of male students stated that they accessed social media and the internet for online games, and 40% of female students chose social interactions. in a10, 38% of male students and 39% of female students stated that they elicited religious information from youtube. in a11, 84% of male students and 93% of female students stated that their most used social media was whatsapp. in a12, 50% of male students stated that they preferred religious information regarding islam history, while 28% of female students preferred fiqh. in a13, 54% of male students and 73% of male students preferred not to send or share religious information to other groups. in a14, 72% of male students and 71% of female students stated that they read religious information until the end. lastly, in a15, 80% of male students and 89% of female students claimed that they never got involved in a religious conflict on social media. part b constituted the assessment to identify student responses on behaviors, based on beliefs and morals, such as (1) not covering intimate parts, (2) dating, (3) drugs and alcohol, (4) terrorism, (5) hate speech, (6) lgbt (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender), (7) free sex and prostitution, (8) interfaith marriage, (9) polygamy, (10) divorce, (11) violence and (12) hoaxes, which were presented in figure 2 below. 119vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 figure 2. male and female student responses figure 2 showed that 50% of both male and female students had similar responses to deviant behaviors. both student groups believed that religion is essential in life. part c constituted the assessment to identify student responses on islamic sharia and national ideology, which included (1) islam and pancasila, (2) constitution, state form, and political and legal system, (3) islam and nationalism, (4) islam and diversity and (5) citizenship. each item consisted of 5 parts, and the students indicated their preference using scales namely “strongly agree (ss),” “agree (s),” “undecided (r),” “disagree (ts),” “strongly disagree (sts,” which were presented in figure 3 below. figure 3. responses on religion and national ideology 120 a f k a r u n a figure 3 showed part c1 to c5 regarding islam and pancasila. in figure 4.17, for c1, 48 students, both male and female, “strongly disagreed (sts)” that pancasila could be replaced by other ideology as the foundational philosophical theory of indonesia. for c2, 64 male students and 70 female students “strongly agreed (ss)” that every muslim must defend pancasila as the foundation of the state. for c3, 40 students, both male, and female were “undecided (r),” whether pancasila could be replaced with islam. for c4, 53 male students and 40 female students were “undecided (r),” whether they were willing to get involved in the effort to replace pancasila with islam. lastly, for c5, 69 male students and 45 female students “strongly disagreed (ts)” that pancasila was no longer compatible with islamic values. part c6 to c10 contained constitution, state form, and political and legal system. in figure 4.17, for c6, 58 male students and 51 female students “agreed (s)” that groups and followers of other religions must be protected. for c7, 66 male students and 40 female students “agreed (s) that the 1945 constitution was in line with islamic teachings. for c8, 52 male students and 48 female students were “undecided (r),” whether the state law applied in indonesia was not kafir law. for c9, 63 male students and 43 female students “agreed (s)” that the ideal state form for indonesia was an islamic state. for c10, 56 male students and 53 female students were “undecided (r)” whether islamic sharia should be implemented comprehensively (kaffah) without phasing throughout indonesia. part c11 to c15 contained islam and nationalism. in figure 4.17, for c11, 60 male students, and 41 female students, “agreed (s)” that nkri was the state form of indonesia. for c12, 64 male students and 46 female students “agreed (s)” that nationalism was part or islamic teachings. for c13, 39 male students and 40 female students “disagreed (ts)” that patriotism was not part of jihad. for c14, 58 male students and 55 female students “strongly agreed (ss)” that brotherhood was not only bound by religion but also nation. lastly, for c15, 70 male students and 68 female students “strongly disagreed (sts)” that they refused to respect the flag during the ceremony. part c16 to c120 contained islam and diversity. in figure 4.17, for c16, 41 male students and 52 female students “strongly agreed (ss)” that religion forbade imposing one’s religion on others. in c17, 54 male students and 56 female students “strongly agreed (ss)” that religion did not forbid kindness toward all followers of all religions. in c18, 50 students, both male and female, “disagreed (ts)” to avoid being friends with people from other faiths. 121vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 in c19, 42 male students and 30 female students “strongly disagreed (sts)” that the best leader should be elected even if they are different in religion. in c20, 39 male students and 42 female students were “undecided (r),” whether it is haram to have women as a leader. part c21 to c25 contained citizenship. in figure 4.17, for c21, 47 male students and 50 female students “agreed (s)” to respect legitimate government. for c22, 52 male students and 35 female students “agreed (s)” to respect the leader of other countries for the pursuance of “khilafah islamiyah.” in c23, 41 students, both male and female, were “undecided (r)” whether taking part in the election was against the teachings of their religion. for c24, 58 male students and 63 female students “strongly disagreed (sts)” with the statement that bombing is divine command or jihad. lastly, in c25, 34 male students and 35 female students “strongly disagreed (sts)” with the statement that jihad only meant war. activities of accompaniment, advocacy and raising awareness toward radicalism such as a) reasoning, by strengthening the principle of ahlissunnnah waljamaah an-nahdliyyah; b) administrative, by providing structured and systematic instructions from the center to the regions; c) movement, by conducting training, institutional programs, and regeneration; and d) situation response, by giving attitude statement, comments, criticism, and suggestion.16 the education world can also contribute by changing the learning system and curriculum. in order to prevent radicalism among students, the indonesian islamic reasoning program (ppii) is implemented by using collaborative learning from various approaches and methods in the process, such as meaningful learning, contextual teaching and learning, cooperative learning, active learning, and others.17 besides, invited islamic religious education teachers to conduct promotion related to the dangers of radicalism, empower mosques or school prayer rooms as centers of islamic activities, protect student organizations such as rohis (rohani islam) because radicalism often targets active children in schools, develop tolerance and instill plural life.18 part d constituted the assessment in the form essay to identify student responses on islam, state, and radical behaviors. it consisted of several matters, namely d1: “what and who is called kafir?”, d2: “non-muslims equal kafir,” d3: “what and who are considered radical?”, d4: “examples of radicalism,” d5: “what is meant by islamic state?”, d6: “views on the islamic state,” d7: “understanding of islam kaffah,” d8: “views on jihad,” d9: 122 a f k a r u n a “views on suicide bombing in indonesia,” and d10: “has indonesia implemented islamic sharia law?”. these were presented in figure 4. figure 4 showed that on d1, 56% of male students and 60% of female students answered that kafir people are “non-muslims.” on d2, 68% of students, both male and female, answered that “non-muslims equal kafir.” on d3, 34% of male students and 44% of female students answered that “insulting ethnicity, religion, race and intergroup relation is radicalism.” on d4, 37% of male students and 41% of female students stated the instance of radicalism was “harassment based on ethnicity, religion, race and intergroup relations.” on d5, 78% of female students replied that an islamic state was “a muslim-majority country,” while 69% of male students answered “islamic country or caliphate system.” on d6, 94% of male students and 93% of female students responded based on their perspectives that an islamic state was “a country that practices islamic sharia and are peaceful, just and prosperous.” on d7, 53% of male students and 63% of female students believed that islam kaffah meant “practicing islamic teachings comprehensively.” on d8, 76% of male students believed that jihad was “war,” while 72% of female students believed that jihad meant “following all teachings and commandments.” on d9, 91% of male students and 96% of female students expressed that suicide bombing was “a wrong and despicable action.” lastly, on d10, 43% of male students and 54% of female students perceived that islamic sharia law in indonesia “has not been implemented.” based on the responses on parts a, b, c, and d, the total results were summarized in the following figure. figure 4. responses on islam, state, and radicalism 123vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 figure 5. responses on islam, state, and radicalism based on figure 5, in part a, 34% of male students and 19% of female students frequently sent and shared religious contents and religious conflicts on social media. in part b, 13% of male students and 14% of female students condone dating, interfaith marriage, polygamy, and divorce. in part c, 2% of students, both male, and female, were anti-ideology and upheld islamic sharia. in part d, 67% of male students and 46% of female students stated that non-muslims were kafir, and the war was considered jihad (misconception of real jihad). moreover, part d shows that the seeds of radicalism may sprout in the absence of proper teaching and understanding to suppress the behaviors. pointed out that ancient human history presents more than enough evidence that a nation could collapse when moral degradation goes out of control, people start to stray away from religious teachings and disobey laws.19 when students have graduated from high school or equivalent, organizational tendencies in higher education such as college or gesellschaft may develop. nu conference in 2015 mapped the characteristics of some potentially radical cohorts such as takfiri, jihadi, siyasi and salafi movements.20 the fundamentalist view poses a significant danger to life, especially women. fundamentalism rejects the principle of justice and gender equality, birth control, sexual education, reproduction health, people with hiv or aids, and condemns rape victim and sex worker union.21 for part b, 6% of respondents stated that deviant or immoral behaviors and religiousness are the benchmarks in fundamentalism. according to aminah22, deradicalization or trans124 a f k a r u n a formation is needed to ward off radicalism, and it can be realized by 1) changing egoistic behavior toward the truth of other people or groups into a more open, pluralistic behavior; 2) transforming the concept of a symbolic identity into a concept that is understood substantially and has universal value; 3) transforming the closed textual corpus understanding into a more open contextual corpus. described activities of accompaniment, advocacy and raising awareness toward radicalism such as a) reasoning, by strengthening the principle of ahlissunnnah waljamaah an-nahdliyyah; b) administrative, by providing structured and systematic instructions from the center to the regions; c) movement, by conducting training, institutional programs, and regeneration; and d) situation response, by giving attitude statement, comments, criticism, and suggestion. the education world can also contribute by changing the learning system and curriculum.23 in order to prevent radicalism among students, the indonesian islamic reasoning program (ppii) is implemented by using collaborative learning from various approaches and methods in the process, such as meaningful learning, contextual teaching and learning, cooperative learning, active learning, and others.24 besides, islamic religious education teachers to conduct promotion related to the dangers of radicalism, empower mosques or school prayer rooms as centers of islamic activities, protect student organizations such as rohis (rohani islam) because radicalism often targets active children in schools, develop tolerance and instill plural life.25 last but not least important, the family also plays an essential role in combating radical behaviors. radicalism can be driven away through the synergy between father and mother.26 educating children is not only the responsibility of one parent but a shared responsibility. a harmonious relationship between the two becomes the main instrument in warding off radicalism. conclusion based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that: 1) without proper supervision, social media can harm students. it is evidenced by the discovery of religious conflict, differences in perception, and social by 17.5%; and 2) in part a, 34% of male students and 19% of female students regularly send and share religious contents and religious conflicts on social media. in part b, 13% of male students and 14% of female students condone dating, interfaith marriage, polygamy, and divorce. in part c, 2% of male students 125vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 and female students are anti-ideology and uphold islamic sharia. in part d, 67% of male students and 46% of female students expressed that non-muslims are kafir, and war is considered jihad (misconception of real jihad). from this research, it can be seen that social media can be a way to provoke both men and women to commit radicalism if they have a narrow understanding of religion and of course the role of the family is the most important main fortress in dealing with this understanding of radicalism from various sources, both social media and recitation which is realized by the family. this also implies for the government to always provide an understanding of religious moderation in various ways and information that is right on target. acknowledgment this research was conducted with the cooperation and support of student open university and uin sultan syarif kasim riau in helping to make this research successful and effective. endnotes 1 ahmad sholikin, “potret sikap radikalisme menuju pada perilaku terorisme di kabupaten lamongan”, journal of governance, vol. 3 no. 2 (2018), p. 184– 202,. 2 kuntarto kuntarto and rindha widyaningsih, “prosiding seminar nasional dan call for papers”, in prosiding seminar nasional dan call for papers, “pengembangan sumber daya perdesaan dan kearifan lokal berkelanjutan viii”, (purwokerto, 2018), p. 218–226,. 3 ahmad sholikin, loc.cit. 4 jakaria umro, “upaya guru pendidikan agama islam dalam mencegah radikalisme agama di sekolah”, journal of islamic education (jie), vol. 2 no. 1 (2017), p. 89–108,. 5 andang sunarto, “dampak media sosial terhadap paham radikalisme”, nuansa, vol. 10 no. 2 (2017), p. 126–132,. 6 andreas m kaplan and michael haenlein, “users of the world , unite/ ! the challenges and opportunities of social media”, business horizons, vol. 53 (2010), p. 59–68, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2009.09.003. 7 nisa khairuni, “dampak positif dan negatif sosial media terhadap pendidikan akhlak anak.”, jurnal edukasi, vol. 2 no. 1 (2016), p. 91–106,. 8 titis rosowulan, “gerakan kesetaraan gender antara modetarisme islam dan radikal”, wahana islamika: jurnal studi keislaman, vol. 3 no. 1 (2017), p. 22– 42,. 9 a. a. alalwan, “investigating the impact of social media advertising features 126 a f k a r u n a on customer purchase intention”, international journal of information management, vol. 42 (2018), p. 65–77, https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.ijinfomgt.2018.06.001. 10 k nikzad-terhune et al., “the impact of the internet and social media on caregiving”, family caregiving in the new normal, 2015, p. 269–289, https:// doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/b978-0-12-417046-9.00015-5. 11 t dong et al., “social media and internet public events”, telematics and informatics, vol. 34 no. 3 (2017), p. 726–739, https://doi.org/https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.tele.2016.05.024. 12 m hamilton et al., “social media and value creation: the role of interaction satisfaction and interaction immersion”, journal of interactive marketing, vol. 36 (2016), p. 121–133, h ttp s://doi.org/htt ps://doi.org/10.1016/ j.intmar.2016.07.001. 13 f. p tajudeen et al., “understanding the impact of social media usage among organizations”, information and management, vol. 55 no. 3 (2018), p. 308– 321, https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.im.2017.08.004. 14 w creswell, j., educational research: planning, conducting abd evaluating quantitative dan qualitative research (4th ed.), (boston: pearson education, inc, 2012). 15 wahid foundation, “laporan riset potensi radikalisme di kalangan aktivis rohani islam sekolah sekolah negeri”, 2016. 16 nabila fauziah gardita, “peran pengurus besar nahdlatul ulama (pbnu) dalam mencegah radikalisme agama di indonesia pada tahun 2018”, 2018. 17 ali mas’ud et al., “program penalaran islam indonesia dan gerakan kontraradikalisme”, jurnal pendidikan agama islam (journal of islamic education studies), vol. 6 no. 2 (2019), p. 175–202, https://doi.org/10.15642/jpai.2018.6.2.175202. 18 jakaria umro, loc.cit. 19 abd rasyid rahman, “peran agama dalam memperkuat integrasi nasional (dalam prespektif sejarah)”, lensa budaya: jurnal ilmiah ilmu-ilmu budaya, vol. 12 no. 1 (2017), p. 101–109, https://doi.org/http://dx.doi.org/10.34050/ jlb.v12i1.3049. 20 nabila fauziah gardita, loc.cit. 21 musdah mulia, “bahaya radikalisme 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andang. “dampak media sosial terhadap paham radikalisme”. nuansa. vol. 10 no. 2 (2017), p. 126–132. tajudeen, f. p et al. “understanding the impact of social media usage among organizations”. information and management. vol. 55 no. 3 (2018), p. 308–321. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.im.2017.08.004. umro, jakaria. “upaya guru pendidikan agama islam dalam mencegah radikalisme agama di sekolah”. journal of islamic education (jie). vol. 2 no. 1 (2017), p. 89–108. 7. afkaruna_ilham mundzir jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 contextual learning innovations in islamic education textbooks at muhammadiyah elementary school grade iv doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.10375 universitas muhammadiyah prof. dr. hamka (uhamka), jakarta ilhammundzir@uhamka.ac.id ilham mundzir abstract this article aims to analyze the instructional methods used in textbooks to increase understanding of islam at the primary education level in indonesia, namely islamic education for 6th grade of muhammadiyah elementary school published by muhammadiyah executive board of primary and secondary education. this textbook research was conducted using a qualitative method, with a content-analysis approach to the instructional methods used in the book. the results of the study showed that this al-islam education textbook innovated by applying contextual teaching and learning (ctl) methods. in the end, this islamic education textbook published by educational council of central board of muhammadiyah can serve as a good example of the openness of islamic educational institutions to apply ctl-based instructional methods in islamic education, in order to increase students' understanding and practice of islam while at the same time improving the quality of islamic religious education in indonesia in general keywords: islamic education, textbook, contextual teaching and learning, elementary school improving the quality of learning methods at the education level is an important agenda to improve the quality of children's education in the introduction midst of their growing physical, intellectual and emotional abilities. normative, non-contextual, and teacher-centered learning methods are less effective in providing benefits for them.1 in the context of religious education, this method is also less effective in helping students understand and practice religion in their daily lives. one of the methods in religious learning that can be applied to improve understanding and experience of religion is contextual teaching and learning (ctl).2 this model is very important to consider because it integrates real-world situations into learning and teaching in the classroom, so that the lessons delivered are not just abstract concepts but are accompanied by concrete examples of everyday life.3 contextual learning methods encourage teachers to teach with various methods by considering the stages of the development of cognitive, affective, psychomotor, and identity of students.4 this is in line with a number of problems that still often occur in the implementation of islamic religious education in schools. first, there is a gap between religion understanding and practice. the concept of honesty is understood, but lacking the application.5 second, not a few teachers teach al-islam subject with a teacher and text-centered approach.6 teachers only transfer knowledge monotonously, and rarely relate the material to examples of its implementation in the real socio-cultural environment in society.7 third, the cognitive aspect becomes the main indicator of student success.8 the emphasis of religious education is on theory and memorization, but lacks inspiration and emphasis on implementation.9 in fact, islamic education demands understanding and practice at the same time. religious education does not only teach faith, but also educates commendable behavior or morals.10 religious education not only helps to know islam but also applies the values of progress such as honesty, trustworthiness, intelligence, discipline, forward orientation, responsibility, and so on.11 in order to overcome this problem, a number of scholars encourage the use of contextual learning in islamic education.12 the contextual approach is suitable to be applied at the basic education level for two 171 afkaruna reasons. first, this approach allows teachers to innovate in delivering material in class, not just fixating on one learning method. second, on the other hand, students also avoid the boredom of learning because they become active subjects and experience many learning methods.13 the implementation of contextual learning is proven to increase students' motivation and achievement.14 this contextual learning model allows the learning atmosphere in the classroom to be fun. this allows teachers and students to explore a variety of learning resources. this also motivates students to have experience in forming and finding knowledge with appropriate methods. when studying religion, students do not just memorize the material, but relate it to more contextual everyday phenomena.15 unfortunately, the application of contextual learning often faces challenges such as the lack of teacher competence and the availability of textbooks with contextual learning methods.16 textbooks are important learning materials, which play a significant role in helping and directing teachers in class, explaining the knowledge standards to be achieved, and reflecting the learning objectives of a curriculum. therefore, this study aims to analyze the instructional method in the al-islam education textbook published by muhammadiyah central executive board of primary and secondary education. research method this article is in form of research on textbooks. textbooks are important learning media. it provides an overview of a teacher's teaching methods as well as student activities in learning. thus, a textbook describes the design of learning in the classroom.17 this is a qualitative research with content analysis approach.18 content analysis is carried out by reviewing and analyzing the entire textbook, both in terms of content and instructional methods. this is to explore what information is conveyed and the types of activities that are expected to be carried out by teachers and students (indicators of learning success, learning objectives, learning steps, as well as various pretest and posttest activities) in order to achieve the learning objectives. 172vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 discussion contextual learning in islam ctl requires the connection of ideas with real experience, the union of ideas (thoughts) and actions, the elimination of dualism between the abstract and the concrete, and between the concept and practice. all accumulated ideas, concepts, information, and knowledge are related to the dimensions of action practices in everyday life, in real situations and problems of everyday life.19 in order to make students able to capture the meaning of the learning they receive, learning materials in the classroom need to be linked to the context and social situation in which students live. therefore, as an effort to connect the class with the "real-life situation," it is necessary to make a number of activities such as determining what projects will be carried out, identifying problems, making choices, accepting responsibility, seeking information, seeking conclusions, actively asking questions, and connecting them with the real world.20 jean piaget, the founder of ctl, argues that knowledge is built as a result of active interactions that take place continuously between structures in the human brain and their environment.21 knowledge is useless when it is not interacted with the realities of the world.22 in a contextual classroom, the task of the lecturer or teacher is to be a "guide" for students, or to help students achieve their goals. a teacher or lecturer will have more to do with methods, rather than information. so, the contextual aspect is only related to learning methods. along with other learning methods, contextual is developed with the aim that the learning process runs more productively and meaningfully. philosophically, constructivism was born as a response to the previous schools, namely empiricism and rationalism.23 the application of the ctl method in the islamic tradition is not new. ibn khaldun has long held the view that religious education should be able to instill aqidah and faith in students, as evidenced by children showing good morals in everyday life.24 in terms of religious teaching methods, it can be done with a habituation approach, repetition of designing scientific activities such as inviting students to make direct observations in the field that can trigger students to understand religion, 173 afkaruna and of course, it is important for a teacher not to make students bored in learning.25 meanwhile, according to al-ghazali, we can teach moral education by various teaching methods such as making direct observations with full accuracy, experiential methods, and trials.26 islamic pedagogy has rich and varied methods for fostering religious understanding and practice. the classical islamic education figure, imam al-zarnuji, stated that a student not only learns by rote, but also understands, introduces methods of discussion and problem solving. a teacher poses a problem to students, students discuss in groups with their friends to find solutions, then present them and then the teacher gives responses and conclusions.27 al-qur'an-hadith and the classical tradition of islamic scholarship actually provide many very rich teaching methods such as memorization, role-playing, role models, discussions, problem solving, advice, concepts of reward and punishment, stories, discovery of knowledge with experience, as well as debate and argumentation and critical thinking by combining rationality and revelation.28 thus, contextual learning methods are not new in islam. if we look deeper, the contextual learning method is designed to bring students to a more meaningful learning situation; to understand and practice their religion using various methods including inquiry (discovering knowledge and wisdom from learning), questioning (interactive question and answer), community learning, modeling, and reflection.29 the qur'an introduces the inquiry method by inviting humans to make honest observations of the surrounding environment such as animals, sky, water, plants. then, qur’an asks people to think whether they created the animals, raised the sky, sent down rainwater, and grew plants, or whether it was allah who did it all. with this observation method, god wants to invite people to find the essence of truth. in that context, a teacher tries to contextualize lessons in the daily lives of students and uses materials that are familiar with the environment of students' lives. by making direct observations of natural phenomena, the qur'an invites humans to have a cognitive structure that is built based on their own new experience.30 174vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 pesantren (islamic boarding school) also applies this inquiry method through bahtsul masail. santri (students in islamic boarding school) are trained to look for problems that occur in the community and find legal answers in the “yellow book” (kitab kuning) find strong arguments to serve as guidelines for the community.31 islam also places a role model as a method of education. another method that can instill religious values is the exposure of inspirational stories contained in the qur'an. the story is contextualized with the environment and students' experiences in their daily lives. after that, the teacher can ask questions related to the competencies being discussed in class. with this approach, students can learn and imitate the nature of these characters.32 an islamic religion teacher needs to enrich his teaching methods, combining teaching methods extracted from islamic traditions and other new teaching methods that are developing today,33 so that it can help to facilitate a pleasant learning atmosphere and discovery of knowledge for students in the classroom.34 contextual learning in islamic education textbooks at muhammadiyah elementary schools it is very important to place islamic education books at muhammadiyah elementary school level with muhammadiyah education missions as follow: a) to provide superior and advanced basic education with a strong foundation of faith and piety to produce muslim cadres who excel in science, islam and personality. b) to organize holistic-integrative basic education, which develops the potential of the mind, heart, sense of initiative, and skills that are comprehensive, balanced, and in integrated manner.35 assessment of ismuba subjects includes attitudes, knowledge, and skills.36 from the description, it appears that the purpose of providing religious education is not only aimed to increase students' knowledge or cognition, but is also directed at the affective, behavioral, and religious dimensions, so that it is expected to form the main personality. islamic education lessons are part of the ismuba subject group and are a special feature of muhammadiyah educational institutions. at the elementary education level, ismuba is delivered through five subjects: 176 afkaruna islamic education, worship practices, al-qur'an (tahsin tilawah and tahfiz), kemuhammadiyahan, and arabic. for this basic level, the duration of the ismuba study is given differently. first and second grades of elementary school are given a load of 10 hours of lessons per week and for third grade, they are given 11 hours per week. meanwhile, for fourth to sixth grades, 12 hours per week are given.37 muhammadiyah central executive board of primary and secondary education published this islamic education book in june 2018, as a guide for students and teachers in learning islamic education and kemuhammadiyahan, to improve the quality of educational processes and outcomes, by implementing the 2013 ministry of education and culture curriculum.38 the main material in this book includes the qur'an, aqidah, morals, worship, and tarikh (islamic history). of the five main topics, this article will be limited to an analysis of aspects of aqidah and morals in the first semester. the intention of aqidah lesson is to strengthen the students' aqidah islamiyah, while the aim of moral lesson is to strengthen the formation of noble character. in chapter 2, the first semester of aqidah material discusses shirk and munafiq (hypocrisy). each discussion material begins with a description of the indicators of learning success, learning objectives, material summaries, and learning steps that serve as signs for teachers. then, entering the content section, the delivery of material begins by mentioning the main propositions of each discussion that students must memorize. after memorizing, students are asked to observe phenomena related to the topics discussed through picture stories. in this case, the picture presented shows the phenomena of polytheism and hypocrisy. after that, students are asked to read the definition of shirk covering the various types of shirk and its risk. then it explains the meaning of hypocrisy, mentions the signs of a hypocrite, and explains the risk of being hypocrisy, such as: being put into the deepest hell, harming self because a hypocrite is no longer trusted by society, causing mutual suspicion in society, and that the hypocrite's life is always filled with anxiety and restlessness.39 176vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 after the material is delivered, the teacher is directed to conduct an evaluation to check students' understanding. first, students are asked to discuss with their friends so that there is interaction and exchange of ideas, experiences and increase opportunities for the formation of new understandings and meanings by students. gaining understanding and meaning with the method of mutual interaction between students is one of the characteristics of ctl-based learning. students write down the results of the discussion and collect it to the teacher. second, the teacher give students an individual task of observing the phenomenon of hypocrisy that exists in their environment, providing an explanation of why the action is categorized as hypocrisy. third, the teacher gives group assignments to discuss the causes of hypocritical behavior, as well as ways to avoid hypocrisy. then the teacher gives a summary, a sentence of wisdom, and ends the lesson with a competency test in the form of ten multiple choices questions and five essay questions. after that, the teacher asks students to make reflections and feedback whether students can understand the material or not.40 evaluation is an important part in the implementation of the ctl concept to see whether students have understood the material or not. from this explanation, it appears that the teaching approach used in this book already applies the ctl method. this book directs teachers to use a number of instructional methods such as discovery learning, inquiry learning, and problem-based learning for teaching and learning in the classroom. the ctl method does require teachers to apply teaching methods that are not monologues, which are operationalized by considering learning objectives and optimizing student potential.41 the moral material discussed in chapter 3 is about studying, positive thinking, and broad-mindedness. this chapter begins with the description of indicators, learning objectives, material summaries, and learning steps that will guide teachers to the goals to achieve and what methods we can use to help students learn in the classroom. after that, the teacher invites students to understand the main arguments for the importance of studying based on quran surah al-mujadilah, verse 11, which students must memorize. before delivering the material, the 177 afkaruna teacher invites students to observe pictures of children in remote areas who are struggling hard to go to school. with this assignment, students are expected to realize the importance of studying. after observing, the teacher invites students to read topics about studying and have broad insights, ranging from understanding, etiquette for studying, the benefits of people who like to study, and examples of behavior in the spirit of studying. the teacher also invites students to read positive thinking material, including its understanding, the wisdom of positive thinking, and examples of positive thinking. when it comes to discussing broad-minded material, the teacher explains the meaning of broad-minded, namely having adequate knowledge and experience, so that they can learn lessons from every incident. the proposition or verse used is the quran surah ar-ra'd, verse 19. then, the teacher continues by explaining the wisdom or benefits of having broad insight. among them are being able to solve problems with the best solutions, being able to be useful and helping others with the knowledge they have, not feeling inferior when hanging out with other people, being able to take lessons from events experienced and gain success in the hereafter. after the explanation above, it is followed by an example of hasyim's character who likes to read. because of his love of reading, he has broad insight and is often asked for help by his friends to solve problems.42 religious education in this book is thus taught through an approach that combines heteronomous morality and autonomous morality continuously. there are three tasks given to students to deepen the material. the first is a group discussion about the characteristics of a broad-minded person and tips for having broad insight. the second is an individual task by mentioning a person or friend who always motivates the spirit of learning, as well as writing down motivational sentences. the third is a group task in the form of an order to make different motivational sentences in order to motivate oneself to become a broad-minded person. to check students' understanding, the teacher gives students a competency test in the form of 10 multiple choice questions, 5 essay questions, and asks them to make reflections and feedback that includes what lessons they have learned from the material, and which parts they 178vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 have mastered and which parts has not been mastered. the teacher also asked them to write down their experience of changing good habits after studying the material.43 the evaluation model applied in this textbook has applied a contextual learning approach, where the evaluation method includes a number of assessment aspects such as daily behavior, test instruments (true and false multiple choice, matching, free and limited descriptions), non-test instruments such as the teacher makes a scale of change in attitudes that can be observed in students.44 since questions and reflections are an important part of the concept of contextual learning,45 assigning students to answer questions and make reflections clearly demonstrates how the principles of ctl are included in this book. from the description above, it appears that the roles of teachers and students are quite balanced. there is no teacher domination or vice versa, teacher passive attitude, in learning. so far, there has been an error in viewing ctl as a student-centered instruction method, so that a teacher's role is ignored. the expertise or expertise of a teacher is no longer needed. in fact, contextual learning requires a balance between teacherand student-centered learning and requires the active role of educators in the learning process.46 explicitly, the instructions contained in this book are in line with the provisions of the contextual learning. conclusion based on the explanation above, we can see that this islamic education textbook has implemented the principles and methods of contextual teaching and learning. first, as illustrated in this textbook, it appears that the teacher does not dominate learning. the space for students' creativity is widely open with a variety of learning activities that can increase their understanding of the subject. however, this islamic education textbook still does not leave the central position of religious texts. it still uses religious texts in the form of verses of the qur'an, sunnah, and the words of the companions of the prophet as the basis for explanations, complemented by examples and phenomena that exist in society in everyday life. this is understandable, considering that the 179 afkaruna qur'an and sunnah are the primary sources of islamic education. the implementation and innovation of the concept of contextual learning or ctl does not necessarily leave the characteristics of islamic religious education, which still maintains revelation as one of the foundations of science construction. second, the teacher gives students a wide space with various learning activities that can help students discover and improve their understanding and practice of religion, complete with the use of a number of evaluation methods that serve as guidelines for teachers to check whether students are able to form an understanding of the material or not. the role of the teacher as an educator still gets a good proportion. however, it is necessary to encourage teachers or students not to make this book the only source of learning, because if they are content with this textbook then learning will return to its traditional pattern, which is of course contrary to the objectives of contextual learning itself. in the end, this islamic education textbook can serve as a good example of innovation and the implementation of contextual learning applied in islamic religious education, so that islamic religious education becomes more qualified. in the future, further researcher need to follow up the findings of this study with further observations on the implementation by 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abdullah, eds., islamic schooling in the west, (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2018), h. 176 akhmad ilman nafia, “pengelolaan pembelajaran kontekstual pendidikan agama islam,” jurnal inspirasi, vol. 1, no. 1, (2017), h. 51-70 wirdati dan sulaiman, “azas-azas pembelajaran kontekstual dalam perspektif islam,” jurnal ta’dib, vol. 21, no. 1, (2018) m. syarif hidayatulloh, “pembelajaran kontekstual dalam kegiatan bahtsul masail santri di pondok pesantren al-muhibbin bahrul ulum tambakberas jombang,” nazhruna: jurnal pendidikan islam, vol. 1, no. 2, (2018), h. 177-200 mamik rosita, “membentuk karakter siswa melalui metode kisah qur’ani,” jurnal fitrah, vol 2, no. 1 (2016), h. 53-72 nadeem a. memon, dylan chown & claire alkouatli, “descriptions and enactments of islamic pedagogy: reflections of alumni from an islamic teacher education programme,” pedagogy, culture & society, (2020). doi: 10.1080/14681366.2020.1775687 mariam alhashmi & jase moussa-inaty, “professional learning for islamic education teachers in the uae,” british journal of religious education, (2020). 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 183 afkaruna doi: 10.1080/01416200.2020.1853046 majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah pp muhammadiyah, petunjuk teknis implementasi kurikulum al-islam, kemuhammdiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) pada sekolah/madrasah muhammadiyah, (jakarta: dikdasen pp muhammadiyah, 2017), h. 3 majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah pp muhammadiyah, kurikulum pendidikan al-islam, kemuhammdiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) tahun 2017 untuk sd muhammadiyah, (jakarta: dikdasmen pp muhammadiyah, 2017), h. viii majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah pp muhammadiyah, petunjuk teknis implementasi kurikulum al-islam, kemuhammdiyahan dan bahas arab (ismuba) pada sekolah/madrasah muhammadiyah, (jakarta: dikdasen pp muhammadiyah, 2017), h. 4 ahmad tri sofwan dan dika setiawan, pendidikan al-islam sd muhammadiyah kelas 6, (jakarta: majelis dikdasmen pp muhammadiyah, 2019), h. iii ahmad tri sofyan dan dika setiawan, pendidikan al-islam sd muhammadiyah kelas 6, (majelis dikdasmen pp muhammadiyah, 2018), h. 33 ahmad tri sofyan dan dika setiawan, pendidikan al-islam sd muhammadiyah kelas 6, hal 37 kevin s. krahenbuhl, “student-centered education and constructivism: challenges, concerns, and clarity for teachers,” dalam the clearing house: a journal of educational strategies, issues and ideas, vol. 89, no. 3, (2016), pp. 97-105. doi: 10.1080/00098655.2016.1191311 ahmad tri sofyan dan dika setiawan, pendidikan al-islam sd muhammadiyah kelas 6, h. 46 ahmad tri sofyan dan dika setiawan, pendidikan al-islam sd muhammadiyah kelas 6, h. 51 akhmad ilman nafia, “pengelolaan pembelajaran kontekstual pendidikan agama islam, jurnal inspirasi, vol. 1, no. 1, (2017), h. 51-70 clerence w. joldersma, “ernst von glaserfeld’s radical constructivism and truth as disclosure,” dalam educational theory, vol 61, no. 3, (2011), pp. 275-293 mordechai gordon, “the misuses and effective uses of constructivist teaching,” dalam teachers and teaching, vol. 15, no. 6, (2009), pp. 737-746. doi: 10.1080/13540600903357058 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 183vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 references o’sullivan, margo. 2006. lesson observation and quality in primery education as contextual teaching and learning process. international journal of educational development, vol 26. jackson, robert. 2018. contextual religious education and the interpretive approach. british journal of religious education, vol 30, no 1 ambrose, valerie k. c. amelia davis & mary f. ziegler. 2013. from research to practice: a framework for contextualizing teaching and learning, journal of college reading and learning, vol 44, no 1. wright, andrew. 2008. contextual religious education and the actuality of religions. british journal of religious education, vol 30, no. 18) abdi, muhammad iwan. 2011. contextual teaching and learning dalam pembelajaran pai. jurnal dinamika ilmu, vol 11, no. 1 sahin, abdullah. 2013. new direction in islamic education. leichestershire: kube publishing. halstead, mark. 2004. an islamic concept of education. comparative education, vol 40, no. 4. arief, armai. 2014. pengembangan pendidikan budaya dan karakter bangsa dalam upaya menghadapi tantangan global. tarbiya: journal of education in muslim society, vol 1, no. 2. saputra, aidil. 2014. aplikasi model contextual teaching learning (ctl) dalam pembelajaran pai. jurnal at-ta’dib, vol 6, no. 1. halstead j. mark. 2007. islamic values: a distinctive framework for moral education?. journal of moral education, vol. 36, no. 3 rosyada, dede. 2017. madrasah dan profesionalisme guru dalam arus dinamika pendidikan islam di era otonomi daerah. depok: kencana. kusen. 2017. peningkatan mutu pendidikan agama islam berbasis kontekstual. jurnal tadbir: jurnal studi manajemen pendidikan, vol 1, no. 02 zulaiha, siti. 2016. pendekatan contextual teaching and learning (ctl) dan implementasinya dalam rencana pembelajaran pai mi. belajea: jurnal pendidikan islam, vol.1, no. 1. hikam, farham hikam dan salma karima. 2020. pengaruh contextual teaching and learning (ctl) terhadap prestasi belajar siswa pada bidang studi pai di sdit insantama banjar. jurnal didaktika, vol. 9, no. 1. hidayat, hidayat dan syahidin. 2019. inovasi pembelajaran pendidikan agama islam melalui model contextual teaching and learning dalam meningkatkan taraf berpikir peserta didik. jurnal pendidikan agama islam, vol. 16, no. 2. warsah, idi. ummul khair dan krismawati. 2020. implementasi pembelajaran kontekstual dalam pembelajaran pai di sekolah dasar. jurnal elementaria edukasia, vol. 3, no. 2. fuchs, eckhardt and annekatrin back, ed. 2018. the palgrave handbook of textbook studieshal. new york: palgrave macmillan akhyar, yundri. 2008. metode belajar dalam kitab ta’lim al-muta’allim thariqah at-ta’allum: telaah pemikiran tarbiyah al-zarnuji. jurnal al-fikra: jurnal ilmiah keislaman, vol. 7, no. 2. abdalla, muhammad, dylan chown, and muhammad abdullah, eds. 2018. islamic schooling in the west. new york: palgrave macmillan nafia, akhmad ilman. 2017. pengelolaan pembelajaran kontekstual pendidikan agama islam. jurnal inspirasi, vol. 1, no. 1 wirdati dan sulaiman. 2018. azas-azas pembelajaran kontekstual dalam perspektif islam. jurnal ta’dib, vol. 21, no. 1 hidayatulloh, m. syarif. 2018. pembelajaran kontekstual dalam kegiatan bahtsul masail santri di pondok pesantren al-muhibbin bahrul ulum tambakberas jombang. nazhruna: jurnal pendidikan islam, vol. 1, no. 2. rosita, mamik. 2016. membentuk karakter siswa melalui metode kisah qur’ani. jurnal fitrah, vol 2, no. 1 memon, nadeem a. dylan chown & claire alkouatli. 2020. descriptions and enactments of islamic pedagogy: reflections of alumni from an islamic teacher education programme. pedagogy, culture & society. doi: 10.1080/14681366.2020.1775687 alhashmi, mariam & jase moussa-inaty. 2020. professional learning for islamic education teachers in the uae. british journal of religious education. doi: 10.1080/01416200.2020.1853046 johnson, elaine b. 2002. contextual teaching and learning: what it is and it’s here to stay . california, corwin press. cohen, lyn. e. and sandra waite-stupiansky. 2017. theory of early childhood education: : 184 afkaruna developmental, behaviorist, and critical. new york: routledge. harlow, steve. rhoda cummings & suzanne m. aberasturi. 2007. karl popper and jean piaget: a rationale for constructivism. the educational forum, vol. 71, no. 1. doi 10.1080/00131720608984566 kamii, constance & janice k. ewing. 1996. basing teaching on piaget's constructivism. childhood education, vol. 72, no. 5. doi: 10.1080/00094056.1996.10521862 falah, ahmad. 2014. konsep pendidikan agama menurut ibnu khaldun. jurnal thufula: jurnal inovasi pendidikan guru raudhatul athfal, vol 2, no. 1 rohmah, siti. 2012. relevansi konsep pendidikan islam ibnu khaldun dengan pendidikan modern. forum tarbiyah, vol.10, no. 2. suryadharma, yoke dan ahmad hifdzil haq. 2015. pendidikan akhlak menurut imam al-ghazali. jurnal at-ta’dib, vol. 10, no. 2 devries, rheta. 1999. implications of piaget's constructivist theory for character education. action in teacher education, vol. 20, no. 4. doi: 10.1080/01626620.1999.10462933 majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah pp muhammadiyah. 2017. petunjuk teknis implementasi kurikulum al-islam, kemuhammdiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) pada sekolah/madrasah muhammadiyah. jakarta: dikdasen pp muhammadiyah sofwan, ahmad tri sofwan dan dika setiawan. 2019. pendidikan al-islam sd muhammadiyah kelas 6. jakarta: majelis dikdasmen pp muhammadiyah. krahenbuhl, kevin s. krahenbuhl. 2016. student-centered education and constructivism: challenges, concerns, and clarity for teachers. the clearing house: a journal of educational strategies, issues and ideas, vol. 89, no. 3. doi: 10.1080/00098655.2016.1191311 nafia, akhmad ilman. 2017. pengelolaan pembelajaran kontekstual pendidikan agama islam. jurnal inspirasi, vol. 1, no. 1 joldersma, clerence w. 2011. ernst von glaserfeld’s radical constructivism and truth as disclosure. educational theory, vol 61, no. 3 gordon, mordechai. 2009. the misuses and effective uses of constructivist teaching. teachers and teaching, vol. 15, no. 6. doi: 10.1080/13540600903357058 lau, kwok hung dkk. 2017. the role of texbook learning resources in e-learning: a taxonomic study. computers and education: an international journal. doi: 10.1016/j.compedu.2017.11.005. 4. afkaruna_nafik muthohirin jurnal afkaruna vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 da’wa in social media: theviews of ustad hanan attaki and felix siauw to the hijrah phenomenon doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.12554 universitas muhammadiyah malang nafikmuthohirin@umm.ac.id nafik muthohirin abstract this article examines the views of ustad hanan attaki (uha) and ustad felix siauw, who use social media as a medium of preaching. the utilization of the internet as a new way of preaching islam has helped shape contemporary forms of religious thinking and behavior for muslim youth in indonesia. one of them is marked by the emergence of the trend of hijrah in their community. this study aimed to explain the islamic views of uha and siauw, which have implications for the emergence and development of the hijrah trend. this research focuses on extracting data through observations on a number of predetermined social media accounts, field participation and interviews, and puts forward literature studies on the fragmentation of religious authority as a result of the emergence of a number of popular ustadz who use social media as a new space for preaching. regarding the fragmentation of religious authority, this article is based on the thesis of eickelman and anderson, which states that the current religious authorities are those who have succeeded in transmitting religious texts and preaching them through new media. in more detail, this study discusses two important issues, namely the trend of islamic da'wa on social media and, in particular, the implications of the islamic views of uha and siauw for the emergence of the trend of hijrah muslim youth. this article concludes that according to uha, hijrah is a message of islamic da'wa that not only tells about individual repentance but also as a current trend that young muslims must follow. meanwhile, siauw interprets it as an effort to awaken the spirit of muslims to achieve the establishment of the islamic khilafah. keywords: hijrah, social media, muslim youth, ustad hanan attaki, and ustad felix siauw abstrak artikel ini mengkaji pandangan ustadz hanan attaki (uha) dan ustadz felix siauw yang menggunakan jejaring sosial sebagai media dakwah. penggunaan internet sebagai cara baru dalam mendakwahkan islam turut membentuk corak perilaku dan pemikiran keberagamaan yang kekinian bagi kaum muda muslim di indonesia. salah satunya ditandai dengan kemunculan tren berhijrah di tengah komunitas mereka. tujuan penelitian ini ingin menjelaskan tentang pandangan keislaman uha dan siauw yang berimplikasi terhadap kemunculan dan perkembangan tren hijrah tersebut. riset ini menitikberatkan pada penggalian data melalui pengamatan di sejumlah akun media sosial yang sudah ditentukan, partisipasi lapangan dan wawancara, serta mengedepankan kajian literatur tentang terjadinya fragmentasi otoritas keagamaan sebagai akibat dari kemunculan sejumlah ustadz populer yang memanfaatkan media sosial sebagai ruang baru dalam berdakwah. mengenai fragmentasi otoritas keagamaan tersebut, artikel ini berpijak pada tesis eickelman dan anderson, yang menyebut pemegang otoritas keagamaan sekarang ini adalah mereka yang berhasil mentransmisi teks keagamaan dan mendakwahkannya melalui media-media baru. secara lebih terperinci, penelitian ini membahas dua isu penting yaitu tren dakwah islam di media sosial dan secara khusus implikasi pandangan uha dan siauw terhadap kemunculan tren berhijrah kaum muda muslim. artikel ini menyimpulkan, bahwa menurut uha, hijrah merupakan pesan dakwah islam yang tidak hanya bercerita mengenai pertaubatan individu, tetapi juga sebagai sebuah tren kekinian yang harus diikuti kaum muda muslim. sementara siauw mengartikannya sebagai sebuah upaya membangkitkan spirit umat islam untuk bisa mencapai berdirinya khilafah islam. kata kunci: hijrah, media sosial, kaum muda muslim, ustadz hanan attaki, dan ustadz felix siauw dissemination of islamic da’wa content on social media has become one of the important factors that shape the religious behavior of young muslims in indonesia in the last decade. a number of young and popular ustadz (islamic teacher or preacher), for example, ustad hanan attaki (uha), felix siauw, abdul somad and khalid basalamah, became agents of the process of seeding the religious discourse. they use alternative friendship networks to proselytize to attract young groups who are the biggest users.1 these ustadz compose their religious messages creatively introduction 250vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 and as friendly as possible to the middle-class muslim. each ustad has a variety of islamic views. however, of the many ustadz who use cyberspace, the da’wa messages are related to the importance of emigrating (hijrah). hijrah is one of the islamic religious doctrines often preached by ustadz on social media, is not a new discourse. abdul karim amrullah, commonly called buya hamka, in tafsir al-azhar, defined hijrah as a movement from worshiping idols to being submissive to allah.2 on the other side, mustafa dieb al-bugha interprets it as “leaving the infidel area or region to the islamic ones for fear of slander and its consequences”.3 meanwhile, the holy qur'an mentions the word “hijrah” 28 times which is spread through 17 verses in 17 letters.4 not all of the hijrah verses have the same meaning. moreover, there are only six verses that are relevant to the topic of this research (al-baqarah: 218, an-nahl: 110, al-ankabut: 26, an-nisa: 100, al-mudastir: 5, dan al-muzammil: 10). in general, the meaning of hijrah is often attributed to the movement of the prophet muhammad and his followers from mecca to medina to save themselves from the threats and persecution of the quraysh (622 m). however, because of the many hijrah verses, this word has a non-singular interpretation. hijrah, as a contemporary islamic discourse, requires a more contextual interpretation model, especially in the current era. therefore, ustadz on social media interpret it more broadly by bringing it closer to the popular lifestyle of muslim youths. the hijrah lifestyle of these muslim youths includes changing the way of dressing to be more covering (even some wear niqab) and using islamic branded beauty products for muslim women; wearing long pants without covering the ankles and keeping a beard for men, and associating with communities who both in hijrah condition, and actively campaigning for islamic messages on social media. yuswohady saw that the religious behavior of young muslims who followed this trend of hijrah greatly influenced them in choosing certain products, such as when buying headscarves, wearing cosmetics, traveling, spending the night at hotels, buying houses, and saving money 251 afkaruna at the bank. in doing all that, they choose products labeled as “islamic”.5 thus, it is not surprising that the topic that discusses the existence of social media ustadz and its implications for the phenomenon of migration of muslim youth has closeness to popular islamic discourse. this study finds relevance in today's context because it brings together the emergence of new religious behaviors that connect the religious character of middle-class muslims, which on the one hand seem inclusive of the trend of popular culture development but tend to be exclusive in responding to a number of secular thoughts – such as democracy, nation-state, human rights, secularism and liberalism. this study used a qualitative method based on literature review from journals, books, and articles related to the topic of this research title. the qualitative method was deliberately chosen because the researcher wanted to emphasize three important things: process, sharpness of analysis, and meaning of research results. those three things are the strengths of qualitative methods. to complement the three strengths, this qualitative research was accompanied by observations, which were more focused on two ways. the first was an online observation of various da’wa content and converted narration in official youtube and instagram accounts managed by the creative teams of ustadz hanan attaki (uha) and ustadz felix siauw as well as many social media accounts containing various da’wa content of both mubaligh (da’i). also, online conversations in a number of hijrah community groups. online observations allow the researcher to follow topics discussed by uha and felix siauw, as well as the conversations of their followers through the comments column in their official accounts, followed by analyzing various reviews and comments so that the researcher could understand the views of both ustadz, as well as finding the relationship between various islamic narratives that shape religious behavior called the hijrah, which is the most popular trend for indonesian muslim youth today. the second was observation through offline communication. this offline activity was done by getting involved in several hijrah communities. this observation made the researcher conduct interviews with the members of research method 252vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the hijrah community, either face-to-face, by phone, or using social media. this research focused on the two young and popular mubaligh (da’i), uha and felix siaw. this article places uha and felix siauw as the main research objects because many consider them as the most representative ustadz who use social media as an instrument of da’wa. various da’wa contents are often used as references for young muslims, such as topics about keeping one’s gaze and temper, staying away from arrogance, wearing the hijab, being sincere, and various other ghairu mahdah worship. therefore, the popularity of both of them on social networks is very high. however, the views of uha and siauw on the concept of hijrah seem different. in preaching the urgency of hijrah, uha prioritizes the approach aspect so that young people want to hijrah. he does not interpret hijrah as a process of changing someone into a sich. uha and shift pemuda hijrah, a hijrah community he founded, preached by approaching various hobby communities and subcultures. meanwhile, siauw highlighted the meaning of hijrah as a necessity for every muslim to achieve the ideals of the islamic caliphate. this is very reasonable because siauw is an activist of hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti). in 2002, siauw just started getting to know islam, so he became a convert and chose hti and the student islamic spiritual board (badan kerohanian islam mahasiswa/ bkim) ipb. felix is known as a phenomenal ustadz in the real and virtual world. he is a prolific writer because so far, he has written about 8 books, including a book entitled “khilafah,” which was withdrawn from circulation. in addition to writing, he also has a busy schedule of invitations to give islamic lectures at various study events, halaqah, and training. then, in cyberspace, he really took advantage of the use of social media, such as youtube, twitter, facebook, and instagram, to disseminate his islamic views. in most of his lecture material, he tells about his personal origin, that he was from a catholic family, ethnic chinese, then converted to islam. he repeated the delivery of this information in many islamic forums, both discussion 253 afkaruna when he was invited to be a speaker in the da’wa forum or as a trainer for islamic motivational training organized by hti. for him, this lecture material had inspired many people because he was the only ustad of chinese ethnicity, converted to islam, and dared to speak about the importance of islam.6 compared to islamic missionaries affiliated with large organizations such as muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama (nu), uha and felix siauw are new partisans on the stage of religious discourse in indonesia. both of them deliberately use social media as an instrument of da'wah by targeting 150 million users, most of whom are young people.7 uha uses youtube and instagram, while felix siauw uses four virtual world friendship services, namely youtube, instagram, twitter, and facebook. as new idols, both of them have a lot of followers. it can be seen from their respective instagram and youtube accounts. uha has 8.8 million followers on instagram and 2.1 million subscribers on his personal youtube account (quoted on thursday, 1/10/2021). meanwhile, felix siauw has 4.7 million followers on instagram and 798 thousand subscribers on his personal youtube (quoted thursday, 3/9/2020). many scholars have paid attention to the strategy of da’wah in social media because it is considered successful in containing the development of popular culture and trends in islamic populism.8 however, only very few people focus their reviews on the hubbub of muslim youth on social media, except in three works by najib kailani.9 the whole discussion discusses the fragmentation of religious authority in highlighting the role of mubaligh, and also paying sufficient attention to the aspects of the view of ‘social media ustad’ to islam and the implication to the emergence of the hijrah phenomenon. this article seeks to strengthen the discourse that examines the religious behavior of young muslims in the form of hijrah as an implication of the islamic views of social media ustadz. the naming of “social media ustad” is a continuation of the fanfare of celebrity ustadz, who fulfill religious activities on television in the previous period.10 the emergence of hijrah is a form of religious behavior that is becoming a trend in the young muslim community. ustads narrate hijrah more generally through social media in order to motivate changes in the 254vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 behavior of muslim youth to be in accordance with the islamic faith. meanwhile, the more general meaning of hijrah is the implication of various converted narratives that are produced and preached on social media repeatedly so that they become a trend that is inherent in the personality of muslim youth nowadays. of the many narrations created, the story of personal change is the most commonly echoed by young ustadz, such as ustad felix siauw. in almost every lecture activity recorded on a number of youtube accounts, felix siauw always recounts his courage, as an ethnic chinese, to convert from catholicism to muslim in 2002. this is different from ustad hanan attaki (uha), who narrates islamic da'wah creatively by transforming old patterns. in this way, da'wah becomes a new way that is more friendly to young muslim groups. for uha, hijrah is a big narration that needs to popularize young muslims with a new and trendy spirit. therefore, uha uses a community-based approach in promoting hijrah as a trend.11 uha and felix siauw are well-known as young and cool ustadz on social media. this popularity is due to their efforts to transform the way of da’wah from a conventional one to a very contemporary one. to uha, for example, before meeting fani krismandar (commonly called inong), a famous skateboarder in jakarta, surabaya, yogyakarta, and other big cities in java, the model of da’wah was still conventional. in terms of appearance and delivery of religious teaching, it is no different from most ustadz who incidentally graduated from universities in the middle east. in appearance, uha used to wear thawb or a robe that arab men usually wear when lecturing in various assemblies. likewise, when quoting verses from the qur'an or the hadith of the prophet muhammad, he conveys to his audience textually regardless of their social, educational and religious background.12 however, after getting to know and collaborating with inong, the da’wah model of uha became more friendly to the everyday habits of young generations. from inong, uha got many da'wah creations that combine hobby communities and subcultural lifestyles into popular islam that attracts the attention of young muslims. 255 afkaruna if observed in many of uha video contents, he always dresses like a modern youth, does not have a skullcap, and neither wears a robe nor wears a sarong like da’i in general. when giving sermons or giving lectures in various religious groups, he actually wears the typical shirts of bandung distributions and sometimes t-shirts, jeans and occasionally quotes the holy qur'an through an application on the smartphone he holds. likewise with felix siauw. besides being active in producing lecture content on his youtube channel, as well as posting various daily activities on his personal facebook and instagram, he also continues to fill many islamic study activities which are carried out offline at mosques, halaqah forums, and islamic training. the only thing that distinguishes him from uha is that he places himself as an ustad, islamic motivational trainer, as well as a prolific writer. some of the books he wrote became bestsellers, including yuk berhijab (2013)13 and udah putusin aja (2015).14 these two books have succeeded in attracting the market for young muslim women in indonesia, although weng said the recommendation to wear the hijab contained in the book was delivered in an ultra-conservative and dogmatic manner.15 together with emeralda noor achni, felix siauw not only collaborated to write a book but also founded alfatih studio, which became the foundation of all the works that raised his popularity. in 2015, a blogger placed felix siauw in third place on the list of the most active da’i on social media after ustadz yusuf mansur and ustadz abdullah gymnastiar. the transformation of da’wah on social media has succeeded in boosting the popularity of both da’i. although it is undeniable that in order to realize the path of da'wah on social media, the two formed a creative team consisting of cameramen, video editors, photographers, graphic designers and collaborated with bloggers, influencers or micro-celebrities, artists, and hobby communities. they also realize their broadcasts on social networks with expensive production tools such as cameras, lenses, audio, filters, rigs, gimbals and others. with these complete instruments, both of them create a variety of content that is not only limited to short videos with lectures and tilawati, but also contains 256vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 various activities with their families and communities. furthermore, the influencer team campaigns for their various islamic views through youtube, instagram, facebook, twitter and other social media platforms. for felix siauw, social media is a source of reference for knowledge, references, and even a place to find answers to the truth. this alternative media is also considered as the answer to providing islamic da’wa with a wider, unlimited, and most effective reach so that the creative work of islamic da’wa on social networks is absolute. instead of lecturing in face-to-face islamic assemblies, the use of social media provides a free choice of space regardless of religious affiliation. every ustadz who preaches his islamic thoughts on social media will get recognition from social media users if the various contents meet their expectations. the main idea that became the topic of lectures by social media da’i on youtube and went viral on various other social media accounts, as well as becoming an interesting conversation in the comments column, was about the urgency of hijrah. in the perspective of social media da’i, hijrah as a big narrative is needed to be preached to young muslims for two reasons; first, it is an effort to purify islam because the diversity of contemporary society is considered to be mixed with various products of secular thought such as democracy, nationalism, capitalism, socialism, feminism, and secularism; second, as an anti-thesis to the lifestyle of urban people who are experiencing a spiritual drought, so that the ascetic lifestyle wrapped in popular islamic trends are loved. as a derivative of the grand narrative of hijrah, among a number of study topics that are generally disseminated by social media da’i, are related to monotheism, manner, and fiqh. after that, several more specific and popular topics were broadcast, such as the use of the hijab and the necessity of veil for muslim women, the islamic caliphate, condemning democracy and government systems outside of islam, and the importance of maintaining brotherhood among muslims. oki setiana dewi divides the theme of recitation of some social media da’i into two characteristics affiliated with da'wah salafi and jamaah tabligh islamic hijrah and islamic point of view 257 afkaruna organizations. meanwhile, the center for the study of islam and society (ppim) syarif hidayatullah state islamic university, jakarta, through the preached topics, this study center said that those social media da’i had diverse islamic views. felix siauw is considered to be affiliated with hti, while uha is categorized as a moderate da’i.17 on several open occasions, felix siauw admitted his involvement in hti. in 2017, through his personal facebook account, felix siauw claimed to have studied islam for 15 years at hti, and after interacting for that long, he has devoted himself to being a member until now (facebook felix siauw, 2017; kumparan.com, 26/6/2019). besides that, in his book entitled khilafah remake (2014),18 he explained his position as an hti islamic political activist who wants to target young muslims with an understanding of the importance of governance based on the islamic khilafah. according to him, there will be no revival for muslims unless they want to apply islamic shari'a to protect the islamic khilafah. if the will does not exist in muslims, or if muslims ignore the importance of implementing islamic shari'a, destruction will surely befall them.19 likewise, when felix siauw uploads his da’wa content to social media, he always includes “islamic advice” oriented to the islamic doctrine of hti. he also frequently criticizes the government, for example, by calling president jokowi an anti-islam panic regime. in 2017, felix questioned the disbandment of hti because he considered it inappropriate for three reasons; first, hizb ut-tahrir is an islamic organization that uses islam as the basis of its activities; second, hti's ideas are very open because anyone can access them, and do not conflict with pancasila, nor do they endanger the unitary state of the republic of indonesia; third, the government emphasized that the disbandment of hti did not mean showing an anti-islamic attitude. for felix, this reason needs to be looked at, what kind of attitude the government has taken by disbanding hti (instagram felix siauw, 8/5/2017). meanwhile, uha’s islamic view is categorized as moderate because of its various da’wa materials on social media, and in many islamic halaqah, he is not found to be affiliated with the thoughts and movements of 258vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 islamic fundamentalism organizations such as hti, jamaah salafi, or harakah tarbiyah. ppim research results put uha together with mamah dedeh, abdullah gymnastiar, yusuf mansur, quraish shihab, din syamsuddin, said aqil siraj, ma’ruf amin, musthofa bisri, ustadz maulana, ahmad syafi’i ma’arif, haedar nashir, oki setiana dewi, and ulil abshar abdallah.20 uha’s da’wa targets youth groups by promoting hijrah as a trend that contemporary muslim youths need to follow. he campaigned for the hijrah narrative through da'wah on and off the network. these two models of da'wah are interrelated with each other. various agendas for off-line activities, such as holding a hijrah festival (hijrahfest), tahajjud together, to a number of activities that cater to young people's hobbies such as visiting the beach, snorkeling, shopping, watching the sunset, and hanging out in cafes, are always covered by hijrah narratives. , then it was uploaded to the official social media account managed by the creative team and connected to many networks affiliated with the da'wah movement. in one of uha’s lecture content entitled “hijrah, so the world will chase you,” quoted from islamiclight.net, a youtube account with various islamic motivational content managed by uha’s creative team, he explained the meaning of hijrah, which is more than just moving places and transforming the behavior of a muslim. he interprets it as a doctrine as well as a grand narrative relevant to the religious behavior of contemporary muslim youths (youtube, islamic light.net, july 24, 2020). he stated, hijrah is a message of islamic da’wa, which is more than just a story of a person’s change, but a current trend that targets muslim youths. he admitted that he could not send the millions of muslim youths in indonesia to pesantren (islamic boarding school). therefore, preaching islam through the trend of hijrah is an option for a wider da'wah movement. through the hijrah community established by uha, called shift pemuda hijrah, hijrah instruments were formed in various mass religious ritual activities. the tahajjud prayer together is considered a colossal event, while the koran in the science assembly is made like a hangout for 259 afkaruna young people. the mosque was also made not as usual, which only became a place of prayer and recitation, which was always only used by the elderly group. uha and the youth hijrah shift functioned the mosque like a cafe that used to provide millennial-friendly facilities such as unlimited internet access (of course still under the supervision of the ta'mir), coffee, and playback of recitation of quranic verses instead of pop-rock songs. one of his statements regarding the initiation of making the mosque condition like a cafe is: for uha, doing prayer (shalah) together – or doing congregation prayer – is a colossal event that requires completeness of various instruments in order to create conditions for a magnificent prayer, booming, and attracting the interest of many people. therefore, to support such a prayer atmosphere, the reading of the imam's prayer must have a good standard of tilawati from the aspect of makharijul khuruf and a pleasant reading tone, as well as the necessity to use a high-quality sound system. he believes that by making congregational prayers a colossal event, many young people will be interested in joining the congregation, listening to the tabligh akbar, and then finding out various da'wah content on social media. in addition, because prayer is an important part of the trend of islamic da’wa as he understands it, many uha youtube materials contain congregational prayers (shalah) and prayers (du’a), which are attended by people from various hijrah communities, numbering hundreds of people, the majority of whom are young people from several regions in indonesia. indonesia. one of them can be found through the 2019 hijrah festival activity held at the jakarta convention center (jcc). hijrah festival (hijrahfest) is claimed to be the largest hijrah festival event in indonesia initiated by a number of hijrah artists such as arie k. untung and tengku wisnu. hijrahfest was attended by around 40 “mosques need to provide coffee. many young people now sell bottled coffee. if the halaqah activity in the mosque is provided with coffee, the mosque will likely be visited by many youths. so, don't let people who want to enter the mosque have to wait to actually become obedient first, right? young people should be brought closer to the mosque” (youtube, islamiclight.net, july 24, 2020). 260vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 millennial ustadz who are popular on social media and have become idols for millennial muslim groups. this event also brought more than 400 tenants who offered a variety of muslim clothing and various other products. however, in certain cases, such as during the 2019 presidential election campaign season, this activity has the potential to become a place for political interests. this is because sandiaga uno, who accompanied prabowo subianto as a vice presidential candidate, was present to give a speech at the event (antara, may 26, 2019). in addition, hijrah is also a discourse previously voiced by the prosperous justice party (pks) and hti.21 knowing uha’s islamic views that seem artificial and felix siauw, who has a certain motive to disseminate hti ideas as the data mentioned earlier, the phenomenon of the emergence of social media ustadz who are side by side with islamic populism needs serious attention, especially for all religious authorities. there are two reasons why the millennial ustadz preaching needs to be highlighted, namely: first, as newcomers to the contestation of religious discourse, both of them provide new variants for the growth of islamic movements and thoughts in indonesia. moreover, in certain national moments, the presence of young ustadz on social media often criticizes the government. moreover, in certain national moments, social media clerics criticize the government. of course, criticizing the government is not an attitude that is prohibited in today's democracy, but hateful criticism will affect the public's view (especially muslims) of the government and form artificial religious behavior. as siauw said, he called jokowi an anti-islam panic regime (instagram felix siauw, 8/5/2017). second, the emergence of both, which was attended by muslim youths in large numbers, both in terms of religious thoughts and attitudes, makes religious authority originally only held by ustadz from some mainstream islamic religious organizations fragmented today. in weber's view, religious authorities are always based on the qualities of a person's personal virtues, which can take the form of social respect for certain figures because they are considered to have extraordinary religious authority fragmentation 261 afkaruna personalities. an example is when someone has supernatural powers that others do not have.22 in the traditional sense, weber’s statement can be justified but will raise debate as to the progress of the way people communicate in modern times. the development of global information technology with all the social culture that surrounds it has an impact on the weakening of the influence of traditional religious authorities. the biggest factor is influenced by the role of those who continue to communicate religious texts conventionally. whereas in the contemporary era, those who are considered as new authorities in the muslim world are those who have succeeded in absorbing the transmission of religious texts and their circulation through various media.23 in the end, the emergence of these new authorities has resulted in the fragmentation of religious authority in the muslim world. in today’s era of powerful mass media proliferation, a young man can play a phenomenal mubaligh role just because he looks attractive, even though he has never had substantial religious education and has no authoritative religious knowledge. this is because he managed to take advantage of the conversion of religious narratives through the media. in this case, the fragmentation of religious authority occurs as a result of the emergence of religious narratives that are converted to weaken the influence of traditional religious authorities as well as become a discourse of social acceptance of their status. burhani emphasized that the conversion narrative is a prerequisite for the success of an ustadz as the holder of a new religious authority to be widely accepted by the community. in this current era, the emergence of uha and felix siauw, which was followed by the rise of muslim youths emigrating, is evidence of the fragmentation of religious authority in indonesia, although not through islamic institutional organizations. this seems to comply with the statement of euckelman and anderson, the social media ustadz took an empty niche that had not been an important part of the previous traditional religious authority's way of preaching. these empty niches are alternative media, such as youtube, facebook, instagram, podcast, 262vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 twitter, whatsapp and other online communication services. they are present in the midst of social arrogance and the abundance of hate narratives by producing various islamic-creative content and becoming controllers of religious authorities who circulate and transmit da'wah messages on social media. this instant way of learning religion has been liked by young muslims, even though the da'wah material is not that deep because it only talks about the fundamental doctrines of islam through short videos and short narrations and meme images. in this case, these young muslims do not really require three important principal, such as charisma, rationality, and tradition. they prefer to believe the converted hijrah narratives as the basis for recognizing the religious authority of the ustadz, as practiced by felix siauw. therefore, even though felix siauw's background is not from islamic boarding school (pesantren) or a formal religious school, and also do not care about religion in the past, by producing conversion narratives with the background as a mualaf, then spreading them through communication in the network, one can become an ustadz who is widely known in the cyberspace. the various converted narrative articles or video lectures that tell about the reasons for converting to muslim are more attractive to millennial muslims because they contain human aspects that easily touch the feelings of their congregations. usually, this narrative is built by highlighting their background in life before becoming an ustadz. an example of this can be observed through felix siaw’s confession that many young muslims are attracted to his lecture material because he tells the story of being a mualaf and the only chinese descendant active in hti.26 another conversion narrative can be seen in uha’s way of da’wah, which seeks to involve popular culture trends, subcultural communities, and personal branding in the codification of islamic da'wah. for example, he and the creative team and shift pemuda hijrah initiated a program on youtube entitled hanan attaki daily life: coffee time, which showcases uha’s togetherness with his family, friends, and the community. these short videos are sometimes accompanied by the recitation of the holy quran, short lectures, or islamic book reviews. accordingly, this way of da’wa has succeeded in attracting millennial muslim groups. 263 afkaruna since the presence of celebrity ustadz in several islamic programs on television in the 1990s, and continued by the appearance of social media ustadz in the last two decades, there is practically a fragmentation of religious authority. the new model of preaching practiced by uha and felix siauw resulted in the fragmentation of religious authority previously held by ustadz from muhammadiyah and nu. to some extent, religious authority in indonesia is no longer absolutely owned by these ustadz from the mainstream islamic organizations. ahmad najib burhani wrote in his article entitled “aksi bela islam dan fragmentasi otoritas keagamaan” (koran sindo, january 6, 2017), when pbnu chairman said aqil siradj and general chairperson of muhammadiyah haedar nashir called on their respective citizens not to take part in the aksi bela islam iii. on the other hand, many members of the two islamic organizations continued to join the action and ignored the organization's advice. it’s important to know that one of the successes of the action was motivated by the great role of social media ustadz in mobilizing the masses of muslim youth as implications for the hijrah discourse on social media.27 a number of social media ustadz, artists, or influencers who have emigrated are also becoming apprentices to new religious authorities. moreover, muslim youth subculture communities as members of street da’wa and hijrah communities also get influence from muslim youths.28 the intensification of preaching using the youtube channel continues to the establishment of a hijrah community and the involvement of influencers from the artist environment into a contextual da'wah strategy that is of interest to young muslims. in fact, this pattern of da’wah has weakened the role of the old religious authority holders, while on the contrary, it has strengthened the da'wah role of two new religious teachers, such as felix siauw and uha. although felix siauw's islamic views are in line with the ideas and thoughts of hti – which is a banned islamic organization in indonesia – through his hijrah narrative as a convert to islam, his followers don't really care about his religious affiliation. in fact, his courage to reveal the identity of his non-muslim family, ethnic chinese, and his choice to become a convert is considered conclusion 264vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 part of a long road to emigrate in the way of allah swt. this is as he believes through quran surah an-nisa 'verse 100, where the sentence “wa haajaru fi sabililillah” is interpreted as a necessity for every believer to emigrate. according to him, in human life, nothing is certain except the change itself. hijrah is a necessity of life, who does not dare enough to emigrate from a place of immorality, then he continues to be frightened by the devil (youtube, yukngaji.id, july 20, 2020). therefore, felix siauw is considered a figure, role model, intelligent preacher, and courageous young man by muslim youth interested in his da’wa narratives on social media. one of the reasons is his courage to convert from non-muslim to muslim. for them, felix siauw is a role model for young people who dare to take the hijrah path (youtube, sayap dakwah tv, july 9, 2020). meanwhile, uha narrates islamic da’wah creatively by transforming the old pattern of preaching into a new way that is more friendly to young muslim groups. for him, hijrah is a big narrative that needs to be popularized to young muslims with a new and trendy spirit. therefore, he uses a community-based approach in promoting hijrah as a trend. through its community in the youth hijrah shift, uha complements its da'wah content with a number of complete production tools. he creates a variety of creative content such as short videos containing lecture material, the quran, and islamic advice, as well as posters, flyers, and comics which are all wrapped in a hijrah narrative. uha’s appearance adapts to the style of young people because it aims to take the segment of the millennial muslim generation. some islamic topics delivered or taught by uha and felix siauw on social media are fundamental islamic doctrines such as knowing god (ma'rifatullah), being a perfect muslim (kaafah), the importance of emigrating, and establishing ukhuwah among muslims. however, for felix siauw, the content of his lectures is more dominated by the importance of the islamic state or the romance of the glory of islam in the past. some content of uha and felix siauw’s lectures seemed to contain intentional framing to disseminate certain types of religious understanding. this is confirmed by the research results of the center for 265 afkaruna the study of islam and society (ppim) uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta, which states that felix siauw has an affiliation with hti, so ideas for the establishment of an islamic state or islamic khilafah are often conveyed. meanwhile, uha is categorized as a moderate preacher who is in tune with the da'wah of other da’i, such as ustadz maulana and oki setiana dewi. even though they both have different islamic views, their da’wah still attracts young muslims. it is not surprising that their lectures are widely used as references in their religious ways, both in their behavior and in their daily religious views. their islamic views have also made many muslim youths choose to hijrah, from those who were originally not veiled to become veiled, from those who were originally not wearing niqab to be wearing a niqab, and from those who previously liked to hang out with friends with no clear and positive intention became more closed from the association. in fact, in deciding to purchase certain products, these young people who emigrated prefer products with islamic labels or those endorsed by the new islamic authorities that they represent, for example, from a trade label owned by felix siaw’s wife hijab alila. the preaching communication model carried out by uha and felix siauw on social media is one of the real implications of the growing popular islamism movement that is growing in muslim countries. according to hasan29 and muller,30 popular islamism is spreading and shifting the political orientation of islam towards a desire to have a dialogue between islam and modernity, so that this movement does not – or does not always – desire to establish an islamic state, let alone encourage the ideas of religion-based terrorism. in fact, the ideals of popular islamism are inherent with islamic ideals and popular culture itself. as a result, it can be clearly seen that the spread of social media ustadz is a real picture where islam is in dialogue with the development of modernity in the contemporary era. on the one hand, the choice of young people to emigrate (hijrah) needs to be appreciated. however, on the other hand, religious literacy that tends to be instantaneous needs to be anticipated for two reasons. first, that this hijrah will only become a lifestyle trend that is made up for 266vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the benefit of religious commodification; second, that religious understanding obtained partially through social media accounts tends to be rigid and textual interpretation, which will potentially eliminate the details of religious messages; third, each social media ustad has a framing of his lecture material which is very likely to contain some material contrary to the ideology of the state. 267 afkaruna endnotes see we are social, “indonesian digital report 2020. in global digital insights” (hootsuite we are social: 2020). abdul karim amrullah. tafsir al-azhar juz 1,2,3 (jakarta: gema insani, 2015), 416. musthofa al-bugha. al fiqhu al manhaji ‘ala madzhabil imam asy-syafi’i (damaskus, darul musthafa: 2013). siti nafsiyatul ummah. “makna hijrah perspektif hamka dalam tafsir al azhar dan konteksualisasinya dalam kehidupan sosial di indonesia” undergradute thesis (surabaya, uin sunan ampel surabaya: 2019), 50-65. yuswohady. marketing to the middle class moslem: kenali perubahannya, pahami perilakunya, petakan strateginya (jakarta, gramedia: 2014), xv-xvi. hew wai weng. “the art of dakwah: social media, visual persuasion and the islamist propagation of felix siauw” indonesia and the malay world, 46 (134) (2018), 61–79. we are social, “indonesian digital report 2020. in global digital insights” (hootsuite we are social: 2020). see heidi a. campbell, digital religion: understanding religious practice in new media worlds. (routledge: 2012). see also hew wai weng. “the art of dakwah: social media, visual persuasion and the islamist propagation of felix siauw” indonesia and the malay world, 46 (134), 61–79. also, m. slama. “a subtle economy of time: social media and the transformation of indonesia’s islamic preacher economy” economic anthropology, 4 (1) (2017), 94–106. and, ahmad najib burhani. “muslim televangelists in the making: conversion narratives and the construction of religious authority” the muslim world, 110 (2), (2020), 154–175. najib kailani. “kepanikan moral dan dakwah islam populer: membaca fenomena ‘rohis’ di indonesia.” analisis: jurnal studi keislaman, 11 (1) (2011), 1–16. see also najib kailani. “forum lingkar pena and muslim youth in contemporary indonesia” rima: review of indonesian and malaysian affairs, 46 (1) (2012), 33. also, najib kailani. “preachers-cum-trainers: the promoters of market islam in urban indonesia” islam in southeast asia: negotiating modernity, (2018), 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 268vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 164–191. and, muhamad ibtissam han. “anak muda, dakwah jalanan dan fragmentasi otoritas keagamaan: studi atas gerakan dakwah pemuda hijrah dan pemuda hidayah” uin sunan kalijaga, thesis, (2018). also, norshahril saat & ahmad najib burhani (2020). the new santri: challenges to traditional religious authority in indonesia (iseas yusof ishak institute, 2020). muhamad ibtissam han. “anak muda, dakwah jalanan dan fragmentasi otoritas keagamaan: studi atas gerakan dakwah pemuda hijrah dan pemuda hidayah” uin sunan kalijaga, thesis, (2018), 16-17. also, hew wai weng. “the art of dakwah: social media, visual persuasion and the islamist propagation of felix siauw” indonesia and the malay world, 46 (134) (2018), 61–79. wahyudi akmaliyah. the rise of cool ustadz: preaching, subcultures, and the pemuda hijrah movement. in the new santri: challanges to traditional religious authority in indonesia (2020), 239–257. also, muhamad ibtissam han. “anak muda, dakwah jalanan dan fragmentasi otoritas keagamaan: studi atas gerakan dakwah pemuda hijrah dan pemuda hidayah” uin sunan kalijaga, thesis, (2018). wahyudi akmaliyah. the rise of cool ustadz: preaching, subcultures, and the pemuda hijrah movement. in the new santri: challanges to traditional religious authority in indonesia (2020), 239–257. felix y. siauw. yuk, berhijab! (bandung, penerbit mizania: 2013). felix y. siauw. udah putusin aja! (jakarta, alfatih press: 2015). hew wai weng. “the art of dakwah: social media, visual persuasion and the islamist propagation of felix siauw” indonesia and the malay world, 46 (134) (2018), 61–79. oki setiana dewi. “pengajian selebritas hijrah kelas menengah muslim (2000-2019): respons atas dakwah salafi dan jamaah tabligh” dissertation in uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta (2020). quoted from pusat pengkajian islam dan masyarakat. “internet, pemerintah, dan pembentukan sikap keberagamaan generasi z” (jakarta, ppim: 2018).https://ppim.uinjkt.ac.id/2018/11/11/survey-ppim-internet internet-pemerintah-dan-pembentukan-sikap-keberagamaan-generasi-z/ felix y. siauw. khilafah remake (jakarta, al fatih press: 2014). felix y. siauw. khilafah remake (jakarta, al fatih press: 2014). quoted from pusat pengkajian islam dan masyarakat. “internet, pemerintah, dan pembentukan sikap keberagamaan generasi z” (jakarta, ppim: 2018) https://ppim.uinjkt.ac.id/2018/11/11/.survey-ppim-internet -pemerintah-dan-pembentukan-sikap-keberagamaan-generasi-z/. see also, yunia faela nisa, laifa annisa lubis, didin syafrudin, and ismatu ropi. gen z: kegalauan identitas keagamaan (jakarta, ppim uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta: 2018). 10 11 12 13 14 15 18 19 20 16 17 269 afkaruna quoted from https://www.matamatapolitik.com/news/in-depth-gerakan -hijrah-milenial-di-tengah-pusaran-pilpres-2019-berpengaruh. see also wahyudi akmaliyah. the rise of cool ustadz…, 246-247. regarding the explanation of pks (harakah tarbiyah) and hti as islamic fundamentalism movements see nafik muthohirin, fundamentalisme islam: gerakan dan tipologi pemikiran aktivis dakwah kampus (jakarta, indostrategi: 2014). max weber. the theory of social and economic organization, terj. am henderson and talcott parsons (new york: free press, 1947). d. f. eickelman, & j. w. anderson (1997). “print, islam, and the prospects for civic pluralism: new religious writings and their audiences” journal of islamic studies, 8 (1) (1997), 43–62. also, james b. hoesterey. rebranding islam: piety, prosperity, and a self-help guru (princeton, stanford university press: 2015). ahmad najib burhani. “muslim televangelists in the making: conversion narratives and the construction of religious authority” the muslim world, 110 (2), (2020), 154–175. max weber. the theory of social and economic organization, terj. am henderson and talcott parsons (new york: free press, 1947). hew wai weng. “the art of dakwah: social media, visual persuasion and the islamist propagation of felix siauw” indonesia and the malay world, 46 (134) (2018), 61–79. quoted fromhttps://www.matamatapolitik.com/news/in-depth-gerakan -hijrah-milenial-di-tengah-pusaran-pilpres-2019-berpengaruh. muhamad ibtissam han. “anak muda, dakwah jalanan dan fragmentasi otoritas keagamaan: studi atas gerakan dakwah pemuda hijrah dan pemuda hidayah” uin sunan kalijaga, undergraduate thesis, (2018), 115-118. noorhaidi hasan (ed.). literatur keislaman generasi milenial: transmisi, apropriasi, dan kontestasi (yogyakarta: pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga press, 2018), 17-18. dominik m. müller. islam, politics and youth in malaysia: the pop-islamist reinvention of pas (new york: routledge, 2014). 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 abdul karim amrullah. (1982). tafsir al-azhar juz xix-xx. akmaliyah, w. (2020). the rise of cool ustadz: preaching, subcultures, and the pemuda hijrah movement. in the new santri: challanges to traditional religious authority in indonesia (pp. 239–257). al-bugha, m. d. (2013). al fiqhu al manhaji ’ala madzhabil imam asy syafi’i. darul musthafa damaskus. references 270vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 cultural politics in the transformation of islamic education in south sumatra: a study of the pesantren constitution 2019 abstract the cleric and the government's relationship becomes close, each establishing a symbiotic mutual relationship. although politics is often a dirty word, policymakers should be influenced by something positive or the opposite. consequently, a symbiotic mutualism relationship between ulama and government will create a culture based on local wisdom and is the best way to formulate educational policies that favour the community and lead to the education that humanizes humans. the importance of cultural politics gave the legislation to the pesantren regulation number 18 of 2019, which was designed for both interests. it became a breath of fresh air for the sustainability of islamic boarding schools. the legitimacy of the pesantren law is strong evidence that pesantren is vital to creating a more progressive and humanist culture in indonesia. in addition, the pesantren law also protects pesantren from society's assumptions, especially unscrupulous individuals who want to corner islamic boarding schools. in previous implementations, pesantren do not get strong legitimacy from the applicable legal system. keywords: cultural politics, islamic boarding school, islamic education system, constitution introduction political scientist david easton, in his observation, said that politics always involves change. politics is a static world that undergoes simultaneous change, full of tension and transitional. change involves all elements, from policyholders and legal authorities to the grassroots. but change will not be able to run if it is not accompanied by sincere spirit and intention. therefore, any political change should be welcomed by preparing plans and agendas. weber (1947) states that in power, there is the ability to impose his will on others, even if the person resists. regardless of the opportunity to realize his will in others in the form of coercion irrespective of the basis. in other words, power, according to weber, is an opportunity to overwhelm others. the influence of a person can be done through physical effect through punishment as well as by influencing opinion through propaganda (lukes,1986). propaganda is thought to gain power that is difficult for opponents to defeat if the propaganda can produce an agreement between them. power comes from wealth, the army, government, merit, and influence. foucault argues that the concept of power has changed compared to the 19th century. features of power at the time: first, it tended to be brutal. secondly, it is operated continuously. third, it emphasizes obedience to ordinances and is full of symbolism. fourth, be in a public space because power spreads without being localized and permeates the entire social fabric. finally, that power operates and is not owned by anyone in the relations of knowledge, science, and institutions. according to foucault, learning has always produced knowledge as a basis of power. there is no knowledge without power, and vice versa. therefore, there is no power without knowledge. thus, the education process is part of transforming science; on the other hand, in the education process, both in the scope of learning and within the policy environment, there has been a mutual influence. not much different from developed and developing countries like most countries in asean, the political dynamics of a country, including indonesia, will affect the direction and flow of education. the extent of this influence on the world of education, especially islamic boarding school education, requires a clear and measurable benchmark. azyumardi azra, in his book "islamic education; tradition and modernization towards a new millennium", reveals that when it comes to education, the emerging reality is the inseparability between the education system and the political policies of the government.[footnoteref:1] [1: . azra, a. (1999). pendidikan islam: tradisi dan modernisasi menuju milenium baru. logos wacana ilmu. hal. xi] therefore, education culture and a product of the dialectic of society is a manifestation of the interests of the political elite of the government; consequently, it is not uncommon for education to be used as one of the tools to achieve power. if not properly conceived, this dynamic can cause unclear directions of education in indonesia, including education at islamic boarding schools. nevertheless, pesantren, the oldest educational institution in indonesia, is certainly an important legacy that cannot be ruled out casually. what is needed by islamic boarding school need to be developed and elaborated so that the contribution of pesantren to the world of education in the country is increasingly positive and growing. the study of indonesian islamic culture through the pesantren approach, especially regarding its development and dynamics, is interesting. the success of pesantren in educating students who then give birth to reliable graduates in various dimensions of life is a separate point for pesantren. in addition, in terms of culture, the tradition in islamic boarding schools has taken root deeply in indonesian society. in the national political constellation, pesantren became an islamic educational institution that was always associated with political commodities whose presence was able to colour national politics and policies. as the leader and central figure of the islamic boarding school, cleric became an attractive figure for any pair of candidates who wanted to advance in the democratic party. cleric in post-reform political consolidation was not solely due to its dominant and obedient students, but because of the strong social, cultural and relationships. the cleric emotionally built it with the local community and his loyal followers. generally, cleric followers or students come from rural areas, but rural communities make up the majority. no wonder several ministries, including the ministry of home affairs and the ministry of rural affairs, want to hold the authority of village funds which are then distributed to village villages throughout indonesia. of the various terms of scholars or people who understand the teachings of the islamic religion, only clerics have cross-city influence. even some clerics in java have charisma beyond the figures in the region. this advantage can be seen in how the cleric could grab executive seats like regents. unlike the case with ustadz, whose influence is still limited. not only because his religious knowledge is not as extensive as cleric's, but usually ustadz does not have a pesantren, only accepting students who want to learn to read and write the qur'an. therefore, islamic boarding schools have always been a convenient place to ask for blessings from candidates who will advance in democratic contestation. because the benefit of pesantren does not infrequently smooth a person to sit in both legislative and executive seats. according to data from the ministry of religious affairs of the republic of indonesia, islamic boarding schools in indonesia are currently around 28,519, totalling 4,354,309. [footnoteref:2] with a number that reaches 4 million, it is not surprising that the votes of islamic boarding schools in every election are always interesting to seize. [2: http://emispendis.kemenag.go.id/dashboard/?content=data-pontren] the leaders of islamic boarding schools' success in producing many qualified scholars in the country is due to the educational methods applied by islamic boarding schools and cleric using the approach to personal guidance and applying qualitative mastery.[footnoteref:3] [3: zamakhsyari dhofier, (2011) tradisi pesantren, studi pandangan kiyai dan visinya mengenai masa depan indonesia, lkis yogyakarta, hal 45] pesantren sees that education is not only to enrich the knowledge of students with explanations, but the approach used by pesantren is to increase morality, strengthen the spirit of learning, and appreciate the value of spiritual, civilizational, and human values. therefore, the spirit of learning instilled in pesantren is the spirit of togetherness and modernity that is embodied in the practice of daily life. thus, for students, the knowledge gained in pesantren and everyday life must be practiced and reflected into a valuable lesson and experience to get ridho from allah swt. research method research as an attempt to obtain the truth must be based on the scientific thought process that is poured into the scientific method. the scientific method is the foundational framework for the creation of scientific knowledge. research conducted using the scientific method contains two important elements: observation and reasoning. therefore, research is an effort to connect an empirical reality with theory. this research is qualitative to produce a finding that is expected to map educational problems in indonesia, especially in islamic boarding schools. the emergence of phenomena and problems in islamic boarding schools needs to be mapped measurably and systematically so that this research can be useful and become a future breakthrough for islamic education in indonesia. discussion cultural politics: an effort towards change in pesantren according to herbert spencer and auguste comte, man and society, including his culture, will develop through certain stages, from simple forms to more complex conditions and perfectibility. therefore, the presence of law as a cultural politics that binds society, then, in turn, the product of the law has created a culture that can shift from the old culture to the new culture that transforms. cultural politics studies the relationship between the process of the emergence of various political goals and how they are conveyed. cultural politics focuses more on the forces that drive the means of achieving the goals of culture and humanity. this study also answers the assumptions and intentions of various educational transformation strategies. it provides a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between various political interests and issues that develop between culture and politics and its interpretations. social changes, including changes in the educational system, began to be studied by the greek philosopher plato in his book republik who examined the relationship between ideology and state institutions with the goals and methods of change that occurred in society.[footnoteref:4] educational institutions, both universities and those under it as one aspect of life closely related to political institutions. furthermore, plato describes the dynamic relationship between educational activity and political activity. plato likens education and politics to an inseparable and always dynamic coin, or in the expressions of abernethy and coombe (1965: 287), education and politics are inextricably linked (education and politics are bound without separate), which then have a reciprocal relationship. [4: m. sirozi, 2005, politik pendidikan, dinamika hubungan antara kepentingan kekuasaan dan praktik penyelenggaraan pendidikan, jakarta, pt raja grafindo persada, hal. 6-7 ] in a more advanced and technology-oriented society and adopting values, the relationship pattern between education and politics changed from traditional patterns to modern ones. it was confirmed that education and politics are two things that are closely related and influence each other. in other words, various aspects of education always contain political elements. vice versa, every political activity has to do with aspects of education. socially, islamic boarding schools have played a very strategic role in indonesia. pesantren is a center for the transmission of religious teachings and the improvement of spirituality. in addition, pesantren is also a strong character-based education center. the two roles are still an icon of pesantren. islamic boarding schools in the era of globalization can be directed to become modern character-based educational institutions. also, it can modify the needs of society and the purpose of pesantren as an institution for fostering and empowering people, especially globalization diseases such as hedonism, free sex, and excessive smartphone addiction that leads to negative things. to carry out this strengthening, islamic boarding schools must carry out three main paradigms of islamic teachings as referred to by ahmad tafsir as follows: (1) the paradigm of science, meaning that students must be able to master science, (2) logical paradigms, namely knowledge with abstract objects and prioritizing strong sources, (3) mystical paradigms obtained from the taste. for this reason, ideally, the three major paradigms can be well actualized at the islamic boarding school so that students will get the right provisions when interacting directly with the community. the high consumerism, the explosion of information communication technology, and the increasing dependence of humans on gadgets/ smartphones make pesantren increasingly sheltered by the indonesian people. however, suppose it is not transformed to the three major paradigms above. in that case, pesantren is difficult to become the best educational alternative because when a student completes his education, he must be able to compete with the outside community equipped with skills and a scientific approach. according to geertz, the success of the cleric in establishing himself as a leader and a role model slowly directs the cleric to a position that is not only an expert in islamic law and islamic doctrine but also places cleric as a symbol of purity itself. the very noble part of the cleric during society is that islamic teachings emphasize the importance of an adab rather than one's science. the study of the social status of cleric in society helps us understand why cleric has high respect. in political research, of course, it can be concluded that the position achieved by a cleric is none other than because the residents give full confidence in the cleric or cleric have authority that is not written in civil law. apart from the community, the local government also often asks for direction and advice from cleric, especially those related to socio-religious matters. the 212 demonstrations that took place a few years ago became one of the proofs that scholars were very influential on doctrine and change. during the dutch and japanese colonization, the clerics succeeded in bringing indonesia to the gate of independence. a massive movement in the 212 islamic defense action was attended by muslims from dki jakarta and outside the region and gathered millions of people. the muslims protested to answer the anxiety and disapproval of muslims with the words of the governor of dki jakarta, incumbent basuki cahaya purnama, about surat al-maidah verse 51 in the thousand islands. some muslims consider basuki to have put the teachings of the islamic religion to rest because he said that the use of surat al-maidah verse 51 was only to lie to muslims not to vote for him in the dki jakarta governor election. according to reports from various studies, on average, the masses at the monas came from muslim activists of mosques and islamic boarding schools throughout indonesia. even several cleric and mosque administrators were seen around the monas to voice their aspirations, asking basuki cahaya purnama to be processed fairly in court. regarding defending islam 212, hefner, in his book civil islam, said that the changes in patterns of relations between islam and democracy in indonesia have undergone drastic changes. from the beginning, it was restricted; post-reform, with the presence of the law on freedom of expression in public places, indonesian muslims showed their extension through religious movements that were even able to change the political map nationally. for example, during the reformation period, candidates in the presidential elections always involved clerics in getting the votes of muslims in the country. certainly different from the new order era, which considers muslims the second choice after the military-civil servants and the working class. indonesia's first president after the reformation was a figure who was born, grew, and developed among islamic boarding schools. kiyai abdurrahman wahid, who became the first president of the reform era, is the grandson of nu founder hadratus syeikh hasyim asyari and the first founder of the tebu ireng islamic boarding school in east java. although some circles consider gusdur's leadership period short, indonesian muslims' political power could not be underestimated by the country's politicians. the role played by islamic boarding schools in indonesia is almost similar to the part of the islamic education system in other countries such as egypt, iran and india, in addition to differences in cultural differences, customs and geography. hauzah, or the centre of education and teaching of islamic science in iran is almost similar to islamic boarding schools in indonesia. hauzah not only plays a role in educating and teaching the teachings of the islamic religion but more than that, it also has a role in shaping the direction and pattern of leadership in iran. in fact, in iranian political tradition, the supreme leader in iran, the rahbar, must be among the "santri" of hauzah. therefore, hauzah in iran is very strategic and respected by political practitioners in iran. in addition to being central to power, a cleric also gave spiritual direction throughout the provinces of the islamic republic of iran. this situation is almost similar to the political nuances in indonesia politically. however, of course, the role of hauzah in politics cannot be confused with islamic boarding schools in indonesia. because hauzah directly holds the centre of power in iran. however, in indonesia, this cannot be ascertained. although cleric's charisma is very high in the javanese area, it is not uncommon for clerics to also lose in the democratic competition at the local and national levels. according to endang turmudi, two main factors make the bargaining power of the cleric position very high in society. the first is because cleric is a familiar figure. usually, the surrounding residents come to the cleric to gain knowledge or even ask for advice and advice. the diversity practiced by the figure of the cleric is the basis that is often obeyed by his advice, direction, and guidance. [footnoteref:5] at the same time, the second feature inherent in the cleric is that the cleric is an established figure, both in matter and science. thus, the "fruit of the hand" the cleric will not shake his education of his truth and faith. [5: endang turmudi, (2004) perselingkuhan kiyai dan kekuasaan, yogyakarta: lkis, hal. 96] according to geertz, clerics successfully established themselves as a leader and role model,[footnoteref:6] slowly leading cleric to a position that was not merely experts on islamic law and islamic doctrine but also placed the cleric as a symbol of purity. the very noble role of the cleric in society makes the basis and the fact that islamic teachings emphasize the importance of an adab rather than one's science. [6: clifford geertz, (1985), abangan, santri, priyayi dalam masyarakat jawa, jakarta; pustaka jaya] pesantren education is based on a coherent relationship between humans, as creations or beings, and allah almighty, as khaliq or creator. the relationship between creator and created produces the beauty and majesty that the main task of man's creation, as implied in the qur'an, is to worship his god. the worship lived by the being will bring itself closer to its creator. in this regard, islamic boarding schools, the oldest educational institutions in indonesia, aim to make a way to know their god. teachers/ustadz and students in islamic boarding schools take precedence in terms of seeking class solely because of allah. so when managing pesantren, the cleric prioritizes lessons, self-development, and other developments with students and the community. islamic boarding schools are a wealth of islamic culture in indonesia, besides being a traditional islamic educational institution because of their distinctive nature, namely: charismatic kyai, mosque huts, ustadz, ustadzah, dormitories, and students. islamic boarding schools combine modernity and tradition that are still worthy of use with the noble values of pesantren with various thoughts and strategies. since 1998, according to dhofier, pondok pesantren has tried to enrich the scientific treasures in the institution with a strong system and adopt modernity while also participating in establishing universities to strengthen islamic boarding school research institutions. the need for research and technology is embodied in the establishment of universities so that modernity and the noble values of islam can go hand in hand, following the needs of the country's people.[footnoteref:7] [7: zamahshari dhofier, hal 267] pesantren is not a closed type of institution; instead, pesantren are very open and difficult to be directly influenced by policymakers. unlike public schools, whose leaders are now appointed by the executive, the authority of a cleric is obtained from the public's trust in a cleric. a cleric is considered by society to be able to lead him to both worldly happiness and ukhrowi. the choice of the salafi or modern pesantren model is considered a rational choice by the cleric pesantren. however, on the other hand, several islamic boarding schools in the country combine the salafist and modern education systems in one educational institution, which is intended so that the culture or traditions of pesantren are in line with the development of modernity. the opportunity for islamic boarding schools to form the characteristics of islamic education in the country is getting wider. apart from having strong historical roots, pesantren's spread and development are growing rapidly from year to year, especially the development that occurs on the island of java. however, the development of islamic educational institutions in south sumatra is also quite encouraging, although it is not as significant as the development pace on java island. as stated by azyumardi azra, pesantren is a traditional islamic educational institution that can still survive today. in contrast to conventional islamic educational institutions in other regions of the muslim world due to the increasingly rapid wave of renewal and modernization that has led to changes that have brought it out of the existence of traditional educational institutions. rapid development makes humans required to compete or even to be able to develop, both in terms of science, materials, ranks, and positions.[footnoteref:8] [8: azyumardi azra, (1999), pendidikan islam: tradisi dan modernisasi menuju milenium baru. logos wacana ilmu.] no wonder then there is a flourishing of higher education in pesantren. with the increasing number of universities in islamic boarding schools, it indirectly concludes that islamic boarding schools are adaptive to the development of an increasingly dynamic world of science. pesantren, the oldest educational institution in the country, has consistently innovated in knowledge, both religious knowledge and its tools, and cleric knowledgeable knowledge that can support the breadth of expertise. the integration of this knowledge is increasingly felt after several metamorphosed ptkin, which initially only took the form of institutes limited to islamic religious study programs. still, until now, around 17 ptkin have changed to become state islamic universities. because islam views that science is not secular but that each other strengthens the foundation of the building of science. the presence of islamic boarding schools in indonesian political dynamics, especially in south sumatra, is momentum for discussing a strong reformulation of islamic leadership based on the guidance of the qur'an and the sunnah of the prophet. so the policy on the land of water will not be far from the corridors and rules of islamic rules. but, of course, the political territory is a region that must be solved and dealt with by secular nationalists. still, even religious groups must fall into that realm if they do not want the country's policies to only struggle and revolve around their interests. the issue of nationality is a collective problem that needs to be resolved and found the best way. the pesantren community must contribute and not make politics a taboo item, let alone considered dirty. to encourage the improvement of the organization of political parties in the future,, the preparation of this alums islamic boarding school is very important. it is the right solution so that the importance of islamic boarding schools and in general, the interests of islamic boarding schools can be accommodated properly. this ijtihad is mandatory ijtihad for islamic boarding school scholars who care about state life which m nasir refers to as the islamic struggle through the path of political power. according to data from the ministry of religious affairs of the republic of indonesia, in 2007, there were around two thousand more islamic boarding schools throughout indonesia. the highest number is in east java. of the two thousand islamic boarding schools, 80% are traditional salafiyah'. it is very interesting and unique because these traditional properties still survive today, especially in suburban areas. in south sumatra, after the increasing attention of the central and local governments to the education sector, it is inseparable from education in islamic boarding schools; islamic boarding schools are increasingly fertile and growing rapidly. according to data from the education management information system office of the ministry of religious affairs of south sumatra province, the number of islamic boarding schools in south sumatra amounts to 386 institutions 62 of them are salaf, and the remaining 324 are modern 2019. compared to the previous one, which amounted to approximately 263, this figure rose rapidly because of the factors of was government's serious attention to boarding schools. from the data above, the percentage of the development of islamic boarding schools in south sumatra is very significant in line with the purpose of scholars who want to deliver islamic proselytizing in the land of palembang darussalam. in addition, several government programs, both provincial and district, to initiating the idea of free schools for students in general, the local government also focused on fostering ustadz ustadzah both through the landfill institution and incentives for hafidz hafidzoh one of them is given by the local regional head. in the reform era, the indonesian government tried to place and provide considerable space for formulating education policies that led to renewal and revolution. however, the spirit of indonesian education, originally centralistic, has now turned into a futuristic one, thus allowing policymakers in cities/districts to color and drive the country's education according to what is needed by their respective regions. the local government was strengthened by law no. 25 of 1999 concerning the balance of central and regional finances by the government and the house of representatives, so indonesian education found momentum to rise amid the rapid flow of local wisdom launched by the government. diversity became the main focus during the reform period, and development did not only occur in jakarta. however, it was more evenly distributed following regional capabilities and pads, even though cross-subsidies were still given. in addition, local governments can also regulate the formulation of their respective regional education even though the law is still stipulated in jakarta. the government is also trying to pay attention to the lives of educators by establishing law number 14 of 2005 concerning teachers and lecturers. in the law, teachers and lecturers are mentioned as professionals with academic qualifications, competence, and an educator certificate which has implications for increasing the welfare of educators. during the reform period, indonesia is faced with the autonomy of education. this autonomy will meet the integrity of the republic of indonesia. how can the sense of unity be strengthened and developed with the concept of educating islamic values and morals. autonomization education must be able to establish a sense of unity as one nation and one country. therefore, the strategy going forward is to utilize the value of primordialism and diversity to glue and inflate a sense of nationalism. exclusivism and mutual suspicion can be eliminated, so the culture of the indonesian nation will be the answer to this anxiety. the diversity and language approach, namely the indonesian government, is the main strategy for developing the national culture of the republic of indonesia. the cultural approach emphasizes the emotional aspect and sense of community, such as one of them is primordialism. primordialism does not necessarily have a negative connotation, but it can also be interpreted with a sense of regionality within the scope of diversity as the glue of nationality. for this reason, autonomy system of education, it is necessary to emphasize that the spirit of primordialism is local wisdom in which a globalized local force will be gathered. by paying attention to the problems and circumstances of the direction of the national education policy, the broader future education policy is to implement autonomy in the world of education success. in addition, the government also needs to improve academic and professional abilities and the welfare of educators so that they can carry out their obligations optimally. private educational institutions such as schools and universities must be true partners of the government. they must be more empowered because it is undeniable that the private sector is very vital in its role in development. the abolition of the dichotomy of education among favorite and non-favorite schools is one of the exact figures that the government has done. this matter has opened up opportunities for commercialization in the world of education, which is contrary to the 1945 constitution. however, there are still areas that are not stable in funding regional operational activities but are forced to bloom. the problem for the government because it has to bear the burden and costs that are quite draining the state budget. therefore, the government must press the local government to prioritize or at least not allow school facilities and facilities in the regions to be less than optimal due to the lack of budget in the area. in addition to the above problems, curriculum issues must also focus on planning and formulating education in the future. to answer needs and concerns, especially those related to the world of work, the curriculum must be flexible and elastic to open up opportunities as wide as possible to the community to provide important learning materials. the hope is that the curriculum will foster the development of the spirit of nationalism, the nature of cooperation in building the nation, and present a tolerant attitude in a heterogeneous indonesian culture. to pay more attention, the central government and the house of representatives of the republic of indonesia have established a legal standing in implementing education in the pondok pesantren, namely law number 18 of 2019 concerning pesantren. from the two laws, it is not clear that the specifics of the regulations on religious education are not yet clear. law no. 20 of 2003 on the national education system only discusses formal education. this leaves the problem where pesantren and other religious education, which are in informal areas, have not been touched. there is legality that can already be considered touching on the issue of religious education. however, it is weak hierarchically because it is only regulated at the level of a ministerial regulation or even a director's decree. government regulation 55 of 2007 concerning religious education and education can be seen. in government regulation number 55 of 2007, it is explained that religious education prepares students to carry out roles that demand mastery of knowledge about spiritual teachings and become experts in sacred science and practice their religious teachings. however, this government regulation has not regulated the existence of its institutions as something that is undoubtedly in carrying out religious education. in addition, the problems experienced by islamic boarding schools, especially those related to operations, are serious problems that the government must formulate. several leaders of islamic boarding schools, including al-ittifaqiah islamic boarding schools and darul muttaqien islamic boarding schools and leaders of islamic boarding schools in south sumatra, appreciated the presence of the pesantren law. still, until now, there has been no derivative of the law that further strengthens the existence of pesantren. another problem with law number 18 of 2019 is that the government does not mention that the government's the one who funds the activities of islamic boarding schools. however, the government returned funding for the operation of islamic boarding schools to local communities. not infrequently, people assume that education in islamic boarding schools is free because the state has born it through school operational assistance. in fact, for islamic boarding schools, operational activities such as maintenance of student dormitories, electricity needs, cleanliness, and so on related to membership are not charged to the budget country. however, it costs more for people who want to enter the islamic boarding school because they have to eat, drink, and live daily in it. the public often misinterprets the above problems, especially those from non-governmental organizations (ngos). they used the operation of islamic boarding schools to be the object of attack for their rights because bos funds had funded them. however, after production of the islamic boarding school law number 18 of 2019, especially article 48, paragraphs 1 to 4, which states that the source of funding for the implementation of islamic boarding schools originates from the community in the context of the operational performance of pesantren becomes "legitimate" because it is based on the applicable laws. this budgeting inequality afflicts religious educational institutions such as islamic boarding schools, where the community cultivates the operational conditions of religious institutions because they do not have a clear dipa or operating funds. in addition, the application for the construction of religious and educational institutions was constrained by the limited budget at the ministry of religious affairs. the local government did not support it because it was considered a vertical affair. conclusion the world of education requires professional services that must take place continuously and impartially to certain interest groups, but for all of them (wirt & kirst, 1982). therefore, politics is one of the determinants of whether education will only favour a specific group. instead, education is more directed toward the common interests of society at large, requiring a mature focus and concept from policymakers. therefore, a nation needs to determine the direction of education so that the goals, ideals, and goals can be realized under the basic concepts of education following local culture and wisdom. the presence of islamic boarding schools in indonesian political dynamics, especially in south sumatra, is momentum for discussing a substantial reformulation of islamic leadership based on the guidance of the qur'an and the sunnah of the prophet. so the policy on the land of water will not be far from the corridors and rules of islamic rules. but, of course, the political territory is a region that must be solved and dealt with by secular nationalists. still, even religious groups must fall into that realm if they do not want the country's policies to only struggle and revolve around their interests. the issue of nationality is a collective problem that needs to be resolved and found the best way. the cleric and the student of the islamic boarding schools must contribute and not make politics a taboo item. involvement of pesantren stakeholders in both local and national leadership through a political party and their channels will be an alternative solution, and the goals of islamic education can work properly . this ijtihad is mandatory ijtihad for islamic boarding school scholars who care about state life which m nasir refers to as the islamic struggle through the path of political power. the growing islamic boarding schools in south sumatra are very significant in line with the wishes of the alim ulama, who want to convey islamic proselytizing in the land of palembang darussalam through the media of the islamic boarding school. therefore, the governor of south sumatra also pays great attention and appreciation to islamic boarding schools with several special programs, including operational assistance from islamic boarding schools and free school programs that greatly ease the burden on pesantren. the influence of pesantren on cultural politics and vice versa is a historical fact of indonesia. therefore, to strengthen pesantren political relations, there are regulations derived from law number 18 of 2019 concerning pesantren to accommodate the needs of the implementation and governance of islamic boarding school institutions and religious education, which are thorough. with a law regulating pesantren and religious education comprehensively, it is hoped that it will improve the quality of the implementation of islamic boarding schools and religious education that is of high quality and follows national standards of education. therefore, this solution will make a change to produce visionary leaders and future islamic leaders who are not only intellectually intelligent but also 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(2013). religious networks in madura: pesantren, nahdlatul ulama, and kiai as the core of santri culture. al-jami'ah: journal of islamic studies, 51(1), 1-32 mursalin, ayub & katsir, ibnu “pola pendidikan keagamaan pesantren dan radikalisme: studi kasus pesantren-pesantren di jambi, kontekstualita, vol. 25, no. 2 jurnal af ka ru na vol. 17 no . 1 juni 2021 the strategy of muslim communities in encountering islamophobia in the united states doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i1.11468 hasbi aswar depatment of international relations, faculty of psychology and socio-cultural sciences, universitas islam indonesia, yogyakarta hasbiaswar@uii.ac.id abstract the number of muslims in the united states is increasing from year to year as a result of the increasing number of immigrants from muslim countries who come to work and continue their education as well as the increasing number of muslims. one of the problems faced by the muslim community in america today is islamophobia such as bad narratives, discrimination, and violence against muslims and their property. this study will examine the role of the muslim community in america in dealing with the phenomenon of islamophobia by explaining its strategy through the concept of non-governmental organizations. the data used in this study is literature collected online from websites of islamic groups in the united states. the results of this study showed that islamic groups have taken many ways to deal with islamophobia in this country, namely through political and legal advocacy, media relations, education, and campaigns to garner support and introduce islam in american society. keywords: united states of america, islamic group, encountering islamophobia abstrak jumlah muslim di amerika serikat setiap tahun semakin meningkat di amerika serikat. sebabnya adalah para imigran dari negara muslim yang dating untuk bekerja dan melanjutkan pendidikan dan meningkatnya jumlah pemeluk islam atau konversi ke islam. salah satu masalah yang dihadapi oleh komunitas muslim di amerika saat ini adalah islamophobia yang meliputi narasi buruk, diskriminasi sampai kekerasan terhadap muslim dan properti mereka. kajian ini akan mengkaji peran komunitas muslim di amerika dalam menghadapi fenomena islamophobia dengan menjelaskan strategi mereka melalui konsep non-governmental organizations. data yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah literatur yang dikumpulkan 81vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 secara online dari website – website kelompok – kelompok islam di amerika serikat. hasil kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa kelompok-kelompok islam menempuh banyak cara untuk menghadapi islamophobia di negara ini yaitu melalui advokasi politik dan hukum, relasi media, edukasi serta kampanye untuk menggalang dukungan serta mengenalkan islam di tengah – tengah masyarakat amerika serikat. kata kunci: amerika serikat, kelompok islam, menghadapi islamophobia introduction the issue islamophobia has become a global issue nowadays where muslims become target of discrimination, harassment, and physical assault. this issue mainly occurs in the western world where muslims become the minority group. many factors contribute to the rise of this issue such as the history of muslim and western civilization, the role of western intellectuals, media, and politicians. in the us, islamophobia rised dramatically after 9/11 where muslim experienced many kinds of discrimination and stigmatization after this incident. cases related to islamophobia has become even higher after donald trump was elected in 2016 as the us president. in responding to this islamophobia, many muslim communities work to advocate the muslim rights in this country as well as to create the good image of muslim. muslim, historically, has lived for a long in the us since fifteen century but the influx of muslim started in 19th century from the middle east and grew as the impact of political conflicts in the muslim world, in the middle east, africa, and south asia. many muslim also came to increase their professional skills, to get job, and to continue their education level in the us institution. the number of muslim in the us is about 3.45 million in 2017 and is predicted to increase year to year as the rise of conversion in this country.1 the purpose of this study is to discuss the role of muslim communities or ngos in countering the islamophobia narratives in the us by describing their strategies and activities to pursue their goals. research methods this research is a qualitative research that study the strategy of the muslim communities as the subject and encountering islamophobia in the usa as the object of the study. the main source of data for this research is literature that is collected from online sources including journals, and muslim groups‘ websites. the muslim ngos or communities activities in the us to counter the islamophobia narrative and to create good image of muslim will be then explained through the concept of non-government organizations. 82 a f k a r u n a non-governmental organizations non-governmental organizations are not a new phenomenon in the world of domestic and international politics. this actor has existed for a long time and is growing rapidly until recently. in the international scope of 2014, there were around 8,500 ngos around the world. in the domestic sphere, the numbers could be much higher. these ngos, are engaged in various fields such as politics, economy, culture, environment, poverty, law, eradicating corruption and so on. the development of these ngos is influenced by several factors, such as, among others, the inability of the government to solve all community problems alone so that it requires the involvement of civilian groups including cooperation between countries. the rapid growth of information technology and transportation has also had a significant influence on the growth of civil society networks globally which have made the ngo communities flourish at the world level. 2 in carrying out their agenda, ngos relying not on material strength like those possessed by the state such as economic and military strength, the strength of ngos is in their ability to raise the masses through the opinions created; the power of lobbying, or influencing the public and policy makers through the narratives they construct. some of the roles that ngos usually play include: humanitarian activities (relief) through the distribution of humanitarian assistance by ngos such as the red cross which is engaged in the health sector, or oxfam which is engaged in fighting for social and economic justice issues. apart from humanitarian issues, ngos also play a role in community development programs. these usually provide education and economic assistance to communities to improve the economic capacity and the welfare of society. education programs and campaigns to raise public awareness are also parts of the roles that ngos often play in the midst of society. in the political domain, ngos do various advocacies or efforts to defend for issues that they concern with. advocacy activities can be carried out in various forms, such as campaigns, protests, debates, and publications. in addition to advocacy, lobbying activities are also carried out by ngos to policy makers, both government and international organizations, as a step to support the interests of ngos. 3 islamophobia the oxford english dictionary states that the term “islamophobia” was 83vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 first written in 1991 in the journal insight in the united states. another version reveals that this term first appeared in 1925 in france in the writings of etienne dinet and slima ben ibrahim, entitled ‘accès de délire islamophobe’. there are also those who reveal that this term was first expressed during the iranian islamic revolution in 1979. 4 conceptually, the runneymede commission on british muslim and islamophobia (1997), explains that islamophobia is a form of unfounded hostility to islam that impacts on practices and against muslims both individually and group, including also not involving muslims from various political activities and social affairs. 5 this report categorizes views that are considered islamophobic and those that are not, namely closed and open views of islam (closed views and open views of islam). the closed view on islam believes that islam is a single monolithic bloc, static and unresponsive to changing realities; islam is seen as something that is alienated / exclusive from others; inferior to the west, barbaric, irrational, primitive, and discriminatory against women; islam is a political ideology that is used for political and military purposes; islamic criticism of the west must be rejected; hatred against islam is used to justify discriminatory practices against muslims, and anti-muslim attitudes should be viewed as natural and normal. on the one hand, those who have an open view contended that islam must be placed in the same way as other religions or cultures and can interact with the various cultural plurality. muslims also have the right to be invited to be involved in various collaborations to solve various problems in people’s lives. in fact, muslim critics of the west must be accepted and discussed. more importantly, discrimination against islam must be eliminated in society.6. historically, the negative western view of islam has existed since the beginning of the encounter of islam and the west of the 8th century ad when the expansion of islam had reached spain. western society at that time still had very limited knowledge of islam so that their views were mostly influenced by elites such as peter the venerable (8th century bible writer) who thought that muslims or generally referred to as saracens, a group of barbarians. this continued, at the end of the 11th century in the era of the crusades, the west which was threatened with the expansion of islam began to create religious arguments to mobilize european society to engage in war in this holy war such as the story that islamic teachings were pseudo prophetic 84 a f k a r u n a because they took part of their teachings from christian teachings; muhammad was not a prophet, but someone who was born into a lowly family, and was a pagan, who gained power and control of power through fabricated revelations and spread it through violence. 7 in the 16th century, the christian religious reformist, martin luther, portrayed islam and muslims with a bad image. for example, the belief that islam as superior to christianity is considered as the work of the devil. while islam itself is called as the religion of violence and brutality as it was spread through the sword and murder. this legacy of the negative construction towards muslims continues to the present day. 8 the study on islamophobia has been widely studied by scholars from various perspectives including from historical perspective that can be seen from the work by lutfi sunar (2017) who studied the histoy of islamophobia in the western world and specifically in the united state; other works focused to study islamophobia in the in certain places or countries such as the study of islamophobi in china by luqiu and yang (2018); 9 and islamophobia in the united states under trump regime by lajevardi and oskooii (2018). 10 the work that focused on islamic group in the us done by zaiddinnov, (2021), who compared the response of cair (the council on americanislamic relations) the american islamic forum for democracy (aifd) to counter the terrorist stereotype in the us public, media and politicians. using content analysis study, this research concluded that both muslim groups condemned the act of terrorism. but at the same time, these two also differed in responding the state policy on counterterrorism, domestic or international where cair tend to be more sensitive and critical while aifd praise the state policies.11 another work was by yuting wang (2017) who specifically studied on the role of women in the riverside mosque, midwestern city of united states. this study explained the religious and social of the muslim womens in that mosque in terms of creating cohesiveness among muslim from diverse ethnics; educating muslim children; and creating good relationship with the nonmuslim neighborhs.12 this study showed the positive role of the muslim community in that mosque to empower muslim womens through the mosque. emily cury (2019) on the on hand discussed the strategy of muslim to counter islamophobia that rised during the 2016 general election. according to cury, muslim used three main strategies to confront that including constituent empowerment by education muslims to actively participate in politi85vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 cal election, confrontation by confronting the anti muslim narratives and groups through many ways and collaboration with officials to tackle the issue of islamohobia. 13 there is indeed so many researches on the issue on islamophobia as its phenomena are happening almost everytime in many places. however, there is still limited study concerning the role of muslims to respond the act of islamophobia toward them including stigmatization and discrimination. hence, this study is going to involve to developed the role of muslim actors in facing islamophobi in the non-muslim majority countries by discussing in general the role of muslim groups in the united states to confront the issue of islamophobia. results and discussion muslim and islamophobia in the usa the presence of muslims in the us can be traced back in the 15th century when colombus came to the us in 1492 where muslims became part of the colombus crew. however, this claim is still debatable as the proof is still vague. the well documented muslim migration started in the sixteen century until nineteenth century where many the african muslim slaves brought to america. other muslims from indians and arabs, who were not slaves also immigrated during this period. 14 in the 20th century, after the world war i and ii, the number of muslim immigrants increased not only from many muslim countries who came to continue their study or to developed their technical skill (professional advancement). another factor that increases the muslim migration to the usa is the political turmoil occurred in the muslim countries such as in palestine, iran, pakistan, bangladesh, lebanon, iraq, kuwait, somalia, afghanistan, sudan and bosnia. due to the political conflict from those muslim countries, many people decided to flee their countries and come to the usa. to date, many people come to america for various purposes such as education, looking for work, business and for political reasons. these muslim immigrants maintain their islamic identity from generation to generation through the communities and institutions they build including mosques, islamic centers, islamic schools, islamic publishing organizations, interest-free financial institutions and charitable organizations to support their purposes.15 the number of muslims in the united states is estimated at 3.45 million in 2017. this means that the muslim population makes up one point one 86 a f k a r u n a percent of the total us population, which is around 322 million. this number will continue to increase every year with the birth rate of muslim families and more and more immigrants are entering the us. by 2050 it is estimated that muslims will increase to 8.1 million people, a proportion of 2.1 percent of the total number of us citizens. the number of islamic associations or organizations in the us is also quite large, approximately 50 islamic organizations spread across various regions in the us. 16 in the united states, the impact of 9/11 was also widespread. the council on american islamic relations (cair) report pointed to an increase in acts of hatred, violence, harassment, and other acts of intolerance against muslims in the united states. in 2006, according to the usa today-gallup poll report, the number of americans who have a negative view of muslims is quite high, 22% do not want to be neighbors with muslims, 31% are worried and afraid if one plane with muslims. even the american government is required to monitor muslims more than any other society. 17 the scale of islamophobia dramatically increased under donald trump’s regime due to his islamophobic rhetoric from his campaign in 2015 until elected as president in 2020. since trump participated in the 2015 presidential election campaign, he has repeatedly expressed very tendentious words towards islam such as, “islam hates us”, or “a total and complete shutdown of muslims entering the united states until our country’s representatives can figure out what is going on”.18 under trump’s leadership, islamophobia has escalated far beyond the effects of the events of 9/11 in 2001. the pew research center showed that the fbi reports 93 attacks on muslims after 9/ 11, while in 2016 under trump there were 127 attacks on muslims.19 the allege of trump’s islamophobic regime is getting stronger when looking at the composition of advisors and assistants in his administration. trumpappointed advisors, mostly people affiliated with the anti-muslim movement in america such as walid phares, the us foreign policy advisory team, is an advisor to act for america, an organization considered to be the largest antiislam movement in the us; michael t. flynn, the us national security adviser, mike pompeo, (cia director), both are affiliated with anti-muslim groups in the united states.20 trump’s most controversial policies was when he signed an executive order known as the travel ban in 2017, often called trump muslim ban 1.0. this policy is a policy that limits the entry of muslims from 7 middle eastern countries into an unforgettable momentum as trump’s policy is considered 87vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 part of the trump regime’s islamophobic politics. this policy prohibits citizens of iraq, syria, iran, libya, somalia, sudan, and yemen from entering the united states. but trump changed the list of the countries after many protests from us citizens on that policy. another institutional effort in creating islamophobia is through legislation, for fear of creeping sharia or islamic law many countries have tried to issue anti-sharia or anti-foreign law bills. in 2012, 78 bills or amendments were introduced in 29 state legislatures as well. as the us congress, 73 of which were introduced by the republic. according to the institute for social policy and understanding (ispu), about 80% of us legislators who sponsor this type of law also sponsor laws that restrict the rights of other and vulnerable minorities group in the united states. 21 on the other hand, anti-muslim groups and organizations also contribute in spreading fear and hatred against muslims and that includes the millions of money sponsored such as in 2011, center for american progress (cap), found that seven charitable foundations spent $ 42.6 million between 2001 and 2009 to support the spread of anti-muslim and anti-islam rhetoric in the united states including the donors capital fund, richard mellon scaife foundation, lynde and the harry bradley foundation, newton and rochelle becker foundation and newton and rochelle becker charitable trust, russell berrie foundation, anchorage charitable fund and william rosenwald family fund, and fairbrook foundation. the media also plays on the islamophobic narrative. according to media tenor international, news outlets such as fox, nbc, and cbs described islam primarily as a source of violence between 2007 and 2013. in a study of news coverage from lexisnexis academics and cnn for all terrorist attacks in the united states between 2011 and 2015, found that news outlets provided more drastic coverage of attacks by muslims, especially foreign-born muslims although these attacks were far less frequent than other types of terrorist attacks. attacks by muslim perpetrators received, on average, 449% more coverage than attacks carried out by non-muslims. erin kearns, an author of the study said, “you can expect that attack to receive about four and a half times more media coverage than if the perpetrator was not muslim.put another way, a perpetrator who is not muslim would have to kill on average about seven more people to receive the same amount of coverage as a perpetrator who is muslim”. 22 the impact of the islamophobia propagation was the increase of anti 88 a f k a r u n a muslim bias including bullying, denial of religious accommodation, denalia of service; and hate crimes such as harassment, violent attack, damage, destruction, and vandalism targeting property. in 2017, cair reported, there was 2,599 incidents of anti muslim bias, and 300 of hate crimes in the usa. 23 encountering islamophobia through islamic ngos activities in the midst of widespread issues of rejection and negative propaganda against islam in the united states, there have also emerged groups of people who are mobilizing themselves to stay away from muslim and immigrant communities in the region. as in the issue of trump’s 2017 travel ban, various community groups from various groups and religions have also criticized trump’s policy, including muslim-jewish solidarity committee, jews for racial & economic justice, jews against anti-muslim racism, the women’s march on washington, the new york immigration coalition, dan the council on american islamic relations (cair). all communities or groups that participated in the protests condemned trump’s policies on racist and antiislamic actions. among the slogans they wrote in their action #standwithmuslim; “donald trump, shame!” dan “no hate, no fear, immigrants are welcome here!”. 24 among the largest muslim groups in the us are the council on american islamic relations (cair), the muslim public affairs council (mpac)). these organizations have a mission to educate the muslim community, and advocate for various muslim problems or problems in the us, especially in the issues of discrimination and intolerance faced in society. this group carries out various activities to achieve its goals at the community, interfaith, media and government levels including advocacy, legal service, media, education, and youth empowerment. advocacy this strategy is used by the muslim communities to defend the right of muslim through approaching the government in regionals and the national levels. cair and mpac for example frequently visit and contact elected representatives in the us congress to promote legislative agenda to support equality and social justice for muslim and for all american, regardless of faith and 89vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 background. these groups regularly write policy papers on policy issues, domestic and foreign policy and present to the government administration, exports in policy makers, think thanks, and media centers. 25 to strengthening the muslim voice and political position, muslim groups formed coalition called uscmo, the us council of muslim organizations, a coalition of leading national and local muslim organizations, that seeks to promote effective communication and coordination between all american muslim organizations and sponsor muslim civic engagement for the good of the nation. the founding members of uscmo are american muslims for palestine (amp), council on american-islamic relations (cair), islamic circle of north america (icna), muslim alliance in north america (mana), muslim american society (mas), muslim legal fund of america (mlfa), muslim ummah of north america (muna), the mosque cares (ministry of imam w. deen mohammed). this uscmo a strategy of muslim groups and movements to strengthening their political position so as their voices or aspiration can be responded by the stated. 26 the advocacy process not only in the level of policy but also in the legal aspect, cair and mpac have their legal team that will always work to defend the right of the victims of islamophobia. according to cair, since its inception, cair has assisted over 25,000 discrimination victims. its california branch for example receive about 800 inquiries each year, which is tried to address by mediation, negotiation, public pressure, or legal action. cair and mpac regularly update their advocacy processes and results in their websites. media relations regarding relations with the media, this islamic group continuously communicates with local and national media to ensure the accuracy of reporting on muslims in us media. mpac even has a special agency that changes the narrative on islam and muslims in the hollywood film industry from negative to positive perceptions. so far, in us films, islam and muslim are often depicted negatively. this has influenced the world’s perception of islam. mpac has build relationship with many production companies of hollywood, studies, and institutes such as bbc one, tnt, nick, abc, cbs, paramount, show time, walt disney, hulu, nbc, legendary, fx, national geographic, sundane institue and dreamworks. 27 90 a f k a r u n a campaign various campaigns have been carried out by muslim groups to spread a sense of solidarity between communities and remove barriers by interacting with various levels of society across religions and backgrounds in the united states. such as the anti-islamophobia campaign agenda of cair with the islamophobin® brand. this campaign invites muslims to get involved in distributing leaflets, holding discussions at mosques, press conferences, and spreading this campaign on the media social media, facebook, twitter, vine, instagram and youtube with the hashtag #islamophobin. 28 the us council of muslim organization (uscmo) on the other hand routinely creates campaigns that are named such as the one america campaign with several agendas including, first, national open mosque day that is held every 14 october each year which aims to motivate muslims so that they can immerse themselves in the surrounding community and invite nonmuslims to come to the mosque. the purpose of this activity is to strengthen bonds between communities, eliminate misperceptions about islam, and increase a sense of solidarity and a spirit of togetherness between communities and religious communities.29 according to usmco: this campaign is an effort designed to “push back” against what has become a consistent effort to balkanize us citizens into mutually antagonistic subgroups. a common feature of such efforts is the notion that one or more of these subgroups should have restricted rights (temporarily or permanently) due to a pressing need to protect this country’s national security. consequently, one america campaign is one way to assertively say that we can, in fact, have it both ways. that is, we can respect our pluralistic democracy while vigilantly protecting this nation from those who wish to harm us. it is our strong belief that scapegoating particular american citizens simply because of their faith will leave us with a country that is actually less safe and more prejudiced.30 second, a million voters registration drive which is organized to mobilize american muslims to get their vote right registered in the us. this is firstly introduced in december 2015, and successfully created awareness of voter registration among muslim in 2016 through facilitation of registration boot in mosques, schools and community centers nationwide to encourage voter registration uscmo used many channels including email campaign, social media campaign, posters flyers, promotional videos, and booths. the 91vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 same strategy also used by cair that posted in its websites the link and the registration guidance to online voter registration. as the impact of that massive campaign by muslim communities in the us, the cair report shows that there has been an increasing involvement of muslims in elections in the united states. in the 2018 midterm elections, cair collected data on the number of muslims involved and elected in legislative elections at both the us local and national levels. the number of muslims who were elected was approximately 55 people. those who successfully occupied the congress were andre carson, rashida tlaib, and ilhan omar. what is also interesting in this report is the involvement of the muslim community in the elections in the united states and their active involvement in politics since the 2016 presidential election which won donald trump as president. about 53% of muslims feel increasingly interested in political issues and as many as 55% are actively involved in politics after the 2016 presidential election. according to the survey, the majority of muslims’ political choices are democratic parties with 78% of muslim elections choosing democratic parties and only 17% taking sides to the republican party. 31 the cair report is also the same with the institute for social policy and understanding (ispu) report which shows the significance of muslim interaction in elections in the us, from 60% in 2016 to 75% in 2018. this is due to more than 70 percent of the muslim community who are not satisfied with the current us conditions.32 uscmo state that the increase of the muslim voters in the us election was because of “the hard work of many muslim organizations, activists, imams, and local community leaders; and the highly charged political environment, the attack on the muslim community and other minorities, and the serious concern over the sharp increase of hate crimes on the muslim community”. 33 other activities carried out by the muslim community in the us, cair, uscmo, mpac, provide updates related to various issues in the us which are sent via email and press releases to respond issues and the us policies. this is done to increase awareness of muslims on various important issues that occur in the us. seminars, conferences and training activities for government officials, media crews, and the academic community are also carried out to educate the public about islam and muslims. every year cair also invites representatives of various religions to visit cair’s office and obtain materials related to islam and muslims in the us. the hard work of muslim communities in creating positive image of muslim 92 a f k a r u n a within the us society and advocating muslim rights showed positive impact that there is a changing perception among the american community toward muslim to be more positive. moreover, many americans have even converted to islam. it turns out that the media’s negative framing of islam has triggered the curiosity about islam among the american people. this is especially for the young people who study in the university level where they find that there is a gap between the islamic publicity in the media and the textbooks they get in college.34 the same result was conveyed by the arab american institute, 2017, that there has been a change in the perception of the us society towards islam for the better in the last decade.35 the pew research center, in its 2017 report, stated that there has been an increase in the degree of response of the american community to muslims in a better direction. when compared to 2014 us perception, which is measured from 0-100, only 40 points, in 2017 it increased to 48 points.36 the change in perceptions for the better is certainly influenced by the various activities carried out by islamic groups such as cair, mpac and uscmo in interacting with the us community and building the trust of the us community towards muslims. not only the perception change, but also the increase of muslim number in this country. pew research center reported that the number of american islam has been growing by around 100.000 annually. it is also predicted that muslim will be 2,1 % of the nation‘s total population or 8.1 million in 2050.37 conclusion the phenomenon of islamophobia is not new in the western world, it has been since the era of islamic expansion into european territory, the crusades era until now in the modern world where narratives that are biased against islam are still used by politicians, media, activists, and intellectuals alike. the impact is that muslim groups face a lot of discrimination, harassment, humiliation, and violence. in the united states in particular and in the western countries in general, muslims do not keep silent in facing various phobias against their religion. they conduct various programs for social inclusion in order to establish a good relationship with the government, media, and interfaith leaders. they also carry out campaigns, discussions, and seminars to counter the narrative of islamophobia. some of the groups in the us that are discussed in this 93vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 paper are only a small part of which have played a role in this fight against islamophobia. many muslim communities in the us, including mosques communities and muslim leaders play the same role in rectifying and educating people about islam. as a result, the efforts of these muslim groups gradually result in a positive impact. there has been a shift in the perception of the us society on islam from negative to a more positive direction. indeed, the number of muslims in this country keeps growing year by year. besides, the threat of islamophobia has motivated the muslims in the us to take part in political contestation. as a result, they have succeeded in placing several representatives in the us congress and legislative bodies at the local level in 2018. endnotes 1 besheer mohamed, “new estimates show u.s. muslim population continues to grow,”accessed 10 march 2019, http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/ 2018/01/03/new-estimates-show-u-s-muslim-population-continues-to-grow/. 2 karen a. mingst and ivan m. arreguin toft, essentials of international relations, 7th ed. (new york: w.w. norton & company, 2017). 3 shameema ahmad and david m. potter, ngos in international politics (bloomfield: kumarian press, inc., 2006). 4 chris allen. islamophobia (surrey: ashgate, 2010). 5 the runnymede commission on british muslim and islamophobia. “islamophobia: a challenge for us all,” 1997. https://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/islamophobia a challenge for us all (without cartoons).zip. 6 ibid, 5. 7 deepa kumar. islamophobia and the politics of empire. (chicago: haymarket books, 2012). 8 todd h. green, the fear of islam: an introduction to islamophobia in the west (minneapolis: fortress press, 2015). 9 luwei rose luqiu and fan yang, “islamophobia in china: news coverage, stereotypes, and chinese muslims’ perceptions of themselves and islam,” asian journal of communication 28, no. 6 (2018): 598–619, https://doi.org/10.1080/ 01292986.2018.1457063. 10 nazita lajevardi and kassra a.r. oskooii, “old-fashioned racism, contemporary islamophobia, and the isolation of muslim americans in the age of trump,” journal of race, ethnicity and politics 3, no. 1 (2018): 112–52, https://doi.org/ 10.1017/rep.2017.37. 11 hakim zainiddinov, “responses of us-based muslim organizations to being stereotyped as ‘terrorists,’” behavioral sciences of terrorism and political aggression 0, no. 0 (2021): 1–22, https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1867222. 12 yuting wang, “muslim women’s evolving leadership roles: a case study of 94 a f k a r u n a women leaders in an immigrant muslim community in post-9/11 america,” social compass 64, no. 3 (2017): 424–41, https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0037768617713660. 13 emily cury, “contesting islamophobia and securing collective rights: muslim american advocacy in the 2016 elections,” politics and religion 12, no. 4 (2019): 710–35, https://doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000469. 14 jane i. smith, islam in america (new york: columbia university press, 1999). 15 john l. esposito, what everyone needs to know about islam (oxford: oxford university press, 2002). 16 mohamed, “new estimates show u.s. muslim population continues to grow.” 17 (esposito 2011, xxiv) 18 oic. “elevent oic observatory report on islamophobia: july 2017-april 2018.” dhaka, 2018. 19 katayoun kishi, “assaults against muslims in u.s. surpass 2001 level,” accessed 10 march 2019, http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/11/15/ assaults-against-muslims-in-u-s-surpass-2001-level/. 20 joe mulhall, “t’s not just trump’s us. anti-muslim hate threatens europe too,” accessed 10 march 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/ 2017/feb/02/trump-us-anti-muslim-hate-europe. 21 craig considine, “the racialization of islam in the united states: islamophobia, hate crimes, and ‘flying while brown,’” religions 8, no. 9 (2017): 1–19, https:/ /doi.org/10.3390/rel8090165. 22 ibid. 23 council on american-islamic relations, “targeted: 2018 civil rights report” (new jersey, 2018). 24 chris riotta, “nationwide protests erupt after supreme court upholds trump’s travel ban,” accessed 10 march 2019, https://www.independent.co.uk/ news/world/americas/us-politics/protests-demonstration-travel-ban-trumpmuslim-groups-cair-supreme-court-rally-a8418051.html; debra nussbaum cohen, “jews and muslims unite in new york to protest trump’s travel,” accessed 10 march 2019, https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/.premium-jews-andmuslims-unite-in-new-york-to-protest-trump-s-travel-ban-1.6218512. 25 mpac, “policy & advocacy,” mpac, accessed 7 april 2021, https:// www.mpac.org/programs/government-relations.php . 26 cair-ohio, “cair columbus joins 350 delegates to lobby congress during national muslim advocacy day on capitol hill,” cair-columbus, accessed 7 april 2021, https://www.cair-columbus.com/cair-columbus-joins-350-delegatesto-lobby-congress-during-national-muslim-advocacy-day-on-capitol-hill/ . 27 mpac, “what is the hollywood bureau?,” accessed 17 march 2019, https:// www.mpachollywoodbureau.org/; mpac, “mpac hollywood bureau,” mpac, accessed 7 april 2021, https://www.mpachollywoodbureau.org/ . 28 cair, “5 great ways you can fight islamophobia with islamophobin,” accessed 17 march 2019, http://www.islamophobin.org/get-involved.html. 29 uscmo, “national open mosque day,” accessed 17 march 2019, http:// 95vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 uscmo.org/index.php/portfolio-items/national-open-mosque-day-2/. 30 uscmo, “what is the one america campaign?,” accessed march 17, 2019, http://uscmo.org/index.php/one-america-campaign/. 31 cair, “candidates and constituents: american muslim election victories and voter attitudes,” 2018, https://www.cair.com/candidates_and_constituents_american_muslim_election_victories_and_voter_attitudes_survey. 32 alex gray, “islamophobia is driving more us muslims to become politically engaged, suggests report,” 17 march 2019, https://www.weforum.org/agenda/ 2018/08/muslims-in-united-states-more-politically-engaged-islamophobia/. 33 uscmo, “national voter registration drive,” uscmo, accessed 7 april 2021, https://uscmo.org/portfolio-items/uscmos-national-voter-registration-drive/. 34 samra habib, “islamophobia is on the rise in the us. but so is islam,” accessed 07 april 2021, https://www.pri.org/stories/2016-09-09/muslims-america-arekeeping-and-growing-faith-even-though-haters-tell-them-not. 35 arab american institute. “american attitudes towards arabs and muslims,” accessed 17 march 2019, https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/aai/pages/ 13564/attachments/original/1512430036/poll_release.pdf?1512430036. 36 pewforum, “u.s. muslims concerned about their place in society, but continue to believe in the amerincan dream,” accessed 17 march 2019, http:// www.pewforum.org/2017/07/26/how-the-u-s-general-public-views-muslims-andislam/. 37 mohamed, “new estimates show u.s. muslim population continues to grow”; besheer mohamed and elizabeth podrebarac sciupac, “the share of americans who leave islam is offset by those who become muslim,” pewresearch, accessed 07 april 2021, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/01/26/ the-share-of-americans-who-leave-islam-is-offset-by-those-who-become-muslim/. references ahmad, shameema, and david m. potter. ngos in international politics. bloomfield: kumarian press, inc., 2006. cair-ohio. “cair columbus joins 350 delegates to lobby congress during national muslim advocacy day on capitol hill.” cair-columbus. accessed april 7, 2021. https://www.cair-columbus.com/cair-columbus-joins-350-delegates-to-lobby-congress-during-national-muslim-advocacy-day-on-capitol-hill/. cair. “5 great ways you can fight islamophobia with islamopobhin,” 2016. http://www.islamophobin.org/get-involved.html. cair. “candidates and constituents: american muslim election victories and voter attitudes,” 2018. https://www.cair.com/candidates_and_constituents_american_muslim_election_victories_and_voter_attitudes_survey. cohen, debra nussbaum. “jews and muslims unite in new york to protest trump’s travel,” 2018. https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/.premium-jews-and-muslimsunite-in-new-york-to-protest-trump-s-travel-ban-1.6218512. considine, craig. “the racialization of islam in the united states: islamophobia, hate crimes, and ‘flying while brown.’” religions 8, no. 9 (2017): 1–19. https:/ 96 a f k a r u n a /doi.org/10.3390/rel8090165. council on american-islamic relations. “targeted: 2018 civil rights report.” new jersey, 2018. cury, emily. “contesting islamophobia and securing collective rights: muslim american advocacy in the 2016 elections.” politics and religion 12, no. 4 (2019): 710–35. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000469. esposito, john l. “introduction.” in islamophobia: the challenge of pluralism in the 21st century, edited by john l. esposito and ibrahim kalin, xxi–xxxv. oxford: oxford university press, 2011. esposito, john l. what everyone needs to know about islam. oxford: oxford university press, 2002. gray, alex. “islamophobia is driving more us muslims to become politically engaged, suggests report,” 2018. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/08/ muslims-in-united-states-more-politically-engaged-islamophobia/. green, todd h. the fear of islam: an introduction to islamophobia in the west. minneapolis: fortress press, 2015. habib, samra. “islamophobia is on the rise in the us. but so is islam,” 2016. https://www.pri.org/stories/2016-09-09/muslims-america-are-keeping-andgrowing-faith-even-though-haters-tell-them-not. kishi, katayoun. “assaults against muslims in u.s. surpass 2001 level.” pewresearch, 2017. http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/11/15/assaults-againstmuslims-in-u-s-surpass-2001-level/. lajevardi, nazita, and kassra a.r. oskooii. “old-fashioned racism, contemporary islamophobia, and the isolation of muslim americans in the age of trump.” journal of race, ethnicity and politics 3, no. 1 (2018): 112–52. https://doi.org/ 10.1017/rep.2017.37. luqiu, luwei rose, and fan yang. “islamophobia in china: news coverage, stereotypes, and chinese muslims’ perceptions of themselves and islam.” asian journal of communication 28, no. 6 (2018): 598–619. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 01292986.2018.1457063. mingst, karen a., and ivan m. arreguin toft. essentials of international relations. 7th ed. new york: w.w. norton & company, 2017. mohamed, besheer. “new estimates show u.s. muslim population continues to grow,” 2018. http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/01/03/new-estimates-show-u-s-muslim-population-continues-to-grow/. mohamed, besheer, and elizabeth podrebarac sciupac. “the share of americans who leave islam is offset by those who become muslim.” pewresearch, 2018. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/01/26/the-share-of-americanswho-leave-islam-is-offset-by-those-who-become-muslim/. mpac. “mpac hollywood bureau.” mpac. accessed april 7, 2021. https:// www.mpachollywoodbureau.org/. ———. “policy & advocacy” mpac. accessed april 7, 2021. https://www.mpac.org/ programs/government-relations.php. ———. “what is the hollywood bureau?” accessed march 17, 2019. https:// 97vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 www.mpachollywoodbureau.org/. mulhall, joe. “t’s not just trump’s us. anti-muslim hate threatens europe too.” the guardian, 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/feb/ 02/trump-us-anti-muslim-hate-europe. pewforum. “u.s. muslims concerned about their place in society, but continue to believe in the amerincan dream,” 2017. http://www.pewforum.org/2017/ 07/26/how-the-u-s-general-public-views-muslims-and-islam/. riotta, chris. “nationwide protests erupt after supreme court upholds trump’s travel ban,” 2018. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/uspolitics/protests-demonstration-travel-ban-trump-muslim-groups-cair-supremecourt-rally-a8418051.html. smith, jane i. islam in america. new york: columbia university press, 1999. the runnymede commission on british muslim and islamophobia. “islamophobia: a challenge for us all,” 1997. https://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/ islamophobia a challenge for us all (without cartoons).zip. uscmo. “national open mosque day,” 2018. http://uscmo.org/index.php/portfolio-items/national-open-mosque-day-2/. ———. “national voter registration drive.” uscmo. accessed april 7, 2021. https:/ /uscmo.org/portfolio-items/uscmos-national-voter-registration-drive/. ———. “what is the one america campaign?” accessed march 17, 2019. http:// uscmo.org/index.php/one-america-campaign/. wang, yuting. “muslim women’s evolving leadership roles: a case study of women leaders in an immigrant muslim community in post-9/11 america.” social compass 64, no. 3 (2017): 424–41. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0037768617713660. zainiddinov, hakim. “responses of us-based muslim organizations to being stereotyped as ‘terrorists.’” behavioral sciences of terrorism and political aggression 0, no. 0 (2021): 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1867222. 10. afkaruna_dwi ardiyanti_revisi 1 human security identification in maqasid sharia concept as implementation in debt trap of digital finance jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 universitas darussalam gontor, indonesia corresponding author: ardiyanti.1987@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.17136 dwi ardiyanti* universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia surwandono@umy.ac.id surwandono universitas darussalam gontor, indonesia puspadevimaharani@unida.gontor.ac.id puspa devi maharani universitas darussalam gontor, indonesia novirizka@unida.gontor.ac.id novi rizka amalia article history received: 13 december 2022, revised: 15 february 2023, accepted: 24 june 2023, published: 30 june 2023 the research aims to identify the relationship between the phenomenon of digital finance on the debt trap with the study of human security in the islamic concept. cybercrime harms many people by misusing personal data that can be accessed online illegally, such as loan applications, digital shopping, or digital wallet. the debt trap resulted in the application then best analyzed through human security of international relations. the study focused on human security, such as personal and economic security. the study concluded that the awareness of digital financial literacy would greatly help from debt traps by means of the loan application. accordingly, islamic studies became very relevant to the phenomenon in the maqasid sharia law, such as hifdz al maal, which also discussed economic security from an islamic view. the correlation between the phenomenon would be best analyzed with both concepts to reduce harm to economic security, structurally and religiously. on the other hand, the lack of socialization in digital economy transactions threatens the security of people nowadays. the research used mix method approach with secondary and primary data. the primary data were obtained from the questionnaire from 61 samples from 17 years old indonesian, then delivered in descriptive statistics to see the fact for real, while the secondary data was obtained from journals, books, and articles. the analysis determined the correlation between digital financial phenomena in the maqosid sharia concept and human security. keywords: cybercrime, digital finance, hifdz al maal, human security, maqasid sharia abstract the era of globalization is identified as the era of transactions without boundaries. currently, we are in the era of disruption of 4.0, identified by the use of the internet of things (iot) system to run the industry. in this era, industrial shifts from production, distribution, and consumption processes occur introduction with more technological devices. in this advanced civilization, people are forced to be more familiar with technological devices. then, the shift also creates some paradigm shifts in values and lifestyles among the people.1 however, problems arise from people exposed too fast to the technology acceleration but do not know the impact after exposure to this technology. it also does happen in indonesia, which is in a period of being able to enjoy the freedom of transactions without face-to-face, but by online transaction. the ease of shopping in digital transactions has its own challenges. one is the problem of misusing personal data uploaded through the on-pine system to conduct digital transactions.2 in this case, the freedom of economic access can no longer be minimized by the government. adam smith, the liberalization in economy exists by means of no government control to increase economic activity at the most basic level, namely society or what is more often called (laissez faire).3 indonesia is one of the countries in the world involved in digitalizing financial platforms, for example, the circulation of online loans, digital wallets, and digital shopping. it is indonesia's strategy to compete globally and one of the efforts to improve the economy of the indonesian people.4 at the same time, challenges come from the development of digital financial access, including the lack of public knowledge about the potential dangers of misused personal data from digital financial access such as online loans, lack of governance that strictly regulates regulations and rules for using digital financial applications to prevent the recurrence of cases of misuse of personal data in all aspects, all over the world.5 several cases also occur in indonesia, such as misusing personal data for certain purposes. this accident happened to indonesian since the lack of knowledge about financial transactions. then, they are trapped in what so-called a debt trap in the online applications. this research discusses the phenomenon of the increasing number of indonesian people interested in using online loan applications, digital shopping applications, to digital wallet applications which open up greater opportunities for misuse of personal data.6 practically, people about to use online financial services will be asked to upload their personal data online, such as digital shopping platforms or wallets. then, the challenge can actually be managed very well if those who are interested in online shopping are clear about the consequences before uploading the data online. problems arise after there is access to the otp code, which should only be accessed by the person concerned, as well as the password, which can be easily accessed by other people, thus allowing the opportunity to do harm by misusing the personal data (false bills and vulnerability to misuse of personal data technology bisnis.com, nd). in online loan applications, the mechanism is by asking to upload personal data in the form of an identity card and a photo with the position of holding an id card. in fact, in the application, it turns out to expose the personal data then forwarded to other loan applications. the case of misused personal data through online loan applications was also experienced by the indian community in the city of mumbai.7 this case began to be investigated when a 27-year-old man named deepak dubey reported acts of terror to relatives on his contact list. the victim admitted that this started when he borrowed money from an online loan application. then, the fraudster forced victims to make transactions. online fraud loan applications use the victim's personal data to hack it. the victims explained that they never thought about the consequences of being the victims based on the online application by misusing uploaded data to register for loan applications. just like reported in bbc indonesia newspapers, a 36-year-old man named arief realized that to send money with a nominal value of eight hundred thousand rupiahs to his account, and continued to an email containing an order to return the money along with interest from an unknown online loan company. in indonesia, the victim of a debt trap from loan applications reached 1.2 million. in march 2021, the victim also received a bill from the same email address from different companies called tunai 124 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 gesit, showing that they had borrowed money from one of the online loan applications but were sure they had completely paid it off. unfortunately, the date recorded that they had another loan from other illegal loan applications. fraud by selling online data registered in previous online loans, which can be easily misused by related companies, also is called a debt trap8 in digital finance. the previous research already stated the risk of misusing personal data in digital finance. the abuse of primary data by doing some interviews from indonesia is important in the research. this qualitative study applied a mixed method approach and used primary and secondary data. primary data was obtained from interviews with 61 citizens over 17 years old. at the same time, the secondary data was obtained from journals, articles, and books. then, data was analyzed and categorized to identify the factors on how people are easily attracted to digital financial applications. the mixed method approach effectively sees the correlation between reality and the value of digital phenomena. citizens have mostly understood the digital phenomenon, such as digital wallets, loan applications, and digital shopping. the elements of human security in the islamic view is hifz maal. this human security theory in international relations study eased researcher to identify the obtained data. methodology in fact, the procedures to run life properly have been told in the islamic view. however, people sometimes neglect what islam mentions about the importance of controlling finances to minimize the occurrence of economic and social inequality among them, as been told by syamil in comprehensive nature, matters relating to the rule of law, both individual and general, and there is ijtihad in it.9 according to imam syathibi in the book al-muwaffaqot, the law or the shari'a that allah sent down solely for humans themselves to avoid harm or calamity/badness. in other words, the shari'a that god sent down in the form of these laws for the good of humans.10 the level of law or sharia that is the goal (maqasid) in life is dharuriyat (principal), hajiyyat (secondary), and tahsiniyyat (tertiary). the fulfillment of dharuriyat includes five things: the fulfillment of hifdz ad-din (maintaining religion), hifdz an-nafs (maintaining the soul), hifdz al-aql (maintaining reason), hifdz al-mal (maintaining property) and hifdz al-irdl (maintaining property, honor).11 in its implementation, some activities should include fulfilling these five things. in this case, we can consider several things that need to be done by considering aspects of fulfilling one of the dharuriyat needs. islam has also regulated how humans should protect and maintain financial needs, but often crimes occur from outside. for example, there are attempts by cybercriminals that expose them to traps in digital finance. the majority of people currently use digital platforms in finance, and that is where the possibility of crime occurs. so here, the effort to minimize the occurrence of digital finance-related crimes is one of the implementations of hifdz al maal. the concept of hifdz al-maal seeks to maintain property from threats that occur outside. the concept of maqasid sharia explains that islam also mentions the importance of financial institutions to overcome economic inequality in the community. this can also be interpreted by how humans get something in proper law. so, if humans do not implement the hifz maal well, they may bring harm or do harm in vice versa. as a result, the life will be surrounded by illicit treasure that may impact bad quality of life, since the illicit treasure flowing in the blood will result in bad habits, bad attitudes, or bad luck. the misconception of good and bad treasure will greatly impact human life. the more they do not realize the bad impact of the debt trap, the more they are threatened by it. the maqasid sharia overview 125afkaruna in the concept of maqasid sharia, one concept is related to the protection of assets (hifdzul al maal). this concept also reflects the protection of assets, for the sake of financial balance in a country. as also can be heard from alsyatibi, that maqasid sharia is seen from the point of view of its importance, and in terms of maintaining property, it can be divided into three levels:12 first, maintaining the property in the dharuiriyat level, which is about the procedures for ownership of property and the prohibition of taking other people's property in an improper way. if the rule is violated, then the result is the existence of property can be threatened. second, maintaining the property at the hajiyyat level, namely the sharia of buying and selling in a good way. if this method is ignored, it will not threaten the existence of property but will make it difficult for people who need capital. at last, maintaining the property at the tahsiniyyat level, namely the provisions on avoiding deception or fraud. this is closely related to business ethics. the third stage is used by researchers in analyzing this digital financial phenomenon. in tahsiniyyat, we are required to avoid fraud, or at least minimize it with vigilance, to maximize profit. for instance, in internet usage, people use the internet more to shop online. the islamic concept also has talked about this: online shopping has nothing wrong, as long as what is spent is necessary. but in fact, most of the people in indonesia in the survey used a lot of online shopping sites for lifestyle. in the study of maqoshid sharia, this is more of a futile thing. through digital wallets, people who use their wealth for vain things, god gives a stern warning when it comes to the use of wealth. thus, the misuse of digital data in maqoshid sharia as a result of the wasteful use of the property is explained that the maslahat hajiyat should exist to carry it out freely and avoid difficulties. if this something does not exist, then it will not cause damage or death, but it will have implications for the existence of masyaqqah and narrowness.13 in the concept of maqasid sharia, online spending carried out by the community is related to the existence of government governance that does not provide security to guarantee citizen economic transactions.14 therefore, maslahat daruriyyat must exist/be implemented to realize the benefits associated with the worldly and ukhrawi dimensions. if this does not exist, it will cause damage in life. in terms of muamalat, asy-syathibi exemplifies the transfer of transactions. 1. hifdzul maal as the application of maqasid sharia industry development today must be seen from the history of the industrial revolution, where humans have moved significantly in the development of technology and computer science to meet market demands. long before the existence of industries with digital mechanization like today, humans have an important role from production and distribution to consumption. increasingly, the role of production and distribution reduces the role of humans in it. thus, this has an impact on the focus on achieving human intelligence and processing natural resources through artificial intelligence. the following is the history of industrial development in the world.15 the history and development of the era of disruption 1.0 to 4.0: 2. the development of revolution industry impacted financial transaction 126 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 a. the industrial revolution 1.0 (1784) was the era of the first industrial revolution. in this era, people focus on water production and power system b. industrial revolution 2.0 (1870): the era of mass production of electric power sources through factories that employed many workers. c. industrial revolution 3.0 (1969): the first era to use an electric production system (with electrical sophistication) and information systems and technology d. industrial revolution 4.0: internet of things (iot) big data, closed computing, cyber-physical systems, namely the era of industrial operation through the use of artificial intelligence and computing.16 recently, we have been in the era of disruption 4.0, where people are more exposed to online transactions. some industries use more technology than human resources, and some internet features have done more people’s jobs through applications. the acceleration of technology means a lot for economic interest. on the other hand, the less man resource job in the industry then creates more criminals. the islamic view should balance the speed of technology because it may help people not to be attracted to do some harm or be safe from fraud by means of technology. maqasid sharia, in the islamic view, has already spoken about the importance of using property very well, how to get the property in a good way, how to use the property for good purpose only, and how to see the property we demand so much, will be no longer use to the afterlife. so, they need to consider the means of sufficient property for life, not just for fun or only to fulfill their social needs. the following is a table of security areas in the study of human security:17 3. human security studies and its correlation to maqasid sharia 127afkaruna in human security studies, personal and economic security are the main factors influencing people's social behavior. personal security emphasizes more on cases of physical violence, crime, terrorism, violence from the environment, to child labor. this research focused on personal security analyzed from cases of physical violence, threats, crime, or violence from fraud. the digital era, better known as disruption 4.0, put more risk of misused personal data that cannot be avoided. the digital financial transaction can be easily detected by the system and manipulated at the same time. the problems are raised when people do not know the impact after uploading data online. for instance, the risk of data leakage in the digital era is serious. on the other hand, according to undp, there are 3 principles of human security: freedom from fear, freedom from want, and freedom to live in dignity.18 the freedom to live in dignity then becomes the legalization for people in this era to consume too much or to fulfill the needs of social life, such as for entertainment more than basic needs. the debt on online applications then becomes a threat to some fragile people whose data is being manipulated to commit fraud. in indonesia 2021, the ministry of communications and informatics received 115,756 online transaction fraud reports. compared with the number of online fraud reports from 2020, which amounted to 167,675 reports, there was a decrease in the number of reports in 2021," said kominfo spokesperson dedy permadi to cnnindonesia.com via text message. they intentionally uploaded it when registering for financial and online shopping sites. cases of misuse of personal data caused by digital financial applications around the world have occurred a lot.19 in indonesia, the illegal use of digital personal data is becoming more common after the covid-19 pandemic. on the other hand, the public is also aware that the use of digital shopping and financial platforms should be under government control. the problem is the increasing number of economic problems that befall the community, especially during the covid-19 pandemic (deloitte, 2020). as a result, more and more people's jobs are being laid off, but the fulfillment of needs must still be ongoing. one way is to seek financial assistance, for example, through an online loan application, where people only need a matter of minutes to disburse assistance by simply uploading their personal data online and photos. the gap between technological advances in the era of globalization and the people's unpreparedness to accept these advances become the challenge in this disruption era 4.0. there should be a role for the government to increase people's awareness online or even the debt trap contained in the application. the needs of human is a very subjective field that then best analyzed by using the diagram of maslow:20 picture 2: the diagram of maslow 128 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 the diagram describes how people in the globalization era need to fulfill the need for self-actualization more than older people. then, it pushes a person to appear superior to others, even with economic deprivation. meanwhile, online social media advertisements target people with more money and a lot of activities to do extra fast transactions by online shopping more and more. they want simplicity in life. however, it becomes a trap from the financial digital transaction in the digital era. the ads on online media also attract people to spend their money more on entertainment (pleasure), rather than primary needs, for example, flexing in social media. in another case, the pay later (debt or loan) application then requires personal data to be uploaded on the shopping platform also puts people at more risk, intentionally, to people with a lack of understanding of online crime. ironically, the dilemma occurs when the government tries to increase online transactions since the lack of quick digital finance transformation becomes a trap for fragile people who do not know the digital transaction impact. next is the need for affection and belonging, such as love and affection. in online loan applications and digital finance widely advertised on television, the need for affection for other humans can be demonstrated by giving goods as a form of affection. as a result, ordinary people having trouble fulfilling their basic needs will be easily trapped on debt by loan applications. then, the need for safety. this need for safety is an impact on victims who have used loan platforms or online shopping. some people feel that online shopping will be safe than physical transactions. in fact, the result is vice versa. there are more traps on online shopping applications, which result in people being hacked, harmed, or fraud. this will not happen if the community has good knowledge of digital literacy. the impact of lack of knowledge about digital financial literacy is one of the main driving factors that people can become victims. for the perpetrators or victims, the needs for self-actualization and self-esteem are fulfilled by means of debt traps and fraud. abusing online data for both victims and perpetrators can increase the economic level. the more property they have, whether bad or good, the more self-esteem will be achieved. in reality, the actualization of fraud increases the economy's online transactions, which is good for economic purposes, but then impacts the trap on human security. the last is psychological needs. in terms of lifestyle, such as clothes, branded bags, and expensive vehicles, for some people, are a form of need that must be met. those social needs sometimes become a trap for themselves. the bigger the social need, the least financial capability meets, resulting in a bigger risk of fraud or debt trap by loan or digital shopping. as seen in a survey by the association of indonesian internet service providers, internet use continued to increase until 2017. this opportunity is good for reaping greater profits by using digital media. the most use of cyber is the intention of lifestyle and entertainment. in indonesia, the risk of vulnerability to data misused is high, thus raising the risk of repeated technology traps (hack cases). indonesia is one of 165 countries that became a research target of the 2017 global cybersecurity index (cgi). the five categories are legal, technical and procedure, organizational, capacity building, and international cooperation. at rank 70, indonesia is considered a mature stage (preparatory stage), meaning it does not yet have a high commitment to cyber security. indonesia is far behind singapore (ranked 0.925) and malaysia (ranked 0.893) (academic, n.d.). it was due to the existence of indonesia's cyber security cycle, which is still considered inconsistent in protecting the use of cyber data. 4. how maqasid sharia views cyber crime 129afkaruna in the islamic concept, maqasid sharia explains that the governance has custody of property that the government should carry out. then, each individual carries out his obligations as a citizen by making transactions in accordance with the provisions of islamic rules. governance creates the regulation of the use of digital applications (fintech) in indonesia. but, the cycle of public records still allows the practice of illegal misuse of digital data by irresponsible parties. the concept of maqasid sharia has regulated property management properly so that every community can enjoy halal property properly in accordance with islamic rules. in maqasid sharia, it is referred to as the maslahat criterion, which consists of two parts: first, the maslahat is absolute, meaning that it is not relative or subjective, which will make it subject to lust. secondly, the maslahat is universal (kulliyah), and this universality does not contradict others (juziyyat). related to this, asy-syathibi stated that in order for man to obtain benefits and prevent emergencies, he must carry out sharia, or in terms that he is amused as stated qashduhu fi dukhul al-mukallaf tahta hukmiha (allah intention is why individuals should practice sharia). if the individual has performed sharia, they will be freed from the bonds of lust and become a servant, which in asy-syathibi terms, is endeavor and not-idhtiraran. in this study, the analisis focused on how the elements of human security in international relations intersect with case studies of misuse of personal data derived from online loan applications, which are then analyzed using the concept of maqasid sharia. the theory of human security, which focuses on personal and economic security, identifies all human needs in life. then, based on those needs, people will manage and identify the basic needs in life based on the islamic view to reach the proper property in life. thus, using digital loans can be controlled by them, not vice versa. then, the risk of misusing personal data through online applications can also be minimalized. on the other hand, by analyzing the phenomenon using maqasid sharia, people can still choose whether or not to use a digital wallet or loan application. based on hifs maal, basic needs should be the priority in life, not social or luxury needs. entertainment needs should not be prioritized. people should also see that all property is obtained and used in a good way. however, the main element in using online loan applications is mostly contrary to islamic rules. consequently, the misuse of personal data through online loan applications is a violation of islamic law, called fraud. online loan applications should be one of the solutions to achieve equality in economic welfare in indonesia. instead, misusing personal data from illegal online loan applications has become a serious issue in indonesia. last but not least, this study may reflect on today’s phenomenon, where people are easily trapped by debt on online applications, such as digital wallets, digital loans, or digital markets. therefore, good governance and management of fraud records are necessary for individuals who misuse private data illegally online through clear, strict, and binding sanctions. conclusion 130 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 endnotes jon frost, “the economic forces driving fintech adoption across countries”, the technological revolution in financial services: how banks, fintechs, and customers win together, no. 838 (2020): 70–89, https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3515326. jo ann barefoot, “digital technology risks for finance: dangers embedded in fintech and regtech”, m-rcbg associate working paper series, no. 151 (2020). syamsul ma’arif et al., “dinamika peran negara dalam proses liberalisasi dan privatisasi”, dinamika peran negara dalam proses liberalisasi dan privatisasi 10, no. 2 (2015): 99–114, https://doi.org/10.22146/jkap.8362. ojk, “strategi nasional literasi keuangan indonesia (snlki) 2021 2025”, ojk.go.id, 2021, 1–130. 1 2 3 4 131afkaruna barefoot, “digital technology risks for finance�: dangers embedded in fintech and regtech”. sahat maruli tua situmeang, “penyalahgunaan data pribadi sebagai bentuk kejahatan sempurna dalam perspektif hukum siber”, sasi 27, no. 1 (2021): 38, https://doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v27i1.394. v narayan, “mumbai: loan applicant’s morphed pictures circulated among his contacts | mumbai news times of india. (n.d.).”, indiatimes, 2022. pijar anugerah, “no title pinjaman online: ‘bagaimana saya menjadi korban penyalahgunaan data pribadi,’” 2021, https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/majalah-57046585. ” https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/majalah-57046585 novi rizka amalia, “untuk realisasi identitas politik islam di indonesia”, dauliyah journal of islamic and international affairs 2, no. 1 (2017): 31–50. abdurrahman kasdi and dosen stain kudus, “maqasyid syari ’ ah perspektif pemikiran imam syatibi dalam kitab”, yudisia, 2014, 63. konteks kekinian and ridwan jamal, “maqashid al-syari’ah dan relevansinya dalam konteks kekinian”, jurnal ilmiah al-syir’ah, 8, no. 1 (2010): 1–12. moh toriquddin, “teori maqashid syari’ah perspektif al-syatibi”, jurnal syariah dan hukum 6, no. 1 (2014): 33–47. sulaeman sulaeman, “signifikansi maqashid asy-syari’ah dalam hukum ekonomi islam”, diktum: jurnal syariah dan hukum 16, no. 1 (2018): 98–117, https://doi.org/10.35905/diktum.v16i1.524. sulaeman. ashwani sharma and bikram jit singh, “evolution of industrial revolutions: a review”, international journal of innovative technology and exploring engineering 9, no. 11 (2020): 66–73, https://doi.org/10.35940/ijitee. i7144.0991120. human security unit (hsu), “human security in theory and practice, application of the human security concept and the united nations trust fund for human security”, un, 2009, 7–8. (hsu). deborah wheeler, “freedom from want, and freedom from fear a human security approach to a new middle east?”, journal of human security 7, no. 1 (2011): 37–52, https://doi.org/10.3316/jhs0701037. barefoot, “digital technology risks for finance: dangers embedded in fintech and regtech”. bappenas, “pengembangan konsep indeks keamanan manusia indonesia 2015”, indeks keamanan manusia indonesia 1, no. 2 (2015): 112, http://ditpolkom.bappenas.go.id/basedir/kajian ditpolkom/4) kajian tahun 2015/indeks keamanan/final laporan ikmi.pdf. 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 references (hsu), human security unit. “human security in theory and practice, application of the human security concept and the united nations trust fund for human security.” un, 2009, 7–8. amalia, novi rizka. “untuk realisasi identitas politik islam di indonesia.” dauliyah journal of islamic and international affairs 2, no. 1 (2017): 31–50. anugerah, pijar. “no title pinjaman online: ‘bagaimana saya menjadi korban penyalahgunaan data pribadi,’” 2021. https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/majalah-57046585. bappenas. “pengembangan konsep indeks keamanan manusia indonesia 2015.” indeks keamanan manusia indonesia 1, no. 2 (2015): 112. http://ditpolkom.bappenas.go.id/basedir/kajian ditpolkom/4) kajian tahun 2015/indeks keamanan/final laporan ikmi.pdf. barefoot, jo ann. “digital technology risks for finance: dangers embedded in fintech and regtech.” mrcbg associate working paper series, no. 151 (2020). frost, jon. “the economic forces driving fintech adoption across countries.” the technological revolution in financial services: how banks, fintechs, and customers win together, no. 838 (2020): 70–89. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3515326. https://fhukum.unpatti.ac.id/jurnal/sasi/article/view/394/285 https://katadata.co.id/agustiyanti/finansial/6177f078aed32/ojk-minta-bunga-pinjol-dipangkas-berikuttawaran-bunga-10fintech#:~:text=ojk%20meminta%20perusahaan%20fintech%20memangkas,0%2c8%25%20per %20hari.&text=otoritas%20jasa%20keuangan%20(ojk)%20meminta,pinjaman%20online%20a tau%20pinjol%20ilegal. 132 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 https://metro.tempo.co/read/1363704/denny-siregar-laporkan-kasus-pencurian-data-pribadi-ke-polisi https://money.kompas.com/read/2021/09/04/104330326/jadi-kontroversi-berapa-bunga-pinjamanonline?page=all https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1501790/6-kasus-kebocoran-data-pribadi-di-indonesia https://teknologi.bisnis.com/read/20210425/84/1385873/tagihan-palsu-dan-rentannya-penyalahgunaandata-pribadi https://www.dpr.go.id/dokakd/dokumen/rj1-20190617-025848-5506.pdf https://www.ircorner.com/keamanan-siber-sebagai-bagian-keamanan-manusia/ https://www.kompas.id/baca/metro/2021/10/22/iklan-digital-antar-korban-terperangkap-puluhan-aplikasipinjaman-daring jabpar, abdul. “the end of history and the last man (sebuah studi deskriptif atas pemikiran francis fukuyama) 2.” an-nûr jurnal studi islam vii, no. 2 (2015): 121–45. kasdi, abdurrahman, and dosen stain kudus. “maqasyid syari’ ah perspektif pemikiran imam syatibi dalam kitab.” yudisia, 2014, 63. kekinian, konteks, and ridwan jamal. “maqashid al-syari’ah dan relevansinya dalam konteks kekinian.” jurnal ilmiah al-syir’ah, 8, no. 1 (2010): 1–12. ma’arif, syamsul, diah restu ayu, syamsul maarif, and anggraini sukmawati. “dinamika peran negara dalam proses liberalisasi dan privatisasi.” dinamika peran negara dalam proses liberalisasi dan privatisasi 10, no. 2 (2015): 99–114. https://doi.org/10.22146/jkap.8362. narayan, v. “mumbai: loan applicant’s morphed pictures circulated among his contacts | mumbai news times of india. (n.d.).” indiatimes, 2022. ojk. “strategi nasional literasi keuangan indonesia (snlki) 2021 2025.” ojk.go.id, 2021, 1–130. sharma, ashwani, and bikram jit singh. “evolution of industrial revolutions: a review.” international journal of innovative technology and exploring engineering 9, no. 11 (2020): 66–73. https://doi.org/10.35940/ijitee.i7144.0991120. situmeang, sahat maruli tua. “penyalahgunaan data pribadi sebagai bentuk kejahatan sempurna dalam perspektif hukum siber.” sasi 27, no. 1 (2021): 38. https://doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v27i1.394. sulaeman, sulaeman. “signifikansi maqashid asy-syari’ah dalam hukum ekonomi islam.” diktum: jurnal syariah dan hukum 16, no. 1 (2018): 98–117. https://doi.org/10.35905/diktum.v16i1.524. toriquddin, moh. “teori maqashid syari’ah perspektif al-syatibi.” jurnal syariah dan hukum 6, no. 1 (2014): 33–47. wheeler, deborah. “freedom from want, and freedom from fear a human security approach to a new middle east?” journal of human security 7, no. 1 (2011): 37–52. https://doi.org/10.3316/jhs0701037. 6. afkaruna_choirin_revisi 1 as a generation that has a unique character, the millennial generation is often perceived as a generation that is fashionable, world-accessible and prioritizes simplicity. this study examines the perception of the millennial generation on the performance of da’i, specifically regarding knowledge capacity, presentation methods, and appearance. in addition, this study also aims to measure their perception of global influence on religious life. the current study used qualitative and quantitative approaches for the best result. the qualitative approach consisted of a literature review of previous research and in-depth interviews with experts and practitioners. in comparison, the quantitative approach was to use a single regression between the variables. the findings of this study state that demography, religiosity, and knowledge significantly influence the preacher’s performance. keywords: dakwah, millenial perception, dai performance abstract article history received: : 01 september 2022, revised: 08 february 2023, accepted: 20 june 2022, published: 30 june 2023 the perception of indonesian millenial on da’i: knowledge, presentation, and performance jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 universitas muhammadiyah jakarta, indonesia corresponding author: muhammad.choirin@umj.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.15159 muhammad choirin* universitas muhammadiyah jakarta, indonesia hadiyan@umj.ac.id hadiyan universitas muhammadiyah prof dr hamka, indonesia anisamaulitasuryana@gmail.com anisa maulita suryana the millennial generation is familiar with and keeps in touch with financial literacy. in their book, the term millennial was coined by two american historians and writers, william strauss and neil howe. “generation of millennial” or “y” generation is also known as generation “me” or echo boomers. there is literally no specific demographic in determining this one-generation group, but experts classify it based on the early and late years. the “y” generation was classified as those born in 1980-1990, early 2000, and so on. the “millennials” or “y” generation are those born in the 1980s to 2000s and are currently 17-37 years old. according to price waterhouse cooper (pwc), millennial aspirations, behaviors, and knowledge will determine 21st-century organizational culture. this generation is referred to by the national chamber foundation (ncf 2013) as a generation full of contradictions. on the one hand, they are so ambitious introduction in pursuing their goals, but on the other hand, they cannot focus on pursuing them. on the one hand, they are very tolerant of differences. on the other hand, they can't stand to deal with people who are considered difficult. on the one hand, they have ambitions to contribute to the world. on the other hand, they do not want to bother with the process from scratch, starting by doing trivial things. “the millennials, they are stated for mental work” (west midland family center 2012). in 2010, according to the pew research center, the identification of millennials as a portrait of the next generation. according to the research, several characteristics of the millennial generation, including more trustworthiness in the usage of unidirectional information (i.e., cell phones are preferable rather than tv, must have social media, do not like reading conventionally, know more about technology than their parents, tend not to read). their work is ethical, loyal, and effective, and they do a lot of cashless transactions pew research center (2010).1 the characteristics of the millennial generation that are positive, creative, connected, effective, and passionate have the potential to become innovative da'wah agents. the millennial muslim generation needs to be prepared to become global citizens (global netizens) who are deeply rooted in their religious values and teachings (arskal, 2018). in relation to da'wah, millennials are seen as a very large da'wah segment.2 this is based on the facts presented by the head of the national development planning agency (brodjonegoro, 2018).3 the millennial population in indonesia reaches 90 million. in addition, the millennial generation is seen as a generation with great potential to advance islamic da'wah in indonesia. several phenomena of millennial generation da'wah strengthen this, including young hijrah, social media preachers, young hafidz and so on. in detail, the objectives of this research are: 1). provide information about the millennial generation's perception of da'wah. 2). explain the correlation of the popularity of a preacher with the delivery of da'wah. 3). provide information about the performance of the da’i to attract listeners' attention. there was a differentiation in the theory of generational popularized by neil howe and william strauss in 1991. however, howe and strauss divide generations based on the similarity of the time span of birth and the similarity of historical events. according to kupperschmidt (2000), the classification of generation as a group of individuals based on the similarity of the year of birth, age, location, and events in the life of the group of individuals that have a significant influence on their growth phase.4 the people who were born between the early 1980s and 1990s are called a millennial, as well as people born in the early 2000s defined by merriam-webster dictionary. however, the millennial generation is also known as the “y” generation because this generation emerged after the “x” generation (the early 1960s and 1980s). and the age publications were among the first to coin the term "y” generation, to be precise, in an editorial headline in august 1993. this age group is also called the “peter pan” or “boomerang generation” due to the tendency of some to move back to their parents, perhaps because of economic constraints, and a growing tendency to delay some of the typical adult rites of passage such as marriage or starting a career. based on the previous explanation, it can be concluded that there is no definite time limit; both the initial and final limits accommodate this group. however, many researchers have implied that this generation was born in the early 1980s, in the 1990s, and the last 2000s. therefore, the millennial generation, around 20 – 35 years old, has some categories in many different ways. on the other hand, they are described as a “lazy” and “narcissistic” generation and tend to jump from one job to another. literature review 73afkaruna ron alsop (2008), in his book titled “trophy kids,” discusses how many young people have been rewarded for minimal achievements (such as mere participation) in competitive sports and have unrealistic expectations about work life.5 in addition, ron alsop (2008), in a time magazine review of polls, shows that millennials want flexible work schedules, more time for themselves than time for work, and almost relentless feedback and career advice from managers.6 meanwhile, the same magazine, entitled "the me-me-me generation," stated that this generation has several characteristics, such as narcissistic, lazy, spoiled, and even a little delusional. that's not a baseless negative stereotype. however, about 80 million americans were born roughly between 1980 and 2000, backed by a decade of sociological research. the study stated that millennials have the ability to adapt quickly in a world that is experiencing rapid technological change. in 2012, the study found that millennials to be more socially and politically detached, more focused on materialistic values, and less concerned about helping the larger community than the “x” generation (born 1962-1981) and “baby boomers” (born 1946 to circa 1961) at the same age usa today 2012. this trend places more emphasis on extrinsic values such as money, fame, and image. they emphasize less intrinsic values such as self-acceptance, group affiliation, and community. this study is based on an analysis of two large databases of 9 million high school seniors or entering college students. however, in general, some millennials actually oppose this trend. a study published on march 31, 2017, by the council on contemporary families, found that high school students increasingly believe men should be “the bread winners” in a relationship and women should take care of the home. therefore, this generation seems less obsessed with sex than the previous generation. in addition, in the survey of more than 26,000 american adults, about 15 percent of millennials between 20 and 24 reported not having had a sexual partner since their 18th years old. the adolescent risk behavior survey by the centers for disease control and prevention also found millennials were less sexually active than previous generations. millennials are also more likely to use public libraries than other generations pew research center (2016).7 in eyres' view, maintenance relationship is to keep the situation stable so that there is no decrease or increase in a relationship. this is done so that the basic nature can be maintained as before, not only so that the relationship is maintained to be stable. when someone says they want to maintain a relationship, they are maintaining closeness, trust, commitment, and other qualities. this is because a relationship is considered to be a failure if the related parties cannot maintain a relationship related to basic traits canary and dainton (2003).8 according to canary, 10 strategies can be used to maintain relationships, including a. positivity is a blind attitude to pleasant interactions or giving praise. b. openness is talking and listening to each other, opening up to each other, and exchanging ideas. c. assurance is an attitude of providing certainty or assurance about a partner's commitment. d. sharing tasks. it is an attitude that performs tasks and work-relevant relationships together. e. humor is an attitude that uses various kinds of humor to make the atmosphere fun. for example, such as giving a unique call or just saying funny things. f. a social network is an attitude that spends time communicating and getting acquainted with people around the couple. g. joint activity is an attitude of doing activities and spending time together. h. mediated communication is the attitude of communicating using technology media, such as telephone, technology, cards, or letters. i. avoidance is an attitude that avoids partners in certain situations or issues. j. antisocial is an unfriendly attitude that uses violence against a partner. for example, it makes the partner feel guilty or shows an unfriendly attitude when the partner does not show concern. 74 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 this study uses qualitative and quantitative research methods. qualitative methods are exploratory groat and wang (2002), where qualitative research develops dynamically based on open questions, text analysis, and interpretation of themes or patterns.9 in addition, qualitative methods will dig up in-depth information from academics to express their thoughts on the topic under study (expert judgment). this was done to create an initial format and concept and a design formulated for the questionnaire. as for quantitatively, this research focuses on the research design that was poured into the questionnaire. then, the quantitative method focuses on collecting data based on numbers (numerical method). in addition, the sampling technique used is random (random sampling). random sampling is a random sampling method without regard to population level. this is done if members of the population are considered to have the same character (homogeneous). research method the data collection technique used is using interviews by filling out questionnaires. interviews were conducted at an early stage to gain expert opinions regarding the object of the research. in addition, expert opinion serves as legitimacy and expert judgment to understand the topic in more depth. opinions and expert judgments are used as an initial reference in compiling and perfecting the questionnaire in terms of dimensions, variables, and content. questionnaires that have received this assessment are used to obtain data from informants. this research was conducted in greater jakarta (jakarta, bogor, depok, tangerang, and bekasi) by selecting respondents by purposive sampling of the millennial generation aged 18-40 years from campus-based millennial communities, mosques, and youth organizations. this research collects data from february to april 2021, that is, for a duration of three months. the number of respondents selected was 1,159 people to conduct in-depth interviews and fill out questionnaires. the data that has been collected is then verified, validated, and mapped according to similarity characteristics. data collection in qualitative research, data validity is crucial so that the collected and obtained data can represent the phenomenon under study with a good level of truth. the validity and reliability of the data used is the triangulation method. this method of checking the validity of the data by checking or looking for comparisons against the data. one way is to compare the interview results with other research informants moleong (2011).10 the data of the study is based on the analysis of the qualitative method of the miles and huberman model. the steps used are data reduction, categorization, synthesis, and formulating working hypotheses. data analysis technique a validity test is used to determine the feasibility and accuracy of each questionnaire item submitted to identify a variable. a measure of whether or not a question is valid can be seen from the spss 25 output in the form of the total statistical value of the item (statement) of each questionnaire. a questionnaire item is declared valid if r count > r table . the r table value with a significance level of a = 0.05, n = 191, and rtable 0.1413. the results of the spss 25 output obtained for testing the validity of the variables demography (x 1 ), religiosity (x 2 ), knowledge (x 3 ), and perception (y) can be seen below: validity test 75afkaruna the reliability test was conducted to determine the stability and consistency of the respondents in answering questions related to the questions compiled in the questionnaire. a construct or variable is said to be reliable if it gives a cronbach’s alpha value > 0.60 ghozali (2006).11 the results of the reliability output above obtained that the cronbach’s alpha value of the demography variable (x 1 ) is less than 0.60 unreliable. while religiosity (x 2 ), knowledge (x 3 ), and perception (y) are more than 0.60, so they are reliable. this test aims to determine whether the data regression is necessary. the confounding or residual variables have a normal distribution or not ghozali (2017).12 a good regression model has a normal distribution of residuals or is close to normal. there are two ways to detect whether the residuals have a normal distribution, namely by graphical analysis and statistical tests. the normality test can be seen if the p-plot graph spreads around the line diagonally and follow the direction of the diagonal line or the histogram graph shows a normal distribution pattern. then the regression model meets the normality assumption. the following is a test by looking at the normal p-plot image for testing data normality: 1. normality test reliability test the classical assumption tests that will be used in this study are: classic assumption test the data revealed that the results of the validity test on the demography variable (x 1 ) show that from the 3 statement items, each statement item is declared valid because rcount > r table , with a significant level of 0.05, which is 0.1413. thus, the existing data on the demography variable (x 1 ) is feasible to be used as research data. in addition, the religiosity variable (x 2 ) shows that of the 5 statement items, each statement item is declared valid because r count > r table , with a significant level of 0.05, which is 0.1413. consequently, the religiosity variable (x 2 ) data should be used as research data. however, the religiosity variable (x 2 ) shows that of the 5 statement items, each statement item is declared valid because rcount > r table , with a significant level of 0.05, which is 0.1413. therefore, the variable is valid to be used as research data. however, the results of the participation variable validity test (y) show that of the 16 statement items, each statement item is declared valid because r count > r table , with a significant level of 0.05, which is 0.1413. thus, the existing data on the perception variable (y) deserves to be used as research data. therefore, it can be concluded that all questionnaire statement items are used in the demographic variable (x 1 ). religiosity (x 2 ) and knowledge (x 3 ) on perception (y) were declared valid or appropriate to be used as research data. 76 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 normal p-plot image is a straight-line transverse from the bottom left corner to the top right forming a diagonal direction to be called the normality reference line. the picture above shows that the normal p-plot graph line shows that the points spread around the diagonal line, and the spread follows the diagonal line current. normal graph p-plot the multicollinearity test aims to test whether the regression model found a correlation between the independent variables ghozali (2017).13 suppose there is a perfect multicollinearity between independent variables. in that case, the coefficient correlation of the “x” variable cannot be determined, and the standard error value becomes imperfect and remains high. the regression coefficient of variable “x” can be determined but has a high standard error value which means the regression coefficient value cannot be estimated appropriately. and a good regression model is there not any correlation between the independent variables. the data will be free from the problem of multicollinearity with a tolerance value below 0.10 and the vif value above 10 ghozali (2017).14 multicollinearity tests whether the regression found a correlation between independent variables. this test can be done by calculating the variance inflation factor (vif) of each independent variable in the regression model. the vif value for the demographic variable (x 1 ) is 1.061, religiosity (x 2 ) is 1.571 and knowledge (x 3 ) of 1,504 smaller or less than 10, and the collinearity tolerance value for the demography variable (x1) is 0.943, religiosity (x 2 ) is 0.637 and knowledge (x3) of 0.665. thus, can it can be concluded that all independent variables in this study have no symptoms of multicollinearity. 2. multicollinearity test heteroscedasticity aims to test whether there is an inequality of variance from the residuals of one observation to another observation in the regression model ghozali (2017).15 if the residual variance from one observation to another remains, it is called homoscedasticity; if it is different, it is called heteroscedasticity. a good regression model is homoscedasticity or heteroscedasticity does not occur. in this study, the way to detect the presence of heteroscedasticity is to use the gleyser test. if the independent variable is statistically significant, affecting the dependent variable, then heteroscedasticity occurs. on the other hand, if the independent variable does not significantly affect the dependent variable, then there is no heteroscedasticity. in the park gleyser test using a probability significance 3. heteroscedasticity test source: questionnaire processed results through spss 25 77afkaruna coefficient at an accuracy level of 5%, if it is greater than or equal to 5%, it can be concluded that the regression model does not contain heteroscedasticity. and based on the statistical review, there was a significant value for the demographic variable (x 1 ) is 0.875, religiosity (x 2 ) is 0.754, and knowledge systems (x 3 ) is 0.085, greater than 0.05. thus, it can be concluded that all independent variables in this study have no heteroscedasticity problem. this test aims to determine whether there is a correlation between the nuisance error in period t and the error in period t-1 (previous) ghozali (2013).16 if there is a correlation, then there will be an autocorrelation problem. autocorrelation arises because of the observation that sequentially over time in relation to one another. this test is used to detect the presence of autocorrelation is to use the durbin-watson test (dw). in statistical analysis, the autocorrelation test can be used with several methods, such as the durbin-watson test. the result shows that dw=1.870. with k=3 and n=191, it is known that du=1.7951. if du (1.7951) < dw (1.870) < (4-1.7951=2.2049), it means that there is no autocorrelation. 4. autocorrelation test 1. partial significance test (t-statistical test) the t-statistical test basically shows how far the influence of an explanatory/independent variable individually in explaining the variation of the dependent variable ghozali (2017).17 to perform the test by looking at the probability value of the t-test results using the degree of confidence of 5% or 0.05. the decision-making criteria are: 1). accept h0 (reject h1) if –t table ≤ t count ≤ t table and significant t ≥ α (0,05) 2.) reject h0 (accept h1) if tcount < t table or t count > t tabel and significant t < α (0,05) the t-statistical test or partial significance test was used to test whether an independent variable influences the dependent variable. spss output for the t-test using spss 25 is as follows: 1. demography (x 1 ) has a value of t count (0.557) < t table (1.97273) with a value of 0.578 > 0.05, so accept h01. therefore, the demography variable has no effect on the perception variable (y). 2. religiosity (x 2 ) has a value of t count (2.704) > t table (1.97273) with a value of 0.007 < 0.05, then reject h02. therefore, religiosity (x 2 ) has an effect on perception (y). 3. knowledge (x 3 ) has a value of tcount (4.457) > t table (1.97273) with a value of 0.000 <0.05, then reject h 03 . therefore, religiosity (x 3 ) has an effect on perception (y). 2. simultaneous significance test (f-statistical test) according to ghozali ghozali (2017), the f statistical test aims to find out whether all independent or independent variables included in the model have a joint effect on the dependent/bound variable.18 to test this hypothesis, the f statistic is used as follows: 1). in the study used the level of significance α = 0,05 with degrees of freedom (n – k – 1), where n = number of observations and k = number of variables. 2). the criteria for making decisions are: 1. accept h 0 (reject h1) if f count ≤ f table and significant f ≥ α(0,05). 2. reject h 0 (accept h1) if f count > f table and significant f < α(0,05). hypothesis test 78 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 3. coefficient of determination analysis (r2) and adjusted r2 the coefficient of determination aims to measure how far the independent variables can explain the dependent variables, either partially or simultaneously. accordingly, the value of the coefficient of determination is in the range of 0 and 1 (0 < r2 < 1). according to ghozali (2017), small number of r2 means that the ability of the independent variables to explain the variation of the dependent variable is very limited. the coefficient of determination for cross section data is generally relatively low due to the large variation between each observation. the fundamental weakness in using the coefficient of determination is the bias toward the number of independent variables included in the model. adjusted r2 is used to measure how much confidence the addition of the right independent variable to add predictive power to the model. adjusted r2 is used because there are more than two independent variables in this study. adjusted r2 value can be negative, although the desired value must be positive. if the value of adjusted r2 is negative in the empirical test, then the value of adjusted r2 is considered zero. mathematically, if the value of r2 = 1, then adjusted r2 = (1 – k) (n – k). if k > 1, adjusted r2 will be negative (ghozali, 2014). from this formula, it can be concluded that adjusted r2 will have a negative value when the value of r2 is too small, while the ratio between the number of observations and the number of variables is too small, meaning that there are too little data or too many variables. adjusted r2 value can be determined by the formula: 4. correlation coefficient analysis (r) correlation coefficient analysis determines the direction and strength of the relationship between two or more variables. the direction is expressed in the form of a positive or negative relationship, while the strength or weakness of the relationship is expressed in the magnitude of the correlation coefficient sugiyono (2017). the correlation coefficient analyzed includes multiple coefficients and partial correlation coefficients, in general the value of the correlation coefficient (r) lies between -1 and 1. the closer the value is to 1 or -1, the stronger the relationship between the two variables is getting, and vice versa. if the value gets closer to zero, the relationship between the two variables gets weaker. a positive correlation coefficient value indicates a unidirectional relationship (if x increases, y increases), and a negative correlation coefficient indicates an inverse relationship (if x increases, y decreases). the correlation coefficient results mentioned that the correlation coefficient analysis for the regression the results of the coefficient of determination adjusted r-square value is 0.245 or 24.5%, while the rest (100% 24.5% = 75.5%) is affected by other variables outside of this study that has an influence on perceptions other than demography, religiosity, and knowledge. description: r2 = coefficient of determination n = number of observations 4 = number of independent variables a simultaneous test with f statistic aims to determine the joint effect of independent variables on the dependent variable. based on the anova test, it can be seen that fcount is 21,604, with ftable (k; n-k) (k; 191-3), then ftable is obtained at 2.65. so fcount 21.604 > ftable 2.65 with a significance value of 0.000 < 0.05, then reject h0, which means that demography (x1), religiosity (x2), and knowledge (x3) simultaneously affect perception significantly. 79afkaruna the influence of religious values on millennial perceptions religiosity is a symbolized system, belief, value, and behavior centered on issues internalized as ultimate meaning. a study by arli, tkaczynski, and anandya (2019) found that a person's religiosity very easily influences their perceptions.22 meanwhile, the perception of preachers is the process of giving interpretations of the performance of preachers in carrying out the function of providing an understanding of islamic spiritual values to the wider community. the results of this study indicate that the respondent's level of religiosity does not significantly impact the decisions they make. nelson et al. (2017) focused on college students in his research on religious beliefs and unethical behavior. based on existing theory and research, it is stated that religiosity and spirituality can influence a person's views, decisions, and most importantly, behavior.23 the results of this study identified that religiosity, but not spirituality, could influence their behavior in bad behavior. the millennial generation actively checks social media accounts and always looks for information via mobile phones (smartphone addiction). and this is a problem that must be faced and found a way out. based on the observations and interviews conducted in this study, two things become the emphasis in the da'wah carried out by the preachers in the minds of the millennial generation. the first thing is about the preacher himself, how this preacher conveys his da'wah and his daily behavior. the second thing is the material presented by the preacher, whether it relates to the generation or has a positive impact. yuliana (2019) emphasized that a preacher must be competent in scientific qualifications, behavior, and expertise to support the task of spreading islamic teachings. not everyone can do da'wah well if it is not supported by values, professionalism, and structural principles.24 therefore preachers must prioritize aspects of preparation because if they appear without preparation will go down without honors. the effect of knowledge on millennial perception after analyzing the data obtained from the results of this study, it is known that out of 189 respondents, as many as 49% stated that their knowledge could influence their perceptions of islamic preachers and da'wah in indonesia. this research is also in accordance with thompson (2019) that a person's level of education can affect his perceptions in several ways.25 in addition to knowledge, leadership factors can also have an impact on individual actions and behavior. with a total of 1,159 respondents, the results of this study indicate that the leading factor of the preachers can significantly influence the perceptions of the millennial generation. this shows that preachers with adequate knowledge and good leadership can make the millennial generation perceive these preachers as a reference in increasing understanding of the value of religious spirituality. this study discovered that overall several types of leadership positively impact respondents' perceptions (nur’aini a’yuninnisa et al., 2020).26 in research conducted by naqqiyah and nurdin (2019), the development of technological media and one's ability to use social media is a good step in the birth of an era of openness.27 this study aims to explain the da'wah method delivered by the preachers in surabaya. a qualitative descriptive research method is carried out in the data collection process. thus it can be concluded that the level of discussion model between the independent and dependent variables at an r-value of 0.507. this shows that the value of the correlation coefficient is in the coefficient interval value of 0.40 – 0.599 with a medium level. 80 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 knowledge possessed by millennial society and the da'wah methods carried out by preachers can positively impact people's perceptions. therefore, the approach of preachers who use technological adaptation in supporting the delivery of islamic da'wah has a positive perception for the millennial generation. based on the results of the tests that have been carried out, it can be concluded that demography, religiosity, and knowledge factors influence the perceptions of the millennial generation in giving opinions about how preachers perform. the quantitative and qualitative methods results show that the factors that hold the highest control on one's perception of a da'i's performance are knowledge, followed by behavior and religiosity. the results of this study prove that the performance of preachers in conveying their da'wah and their daily behavior patterns can be the perception of the millennial generation to evaluate figures that can be used as role models in understanding religious knowledge. the second thing is related to the material delivered by the preacher to the congregation or his students, which influences the assessment of the millennial generation in viewing the performance of the preacher. this research has the implication that it is necessary to improve the quality of preachers' religious values in shaping the millennial generation's perceptions to make preachers become role models in studying religion. in addition to the knowledge value factor, the leadership value of preachers can have an impact on the actions and behavior of millennial individuals. with a total of 1,159 respondents, the study showed that leadership values can significantly influence the perceptions of the millennial generation. this research has several limitations. first, this study is still limited to millennial generation objects in universities, mosques, and youth organizations. it is hoped that it can be expanded, for example, the millennial generation working in greater jakarta agency offices. the recommendation for this research in the future is that the object of the study range is expanded to other big cities on the island of java. in addition to showing the performance of preachers towards the millennial generation, the broader characteristics can also be used as material for evaluation regarding the performance of preachers who need to be improved so that their followers like them. in addition, selecting other methods that are considered more precise and appropriate. conclusion endnotes pew research center. 2010. “a portrait of generation next.” pew research center, 2010. arskal, salim. 2018. “generasi milenial kunci agen dakwah inovatif.” republika.co.id, september 14, 2018. https://www.republika.co.id/berita/pf10ds384/generasi-milenial-kunci-agen-dakwah-inovatif. brodjonegoro, bambang. 2018. “milenial, generasi ‘seksi’ yang 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(2019). “are religious consumers more ethical and less machiavellian? a segmentation study of millennials.” international journal of consumer studies 43 (3): 263–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/ijcs.12507. arskal, salim. (2018). “generasi milenial kunci agen dakwah inovatif.” republika.co.id, september 14, 2018. https://www.republika.co.id/berita/pf10ds384/generasi-milenial-kunci-agen-dakwah-inovatif. brodjonegoro, bambang. (2018). “milenial, generasi ‘seksi’ yang makin diperebutkan.” kompas.com, 2018. https://pemilu.kompas.com/read/2018/09/22/211646821/milenial-generasi-seksi-yang-makindiperebutkan. canary, daniel j., and dainton, marianne. (2003). maintaining relationships through communication. 1st editio. creswell, j.w. (2008). research design: qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. california: sage publications. ghozali, imam. 2006. aplikasi analisis multivariate dengan program spss (edisi ke 4). semarang: badan penerbit universitas diponegoro, semarang. aplikasi analisis multivariate dengan program ibm spss 21 update pls regresi. semarang: badan penerbit universitas diponegoro. 2013. aplikasi analisis multivariate dengan program spss. semarang: badan penerbit universitas diponegoro. 2014. model persamaan struktural konsep dan aplikasi dengan program amos 24. semarang: badan penerbit universitas diponegoro. 2017 groat, l., and d wang. (2002). architectural research methods. new york: john wiley & sons. kupperschmidt. (2000). “tips to help your recruit, manage, and keep generation x employees,” 2000. https://www.proquest.com/openview/9dd0159902f5fb35f459753fe26f2530/1?pqorigsite=gscholar&cbl=35336. moleong, l.j. (2011). metodologi penelitian kualitatif edisi revisi. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. naqqiyah., syahrotin, maulidatus., and nurdin, ali. (2019). “credibility of islamic preachers in the posttruth era: a study of da’i in surabaya.” ilmu dakwah: academic journal for homiletic studies 13 (2): 271– 90. https://doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v13i2.6725. nelson, millicent f., matrecia s.l. james, angela miles, daniel l. morrell, and sally sledge. (2017). “academic integrity of millennials: the impact of religion and spirituality.” ethics and behavior 27 (5): 385–400. https://doi.org/10.1080/10508422.2016.1158653. a’yuninnisa, nur’aini., rizqi., fashih hibatul haqqi, muhammad., balqish rusli, nisfi., and puteri, nabila. (2020). “indonesian implicit leadership theory: typical and positive leadership prototypes for indonesian millennials.” asian journal of social sciences and management studies 7 (1): 1–7. https://doi.org/10.20448/journal.500.2020.71.1.7. pew research center. (2010). “a portrait of generation next.” ———. 2016. “library usage and engagement.” pew research center, 2016. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2016/09/09/library-usage-and-engagement/. alsop, ron. (2008). “who are the millennials?” livescience.com, 2008. https://www.livescience.com/38061millennials-generation-y.html. sugiyono. (2017). metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif, dan r&d. bandung: alfabeta. thompson, mark c. (2019). “the impact of globalization on saudi male millennials’ identity narratives.” asian affairs 50 (3): 323–43. https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1636512. 83afkaruna jamal al –din muhammad bin mukram ibn manzur al-ifriqi al-misri 1956, lisan al-`arb. beirut: dar sadir wa dar beirut, j. 8. maulana saud, i. (2016). pengaruh sikap dan persepsi kontrol perilaku terhadap niat whistleblowing internaleksternal dengan persepsi dukungan organisasi sebagai variabel pemoderasi. jurnal akuntansi dan investasi, 17(2), 209–219. https://doi.org/10.18196/jai.2016.0056.209-219 muhammad abu al-fath al-bayanuni. (1991). al-madkhal ila `ilm al-dakwah; dirasah manhajiyah shamilah. beirut: muaassasah al-risalah. muhammad al-ghazali. (1981). ma`a allah; dirasat fi al-dakwah wa al-du`at. beirut: dar ihya al-turath alislami. muhammad bin abi bakr `abd al-qadir al-razi. (1986). mukhtar al-sihah. beirut: dar dairah al-ma`ajim. muhammad bin jarir bin yazid bin kathir bin ghalib al-amali, abu ja`far al-tabari. (2000). al-jami` al-bayan fi takwil al-qur`an. jeddah: muassasah al-risalah, j. 11. muhammad fuad `abd al-baqi. al-mu`jam al-mufahras li al-alfaz al-qur`an. kaherah: dar al-kutub al`arabiyyah. naqqiyah, m. s., & nurdin, a. (2019). credibility of islamic preachers in the post-truth era: a study of da’i in surabaya. ilmu dakwah: academic journal for homiletic studies, 13(2), 271–290. https://doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v13i2.6725 nelson, m. f., james, m. s. l., miles, a., morrell, d. l., & sledge, s. (2017). academic integrity of millennials: the impact of religion and spirituality. ethics and behavior, 27(5), 385–400. https://doi.org/10.1080/10508422.2016.1158653 nur’aini a’yuninnisa, r., fashih hibatul haqqi, m., balqish rusli, n., & puteri, n. (2020). indonesian implicit leadership theory: typical and positive leadership prototypes for indonesian millennials. asian journal of social sciences and management studies, 7(1), 1–7. https://doi.org/10.20448/journal.500.2020.71.1.7 raza, s. a., umer, a., qazi, w., & makhdoom, m. (2018). the effects of attitudinal, normative, and control beliefs on m-learning adoption among the students of higher education in pakistan. journal of educational computing research, 56(4), 563–588. https://doi.org/10.1177/0735633117715941 mohamed, roslan. (2001) faktor kegemilangan dakwah islamiah: satu tinjauan. jurnal yadim, bil. 2. muriah, siti. (2000). metode dakwah kontemporer. yogyakarta: mitra pustaka. thompson, m. c. (2019). the impact of globalization on saudi male millennials’ identity narratives. asian affairs, 50(3), 323–343. https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1636512 apsyahwati, yuliana. (2019). profesinalisme mubaligh bagi perkembangan dakwah. ath-thariq: jurnal dakwah dan komunikasi. 3 (2), 167 – 175. https://doi.org/10.32332/ath_thariq.v3i2.1889 munawwir, warson. (1994). kamus al-munawwir. surabaya: pustaka progresif. 84 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 # layout jan jun 2011 praktik peribadatan muslim sehari-hari. pada masa mamalik (12501517), khususnya di wilayah kairo dan damaskus, astronomi islam berkembang secara signifikan yang diantaranya dibuktikan dengan temuan-temuan alat-alat astronomi. meski demikian, astronomi islam pada masa mamalik juga memiliki banyak sumber pengetahuan ilmiah yang perlu dikaji lebih dalam. artinya, masih banyak tokohtokoh ilmuan di bidang astronomi yang belum pernah dikaji. oleh karena itu, studi-studi astronomi dewasa ini di peruruan-perguruan tinggi harus secara serius juga difokuskan pada kajian pengetahuan klasik di bidang astronomi. tulisan ini mendiskusikan tentang sejarah dan perkembangan ilmu astronomi islam pada era mamalik dan kontribusinya terhadap batang tubuh ilmu pengetahuan di bidang astronomi pada periode tersebut. kata kunci : mamalik, astronomi, sejarah ilmu pengetahuan, and astrolabe. pendahuluan tidak dipungkiri, dalam sejarahnya mesir telah dilalui oleh banyak dinasti-dinasti (baca: kerajaan-kerajaan) islam, dimulai dari era tuluniyah, ikhsyidiyah, ayyubiyah, mamalik, dan ‘utsmani, hingga era mantan presiden hosni mubarak. para peneliti dan sejarawan sains mengungkapkan, dari sekian banyak dinasti-dinasti yang pernah berkuasa tersebut, dinasti mamalik (12501517 m) adalah dinasti yang paling menarik dan mengagumkan secara keilmuan. berbagai kemajuan dibidang banyak dicapai di era ini, bahkan efeknya masih dapat dirasakan hingga kini, seperti keindahan astronomi islam era dinasti mamalik (1250-1517) arwin juli rakhmadi butar-butar institute of arabic research and studies (iars), kairo-mesir. email: juli_rakhmadi@gmail.com abstract astronomy is special scientific discipline in islam as it relates to daily muslim worship practices. in the mamalik era (1250-1517), especially in cairo and damascus regions, islamic astronomy has developed significantly as can be seen in the new discoveries of astronomical instruments. however, islamic astronomy in the era of mamalik conceals a very large amount of scientific knowledge that needs further discussion. as mentioned by king, there were a dozen of islamic schbolars in astronomy whose treatises and ideas are unrevealed. therefore contemporary astronomical studies run in higher educational institutions, should also seriously be focused on examining classical knowledge in astronomy. this article discusses the history and development of islamic astronomy in the era of mamalik and their contribution to the body of scientific knowledge in astronomy in that period. keyword : mamalik, astronomy, history of science, and astrolabe. abstrak astronomi adalah bidang khusus dalam islam yang terkait dengan kepentingan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 27vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 bangunan-bangunan kuno mamalik yang terdapat di kawasan bab al-futuh hingga kawasan husein, keindahan mesjid sultan hasan, dan lain-lain. secara keilmuan, era mamalik memang cukup matang, berbagai kemajuan dibidang ilmu pengetahuan (sains) banyak tercapai. berbagai kemajuan ini tidak terlepas dari peran para penguasa ketika itu yang memberi dukungan kepada para ulama dan ilmuan untuk mengembangkan penelitiannya. disiplin astronomi adalah kajian yang tidak luput mendapat perhatian dan dukungan dari raja-raja mamalik ketika itu seperti ditunjukkan oleh zahir baibar. di era kontemporer, betapapun kajian astronomi islam era mamalik telah banyak dilakukan1, namun kegemilangan astronomi era ini masih menyimpan banyak misteri yang harus diungkap oleh para peneliti dan sejarawan. corak (karakter) astronomi yang berkembang di era mamalik yang berbeda dari era sebelumnya menjadikan kajian astronomi era mamalik ini menjadi menarik dan istimewa untuk dikaji. secara umum corak (karakter) astronomi era mamalik dapat dilihat dan dibedakan dengan era sebelum maupun sesudahnya melalui alat-alat astronomi yang digunakan yang lebih bersifat praktis, seperti untuk kepentingan penentuan waktu-waktu salat, menentukan arah kiblat, menentukan awal bulan, dan sebagainya. sisi lain, kecendrungan kajian astrologi (nujum) yang telah mulai berkurang secara drastis di era ini. king menuturkan, astrologi yang banyak dipraktikkan pada abad pertengahan, namun sangat mengejutkan karya-karya astrologi di era mamalik sangat sedikit sekali yang dapat diteliti.2 tulisan ini mencoba menelusuri lebih jauh gagasan-gagasan astronomi islam era mamalik berikut tokoh-tokoh dan karyakarya mereka dan sejauh mana urgensinya terhadap kajian astronomi kontemporer. dinasti mamalik: kemunculan dan perkembangan menurut hitti, kemunculan dan kebangkitan dinasti mamalik merupakan fenomena yang sulit dipahami.3 dinasti mamalik terbentuk melalui akmulasi dan akulturasi berbagai suku dan bangsa dari kalangan budak yang menciptakan suatu tatanan komunitas. dinasti mamalik menguasai dua wilayah strategis, mesir dan syria. dalam sejarahnya, mamalik berhasil menahan laju invasi pasukan mongol dibawah pimpinan hulagu dan timur lenk. para sejarawan menganggap, apabila mamalik gagal mempertahankan wilayahnya dari serangan pasukan mongol ini, dapat dipastikan seluruh tatanan sejarah dan kebudayaan di asia barat dan mesir akan runtuh, kesinambungan kebudayaan dan peradaban tidak akan dapat disaksikan lagi.4 fondasi kekuasaan mamalik diletakkan oleh syajarah ad-durr, penguasa wanita muslim yang berkuasa di kawasan afrika utara dan asia barat dari dinasti ayyubiyah, yang hanya berkuasa selama 80 hari. ia adalah seorang budak sekaligus istri (selir) almusta’shim. sementara aibak (1250-1257 m) adalah sultan mamalik pertama dalam sejarah dinasti mamalik. dalam perjalanannya, mamalik terbagi kepada dua dinasti besar: bahri (1250-1390) dan burji (1382-1517 m).5 raja mamalik paling tersohor adalah zahir baibar (1260-1277 m)6, ia pada awalnya seorang budak yang dibeli oleh raja salih dan diangkat sebagai pemimpin pasukan.7 baibar pernah mengalahkan pasukan mongol, ia juga tercatat dalam perjuangannya melawan tentara salib, dan ia juga banyak doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 28 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna melakukan penaklukan-penaklukan. kemampuan baibar tidak hanya sebatas dalam bidang militer, selain berhasil mengorganisir pertahanan (militer), ia membangun angkatan laut, menggali sejumlah kanal, memperbaiki pelabuhan, dan yang terpenting ia menghubungkan kairo dan damaskus yang menjadi akses penyebaran dan pertukaran informasi dan ilmu pengetahuan. di bidang keagamaan, baibar mengangkat empat orang hakim (kadi) yang mewakili empat mazhab populer (maliki, hanafi, syafi’i dan hanbali).8 akhir kekuasaan dinasti mamalik terjadi pada tahun 1517 m pada saat raja salim dari dinasti utsmani berhasil menggulingkan kekuasaan yang sedang berkuasa ketika itu. kondisi sosio-religius dan intelektual era mamalik sejarah mencatat, penaklukan mongol terhadap kota bagdad pada tahun 656 h/ 1258 m memberi perubahan drastis terhadap dunia islam secara umum. penaklukan ini menandai pula berpindahnya pusat kebudayaan dan ilmu pengetahuan dari kota bagdad ke kota kairo dan damaskus. ada beberapa faktor yang menjadikan kawasan mamalik (khususnya kairo dan damaskus) ini menjadi pusat ilmu, diantaranya adalah perhatian serius penguasa-penguasa mamalik pada masa itu terhadap ilmu pengetahuan yang ditandai dengan optimalisasi peran ulama (ilmuwan) dalam pengembangan ilmu. pada periode ini, halakah-halakah ilmu demikian marak, penelitian-penelitian juga mendapat dukungan dana dari penguasa. selain itu, hilangnya dominasi bagdad secara keseluruhan dari dunia islam secara politik, secara otomatis menjadikan posisi kairo dan damaskus menjadi semakin penting. puncaknya ditandai dengan eksodus ulama dari kota bagdad ke kota kairo dan damaskus.9 dalam perkembangannya, kehidupan ilmiah era mamalik benar-benar mencapai puncak dan menjadikannya sebagai pusat ilmu dan ulama dunia. raja-raja mamalik memiliki peran besar dalam pengembangan ilmu, khususnya di mesir. selain itu, para raja mamalik juga memiliki semangat dalam ilmu, seperti ditunjukkan zahir baibar, yang senantiasa menghidupkan dan berpartisipasi dalam diskusi agama dan ilmu pengetahuan.10 bagaimanapun, disamping berbagai kelemahan yang tetap ada, sejarah panjang yang dilalui dinasti mamalik, khususnya di mesir dan syria, telah melahirkan berbagai kemajuan dalam berbagai bidang, khususnya bidang politik dan keilmuan.11 dalam bidang keilmuan, mamalik terus berkembang dan memunculkan ulama (ilmuwan) dalam jumlah yang banyak dalam berbagai bidang disiplin ilmu. al-qalqasyandi (w. 821 h) menuturkan bahwa karya-karya tulis pada masa ini (baca: era mamalik) sangat melimpah, khususnya karya-karya dalam bidang agama (islam).12 sumbangan dan perkembangan astronomi dengan posisi pusat ilmu yang dimiliki mamalik tak pelak menjadikan kota kairo dan damaskus dan wilayah-wilayah kekuasaan mamalik lainnya menjadi mercusuar ilmu pengetahuan dunia. dalam bidang astronomi, mesir dan syria, pada masanya telah memiliki tradisi astronomi yang matang. tradisi penelitian dan observasi menjadi bagian integral para astronom ketika itu. secara lebih spesifik, astronomi islam era mamalik telah memiliki corak dan karakter doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 29vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 tersendiri yang membedakan dengan astronomi sebelumnya. sebelum era mamalik, kajian astronomi cendrung bersifat ptolemaik atau astronomi matematis (falak riyadhi) yang bersumber dari ‘almagest’. namun di era mamalik, astronomi mulai mengalami pergeseran ke arah alami atau thabi’i (falak fiziya’i, astrofisika) yang memokuskan pada keserasian dan keselarasan dengan gambaran ilmiah terhadap alam, bersifat paraktis dan berdasarkan pengamatan.13 secara lebih spesifik, astronomi islam era mamalik lebih diarahkan pada hal-hal yang bersifat praktis seperti menentukan waktu-waktu salat, arah kiblat, penentuan hilal (bulan sabit) awal bulan, dan lain-lain. berbagai kreasi dan akselerasi astronom mamalik ini diantaranya termanifestasikan dalam bentuk alat-alat dan dokumntasi perhitungan (zij). instrumen astronomi instrumen (alat-alat) astronomi adalah sarana observasi ilmiah yang digunakan para astronom islam dalam mengungkap fenomena alam. fungsi alat-alat ini adalah untuk menghitung (menentukan) peredaran benda-benda langit: bumi, bulan, matahari dan planet-planet secara akurat. selain itu, alat-alat ini juga digunakan untuk mempresisikan perhitungan segitiga bola secara cermat.14 instrumen astronomi merupakan unsur asasi untuk berdiri dan beroperasinya sebuah observatorium (almarshad). para astronom mamalik dimasanya telah berhasil mengembangkan dan memperluas penggunaan alat-alat ini. secara umum, peradaban islam era mamalik adalah peradaban yang banyak melahirkan alat-alat astronomi yang beberapa diantaranya terus digunakan hingga kini. alat-alat ini beberapa diantaranya merupakan lanjutan dan penyempurnaan dari alat-alat astronomi yang pernah dikembangkan di peradaban sebelumnya, khususnya dari peradaban yunani seperti: astrolabe, dzawat al-halq, arba’ ad-da’irah, alkurrat al-ardhiyyah wa as-samawiyyah, sa’ah syamsiyyah (jam matahari), dan lain-lain. alatalat ini di era mamalik terus dikembangkan dengan berbagai perbaikan dan modifikasi hingga lebih efektif. oleh karena itu, di peradaban islam era mamalik telah dihasilkan banyak pengembangan signifikan terhadap instrumen-instrumen astronomi berikut rumusan teori-teorinya yang akurat pada zaman itu. bentuk konkrit kontribusi tersebut berupa pengembangan dan modifikasi alat-alat yang sudah ditemukan terdahulu, khususnya dari yunani, dan penemuan-penemuan instrumen baru yang belum ditemukan sebelumya. penemuan dan pengembangan ini sangat penting, karena instrumen astronomi adalah unsur utama dan mempunyai pengaruh besar bagi kemajuan sebuah peradaban. berkembang atau tidaknya ilmu astronomi disuatu peradaban (bangsa) bisa di lihat dari alat-alat yang ditemukan. karena percobaan dan penelitian yang notabenenya menghasilkan pengetahuan, sangat erat hubungannya dengan alat-alat yang digunakan. dan dengan kelengkapan alat sebuah penelitian akan menemukan hasil yang lebih akurat. adapun beberapa instrumen astronomi yang berkembang dan populer pada masa mamalik antara lain: al-usthurlab (astrolabe) atrolabe merupakan perkakas astronomi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 30 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kuno yang digunakan untuk mengukur kedudukan, bentuk dan fenomena langit. alat ini telah dikenal sejak zaman yunani. seperti dituturkan an-nadim (w. 388 h) dalam “al-fihrist”nya, ulama astronomi islam yang pertama sekali membuat astrolabe adalah ibrahim al fazzari (w. ± 180 h).15 astrolabe terdiri dari lempengan (piringan) dengan ukuran 360 derajat dan terbagi-bagi dalan seperempat lingkaran (arba’ ad-da’irah) yang tertera didalamnya nama-nama zodiak (rasi bintang), angka-angka derajat, dan lainlain. alat ini berbentuk bulat yang menggambarkan bola langit yang terdiri dari garis atau skala yang menunjukkan posisiposisi bintang atau benda-benda angkasa. alat ini juga bersisi angka-angka atau hurufhuruf dalam format ‘hisab al-jummal’.16 al-khawarizmi (w. 387 h) dalam ‘mafatih al-‘ulum’nya mendefinisikan alat ini sebagai “miqyas an-nujum” (pengukur bintang), berasal dari bahasa yunani yaitu ‘astrolabio’, ‘astro’ berarti bintang dan ‘labio’ berarti pengintai atau pengukur (mir’ah).17 sementara hajji khalifah (w. 1068 h) dalam ‘kasyf azhzhunun’nya menjelaskan secara lebih detail pengertian dan fungsi astrolabe, yaitu suatu ilmu yang membahas tata cara mengetahui keadaan bintang-bintang secara lebih mudah dan teliti, seperti mengetahui ketinggian matahari, terbit-tenggelamnya, mengetahui zenit kiblat, mengetahui lintang tempat, dan lain-lain.18 sejak masuk peradaban islam, astrolabe sudah menjadi satu disiplin ilmu spesifik dimana banyak astronom islam yang mendalami alat ini dalam teori dan praktik. di era mamalik, astrolabe dimodifikasi lebih baik dengan berbagai penyempurnaan. tercatat, ibn syathir (w. 777 h) adalah diantara astronom era mamalik yang memiliki kemahiran dalam teori dan praktik terhadap alat ini, diantara karyanya dalam bidang ini adalah: “risalah ibn asy-syathir fi ushul ‘ilmil usthurlab”. selain ibn asy-syathir, al-mizzi (w. 750 h) juga piawai dalam alat ini, diantara karyanya: “risalah al mizzy fil usthurlab”. al-mizwalah (sundial, jam matahari) sundial atau jam matahari adalah alat astronomi kuno yang digunakan sebagai penunjuk waktu melalui bayang-bayang matahari. dalam bahasa arab alat ini disebut ‘mizwalah’ atau ‘sa’ah syamsiyyah’. diduga, para astronom islam menemukan dan mengembangkan alat ini sejak abad 1 h/7 m dari warisan peradaban yunani dan romawi. dalam praktiknya, alat ini hanya bisa berfungsi dengan memanfaatkan bayangbayang matahari.19 dalam penggunaan dan pembuatannya, dasar-dasar matematika sedikit dibutuhkan dalam memahami dan menerapkan alat ini, meski tidak terlalu sulit. mizwalah (sundial, jam matahari) ditemukan melalui pemahaman mendalam terhadap teori segitiga bola atau trigonometri (hisab al mutsallatsat). sampai saat ini jam matahari masih dipakai dan dipelihara orang sebagai ornamen yang menunjukkan keunikan dan keilmuan astronomi islam silam yang terus terabadikan dalam sejarah dan peradaban. alat ini memberi informasi pula tentang bagaimana orang-orang terdahulu mengidentifikasi waktu dan aktifitas mereka. para astronom era mamalik banyak memberi kontribusi dalam pengembangan alat ini, baik teori maupun terapan. ini terbukti pada zaman itu alat ini banyak ditemukan di pelataran mesjid-mesjid. ibn syathir (w. 777 h) pada tahun 1371 m/ 1372 m tercatat pernah membuat jam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 31vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 matahari datar (mizwalah ufuqiyyah) berukuran 2 meter diletakkan di pelataran mesjid umawiyah di damaskus syria, sementara sebagian bagiannya ada di taman museum nasional damaskus.20 david a. king menyatakan, mizwalah ibn syathir terhitung sebagai kreasi, temuan dan sampel luar biasa yang menunjukkan keindahan seni ilmiah, mizwalah ini juga terhitung sebagai mizwalah terindah di abad pertengahan (era mamalik).21 teks otentik tentang mizwalah yang ditemukan di era mamalik dan banyak dimanfaatkan oleh para peneliti adalah “jami’ al-mabadi’ wa al-ghayat fi ‘ilm al-miqat” karya al-hasan bin ali al-marrakusyi (abad 7 h/13 m).22 karya ini terhitung sebagai karya komprehensif tentang mizwalah dan teoriteorinya. king mengungkapkan, sejatinya alat yang dikembangkan al-marrakusyi ini perlu ditindak lanjuti dengan melakukan penelitian komprehensif dengan perangkat alat-alat modern.23 rub’ mujayyab (alat seperempat lingkaran) rub’ mujayyab adalah alat astronomi klasik berbentuk seperempat lingkaran dengan desain sederhana hasil kreasi astronom islam silam yang multi fungsi, khususnya untuk memecahkan permasalahan-permasalahan astronomi bola (falak kurawy). alat ini berfungsi untuk menentukan arah kiblat, menentukan waktuwaktu salat, menentukan ketinggian suatu benda, dan lain-lain. alat ini disebut juga dengan rub’ da’iri atau dzat ar-rub’ atau arrub’iyyah.24 alat ini bisa terbuat dari kayu, tembaga maupun logam mulia. alat ini terdiri dari busur yang terbagi kepada 90 derajat, dimana pada busur tersebut tertera nomor-nomor yang menunjukkan waktu. di bagian tengahnya terdapat garis lurus lengkung saling menyilang dan memotong. alat ini dalam penggunaanya hampir mirip dengan astrolabe yang mampu memecahkan banyak persoalan perhitungan astronomismatematis. sampai abad 8 h/14 m, di syria, alat ini masih banyak beredar dan digunakan.25 dahulu, alat ini juga digunakan oleh para pelaut untuk menentukan lintang & bujur, menentukan arah kapal, dan lain-lain.26 astronom islam ibn syathir (w. 777 h) menulis banyak karya tentang alat-alat ini berikut tata cara pembuatan dan penggunaannya, antara lain dalam karyakaryanya sebagai berikut: kifayah al-qanu’ fi al-‘amal bi ar-rub’ al-maqthu’, risalah fi al‘amal bi rub’ asy-syakaziyyah, risalah al-‘amal bi rub’ al-jami’, an naf’ al-‘am fi al-‘amal bi rub’ at-tam li mawaqit al-islam, idhah almughib fi al-‘amal bi ar-rub’ al-mujayyab, dan lain-lain. zij (tabel astronomi) dalam terminologi klasik, zij adalah daftar astronomis hasil observasi dan kalkulasi (hisab) para astronom silam terhadap bendabenda langit seperti planet-planet, bintangbintang dan benda-benda langit lainnya yang berkaitan dengan gerak, jarak dan posisi hariannya.27 al-akfani (w. 749 h/1348 m) dalam karyanya “irsyad al-qashid ila asna almaqashid” menyebutkan, cabang ilmu astronomi (hai’ah) ada 5: (1) ilmu zij dan kalender, (2) ilmu waktu, (3) ilmu tata cara observasi, (4) ilmu tentang alat-alat astronomi, (5) ilmu tentang alat-alat bayangan benda.28 al-akfani menguraikan, yang dimaksud ilmu zij dan kalender (‘ilm azzaijat wa at-taqawim) adalah ilmu untuk doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 32 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mengetahui ukuran planet-planet yang beredar (al-kawakib as-sayyarah) yang tersebar dari asal usul yang universal.29 sementara itu praktisi astronomi islam kontemporer indonesia, prof. dr. susiknan azhari, ma., menyatakan kata zij berasal dari bahasa sansekerta, yang masuk ke bahasa arab dan persia melalui bahasa pahlavi, yang berarti tabel astronomi. tapi sebenarnya kebanyakan zij tak hanya memuat tabel, juga pembahasan teori astronomi, bab tentang kronologi, penjelasan luas hal astronomi matematis dan subyek lain yang berhubungan. zij yang merupakan satu bagian penting literatur ilmu falak, biasanya dinamakan menurut penyusunnya atau penunjang atau kota, tempat ia disusun, walaupun sering pula digunakan cara penamaan yang lain.30 zij merupakan dasar dan perangkat penomoran (numerical tables) yang dimanfaatkan para astronom dan astrolog, seperti mengukur dan menghitung peredaran dan posisi planet, bintang dan fenomena gerhana. tabel-tabel ini juga berfungsi sebagai data verifikasi teori sekaligus laporan observasi berdasarkan data yang sudah terdokumentasi. bahkan data (tabel) ini juga berfungsi merekonstruksi model geometri seperti perangkat-perangkat dalam matematika. era mamalik, terdapat banyak karya-karya model ini, diantaranya adalah: “ad-durr alyatim” karya ahmad bin rajab al-majdi (w. 850 h). terhadap zij ini, king dan kennedy telah melakukan kajian tentang teori-teori dalam zij ini. king menuliskan penelitiannya ini dalam artikelnya yang berjudul “ibn almajdi’s table for calculating ephemerides”.31 mikat, muwaqqit & institusi astronomi di era mamalik, para astronom pada umumnya berprofesi sebagai miqati atau muwaqqit, yaitu astronom profesional yang berasosiasi kepada salah satu mesjid atau institusi agama yang bertugas menentukan waktu-waktu salat. selain itu, terdapat juga sejumlah astronom islam yang berprofesi sebagai miqati atau muwaqqit namun tidak berasosiasi kepada salah satu mesjid atau institusi agama.32 disiplin ilmu ini belum muncul di peradaban sebelum islam. mikat merupakan disiplin keilmuan islam asli hasil akselerasi dan kreasi astronom muslim khususnya era mamalik. menurut king, dasar-dasar miqat pertama kali dimunculkan ibn yunus (w. 399 h)33, astronom muslim terbesar asal mesir, dan di era mamalik, tepatnya abad 7 h/13 m ilmu ini mengalami kegemilangan dan menjadi suatu disiplin ilmu matang.34 mikat merupakan cabang astronomi yang berkaitan dengan pengaturan waktu (timekeeping) berdasarkan rotasi harian matahari dan bintang-bintang untuk penentuan waktu dan khususnya mendefinisikan waktu-waktu salat.35 dalam peradaban islam, berbagai hasil perhitungan dan observasi yang dilakukan pada umumnya tercatat dalam sebuah tabel (zij), yaitu tabel waktu-waktu. mikat pada dasarnya merupakan bagian dari ilmu zij yang mempelajari tentang rotasi harian matahatri dan benda-benda angkasa. diantara muwaqqit islam terkenal era mamalik adalah al-hasan bin ali almarrakusyi (abad 7 h/13 m). ia berasal dari marakesh (maroko), namun ia bekerja dan berkiprah di kairo. karya terbesarnya adalah “jami’ al-mabadi’ wal ghayat fi ‘ilm al-miqat”. buku ini menyajikan sebuah pekerjaan yang sangat eklektik, bahkan menyajikan survei lengkap tentang astronomi bola dan instrumen astronomi. selain al-marrakusyi, muwaqqit islam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 33vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 lainnya adalah syihab ad-din al-maqsi (w. 675 h/1276 m), yang telah melakukan dua pekerjaan besar, yaitu sebuah risalah tentang teori jam matahari dan satu set tabel untuk ketepatan waktu-waktu salat (timekeeping). tokoh-tokoh astronomi era mamalik berdasarkan penelitian yang dilakukan king, terdapat sekitar 75 tokoh (astronom) islam yang pernah eksis di era mamalik.36 satu hal yang menarik, king menetapkan jalal ad-din as-suyuthi (w. 911 h) sebagai salah satu astronom era mamalik. namun dari sekian banyak tokoh-tokoh astronomi yang disebutkan king tersebut hanya segelintir tokoh saja yang biografinya tertera dalam buku-buku bibliografi, baik klasik maupun kontemporer. ini mengindikasikan perlunya dilakukan kajian komprehensif terhadap karya-karya astronomi era mamalik demi mengungkap tokoh dan gagasan astronomi di masa itu secara lebih akademis. berikut adalah beberapa astronom islam era mamalik dan beberapa karya-karya mereka yang dikutip dari berbagai sumber: · ibn asy-syathir (w. 777 h). karya: kifayah al-qanu’ fi al-‘amal bi ar-rub’ al-maqthu’, risalah fi al-‘amal bi rub’ asy-syakaziyyah. · jamal ad-din al-mardini (w. 843 h). karya: risalah ‘ala ar-rub’ al-mujayyab ‘ala anna albakhsy fi thariq al-qaus, muqaddimah fi ma’rifah al-’amal bi rub’ asy-syakaziyyah. · muhammad bin muhammad al-ghuzuli (w. 745 h). karya: risalah fi shafhah al’amal bi ar-rub’ al-mujayyab, al-jaib algha’ib. · ibn al-ha’im (w. 815 h). karya: al-luma’ fi al-hisab. · sibth al-mardini (w. 912 h). karya: hawi al-mukhtasharat fi al-’amal bi rub’ almuqantharat, hidayah al-ha’ir li wadh’ fadhl ad-da’ir. · muhy ad-din al-maghribi (w. ± 680 h). karya: kitab tasthih al-usthurlab, kitab taj al-azyaj wa ghunyah al-muhtaj. · dhiya’ ad-din ad-dirini (w. 694 h). karya: al-yawaqit fi ‘ilm al-mawaqit. · al-hasan bin ali al-marrakusyi (abad 7 h/ 13 m). karya: jami’ al-mabadi’ wa al-ghayat fi ‘ilm al-miqat, risalah talkhish al-’amal fi ru’yah al-hilal. · syihab ad-din al-maqsi (w. 675 h). karya: syifa’ al-asyqam fi wadh’ as-sa’at ‘ala arrakham, ghayah al-intifa’ fi ma’rifah adda’ir min qibali al-irtifa’. · abu ali al-farisi (w. 677 h). karya: maqashid dzaw al-albab fi al-’amal bi alusthurlab, nihayah al-idrak fi asrar ‘ulum alaflak. · ibn sim’un (w. 737 h). karya: al-ushul almutsmirah fi al-’amal bi rub’ al-musyathirah, kanz ath-thullab fi al-’amal bi al-usthurlab. · ibn as-sarraj (w. 726 h). karya: risalah alusthurlab wa al-jaib al-gha’ib, risalah al’amal bi rub’ al-muqantharat. · zain ad-din al-mizzi (w. 750 h). karya: risalah al-mizzi fi al-usthurlab, ar-raudhat azzahirat fi al-’amal bi rub’ al-muqantharat, mukhtashar fi al-’amal bi rub’ ad-da’irah. · ahmad bin al-kaum ar-risyi (w. 836 h). karya: kifayah at-ta’lim fi wadh’ at-taqwim, al-lum’ah fi hall al-kawakib as-sab’ah. · ibn al-’atthar (w. 840 h). karya: kifayah almusytaq li ma’rifah fadhl ad-da’ir fi sa’ir alafaq, risalah fi ‘urudh al-bilad wa athwaliha. · syihab ad-din al-halbi (w. 859 h). karya: bughyah ath-thullab fi al-’amal bi rub’ alusthurlab, jadwal irtifa’ al-kawakib atstsabitah ‘inda thulu’ al-fajr. · ibn al-ji’an (w. 930 h). karya: thawali’ albudur fi tahwil as-sinin wa asy-syuhur. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 34 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna · badr ad-din al-karadisi (w. 887 h). karya: muqaddimah fi ‘amal al-hilal, asykal alwasa’ith fi al-munharifat wa al-basa’ith. · muhammad bin abi al-fath ash-shufi (w. 883 h). karya: bulugh al-witr fi al-’amal bi al-qamar, as-sahl bi al-hisab al-mumti’ fi al’amal bi al-basith al-murtafi’. · jalal ad-din as-suyuthi (w. 911 h). karya: al-hai’ah as-saniyyah fi al-hai’ah assunniyyah. kesimpulan dua wilayah kekuasaan dinasti mamalik, mesir dan syria, adalah dua wilayah yang pada masanya menjadi mercusuar ilmu. setelah jatuhnya bagdad, secara praktis kota kairo dan damaskus menjadi pusat astronomi dunia islam, bahkan dunia secara umum. para astronom mamalik pada umumnya beraktifitas pada berbagai bidang disiplin astronomi, seperti astronomi teoritis, astronomi praktis (falak asy-sya’b), geometri, astronomi bola (falak kurawi), perhitungan waktu (timekeeping), table-tabel waktu (zij), perbintangan (astrologi), dan alat-alat (instrumen) astronomi. karena itu literaturliteratur manuskrip yang tersebar di berbagai perpustakaan dunia, dan alat-alat astronomi yang sebagiannya saat ini masih tersisa merupakan sumber informasi utama bagi para peneliti dan sejarawan kontemporer untuk menguak tradisi dan peran astronomi islam era mamalik. beberapa peneliti kontemporer yang telah dan pernah melakukan penelitian di bidang ini antara lain david king, e.s. kennedy, carlo nillino, dan lain-lain. sejatinya penelitian-penelitian yang dilakukan oleh para orientalis ini memberi informasi berharga bagi umat islam. namun demikian, mengingat banyaknya tokoh-tokoh astronomi berikut karya-karya mereka yang belum terungkap, hal ini memberi konsekuensi kepada kita untuk terus menggalakkan penelitian di bidang ini secara serius. kajian-kajian astronomi islam yang diselenggarakan di kalangan universitas hendaknya dapat lebih mengapresiasi turats astronomi islam kalsik. bagaimanapun, sumbangan para astronom islam silam, baik berupa karya tulis maupun alat-alat astronomi dan peninggalan-peninggalan lainnya yang masih tersisa, merupakan kekayaan peradaban islam yang harus dilestarikan dan dikembangkan secara akademis. catatan akhir 1 antara lain dilakukan oleh: david a. king, e.s. kennedy, carlo nillino, dan lain-lain. 2 david a. king, the astronomy of the mamluks: a brief overview, h. 74. 3 philip k. hitti, history of the arabs, terjemah: r. cecep lukman yasin & dedi slamet riyadi (indonesia: pt. serambi ilmu semesta, cet. i, 1429/2008), h. 859. 4 ibid. 5 ibid., h. 862. 6 nama lengkapnya: al-malik azh-zhahir rukn ad-din baibar al-bunduqdari. 7 ibid., h. 864. abu al-fida’, taqwim al-buldan, j. 3, h. 216. 8 ibid., h. 865. 9 dr. zhamya’ abbas as-samira’i, al-hibat al-haniyyat fi al-mushannfat al-ja’bariyyah, dalam majalah “ma’had al-makhthuthat al-’arabiyyah” edisi 54, j. 2 (dzu alqa’dah 1431/november 2010), h. 7-8. 1 0 lihat: analisa (dirasah) kitab “ghunyah al-fahin wa atthariq ila hall at-taqwim” karya ahmad bin rajab almajdi (w. 850 h), tahkik & dirasah: arwin juli rakhmadi (tesis master, 2008), h. 16. 1 1 qashr al-amir thaz, ibn khaldun baina al-andalus wa mishr (kairo: 2008), h. 79. 1 2 ahmad bin ali al-qalqasyandi, shubh al-a’sya fi shina’ah al-insya’, j. 1 (kairo: al-mu’assasah almishriyyah li at-ta’lif wa at-tarjamah, t.t.), h. 467. 1 3 lihat: analisa (dirasah) kitab “ghunyah al-fahin wa atthariq ila hall at-taqwim” karya ahmad bin rajab almajdi, h. 7. 1 4 ibid., h. 22. 1 5 an-nadim, al-fihrist, editor: muhammad ahmad ahmad, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 35vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 (kairo: maktabah tawfiqiyyah, t.t.), h. 374. 1 6 hisab al-jummal adalah hisab atau perhitungan dengan menggunakan huruf arab yang dari tiap-tiap hurufnya terdiri dari angka atau bilangan tertentu. seperti huruf ‘alif’ berarti satu, huruf ‘ba’ ‘ berarti dua, dst. hisab model ini banyak tertera dalam literatur-literatur klasik (manuskrip) khususnya literatur astronomi. (lihat: ‘isham mohammad el-syanthy, thuruq ta’rikh an-nusakh fi al-makhthuthat: an-nasy’ah wa al-hall, (diktat mata kuliah ‘fahrasah al makhthuthaat’ institut manuskrip arab, kairo, t.t.), h. 4.). 1 7 al khawarizmi, mafatih al-’ulum , editor: g. van vloten, pengantar: muhammad ‘abd al-‘aziz (serial adzdzakha’ir (118) al-hai’ah al-‘ammah li qushur atstsaqafah-kairo, 2004), h. 232. 1 8 hajji khalifah, kasyf azh-zhunun ‘an asamy al-kutub wa al-funun, j. 1, (beirut: dar ihya’ at-turats al-‘araby, t.t.) h. 106. 1 9 ‘abd al-amir mu’min, qamus dar al-‘ilm al-falaky, (beirut: dar al-‘ilm li al-malayin, cet. 1, 2006), h. 472. 2 0 david a. king, ‘ilm al-falak wa al-mujtama’ al-islami, dalam mawsu’ah tarikh al-‘ulum al-‘arabiyyah, j. 1, editor: rusydi rasyid, (markaz dirasat al wahdah al ‘arabiyyah & mu’assasah ‘abd al-hamid syuman), h. 214. 2 1 ibid, h. 216. 2 2 al-marrakusyi adalah seorang ahli falak asal maroko (magrib), namun ia bekerja di kairo sekitar tahun 1280 m. “jami’ al-mabadi’ wa al-ghayat fi ‘ilm al-miqat” karya al-murrakisyi ini terdiri dua juz (130 fasal), karya ini memiliki pengaruh besar dimasanya khususnya mesir dan syria. 2 3 ibid., h. 210. 2 4 lihat lebih lanjut: analisa (dirasah) kitab “ghunyath alfahim wa at-thariq ila hall at-taqwim” karya ibn almajdi (w. 850 h), h. 27. 2 5 donald r. hill, al-‘ulum wa al-handasah fi al-hadharah al-islamiyyah, terjemah: ahmad fu’ad basya, (kuwait: ‘alam al-ma’rifah, 2004), h. 81. 2 6 fatimah mahjub, al mawsu’ah az dzahabiyyah li al‘ulum al-islamiyyah, j. 19, (kairo: dar al-ghad al-araby,), h. 330. 2 7 muhammad ‘ali at-tahanawi, kasysyaf isthilahat al‘ulum wa al-funun, j. 1, tahkik: dr. ‘ali dahruj (lebanon: maktabah lubnan nasyirun, cet. i, 1996), h. 917, carlo nillino, ‘ilm al-falak tarikhuhu ‘inda al-‘arab fi al-qurun al-wustha (kairo: maktabah ats-tsaqafah ad-diniyyah, t.th.), h. 42. 2 8 muhammad bin ibrahim al-akfani, irsyad al-qashid ila asna al-maqashid, tahkik: abd al-mun’im mahmud umar (kairo: dar al-fikr al-arabi, t.t.), h. 204. 2 9 ibid., h. 205. 3 0 susiknan azhari, ensiklopedi hisab rukyat, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2005). 3 1 lihat: david a. king & e.s.kennedy, ibn al-majdi’s table for calculation ephemerides, dalam “islamic mathematical astronomy” (variorun reprints, london 1886), h. 48. 3 2 david a. king, the astronomy of the mamluks, dalam “islamic mathematical astronomy” (variorun reprints, london 1886), h. 534. 3 3 lihat: david a. king, astronomical timekeeping in fourteenth – century syria, dalam “islamic mathematical astronomy” (variorun reprints, london 1886), h. 77. 3 4 donald r. hill, op.cit., h. 63. 3 5 david. a. king, mikat, dalam “the encyclopaedia of islam”, volume vii (new edition) (leiden – new york: e.j. brill, 1993), h. 27. 3 6 lihat daftar nama-nama astronom mamalik hasil penelitian king dalam: david a. king, the astronomy of the mamluks, h. 553-555. daftar pustaka ali al-qalqasyandi, ahmad bin. tt. shubh al-a’sya fi shina’ah al-insya’, vol. 1. kairo: al-mu’assasah almishriyyah li at-ta’lif wa at-tarjamah. al-khawarizmi. 2004. mafatih al-’ulum , editor: g. van vloten, pengantar: muhammad ‘abd al-‘aziz (serial adzdzakha’ir (118). kairo: al-hai’ah al-‘ammah li qushur ats-tsaqafah. an-nadim. tt. al-fihrist, editor: muhammad ahmad ahmad. kairo: maktabah tawfiqiyyah. as-samira’i, zhamya’ abbas. 2010. al-hibat al-haniyyat fi al-mushannfat al-ja’bariyyah, dalam majalah “ma’had al-makhthuthat al-’arabiyyah” edisi 54, j. 2 dzu alqa’dah 1431/november. at-tahanawi, muhammad ‘ali. 1996. kasysyaf isthilahat al‘ulum wa al-funun, j. 1, tahkik: dr. ‘ali dahruj. lebanon: maktabah lubnan nasyirun, cet. i. azhari, susiknan. 2005. ensiklopedi hisab rukyat. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. el-syanthy, ‘isham mohammad. tt. thuruq ta’rikh an-nusakh fi al-makhthuthat: an-nasy’ah wa al-hall, diktat mata kuliah ‘fahrasah al makhthuthaat’ institut manuskrip arab, kairo. hill, donald r.. 2004. al-‘ulum wa al-handasah fi alhadharah al-islamiyyah, terjemah: ahmad fu’ad basya, kuwait: ‘alam al-ma’rifah. hitti, philip k. 2008. history of the arabs, terjemah: r. cecep lukman yasin & dedi slamet riyadi. jakarta: serambi ilmu semesta, cet. i. ibrahim al-akfani, muhammad bin. tt. irsyad al-qashid ila asna al-maqashid, tahkik: abd al-mun’im mahmud umar. kairo: dar al-fikr al-arabi. khalifah, hajji. tt. kasyf azh-zhunun ‘an asamy al-kutub wa al-funun, j. 1 beirut: dar ihya’ at-turats al-‘araby. king, david a. & kennedy, e.s. 1886. ibn al-majdi’s table for calculation ephemerides, dalam “islamic mathematical astronomy,” london: variorun reprints. king, david a. 1886 the astronomy of the mamluks, dalam “islamic mathematical astronomy” london: variorun doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 36 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna reprints. ———————————-. 1886. astronomical timekeeping in fourteenth – century syria, dalam “islamic mathematical astronomy” london: variorun reprints. ———————————-. 1993. mikat, dalam “the encyclopaedia of islam”, volume vii (new edition). leiden – new york: e.j. brill, 1993. ———————————. tt. ‘ilm al-falak wa al-mujtama’ alislami, dalam “mawsu’ah tarikh al-‘ulum al-‘arabiyyah”, j. 1, editor: rusydi rasyid. markaz dirasat al wahdah al ‘arabiyyah & mu’assasah ‘abd al-hamid syuman.. mahjub, fatimah. tt., al mawsu’ah az dzahabiyyah li al‘ulum al-islamiyyah, vol. 19, kairo: dar al-ghad alaraby. mu’min, abd al-amir. 2006. qamus dar al-‘ilm al-falaky, (beirut: dar al-‘ilm li al-malayin, cet. 1. nillino, carlo. tt. ‘ilm al-falak tarikhuhu ‘inda al-‘arab fi alqurun al-wustha (kairo: maktabah ats-tsaqafah addiniyyah. rajab al-majdi, ahmad bin. 2008. ghunyah al-fahin wa aththariq ila hall at-taqwim, tahkik & dirasah: arwin juli rakhmadi. tesis master, 2008. thaz, qashr al-amir. 2008. ibn khaldun baina al-andalus wa mishr. kairo. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0017. 26-36 8. afkaruna_ayif fathurrahman_revisi 2 the development studies on islamic economic education based on local wisdom in indonesia: a multicultural approach jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia ayief_ospp@yahoo.com doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.16624 ayif fathurrahman article history received: 22 november 2022, revised: 09 march 2023, accepted: 25 june 2023, published: 30 june 2023 this article focused on the development of islamic economic education in indonesia with a multicultural approach. it tries to reaffirm islam's universal values and adjust them to local values that have long been entrenched in the midst of indonesian multicultural society. this descriptive qualitative research used data sources from literature or library research. the normative approach was applied to examine the ideals of the islamic economic conception and then analyzed how it is applied. the result of this research regarding the urge to develop islamic economics based on a multicultural perspective: firstly, it is because of the emergence of the globalization era and postmodern culture. secondly, the reality of indonesian plurality, apart from syiar, is used to explore the local genius in socio-economic in indonesia. islamic economic education with a multicultural approach is a progressive approach to transform education that holistically provides criticism and shows the weaknesses of islamic economic education. islamic economic education based on local values as an instrument of social adjustment encourages the administrators of islamic economics to play a role in instilling the awareness of the multicultural community to realize a level of comprehension of inclusive islamic economics. keywords: development, islamic economics, education, multicultural, local wisdom abstract contemporary islamic economic studies began to be reinvigorated in the 1940s by a number of muslim intellectuals, such as abul a'la mawdudi, anwar iqbal qureshi, and mahmud ahmad.1 this was the initial spirit of the "re-establishment" of the body of knowledge of the contemporary islamic economy in the early 19th century. the thoughts and practice of contemporary islamic finance and economy continue to gradually develop in accordance with the shifting of the economic structure of the world, which is no longer centered only in the western world, but also in some muslim-majority countries such as in the gulf cooperation council (gcc) region and southeast asia. the islamic economy experienced past development and progress after the establishment of the islamic development bank in jeddah in 1975. islamic banking has been widely established in various countries, not only in muslim-majority countries but also in minority ones.2 a number of western countries have recently begun to allow the operation of islamic banks. the united kingdom became the first western country to lead the issuance of sukuk (islamic bonds). according to the islamic finance introduction development indicator (ifdi), the islamic finance industry reached almost us$4.0 trillion in total assets in 2021, a growth of 17% from 2020. the total global net income reported by islamic financial institutions in 2021 also increased three times from 2020, signaling improved outcomes, especially for islamic banks. this development is encouraged by the ever-growing muslim population that wants to find an institution that suits their needs.3 however, it must be admitted that behind the positive global growth of the islamic economy and finance, the construction of the theory and concept building still needs to be developed in an ijtihadi (independent reasoning) and sustaining manner, especially in the aspect of the theoretical foundation that is normatively and positively integrated with islamic values but still accommodates local values that have elements of maslahah (public interest). islamic economic and financial education based on local values (local wisdom) is an inclusive strategy that can accommodate the values that develop in the midst of society,4 as long as it is not against sharia principles, especially in multicultural countries like indonesia. indonesia is a country with a diversity of religious beliefs, tribes, number and distribution of islands, languages, and a number of other diversities. diversity is one of the treasures of the nation's civilization that should be preserved and developed in order to be able to show that indonesia has an appreciation for its identity and authority. however, diversity and uniqueness have not had the opportunity to develop and manage themselves based on cultural wisdom. the paradigm of islamic economic education has not maximally directed to the adjustment process of the diversity that becomes the treasure and potential of this nation. consequently, there is a need for efforts and actions that lead to the acculturation of indonesian cultural values related to public interest into islamic economic education items to become an inclusive and universal discipline. thus, islamic economic and financial education based on local values (local wisdom) with a multicultural approach is a progressive perspective to conduct educational transformation education that fully allows criticism and shows weaknesses in the education of the islamic economic field. islamic economic and financial education based on local values as an instrument of social distribution encourages the administrators of islamic economics and islamic finance study programs to be able to contribute to increasing awareness in a multicultural society to realize a comprehension level of an inclusive islamic economy and finance that islamic finance is not "arab" finance which is anti-indonesian values. instead, it complements and affirms the values of local culture in running a business with “eastern” culture, with the principle of cooperation. as aforementioned, islam is an inclusive religion and open to local values as long as it does not oppose the fundamental values of islamic teachings. the dialectic between islam and local cultural values is a recognition that islam is a “rahmatan” religion for all. islam is not an islam that is uprooted from its roots of purity, but an islam with which the local culture has acculturated. in other words, there has been inculturation. thus, islam is not uprooted from its ideology, nor does the local culture disappear at once with the inclusion of islam in it.5 on the other side, islam is believed to be a universal religion for all mankind, not limited by space and time. the qur'an itself states that the teachings of islam apply to all mankind.6 basically, islam can be distinguished into two groups of teachings: qath’iyyat and dhanniyyat (ijtihadi). as a means of dialogue and dialectic between islam and the situation of locality, ijtihad is understood as a method of solving legal problems, both those that have nas and those that do not.7 in the context of the ijtihad, it needs to be emphasized that the main purpose of establishing islamic law (islamic economic and financial law) is to realize the benefit for humanity. in islamic law, maslahat is a cause 100 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 that has consequences for the achievement of maqasid sharia, both in the form of worship and muamalat.8 the role of maqasid sharia is to become one of the normative-inclusive steps as a part of the islamic economic, financial, and banking development strategy integrated with contemporary facts and realities as well as local wisdom values rooted in society. it aims to make understanding islamic economy and finance easier to adjust, understand, implement, and internalize as a way of life and the rule of the game. that way, the islamic economy and finance as religious teaching that is rahmatan lil' alamin will really impact the improvement of human welfare. maqasid sharia in economic education maqasid sharia has several definitions stated by some islamic scholars of ushul fiqh, and one of them is what as-syatibi defines with the expression, “indeed, sharia is aimed at realizing the benefit for human in the world and in the hereafter.”9 in comparison, auda defines maqasid al-syariah as a goal motivated by islamic ruling.10 maqasid sharia, according to imam al-juwaini11 (later developed by al-ghazali and al-syathibi), generally has three different but complementary priority scales.12 the first is the primary goal (daruri) which is defined as a goal that must exist, the absence of which will result in a total collapse of human life. here, five interests must be protected: guarding the religion (hifzu ad-din), guarding the soul (hifzu an-nafs), guarding the thought (hifzu aql), guarding the treasure (hifzu al-mal), and guarding the descendant (hifzu an-nasl). the second is the secondary goal (hajiat), which is something needed by humans to make primary interests easier to achieve. if secondary things do not exist, human life will not be destroyed, but there will be various imperfections and difficulties. the third is the tertiary goal (tahsiniyat), something whose presence is not certain or needed, but it will beautify the process of the embodiment of primary and secondary interests. according to al-syatibi, the study of maqasid sharia comes from the assumption that all sharia given by allah always contains benefits for his creatures for the present (the world) and, at the same time, the future (the hereafter).13 related to the interest of the property (hifzul maal) in the aspect of dharuriat of maqasid sharia, activities and all knowledge connected to the economy become something that must be owned by the people in order to maintain life and the way to improve living conditions with halal (allowed) and thoyib (good) sources of livelihood. so, all forms that lead to the process of economics learning in order to establish halalan-toyyiban economic insights become a certainty. in this case, economic education has a very strategic role because it helps and can support economic activity as well as can upgrade the living conditions and livelihoods of the people to a better direction. thus, islam as the value must be the main reference in the development of economic education so that economic activity becomes the important way for the society can run well independently and collectively with halal, toyyib, fair, and balanced activities. regarding the aforementioned, the rule of jurisprudence (fiqh), which reads "maa laa yatimmul wajib illa bihi fahuwa wajib" (anything that becomes a requirement for the perfection of something obligatory is mandatory), becomes the normative basis for affirming that ethically minded economic education (homo ethicus) is a must. the learning process of the economy, including the theory and concept, becomes something absolute to understand, at least the understanding of daily and simple economic activities, which is always related to regular life activities so that daily activities can run smoothly and without any obstacles. 101afkaruna the relations of islam and culture the concept of rahmatan lil 'alamin in islam does not only have meaning in a theological context, but it can also be interpreted in the realities of sociocultural life. allah gave the teachings of islam through rasulullah (the messenger of allah) as a guide to make the earth prosperous with all the realities of very complex differences. prophet muhammad saw (peace be upon him) had a lot of contact with the culture that developed in mecca when the religion of dynamism was tightly embraced by the jews. so, islam invited the local people to adhere to islam on the basis of awareness and not coercion. the call for peace and harmonization in the realities of multicultural life is also reinforced in islamic norms. a muslim needs to engage in social relations without being constrained by various cultures or beliefs, as mentioned in q.s. al-hujurat: 13. islam adopts local wisdom to be used as considerable doctrines,14 such as marriage law in islam.15 from the two studies, it can be concluded that neither the qur'an nor the ijtihad of the prophet muhammad saw had abolished the tracks of local culture planted in the life of the arab people. however, acculturation and inculturation with the local wisdom were carried out, which was more likely to have an inclusive community acceptance towards islam. according to hodgson, in the history of its birth, islam has always presented in the format of dialogues on religion and civilization. islam is present to offer a new color and fill it with values or teachings that are more universal and nuanced in spirituality. prophet muhammad in saudi arabia replaced the hajj tradition carrying the ignorance of islamic teachings. moreover, he also changed the bad behavior lodged in makkah and madinah into good ones.16 as teaching of life carrying out universal values, islam is no longer a debatable perspective. even so, according to hodgson, out of all the cultural patterns of mankind throughout history, the islamic cultural pattern is the closest to success in becoming the world’s cultural pattern.17 or, at least, as mentioned by ross e. dunn, the pattern of islamic culture is a hemispheric cultural pattern because it was the most common cultural pattern in the hemisphere known at that time, namely the eastern hemisphere, including asia, africa, and europe (because the western hemisphere, i.e., the americas, has not been discovered yet). on the other hand, when islam entered the realm of reality, many interpretations came along with it. the emergence of various schools (mazhab) in fiqh, theology, and philosophy shows that islamic teachings are multi-interpretative or have many interpretations. this multi-interpretative character has served as the basis for islam's flexibility in dealing with historical reality. the flexibility of islam will be seen in the ability of cultural accommodation in adapting to local traditions and customs as well as in its ability to maintain basic islamic values. as a result, religious patterns (islam) will be created in accordance with the local context. thus, islam is no longer seen as single but diverse.18 the result will give rise to various new faces of islam, each of which has a different way of understanding, appreciating, and constructing the religion working in the community (read: local). this implies the necessity of pluralism in islamic tradition. as said by various parties, islam cannot and should thus, the obligation to understand economic activity demands that the existence the process of developing islamic economic and financial theories and concepts should not stop at the normative level only. however, it also needs development in the scientific field with an empirical approach, including in the sociology field with a multicultural approach. this development is carried out in order to realize comprehensive, inclusive, and universal islamic economic and financial theories and concepts so that they can be accepted from various points of view of any tribe, race, culture, and religion. 102 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 not be viewed in a monolithic way.19 as a consequence, islam will be understood and used differently.20 basically, islam can be divided into two groups of teachings: qath’iyyat and dhanniyyat. the first is the islamic teachings which are absolute, unchanging, and unchangeable. the second is the islamic teachings which are relative, changing, and changeable and are rooted in the dhanniyat provisions offering space for independent reasoning (ijtihad).21 this second realm is the realm of mu'amalah (social interaction among people), including the economy. thus, this realm provides the epistemological possibility of economics to develop into a more complex and comprehensive discipline based on sociological considerations, culture, and local values of the local community. the muamalah-economy, in its implementation and application, must consider the condition and situation in line with the demands of the benefit and progress of the era. it is intended to be taken so that the benefit principle is still fulfilled, guaranteed, and easily accepted among people with different beliefs. local wisdom and economy etymologically, local wisdom consists of two words: wisdom and local. in general, local wisdom can be understood as wise ideas that are full of prudence, have good value, and function as suggestions for human dignity that are embedded and followed by community members. local wisdom can also be understood as a human effort by using the mind (cognition) to act and behave towards a thing, object, or event in a certain space.22 in addition, sibarani (2012) also argues that local wisdom is the original wisdom or knowledge of a society coming from the noble values of cultural traditions to regulate the order of people’s lives. in other words, local wisdom emphasizes wisdom or prudence to manage social life from noble cultural values.23 based on the explanation above, ethnic wisdom-based education is an education based on anthropological, sociological, and cultural approaches. this is based on the consideration that the educational process cannot be carried out homogeneously. on the other hand, the cultural context must be understood from identifying local cultural treasures as social institutions functioning as a set of problem-solving techniques passed down as a culture from one generation to the next. economic activities done by the local community are strongly influenced by the factors of habit, custom, and culture. as a result, it naturally creates local wisdom in the community economy as a social balance that is agreed upon, accepted, and considered capable of being used as values in economic activity. from the perspective of islam as a progressive and inclusive religion, local wisdom becomes a value that must be supported and preserved in order to realize social balance. thus, islamic economic education based on local wisdom becomes necessary as part of the struggles to strengthen the treasures of islamic economic theories and concepts that are rahmatan lil alamin. one example of a popular economic system in accordance with the culture of indonesia is the cooperation system, also often called the profit-sharing system. if observed in the 1945 constitution article 33 verse 1, the economy is structured as a joint effort based on the principle of kinship. this means that every member of society participates in controlling the wheels of the national economy. activities carried out by the community are joint efforts. losses and profits are shared as a principle on the principle of kinship. if studied more in terms of islamic economics, the system described in the constitution is called the profit-sharing system. in fact, the system is a partnership system of several parties in a particular business, and both parties bear the profits and losses. this system has several contracts in islamic economics, such as mudharabah, musyarakah, muzara’ah, musaqah, and mugharasah.24 discussion 103afkaruna the urgency of islamic economic education study: multicultural approach in the last 2 decades, institution development organizing islamic economics in indonesia has grown quantitatively. islamic economic and financial activities such as bazaars, halal industry, islamic tourism, and other academic-related activities, seminars on local, national, and even international scales on islamic economics and finance are widely held in various places. it is also reinforced by government policies, such as the use of sukuk in infrastructure financing, the formation of the kneks (national sharia economic & finance committee), and the inauguration of the gres (sharia economic movement) as an effort to strengthen islamic economy in society. then the latest is the assistance for the islamic micro institution, the micro waqf bank, given by the government. it is enough to raise motivation and optimism to upgrade the islamic economics in indonesia. however, to support the infrastructure of the islamic economic and financial system that has been running in indonesia for this long, a "down-to-earth" movement is needed to increase sharia understanding and literacy. although so far, there have been many studies on islamic economics related to the teaching and education process, such as the study conducted by fathurrahman, he tried to examine the problems that occur in the process of developing islamic economics, both through theory and practice. islam with a maqasid (unrevealed intention of allah in doing things) sharia approach. maqasid al-syari'ah approach was chosen because it can be used as a tool in understanding the editorials of the qur'an and as-sunnah. the most important thing is to establish a law in cases in which legal provisions are not listed in the qur'an and as-sunnah so that islamic economics and finance, which are part of the muamalah aspect, can catch up with the demand of the era, which gets more complex and diverse.25 the study above has substantively concluded that the ethical paradigm should be the coordinator of the development of islamic economics considering that the economy and banking are based on morality and ethics in order to enforce social justice.26 in more detail, corresponding to islamic economic education, beik tried to analyze the curriculum structure for islamic economics education conducted in public universities in indonesia and in southeast asia. the study selected bogor agricultural university and airlangga university to represent indonesian public universities and international islamic university malaysia to represent southeast asian universities. this article also compares the systems applied in these three universities. furthermore, the study also discusses the efforts to standardize the curriculum at the southeast asian level. it discusses the proposal to establish an association of islamic economic studies programs that can be used as a medium for sharing and strengthening cooperation among universities in southeast asia. in his study, he describes one of the important issues faced by islamic economics educational institutions as curriculum development. the curriculum structure will affect the quality of the output of the educational process.27 based on zubadi, it is necessary to introduce an islamic economic system from an early age, such as the islamic economic education curriculum since kindergarten. so far, most muslims behave not according to the real islamic rules. this situation will be even worse if accompanied by a generation that does not comprehend islam, is known as the islamic phobia generation.28 in line with the brief literature review above, islamic economic education with a multicultural approach becomes highly urgent. in addition to being a strategy to boost islamic financial literacy, which is still low, this study is vital due to the economic system plurality in various ethnicity and culture in indonesia, enriching the theoretical treasures and the concept of islamic economics and finance having indonesian characteristics, of course with the consideration of the principles of maslahah (taking the benefits and leaving the bad sides) and justice. 104 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 according to hernandez, interpreting multicultural education is a perspective that recognizes the social, political, and economic reality experienced by each individual in a complex and culturally diverse human encounter.29 multiculturalism actually develops within the framework of diversity in various life dimensions so that conformity and harmony of life will be realized, which are far from conflicts and social tensions, especially conflicts and hostility among each other in society.30 multiculturalism is a social-intellectual movement encouraging the growth of diversity values as a core principle and reinforces the view that all cultural groups must be equal and equally respected. there are at least 2 main reasons why the multiculturalism paradigm is essential to be accommodated in relation to the current islamic economic and financial education system.31 the first is the emergence of the globalization era and postmodern culture. globalization has given rise to various new realities that must be responded to. one of which is a shift in the cultural pattern of society from modern to postmodern. not limitedly to it, with the globalization of the nation-state existence, the efficacy of nationalism as the glue of the nation, the barriers of primordialism that are considered effective enough to unite the elements of the nation have also become messy and shattered by the fierceness of globalization. the capitalist economic system entered indonesia several decades ago. this system is proven to give rise to injustice in the economy. the fifth principle of pancasila almost cannot be realized, for it is lost to the onslaught of paradigms, theories, concepts, and even the practice of the capitalist-neoliberalist economic system. the second is the reality of the plurality of indonesian. as a country, indonesia is one of the largest multicultural and multireligious countries worldwide. it can be shown by several sociocultural and geographical indicators that are plural and broad. currently, the number of islands in this country is around 13,000, consisting of large and small islands. its population is approximately 200 million people consisting of 300 tribes using nearly 200 different languages. in addition, they also adhere to various religions and beliefs, such as islam, catholicism, protestantism, hinduism, buddhism, and confucianism, as well as various beliefs. the urgency of islamic economic education having a multicultural approach is that apart from being a symbol (read: da'wah), this approach is used to explore the local socio-economic genius of the community having the justice and maslahah values to be compared and even adopted as a part of the islamic economics and finance learning item in indonesia. the urgency of developing islamic economics based on a multicultural perspective: firstly, it is because of the emergence of the globalization era and postmodern culture. secondly, the reality of indonesian plurality, apart from syiar, is used to explore the local genius in socio-economic in indonesia. islamic economic education with a multicultural approach is a progressive approach to transform education that holistically provides criticism and shows the weaknesses of islamic economic education. islamic economic education based on local values as an instrument of social adjustment encourages the administrators of islamic economics to play a role in instilling the awareness of the multicultural community to realize a level of comprehension of inclusive islamic economics. conclusion endnotes ahmed a.f. el-ashker dan rodney wilson, islamic economics a short history, (koninklijke brill nv, leiden, the netherlands, 2006) p 343 ahmad, k. ed. studies in islamic economics. (leicester: islamic foundation 1980) abdeen., m.n., union national bank: the future of islamic finance, quoted from https://www.worldfinance.com /banking/union-national-bank-the-future-of-islamic-finance. retrieved on 10 february 2021 1 2 3 105afkaruna rustam & ahmad shofiyuddin ichsan (2020), pendidikan islam berbasis kearifan lokal, iqro: journal of islamic education, vol 3, no 1, pp 1-14 paisun, dinamika islam kultural (studi atas dialektika islam dan budaya lokal madura), annual conference on islamic studies, (acis) 10th, banjarmasin, 1 – 4 november 2010 qs. saba’: 28 and qs. al-anbiya: 107 fathurrahman djamil, metode ijtihad majlis tarjih muhammadiyah (jakarta: logos publishing house, 1995), h.10 yusdani, peranan kepentingan umum dalam reaktualisasi hukum: kajian konsep hukum islam najamuddin at-tufi, (yogyakarta: uii press, 2000), h. 31 as-syatibi, abi ishaq ibrahim ibn musa al lakhmi al gharnathi, al-muwafaqat fi ushul alahkam, (beirut.: dar al-fikr, 1990). p. 2 jasser auda, maqasid al-shariah as philosophy of islamic law: a system approach, (washington: the international institutee of islamic thought, 2008), p 2 al-juwaini, al-burhan fi ushul al-fiqh (cairo: dar al-anshar, 1400 h) i: 295; ii: 923-964. yudian wahyudi, maqashid shari'ah in political struggle: philosophizing islamic law from harvard to sunan kalijaga, (yogyakarta: pesantren nawesea press, 2007), p. 96 al-syatibi, al-muwafaqat fi ushul al-shari'ah, abdullah darraz (ed), (beirut: dar al-kutub al-'ilmiyah, 1991), pp 80-91 abu hapsin, islam dan budaya lokal (ketegangan antara problrm pendekatan dan kearifan lokal masyarakat jawa), annual conference on islamic studies (acis) 10th, banjarmasin, 1 4 november 2010 hashmi, hasanuddin, islamic jurisprudence in early islam, a study of the sources of islamic law during the lifetime of the prophet muhammad, disertasi ph.d, ucla, 1989 hodgson, marshall g.s. the venture of islam : iman dan sejarah dalam peradaban islam, buku pertama lahirnya sebuah tatanan baru penterjemah. mulyadhi kartanegara. (jakarta: paramadina, 2002) marshall g.s. hodgson divides islam history into three periods. first, classic period. this period began since the birth of islam (670s ad) until the fall of absolute government tradition (945 ad). second, middle period. this period began since the middle of the tenth century (945 ad) until the fifteenth century (1503 ad), namely when the advancement of the western world was in balance with that of eastern world and the growth of international civilization. third, modern period. this period started since the fisteenth century, when the islam kingdom was represented by three big kingdoms: safawi in persia, mughal in india, and kingdom of turki (ottoman) in turki, until now. read marshal g.s. hodgson, the venture of islam: conscience and history in a world civilization, (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1977), volume 1-3. khamami zada et.al., “islam pribumi : mencari wajah islam indonesia”, dalam tashwirul afkar, jurnal refleksi pemikiran keagamaan & kebudayaan, edition no. 14 year 2003, page 9-10 ayoob, mohammed. the politics of islamic reassertion. (london: croom helm, 1981) ayubi, nazih. political islam: religion and polirics in the arab world. (london and new york: routledge, 1991), page 60-64 harun nasution, “ijtihad sumber ketiga ajaran islam”, in haidar baqir, ijtihad dalam sorotan (bandung: mizan,1988), h. 112. ridwan, n. a. (2007). “landasan keilmuan kearifan lokal”. jurnal studi islam dan budaya. vol.5, (1), 27-38. sibarani, r, kearifan lokal: hakikat, peran, dan metode tradisi lisan. (jakarta: asosiasi tradisi lisan, 2012) rustam efendi, dkk. konsep koperasi bung hatta dalam perspektif ekonomi syariah, jurnal al-hikmah vol. 15 no. 1 april 2018 fathurrahman, ayif, 2014, pendekatan maqasid syariah: koredor konstruktif pengembangan ilmu ekonomi dan keungan islam, jurnal hunafa vol 11. no.2, december 2014 : 193-214 desiana, rina & noni afrianty, 2017, landasan etika dalam ekonomi islam, jurnal al-intaj vol. 3, no. 1, maret beik, irfan syauqi, 2012, model kurikulum pendidikan ekonomi islam di perguruan tinggi umum dan asia tenggara. al-infaq. 3. 15-24. zubadi, hamron, 2009, perlunya pengenalan pendidikan sistem ekonomi islam dengan sistem ekonomi yang lain sejak dini, jurnal penelitian pendidikan edukasi vol. 1 no.3 december 2009: 150157) hernandez, hilda. multicultural education: a teacher guide to linking context, process, and content, (new jersy & ohio: prentice hall. 1989) endarswara, suwardi. 2010. etika hidup orang jawa pedoman beretika dalam menjalani kehidupan sehari-hari. (yogyakarta: narasi, 2010) p 89 dera nugraha, uus ruswandi, m. erihadiana, urgensi pendidikan multikultural di indonesia, jurnal pendidikan pancasila dan kewarganegaraan vo. i no 2 (november) 2020 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 106 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 references a.f, ahmed., el-ashker., dan wilson, rodney. (2006). islamic economics a short history. koninklijke brill nv, leiden, the netherlands ahmad, k. ed. (1980). studies in islamic economics. leicester: islamic foundation ali, zainuddin. (2006). hukum islam : pengantar ilmu hukum islam di indonesia, jakarta : sinar grafika al-juwaini. al-burhan fi ushul al-fiqh .kairo: dar al-anshar i: 295; ii: 923-964. 1400 h al-raisuny, ahmad. (1992). nazariyât almaqôsid ‘inda al-imam syatibi. riyad: al-dâr al-‘ilmiah li alkitab al-islami m.th, asmuni. (2011).” penalaran induktif syatibi dan perumusan al-maqosid menuju ijtihad yang dinamis “ dikutip dari www.yusdani.com, diakses pada 8 juli 2021 as-syatibi. (1990). al-muwafaqat fi ushul alahkam, v ; ii edisi muhammad al-khadar husein altulisi. beirut.: dar al-fikr auda, jasser. (2008). maqasid al-shariah as philosophy of islamic law : a sistem approach. washington : the internasional institute of islamic thought ayoob, mohammed (ed.). (1981). the politics of islamic reassertion. london croom helm ayubi, nazih. (1991). political islam: religion and polirics in the arab world. london and new york : routledge. beik, irfan syauqi. (2012). model kurikulum pendidikan ekonomi islam di perguruan tinggi umum dan asia tenggara. jurnal al-infaq. (3). borg dan gall. (2003). educational research: an introduction. new york: allyn an bacon inc. desiana., rina., afrianty, noni. (2017). landasan etika dalam ekonomi islam, jurnal al-intaj vol. 3, no. 1, maret nugraha, dera., ruswandi, uus., erihadiana, m. (2020). urgensi pendidikan multikultural di indonesia, jurnal pendidikan pancasila dan kewarganegaraan vo. i no 2 november efendi, rustam, dkk. (2018). konsep koperasi bung hatta dalam perspektif ekonomi syariah, jurnal al-hikmah vol. 15 no. 1 april endarswara, suwardi. (2010). etika hidup orang jawa pedoman beretika dalam menjalani kehidupan sehari-hari. yogyakarta: narasi djamil, fathurrahman. (1995). metode ijtihad majlis tarjih muhammadiyah, jakarta: logos publishing house fathurrahman, ayif. (2014). pendekatan maqasid syariah: koredor konstruktif pengembangan ilmu ekonomi dan keungan islam, jurnal hunafa, vol 11. no.2, desember hapsin, abu. (2010). islam dan budaya lokal (ketegangan antara problem pendekatan dan kearifan lokal masyarakat jawa), annual conference on islamic studies (acis) ke 10 , banjarmasin, 1 – 4 november hernandez, hilda. (1989). multicultural education: a teacher guide to linking context, process, and content, new jersy & ohio : prentice hall. hodgson., g.s., marshal. (1977). the venture of islam: conscience and history in a world civilization, chicago: the university of chicago press. hodgson., g.s., marshal. (2002). the venture of islam : iman dan sejarah dalam peradaban islam, buku pertama lahirnya sebuah tatanan baru penterjemah. mulyadhi kartanegara. jakarta: paramadina 107afkaruna jauhar, ahmad al-mursi husain. (2009). maqashid syariah, jakarta : sinar grafika offaset khamami zada dkk. (2003). “islam pribumi : mencari wajah islam indonesia”, dalam tashwirul afkar, jurnal refleksi pemikiran keagamaan & kebudayaan, edisi no. 14 mas’ud, muhammad khalid. (1995). shatibi’s of islamic law. islamabad: islamic research institute. mohammad nasr abdeen. (2021). union national bank: the future of islamic finance, dikutip dari https://www.worldfinance.com/banking/union-national-bank-the-future-of-islamic-finance. diakses tanggal 10 februari https://www.worldfinance.com/banking/union-national-bank-the-future-of-islamic-finance. mu’min, ma’mun. (2016). pendidikan islam multikultural dalam perspektif filosofis, jurnal fenomena, volume 8, no 1. nasution, harun. (1988). “ijtihad sumber ketiga ajaran islam”, dalam haidar baqir, ijtihad dalam sorotan, bandung: mizan. paisun. (2010). dinamika islam kultural (studi atas dialektika islam dan budaya lokal madura), annual conference on islamic studies (acis) ke – 10, banjarmasin, 1 – 4 november pipes, daniel. (1981). slave soldiers and islam the genesis of a military syste. new haven : yale university press. pp ikaha. (1996). “kata pengantar” dalam dimensi hukum islam dalam sistem hukum nasional, jakarta: gip. ridwan, n. a. (2007). “landasan keilmuan kearifan lokal”. jurnal studi islam dan budaya. vol.5, (1), 27-38. rustam., ichsan, ahmad shofiyuddin. (2020). pendidikan islam berbasis kearifan lokal, iqro: journal of islamic education, vol 3, no 1. effendi, satria. (2005). ushul fiqh, ushul fiqh, jakarta : prenada media. sibarani, r. (2012). kearifan lokal: hakikat, peran, dan metode tradisi lisan. jakarta: asosiasi tradisi lisan (atl). sutopo., h, ariesto. (2008). teknologi informasi dan komunikasi dalam pendidikan. yogyakarta : graha ilmu. wahyudi, yudian. (2007). maqashid syari’ah dalam pergumulan politik : berfilsafat hukum islam dari harvard ke sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta : pesantren nawesea press. yusdani. (2000). peranan kepentingan umum dalam reaktualisasi hukum: kajian konsep hukum islam najamuddin at-tufi, yogyakarta: uii press. zubadi, hamron. (2009). perlunya pengenalan pendidikan sistem ekonomi islam dengan sistem ekonomi yang lain sejak dini, jurnal penelitian pendidikan edukasi vol. 1 no.3 desember 108 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 7. afkaruna_riduwan_revisi 2 in indonesia, potential sources of zakat are grouped into three parts: potential zakat from individual or family groups, potential zakat from companies/industry, and the results of deposits of zakat funds stored in banks. this study analyzes corporate zakat from the stakeholder theory's perspective with primary and secondary data from islamic rural banks in the special region of yogyakarta. the data analysis used qualitative interviews and a quantitative descriptive approach from the company report. conclusions were drawn by describing secondary data, which was deepened through interviews with the directors of islamic rural banks and relating them to stakeholder theory. the results of this study indicate that corporate zakat is in line with stakeholder theory because it positively impacts the performance of islamic rural banks in yogyakarta. meanwhile, the muamalah approach to corporate zakat law has opened space for ijtihad against zakat law. another conclusion states that islamic rural banks that run zakat will improve business performance because the social approach can maintain stronger business relationships. keywords: islamic rural banks, corporate zakat, stakeholder theory. abstract article history received: 18 october 2022, revised: 06 march 2023, accepted: 27 june 2023, published: 30 june 2023 corporate zakat in the perspective of stakeholder theory: a case study of islamic rural banks jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 islamic banking department, faculty of islamic studies, universitas ahmad dahlan, yogyakarta, indonesia corresponding author: riduwan@pbs.uad.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.16329 riduwan* islamic economic law department, faculty of shariah and law, uin sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta, indonesia hamim.ilyas@uin-suka.ac.id hamim ilyas islamic banking department, faculty of islamic studies, universitas ahmad dahlan, yogyakarta, indonesia mufti.alam@pbs.uad.ac.id mufti alam adha zakat is a religious obligation with critical implications for economics and society, especially in indonesia.1 the actual economic and social impact of zakat is attributed to the meaning of zakat.2 in explaining verse 130 of surah at-taubah, shihab states that zakat can be defined as growing or developing. its meaning covers the interest of muzakki (a muslim who obliges to pay zakat) or mustahiqq (people entitled to receive zakat).3 for mustahiq, growing is defined as a blessing generally understood as the wealth development whose zakat is paid, so those who are obedient in paying zakat will gain no loss. for muzakki, the blessing can be seen in the growth of social and economic life after fulfilling the obligation of paying zakat. therefore, all zakat stakeholders can enjoy the social and economic potential.4 introduction zakat literally means purification and the increase of wealth. azizah et al. defined zakat as the corporate taxation levied on any wealth that remains idle and unused by a business for the entire islamic calendar of the year.5 the zakat receipts from year to year continue to grow, showing that public awareness is increasing in paying zakat.6 data on the growth of zakat receipts can be seen in table 1 below: table 1. data on zakat recipients from 2015-2019 source: national zakat statistic (2020) from this data, zakat receipts are increasing from year to year. in 2015, the growth of the zakat collection was 10.6%, while in 2019, the zakat collection growth rose to 26%. from 2015 to 2019, zakat collection growth increased by 15.4%. in indonesia, the projected growth of zakat receipts is quite significant. if viewed from the muslim population, 87.2%, it can be said that the zakat receipts that can be withdrawn are quite high. zakat can also be analysed using economic justice perspective. in his dissertation, hadi explains that implementing zakat can realize economic justice value.7 the gap in life, which tends to grow wider, can be narrowed using a well-managed zakat mechanism. economic distribution can eventually be realized when all parties involved can work professionally. the economic justice that is the primary goal of why zakat is obliged is realized. the ethic of zakat fund sources can be well managed, and its distribution can measure the social and economic implications. the financial potential of zakat can be developed through various funding potential sources. as a religious obligation, zakat is normatively obliged to an individual muslim, which is in line with other religious obligations such as prayers, fasting, and hajj. each muslim has an attached responsibility to the obligation. mukallaf law in the individual context has not been problematic because the obligation has been clearly defined.8 the interpretation of the proposition that requires worship often makes a difference in its implementation. the theological conflict occurs when there is a difference in perspective on revelation, both textually and contextually. 86 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 the textual approach to the obligation of zakat limits the space for ijtihad, coining that zakat is only the obligation of individual muslims. from this perspective, zakat will lose potential economic resources, considering that financial sources have developed very quickly (wahab et al., 2016). individual income is sometimes limited to what is stated in normative texts, such as agriculture, gold, silver, etc. therefore, the discourse of professional zakat has been debatable among islamic jurists. according to hafiduddin, the diversity of islamic social finance sources needs to be developed so that the potential for incoming funds will be even greater.9 hadi's study shows that the ability to develop sources of zakat funding correlates well with the ability to finance social projects. his research also focuses on a sociological perspective whose results recommend the importance of institutional legitimacy to encourage the growth of sources of social funding. this approach shows that, in the context of the state, more advanced ijtihad is needed to encourage the development of zakat fund sources that are not limited to individual obligations but also institutions, such as companies. in this perspective, the corporate zakat gets its relevance. according to o'neil, the sociological theory approach in the implementation of zakat shows that there is a social relationship of zakat, which is a function of the implementation of the tautological theory. this relationship can bring about sustainable social harmony to share the impact.10 whereas in the management approach, for example, the stakeholder theory, good social relations can improve the performance of the interacting parties. studies on social obligations such as zakat can also be analyzed based on empirical theory. according to the empirical theory, the obligation of zakat as social responsibility can be based not only on sacred texts but also on sociological facts, where economic and social disparities occur. therefore, research on corporate zakat becomes very relevant to develop sources of social funds for the people.11 previous research has explained matters relating to corporate zakat, such as corporate zakat law, continuing corporate zakat policies in indonesia, as well as corporate zakat on company performance. the research gap that this research tries to answer is that the potential for corporate zakat is enormous in practice, but the realization is still small. theoretically, corporate zakat still needs to be understood as a corporate obligation that will positively impact the company's future performance. this research appears to explain corporate zakat based on the stakeholder perspective theory. this research aims to analyze the relationship between corporate zakat and stakeholder theory and its benefits for the company. abdullah revealed that zakat generates large and measurable social benefits to help people and companies.12 this research contributes to enriching the studies about corporate zakat phenomena from a stakeholder perspective to enhance company performance. the finding of this research adds to the recent literature on zakat, leading to an increase in firm performance and value. this research also provides the consistent finding with prior literature that zakat has a connection with the financial performance of profitability empirically. the remainder of this research is organized as follows. the further section presents the literature review, research method, discussion, and conclusion. in reviewing the literature, this research elaborates on the concept of corporate zakat, zakat from the stakeholder theory perspective, and stakeholder theory from an islamic perspective. sample are presented in the research methodology. the result of this research provides the finding, and the conclusion draws an inference followed by the suggestion for future study. 87afkaruna zakat is a religious obligation, and the command is often found in the quran and hadith, as well as in the behavior of the companions of the prophet. as an obligation, zakat is attached to every individual muslim who has met certain conditions, such as property possession and has reached the nisab and haul. in addition to the command, the quran and hadith also pose a threat to those who do not want to carry out the obligation. this condition shows that zakat is a big responsibility because it has a high social impact. zakat is the worship of mahdzah and muamalah ijtimaiyah. the implementation of zakat needs to be reconceptualized in accordance with the dynamic development of the needs of human life6. the zakat approach as mahdzah worship requires the implementation of zakat by guidelines, but as muamalah worship, the interpretation of sacred texts about zakat needs to be done. as a muamalah worship, there is room for developing the command to pay zakat as long as the reinterpretation does not violate religious prohibitions. the interpretation of the zakat command can also be made from the origin of the language commanding it. all zakat command in the quran uses the plural form of the word amwal from mal. according to khatib the pluralization shows that all assets receive an order to pay zakat since they fulfil the nisab and haul.13 the command of zakat can also be analyzed based on the rules of the command. the explanation is put forward that the zakat command could use ijtimali and tafsili. based on the ijtimali approach or general rules, zakat for all assets must be paid. meanwhile, according to the tafsili approach, zakat must be paid only for detailly described assets. the practice of zakat has been developed since the time of the khulafaur rashidun, especially the caliph umar bin khatab. the caliph developed wider sources of zakat funds such as zakat income, land rent, and horses, all of which had not been carried out by the prophet saw. furthermore, zuhaili provides an explanation that zakat must be paid for the developing assets (al mustaghallat), such as factories, ships, planes, renting houses, and other assets that develop whose results meet nisab. zakat is a form of maliyah worship that directly impacts social and economic life, both for the payers (muzakki) and the recipients (mustahiq). the command to pay zakat, as mentioned in surah at -taubah 103, shows how zakat is directly correlated to the lives of muzakki and mustahiq (hadi, 2009). even a study conducted by bayinah regarding the obligation to pay zakat as a source of social finance shows that zakat can encourage both macro and micro-economic growth.14 the contribution of zakat to the performance of islamic banking has been studied by riduwan whose results show that the better the social responsibility of islamic banks, the better their business performance.15 the social responsibility narrative includes the ability of sharia banks to mobilize zakat funds and their concern for the social environment. suprayitno research shows that zakat can be a source of macro social finance and can be utilized for the benefit of national development. in line with these findings, the research of beik shows that zakat can be a source of development in reducing poverty and improving social welfare.16 the potential of zakat as a corporate social responsibility that has a positive impact on reducing social inequality has been studied by suprayitno, stating that the distribution of zakat can bridge the needs of mustahiq and improve their social welfare so that the gap between rich and poor can be narrowed. the ability of zakat to improve social welfare can be seen in the impact of zakat in increasing the purchasing power and consumption of mustahiq. bremer's recommendation encourages spending on zakat funds used to fulfil basic needs so that the purchasing power of the poor will improve. this study is in line with the findings of prasetiya et al., stating that zakat is very effective as a source of social corporate zakat and social responsibility 88 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 finance that can reduce poverty levels.17 the discourse around corporate zakat, as well as professional zakat, has become an interesting ijtihad material. the absence of normative rules that explicitly mention the obligation of corporate zakat is evidence of a dynamic ijtihad space that is open. a more advanced interpretation of corporate zakat has become the decision of the first international congress on zakat on 29 jabab 1404 h, which states that zakat obligation is closely related to the company, with a note that there is an agreement between shareholders so that there is sincerity. in addition, it is stated in company rules so that they are binding. another opinion that supports corporate zakat is put forward by zarqa, stating that the company is a syakhsan i'tibaran or a legal entity that is considered a person, which can also be called a syakhsiyah hukmiyah. in indonesia, the regulation of corporate zakat has been carried out through law no. 23 of 2011 concerning zakat management, chapter 1, article 3 verse 2, which states that the object of zakat whose zakat must be paid is an individual and or a business entity or company. an advanced interpretation of the obligation of corporate zakat is also carried out by muhammadiyah. as the largest islamic organization, muhammadiyah's collective ijtihad conducted by the tarjih council provides a very important guideline. at the tarjih muhammadiyah national conference in 2020, the material for corporate zakat became an interesting and very dynamic study. the decision states that corporate zakat is a potential and important object of zakat mal. the understanding of stakeholders was initially limited to the owner of the company so that the fulfilment of the interests of stakeholders was singular. companies or organizations only focus on improving company performance so that the interests of profit for the shareholders can be met. subsequent developments show that many parties are interested in the company's sustainability, so balanced attention is necessary. ignoring the interests of parties outside the company can affect the company's performance. the stakeholder theory is developed on the importance of building a balance of interests of all stakeholders. there has been an expansion of the meaning of stakeholders, who were originally the owners of the company but developed into all parties, both internal and external to the company. the base of the stakeholder theory states that the organization is not only an entity that operates for its own sake but also an entity that can provide benefits for all parties. the interests of all parties must be considered proportionally because they can affect business continuity and resource allocation. therefore, the organization must focus on integrating the interests of all parties in both the short and long term. the information disclosure is the main requirement for meeting the interests of all stakeholders. the owner of the company is the party who has the highest business risk and wants the manager as an agent to work more transparently.18 meanwhile, the community and the corporate environment as external parties have an interest in the information so that there is a fair distribution that makes it easier for organizations to allocate their economic and social resources. managers are required to be able to work well to balance the various interests of the stakeholders. the size of the interests of the stakeholders is also determined by the power to influence decision-making. parties with greater power tend to influence the interests of the company more to obtain greater welfare. from the stakeholder perspective, corporate zakat is an important part of business activities because a good relationship between the company and the social environment can improve company performance. social integration in business can strengthen each business unit and can even increase the zakat in the perspective of stakeholder theory 89afkaruna company's survival in the long term. therefore, social responsibility in business is the implementation of corporate zakat in achieving sharia goals or maqashid sharia. the role of charity can promote halal business, poverty alleviation and sustainable development, and social responsibility. in line with this, the rise of zakat is one of the hottest issues in an effort to reduce poverty in muslim countries. islamic social finance, such as zakat, infaq, alms, and waqf, are financial instruments that are very important in building social welfare. the distribution of zakat will better meet basic social needs if management assistance is provided to the recipients. zakat, which is managed as a form of corporate social responsibility, can increase the welfare of all stakeholders and provide added value for the company. on top of that, it can also turn a recipient into a giver or from being a mustahiq into muzakki. the fulfilment of basic social needs is a form of corporate social responsibility that may serve as a social safety net. these benefits will be maximized provided the company's social funds are also allocated to increase business motivation and economic development. nevertheless, the participation of the underprivileged as the object of assistance must be levelled up into becoming the subject so that the mentoring process can run more effectively. according to christian, management assistance has a very important effect in increasing the capacity of micro-enterprises. catoiu affirms that social assistance can increase the business benefits of assisted partners. partners with limited access to various economic and social resources get wider opportunities. in that context, corporate zakat becomes highly relevant to stakeholder theory. based on the explanation above, corporate zakat is an important part of business activities because a good relationship between the company and the social environment can improve company performance. through the channels of zakat, society may improve the firm image and reputation through the implementation of corporate zakat in achieving sharia goals or maqashid sharia. zakat can act as a signal to build a business image with the government, the public, and investors facilitating the capital resulting from increased trust in the market. stakeholder theory is a management approach to maximizing the interests of the company and providing benefits for all parties. this theory development aligns with the urgency of the realization of good corporate governance (gcg). good implementation of gcg is needed to fairly fulfil the interests of all stakeholders respectively. furthermore, the implementation of gcg in sharia banking is to uphold justice, honesty, and protection of human needs in accordance with stewardship. islamic economic thought is in line with stakeholder theory, for islamic economics emphasizes moral and ethical aspects instead of business actors and provides a balance of interests of parties directly or indirectly involved in the company. besides, corporate governance, from an islamic perspective, is a system that directs and controls the company attempts to achieve common goals by protecting the interests of all stakeholders (hasan, 2009). muslim economists continue to strive to develop this concept by strengthening the theoretical basis of the gcg model resulting from the stakeholder paradigm. a study conducted by abdullah shows that the difference between an explicit formal contract and an implicit or self-enforcing informal contract, which is the foundation for understanding corporate governance, has often become a trigger for conflict in cooperation contracts.19 the issue stems from the difficulty experienced by the collaborating party in writing all the terms of the contract comprehensively up to every detail. hence, they rely more on unwritten behavior that creates mutual obligations. the findings are in line with the research by iqbal and mirakhor, which states that the rights of stakeholders stakeholder theory in islamic perspective 90 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 influence the company's performance because they try to control risks in the business. this concept also has an impact on the emergence of the manager's obligation to manage the business properly so that the rights of stakeholders are fulfilled. stakeholders are parties whose ownership is at stake because of business risks due to company management decisions, whether intentional or not. the concept of minimizing risk and maximizing mutual benefits is a holistic concept that meets the interests of all parties. therefore, stakeholder theory is reconstructed in islam through the teachings of individual and social ownership as well as the rights and obligations inherent in every contract. contractual obligations bind the interests of all contracting parties, be they explicit or implicit, even though the company may never have a formal contract with them through a balanced reciprocal offer. 91afkaruna islamic rural bank is a special purpose of islamic banks, which finances small and medium enterprises (smes) in indonesia. the role of the islamic bank industry led by islamic rural banks is pivotal to serving smes’ needs as capital providers, especially at the microfinancing level. as an intermediary institution for smes, the bank has a role in linking from a surplus unit to a deficit unit by utilizing several modes of contract15. the financing activity is not only about the capital but also fulfilling the requirement of islam to avoid riba as the value of the indonesian majority population who embrace islam as a belief.20 the islamic rural banks are indistinguishable parts of the indonesian islamic financial system. although its contribution to the national islamic finance industry is relatively low, only around 2.5% of the country’s total islamic banking assets, they play a vital role in the indonesian economy as they mainly serve small businesses. interestingly, around 99% of indonesian businesses can be categorized as small and micro businesses, and their existence has contributed to the country’s gdp of 42%. it should also be noted that indonesia has hundreds of islamic rural banks dispersed across regions (provinces), a unique setting that might not be observed in other countries. according to the data issued by the indonesian financial service authority in 2020, islamic rural banks in indonesia provided several modes of financing, such as mudarabah, musharakah, murabahah, ijarah, istishna, salam, qard, and hybrid contract (ojk, 2020). rural banks have a smaller scope of business than commercial banks because they are prohibited from providing checking accounts, currency exchange, and insurance services. bprs is authorized to perform the following business activities: 1) collect and deposit funds from the public in the form of term deposit, savings, and/or other equivalent forms; 2) disburse loans; 3) providing payment or funds placement based on islamic principles in accordance with the regulations set up by bank indonesia; 4) placing funds in the form of bank indonesia certificates (sbi), term deposits, certificate of deposit, and/or savings in other banks. islamic rural banks this study used a qualitative approach through interviews with directors and a quantitative descriptive approach whose primary and secondary data were compiled from islamic rural bank (bprs), such as bangun derajat warga, madina mandiri sejahtera, barokah dana sejahtera, mitra amal mulia, formes, and margi rizki bahagia. the primary data was the result of in-depth interviews with the board of directors and commissioners as well as the section in charge of corporate social affairs. meanwhile, the secondary data were the income statement and the company's zakat payments for the last seven years. research method 92 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 the collected secondary data were tabulated to find the relationship between business performance in the financial statements and social performance in corporate zakat payments. to strengthen the results of secondary data analysis, in-depth interviews were conducted with the interested parties within the company. the directors of islamic banks were more concerned with the commitment to pay zakat and its effect on the company's performance whereas the head of the division was more technical and administrative. commissioners as the representatives of owners and shareholders were asked further about the conflict of interest between the desire to increase profits for shareholders and the company's zakat obligations that can reduce profits. profit performance and zakat corporate sharia bank is a bank that operates based on islamic law with a limited liability company. the main activity of islamic banks is to provide services in collecting public funds and channelling them into financing. the main objective of islamic banks is to improve the welfare of the community (law no. 21 of 2008) while providing economic value for shareholders. apart from its function in financial intermediation, sharia also has social functions, such as providing services in collecting and administrating zakat, infaq, and alms funds. furthermore, islamic banks can also act as islamic financial institutions receiving cash waqf. riduwan and wahyudi studied the social role of islamic banks and stated that the better the social performance is, the better the business performance will be. table 1 below is the profit performance of bprs bdw for seven years and their performance in paying company zakat, excluding zakat paid by the employees and external parties. sharia banks, as sharia business entities, have a high responsibility to realizing a financial system that meets sharia compliance standards. one of the important indicators of sharia compliance is the fulfilment of social responsibility in the form of its ability to manage social funds. these responsibilities are part of the business processes regulated in the board of directorate regulations or established through the general meeting of shareholders. graph 1 below is the company profit and zakat performance. discussion table 1. company profit and zakat performance pt. bank pembiayaan rakyat syariah bdw yogyakarta (in 000.000) year/ description 2015 profit zakat 5.269 131 2016 5.569 139 2017 6.376 159 2018 6.515 167 2019 6.912 172 2020 4.495 112 2021 4.167 104 source: primary data bprs bdw (2022) 93afkaruna zakat challenges and public welfare over the past three decades, the tradition of philanthropy among muslims in indonesia has developed dynamically.21 one of the phenomenal developments is the emergence of various zakat institutions carried out by the government and the private sector. zakat, as a source of social finance for the people, has great potential and can create a more prosperous socio-economic life. the potential of zakat in reducing social inequality has been widely studied by scientists and the results show a very strong correlation. therefore, the potential sources of zakat funds need to be developed and strengthened, to meet the needs of the people's social funds, which are still high. from the presented data, the corporate zakat that has been paid by islamic banks in d.i. yogyakarta can be analyzed and thus shows an increasing trend in the past five years. as suggested by the data, the zakat has decreased as the company profits also declines in 2021 due to the covid-19 pandemic. however, it manages to grow again in 2021 despite the ongoing pandemic. graph 1 also illustrates that the company's zakat calculation uses a certain percentage of operating profit. this condition can be seen from the consistency of the company's zakat on profit achievement. the data also shows that the average amount of the corporate zakat paid is accounted for 2.5% multiplied by the annual profit. this amount is greater when compared to the large company zakat obligations based on commercial zakat, which is 2.5% (baznas, 2018). the responsibility to pay corporate zakat on islamic banks has become a management policy that is reported at every gms. during the seven years of the gms, there was no rejection from the shareholders of the company's zakat payments. the collected company zakat funds are then distributed directly to recipients (mustahiq) or by collaborating with the amil zakat institution. direct distribution of zakat aims to fulfil social responsibilities such as environmental conservation, clean water supply, education costs, and other basic social assistance. meanwhile, collaboration with social institutions aims to maximize the value of benefits because the data on the needs of zakat recipients is more controlled by the amil zakat institutions that islamic banks may propose joint programs. graph 1. company profit and zakat performance source: processed primary data (2022) 94 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 corporate zakat as a form of social responsibility needs to be responded to by the government in terms of regulation and its correlation with corporate and individual tax obligations. the correlation between the two responsibilities will affect each other as both are obligations of the company whose implementation is conducted at relatively the same time. corporate zakat and income tax are calculated at the end of each year to ensure that these two obligations can contribute to the company's cash flow. the interpretation of the text of the qur'an and hadith regarding the obligation of zakat needs to be developed starting from normative law and empirical conditions. normatively, in the perspective of muamalah, there is no prohibition on corporate zakat. thus, many parties carry it out. while empirically, the need for zakat funds is still very high, especially in alleviating poverty, underdevelopment, and socio-economic issues in society.22 limiting the obligation of zakat only to muslim individuals can reduce the economic potential of zakat. the limitation of this study was that it had not deepened the analysis of corporate zakat from the perspective of social theory and simply provided limited data on the practice of corporate zakat. from a social perspective, according to browne, rational barriers to developing creativity can occur because of the dominance of understanding previous findings. since zakat from a social perspective requires bolder ijtihad, further research needs to analyze zakat from a social perspective.23 a company as a business entity has social responsibility inherent in every business activity. the fulfilment of corporate social responsibility can improve business performance, but the social costs will also decrease. this is in line with the findings of javaid and al malkawi, which confirm a strong correlation between zakat issued by companies and the financial performance of companies in saudi arabia. business efficiency can be achieved provided that social responsibility can be carried out properly. the owner of the company, as the most responsible party for business continuity and at the same time the party who bears the greatest risk, is a stakeholder who has a direct interest in business development. however, the community and the environment around the company also hold significant roles for stakeholders who have a direct influence on the sustainability of the company. corporate zakat, as a social responsibility, is a religious obligation that has a very large potential source of social funds in line with the increasing business performance. the obligation to pay zakat in the muamalah approach (ghairu mahdhah), has a very important position because it can increase the potential of the community's social funds. a bolder interpretation or ijtihad of the obligation to pay zakat deserves freedom of expression forum to allow the development of social funds potentials. the fulfilment of corporate social responsibility in the form of corporate zakat is in line with stakeholder theory because of its ability to create welfare for all parties. the practice of corporate zakat in islamic banks serves as empirical evidence that corporate zakat has become a commitment of management and owners and that it can be paid annually in accordance with the decision of the gms. such implementation in islamic banks shows that corporate zakat is an inherent part of every business process and can improve business performance. conclusion endnotes utami, p., basrowi, b., nasor, m. 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desember 2021 lazismu philanthropy potential in the empowerment of mustahiq’s economic and welfare (a case study in probolinggo, jember, and pasuruan) doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.10463 islamic education department , stai muhammadiyah probolinggo.1,2 sharia economic deartment, stai muhammadiyah probolinggo.3,4 correspondence e-mail: prasetiyabenny@gmail.com1 benny prasetiya,1 heri rifhan halili,2 m. alvi syahrin,3 m arifin4 abstract indonesia has a large zakat potential and has not been widely used for economic empowerment for the poor. lazismu, as part of the national zakat institution, develops to provide solutions in zakat management in the form of economic empowerment for the poor to turn mustahiq into muzakki. this study was field research, and the data were obtained directly from the field and research objects. the research applied a normative sociological approach. this research was descriptive-analytic and clearly and in detail described the phenomena as the main problem without doing hypotheses or statistical calculations. specifically, this research intended to describe in general the management of zakat conducted by lazismu in probolinggo, jember and pasuruan, then systematically reviewed them to achieve lazismu’s role strategy in poverty alleviation for the people of probolinggo, jember and pasuruan, so that it was easier to understand and conclude. the results showed that the three regional lazismu in this study carried out the empowerment of mustahik to become muzakki with economic empowerment. early empowerment is carried out by providing training and assistance to mustahiq in managing productive economic businesses that are carried out sustainably. economic empowerment for mustahiq has the potential to improve the economy to be more independent in running their business. keywords: lazismu, economy, empowerment indonesia memiliki potensi zakat yang besar dan belum banyak dimanfaatkan untuk pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat miskin. lazismu, sebagai bagian dari lembaga zakat nasional, berkembang untuk memberikan solusi dalam pengelolaan zakat berupa pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat miskin untuk mengubah mustahiq menjadi muzakki. penelitian ini merupakan penelitian lapangan yang datanya diperoleh langsung dari lapangan dan objek penelitian. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosiologis-normatif. penelitian ini bersifat deskriptif-analitis dan menggambarkan secara jelas dan rinci fenomena sebagai masalah utama tanpa melakukan hipotesis atau perhitungan statistik. secara khusus, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan secara umum pengelolaan zakat oleh lazismu di probolinggo, jember, dan pasuruan, kemudian secara sistematis mengkajinya untuk memahami strategi dan peran lazismu dalam pengentasan kemiskinan bagi masyarakat probolinggo, jember dan pasuruan. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ketiga lazismu daerah dalam penelitian ini melakukan pemberdayaan mustahik menjadi muzakki melalui pemberdayaan ekonomi. pemberdayaan sejak dini dilakukan dengan memberikan pelatihan dan pendampingan kepada mustahiq dalam mengelola usaha ekonomi produktif dan dilakukan secara berkelanjutan. pemberdayaan ekonomi bagi mustahiq berpotensi untuk meningkatkan perekonomian agar lebih mandiri dalam menjalankan usahanya. kata kunci: lazismu, ekonomi, pemberdayaan abstrak indonesia memiliki potensi zakat yang besar dan belum banyak dimanfaatkan untuk pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat miskin. lazismu, sebagai bagian dari lembaga zakat nasional, berkembang untuk memberikan solusi dalam pengelolaan zakat berupa pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat miskin untuk mengubah mustahiq menjadi muzakki. penelitian ini merupakan penelitian lapangan yang datanya diperoleh langsung dari lapangan dan objek penelitian. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosiologis-normatif. penelitian ini bersifat deskriptif-analitis dan menggambarkan secara jelas dan rinci fenomena sebagai masalah utama tanpa melakukan hipotesis atau perhitungan statistik. secara khusus, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan secara umum pengelolaan zakat oleh lazismu di probolinggo, jember, dan pasuruan, kemudian secara sistematis mengkajinya untuk memahami strategi dan peran lazismu dalam pengentasan kemiskinan bagi masyarakat probolinggo, jember dan pasuruan. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ketiga lazismu daerah dalam penelitian ini 337vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 melakukan pemberdayaan mustahik menjadi muzakki melalui pemberdayaan ekonomi. pemberdayaan sejak dini dilakukan dengan memberikan pelatihan dan pendampingan kepada mustahiq dalam mengelola usaha ekonomi produktif dan dilakukan secara berkelanjutan. pemberdayaan ekonomi bagi mustahiq berpotensi untuk meningkatkan perekonomian agar lebih mandiri dalam menjalankan usahanya. kata kunci: lazismu, ekonomi, pemberdayaan. 338 afkaruna the capitalistic economy as the world's ‘economic giant’ nowadays evidently is unable to solve the problem of inequality. in indonesia in particular, the populist economy, which is affirmed as a characteristic of its economy, still cannot be consistent with what was initiated by the founders of the nation. in fact, it seems that this capitalistic economy is the trend of indonesia's current economy as we know that cooperative as a business foundation that is legalized in the constitution because of the value of cooperation as the basic moral that distinguishes the economic system of the republic of indonesia from the capitalistic and socialist economic systems1,2 zakat has tremendous potential in reducing the poverty rate. research conducted by zaenal, astuti, & sadariyah, 2018;3,4 regarding the empowerment of the zakat community has significance in reducing poverty levels and makes it possible to reduce inequality and end poverty in indonesia. the poverty severity level of the beneficiaries of the productive zakat program in bantul is seen by the sen index (p2) decreases from 0.093 to 0.062, while using the foster-greer-thorbecke index (p3), the poverty severity level decreases from 0.010 to 0.004. the same research has also been conducted by nashir & nurzaman. the results of this study indicated that zakat is an instrument that has a function to reduce poverty levels. zakat can reduce poverty if it is managed properly. the impact of the zakat empowerment program on the village development program by baznas serang regency in 2016 and 2017. muhammmadiyah is one of the oldest and largest islamic civil society organizations in indonesia, aged one century. since its inception, this organization has emerged as a social movement that translates islamic introduction 339vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 teachings into various forms of da’wa (missionary) social community activities. furthermore, the attention of the founders of this organization on social and economic problems in society has encouraged the growth of community service activities that are supported by the philanthropic movement empowering system which obtained from zakat, alms and waqf from its sympathizers. as one of the modern islamic organizations’ pioneers in indonesia, muhammadiyah has grown as an islamic movement with charitable businesses in different capacities, such as hospitals, colleges, financial institutions and other charitable businesses of schools and orphanages. seeing from the number of charitable businesses that it is owned, it cannot be denied that the organization founded by kyai ahmad dahlan in yogyakarta is the largest in indonesia. in the middle of the organization managing philanthropic modernization in indonesia, which has been going on for at least a decade, muhammadiyah has taken the initiative by establishing muhammadiyah’s amil zakat institution, abbreviated as lazismu. this institution has played an important role in building collective awareness of muhammadiyah members to project funds originating from zakat and alms. lazismu, which is developed in jakarta, is actively conducting campaigns, offering new ideas for the management of philanthropic funds in muhammadiyah and has built networks in various regions. moreover, new networks have been formed with government agencies, companies and other civil society organizations. in the middle of lazismu 's enthusiasm in carrying out its activities in synergy with the assemblies in muhammadiyah, the form of support from muhanmadiyah members for muhammadiyah people is still being questioned, as well as the strategic policies of muhammadiyah organizations in various regions are deemed not fully providing space for lazismu to play a more effective role. one of the problems often faced by large organizations such as muhammadiyah, including lazismu, is the lack of explanation about the reality of this organization in numerical or quantitative form. in making a policy, a quantitative study, in addition to qualitative, is necessary so that the basis used for making a policy is more valid and has stronger justification. for this reason, this research is expected to be the beginning 340 afkaruna of the process of strengthening the muhammadiyah philanthropic movement based on empirical studies. the importance of zakat and the institutions that manage it in muslim-populated countries is because of its enormous potential for economic development and growth, including indonesia; 6,7 zakat is a form of empowering the community economy by giving the rights to the mustahiq. this suggestion is a building for economic balance to empower the ummah (community). that is why lazismu presents itself as the amil zakat institution, which has an obligation to provide several community empowerment programs to reduce poverty;8,9. on target, zakat distribution is something that must be done. one way to do this is by creating a computerized eligibility determination system. lazismu is a zakat management institution that will be implemented using the fuzzy c-means method as a grouping of mustahik zakat (eka putra, nasution, & yummastian, 2015). lazismu was also able to find breakthroughs in the management of zakat, infaq and alms. lazismu manages it from just generous activities to productive and redistributive activities to achieve equality and social justice 10,11,12 some of the research results that became the initial studies in this study were conducted by romdhoni (2018) in a study using a quantitative approach, which states that the presence of lazismu sragen in providing capital, income, and consumption has an influence on improving the welfare of the poor. in contrast to research conducted by furqani, mulyany, & yunus (2018) which describes the various productive zakat programs initiated by zakat institutions in indonesia and also analyzes its implications in empowering the poor and increasing the level of welfare. the third research was conducted by amsari to determine the pattern of zakat utilization that is applied productively in lazismu, which is then also the model applied in the empowerment of mustahik , the research results show that in the nature of the productive use of zakat, lazismu, apart from distributing it by itself, always optimizes the assemblies, institutions and ortoms in muhammadiyah so that the wider impact of recipients and programs is more varied. 341vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the research financed by the pp muhammadiyah diktilitbang council aimed to describe the economic empowerment of the people from different perspectives and findings. some of the research discussions above, in reality, have not offered a form of the concept of an islamic economic perspective that view zakat as a potential source to improve the community’s economy based on the principle of justice through a distribution system, as well as in economic development to manage zakat funds and cooperation between amil institutions. the distribution system, as well as economic development to manage zakat funds, requires cooperation between amil zakat institutions and the community, especially in the horseshoe area (pasuruan, probolinggo, jember). the choice of research locus in these three areas was because these three areas have the same focus in managing zakat funds based on community empowerment. the flagship programs in the three regions include empowering the dhuafa creative economy and developing small people’s businesses for the dhuafa, which run consistently and are programmed. this field research obtained the data directly from the field by collecting information and observing the object of research, and in this case, lazismu. the approach in this research was normative sociologic. the normative approach referred to statutory rules and islamic concepts related to zakat, donations and shadaqah. meanwhile, a sociological approach in this research was applied to the development of zakat management in accordance with local wisdom found in the field. this descriptive-analytic research described clearly the phenomena as the subject of the problem without conducting hypotheses or statistical calculations. also, this study described in general the management of zakat carried out by lazismu probolinggo, jember and pasuruan, then systematically studied how lazismu applied strategy to alleviate poverty in the people probolinggo, jember and pasuruan. zakat institution is optimizing the management of zakat funds for economic empowerment and improving the real sector. therefore, zakat results 1. the overview of lazismu probolinggo, pasuruan and jember 342 afkaruna institution needs to have a good socio-economic mapping so that zakat funds are right on target. in addition, the productive distribution model of zakat funds should become the orientation towards zakat institutions rather than consumptive fund distribution patterns. zis is a source that the government can use to reduce poverty levels. zakat was given to mustahik as a support for increasing the utilization of productive zakat. productive zakat development is in the form of business capital. this concept was developed because the mustahiks’ micro-enterprises were unable to access capital in formal financial institutions such as banks, banking and others even though the mustahiks’ micro business has considerable potential to be developed.16 lazismu probolinggo, pasuruan and jember are district/city level non-profit organizations active in community empowerment through productive utilization of zakat, infaq, waqf funds, other generous funds from individuals, institutions, companies and other agencies. lazismu probolinggois located at kh. agus salim in front of the raudlatul jannah grand mosque, probolinggo was founded on october 12, 2015, which was marked by the launching of the formation and inauguration of the probolinggo lazismu management. lazismu pasuruan addresses at jl. kyai h. wachid hasyim no. 202, kebonsari, panggungrejo, pasuruan city, east java. meanwhile, lazismu jember in jl. bondoyudo no. 11 jember belongs to the lazismu network of the national zakat institute, which was established by the muhammadiyah central executive in 2002. it was founded in 2002, which was marked by the signing of the declaration by prof. dr. ha. syafi’i ma’arif, ma (buya syafi’i) and subsequently confirmed by the minister of religion republic of indonesia as the national amil zakat institution through decree no. 457/21 november 2002 and extension of the decree of the minister of religion number 730 of 2016. from those three zakat institutions above, administrative activities at lazismu consist of: correspondence and filing, including proposals for fund requests recording that go to lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember. meanwhile, the financial reports of lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember include reports of revenue and distribution to 343vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the supervisory agency and muzakki (published in general) periodically. annual financial reports to the local muhammadiyah regional leadership supervisory body. financial reports in the form of daily cash books and bank books are internal, not published but are open for examination or auditing. the distribution locations for lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember, are 100% for zakat recipients, infaq and shadaqah, distributed to mustahiq. the distribution is for both consumptive and productive purposes. the distribution of lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember can be in the form of cooperation with the muhammadiyah regional leadership council or carried out by lazismu itself. the portion for amil is distributed in the form of operational costs that are needed, with a maximum budget ceiling of 10%-15% for the recipient. the realization of the zis’s institution operational need is reported periodically to the public every month, through a monthly magazine published by lazismu, the east java region, mata hati, with the main mission of da'wah to be active in charity. 1. compensation for the poor to meet their daily needs in cash. 2. compensation for fatherless, orphans, neglected children, victims of natural disasters, displaced refugees, elderly people, disabled people from poor families. 3. education financing assistance for underprivileged children, for example, scholarships, tuition fees, committee fees, examination fees. 4. school equipment assistance for underprivileged children, for example, school uniforms, textbooks, etc. 5. assistance with medical expenses, childbirth or accidents for the poor, free medical treatment. 6. procurement of free ambulances, which are taken from cash waqf funds of muzakki. 7. mass circumcision for poor children. 8. allowances for mosques and prayer rooms managers (guards, cleaners, muadzin and recital teachers). 9. capital assistance for micro-small businesses. 344 afkaruna a) the implementation of productive zakat philanthropy based on what was conveyed by kamiluddin, as the executive board of the lazismu program, there is no standard operating in the form of documents owned by lazismu. but, lazismu still has operational procedures and standards that mustahiq has to go through in order to get financing from this productive zakat. this procedure can be done in three ways, which are; first, submission to lazismu. here, the submission is a submission made by an individual or group who has met the requirements of mustahiq zakat. they submit submissions to lazismu, then conducted data collection by lazismu, whether the person deserves assistance through this productive zakat or not. the second is from third-party submission. submission through third parties is a submission based on a recommendation submitted by other people. if the mustahiq candidate is indeed worthy and meets the criteria as a mustahiq, then he is entitled to get productive zakat from lazismu. third, the road show. the executive boards at lazismu conduct “roadshows” in the community to find and see people entitled to get funding through productive zakat from lazismu. this means that lazismu picks up the ball in society. those who do meet the requirements to become mustahiq, then they get financing. in addition, several things must be evaluated in the implementation of productive zakat. apart from the absence of a standard and written sop and the absence of maximum supervision of productive zakat recipients, this must be evaluated. so it is necessary to make standard sop and increase the number of officers who supervise and guide the mustahiq to be more optimal. 2. the implementation of ummah’s economic empowerment and mustahik’s welfare 1. lazimu of jember regency 345vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 one of the lazismu programs, as the author has said above, is the distribution of zakat in the form of capital, or also known as productive zakat empowerment. this program is distributed to people who are less fortunate in social-economic activities. the distribution of capital made by lazismu jember is not in the form of money. it is a form of anticipation if the zakat money is not used properly. however, the distribution of capital is given in the form of goods or raw materials needed by the mustahiq (interview: kamiludin). the distribution of productive zakat carried out by lazismu jember is one of the efforts to reduce poverty in the jember region. this objective is in line with the regulation of the minister of religion no. 52 of 2014 article 32, that what is meant by productive zakat is zakat that can be utilized for productive efforts in the context of handling the poor and improving the quality of the people (minister of religion regulation no.52 of 2014). conceptually, empowerment is intended as an effort to increase the people's ability to realize capability and independence ; . in addition, what is meant by community empowerment is an activity that is continuously dynamic and synergistically encouraging the involvement of all existing potentials in an evolutionary manner with the involvement of all potentials ; ; . this community empowerment is what to be achieved from the management of productive zakat, which is an effort to make mustahiq become more independent in the future. it is not only the giving of consumptive zakat that is used up but also tries to provide a “hook” to the mustahiq to be more independent later, and it is even hoped that one day he will change from mustahiq to muzakki. this is the concept of community empowerment that is meant. in the implementation of productive zakat utilization through lazismu, the ownership of the zakat is directly handed over to mustahiq. so that in this case, lazismu does not expect a return 346 afkaruna on the capital back on the zakat that has been handed over to mustahiq. what is expected is the independence of mustahiq after obtaining capital through productive zakat, and if the mustahiq has become muzakki, it is expected that the zakat will be entrusted to lazismu jember (interview; dedy miftah). this is in line with what khasanah said, that the right to capital is the right of mustahiq, and its ownership is also in the name of mustahiq. however, the amil zakat must continue to provide guidance and assistance to mustahiq so that their business activities can run well and the benefits can be reaped in the long term. utilizing productive zakat was carried out by lazismu jember to improve the community's economy, so it has implemented the program. some of the mustahiq trained by lazismu through the productive zakat empowerment program include mushroom cultivation, stall surgery, sidomulyo batik house, jember city pedrang trainer empowerment, patrang chicken farm, and student cafe. however, not all of the businesses guided by lazismu jember survive due to the weak guidance and supervision of lazismu itself (interview: kamiludin). among the types of business currently still running include the shop reconstructions, chicken farms, and sidomulyo batik house. lazismu in pasuruan regency is one of the amil zakat institutions born from civil society activities. it has its own uniqueness because it was born from the womb of muhammadiyah mass organizations, which are now more than a century old. the vision of lazismu pasuruan regency in empowering the economy of the people is basically channeling zakat funds with the target in order to change the condition of the recipient from mustahiq to muzakki. the target is indeed a big target, and it is not easy, so it can take a long time. therefore, the distribution of zakat funds 2. lazismu of pasuruan regency 347vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 must be accompanied by a complete understanding of the problems that exist within the mustahiq. if the main problem is poverty, the first step is to find the causes of poverty. likewise, if the other problem is a lack of capital or if one wants to have a business but does not have capital, then mustahiq will be given guidance. in constitution number 23 of 2011 is explained that the management of zakat includes planning, collection, distribution and utilization activities. in the pp muhammadiyah guidebook about lazismu, it is explained that the management of zakat, infaq, shadaqah, and other socio-religious funds include planning, implementing, and coordinating the collection distribution and utilization of zakat, infaq, shadaqah and other socio-religious funds. with the presence of pasuruan regency lazismu, people who want to give zakat can easily give zakat or do philanthropy by coming directly to the lazismu office of pasuruan city or by picking up zakat services. the purpose of establishing lazismu kota pasuruan is that the zis funds received can be utilized optimally for poor people who need empowerment. the focus of empowerment from lazismu is community empowerment and poverty alleviation that is more structured and fairly structured. therefore, in order to improve a good zis management mechanism, of course, it must be supported by professional management in the internal environment of pasuruan regency lazismu. the criteria are: operational mechanism management activities consist of planning, organizing, implementing, and supervising the collection and utilization of zakat funds and other funds in accordance with islamic law and applicable laws. collections are actively carried out through individuals/muzakki, mosques and muhammadiyah charities at their respective levels. penthasarufan (fund management) consists of consumptive and productive. zakat funds are given to mustahiq zakat with priority asnaf fuqara and masakin in the form of grants and 1. 348 afkaruna are consumptive in nature. if one or more of the eight asnaf is not found in the jps zis jurisdiction, the allocation of funds for the asnaf is transferred to another asnaf. infaq/shadaqah funds for the benefit of the ummah consist of a consumptive pentasharufan of approximately 40% in the form of grants. the productive pentasharufan is approximately 60% in the form of revolving loans. prioritizing the mustahiq of local residents through pentasharufan is carried out at least twice a year. operational mechanism management activities consist of planning, organizing, implementing, and supervising the collection and pentasharufan (distribution and utilization) of zakat funds and other funds in accordance with islamic law and applicable laws. collections are actively carried out through individuals/muzakki, mosques and muhammadiyah charities at their respective levels. penthasarufan consists of consumptive and productive. zakat funds are given to mustahiq zakat with priority asnaf fuqara and masakin in the form of grants and are consumptive in nature. if one or more of the eight asnaf is not found in the jps zis jurisdiction, the allocation of funds for the asnaf is transferred to another asnaf. infaq/shadaqah is managed funds for the benefit of the ummah consisting of a consumptive pentasharufan of approximately 40% in the form of grants. the productive pentasharufan is approximately 60% in the form of revolving loans. prioritizing mustahiq of local residents through pentasharufan is carried out at least twice a year. a. zis funds raising and other funds are carried out by the collecting division with the following criteria: 1). develop the potention of muzakki 2). develop a fundraising strategy 3). possible, open the payment counter in a place that is deemed necessary (for example, a mosque) 3. the strategy of funds collection and distribution 2 349vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 4). conducting the collection that is considered right by sharia laws and regulations, as well as based on the agreement of the board meeting. 5). all collection transactions are proven/administered with a determined jps zis receipt. 6). within a maximum of two days after the collection division receives zis funds, they must be deposited to the treasurer of the jps zis management. 7). make and submit the card/id card of zakat obligatory identification number (npwz) to muzakki (if it is possible). the mission of empowerment in pasuruan lazismu is to create a quality social and economic life of the people as a bulwark for the problems of poverty, underdevelopment, and ignorance in society through various programs developed by muhammadiyah. this mission is realized through strategic policies which are: a. the priority of the beneficiaries needy are the poor and the fisabilillah. b. the distribution of zis is carried out programmatically (planned and measured) according to the core of the muhammadiyah movement, which is education, economy, and social-da’wa. c. synergize with muhammadiyah assemblies, institutions, ortom and charities in realizing the program. d. synergizing with institutions and communities outside muhammadiyah to expand the domain of da’wa as well as to increase public awareness of the organization e. minimizing charity assistance unless it is an emergency, such as in eastern indonesia, areas exposed to disasters and rescue efforts. f. intermediation for every effort that creates conditions and supporting factors for the realizing of islamic society. g. mobilize the institutionalization of the zis movement throughout muhammadiyah structures and charities. 350 afkaruna some important points from the strategic policy of community economic empowerment are, first, giving greater opportunities or access to production assets, especially capital. second, strengthen the position of transactions and economic partnerships of the ummah so that economic conductors are not just price takers. third, strengthening small industries, fourth encouraging the emergence of new entrepreneurs and finally partial equity. empowering the economy of the people is not sufficient only by increasing productivity, providing the same business opportunities and only providing capital injection as a stimulant, but it must be guaranteed that there is a close partnership between the advanced with the weak and underdeveloped. however, in the implementation of the economic empowerment of the people carried out by lazismu pasuruan, there are still unloading to find the right concept because there are still several obstacles encountered such as mentoring, evaluation and training for human resources so that economic empowerment cannot run optimally yet. based on the findings in the field and from the results of interviews that addressed to the program manager, it was explained that the policies of the community economic empowerment program implemented by lazismu are currently taking into account the needs of mustahiq who submit funds to lazismu pasuruan, besides it needs to do mapping for several areas around pasuruan to find if the community has a business that has a possibility to increase but has a problem with funds. then in lazismu muhammadiyah, two aqad are used to provide assistance to mustahiq. the first is the grant agreement applied to provide business assistance to mustahiq without needing to be returned. whereas for the second one is the qardhul hasan contract, which is applied to provide business assistance to mustahiq and there is an obligation to return it. the purpose of this qardhul hasan contract is to simplify the accounting system and to educate mustahiq in order to avoid the appearance of 351vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 ignorance to the fund that has been received. however, if in the end, mustahiq is unable to return it, lazismu muhammadiyah will not burden mustahiq to be obliged to return the aid. the two contracts were options for mustahiq before they applied for assistance to lazismu pasuruan, which strives to help people towards a better standard of living, turn dependence into independence or change a deprived life to be sufficient. this process applies to all empowerment models in lazismu pasuruan, both in the economic, educational, social and da’wah, as well as in other fields. there are several economic empowerment programs for the people as one of the efforts in policymaking carried out by lazismu pasuruan through empowering ukm. this program aimed to make ukm (small and medium enterprises) develop and also strengthen their potential or power by providing assistance or submission. the process of submission by attaching the requirements for a photocopy of the id card, certificate of poverty, application letter or recommendation of the local lazismu management. furthermore, a business proposal for mustahiq, who makes proposals for economic empowerment. survey. the purpose of a survey is to verify the submission requirements, whether the attached data is valid or not. description of survey results. this activity is carried out by the empowerment department to explain the situation of the survey results. submission to the chairperson of lazismu pasuruan. after the data is verified, then the empowerment section explains the situation of the survey results, next submitted to the lazismu chair of pasuruan for approval from the lazismu center. disbursement of aid. if it has been approved by the lazismu center represented by the head of lazismu pasuruan, the aid funds can be disbursed according to the needs of the mustahiq. a. b. c. d. e. 352 afkaruna seeing the reality of poverty getting higher in this country, inviting many people to be concerned. likewise, lazismu probolinggowhich has excellent programs, one of which is weak economic empowerment for mustahiq. its main objective is for the welfare of the community. of course, it has an important role in this problem through the zakat funds that it manages. the hope is that the mustahiq fostered by lazismu probolinggo will be able to transform into donors or muzakki in the future. the zis fund empowerment program implemented by lazismu probolinggois based on the analysis of target needs, which are productive, and some are consumptive and oriented towards efforts to form an independent community. there are three main target program policy pillars, they are: one of the programs is the provision of school kits for orphans and dhuafa. lazismu also has an active role in providing scholarships. the scholarships that are given are “mentari” and “sang surya” scholarships. “mentari” scholarships are given to elementary to middle school students. based on data obtained from lazismu probolinggo, the beneficiaries of this program are 450 school kits and 35 “sang surya” and “mentari” scholarships. lazismu probolinggo provides the health care program through medical assistance for the dhuafa community, one free ambulance service and one funeral ambulance service. a. education & health care in the field of da’wa, lazismu probolinggo conducts da’wa to the pedicab driver community held every two weeks. this b. da’wa field 3. lazismu probolinggo input and opening access to various opportunities that will make ukm more empowered. the target of this program is the underprivileged people who have run businesses but have not been able to develop optimally. 353vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 program was also followed by compensation in the form of basic food items given after the study. ramadhan sharing and qurbanmu are other da’wa programs by lazismu probolinggo. ramadhan sharing is done every year addressed to educators, and mosque marbots reached 760 fostered recitation packages distributed in 2019. the utilization that was chosen by lazismu probolinggo has creative and productive characteristics, which is the distribution of zakat through business capital to encourage the development of micro and small businesses. this study focused on lazismu and mustahiq parties who received productive zakat funds in the economic empowerment program. accordingly, the acquired data were from two different points of view regarding the effectiveness of the utilization of productive zakat on the empowerment of mustahiq. for this reason, the researcher asked the companion for data on mustahiq, who received productive zakat funds from the economic empowerment program to conduct interviews. interviews with lazismu were conducted with the program manager as the person in charge of the program at lazismu. then interviews were also conducted with program facilitators who know the mechanisms for empowering productive zakat through economic empowerment programs. tabel. 4.1 respondents’ profile the impacts experienced by mustahiq, who received productive zakat funds from lazismu probolinggoin 2018-2019 based on the results of interviews, are: c. economic empowerment no name kind of assistance kind of business 1 meti cart & money fried rice 2 bawok nur aini cart & money fried noodle 3 sumiati cart & money vegetables and fish 4 kani cart & money brittles and cake maker 5 slamet cart fruit juice 6 taufik cart & money fruit juice 354 afkaruna no name income/month before after 1 meti 0 rp. 1.500.000-2.000.000 2 bawok nur aini 600.000 rp. 1.200.000-1.800.000 3 sumiati 0 rp. 1.500.000-2.000.000 4 kani 500.000 rp. 1.200.000 5 slamet 0 rp. 1.200.000-1.500.000 6 taufik rp. 1.800.000-2.500.000 from the indicators of mustahiq empowerment, 6 mustahiq are empowered from the increase in business seen from the average income earned each month. they also increase in terms of knowledge and skills regarding the business. if lazismu has empowerment parameters, from not knowing to know, unable to be able, and mustahiq becoming muzakki. the indicators used in this study are in accordance with the parameters set by lazismu. wherefrom those who cannot generate income from the business, it is impossible to become muzakki, as evidenced by the ability of mustahik to pay zis, which at least can pay infaq. in distributing zis funds, lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember have the same parameters, namely selecting mustahiq candidate who will be given economic empowerment. for those who already have a business, the funds provided by lazismu as additional capital with the aim that the business can develop. lazismu also does not immediately provide funds to prospective recipients but must go through a feasibility survey of the business. if the prospective beneficiaries have met the requirements, then some procedures or requirements must be fulfilled by the prospective beneficiaries, one of which is that they have to take part in a routine recitation once a month to improve the spiritual aspects of the businessman. the economic empowerment program in lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember, which was carried out with a sample of mustahiq names, did indeed lead to the independence of the mustahiq business by doing entrepreneurship so that it would be in line with the main objectives of the economic empowerment program in lazismu discussion analysis 355vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 pasuruan, probolinggo and jember, which is alleviating poverty and changing mustahiq status becomes muzakki. the economic empowerment of the people carried out in lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember basically already has a good concept. it only needs renewal, considering how strategic zakat funds are if they function as a trigger for the economic revival of the people. not only does it stop at the mere magnitude of the physical building, which is the measure of amil zakat's success in managing the laz. there need to be new and fresh ideas according to the needs that mustahiq needs so that lazismu can be the right place to solve various problems of the economic welfare of the people. then in the analysis of islamic economics, that the concept of zis management for the economic empowerment of the people makes the value of the function of zakat can meet the daily needs of mustahiq. mustahiq can gain independence in work and can overcome the phenomena of misery, poverty, underdevelopment and economic problems for poor people. there are two types of zis lazismu pasuruan , probolinggo and jember, which are: consumptive giving, which is giving in the form of food or staple foods. this gift is usually given to the elderly or those who do not have / ability (unskill). consumptive zakat is a property of zakat that is directly allocated to the poor and in dire need, especially the poor. zakat assets are directed primarily to meet the basic needs of life, such as food, clothing and a proper place to live. these basic needs are especially suggested by the needy, poor, gharim, orphans, elderly people /physically handicapped people who cannot do anything to make a living for their survival. productive giving, this provision is in the form of tools or materials needed by prospective recipients of zis funds. some zis fund recipients need cash. some only need business equipment. productive zakat is a gift that can make the recipients produce something continuously with the zakat they have received. productive zakat is thus zakat where the assets or zakat funds given to the mustahik are 1. 2. 356 afkaruna the management of islamic philanthropy by lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember is an example where people's funds can be managed institutionally and transparently. this means that the current management process is prioritizing service alone and has been oriented towards community independence and empowerment through well-designed programs. in addition, this islamic philanthropic institutional movement will eventually create a work culture and collective change in society. the realization of the programs carried out by lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember are more oriented towards the form of charity programs. this can be seen from the tabulation of funds as illustrated in the annual reports of the two institutions showing that most of the funds were channeled in the form of charity (aid), not to community empowerment programs that were more long-term in nature. for example, in the case of lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember, the charity program is divided into several programs of assistance for religious facilities and infrastructure, provision of basic necessities, assistance with education costs, medical assistance, disaster care assistance, ramadan care assistance and others. the community empowerment program is still at the stage of training or improving certain skills that can be optimized from the mustahik, in addition, to providing venture capital in the form of grants. several obstacles are still experienced by lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember. first, there are still many muhammadiyah administrators who do not have the awareness to develop lazismu because the role as amil is only used as a side profession, so lazismu administrators, especially at the level branches, are not able to work optimally and professionally if referring to mila sartika's theory of the principles of the zakat management organization, there are signs related to the purpose of managing zakat to be effective and efficient. second, the lack of response from aum or muhammadiyah business charity to synergize happens because there is no match for the programs offered by the regional lazismu to the networks under it. usually, this factor also not spent but are developed and used to help their business so that with this effort, they can fulfill their life continuously. 357vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 arises due to psychological factors from the failure of the previous program so that they are less enthusiastic when there is a new program. third. the slow response of pcm and prm in establishing zakat institutions usually occurs due to funding factors. sometimes both branches and branches prioritize expenses that they think are prioritized. in addition, it is also due to the lack of human resources who are willing to become amil in the zakat institution. fourth, the lack of human resource capacity in the field, this is because there are still many people who are not interested in working as amil zakat and besides that, the quality of human resources, especially knowledge of zakat fiqh, is also still minimal due to a lack of studies or training on zakat management organizations. in addition, being amil also carries out a difficult task because it must prioritize principles such as neutrality, independence, non-practical politics and non-discrimination. based on the results of research about the analysis of the effectiveness of productive zakat utilization on the empowerment of mustahik (case study lazismu, pasuruan city, probolinggo city and jember) can be concluded as follows: the management of zakat in lazismu, pasuruan, probolinggo and jember in the perspective of islamic economics is carried out in accordance with the pp muhammadiyah guidelines on management, which is related to the collection, distribution and utilization of zakat. the concept of the collection is by working with service offices in each branch and unit, as well as in the distribution of the zakat funds. meanwhile, for utilization, there are various policy programs carried out by lazismu pasuruan, probolinggo and jember, ranging from educational empowerment programs, da'wah and social service programs to community economic empowerment programs. mustahik empowerment that is carried out is suitable with statutory provisions and also islamic law. lazismu in implementing mustahik empowerment by setting priorities based on equity, fairness in accordance with applicable regulations. conclusion 1. 2. 3. 358 afkaruna business increasing, as many as seven empowered mustahik seen from the average income earned each month. seen from an islamic economic perspective, especially on the economic empowerment program for the ummah at lazismu, it has had quite a positive impact on the businesses of mustahiq. the benefits of this program are that mustahiq can begin to gradually leave the deprived life to become a more independent life, and furthermore, there is the hope of becoming a muzakki from the results of his business. 4. endnotes arin setiyowati, “dalam pemberdayaan ekonomi umat ( studi kasus lazismu surabaya ),” jurnal masharif al-syariah: jurnal ekonomi dan perbankan syariah 2, no. 1 (2017). suharyono suharyono, “legal assurance and legal protection in land registration in indonesia,” sriwijaya law review 3, no. 1 (2019): 48, https://doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol3.iss1.118.pp48-58. herwin kurniawan emaridial ulza, “strategi pemberdayaan pembangunan sosial melalui gerakan filantropi islam,” al-urban 2, no. 1 (2018): 32–42, https://doi.org/10.22236/alurban. syahrul amsari, “analisis efektifitas pendayagunaan zakat produktif pada pemberdayaan mustahik (studi kasus lazismu pusat),” aghniya jurnal ekonomi islam 1, no. 2 (2019). salman abdun nashir and mohamad soleh nurzaman, “the impact of zakat empowerment program on village,” international conference on ethics of business, economics, and social science 313, no. icebess 2018 (2019): 124–27, https://doi.org/10.2991/icebess-18.2019.22. munawwir anwar m. nasri hamang, “potensi zakat, infak, sedekah (zis) dalam pengembangan umkm (usaha mikro kecil menengah) di lazismu kota parepare,” jurnal al-ibrah viii, no. 1 (2019): 129–43. amsari, “analisis efektifitas pendayagunaan zakat produktif pada pemberdayaan mustahik (studi kasus lazismu pusat).” amsari. nurul huda, “pemberdayaan ekonomi mustahik di lazismu surakarta,” suhuf 31, no. 2 (2019): 161–78, https://doi.org//10.5281/zenodo .1471723. fahmi d aswin, “strategi penghimpunan dan penyaluran zakat, infaq, shadaqah pada lembaga amil zakat infaq shadaqah muhammadiyah (lazismu) kota medan,” at-tawassuth iv, no. 1 (2019): 1–20. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 359vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 references pahril husaeni; wage, “peran lazismu banyumas dalam pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat,” prosiding seminar nasional prodi hukum ekonomi syariah fakultas agama islam universitas muhammadiyah purwokert0 tahun 2018, no. 2012 (2018): 108–20. anik farida, “strategi pemberdayaan mustahik di lazismu masjid mujahidin bandung,” harmoni 17, no. 02 (2018): 532–54, https://doi.org/10.32488/harmoni.v18i1.357. abdul haris romdhoni, “effect of productive zakat program on the improvement of welfare in sragen regency,” jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam 4, no. 1 (2018): 41–50, https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol4.iss1 .art5. hafas furqani, ratna mulyany, and fahmi yunus, “zakat for economic empowerment of the poor in indonesia: models and implications,” iqtishadia 11, no. 2 (2018): 391–411, https://doi.org/10.21043 /iqtishadia.v11i2.3973. amsari, “analisis efektifitas pendayagunaan zakat produktif pada pemberdayaan mustahik (studi kasus lazismu pusat).” m. nasri hamang, “potensi zakat, infak, sedekah (zis) dalam pengembangan umkm (usaha mikro kecil menengah) di lazismu kota parepare.” emaridial ulza, “strategi pemberdayaan pembangunan sosial melalui gerakan filantropi islam.” dewi, “strategi pendayagunaan zakat produktif untuk pemberdayaan kesejahteraan mustahiq (studi kasus pada lazis nu kabupaten banyumas),” jpa, 18, no. 2 (2017): 257–89. ahmad danu syaputra, “peranan lazismu dalam mengentaskan kemiskinan masyarakat d.i yogyakarta,” jurnal media ekonomi 21, no. 2 (2016): 29–44. abdurrohman kasdi, “filantropi islam untuk pemberdayaan ekonomi umat (model pemberdayaan ziswaf di bmt se-kabupaten demak),” iqtishadia jurnal kajian ekonomi dan bisnis islam 9, no. 2 (2016): 227, https://doi.org/10.21043/iqtishadia.v9i2.1729. m. nasri hamang, “potensi zakat, infak, sedekah (zis) dalam pengembangan umkm (usaha mikro kecil menengah) di lazismu kota parepare.” 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 ahmad danu syaputra. “peranan lazismu dalam mengentaskan kemiskinan amsari, syahrul. “analisis efektifitas pendayagunaan zakat produktif pada pemberdayaan mustahik (studi kasus lazismu pusat).” aghniya jurnal masyarakat d.i yogyakarta.” jurnal media ekonomi 21, no. 2 (2016): 29–44. 360 afkaruna ekonomi islam 1, no. 2 (2019). aswin, fahmi d. “strategi penghimpunan dan penyaluran zakat, infaq, dewi. “strategi pendayagunaan zakat produktif untuk pemberdayaan emaridial ulza, herwin kurniawan. “strategi pemberdayaan pembangunan farida, anik. “strategi pemberdayaan mustahik di lazismu masjid mujahidin fikriyah, khusnul, and ahmad ajib ridlwan. “the evaluation of mustahiq furqani, hafas, ratna mulyany, and fahmi yunus. “zakat for economic huda, nurul. “pemberdayaan ekonomi mustahik di lazismu surakarta.” suhuf kasdi, abdurrohman. “filantropi islam untuk pemberdayaan ekonomi umat m. nasri hamang, munawwir anwar. “potensi zakat, infak, sedekah (zis) nashir, salman abdun, and mohamad soleh nurzaman. “the impact of romdhoni, abdul haris. “effect of productive zakat program on the romdhoni, abdul haris. “effect of productive zakat program on the improvement of welfare in sragen regency.” jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam 4, no. 1 (2018): 41–50. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol4.iss1.art5. zakat empowerment program on village.” international conference on ethics of business, economics, and social science 313, no. icebess 2018 (2019): 124–27. https://doi.org/10.2991/icebess-18.2019.22. dalam pengembangan umkm (usaha mikro kecil menengah) di lazismu kota parepare.” jurnal al-ibrah viii, no. 1 (2019): 129–43. (model pemberdayaan ziswaf di bmt se-kabupaten demak).” iqtishadia jurnal kajian ekonomi dan bisnis islam 9, no. 2 (2016): 227. https://doi.org/10.21043/iqtishadia.v9i2.1729. 31, no. 2 (2019): 161–78. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1471723. empowerment of the poor in indonesia: models and implications.” iqtishadia 11, no. 2 (2018): 391–411. https://doi.org/10.21043/iqtishadia .v11i2.3973. empowerment-based poverty alleviation program at amil-zakat organizations.” international journal of islamic business and economics (ijibec) 2, no. 1 (2018): 65–73. https://doi.org/10.28918/ijibec.v2i1 .1263. bandung.” harmoni 17, no. 02 (2018): 532–54. https://doi.org10.32488/ harmoni.v18i1.357. sosial melalui gerakan filantropi islam.” al-urban 2, no. 1 (2018): 32–42. https://doi.org/10.22236/alurban. kesejahteraan mustahiq (studi kasus pada lazis nu kabupaten banyumas).” jpa, 18, no. 2 (2017): 257–89. shadaqah pada lembaga amil zakat infaq shadaqah muhammadiyah (lazismu) kota medan.” at-tawassuth iv, no. 1 (2019): 1–20. 361vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 improvement of welfare in sragen regency.” jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam 4, no. 1 (2018): 41–50. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol4.iss1.art5. suharyono, suharyono. “legal assurance and legal protection in land wage, pahril husaeni; “peran lazismu banyumas dalam pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat.” prosiding seminar nasional prodi hukum ekonomi syariah fakultas agama islam universitas muhammadiyah purwokert0 tahun 2018, no. 2012 (2018): 108–20. registration in indonesia.” sriwijaya law review 3, no. 1 (2019): 48. https://doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol3.iss1.118.pp48-58. 10. afkaruna_mukhamad yasid jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 the success factors of conversion process using adkar model: a case study of islamic savings loan and financing cooperative doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.10207 institut agama islam tazkia yasid@tazkia.ac.id mukhamad yasid institut agama islam tazkia ela@tazkia.ac.id sugiyarti fatma laela abstract this study aims to analyse the conversion-related issues from savings and loan cooperative (slc) into islamic savings loan and financing cooperative (islfc) using a case study of tunas artha mandiri (tam) cooperative, located in nganjuk, east java. five main research questions include: exploring reasons for conversion, explaining the conversion process, assessing the level of conversion effectiveness, identifying obstacles during the conversion and analysing key success factors of conversion. this study applied a mixed method. a qualitative method was applied to answer the first four questions and a quantitative method with a structural equation model was used to answer the fifth question. using 120 members of tam as our respondents, this study found that the success of conversion depends on the awareness of human resources to emigrate and the reinforcement to emigrate, especially from the founders. in addition, this awareness indirectly affects the success of conversion through desire, knowledge, ability and reinforcement. in order to succeed, the cooperative management should provide socialization on how to run islfc effectively as well as gradual training. keywords: islamic cooperative, conversion, adkar, key success factors, training the indonesian government issued ministerial regulation no. 16/per/m.kukm/ix/2015 to regulate the implementation of islamic savings loan and financing cooperative. this regulation provides an opportunity for slcs to operate their business based on the islamic financial system. as a result, from the conventional to the islamic system, the data from the ministry of cooperatives and smes shows the number of slcs and their islamic financing unit has achieved 4,046 units or 3.29% of the total national cooperatives, which amounted to 123,048 units.1 it is estimated that all islamic savings-loan and financing cooperatives (hereafter known as islamic savings-loan and financing cooperatives, abbreviated as islfc) or koperasi simpan pinjam pembiayaan syariah (kspps) can distribute financing up to idr 19.07 trillion or equivalent to us$13,3 million.2 one of the slcs that has converted from conventional to islamic systems is tunas artha mandiri (tam). the head office of tam is located in the city of nganjuk, east java, indonesia. tam is a primary cooperative established in 1970. tam continues to expand its business by conducting mergers and acquisitions of small cooperatives across cities. in 2013, the founders started to convert from conventional to islamic cooperative with the assistance of advisory services by batasa tazkia islamic finance and training consultant. tam has been operating for more than 40 years using conventional systems. therefore, this research aims to explore the conversion process with all related issues. specifically, this study identifies key reasons for conversion. it also investigates constraints faced in the conversion process. lastly, this study unveils key success factors in converting from a conventional to an islamic system. the main revenue of tam, in particular and conventional cooperatives, in general, come from interest on loans. when converting into the islamic system, revenues may be generated from several sources, including margins or a portion of profit sharing of financing as well as fee-based revenues. in terms of revenue persistency, conventional cooperatives have more stable and higher persistence of revenues, thereby leading to lower risk. with a business process similar to islamic banks, cooperatives may introduction 235vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 have a similar pattern of risk dan revenues. miah and uddin3 stated that conventional banks are more efficient in managing costs than their islamic counterparts. wahid and dar4 also find that islamic banks are significantly less stable than conventional banks, particularly large islamic banks. therefore, it is very interesting to analyze the case of tam, which decided to move into a riskier business with lower persistency of revenues and income. besides converting conventional into islamic products, a conversion process involves changes in organizational structure and other supporting systems to run islamic cooperatives. the regulation of the minister of cooperatives and small and medium enterprises no. 11 of 2017 stipulates that each islamic savings and loan cooperative and its units must have a sharia supervisory board (ssb). ssb members also must have a certificate of education and training from the national sharia board indonesian ulema council (dsn-mui). the ssb board has to supervise cooperatives in product development as well as operations to comply with sharia law. even though in providing services, ssb may also pay attention to the economic values of the products.5 at the operating level, employees at all levels, especially account officers, should have adequate knowledge of islamic products. they meet directly with customers, explaining the products and convincing them to be interested in engaging with the cooperatives. they can even function as consultants in supervising customers’ business until their financing is approved, particularly for small financing customers.6 these research findings can be a best practice in the process of converting from conventional into islamic systems, including financial institutions. currently, the official guidelines about the conversion from the regulators are not yet available. the indonesian government, through the ministry of cooperatives and smes, has issued ministerial regulation no. 16/per/m.kukm/ix/2015 regulates the implementation of management of islamic cooperatives. however, the regulation is still general. the conversion process requires operational guidelines. therefore, this study is expected to complement the existing references and facilitate slcs' interest in converting their business into a sharia system. 236 afkaruna research method this research uses a case study approach of tunas artha mandiri (tam) savings and financing cooperative. tam work area covers west java, central java and east java. the study was conducted for two months, from november until december 2016. to explore the conversion process with all related issues, this study uses action research which refers to mcniff and whitehead.7 he states that action research refers to a practical way of looking at our own work to check that it is as we would like it to be. it is also known as a practitioner based-research, and because it involves our thinking about and reflecting on our work, it can also be called a form of self-reflective practice. through this action research, this study illustrates how the implementation of the conversion process is carried out. the authors are also a part of a management consulting team as the team leader. they are able to evaluate what has been done, how far the effectiveness of its implementation and what constraints they may face, including the possible solutions. to identify key reasons for conversion and investigate occurring constraints in the conversion process, this study used qualitative analysis. the reasons for the conversion were extracted from the documents and remarks from the management board. the conversion process was observed from the documents and work plans. the level of conversion effectiveness was measured through the number of funding and financing products that had been converted and also operating measures. conversion constraints were also extracted from interviews with tam officers and discussions with administrators and management board members. this study also uses quantitative analysis to unveil key success factors in converting process. using questionnaires distributed to 120 respondents, this study observes their beliefs about the chances of success. this study uses the adkar model to analyze the key success factors of the conversion process. adkar is an acronym that represents the five important factors that people need to achieve for lasting change, namely: awareness, desire, knowledge, ability and reinforcement. adkar provides the building blocks for the successful implementation of 237vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 figure 1 presents the relationship between adkar variables and the relationship between adkar variables and the success of conversion. adkar is used when an organization wants to implement changes on a large scale and affects many parties in the organization. adkar model consists of aspects that need to be met sequentially.9 when change is to be implemented in an organization, the first step is to ensure a thorough understanding of all members of why the change should be made. the next step is to raise the desire to make these changes. the next is to ensure that the parties concerned have knowledge of how the change will be carried out. the knowledge includes how to change and work after the change has been implemented. once members have the required knowledge, the next step is to ensure that all members can make those changes. reinforcement is the last step to assure that the changes that have been implemented are durable and sustainable. these sequential aspects of adkar are indicated by the direction of the arrow, organizational change. it can help organizations to achieve the benefits from their change initiatives.8 desire η1 knowledge η2 ability η3 ζ awareness reinforcement η4 the success of conversion η5 x1y1 y2 y3 y4 y5 x1y6 y7 y8 y9 y10 x1y11 y12 y13 y14 y15 x1 x1 x1 x1 x1 y16 y17 y18 y19 y20 x1y21 y22 y23 y24 y25 figure 1: the relationship between adkar variables and the success of conversion 238 afkaruna starting from awareness (a) and ending at reinforcement (r). this study also directly examines each aspect of adkar to the success of conversion. awareness is an exogenous variable, and the rest of the 5 latent variables are endogenous. each latent variable is measured using 5 questions. therefore, this study has a total of 25 questions (x1-y25). discussion tam profile tunas artha mandiri cooperative (tam) began to operate in 1970 based on the legal entity no.12 / bh / ii / 12/70 dated march 31, 1970. the development of tam continues with the merger and acquisition of other cooperatives inside and outside east java. in 2013, tam decided to convert to sharia as a consequence of the awareness of the founders to conduct business in accordance with islamic teachings. the vision of islamic cooperative tam is to become a national-level model cooperative and an islamic cooperative. while the missions of tam after conversion are: (1) giving prime services to members (excellent service), (2) improving the competitiveness of cooperatives by increasing business volume, investment capability, product/service diversity and efficiency, (3) creating a cooperative with long-term strength and survival (viability) to be able to provide a large cooperative effect to members, (4) developing and strengthen the human resources through the development of information and communication technology systems, and (5) becoming the best partner in improving the community welfare. tam’s financial performance shows steady growth, both in terms of savings, distribution of financing, own capital and external capital, as shown in table 1. no. description 2016 2015 growth (%) 1. saving 366.006.651 334.509.505 9,42 % 2. financing 477.238.007 391.157.265 22.01 % 3. owner equity 129.738.675 124.153.040 3,24 % 4. external equity 13.361.436 10.502.659 27.22% table 1 business development of tam in 2016-2015 (in thousand idr) source: tam financial report 239vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 key reason for conversion the first objective of this research is to identify the main reasons for conversion from conventional into the sharia system. using the study of documentation, including work plans and remarks from the management board, we found the main reason for the conversion into the sharia system is the awareness of the founders. most managers and employees are aware of the danger and the prohibition of usury. after operating with the interest system for more than 40 years, they believed about the right time to do the conversion referred to the age of 40 when muhammad pbuh was appointed as the prophet and apostle. the important role of founders in initiating change has indeed become a common phenomenon. founders will usually slowly create an organizational culture according to their values, assumptions and beliefs.10 in fact, boers and ljungkvist11 found that the ideas of founders who had been inactive for a long time in the organization continued to influence organizational identity. the continuing influence of the founding ceo on governance and ownership arrangements and stock valuation is also explained in nelson's review of the literature.12 the cooperative management, especially those directly involved in the establishment of cooperatives, expects the existence of the sharia cooperative as a part of good deeds, especially for the founders. religious motives become one of the common reasons to convert to the islamic model, including banks, as concluded by alani and yaacob.13 in addition, to increase profitability and maintain existing customers, a literature study by shafii, shahimi and saaid14 noted that 47% of bank conversions in saudi arabia were motivated to comply with shari'ah principles, also followed by other countries such as libya and jordan. in the cooperative industry, aimon et al.15 concluded factors such halal & toyyib, and identity as an islamic cooperative affect the willingness of cooperative members to convert from conventional into the sharia system. in addition to the spiritual reason, the cooperative management also expects that the conversion into the sharia system will impact a variety of product schemes and becomes more beneficial according to the needs and economic conditions of the members. table 2 presents the types of 240 afkaruna conversion process based on the documentation analysis, we found that the conversion process is basically done when the product is due. for weekly conversion products, tam can complete the conversion process quickly as the tenor is only a maximum of five (5) months. however, for monthly products, the maximum tenor is three (3) years. tam summarizes nine (9) products offered by tam. for saving products, tam applies wadiah and mudharabah. while for financing products, tam offers murabahah, istishna, ijarah, madharabah and also musyarakah. savings financing a. member savings b. extraordinary member deposits c. special member savings d. the sweet e. employee deposits f. savings of hajj and umrah g. future savings (simasda) h. simpenta savings i. term deposits (sijangka) j. welfare deposits k. mudharabah savings a. trading b. agriculture c. small industry d. msme sector e. other sectors table 2 savings products and tam syariah financing products source: tam’s documents in the official recorded document, the conversion into a sharia cooperative is a mandate from the results of the management workshop, which determines the direction of the future development of tam. the following management workshop notes show the strong motivation of management to convert its business to a sharia system: 1. doing business in an islamic way, both product, service, management and work atmosphere. 2. growing significantly from time to time. 3. providing benefits for all the interested parties, especially for members. 4. still exist in a variety of economic changes 5. becoming a forum for increasing faith and piety for all the administrators and managers. 241vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 conversion steps as presented in figure 2. figure 2 steps of conversion sources: interview data the first step includes several activities, including stipulation of the conversion team, product development analysis, preparation of a business plan, proposal management (presentation to dsn and ministry of cooperatives), islamic cooperative training, preparation of standard operating procedures (sop) and financing agreements, completion of sops and financing agreements, improvement of information technology systems, replication in other branch offices. the pilot project started in three locations (nganjuk, bandung and purwokerto). steps of conversion vary between cooperatives. normally the more detailed the steps, the easier it is for the implementing team to carry out the conversion process. however, the management may bear more expensive costs and require a longer time. umar, ismail and muhaimin16 summarize only the four steps for cooperatives in west lombok to convert their business into shariah principles. the steps include 1) meeting of special members of change, 2) submission of application for approval of the amendment to the articles of association submitted by notary, 3) acceptance and research of application, 4) enactment of the amendment to the articles of association of cooperatives. 242 afkaruna table 3 business development of kspps tam 2016-2015 (idr 1.000) table 4 target of 2016 tam shariah financing. source: summarized from tam financial report source: report of the rat ksp tam for the 2015 financial year. *’ portions are based on ceilings used for employees, soft and special conversion effectiveness this study evaluates the effectiveness of the conversion using a qualitative method by stressing financial and operational indicators. there was a slight improvement in financial achievement in 2016, one year after conversion was completed in 2015, particularly for owner’s equity growth. in contrast, financing and external capital show significant growth reaching more than 20%, as presented in table 3. the achievement of financial performance in 2016 was inseparable from the optimistic financial planning made by tam management. tam prepares quarterly projections for each financing product, as presented in table 4. based on the 2016 financial report, there were still many branch offices that have not yet been converted to sharia. of all existing branch offices or sub-branch offices, around 60% have implemented shariah principles. the delay in conversion is mainly due to the it system. no. description 2016 (idr) 2015 (idr) growth (%) 1. savings 366.006.651 334.509.505 9,42 % 2. financing 477.238.007 391.157.265 22.01 % 3. owner's equity 129.738.675 124.153.040 3,24 % 4. external capital 13.361.436 10.502.659 27.22% contract installments portion of financing quarter i quarter ii quarter iii quarter v murabahah weekly 14% 31% 54% 91% monthly 4% 31% 54% 81% employee 10% 35% 60% 90% soft 10% 35% 60% 90% special 10% 35% 60% 90% mudharabah/ musyarakah weekly 1% 4% 6% 9% monthly 1% 4% 6% 9% 243vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 in addition to financial effectiveness, this study also assesses the operational effectiveness using twelve (12) indicators collected using 120 employees’ opinions through questionnaires, as shown in figure 3. these non-financial indicators need to be considered in complementing financial indicators, as suggested by shamsuddin et al.17 the findings show that the majority of employees agree with the conversion, and only 15% of employees reject the conversion. to ensure the answers are valid, this research repeated asking the same questions related to the rejection of the conversion. the result is quite consistent, which is only 18% of respondents disagreed with the conversion. in general, they believe the conversion process does not significantly affect their productivity, as indicated by 71% of respondents who disagree if there is a decrease in productivity. most respondents (61%) disagree that there is an increased employee turnover after conversion. the findings show as much as 55% of respondents disagree that there has been unused capacity. the conversion process does not significantly affect capacity and resource changes. the majority of respondents (56%), however, agree that there has been a delay in the conversion process. this delay relates to all aspects of the conversion process, including it and figure 3 the operational effectiveness indicators sources: survey data 244 afkaruna legal requirements. it indicates that conversion is not a simple process. it involves internal and external factors. in the area of organizational change, there are indeed only two issues of decisions (to change) that are taken too slowly or too quickly.18 modelling time in the mind of founders and top management of cooperatives is required. organizational change on a large scale requires change agents who consider various types of interventions, including external parties and regulators, that will affect the change process. our findings also show that 63% of respondents disagree that there has been a decline in the use of work guidelines and regulations. the interesting finding is that only 13% of respondents have a concern about the future of tam after conversion. the majority of them are quite confident and optimistic about facing the new system. there are some resources allocated for conversion. consequently, it will affect service to customers. 44% of respondents agree about the impact. however, the rest believe there is an insignificant impact of the conversion on the quality of services. one of the concerns after conversion is the decrease in deposits and the increase of non-performing financing (npf). however, 62% of respondents believe that the conversion will not decrease their customer deposits and increase npf. making changes is not easy. it makes sense that 58% of respondents still use the previous rules and procedures. they need more time to switch to new work rules and procedures. wright et al.19 highlight that “being too reliance on routine” is one of the reasons why organizations are slow to adapt and change. half of the respondents also agree that the implementation of sharia principles is lower than expected. in summary, three indicators of operational effectiveness are lower than expected, namely the delay in the conversion process, still use of conventional rules and procedures and slow implementation of sharia principles. other indicators show that operationally the conversion process is quite effective. 245vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 conversion constraints conversion constraints are also extracted from interviews with the management cooperative and key employees. for a cooperative with large size as tam, it certainly faces many obstacles in the conversion process. this study classifies these obstacles into three major groups, namely: human resources readiness, members and customer readiness and it system readiness. human resources readiness as shown in table 5, more than 30% of employees graduated from a senior high school, and more than 30% of employees also hold diploma degrees. the composition affects the hr competency. the lower the education background in general, the lower the competency and the more difficult to open their mind to accept changes.20 change creates stress for most employees which can be overcome by employee competence.21 the more competent employees, the less stressed in the face of change they are. in general, more than 30% of tam employees hold bachelor's degrees and have maturity in thinking. as a result, the conversion plan can be done smoothly. education background number of employees percentage senior high school 815 34,13% diploma 775 32,45% bachelor degree 751 31,44 % master degree 47 1,98 % total number of employees 2.388 100,0% table 5 hr composition based on education level sources: survey data the interest of the public in joining cooperatives is lower than banks, especially for undergraduate degrees. to attract the interest of the younger generation, tam opens an internship program in collaboration with vocational students at the diploma level to take part. tam also conducts training on operational matters as well as sharia economics and finance. 246 afkaruna the success of conversion: descriptive analysis this study analyses potential factors affecting the success of conversion using the adkar model, which includes awareness to convert, desire to convert, knowledge of sharia and the conversion process, ability to convert, and reinforcement for conversion. the descriptive analysis is as follows: awareness to convert the majority of them, which amounted to 98%, agree with the conversion process. only 2% disagree with the conversion. they are also confident by moving into sharia, and the cooperative will promote fair treatment to all parties. regarding tam's efforts to increase benefits to members, 44% strongly agree that changes to sharia will increase tam's ability to provide benefits to members. as many as 42% of respondents strongly agree that changes to sharia will make tam more attractive to the public. based on these data, the awareness of employees to convert into sharia is relatively high. the high awareness of members to convert members’/customers’ readiness members are a very central element of cooperatives. cooperatives are established to meet the financial needs of members. members are used to being served with conventional systems. with the conversion to the islamic system, the members need education and even counseling depending on the product they need. unfortunately, tam human resources that handle member counseling are very limited. it system readiness in the conversion process, tam uses offline and web-based systems developed by outside vendors. in the implementation of the circuits, the system experienced a slowdown due to the absence of human resources from the tam, who were ready to be involved in the program development. in addition, the high dependence on the vendors has slowed service, especially if there are technical issues with vendor applications. 247vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 desire to convert as many as 94% of respondents strongly agree that the tam's conversion is based on their wishes. 98% of respondents agree that the conversion will encourage them to be more enthusiastic in their work. the conversion will increase their morale or passion for work. 96% of respondents believe that their personal worship would be better after tam conversion. 75 % of them are confident their careers will improve after conversion. the conversion also increases the pride of being part of the company. in summary, the desire of members is relatively high to support the conversion. although in general, employees are skeptical about changes in organizational culture. it is not easy to rise a desire to ‘voluntarily’ behave in accordance with new cultural values. alvesson and svenings. the desire to change will usually arise when the needs of each person are met with the change. this need serves as a motivator for employees to stay focused on their work . desire to convert as many as 94% of respondents strongly agree that the tam's conversion is based on their wishes. 98% of respondents agree that the conversion will encourage them to be more enthusiastic in their work. the conversion will increase their morale or passion for work. 96% of respondents believe that their personal worship would be better after tam conversion. 75 % of them are confident their careers will improve after conversion. the conversion also increases the pride of being part of the company. in summary, the desire of members is relatively high to support the conversion. although in general, employees are skeptical about changes in organizational culture. it is not easy to rise a desire to ‘voluntarily’ behave in accordance with new cultural values. alvesson and into sharia cooperatives is a prerequisite for the success of the conversion process, as stated by kotter.22 errida and lotfi23 also concluded that the highest awareness makes all parties strongly committed to converting. if the members’ commitment is low, it will have a negative effect on employee involvement. 248 afkaruna knowledge knowledge of islamic finance determines the success of conversion. knowledge refers to the knowledge and capabilities of employees regarding the conversion. 90% of respondents know well the differences between sharia and conventional cooperative. only 9% of them are not familiar with the concept of islamic finance. however, a slightly lower 68 % of them understand details about islamic financial products and services. the interesting findings are the strong commitment of 78% of respondents to educate members about islamic products and services. more than 50% of them also noticed the danger of usury in the economy of the community. tam may implement the following activities to strengthen the knowledge: regular training on islamic finance, providing modules and related materials on islamic cooperatives that are readily available and providing access to information about tam conversion, which can be accessed at the website. similar activities are suggested by paramitha et al.,26 ability to convert the ability to convert can affect the success of the conversion. 59% of respondents are confident in designing islamic financial products based on their knowledge of islamic finance. in addition, about 83% of them believe in being able to run sharia principles in islamic financial institutions. in more detail, however, only 58% of respondents can read financial statements for islamic financial institutions. in general, respondents feel that they have the ability to convert to islamic cooperative. tendelilin27 suggests employees should have physical skills such as product handling and operationalizing applications, as well as cognitive or analytical abilities such as problem-solving, implementing new business policies and procedures and public speaking. svenings.24 the desire to change will usually arise when the needs of each person are met with the change. this need serves as a motivator for employees to stay focused on their work.25 249vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 table 6 summary of hr perception on conversion based on adkar variables reinforcement for conversion considering that the conversion is started from the initiative of the board, it is necessary to carry out continuous encouragement to all members. 96% of respondents experience that the board always encourage all member to convert. 91% of respondents also agree that the board always encourages members to improve the quality of their worship. a conducive working atmosphere will support the success of conversion. freedom to conduct worship becomes one of the indicators of the islamic environment. they will feel comfortable and blessed when they can easily practice their worship activities, including prayer, reciting the qur’an, fasting and so on. the success of conversion the findings show that the majority of members have a strong belief in a brighter future after converting to the islamic system. they are confident that the cooperative will continue to islamically and beneficially grow and compete with other cooperatives and financial institutions. 96% of respondents describe being beneficial for people. 97% of respondents state that converting into shariah will lead to a convenient working environment through an increased faith and piety of members. table 6 summarizes the average perception of respondents for each variable in the adkar model. no adkar based variables % of respondents (average of all observed variables) 1 awareness to convert 98% highly conscious of conversion 2 desire to conversion 94% strong desire to convert 3 knowledge of islamic finance 90% understand islamic products and services 4 ability to convert 96% highly confident in operating an islamic cooperative 5 reinforcement for conversion 90% experience mutual support and improve the practice of worship 6 the confidence to succeed 96% highly confident to be better in the future sources: survey data 250 afkaruna the success of conversion: structural equation model the relationship between adkar variables and conversion success is analyzed using sem, as shown in figure 4. awareness to convert significantly affects the desire to convert in a positive direction, with a loading factor of 0.845 and a t-value of 5.808. the increase in employees’ awareness of converting from conventional to islamic cooperatives will lead to an increase in their desire to convert. likewise, the desire influences knowledge positively, as shown by the loading factor of 0.906 and a t-value of 4.124. since the employees have a strong desire to convert into shariah cooperatives, they are motivated to learn and acquire knowledge about how to run cooperatives using the islamic financial system. furthermore, it makes sense that the increase in knowledge about the islamic financial system is then followed by an increase in the ability to convert, with a loading factor of 0.877 and a t-value of 5.248. finally, the ability to convert also affects the reinforcement variable, as shown by the loading factor of 0.675 and a t-value of 4.918. desire η1 knowledge η2 ability η3 ζ awareness reinforcement η4 the success of conversion η5 0.906 (4.124) 0.877 (5.248) x1y1 y2 y3 y4 y5 x1y6 y7 y8 y9 y10 x1y11 y12 y13 y14 y15 x1 x1 x1 x1 x1 y16 y17 y18 y19 y20 0.845 (5.808) 0.675 (4.918) 0.494 (3.734) 0.389 (2.739)0.239 (-0.901) 0.529 (1.592) 0.261 (1.002) x1y21 y22 y23 y24 y25 figure 4: the success of conversion 251vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 figure 4 also exhibits the direct relationship between adkar variables and the success of conversion. of the five adkar variables, there are two variables, namely awareness and reinforcement, which have a significant positive impact on the success of conversion. the loading factor of awareness-the success of conversion relationship is 0.389, with a t-value of 2.739. the more employees realize the need for conversion from conventional to islamic financial system, the higher the chances of success. in addition, the reinforcement variable also has a positive and significant impact on the conversion success, with a loading factor of 0,494 and a t-value of 3.734. the rest of the three variables of desire to convert, knowledge about the islamic financial system and ability to convert do not indicate a significant effect on the success of conversion. the existence of a positive relationship between the adkar variables indicates that the adkar model is a powerful and robust model with a sequence of interrelated variables. a study by kachian, elyasi and haghani28 also conclude that adkar can also be influential in identifying the weaknesses and strengths of an organization. similarly, the adkar model provides a tool for improving the connection between individual performance, organizational change management and business results.29 the finding shows that awareness has a direct influence on the success of conversion. a high awareness will lead to a high commitment to involve in the process of conversion.30 figure 4 also presents the positive relationship between reinforcement and conversion success. reinforcement can be defined as anything that causes a certain behavior to be repeated or inhibited, which comes from outside. in lewin’s model, reinforcement is the last step after refreezing to ensure the change becomes permanent. conclusion the reasons behind the conversion of tam are the founder's eagerness, and the majority of members agree to be more islamic in business activities, provide long-lasting benefits in the world and the hereafter, continue to grow, can be a place to increase faith and piety for all parties involved. the conversion process begins with a pilot project at several 252 afkaruna branch offices and sub-branch offices, both for monthly and weekly products at the head office (nganjuk east java), then replicated in central java (purwokerto) and west java (bandung). product conversion begins with the murabaha contract. this study found the two main reasons for the conversion into the sharia system, namely spiritual and non-spiritual motives. the spiritual motives include doing business in an islamic way and expecting tam to become a forum for increasing faith and piety for all the administrators and managers. while non-spiritual motives consist of growing significantly from time to time, providing benefits for all the interested parties, especially for members and still exist in a variety of economic changes, especially market trends in islamic economics. the conversion process is quite detailed and lengthy, which is summarized in 9 stages, starting from the setup of the pilot project in some branches to building synergies with other islamic financial institutions. the effectiveness of the conversion process is evaluated based on financial performance and operational indicators. in general, the performance of financial indicators shows a positive increase after the conversion, especially in financing and external capital, which reached more than 30% after conversion. while operational effectiveness measures vary and are slightly lower effective, especially for the delay of the conversion process, they still use conventional rules and procedures and slow implementation of sharia principles. constraints faced by tam in the conversion process include limited human resources who are competent in islamic finance, the unpreparedness of members/customers and less supported it systems. this study found that all aspects of the adkar model have a positive and significant effect on a sequential basis, starting from awareness affecting desire, desire affecting knowledge, knowledge affecting ability, and ability affecting reinforcement. in a direct test, factors that influence the success of conversion are awareness of the conversion and reinforcement for conversion. the purpose of conversion must be continuously socialized to employees and members. the process of conversion should be preceded by a feasibility study, especially regarding 253vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 the interests of employees and members of the cooperative. if this conversion is to be applied to other cooperatives, it is necessary to prepare a conversion sop, namely the steps that must be taken to do the conversion, as well as the sop after the cooperative has converted into the sharia system. this study consists several limitations. using a case study with a single research object leads to research findings and conclusions that cannot be generalized to all sharia cooperatives. future studies should add some research objects based on specific criteria, such as asset size, products and services offered or the length of operation period. another weakness is that the parties involved as respondents are limited from the internal management and members of the cooperative. there are no external parties involved, such as supervisors. further research may invite external parties for a more objective assessment. this research is actually the result of the assistance of researchers in the conversion process of tam. the reality in the field is more complex than described in the adkar model. further research can be 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elsye tandelilin, “keberhasilan melakukan perubahan melalui adkar model,” sosial & humaniora 7, no. 1 (2013): 36–50, https://doi.org/10.2 4123/jsh.v7i1.677. alice kachian, sona elyasi, and hamid haghani, “adkar model and nurses’ readiness for change,” journal of client-centered nursing care 4, no. 4 (2018): 203–12, https://doi.org/10.32598/jccnc.4.4.203. 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 257vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 boca dana gratiela and graţiela dana boca, “adkar model vs quality management change,” risk in contemporary economy, no. january (2013): 246–53, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/266310181. errida and lotfi, “the determinants of organizational change management success: literature review and case study.” 29 30 references aimon, hasdi, hari setia putra, helga nuri honesty, and ika sari wahyuni. “transformation of conventional transactions to sharia at sulit air sepakat cooperative of padang city.” suluah bendang: jurnal ilmiah pengabdian kepada masyarakat 20, no. 3 (2020): 159. https://doi.org/10.24036/sb.0650. alani, farooq salman, and hisham yaacob. “traditional banks conversion motivation into islamic banks: evidence from the middle east.” international business research 5, no. 12 (2012): 83–98. https://doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v5n12p83. alvesson, mats, and stefan sveningsson. changing organizational culture: cultural change work in progress. changing organizational culture: cultural change work in progress, 2007. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203935965. angtyan, hovhannes. “adkar model in change management.” international review of management and business research 8, no. 2 (2019): 179–82. https://doi.org/10.30543/82(2019)-4. boca, graţiela dana. “boca_gratiela.” international conference “risk in contemporary economy,” 2013, 246–53. boers, börje, and torbjörn ljungkvist. “a founder’s heritage: the development of organizational identity.” journal of small business and entrepreneurship 31, no. 1 (2019): 73–95. https://doi.org/10.1080/08276331.2018.1466849. dana gratiela, boca, and graţiela dana boca. “adkar model vs quality management change.” risk in contemporary economy, no. january (2013): 246–53. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/266310181. errida, abdelouahab, and bouchra lotfi. “the determinants of organizational change management success: literature review and case study.” international journal of engineering business management 13 (2021): 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1177/18479790211016273. goyal, charu, and manoj patwardhan. “role of change management using adkar model: a study of the gender perspective in a leading bank organisation of india.” international journal of human resources development and management 18, no. 3–4 (2018). gregg, roy g., and john van maanen. “the realities of education as a prescription for organizational change.” public administration review 33, no. 6 (1973): 522–32. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.2307/974564. humas kementerian koperasi dan ukm. “koperasi syariah berpera penting gerakkan sektor riil,” 2021. https://kemenkopukm.go.id/read/koperasi-syariah-berperan-penting-gerakkansektor-riil. kachian, alice, sona elyasi, and hamid haghani. “adkar model and nurses’ readiness for change.” journal of client-centered nursing care 4, no. 4 (2018): 203–12. https://doi.org/10.32598/jccnc.4.4.203. kim, jina, and hye sun jung. “the effect of employee competency and organizational culture on employees’ perceived stress for better workplace.” international journal of environmental research and public health 19, no. 8 (2022). 258 afkaruna https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19084428. knks. “baitul maal wat-tamwil ( bmt ): a faith and community based.” komite nasional keuangan syariah, 2019, 1–61. https://knks.go.id/storage/upload/1577610881-knks_case study_bmt.pdf. kotter, j.p. leading change. boston: harvard business school press, 1996. mamatha s.v., and geetanjali p. “founder leaders and organization culture: a comparative study on indian and american founder leaders based on schein’s model of organizational culture.” iim kozhikode society & management review 9, no. 1 (2020): 23–33. https://doi.org/10.1177/2277975219890932. mcniff, jean. you and your action research project. you and your action research project, 2016. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315693620. miah, mohammad dulal, and helal uddin. “efficiency and stability: a comparative study between islamic and conventional banks in gcc countries.” future business journal 3, no. 2 (2017): 172–85. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fbj.2017.11.001. mukhibad, hasan, and akhmad nurkhin. “the mechanism of corporate governance, financial performance, and social performance in baitul maal wat tamwil (bmt).” journal of accounting and strategic finance 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–17. https://doi.org/10.33005/jasf.v3i1.66. nelson, teresa. “the role and influence of firm founders.” handbook of top management teams, 2010, 263–69. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230305335. paramitha, tania ayudya, diana k. tobing, and imam suroso. “adkar model to manage organizational change.” asian journal of chemistry 30, no. 8 (2018): 1717–22. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3633128. shafii, zurina, shahida shahimi, and adel saaid. “obstacles and motivation behind conversion of conventional banks to islamic banks: an overview.” international review of management and business research 5, no. 3 (2016): 1021–38. shamsuddin, zelhuda, suraya mahmood, puspa liza ghazali, fauzilah salleh, and farah amalina md nawi. “indicators for cooperative performance measurement.” international journal of academic research in business and social sciences 8, no. 12 (2018). https://doi.org/10.6007/ijarbss/v8-i12/5056. stouten, jeroen, denise m. rousseau, and david de cremer. “successful organizational change: integrating the management practice and scholarly literatures.” academy of management annals 12, no. 2 (2018): 752–88. https://doi.org/10.5465/annals.2016.0095. syakir, ahmad. “peran account officer dan perkembangan pembiayaan pada perbankan syariah,” 2012. https://www.mendeley.com/viewer/?fileid=1b2d58e4-f817-bef1-65c8eda83f32fa3f&documentid=5a91f9d9-d058-3b99-9029-2a418bb2176e. tandelilin, elsye. “keberhasilan melakukan perubahan melalui adkar model.” sosial & humaniora 7, no. 1 (2013): 36–50. https://doi.org/10.24123/jsh.v7i1.677. umar, saidul, sumiati ismail, and muhaimin. “conversion of conventional cooperatives into sharia cooperatives ( sutudy in west lombok regency ).” international journal of humanities, relogion and sical science. issn : 2548-5725, vol. 2, issue. 06, 2018, www.doarj.org 2, no. 6 (2018): 13–23. wahid, muhamad azhari, and humayon dar. “stability of islamic versus conventional banks: a malaysian case(kestabilan bank islam berbanding bank konvensional: kajian kes malaysia).” jurnal ekonomi malaysia 50, no. 2 (2016): 107–24. https://doi.org/10.17576/jem-2016-5001-09. whittle, susan rosina. “quick, quick, slow: time and timing in organizational change.” changing organizations from within, no. may 2013 (2016): 113–26. 259vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 wright, george, kees van der heijden, ron bradfield, george burt, and george cairns. “why organizations are slow to adapt and change — and what can be done about it.” journal of general managemen 29, no. 4 (2004): 20–35. 12. afkaruna_faridah_revisi 1 many studies have been conducted on da'wah through youtube, but the researchers in this study specifically analyzed the use of youtube for preaching from the perspective of millennial society. this descriptive research applied a qualitative approach, while the data were obtained through interviews and documentation of several millennial people who were considered representative in providing information related to research needs. the research findings showed that people like to watch da'wah through youtube, and da'wah is delivered effectively. the advantages of youtube in da'wah are in terms of audiovisual presentation of da'wah, flexible time considerations, and completeness of da'wah material delivered compared to da'wah through video on social media. apart from the joy of being mad'u in participating in da'wah activities via youtube, they also conveyed a change in mindset, attitude, and behavior after listening to the da'wah messages conveyed. this illustrates that the community has felt the benefits of using youtube as a propaganda medium, such as in the preaching of ustadz adi hidayat, k.h. abdullah gymnasitiar, ustadz abdul shomad, ustadzah oki setiana dewi, ustadzah syifa nurfadhillah who have quite a lot of followers and likes that there are up to thousands and positive comments in each of his studies. keywords: da'wah, youtube, millennial community abstract article history received: 18 october 2022, revised: 17 april 2023, accepted: 27 june 2023, published: 30 june 2023 da’wah through youtube in the perspective of millennial society jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 universitas islam ahmad dahlan sinjai, indonesia corresponding author: suriatimarjan@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.16111 suriati* institut agama islam muhammadiyah sinjai, indonesia andifaridah81@gmail.com faridah european alliance for innovation (eai), belgium diandamayanti17@gmail.com dian damayanti nowadays, humans have undergone a technology-based civilization that has changed humans from time series civilization to real-time due to digitalization in all aspects of life.1 one aspect that has not escaped the digitalization process is da'wah activities. da'wah, which used to only be carried out from mosque to mosque or from the taklim assembly to the taklim assembly through a face-to-face process between the dai and mad'u, has now shifted to the digital space. the use of information and communication technology is increasing, especially in the era of the covid-19 pandemic. introduction the history of the missionary journey explains that the process of conveying ideas or contents of da'wah had never been disseminated and conveyed quickly before the existence of newspapers, films, radio, and television.2 da'wah is getting more complex, so it demands the da'wah to be able to adjust itself so that da'wah can remain upright on this earth. the demand for da'wah so that it can be carried out and established on this earth refers to the opinion that the need for da'wah is the same as the need for food and drink that humans cannot leave behind. this is because da'wah fulfills the other side of human life, namely the spiritual needs of humans so that they can live quietly in this world and in the hereafter.3 the command to preach is a mandatory and very clear order conveyed in q.s. ali imran/3: 104, which reads: the translation is, “and let there be a group of people among you who call on virtue, instruct those who are good and prevent those who are evil; they are the lucky ones.” based on the command of allah swt. accordingly, no matter how hard the challenges faced by the da'i/daiah or missionary, da'wah is still highly necessary. the ability of the preacher or preacher in preaching with the increasing complexity of the challenges of preaching makes the preacher or preacher should have a broad perspective, including in terms of the types of challenges the missionary will face. broadly speaking, malik idris in faridah conveys several types of challenges to da'wah, which can be seen as follows: 1. the challenge of da'wah from a behavioral perspective is that there is an expectation of behavior change at the target of da'wah (mad'u). 2. the challenge of da'wah from a transmission perspective is the hope that the message conveyed can change the attitudes and behavior of mad'u. 3. the challenge of da'wah in the perspective of interaction is the broadness of the association of mad'u, which allows the contamination of contradictory messages. 4. the challenge of da'wah from a transactional perspective is understanding the assimilation between western and eastern cultures.4 in addition to the challenges described above, the biggest challenges experienced by preachers or preachers today are the use of media in preaching and psychological challenges from individuals who are phobic of islam. this phobia towards islam, among other things, occurs because of society's misunderstanding about islam, so it should also be the responsibility of the preacher to straighten and clarify it. the existence of islam in indonesia is one of the social leaders and resources in building and maintaining non-violent and peaceful public spaces.5 even though the challenges of da'wah may drain energy, mind, and mental (psychic) endurance, the true preacher is still obliged to make this challenge a spark of enthusiasm to continue preaching because da'wah is a knife of analysis or a solution to the problems of the people according to the context.6 the many challenges of da'wah, especially in this era of globalization, should allow the preacher to adapt so that da'wah can continue to exist until the end of time. for this purpose, the ability of preachers or preachers to adapt to today's times is increasingly demanded because, in this era, anyone who has a passenger mentality and only waits will experience displacement and make his business or service business die. disruption causes the effect of destruction or shift that occurs to become faster. so that in this era, humans, including preachers or preachers, must change, or da'wah will become extinct.7 responding and following up on the phenomenon of disruption today, people with various professions ٌة ي�ْدُعْوَن اَِ� الَْخْ�ِ َويَأُْمُرْوَن ِبالَْمْعُرْوِف َويَْنَهْوَن َعِن الُْمْنَكِر َواُولٰى�َك ُهُم الُْمْفلُِحْوَن ْنُكْم اُم� َولْتَُكْن م� 146 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 have utilized communication technology, including social media, to adapt to changing times. one of the most widely used social media is youtube. according to faiqah, nadjib, and amir, generally, the videos on youtube are video clips, movies, tv, and videos made by the users themselves.8 youtube users who are also widely found today are preachers, so it can be said that youtube today has become one of the media used in preaching. the busyness of society today has made da'wah via youtube an alternative choice for listening to religious studies. it becomes interesting to study how to use youtube in preaching and its implications. the research results are expected to be a scientific contribution in the field of da'wah and communication and become a reference in the use of youtube media in preaching. this qualitative descriptive research proceeded through interviews with several informants related to using youtube in preaching and collecting documentation related to research data. the research data were obtained from two types of data sources, namely primary data sources and secondary data sources. primary data sources consist of informants whom researchers consider representative in conveying research data, namely the use of youtube in preaching. the secondary data source is in the form of writings related to research data. researchers collected research data through interview techniques with several informants conducted randomly to prevent bias toward research data. researchers also carry out documentation techniques, namely collecting data from various sources, such as writings relevant to the study, especially the use of youtube in preaching. data analysis was carried out in several steps, starting from collecting data and then carrying out data reduction, namely selecting, grouping, and removing unnecessary data, then organizing and grouping data according to the next focus, displaying data or presenting data, and finally conducting data verification. more data would be added if necessary or incomplete. research method da'wah is a means of media for disseminating islamic teachings. the existence of da'wah from time to time is very much needed. related to the current context, one of the things that require the presence of da'wah is a millennial society with various life problems amid limited time. islam as a mercy to the universe must be conveyed through da'wah. the many conflicts happening today, which are considered to be the impact of the intolerant behavior of muslims, require a big role in da'wah. it is important to convey that islam has enormous capital in encouraging a harmonious life because the qur'an explicitly explains the importance of making piety an energy of tolerance. differences in ethnicity, nation, and gender should not be an issue to achieve a better life tomorrow.9 according to qodir in anja kusuma atmaja, islam is a dynamic religion. this is marked by the many religious organizations acting in the name of islam.10 this is also one of the reasons for the emergence of many da'wah movements with different patterns and styles. islamic da'wah is divided into individual da'wah and organizations or movements.11 in its implementation, da'wah does not escape the digitalization process. digitalization and changes in the world of da'wah provide convenience in religious access. the digital community can listen to lectures on the bus, train, in the room, in the kitchen, wherever and whenever needed. in addition, the digital community can choose the lecture themes they need or what they want only by using a cell phone or gadget smaller than radio and tv. religious activities such as listening to and viewing lectures at one time through a device can be done. current technological developments make it very easy to access religious activities, especially religious lectures, without attending the activity directly at the venue.12 da'wah and millennial society 147afkaruna today the world has entered the third wave. this indicates that humanity is in the information age. the information age is an era in which a global electronic community is when humans can easily access all services and information without borders and build their communities, interacting not based on geographical distance but because of common interests.13 the birth of a communication society was caused by the presence of communication technology that has changed how humans communicate.14 the characteristics of the information society are people who are exposed to mass media and global communication, they are aware of information and obtain sufficient information, they make the information a commodity of economic value, they relate to other communities in the global community system, and they access information super highway or high speed.15 the characteristics of the information society described above present the idea that the current stage of human life marked by the soaring use of communication technology, has changed humans from a time series civilization to real time. access to this very high information requires technology related to the internet. the internet has made it possible to achieve progress in the fields of health, education, transportation, religion, commerce, which is healthier, and much more. the internet allows the rapid development of activities in all aspects of life.16 steve jobs, the founder of america online (aol), who was one of the figures influenced by toffler, divided the world of the internet into three waves: in the internet era, the presence of new media in the midst of society is in line with the public's need for information. new media gave rise to many media, including social media, including youtube. flalinger, b, owens in mahmuddin, and kusnadi convey that youtube has become a phenomenon and is influential in all corners of the world which only have access to the internet.18 youtube was founded in february 2005 by three former paypal employees: chad hurley, steve chen, and jawed karim.19 youtube is a social media that is most in demand by society today. its popularity is projected to continue to increase along with the number of users. previously, youtube recorded 1.5 billion logged-in monthly users in mid-2017.20 the name youtube itself was inspired by the name of a pizza parlor and japanese restaurant in san mateo, california. 2005 was the starting point for the birth of the video upload site youtube.com. by 2006 youtube.com had become a fast-growing site by uploading as many as 65,000 new videos and reaching 100,000 videos as of july 2006 to the youtube video site. the record penetrated the 5 most popular sites on the site �alexa.com, far beating the myspace.com site. in june 2006, the youtube video site entered into a marketing and advertising partnership with nbc. early in entering the international market, in october 2006, google purchased the youtube video site shares with a value of usd 1.65 million. at this time, the youtube video site began to develop and reach a period of stability at the international level. at the beginning of the establishment period, the youtube video site was awarded by pc world magazine and was named nine of the ten best products in 2006.21 1st batch (1985 1999) from zero to one with the characters jobs, gatos, case, moore, scott mcneally, and grove, they produced products to open access such as basic, modern software, microprocessors, hardware and networks that allow their work to be connected. 2nd batch (2000 – 2015) application and commercialization in this era is rife with the development of social media or social networks that have the potential to organize ourselves. the virtual era ranging from video games, and maps to travel and communication, belongs to 3rd batch (2016). in the era of the internet of things, the internet lives independently, and no longer belongs to the writing company.17 youtube a. b. 148 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 flalinger, b, owens in arif ramdan sulaeman, et al. stated that youtube has become a phenomenon and influential in all corners of the world that only have internet access. youtube is an effective means of communication in conveying information to all groups in various forms of material packaged according to the interests of each youtube user. in addition, according to faiqah et al., arif ramdan sulaeman et al., youtube as a social media is a popular video-sharing website where users can load, watch and share video clips for free. generally, the videos on youtube are movie clips, tv, and videos made by users.22 on mobile, youtube has reached more viewers aged 18-34 and 18-49 than any other cable television network in the united states. youtube is translated into over 88 countries and accessible in 76 languages (which make up 95% of the internet population). according to data released by we are social singapore, the most frequently used social media in indonesia is youtube, with a percentage of 49% with unlimited duration.23 in addition, youtube provides a mechanism for social interaction to get opinions and views from visitors through comments, voting, ranking, selecting favorites, sharing referrals, viewing referrals, as well as positive and negative comments given by users. this information is important and useful in studying the treatment of users and the public for videos and impressions on social media such as youtube. social interaction mechanisms can be grouped into the structure of sentiment analysis on youtube videos. based on this structure, an analysis of the popularity level of videos and channels on youtube can be carried out, including sentiment analysis. not only can it analyze the comments given on videos, but it also include all aspects of interaction that exist on youtube, which are obtained through video views. therefore, public sentiment towards information, both positive and negative, can be collected through video analysis of studies on certain themes. even from this analysis, we can conclude the negative or positive impact that the video can cause.24 today the youtube site or application has become the largest database of all video content around the world. on youtube, there is a variety of content that is useful or not for all people, such as da'wah content, education, music, economics, tutorials, and various other videos, both from personal activities and from other sources. the point that can be understood is that everyone can be a part of uploading video content on youtube.25 the advantages that youtube as compared to other social media make youtube chosen by many professions to use youtube as a medium for smoothness, convenience, development, and success. observing the times and the characteristics of youtube as a social media popular with contemporary society, youtube is highly recommended as an alternative media for today's da'wah. meanwhile, the internet is a new media that has emerged in indonesian society in this reformation era. this new technology has brought changes to landscape media in indonesia. the spread of ideas about islam and the attention of muslims frequently grows with the conditions around them and in accordance with their ideological background.26 this has strengthened even more in the era of the covid-19 pandemic. all elements of society are forced to be digitally literate because everything is done network-based, and all aspects of life use digital technology or electronic devices. this is known as new media. today, it is undeniable that new media technology greatly influences daily needs and has become a lifestyle for every individual.27 new media is media that emerges in line with the development of digital technology, which has several characteristics expressed by denis mcquail: their interconnectivity, access to individual audiences as message recipients or senders, interactivity, diverse uses as different characters, openness, and everywhere.28 149afkaruna the development of communication technology has had a huge impact, especially in the pandemic era, an era that requires innovation, as stated by renal ghazali in his disruption theory. the phenomenon of disruption is something that cannot be avoided, but it is a new opportunity so that every element of society should prepare itself. the basis that is needed is digitization using thorough data analysis. this action requires good literacy skills, both old literacy which includes calistung skills (reading, writing, and arithmetic), as well as new literacy skills, which include: the preacher should have this literacy ability so that his preaching can be truly effective. mark zuckerberg stated that success depends on our ability to align between interaction, innovation, and disruption.30 in relation to this, it was stated that the preacher should be able to strengthen literacy strengthening which integrates with strengthening scientific competence and expertise or profession so that it can be said that a preacher must be able to combine three fields simultaneously, namely old literacy, new literacy, and scientific literacy.31 the preacher's ability to integrate skills in literacy will produce innovations needed in da'wah activities. one form of innovation that is carried out is by adjusting between da'wah media and the context of da'wah implementation. according to arifuddin tike in faridah, media is a tool used to transfer messages from the source to the recipient of the message, which consists of three, namely media in the form of speech or sound (the speaking word), media in written form (the printed writing), media in the form of live images (the audiovisual media).32 of the three types of media described, live images (the audiovisual media) are included in new media such as social media, in this case, youtube and the like. the use of youtube to preach today is very widespread. many preachers have taken part in using youtube as a propaganda medium. this is very encouraging to see that the existence of youtube as an audiovisual media today has caught the attention of the ummah, so for da'wah, the use of youtube is very worthy of consideration. da'wah, according to syekh ali bin salih al-mursyid, is a system that functions to explain truth, virtue, and (religious) guidance, as well as uncovering various evils and their techniques and methods through a number of techniques, methods, and other media.33 the analysis related to the definition of da'wah indicates that da'wah activities require several elements that can deliver da'wah activities to the achievement of da'wah objectives in accordance with those formulated. one of the elements that play an important role today is the media in preaching. the phenomenon of using media as a means of preaching is now increasing and developing along with developments in communication technology, especially with the internet (online-based).34 the internet ushered people into the digital era, which is now effective in conveying da'wah messages because it uses social media. the existence of social media makes it easy for users to communicate without space and time limits. social networking applications such as blogs, facebook, twitter, youtube, and instagram allow users to choose how to communicate and share information.35 data literacy skills is the ability to read, analyze, and make thinking conclusions based on the data and information (big data) obtained. technological literacy is the ability to understand how machines work, apply technology, and work with technology-based products to get maximum results. human literacy, namely the ability to communicate, collaborate, think critically, creatively, and innovatively.29 1. 2. 3. 150 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 related to the existence of the internet in communication technology, social media is a type of communication technology in a new type of media widely used as a medium for preaching. to better understand social media, there are several broad categories in the division of social media, including social networking media, online journals, simple online journals or microblogs, sharing media, social bookmarks, and content media.36 based on this division, media sharing is considered the most appropriate because it is a type of social media that facilitates users to share media ranging from documents (files), videos, audio, images, and so on. among the examples of this type of social media is youtube.37 based on these assumptions, it can be concluded that youtube is an alternative media for today's da'wah that is most suitable for da'wah's needs. some things that need to be considered in da'wah on youtube are that the mad'u faces are heterogeneous mad'u, so it is necessary to consider the characteristics of mad'u in receiving the information conveyed. there are three types of mad'u based on how they obtain and process the information received. this type should be a concern for the preacher in conveying his da'wah through youtube because there is no direct face-to-face interaction which could be a forum for understanding feedback. the three types of mad'u are based on how to obtain and process information. the visual type are those who prefer to obtain information through sight. the auditory type prefers hearing, and the kinesthetic type prefers words that are related to feelings.38 the use of youtube as a medium of da'wah today has the potential to achieve the goals of da'wah, as research results show in the following chart 1: in addition to data from the results of the digital questionnaire mentioned above, analysis related to da'wah via youtube can also be seen from the results of direct interviews with several informants as follows. lisafitri, 20 years a store employee, said, "i often watch videos via instagram, facebook, whatsapp, and youtube, sometimes for up to 1 hour. i enjoy watching da'wah videos because they gain knowledge and make me aware, and experience changes in attitudes and actions after watching da'wah videos.”39 as for other informants, a.muhammad tasbih stated, “i often watch videos via youtube and fb, sometimes 3-4 videos for 30 minutes a day, and i enjoy reading da'wah content by watching videos. i get learning for self-introspection, experiencing changes in attitudes and actions after watching da'wah videos.”40 presentation of mad'u understanding of da'wah via youtube explanation 0% no 12.5% really understand 4,2% doubtful 83,3% understand chart 1 151afkaruna similarly, mardiana, 23 years old journalist, reported, “i often watch da'wah videos but not erratically in a day, depending on the quota. i prefer to watch videos because the videos can be selective, and the theme is not monotonous. by watching da'wah videos, i gained far-reaching knowledge and information that we can find by watching the video i experienced a lot of changes in mindset, even though it depended on the way the da'wah was delivered, and i experienced a change in attitude and action after watching the da'wah video.”41 furthermore, erwin, one of the iaim sinjai students, added,” i watch youtube 1-2 times a day for 15-30 minutes or depending on the duration of the da'wah videos watched. i like youtube because the explanations are more complete, and i experience a change in mindset, especially when the da'wah video content is interesting and mindblowing so i can provide new insights and straighten out our understanding in studying the religion of islam, besides that the form of implementation after watching the da'wah video can be self-control for me in attitude and behavior. this is because da'wah videos can display visuals and audio, so it's easier for me to understand. moreover, i am a person with a visual learning type who will more easily understand lessons by seeing/watching.”42 in line with what was conveyed by erwin, faisal also noted, “i usually watch da'wah videos once or twice a day normally and never at all. the time i spend most of the time watching da'wah videos is 30 minutes. i like watching via youtube. the change is very significant. i experienced a change in attitude after watching the da'wah video, but sometimes if i don't watch the da'wah for a long time, it's as if my attitude will change again. i prefer watching videos because i feel better when i listen than reading because i hear as if i pondered and explored what was conveyed.”43 the similar statement was also conveyed by kamrida,” i often watch da'wah videos daily, sometimes up to four times daily, for about 30 minutes or even 1 hour on instagram and youtube. da'wah videos always move us to always improve ourselves to be better. the da'wah video is complete, and the studies are complete to completion. on instagram, it is a little longer but directly shows the important points contained in the da'wah. so that we also understand it well. da'wah videos to improve worship, namely never leaving the five daily prayers, invites us to always think not to abandon allah swt's commands to become a better person because through the video, we listen to the advice of scholars, and it is easier to digest when explained by the scholars themselves.”44 as can be seen from the above interviews, people often listen and watch the da'wah contents via youtube. the advantages of youtube as an audiovisual media, flexible time considerations, and completeness of da'wah material delivered compared to da'wah through videos on other social media make mad'u happy. concretely, millennial people watch da'wah via youtube for several reasons such as: easy and can be opened at any time, more complete and clear, less time, and simple. you can also use a cell phone, and you can listen to da'wah at any time, making it easier to learn and listen to da'wah in between busy schedules. preaching that could not be attended before followed, time is more flexible and can be done anytime and anywhere, easy to get, youtube is one of the very good media to hear lectures from several ustadz without having to be present at the place where the lecture is taking place if you really need the material and can't participate in person. the homepage makes it easier to access the da'wah you want to hear, easy to reach anywhere and anytime, and can be watched again.45 some ustadz or ustadzah have used youtube as a medium for preaching, and millennials like preaching from them, such as ustadz �adi hidayat, k.h. abdullah gymnasitiar, ustadz abdul shomad, ustadzah oki setiana dewi and ustadzah syifa nurfadhillah. some of the reasons why their da'wah is liked are because the explanation is very clear, the way of explaining is easy to catch, educational, funny, easy to understand, the explanation is simple and in accordance with current facts, the understanding 152 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 is very broad, the nature at the moment delivering lectures, the opinions conveyed are from strong references, the delivery of material is not monotonous, and the way of communicating da'wah is relaxed and clear.46 the researcher found that ustadz, or ustadzah most liked on youtube, was ustadz adi hidayat. this can be seen from the below chart 2: mad'u’s interest in participating in da'wah activities through youtube can manifest changes in mindset and behavior in mad'u. this illustrates that the community has felt the benefits of using youtube as a propaganda medium. the results of the interviews above illustrate that preaching via youtube is in high demand by millennials. the da'wah is deemed to be effective in realizing the goals of da'wah so that preachers are expected to consider using youtube in preaching. the impacts of da’wah through youtube that endangers changes in the object of da’wah can been in the below chart 3: preacher's presentations that are often watched on youtube explanation 50% ustadz adi hidayat 14.3% ustadzah okky setiana dewi 21,4% ustadz abdul somad 14.3% all of them chart 2 presentation of the changes felt by mad'u after watching da'wah on youtube explanation 42,9% mindset change (increased knowledge) 35,7% all (changes in mindset, attitude, and action) 14,3% happiness from being entertained (entertained because of the preaching that was watched) 7,1% action change (to carry out the preaching message that has been watched) chart 3 the above chart description illustrate that da'wah via youtube is considered effective in endangering changes in mindset, attitude, action, and a sense of happiness. 153afkaruna the use of youtube in preaching in the contemporary era is relevant, especially with the advantages of youtube compared to other media, namely in terms of audiovisual and data storage, so that it can be accessed repeatedly according to the needs of mad'u. besides, the message of da'wah through youtube is clear and concrete, so mad'u who need enlightenment and clarity on da'wah material choose youtube as a medium to get their da'wah material. the implication of using youtube in preaching is that the effectiveness of preaching through youtube is quite encouraging because it can cause changes in the mindset, attitude, and behavior of mad'u. therefore, the use of youtube as a medium for preaching must be packaged in a good way, considering the concept of communication effectiveness, which can be considered from mad'u’s ability to receive and process information. avoiding intolerant preaching and suitable duration of preaching should also be considered by the preacher who wants to preach through youtube. conclusion 154 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 endnotes renald kasali, distruption, pt gramedia pustaka utama, jakarta, oktober,2007, h. 21. anwar arifin, dakwah kontemporer sebuah studi komunikasi, yogyakarta; graha ilmu, 2011, h. 87. taufiq yusuf al-wa’iy, fiqih dakwah ilallah, ditrjm oleh sofyan abbas dkk, jakarta; al-i’tisom, h. 28, faridah, strategi dakwah dalam pembinaan spiritual narapidana di lempaga pemasyarakatan wanita kelas ii a sungguminasa, gowa, http://repositori.uin-alauddin.ac.id/1988/1/full.pdf, 2014, h.22. maksimus regus, islam and the making of a non-violent and peaceful public sphere in indonesia, jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 2 december 2022. h.279-294. asep muhyiddin, dkk., kajian dakwah multiperspektif; teori, metodologi, problem dan aplikasi, bandung; remaja rosdakarya, h.18. renald kasali, distruption, pt gramedia pustaka utama,jakarta,oktober,2007, h. 22. arif ramdan sulaeman, dkk., strategi pemanfaatan youtube dalam bidang dakwah oleh ulama aceh, communication, vol. 11 no.1 april 2020, h. 81 – 93. agus riyadi, zulfikar ganna priyangga, mustolehudin, dakwah islam dan nasionalisme: studi kasus dakwah kebangsaan a.r. baswedan, jurnal dakwah risalah vol. 32 no. 1. juni 2021: hal 1-19. anja kusuma atmaj dan alfiana yuniar rahmawati, urgensi inklusifitas pelaksanaan dakwah di tengah problematika sosial, https://ejournal.iainbengkulu.ac.id/index.php/syiar vol. 20, no. 02, juli-desember 2020; hlm. 203-215. imroatul istiqomah dan maria ulfa, da’wa model based on brand community value: qaryah thayibah implementation for villages fostered by 'aisyiyah ponorogo, jurnal afkaruna vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021.227-248. luthfi hidayah, dakwah islam di era generasi milenial (analisis metode dakwah gus miftah), file:///c:/users/me/downloads/278-article%20text-881-1-10-20211008.pdf, diakses 01 desember 2021. renald kasali, distruption, pt gramedia pustaka utama, jakarta, oktober,2007, h.56. nengah bawa atmaja dan luh putu sri ariyani, sosiologi media perspektif teori kritis, depok; rajawali pers, 2018, h.43. shiefti dyah alyusi, media sosial; interaksi, identitas, dan modal sosial, jakarta;kencana, 2016, h.26. renald kasali,pt gramedia pustaka utama, jakarta, oktober, 2007, h.56. renald kasali, distrupsion, pt gramedia pustaka utama, jakarta, oktober, 2007, h.56-58. mahmuddin dan kusnadi, pemanfaatan video dalam berdakwah (studi metode dakwah uas), jurnal tabligh volume 22 no 1, juni 2021 :1-23. yolanda stellarosa, dkk., pemanfaatan youtube sebagai sarana transformasi majalah highend, jurnal lugas, vol. 2, no. 2, desember 2018, pp. 5968. haryadi mujianto, pemanfaatan youtube sebagai media ajar dalam meningkatkan minat dan motivasi belajar, jurnal komunikasi hasil pemikiran dan penelitian vol. 5; no. 1, 2019, h. 135-159. edy chandra youtube, citra media informasi interaktif atau media penyampaian aspirasi pribadi, jurnal muara ilmu sosial, humaniora, dan seni, vol. 1, no. 2, oktober 2017: hlm 406-417. arif ramdan sulaeman, dkk., strategi pemanfaatan youtube dalam bidang dakwah oleh ulama aceh, jurnal communication, vol. 11 no.1.2020. h. 81-93. yolanda stellarosa, dkk., pemanfaatan youtube sebagai sarana transformasi majalah highend, jurnal lugas, vol. 2, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 155afkaruna no. 2, desember 2018, pp. h. 59-68. evans w. wirga, analisis konten pada media sosial video youtube untuk mendukung strategi kampanye politik, https://ejournal.gunadarma.ac.id/index.php/infokom/article/view/1716, vol.21, no.1., 2016. arif ramdan sulaeman, dkk., strategi pemanfaatan youtube dalam bidang dakwah oleh ulama aceh, jurnal communication, vol. 11 no.1. 2020. h. 81-93. imam suprabowo, twediana budi hapsari, islamic movement global jihad: analysis of online media framing, afkaruna vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020. suryanto, kapita selekta komunikasi, bandung: pustaka setia, h.195. suryanto, kapita selekta komunikasi, bandung: pustaka setia, h.206. poppy ruliana dan puji lestari, teori komunikasi, depok; rajawali pers, 2019, h. 231. renald kasali, distrupsi, pt gramedia pustaka utama, jakarta, oktober, 2007, h.36. poppy ruliana dan puji lestari, teori komunikasi, depok; rajawali pers, h. 232. faridah, strategi dakwah dalam pembinaan spiritual narapidana di lembaga pemasyarakatan wanita kelas ii a sungguminasa, gowa, http://repositori.uin-alauddin.ac.id/1988/1/full.pdf, 2014, h. 51 moh.ali azis, ilmu dakwah, cet ii; jakarta: kencana, 2009, h. 11. wahyu khoiruzzaman, urgensi dakwah media cyber berbasis peace journalism, doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.21580 /jid.36i.2.1775. muhammad raqib,dkk., dakwah bil lisan melalui media sosial pada komunitas hijrah di kota solo, jurnal dakwah dan komunikasi, vol. 7 no.2, 2022, h.129-138. rulli nasrullah, media sosial; perspektif komunikasi, budaya dan sosioteknologi, bandung; simbiosa rekatama media, h.39. rulli nasrullah, media sosial; perspektif komunikasi, budaya dan sosioteknologi, bandung; simbiosa rekatama media, h.44. zaka putra ramdani, blitz hypnotic; menaklukkan lawan bicara dalam 2 menit, yogyakarta; solusi distribusi, h. 32-44. lisafitri, private employee, interview, 1 december 2021. andi muhammad tasbih, private employee, interview, december 1, 2021. mardianti, wartawan sulselpos, interview, december 1, 2021. muh. erwin amir, student of islamic guidance and counseling study program (bpi) faculty of ushluddin and islamic communication iaim sinjai, interview, sinjai, tuesday 28 december 2021. faisal, student of the islamic guidance and counseling study program (bpi) faculty of ushluddin and islamic communication iaim sinjai, interview, sinjai, tuesday 28 december 2021. kamrida, student of the islamic guidance and counseling study program (bpi) faculty of ushluddin and islamic communication iaim sinjai, interview, sinjai, tuesday 28 december 2021. interview with 14 informants, 20-24 years old, sinjai 9 april 2023. interview with 14 informants, 20-24 years old, sinjai 9 april 2023. 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 references agus riyadi, zulfikar ganna priyangga, mustolehudin. 2021. “dakwah islam dan nasionalisme: studi kasus dakwah kebangsaan a.r. baswedan”. jurnal dakwah risalah vol. 32: 1-19. al-wa’iy, taufiq yusuf. fiqih dakwah ilallah. jakarta: al-i’tisom. alyusi, shiefti dyah. 2016. media sosial; interaksi, identitas, dan modal sosial. jakarta: kencana. anja kusuma atmaja. 2020. “pluralisme nurcholish madjid dan relevansinya terhadap problem dakwah kontemporer”. jurnal dakwah risalah vol. 31(107-124.). arif ramdan sulaeman, dkk. “strategi pemanfaatan youtube dalam bidang dakwah oleh ulama aceh,”. jurnal communication h. vol. 11: 81-93. ariyani, nengah bawa atmaja dan luh putu sri. 2018. sosiologi media perspektif teori kritis. depok. asep muhyiddin, dkk. kajian dakwah multiperspektif; teori, metodologi, problem dan aplikasi. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. chandra, edy. 2017. “youtube, citra media informasi interaktif atau media penyampaian aspirasi pribadi”. jurnal muara ilmu sosial, humaniora, dan seni, vol. 1: 406–17. 156 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 faridah. 2014. “strategi dakwah dalam pembinaan spiritual kelas iia sungguminasa gowa tesis”. universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar. hidayah, luthfi. 2021. “dakwah islam di era generasi milenial (analisis metode dakwah gus miftah),”. file:///c:/users/me/downloads/278-article text-881-1-10-20211008.pdf, . imam suprabowo, twediana budi hapsari. 2020. “islamic movement global jihad: analysis of online media framing”. afkaruna vol. 16. kasali, renald. 2007. distruption. jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. khoiruzzaman, wahyu. “urgensi dakwah media cyber berbasis peace journalism,”. moh.ali azis. 2019. ilmu dakwah, edisi revisi. muhammad raqib, ade yuliar, siti nuraeni. 2022. “dakwah bil lisan melalui media sosial pada komunitas hijrah di kota solo”. ju r n a l d a k w a h d a n k o m u n i k a s i. v o l . 7: 129–38. mujianto, haryadi. 2019. “pemanfaatan youtube sebagai media ajar dalam meningkatkan minat dan motivasi belajar”. komunikasi hasil pemikiran dan penelitian vol. 5: 135-159. nasrullah, rulli. media sosial; perspektif komunikasi, budaya dan sosioteknologi. bandung: simbiosa rekatama media. poppy ruliana dan puji lestari. 2019. teori komunikasi. depok: rajawali pers. regus, maksimus. 2022. “islam and the making of a non-violent and peaceful public sphere in indonesia,”. jurnal afkaruna vol. 18: 279–94. suryanto. kapita selekta komunikasi. bandung: pustaka setia. ulfa, imroatul istiqomah dan maria. 2021. “da’wa model based on brand community value: qaryah thayibah implementation for villages fostered by ’aisyiyah ponorogo”. jurnal afkaruna 17: 227-248. wirga, evans w. 2016. “analisis konten pada media sosial video youtube untuk mendukung strategi kampanye politik”. gunadarma vol.21. yolanda stellarosa, dkk. 2018. “pemanfaatan youtube sebagai sarana transformasi majalah highend”. jurnal lugas, vol. 2: 59–68. zaka putra ramdani. blitz hypnotic; menaklukkan lawan bicara dalam 2 menit. yogyakarta: solusi distribusi. print islamic financing contracts currently marketed in indonesia use arabic terminology that might sound strange to many indonesian muslims. even though these financing contracts comply with the sharia components, they may be inefficient in the context of local wisdom. this paper identifies traditional contracts that are potentially modified to become sharia compliance. we analyzed the traditionally practiced business contracts of sharecropping in minangkabau west sumatra and tested whether the contracts fulfilled sharia compliance and economic efficiency. we interviewed seventy practicing sharecroppers and fourteen local leaders and clerks to seek their perceptions about two types of minangkabau traditional contracts of paduo and patigo, regarding economic efficiency, fairness, and sharia compliance. we found that the respondents generally believed that the practiced sharecropping contracts fulfilled most sharia requirements. however, the need for the written agreement, presence of witnesses, and definite duration were unsatisfactory to avoid gharar. the majority of respondents believed that the contracts were fair but inefficient. modification of contracts in terms of proper legal drafting, presence of witnesses, and finite duration are necessary. the modified contracts will be beneficial to support the emergence of formal islamic financial institutions which are culturally compatible. keywords: minangkabau culture, adverse selection, sharia compliance, sharecropping contracts, moral hazard. abstract article history received: 08 may 2023, revised: 27 may 2023, accepted: 27 may 2023, published: 30 june 2023 sharia compliance and economic efficiency in minangkabau traditional sharecropping jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 departement of economics universitas andalas padang, indonesia corresponding author: eridwan@eb.unand.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.18338 endrizal ridwan* departement of economics universitas andalas padang, indonesia kkehvania@gmail.com inneke herti vania islamic financing contracts currently marketed in indonesia use arabic terminology that might sound strange to many indonesian muslims. even though these financing contracts comply with the sharia components, they may be inefficient in the context of local wisdom. meanwhile, the minangkabau tribe in west sumatra, indonesia, has long practiced traditional sharing contracts using the profit loss principle (pls), the main principle for islamic financial institutions (ifis).1 these traditional sharing contracts are likely culturally efficient but might not be fully sharia compliant. the minangkabau community has long practiced sharecropping contracts with pls principles, which they call paduo (make two parts) and patigo (make three parts), both refer to profit sharing ratio. paduo is the type of musyarakah where the land owner and the cultivator split the profit equally half. patigo is introduction the type of mudarabah where the land owner gets a third, and the cultivator receives two-thirds of the profit. in paduo, the land owner contributes to the project’s cost, but in patigo, the cultivators bear all the cost. paduo and patigo are familiar to the minang people, unlike their counterparts, mudarabah, and musyarakah, which use arabic terminology. this research analyzed the two existing minangkabau’s traditional contracts regarding economic efficiency, fairness, and sharia compliance. we examine the sharecropping contracts practiced in koto vii district, sijunjung regency, west sumatra province. from this research, we hope to identify traditional minangkabau contracts that might be modified to enrich islamic financial products in indonesia. hence, our study's novelty is identifying practiced traditional contracts enabled to fulfill sharia requirements. the modified contracts will be beneficial to support the emergence of formal islamic financial institutions in the region. the paper will proceed into four sections. the next section discusses the nature, definition, and problems of minangkabau sharecropping contracts, followed by the methodology section. after a discussion of the findings, the final section is the conclusion. ifis that have grown and developed in indonesia in recent decades have also well-developed in the minangkabau community. joint research conducted by bank indonesia of west sumatra and the andalas university research institute confirmed that the community approves the establishment of ifis in their regions.2 furthermore, islamic finance is positively related to the gross domestic product of a region, both in the short and the long term.3 although the community’s support for the existence of ifi has been excellent, numerous community members still have poor knowledge about the principles and phrases used in the operations of ifis. the people of west sumatra are relatively homogeneous, in which the tribe of minangkabau is the dominant population. minang people are inherently muslims since they express their customs and religion as “adat basandi syarak – syarak basandi kitabullah (custom is based on islamic law – islamic law is based on holy quran)” and “syarak mangato – adat mamakai (islamic law rules – custom executes),” which means that the source of customs is islamic laws and the source of islamic laws is the holy quran.4 the minangkabau tradition has adopted two main principles related to economic affairs: balance and justice.5 both principles align with the basic principles of islamic economics.6 the balance element consists of modesty, prudence, and un-wasteful, and the justice element consists of social justice and fairness of income distribution. the value of social justice is contained in the customary jargon “mandapek sama balabo, kahilangan samo marugi, maukua samo panjang, mambilai samo laweh, baragiah samo banyak, manimbang samo barek (if we make profit both of us get some profit, if we suffer loss both of us share some loss, we measure with the same length, we connect with the same width, we share with the same weight, we weigh with the same weight).” the value of fairness is contained in the customary jargon “gadang kayu gadang bahannyo, ketek kayu ketek bahannyo (big woods need more materials, small woods need fewer materials),” which means that those who have more powers have more responsibilities. in addition, the value of fairness in income distribution is reflected in the jargon “nan lamah makanan tueh, nan condong makanan tungkek (the weak need to be supported, the slanted need to be backed).”7 these principles of justice and fairness illustrate that the minangkabau community has implemented a profit-sharing system, both profit and loss. literature review 60 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 a pls contract is a contractual agreement between two parties where each party collects resources, invests the resources in a project, and then shares the profit or loss. in islamic finance, pls is mainly characterized by two key transaction types: mudarabah and musharakah.8 in mudarabah contract, the capital is provided by one of the parties to the partnership. this party, called the rabb-ul-maal – the ‘owner of wealth,’ can be considered a land owner. the other party, called the mudarib – the project manager, provides the expertise, effort, and management in undertaking the business project. in a sharecropping contract, the manager is a cultivator. the two parties agree on a profit-sharing ratio upfront. in case of failure, landowners will bear any losses in terms of capital contributed, and the cultivator will lose the time invested in the project. in contrast, in the musharakah contract, all parties contribute to providing capital. all parties can participate in the management, and all parties benefit from the capital appreciation of the investment. all parties bear losses proportionate to their respective capital contributions. the problem surrounding most business contracts, including pls, is the agency problem.9 the problem arises because one party has better information about unobservable quality, determining the outcome and payoff. this information asymmetry will increase the risk level of weakly informed agents. jensen and meckling, in their 1976 paper, were among the earliest to point out a conflict of interest between principals (land owners) and agents (cultivators) in managing a project and hence termed the principal-agent model.10 each party acts in its interests at the other party's expense. asymmetric information typically leads to adverse selection and moral hazard problems.11 adverse selection occurs before the transaction and refers to a situation in which cultivators have relevant information that land owners lack about some aspect of quality affecting the outcome. it happens when the potential cultivators are most likely to produce an undesirable outcome. in banking, bad-credit-risk debtors are the ones who most actively seek out a loan and are thus most likely to be selected. a moral hazard is the consequence of asymmetric information after the transaction occurs. the landowner runs the risk that the cultivators will engage in undesirable activities from the owner’s point of view because those activities create a high risk of crop failures. the adverse selection and moral hazard are potentially problematic with islamic profit-sharing contracts.12 due to problems with asymmetric information, the contracts must be designed appropriately and optimally to ensure all parties benefit. for an optimal contract and to achieve mutual benefits, the contract offered by the owner to the cultivators must have two main elements: efficiency and fairness.13 the contract will be efficient if it induces the cultivator’s obligation to a maximum level and ensures satisfying incentives. the contract is fair in terms of risk management if more risk is borne by those who are less risk averse, which usually is the owner. the literature on islamic contracts has been dominated by islamic banking, for example, comparing the stability of islamic and conventional banks14 and investigating sharia concerns on existing banks' resolution framework.15 although some studies of islamic contracts tend to include integration between islamic social finance and islamic commercial finance,16 to our knowledge, the study of islamic contacts focusing on islamic sharecropping is very scanty. islamic finance contracts likely have fulfilled the elements of sharia compliance, but they may not necessarily be economically efficient if implemented on sharecropping. on the other hand, traditional sharecropping contracts may be economically efficient but may not necessarily meet the elements of sharia compliance.17 61afkaruna this study used a qualitative method with an interactive model developed by miles and huberman in their 1994 qualitative analysis textbook.18 in 2014, they extended this base four-stage method to be interactive.19 the first stage was data collection. we interviewed cultivators and landowners practicing traditional sharecropping contracts, followed by in-depth interviews with community leaders. the second stage was data condensation, which refers to selecting, focusing, and transforming the data. the third stage was data display in the form of tabulation, ready to be analyzed. the final stage was conclusion drawing and verification. the last three stages were done interactively. this research was conducted in koto vii district, sijunjung regency, west sumatra province. the reason for choosing this location was that most of the people in the area entered into a production-sharing contract. we employ a purposive sampling technique to select respondents in the research area. the sample criteria in this study were cultivators and land owners who cooperated with a system of profit sharing in the koto vii district. the district comprises seven villages: nagari limo koto, nagarai palaluar, nagari tanjung, nagari guguk, nagari bukit bual, nagari padang lawas, and nagari padang lawas selatan. from each village, we took as many as 12 respondents: five respondents were owners of rice fields or rubber gardens, five respondents were cultivators, one respondent was a traditional leader, and one respondent was a religious figure. the number of respondents in this study was 84 respondents: 70 with questionnaires and 14 with in-depth interviews. the total number of respondents for the semi-structured interview and in-depth interviews were sufficient to guarantee data saturation, which requires only 9-17 interviews to reach saturation.20 research methods the survey was conducted in the mid of 2018. we present the summary of the respondent’s characteristics in table 1. we tabulate the respondents with questionnaires according to their characteristics and the types of contracts. most respondents were female, aged over 35 years, high school graduates, and had a monthly income between rp. 500.000 and rp. 3.000.000. the table shows that junior high graduates tended to use more paduo than patigo, but senior high graduates used more patigo than paduo. respondents vary in their knowledge about pls in ifis. when we asked whether they knew shariah contracts such as mudarabah and musharakah, most respondents said they did not know them. only about a quarter of those who chose paduo and patigo were familiar with the sharia contracts. this fact likely supports that pls in arabic sounds unfamiliar to the communities, especially rural communities. results and discussion descriptive statistics table 1: descriptive statistics respondent characteristics type of contract male female total 41.03 58.97 100.00 25.81 74.19 100.00 34.29 65.71 100.00 paduo patigo total sex 62 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 table 1 also shows that traditional sharecropping contracts differ between paddy and rubber fields. the majority of respondents in paddy fields implemented patigo, whereas in rubber fields paduo. based on an in-depth interview with community leaders, in paddy fields, cultivators tend to bear all the material costs and therefore use patigo. the reason was that the production cycle was short, and the material costs were affordable to cultivators. whereas, in rubber fields, paduo is more familiar because production cycles are pretty long and the material prices are relatively high; therefore, cultivators and land owners jointly contribute to bear the costs. source: field survey <25 y.o. 25-35 y.o. 35-45 y.o >45 y.o. total 5.13 10.26 43.59 41.03 100.00 0.00 6.45 35.48 58.06 100.00 2.86 8.57 40.00 48.57 100.00 age elementary junior high senior high college total 20.51 28.21 35.90 15.38 100.00 19.35 32.26 29.03 19.35 100.00 20.00 30.00 32.86 17.14 100.00 education < rp. 500.000 rp. 500.000 – rp. 2.000.000 rp. 2.000.000 – rp. 3.000.000 rp. 3.000.000 – rp. 5.000.000 > rp. 5.000.000 total 2.56 41.03 46.15 7.69 2.56 100.00 3.23 35.48 41.94 16.13 3.23 100.00 2.86 38.57 44.29 11.43 2.86 100.00 monthly income yes no total 25.64 74.36 100.00 22.58 77.42 100.00 24.29 75.71 100.00 knowing sharia contract paddy field rubber field total 15.38 84.62 100.00 93.55 6.45 100.00 50.00 50.00 100.00 field 63afkaruna the adverse selection problem presents before the signing of a contract when the party that establishes the conditions of the contract – the land owner – has less information than the other party – the cultivator – on some essential characteristics affecting the value of the contract. in particular, the cultivator’s quality was hidden from the land owner: bad-quality cultivators tend to accept contracts at the cost of failing the project. one of the most important problems associated with adverse selection is that landowners choose not to cultivate the land to avoid being exploited by better-informed cultivators. in extreme cases, adverse selection may prevent the sharecropping business from operating.22 adverse selection moral hazard occurs after the contract is signed, when the cultivator’s behavior is hidden in the relationship and, consequently, cannot be included in the contract terms. the presents of moral hazard imply that when a contract is offered, the land owner needs to consider the effort the cultivator will take after signing the contract. the optimal contract would be determined by the trade-off between efficient moral hazard table 2: duration and priority to contract with type of contract <3 years 3-5 years >5 years total 5.13 28.21 66.67 100.00 0.00 16.13 83.87 100.00 2.86 22.86 74.29 100.00 paduo patigo total sex own relatives own village residents outsiders total 56.41 38.46 5.13 100.00 58.06 35.48 6.45 100.00 57.14 37.14 5.71 100.00 priority source: field survey the adverse selection comes from the disabilities of the landowner to reveal the cultivator quality. if the cultivator’s quality is somehow approximated, the adverse selection problem could be reduced. it is a good idea to look at how long and to whom the landowner runs the contract. table 2 shows the duration of cooperation and the priority to contract with. in both types of contracts, more than 60% of the cooperation between parties has lasted for at least five years. this long duration of the contract implies that the quality of the cultivator, somehow, had been revealed; otherwise, the cooperation was terminated. if we look at the involved parties, more than 90% of the contracts for both types were between their own relatives or village residents. only a few contracts were with outsiders. this indicates that the probability of facing an adverse selection problem was minimal as the contracting parties had known each other before the contracts. 64 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 risk sharing and incentives: if the risks are all borne by the land owner, then there will be less incentive to work at the maximum effort. table 3: method, reasons for sharing, and monitoring type of contract profit sharing revenue sharing total 2.56 97.44 100.00 29.03 70.97 100.00 14.29 85.71 100.00 paduo patigo total sharing method together share risks follow tradition have long experience total 28.21 69.23 2.56 100.00 25.81 74.19 0.00 100.00 27.14 71.43 1.43 100.00 reason for sharing never occasionally often frequently total 5.13 66.67 28.21 0.00 100.00 6.45 67.74 19.35 6.45 100.00 5.71 67.14 24.29 2.86 100.00 owner monitors source: field survey the moral hazard problem can be reduced by sharing methods and costly monitoring activities. table 3 presents sharing method, the reason for sharing, and monitoring actions. we asked the respondents whether they used revenue sharing or profit sharing. the majority of contracts were in the form of revenue sharing: almost all paduo and more than 70% of patigo are with revenue sharing. only less than 15% were profit sharing. the choice of revenue instead of profit sharing indicates the presence of accountability problems in calculating profit, which can be a source of moral hazard. most respondents said they followed tradition when asked about the reasons for sharing. only less than 30% did answer that their main reason was to share risks with the other party. this fact implies that the practice of sharing, especially its revenue-sharing methods, has existed for decades in the community. monitoring is important to ensure the cultivator’s activities follow points of agreement. when we asked whether the landowner actively monitored the projects, most respondents claimed the monitoring occurred occasionally or often. only less than 6% of respondents did claim the owner had never monitored. monitoring activities were more intense in patigo rather than paduo. this tendency is quite reasonable because in patigo the landowners provide the land and contribute to the cultivation costs. the in-depth interview revealed that among moral hazard problems were cultivators neglecting their obligations. according to the respondents, this problem usually happens due to the landowner's absence of supervision or control. the owner entirely handed over the management of the land to the cultivator based on trust. however, some cultivators abused this situation by taking personal advantage. 65afkaruna table 4: conflicts and resolution type of contract low commitment false reporting time inconsistence total 38.46 10.26 51.28 100.00 25.81 6.45 67.74 100.00 32.86 8.57 58.57 100.00 paduo patigo total contract barrier no yes total 20.51 79.49 100.00 25.81 74.19 100.00 22.86 77.14 100.00 conflict experience solve by negotiation involving clerks terminate contracts total 79.49 15.38 5.13 100.00 80.65 16.13 3.23 100.00 80.00 15.71 4.29 100.00 conflict mitigation source: field survey if there are disputes, the landowner usually takes action to remind and warn the cultivators to act following the agreement. however, if the deviation persists, then the land owner might cancel the agreement, such as taking back the land or replacing the management with more trustworthy cultivators. conflicts are predicted to occur during the contract due to several causes, such as low commitment and false reporting. the procedures to solve conflicts are usually stated in a formal written contract. in traditionally oral contracts, conflict resolution may involve extended families or community leaders. table 4 shows contract barriers, conflict experience, and mitigation. the significant sources of contract barriers were time inconsistency and low commitment. time inconsistency was more likely due to the duration of contracts being unstated clearly. sometimes landowners take back the land earlier than the cultivators expected. a low commitment was due to cultivators not making sufficient effort to ensure the harvest was successful. false reporting was only reported a few. false reporting was usually regarding the volume of harvest. false reporting happened more frequently in paduo than in patigo. this fraud was probably related to monitoring activities by landowners. in patigo, because the landowners share the costs, they were incentivized to monitor, hence less false reporting. meanwhile, in paduo, the landowners fully delegate the daily operation to the cultivators, and hence more opportunity for the cultivators to cheat. these barriers indicate the presence of potential moral hazard problems and hence conflicts. conflict resolution 66 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 table 5: risk bearer and additional incentives type of contract cultivators share loss total 7.69 92.31 100.00 12.90 87.10 100.00 10.00 90.00 100.00 paduo patigo total risk bearer occasionally often total 56.41 43.59 100.00 41.94 58.06 100.00 50.00 50.00 100.00 incentives source: field survey when we asked about conflict experience, about 77% of respondents replied positively, indicating regular conflict occurrence. conflicts occurrence were more often in paduo than patigo. almost 80% of respondents experienced conflicts in paduo compared to less than 75% in patigo. if the conflicts are present, they are mainly mitigated with a negotiation or escalated for community leaders to get involved. only a few were terminated as a result of disputes. this conflict resolution in the community was proven effective because more than 95% of conflicts could be mitigated without terminating contracts. efficiency in risk-bearing or fairness requires optimal risk sharing because the person who least fears risk bears more risk.23 landowners are expected to bear more risks in these sharecropping contracts than the cultivators, especially in crop failures. therefore, efficiency requires land owners to take more risk of crop failures. risks of crop failures table 5 mapped the risk-bearing when crops failed and the incentives when the harvest was successful. regarding crop failures, most respondents shared the loss between landowners and cultivators. however, about 10% of respondents stated that the cultivators bear all the losses. cultivators bear more risk of crop failures in patigo than in paduo because the cultivators pay all operational costs. if cultivators were more risk averse than the landowners, this figure indicates the existence of inefficiency in the contract; and this kind of inefficiency is embodied in pls.24 regarding crop success, 50% of respondents reveal that land owners gave cultivators a bonus in addition to their share. the stimulus was more often in patigo than paduo, which is reasonable since in patigo, the landowner did not bear the cost of production. these incentives theoretically improve efficiency and reduce moral hazard if stated in the contract. it seems the cultivators face more risks in patigo than in paduo. whenever crop failures happen, cultivators lose more than the landowners; and whenever crop success, the cultivators gain more than the landowners. referring to table 1, respondents committing to patigo had better education, income, and understanding of sharia than those committing to paduo. these phenomena may indicate that the cultivators with patigo contacts were willing to take more risks than those with paduo. 67afkaruna table 6: sharia requirements and performance type of contract written agreement oral agreement total 28.21 71.79 100.00 19.35 80.65 100.00 24.29 75.71 100.00 paduo patigo total record system no yes total 92.31 7.69 100.00 87.10 12.90 100.00 90.00 10.00 100.00 witnesses did not state >2 years total 89.74 10.26 100.00 96.77 3.23 100.00 92.86 7.14 100.00 duration yes no total 94.87 5.13 100.00 93.55 6.45 100.00 94.29 5.71 100.00 feeling fair yes no total 15.38 84.62 100.00 19.35 80.65 100.00 17.14 82.86 100.00 feeling efficient three main sharia prohibitions impact islamic finance: the prohibitions of riba, gharar, and maysir.25 riba or interest is the premium the borrower pays the lender on top of the principal amount as a loan condition. gharar means taking excessive risk or having unnecessary uncertainty in a contract. maysir includes all kinds of gambling activities where one can gain significantly or lose depending on how the deal moves. riba and maysir most likely do not exist either in paduo or patigo. however, the existence of gharar may be possible. islam requires all aspects of the contract to be transparent and known to all parties to reduce conflict.26 gharar may exist due to a lack of transparency, in which all the parties do not know all aspects of the contract. table 6 shows the contract record system, the presence of witnesses, and the definite duration. most respondents stated that their contracts were only based on an oral agreement, not a written one. most of the contracts have no witnesses and do not have precisely definite duration. the three conditions – lack of written proof, no witness, and undefined termination – can be source gharar and hence a source of potential conflicts. sharia compliance, fairness, and efficiency source: field survey 68 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 based on an in-depth interview with community leaders, when contracts were between relatives, the contracting parties relied on trust and hence did not use written contracts or witnesses. only contracts between villagers and outsiders tended to use written agreements with witnesses. using written agreements or witnesses seems to depend on how close the ties between parties are. theoretically, fairness is reflected by risk sharing between contracting parties, and efficiency is reflected by the ability of the contract to exert maximum effort. subjectively fairness and efficiency can be asked of the respondents. table 6 also presents subjective fairness and efficiency. almost 90% of respondents in the two types of contracts stated that they felt their contracts were fair. this indicates that the risk-sharing between parties can be considered optimal. however, when asked about efficiency, most respondents stated that their contracts – paduo and patigo – were inefficient. this fact confirms the embodied moral hazard in the pls and the possibility of gharar in paduo and patigo such that the efforts taken by cultivators were suboptimal.27 we analyze two of minangkabau’s traditional contracts that existed for decades regarding economic efficiency, fairness, and sharia compliance: paduo and patigo. these contracts have long been practiced in the region. we found that the two contracts satisfy fairness, where the owners bear some consequences of crop failures. we also found that the contracts comply with the sharia requirements of forbidding riba and maysir. however, in terms of production efficiency, the two contracts fail to boost the maximum effort. this inefficiency is related to a possible existence of gharar: poor book record, no witness, and uncertain duration. the presence of likely gharar might cause insufficient incentive for cultivators to devote the maximum effort. therefore, to make the two contracts sharia compliant and economically efficient, the terms of the contract need to be specified: written contract, legalization, and certainty. in this regard, the involvement of government authority at various levels and local community leaders to enhance contract certainty would make these two contracts more efficient and sharia-compliant. conclusion 69afkaruna endnotes z. hasan, islamic banking and finance 2nd edition (new york: routledge, 2023), 25. a. asyari, ”religiusitas dan cultural belief dalam perilaku ekonomi muslim minangkabau di sumatera barat”. (disertasi doktor ekonomi, universitas andalas, 2016). g. sakinah, r. kasri, and n. nurkholis, ”islamic finance and indonesia’s economy: an empirical analysis”. jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam 8 no. 1 (2022): 47–59. a. navis, alam takambang jadi guru: adat dan kebudayaan minangkabau. jakarta: grafiti press, 1984. r. rosmiwati, ”prinsip dasar ekonomi islam dalam falsafah adat minangkabau dan kaitannya dengan sistem bagi hasil dalam islam”. accessed february 2, 2022, https://sumbar.kemenag.go.id/v2/post/23928/prinsip-dasar ekonomi-islam-dalam-falsafah-adat-minangkabau-dan-kaitannya-dengan-sistem-bagi-hasil-dalam-islam.htmla. zaman, islamic economics: the polar opposite of capitalist economics (islamabad: islamic research institute, 2022). g. simon, caged in on the outside: moral subjectivity, selfhood, and islam in minangkabau, indonesia (london: oxford university press, 2015). f. karbani, mastering islamic finance: a practical guide to sharia-compliant banking, investment, and insurance (london: pearson, 2015) m. sarker, ”islamic business contracts, agency problems and the theory of the islamic firm”, international journal of islamic financial services 1 no. 2 (1999). m. jensen and w. meckling, ”theory of the firm: managerial behavior agency costs and ownership structure”, journal of financial economics 3 no. 4 (1976): 305-360. b. kettell, the introduction of islamic banking and finance (london: willey 2011). m. ardiansyah, ”bayang-bayang teori keagenan pada produk pembiayaan perbankan syariah”, ijtihad: jurnal wacana 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 70 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 hukum islam dan kemanusiaan 14 no. 2 (2014): 251-269. j. perloff, microeconomics: theory and application with calculus, 5th edition (london: pearson 2020). r. kasri, k. mariz, and a. halimatussadiah, ”intergenerational value transmission, religiosity, and ethical consumption: evidence from college students in indonesia”, jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam 7 no. 2 (2021):139–153. r. rulindo and m. rifqi, ”in search of sharia-compliant resolution framework for islamic banks: the case of indonesia”. jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam 8 no. 2 (2022): 280–296. s. siswantoro, ”can the integration between islamic social finance and islamic commercial finance tackle poverty in indonesia?” jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam 8 no. 2 (2022): 236-249. t. harkaneri and e. sukoharsono. ”memahami praktek bagi-hasil kebun karet masyarakat kampar riau”, jurnal al-iqtishad 10 no. 2 (2014): 14-38. m. miles and a. huberman, qualitative data analysis: an expanded sourcebook. 2nd edition (new york: sage publication, 1994). m. miles, a. huberman and j. saldana, qualitative data analysis: a methods sourcebook. 3rd edition (new york: sage publication, 2014). m. hennink and b. kaiser, ”sample sizes for saturation in qualitative research: a systematic review of empirical tests”, social science & medicine 292 (2022): 1-10. i. macho-stadler and j. pérez-castrillo, the introduction to economics of information: incentives and contract (london: oxford university press, 2001). j. perloff, microeconomics. j. perloff, microeconomics. b. kettell, the introduction of islamic banking and finance. u. suharto, ”riba and interest in islamic finance: semantic and terminological issue”. international journal of islamic and middle eastern finance and management 11 no. 1 (2018): 131-138. s. habib, fundamentals of islamic finance and banking (london: willey, 2018). n. sapuana, ”an evolution of mudarabah contract: a viewpoint from classical and contemporary islamic scholars”. procedia economics and finance, 35 (2016): 349 – 358. 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 references ardiansyah, m. (2014). ”bayang-bayang teori keagenan pada produk pembiayaan perbankan syariah”. ijtihad: jurnal wacana hukum islam dan kemanusiaan 14 no. 2 (2014): 251-269. https://doi.org/10.18326/ijtihad.v14i2.251-269 asyari, a. (2016). ”religiusitas dan cultural belief dalam perilaku ekonomi muslim minangkabau di sumatera barat”. disertasi doktor ekonomi, universitas andalas. http://scholar.unand.ac.id/id/eprint/18634 habib, s. (2018). fundamentals of islamic finance and banking. london: willey. harkaneri, t. and e. sukoharsono. (2014). ”memahami praktek bagi-hasil kebun karet masyarakat kampar riau”. jurnal al-iqtishad 10 no. 2 (2014): 14-38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/jiq.v10i2.3115 hasan, z. (2023). islamic banking and finance, 2nd edition. new york: routledge. hennink, m and b. kaiser. (2022). ”sample sizes for saturation in qualitative research: a systematic review of empirical tests”. social science & medicine 292 (2022): 1-10. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.114523. jensen, m., and w. meckling. ”theory of the firm: managerial behavior agency costs and ownership structure”. journal of financial economics 3 no. 4 (1976): 305-360. https://doi.org/10.1016/0304405x(76)90026-x karbani, f. (2015). mastering islamic finance: a practical guide to sharia-compliant banking, investment, and insurance. london: pearson. kasri, r., k. mariz, and a. halimatussadiah. (2021). ”intergenerational value transmission, religiosity, and ethical consumption: evidence from college students in indonesia”. jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam 7 no. 2 (2021), 139–153. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol7.iss2.art3 71afkaruna kettell, b. (2011). the introduction of islamic banking and finance. london: willey. macho-stadler, i. and j. pérez-castrillo. (2001). the introduction to economics of information: incentives and contract. london: oxford university press. miles, m., and a. huberman. (1994). qualitative data analysis: an expanded sourcebook. 2nd edition. new york: sage publication. navis, a. (1984). alam takambang jadi guru: adat dan kebudayaan minangkabau. jakarta: grafiti press. perloff, j. (2020). microeconomics: theory and application with calculus, 5th edition. london: pearson. rosmiwati, r. ”prinsip dasar ekonomi islam dalam falsafah adat minangkabau dan kaitannya dengan sistem bagi hasil dalam islam”. accessed february 2, 2022. https://sumbar.kemenag.go.id/v2/post/23928/prinsip-dasar-ekonomi-islam-dalam-falsafah-adatminangkabau-dan-kaitannya-dengan-sistem-bagi-hasil-dalam-islam.html https://sumbar.kemenag.go.id/v2/post/23928/prinsip-dasar-ekonomi-islam-dalam-falsafah-adatminangkabau-dan-kaitannya-dengan-sistem-bagi-hasil-dalam-islam.html rulindo, r., and m. rifqi. (2022) ”in search of sharia-compliant resolution framework for islamic banks: the case of indonesia”. jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam 8 no. 2 (2022), 280–296. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol8.iss2.art10 sakinah, g., r. kasri, and n. nurkholis. (2022) ”islamic finance and indonesia’s economy: an empirical analysis”. jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam 8 no. 1 (2022): 47–59. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol8.iss1.art4 sapuana, n. (2016). ”an evolution of mudarabah contract: a viewpoint from classical and contemporary islamic scholars”. procedia economics and finance, 35 (2016): 349 – 358. https://doi.org/10.1016/s2212-5671(16)00043-5. sarker, m. (1999). ”islamic business contracts, agency problems and the theory of the islamic firm”. international journal of islamic financial services 1 no. 2 (1999). simon, g. (2015). caged in on the outside: moral subjectivity, selfhood, and islam in minangkabau, indonesia. london: oxford university press. siswantoro, s. (2022) ”can the integration between islamic social finance and islamic commercial finance tackle poverty in indonesia?” jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam 8 no. 2 (2022), 236-249. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol8.iss2.art7. suharto, u. (2016). ”riba and interest in islamic finance: semantic and terminological issue”. international journal of islamic and middle eastern finance and management 11 no. 1 (2018): 131-138. https://doi.org/10.1108/imefm-08-2016-0109 https://doi.org/10.1108/imefm-08-2016-0109 zaman, a. (2022). islamic economics: the polar opposite of capitalist economics. islamabad: islamic research institute # layout jan jun 2011 regimes in the middle east which often oppressed their people in the name of islamic legitimacy. keywords: iran, the islamic revolution, politics, international relations abstrak hubungan antara islam dan barat merupakan masalah penting di dunia internasioanl dewasa ini. islam dan negara-negara muslim merupakan bagian dari factor-faktor yang mempengaruhi dinamika politik di dunia. terkait hal ini, revolusi islam di iran pada tahun 1979 adalah satu dari isu-isu utama yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap pembentukan hubungan antara islam dan barat, bahkan hingga saat ini. hal ini karena revolusi tersebut menginspirasi munculnya gerakan-gerakan islam di seluruh dunia dan memicu gerakan sentiment anti amerika di kalangan muslim. revolusi tersebut juga membentuk persepsi tentang ancaman dari fundamentalisme islam di dunia barat. artikel ini menganalisa latarbelakang dan konteks revolusi islam di iran dan dampaknya bagi amerika, rusia dan negara-negara arab. tulisan ini menegaskan bahwa revolusi iran merupakan ancaman bagi seluruh banyak negara karena iran telah menempatkan revolusi tersebut sebagai aset yang dapat diekspor ke negara-negara lain. revolusi ini setidaknya menantang kepentingan-kepentingan negara-negara barat di timur tengah yang terkait dengan supply minyak dan gas bumi. revolusi iran juga mengancam rejim-rejim otoritarian di timur tengah yang menindas melakukan penindasan terhadap masyarakat dengan dalih islam. kata kunci: iran, revolusi islam, politik, hubungan internasional. the export of islamic revolution in iran and its threat for the us, the soviet union, and arab countries ahmad fuad fanani international studies, flinders university, australia, email: foead79@yahoo.com abstract the relationships between islam and the west have become an important issue in the international world until today. islam and muslim countries are part of the factors which influenced the political dynamics in the world. in this regard, the islamic revolution in iran in 1979 is one of the major issues that contributed to the shaping the relationship between islam and the west, even until to date. this is because this revolution has inspired the emergence islamic movements around the world and triggered anti american sentiment among muslims. this revolution also shaped the perception about the threat from islamic fundamentalism in the west. this article will analyze the background and the context of the islamic revolution in iran and its impacts on the united states, the soviet union, and the arab states. it will argue that the islamic revolution become the major threat for all the countries because iran has placed its revolution as the asset that would be exported to other countries. this revolution has challenged western interests in the middle east particularly on oil and natural gas supplies. the islamic revolution also threatened the authoritarian doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 2 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna introduction nowadays, conflict and cooperation between islam and the west have become an important issue which has been considered as a significant factor in political policy making for many countries in the world. islam and muslim countries are part of the factors that rose and provided many contributions to the world politics, positively and negatively. the increasing number of the muslim adherents in many countries and the rise of muslim fundamentalists, are examples why islam and muslim countries have been considered as an interesting political and social issue. in this context, there are three major issues which have contributed to the relationship between islam and the west. those issues have made the situations in which creating conflict between them, influencing their perceptions, and encouraging the west to think about their foreign policy to muslim worlds.1 the first great issue is the islamic revolution in iran in 1979 which overthrew reza shah and replaced it with islamic republic of iran. this revolution triggered anti american sentiment around the muslim world and shaped the us’s perception about fundamentalist islam. the second is the palestinian problem which was seen by islamic people and muslim countries as the vivid picture of the us government which was driven by jewish lobby. as a result, un and the us were seen as unable to push israel and to promote peace resolution in this area. the third is the afghanistan conflict that was often seen by muslim as the contradictory the us approach to solve the problem and this greatly contributed to the 9/11 terrorist attack. this article will examine the background and the context of islamic revolution in iran as well as its impacts on the united states and its allies, the soviet union and all the arab states. as many observers and researcher said, islamic revolution in iran was the major threat for the existence many foreign countries such as the us and soviet union, also for countries in the middle east. specifically, the following questions will guide trajectory of this essay: what is the historical and social background that triggered to iranian revolution? why did the united states and its allies, the soviet union and all the arab states consider the islamic revolution in iran a major threat? did they see it as a threat for similar reasons? in attempt to answer these questions, this article is divided into four sections. the first section examines the historical and social background which contributed to the sharp islamic revolution in iran. the second section discusses the relationship between the us and iran in the era before and after the revolution. the third section assesses the position of soviet union in iran and the impact of the revolution for its foreign policy. the fourth section elaborates the impact and the threat of islamic revolution in iran for arab states and their responses about the revolution. historical background of the islamic revolution in iran the background of the islamic revolution in iran can be tracked from the long historical root which has happened since nineteenth and twentieth centuries. this is because the historical event has close correlation with the iranian history at that time. at the past, the iranian history related to political traditions, economic and social development at many states that had been influenced by western capitalism and imperialism. in fact, the expansion of european capitalism doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 3vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 and civilization gave two impacts for the iranian social structure. on the one hand, it created the convergence between european capitalism and the iranian social structure. the convergence can be seen during the rule of the qajar empire (1786-1921) where many developments in iranian society had been made. for example, there were many reforms and modernization in the military, bureaucracy, tax system, the emergence of modern intelligentsia, and others. on the other hand, the expansion of western countries also resulted in a gradual divergence for iranian people, especially at the cultural level. this is because the european expansion resulted not only on economic reform, but also on triggering cultural and religious reactions. the proof for this is that many of the traditional and urban economic sectors of the bazaar (social groups in iran) felt threatened by western imperialism. on the same time, the ulama (religious leaders) also felt threatened by the rising of western influence which can reduce their social position in the society.2 from the above conditions, we can see that people in iran do not stand in the one position when faced with western imperialism. some people and groups sought benefits from the western impact, while others felt threatened with the influence of western values and power in their society. the western intervention to iranian society obviously became much greater and could not be controlled when muhammad reza shah came to power after the forced abdication of his father reza shah in 1941 by the allied forces, russia (soviet union) and britain. the main reason for this overthrow is that reza shah made close relationship with germany. at that time, germany was the enemy of russia and britain in world war ii. after the power replacement in iran, the government gave more positive hopes to the society as the change of power orientation from the authoritarian regime to become more democratic. however, this democratic regime and free condition were often confusing because iranian society has many institutions, which they have to follow. for example, the legitimating competition between religious leaders and secular leaders in iranian society often triggered conflict between groups in society. although the occupation of iran by russia and britain and the change in regime suggested political freedom, this condition also created social and economic crisis. this is because war world ii gave contribution for the crisis in this country. on the other sides, this crisis suggested the intensification of political activity and political crisis during 1941-1953.3 during this period, the peak conflict between nationalist groups and other classes was featured in iran. as part of the strategies to end the crisis and to make greater intervention, in 1953 the united states (us) had supported and backed the military coup against the nationalist government of mohammed mosaddeq and suppressed the oppositional social forces. it can be noted that this was the first large scale the us intervention in any at the middle east countries. by supporting the military coup, the us got many advantages, for instance iran’s position became an anticommunist frontline state and close ally to the us. for the us interests, it is also important to stop the soviet expansion in the middle east and to end british monopoly over iranian oil.4 unfortunately, the authoritarian state which was established and led by doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 4 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mohammad reza shah after the coup with economic and financial support from the us, did not finish the crisis. then, the reformulation of the shi’i political doctrine as revolutionary doctrine becomes a gradual process and starting after the coup and reaching its height in the 1960s and 1970s.5 theda scokpol, the expert of social revolution, states that under the second shah, iran became dependent more to oil and natural gas. iran also transformed to a ‘rentier state’ which has close relationship and linked their policies to the world capitalist economy. besides that, like the rulers of the old regimes in france, russia, and china, the shah of iran was an “absolute monarch” and his power is more powerful than the old shah. he introduced the modernized military power and also operated the secret police force.6 in addition, the other factor which also contributed to the emergence of iranian revolution was the shah’s policy to become the “agent” us which has close association with them. as a consequence, the american military and economic presence largely at iran, and this situation acted as a major stimulus to mass mobilization. if we compare to others revolution such as in the english, china, the russian, and the cuban, the anti foreign aspiration in challenging the legitimacy of the social structure also was a major factor of the protest movements.7 furthermore, one of the most controversial policies issued by shah iran was a “white revolution” in 1960s. by this program, the regime created a land reform program, redistributed land to wealthier peasants, extended state control to villages, and reduced the power of the bazaari’s institution. nevertheless, this revolution had poor planning, many poor peasants left much the agrarian and move to the urban area. as a result, urban iran grew to become almost 50 % of the population and many of them live in a heavy condition.8 in fact, many different social forces reacted to the doctrine of the white revolution, especially from the landlord class, the religious leader, the bazaar and also from the secular oppositional parties. they considered that the revolution is a big threat for their existence in society. for example, the ulama’ saw this program as the modernization power which can reduce their authorities, the bazaar looked this revolution as sign of intervention from government into their commercial and threatening their autonomy, and the landlords constituted it as a threat for their landlordism. then, they organized in the national front and criticized the shah’s program seriously. after that, the discontent of the religious community together with the economical and political crisis led to a revolt in june 1963 which declared by ayatullah ruhullah khomeini. unfortunately, the state dealt the movement with military means who brutally suppressed the protestors. after that, the leader of national front also was arrested and khomeini was banished to turkey and later to iraq.9 it is important to note that arresting of the leader of national front triggered the mass protesters who demonstrated the shah policies and his alliance with the us. to deal with this problem, shah operated the savak (his cia and israeli-trained security agency) to arrest and to suppress all the people or the organization which against his power. as a consequence, iranian state came under the revolutionary pressure in 1977-1978 and all of the oppositional institutions made an alliance to overthrow the shah’s regime. because the absolute monarchy model which was used as doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 5vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 his government style, shah has to make and issue all the decision. according to theda scokpol, this situation became a major factor for the success of the shah’s opponent to overthrow him. the main reason for this is that his proponent felt difficult to consolidate their support without shah’s instruction.10 finally, the islamic revolution in iran got their victory and shah iran left iran in january 1979. the united states and iran: from the close friend to be the great enemy it can be argued that the relationship between us and iran had changed dramatically after the islamic revolution in 1979. before the historical change which has transformed iran from monarchy absolute regime under shah iran to islamic republic, the us was the main sponsor and closest friend of iran in the middle east. this close relationship has begun in 1953 when the us supported military regimes and brutal dictator who overthrew the democratic nationalist government of dr. mohammad mosaddeq. although the us often claimed itself as a guardian of freedom and democracy, its foreign political policies often favoured suppressive and authoritative regimes. the us’s involvement in iran by giving fully supports in engineering the military coup was one of clear examples about american’s double standards. indeed, the cia was directly involved and installed mohammad reza shah’s in iran in 1954.11 after that, the us government usually have stood behind self-appointed leader, providing them financial and military supports, and also gave security as well as political advice to the regime. on the contrary, the political and economical intervention of the us to iran by using the second shah’s regime policies did not get support from the iranian people. certainly, many of the bazaari and the ulama in iran society felt that the policies of shah iran obviously became a big threat of their position in society. besides that, shah iran abuse of civil liberties of iranian people and his extensive use of state military approach to oppress critics and opposition, also added the negative perception of iranian people about the us existence. in this era, the united states became identified with an illegitimate and repressive government. then, this condition triggered iranian resentment to shah’s regime and american intervention.12 as sheikhneshin argues, it is clear that since the islamic revolution of 1979, antagonism and mutual suspicion have characterized the relations between the us and iran.13 indeed, this condition continues for almost three decades until now where the us has regarded iran as the main sponsor of international terrorism and vice versa. although the shah’s iran regime was destroyed by popular demonstrations which led by religious leaders under the guidance of ayatollah ruhullah khomeini 1979, the demonstrations continues in many areas. the demonstrations now directed against “the us imperialism” as a powerful symbol for iranian mindset of the american interventions in the past, also against all domestic political forces which was led by non-islamic elites.14 interestingly, theda scocpol argues that an extraordinary series of mass demonstrations were the result of cooperation of all oppositional power in iran against shah’s regime. at this event, although they face the lethal of military oppression, the unemployed, worker, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 6 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna artisans, merchants, students, and middle class struggled together for fighting the shah’s regime. they mobilized all the inclusive movement against a “corrupt”, “imperialist”, and monarchy power which was fully backed by the us power.15 it is clear that one of the factors increasing negative perception of iranian people for the us intervention was the encouragement the united states which facilitated the shah to leave iran in january 1979. it is also added by the admission of the shah to the united states on october 22, 1979 for medical treatment. many of the proponents of iranian revolution believed that by helping shah, the united states actually do not consider the iranian people needs and their legitimate aspirations which were reflected by popular movements. the united states only want to save its interests and to continue their political interventions by giving political support for iranian elite who opposed the islamic revolution agendas. the above point of view also expressed by sheikhneshin who wrote that after the islamic revolution in iran (1979), the us policy makers wanted to maintain relations with iran because of their economic, political and military interests. in contrast, iranian elites and people denied it and changed to increase anti-americanism. but, the moderates groups in iran which do not fully agree with khomeini’s administration for whom the us has a hope to maintain their relationship after the revolution, do not satisfy with the us policy toward iran. they think the us policy seem like a game of “wait and see”16. indeed, members of iran’s religious circles also interpreted that that the desire to maintain cooperative relations between the us and iran as the strategy of the us imperialism and international zionism to occupy iran again.17 as a result, after the reza shah’s fall, the us relations with iran never normalized. moreover, the most important fact causing the united states thought that the islamic revolution in iran became the major threat for his states and its allies was the hostage crisis on november 4, 1979. at that time, iranian people who opposed to the us presence in iran took over the us embassy and held its diplomats and employees hostage for 444 days. this action not only destroyed the consolidation to refine the relationship of both countries, but also insulted american national pride. as a consequence, the action also has influenced every the us approach toward iran.18 after that, the us saw that iran can threat not only the existence of the united states in iran, but also the interests of the us in middle east countries. thus, if the us do not take the initiative actions to stop the iranian influences to its neighbours in middle east, iran will become a great power in middle east areas which will directly become a major threat for israeli interest. in fact, the rising of iran power reminded the us about the pan-arabism which was initiated by gammal abdul nasser during 1960an era. meanwhile, ayatullah ruhullah khomeini as the highest leader of iranian state, consolidated iranian power to prevent all of the enemy from both internal and external power. at that position, the united states became the great enemy of iranian existence in the world and they called the us as the “great satan”. as the “great satan”, the us had been associated with external forces of corruption.19 indeed, the special status as the “great satan” for the us was derived from doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 7vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 three basic reasons: the us connection with shah, khomeini’s view about the us as the greatest enemy of islam, and the us relations with israel.20 consequently, it was not surprised that the us then gave a strong support and provided satellite photographs to iraq during iraq-iran war starting in september 1980. actually, it is clear that saddam hussein and many of his arab counterparts and were protected by the usa, had felt challenged by islamic revolution.21 sheikhneshin points out that the us policies towards iran during the iran-iraq war raised the level of antagonism between two countries. the main reason for this is that iranian people saw that the us as potential threat which can repeat its occupation to iran and destroy their islamic revolution.22 this reason was supported by the fact that during the iran and iraq war, the us used its influence to pressure its allies to stop arms support to iran and to dishearten them from purchasing iranian oil. in contrast, the us encouraged its allies to support and give financial contribution for iraq23 consequently, at the first time of iran-iraq war, iraq become more powerful than iran and it has a big confidence to win the war. unfortunately, as some observer noted, iran gain the victory of the war due to the spirit of iranian revolution which gave more spirit and energy for iranian’s arms and people. the islamic revolution and its threat for soviet union it is clear that the islamic revolution in iran does not only trigger the internal dynamics in iranian society, but also give major effect to political phenomenon in international world. the iranian revolution was one of the last disruption within a bipolar system which the western system and the soviet system competed each other. both of them try to find allies and to widen its influences in many countries in the world. as a strategic country which placed on the closed area with the former soviet union, the position of iran is very important to the americans. consequently, the usa did everything to prevent iran to become a soviet satellite during the cold war and after. so, it is not a surprise why the mass demonstrations who oppose the pahlavi regime were ignored by the us. the us powers continued to support the shah regime due to its iranian’s regime loyalty to the us.24 unfortunately, although the shah was fully backed by the us power, the mass demonstrations succeeded to overthrow him on the 1979. it has been asserted that the us leadership actually try to establish new relationships with iran after iranian revolution. however, this political endeavour was failure because iranian’s new regime was unwilling to make cooperation with the us. then, the new government in iran compelled to make policies and practices hostile to the us. as a result, iran declared its position as a neutral and independent state which do not favour neither to the us or soviet union. instead of that, iran tried to build relationships with the all countries based on reciprocal respect. as hafizullah emadi states, this was manifested in iran’s popular slogan ‘neither the west nor the eastbut islam’. indeed, iran in the post-khomeini period remains to declared policies of islamic revolution. iran also strengthened its relations with the third world and the former soviet union, and began to reemphasize its political role in the middle east.25 actually, this new policy gave new hope doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 8 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna for soviet union to reassert its relationship with iran after was closed by the us intervention in iran from 1953 to 1979. however, the iranian leadership was sceptical to soviet union interests in the middle east and does not have intention to give its political orientation to moscow instead of washington. this is because one the goal of the islamic revolution was to end iran’s dependence on the super power states and to build an independent foreign policy.26 as a consequence, the emergence of islamic revolution caused political earthquake among conservative monarchs in the middle east and secular dictators who were backed by the us and soviet union. many of these countries had felt endangered with the spread of islamic universalism and anti us-soviet union which was contained by islamic revolution in iran. furthermore, it should be mentioned that during the world war ii, iran was occupied by britain and soviet union, and was replaced by the us in 1953 when the us backed the military coup to overthrow mossadeq’s government. in this respect, we can understand that the relationship between iran and soviet union actually was not at equal position. in contrast, it can be said that the relationship between iran and soviet union was not much different like iran and the us relations. in addition, while the soviet union celebrated the overthrow of the shah as american puppet in iran, it has not been able to capitalize and occupy on iran again. indeed, soviet union saw that the power of the islamic revolution in iran would have inhibited the russian invasion of afghanistan, or even prevented it. the soviet union also was not secure with iran’s doctrine about islamic universalism because of its potential impact for muslim adherents living in soviet area. if the doctrine spreads and influences the soviet people, perhaps they can oppose the kremlin government which govern with absolute monarch styles too.27 furthermore, the facts prove that the soviet intervention of afghanistan affect unfavourably for the relations between the soviet union and iran. this is because iran supports the muslim revolt against the soviet and named soviet union as an “oppressive power”. iran also called the soviet union to withdraw their forces, return afghan refuges, and give the muslim people to determine their future. then, iran’s government also do not prevent for protesters who held huge demonstrations at soviet embassy as protest for the soviet intervention in afghanistan.28 in that position, we can understand why soviet union seems worrying to control iran after the revolution moment. although its intervention to iran will gave the soviet union opportunity to access iran’ oil and gas supplies, the soviet union considered that the desire to occupy the new iranian regime will give them a greater risks. regarding the above explanations, there was not surprise why when the war occurred between iran and iraq in september 1980, the western states and the soviet union gave iraq political and military supports. the soviet union and western countries have big hope to iraq for keeping the world from the impact of the islamic revolution in iran. this action was also followed by the gulf states which also felt threatened with the export of iranian revolution.29 for them, iranian attempts to export the islamic revolution will destabilize the gulf region and contradict with the interests of the western powers. this is because the western powers would like to preserve their status quo there.30 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 9vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 generally speaking, the soviet policy regarding iran is greatly influenced by the development of the power of the mullahs (religious leaders). when the mullahs seem strong, the soviet increases its effort. in contrast, when it shows weakness, the soviet union would change their effort. unfortunately, the iran’s winning in the gulf war with iraq and its supporters have made its regime more popular. as a result, the iranian internal political competition was won by the right, and the left which was represented by the tudeh party, bani sadr, dan the mojahedin-e-khalq lost their power to participate in iranian government. then, the banning of the tudeh party on 4 may 1983 became a sign of stopping the relations between iran and soviet union. this political decision was made as a reaction to the soviet’s support for iraq and soviet intervention in afghanistan. borrowing aryeh y. yodfat’s words, it was the iran’s way to ‘punish the soviet union and a ‘declaration of independence’ from the ussr.for iranian people, the soviet union was “no less satanic than the united states”31 it can be argued that it was the same declaration which was given before to the united states regarding the same political factors and consideration. the export of revolution as the real threat of the middle east states it has been argued that iran’s foreign policy after post-revolutionary under khomeini ruler as the supreme leader, in general can be divided into two great aims. firstly, iran tries to implement the doctrine from khomeini about “neither east no west but the islamic republic”. this ideological doctrine clearly stated that iran has to fight against western intervention. secondly, iran also has a great goal to “export of the revolution”. it means iran would like to give fully support for muslim countries and nonmuslim countries to liberate them from their “oppressive and corrupts rulers”.32 interestingly, the ideological doctrine from iranian revolution was followed by positive responses from muslim countries and the third world because they have lived under the authoritarian regime and western intervention for a long time. as a consequence, many of the middle and low class people at muslim countries have a dream to follow the success of iranian revolution. moreover, the dream for copying iranian revolution in muslim countries clearly corresponds with the political policy of the new iranian regime. the new rulers in iran saw that their revolution would trigger another revolution in the middle east areas. as a result, iran seeks its neighbour countries which also would like to employ the revolution. iran gave these countries the enough support by providing rhetoric, financial support, and action. the main reason for this is that for the new iranian leadership, islam was a means by which the religion liberates the world’s exploited people to fight against the great power. it is also supported by the thought of imam khomeini which argued that export of the revolution was more important than political stability and economic development in iran.33 meanwhile, the relationships between iran and arab actually have made since the seventh century when the arab’s conquered iran. after the islamization, iran became part of the muslim communities, although iran has different language, culture, and political orientation. the differences influenced to doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 10 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna the relations between them, because the arab viewed that their race was superior to other. these racial feelings also contributed to them for discriminating non-arab convert. some expert such as shireen t. hunter has argued that ethnic and sectarian antagonism are not major factor on the relationships between iran and the arab, but these issues became the divisive impact of other factors. and this antagonism was used by arab and iranian leaderships for gaining support from their own people. for instance, many of conservative states have argued that the iranian revolution does not have relevance for arab states. this is because iran’s people were dominated by shi’i follower, and the arabs consist from sunni.34 for them, it was very different with the phenomenon of pan arabism who led by gammal abdul naseer and revolutionary ideology in libya who was led by muammar qadhafi. however, the study which was conducted by james a. bill showed that the differences between arabs and iranians in term of their school of thought (sunnis and shi’ites), does not necessary lead to the conclusion that iranian revolution cannot inspire revolutionary movements in arab states. during his fact-finding trips to egypt, saudi arabia, bahrain, oman, and the united arab emirates on 1981, bill showed that people around the regions have viewed events in iran and the revolution with deep interest and appeal feeling. for people in these arab countries, the revolution in iran has inspired them for three basic reasons: firstly, the revolution became a successful example about the masses could overthrow a corrupt and repressive regime. secondly, it was a successful movement for national independence from the superpower’s interventions. thirdly, the iranian revolution was a vivid picture of “a victory for islam” which many muslim adherents has dreamed it for a long time.35 although the arabs populations felt interested in the islamic revolution in iran, the governments and ruling elites of arab states have not been interested in the revolution. they view that the revolution as extremely dangerous and could challenge their power and authority.36 they also thought that the export and the proliferation of the iranian revolution must be stopped by consolidating the states in middle east. as was said by james a. bill, the governments in arab states have often responded this revolution inconsistently, wildly, and ineffectively. for example, president husni mubarok of egypt told that he did not consider iranian shi’ite even to be muslims. many of saudi circles also said the same view.37 interestingly, the gulf arabs’ attitude toward the new government in iran originally was a mixture of apprehension and expectation. at the first time, they felt optimistic with the statement of mehdi bazargan that iran would pursue good neighbourly relations with the arab states and would cut all ties with israel. therefore, the arab states hoped that iran will return to arab sovereignty the three disputed island. on the contrary, the arab states soon realized that the iranian revolution would become embryo of islamic movements which could threaten their governments. and this fear was increased when shi’a adherents rebel against the government in saudi arabia, kuwait, and bahrain during 19791980.38 for iranian new regime, this condition can be understood. this is because ayatollah khomeini saw himself not only as the supreme leader of iranian state, but also doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 11vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 acting on behalf of the entire islamic community.39 nevertheless, some the arab states continued to use the fear of the iranian revolution to justify hostile policies toward iran. hence, it was predicted before, that in the iraq-iran war, many of arab states fully support to iraq invasion. they hoped that iraq invasion would fall over the revolutionary regime in iran and then eliminate the desire to export the revolution to arab countries.40 ironically, the full support and encouragement from the usa, soviet union, and the arab states for iraq during the war with iran, does not result the winning of iraq. many of them expected that iraq would win a fast military victory, because iran was in trouble by violent internal political conflict and economic problem. otherwise, the iran victories over iraq began in the fall of 1981 and in april-may 1982 completely conquered and demoralized the iraqi forces. after that, when the israelis brutally attacked lebanon in june 6, 1982 for the main goal to destroy the plo (palestinian liberation organization) once and for all, iran was the sole country which give concrete support for palestinians.41 then, the iran victories over iraq and its moves to assist the palestinians, gave iran sharply increased respect and credibility in the arab world. as a consequence, the iranian model became a serious challenge to the traditional, authoritarian, and absolute regimes in the arab states. finally, the arab states such as saudi arabia, kuwait, qatar, bahrain, jordan, the united arab emirates, oman, egypt, tunisia and morocco has to consider policies and program which could respond and eliminate the threat of the iranian revolution.42 from the above explanations, it clearly argued that the export of the islamic revolution in iran became a major threat for many governments in the arab states. the threat was especially for regimes which ruled their government with corrupt, repressive policies, and do not give a greater freedom of social and political expression. conclusion this essay discusses the phenomenon of islamic revolution in iran which has emerged at 1979 and its impact on many countries in the world. the islamic revolution in iran occurred because the shah iran governed iranian with the authoritarian style and corrupt behaviour. another factor which influenced the revolution is the american intervention toward iran which threatened the existence of religious leaders and traditional institutions in iran. as explained above, the islamic revolution in iran became as major threat because of the us and its allies, soviet union, and the arab states felt threatened with the export of islamic revolution to many countries. in this respect, ayatullah ruhullah khomeini as the spiritual guidance of iranian new regime has stated that the export of islamic revolution is major goal of their foreign policy and it more important than economic and political stability in internal iran. if the western countries and arab states do not do anything to prevent this agenda, the revolution will challenge the western interests in middle east in terms of oil and natural gas supplies. the export of islamic revolution would endanger the conservative and corrupt governments in gulf states which do not give freedom of expression and prosperity for their people. as a consequence, they build alliances to prevent the growth of iranian doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 12 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna power such as supporting iraq during the iran-iraq war in 1980s. the above arguments suggest that islamic revolution in iran threatens the us and its allies, russia, and the arab states based on similar reasons but different contexts. endnotes 1 a. saikal, islam and the west, conflict or cooperation. (new york: palgrave macmillan 2003), p. 69. 2 m.p. amineh and s.n. eisenstandt, “the iranian revolution: the multiple context of the iranian revolution,” perspective on global development and technology (pgdt) 6 (2007), pp. 129-157, koninklijke brill nv, leiden (2007), pp. 132-133. 3 m.p. amineh and s.n. eisenstandt, pp. 130-131. 4 a. saikal, islam and the west, pp. 53-54. 5 m.p. amineh and s.n. eisenstandt, the iranian revolution, p. 134. 6 t. scokpol, “rentier state and shi’a islam in the iranian revolution,” theory and society, vol. 11, no. 3, may, (1982), pp. 269-270. 7 s.a. arjomand, “iran’s islamic revolution in comparative perspective,” world politics, vol. 38, no. 3, apr., (1986), p. 388. 8 t. scokpol, rentier state and shi’a islam, p. 269 9 m.p. amineh and s.n. eisenstandt, the iranian revolution, pp. 131-132. 1 0 t. sckopol, rentier state and shi’a islam, p. 270. 1 1 a.g. sheikhneshin, “iran and the us: current situation and future prospects,” journal of international and area studies, volume 16 number 1 (2009), p. 95. 1 2 see s. t. hunter, iran and the world: continuity in a revolutionary decade (bloomington and indianapolis: indiana university press, 1990), p. 46. 1 3 a.g. sheikhneshin, iran and the us, p. 93. 1 4 t. skocpol, rentier state and shi’a islam, p. 278. 1 5 t. skocpol, rentier state and shi’a islam, p. 267 1 6 a.g. sheikhneshin, iran and the us, p. 96 1 7 s. t. hunter, iran and the world, pp. 55-56. 1 8 s.t. hunter, iran and the world, p. 56 1 9 w.o. beeman, “images of the great satan: representations of the united states in the iranian revolution,” in n.r. keddie (ed.), religion and politics in iran: shi’ism from quietism to revolution (new haven and london: yale university press, 1983), pp. 215-217. 2 0 s.t. hunter, iran and the world, p. 59. 2 1 a. saikal, islam and the west, pp. 79-80. 2 2 a.g. sheikhneshin, iran and the us, p. 93 2 3 a.g. sheikhneshin, iran and the us, p. 97 2 4 f. khosrokhavar, “the islamic revolution in iran: retrospect after a quarter of a century,” thesis eleven, number 76, february (2004), sage publications (london, etc), p. 71. 2 5 h. emadi, “exporting iran’s revolution: the radicalization of the shiite movement in afghanistan,” middle eastern studies, vol. 31, no. 1, (january 1995), p. 2. 2 6 w.l. cleveland and m. bunton, a history of the middle east (boulder: westview press, 2009), pp. 437-438. 2 7 j. d. stempel, inside the iranian revolution, (bloomington: indiana university press, 1981), p. 318. 2 8 a.y. yodfat, the soviet union and revolutionary iran, (new york: st martin’s press, 1984), pp. 138-139. 2 9 e.p. rakel, “iranian foreign policy since the iranian islamic revolution: 1979-2006,” perspective on global development and technology (pgdt) 6 (2007), 159187, koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 200, p. 169. 3 0 a.y. yodfat, the soviet union, p. 136. 3 1 a.y. yodfat, the soviet union, pp. 139-144. 3 2 e.p. rakel, iranian foreign policy, p. 160. 3 3 e.p. rakel, iranian foreign policy, p. 167. 3 4 s. t. hunter, iran and the world, p. 98 3 5 j. a. bill, “the arab world and the challenge of iran,” journal of arab affairs, (oct 1982), vol. 2. iss. 1, pp. pp 29–46. 3 6 j. a. bill, “the arab world and the challenge of iran,” p. pp 29–46. 3 7 j. a. bill, “the arab world and the challenge of iran,” p. pp 29–46. 3 8 s. t. hunter, iran and the world, p. 115. 3 9 e.p. rakel, iranian foreign policy, p. 167 4 0 s. t. hunter, iran and the world, pp. 116-117 4 1 james a bill, “the arab world and the challenge of iran,” pp 29–46. 4 2 james a. bill, “the arab world and the challenge of iran,” pp 29–46. bibliography amineh. m.p. and s.n. eisenstandt. 2007. “the iranian revolution: the multiple context of the iranian revolution” perspective on global development and technology (pgdt) 6 (2007), 129-157, leiden: koninklijke brill nv arjomand, s.a. 1986. “iran’s islamic revolution in comparative perspective”, world politics. vol. 38. no. 3. april beeman, w.o. 1983. “images of the great satan: representations of the united states in the iranian revolution”, in n.r. keddie (ed.), religion and politics in iran: shi’ism from quietism to revolution. new haven and london: yale university press bill, j.a., 1982. “the arab world and the challenge of iran”, journal of arab affairs, boulder: oct 31. vol. 2., iss. 1, pp 29–46. cleveland, w.l. and bunton, m., 2009. a history of the middle east. boulder: westview press. cottam, r.w. 1988. iran and the united states, a cold war case study, pittsburgh: the university of pittsburgh doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 13vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 press emadi, h., 1995. “exporting iran’s revolution: the radicalization of the shiite movement in afghanistan”. middle eastern studies. vol. 31. no. 1. january hunter, s.t. 1990. iran and the world: continuity in a revolutionary decade. bloomington and indianapolis: indiana university press jabbari, a. and olson, r. (eds.). 1981. iran: essays on a revolution in the making. lexington: mazda publishers khosrokhavar, f. 2004. “the islamic revolution in iran: retrospect after a quarter of a century”, thesis eleven, no. 76. february london: sage publications rakel, e.p. 2007. “iranian foreign policy since the iranian islamic revolution: 1979-2006”, perspective on global development and technology (pgdt). leiden: koninklijke brill nv saikal, a. 2003. islam and the west, conflict or cooperation, new york: palgrave macmillan scokpol, t. 1982. “rentier state and shi’a islam in the iranian revolution”, theory and society. vol. 11. no. 3. may sheikhneshin, a.g. 2009. “iran and the us: current situation and future prospects”, journal of international and area studies, vol. 16. no. 1 stempel, j.d. 1981. inside the iranian revolution. bloomington: indiana university press yodfat, a.y. 1984. the soviet union and revolutionary iran. new york: st martin’s press. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0001. 1-13 index symbols ] a abdullah ahmad an-naim abid al-jabiri abraham maslow abu dawud afghanistan akhlaqul karimah al-qirâah al-mutakarrirah aljazair allied forces ambon amin abdullah arab astrid kusumowidagdo athar husain ayatollah ruhullah khomeini ayatullah ruhullah khomeini b bahrain bani sadr basu swastha borjuis bourdieu british orientalisme c calcutta cartesian doctrine charles adam charles j adams china cia clash of civilization classroom action research d dale southerton e edward m. bruner edward said egypt etnis dayak etnis madura f fazlur rahman france g gammal abdul naseer germany gulf war h hasan hanafi i ibn hisyam ibn ishaq ibn sa'd iran islam islamic revolution j james a. bill jordan judeo-kristen k karel c. steenbrink karen amstrong karita muslim square kuwait kyai masrur l lebanon m maisir majelis ulama indonesia maroko marshal david sahlin middle east miftakhul khasanah mohammad mosaddeq morocco muammar qadhafi muhamamd arkoun muhammad reza shah n nabi muhammad saw nasr hamid abu zaid o oman p palestina papbs pasuruan pekalongan q qajar empire qatar r reza shah richard king richard martin russia s samuel huntington saudi arabia savak scientific revolution shireen t. hunter situbondo soviet union stanley lieberson sudan surabaya syria t taqdîs al-afkâr al-dîniyyah the consumer society the message of muhammad theda scokpol thomas kuhn tjiptono tudeh party tunisia turkey u ubi rubin ujung pandang united states universitas chicago w william james world war ii y yahudi-kristen yunani 5. afkaruna_jenjang waldiono jurnal afkaruna vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 implementation of the mui’s fatwa no.14/2020 concerning worship during pandemic: study on muslim society in ternate doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.12554 universitas muhammadiyah jakarta hilaly.basya@yahoo.com jenjang waldiono, muhammad hilali basya abstract this article describes how muslims deal with fatwa through examining the extent to which muslims in ternate (north maluku) respond to mui’ fatwa concerning the application of ibadah (worship) during the covid-19 (coronavirus) pandemic. in order to control and prevent the infection of the virus widely, people are required to stay at home and to keep their distance from crowds, including attending congregational worship (shalat jamaah) in mosques as issued in the mui’s fatwa. the fieldwork was conducted in ternate between march-may 2021, using qualitative research methods through participatory observation and interview. this article shows that the obedience of muslim society in ternate to the mui’s fatwa is not only determined by aspects of the religious authority of the mui, but also by local government, local religious leaders, and pragmatic considerations of the society as well as their perception about the dangerous impact of the covid-19. keywords: covid 19 pandemic, fatwa, mui, muslims in ternate abstrak artikel ini menjelaskan tentang bagaimana umat islam menyikapi fatwa dengan mengkaji sejauh mana umat islam di ternate (maluku utara) merespon fatwa mui nomor 14/2021 tentang pelaksanaan ibadah berjamaah di masa pandemi covid-19. untuk mengendalikan dan mencegah penyebaran virus secara luas, masyarakat diharuskan untuk tetap berada di rumah dan menjaga jarak dari keramaian, termasuk menghadiri ibadah berjamaah di masjid-masjid sebagaimana tertuang dalam fatwa mui. pengumpulan data (fieldwork) telah dilakukan di ternate antara bulan maret-mei 2021 dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif melalui observasi partisipatif dan wawancara. artikel ini menegaskan bahwa ketaatan umat islam di ternate terhadap fatwa mui tidak hanya ditentukan oleh aspek otoritas keagamaan mui, tetapi juga oleh pemerintah daerah, tokoh agama setempat, dan pertimbangan pragmatis masyarakat serta persepsi mereka tentang dampak berbahaya dari covid-19. keywords: fatwa, mui, masyarakat muslim ternate, pandemi covid 19 discussion about the role of fatwa in muslims’ life and how they deal with fatwa is interesting. the term “fatwa” derives from the arabic language, and then it is absorbed as an indonesian term. generally, fatwa is defined as a legal opinion produced by a religious scholar (ulama).1 it is given to those asking questions about religious issues, such as in faith or prayer. the person requesting a fatwa is called mustafti. basically, fatwa is not binding.2 it is only an opinion that may be obeyed or abandoned by its mustafti or other muslims. however, fatwa plays an important role in shaping muslims’ life either in religious dimensions or social aspects.3 fatwa issued by the council of indonesian ulama or called mui in dealing with congregational worship during pandemic is one of the examples of how the fatwa is utilized to play a role in shaping the religious and social life of muslims in indonesia. in recent 15 months, indonesia and other countries worldwide are being challenged by coronavirus named covid-19. the outbreak of the virus becomes pandemic and forces people to establish new normality such as wearing a mask in the public area, keeping social distance, and performing congregational prayer. many studies about fatwa have been done. some of the previous studies examined the method of producing fatwa.4 other studies investigated factors making a fatwa authoritative5 and how the nature of fatwa is in the particular religious community like nu6 and muhammadiyah.7 introduction 272vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 although many studies about fatwa have been done, few investigations have been conducted about the effectiveness of mui’s fatwa regarding congregational worship during the pandemic. performing congregational prayer during a pandemic is a new context in which muslims need practical advice that assists them on how to deal with religion and this deadly virus. based on this consideration, this article aimed to reveal: 1) how do muslims in ternate (north maluku), the eastern part of indonesia, deal with the mui’s fatwa; 2) what are the factors influencing their responses to the fatwa. data collection has been conducted in ternate between march-may 2021. the method applied is qualitative through participatory observation and interview. i observed several mosques in ternate city, especially the al-munawwar grand mosque, the main mosque and symbol of the muslim community in ternate. other mosques observed are darul arqom which is maintained by the muhammadiyah community, al-muttaqien mosque and babul jannah mosque, respectively, managed by nahdhatul ulama (nu) community and wahdatul islamiyah (regarded as salafi community). the interview had been conducted with the local government of ternate, local religious leaders, as well as congregants of the mosques. this article argues that the obedience of muslim society in ternate to the mui’s fatwa is not only determined by aspects of the religious authority of the mui, but also by the role of local government and local religious leaders, and pragmatic considerations of the society as well as their perception about the dangerous impact of the covid-19. currently, the world is being hit by the covid-19 or known as the coronavirus pandemic. this virus disrupts the respiratory system and causes a very high death rate. it spreads through respiratory droplets between humans and objects touched by contaminated subjects. with the covid-19 outbreak, the world is entering a new phase in carrying out daily life activities. all world leaders, including the indonesian government, have implemented various policies to minimize and prevent 273 afkaruna context of the fatwa and response of local government and other local leaders to the fatwa the chain of the spread of this deadly virus. the indonesian government implemented a large-scale restriction policy (called psbb). the policy is issued through the regulation of the minister of health (permenkes)8 so that it is mandatory and binding for all indonesian people. as an effort to support the success of this government’s program, the council of indonesian ulama (or called mui) has issued a fatwa number 14 of 2020 concerning the maintenance of worship in a situation of the covid-19 pandemic. the mui is indonesia’s top muslim clerical institution which was founded as a body to produce fatwa and to advise the indonesian muslim community on contemporary issues.9 therefore, the release of the fatwa is one of the functions of the mui, which is to guide muslims’ religious life in dealing with the pandemic situation. the mui’s fatwa number 14 issued in 2020 aims to support the government programs in preventing the transmission of dangerous diseases. the substance of the fatwa is sort of the implementation of maqasid shari'ah (the goal of sharia), namely hifzun nafs (keeping human life). here is the fatwa, particularly in point 3: people who are healthy and who are not yet known or identified to have not been infected by covid-19 must pay attention to the following regulations: (a) in a situation that muslims who are living in an area with a high or very high potential transmission based on the provisions of the competent authority are allowed to leave the friday orang yang sehat dan yang belum diketahui atau diyakini tidak terpapar covid-19, harus memperhatikan hal-hal sebagai berikut: (a) dalam hal ia berada di suatu kawasan yang potensi penularannya tinggi atau sangat tinggi berdasarkan ketetapan pihak yang berwenang maka ia boleh meninggalkan shalat jumat dan menggantikannya dengan shalat zuhur di tempat kediaman, serta meninggalkan jamaah shalat lima waktu/rawatib, tarawih, dan ied di masjid atau tempat umum lainnya. (b) dalam hal ia berada di suatu kawasan yang potensi penularannya rendah berdasarkan ketetapan pihak yang berwenang maka ia tetap wajib menjalankan kewajiban ibadah sebagaimana biasa dan wajib menjaga diri agar tidak terpapar covid-19, seperti tidak kontak fisik langsung (bersalaman, berpelukan, cium tangan), membawa sajadah sendiri, dan sering membasuh tangan dengan sabun.10 274vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 based on the points, it is worth emphasizing that the purpose of this mui’ fatwa is to prevent the massive spread of covid-19 in indonesia, especially among the muslim community. this fatwa attempts to maintain how muslims, during the covid-19 pandemic, can perform congregational prayer or any other worships without causing harm to each other, as explained by one of the members of mui ternate: responding to this mui’s fatwa, the gamalama13 government conducts various socialization efforts to the community. the socialization process carried out by the local government involves various levels of community elements such as satgas covid (the covid-19 task force), youth organizations, and institutions managing mosques (or called bkm), as well as community leaders such as rt (rukun tetangga) and rw (rukun warga). as stated by the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati: prayer and replace it with the zuhur prayer at their own residences, and are also allowed to leave the congregation prayer (shalat jamaah) for the five daily prayers, tarawih (congregational prayer in ramadhan nights), and eid prayer in a mosque or other public places. (b) in a situation that muslims who are living in an area with a low transmission which is based on the provisions of the competent authority are still obliged to carry out worship as usual and must protect themself from being infected by covid-19, such as not to make direct physical contact (shaking hands, hugging, kissing hands), to bring their own prayer mats, and wash their hands frequently with soap.11 this fatwa comes from the central mui, and indeed one of the functions of the mui is to provide understanding, especially to muslims. so that in this pandemic atmosphere where we know how the virus spreads, which is through touching, coughing, sneezing and other splashes, muslims are expected to be able to prevent the spread to other muslims by managing and also regulating the congregational prayer and other worship in public places. so the fatwa departs from the principle of fiqh rule dar’u al-mafasid muqoddam min jalbi al-masalih, which means, “avoiding danger or damage must be prioritized over seeking good.” this principle advises muslims to avoid massive dissemination of the virus.12 275 afkaruna the involvement of community leaders in the socialization program was justified by dzamrud muchsin as the imam (head) of the al-munawwar grand mosque and a community figure who has a great influence among the muslim community: “the local government has asked my help to remind jama’ah (people performing prayer in the mosque) to be committed with social distancing and using masks in the mosque during congregational worship and in other public places.” the same role has also been played by the ternate branch mui. the action involves not only community leaders like the head of rt and rw, but also by disseminating the message through majelis-majelis taklim (forums of religious teaching), by publishing articles in a local newspaper named malut post, collaborating with military detachment (korem transportation detachment or called denhubrem) which has regular programs on local cable tv broadcasts as well as preaching program which is broadcasted through ternate city rri (radio of republic of indonesia): based on the data above, it can be concluded that the local government of gamalama and the mui of ternate city always try their best to disseminate the fatwa in order to prevent the spread of the all elements of gamalama society cooperate with each other, both the village, the community, the satgas covid-19, youth organizations and bkm mosques. everyone works together, so they support each other. it also includes utilizing community leaders in each rt and rw to provide socialization to residents.14 we disseminate information to the public through various media, such as rri. we, from the mui, every morning take turns to deliver tausiyah (preaching) at subuh prayer. we also implicitly deliver messages related to the mui’s fatwa, likewise in majelis taklim (forum of religious teaching) and interviews like this. we also wrote several times in the malut post to socialize this problem and the mui’s fatwa at the beginning of the pandemic. we also collaborated with denhubrem (korem transportation detachment), where they have a program on their local television channel named sbcv, where every friday night, we from mui deliver tausiyah there, and we always socialize the mui’s fatwa. and finally, we also collaborate with community leaders, including the head of rt and rw.16 276vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 covid-19 virus, particularly related to muslim congregational worship. this is also further strengthened by the procurement of standard health facilities carried out by the government, as explained by imy liawati: after conducting socialization and providing various facilities to support the implementation of health protocols to the community, strict control of the apparatus are applied to violators of health protocols in the implementation of congregational prayers in the mosques by giving warnings and providing masks for free to the violators after being reprimanded and educated, as told by imy liawati: gamalama village often conducts socialization to the community requiring them to wear masks, use hand sanitizers, spray disinfectants regularly, which is once a week in every mosque, and provide water and soap containers for washing hands.17 at the beginning of the pandemic, when people disobeyed and did not use masks, the gamalama government would give a warning. we also regularly educate the community and provide health attributes such as masks for free.18 however, in practice, public compliance with health protocols when performing congregational worship at the mosque only lasts at least the initial three months since the first positive case of covid-19 contamination in ternate city. as expressed by imy liawaty: “but it is no longer practiced here, it only happened at the beginning of the pandemic, about three months. as for now, congregational prayers at the mosque are back to normal as usual before the pandemic.”19 based on my observation, congregational prayers in mosques no longer apply the health protocol. i observed several mosques in ternate city, including the main mosque, which is the symbol of the muslim community in ternate city, namely the al-munawwar grand mosque. friday prayer in this grand mosque during the pandemic seems to be going on as usual. the number of worshipers who throng the al-munawar grand mosque is fairly crowded until half of the first-floor mosque is fully filled. it is estimated around thousands of people, considering the capacity of al-munawar, which is 15.000 people. this is the decline of compliance 277vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 unlike at the beginning of the pandemic, recently, i rarely use a mask, even almost never now. the reason i do not use any masks now is that many people do not use masks either, and no one has warned me. so i just imitate them.20 like the situation before the pandemic. congregations aged over 60 years (lansia) who are vulnerable to covid-19 infection are still found many attending friday prayers in the mosque. almost all who attended the congregational prayer did not use masks. only a small number of worshipers were aware of wearing masks. actually, the management of al-munawar mosque has attached a banner stating “masks required area” at several points of the mosque. i also found that shaf (line) of the congregation does not have physical distancing and stays tight as usual. however, at the end of the friday prayer, the jamaah did not shake hands with each other as commonly practiced before the pandemic. based on the observation made at the al-munawar grand mosque, the implementation of the five daily prayers are no different from the friday prayers. almost all of the congregation who attended did not use masks. only a small number of worshipers were aware of wearing masks. shaf (line of worshipers) of the congregation does not have physical distancing and stays tight as usual. however, they did not shake hands with each other. i interviewed some of them, asking why they do not use the mask. one of them said that he forgot to bring a mask, while the other said that they feel uncomfortable and annoyed because hard to breathe when wearing masks. besides the uncomfortable reason, they are also not afraid of getting infected, as they said. a similar attitude is also found in the muhammadiyah mosque named darul arqom. one of the congregations in the mosque said that he no longer wears a mask when he leaves his house and performs congregational prayers: the same thing was found in a smaller mosque within the community. one of the informants said that “the decline of the compliance is affected by local environmental conditions that no longer work as in the beginning.”21 278 afkaruna then, i visited and made observations at several mosques belonging to islamic organizations (ormas) as a comparison regarding the implementation of the 5 daily prayers. one of them was al-muttaqin grand mosque which belongs to nahdhatul ulama or called nu (a traditionalist islamic organization in indonesia). i found that this mosque does not implement health protocols. prayer rugs or prostration carpets are provided by the mosque in the front row. there are many worshipers that their ages are over 65 years old attending this mosque for congregational prayers. the congregation does not seem worried when they shake hands with each other after praying. almost all of the congregation did not use masks. moreover, there is no call for a mandatory mask area made by the bkm (mosque management). the percentage that does not use the mask in this mosque is much larger than other mosques.22 the same thing was found at the babul jannah mosque, located in the moloku kie raha islamic boarding school. the mosque is managed by wahdah islamiyah, an islamic revivalist movement classified by experts as a salafi group. the implementation of the 5 daily prayers at the babul jannah mosque also does not apply physical distancing shown by the rows of congregations are still very close. furthermore, the majority of the congregation does not wear masks. there is no requirement from the mosque management to wear it. however, it seems that the congregations recognize the danger of staying longer after the pray. most of them left the mosque after finishing the prayer. there are no carpets or prayer mats in the congregation’s prostration area, and there are no vulnerable age groups above 60 years.23 the last mosque that i visited in this area was a mosque managed by muhammadiyah of ternate city, namely the darul arqom mosque. there is not much difference concerning the implementation of the 5 daily prayers at this mosque. worshipers at the mosque almost entirely do not wear masks. only a small number of the worshipers wore the masks. there is no banner reminding about the mandatory wearing of masks in the darul arqam mosque. the members of the congregation at the darul arqam mosque also do not apply physical distancing and remain to chat 279vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 after the prayer. however, there is no prayer rug at the congregational prostration area and no vulnerable age groups over 60 are praying at the mosque.24 several mosques in ternate city, including the al-munawwar grand mosque, commemorated the isra mi’raj. in this year attendances were much lesser than previous years. furthermore, the commemoration itself this year was not managed by the ternate city government as usual, but it was carried out by a student community who are members of kammi (a young islamic organization that is affiliated with an islamist political party named partai keadilan sejahtera (pks). it was also seen that only a small proportion of those who attended the isra mi’raj wore masks. moreover, many of them sat closely with each other in rows. at the end of the activity, many of them still shook hands like in a normal situation. al-munawwar grand mosque has routine activities. some of them are religious lectures (pengajian) conducted every sunday after maghrib and friday after subuh (morning before sunrise). in both lectures, the majority of the people present do not use masks and do not apply physical distancing as well as kissing the hand of the ustadz (religious teacher) who gave the islamic subjects. at the same time, activities of qur'an studies for children (tpa and raudhatul athfal) have been conducted online since the beginning of the pandemic. in the recent last six months (november 2019 april 2021), the implementation of health protocols in the community has become increasingly lax.25 furthermore, since the beginning of 2021, especially the last two months (march to april), most people really do not care anymore about health protocols.26 the public’s indifference regarding the application of health protocols and social restrictions instructed by the mui has relation with the ternate city covid-19 task force (satgas covid-19), which no longer actively updates the development of the number of covid-19 patients in ternate city. the absence of such information led people to think that the covid-19 had disappeared from ternate city. this was stated by the chairman of the mui of ternate, usman ibrahim: “one of the factors that make people no longer care is because initially the covid-19 task force 280 afkaruna (satgas covid-19) always released the development of the number of cases infected with the coronavirus, while now there are no more updates from the covid-19 task force. so my personal analysis is that this factor causes people to think that covid-19 in ternate is over, and it does not exist anymore.”27 based on the interviews and observations, it can be concluded that the people of ternate city were initially very obedient to health protocols by always wearing masks, maintaining distance, washing hands with soap and using hand sanitizers when carrying out activities outside the home, including praying together at mosques. however, due to the disappearance of the covid-19 task force (satgas covid-19) of ternate city in providing information and socialization about covid-19, most people feel that covid-19 is no longer exists in ternate city. on the other hand, the government and related parties have also been unable to control and take firm action against people who feel bored with the issue of covid-19. 281vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 some factors are supporting the implementation of the mui fatwa number 14 of 2020 regulating the congregational prayer at mosques in the situation of the covid-19 outbreak in ternate city. the first is the synergy of various elements of society such as local religious leaders, mosques’ management (bkm), the local government, the covid-19 task force, community leaders, and youth organizations. this synergy shows public awareness of the importance of social restrictions and the application of the health protocols contained in the fatwa. public awareness is the main and most important factor in implementing the fatwa in ternate city can run well. among the forms of community support related to implementing the fatwa is always to apply health protocols, namely maintaining distance, using masks, washing hands and avoiding crowds. this was conveyed by the head of community empowerment of gamalama village: factors influencing the compliance and abandonment of the fatwa everyone cooperates with each other, both the village, the community, the covid-19 task force, youth organizations and bkm mosque. everyone works together, so they support each other. it also 282 afkaruna the same thing regarding public awareness was emphasized by rafli umar: “the attention and cooperation of the mosque management are very important in implementing health protocols for the congregation in the mosque.”29 the factor greatly influencing public awareness is clear and good information delivered to the community. so that the second supporting factor is the socialization carried out by the government and the mui branch of ternate city. some of the efforts done by the mui is utilizing various kinds of media, such as collaborating with radio of republic of indonesia (rri) of ternate city, through writing on social media such as facebook and print media such as newspapers in disseminating the mui’s fatwa to the public. in addition, the mui of ternate city also cooperated with a local television station in collaboration with the denhubrem (korem transportation detachment). this collaboration supports the dissemination of the fatwa to reach a wider audience. furthermore, the dissemination also utilizes forums of religious teaching (majelis ta’lim) and collaboration with community leaders in order to ensure that information about the fatwa can be heard and understood by the public as told by the chairman of the mui of ternate city: another factor that supports the dissemination of the mui’s fatwa is the publication of a guidebook for the implementation of worship during the pandemic, as told by rafli umar: “there is a guidebook for the includes utilizing community leaders in each rt and rw to provide socialization to residents. because gamalama is known as the economic center in ternate, so it is the most vulnerable area. all ternate people inevitably go to gamalama, so all elements must complement and support each other. i think the supporting factor is the media, such as rri. alhamdulillah, when we were on air (live) at rri, there were a lot of questions from the audience, not only from ternate but also from sulawesi, sumatra, bogor, etc. alhamdulillah, the government is also very supportive, including the health department and the covid-19 task force team. it is also worth noting the role played by local newspapers and television, such as gamalama tv, in disseminating information issued in the mui’s fatwa.30 i think one of the main factors preventing many people from obeying mui’s fatwa is lack of knowledge. our muslim brothers from the jamaah tabligh, for instance, after i taught in a forum after subuh (morning before sunrise) at the grand mosque, some members of the 283vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 implementation of worship during the pandemic.”31 this guidebook, which is distributed free of charge, can be utilized for reference and knowledge by the community in carrying worship during the pandemic. health facilities and infrastructure provided by the local government also play an important role in the successful implementation of the mui’s fatwa. procuring masks, hand sanitizers, spraying disinfectants once a week in every mosque, as well as providing water and soap containers for washing hands at the entrance to the mosque are some of the facilities provided. with these health facilities and infrastructure, the community can feel safe and comfortable in worshiping at the mosque, even in the atmosphere of the covid-19 pandemic. in the implementation of the mui fatwa number 14 of 2020 regarding congregational worship in a situation where the covid-19 outbreak occurred in the city of ternate, there were several factors inhibiting its success. the main factor hindering the implementation of the fatwa is the lack of knowledge in the community, and they rely more on non-scientific views, so their understanding of the covid-19 is not in line with health workers and the mui’s fatwa. this lack of knowledge is closely related to the culture or hereditary habits practiced by the community so that people are not ready to face the unexpected realities of life. this covid-19 pandemic inevitably forces humans to adapt to new challenges or reality. this deadly virus has changed not only the social life of a city but also the world globally. the muslim community of ternate city, which culturally and from generation to generation has always performed congregational prayers by tightening the rows, is now forced to stretch the rows and keep their distance. a sudden change like this makes people unprepared to oppose it. the majority of people feel that tight and straight rows are an obligation under any conditions or circumstances without exception, as has been done by traditional communities for generations. as the chairman of mui of ternate city said: the public’s lack of awareness is the cause making people being indifferent. probably, it is also caused by public literacy and lack of transparency of the government and the satgas of covid-19. recently jama’ah tabligh came to me and protested why the rows are so far apart.32 284 afkaruna the next inhibiting factor is the discomfort when wearing a mask, as told by one of the informants: “i also feel disturbed when i use a mask. during praying, i do not use the mask. it is uncomfortable, annoying, stuffy and hard to breathe.”33 another factor that hinders the implementation of this fatwa is that some people still do not believe in the existence of covid-19. according to them, covid-19 is a global conspiracy or political maneuver of political elites and the government as stated by one of the informants: “many who do not believe about this covid-19 outbreak think that this outbreak is a political game of people in government.”34 the same thing was informed by rafli umar: “many people think that covid-19 is a conspiracy, so they ignore the health protocols.”35 probably, those who think like this have never seen a case of a person contaminated with the covid-19 and only found out through the news in the media. the other factor that becomes an obstacle is the lack of public awareness to implement health protocols. this was explained by some informants such as rafli umar, “the hindering factor, in my opinion, is the lack of awareness of the congregation about the dangers of covid 19.”36 then again, expressed by desy vita pratiwi: “one of the inhibiting factors for the implementation of the mui fatwa is the lack of public awareness to implement health protocols.”37 and what was said by irfandi raja bunga, “the lack of public awareness has resulted in being indifferent.”38 another problem that hinders the successful implementation of the mui’s fatwa is the lack of public literacy. muslims in ternate city cannot filter the information that they receive. hoax news about covid-19 and the absence of the covid-19 task force (satgas of covid-19) recent six months in ternate city led the people to think that the covid-19 virus has disappeared in ternate city, as stated by irfandi raja bunga: there have been no more updates on the number of victims from the satgas. their offices are also closed. therefore people think that this corona is no longer in ternate. in addition, there is also a lot of hoax information that is spread in the community and on social media. and people also think that death is destiny from allah, so they don’t have to be afraid of the corona.39 one of the factors that make people no longer care is because initially, the covid-19 task force (satgas) always released the development of the number of cases contaminated with this coronavirus, while now there are no more updates from the covid-19 task force. so my personal analysis is that it is one of the factors that cause people to think that covid-19 in ternate is over, and it does not exist anymore.40 285vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 these all factors show that the mui’s fatwa has been abandoned by ternate society, including local religious leaders maintaining the mosques. even though they, to some extent, obey and respect the religious authority of the mui as indicated by their obedience in the early phase of the pandemic, the declining role of satgas covid-19 in recent six months, as well as people, own consideration assuming that the virus is not dangerous and has disappeared from ternate led them to neglect the fatwa. therefore, although the fatwa is crucial in helping the local government to obey health protocol, it requires other variables in order to make the fatwa works maximally in society. what irfandi said that the covid-19 task force was no longer active was confirmed by the chairman of mui of the ternate city: this article reveals how muslims in ternate (north maluku) respond to mui’s fatwa concerning the application of congregational worship during the covid-19 pandemic. due to the outbreak of the virus in indonesia, the government seeks to control and prevent the spread of the virus. through regulation, the government requires people to stay at home and to keep their distance from crowds. supporting this regulation, the mui released a fatwa restricting muslims from attending congregational worship (shalat jamaah) in mosques. conclusion 286 afkaruna how muslims in ternate deal with the mui’s fatwa and the factors influencing their responses to the fatwa were the questions that would be answered in this article. relevant parts of the fatwa, as well as context in which the fatwa was issued, are also described. the local government of ternate, local religious leaders as well as the mui of ternate play an important role in disseminating the fatwa, particularly related to the muslim congregation, in order to prevent the spread of the covid-19 virus. however, in practice, public compliance with health protocols when performing congregational worship at the mosque only lasts at least the initial three months since the first positive case of covid-19 contamination in ternate city. based on the interviews and observations, the people of ternate city were initially very obedient to health protocols by always wearing masks, maintaining distance, washing hands with soap and using hand sanitizers when carrying out activities outside the home, including praying together at mosques. however, due to the disappearance of the covid-19 task force (satgas covid-19) of ternate city in providing information and socialization about covid-19, most people feel that covid-19 is no longer exists in ternate city. these all show that obedience of muslim society in ternate to the mui’s fatwa is not only determined by aspects of the religious authority of the mui, but also by the role of local government, local religious leaders, and pragmatic considerations of the society as well as their perception about the dangerous impact of the covid-19. endnotes m. b. hooker, indonesian slam: social change through contemporary fatawa (honolulu: university of hawai press, 2003). nico j. g. kaptein, “the voice of the ulama: fatwas and religious authority in indonesia,” archives de sciences sociales des religions, 125, (janvier-mars 2004): 115-130. nico j. g. kaptein, “the voice of the ulama: fatwas and religious authority in indonesia.” see also m hilali basya, “the concept of religious pluralism in indonesia: a study of the mui’s fatwa and the debate among muslim scholars,” ijims (indonesian journal of islam and muslim societies), 1, 1 (2011): 69-93. nico j. g. kaptein, “the voice of the ulama: fatwas and religious 1 2 3 4 287vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 authority in indonesia.” see also m hilali basya, “muhammadiyah’s fatwa about hewan kurban in 2005: a study on muhammadiyah’s method in producing fatwa,” afkaruna, 15, 1 (2019): 1-18. mohammad syifa amin widigdo, “the power of fatwa in indonesia: an analysis of mui’s controversial fatwâs,” afkaruna, 14, 2 (2018): 146-165. michael laffan, “the fatwā debated? shūrā in one indonesian context,” islamic law and society, 12, 1 (2005): 93-121 m hilali basya, “muhammadiyah’s fatwa about hewan kurban in 2005: a study on muhammadiyah’s method in producing fatwa.” peraturan menteri kesehatan (permenkes) ri nomor 9 tahun 2020. piers gillespie, “current issues in indonesian islam: analyzing the 2005 council of indonesian ulama fatwa no.7 opposing pluralism, liberalism, and secularism,” journal of islamic studies, 2, 18 (2007): 1-39. fatwa mui nomor 14 tahun 2020. the text is translated by the corresponding author. interview with the chairman of mui of ternate, usman ibrahim, on 2nd april 2021. gamalama is one of the sub-districts of ternate city in which the fieldwork has been conducted. interview with the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati, on 1st april 2021. interview with dzamrud muchsin, the imam (head) of the al-munawwar grand mosque, on 28th march 2021. interview with the chairman of mui of ternate, usman ibrahim, on 2nd april 2021. interview with the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati, on 1st april 2021. interview with the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati, on 1st april 2021. interview with the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati, on 1st april 2021. interview with muhammad dzulfiqram, a congregant in darul arqom mosque, on 15th april 2021. interview with rafli umar, a congregant of babul jannah, 10th april 2021. observation at grand mosque of al-muttaqin on 07th april 2021 observation at babul jannah mosque on 6th april 2021. observation at darul arqam mosque on 5th april 2021. interview with the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati, on 1st april 2021. interview with the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati, on 1st april 2021. interview with the chairman of mui of ternate, usman ibrahim, on 2nd 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 17 16 18 20 19 21 23 22 24 26 27 25 288 afkaruna interview with the chairman of mui of ternate, usman ibrahim, on 2nd april 2021. interview with the head of community empowerment of the gamalama, imy liawati, on 1st april 2021. interview with rafli umar, a congregant of babul jannah, 10th april 2021. interview with the chairman of mui of ternate, usman ibrahim, on 2nd april 2021. interview with rafli umar, a congregant of babul jannah, 10th april 2021. interview with the chairman of mui of ternate, usman ibrahim, on 2nd april 2021 interview with irfandi raja bunga, a congregant of al-munawwar grand mosque on 25th march 2021. interview with desy vita pratiwi, a congregant of al-muttaqin great mosque, on 15th april 2021. interview with rafli umar, a congregant of babul jannah, 10th april 2021. interview with rafli umar, a congregant of babul jannah, 10th april 2021. interview with desy vita pratiwi, a congregant of al-muttaqin great mosque, on 15th april 2021 interview with irfandi raja bunga, a congregant of al-munawwar grand mosque on 25th march 2021. interview with irfandi raja bunga, a congregant of al-munawwar grand mosque on 25th march 2021. interview with the chairman of mui of ternate, usman ibrahim, on 2nd april 2021. 28 30 29 31 33 32 35 34 36 38 37 39 41 40 references 289vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 2. afkaruna_alif rizky ramadhan and ai fatimah_revisi 1 there are two major competing groups in islamic jurisprudence. the first is the value-laden scholars’ group which believes that religious authority comes from conservative and collective understanding, and the second is the value-free scholars’ group which considers that religious authority comes from progressive and individual understanding. these two groups have contested the highest authority between collective ijtihad and individual ijtihad in producing fiqh products. this article aims to discuss a discourse on the contestation between value-laden and value-free. this research was conducted through a qualitative method based on case studies. it also focused on the literature review of various primary and secondary sources. we identified and selected many relevant sources that linked very closely to both the substance of the topic as well as to the theories that we used to strengthen the research’s arguments, data analysis, and findings. however, kuntowijoyo’s theory of ‘islam as science’ is used as the main tool to construct a new and neutral authority. as a result, this research offers the middle way of fiqh that can bridge the two major groups and be used as an alternative discourse to construct a new, moderate, and neutral meaning. keywords: religious authority, qur’anic interpretation, fiqh, muslim scholars, indonesia abstract article history received: 12 may 2023, revised: 13 june 2023, accepted: 25 may 2023, published: 30 june 2023 university of muhammadiyah prof. dr. hamka, jakarta, indonesia corresponding author: fatimah_nf@uhamka.ac.id religious authority in islamic law: a debate on conservative and progressive methods jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 university of muhammadiyah prof. dr. hamka, jakarta, indonesia alifrizkyr@uhamka.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.18507 ai fatimah nur fuad* alif rizky ramadhan the legal tradition discourse has become one of the major and important studies in muslim society. this discourse significantly determines how a muslim acts in dealing with various kinds of cases in accordance with the sharia (islamic canon law) that has been revealed by god to the prophet muhammad.1 this study has its roots in the companions scattered throughout the arabian peninsula, africa, and mesopotamia who were tasked with answering the needs of fiqh (islamic jurisprudence) products that had to be fulfilled in the midst of islamic society that had just converted and also in different areas in mecca and medina. in the process, schools of fiqh emerge with different methodologies due to their different geographical locations and conditions.2 one of the issues that developed in the study of legal tradition is the discussion on who has the authority to interpret the qur'an. the study of ushul fiqh (the principle of islamic jurisprudence) is answered in the chapter allah as al-hakim.3 however, it needs to be understood that in achieving the introduction meaning that allah has embedded into the qur'anic verses, it is necessary to conduct interpretive studies to achieve the real meaning.4 this discussion has led to a polemic between the various schools in islamic studies. this case can be seen when the khawarij used the slogan "la hukma illa lillah" that the highest authority in interpreting the intentions and commands of allah to muslims is allah. therefore, those who contradict the principles and ideology of khawarij are infidels, and their blood is halal (lawful) to be shed.5 a similar issue emerged again when the legal tradition and its tools had been perfected. many people at that time used the phrase "pintu ijtihad telah tertutup" (the gate of ijtihad is closed). the legal tradition was considered complete and answered important issues in muslim society at that time.6 thus, the authority of meaning at that time only orbited on the study of the companions and the imams of the madhhab without any research, which would later lead to blind taqlid (imitating others without any knowledge) amongst the islamic community.7 this had an impact on the product of fiqh, which at that time experienced stagnation and only revolved around some legal tradition thoughts without any studies nor criticism. therefore, this period gave rise to various muslim thinkers who tried to change the status quo that occurred in the intellectual study of the legal tradition of the scholars.8 these issues will lead to the rise of two poles of thought in islamic society, firstly, those who understand religion in a traditional way that emphasizes value-laden understanding, and secondly, those who understand religion in a modern way that emphasizes value-free.9 value-free paradigm regards a well-established value as a key standard in understanding a text or a thought.10 thus, in its process, value-laden refers to an interpretation that adjusts to an assessed value according to the condition of a system to be applied and implemented as a whole. while value-free is contradictive to value-laden because it considers there is no key standard value to be implemented in a certain system.11 thus, this paradigm opens a wide interpretation until not bound to one established value only. therefore, value-laden places more emphasis on understanding pre-existing interpretations without developing interpretations if they are not urgently needed. on the contrary, value-free emphasizes more understanding to open wider spaces for new scientific interpretations that are religiously and logically accepted. these two poles have different paradigms in answering the authority that can determine the meaning of the content of the qur'an. thus, there are differences of opinion and perception of various problems that approach muslims today. this issue led to the dynamic shifting power that determines and emphasizes who holds the highest authority in understanding the qur’anic verses and islamic messages.12 this can be seen from how muslims answer how far ijtihad in fiqh products is independent of a mazhab (school of thought) authorities13 and how the western and eastern worldviews affect an individual in making decisions in producing a fiqh.14 the issue that arises above is itself a continuation of the polarization process between ahlul hadith and ahlul ra'yi, which debates who has the highest authority in determining a law to humans.15 however, it should also be understood that in this modern setting, the development of the ingkar-sunnah movement raises the narrative of the sole use of the qur'an.16 also, it causes issues that have developed in the past to experience a new evolutionary phase in the discussion and debate among islamic scholars. this paradigm, divided between traditional and modern understanding, eventually leads to instability in religious discourse and practices between fellow believers and other religions.17 therefore, we have to reformulate a methodology of thinking that builds the paradigm of islam as a non-violent religion and also a religion of peace and tolerance towards others and not a bloodthirsty religion and forbids 20 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 everything considered contrary to its understanding.18 islam has a core role in building and organizing a tolerant society and reconciling the people of those who live within the plural society.19 therefore, it is necessary to conduct da'wa in a modern era that is moderate and tolerant toward the plurality within islamic society while maintaining islamic identity.20 based on that reflection, research is needed to highlight and contribute to the issues that arise in the lives of muslim communities. in its process, muslims can unite without mutual suspicion between one firqoh (group) and another firqoh. in this era, there has been paranoia and a tendency where fellow muslims are suspicious of each other instead of collaborating. thus, this research tries to offer a middle-way fiqh. this fiqh is based on wasathiyyah (moderate or middle path) values in answering fiqh products that are friendly to tradition but also modern and progressive in practice. in exploring this discourse, the researchers borrow the theory of gradual qur'an developed by sukidi mulyadi as a way to understand the qur'anic texts.21 although this theory developed in the realm of qur’anic exegesis, studying the authority of meaning is crucial, especially in understanding fiqh products that are strongly influenced by the interpretation of a mufassir.22 another theory the researchers borrowed is qabdh wa basth, or the theory of contraction and expansion developed by abdolkarim soroush in the realm of qur’anic exegesis.23 this theory will affect the understanding of the authority of meaning that is liberal and also open to the interpretation of individual laws.24 finally, the researchers borrowed the theory from the sociology of religion, namely the theory of “islam sebagai ilmu” developed by kuntowijoyo.25 the understanding of the authority and meaning must be read in transcendental structuralism so that legal discourses in islam must be understood and dialogued carefully and neutrally towards both parties.26 21afkaruna this research employed a qualitative method focused on reviewing primary and secondary data sources, which were processed to become cohesive data.27 the research processes collected, identified, and selected relevant sources from these sources are linked very closely to both the substance of the chosen topic as well as to the theories that we used to strengthen the research’s arguments. the diverse literature was then carefully reviewed through content analysis and made some notes on different issues and other relevant sub-topics. we noted that a wide range of references could build a concrete and tangible framework for thinking about the issues being raised. this is then juxtaposed with several cases that happen in today's society. accordingly, it can be seen from the current issue of child-free that speak up by gita savitri that emerged in a discussion on the legal discourse of islam.28 this example issue and other contemporary issues need a careful examination and reformulation of the methodology and law that place god and human beings as an inseparable legal unity. finally, we found necessary and relevant data to respond to the case studies and concluded key analysis and findings to write down logically and chronologically throughout this paper. research method the islamic legal tradition, as previously described, has undergone significant development from its inception to the present. this has led to many attempts at refinement in legal tradition discourses, which makes islamic fiqh perfect in answering the core problems among muslims at that time.29 therefore, some muslims argue that with the completion of this study, there is no longer a need for a discussion value-laden for maintaining traditionalism 22 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 the concept of “the door of ijtihad is closed” that has been discussed earlier has sparked great controversy among islamic thinkers in the 4th century of hijriyah. this issue was strongly voiced by ibn taymiyyah and his student ibn qoyyim as a form of blind taklid to consensus and scholarly opinions without any constructive criticism. in the paradigm of these two scholars, fiqh products experience saturation by only orbiting on old opinions without formulating the answers to current problems. therefore, ibn taymiyyah and ibn qoyyim vocally started the movement to return to the qur'an and sunnah as an answer to the problems that existed in muslim society at that time. this paradigm of returning to the qur'an and sunnah has experienced its ups and downs, but it is agreed that this thought became a major topic in the period of islamic renewal in the 19th century. at that time, the emergence of scholars, such as muhammad abduh, tried to break the saturation of religion by developing religious science that was value-free from conservative views. this action became the pattern of the revivalist and modernist islamic movement in the 20th century, marked by various national and world organizations that tried to work on rationalistic struggles in building value-free fiqh products from an existing firqoh (group). value-free and modernism paradigm new ijtihad. this attitude gives rise to a paradigm of traditionalism within islam that seeks to protect the traditions passed down by previous scholars to be maintained and preserved.30 this issue corresponds with the ideas developed by sukidi mulyadi regarding the gradual theory of the qur'an. in his thought, sukidi considers that the process of returning to the qur'an and sunnah should be through the thoughts of the salaf mufassirs (classical qur’anic interpreters) and cannot be done directly without any intermediaries. this is conducted to protect classical islamic thought from the dangers of new ideas that do not conform to the traditions of the classical ulama. thus, according to mulyadi, islamic discourses must be built on the paradigm of classical ulama or mufassirs that are packaged in a modern context.31 the idea of the concept of gradual qur'an in sukidi mulyadi's thought comes from the thought of muttaqil bin sulayman. a mufassir during the time of the companions introduced the concept of gradual qur'an as a method of interpreting verses in the qur'an.32 thus, sukidi explained that the gradual qur'an was built as a paradigm to understand that the qur'an cannot be understood by itself. thus, it takes the interpretation of a salaf mufassir to explain the true meaning of the qur'an.33 because of the process of the qur'an being interpreted by the early mufassirs, sukidi concluded that the authority of meaning in the qur'an is held by a mufassir, which the process of returning to the qur'an and sunnah can only be done if it passes through the classical mufassirs and must be in accordance with these mufassirs. meanwhile, the process of reading the qur'an and sunnah independently without taking the opinions of classical mufassirs is considered to damage the interpretation of the qur'an because of the distance between humans today and the time of the prophet muhammad in the past.34 the idea developed by sukidi mulyadi can be considered an example of a value-laden paradigm in reading islamic legal tradition. the product of fiqh is built on the premises developed by classical scholars and linked to the new issues at hand, while the process of reading the qur'an adapts to what has been issued by classical scholars. this is certainly chosen as a careful decision not to violate the rules of allah. thus, in building this value-laden mode of thinking, traditionalists fortify themselves with previous fatwas as their basis for doing a furuiyah action. 23afkaruna this value-free ideal of modernism reached one of its highest points when abdolkarim soroush issued a theory that he named qabdh wa basth (contraction and expansion). through this theory, soroush wants to explain the emergence of a difference between religion and religious understanding.35 therefore, in the process, the understanding of religion experiences an expansion of meaning and, at the same time, also undergoes a contraction of meaning. in this theory, soroush tries to emphasize that the dynamic relationship between humans and the meaning of the text causes the reading of the quran to be understood dynamically as well, without being bound by previous interpretations that have been established and accepted by people.36 in soroush’s thought, contraction is an attempt to reduce things no longer relevant to the times, such as slavery, while expansion brings up different themes, such as democracy.37 soroush wants to position the reading of the text and meaning of the qur’an dynamically following the times without being strictly bound like the value-laden group. in this paradigm developed by soroush, he believes that in understanding the qur'an, we must abandon the thoughts that came from classical scholars.38 this is because they are merely debatable human ijtihad, while islam is something absolute and concrete.39 soroush believes that in trying to understand the qur'an, humans must make an independent ijtihad to contemplate and understand the content of what is contained in the qur'an. this is done because the needs of humans are different from one another.40 thus, soroush considers the need to construct a value-free reading of the qur'an without coercion of a party in order to read the meaning of the qur'an following to the mainstream.41 through this value-free paradigm, the authority of the meaning of the qur'an cannot be contested because, according to soroush, it belongs to the individuals themselves and not to a party.42 the qabdh wa basth (contraction and expansion) paradigm developed by abdolkarim soroush is one form of representation of how value-free understanding in the study of islamic legal tradition. thus, in its fiqh products, modernism believes that returning to the qur'an and sunnah becomes the main process in taking the legal basis of the fiqh product to be issued or made. it is undeniable that in the study of legal tradition, authority is the core issue that causes a law to be implemented, even though some people do not agree with the perspective taken from the law.43 this has led to the emergence of various kinds of fatwas (rulings) that contradict each other and are enforced to be implemented by certain firqoh (groups) in muslim society. in the indonesian context, we recognize the nu’s bahtsul masail (nu jurisprudence council), the muhammadiyah’s tarjih and tajdid (muhammadiyah jurisprudence council), the persis’s misbah council, and so on and so forth. fatwa institutions are formed to construct a paradigm of thinking in accordance with the official direction of the organization.44 thus, many fatwas in the same issue are, to a certain extent, different between one organization and another.45 this issue is indeed limited to the study of furuiyah (a smaller branch of jurisprudence issue), but in fact, this does not stop many parties from debating and pitting the fiqh products created by these fatwa institutions. thus, claims of authority over the meaning contained in the qur'an frequently appear as justification for their firqoh or group’s claim.46 in response to this issue, kuntowijoyo’s book "islam sebagai ilmu" (islam as science) highlights the importance of the islamic proactive and relevant paradigm toward the current dynamics of muslims. an understanding of transcendental structuralism is needed, which has the tools of integralization and objectification to read and understand the structure of the qur'an as a whole and transcendent to the top.47 reading the qur'an is done through the process from text to context. while also islamic scholars examine a natural phenomenon through what is contained in the verses of the qur'an.48 this is inversely neutral authority of meaning as a new method to produce a fiqh 24 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 proportional to the thinking developed in the modernism paradigm, which emphasizes the movement from context to text and only looks for verses that can be connected to a natural phenomenon.49 the traditionalism paradigm only performs an act of de-codification and repeats the same issues described by previous scholars through syarh (commentary) or ikhtisar (summary).50 thus, in this new paradigm initiated by kuntowijoyo, we take a middle path or position between value-free and value-laden, aiming to reconcile the two different positions. the methodology of transcendental structuralism stems from the paradigm of structuralism that has developed in western society, which believes everything in nature has a structure.51 in kuntowijoyo's perspective, this is not accompanied by a transcendent essence in formulating how to organize the rules of the structure of an object, which causes western structuralism to tend to be subjective and secular.52 thus, kuntowijoyo believes that transcendental structuralism is built on understanding the message of universality in the qur'an.53 it differs from the secular reading that tries to build a paradigm from what already exists and is owned and projected into the qur'anic text. reading with the transcendental structuralism paradigm forces an interpreter to understand the structure of the essential values of the qur'anic verse originally and then contextualize them.54 thus, in the paradigm of transcendental structuralism, tawhid (belief in god) is indeed the foundation of everything that will have an inner structure that has different tasks in answering the given issue to be applied according to the inner structural space occupied by the issue. it should also be understood that islam has built a solid structure of various issues, and it will not change except for issues related to muamalah (civil or human interaction). thus, transcendental structuralism tries to answer the human problems in their daily lives.55 of course, to build this transcendental structuralism paradigm, the tools of objectification and integralization play an important role in formulating a fiqh product whose authority of meaning is neutral from various firqoh or groups.56 having the above explanation, we realized that transcendental structuralism needs a tool to be practiced. thus, kuntowijoyo introduced the principle of objectification as a method to reconcile several disputes of meaning in making a fatwa decision.57 kuntowijoyo realizes that every root problem of khilafiyah (alternative jurisprudence reasoning) can basically be resolved without the need for divisions that occur as it is today.58 according to him, objectification is built to find the root of the problem and reconcile all parties from the conflict. of course, in the context of islamic legal tradition, it is very complicated to reconcile all parties with many different methodologies between one firqoh and another. however, kuntowijoyo believes that essentially in the context of transcendental structuralism, all disputed issues have a common denominator that can be used as a foothold to objectify the problem.59 therefore, although each firqoh still believes in their opinion, there is a common understanding and common word between the firqoh in questioning and debating the furuiyah issues. then another tool used by kuntowijoyo in building the transcendental structuralism methodology is integralization. this is intended to build a common understanding and common word that has been discussed previously. in his study, kuntowijoyo discusses this issue in the context of the west and islam. however, his theory of integralization can also be practiced within islam.60 we can see how the conflict and intention of firqoh still haunt muslims with the emergence of various new groups. integralization is therefore needed to rectify the suspicions of each group towards the other. integralization itself emerges after the objectification process in which there is information on disputes and claims developed by each group.61 of course, most groups have arguments that are equally strong. therefore, integralization helps to integrate various existing arguments and bring them together with the common denominator of the issue. thus, each argument can be compared and structurally ordered until it becomes a cohesive unit and is able to formulate the new meaning contained in the fiqh product.62 these two tools work gradually, resulting in an alternative way of reading the issue. from there, the alternative reading is directed and made into a universal structural understanding that many people can accept. thus, this long process is called transcendental structuralism. 25afkaruna the debate over who has the right to conduct ijtihad is the key issue of this study. in the value-laden paradigm, the effort is only made by the madhhab because collective authority such as the madhhab is more reliable and verifiable. while in the value-free paradigm, ijtihad must be done by everyone who has the competence to do so. this happens because humans are endowed with the ability to think and distinguish what is right and wrong in naqli (theological reasoning) through the intermediary of the qur'an and sunnah and aqli (logical reasoning) through rational human logic. thus, this polemic appears to be a long debate space between the two paradigms.63 in fortifying from various kinds of errors in understanding legal-formal, value-laden thought believes that the use of ijtihad mazhabi is a concrete form in formulating a fiqh product. this is done by considering that the authority developed from the school of fiqh has been long and firmly established for almost thousands of years. then, it also needs to be understood that the school of fiqh has produced a lot of fuqoha who are always there in each generation so that the teacher-disciple sanad remains connected in the development of the times that occur. then, because of the many fuqoha born from the school of fiqh, the sources of records and information owned by the school of fiqh are numerous and rooted in many interconnected sources. the traditionalists believe that through using this mazhabi ijtihad, fiqh products will be guaranteed quality from various kinds of shubhat (vague within the jurisprudence discourse).64 the thought developed by these traditionalists in the modernist paradigm is considered a form of structured and massive ignorance where the authority of the school of thought that is too powerful in a region will become auto-critical and make its school the only one in power.65 therefore, in the value-free paradigm, personal ijtihad is a good choice for answering and adapting to contemporary issues in the islamic legal tradition. in practice, this ijtihad integrates related sciences such as nature and humanities without only talking in a narrow religious context.66 this personal ijtihad is favored by contemporary academics and scholars who believe that understanding the qur'an should not only stop at understanding divinity but also relate to other studies. then, in the value-free paradigm, many books are tailored to the area of their readers in the hope that the message and thoughts of ijtihad carried out can be captured properly by these people.67 one of the concrete issues is how the influence of ijtihad independency can be seen during the holy month of ramadhan. the thought of mazhabi ijtihad, in this case, represented by nahdlatul ulama, considers the determination of the beginning of the month of ramadan must be done through the process of rukyatul hilal (moon observation methodology).68 while at the same time, personal ijtihad represented by astronomers, falak (islamic astronomy), and the muhamadiyah in general, considers that with the development of established technology, the use of rukyatul hisab (astronomical mathematic methodology) is more appropriate. then, a big question arises, how should this law run if the roots of its views seem to be contradictory and incompatible?69 the above issue is a long-standing issue that continues to play out. an alternative way is urgently needed. thus, we will apply the transcendental structuralism developed by kuntowijoyo to draw a concrete conclusion on this issue. ijtihad independency in fiqh product 26 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 in this objectification process, we will see and examine the basis of the views of both groups. in nu's view, the month of ramadan can only be noticed when we see the change of the old moon to the new moon as hadith of the prophet muhammad70 so that the process in accordance with the sunnah of the prophet is to do rukyatul hilal at various points to ensure its validity. while in the view of falak, astronomy experts, and muhammadiyah, the meaning of the word month of ramadan must be understood contextually. where humans cannot see the month of ramadan like people cannot see the month of august, therefore, to reach the right understanding of the month, it is necessary to mobilize thinking power to find the time when the month of ramadhan enters. of course, the prophet suggested using rukyatul hilal because the arabs were an ummi (illiterate) community, so they argued that with the development of accurate technology regarding the determination of the month of ramadan, the process was replaced by rukyatul hisab. from the above arguments, if we align, a common denominator is the key to this problem. regardless of how to achieve and determine the entry of ramadan, both parties basically only question how many elongations and degrees are needed to be considered the entry of ramadan time. nu takes 3 degrees, while muhammadiyah considers the existence of a new moon even if it only rises for 0.1 degrees and is declared the entry of ramadan. therefore, we can see that the essence of the problem is not the method but the decision of how many degrees is considered as the entry of the new moon. in the process, the integralization paradigm can be seen that regardless of the methods used by nu and muhamadiyah in achieving these results, in the end, it is the decree that causes the conflict and the method. however, some will later argue that the decree is a package with the method. but the fact that the degree decree can be changed proves that determining the ramadhan includes a leniency process in that matter. from the process of objectification and integralization, we conclude that transcendental structuralism and the growing issue of determining the month of ramadan must be re-read in a maslahat (benefits) and constructive manner. this issue has led to a split between the determination of how many degrees a new month will come. thus, in the process, this moderate fiqh product must establish a standardized and agreed-upon degree determination by islamic groups determining when the month of ramadan comes. from such discourse, we reflect and rethink how fiqh products are made and useful not only for certain communities such as muhammadiyah or nahdlatul ulama. rather, a fiqh product must be in line and give benefits to all groups and communities. therefore, we can prioritize dialogue with all groups or islamic communities to achieve a wasathiyah-based fiqh or middle way of fiqh, a product of fiqh that can be used by everyone and give benefits to all civilizations in the global muslim world. in this study, the debate is on the issue of how fiqh products are built on the paradigm of western and islamic worldviews. in the value-laden paradigm, the traditions of classical scholars have formed a superior paradigm and are in line with islamic personality.71 thus, muslims no longer need to follow what non-muslims do. this is because it is tantamount to imitating a people. meanwhile, in value-free thinking, no barrier distinguishes between what is islamic and what is not. so, muslims must weigh the two and take the one that is most suitable to practice in islamic society.72 this paradigm issue has developed into a contentious issue. western and islamic worldview paradigm in fiqh product 27afkaruna value-laden thought, which believes that islamic tradition has accommodated everything in this world, believes that what is developed in the western paradigm has more harm than good. therefore, according to traditionalists, applying western thinking to the islamic paradigm will cause many problems in the future. thus, this thought is better prevented.73 in the thought of syed muhammad naquib al-attas, he believes that an islamization of the western worldview is needed to build arguments in accordance with shari’a. al-attas promotes a value-laden paradigm because, according to him, the western worldview emphasizes secular and liberal understanding, which is not in accordance with the more well-established islamic worldview. al-attas believes that islam has developed many established values since the time of the prophet muhammad.74 islam has formed its value-laden that cannot be replaced by a value-free understanding derived from the understanding of western freedom.75 therefore, everything must be islamized to preserve the purity of islam from the shady ideas of the west.76 in contrast to the views expressed by value-laden who are afraid of mixing western and islamic paradigms, the value-free group does not consider it as a problem and even examines the progress of the western worldview as an obligation to improve the weak points in muslims’ thoughts. therefore, instead of hiding, muslims are involved in building a paradigm that all plural groups of society can accept. thus, going to school and studying in the west to explore and learn its thinking methodology is not a problem whatsoever.77 in hassan hanafi's thought, he believes that islam must learn more from the west while criticizing things considered incompatible with the individual in islam. this is done to keep muslims from blindly following the western worldview while scrutinizing and mastering western knowledge and methodology. then, hassan hanafi also understands there is no need to link western science with qur'anic verses because the western worldview will reject the supernatural understanding contained in the qur'an and sunnah.78 the latest phenomenon of this topic is the growing issue of being child-free which has been echoed by some people, for instance, gita savitri in recent months.79 where this issue divides muslims into two poles, and one group is absent. in the value-laden paradigm, allah and the prophet muhammad have given the virtue of having many children. this is interpreted by some fuqoha (islamic jurists) as a process for muslims to become a great force and help each other. but at the same time, in the value-free paradigm, this issue is seen as an effort to reduce the human population that has reached a far difference from the available space. reflecting on this issue, how do we answer the dilemma of the two arguments above? the above new issue rapidly gains popularity in recent years. an alternative way is needed. thus, we can apply the transcendental structuralism developed by kuntowijoyo to draw a concrete conclusion on this issue. in the objectification process, we see that the child-free rejection group builds its argument on naqli (theological) arguments that have a strong basis and can be accounted for. because in fact, the prophet muhammad competed with other prophets about who could bring the most followers in the field of mahsyar (the land of destination for all humans). but at the same time, the argument developed by the child-free support group is also not wrong. where currently, there is a mis-proportion between people and places to live. as a result, there are many displaced and marginalized people with the current system. they are forced to live in the streets and under bridges. meanwhile, islam, as the religion that cares and respects the mustad'afin (weak people), prohibits muslims from humiliating their neighbors. 28 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 if we align the two arguments above, we will find a common denominator in which both groups look at the issue from the right perspective, but the application is in the wrong place. the issue developed by the value-laden group speaks to the context of a small islamic society as it happened in mecca and medina in the early pioneering days. but at the same time, the value-free argument is also correct in that an uncontrolled population explosion also causes harm. thus, when conditions do not allow having many children, it is desirable to have just enough children, to maintain the maqashid shari’a (islamic legal objectives) that each child has. from the explanation above, we can integrate the two views by taking the alternative route of accepting the value-laden theory as the initial condition in which muslims are essentially depopulated. this is like what is happening now in japan, which is experiencing severe depopulation. thus, this law applies to every citizen in the islamic context. however, this does not apply and may even be prohibited if the region is like india, where the population is overpopulated but still wants to have many children. therefore, we must apply the value-free theory to answer the issue. from this process of objectification and integralization, we conclude on transcendental structuralism that when speaking in fiqh products that question the worldviews of islam and the west, we must place both in equal positions while making the right decision without offending the other. this can be seen in how we are demanded to have many children in sharia. however, the current conditions make it impossible for the law to be annulled to protect many people from oppression and marginalization. this reflection shows that dialoguing opposing thoughts can give us an important lesson in which the issue can be read from different perspectives. therefore, with this middle way fiqh, we can construct or issue fiqh products that listen to and consider both sides while formulating policies that are moderate and accepted by all parties. the polemics in the legal discourse on the study of islamic jurisprudence have been reflected in the debate over religious authority. there are two poles of thought in islamic society, firstly, those who understand religion in a traditional way and emphasize value-laden understanding, and secondly, those who understand religion in a modern way and emphasize value-free. the two poles have different paradigms in answering the authority that can determine the meaning of the content of the qur'an. the first example is a polemic in understanding the beginning and end of ramadan. the value-laden group understands the meaning of reaching the month through direct observation of the new moon. in comparison, the value-free group achieves this month through mathematical calculations structured using technology. it raises a long polemic between the accuracy of direct vision and mathematical calculations. but in fact, through the methodology developed from kuntowijoyo's paradigm, we find that the common denominator of this problem is not in the method to reach when the moon arrives but how high the degree and elongation that the moon needs to reach. thus, the polemic can be answered by unifying and directing groups toward a common bond where everything is carefully considered. another example of polemic that arises is the case of child-free. the value-laden group understands this issue as a form of resistance to god's law, while the value-free group sees it as an effort to restrain the overpopulation rate that occurs in many countries with a large populations and certainly does not support their lives. through a study using the methodology of the kuntowijoyo paradigm, we can draw a common denominator that all the recommendations developed by both parties have different bargaining positions. thus, it cannot be equated and generalized but becomes dynamic to keep up with the changing problems at different times. conclusion 29afkaruna the polemic that develops between value-laden and value-free is an issue that cannot be resolved without neutral dialogues. this is very difficult because everyone always has a bias toward an idea. however, it is expected that the concept of the neutral authority of meaning based on the paradigm developed by kuntowijoyo can help us to formulate a moderate solution. transcendental structuralism is used as its formulation tool. thus, the discourses on fiqh products, such as the problem of determining the beginning of ramadan or child-free, can be approached through this paradigm. this research is part of the efforts to build the middle way of fiqh (fiqh jalan tengah) that prioritize moderate opinions. endnotes khaled abou el fadl, “the islamic legal tradition,” in the cambridge companion to comparative law, ed. mauro bussani (new york: cambridge university press, 2012), 295–312. irwansyah saputra, “perkembangan ushul fiqh” in jurnal syariah hukum islam 1, no. 1 (2018): 38–49. muhammad abū zahrah, ushul fiqh (jakarta: pustaka firdaus kerjasama dengan perhimpunan pengembangan pesantren dan masyarakat (p3m), 1994). m. quraish shihab, kaidah tafsir (tangerang: lentera hati, 2013). saleh, “khawarij: sejarah dan perkembangannya” in el-afkar: jurnal pemikiran keislaman dan tafsir hadis 7, no. 2 (2018): 25–34. khawarij is a sect that emerged in early islam because of dissatisfaction to the decision of caliph ali bin abi thalib who accepted arbitrate (tahkim) and did not fight muawiyah. they broke away from the caliph ali’s group. see also. yunan yusuf, alam pikiran islam pemikiran kalam (prenada media, 2016). 43-51. hamdi yusliani, “pintu ijtihad tertutupkah?” in jurnal ilmiah islam futura 6, no. 2 (2018): 37–50. muzakir, “periodisasi fiqh (perbandingan fiqh dari masa rasul saw sampai modern)” in jurnal ilmiah islam futura 7, no. 1 (2018): 25–41. m. nasri hamang, “sistem ijtihad dalam hukum islam (metodologi pembaruan ibnu taimiyah)” in diktum: jurnal syariah dan hukum 8, no. 1 (2010): 37–46. ibn taymiyyah was one of the most vocal voices on the idea of "return to the qur'an and sunnah" during this period. this idea then caused his name to become famous in muslim circles at that time as a person who went against the highest authority by trying to bring back ijtihad in the paradigm of islamic legal tradition. his legal tradition thought later became the basis for some reformist groups to challenge the paradigm that had been intact in muslim society. naila farah, “pemikiran kelompok tradisionalis dan modernis” in jurnal yaqzhan: analisis filsafat, agama dan kemanusiaan 5, no. 2 (2019): 31–46. zina b. ward, “on value-laden science,” studies in history and philosophy of science part a 85 (2021): 54–62. robert n proctor, value-free science: purity and power in modern knowledge (harvard university press, 1991). ai fatimah nur fuad, “female religious authority among tarbiyah communities in contemporary indonesia,” archipel, no. 102 (2021): 187–207. mohammad hashim kamali, “moderation in fatwa and ijtihad: juristic and historical perspectives” in islamic civilisational renewal 7, no. 3 (2016). syed muhammad naquib al-attas, “islamic philosophy: an introduction” in journal of islamic philosophy 1, no. 1 (2005): 11–43. safrudin halimy kamaluddin et al., “the characteristic of popular schools madhab change and renewal in the islamic world,” al-’adalah: jurnal syariah dan hukum islam 6, no. 2 (2021): 316–35. abdul majid khon, “paham ingkar sunah di indonesia (studi tentang pemikirannya),” jurnal theologia 23, no. 1 (2017): 57–74. khoirul huda, “fenomena pergeseran konflik pemikiran islam dari tradisionalis vs modernis ke fundamentalis vs liberalis” in islamica: jurnal studi keislaman 3, no. 2 (2009): 20–42. maksimus regus, “islam and the making of a non-violent and peaceful public sphere in indonesia” in afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies 18, no. 2 (2022). mohammad takdir, “contestation and the roles of islam in the public sphere: a sociological analysis of religious secularization in indonesia and the west” in afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies 16, no. 2 (2020): 154–74. ai fatimah nur fuad, “modernity and the islamists notion of active da’wa” in afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies 15, no. 2 (2019): 187–202. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 30 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 sukidi mulyadi, “the gradual qur’ān: views of early muslim commentators” (harvard university, 2019). 73-86 mulyadi. 78-79 abdolkarim soroush, reason, freedom, and democracy in islam: essential writings of abdolkarim soroush (oxford university press, 2002). 30-38. charles d fletcher, “the methodology of abdolkarim soroush: a preliminary study,” islamic studies 44, no. 4 (2005): 527–552. kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu : epistemologi, metodologi, dan etika, 2nd ed. (tiara wacana, 2006). 1-25. kuntowijoyo, “muslim tanpa masjid: esai-esai agama,” budaya dan politik dalam bingkai strukturalisme transendental (bandung: mizan, 2001), 2001. 9-29. imam gunawan, metode penelitian kualitatif: teori dan praktik. (jakarta: bumi aksara, 2022). uswatul khasanah and muhammad rosyid ridho, “childfree perspektif hak reproduksi perempuan dalam islam,” al-syakhsiyyah: journal of law &amp; family studies 3, no. 2 (2021): 104–28. frank vogel, “closing of the door of ijtihad and the application of the law” in american journal of islamic social sciences 10 (2017). william a graham, “traditionalism in islam: an essay in interpretation” in the journal of interdisciplinary history 23, no. 3 (1993): 495–522. sukidi mulyadi, the gradual qur’ān, 43-50. mulyadi. 39-41. mulyadi. 1. mulyadi. 159-162. prof. dr. m. yunan yusuf, an indonesian mufassir, criticized sukidi's view because he considered that the view developed by sukidi made the interpretation of the qur'an blind to classical mufassirs. whereas the qur'an, which is rich in vocabulary and meaning, can cause the interpretations developed by classical mufassirs to become obsolete. this can be seen in various issues such as zarroh, whose meaning is always different in every era. yunan yusuf argues that sukidi's idea of returning to the qur'an and sunnah through the interpretation of classical mufassirs needs to be reviewed for validity. abdolkarim soroush, reason, freedom, and democracy in islam. aulia rahmat, “abdulkarim soroush dan evolusi pemahaman agama: sebuah asumsi dasar dalam ijtihad,” ijtihad 37, no. 2 (2021): 91–100. ali akbar, “abdolkarim soroush’s approach to ‘experience’as a basis for his reform project,” islam and christian–muslim relations. 28, no. 3 (2017): 313–31. abdolkarim soroush, reason, freedom, and democracy in islam. charles d fletcher, the methodology of abdolkarim soroush, 527–52. aulia rahmat and amin abdullah, “abdulkarim soroush: hermeneutika epistemologis dalam evolusi pemahaman keagamaan,” in paper filsafat ilmu (yogyakarta: universitas islam indonesia, 2020. abu sufyan and irwan irwan, “agama vs ilmu agama: sebuah pembacaan teori epistemologis abdul karim soroush”, tajdid: jurnal pemikiran keislaman dan kemanusiaan 6, no. 1 (2022): 14–21. al mas’udah al mas’udah, “agama dan pemikiran keagamaan (membedah teori abdulkarim soroush tentang qabdh wa bast)” in jurnal al himayah 2, no. 1 (2018): 1–16. jasser auda, “maqasid al-shariah: an introductory guide” in herndon: international institute of islamic thought,(iiit), 2008. zuhroni, “studi komparasi metodologi penetapan hukum islam lembaga-lembaga fatwa di indonesia” in adil: jurnal hukum 3, no. 1 (2012): 46–72. ajub ishak, “daya serap lembaga-lembaga fatwa di indonesia terhadap masalah hukum kontemporer” in al-mizan (e-journal) 11, no. 1 (2015): 102–18. abdi wijaya, “respon lembaga fatwa terhadap isu fikih kontemporer: studi komparatif lembaga fatwa mui, majelis tarjih muhammadiyah dan bahtsul masail nu” in mazahibuna: jurnal perbandingan mazhab 1 no. 2 (2019). kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu, 27-80. kuntowijoyo. 9-11. achmad baiquni, alquran, ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi (yogyakarta: pt. dana bhakti prima yasa, 1996), 161. in prof. dr. achmad baiquni's paradigm, although science can be connected to verses in the qur'an, he strongly opposes understanding science enveloped in qur'anic verses. this is because science is not something that is certain and will always experience developments in every era. as for the qur'an, this does not apply because allah has protected it from various kinds of attempts to corrupt and destroy it. modern paradigm has a few weaknesses that can cause danger if not paid attention continuously. 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu, 6-7. kuntowijoyo. 27-34. kuntowijoyo, identitas politik umat islam (bandung: mizan, 1997). muhammad fadli, "interpretasi khaira ummah surah ‘ali ‘imran ayat 110 (studi analisis pemikiran kuntowijoyo tentang sosial profetik)” in thesis uin raden fatah palembang (2022). kuntowijoyo, muslim tanpa masjid. kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu, 38-47. kuntowijoyo. 49-80. kuntowijoyo, identitas politik umat islam (bandung: mizan, 1997), 84-86. akhmad sulaiman and nur ikhlas, “objektifikasi qisas dan diyat: sebuah tawaran pembaharuan kuhp” in al-ahkam jurnal ilmu syari’ah dan hukum 3, no. 1 (2018): 69–84. kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu, 29. kuntowijoyo. 49-56. kuntowijoyo, identitas politik umat islam (bandung: mizan, 1997), 86-88. kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu, 38-47 muhammad zuhdi karimuddin, “kedudukan mazhab, taklid dan ijtihad dalam islam” in al-qadha: jurnal hukum islam dan perundang-undangan 6, no. 1 (2019): 55–65. h amir syarifudin, ushul fiqih jilid ii, vol. 2 (prenada media, 2014). muhammad yusran hadi, “mazhab fiqh dalam pandangan syariat islam (mengkritisi pendapat mewajibkan satu mazhab)” in dusturiyah: jurnal hukum islam, perundang-undangan dan pranata sosial 7, no. 2 (2018). abi hasan, “ijtihad tidak membatalkan ijtihad yang lain” in bidayah: studi ilmu-ilmu keislaman 27 (2018): 1–12. abd wafi has, “ijtihad sebagai alat pemecahan masalah umat islam” in iain tulungagung research collections 8, no. 1 (2013): 89–112. puad rijal, “hisab dan rukyat menurut nahdlatul ulama dan muhamadiyyah dalam penetapan awal bulan qamariyah” in diploma thesis uin sunan gunung djati bandung (2019). ali imron, “pemaknaan hadis-hadis hisab-rukyat muhammadiyah dan kontroversi yang melingkupinya” in jurnal studi ilmu-ilmu al-qur’an dan hadis 15, no. 1 (2014): 1–22. this hadith appears in the ibn majah’s kitab, which explains that the arabs are an ummi nation so they do not perform hisab. muhammad abdullah and muhammad junaid nadvi, “understanding the principles of islamic world-view” in dialogue (pakistan) 6, no. 3 (2011). abdelaziz berghout, “toward an islamic framework for worldview studies: preliminary theorization” in the american journal of islamic social sciences 24, no. 2 (2009): 22–43. shahrbanou tadjbakhsh, “international relations theory and the islamic worldview,” in non-western international relations theory (routledge, 2009), 184–206. 31afkaruna 50 51 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'hisab dan rukyat menurut nahdlatul ulama dan muhamadiyyah dalam penetapan awal bulan qamariyah'. diploma thesis., uin sunan gunung djati bandung, 2019. said, edward w. “orientalism.” the georgia review 31, no. 1 (1977): 162–206. saleh. “khawarij; sejarah dan perkembangannya.” el-afkar: jurnal pemikiran keislaman dan tafsir hadis 7, no. 2 (2018): 25–34. https://doi.org/10.29300/jpkth.v7i2.1597 saputra, irwansyah. “perkembangan ushul fiqh.” jurnal syariah hukum islam 1, no. 1 (2018): 38– 49. shihab, m quraish. kaidah tafsir. tangerang: lentera hati, 2013. soroush, abdolkarim. reason, freedom, and democracy in islam: essential writings of abdolkarim soroush. new york: oxford university press, 2002. 34 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 sufyan, abu, and irwan irwan. “agama vs ilmu agama: sebuah pembacaan teori epistemologis abdul karim soroush.” tajdid: jurnal pemikiran keislaman dan kemanusiaan 6, no. 1 (2022): 14–21. https://doi.org/10.52266/tadjid.v6i1.734 sulaiman, akhmad, and nur ikhlas. “objektifikasi qisas dan diyat: sebuah tawaran pembaharuan kuhp.” al-ahkam jurnal ilmu syari’ah dan hukum 3, no. 1 (2018): 69–84. https://doi.org/10.22515/alahkam.v3i1.1339 syarifudin, h amir. ushul fiqih jilid ii. vol. 2. prenada media, 2014. tadjbakhsh, shahrbanou. “international relations theory and the islamic worldview.” in nonwestern international relations theory, 184–206. routledge, 2009. takdir, mohammad. “contestation and the roles of islam in the public sphere: a sociological analysis of religious secularization in indonesia and the west.” afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies 16, no. 2 (2020): 154–74. https://doi.org/10.18196/aiijis.2020.0119.154-174 vogel, frank. “closing of the door of ijtihad and the application of the law.” american journal of islamic social sciences 10 (2017). https://doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i3.2494 wijaya, abdi. “daya serap lembaga-lembaga fatwa terhadap masalah-masalah hukum kontemporer: studi komparatif lembaga fatwa mui, majelis tarjih muhammadiyah dan bahtsul masail nu.” mazahibuna: jurnal perbandingan mazhab 1 no. 2 (2019). yusliani, hamdi. “pintu ijtihad tertutupkah?” jurnal ilmiah islam futura 6, no. 2 (2018): 37–50. https://doi.org/10.22373/jiif.v6i2.3044 yusuf, yunan. alam pikiran islam pemikiran kalam. prenada media, 2016. zahrah, muḥammad abū. ushul fiqh. jakarta: pustaka firdaus collaboration with perhimpunan pengembangan pesantren dan masyarakat (p3m), 1994. zuhroni. “studi komparasi metodologi penetapan hukum islam lembaga-lembaga fatwa di indonesia.” adil: jurnal hukum 3, no. 1 (2012): 46–7.https://doi.org/10.33476/ajl.v3i1.834 jurnal afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 anthropology of civilization: personal reflections on anthropological approach in the study of muslim societies in southeast asia doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0118.140-153 mitsuo nakamura kyoto university japan mitsuon@za.tnc.ne.jp abstract after pursuing a long academic career as an anthropologist, this article provides my (mitsuo nakamura’s) personal academic reflection of how my anthropological approach differs from the geertzian paradigm, why anthropology and islamic studies should be bridged, and what implications of the conversation between islamic studies, anthropology, and other social sciences are. by answering the above questions, this reflective article sheds new light on the relationship between anthropology and islam and muslim studies in southeast asia, especially indonesia. the anthropological studies of muslims in southeast asia that have been heavily influenced by clifford geertz through his work, the religion of java (1960), are engaged critically in this article. if geertz and his students pay more attention to little tradition (local culture and practices) and avoid great tradition (e.g., religious concepts and teachings), my anthropological approach argues for the importance of incorporating great tradition, which is islamic studies in the case of muslim studies in southeast asia, in the study of anthropology and vice versa. keywords: anthropology, islamic studies, geertz, indonesia, muslim, southeast asia introduction anthropology of civilization, or more exactly anthropology of islamic civilization in southeast asia, is what i have been pursuing for about 40 years since i started my career as anthropologist. i engaged in the study of the muhammadiyah movement in kotagede, yogyakarta, 1970-72, for my phd dissertation. now i am impressed with the recent progress achieved by a number of institutes of islamic higher education in indonesia in enhancing 141vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 their teaching and research capacities by incorporating general sciences including social science and humanities.1 in this reflective article, let me answer a question why am i interested in indonesia, and why on java? this is an often-asked question for me. in fact, many incidents and many encounters have brought me into indonesian studies. during the early student days, i was moving from hegelian philosophy to marxism, then to american anthropology of cultural relativism. meanwhile, i made acquaintance with a number of scholars from indonesia: pak. selosoemardjan in tokyo, pak sartono kartodirdjo and pak koentjaraningrat et al. in ithaca. then, as a graduate student, i experienced an overwhelming influence of clifford geertz. i was deeply impressed by his work, the religion of java, with its thick description and neat analysis. it was really the model for any young anthropologists to follow at that time. however, i was not so satisfied with his work on social history of javanese town, modjokuto. for me, as a citizen of japan where we find a long history of indigenous urbanization, modjokuto’s history of a few hundred years sounded too shallow to be taken up as a model for the study of “pre-industrial indigenous urbanization” – this was my academic interest before going into the field. so, after reading some historical research findings on indonesian urbanism, i found “kotagede” (or more exactly, kuto gede) in the work of van mook to have a much longer historical presence of urban community than modjokuto. so, i decided to do “a social history of central javanese town,” to compare it with geertz’s modjokuto in east java. moving from geertz: bridging islamic studies and anthropology in indonesia thus, i began my fieldwork in kotagede to learn its social history. i had no intension of studying islam at all in the beginning, not to speak of muhammadiyah. yet, in the course of fieldwork, something changed. for some time, i engaged in standard ethnographic inquiry, i.e. gathering official data and written documents, interviewing a number of key persons, and observing various events – rituals, cultural performances and religious and political meetings, etc. via the standard method of anthropological fieldwork since malinowski, that is participant observation.2 however, at about in the middle of my 18 months stay in the town, i experienced increasing realization that islam had been a vital living force in various forms in the community since the time mataram kingdom was born. i felt that javanese civilization had been deeply imbued with islam and indigenized it, and the 142 afkaruna muhammadiyah movement was its most recent manifestation. i came to be convinced that social history of the town of kotagede could not be described and discussed without setting islam and muhammadiyah in it properly. this was, in fact, a tricky academic operation under orde baru, which forbade foreign as well as domestic researchers to deal with any sara matters at all. so, i had to collect data on muhammadiyah rather secretively even without making my assistants to realize my intension. my experience in studying muhammadiyah in kotagede gradually made me critical of anthropology’s role in indonesian studies dominated by geertzian paradigm. the problem with his trichotomy of santri, abangan, priyayi, was already well exposed and criticized by many. so, perhaps there needs no more comment from me. however, more serious was lack of proper civilizational approach in geertzian anthropology, especially among his epigones. in broad perspective, american anthropology of geertz’s generation was taking up a new task of studying civilizations or complex societies in place of primitive societies, which were fast disappearing after wii.3 then, there developed a framework for studying civilization or complex society, i.e. its division into great tradition vs. little tradition. with the help of other disciplines in area studies, anthropology was to play a coordinating role to integrate the achievements of those disciplines and produce a coherent, whole picture of the civilization under the study. however, in reality, anthropology often concentrated only on the latter, i.e. little tradition alone, at the expense of the former, great tradition. the task of understanding the whole was often left undone. it was my perception that this bias in anthropology of civilization became prevalent and rather serious among american researchers of muslim societies in southeast asia. in their framework of ethnography, i.e. observation and description of a certain local culture and society, often no adequate attention was paid on the position and significance of the qur’an and the hadith, which was the core of islamic great tradition in the region subsuming the particular society under study. it was taken for granted that the qur’an and the hadith and a number of classical commentaries on them were irrelevant for ethnography despite frequent reference to them by local ulama, and sometimes even by ordinary people, in actual life. to take an example, in the above-mentioned monograph on javanese religion, geertz extensively touched upon the islamic teachings especially in the chapters dealing with ‘santri 143vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 variant’ of javanese religion. however, he never quoted the qur’an or the hadith that had been quoted in the informant’s statements. he just reported that “informant quoted it” from the qur’an or the hadith without reporting the exact source or the content of the said quotation.4 i became critical of this approach as anthropological undertaking. to say the least, it was incomplete, imbalanced and inaccurate as the anthropologist’s task of recording and reporting exactly what “natives say and what natives do” – a maxim of malinowski for ethnographic fieldwork. realizing this deficiency in geertz’s ethnography, i wanted to be faithful to the guidelines set by the founding fathers of modern anthropology.5 in my phd dissertation, i tried my best, to the limit of my linguistic ability then, to record and report the statements of informants including the quotations form the qur’an and the hadith as much as possible. also, in tracing the development of muhammadiyah movement from its very beginning in kotagede during the 1910s until the early 1970s, efforts were made to utilize contemporaneous documents as much as possible and carefully examine the statements of key informants. in my dissertation, i described the development of muhammdiyah as a phase in the process of ongoing islamization in java, in which increasingly large number of individuals are moving from the abangan outlook and life-style to the santri one in the mode of muhammadiyah in the concomitant process of social, economic and political change. the dissertation was published in 1983.6 when i first published it, i did it with a full realization of serious limits contained in my work. the major shortcoming of my work was as follows: i had no language ability to follow the informant quotation from the qur’an and the hadith in arabic. this limit was, however, not personal but rather institutional. for my generation of phd candidates in anthropology, no southeast asian or indonesian studies centers in the us provided language lessons in arabic (or even in jawi/pegon for that matter) as part of their pre-field training. rather, prevalent attitude at a number of centers for area studies was that the learning of the language of great tradition should rather be avoided lest it interfered the study on little tradition. for example, it was reported that a prominent professor of anthropology of south asia gave such an admonition to his students: “there is no need to learn sanskrit to do proper fieldwork in india. just concentrate on folk tradition, or subculture of little people via vernacular language – it is enough for anthropology. sanskrit will contaminate your perception.” 144 afkaruna after our field experience, hisako and i had to make personal efforts to overcome this deficiency in the anthropology of muslim societies in indonesia. in fact, after indonesia, we had a chance to stay for a rather long time at anu in canberra and got acquainted with anthony johns and his work there. we became increasingly aware that there was necessity to familiarize ourselves with the achievements of islamic studies to do proper indonesian studies. pak soebardi was also helpful to make us aware of the significance of traditional islamic literature in the malay muslim world to understand their spiritual life. in fact, it was in the environment of anu that i came across and impressed very much for the first time in my life by the poems, or sya’ir, of hamzah fansuri. the preparation of my dissertation for publication was mostly done in this environment of anu. at anu, hisako wrote a master’ s thesis on divorce among muslims on the basis of data gathered from one of the kua (office of religious affairs) offices in yogyakarta region while we were living in kotagede. in order to analyze and interpret the significance of those data, she had to study fiqh on marriage and divorce since the data was recorded, collected and arranged by pak naib (head of kua) and his subordinates following the framework of fiqh. using this unobtrusive method, the research results made her assert that the practices of muslims in yogyakarta in divorce followed islamic law. this was contrary to a widely held view among western scholars that divorce in java was regulated by adat.7 the late adurrahman wahid (gus dur) who joined the examination of hisako’s ma thesis as an external examiner, gave a high evaluation on her work and later wrote a foreword to its published version. gus dur stated as follows: “in essence, this work’s message should be taken seriously: it is impossible to separate completely indonesian from islamic studies since exclusive reliance on one approach endangers the objectivity of the findings”. 7 an international qur’an conference held in canberra in 1979 to commemorate the beginning of the 15th century of islamic calendar made hisako and me acquaint with a number of prominent scholars in world-wide islamic studies including william graham, a student of wilfred c. smith and then professor of comparative religion at harvard. we were very happy to be invited to harvard by him as visiting fellows at the center for the study of world religions, 1981-1982, a famous institution established by prof. smith. in fact, smith initially had appreciated geertz’s ethnography, the religion of java, as a detailed description of islam lived by actual people. he hoped for 145vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 more to come from geertz in this direction and wished for a close cooperation to develop between islamic studies and anthropology in the future (personal conversation with prof. smith in 1981). smith confided to us that his expectation had not been filled. however, smith’s wish became exactly what we wished for: a closer cooperation between anthropology and islamic studies. harvard experience made us richer intellectually. we learned elementary arabic and also took courses in islamic studies given by smith, annemarie schimmel, and graham. as i wrote in the postscript of my banyan tree book, through our stay at harvard we learned that a number of practices and notions, which we had regarded before specifically of local javanese or kotagede origins, were in fact universal ones in the islamic world.6 for the first time, for example, we realized that pendopo sopingin was named after imam syafi‘i, and my friend’s name asngari was taken from imam asy’ari! also, we understood why the names of the kampongs, kudusan and boharen were appropriate for areas of traditional strongholds of santri. however, our wish for the promotion of cooperation between indonesian, or more widely, southeast asian area studies and islamic studies met doubt, denial, and disregard by our colleagues for some time to follow. we were often regarded merely as ‘islam-file’ in spite of the fact that i came from a christian family and hisako, a buddhist one. in fact, it was only that we became aware of the significance of islam and muslims for the total humanity mainly through our daily experience and academic exercise. we came to share the conviction of w. c. smith that mutual understanding between the muslim and non-muslim parts of the mankind was vital to its future. meanwhile, plans for publication of our works from anglo-saxon publishers met some difficulty so much so that we had a fortune of having an offer from gadjah mada university press headed by a christian chinese executive director, the late pak drs. koesoemanto to publish both of them. back to japan in 1983, the academic situation was no less miserable than western campuses in spite of the fact that social life of the japanese was gravely affected by the opec’s control over oil export since 1973 and iranian islamic revolution of 1979. islamic studies were still very much underdeveloped yet, engaged by only a small group of scholars. department of islamic studies was barely established as only one in the nation at the university of tokyo in 1983. the following story will indicate clearly how far area studies and islamic 146 afkaruna studies were kept separated in japan of the mid-1980s. shortly after my return to japan, i attended a national conference of southeast asian studies held in tokyo. there were a number of political scientists who were still seeing the rise of modern indonesian nationalism solely in terms of the growth of western educated intellectuals, exemplified by the birth of budi utomo. nagazumi’s work on budi utomo was a bible for them. i cast a doubt to the audience on that generalization and pointed out the presence of kh ahmad dahlan, the founder of muhammadiyah, in the very organization as its religious adviser. i also pointed out the fact that the formation of the first mass organization of indonesian national awakening, i. e. sarekat islam, was inspired by the very islamic notion of popular sovereignty and muslim solidarity. i explained the fact that ‘kedaulatan rakyat’, i.e. the core concept of modern nationalism and democracy promoted by the early nationalist movements then was a concept of arabic/islamic derivation from the root of daula. political scientists and historians among the audience of the conference countered my statement with utter disbelief and questioned where on the earth i came up with that strange idea. i answered simply, “please look up in hans wehr’s arabic-english dictionary edited by cowan.” in fact, my meager familiarity with the arabic language, which i had begun at harvard made me utter the above statement rather spontaneously. anthropology, social sciences, and islamic studies still in the mid-1980s in japan, i had an occasion of interviewing candidates for research fellowship, in which i had to face a sad reality: i interviewed a malay studies student and an indonesian studies student. both were phd candidates in anthropology from a leading university. i gave the former a passage from sejarah melayu depicting the famous scene of conversion of parameswara into islam and asked him to translate it, tell from where the passage was taken, and comment on its significance for malay studies. he was apparently puzzled and finally confessed that he was unable to answer my questions. he speculated that the passage might be quoted from the qur’an! it was obvious that he, an anthropology student of malay studies, had never read sejarah melayu before, neither the qur’an. the latter student was given a passage from babad tanah jawi in indonesian translation, the part describing the scene of trial and eventual execution of seh siti jenar by the council of wali. this student was also at a loss for some time facing my question. he finally answered hesitantly that it might be a quote from con147vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 temporary kebatinan literature. such separation of indonesian and islamic studies went on for some time during the 1980s in spite of the warning of gus dur. on this tendency, william roff lamented that there is “an extraordinary desire on the part of western social science for the diminution of islam”, … “obscuring its role and position in southeast asia, past and present”.8 we can find this tendency as late as 1987 in the publication of a book by another leading american anthropologist, james peacock, on the muhammadiyah movement. peacock was surprised to come across in an official biography of kh ahmad dahlan, the founder of muhammadiyah, the fact that “traditional javanese virtues like sabar and ikhlas were employed to depict his personality”.9 on the basis of these and other observations, peacock concludes0that “javanese cultural core is hidden underneath the islamic layers of muhammadiyah”.10 apparently, he was unaware then of the fact there was one of the most frequently recited surah in the qur’an entitled ‘al ikhlas’. attempts of hisako and myself to promote cooperation of anthropology, or western social science in general, and islamic studies began to receive warm support from muslim intellectuals of indonesia. we came into rather close relationships with a number of islamic scholars and administrators including nurcholish madjid, mukti ali, munawir syadzali, soedjatmoko, syafi’i ma’arif, malik fadjar et al. in addition to abdurrahman wahid mentioned above. some of them occupied high government positions and leaderships of mass organizations, and so much so that hisako and i were often accused that we were inclined to associate with power holders disregarding little people who should be the proper partner of anthropologist. in fact, our association with them began well ahead of their social eminence. all those individuals were independent persons standing on their own feet with integrity and dedication for cause. hisako and i were given tremendous encouragement from them. the most critical of geertz among them was pak koko, i.e. soedjatmoko. in a seminar held at the lp3es in 1978, answering to a question from the floor, i heard him comment on the religion of java. he said to the effect that geertz had applied anthropological method suited for the study of primitive, illiterate society, i.e. participant observation and interviews alone, in java, at the expense of ignoring the vast amount of civilizational attainment of javanese people (see below for detail). pak koko’s criticism expressed mine so beautifully. i became more boldly critical of geertz after having heard those words 148 afkaruna uttered by one of ‘the best and the brightest’ of the contemporary indonesian intellectuals.” meanwhile, towards the end of 1980s, a number of young american anthropologists started to express critical stance vis-à-vis the preceding generation of geertz and peacock concerning their view on islam in indonesia. most prominent among them are robert hefner, john bowen and mark woodward. hefner initially followed geertz’s concern for peasant economy of java covering a highland area, tengger, which was an enclave of ‘hindu’ people for his field.10 however, he became to feel that “islam has often not been given its due” in the indonesian studies of the us,11 and started to “seek to correct the earlier marginalization of islam in indonesian studies”. bowen went to study social structure and history in the gayo highlands of sumatra. there, he has found that gayo’s ‘local knowledge’ had been developed over centuries by “elaborating, transforming and adapting elements from broader muslim traditions”.12 in gayo, religion was a continuing discourse in which “the elements of muslim tradition that were most universal were also matters of intense local concern and debate”. thus, he was of the view that a scheme assuming the separation of great and little tradition and center and periphery in the islamic world was untenable. woodward, intending to find syncretic remains of hinduism in the sultanate court of yogyakarta, visited and lived near the court. there, instead of hindu remains, he came across the garebeg festival, which was no other than the javanized celebration of maulud nabi. following this, in the very core of the yogyakarta court culture, he found a series of evidence suggesting the fact that islamic piety and mysticism were finely integrated into a whole. 13 hefner, bowen, woodward and i were all encouraged by and learned a lot from pioneering work of dale eickelman, who began as a loyal student of geertz yet later became bold enough to revise the teaching of his guru. getting a master’s degree in islamic studies at mcgill and obtaining a phd in anthropology from chicago – an ideal combination of two disciplines to engage in anthropology of islam — eickelman has contributed greatly to the real shaping of anthropology of islam. he advocates a research strategy of setting up a ‘middle ground’, which is larger than ‘village’— that is the traditional field of participant observation for anthropologist — yet narrower than the concern of scholars of religious studies and orientalists.14 ‘middle ground’ is the space, where the anthropologist can accumulate substantial amount of empirical data on the transmission of universal teachings of islam 149vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 in the local contexts with a definite framework of space and time. he did show the practice of this middle ground approach in his work on the life history of a qadi in contemporary morocco.15 another significant contribution to the development of anthropology of islam came from europe in the person of martin van bruinessen. he commands arabic as well as a number of local languages of the muslim world and maintains personally a comparative perspective since his major fields of concern are the kurdi and the javanese. bruinessen has also contributed to the revival and further development of centuries-old dutch scholarship on traditional islamic literature in java. his concentration on the study of kitab kuning has indicated persuasively that textual studies are inseparable from contextual approach in order to grasp the actual working of universal values of islam in local contexts via the texts taught by kyai and ulama at pesantren. spearheaded by eickelman and bruinessen and supported by a number of capable anthropologists of the current generation, anthropology of muslim societies in southeast asia, especially that of indonesia, seems to have entered a new stage of maturity. in the neighboring disciplines of history and philology, a great advancement has also been made recently. first of all, two standard modern histories on southeast asia, one on indonesia,16 and the other on malaysia,17 start their historical narratives from the time of islamization of the region. this perspective has been shared and consolidated by a number of their colleagues including anthony johns, anthony reid, and anthony milner. more recently and more specifically on the literary history of islam in malay-indonesian world, significant contributions were made by alijah gordon,18 peter riddell,19 and vladimir braginsky.20 among them, the work by braginsky seems to be most comprehensive and will become one of the most reliable reference books for the study of peradaban melayu for anthropologist as well for a long time to come. in the discipline of history, prof. azyumardi’s achievement is truly monumental. pak azra has explored and presented personal networks and intellectual genealogy among ulama connecting them beyond the regions of north africa, the middle east, the indian sub-continent, and across the indian ocean during the 17th and 18th centuries. he did this on the basis of examining primary sources of their biographies in arabic. following pak azra’s path, michael laffan’s new work seems to be exploring the significance of these networks in the field of modern islamic politics as the basis of popular nation150 afkaruna alism.21 now i would like to mention a recent statement by prof. dr. amin abdullah, former rector of uin sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta, and uploaded on-line on 12 january 2011 at his own home page, http://aminabd.wordpress.com/. it is entitled “urgency of anthropological approach in the study of religion and the study of islam,” or in indonesian original, “urgensi pendekatan antropologi untuk studi agama dan studi islam.” through the essay, pak amin is urging his colleagues in the circles of uins, iains and other institutions of islamic higher learning in indonesia that the discipline of anthropology is to be brought into the circles in order to make a substantial advancement in the study of religion in general and in the study of islam in particular. in summary, pak amin’s argument is as follows: religious phenomenon always has two dimensions, normative and historical, which cannot be separated but differentiated for study.22 in reality, religious practices among people are often different despite they are referring to the same sources for norms, ex. the qur’an and the sunna in the case of muslims. anthropology is required to deal with this complicated situation. it can provide a map (peta) to describe and guide without being biased by certain interests.23 anthropology, through its longterm, intensive, systematic, deep and balanced participant observation, produces ‘thick description’, on the basis of field notes rather than relying on texts like philologists. pak amin’s discussion goes on to touch upon a contemporary problem of diversity of views among islamic jurists, fukaha. he proposes a three-stage historical development of the relationship among syariah, prophetic tradition and fukaha. anthropology of religion can explain the religious diversity in objective terms and help promote mutual understandings among individuals and groups holding those diverse views. 24 i do agree with his appeal to take anthropology of religion seriously in the circles of uins and iains provided that those employ the discipline do not step into the bias and excess i have mention above, that is the tendency to disregard great tradition of a civilization. in fact, the uin/iain communities seem naturally free from that tendency since the people of those academic communities are supposedly well versed in arabic, have memorized the qur’an and have read widely in the hadith.25 endnotes 1 azyumarzi azra., dina afrianty., and robert w. hefner. “pesantren and madrasa: muslim schools and national ideals in indonesia.” (2010). pp 29-70 151vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 2 bronislaw malinowski. “argonouts of the western pacific”. long grove, illnois. waveland press, inc, (2010). 3 robert r. redfield. “peasant society and culture: an anthropological approach to civilization.” university of chicago press, (1956). 4 hildred geertz. 1960. “the javanese family: a study of kinship and socialization”. published by cambridge university press, (march, 1964), pp. 200-203. 5 m. van bruinessen. “kitab kuning: books in arabic script used in the pesantren milieu: comments on a new collection in the kitlv library.” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde deel 146, 2/3de afl. (1990), pp. 226-269 6 mitsuo nakamura. “the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central javanese town, c.” singapore. published by iseas publishing, (2012). 7 hisako nakamura. “divorce in java: a study of the dissolution of marriage among javanese muslims”. yogyakarta : gadjah mada university press, (1983). 8 william r. rolf. “islam obscured? some reflections on studies of islam & society in southeast asia.” archipel : anne (1985), pp. 7-34 9 james l. peacock. “muslim puritans: reformist psychology in southeast asian islam.” california : university of california press, ltd (1978). 10 peacock. 11 robert hefner. “hindu javanese: tengger tradition and islam.” new jersey : princeton university press, (1985) 12 john richard bowen. “muslims through discourse: religion and ritual in gayo society.” new jersey : princeton university press, (1993). 13 mark woodward. “islam in java: normative piety and mysticism in the sultanate of yogyakarta.” university of arizona press, tucson; association for asian studies monograph, 45. (1989). 14 dale f. eickelman. 1982 “the study of islam in local contexts.” contributes to asian studies, 17. 15 dale f. eickelman. “knowledge and power in morocco: the education of a twentieth-century notable.” new jersey : princeton university of california press, ltd (1985). 16 petter g. riddell. “islam and the malay-indonesian world: transmission and responses.” london : c hurst and co, ltd, (2001). 17 leonard andaya and barbara watson andaya. “a history of malaysia.” north america : university of hawai’i press, (1982). 18 woodward. 19 mitsuo nakamura. “the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central javanese town, c.” singapore. published by iseas publishing, (2012). 20 v. i. braginsky. “the heritage of traditional malay literature: a historical survey of genres, writings and literary views.” america : brill, (january, 2015). 21 michael francis laffan. “islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds.” london : roudledgecurzon, (2002), 22 m. amin abdullah. “urgensi pendekatan antropologi untuk studi agama 152 afkaruna dan studi islam.” yogyakarta : amnabd.wordpress.com, (january, 2011) 23 victor t. king. “the modern anthropology of south-east asia: an introduction.” new york : routledge, (2003). 24 robert w. hefner. “civil islam: muslims and democratization in indonesia.” new jersey : princeton univeristy press, (2011). 25 hiroko kushimoto. 2011. “islam and modern school education in journal pengasuh: review of kaum muda kaum tua dichotomhy”. study islamica, 19(2). references abdullah, m. a. 2011. “urgensi pendekatan antropologi untuk studi agama dan studi islam”. retrieved on [january 14, 2011] from : aminabd.wordpress.com/ andaya, b. w. & leonard, y. a. 2001. a history of malaysia. london palgrave macmillan, 2nd edition. azra, a., dina, a. & robert, w. h. 2007. pesantren and madrasa: muslimschools and national ideals in indonesia. bowen, j. r. 1993. muslims through discourse: religion and ritual in gayo society. princeton: princeton university press. braginsky, v. 2004. the heritage of traditional malay literature: a historical survey of genres,writings and literary views. singapore: institute of southeast asian studies. bruinessen, m. v. 1990. kitab kuning: books in arabic script used in the pesantren milieu. bki 146:226-69. eickelman, d. f. 1982. the study of islam in local contexts. contributions to asian studies 17:1-16. eickelman, d. f. 1985. knowledge and power in morocco: the education of a twentiethcentury notable. princeton: princeton university press. geertz, h. 1960. the javanese family: a study of kinship and socialization. new york: cambridge university press. hefner, r. w. 1985. hindu javanese: tengger tradition and islam. princeton: princeton university press. hefner, r. w. 2011. civil islam: muslims and democratization in indonesia. princeton: princeton university press. king, v. t. 2003. the modern anthropology of southeast asia: an introduction. new york: routledge curzon. kushimoto, h. 2011. islam and modern school education in journal pengasuh: review of kaum muda kaum tua dichotomhy. study islamica, 19(2), pp. 3-44. laffan, m. 2011. islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds. london: routledge curzon. malinowski, b. 1922. argonauts of the western pacific. london: george routledge and sons. nakamura, m. 1983. the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of muhammadiyah movement in a central javanese town. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. 153vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 nakamura, h. 1983. divorce in java: a study of the dissolution of marriage among javanese muslims. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. peacock, j. l. 1978. muslim puritans: reformist psychology in southeast asian islam. berkeley: university of california press. redfield, r. 1956. peasant society and culture. chicago: university of chicago press. riddell, p. g. 2001. islam and the malay-indonesian world: transmission and response. london: horizon books. roff, w. r. 1985. islam obscured? some reflections on studies of islam and society in southeast asia. archipel 29, i:7-34. woodward, m. 1989. islam in java: normative piety and mysticism in the sultanate of yogyakarya. tucson: university of arizona press. 3. afkaruna_anthonius_revisi 2 the interaction between culture and religion in toraja brings social changes in various aspects of life. the cultured toraja society acquires new spiritual content, while religion obtains new means to introduce the richness of its faith. this study examined the forms of religious and cultural interactions expressed in toraja’s houses of worship: the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao, as the research object. this study focused on the acculturation of islam and catholicism in toraja, particularly at the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao and the difference between islamic and catholic acculturation in these two worship houses. the interaction between religion and toraja culture succeeded in forming a distinctive religious toraja society, adequately performing spiritual teachings and upholding the cultural values in society. the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao exhibited the acculturation of religious teachings about houses of worship and architecture of toraja society. keywords: acculturation, rantepao great mosque, st. church theresia rantepao abstract article history received: 22 november 2022, revised: 28 march 2023, accepted: 23 may 2023, published: 30 june 2023 acculturation of mosques and churches in indonesia: a case study from toraja jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 sekolah tinggi ilmu kateketik dan pastoral rantepao-toraja, indonesia universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta, indonesia corresponding author: anthonmichael1985@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.16850 anthonius michael* universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta, indonesia fatimahhusein@yahoo.com fatimah husein universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta, indonesia sismasruri@gmail.com siswanto masruri this study focuses on the toraja region, covering tana toraja and north toraja regencies. the choice of location was based on several considerations. to begin with, the toraja society highly upholds its cultural values, making the influence of outside culture easily seen. in addition, many houses of worship in toraja’s construction are extremely close to toraja architecture. the study of the interaction of religion and culture in toraja still needs to be much sought after by toraja scholars. this study is susceptible because religious leaders possess many differences of opinion in interpreting spiritual teachings about culture. some religions accept that cultural elements are introduction included in expressing faith; others clearly and unequivocally reject it. therefore, this study can lead to rejection from various groups, both christian denominations and several sects within islam. it is not because of its scientific methodology but because it is more due to the guarded doctrines. moreover, this study will not apply in general because of the differences in the principles of each religion in understanding the interaction of religion and culture. however, this study is expected to incentivize other scholars to examine this topic in more depth or become a research impetus to support this study. as part of indonesian society, toraja society has a distinctive architectural style different from other regions. the uniqueness of the toraja architectural style is apparent in the construction of residences, granaries, and cemeteries. toraja architecture is rich with symbols containing various philosophical meanings. architecture is highly close to multiple aspects of human life as it involves physical and spiritual activities, as researched by nurjaman et al. 2021; molbang & nurcahyo, 2016; rosimin & wijayaputri, 2020; alfaruq & as, 2020, 220; and yuliani et al., 2020.1 architectural forms in physical buildings always contain philosophical significance about the meaning of life, the background of life, sacredness, and others.2 one form of architecture in toraja is a domestic house called tongkonan. nooy-palm (1979) wrote that tongkonan for toraja society is not only a place to live but also a philosophical meaning as a clan house to bind one family.3 this architectural form also needs to be separated from other works of art, carving. various forms of carvings adorn the walls of tongkonan. terance w. bigalke (2005) added that each carving contains a deep meaning so that in addition to functioning as decoration, carvings also deliver messages or discourses on values and virtues of life inherited from generation to generation (local wisdom).4 therefore, carvings are sometimes called “holy books,” displayed in pictures instead of written scripts. physical buildings, such as patane (cemetery) and alang (rice barn), are also decorated with various carved symbols. toraja architecture is inseparable from spirituality, influenced by the belief system in the region governing the relationship between human beings and god (hadikusuma, 1993), called ad’ and aluk toraya.5 ad’ is a term employed to describe customs, ceremonial procedures, laws, culture, and traditions that regulate relations between societies, communities, and the government. meanwhile, aluk is utilized to exhibit spiritual attitudes, worship, sacrifice, and religiosity to establish a relationship with god. the original religion of toraja society is aluk todolo (aluk means religion or rules; todolo means ancestors). tangdilintin (1981) asserted that aluk todolo utilizes tongkonan and alang as a place of worship.6 before the abrahamic religions came to toraja, society had possessed a complex and well-established value system. the appearance and acceptance of the abrahamic religions7 considerably impacted the culture of toraja society. the religious life of toraja society underwent numerous changes. aluk todolo could not survive the existence of the abrahamic religions. however, the symbols of faith and the architectural style of faith remain alive and affect the lives of toraja society who do not believe in aluk todolo. an encounter between toraja culture and the abrahamic religions occurs in the architecture of the great mosque of rantepao and the catholic church of st. theresa rantepao. the acculturation in worship houses: the great mosque of rantepao and the catholic church of st. theresia rantepao in toraja was studied to understand the interaction between religion and culture. the great mosque of rantepao, located on konstan street, rantepao, was built in the 1950s. its architecture is highly typical of toraja. under the mosque’s dome, a pair of tongkonans welcomes everyone entering the mosque. words read allah and muhammad are displayed on the tongkonan 36 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 screen. the mosque doors are also carved typically of toraja and calligraphy writings. there are aesthetic toraja cultural values in the mosque. tongkonan architectural forms and calligraphy in typical toraja carvings depict cultural acculturation in architecture between islam and toraja culture. furthermore, the catholic church of st. theresia rantepao, built in 1998, features a blend of architecture between the teachings of the catholic church’s faith and toraja culture. in passing, the church of st. theresia displays modern architecture. however, its uniqueness lies in its interior. toraja carvings with various symbols adorn the walls of the church. the most distinctive part is the tabernacle, made to resemble a tongkonan. this architectural style proves the acculturation between catholicism and toraja culture. the main questions to understand the subject of this discussion are (1) how islam and catholicism accept toraja architecture at the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresa rantepao? and (2) what is the difference between the acculturation of islam and catholicism at these two worship houses? hopefully, it provides a clear picture of the interaction between religion and culture. the researchers felt the need to examine questions becoming polemics in society. for example, how religious understanding accepts local toraja elements? the traditional death ritual of rambu solo’ was first held by muslim residents in tarongko village, makale district, tana toraja regency, south sulawesi. the family owning this ritual mentioned that the rambu solo’ for muslims had received approval from traditional figures in toraja. its implementation follows islamic rules and is a form of appreciation for the deceased family. however, its implementation has reaped many contraversions from many parties as it contradicts local wisdom and islamic sharia.8 according to the researchers’ initial hypothesis, religious adherents often see culture as an object that ultimately leads society to utilize cultural aspects to express their faith. religious adherents rarely understand the content of spirituality in cultural elements that can be used to clarify the teachings of their faith. in addition, this research can also be a reference for various interested parties, especially local governments and religious leaders, to understand how religion and local culture can influence each other without violating the creed or eliminating essential elements of local culture. this research utilized a descriptive qualitative method because the problem needs to be clarified, holistic, complex, dynamic, and full of meaning. hence, data on social situations in toraja could not be captured by instruments such as texts or questionnaires. on the other hand, qualitative research emphasizes in-depth, holistic, and interpretative analysis. this study emphasized understanding the phenomenon under study by relying on direct observation. as alsa asserted, the researcher is the main instrument in qualitative research.9 direct observation allows researchers to capture various social dimensions that live in society. society’s lives and dynamics are texts that require precision and intelligence to read. as sairin wrote, a text reflects the results of the struggle between the value system, the environment, and the results of decisions the human mind processes. the results are then expressed in various human behaviors full of meanings and symbols.10 furthermore, sugiyono proposed three methods to collect data: participatory observation, interviews, and documentation.11 this study employed the three data collection techniques to complement each other to acquire more holistic data. to begin with, the researchers went directly to the research location. in this case, toraja was the locus of analysis. researchers further utilized participatory observation by participating and being actively involved in the dynamics of community life in toraja. the researchers studied how regional ornaments research method 37afkaruna were deployed in the architecture of houses of worship. this study was conducted from april to june 2019. subsequently, the researchers selected competent interview informants with exceptional attention to the study’s analysis. some informants came from islamic religious leaders, catholic religious leaders, government figures, community leaders, and traditional leaders. in this case, the islamic religious leaders included ulema, ustaz, kiai, mosque administrators, heads of islamic mass organizations, and muslim youth leaders. the catholic religious leaders comprised the vicar, pastor, brothers, sisters, parish council, director of the catholic organizations, and catholic youth leaders. meanwhile, the government figures consisted of the sub-district, the village head, the head of a religious office in toraja, islamic religious leaders, and catholic religious leaders. furthermore, the community leaders encompassed humanists, academics, and traditional leaders called to parengnge. as moleong (1989) asserted, an interview aims to uncover problems more openly. therefore, the parties invited to the discussion were asked for their opinions and ideas to respond to the studied issues.12 following moleong, documentation in this study was performed by looking for reference books.13 library research focused on the history of the development of world religions up to toraja, toraja culture, and other supporting documents, especially books on the interaction of religion and culture and the architecture of houses of worship. this method was adopted to obtain a theoretical basis and to complement the data obtained from observations and interviews. citing other anthropologists such as redfield, linton, and herskovits, r.h. lauer (1989) stated that acculturation is when two groups of different cultures begin to make direct contact, followed by a change in the original cultural pattern of one of the groups. the unification of these two cultures results from continuous contact. such contact can occur through various ways, including colonization, war, military infiltration, migration, missions to broadcast religion or da’wah, trade, tourism, and mass media, especially printed and electronic media such as radio, television, and others. acculturation also takes place due to the influence of a solid and prestigious culture on weak and underdeveloped cultures and between relatively equal cultures.14 furthermore, ralph linton claimed, “the comparatively rapid growth of human culture as a whole has been due to the ability of all society to borrow elements from other cultures and incorporate them into their own. this transfer of cultural elements from one society to another is known as diffusion”.15 some elements of culture are extremely easy to change in meeting two cultures influencing each other. in contrast, some other elements of culture are highly difficult to change when dealing with foreign cultural influences. linton has pointed out two crucial cultural elements: covert and overt. the covert culture can involve (1) the system of cultural values, (2) religious beliefs considered sacred, and (3) customs that the general public has lived. on the other hand, koentjaraningrat asserted that the overt culture is commonly reflected in the physical form of useful tools or objects, knowledge, procedures, lifestyle, and recreation that provide comfort. the slow-changing elements of interaction are hallmarks of covert culture.16 moreover, shaifuddin asserted that the interaction pattern between two cultures would naturally result in a mutually influencing relationship because it is between two extreme points: conflict and integration.17 conflict and integration presuppose a compromise—a middle way to avoid cultural discussion acculturation concept: encounter of two cultures 38 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 clashes. this compromise takes the form of accommodation and adaptation. according to linton, integration can be seen in the progressive development to realize a perfect adjustment between the various elements creating a total culture together.18 the interaction between religion and culture essentially involves a “battle” or “tension” between absolute religious doctrines because they are believed to originate from the divine and the values lived by specific communities that have become a product of culture, tradition, and habit. in addition, religion as a “way of life” offers several conceptions of the construction of reality, not based on human empirical experience but on authoritative revelation from god. only the notion provided by religion cannot be fully grasped by humans with a culture and life context different from that conception. as social beings, humans live with their own rules of life and habits. these customs and traditions result from man’s ability to develop reasoning through practical experience that differs from religion. in azra’s perspective, tension will arise if these two conceptions meet and each wants to maintain its existence.19 conflict enforces and maintains the identity and boundaries of social groups and communities. the conflict between one group and another allows the establishment of group identity with each other keeping its boundaries against the social environment outside. patterned and reciprocal antagonisms perpetuate social division and systems of stratification. saifuddin (1986) wrote that social conflict is always related to social integration.20 the process of such conflict is accommodation. the culture accepts some elements of religion, and some aspects of culture are applied by religion to clarify its teachings. religion gives color and spirit to culture, while culture enriches religion.21 according to roucek and ronald (1957), cultural adaptation occurs when two cultures that meet each other adjust to each other, producing a new culture.22 adaptation talks about the adjustment relationship between organisms and the environment as a whole, of which the organism is a part. the real significance of culture is its addictive nature. the spread of religion in various cultures requires adaptation. the differences between tradition and religion, as well as expressions of symbols and cultural works that differ from religion, require mutual influence and adjustment to one another. therefore, the adaptation between religion and culture is difficult to avoid. if religion only survives with its strict scripturalism, it will face strong resistance from established belief systems, culture, and local traditions. the theory of change, including the transformation of religion, states that the stronger the difference or conflict between the new and the old values and the consequences, the more current matters will be challenging to accept. integration is an internalization between units in the environment, a social system. integration requires solidarity among the individuals involved in a social system. a strong emotional need generates solidarity and a willingness to work together and avoid conflict. in this case, daeng (1993) asserted that integration is not primarily understood to prevent conflict but to resolve all disputes.23 geographically, toraja is located in a mountainous area in the northern part of the south sulawesi province. compared to the other regions of south sulawesi, this geographical situation is one of the causes of the delay in islam coming to toraja. baturante wrote that the arrival of islam to toraja was long after it was accepted as a way of life in the coastal areas of south sulawesi.24 after alauddin, the king of gowa, became a muslim, almost the entire population of makassar became muslims. according to pelras’ report, in 1611, the kingdom of gowa succeeded in conquering the kingdom of bone. since the encounter of faith and culture in the architecture of the great mosque of rantepao 39afkaruna then, the king of bone, la tenripale tuakkepeang, along with all his society in the territory of the kingdom of bone, became muslims.25 according to noorduyn, the acceptance of islam in the kingdom of bone made the entire south sulawesi come into islam, except for tana toraja.26 the catholic church began directly touching toraja society in 1903, particularly on 23 september, with a catholic missionary from makassar, pastor h. leemker sj, offering mass in rantepao. however, the first attendance did not leave any record; the number of people baptized or who became participants of the catholic faith was not written in historical records.27 the development of the church in toraja began to get a bright spot in 1925 after pastor h. kapell baptized a woman born in toraja in 1900 to sesa and randana in makassar. her name was anna lai kawoli. once again, the notes must explain how essential anna lai kawoli was in spreading the faith. noorduyn mentioned that the first baptism for the torajans only apparently wanted to display that the catholic faith had begun to gain a place in the hearts of the torajans. furthermore, the presence of islam and catholicism in toraja society has influenced social change. toraja society has become an inseparable part of the development of the world’s religions. the interaction between culture and religion in toraja society has affected various aspects of life. the cultured toraja society obtained a new spirituality, while religion acquired a new means to introduce the richness of its faith, as demonstrated by the great mosque of rantepao and the catholic church of st. theresia rantepao. long before the arrival of world religions, toraja society had a distinctive building architecture called tongkonan. it is symbolic, not solely a house describing a balanced life in one fellowship. this balanced life includes earthly and divine dimensions, revealing the various meanings of life and death. multiple ornaments were utilized to decorate the tongkonan walls. this ornamental variety contained essence to deliver messages or discourses on the values and virtues of life inherited from generation to generation (local wisdom). islam and catholics employed this wealth of symbols in mosques and churches. symbols with essential values in toraja society aimed to present the existence of islam and catholicism within it. therefore, these symbols served as a form of acceptance of islam and catholicism in toraja culture. this study unveiled that the interaction between religion and toraja culture succeeded in forming a religion typical of toraja society, embracing religion and upholding cultural values. since its establishment in 1946-1950, the great mosque of rantepao has undergone two renovations to its current architectural form. the mosque was built with a typical toraja nuance, symbolizing islam’s presence in toraja. the uniqueness of this mosque lay in the architecture of the building, with a pair of longa tongkonan under the dome and decorative motifs of the typical carvings of toraja culture adorning the walls. a pair of longa tongkonan with the words allah and muhammad greeted every visitor of the two-story mosque. calligraphy containing the holy verses of the quran on the doors and outer walls was framed with a typical decorative carving of toraja. the aesthetics of toraja’s cultural values was depicted at the great mosque of rantepao. this architecture was recognized as an accumulation of islamic values lived by the toraja muslim community. the architecture of the great mosque of rantepao not only displayed and considered the solemnity of the congregation when performing worship but also exhibited the friendliness of the mosque environment upholding toraja culture. therefore, this mosque’s building accommodated various symbols of toraja society. in addition, acculturation efforts were reflected in the use of primary colors, housing colors with philosophical meaning to the life of toraja society. the acculturation form of the mosque took the form of ornaments of carvings on the longa tongkonan. 40 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 in toraja culture, four carving motifs must be considered in making tongkonan and their decorations: pa’ tedong, pa’ barre allo, pa’ manuk londong, and pa’ sussuk. these four carving motifs are the requirement for establishing a tongkonan. the four carving motifs demonstrated the acculturation and appropriation of islam through the use of longa tongkonan in the architecture of the great mosque of rantepao. to begin with, as paganna’ mentioned, the basic architecture of the great mosque of rantepao employed the pa’ tedong (tedong means buffalo) motif on the tongkonan in the longa carving. the acculturation built through the pa’ tedong symbol directly states that the mosque is a place to ask for blessings from allah.28 moreover, the pa’ bare’ allo (pa’ means type, barre’ is scratch or circle, and allo refers to the sun) motif symbolizes the unity and integrity of the toraja tribe. pa’ barre allo is also a symbol of obedience to the rules and regulations of customs and beliefs. additionally, the pa’ manuk londong (manuk means chicken, and londong refers to male) carving motif signifies the implementation of customary rules that must be lived and obeyed by society in life in this world (lino). acculturation in the great mosque of rantepao’s architecture using pa’ barre allo and pa’ manuk londong motifs was unique. this decorative variety received an islamic touch. the pa’ manuk londong motif, symbolizing a chicken, was replaced with the pronunciation of allah and muhammad. the pronunciation of allah and muhammad depicted the acculturation of the great mosque of rantepao. the white accent of allah and muhammad framed in a circle of light like pa’ barre allo also demonstrated the essence of islamic teachings. la ilaha illallah muhammad da rasulullah has become clear in the decoration of this motif. if pa’ manuk londong is understood as a symbol of the rules that toraja society must follow to have a better life, so does the pronunciation of allah and muhammad. allah, worshiped by humans and created everything, provided the revelations to muhammad, his messenger for human life. furthermore, the decorative pa’ sussuk at the great mosque of rantepao served as a symbolic language. this building is vital in regulating the basic policies of society’s lives, especially in the muslim community. mosques are taught the ways of goodness, leading muslims to excellence and encouraging them to help and create peace and prosperity with others. mosques provide change and regulate the basic policies of muslims. figures 1 and 2: a pair of longa with the inscription of allah and muhammad 41afkaruna muslims in rantepao were highly proud of this mosque, with the uniqueness of toraja society in its architecture. they believed that the presence of the great mosque of rantepao, with its various decorations, did not eliminate the meaning of the mosque as a house of worship. the pronunciation of allah and muhammad, engraved on the two pieces of longa, welcomed every congregation, adding to the feeling that they were at the mosque. under the mosque’s dome was a pair of tongkonan welcoming everyone coming to the mosque. other societies could easily catch that although it was built in the acculturation of toraja society, this building was a mosque. figure 3: an alang at the church of st. theresia rantepao when the architecture of the church of st. theresia rantepao was viewed briefly from the outside, it did not provide a unique symbol. the building was made of concrete and rectangular, with a tower showing a cross at the top as a communicative symbol, indicating a church building. there was no prominent regional symbol at this church. the characteristics of the catholic church of st. theresia rantepao lay in its interior. the priest’s house, especially the tabernacle, was shaped like an “alang” with various carvings typical of toraja. the altar was also decorated with toraja carvings. other parts, such as the statue of st. mary and the holy family of nazareth, were framed in a toraja carving motif. the inner walls were decorated with symbols of toraja motifs. the regional nuance became evident inside the st. theresa rantepao church’s building. using alang at the church of st. theresia rantepao embedded several symbolic meanings. first, alang is a symbolic representation of rice, toraja society’s leading food. catholicism analogizes the presence of jesus in this world with the company of rice in the mythology of toraja society. second, using alang as tabernacles at the church directly connected the meaning of the church’s faith to understanding toraja society. just as rice stored in the alang gives humans life, jesus also presents in the eucharistic host reserved in the tabernacle. third, the alang has become a symbol of leadership. the two pillars were pandito’s place and the prominent leader’s seat. this symbolic concept was implemented by the catholic church of st. theresia rantepao to communicate the teachings about the leader or priest presiding over the ceremony of faith. the priest (pandito) led the celebration in front of the altar, right on the pillars of the alang. acculturation in the architecture of the church of st. theresia rantepao 42 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 fourth, the use of alang at the church of st. theresia rantepao symbolized the continuity of the faith maintained from generation to generation. the acculturation of this church deployed alang, signifying a tongkonan. the church utilized these two symbols to describe the transmission of faith that must be preserved and maintained from generation to generation (apostolic succession). fifth, the alang served as a unifying symbol of society. sixth, the social system of the toraja community employed alang as a gathering place to talk about genuinely noble things and bring good. on top of the alang, untanned kada (words string) was placed to weave words bringing goodness. from the alang at the church of st. theresia rantepao, the society echoed wisdom, praise, glory, and holiness. the existence of the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao evidenced the interaction between islam and catholicism, utilizing elements of local culture to communicate their faith in toraja society. the success of accepting islam and catholicism in society was inseparable from the acceptance of religion in the elements of local culture that the local community has lived for generations. the case study of the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao revealed the different acculturation levels of islam and catholicism. islam acculturation at the great mosque of rantepao reached the stages of accommodation and adaptation. the overt culture of toraja culture was applied in the architecture of this mosque, but the use of regional symbols had not fully touched the covert culture. meanwhile, the acculturation at the church of st. theresia rantepao achieved the integration process. the overt culture was maintained in the church’s architecture, but its covert culture was changed in the light of the church’s faith. the acculturation of the great mosque of rantepao at the stages of accommodation and adaptation was based on several reasons. first, islam accommodated the use of longa and decorations of toraja society in the mosque’s architecture. the use of longa and toraja decorations did not change the meaning of the mosque at all. the symbols in the mosque’s building did not eliminate the mosque’s importance. suppose one sees the building of the great mosque of rantepao as a reference (object). in that case, that experience could be readily accepted by the mind (connection) and understood as a mosque or house of worship. over culture, longa was applied in the mosque’s architecture without having to understand the cover culture contained in it. second, accommodation in the mosque’s architecture was evident in the selective attitude of using regional symbols on longa and decorations. however, some essential decorations in toraja architecture were not employed. the particular process presupposed an accommodative and adaptive process toward symbols that could be used and those that could not because they were not aligned with the islamic faith and teachings. the mosque’s construction did not entirely employ the over culture in various tongkonan symbols. third, most muslims in toraja were not from toraja ethnic but from bugis, makassar, and javanese. hence, they did not understand the cover culture of every symbol at the mosque. the toraja decoration at the mosque depicted islamic accommodation in the toraja community, rich in customs and culture. fourth, the acculturation efforts in toraja only reached the accommodating process and were limited to the great mosque of rantepao. the acculturation of this mosque using longa and ornamental varieties of toraja was not a measure in constructing other mosques in toraja. two mosques located close to the great mosque of rantepao, acculturation differences at the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao 43afkaruna the nurul taqwa bolu mosque and the taqwa karassik mosque, did not use the great mosque of rantepao as a benchmark in their construction. mosques built in bolu and karassik were more modern in tone than most others, illustrating that the acculturation efforts in toraja only arrived at the accommodating process and were limited to the great mosque of rantepao. there has yet to be any effort, such as a joint movement in implementing the acculturation already underway in rantepao. the acculturation at the catholic church of st. theresia rantepao reached the integration stage. several reasons could be put forward. to begin with, using alang as a tabernacle was understood as an accessory and became a symbolic language as a tabernacle. in other words, there was compatibility and similarity in function between the alang in toraja culture and the tabernacle in this catholic church. the use of alang in no way changed the meaning of the tabernacle as a core part of the church’s architecture. the tabernacle, understood in the european mindset and greatly influenced the understanding of the church, was captured in the toraja mind. the integration occurred in this section. the covert culture section gained new knowledge while the overt culture was maintained. additionally, the use of alang in the architecture of the church of st. theresia rantepao had the same function as the sanctuary in catholicism. toraja society utilized alang as a place to lead. from the alang, there was a word of life, a place to rule. this meaning was then integrated into the liturgical celebration of the church that it was from above the sanctuary that the word of life was read or preached. moreover, integration in the acculturation at the catholic church of st. theresia rantepao could be seen in verbal and nonverbal symbols. regional symbols owned by toraja society were utilized to provide new meanings. furthermore, accepting toraja society to the catholic church depicted the well-going integration. the covert culture obtained new light in the church’s faith, but the church still preserved and maintained the overt culture. catholics could easily capture and understand expressions of faith using toraja symbols. toraja society felt welcomed through regional decorations at the church. hence, the differences in cultural appropriation between the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresa rantepao were apparent. the appropriation of the great mosque of rantepao lay in using longa and tongkonan ornaments. in contrast, the appropriation of the church of st. theresia rantepao was reflected in the use of alang as a tabernacle decorated with its decorations. as nurdin mentioned, the tongkonan symbol at the great mosque of rantepao indicated “the identity of torajans being islamic, not toraja muslims.” by referring to themselves as toraja muslims, they were torajans, with a characteristic of toraja society but were muslims. as lived by the toraja community, cultural values were also lived and internalized by muslims in toraja.29 hajj taruna also reinforced that islam accommodated the use of tongkonan because the values had similarities with islamic teachings. however, it was also accompanied by a selective attitude. nurdin batu rante also asserted that torajans had the same right to culture. no one could claim that the symbols in the toraja culture belonged only to a particular group. therefore, the toraja islamic community could employ longa to express their faith within the context of the toraja community. the toraja cultural symbols used at mosques were not solely symbols. nurdin stated that the symbols at the great mosque of rantepao aligned with islamic values through islamic tawhid’s teachings. islam also believes that god creates differences between tribes and nations. this teaching implies that islam believes and teaches that muslims everywhere can live in harmony and are willing to appreciate societal differences. therefore, those who deny differences in society also deny the existence of god.30 moreover, s. l. tonapa asserted, “the mission of spreading the catholic faith is also supported by creative efforts to use toraja symbols to explain the faith of the church”.31 in the future, the catholic church’s acculturation efforts could develop because they are supported by various opportunities that 44 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 could encourage the development of acculturation efforts. the catholic church has spread the teachings of its faith through the toraja cultural approach. p. bine saramae mentioned that various acculturation efforts were intensified to root faith in the culture of torajans. the presence of the church provided a new color to the various ceremonial rites in toraja society. the church’s faith was celebrated and explained in the culture of torajans. using reeds at the church of st. theresia rantepao has been a fairly obvious attempt.32 meanwhile, father natan runtung, the current parish priest of st. theresia, stated that the initial idea of using various varieties of toraja ornaments in church buildings was a form of acculturation of the faith of the catholic church with local wisdom in toraja. for example, using longa on the tabernacle symbolized a house, a place to store valuables.33 this meaning aligns with the belief of the catholic faith, teaching that the church is the house of god. acculturation efforts in toraja received support from catholics. this enthusiasm was displayed in the full involvement of the people when participating in the various acculturation ceremonies. this effort also gained support from the local government in toraja. local governments with tourism programs and efforts to preserve traditional culture and values also encouraged various communities, including the church, to be involved in efforts to protect community customs and traditions. therefore, the local government always supported facilities and granted permits for various religious ceremonies raising toraja cultural values. the acculturation of the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao proved the success of islam and catholicism in friendship and respect for toraja culture. however, efforts to root faith in toraja’s treasures were not without challenges. islam and catholicism encountered formidable challenges requiring attention to be accepted in toraja. the architecture of the great mosque of rantepao and the catholic church of rantepao was only one aspect islam and catholicism had carried out to communicate their teachings to toraja society. the acculturation of islam and catholicism would continue to grow. some prior research supports this study, such as those conducted by bachtiar fauzy, amira arraya, and diah ayuningrum. research discussing intercultural encounters, especially in local religions and cultural benefits, has been conducted extensively. there has been much research specifically discussing cultural acculturation in toraja. finding a reference book supporting this study was one of the difficulties. therefore, this study was divided into two: (1) the study of patterns of religious and cultural interaction and (2) the study of the architecture of houses of worship. this research was motivated by the phenomenon that many heritage buildings influenced by migrant culture were demolished without regard to their cultural values.34 this research was conducted through descriptive, analytical, and interpretative methods using the theory of archetypes and ordering principles. cultural views—traditional javanese and hindu architecture, theory, and methodology employed revealed architectural phenomena by seeing the acculturation from the aspects of function, structure, and meaning through the philosophy of spatial planning, sacredness, and influence on the culture in the building of mosques. the results unveiled that the sulthoni plosokuning mosque in sleman yogyakarta expressed acculturation between javanese and hindu cultures through its concepts. the acculturation of architectural styles at the sulthoni mosque took the form of openness to culture and architecture in accepting influences from other cultures without eliminating the characteristics of each culture. the cultures in question were hindu and javanese. the ordering principle theory describes the acculturation effects of the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao 45afkaruna the composition of a very well-laid-out building, starting from the axis as the mosque’s primary means in the arrangement of architectural forms and spaces. the structure of this mosque, through the site of orientation, mass order, the figure of the building, building elements, materials, and other elements, reflected the hindu architectural style. for example, the principle of tirta took the form of a pond around the mosque building, a tomb complex with tombstones with a hindu architectural style, and a padaruksa gate—a gate in the building. meanwhile, the javanese architectural style was reflected in the elements of the porch roof, with the shape of a joglo roof, the structure of the building, with soko guru, completed with the foundation of the umpak, as well as the spatial layout pattern identical to the spatial design in traditional javanese house architecture.35 a study was conducted by diah ayuningrum (2017) entitled “akulturasi budaya cina dan islam dalam arsitektur tempat ibadah di kota lasem, jawa tengah”.36 lasem was a kingdom that the majapahit kingdom once conquered because of its strategic location on the north coast of java. as a coastal kingdom, lasem became a place to interact with traders outside the island to conduct business with domains on java. therefore, it was not surprising that the typical chinese architecture and cultural activities of the chinese people were everywhere in lasem. furthermore, lasem city resulted from the harmonious acculturation of indigenous javanese, chinese, and islamic javanese cultures. the pesantren area alongside chinatown was proof of creating a cultural acculturation rooted in tolerance. the data were collected through literature studies, direct observations, and documentation. the literature study was conducted by finding and reading relevant sources from journals, online media, historian articles, and islamic culture. the observation directly matched the architectural forms of places of worship in lasem. subsequently, data analysis was carried out through descriptive qualitative methods. the results revealed that chinese ethnicity in lasem since more than 400 years ago caused many changes. the chinese culture had long been mingled with the culture of indigenous peoples. the marriage of ethnic chinese and indigenous people triggered the emergence of two major ethnic chinese groups: pure and “mixed”. proof of the renewal of famous chinese and indigenous cultures was batik tulis lasem. in addition to batik, evidence of cultural acculturation was the architecture. the abundance of stylish houses typical of chinese architecture characterized it. there were also many old buildings with chinese architecture, although most were empty and fragile with age. one form of acculturation in architecture was the jami’ lasem mosque, built in 1588. on the roof, the end of the top, carvings near the pulpit, the dome of the mosque, and the minaret were chinese cultural architecture following the shape of typical buildings in lasem. coastal architecture depicted an architectural concept in the relationship between the function, form, and meaning of coastal residential architecture as a unity with inherent characteristics as a form of cultural acculturation. in addition, the influence of chinese culture on javanese houses in lasem chinatown was in the type of barrier to the land plots of the house as well as the use of ornamentation on its buildings as a surface structure.37 the use of the toraja regional symbols in the architecture of the great mosque of rantepao directly depicted an identity of muslims deeply rooted in toraja culture. however, the presence of muslims in their inculturation efforts also experienced various challenges. first, most toraja muslims were not indigenous torajans, causing them to not fully understand the variety of decorations of the great mosque of rantepao. second, the younger generation’s interest in cultural studies was low. third, deep research and a selective attitude toward the symbols employed were highly required to avoid falling into syncretism. conclusion 46 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 toraja regional symbols at the great mosque of rantepao were more than merely decorative. acculturation and appropriation efforts could be the best opportunity to introduce islamic teachings to the broader community. there has been hope that torajans would increasingly understand the teachings of islam through acculturation efforts. it was also supported by various factors discovered. first, the toraja community upheld togetherness and brotherhood among fellow human beings. second, the development of muslims in toraja has become an excellent opportunity to learn about toraja culture. third, it was accommodating to local culture. fourth, the social relations between communities in toraja society were excellent. all of these have become excellent opportunities for the development of islam in toraja, especially when dealing with existing local elements. the acculturation of the great mosque of rantepao and the church of st. theresia rantepao proved the success of islam and catholicism in friendship and respect for toraja culture. however, efforts to root faith in toraja’s treasures were not without challenges. islam and catholicism had formidable challenges requiring attention to be accepted in toraja. therefore, the acculturation of islam and catholicism would continue to expand. the encounter of faith in culture should be monitored and studied continuously to avoid causing problems obscuring the values of faith and culture. it must be remembered that toraja society often faced clashes between tradition and religious teachings. cultural issues and religious beliefs became social problems in toraja society. traditional activities were often problematic because they must align with religious teachings. the lack of understanding of the boundaries between traditional and religious activities often led to syncretism. therefore, this study is relevant because it answers social problems. one of the steps that could be taken is to provide a complete understanding of faith and culture to muslims and catholics in toraja through education. therefore, the cooperation of traditional stakeholders, religious leaders, and the government is highly required. this research is inseparable from the role and assistance of various parties. therefore, the researchers specifically greet the sundry parties, especially the informants who became the data source. the informants openly provided valuable information in the development of this research. the researchers also thank their friends for reading and editing this article. acknowledgment endnotes andri nurjaman, dadan rusmana and doli witro. “filosofi dan nilai-nilai islam dalam gaya bangunan rumah adat kampung naga tasikmalaya: sebuah analisis terhadap rumah adat dengan pendekatan studi islam”, jurnal penelitian sejarah dan budaya 7, no. 2 (2021): 227–250, https://doi.org/10.36424/jpsb.v7i2.258. see also amir molbang and abraham nurcahyo.” rumah adat lakatuil di desa bampalola kecamatan alor barat laut kabupaten alor ntt (kajian historis, nilai filosofi, serta potensinya sebagai sumber belajar sejarah)”, agastya: jurnal sejarah dan pembelajarannya 6, no. 2 (2016): 51–74. https://doi.org/10.25273/ajsp.v6i02.1040; aurelius aaron rosimin and caecilia wijayaputri s. “meaning of the house based on cosmological aspects in the culture of western sumba study object: tara manu traditional house in wee lewo village”, riset arsitektur (risa) 4, no. 2 (2020): 155–172. www.journal.unpar.ac.id; aryun muhammad alfaruq and zulkarnain as. “kearifan lokal rumah tradisional bugis baranti di kabupaten sidrap”. jurnal timpalaja 1, no. 2 (2020): 68–71. http://timpalaja.uin-alauddin.ac.id; sri yuliani, hasni hasan and faika burhan.”fungsi dan makna simbolik rumah adat kamali di desa pajam kecamatan kaledupa kabupaten wakatobi”. idea of history 3, no. 1 (2020): 52–60. robi sularto sastrowardoyo, “identity in diversity within unity”, in exploring architecture in islamic culture, architecture and identity, the aga khan award for architecture, (universitas malaysian technology, 1983), 39-43. hetty nooy-palm, the sa’dan-toraja; a study of their social life and religion. (leiden: koninklijk instituut voor taal, land en volkenkunde, 1979): 244-245. 1 2 3 47afkaruna terance w. bigalke, tana toraja: social history of an indonesian people, (singapure: singapure university pres, 2005), 10-11 hilman hadikusuma, anthropology of religion part i (bandung: pt. citra aditya bakti, 1993), 20-28. philips tangdilintin, toraja dan kebudayaannya. (tana toraja: yayasan lepongan bulan. 1981), 72. the theoretical designation of judaism, christianity, and islam, where ibrahim (abraham) is considered the ancestor of the three religions. the name abraham became a central figure in religious belief, and both acknowledged that abraham was the founder of monotheism. he is also seen as the ancestor of the three traditions of judaism, christianity, and islam. the basic principle of all abrahamic religions is monotheistic, namely that each religion: judaism, christianity, and islam have one god. (tim detiksulsel, 2022) asmadi alsa, pendekatan kuantitatif dan kualitatif serta kombinasinya dalam penelitian psikologi (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2014), 32-44. syafri sairin, “pendekatan antropologi dalam penelitian agama”, dalam pengantar ke arah metode penelitian dan pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan agama islam, balai penelitian p3m iain sunan kalijaga, (yogyakarta: iain sunan kalijaga, 1992), 201-202. sugiyono, metode penelitian combinasi (bandung: alfabeta, 2012), 208-329. lexy j. moleong, metodologi penelitian kualitatif (bandung: cv. remaja karya, 1989), 147-166. sugiyono, metode penelitian combinasi (bandung: alfabeta, 2012), 326-327. rober h. lauer, perspectives on social change (ter) (jakarta: pt. melton putra, 1989), 404. ralph linton, the study of man (new york: appleton-century-crofts, inc, 1936), 324. koentjaraningrat, sejarah antropologi ii (jakarta: universitas indonesia, 2010), 97. achmad fedyani saifuddin, konflik dan integritas perbedaan paham dalam agama islam (jakarta: cv rajawali, 1986), 63-67. koentjaraningrat, sejarah antropologi ii (jakarta: universitas indonesia, 2010), 97. azyumardi azra, “interaksi dan akomodasi islam dengan budaya melayu kalimantan,” dalam roh islam dalam budaya bangsa, ed. aswab muhasin, dkk. jakarta: yayasan festival istiqlal, 1996, 184-185. achmad fedyani saifuddin, konflik dan integritas perbedaan paham dalam agama islam (jakarta: cv rajawali, 1986), 63-67. azyumardi azra, “interaksi dan akomodasi islam dengan budaya melayu kalimantan”, 188-189. joseph roucek dan warren ronald (ed.), sociology: an introduction (iowa little field: adams co. ames. 1957), 41-44. hans j. daeng, adaptasi dan integrasi nilai budaya tradisional,” in basis. xlii. no. 3, 1993, yogyakarta: yayasan b. p basis, 1993, 90. nurdin batu rante, “toraja, tongkonan dan kerukunan”, (makassar: pustaka al-zikra, 2019), 111-112. christian pelras, ‘patron-client ties among the bugis and makassarese of south sulawesi,’ dalam authority and enterprise among the people of south sulawesi, 17-22. noorduyn, islamisasi makassar, translate by s. gunawan. (djakarta: bhratara, 1972), 11-12. g. van schie, gereja katolik di tana toraja dan luwu (jakarta: obor, 2000), 20-21. yans sulo paganna’, bisikan suci passura’ toraya, (klaten: nugra media, 2018), 116-124. interview with h. nurdin batu rante on april 29, 2019. ibid. interview with s.l. tonapa on may 26, 2019. interview with p. bine saramae on may 24, 2019. interview with p. bine saramae on may 24, 2019. 9. fauzy, b., & arraya, a. (2015). dinamika akulturasi arsitektur pada masjid sulthoni yogyakarta. laporan penelitian arsitektur, 02(01), 09. bachtiar fauzy, m.t. and amira arrayast. “dinamika akulturasi arsitektur pada masjid sulthoni plosokuning di sleman, yogyakarta” (bandung: lppm unika parahyangan, 2015) 40-41. accessed 26 august 2022. diah ayuningrum, “akulturasi budaya cina dan islam dalam arsitektur tempat ibadah di kota lasem, jawa tengah” (semarang: university diponegoro, 2017), 132 accessed 26 august 2022 ibid, 133-134 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 48 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 references alfaruq, a. m., & zulkarnain, a. (2020). kearifan lokal rumah tradisional bugis baranti di kabupaten sidrap. jurnal timpalaja, 1(2), 68–71. http://timpalaja.uin-alauddin.ac.id alsa, a. (2014). pendekatan kuantitatif dan kualitatif serta kombinasinya dalam penelitian psikologi. pustaka pelajar. ayuningrum, d. (2017). akulturasi budaya cina dan islam dalam arsitektur tempat ibadah. jurnal sabda, 12(2), 122–135. azra, a. (1996). interaksi dan akomodasi islam dengan budaya melayu kalimantan (a. muhasin (ed.)). yayasan festival istiqlal. baturante, n. (2019). toraja, tongkonan dan kerukunan. pustaka al-zikra. bigalke, t. w. (2005). tana toraja: social history of an indonesian people. singapure university pres. daeng, h. (1993). adaptasi dan integrasi nilai budaya tradisional. yayasan b. p basis, xlii(3), 90–95. fauzy, b., & arraya, a. (2015). dinamika akulturasi arsitektur pada masjid sulthoni yogyakarta. laporan penelitian arsitektur, 02(01), 09. hadikusuma, h. (1993). anthropology of religion part i. pt. citra aditya bakti. koentjaraningrat. (2010). sejarah antropologi ii. universitas indonesia. lauer, r. h. (1989). perspectives on social change. pt. melton putra. linton, r. (1936). the study of man. appleton-century-crofts. molbang, a., & nurcahyo, a. (2016). rumah adat lakatuil di desa bampalola kecamatan alor barat laut kabupaten alor ntt (kajian historis, nilai filosofi, serta potensinya sebagai sumber belajar sejarah). agastya: jurnal sejarah dan pembelajarannya, 6(02), 51–74. https://doi.org/10.25273/ajsp.v6i02.1040 moleong, l. j. (1989). metodologi penelitian kualitatif. remaja karya. noorduyn, n. (1972). islamisasi makassar (s. gunawan (ed.)). bhratara. nooy-palm, h. (1979). the sa’dan-toraja; a study of their social life and religion. koninklijk instituut voor taal, land en volkenkunde. nurjaman, a., rusmana, d., & witro, d. (2021). filosofi dan nilai-nilai islam dalam gaya bangunan rumah adat kampung naga tasikmalaya: sebuah analisis terhadap rumah adat dengan pendekatan studi islam. jurnal penelitian sejarah dan budaya, 7(2), 227–250. https://doi.org/10.36424/jpsb.v7i2.258 paganna’, y. s. (2018). bisikan suci passura’ toraya. nugra media. pelras, c. (2013). patron-client ties among the bugis and makassarese of south sulawesi. bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde / journal of the humanities and social sciences of southeast asia, 156(3), 393–432. https://doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003833 rosimin, a. a., & wijayaputri, c. s. (2020). meaning of the house based on cosmological aspects in the culture of western sumba study object: tara manu traditional house in wee lewo village. riset arsitektur (risa), 4(02), 155–172. www.journal.unpar.ac.id roucek, j., & ronald, w. (1957). sociology: an introduction. adams co. ames. saifuddin, a. f. (1986). konflik dan integritas perbedaan paham dalam agama islam. cv. rajawali. sairin, s. (1992). pendekatan antropologi dalam penelitian agama. balai penelitian p3m iain sunan kalijaga. schie, g. van. (2000). gereja katolik di tana toraja dan luwu. obor. sugiyono. (2012). metode penelitian combinasi. alfabeta. tangdilintin, p. (1981). toraja dan kebudayaannya. yayasan lepongan bulan. tim detiksulsel. (2022, june). kala ritual rambu solo muslim toraja baru pertama kali ada tapi kontroversi". detiksulsel.com. yuliani, s., hasan, h., & burhan, f. (2020). fungsi dan makna simbolik rumah adat kamali di desa pajam kecamatan kaledupa kabupaten wakatobi. idea of history, 03(1), 52–60. 49afkaruna # layout jan jun 2011 saat ini dianggap sebagai bagian integral dari tradisi banten. terdapat beberapa studi tentang debus di banten dan di tempat-tempat lainnya di indonesia, yang banyak diantaranya merupakan studistudi antropologis. sedikit sekali perhatian yang telah diberikan studi mendalam tentang debus yang diptaktikkan oleh orang-orang banten. faktanya, debus telah berkembang sebagai pertunjukan kekebalan dan lebih dari sekedar pertunjukan kekebalan di aceh sebagaimana yang pernah dideskripsikan oleh snouck pada akhir abad ke sembilan belas. penulis mencoba menunjukkan bagaimana praktik debus yang dikombinasikan dengan aspek-aspek tarekat saat ini agaknya memasukan banyak atribut baru. kata kunci: debus, tarekat introduction one of the performance arts influenced by religion is the invulnerability performance known as debus or dabus (in banten), gedebus (in java), daboih (in west sumatra), rapa’i (in aceh) or daboso (in south sulawesi) practised in some regions of the indonesian archipelago. there are two schools of thought regarding the origin of the term debus. 1 the first indicates that debus originally developed from local tradition and that it means either tembus (penetrable) or tidak tembus (impenetrable).2 another argument suggests that debus is an abbreviation of dzikiran (remembrance of the word of god), batin (spiritual) and salawat (praising the prophet).3 the second school of thought indicates external influence in the result of a holy alliance: debus and tariqah in banten province rohman peneliti bantenologi dan pengajar di iain sultan maulana hasanuddin, banten. e-mail: rohmanana@yahoo.com abstract in this paper, the writer describes the practice of debus in banten and its function among present-day bantenese. the underlying question to be considered here is the way in which debus performances are now regarded as an integral part of banten’s tradition. there is a number of studies devoted to debus in banten and in several places in indonesia, most of which are anthropological studies. little attention has been given to an indepth study of debus practised by the bantenese. in fact, debus has developed as invulnerability performance and has gone much further of late than the previous invulnerability performances in aceh described by snouck at the end of the nineteenth century. the writer attempts to show how the debus performances combined with aspects of tariqah’ now also include several new attributes. keywords: debus, tariqah abstrak dalam artikel ini penulis mendeskripsikan praktik debus di banten dan fungsinya bagi masyarakat banten dewasa ini. pertanyaan yang digarisbawahi dalam artikel ini adalah bagaimana praktik debus doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 2 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna the formation of debus, claiming that the term is derived from the arabic ‘dabbus’ meaning needle or thumbtack.4 in addition, debus can be defined either by the invulnerability performance itself or by the instruments used during the performance, as stated by vredenbregt. according to him, the purpose of debus is to demonstrate the invulnerability of the performers by piercing their bodies with a special implement called a debus, an awl-like dagger with an iron spike at the end of a wooden hilt.5 in some regions of banten, invulnerability performances are also known as al madad6 performances because the performers normally summon al madad before one strikes the other. during the performances, percussion instruments such as tambourines, drums, small drums (talinggit) and rattles are played and combined with dhikr, qur’anic verses and wawacan seh (the legend of some of tariqah’s founders) recitations. 7 vredenbregt conducted his fieldwork in three sub-districts of serang, concluding that detailed descriptions of debus performances before the twentieth century do not exist.8 he added that this was not because people had not mastered the required skills but was either due to a government ban or to resistance from orthodox islam.9 as far as vredenbregt’s argument about the lack of records of debus performances are concerned, it seems he did not consider aceh to be an important centre for islam in the archipelago. it is true that we cannot find any documentation of invulnerability performances in banten before the twentieth century. nevertheless, in describing rapa’i performances, snouck hurgronje implies that performances similar to debus relating to tariqahs did exist in the archipelago during the time he conducted his fieldwork.10 snouck hurgronje describes that rapa’i included some demonstration of invulnerability that if unsuccessful could result in sickness or death, for example, eating glass fragments, biting the heads off snakes, wounding the performers with knives and throwing the performers under horses’ hooves.11 if true, this shows that debus-like performances with tariqah influence were performed in the nineteenth century and not only in aceh but also in other places in the archipelago including banten. vredenbregt also found that debus performances practised in three subdistricts of banten were influenced by qadiriyyah tariqah, suggesting that debus as invulnerability performance is not a new phenomenon because tariqah itself was significant in the development of islam in banten as it was in most places in the indonesian archipelago. vredenbregt’s argument was strengthened by bruinessen who pointed out that debus performances are closely related to tariqah.12 reiterating findings related to invulnerability performances during snouck hurgronje’s fieldwork in aceh, bruinessen emphasised that debus-like performances in aceh were influenced by rifa‘iyyah tariqah. however banten’s debus was not influenced by qadiriyyah (to be exact qadiriyyah wa naqshabandiyyah) alone but also by other tariqahs such as sammaniyyah and rifa‘iyyah that serve the same purpose.13 the most frequently cited explanations for the emergence of debus in banten are first, that it was created by mawlana hasanuddin to attract the natives to convert to islam and second, that sultan ageng tirtayasa used it to boost his soldiers’ morale during the fight against the dutch.14 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 3vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 the tariqah, banten sultanate and the emergence of debus the desire to harness the supernatural (kesakten) and master invulnerability (ilmu kebal) has been handed down from generation to generation in the archipelago. religious influence is always evident. before the presence of islam for instance, people who needed protection from danger invoked magical formulae (mantera) from hinduism or buddhism. meanwhile, the presence of islam represented by tariqah gave the local inhabitants a new relationship with the supernatural and invulnerability because the dhikr and wird brought by islamic mystics during the spread of islam were considered more powerful than that the formulae of hinduism or buddhism.15 although the purpose of tariqah is to bring performers closer to god, many native muslims during the first phase of the spread of islam joined tariqah orders because their rituals were similar to pre-islamic practices. beside the dhikr and wird considered to be like mantera, the teaching of ‘uzlah (meditation) and asceticism practised by tariqah teachers were also compared to the tapa (meditation) ritual of the pre-islamic period. in banten, the spread of islam was encouraged by local rulers who worked closely with tariqah orders. according to the sejarah banten16 texts, sunan17gunung djati and his son, mawlana hasanuddin (d. 1570), travelled to mecca and medina, the traditional centres of islam, to obtain religious legitimacy by becoming members of a tariqah order.18 however, according to bruinessen, some chronicles in sejarah banten, especially those relating to the ordination o f mawlana hasanuddin as a member of naqshabandiyyah and to sunan gunung djati joining the tariqah orders of kubrawiyyah, shadziliyyah, shattariyyah and naqshabandiyyah, were just ancient tales designed to legitimise and strengthen the banten dynasty’s relationship with mysticism.19 he claims the naqshabandiyyah tariqah did not exist when sunan gunung djati and mawlana hasanuddin visited the two holy cities of islam and neither did the other tariqah orders that sunan gunung djati apparently joined. nevertheless, the founding fathers of the banten sultanate could have joined other tariqah orders. after all, rumours of ‘abd al qadir jaylani’s miracles (karamah) spread among banten muslims, proving that the qadiriyyah tariqah’s influence had existed for some time. this particular tariqah was the first tariqah in the archipelago.20 it is quite likely that sunan gunung djati and mawlana hasanuddin were members of qadiriyyah when they preached islam in banten. showing supernatural and invulnerability influenced by the ‘abd al qadir jaylani’s miracles, they successfully converted the local hindu and buddhist populations by demonstrating their supernatural power and invulnerability skills. for the next two hundred years, the relationhip between tariqah teachers living in the two holy cities and the banten rulers was much clearer. according to djajadiningrat, the relationship between mecca and banten can be observed as early as the 1630s when banten’s ruler, abu al mufakhir ‘abd qadir (r.15961651) received the title of ’sultan’ from the grand sharif of mecca.21 the sultan was so interested in islam that he sent questions on religious matters to famous scholars in mecca and medina. these scholars answered sultan ‘abd qadir’s questions.22 in addition to becoming an important link in international doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 4 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna trade networks with foreign countries such as england, denmark, china, persia, india, siam, vietnam, the philippines and japan, banten in the seventeenth century functioned as the home of islamic education and a centre for the spread of islam into the hinterland of java and many other places in the archipelago.23 during the reign of sultan ageng tirtayasa (r.1651-1682), the sultanate was influenced by shaykh yusuf al makassari (d.1699), a prominent tariqah teacher from the khalwatiyyah, naqshabandiyyah, shattariyyah, qadiriyyah and ba‘alwiyyah tariqahs.24 during the confrontation with the colonial government, shaykh yusuf led the banten sultanate’s soldiers and his supernatural ability played a significant role in boosting his followers’ morale.25 bruinessen argued that yusuf al maqassari taught invulnerability skills in banten through his tariqah teachings.26 we can assume that the presence of yusuf makassari with his profound knowledge of islam and involvement with tariqahs, strengthened the interconnectivity between the tariqah, the banten sultanate’s court and invulnerability skills. interestingly, there is no significant evidence that debus invulnerability performances which include pencak silat and music were performed in public. according to djajadiningrat who studied the sejarah banten chronicles, the ruler of banten at that time only had artistic hobbies such as raket and dedewaan and did not watch public performances of debus.27 it appears that sultan ageng tirtayasa and yusuf al makassari only taught invulnerability skills to his soldiers to boost their morale to fight the dutch. during this period, when tension between the banten sultanate and the dutch was increasing, the sultanate’s officials preached islam and taught invulnerability skills in the hinterland of banten. this is supported by the fact that islam had only penetrated inland regions of banten by the late seventeenth century.28 in order to convert as many bantenese hindus and buddhists as possible to the muslim cause to support the war against the infidel dutch, the sultanate’s officials accepted the practice of local traditions, thus creating syncretism in banten. this led to the emergence of a combination of the tariqahs dhikr and wird techniques alongside local magical formulae (jangjawokan), creating more powerful invulnerability skills to use against the banten sultanate’s enemy. the relationship between tariqah, the banten sultanate and invulnerability skills did not end after sultan ageng tirtayasa and yusuf al makassari were arrested. in fact, in the second half of the eighteenth century, sultan ‘arif zayn al ‘ashiqin al qadiri (r. 1753-1777) was directly involved in the genealogy of some tariqah orders after becoming the khalifah (leader) of qadiriyah, ‘alwaniyyah and rifa‘iyyah tariqahs.29 the sultan’s full name is: al khalifah al sultan ibn al sultan abu al nasr muhammad ‘arifin al ‘ashiqin al qadiri al ‘alwani al rifa‘i al bantani alshafi’i.30 the sultan’s wanted to be khalifah of the qadiriyyah and rifa‘iyyah tariqahs because of their association with shaykh ‘abd qadir and ahmad rifa‘i’s miracles and invulnerability skills recognised by traditional islam.31 banten sultanate’s ruler therefore seems to have developed a strong relationship with those tariqahs most involved with the supernatural and invulnerability skills. during this period, the practice of invulnerability skills based on the tariqahs teaching did not take place at court. this was to avoid raising doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 5vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 dutch suspicion that the performances might encourage increased resistance against them. on the other hand, invulnerability performances based on the tariqah’s teachings was used to accelerate the spread of islam into the hinterland of the banten sultanate. the explanation above leads us to presume that debus as public invulnerability performances emerged in the nineteenth century, as indicated by snouck hurgronje. he implied that invulnerability performances emerged as a result of competition among tariqahs to attract as many followers as possible.32 in order to compete with other tariqahs, the shaykh made his disciples increase their skill level by incorporating the shaykh’s mystical prowess. from then on invulnerability games were used to persuade followers that their tariqah was more attractive than the others. therefore, in banten we find invulnerability performances are not only practised by the qadiriyyah wa naqshabandiyyah, but also by the sammaniyyah, rifa‘iyyah and shadziliyyah tariqahs. perhaps due to the peasant revolt in banten in 1888, influenced by tariqahs’ teachers, performances were forbidden by the colonial government to preserve security inof the region. debus performances re-emerged in the twentieth century after indonesia’s independence in 194533, now incorporating pencak silat and musical instruments. the development of debus performance unlike the debus performance as described by vredenbreght which the show of invulnerability was conducted in pairs in which one performer stabbed his partner’s body by using either the small debus (technique a) or large debus (technique b) beaten by a big wooden hammer, the debus performance after vredenbregt’s investigation produces several new invulnerability including magical games such as burning the performer’s body, cooking eggs above the head of the performer, using hand to reverse the egg in the hot oil, slicing the stomach with machete, peeling the coconut, slicing the tongue by using knife, ascending the machete-ladder steps, eating the fragmented glasses and pouring the sulfuric acid (99h h2so4) to the performer’s body.34 according to athoullah’s investigation, other games are: stabbing cheeks using a big pin; stabbing the neck using a sharp iron, eating hot coal’ ejecting bats and snakes from the mouth; rolling on broken glass and nails; beating the head with bottles and wood; shelling coconuts with the teeth and slicing cucumbers on thestomach.35 to create a more interesting and at the same time interactive performance, the debus shaykh will invite and ask the audience to imitate the actions of debus performers by eating broken glass or brushing their hair with fire. it is interesting to note that vredenbregt did not refer to the invulnerability games mentioned by hadiningrat who investigated debus in banten in 1981, less than ten years before vredenbregt c onducted his research. this is either because he only wanted to investigate the qadiriyyah’s influence on debus in banten without considering local influences or perhaps the performances in the three regions he investigated really did not have any new invulnerability games and were conventional debus performances with qadiriyyah’s influence. if the latter is true, some invulnerability games in today’s debus performances can be considered new ones performed as part of the show in banten. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 6 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna new invulnerability games and magic tricks performed in debus performances demonstrate that debus has evolved from its core performance which is basically resulting from a state of trance (fana) induced during the recitation of dhikr prescribed in tariqah teachings. bruinessen stated that the tariqahs’ dhikr technique is only a part of debus performances and the leaders of debus performances (the debus shaykhs) are no longer strictly related to the tariqah order nor to the tariqah’s genealogical tree (the silsilah).36 some debus shaykhs practise wird in the same way the tariqahs practise dhikr and wird but none has become a khalifah of a tariqah order. some of them are only pencak silat (traditional martial arts) teachers with a limited knowledge of dhikr and wird. according to bruinessen, most debus teachers use magic according to the tariqahs teachings and local traditions which proves that the invulnerability techniques used in debus performances nowadays are derived from an eclectic combination of tariqah and local pre-islamic teaching.37 elements of debus performance and debus functions the debus shaykh and his functions the debus shaykh is the most important figure in debus. he has the authority to manage the performance because he possesses the greatest supernatural power in his group. a debus shaykh has three functions, one before, during and after the performance. before the performance, the shaykh fulfils some obligatory rituals such as giving wird (in the context of debus this can be defined as a combination of short prayers taken from qur’anic verses mixed with some in the local language) to his pupils to be read, memorised and recited after performing prayers five times; supervising the training of his pupils; reciting the manaqib (reading the tariqah shaykhs’ supernatural stories) and preparing the holy water to protect the performers from injury and to heal their wounds.38 vredenbregt gives five functions for a debus shaykh during the performance, namely: 1. a technical function in which he gives instructions on debus techniques to the performers. 2. as a mediator, he invokes the intercession and protection of the shaykh ‘abd al qadir jaylani to safeguard the performers from harm. 3. a magic function in that he renders the debus daggers as soft as the body of a woman. 4. a curative function in treating potential injuries. 5. a leadership function in the sense that the general direction of the performance is in his hands and he determines who participates.39 an additional function which vredenbregt did not mention is the debus shaykh as master of ceremonies (mc), because he usually opens and closes the performance. after debus has been successfully performed, the shaykh divides up the income given to him by the official event organisers such as local government and tourist companies. he also deals with marriage proposals and circumcision ceremonies relating to participants in the performance. besides earning money from debus performances, the shaykh is also paid by his pupils who just want to learn invulnerability skills and harness supernatural doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 7vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 power without becoming debus performers. the performers the invulnerability performed during a debus show is not just dependent upon the debus shaykh’s authority and and manaqib recitation requesting shaykh ‘abd al qadir jaylani or shaykh rifa‘i’s assistance to protect the performers. indeed the performers are also required to be muslim, be proficient in pencak silat (martial arts) and memorise wird formula provided by the shaykh. in addition, those who want to become debus performers have to endure a long and exhausting physical and mental exercise (tirakat) such as 7, 40 or 100 days of fasting according to the shaykh’s order and they are obliged to eat a very small portion of cooked rice with salt and chili only when they break their fast. they also have to perform prayers five times and observe islamic prohibitions such as stealing, drinking alcohol and committing adultery.40 it is also interesting to look at the formulae (niyyah) recited before debus performers begin fasting. some of the incantation formulae are as follows: bismillamirrahmanirrahim niat isun puasa udu puasane wulan udu muasane dina muasane kakarepan isun da den karepken dening isun muga-muga dikabulaken dening allah la ilaha illa allah muhammad al rasulullah41 another incantation formula is: niat kaula puasa muasakeun jangjawokan kakuatan kaulan bismillahirrahmanirrahim42 if we look at these two incantations, the language used is javanese and sundanese banten with additional islamic influence such as the use of basmalah and shahadah sentences. these incantation formulae are different with the debus performers’ incantation for fasting used by the ciwasiat group in pandeglang as follow: nawaytu cauma ghadin li qada’i al-hajati sunnatan lillahi ta‘ala43 from the formulae above, it seems that each debus group has its own formula that must be applied before fasting to achieve invulnerability. it also shows the lack of unity among debus groups. tawassul in tariqah and debus tawassul can be defined as an individual or collective attempt to achieve gifts through a mediator (wasilah) by reciting certain surahs of the qur’an especially surah al-fatihah to the prophet mumammad, the saints and khalifah in the the tariqahs’ genealogy. if we examine tariqah and debus practice, similarities between the two are obvious. the main similarity is that tariqah and debus are performed by tawassul and rabitah shaykhs (the will to invoke the spirit of tariqah teachers). athoullah however, highlighted the differences between tariqah and debus. while tariqah’s shaykh emphasises the dhikr and the rabitah shaykh to guide his followers in conducting dhikr techniques as well as for spiritual experience, a debus shaykh emphasises the wird and the rabitah shaykh to gain supernatural power and invulnerability skills without strict adherence to the dhikr performance.44 in debus groups influenced by rifa‘iyyah tariqah, surah al-fatihah is offered to members of the genealogical tree. these include the prophet muhammad, al-khulafa’ al-rashidun, the prophet’s companions (cahabah), the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 8 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna prophet’s family members, tabi‘in and tabi‘ut tabi‘in, shaykh ahmad al kabir al rifa‘i, shaykh ‘abd al qadir jaylani, shaykh bafi al din ahmad bin ‘ulwani, shaykh ahmad al badawi al rifa‘i, shaykh ibrahim ahmad al dasuki, shaykh abu bakr bin ‘abd allah al aydarus, sultan mawlana hasanuddin bin mawlana mahdum, sayyid jalil, sayyid musa and sayyid ‘abd al qadir al rifa‘i, shaykh muhammad ‘atabah al babur, sultan ‘arifin zayn al ‘ashiqin al bantani al tsani, sultan abu al mufakhir muhammad ‘ali al din, shaykh hajj muhammad ‘arif al rifa‘i, shaykh ‘abd allah bin ‘abd al qahar, hajj isma’il bin ‘abd al salam and the spirit of our parents.45 in debus groups influenced by the qadiriyyah tariqah, the surah al-fatihah recitation is offered to the prophet muhammad, shaykh muhtar al palimbani, shaykh khalil aceh and shaykh ‘abd al qadir jaylani.46 however, some debus shaykhs do not merely send the surah al-fatihah recitation to the members of the tariqah genealogy. they also offer it to the uyut widara tampolong, uyut santika cimahi ujung kulon and embah khaer spirits known to supernatural practitioners such as the jawara (bantenese traditional leaders who are masters of pencak silat and possess supernatural prowess and invulnerability skills) and to pencak silat practitioners.47 genealogy and wird of debus performers in the tariqahs’ genealogical tree, the order of teachers is clear. the recitation of the dhikr and wird is the same within a tariqah order while debus ignores genealogical chains and has many forms in the sense that debus groups can have different ways of working, using wird and incantation formulae. debus groups with different teachers but using the same sacred formulae and activities vary considerably from place to place. a debus shaykh usually begins a debus performance by asking permission as a form of courtesy to those in the audience who also have supernatural powers, to allow them to perform debus and not to disturb the course of the performance. if the shaykh does not ask permission, undesirable incidents can happen, for example, the performers might be wounded by sharp weapons or they could become drowsy during the performance. as for the wird texts used by the debus shaykh, they are always written in arabic and combined with the jangjawokan, sacred formulae originating from pre-islamic teachings usually written in old javanese or the sundanese language of banten. this sacred formula is sometimes mixed with elements of surahs in the qur‘an such as al kahf, yusuf and al ikhlas48 including the basmalah, hamdalah and shahadah (the islamic profession of faith). the use of basmalah (bismillah) and hamdalah in the sacred formulae is because both have very deep islamic influence. in islamic teaching, the reciting of basmalah is strongly recommended by the prophet at the beginning of any act to obtain god’s blessing and salvation. likewise, recital of hamdalah is recommended after performing certain acts. the shahadah is the highest confession statement in islam which can select who becomes a muslim or non-muslim. surprisingly, some qur’anic verses used by debus performers in the wird to obtain invulnerability skills are confusing in terms of the text and meaning if we consult the qur’an. the wird of debus performers from serang for example consists of surah al kahf and mentions: allahu kahfi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 9vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 wanimafi kahfi49 another example is the use of part of surah al kawthar bismillahirrahmanirrahim inna’a‘tainaka ‘l kawthar facalli liwali liwali warba li wali warba tulung para wali sakabeh mangka welas mangka asih atine wong sedunia ngadeleng maring isun la ilaha illa allah muhammad al rasulullah 50 it is clear the texts above are islamic and to some extent are also based on the qur’an. however, after consulting the qur’an surah al kahf and al kawthar not a single verse is exactly the same as the texts above. in the first formula, they are simply a combination of the name of the surah and the word allah. the second is a combination of basmalah, the first sentence of surah al kawthar and the jangjawokan. indeed, in a region inhabited mostly by muslims lacking orthodox influence but with a strong belief in mysticism, qur’anic and arabic texts are revered by its inhabitants who appreciate their power even though they do not understand the texts. therefore many wirds, amulets and sacred formulae use arabic texts derived either from just a few lines of qur’anic text or from a sentence in arabic combined with the local sacred formula to increase the power of the supernatural. pencak silat (traditional martial art) the debus shaykh incorporates pencak silat (traditional martial art) into the invulnerability performances. this is based on the assumption that invulnerability skills cannot be separated from proficiency in pencak silat. in other words, those who master pencak silat would be more capable if they also possess invulnerability skills. clearly, pencak silat is vitally important to the bantenese because many pencak silat schools (paguron) claim their jurus (movements) were created during the time of the banten sultanate. all debus groups in banten perform pencak silat, either in the opening session or in the middle of the performance when they show the duel between two pencak silat players, using sharp weapons such as a machete or a sickle. in addition, debus performers’ movements during the performance are related to pencak silat movements. due to the combination of invulnerability skills and pencak silat, many prominent pencak silat schools in banten can also take part in debus performances. these include ttkdh (tarikolot tjimande kebon djeruk hilir), terumbu and bandrong.51 in this way, the combination of invulnerability skills with pencak silat as part of banten’s heritage strengthens the importance of debus to the bantenese. therefore, debus performance adheres not only to islam but also to bantenese culture. differences between tariqah and debus besides the similarities, there are of course some differences between tariqah and debus which i attempt to illustrate in the following table 1: although there are differences between the two, it is in fact impossible to separate tariqah and debus because, as i noted earlier, the tariqahs requirements to recite the manaqib including sacred islamic statements such as dhikr, wird, basmalah, shahadah and other sentences from the qur’an are indoi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 10 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna cluded in debus. the bantenese consider debus to be part of islamic art through which the spread of islam takes place through the islamic components involved in debus performances. for a number of reasons pertaining to islam, debus has been categorised a ‘white science’ because those who master the invulnerability skills through debus have to ignore some islamic prohibitions otherwise their invulnerability will be lost. this differs from black magic in that followers are not obliged to perform islamic teachings.53 this is why debus performances are admired by the bantenese. debus and local politics the involvement of debus in local politics is something that cannot be ignored. although it is theoretically a performance art free from political interference, debus performances are in fact used to attract the masses to vote, particularly by golkar’s ruling party in banten as well as being a form of entertainment. the first evidence of the sigficance of debus in local politics was during golkar’s campaigns for the elections of 1971 and 1977.54 one of the pandeglang debus groups led by muhammad ilyas was asked by local politicians to perform for golkar’s campaigns for those elections in pandeglang district.55 the main factor facilitating the involvement of debus in golkar’s political campaigns is the state’s coercion of debus shaykhs who are respected by debus performers and have many loyal followers. in the case of muhammad ilyas, besides practising debus, he was also chief of ikatan pencak silat indonesia (indonesian traditional martial arts association, ipsi) which was affiliated to the armed forces and to the new order.56 another example is the debus shaykh of the walantaka group who was directly active in politics. besides becoming a member of golkar at sub-district level, he was also head of the indonesian veterans organisation in walantaka sub-district and village leader (lurah) as well.57 as a member of golkar, he actively participated in golkar’s work, particularly during the general election. table 1 components of tariqah and debus institutions doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 11vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 this situation was strengthened by the government’s initiative in 1971 to organise jawara in banten by founding the jawara organisation known as satkar jawara (the jawara working squad). in 1973 it became persatuan pendekar persilatan seni budaya banten indonesia (the indonesian union of bantenese martial arts, art and culture, pppsbbi). the establishment of pppsbbii which has a close relationship with golkar, unites all the pencak silat schools in banten most of which perform debus. debus as banten province’s symbol and the source of income after the founding of banten province, the search for a new identity intensified to distinguish it from its former province. one of the ways of reviving banten’s identity is to encourage local performance arts, most of which are influenced by islamic culture. this influence is evident from the use of calawat, dhikr and musical instruments considered islamic, for example, the bedug (a traditional drum made of wood) and the rebana (tambourine). in this way, debus incorporating rudat, marawis and rampak bedug become part of banten’s cultural identity. however, unlike other performance arts, debus is the most familiar because of its unique performances of invulnerability skills, bravery and power considered to be typical bantenese characteristics. according to information obtained from banten province’s culture and tourism bureau, there are 26 active debus groups spread across five regions, namely lebak (5), pandeglang (8), serang district (2), serang municipality (7) and cilegon municipality (4).58 however, the number of groups could be higher because some are not recognised, either because local government failed to register them or because the groups themselves do not want to be registered, to protect the secrets behind their invulnerability practices. missing from the official list are debus groups such as taman jaya in ujung kulon and the ciwasiat group, both from pandeglang district, as well as groups from cikande, ciruas, taktakan and cikeusal, where vredenbregt and hadiningrat conducted their fieldwork in the 1970s and 1980s. the way debus operates nowadays has changed in two ways. first, invulnerability performances now take place in many cities, in indonesia and abroad as well as in banten. second, because some debus groups perform for tourists, the performers are no longer just farmers filling their spare time after the harvest but are now semi-professional performers who depend on debus to support their families financially. according to tb. ence, banten province’s culture and tourism bureau normally gives a debus group between 3 and 7 million rupiah for a performance lasting between one and one-and-ahalf hours depending on the distance between the debus group’s home base and the location of the performance.59 the amount of money they obtain could be three to four times higher if they are invited to perform in other provinces such as jakarta and bali or countries like japan, singapore, france and the netherlands. to ensure debus groups survive and develop, local government has implemented programmes to provide musical equipment, to invite them to perform at official ceremonies held by banten province’s administration, to help them work with privatelyowned tv stations and to promote debus on doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 12 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna the banten province’s official website.60 moreover, to preserve debus performance as part of banten province’s heritage, the local government plans to register the patent for banten’s debus.61 conclusion in this chapter, i have shown that debus has existed alongside the spread of islam in banten and cannot be separated from the tariqah orders that introduced invulnerability skills to the sultanate of banten. the combination of invulnerability skills and islamic ritual has led to debus performances becoming part of bantenese tradition. the emergence of debus as public performance is also a result of the reconciliation between islam and pre-islamic beliefs. a number of islamic elements from tariqah teachings and preislamic components have been combined to produce the invulnerability performances we see today performed in public. in this sense, debus performance can be regarded as the result of a ‘holy alliance’ between islam and local pre-islamic beliefs. furthermore, debus has become one of banten province’s symbols and icons, particularly after banten became indonesia’s thirtieth province. endnotes 1 some of the more recent studies on debus are: ayatullah khumaeni. “the phenomenon of magic in banten”, unpublished ma thesis leiden university; atho’ullah et al.. 2004. laporan hasil penelitian debus di masyarakat banten. unpublished research. serang. mui provinsi banten; masruri, teknik magis atraksi debus: sejarah debus dan mengungkap teknik atraksinya (solo: c.v. aneka, 1998); nasution, isman p..debus, islam dan kyai. unpublished ma thesis. university of indonesia; martin van bruinessen, kitab kuning, pesantren, dan tarekat: tradisi-tradisi islam di indonesia. (bandung: mizan, 1995.); imron arifin, dabus: ilmu kekebalan dan kesaktian dalam tarekat rifa’iyah (malang: kalimasahada press, 1993); margaret j. kartomi, margaret j., ‘dabuih in west sumatra: a synthesis of muslim and pre-muslim ceremony and musical style’, in archipel vol. 41 (1991) ; hadiningrat, k.., kesenian tradisional debus. (jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan, 1981); erman makmur et al., “permainan dabus di minangkabau,” padang: proyek pengembangan permuseuman sumbar; 1981) vredenbregt, j. ‘dabus in west java’, in bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde. (leiden kitlv, 1973). 2 k. hadiningrat, kesenian tradisional debus, p.11. 3 masruri, teknik magis, p.16. 4 atjeh, aboebakar. 1985. pengantar ilmu tarekat: uraian tentang mistik. solo: ramadhani. p.357. 5 vredenbregt, dabus in west java, p.302. 6 al madad is probably the name of the shaykh of the al qadiriyyah tariqah who came to banten to teach the invulnerability science. see nitibaskara, ronny. 1993. reaksi sosial terhadap tersangka dukun teluh di pedesaan banten jawa barat 1985-1990: studi kasus desa s dan a kecamatan sajira dan bojonegara. ph.d dissertation. university of indonesia. p.155. 7 tarekat/tariqah is derived from the arabic tariqa meaning path, way or method. in this context, it has two meanings. first, it is a combination of spiritual techniques and devotional practices employing the dhikr (remembering god) formula “la ilaha illa allah” in a specific way for a given number of times. it includes several prayer formulae such as hizb and calawat (praising a prophet) and litanies. these recitations involve breath control and particular body movements. one can only receive instruction in these practices from a tariqah teacher. see martin van bruinessen, shari‘ah court, tariqah and pesantren: religious institutions in the banten sultanate’, in archipel vol. 50. (1995), p. 177. the second meaning refers to the group influenced by prominent mystic teachers such as ‘abd al qadir al jaylani for the qadiriyyah tariqah. 8 martin van bruinessen, shari‘ah court, p.303. 9 martin van bruinessen, shari‘ah court, p.303. 1 0 snouck hurgronje conducted his research on aceh in july 1891. see snouck hurgronje, c.. 1906. the achehnese volume i. leiden: brill. p.v. 1 1 c. snouck hurgronje, the achehnese. vol. ii. (leiden: brill, 1906), pp.249-257. 12 martin van bruinessen, shari‘ah court, p.220. 13 martin van bruinessen, shari‘ah court, p.221. 1 4 k. hadiningrat, kesenian tradisional debus. pp.10-11; ronny, nitibaskara, reaksi sosial. pp.155-156. 1 5 vincent j.h houben. 2003.’southeast asia and islam’., in annals of the american academy of political and social science. vol. 588. p.157; widjojoatmodjo, raden abdulkadir. 1942. ‘islam in the netherlands east indies’, in the far eastern quarterly. vol. 2, no. 1. p.50; martin van bruinessen, shari‘ah court, p.221. 1 6 sejarah banten is a series of dynastic chronicles about banten first composed in 1662 and 1663; the oldest doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 13vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 edition still in existence dates from 1732. see pudjiastuti, titik. 2000. sejarah banten: suntingan teks dan terjemahan disertai tinjauan aksara dan amanat. ph.d dissertation. p.13. 1 7 sunan is a sacred title in java for those who perform miracles (karamah). see hosein djajadiningrat, hosein. 1983. tinjauan kritis tentang sejarah banten jakarta: djembatan. p.138. 1 8 martin van bruinessen. shari‘ah court, pp.265-267. 1 9 martin van bruinessen. shari‘ah court, pp.265-267. 2 0 martin van bruinessen. ‘tarekat qadiriyah dan ilmu syeikh abdul qadir jilani di india, kurdistan, dan indonesia’, in jurnal ulumul quran vol. 1. (1989), p.69. the first follower of qadiriyyah in the archipelago was $amzah al fancuri (d. 1590). 2 1 hosein djajadiningrat. tinjauan kritis. p.196. 2 2 azyumardi azra. the origin of islamic reformism to indonesia: networks of middle eastern and malayindonesian ulama in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (hawai’i: university of hawai’i press 2004), pp.88-89. 2 3 azyumardi azra. the origin of islamic reformism. p.95. 2 4 martin van bruinessen. shari‘ah court. p.268. 2 5 martin van bruinessen. tarekat naqsabandiyah di indonesia. (mizan: bandung 1992), p.35. see also abu hamid, shaykh yusuf: seorang ulama, sufi dan pejuang. (jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia, 1994), p. 99. 2 6 martin van bruinessen. kitab kuning, p.221. 2 7 according to djajadiningrat, raket is the bantenese term for the wayang wong (male puppets) performance art. he could not explain the meaning of dedewaan. hosein djajadiningrat. tinjauan kritis. p.58. 2 8 ota atsusi. ‘orthodoxy and reconciliation: islamic strategies in the kingdom of banten, c. 1520-1813’, in atsusi, ota et al (eds). islam in contention: rethinking islam and state in indonesia (jakarta: the wahid institute, 2010), p.409. 2 9 julian millie. splashed by the saint: ritual reading and islamic sanctity in west java (leiden: kitlv press, 2009), p.23. 3 0 julian millie. splashed by the saint, p.23. 3 1 c. snouck hurgronje, the achehnese. p.249. see also martin van bruinessen, ‘shaykh ‘abd al qadir and the qadiriyyah in indonesia’, in journal of the history of sufism vol. 1-2. (2000), pp.361-395. 3 2 c. snouck hurgronje, the achehnese. p.217 and c. snouck hurgronje, in vrendenbregt. dabus in west java. pp.304-305. 3 3 j. vredenbregt. dabus in west java. p.303. 3 4 k. hadiningrat, kesenian tradisional debus, pp.64-65. 3 5 athoullah, laporan hasil penelitian debus di masyarakat banten. pp. 64-65. in 2009, when i accompanied some japanese students conducting fieldwork in ujung kulon, the village chief invited a local debus group who rolled on thorns, ejected bats from peeled coconuts, made men’s genitals disappear for a while and made coconut milk turn red after it was cut in half. 3 6 martin van bruinessen. kitab kuning. p.278. see also c. snouck hurgronje, dabus in west java. p.252. 3 7 c. snouck hurgronje, dabus in west java. p.252. 3 8 most of manaqib recitation nowadays are not recited in the beginning of debus performance because the audience feel bored and therefore the shaykh conducted manaqib recitation in his house some days before the performance. see, athoullah, laporan hasil penelitian debus di masyarakat banten, p. 56. this is also to note that the mediatory function of debus shaykh can be conducted before or during the performance. 3 9 j. vredenbregt, dabus in west java, pp. 307-308. 4 0 j. vredenbregt, dabus in west java, p.306. isman, debus, islam dan kyai, p.136. 4 1 athoullah, laporan hasil penelitian debus, p.49. athoullah did not name the debus group practising this incantation but i think this formula is used by debus groups in serang because they use javanese banten language. i would translate this formula as follows: in the name of allah the most gracious and the most merciful, i intend to fasting not for the sake of the moon, not for the sake of the day or for the sake of myself, i have some desires, i hope that allah will agree, no god except allah and muhammad is his messenger. 4 2 athoullah, laporan hasil penelitian debus, p.49. this is probably the incantation formula used by a debus group in southern banten because it is in the sundanese banten language. i translate it as follows: i intend to fast, the fasting is for jangjawokan, give me power, in the name of allah the most gracious and the most merciful. 4 3 interview with na, a debus performer from the ciwasiat debus group of pandeglang on 11th april 2011. the incantation is in arabic. my translation of it is as follows: i intend to fast tomorrow in order that allah will grant my wish (to be invulnerable). 4 4 athoullah. laporan hasil penelitian debus, p.52. 4 5 athoullah. laporan hasil penelitian debus, p.52 4 6 j. vredenbregt, dabus in west java, p.308. 4 7 athoullah, laporan hasil penelitian debus, p.52. he also emphasised that debus performers do not necessarily want to study tariqah teachings, they just want to master invulnerability skills. this is true of the jawara group. 4 8 isman, debus, islam dan kyai, p.97. 4 9 isman, debus, islam dan kyai, p.98. 5 0 athoullah. laporan hasil penelitian debus, pp.59-60. 5 1 see the table of debus groups in banten in my appendix. 5 2 interview with k.h. munfassir, leader of the padarincang pesantren on 12th march 2011. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 14 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 5 3 isman, debus, islam dan kyai, p.138. 5 4 see http://majalah.tempointeraktif.com/id/arsip/ 1980/06/07/sd/mbm.19800607.sd53553.id.html. accessed on 18th april 2011. 5 5 http://majalah.tempointeraktif.com/id/arsip/1980/06/ 07/sd/mbm.19800607.sd53553.id.html. accessed on 18th april 2011. 5 6 see ‘how the new order co-opted indonesian traditional martial arts association (ipsi)’, in douglaswilson, ian. 2002. the politics of inner power: the practice of pencak silat in west java. ph.d dissertation. murdoch university. p.211. 5 7 isman, debus, islam dan kyai, p.147. 5 8 i received information from tb. ence fahrurozi, head of the programme, evaluation and report division of the culture and tourism bureau in banten province in an email entitled ‘daftar sanggar debus se-banten’ on 12th april 2011. according to him, in 2008 the bureau started to register debus groups in banten and this information is verified annually. however, according to ranta suharta, the previous head of the culture and tourism bureau in banten province, there were 39 debus groups in banten. see http:// www.antaranews.com/berita/1251465904/senidebus-banten-segera-dipatenkan. accessed on 17th april 2011. 5 9 interview with tb. ence f. on 19th april 2011. 6 0 interview with tb. ence f. on 19th april 2011.. 6 1 see http://oase.kompas.com/read/2009/08/29/ 01424479/ takut.diklaim.pihak.lain.debus.banten.dipatenkan. accessed on 19 th april 2011. bibliography arifin, imron. 1993. dabus: ilmu kekebalan dan kesaktian dalam tarekat rifa’iyah. malang: kalimasahada press. atjeh, aboebakar. 1985. pengantar ilmu tarekat: uraian tentang mistik. solo: ramadhani. atsusi, ota. 2010. ‘orthodoxy and reconciliation: islamic strategies in the kingdom of banten, c. 1520-1813’, in atsusi, ota et al (eds). islam in contention: rethinking islam and state in indonesia. jakarta: the wahid institute. atho’ullah et al.. 2004. laporan hasil penelitian debus di masyarakat banten. unpublished research. serang. mui provinsi banten. azra, azyumardi. 2004. the origin of islamic reformism to indonesia: networks of middle eastern and malayindonesian ulama in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. hawa’i: university of hawai’i press. djajadiningrat, hosein. 1983. tinjauan kritis tentang sejarah banten jakarta: djembatan. douglas-wilson, ian. 2002. the politics of inner power: the practice of pencak silat in west java. ph.d dissertation. murdoch university. hadiningrat, k.. 1981. kesenian tradisional debus. jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. hamid, abu. 1994. shaykh yusuf: seorang ulama, sufi dan pejuang. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. houben,vincent j.h.. 2003.’southeast asia and islam’., in annals of the american academy of political and social science. vol. 588. khumaeni, ayatullah. 2009. the phenomenon of magic in banten unpublished ma thesis leiden university. makmur, erman et al.. 1981. permainan dabus di minangkabau, proyek pengembangan permuseuman sumbar margaret j. kartomi, margaret j.. 1991. ‘dabuih in west sumatra: a synthesis of muslim and pre-muslim ceremony and musical style’, in archipel vol. 41 masruri 1998. teknik magis atraksi debus: sejarah debus dan mengungkap teknik atraksinya. solo: c.v. aneka. millie, julian. 2009. splashed by the saint: ritual reading and islamic sanctity in west java. leiden: kitlv press. nasution, isman p. 2002. debus, islam dan kyai. unpublished ma thesis. university of indonesia. nitibaskara, ronny. 1993. reaksi sosial terhadap tersangka dukun teluh di pedesaan banten jawa barat 1985-1990: studi kasus desa s dan a kecamatan sajira dan bojonegara. phd dissertation. university of indonesia. pudjiastuti, titik. 2000. sejarah banten: suntingan teks dan terjemahan disertai tinjauan aksara dan amanat. ph.d dissertation. van bruinessen, martin. 1989. ‘tarekat qadiriyah dan ilmu syeikh abdul qadir jilani di india, kurdistan, dan indonesia’, in jurnal ulumul quran vol. 1. _____. 1992. tarekat naqsabandiyah di indonesia. mizan: bandung. _____. 1995. kitab kuning, pesantren, dan tarekat: tradisitradisi islam di indonesia. bandung: mizan. _____. 2000. ‘shaykh ‘abd al qadir and the qadiriyyah in indonesia’, in journal of the history of sufism vol. 1-2. vredenbregt, j.. 1973. ‘dabus in west java’, in bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde. kitlv. widjojoatmodjo, raden abdulkadir. 1942. ‘islam in the netherlands east indies’, in the far eastern quarterly. vol. 2, no. 1. snouck hurgronje, c.. 1906. the achehnese. vol. ii. leiden: brill. internet sources http://oase.kompas.com/read/2009/08/29/01424479/ takut.diklaim.pihak.lain.debus.banten.dipatenkan. accessed on 19 th april 2011. http://www.antaranews.com/berita/1251465904/senidebus-banten-segera-dipatenkan. accessed on 17th april 2011. http://majalah.tempointeraktif.com/id/arsip/1980/06/07/ sd/mbm.19800607.sd53553.id.html. accessed on doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 15vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 18th april 2011 interview interview with tb. ence f. on 19th april 2011. interview with k.h. munfassir, leader of the padarincang pesantren on 12th march 2011. interview with na, a debus performer from the ciwasiat debus group of pandeglang on 11th april 2011. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0015. 1-15 8. afkaruna_miftakhul khasanah jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 determinants of islamic financial literacy index: comparison based on ethnographic studies in yogyakarta, indonesia doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.12584 universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta mifthaulkhasanah@gmail.com miftakhul khasanah universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta rizkiwayne@gmail.com rizki aminullah universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta setianingsih.dewi11@gmail.com dewi setianingsih abstract this paper aims to determine the level of islamic financial literacy (ifl) and identify factors that have a relationship and influence on the level of ifl in various communities. the research was conducted because there have been inconsistencies in previous studies regarding the factors that influence the level of financial literacy, both general and islamic financial literacy. demographic factors such as gender, education level, and income level are often used in this type of research. this paper is compiled in two steps with mixed method. the first calculates the ifl index level, and the second analyzes the factors affecting the ifl index level using ethnographic studies. islamic financial literacy indicators consist of knowledge, skills, beliefs, attitudes, and behavior based on the aspects of religiosity and maqasid al-shari'ah. the factors that influence the islamic financial literacy index are determined using ethnographic studies. the result is the education level affects the financial literacy index in one community. but the results will be different when different communities are compared. one of the influencing factors is the financial socialization agent, and this is very closely related to the political socialization theory. in this case, the bank or islamic financial institution acts as a potential agent. keywords: determinants, islamic financial literacy, financial socialization agent, ethnographic studies. today humans are faced with a choice of complex and diverse financial instruments, so that a muslim needs to be careful and have good knowledge of halal financial instruments in financial decision-making based on islamic financial literacy.1 the general lack of financial literacy levels can lead to low access to financial institutions and hamper prosperity.2 as a country with the fourth-largest population in the world, indonesia still records a large number of people who do not understand and use financial institutions less.3,4,5 the indonesian government seeks to open the broadest possible access to the public to utilize financial services.6 the ease of accessing financial services is an essential requirement for the involvement of the wider community in the economic system. the level of islamic financial literacy (ifl) can be defined as knowledge, awareness, ability, which influences attitudes and behavior in managing finances and making financial decisions by islamic rules. knowledge is an absolute and vital condition in literacy. financial knowledge can be obtained from the results of learning both informally and formally within the scope of formal education.7 the ability to absorb knowledge, besides depending on the individual itself, also depends on who teaches the knowledge so that many things can influence the level of financial literacy. studies that have researched factors that influence the islamic financial literacy index and financial literacy, in general, have been widely carried out. factors that are often examined are demographic factors. from the research that has been done, no one can prove that demographic variables can influence the financial literacy index consistently.8,9,10 research conducted by amaliyah and witiastuti (2015) finds that men msme entrepreneurs with an education level above mandatory schooling have a higher literacy rate than women with education levels below introduction 186 afkaruna compulsory education, the income level does not contribute to the financial literacy level of the city of tegal msmes (micro, small, and medium enterprises) entrepreneurs.11 hasibuan and winaro (2018) conduct a different test based on gender, age, education, and level of expenditure. they suggest that gender and the level of expense do not affect islamic financial literacy, while age and education levels have the influence. it is in line with the research by setyawati and suroso (2016), which shows that gender has no difference in the level of literacy of islamic finance in the case of female and male lecturers. similarly, atkinson and messy's (2012) research on the oecd reveals no difference in the level of financial knowledge between men and women in germany and hungary. in addition to these two studies, shaari and hasan's (2013) research proves that gender does not significantly affect the level of financial literacy. setyawati and suroso (2016) state that there are differences in the level of islamic financial literacy among lecturers in indonesia investigated based on age. besides, almenberg and säve-söderbergh (2011) find that in sweden, a high level of financial literacy is identified between the ages of 35 to 50 years old. whereas in atkinson and messy's (2012) study on the oecd, the ages between 30 and 60 years old have a higher level of financial literacy. lusardi and mitchell (2011), almenberg and säve-söderbergh (2011), and cole et al. (2009) also find that higher education has a higher level of financial literacy than low-level knowledge. likewise, atkinson and messy's (2012) study on the oecd reveals a positive and significant relationship between education and financial literacy, i.e., the higher one's education, the higher the level of knowledge, attitudes, and financial behavior. this article argues that the factors mentioned above do not necessarily affect both the level of public financial literacy and islamic financial literacy consistently. this study identifies factors other than demographic factors that might influence the level of islamic financial literacy. the differences in patterns in the community, interactions between users and commercial service providers, beliefs and religiosity, and socio-cultural influences between regions are thought to influence the level of islamic financial literacy. 187vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 as discussed above, this study aims to determine the level of islamic financial literacy and identify factors that have a relationship and influence on the level of islamic financial literacy in various communities. it is hoped that this research can be a reference to improve islamic financial literacy and can indirectly realize a financial inclusion program. in this study, the communities studied are the street vendor community in malioboro, indonesia, and the state civil apparatus community (asn=means civil servant) in gunung kidul, indonesia. the two communities have different characteristics. in the community of street, vendors in malioboro have the characteristics of erratic income, free working hours, binding rules, different social environments, and different levels of education. meanwhile, the asn community is the opposite; they have a regular income every month, spend on working hours, and on average have a high level of education. research method the level of islamic financial literacy the measurement of the islamic financial literacy index was carried out by a quantitative method. the primary data is obtained using survey and interview methods. the survey method is done by distributing questionnaires. the data was obtained through a survey method on the level of islamic financial literacy in the street vendor community in malioboro and the asn community in wonosari, both of which are in the special province of yogyakarta (diy, indonesia). each community involves 100 respondents' data as the sample in calculating the level of islamic financial literacy. malioboro is a tourist area in the city of yogyakarta, while wonosari is the capital of the gunungkidul district in diy province. gunungkidul is one of the districts in the special region of yogyakarta, indonesia. the government centers are in wonosari district. this district is relatively low in population density compared to other districts. most of the regency is in the hills and limestone mountains which are parts of the sewu mountains. gunungkidul is known as a barren area and often experiences droughts in the dry season. it holds unique historical peculiarities, as well 188 afkaruna as tourism, cultural, and culinary potential. there are fewer formal and non-formal institutions, such as islamic banks, conventional banks, bpr, bmt, pawnshops, and insurance companies in gunungkidul compared to other districts in the province. in this study, the implemented sampling technique was non-random sampling of a purposive sampling category with the criteria of a street vendor at malioboro and the state civil apparatus (asn) in wonosari. there were 100 samples taken based on the slovin concept. the questionnaire model of the guttman scale was distributed to 100 respondents. the questions raised in this technique are more structured because they are directly related to the indicators used in determining the level of islamic financial literacy. the data were tested using validity and reliability testing. a validity test is a statistical test used to determine the validity of a question item to measure the variables studied. in this study, the validity test was carried out using the corrected item-total correlation test. to determine the validity level, the numbers on corrected item-total correlation, which is a correlation between item scores and total item scores (r count value) compared to r table values. if the value of the r count is greater than the value of the r table, then the item is valid using a distribution (the r table) for alpha = 0.05. meanwhile, the reliability test is a statistical test used to determine the reliability of a series of question items in their reliability to measure a variable. the test was done using the alpha cronbach test. the alpha value of >0.7 means that it has sufficient reliability, while the value of >0.80 suggests that all items are reliable, and as a result, all tests are internally consistent due to strong reliability.15 determinants factor of islamic financial literacy the determinant of the factors was carried out by ethnographic studies. the primary data is obtained using direct observation and interview methods. interviews were conducted using the contextual in-depth interview method. in this study, the researcher analyzed the data on the circumstances, attitudes, behaviors, responses, and views of respondents obtained through in-depth contextual interviews and other 189vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 supporting data. then the data were grouped based on the themes and similarities of ideas to analyze and interpret and associated with the problem formulation and theoretical reference of this study. this study uses the recommended principles in the ethnography method, which combines several research techniques (multiple techniques) and combines findings from various respondents. characteristics pkl (%) asn (%) gender male 45 65 female 55 35 age 18-25 3 6 26-40 43 28 40-55 47 65 >56 7 1 marital status single 19 12 married 81 88 educational background primary school 13 0 junior high school 51 0 senior high school 36 12 diploma 0 28 bachelor (s1) 0 54 master (s2) 0 6 earnings (idr) < 1.000.000,1 0 1.000.000,to 3.000.000,42 14 3.000.000,to 5.000.000,54 76 > 5.000.000,3 10 spending (idr) < 1.000.000,10 1 1.000.000,to 3.000.000,60 51 3.000.000,to 5.000.000,30 48 > rp. 5.000.000,0 0 conventional bank account ownership have 21 100 do not have 79 0 sharia bank account ownership have 100 15 do not have 0 85 table i. socio-demographic profile source: processed research data 190 afkaruna based on the socio-demographic profile at the education level, the asn community in wonosari gunungkidul has a high level of education while the malioboro street vendor community has an average level of education at the lower secondary level. the calculation on the islamic financial literacy index is carried out using five indicators, i.e., knowledge (which is divided into two: basic knowledge and advanced knowledge), skills, beliefs, attitudes, and behavior. then it is calculated based on fsa calculations.16 the fsa-based literacy rate calculation method is done by calculating the percentage between the number of individuals who have a well-literate level and the total number of respondents in each cluster. results calculation of the level of islamic financial literacy of each indicator is in the appendix. based on the literacy table on the five indicators above, the islamic financial literacy index in the islamic banking sector and the islamic financial literacy index, in general, is calculated. the following are the results of the calculation in table ii. table ii. islamic financial literacy index of sharia banks in diy indicator pkl islamic literacy index (%) asn islamic literacy index (%) basic understanding 43.60 65.10 advanced understanding 64.00 50.50 skills 60.67 58.00 confidence 89.33 59.33 attitudes towards islamic banks 88.00 42.33 behavior 61.60 60.90 islamic financial literacy index 64,51 55,62 source: processed research data the calculation of the level of islamic financial literacy showed that the level of islamic financial literacy among street vendors in malioboro is 64.51%, while the level of islamic financial literacy in the asn/pns community in wonosari reaches 55.62%. 191vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 chen and volpe (1998) divide the level of financial literacy index into three categories: 1. 0% <60% indicates that individuals have a low level of financial literacy 2. 60% 79% indicates that individuals have moderate levels of financial literacy 3.> 80% indicates that individuals have a high level of financial literacy. referring to the literacy rate category of chen and volpe (1998), the islamic financial literacy index/level of 64.51%, among street vendors in malioboro is in the moderate category, while the level of asn community financial literacy wonosari is 55.62%, in the low category. results from the primary data obtained in ethnographic research from the surveys and interviews, it is clear that all street vendors in malioboro have savings accounts in both informal and non-formal financial institutions. at the same time, the interviews showed that almost all traders have savings accounts in non-formal islamic financial institutions (micro-finance incorporated as cooperative), such as bmt beringharjo and bmt tamzis. furthermore, 21% of street vendors in malioboro also have savings accounts in conventional banks. “ms. juwariyah, a street vendor, says that she has three different savings accounts: two savings at bmt beringharjo and bmt tamzis while the other one is in the cooperative (kospin tri dharma) pkl malioboro. she has no bank account. she states that it is very easy to start a savings account at bmt; she is not required to go to any branch office like every day.”17 bmt staff/officers are visiting malioboro to help street vendors manage their savings. if she needs any business funds, she relies on bmt-bmt through a straightforward process, without any collateral, and without having to go to the branch office. installment payments have the exact mechanism with savings; it is taken by bmt officers every day. if payment incapacity occurs, the bmt will give a grace period. through mutual trust and closeness, the relationship between the malioboro street vendor and the bmt becomes very close. 192 afkaruna “ms. fitri, another street vendor, and ms. juwariyah also state that bmt beringharjo routinely holds meetings with members every saturday afternoon. the conference is usually filled with joint recitation and related financial information. it is not mandatory. they admit that they rarely join the regular session.”18 bmt beringharjo provides education, with an emphasis on excellent and prudent financial planning, which is one of the added values of bmt beringharjo. the phenomenon can be seen from the basic understanding of the malioboro street vendors in which the saving products understanding level is very high, reaching 90% because they all have these savings products. meanwhile, in regards to the understanding of deposit and current products is at a low level. bmt, as a non-formal financial institution, does not have a demand for deposit products. thus, there are only a few sellers of malioboro street vendors who have a giro account. the basic understanding of malioboro street vendors on transactions that contain usury is at a very low level of 3%, while the knowledge on the differences between islamic banks and conventional banks and the knowledge on islamic contracts used in funding and lending products in islamic banks are also at a low level. further, regarding understanding indicators, street vendors of malioboro have a higher level of financial literacy index. this is supported by a high understanding of the obligations and rights of the customers of islamic banks and the ability to determine the type of financing chosen based on needs with a score of 82 %. whereas the asn in gunungkidul only has the score of 20% for knowledge on rights and obligations as sharia bank customers and only 57% feel that they can determine the type of financing chosen based on needs, it is found that the asns are closely related to banks because they are related to payroll. when they need to borrow money from the bank, they get information from peers or friends who serve as salary staff working a lot with banks. based on the results of in-depth interviews with mr. najmudin imam and mr. burhanudin, the asn in gunungkidul, it is found that their payroll is made through bri and bank mandiri, which are not islamic bank.19 meanwhile, the product offers and promotions are usually not 193vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 done directly. promotions are usually only done through pamphlets and brochures given by colleagues taking care of finances or salary treasurers who are often in direct contact with the bank. the ability to calculate profit sharing based on the customer's ratio is related to the skill indicator. 83% of street vendors in malioboro answer that they can calculate profit sharing based on customer ratios, while 87% of asns in gunungkidul are unable to calculate profit sharing based on customer ratios. on the other hand, 84% of asns in gunungkidul can calculate the percentage of zakat to be paid out of their income. contrastingly, 63% of street vendors in malioboro are unable to calculate the percentage of zakat, which should be calculated from the amount of their income; the main is that because the street vendors in malioboro cannot calculate exactly how much income they earn. the income received by malioboro street vendors is volatile and seasonal. when the holiday season arrives, usually they will get a high income and make a lot of profits. however, these benefits are not recorded in good financial accounting. thus, they have difficulty deciding exactly how much income they get. even though the malioboro street vendors have difficulty in calculating the exact amount of zakat they have to spend, 97% state that they routinely issue zakat fitrah, zakat maal, infak, waqf, and almsgiving as the obligations of a muslim, as it is also related to the factors of religiosity and spirituality of the street vendors who claim that profit and loss is a fortune from allah swt. the important thing is always to pray and work to get a fortune from god. regarding the belief indicator, 92% of street vendors in malioboro say that they have a sense of justice when using sharia financial services, while only 19% of asns in gunungkidul have such sense when using sharia financial services. in terms of profit-sharing, only 20% state that profit-sharing in islamic banking is competitive. in the aspect of religiosity, both the malioboro street vendors and the asn in gunungkidul are very concerned about the halal and illicit aspects of the money they have, with a score of 95% and 93%, respectively. the asn in gunungkidul also states that the services provided by islamic banks are not good as only 8% state that the services in islamic banks are better than others.20 it should be a concern for islamic banks 194 afkaruna and other islamic financial institutions that has the factor of religiosity alone is not enough to run a business. professionalism in all fields should also be prioritized. the summary results from the primary data obtained in ethnographic research are presented in table iii. pkl asn level of education the average education level is low, but literacy rates are higher the average level of higher education but literacy rates are lower financial socialization agent islamic microfinance institutions (bmt) co-worker / working friends (usually serves as treasurer in the workplace because it is more often associated with financial institutions) relationship with the agent direct, very close, a higher level of trust indirect, not close religiosity is related to finance paying attention to halal and illicit aspects of the money earned paying attention to halal and illicit aspects of the money earned there is education from the agent (bmt) to manage finance so that it is not wasteful and excessive there is no education from the agent confidence in islamic financial institutions islamic financial institutions are deemed fairer islamic financial institutions are unfair good service quality service quality is not good competitive profit sharing uncompetitive profit sharing income non-fixed income fixed salary income table iii. summary of primary data findings source: processed research data discussion the influence of education level on islamic financial literacy index based on the socio-demographic profile at the education level, the asn community in wonosari gunungkidul has a high level of education, yet the level of the asn community islamic financial literacy index is in a low category. the malioboro street vendor community has an average level of education at the lower secondary level, yet it has a higher islamic 195vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 financial literacy index level than the asn community in wonosari. lusardi and mitchell (2011), almenberg and säve-söderbergh (2011), and cole et al. (2009) state that higher education people have a higher level of financial literacy than the level of education of the low one. likewise, atkinson and messy's (2012) study on the oecd find a positive and significant relationship between education and financial literacy, i.e., the higher one's education, the higher the level of knowledge, attitudes, and financial behavior. based on several studies above, the level of education affects the financial literacy index in one community. however, the data might be different in the comparison of different communities. educated people have a different mindset than uneducated. countries that include financial education in their curriculums may have a community with a high financial literacy index, especially if the financial education curriculum is provided at the basic education level. in indonesia, the education curriculum does not include financial education. cole et al. (2009) state that financial education is still a big challenge in indonesia. it is because personal finance education is not provided in formal schools. a study conducted by tustin (2010) shows that financial literacy training forms the mindset and financial intelligence and motivates people to plan and manage their finances well. the australian and new zealand banking group ltd ('anz') surveys on adult financial literacy in australia have reported that age, financial knowledge, and financial attitudes have a positive relationship with financial literacy indicators. meanwhile, household income, education, and employment have a positive relationship in a small percentage of financial literacy indicators. they also state that education and occupation have associations with some behavioural indicators of financial literacy.21 in several studies above, it can be seen that the level of education does not always influence the level of financial literacy index. the individual should be directly involved in obtaining financial knowledge, whether they are interested in increasing their financial knowledge. reluctance to increase the financial knowledge of civil servants in padang causes a low level of financial literacy, even though the majority of the respondents have high levels of educational background.22 196 afkaruna the influence of financial socialization agent on islamic financial literacy index in financial literacy, financial knowledge is a necessary and fundamental aspect. knowledge is obtained through processes between people who know those who do not know about finance. this process is called the socialization process. socialization is a process that is inherent and experienced by each individual to acquire knowledge, values, or skills to be able to adapt and interact with the environment. the socialization process is used by many social scientists to explain the transfer of values, knowledge, or skills from one individual to another. it can be said that in social interaction, each individual in the community will influence the other. individuals can transfer information, values, thought patterns, norms, and beliefs to other individuals. in this case, an intermediary is needed between parties who know and those who have not been exposed to information and knowledge. the level of education and intelligence is, of course, influential in the pattern of thought and in the ability to receive a transfer of knowledge and information. so that each is different in his ability to absorb knowledge, the ability of agents to provide information and knowledge will also be different. so that in terms of knowledge and transfer of knowledge, many factors will influence. isnurhadi (2013) found that individual factors, sharia bank promotion factors, and government influence literacy level. the factor of one's knowledge of fiqh muamalah in islam and the ability of financial institutions and the government to provide information and promotion to the public simultaneously have a considerable influence on public financial literacy with a fairly good model fit.23 this research shows that it is not only the promotion factor of islamic banks that influences the level of islamic financial literacy, but the proximity to agent factor is also very influential. the role of this financial socialization agent is almost the same as that of a political socialization agent. this socialization of islamic finance aims to transfer information, knowledge, values, beliefs, which will ultimately influence a person's behavior with financial decisions. 197vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 research by sohn et al. (2012); and dewanty and isbanah (2018) states that agents of financial socialization influence financial literacy, and show positive effects on financial literacy. the influence of demographic factors and financial socialization agents was investigated by dewanty and isbanah (2018). tests were carried out using the pls method. the adjusted r-square value shows a value of 0.815, which can interpret that constructive financial literacy variables can be explained by demographic factors and financial socialization agents by 81.5%, and other factors by 18.5%.24 the research on financial literacy determinants will differ according to the adjusted r-square value if the tested variables are only demographic factors. with the existence of a factor of financial socialization agent, the value of the r-square adjusted becomes greater. the financial information agent has a parameter coefficient of 0.818 and a t-statistic of 10.342 96 1.96 (5%). it is showed that agents of financial socialization have a positive effect on financial literacy. the most influential social agents in the financial information of female workers in the financial sector are 78% families, then peers and media, respectively, at 72.4%.25 the most influential agents are parents because close relationship factors and have an impact on financial learning and individual understanding during their stages of development so that many studies have examined the impact of these financial information agents on young people.26,27,28 from this research, it can be concluded that the environment and community influence the level of acceptance of knowledge. individuals who are members of communities that are directly related to financial institutions, both formal and non-formal, usually will be exposed to financial information. the information collected will be financial knowledge for the individual. this can be seen from the results of this research, which show that bmt, as a non-formal financial institution, significantly influences the level of financial literacy of street vendors in malioboro. in this case, the bmt acts as an agent of financial socialization. the education level is closely related to knowledge indicators. in this research, knowledge is divided into two, i.e., basic and advanced understanding of islamic finance. 198 afkaruna the proximity of bmt beringharjo and pkl in malioboro is based on a high level of trust and close relations. if it is associated with the theory of psychological closeness, analogically, the theory of identification can be used to support psychological closeness. the concept of identification comes from psychoanalysis. identification is related to the subconscious process that someone goes through by imitating other people's characteristics (attitudes, patterns, behavior, emotions). related to individual factors, the character, attention, and interest of the community itself are likely to be relatively low. it might be caused by people's understanding of islamic jurisprudence, which is generally still low, especially in particular related to fiqh muamalah.29 this approach is still lacking in islamic banking. in sadhana’s study, it is concluded that the cause of customers’ loyalty to islamic banks is their adherence to sharia (religious motive), economic motive, trust, and commitment.30 this shows that the assessment of the bad and the truth on the application of islamic values in islamic banking operation will significantly influence the loyalty of consumers (the public) towards islamic banks. in other words, the quality of service and the application of islamic values in islamic banks is a guarantee of attractiveness as well as the binding capacity of consumer loyalty. therefore, islamic banking human resources should be able to implement sharia principles in banking practices and have a solid commitment to implement them consistently. this means that the service quality and values of religiosity are key factors in the success of islamic banking. emphasis on the values should be in line with the fundamental character of sharia economics, which is universal and inclusive, and a banking system that is fair, humane, reliable, and has spiritual values and high technology. some many studies show the influence of knowledge of financial products and services on changes in people's financial behavior. hilgert et. all (2003) stated that there is a significant relationship between knowledge and behavior in one's financial activities in proving financial cash flows, managing loans, savings, and investments.31 a similar conclusion is also stated by courchane & zorn (2005), who found that behavior that has been supported by financial knowledge has a positive 199vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 direct relationship with loan management.32 a study conducted by tustin (2010) states that financial literacy training cultivates a mindset and financial intelligence and motivates people to plan and manage their finances.33 with this, the financial attitudes and behaviors possessed by the community can encourage people to make good use of financial products and services, thereby breaking the positive relationship between financial literacy and financial inclusion. financial inclusion is an essential strategy in every country to achieve economic prosperity through equitable income distribution, reduction in poverty levels, and achievement of financial system stability. islamic financial inclusion is an important indicator oriented in improving people's welfare, reducing poverty and income disparities, and creating a more just and equitable life order. in the islamic view, the government is obliged to do economic equality and avoid income gaps. as indicated by the value of the low accessibility dimension in his research, umar (2017) states that high availability tends not to be used optimally by the public to use formal financial services as the primary financing source.34 communities are more likely to use informal financial services than formal banking facilities. the role of non-formal financial institutions that are dominant in indonesia, especially in remote areas, indicates that the islamic finance market in indonesia is not functioning properly. various previous studies show that the concept of islamic teachings strongly influences the public perception of the name of islamic banks. the name of islamic banks influences people's views on the existence and model/system of bank services while at the same time fostering hope and trust. only a few understand the value of universalism and the inclusiveness of islamic banks. knowledge of the management system and islamic banking service products is also still low. the concept that is often discussed is "rejection of usury" and applying a revenue-sharing system. the limited public knowledge of islamic banks results in a false perception and an impact on the low decision of the community to choose islamic banks.35 it hampers not only the expansion of the islamic bank market but also the spread of universal values. therefore, the continuous introduction should be carried 200 afkaruna out and supported by a strong commitment from all islamic bank human resources to implement sharia principles in all banking practices. in the end, if people become customers at islamic banks, the moral values in maqashid syariah will influence business activities among individuals, companies, and countries to create a society that upholds the values of justice, honesty, transparency, anti-corruption, and exploitation. maqashid syariah is the theory that concerns human well-being.36 conclusion this paper contributes towards determinant factors of islamic financial literacy. the study showed that bmt as islamic microfinance acts as financial socialization agent. the role of the financial socialization agent greatly influenced the level of islamic financial literacy. banks or islamic financial institutions can act as potential agents too. the close relationship between banks or financial institutions and customers greatly affects the customer's islamic financial knowledge. banks or islamic financial institutions, both formal and non-formal, must play an active, continuous role and build good relationships with customers so that islamic financial information and knowledge can be easily obtained. the level of education influences the financial literacy index in one community, but this situation will be different among the different communities. formal information and knowledge on islamic finance (financial education) will work on the level of financial literacy if it is provided at the level of basic education. however, information and knowledge do not always work well if given to highly educated communities with formed and attached strong opinions. religious rules become one of the reasons for the lack of community connection to formal financial institutions. thus, islamic finance is considered to help open this access for the community. islamic microfinance plays an important role in the process of inclusion of islamic finance. poor people can be given qard al-hasan (good loans) without fees, and even if they fail to pay, they can be given easy installments. here, marginalized groups need special education and capacity building. when they successfully rise again to the next level, then they can work 201vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 recommendation this paper suggests the government of indonesia to pay attention to the education curriculum related to public financial education at the basic level of education. furthermore, banks or financial institutions should establish good relationships and proximity to customers. if the theory of closeness is related to the agent of financial socialization, it can be one of the interesting researchers to be discussed. with the bank until they can be established and fully connected with commercial, financial institutions. endnotes p. m. antara, r. musa, and f. hassan, ‘bridging 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(2010). an impact assessment of a prototype financial literacy flagship programme in a rural south african setting. african journal of business management, 4(9), 1894–1902. umar, a. i. (2017). index of syariah financial inclusion in indonesia. buletin ekonomi moneter dan perbankan, 20(1), 99–126. https://doi.org/10.21098/bemp.v20i1.726 yıldırım, m., bayram, f., oğuz, a., & günay, g. (2017). financial literacy level of individuals and its relationships to demographic variables. mediterranean journal of social sciences, 8(3), 19–26. https://doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n3p19 11. afkaruna_destita mutiara_revisi 2 universitas gadjah mada, indonesia destitamutiara@mail.ugm.ac.id the identity of islamic women in online media: a study confirming the message of the digital identity of progressive women in suara ‘aisyiyah jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 the message conveyed in the redaction determines the identity carried in media. suara 'aisyiyah is an organizational magazine managed for 96 years by the central board of 'aisyiyah with the tagline, the inspiration of progressive women. suara ‘aisyiyah magazine, the main preference for the audience to know aisyiyah as a women's religious organization, needs to emphasize the identity carried through the writing contained in the media. the website reflects the aisyiyah organization with the motto of progressive women. this study aims to know the identity message of progressive women through the messages delivered in suara 'aisyiyah's online media like the website and instagram. this descriptive qualitative research used narrative content analysis of media texts interpreted by directed content analysis and literature study. data collection techniques were conducted by interviewing and observing the appearance and redaction. this study shows that the digital identity of suara 'aisyiyah refers to the organizational view. the identity of the progressive women is confirmed through the display of writing rubrics that is shown on the website, including the news rubric, studies, sakinah family, insights, lifestyle, youth inspiration, and infographics displayed on instagram with an emphasis on the message of equality between men and women and freeing the human gender discrimination and content knowledge. keywords: digital identity, suara 'aisyiyah, the progressive women abstract doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.16554 destita mutiara article history received: 12 january 2023, revised: 04 april 2023, accepted: 28 june 2023, published: 30 june 2023 'aisyiyah, in real life, carries out activities that reflect a progressive woman. progressive women are described as activities carried out in 'aisyiyah in various fields. in the education sector, it begins with building educational institutions for children and women. in the economic sector, 'aisyiyah carries out family economic empowerment through aisyiyah family economic business development (bueka). in the public welfare sector, 'aisyiyah contributed by establishing orphanages and vocational training centers, and further assistance to the poor in the health sector was carried out organizationally by establishing hospitals, maternity homes, maternal and child health centers, and polyclinics. then in 1926, nyai walidah was recorded as the first female leader to lead the 15th muhammadiyah congress in surabaya. awareness of the progressive movement has been carried out by 'aisyiyah organizationally. literacy is the main foundation to be able to behave and reflect a progressive woman. this awareness of progressive women is realized with the publication of suara 'aisyiyah magazine as a new women's introduction movement that pushed women's literacy. this movement was one of the very visionary literacy movements of its time. and today, websites and online media are used for the consumption, creation, dissemination, and sharing of information.1 religious discussions with the background of technological developments at this time need attention. one of the highlights is the transformation related to the many aspects of life that are shaped and framed in the media, including religious matters. this view eventually becomes a reality in society as something that is commonly recognized as a constant culture. in this regard, women also experience gender understanding. gender display is a ritual of gender behavior that can be used to interpret social reality.2 a similar definition of gender is defined as a symbolic form of community action carried out in society into an identity caused by repeated patterns. in addition, the concept of the distinction between mentality, behavior, and characteristics in society related to women and men is also a gender. lindsery (2020) said that all public opinion spread in the community as an agreed provision related to the determination of women and men is a study of gender. another consequence of the patriarchal media is illustrated by the opinion of feminists that the media constructs women as wives, housekeepers, and mothers for men and sadly becomes sexual objects to be offered to men. this is also called the male gaze theory proposed by mulvey (1989), which means there is a relief if television shows, advertisements, readings, and viewing products become the attention of men as an active group and women as a passive group. passive women become sexual targets; in this case, men who stare will get their own satisfaction. then julia t. wood in haryati found that there are three consequences of mass media representation on gender, namely (1) the mass media fosters unrealistic gender ideals about women and men. (2) mass media strengthens to pathologize normal human body functions (3) mass media acts as a normalization of masculinity and femininity. identity is crucial in social life in society. identity shows a status that can provide an understanding that can be identified with the use of language, religion, culture and so on. twhaites said that cultural identity is also crucial in considering the production of social meaning. islam is the largest religious identity in indonesia. the data on religious adherents also vary, from the highest to the lowest: islam, christianity, catholicism, hinduism, buddhism, confucianism, and other religions. in 2010 islam topped the charts with 87% religious adherents of total indonesian people. islam, in strengthening its religion, also has community organizations. previous research collective identity can be formed through the expression poured out and through the performance in constructing collective meaning in each institution.3 the institution will affect the identity of the group it brings, and the strength of the people in the institution will affect the value instilled in the community.4 identity is a crucial social concept. identity has a complex and not static structure, where humans can also be distinguished from those who have an identity with what is known as understanding identity. the formation of symbolic interactions is something that should be kept in mind when studying how identity can be formed in society.5 in another definition, according to stuart hall, identity is everything created unconsciously through a process that is run from time to time. collective identity is built through the many interactions within the group. shared interests and experiences create stronger and more meaningful connections. for example, when a good relationship has been established to create a good group identity, things related to the bad experience experienced by one person will also be felt by others, which is why they have to get out of the bad experience.6 in the digital era, stets, as a scholar, identifies that perspective identities are internalized meanings attached to the self and unique person as an occupant of a role and/or as a group member. collective group/social identity is defined through its connection to activism and social movements and by the 134 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 terms of identity verification as theorized by the it model. verification of group/social identity meanings relies on perceived support for identity performances. narratives and stigma regarding the marginalization faced by women are also still spread in the media described based on the view of the text. some argue that gender discrimination is rooted in religious understanding.7 in addition to delivering messages and activity reports to the public, the organization's website can also be used to communicate between organizational managers and the general public. where the organization also represents the organization as a whole, its culture, values, and vision.8 the media displays stigma and stereotypes related to social conditions, which also become societal labels. the identity crisis, especially with regard to women as muslims, is currently engulfing muslims. this is evident in the social order of attitudes and behavior of muslims. today we cannot distinguish between muslims and non-muslims, so the identity of a muslim is no longer visible. the public aspect also shows that there are still barriers to public expression. this labeling for some people becomes an identity that is difficult to ignore when dealing with the word women. the access of women in public spaces with all their ideas also becomes disbursed. it will become a culture that will hinder movement in the future. the magnitude of the islamic religious identity is also, on the one hand, a burdensome role to strengthen its identity. muhammadiyah islamic community organization always moves to moderate religion in the social sphere. muhammadiyah, as a community organization, also concentrates on various lines of life, one of which is the existence of an autonomous organization under muhammadiyah. one of these autonomous organizations is engaged in the field of women, and women's rights equality, the special autonomous organization is known as 'aisyiyah. ‘aisyiyah is an organization under the auspices of muhammadiyah, which includes activities that involve women. 'aisyiyah, in her movement, maximally protects women by negating herself as an institution by always prioritizing women's interests as well as strengthening roles and helping to reaffirm the concept of identity, which at this time with technological developments is increasingly being eroded by the rapid pace of information. 'aisyiyah, in spreading her movement, has an organizational magazine. the organization's magazine engaged in information and journalism and then gave birth to suara 'aisyiyiah with the concept of being a muslim women's magazine by bringing the narrative of progressive women with the tagline inspiration for progressive women. suara 'aisyiyah became a record-winning magazine from the indonesian world record museum (muri) in 2021 as the oldest continuously published islamic women's magazine.9 in this regard, suara 'aisyiyah won an award for the title of the oldest women's magazine in indonesia and the world. this magazine has been published continuously since 1926, and this year, it reaches 96 years old, which still exists as a guideline that focuses on discussing the lives of muslim women. suara ‘asiyiyah, the voices of women at that time with very limited access to the field conditions as well as providing a position as a tool that functioned as an effort to provide knowledge expansion and awareness to the people of 'aisyiyah on the role of women in the domestic and public world. suara ‘asiyiyah expands understanding and education, especially in the realm of women. suara 'aisyiyah carries the foundation and concept of womanhood while continuing to be based on islam and makes suara 'aisyiyah a medium to realize her ideals. suara ‘asiyiyah was able to answer the bad view of islamic women who were considered conservative because of their secular perspective. this view is in accordance with the third-wave feminist view, which is guided by the emergence of campaigns carried out by feminists who regard islam as a religion that does not take sides and oppress women's rights. therefore, suara 'aisyiyah magazine offers to continue the narrative of progressive islam as a formula to create awareness, equality, peace, and justice for humanity in the current era. 135afkaruna departing from the above, it is necessary to form an alternative community media that focuses on overshadowing women-related issues, especially in the study of muslim women, especially strengthening messages related to progressive women. progressive women by central board ‘aisyiyah is guided by the prosperous women's treatise, which contains three basic values of women as their identity. first, the basic value of monotheism includes the message that men and women have the same position and role to be actors in history. second, men and women are equal from the perspective of allah to achieve success, equal at the law, and equal in the context of worship. third, men and women become rahmatan lil alamin. besides that, progressive women have the concept of being knowledgeable women, having faith, and contributing to development. the development of community media continues to grow and is currently leading to the use of online media. the rapid pace of information creates a new interaction pattern for information access communication that is increasingly intensive, open, and participatory. the power to write texts and represent them in real action is a great social force.10 therefore, the author wants to see how the media owned by ‘aisyiyah is called the “suara ‘aisyiyah” in displaying the digital identity that is formed in the media belonging to 'aisyiyah related to the narrative of progressive women through messages that are described in each editorial in the media website and instagram. the message of progressive women is reflected in the narratives written in the news of activities, thoughts, and rubrics available in the media. this research will also look at other social media, namely instagram, as a supporting component to emphasize the digital identity of women who progress through each post through pictures. this qualitative descriptive study used interview data with the editor and secondary data obtained from suaraaisyiyah.id. the grand theory used in this study was content analysis, pioneered by harold d. lasswell.11 the analytical method in this study applied content analysis of qualitative media texts, which were interpreted with directed content analysis to comprehensively interpret the content being studied by focusing on the main meaning and research objectives and supported by literature studies. in-depth observation was conducted on ‘aisyiyah magazine, especially on the suara ‘aisyiyah website, especially on the content published and the structure formed as well as the suara ‘aisyiyah editorial room. document analysis was carried out through archives owned by suara ‘aisyiyah. the selection of informants was made by using purposive sampling or through selected criteria. in-depth open interviews were conducted in this study. interviews were conducted formally and informally with the editor-in-chief and the media manager of suara ‘aisyiyah. this study uses data analysis that begins with collecting meaning according to categories. researchers carried out this collection by searching for examples of data by linking them into one meaning relevant to the identity of progressive women. progressive women by central board ‘aisyiyah is guided by the prosperous women's treatise, which contains three basic values of women as their identity above. identities are multifaceted and involve individual, interpersonal, and social processes embedded in social structures. we apply the identity theory model to the collective identity of progressive women. progressive women's message comes from all the news in the existing view. based on the current display, how the embodiment of progressive women12 initiated by suara ‘aisyiyah will be shown. the collection was continued with direct interpretation. next, the researcher forms a pattern and looks for equivalence between two or more categories. finally, the researcher developed naturalistic generalizations through data analysis. these generalizations were taken through people who can learn from a case, whether their own case or applied it to a population of cases.13 research method 136 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 organizational background as the foundation for progressive women suara ‘aisyiyah is a magazine that is a monthly magazine belonging to the central executive ‘aisyiyah at the time of its establishment. the development of suara ‘asiyiyah is inseparable from the steps of ‘aisyiyah, which functioned as an organizational tool in presenting programs, as well as providing knowledge expansion and awareness to 'aisyiyah members on the role of women in the domestic and public spheres, which at the time of its establishment were still very limited in access.14 the grouping of roles and restrictions between men and women became very significant at that time. therefore, the leadership of suara ‘aisyiyah persisted in carrying out the knowledge task. one of the lighter words published in the introduction to the suara ‘aisyiyah website incorrectly explains how suara ‘aisyiyah is the bearer of the knowledge task. the word lighter was uttered by siti hajinah with a parable “if the moon and the sun are the lamps of the world, then people should not forget that newspapers are the torches of humans.” the realm of suara ‘asiyiyah is determined by the policies of the organization that houses it. the policies implemented in suara 'aisyiyah are in line with the 'aisyiyah movement as part of the autonomous organization of the muhammadiyah religious organization, which has a religious foundation with progressive values. the reference to ‘aisyiyah’s thought is muhammadiyah with the view that progressive islam will radiate brightness in life. in addition to spreading knowledge, another foundation carried by 'aisyiyah in its movement is the mission of da'wah and tajdid, which is guided by the attitude of muhammadiyah. seven values underlie the movement, including developing moderate attitudes (wasathiyah), respecting diversity, educating the nation's life, building peace, respecting the human dignity of men and women, advancing people's lives, and upholding noble character. in addition, it is important to see a progressive islamic movement responding to the challenges of the times without leaving islamic identity and references.15 ‘aisyiyah, in determining the definition of progressive women, looked at what was taught by islam. the teaching regarding the equal position and opportunities between men and women in life, women and men are caliphs on earth, and women and men have the same obligations as his servants. in addition, the transformation of the women’s movement of ‘aisyiyah has three visions. the first movement is the development of advanced islam in the life of the community, especially the muslim environment where ‘aisyiyah is located. second, the development of the enlightenment movement that brings the process of liberation, empowerment, and advancement in the life of the people and nationality; third, the development of progressive women in the islamic environment and the indonesian nation as well as the global sphere as bright and enlightening agents of change.16 the progressive woman is a view where every woman in the context of self-actualization is open and free in all spheres of life, including public space and various life leadership structures. indonesia has made positive progress regarding how to treat women who are fellow creations of allah swt. this also helps to be driven by an advanced society's religious views and culture to provide a more open view of women undergoing activities and actualization in their personal, self, family, and even public lives. however, this is not all evenly distributed. the views common in society regarding patriarchal cultural views and religious understandings that are not in accordance with equality and justice make the social reality that women still experience injustice, discrimination, and backwardness. because of these problems, in her movement, ‘aisyiyah also anticipates five complex future life issues. first, the widespread currents of radicalism, secularism, and liberalism. second, the development of postmodern life in the 21st century makes the tendency to think in personal and institutional lifestyles. discussion 137afkaruna the press has a role in the tool of intellectual struggle by sharing ideas, aspirations, and criticisms. in addition, another function of the press is to conduct education and present many events and phenomena as well as to become public awareness of content. this is also the case for women to achieve things as fully human beings through equality information. through a media approach, especially for women to increase their capacity, namely about calls to improve fate and disseminate ideas about gender equality, questioning the dominance of one sex's power and together moving to realize the ideals to achieve progress.17 the presence of suara 'aisyiyah was written as a means of women's movement by expressing ideas for the advancement of women, alternative readings for islamic women, and educational media, as well as showing how islamic views interpret women. besides that, it is also a driving medium for awareness of women's justice rights. suara ‘asiyiyah became one of the women's press media that helped fight for the idea of women's progress and awareness of the injustices that occurred in society. suara' aisyiyah offers the view that both women and men are independent of the biological and natural aspects. they have the same relationship and opportunity to be appreciated, optimize potential, achieve, and be responsible for society by looking at the state of social welfare. the growth of awareness will impact good cooperation between men and women. third, the tendency of radical social, political, and religious movements that result in violence and conflict. fourth is the grip of global capitalism. lastly, the fifth is the free market economy. figure 1 display of suara 'aisyiyah’s website figure 2 suara 'aisyiyah's instagram 138 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 women biologically refer to humans who can get pregnant, give birth and breastfeed. muslim women are specifically defined as women in the islamic religion. suara aisyiah adds to the narrative diction of progress, where progress means moving to act well, developing, and excelling in knowledge. furthermore, this progress refers to a highly intelligent civilization that can act and think well through supporting things, including proper education.18 the principle of progress is one of the visions and ideas spread by muhammadiyah as an effort to overcome the problems and complexities of nationalism and humanity and become the spirit and ethos of the movement.19 this also made ‘aisyiyah as one of the autonomous organizations under muhammadiyah, initiate the slogan of progressive women, which was interpreted as the awareness of 'aisyiyah followers that women, as the majority of the world's population, must be able to uphold the values of justice, peace, truth, prosperity, benefit and dynamic independence of life for all people in the world. this view also carries the value of seeing that men and women must be free from discrimination and uphold human values freely. suara ‘asiyiyah, as one of the media mouthpieces and women's press, has three important roles. first, suara ‘aisyiyah is an organizational communication medium for spreading ideas, conveying policies, and sharing. second, suara ‘aisyiyah is a literacy media for women and the general public. third, suara ‘aisyiyah is a characteristic of muhammadiyah's da'wah regarding progressive islamic symbols and progressive women. the writings published in suara 'aisyiyah are also used to broaden understanding related to the history of muslim women on the roles and functions of islamic women in society. in addition, through a study of women, suara 'aisyiyah emphasized the important position of women in indonesian history. at the same time, it displays the identity of berkemajuan women to show that men and women have an important role in life. the identity of muslim women in indonesia is not absolute. although the equivalents and guides depart from the same scripture, the interpretation of this view is interpreted differently. this interpretation articulates that the realm and nature that follows become material for discussion open to criticism and suggestions, as well as the views that follow. in women's magazines, identity is described as a visualization of the magazine's appearance, for example, in cover design, powerful expressions, and through narratives published in magazine articles about the achievements achieved by women.20 the term identity is a word that is commonly used but rarely defined. identity is defined as a piece of individual information. this information includes gender, date of birth, photo signature, and so on. the presence of new media through the internet forms a new pattern that becomes a new medium for constructing their identity. internet media is not only a platform but also shows a new identity. religious community organizations use the new media of the internet as an effort to convey the ideology they believe in.21 the suara ‘aisyiyah website responds to issues that align with the organizational equivalent. suara 'aisyiyah's website in responding and forming knowledge is in line with mcquail's (2010) thinking, which describes several characteristics of markers as differentiators of new media. these characteristics include interactivity, social presence, media richness (media can bridge differences in views, reduce confusion, signal and be more personal), autonomy, playfulness, privacy, and personalization.22 the rubric offered on the suara 'aisyiyah website is a representation of what is displayed through a printed magazine. the website reaches a diverse audience of ages, gender, and social circles. therefore, the editorial of suara ‘aisyiyah redistributes the names and content of the writing rubrics on the website.23 the suara ‘aisyiyah website presents seven rubrics: news, studies, sakinah family, insights, lifestyle, inspiration, and youth. then the rubric is broken down into a total of 21 sub-rubrics. 139afkaruna these rubrics represent how progressive women are meant by suara ‘aisyiyah. the content of the message offered provides a new understanding of the identity of progressive women. editorially, the topic will be rejected if it does not follow the tagline suara 'aisyiyah is the inspiration for progressive women. this is illustrated in the qaryah tayyibah sub-rubric, which contains the inspiration of advanced and quality women in its editorial. another example is in the character sub-rubric, by presenting the thoughts of inspirational female figures who are rarely exposed by other media.24 in addition, in providing a comprehensive view of a topic editorially, suara ‘aisyiyah emphasizes knowledge related to everyday life, especially things that are still controversial in the community, for example, the view of women traveling (safar) which some people say must be discussed carefully with mahrom and how 'aisyiyah's organization responds to it. at least through writing, women can actualize themselves according to the progress of the times by continuing to learn and having full awareness to move forward. this can be guided by three important things that serve as the basis for remaining humanist in viewing individuals to avoid gender bias. kuntowijoyo expresses the three views into three pillars. first, humanization aims to humanize humans by relying on the position that every human being has a noble position and the potential to develop and think. second, liberation is defined as freeing oneself from lost thoughts and always upgrading oneself with knowledge, especially with the rate of information flow. the third transcendence is the relationship with god that departs from spiritual contemplation, which is actualized through self-awareness of social activities to build the environment. identity can be constructed through the interpretation of messages in the social environment. national identity is influenced by several factors, including geographical location, economic activity, social and cultural similarities, as well as the spectacle shown. other aspects also balance the social construction of the formed identity. cooperation between humans, society, ideology, and culture participates in building identity.26 another rubric related to the issue of religious interpretation, which often becomes a debate about the position of men and women who are conservatively discriminated against, is also discussed on how religious people respond to this so that society is not contaminated with radical doctrines. the issue of radicalism in society, both the extreme left and the extreme right, often creates social frictions that lead figure 3 progressive woman paradigm in digital era25 140 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 to divisions. this problem usually occurs due to a mindset that tends to understand religious texts that are very strict so that sometimes they force their will on other individuals. on the other hand, this problem arises because it is too lax in understanding and carrying out religious texts, often leading to secular and liberal attitudes.27 the segmentation of readers through online media is becoming wider because everyone can easily connect to each other through the internet. public interest in online media brought by suara 'aisyiyah is also affected by the quantity of writing presented by the media.28 therefore, in terms of media appearance, especially on instagram, many use infographics related to women's issues and current issues so that people can easily understand one topic.29 the use of infographics is a response in managing content on social media as a response to the consumption pattern of audience information. through infographics, core information can be packaged concisely and attractively. therefore, the affirmation of the identity of progressive women is determined by the editorial content of suara 'aisyiyah, which carries the idea of equality and freedom from discrimination. digital identity is described through messages in the suara ‘aisyiyah website rubrics, including news, studies, sakinah family, insights, lifestyle, inspiration, and youth. the existence of this rubric emphasizes how progressive women contribute, as well as providing additional knowledge in people's lives. suara ‘aisyiyah is an organizational magazine belonging to the central board ‘aisyiyah that still exists today in response to women-related issues. suara ‘aisyiyah, for 96 years, has undergone a transformation into the digital era. suara ‘aisyiyah has positioned itself as a friendly site to the times by continuing to develop platforms through websites and other social media while still focusing on the inspirational tagline for women with progress. progressive women, initiated by ‘aisyiyah in her online media, carries knowledge by sticking to the definition of progressive women considering what islam teaches. the traditional to digital transformation has also become a women's movement to create real progressive women. suara ‘aisyiyah is a pioneer of women's magazines to advance knowledge built for women to achieve equality. the teaching regarding the equal position and opportunities between men and women in life, women and men are caliphs on earth, and women and men have the same obligations as his servants without discrimination. in addition, the transformation of the women's movement in ‘aisyiyah has three visions of movement. first, the development of progressive islam must be embodied in people's lives, especially in the muslim environment where 'aisyiyah is located. second, the development of the enlightenment movement brings a process of liberation, empowerment, and advancement in the life of the people and nationality. third, the development of progressive women should support the muslim community, the indonesian nation, and the global realm as bright and enlightening agents of change. this research shows that the idea of progressive women is an important issue to elevate women's status in accordance with the shared vision and mission of the world in general. this affirmation of the message of digital identity is manifested through narratives about women's independence. first, the basic value of monotheism contains the message that men and women have the same position and role to be actors in history. second, men and women are equal from the perspective of allah to achieve success, equal at the law, and equal in the context of worship. third, men and women become rahmatan lil alamin. besides that, progressive women have the concept of being knowledgeable women, having faith, and contributing to development. the media helps shape the direction of the foundation of progressive women. this is illustrated through the activities at suara ‘aisyiyah, where conclusion 141afkaruna women write down ideas and thoughts to the audience regarding women, children, the nation, and science in the digital era. the studies in this research are still limited to strengthening and directing the identity of progressive women as manifested through messages in suara ‘aisyiyah, not to further steps regarding the activities carried out and the impact of progressive women from the narrative built by suara ‘aisyiyah. endnotes m m terras, j ramsay and e a boyle, “digital media production and identity: insights from a phychological perspective”, e-learning and digital media 12 no 1 (2015) yang lai fong, “gender representation and framing of malaysian women :a study of feature articles in female magazine”, journal of content, community and communication 10, no 5 (2019) eric hiariej, “aksi dan identitas kolektid gerakan islam radikal di indonesia”, jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik 14, no 2 (2010) aulia dwi nastiti, “ identitas kelompok disabilittas dalam media komunitas online : studi mengenai pesan identitas disabilitas dalam kartunet.com, jurnal komunikasi 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sembiring). metacommunication: journal of communication studies, 1 (2), 1–11. https:// ppjp.ulm.ac.id/journal/index.php/mc/ article/view/4122/3723 (2017) jenny l davis. tony p love, phoenicia fares, “collective social idenity: synthesizing identity theory and social identity theory using digital data”, social psychology quarterly 82, no 3 (2019) wahyuningsih “metode penelitian studi kasus: konsep, teori pendekatan psikologi komunikasi, dan contoh penelitiannya” , (2013). 119 hajar dwi setyowati,s.s., s.thi.,m.a. 2022.”identitas redaksi suara ‘aisyiyah”.interview. 13 juni 2022, online zoom meeting pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah. pokok pikiran ‘‘aisyiyah abad kedua. makassar: muktamar satu abad ‘aisyiyah, (2015) ibid lia anggia, “sejarah pers perempuan di sumut (studi analisis wacana kritis perspektif feminis dalam konten “perempoean bergerak’ di sumut 5, no 1, (2019) muhtadin, kepemimpinan berkemajuan untuk mewujudkan sekolah berprestasi (studi kasus di sd muhammadiyah meruyung)” . jurnal tahdzibi: manajemen pendidikan islam volume 2, no 1 (2019). abdul mu’ti, “akar pluralisme dalam pendidikan muhammadiyah”. afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies, 12(1), 1-42. (2016). nisa kurnia illahiati, “ diskursus identitas perempuan dalam majalah perempuan muslim indonesia”, bahasa dan seni: jurnal bahasa, sastra, seni dan pengajarannya 45, no. 1 (2017) claudia tevy wulandari, “perempuan dalam media online: antara identitas dan politik islam”, jurnal kajian islam interdisipliner 4 , no 1 (2021) mcquail, d. 2010. teori komunikasi massa. jakarta: salemba. hajar dwi setyowati,s.s., s.thi.,m.a. 2022.”identitas redaksi suara ‘aisyiyah”. interview. 13 juni 2022, online zoom meeting ibid suara 'aisyiyah , “era digital dan perempuan berkemajuan”. https://suaraaisyiyah.id/era-digital-dan-perempuan 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 142 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 -berkemajuan/, (2021) rizki briandana, television and national identity: an ethnography of television audience in the border of indonesia-malaysia. jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik 23, no 1 (2019) mohamad fahri, zainuri ahmad, “ moderasi beragama di indonesia”, intizar 25, no 2. (2019) sirajudin bariqi, s. ag. 2022.”identitas redaksi suara ‘aisyiyah”, interview, 13 juni 2022, online zoom meeting iqoh. 2022.”identitas redaksi suara ‘aisyiyah”, interview, 13 juni 2022, online zoom meeting 26 27 28 29 references aisyah, r. n., fadilah, e., & sjafirah, n. a. (2020). penggunaan infografis pada akun instagramtirtoid sebagai strategi cross-media. jurnal kajian jurnalisme, 3(2), 210. https://doi.org/10.24198/jkj.v3i2.22276 anggia, l. (2019). sejarah pers perempuan di sumut (studi analisis wacana kritis perspektif feminis dalam konten koran ‘perempoean bergerak’ di sumut). jurnal simbolika: research and learning in communication study, 5(1), 86. http://ojs.uma.ac.id/index.php/simbolika/article/view/2293 briandana, r. (2019). television and national identity: an ethnography of television audience in the border of indonesia-malaysia. jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, 23(1), 72–85. https://doi.org/10.22146/jsp.37586 davis, j. l., love, t. p., & fares, p. (2019). collective social identity: synthesizing identity theory and social identity theory using digital data. social psychology quarterly, 82(3), 254–273. https://doi.org/10.1177/0190272519851025 fahri, m., & zainuri, a. (2019). moderasi beragama di indonesia. intizar, 25(2), 95–100. https://doi.org/10.19109/intizar.v25i2.5640 fong, y. l. (2019). gender representation and framing of malaysian women: a study of feature articles in female magazine. journal of content, community and communication, 10(5), 29–38. https://doi.org/10.31620/jccc.12.19/04 hajar dwi setyowati,s.s., s.thi.,m.a. 2022.”identitas redaksi suara ‘aisyiyah”. hasil wawancara pribadi. 13 juni 2022, online zoom meeting hiariej, e. (2010). aksi dan identitas kolektif gerakan islam radikal di indonesia. jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, 14(2), 131–168. ibtimes.id. (2020). noorhaidi hasan : 10 dalil utama buku multidisiplin, interdisiplin, dan transdisiplin, diakses 01 maret 2023, dari https://ibtimes.id/noorhaidi-hasan-10-dalil-utama-buku-multidisiplininterdisiplin-dan-transdisiplin/ illahiati, n. k. (2017). diskursus identitas perempuan dalam majalah perempuan muslim indonesia. bahasa dan seni: jurnal bahasa, sastra, seni dan pengajarannya, 45(1), 086–098. https://doi.org/10.17977/um015v45i12017p086 iqoh. 2022.”identitas redaksi suara ‘aisyiyah”. hasil wawancara pribadi. 13 juni 2022, online zoom meeting karani, a., thanki, h., & achuthan, s. (2021). impact of university website usability on satisfaction: a structural equation modelling approach. management and labour studies, 46(2), 119–138. https://doi.org/10.1177/0258042x21989924 kidd, d. (2018). social media freaks: digital identity in the network society. routledge. longest, l., adams, a. e., & shriver, t. e. 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(2017). identitas kelompok disabilitas dalam media komunitas online: studi mengenai pembentukan pesan identitas disabilitas dalam kartunet.com. jurnal komunikasi indonesia, 2(1), 31–42. https://doi.org/10.7454/jki.v2i1.7828 pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah. (2015). pokok pikiran ‘‘aisyiyah abad kedua. makassar: muktamar satu abad ‘aisyiyah samsidar, s., & sormin, d. 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(2020). manajemen konten dan adaptasi suara muhammadiyah di era digital. jurnal komunikasi global, 9(2), 248–265. https://doi.org/10.24815/jkg.v9i2.17845 tamcke, m., jong, j. de, klein, l., & waal, m. van der. (2013). europe space for transcultural existence ? (vol. 1). tampubolon, r. m., hanief, l., & alif, m. (2017). kritik dan pesan sosial dalam buku (ananlisis isi kualitatif pada buku “posirrtif! nada untuk asa” karya ita sembiring). journal of communication studies, 1(2), 1–11. https://ppjp.ulm.ac.id/journal/index.php/mc/article/view/4122/3723 terras, m. m., ramsay, j., & boyle, e. a. (2015). digital media production and identity: insights from a psychological perspective. e-learning and digital media, 12(2), 128–146. https://doi.org/10.1177/2042753014568179 turkle, s. (2005). the second self: computers and the human spirit. mit press. watson, n. (2012). why we argue about virtual community: a case study of the phish.net fan community. in virtual culture: identity and communication in cybersociety (pp. 102–132). https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446250303.n6 wulandari, c. t. (2021). perempuan dalam media online: antara identitas dan politik islam. jurnal kajian islam interdisipliner, 4(1), 1. https://doi.org/10.14421/jkii.v4i1.1110 144 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 jurnal af ka ru na vol. 17 no . 1 juni 2021 from mustahik to muzakki: a study on the utilization of zakat funds for the creation and development of productives small businesses in lazismu solo doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i1.11702 zulkarnain iain langsa email : zulkarnaingure@gmail.com farkhani faculty of shari’ah, iain salatiga e-mail: farkhani@iainsalatiga.ac.id/farkhani_76@yahoo.com abstract the purpose of this research is to see the utilization of zakat funds collected and managed by lazismu solo, whether it succeeds in converting mustahik into muzaki or obtaining better than expected results. this field research employs qualitative analysis methods, with data collection techniques through in-depth interviews and field observations. this result shows that the zis (zakat, infaq, and alms) fund utilization program to convert mustahik into muzakki seen from the side of program implementation’s effectiveness and efficiency could be considered successful even though it has not been ideal yet in converting mustahik into muzaki. this success has only led to the mustahik becoming an independent muslim and regardless of their initial status as a mustahik. in the future, this program must continue to be improved until it actually transforms mustahik into muzakki to become one of the ways to eradicate poverty. keyword: program; mustahik, muzakki, empowering, zakat abstrak tujuan penelitian ini dilakukan adalah untuk melihat pendayagunaan dana zakat yang dikumpulkan dan dikelola oleh lazismu solo apakah berhasil merubah 130 a f k a r u n a mustahik menjadi muzaki atau memperoleh hasil diluar ekspektasi. penelitian lapangan ini menggunakan metode analisis kualitatif dengan teknik pengambilan data melalui wawancara mendalam dan observasi lapangan. hasil dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa program pendayagunaan dana zis guna merubah mustahik menjadi muzakki, dilihat dari sisi efektifitas dan efesiensi pelaksanaan program dapat dinilai berhasil walaupun belum ideal, merubah mustahik menjadi muzaki. keberhasilannya baru sampai menjadikan mustahik menjadi muslim yang mandiri dan berdikari, dan terlepas dari status awalnya, mustahik. kedepan program ini harus terus ditingkat sampai betul-betul merubah mustahik menjadi muzakki sehingga salah satu mesin penghapus kemiskinan. keyword: program; mustahik, muzakki, pemberdayaan, zakat introduction globalization, accompanied by advances in information technology, provides information on the countries’ progress and failures worldwide concerning their people’s welfare. one piece of information uncovers the gap among muslim countries (among rich and emerging countries). whereas islam, which has an economic spiritual-transcendental system, hates inequality. because of that hatred, islamic systems and norms provide various solutions so that this gap can be shortened, even eliminated. this solution in terms of modernism is called philanthropy, which is the activity of giving or the habit of giving charity from someone who sincerely sets aside part of his property or resources to be donated to others in need. as a form of islamic philanthropy, zakat is a non-negotiable obligation for adherents who have met the criteria as muzakki (zakat payers) because zakat is one element of the five foundations of islamic pillars because of the urgency of paying zakat, caliph abu bakr al-siddiq boldly dared to fight against a group of muslims who bravely stopped paying zakat after the death of the rasulullah saw. even abu bakr swore in the name of allah that he would really fight against those who disobeyed zakat even though it was only a young goat that they gave at the time of rasulullah saw.1on the other hand, one of the millennium development goals (mdgs) agendas to be achieved is to eradicate poverty and hunger. since it was declared in 2000, the achievements (mdgs) have not been as smooth as desired. some countries have experienced setbacks. indonesia is one of several countries experiencing decline, along with the philippines, nepal, timor leste, papua new guinea, bangladesh, and sub-african countries, which are predominantly muslim. indonesia, which is believed to be the country with the largest muslim 131vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 community globally, with an extraordinary wealth of natural resources, is ironically still a country that contributes to a sizeable poverty rate. a report from the central bureau of statistics in 2018 revealed that with a population of more than 260 million, the poor in indonesia reached 25.95 million (9.82%).2 it is with the assumption that the poverty standard is based on the intake of carbohydrate needs per head, which is equivalent to 400 thousand rupiahs (1$/day/person). this figure will clearly more than double if using the united nations (un) standard, which is 2$/day/ person.3 in the latest report, indonesia’s poverty rate was 25.95 million people. it is not a small number negating the percentage. it indicates that poverty is still the most severe threat to indonesia, especially indonesian muslims. this poverty is the main gate for other religious activists to do apostasy of indonesian muslims. to alleviate this poverty, how to raise philanthropic funds (especially zakat) for poverty alleviation programs is needed. research reports conducted by csrc uin syarif hidayatullah showed that the potential for zakat of indonesian muslims reached 19.3 trillion rupiahs per year.4 it is an asset that can alleviate poverty and even improve people’s welfare if appropriately managed and directed. the facts disclose that dozens of amil zakat institutions (laz) are on a national scale, the amil zakat agency (baz) from the district/city to the central level zakat service units in government and private agencies, islamic boarding schools, and mosques. however, with the poverty rate that is still high, it is an indicator that the role of zakat fund utilization is still not optimal. it could be that the utilization of zakat funds is just for feeding the poor (mustahik), charity, and less intense to turn the poor person (mustahik) into a person who gives zakat (muzakki) or at least make people no longer willing to receive zakat even though they are not yet capable become muzakki.5 in this case, efforts to alleviate poverty continue to be carried out by zakat management institutions in the country. the result is that there are benefits and changes in muzakki’s income, but no one has yet dared to show evidence of changing the status of mustahik to muzakki. like sela nur fitria’s (2017) research with the title “analysis of the use of productive zakat funds in increasing mustahik income (study on dompet peduli ummat darut tauhid lampung), the research results only stated that there was an increase in mustahik’s income after receiving business assistance.6 a research done by nur fitry latief dan fitria ayu lestari niu (2020) entitled utilization of productive zakat in improving mustahik economic empowerment (study at 132 a f k a r u n a baznas of manado city) found that an effort done baznas of manado city in relieving mustahik from porverty and changing them to be muzakki in the form of manado sejahtera program was not running maximally because of the lack of program companion resource.7 furthermore, many amil zakat institutions (laz), which have national networks in the sense of having a regional work system with managerial models, monitoring, and work programs, should work properly and seriously to make changes to a mustahik’s condition to become mustahik. it can be by channeling funds to one or several community empowerment programs, monitoring, recording program failures or successes, and ending with an evaluation system to make program innovations more successful. more specifically, lazismu solo is a local amil zakat institution in surakarta city, managed by the muhammadiyah surakarta regional leadership. it manages zakat, infaq, alms, grants, and waqf funds, which of course, have various innovative programs for managing zakat funds for empowering people. from the various innovations in the zakat fund management, the researcher wants to know about how lazismu solo attempts to change the conditions of mustahik into muzaki, especially in the program of productive small businesses’ creation and development; whether it succeeded in changing the conditions of mustahik to muzaki, or the results were beyond expectations. reasearch method this field research employed data collection techniques through in-depth interviews and field observations. the interviews were done to 2 lazismu administrators handling the program, and the observation was done by looking directly at the mustahiks’ business entities. the data analysis technique used was qualitative analysis. this research’s objects were the productive programs of lazismu surakarta city, which were directly related to the efforts to utilize zis funds (zakat, infaq, and alms) to empower muslims’ economy in surakarta with the result of converting mustahik into muzaki. discussion poverty and its derivative problems in indonesian muslims even though indonesia has been participating since the beginning of the g20 association, poverty in indonesia is still a challenge, which has been continuously strived to address since the early days of independence. indonesia’s serious and planned efforts to reduce poverty since 1969 were by 133vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 making a concept known as five years development (pelita) named poor family welfare service program.8 the concept and implementation initiated by the new order generally worked well and shifted indonesia from a poor country to a developing country and had almost become an “asian tiger” in the days leading up to the collapse of the new order regime. after the reform period, the poverty reduction program remains a priority program for all regimes because it is the mandate of the 1945 constitution, which must be realized as the indonesian state’s goal. “subsequent thereto, to form a government of the state of indonesia which shall protect all the people of indonesia and their entire native land, and in order to improve the public welfare, to advance the intellectual life of the people and to contribute to the establishment of a world order based on freedom, abiding peace and social justice, the national independence of indonesia shall be formulated into a constitution of the sovereign republic of indonesia which is based on the belief in the one and only god, just and humanity, the unity of indonesia, democracy guided by the inner wisdom of deliberations amongst representatives and the realization of social justice for all of the people of indonesia.”9 from the planning of a sustainable poverty reduction program, referring to data from the world bank, the reduction in the number of poor people in indonesia was considered successful because it could reduce the average poverty rate per year by 0.8% compared to several other asian countries, such as cambodia, thailand, china, and brazil, which were only in the range of 0.1% per year. this success continued until the end of 2009.10 in 2020, the central bureau of statistics (bps) issued a national census result, which showed that the poverty rate in indonesia was 9,78% or 26.42 million people. this figure is still relatively high, especially when it is related to the underdeveloped national economy; the potential for increasing the number of poverties is immense.11 at the end of 2018, at the g20 session, vice president jusuf kalla provided a progress report that indonesia’s poverty rate decreased quite significantly, namely one digit of indonesia’s total population of 265 million people, to be precise at 9.82% or 25.95 million poor people. it was a good achievement even though it received much criticism, especially from senior economists, such as rizal ramli. judging from the table of poverty figures from year to year and the latest 134 a f k a r u n a bps release, it exposed that poverty is still a scourge for the indonesian people’s economy and welfare level as can be seen in the table 1. table 1. poverty in indonesia sour ce: bp s, 2011-2017 september figur es according to the central bureau of statistics report at a press conference on january 9, 2017, and read by bambang brojonegoro, the driving factor for reducing poverty is a reduction in inequality, indicated by an improved gini ratio and a specific strategy for poverty reduction for 2018. in 2017, the poverty rate reached its lowest point for nearly two decades, namely 10.12 percent. the data release from the central bureau of statistics (bps) as of september 2017 revealed that the percentage of indonesia’s poor population decreased by 0.58 percentage points (year-on-year). more importantly, in absolute terms, the number of poor people from september 2016 to september 2017 decreased by 1.18 million. if looking at the development of poverty reduction in the last ten years, on average, it only decreased by 500 thousand people per year. compared to 2016, there was a notable decrease in poverty in 2017, which was more than double or 1.18 million. at the same time, it was reported that poverty in rural areas was higher than in urban areas. in september 2017, poverty in rural areas was 13.47 percent or 16.31 million in absolute terms, while urban poverty was 7.26 percent or absolutely 10.27 million people. in the 2010-2014 period, the rate of poverty reduction in rural areas was faster than in urban areas. however, in 2014-2016, poverty reduction in rural areas experienced a slowdown, and there was even an increase in the poverty rate in the 2014-2015 period. repeating the trend in the 2010-2014 period, there was a decrease in poverty 135vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 in the 2016-2017 period in rural areas faster than in urban areas. three factors drove poverty reduction in 2017. first, inflation was maintained stable within the target range of 4.0 plus 1 percent. in the period march-september, general inflation was kept at the level of 1.45 percent. the government succeeded in maintaining price stability during the eid holidays, especially in the food component. the second was an increase in real wages of agricultural laborers by 1.05 percent in the last six months. in this case, poverty in rural areas mainly was from agricultural laborers. with the improvement of the real wage of agricultural laborers, it would help improve the farmers’ welfare and reduce poverty in rural areas. third, there was an integration of poverty alleviation programs, including (i) improving the database for targeting and non-cash distribution through one card; (ii) the distribution of pkh (family hope program) integrated with other assistance to encourage the accumulation of assets/savings and access to other services; (iii) targeted food and energy subsidy reform; (iv) optimizing the use of village funds.12 moreover, the world bank classified the percentage of indonesia’s population living on less than $ 1.25 per day as those living below the poverty line (in other words, poor). further, according to the world bank, if calculating the number of indonesians living on less than $ 2 per day, the figure would increase even more sharply. it indicates that a large proportion of the indonesian population lives almost below the poverty line. more recent reports in the indonesian media informed that about a quarter of indonesia’s population (around 65 million people) lived just above the national poverty line.13 the real condition of the poverty rate in indonesia is even more confusing if paying attention to what state officials said. minister puan maharani said when addressing the increase in bpjs health contributions, “for pbi (contribution assistance recipients), we still bear the people who are borne by the state. there are 96.8 million and others, so there are almost 120 million poor people who are still covered by the state.”14 from a demographic point of view, urban poverty did look small at 7.26% (bps data). however, the social impact of the accompaniment has become a complicated problem for the government in managing the city, such as the emergence of beggars and homeless people, slum areas, illegal parking, prostitution, and the problem of crime. this condition was also conveyed by the management of dompet dhuafa in a 2017 poverty outlook seminar in jakarta that big cities faced the most severe urban poverty problems because of the large number of poor people, the high density of poor people, and the high 136 a f k a r u n a minimum cost of living. this condition indicates that urban development in the core cities has failed to produce inclusive growth (welfare distribution, pen).15 due to the complexity of the urban poverty problem, poverty alleviation programs must be carried out with various variations and integrated between lines that handle the various problems caused by urban poverty. in fact, the problem of urban poverty is the responsibility of the city government in particular and the state in general. the poverty problem occurs in indonesia, a country where most populations are muslim, meaning that most of the poor are muslims. because the largest number of poor people are among the muslim community, the poverty reduction system in the islamic teaching system must be implemented. the islamic teaching system will not work if there is no institution systemically established by the state or by the muslim community independently for poverty alleviation. zakat fund for poverty alleviation (mustahik) 1. zakat and mustahik funds in indonesia based on research by baznas, ipb university, and the islamic development bank (idb), the potential for national zakat was idr 217 trillion. this figure should have a tremendous impact on poverty alleviation efforts in indonesia. however, the baznas report revealed that of the zakat potential, only idr 450 billion could be absorbed and managed by the baznas institution for 2007, increased to idr 2.73 trillion in 2013, or only about 1%.16 in the 2017 national zakat statistics book, the potential for zakat in indonesia was still in the range of idr 217 trillion, but the management of zakat funds from the previous year increased to 2.9% of the potential idr 217 trillion, in the real figure of idr 6.224 trillion.17 fund management of that size was the accumulation of funds collected by central baznas, regional baznas, and amil zakat institutions throughout indonesia. from the immense potential of zakat, it should linearly find many muzakki (people obliged to zakat), and the assumption of these muzakkis is that they have entered the productive force (have worked). according to the research results from clarashinta c canggih, khusnul fikriyah, and ach. yasin (2017),18 the estimates of muzakki (people obliged to zakat) in indonesia are described in the following table 2: 137vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 table 2. estimated population obligatory of zakat year populations obliged to zakat maal total indonesian population 2011 95,643,555 244,808,254 2012 96,635,791 248,037,853 2013 96,632,204 251,268,276 2014 99,967,101 254,454,778 2015 100,133,823 257,563,815 source: data processed from statisti cs indonesia 2012-2016 (bps), population by religion (ministry of religion, 2013), world development indicator ( world bank, 2016). from the estimation of the number of muzakki in indonesia, then by looking at the statistical data on per capita income in the same years, the potential for zakat was obtained as it appears in the table 3: table 3. potential of zakat income in indonesia year potential for zakat income 2011 58,961,143,222,174 2012 64,086,440,764,997 2013 69,794,542,095,826 2014 78,374,957,309,348 2015 82,609,152,671,724 2016 284,404,218,238,000 2017 271,254,975,000,000 2018 315,350,000,000,000 source: statistics indonesia 2012-2018 (bps), baznas report 2015-2018, population by religion ( ministry of religion, 2013), clarashinta c canggih, khusnul fikriyah, and ach. yasin (2017) based on the database processed by clarashinta c canggih et al., it appeared that in their research, the potential for zakat funds was smaller than the research conducted by baz, ipb, and wib, including the figures in the realization of zakat funds disbursement. even so, this figure was still quite prominent if used for the people empowerment programs (mustahik). in terms of the zakat fund utilization program to maximize the zakat’s function, it is how the form of zakat distribution includes eight asnaf (groups of zakat recipients). seeing the traces of the zis fund beneficiary program, since the past, the use of zis funds can be classified into four forms: a. traditional consumptive in nature, namely the process of distributing directly to the mustahik b. creative consumptive, namely the process of consuming other forms of the original product, such as being given in the form of scholarships, 138 a f k a r u n a pottery, hoes, and so on c. traditional productive, namely the process of giving zakat in the form of objects or goods known to be productive to regional units that manage zakat, such as giving goats, cows, rickshaws, and so on d. creative productive, namely the embodiment of giving zakat in the form of revolving capital, whether for social program business processes, home industry, or additional small business capital 2. the theory of the utilization of zakat funds the meaning of “utilization” in language implies the ability to do business with excellent and valuable results. this kind of understanding, according to hamzah, contains three things that must exist: capability, process, and results. if paying attention to the three meanings, what is related to utilization is making an effort efficiently and effectively; the efficiency is contained in the process, and the effectiveness is comprised in the results.19 in management science, efficiency and effectiveness are always linked in organizing work. however, according to wiltshire, the relationship between the concepts of effectiveness and efficiency is always unclear. 20 in simple terms, efficiency is doing things right, while effective is doing the right thing. more specifically, efficiency refers to the costs used in each activity unit which is not so much, whereas effective is the work, activity, or effort performed to achieve a predetermined or desired goal. in the realm of management, several experts expressed a more detailed understanding of efficiency and effectiveness: a. efficiency permono iswardono s explained that what is meant by efficiency is the ratio between output and input, or the amount produced from the input used. 21 according to him, activity or work can be said to be efficient if it uses a smaller number of units compared to several units used in the same job by another workgroup by producing the same output or using the same input but producing a better or greater output. according to mouzas, efficiency is not a measure of operational success or productivity, and it is only concerned with the costs used and increasing operating margins. in other words, efficiency is saving in units used (time and cost), which results in the same output as what other people do, even greater or more. 22 according to kathryn m. bartol and davic c. martin, efficiency is the 139vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 ability to use available resources to achieve goals. 23 from the many meanings of efficiency, it can be understood that efficiency is the use of fewer resources (time, cost, energy, or others) by getting planned results, even exceeding expectations. b. effectiveness the words efficiency and effectiveness often go together but have different intentions. in the great dictionary of the indonesian language, effective means 1) there is an effect (influence and impression); 2) effective or efficacious; 3) brings results, is successful (effort, action), and comes into effect.24 according to kumar and gulati, effectiveness is the extent to which the organization’s policies have been achieved.25 from this understanding, it can be understood that effectiveness is the ability to achieve results (goals) following the plan. in connection with the utilization of zakat funds, several researchers provide understanding, including the meaning conveyed by utami and lubis.26 according to them, the zakat fund utilization is an effort to produce a greater and better benefit by utilizing all existing resources and potential. from consumptive programs that can only be used in the short term, zakat, on the contrary, which is productive, is given in the form of empowerment programs that can be developed in the long term. thus, the utilization of zakat funds in a broad sense is an effort to make partners more independent, where the partners in question are mustahiks who do not continue to depend on amil. according to asnaini, the utilization of zakat is distributing zakat funds to mustahik in a productive way. zakat is given as business capital to develop a business to meet the living necessities throughout life. 27 according to the researcher, the description of the utilization of zakat funds cannot be separated from the three factors that hamzah has raised in advance: ability, process, and results. first is the ability, in terms of the zakat fund managers’ ability to bring maximum benefits to mustahik. second, the process is that the zakat fund manager must use zakat resources to the maximum extent possible. the third is the result, meaning that the zakat fund manager must be oriented to provide maximum benefit for the mustahik’s interests.28 furthermore, by paying attention to the explanation about the utilization of zakat above, in seeing whether the efforts made by zakat managers are efficient or vice versa, it is by looking at the indicators. one of the opinions related to zakat utilization indicators that can be used as a reference 140 a f k a r u n a is the zakat fund utilization indicator conveyed by hamzah: 1) efficiency, 2) effectiveness, 3) right amount, 4) on time, and 5) change in the fate of mustahik. as for according to law no. 23 of 2011 concerning zakat management, the utilization of zakat is stated in article 27, which includes: zakat can be used for productive efforts in the context of handling the poor and improving the people’ quality. b. the utilization of zakat for productive endeavors as meant in paragraph (1) shall be carried out when the mustahik’s basic needs have been met. these indicators require two things: the zakat managers’ seriousness (baz and laz) in utilizing zakat funds through innovative, progressive programs and their ability to change the zakat fund recipients’ (mustahik) condition to become no longer zakat recipients or even new muzaki. concerning the role of zakat in converting mustahik into muzaki, the indonesian ministry of religion emphasized in its decision no. 373 of 2003 concerning the implementation of law no. 38 of 1999 concerning zakat management. article 29 stipulates the procedures for utilizing the results of collecting zakat for productive businesses as follows: (1) conducting a feasibility study, (2) determining the type of productive business, (3) providing guidance and counseling, (4) monitoring, controlling, and supervising, (5) conducting evaluations, and (6) making reports. meanwhile, according to the regulation of the minister of religion of the republic of indonesia no. 52 of 2014 concerning the terms and procedures for calculating zakat mal and zakat fitrah and the utilization of zakat for productive endeavors, articles 32 to 35 contain instructions for the utilization of zakat for productive efforts in the context of improving the ummah’s quality. they must meet the following requirements: a. if the mustahik’s basic needs have been met, b. meeting the provisions of the syari’ah, c. generating economic added value for mustahik, and d. mustahik living in the zakat management institution’s working area. recipients can be individuals or groups who meet the mustahik criteria and receive assistance from amil zakat in the mustahik’s domicile area. next is the reporting. the most urgent things in the management and distribution that need to be rethought are the zakat fund management’s effectiveness, professionalism, and accountability. lazismu solo and the zakat fund utilization program a previous study carried out by baidhowi regarding the potential of zakat and its utilization for the people’s welfare showed unsatisfactory results.29 141vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 meanwhile, research conducted by sela nur fitria in lampung revealed encouraging results, namely a significant increase in mustahik’s income.30 looking at the previous research results, the writer wants to know whether the utilization of zakat funds by lazismu solo is in the pendulum of failure or success. lazismu solo is one of the amil zakat institutions (laz), which is quite existing in surakarta city, which often carries out ziswaf (zakat, infaq, alms, and waqf) fundraising activities and distributes them to the community with various fundraising and distribution products. there are two reasons for the establishment of lazismu. first, the fact that indonesia is covered with widespread poverty, ignorance, and a shallow index of human development. all of them have consequences and, at the same time, are caused by a weak social justice order. second, islamic philanthropy is believed to contribute to promoting social justice and human development, and alleviating poverty.31 as a philanthropic institution engaged explicitly in the management and utilization of zakat, infaq, and alms funds under the control of the muhammadiyah surakarta regional leadership, lazismu solo designs and implements zakat fund utilization programs, which are globally categorized into four main programs: education, economy, social-da’wah, and humanity-health.32 the target education program is human resource development. the focus is on assisting recipients of zis funds for school-age children from primary to tertiary education. one form of the program is the provision of scholarships under the program name “beasiswa mentari dan beasiswa sang surya [mentari scholarship and sang surya scholarship].” the economic empowerment program is called the “entrepreneurship program.” this program aims to further empower the mustahik’s economy through the small businesses’ creation and development. the final result expected is that the mustahik who get this program can be independent by increasing their economic standard of living.33 the social-da’wah program is the most diverse and often casuistic and follows events in the socio-religious life of indonesian society at large, for example, house renovations, tahfidz scholarships, natural disaster, and drought relief, and muslim holiday activities. meanwhile, the humanity-health programs are more directed at the underprivileged society regardless of their religious origins. 142 a f k a r u n a zis fund utilization program focus for projections to convert mustahik into muzakki as an amil zakat institution committed to organizational governance, including muzakki financial management with modern management and certainly understands the philosophy of philanthropy and philanthropic goals in islam, lazismu takes strategic steps in managing the people’s funds, especially in terms of utilizing zis funds. 1. zis fund utilization strategic policy lazismu (solo) has established a mission to utilize zis funds to create a quality socio-economic life for the people as a bulwark for the problems of poverty, underdevelopment, and ignorance in society through various programs developed by muhammadiyah. the strategic policies for utilizing zis funds by lazismu nationally are as follows: a. the priority of the beneficiaries is the needy, poor, and the fisabilillah group. b. the distribution of zis is carried out programmatically (planned and measured) according to the core of the muhammadiyah movement, namely education, economy, and social-da’wah. c. synergizing with assemblies, institutions, autonomous organizations, and muhammadiyah business charities in realizing the program d. synergizing with institutions and communities outside muhammadiyah to expand the da’wah domain and increase public awareness of the organization e. minimizing charity assistance, except for an emergency such as in eastern indonesia, areas exposed to disasters, and rescue efforts f. intermediation for any business that creates conditions and supporting factors for the realization of an islamic society that is genuinely in line with the muhammadiyah 2025 vision g. mobilizing the institutionalization of the zis movement throughout muhammadiyah structures and charities.34 in order to fulfill that responsibility, lazismu created a zis fund utilization program to change the conditions of mustahik into muzakki. the program is called the “entrepreneurship program.” acknowledged by reynal, lazismu has not focused on giving great attention; even so, the empowerment program for economic programs still ex143vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 ists.35 as evidence, in 2014 and 2015, lazismu allocated a large number of zis funds for entrepreneurship programs, and until now, equivalent programs on a smaller scale are still running. this program is offered to the community (mustahik). then, lazismu solo carries out data verification and observation stages, entrepreneurial training, providing additional non-usury business capital loans (paying only principal debt), and monitoring business.36 this program has been running relatively smoothly with a concise and simple activity report. meanwhile, the zakat utilization program in the economic sector under the name “entrepreneurship program” was carried out by lazismu solo in collaboration with the community empowerment council and regional leaders aisyiyah surakarta 2015 with a focus on mothers’ mustahik. there was no progress report in the form of an accountability report like similar programs in 2014. until now, the entrepreneurship program to convert mustahik into muzakki is still running. the newest program is the preman insyaf entrepreneurship program. this program is still running but still on a small scale because it has many obstacles.37 analysis of the zis fund utilization in the lazismu solo entrepreneurship program to convert mustahik into muzaki the lazismu solo entrepreneurship program is one of the excellent programs for poverty alleviation because this programs’ primary objective is to empower the economies of the needy and poor to become economically independent, releasing mustahik from the shackles of poverty. judging from the implementation of the zis fund utilization program, procedurally, it is under the existing regulations and can be said to be successful. it means that this program’s minimum goal is achieved, namely, being economically independent. this success can be seen from at least two things: 1. in the entrepreneurship program to create small and medium enterprises, there were two program recipients (mrs. m, a chicken porridge trader, and the preman insyaf community, a traditional “hik” shop business). from having no working capital, various coaching procedures were carried out according to the organization’s internal policies (work programs) and existing regulations. until the monitoring and evaluation, everything went well and was successful. 144 a f k a r u n a the success of this program to date can be seen from the fact that their business entities are still running smoothly, and they are not a burden to the surrounding community and independent even though they have not succeeded in becoming a muzakki. from the aspect of the utilization of meaning content, it includes capabilities, processes, and results.38 in terms of capabilities, lazismu solo has already had the ability, namely the aspect of fundraising and modern managerial capabilities. from the process side, it was generally done well. meanwhile, for the results, it was quite successful even though it was not optimal. from the aspect of efficiency, referring to the costs used in each activity unit that was not so much, it could be considered efficient because the funds spent for this entrepreneurship program were not that big. meanwhile, in terms of effectiveness related to work, activities, or efforts to achieve predetermined or desired goals, it could be said to be effective because mustahik recipients of this program could be economically independent even though they have not yet reached the stage of changing from mustahik to muzakki, and it was only in just one year. 2. in the form of small and medium business development initiated from bank bukopin syari’ah’s csr (corporate social responsibility) funds, entrepreneurship programs could be declared to be running well and succeeding. csr fund was used by lazismu to fund the business development program. from the fund of bukopin csr, lazismu solo makes an empowerement program for mustahik in the form of capital loan without interest to create and develop small enterprise. the fund was distributed to 14 registered mustahiks. but, lazismu just registered the name of mustahiks, the kinds of business, adrees and the way to pay the loan off. the accompaniment for the business developmet and financial management were not given well and the control system was weak. this constrain was due to the lack of human resource and expert in empowering small business. therefore, the first goal to turn mustahik into muzakki was not reached. of the 14 mustahik merchants and small service businesses that were given capital in the form of loans without usury by lazismu solo, 11 were considered successful, and three failed. in terms of percentage, 78.5% of these entrepreneurship programs were successful. eleven mustahiks who received business capital from lazismu stated that the program was very 145vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 good and beneficial for their business continuity. however, it was not possible for business development because the loan funds were not in large amounts, and it is hoped that the program will still exist. table 4. mustahik as the capital receiver no name kinds of business capital loan information 1 rm hanendyo saputro bubur ayam rp. 2.000.000, the loan is not paid off, mustahik disappeared 2 listyo wulandari vegetable seller rp. 1.800.000,the loan is paid off, the business is still running 3 pundriyatmi selat rp. 1.500.000,the business is still running 4 indri hastuti jenang sera rp. 1.000.000,the business is still running 5 kholifah rizkia s kedai ipm rp. 1.500.000,the business is off, the loan is given back 6 dwi arti erma susanti pondok makan 165 rp. 1.500.000,the business is still running 7 meita tri wahyuningsih tempe rp. 1.200.000,the loan is not paid off, mustahik disappeared 8 sri mulyo hik rp. 1.500.000,the business is still running 9 darmini hik rp. 1.500.000,the loan is paid off, the business is still running 10 wagino hadi pranoto dwi putra publisher rp. 2.000.000,the business is still running 11 muhammad sunarwo ud sumber rejeki rp. 1.800.000,the business is still running 12 sri mulyani zany bag shop rp. 1.600.000,the loan is paid off, the business is still running 13 davin nugroho computer rp. 1.600.000,the business changes, the loan is not paid off, mustahik disappeared 14 hartoko hik rp. 1.200.000,the business is still running the above table 4 reveals that existence of the eleven mustahik recipients of zis utilization funds from lazismu could be confirmed. the business continued, but there was no report from lazismu solo that they had become muzakki. meanwhile, the three recipients of loan capital could no longer be confirmed because their place of residence had moved and could not be confirmed either through the telephone number in lazismu data or by visiting their original address. when analyzed from the aspect of procedures and regulations regarding 146 a f k a r u n a the utilization of zis funds for productive businesses, it was very much under these existing regulations. meanwhile, the elements of capability, process, and results contained in terms of utilization were sufficient. from the aspect of efficiency and effectiveness; the efficiency of this entrepreneurship program for developing trade and services could be stated to be efficient in terms of funding or capital lending. it indicates that there was a return capital to lazismu, and in terms of the time, that was not too long, which was only one year. meanwhile, from the effectiveness aspect, it could be declared effective because this program’s success reached 78.5%. apart from all the positive values obtained by lazismu in managing zis funds, especially for entrepreneurship programs, there are important notes as corrections and inputs, especially in the philosophical aspects of islamic teachings’ philanthropic goals. based on the qur’an surah al-taubah verse 60, which mentions eight asnaf recipients of alms (zakat), it indicates that the problem must be solved by zakat until there are no more mustahik, as mentioned in verse. this meaning is not an illusion because, in the history of managing zis funds in the islamic world, there has been evidence that there were no more muslims, especially those who were willing to accept funds from state baitul mal, whose majority of funds were from various kinds of philanthropy in islam, including zakat. conclusion lazismu solo, as one of the zis fund managers, strives with various activity programs to overcome urban poverty problems, especially for muslims in surakarta city. there are four categories of program areas: education, economy, socio-da’wah, and humanity-health. in the economic sector, the “entrepreneurship program” is a program that aims to empower mustahik economically so that they turn into muzakki, or at least become economically independent. the program form is in the form of creation and development of mustahik small and medium enterprises. viewed from the effectiveness and efficiency of implementing zakat fund utilization programs for productive economic enterprises, it could be considered effective and efficient even though the results were not ideal for the program’s goal, namely, converting mustahik into muzakki. the results obtained so far have only made the mustahik become an economically independent muslim and regardless of his initial status, but have not turned into a muzaki. this result is constrained by limited human resources and the amount 147vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 of funds for economic empowerment programs. for further research, what needs to be done is assistance in the creation and development of mustahik small and medium enterprises by zakat management institutions. for this purpose, lazismu thought of collaborating with the faculty of economics or the business incubation center at muhammadiyah university. endnotes 1 yunahar ilyas, cakrawala al-qur’an, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2003): 104. 2 https://www.bps.go.id/pressrelease/2018/07/16/1483/, in 2020 the poor in indonesia reached 26.42 million see https://www.bps.go.id/pressrelease/2020/ 07/15/1744/ 3 amer roubaie, “dimensi global kemiskinan di dunia muslim: sebuah penilaian kuantitatif,” majalah pemikiran dan peradaban islam islamia, vol. 11, no. 3. (2005):81. 4 irfan abu bakar dan chaider s. bamuali [ed.], filantropi islam dan keadilan sosial; studi tentang potensi, tradisi dan pemanfaatan filantropi di indonesia, jakarta: center for the study of religion and culture (csrc), 2006): 202. 5 pbb-uin syarif hidayatullah dalam yusuf wibisono, “ekonomi sedekah”, http://www.tazkiaonline.com, diakses tanggal 7 pebruari 2019. 6 sela nur fitria, “analisis pendayagunaan dana zakat produktif dalam meningkatkan pendapatan mustahik (studi pada dompet peduli ummat darut tauhid lampung),” skripsi, (iain raden intan lampung 2017). 7 nur fitry latief , fitria ayu lestari niu, “utilization of productive zakat in improving mustahik economic empowerment (study at baznas of manado city)”, ijafap journal, vol. 3 no. 2, (2020):. 8 ketut sudibia, anak agung istri ngurah marhaeni, “beberapa starategi pengentasan kemiskinan di kabupaten karangasem provinsi bali”, jurnal piramida, vol. ix no. 1, (2012). 9 pembukaan uud 1945 (alinea ke-4 uud 1945). 10 budiman rusli, “analisis kebijakan penanggulangan kemiskinan di provinsi jawa barat,” laporan penelitian mandiri pascasarjanan fisip universitas padjajaran, 2013. 11 https://www.bps.go.id/pressrelease/2020/07/15/1744/. 12 siaran pers bps tanggal 9 januari 2017. 13 https://www.indonesia-investments.com/id/keuangan/angka-ekonomi-makro/ kemiskinan/item301. 14 setkab.go.id, jumat (6/9/2019). 15 https://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/wakaf. 16 clarashinta canggih khusnul fikriyah, ach. yasin, “potensi dan realisasi dana zakat indonesia,” al-uqud: journal of islamic economics, 1, (2017): 16. 17 baznas, statistik zakat nasional 2017, (jakarta: baznas, 2018). 148 a f k a r u n a 18 clarashinta canggih, khusnul fikriyah, dan ach. yasin, 2017. “potensi dan realisasi dana zakat indonesia”, al-uqud: journal of islamic economics, vol. 1. 19 hamzah, “pendayagunaan zakat pada badan amil zakat nasional dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan umat,” disertasi, (jakarta: sekolah pascasarjana uin syarif hidayatullah, 2009). 20 wiltshire dalam sudiyono, “efesiesi dan efektifitas dalam manajemen pendidikan,” makalah pada seminar nasional ismapi di makassar, 19 juni 2004. 21 permono iswardono s dan darmawan, “analisis efesiensi industri perbankan di indonesia (studi kasus bank-bank devisa di indonesia,” jurnal ekonomi dan bisnis, vol. 15, no. 1 (2000). 22 s. mouzas, “efeciency versus effectiveness in bussines networks,” journal of business reasearch, 59, (2006). 23 kathryn m. bartol dan davic c. martin, management, (new york: mc graw hill inc, 1991). 24 departemen pendidikan nasional, kamus besar bahasa indonesia, (jakarta: balai pustaka, 2000). 25 sunil kumar dan r. gulati, “measuring effeciency, effectiveness and performance of indian public sector banks,” international journal of productivity and performance management, 59 (2010). 26 siti halida utami & irsyad lubis, “pengaruh pendayagunaan zakat produktif terhadap pemberdayaan mustahik di kota medan,” jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan, vol. 6 no. 2, (2014). 27 asnaini. zakat produktif dalam prespektif hukum islam, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2008): 134. 28 hamzah, 2009. “pendayagunaan zakat pada badan amil zakat nasional dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan umat”, disertasi sekolah pascasarjana uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 29 baidlowi, “potensi bazis untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat di yogyakarta,” lapoaran penelitian 2003. 30 fitria, sela nur. 2017. “analisis pendayagunaan dana zakat produktif dalam meningkatkan pendapatan mustahik (studi pada dompet peduli ummat darut tauhid lampung),”skripsi, iain raden intan lampung 31 wawancara dengan reynal, tanggal 10 oktober 2019. 32 wawancara dengan muhammad isnan tanggal 12 oktober 2019. 33 wawancara dengan reynal 12 oktober 2019. 34 https://lazismu.org, diunduh 13 oktober 2019. 35 wawancara tanggal reynal 10 oktober 2019. 36 wawancara dengan muhammad isnan tanggal 12 oktober 2019. 37 wawancara dengan reynal tanggal 10 oktober 2019. 38 hamzah, 2009. “pendayagunaan zakat pada badan amil zakat nasional dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan umat”, disertasi sekolah pascasarjana uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 149vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 references abu bakar, irfan dan chaider s. bamuali. 2006. filantropi islam dan keadilan sosial; 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class conflict in historical and comparative perspective. boston: wcb/mcgraw-hill kumar, sunil. dan r. gulati. 2010. “measuring effeciency, effectiveness and performance of indian public sector banks”, international journal of productivity and performance management vol. 59 latief, nur fitry and fitria ayu lestari niu, “utilization of productive zakat in improving mustahik economic empowerment (study at baznas of manado 150 a f k a r u n a city)”, ijafap journal, vol. 3 no. 2, (2020): 13-25. mouzas, s. 2006. “efeciency versus effectiveness in bussines networks”, journal of business reasearch vol. 59 nasional, departemen pendidikan. 2000. kamus besar bahasa indonesia. jakarta: balai pustaka roubaie, amer. (2005). “dimensi global kemiskinan di dunia muslim: sebuah penilaian kuantitatif”, majalah pemikiran dan peradaban islam islamia vol. 11 no. 3 rusli, budiman. 2013. “analisis kebijakan penanggulangan kemiskinan di provinsi jawa barat”, laporan penelitian mandiri. bandung: pascasarjanan fisip universitas padjajaran sudibia, ketut and anak agung istri ngurah marhaeni, “beberapa starategi pengentasan kemiskinan di kabupaten karangasem provinsi bali”, jurnal piramida, vol. ix no. 1, (2012): 1-14. sudiyono. 2004. “efesiesi dan efektifitas dalam manajemen pendidikan”, makalah pada seminar nasional ismapi di makassar surakarta, badan pusat statistik. 2019. kota surakarta dalam angka 2019. surakarta: bps surakarta utami, siti halida & irsyad lubis. 2014. “pengaruh pendayagunaan zakat produktif terhadap pemberdayaan mustahik di kota medan”, jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan vol. 6 no. 2 yusuf wibisono, “ekonomi sedekah”, http://www.tazkiaonline.com, diakses tanggal 7 februari 2019. ketut sudibia, anak agung istri ngurah marhaeni, “beberapa starategi pengentasan kemiskinan di kabupaten karangasem provinsi bali”, jurnal piramida, vol. ix no. 1, (2012): 1-14. # layout jan jun 2011 abstrak perkembangan aktivisme filantropi islam di indonesia telah menyita perhatian para peneliti, praktisi dan pengambil kebijakan. upaya untuk mempromosikan filantropi islam untuk tujuan memdorong terwujudkanya keadilan sosial telah dilakukan elemen masyarakat sipil maupun pemerintah. hal ini dapat dilihat dari motivasi, tujuan, dan perundang-undangan dibuat negara yang terkait dengan penerapan filantropi islam sejak masa kemerdekaan hingga saat ini. dewasa ini, gerakan-gerakan filantropi islam tidak hanya dilakukan secara tradisional atau sekedar ditujukan membantu kaum miskin. melainkan, melalui budaya filantropi inilah kemiskinan dapat dientaskan, dan program-program berjangka panjang bisa dibuat. dalam faktanya, upaya mewujudkan keadilan sosial ini tidaklah mudah, karena banyak faktor, baik sosial, ekonomi maupun politik yang menjadi tantangannya. untuk itu, upaya yang lebih sistematis dari negara maupun masyrakat sipil masih sangat dibutuhkan untuk mempromosikan keadilan sosial. kata kunci: filantropi, islam, keadilan sosial. introduction this study explores the discourse of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia. it will examine the concept of social justice philanthropy as a basic foundation to the development of islamic philanthropy in indonesia. in this regard, the challenges to implement the concept of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia are very significant to examine. in so doing, it will also explore the ways of people to the practice of towards the discourse of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia ariza fuadi leiden university, the netherlands. rapenburg 70, 2311, ez. email: rheiza_smart@yahoo.com abstract the rapid development of islamic philanthropic activism in indonesia has drawn much attention among scholars, practitioners, and policy makers. it appears that efforts to promote islamic philanthropic activism as a means of fostering social justice have been done by civil society organizations and the state’s agencies. it can be seen partly in the motives and objectives of islamic philanthropic associations, as well as regulations enacted by the state regarding the practice of islamic philanthropy since independent era until nowadays. it suggests that the philanthropic culture in muslim societies is no longer governed in a traditional way, or simply to relieve the poor. instead, it is expected that through the culture of giving, poverty can be alleviated, and islamic associations can provide long-term development projects. however, in reality, these efforts to promote social justice have been constrained by several factors, including social, economic and political factors, and therefore enduring and systematic efforts from the state’s actors and civil society, to promote social justice are, still needed. keywords: philanthropy, islam, social justice. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 93vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 islamic philanthropy in indonesia from the basic concept of personal and communal giving patterns. moreover, like other religions, islam is against poverty and inequality in society. it is emphasized to the distributive justice towards the social class that islam addressed. it stated in the qur’ân that “wealth may not become fortune used by the rich among you” (qur’ân 59:7).1 this command of distributive justice actually has been done by many muslims in indonesia, either personally or communally, to erase the poverty within the muslims. however, this struggle has not showed positively that poverty in indonesia has not been a major problem within the society. i do believe that the unresolved poverty in indonesia has been caused by the discrepancy between the core concepts and the ways they are commonly practiced. traditional philanthropy is generally practiced on the grounds of direct giving services to fulfill the immediate and basic needs of the recipients by giving food, clothes and building shelter for the poor. traditional philanthropy only focuses on service programs and avoids in the involvement of political issues. it is assumed that this practice of traditional philanthropy only helps the recipients for short term goals. unlike traditional philanthropy, social justice philanthropy focuses on removing social injustice which is assumed to be the root of poverty and injustice. it observes the bridge due to associate the gap between the rich and the poor by mobilizing the resources of philanthropy in the society. to pursue its purposes, social justice philanthropy is organized by the collective action of social movement organizations. it can be said that there is a gap between traditional philanthropy and social justice philanthropy for all segments of the society. therefore, it will analyze the challenges toward the practice of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia. also, how the islamic philanthropy in indonesia should be practiced due to the achievement of social prosperity and justice for the society will be examined. all these issues will be described comprehensively taking into consideration of historical, socio-political and the process of the islamic philanthropy practice in indonesia. through these approaches, this study will be seen obviously how the development of islamic philanthropy in the past and the role of the government to resolved social justice on the grounds of muslim philanthropy. subsequently, the process of islamic philanthropy in indonesia will explain the ways of social justice philanthropy towards its challenges. islamic philanthropy in indonesia and its progress historically, the practice of islamic philanthropy has been implemented since the arrival of islam in indonesia. it was primarily practiced through the two institutions of the mosques and islamic boarding schools (pesantrens) for the muslim communities. these institutions were established in the 15th century by muslim communities in java and sumatra to develop the society on the grounds of education and religious teaching. subsequently, the practice of islamic philanthropy has significantly developed in the 19th century with the raise of islamic boarding schools and mosques in the archipelago due to support to the effort against dutch occupation.2 at that time, the development of philanthropy was caused by the responses of the muslim society in indonesia to alienate doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 94 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna from the dutch government. therefore, islamic philanthropy had grown as a financial resource to the development of muslim communities. during dutch colonial rule, the awareness of dutch government to the used of islamic philanthropy for political purpose made the practice of islamic philanthropy had been regulated. on august 4, 1883, the dutch government issued the bijblad no. 1892 to control zakât al-firi donations. in this bijblad, zakât was mobilized by penghulu (religious figures) or the naib (deputy of local religious affairs in the mosque). moreover, to weaken the resistance of the society that financed by zakât, the government prohibited the civil servant and local nobles to assist the management of zakât. this prohibition was stated in the bijblad no 6200, dated february 28, 1905.3 it was similar to the rule of waqf that between 1905 and 1935, the dutch government issued four circulars by the secretary to the government (circulaires van de gouverments secretaris). these four circular letters were in the bijblad 1905 no. 6196, dated january 31, 1905 no. 435; bijblad no. 125/3 year 1931, dated june 4, 1931 no. 1361/a; bijblad no. 13390 year 1934, dated december 24, 1934 no. 3088/a; and bijblad no. 13480, dated mei 27, 1935 no. 1273/a.4 the issuance of these circulars was due to the purpose of dutch government to control over waqf activities by obliged the registration of waqf through the bupatis (regent) permission. therefore, these circulars asked the bupatis to manage the waqf pertaining to the origins, the status as religious services whether through waqf or not. yet, the bupatis were also requested to give a report about the use of the places of worship. the policies regarding islam in the japanese occupation were still implemented as in the dutch government. however, in this era, the implementation of islamic law was relatively flexible and did not have much impact to the development of islam in indonesia. 5 in the early period of independent indonesia, office for indigenous affairs of the dutch government (het kantoor voor inlandsche zaken) was replaced by the ministry of religious affairs (mora) in january 1946. the task of this ministry was to ensure the freedom of the people to implement of their religious duties. the regulations concerning on waqf after that were remained in force as the regulation prior to the independence era until the issuance of the government regulation (pp, peraturan pemerintah). it was stated in the agrarian bill no. 5, 1960 article 49/3 that waqf is protected and regulated by government regulation. therefore, the government issued a pp no. 28 year 1977 concerning the regulation on the implementation of waqf in indonesia. moreover, in 2004, the government issued an enactment (undang-undang) no 41 year 2004 to control the development of potential waqf in indonesia regarding to the tasks of the government upgrade the social prosperity within the society. with regard to zakât practice, mora issued a circular letter surat edaran no. a/ vvii/17367, dated december 8, 1951 concerning the role of the government on zakât.6 it was stated in this letter that the ministry would not interfere in zakât administration. mora only had a responsibility to encourage people to pay zakât and assure the distribution of the zakât was carried out properly according to islamic law. however, this responsibility of mora was not pursued by doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 95vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 the government to ensure that zakât was being paid or distributed properly. hence, it shows that the government did not intend to establish the formal institution to manage zakât in indonesia. the government more clearly left that zakât should be practice at an individual level. however, on july 1967, saifuddin zuhri, a minister of religious affairs, proposed a draft of zakât law to the parliament or dpr-gr (dewan perwakilan rakyat gotong royong, mutual assistance people’s council). the draft was also sent to the ministry of finance and the ministry of social affairs for response. the ministry of finance suggested that the zakât management would be better regulated by the ministerial regulation rather than by a statute. due to this suggestion, therefore, the parliament (dpr-gr) decided to not follow up this draft that was proposed by mora.7 a year later, on july 1968, muhammad dachlan, the later minister of religious affairs, issued a ministerial decree (peraturan menteri agama, pma no. 4/ 1968, dated july 15, 1968) on the foundation of the official zakât agency (baz, badan amil zakat). this decree stated that zakât would be operated by the governmental zakât committee at all villages and sub-districts all over the country. three months later, however, presiden suharto annulled this ministerial regulation in his speech at isrâ’ mi’râj (prophet’s ascension) on october 26, 1968. president suharto imposed the institution of zakât by taking responsibility for the collection and distribution of zakât on a personal basis as a private citizen.8 this offer of president suharto was indicated that he only wanted to reject the changes of the ministry of religious affairs on the zakât law. additionally, he took personally to the collection and distribution of zakât since he was aware with the impression of the society that his regime was opposing islam as religion as a result of the annulment of the regulation. president suharto then issued a circular letter to all public offices and local governments to establish zakât agency in their workplace. the operation of the zakât agency in the national level ruled by the president suharto was operated only few years. it was due to the low response of the society that paid the zakât much lower than the number of muslims in indonesia. unexpectedly, the number of zakât agencies gradually increased after the issuance of circular letter by suharto. the emergence of the provincial zakât agency in indonesia began in 1968 when the province of jakarta founded a new institution responsible for collecting zakât. several years later, other provinces followed suit, including the provinces of east kalimantan (1972), west sumatra (1973), west java (1974), south kalimantan (1974), south sumatra (1975), lampung (1975), irian jaya (1978), north sulawesi (1985), and south sulawesi (1985). furthermore, in the early of 1990s, the new types of zakât agencies created by muslim communities were established such as dompet dhuafa republika, pos keadilan peduli umat.9 after the downfall of president suharto, mora found its momentum to propose a zakât law in indonesia. the enactment no. 38 concerning on zakât was approved under the habibie administration. however, in this enactment, there was a contest between badan ‘âmil zakât (baz, the government sponsored zakât agency) and lembaga âmil zakât (laz, the privat zakât agency). the baz was provided fully arrangements, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 96 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna whereas the laz was not arranged at all in this enactment. it can be said that the government wanted to centralize the zakât formal administration into a single institution/ baz. therefore, this zakât law is considered to be incomprehensive. also, this law was only focused on the establishment of zakât agencies in the governmental level, rather focused on the nature of the zakât itself. the efforts concerning the regulation of islamic philanthropy in indonesia have been struggled for many years. however, these efforts do not show the positive results on the regulation. even though the regulations have been regulated, the regulations have not yet showed the fundamental orientation of an islamic philanthropy which is directed towards social justice. subsequently, the contradiction in the separation of the state and religion to accommodate islamic aspirations was the other problem to the legislation of islamic philanthropy. hence, the development of islamic philanthropy for social justice has faced the long-term challenges to its goals. social justice philanthropy: a critic towards traditional philanthropy the term philanthropy derives from the greek words phileo and anthropos. phileo means love or the particular aspect of love. on the other hand, anthropos is defined as “humankind” in the widest sense of the word without discriminating every single human.10 the definition of philanthropy, therefore, can be defined as a desire of human to help others which is indicated by gives or acts of charity as a form of love to the mankind or public good. considering its characteristic, philanthropy can be divided into two distinct classifications; traditional philanthropy and social justice philanthropy. traditional philanthropy is based on the charity of generosity. it is practiced, commonly, by providing direct social services such as giving food, clothes and building shelter for the poor. the concept of traditional philanthropy is generally on the grounds of direct giving services to fulfill the immediate and basic needs of the recipients. it means that traditional philanthropy only focuses on service programs and does not involve in political issues. also, the practice of traditional philanthropy is considered to individual since this type of charity will be empowering and improving the status and prestige of the benefactor in the eyes of the public. different from traditional philanthropy, social justice philanthropy focuses on removing social injustice which is assumed to be the root of poverty and injustice. it observes the bridge due to associate the gap between the rich and the poor by mobilizing the resources of philanthropy in the society. to pursue its purposes, social justice philanthropy is organized by the collective action of social movement organizations. in islam, the social movement organizations of philanthropy may be best represented by the position of ‘âmil (caretakers of zakât). the ‘âmil as intermediary between the poor and the rich can mobilize properly the resource of philanthropy in the society with the motives to maintain and develop the future of the society. social justice and traditional philanthropy is often articulated as “advocacy versus services” discourse. social justice strengthens on the organizations which are effecting policy doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 97vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 changes in the political issues including human rights, democracy, and justice to solve social programs.11 this kind of philanthropy emphasizes on accommodating people to resolve their own problem. the social justice philanthropic institutions focused on the empowerment of financial donation, either individual or collective, to the long-term goals of productive activities instead of consumptive purposes only. to achieve this goal, the activists of social justice philanthropy seriously assist the receivers to improve their quality of life. therefore, the receivers in the future are expected to be independent from the helps of the other. while traditional philanthropy on the other hand takes the form of direct giving to the service programs or providing service activities for short-terms purposes. related to this concept, sami hasan stated in his research paper by quoting caliph umar bin alkhattab that “if you give zakât, enrich the recipients”. many faqihs thus suggest that it would be better to give enough zakât by pulling the person out of poverty instead of giving zakât that does not bring a long term economic benefit for the recipient.12 it is similar to the axiomatic “give a man a fish, you feed him for a day; teach a man to fish, you feed him for a lifetime.” in this context, traditional philanthropy only helps poor people on the immediate needs rather than bring them out from the poverty. it means that it is better to implement the practice of philanthropy on the grounds of social justice instead of traditional. the activists of social justice philanthropy argue that traditional philanthropy is not effective to eliminate the poverty and develop the society. traditional philanthropy even is considered creating dependency of the poor people with this activity. social justice philanthropy is orienting its aims through institutional and systematic change in which the resources are collected and distributed towards the activities that will support social movement. the principals of social justice philanthropy engage the way to improve rights and duties in the basic institutions of society and appropriately distribute the benefits and problems through the social organization, advocacy and public education.13 social justice philanthropy tries to solve social problems by attacking the roots of poverty problem in the society. therefore, the fundamental expression of social justice philanthropy is addressing issues of social justice with the broader goals and managed by institutions. it is quite relevant today to promote the idea of social justice philanthropy in indonesia. the reasons are; first, the practice of social justice philanthropy should be in order to empower the people and community. this aim will be possible if the practitioners of the philanthropy are able to increase their competence and professionalism to manage the huge financial potential. second, the traditional philanthropy providing social service for a short-term is inclined no longer sufficient to resolve the complex problem of muslim community. and the last, qur’ânic verses strongly encourage people to initiate social justice in the society that is given in the concept of ‘adl, qis, and mîzân.14 the challenges of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia the concept of social justice philanthropy is not a new term in indonesia. it has actually been practiced by many indonesia’s philandoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 98 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna thropic institution. they usually implement this concept through many programmes such as anti-corruption, funding research, publishing journals and academic conferences, advocating for healthy food, working on environmental and the likes. through this concept, it is expected that poverty in indonesia can be resolved as the purposes of philanthropy. also, the implementation of traditional philanthropy is believed cannot resolve the problem of poverty in the society since it only helps the poor for a short-term goal. the activists of social justice philanthropy argue that poverty is happened since there is an injustice in the society. hence, the concept of social justice philanthropy concerns to promote social justice to resolve the problem of poverty in the society. the social justice philanthropic institutions focused on the empowerment of financial donation, either individual or collective, to the long-term goals of productive activities instead of consumptive purposes only. to achieve this goal, the activists of social justice philanthropy seriously assist the receivers to improve their quality of life. therefore, the receivers in the future are expected to be independent from the helps of the other. however, it should be noticed that social justice philanthropy with its efficient, purpose, professional organization, not necessarily remains social justice philanthropy. in its practice, social justice philanthropy generally has not totally directed towards social justice in the context of social change. it may sometimes remain traditional philanthropy since it rather addresses injustice. in much of the muslim world traditional philanthropy is most practiced instead of social justice philanthropy. this condition is made worse by the fact that the financial allocation for the philanthropy in indonesia is generally still used very little to support social change in the society. a research done by csrc (center for the study of religion and culture) uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta showed that the indonesian muslim mostly donates islamic philanthropy to the religious activities in the mosque. the motive to practice islamic philanthropy for social justice has not been seen as an important aspect due the understanding of the society to practice islamic philanthropy as a religious purpose merely.15 the realization for islamic philanthropy for social justice has faced some challenges in indonesia. methodologically the outcome from the implementation of philanthropy for social justice is still difficult to measure in the context of advocacy or policy research.16 it indicates that philanthropic institutions in indonesia have a poor management to create social justice philanthropy. a well management, whereas, is a primary resource to the practice of islamic philanthropy to create social justice in the society. generally, the managers of philanthropic institutions only work for half-time instead of full-time working on the basis of voluntary working. with this basis, the activists of islamic philanthropic institutions will be inclined to be unprofessional to increase productivity within philanthropic organizations. islamic philanthropic institutions will only have functioned for the central of consumption rather than production.17 the condition of islamic philanthropic institutions makes the purpose of social justice philanthropy difficult to achieve. furthermore, being involved in the political practice will bring the islamic philanthropic institutions to the complicated problem. it is due to the effect of the political doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 99vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 practice that sometimes will cause to a conflict in political issues for the public policy. even, the conflict in the political issues will sometimes threat the existence of philanthropic institutions itself. therefore, the islamic philanthropic institutions in indonesia usually prefer to keep away from political issues and avoid the controversy within the society. the other reason is that economically to promote social justice philanthropy is needed much costs for the activities such as advocacy, research and the likes. also, in the developing countries, when the poverty increases, generally the philanthropic institutions focus on the direct service to help the poor for their basic needs. 18 in this condition, the activists of islamic philanthropic institutions should have the creativeness to implement philanthropy. it is similar to what helmut k. anheier and diana leat that propose creative philanthropy, as quoted by hilman latief, to establish and implement philanthropy on the grounds of philanthropic activities. according to them, creative philanthropy can resolve the problem of poverty in the society through philanthropic activities that elaborated with the other concept of philanthropy.19 hence, the concept of social justice philanthropy should be understood not only to advocating the public policy for social change, but also as a service for the poor. in the context of social change, principally philanthropy donation either individual or collective should be able to resolve the problem of poverty for short term and long term needs. in order to reach the goal of social justice philanthropy that empowering the people for short term and long term goals, revitalization of islamic philanthropic institutions is a matter of natural and should be directed towards a transformation from traditional into social justice philanthropy. however, this transformation should not leave the concept of traditional philanthropy in order to fulfill the social service immediately for the poor people. this means that islamic philanthropic institutions have to focus on social service for the poor and consider to the causes of social injustice in the society as a kind of advocating to the social change. in the muslim societies, moreover, the practices of social justice philanthropy are very much related to their understanding of religious doctrine. this doctrine will be legitimated by the believers based on their view in the context of their way to live.20 although in the qur’ân has clearly explained the basic religious texts on the social justice, however, it only provides the basic guidelines of social relationships and advice for different human actions, social responsibilities, and solutions to social problems.21 therefore, the attitude towards philanthropic doctrine must be reinterpreted in order to make the message of the qur’ânic texts relevant in the modern context. this effort should consider on the fundamental ideas and purposes of philanthropy in islam for the principals of social justice that clearly explained in the qur’ân. reinterpretation of the qur’ânic texts in the field for social justice should be addressed a number of issues. first, the division between religious orientation and social responsibility should be avoided in islam. it is to promote the concept of social justice in islam that not only focuses on religious but also social orientation. second, the culture of islamic philanthropy that being unorganized and individually should be stimulate to being organized to maintain the philanthropic doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 100 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mobilization of funds appropriately. another issue, the ‘âmil needs to become more active, professional and visionary in carrying out the tasks. the next issue, the definition of the eight asnâf should be re-examined by means of analogy (qiyâs) or by other legal means. the last issue, revisit the kinds of wealth that should be subjected to zakât donations.22 through these theological criteria of issues, the development of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia will become more effective towards social change on the grounds of social service and advocacy. conclusion the development of islamic philanthropy has indicated that muslims in indonesia give a great attention to this practice. it can be seen from the motivations, purposes, and the regulations related to the implementation of islamic philanthropy that rapidly grew within the society. at first, islamic philanthropy that primarily practiced through two institutions of mosques and islamic boarding schools was only used to upgrade the religious teaching and education of muslims in indonesia. in its development, when the era of dutch occupation to indonesia, islamic philanthropy was also oriented to support the efforts against dutch occupation. moreover, after the independence era, the regulations of islamic philanthropy in indonesia have always been improved appropriately with the indonesian culture in order to achieve its goals to resolve the primarily problem of poverty. therefore, it is not exaggerating to say that islamic philanthropy have a significant role within the society. islamic philanthropy in the recent era has not only been functioned traditionally to resolve the problem of poverty for short-term goals. it has also been focused on the resolving problem of poverty for long-term goals on the grounds of social justice philanthropy. many activists of social justice philanthropy even argue that traditional philanthropy cannot resolve the problem of poverty. however, to practice of social justice philanthropy is not a simple matter that needs a great attention and long effort. moreover, the concept and practice of islamic philanthropy for social justice has its own shortages. it is difficult in indonesia to implement social justice philanthropy without consider to traditional philanthropy as a service for the poor. indonesia as a developing country, the practice of islamic philanthropy cannot focus on the one concept of traditional or social justice philanthropy merely. it should be recognized that between two concepts will complement one and another on its practice of islamic philanthropy. the concept of traditional philanthropy will employ the social service for shortterm goals as a fulfillment to the basic need of the poor. the existence of orphanage, nursing home and the likes as a kind of social service is also still very important to be implemented in indonesia. it will help and protect those who are powerless. while the concept of social justice philanthropy will work on the advocating programs that directed to the more autonomous future of the poor people as a kind of advocating to the social change within the society. endnotes 1 muhammad muhsin khan and muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali, interpretation of the meanings of the noble qur’an (riyadh: darussalam, 2001), p. 1089. 2 azyumardi azra, “diskursus filantropi islam dan civil society” in idris thaha (ed.), berderma untuk semua: wacana dan praktik filantropi islam, (jakarta: penerbit teraju, 2003), p. xxvi. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 101vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 3 uswatun hasanah, “potret filantropi islam di indonesia” in idris thaha (ed.), berderma untuk semua: wacana dan praktik filantropi islam, (jakarta: penerbit teraju, 2003), p. 211. 4 suparman usman, hukum perwakafan di indonesia, (kudus: darul ulum pres, 1994), pp. 50-51. 5 chaidar s. bamualim, “islamic philanthropy in indonesia: trends and challenges towards social justice” in kultur: the indonesian journal for muslim cultures, vol 4. no. 1 (jakarta: csrc, 2009), p. 77. 6 arskal salim, the shift in zakat practice in indonesia: from piety to an islamic socio-political-economic system, (thailand: silkworm books, 2008), p. 28. 7 arskal salim, “the influential legacy of dutch islamic policy on the formation of zakat (alms) law in modern indonesia” in the pacific rim law and policy journal, vol. 15 no. 3 (washington: the university of washington school of law, 2006), pp. 694-695. 8 arskal salim, “the influential legacy of dutch islamic policy,” p. 695. 9 arskal salim, challenging the secular state: the islamization of law in modern indonesia, (honolulu: university of hawai press, 2008), p. 125. 10 sulek marty, ”on the classical meaning of philanthropia”, nonprofit and voluntary sector quarterly, vol. 39, no. 3 (sage publications, june 2010), p. 386. 1 1 andy agung prihatna, “philanthropy and social justice in indonesia”, in chaider s, bamualim, cheyne scout, dick van der miej, irfan abubakar (eds), islamic philanthropy and social development in contemporary indonesia, (jakarta: the ford foundation and center for the study of religion and culture (csrc), 2006) p. 6. 1 2 sami hasan, muslim philanthropy and social security: prospects, practices, and pitfalls, a paper presented at the 6th istr biennial conference held in bangkok, 9-12 july 2006, p. 4. 1 3 sami hasan, “islamic concept of social justice: its possible contribution to ensuring harmony and peaceful coexistence in a globalised world”, in macquarie law journal, vol 7, (sydney: macquarie university, 2007), p. 168. 1 4 chaidar s. bamualim, “islamic philanthropy in indonesia”, p. 81. 1 5 irvan abu bakar and chaider s. bamualim (eds.), filantropi islam dan keadilan sosial (jakarta: csrc, 2006), p. 188-191. 1 6 irvan abu bakar and chaider s. bamualim (eds.), filantropi islam, p. 34. 1 7 chaidar s. bamualim, “islamic philanthropy in indonesia”, p. 85. 1 8 irvan abu bakar and chaider s. bamualim (eds.), filantropi islam, p. 34. 1 9 hilman latief, melayani umat: filantropi islam dan ideologi kesejahteraan kaum modernis, (jakarta: gramedia, 2010), p. 22. 2 0 chaidar s. bamualim, “islamic philanthropy in indonesia”, p. 86. 2 1 samiul hasan, philanthropy and social justice in islam: principle, prospect, and practices, (kuala lumpur: a.s. noordeen, 2007), p. 69. 2 2 chaidar s. bamualim, “islamic philanthropy in indonesia”, p. 86-87. bibliography abu bakar, irvan and bamualim, chaider s, (eds.). 2006. filantropi islam dan keadilan sosial, jakarta: csrc. ahmed an-na’im, abdullahi and mohamed abdel halim, asma, “rights-based approach to philanthropy for social justice in islamic societies” in kultur: the indonesian journal for muslim cultures, vol 4. no. 1, jakarta: csrc, 2009. azra, azyumardi. 2003. “diskursus filantropi islam dan civil society” in idris thaha (ed.), berderma untuk semua: wacana dan praktik filantropi islam, jakarta: penerbit teraju. bamualim, chaidar s. 2009. “islamic philanthropy in indonesia: trends and challenges towards social justice” in kultur: the indonesian journal for muslim cultures, vol 4. no. 1 jakarta: csrc. hasan, sami. 2007. “islamic concept of social justice: its possible contribution to ensuring harmony and peaceful coexistence in a globalised world”, in macquarie law journal, vol 7, sydney: macquarie university. ————————, 2006. muslim philanthropy and social security: prospects, practices, and pitfalls, a paper presented at the 6th istr biennial conference held in bangkok, 9-12 july. ————————-, 2007. philanthropy and social justice in islam: principle, prospect, and practices, kuala lumpur: a.s. noordeen. hasanah, uswatun, 2003. “potret filantropi islam di indonesia” in idris thaha (ed.), berderma untuk semua: wacana dan praktik filantropi islam, jakarta: teraju. latief, hilman. 2010. melayani umat: filantropi islam dan ideologi kesejahteraan kaum modernis, jakarta: gramedia. muhsin khan, muhammad and taqi-ud-din al-hilali, muhammad. 2001. interpretation of the meanings of the noble qur’ân, riyadh: darussalam. prihatna, andi agung. 2006. “philanthropy and social justice in indonesia”, in chaider s. bamualim, cheyne scott, dick van der meij, and irfan abubakar (eds.), islamic philanthropy and social development in contemporary indonesia, jakarta: the ford foundation and center for the study of religion and culture (csrc). salim, arskal. 2006. “the influential legacy of dutch islamic policy on the formation of zakât (alms) law in doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 102 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna modern indonesia” in the pacific rim law and policy journal, vol. 15 no. 3, pp. 694-695. ———————, 2008. challenging the secular state: the islamization of law in modern indonesia, honolulu: university of hawai’i press. ———————, 2008. the shift in zakât practice in indonesia: from piety to an islamic socio-politicaleconomic system, thailand: silkworm books. sulek, marty. 2010. ”on the classical meaning of philanthropia”, in nonprofit and voluntary sector quarterly, vol 39, no. 3, sage publications. usman, suparman. 1994. hukum perwakafan di indonesia, kudus: darul ulum pres. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0008. 92-102 index a abdul munir mulkhan abdullah thufail saputra abu al-mughisy al-husain abu yazid al-busthami aceh achmad chodjim acquisition adat adat's administrative agama agama ageming aji agama jawa" ahmad khatib minangkabawy ahmad sukino aksiomatis alqur'an al-hallaj al-irsyad al-irsyad al-islamiyyah ali handoyo amalgation amended âmil amir syarifuddin andy agung prihatna animisme anthropology antroposentrisme ar fakhruddin ar. suprapto arnold m. rose arskal salim asef bayat ashad kusuma djaya azyumardi azra b badan amil zakat badan 'âmil zakât baheula bapak rohmat baptis behaviour bengkulu bid'ah blending bmt buah gadang buddha c canduang koto laweh center for the study of religion and culture chaidar s. bamualim children's jurai churafat citizenship clifford geertz contemporary csrc cultus publicus d damami darul ulum datuak sangguno di rajo dediknas departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan republik indonesia diachronic diana leat dinamisme dogmatism dpr-gr dr. sutomo duffy durkheim dutch dutch occupation e eklektivisme eksistensi eksistensi ekslusivisme, eksperiensial ekspresi-ekspresi emile durkheim erni budiwanti evers f farâidh fi al-asyya' al-ibahah filantrofi islam filantropi filantropi islam flexibility franz von benda-beckmann franz von benda-bergmann freedom fried fundamental furnivall furuiyyah fusion g geertz geo-politik global ethics global theology. glock gluckman gong zhui gordon w. allport gulliver gus dur h h. dawam h. kusrin h. nasih h. roziq h. salim haji dawam haji dawam roji hak hanna djumhana bastaman harato pusako harmonisasi harmonisasi helmut k. anheier hendrik hibah hilman latief hindu hizbut tahrir indonesia hj. khotijah hoebel horikoshi horizonta hudaniah i idealisme ideologis ijmaiyyah ilmu jiwa agama imran manan briefly individualistis indonesia indonesische drukkerij infak ingsun ilahi inklusif inklusivisme intelektual intellectuals intension ir. henry suwarto irvan abu bakar islam islamic activism islamic law islamic law. islamic philanthropy isrâ' mi'râj istimbath j jackson jambi jamil wahid java jehova jim schiller john hick k k.h. ar. fachrudin kaafur kamanakan kapital-modern kartopuran surakarta katolik kaum kedermawanan khas-an khazanah khurafat kiyai slamet klenteng klenteng sie hien kyong koentjaraningrat kohesivitas komaruddin hidayat konsekuensial kristen kulonprogo kulonrpogo yogyakarta kyai kyai haji ahmad dahlan l lazis lili zakiyah munir lirboyo llyod m m. dawam rahardjo m. ng. harjawijaya madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah maharaja rufus shinra majelis mujahidin indonesia majelis tafsir al-qur'an malawi malinowski mamak manfred ziemek mangkubumi mangkunegara mansoer faqih mas ng. harjawijaya mas ng. mangunwijaya masdar f. mas'udi masif max planck institute for social anthropology mazdhabiyyah memberdayakan merle c. ricklefs milik minangkabau minister of religious affairs mitologi mmi modernisasi moh. hari siti jenar moh. hari soewarno mohammad sobary monograph monograph. moore mora moralitas mta muhaimin muhammad dachlan muhammad muhsin khan muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali muhammad wildan, muhammadiyah 'multifungsi musyawarah muthohharun jinan n nagari nagari nahdhatul ulama nahdlatul ulama (nu) nico syukur dister niels mulder non-partisan nu ny. rorokidul nyai rara kidul o ohan hendrik caspar kern optimisme ota ownership-deed p pangeran cloud panglima sephiroth panjinatarata pantekosta partai amanat nasional (pan) partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) peacock penghulu permodalan nasional madani persatuan islam pesantren philanthropy pilkades pku pluralism pluralisme pluralisme pluralitas pluralitas pns politisasi tradisi pondok pesantren gontor prabu satmata president suharto priyayi protestan purifikasi purwoko q qadariyah qiyâs quran qurasih shihab r raden panji natara radio persada fm raditional society ranz von benda-beckmann rasionalisasi regulations riau rigidity ritualistik robert c. monk rusbult s saifuddin zuhri sami hasan samiul hasan scholars scientific sekolah guru agama semi-autonomous serat bayan budiman sewugalur shadaqah sholawatan sinkretisme sintetis social justice socio-political sosial-ekonomi sosial-politiknya spiritual stark state strategic-group subsidi silang suku sultan abdul hamid ii sultan agung sumatra sunan bonang sunan giri kedhaton suparman usman susilo bambang yudhoyono sustainabilitas syekh siti jenar t tahlilan takhayul takhayul takhayul, bid'ah, dan churafat teologis terorisme tersantuni timur tengah tionghoa tipologi tradisionalis tradition tri dayakisni trikotomi truth claim u uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 'ulama ulayat universalisme universalisme university of leiden university of zurich urbanisasi uswatun hasanah v vanderlinden vinogradoff, w w. allport wahhabi wakaf wali songo waqf warih wasiyat widya pustaka woodman word trade center y yasinan yesus kristus z zakat zakât zamachsyari dhofier zambia zis ziswaf 7. afkaruna_sukiman jurnal afkarun a vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 doi 10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.11520 sukiman ushuluddin faculty, state islamic university of north sumatera (uinsu), medan, indonesia mrsukiman133@gmail.com abstract keywords: theology, economy, gayo tribe, sadaqah abstrak the ecological theology of the indonesian gayo tribe: the integration of tawhīd values into their trade tradition this study analyzes the process of integration of tawhīd (believing in one god) values with trade tradition among the gayo tribe, which helped to improve their economy and create a more prosperous way of life. this tribe is domiciled in the central region of aceh, whose origins are old malays, and they have lived for a long time in the highlands of gayo.thus, they were involved in typical economic activities such as farming, gardening, fishing, rearing of livestock, as well as household businesses and tourism, which were carried out systemically and periodically by the government and jointly supervised by agricultural experts.however, every work carried out had monotheism values with an emphasis on faith and worship because all natural resources were believed to be owned by allah swt. this study uses a qualitative approach in which the data collected were in the form of words, images, and not numbers. results revealed that by capitalizing on faith and piety, the gayo tribe believes that they can achieve happiness and blessings like the people of gayo land who strictly practice islam in their daily lives and have a blessed, prosperous and dignified life from god. penelitian ini menganalisis proses integrasi nilai tauhid (ketuhanan) dengan tradisi perdagangan di kalangan suku gayo yang membantu meningkatkan perekonomian mereka dan menciptakan kehidupan yang lebih sejahtera. suku ini berdomisili di wilayah tengah aceh yang berasal dari melayu kuno, dan mereka sudah lama tinggal di dataran tinggi gayo. mereka melakukan berbagai kegiatan ekonomi seperti bertani, berkebun, memancing, memelihara ternak, serta usaha rumah tangga dan pariwisata, yang dilakukan secara sistemik dan berkala oleh pemeritah dan diawasi bersama oleh para ahli pertanian. namun, setiap pekerjaan yang dilakukan memiliki nilai tauhid dengan penekanan pada iman dan ibadah karena semua sumber daya alam diyakini milik allah swt. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif di mana data yang dikumpulkan berupa kata-kata dan gambar, bukan angka. hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa dengan bermodalkan keimanan dan ketakwaan, suku gayo meyakini bahwa mereka dapat meraih kebahagiaan dan berkah seperti masyarakat tanah gayo yang secara tegas mengamalkan agama islam dalam kehidupan sehari-hari dan memperoleh kehidupan yang barokah, sejahtera dan bermartabat dari tuhan. kata kunci: teologi, ekonomi, suku gayo, sedekah introduction the gayo tribe is one of the sub-ethnic groups in aceh, indonesia. it is domiciled in several districts, including the central aceh regency1, bener meriah called gayo laut, gayo in gayo lues (belengkejeren) and southeast aceh districts in cane city as gayo deret, as well as gayo lukup serbe in east aceh regency. islam has been the religion adopted by all gayo ethnic. they even use islam in their tribal life system as a guideline for their day-to-day living. the gayo highlands region is very beautiful and has the potential for very fertile and abundant natural resources. this area is like a piece of heaven’s land that is placed in the gayo mountains so that this nature’s gift became a blessing suitable for agronomic purposes for the production of fruits, vegetables and coffee, and also for the purpose of tourism. thus, the gayo community carried out their economic activities based on the values of rabbany, which was previously elaborated with the traditions of the ancestors and supported by the environmental influences that existed in gayo. meanwhile, they enriched their respective practices with the knowledge that they obtained from formal education. in fact, the gayo people were involved in various economic activities such as the farming of rice fields (berume), gardening (boiling), rearing livestock (berkude, beritik, bekurik, berkoro), fishing (bergule), trading (mujuel), and entrepreneur businesses. as a matter of fact, most of the gayo people had diverse economic ventures, and thus, their economy prospered immensely. consequently, research on the integrity of the tawhīd value in the gayo community is necessary considering the fact that the gayo tribe is a community that adheres to a kaffah islamic religion. this can be seen from from their day-to-day lifestyle as all the rules applied in society are 317vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 based on the teachings of islam. therefore, this study analyzed how the tawhīd value of the gayocommunity tradition is integrated into the livelihoods of the surrounding community to improve their economy and create a more prosperous way of life. review of literature history and existence of gayo tribe according to m. j. melalatoa as the gayo expert, the history of the gayo community is still yet to be clearly revealed because historical materials that have been written, besides being very limited, still seem confusing. he stated that no historian had had the opportunity to open the dark veil of the gayo's history since there is no visible historical evidence that is considered as prominent, plus the fact that the members of the gayo community themselves are relatively small and remote in the interior of gayo region2. according to available information, the gayo tribe came from old malay descendants from thailand and lived in aceh3. then they finally moved to the interior of central aceh, which was also named gayo highlands, or “gayo land.” the gayo tribe is synonymous with islam as well as the malay tribe4, so islam is a religion adopted by all gayo ethnic groups wherever they are. therefore, even their tribal life system uses islam as its guideline. the gayo tribe is very careful with islam so that customs are used as a means for islamic teachings, which in the term of gayoedet is the pegerni agama. consequently, a number of customs were born which were based on syarak5. although the history of the gayo tribe is still shrouded in darkness, historians say that the first wave of the gayo tribe came from old malaysia who came to sumatra and settled on the east coast of aceh centered in the areas between the jambu ayeriver, perlak river and temiang river. then the rivers flowed to serbejadi, lingga and gayo lues6. also, in the theory of cultural anthropology, the initial domicile of the population was on the seafront before they spread to find a new way of life and atmosphere in the interiors through the rivers. that was how the old malay gayo tribe sought a new life by migrating through the rivers above. mahmud ibrahim observed that perlak residents were the 318 afkaruna oldest of old malay tribe who moved to sumamah, then to serbajadi, lingga, nosar and isaq via the penarun river7. even though the old malay population migrated to the mountains to seek a new life, they had to move due to the arrival of immigrants from outside aceh from gujarat, india, with new patterns and cultural differences so that the old malay population who could not adjust to their lifestyles and their high optimisms decided moved inland. the pattern of economic activities of gayo tribe gayo tribe is an expert in making a living. the following describes some forms of economic business activities of the gayo tribe: a. berume berume is the oldest business of the gayo people8, especially the people around the lake, which was once famous for rice barns in the gayo highlands. field activities began from post lues striped (paddy fields abandoned in the middle) with the activation process as follows: ï mumelah (hoe the land) the process of planting paddy begins by manually capturing land both individually and collaboratively9. there are also mumelah activities that involve plowing (munengel)10 with the help of a horse, where the plow is made of wood. also attached to the iron is a plow knife on the end of the wood in pebengkolanbajak (baluhen). ï munyuk seme (sowing rice seedlings) this activity is carried out after kejurun belang (customary adat expert in the village) observes natural phenomena as a sign that it was permissible for the community to start sowing rice seedlings on neatly fenced land for up to one month. ï munyeras, mumatal munyeras is cleaning the grass while softening the soil, which is similar to plowing unless the ceras were made of fingered wood pulled by a horse's tail. mumatal is patching the embankment or plot boundary of rice fields by digging the already soft soil and attaching it to the front of the paddy field, then polishing it so that it is smooth and beautiful. ï mujergut and munomang this involves the people going into the fields, and all levels of the society are in the fields for mujergut (uprooting rice seeds) and cultivating 319vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 (munomang). during the munomang activity, all family experts, handatolan, come together to perform this activity until they finish planting rice. ï mulamut (weed the grass) after more than a month, when the planted rice looks green, the next activity would be mulamut, the weeding of the grasses that have grown around the rice. during this period, while waiting for the rice to bear fruit, the farmers would also plant long beans, corn and sweet potatoes in the boundary of the rice field plot. ï muniyo (repel birds) after several months and when the rice has grown bigger, the rice starts to bear fruit which begins with the slurry in which the rice stems start to grow like a pregnant woman, and then the rice fruit comes out through the stem. sometimes later, as the fruit and rice grains begin to fill, sparrows (tumpit) will start to visit the rice farms in groups to eat the crops, and this will make the farmers also begin to visit their farms often so as to repel the birds. ï berbengkon, belide, berdun dan bertali as the period of rice harvest approaches, several works will be carried out. the first one is known as berbengkon (bones making roofs like thatched roofs). old bamboo will be split into small sizes, such as the size of the big toe11. belide is bamboo used as a tool to hold rice stems so that they do not fall to the ground. ï munuling and mujaik (slicing and glancing at rice) after the rice turns yellow and before the harvest, there would be seladang (building the hut for rice) and benyang is established (as a tool for separating pulp and rice), with wind power (munangin) or (harvest) is carried out. here, all the people will go into the rice fields like a people's party simultaneously harvesting rice. usually, rice harvesting (sabit) is carried out by women; the stalks of rice are cut off and then tied with the rice stem itself, called raden. after the rice raden is dry, then the men or young men lift the raden to seladang, known as muminuh, using a splint12. afterward, seladang is filled with raden-reden rice arranged in such a way and left for one or two weeks, then mujeik (shaking) rice is done. the activity of glancing at rice was increasingly lively like a people's party, which was carried out by these farmers. then the rice that has been 320 afkaruna gazed and cleared is stored in the rice barn (keben) for the family food stock. unused rice fields are then made into vegetable gardens. b. berempus (plantation business) other gayo community businesses include berempus (gardening). this is done by planting perennials such as coffee, and fruit plants and cinnamon, and other horticultural plants. the following are presented by gayo smallholders as follows: ï empuskupi (coffee garden) and fruits coffee gardens the working process of coffee gardening starts from seedling, then the new six-month-old seedlings are planted into a dug hole measuring 1.5 x 1.5 meters, and it is left for the necessary duration of time. the coffee plant is treated so that it grows big so that when the top is cut off13, the stem gets fatter and bears heavy fruits. ï empus sayur-mayur (horticulture) gayo farmers make use of their gardens for several purposes. for instance, they plant vegetables in some parts of their coffee plantations, and both crops are planted in special areas. also, rice farmers use their rice fields to grow vegetables and fruits. c. berkurik itik (livestock business) the gayo people are known to be very industrious people because, in addition to cultivating rice fields and gardening, they also rear livestock. even though the rearing of livestock is not their main business, they still do it seriously. the livestock business includes the rearing of: ï bekoro (buffalo) this animal is used for clearing the land needed for the cultivation of rice. also, buffalo meats are sold to the community for consumption. ï berlemu (ox) this is used the same way as the buffalo in the maintenance system. however, some make their cages specifically close to their homes. ï berkaming bebiri (goats and sheep) these serve as additional but temporary income sources for the farmers. although the population of animal breeders is very limited, yet they are needed for aqiqah, vows and qurban. like other animals, the goats and sheep are kept by their owners and are released at every striped season. 321vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 ï berkurik beritik (chicken and duck) the rearing of these birds is the most classic business in the gayo tradition. this tradition has existed since the period of the ancestors of the gayo people, and one proof of this is the sound of the morning rooster which has been used in the gayo mars “tawar sedenge” with footage (pengenko so tok ni korekso = listen to the chicken's voice)14, and which is now a compulsory song along with the national anthem of indonesia in official government events. the rearing of chickens and ducks is a hobby that is dear to the gayo people as these two birds are easily seen in the vicinity of human beings. ï berkude (horse) this animal is reared with specific efforts in the tradition of the gayo people, but even this is not much fun when it comes to riding it, as it was released in luesbelang and we occasionally see it on this vast land. ï mungaro akang (deer hunting) there were a handful of residents who hunted deer in the gayo forest before the 1980s. although these people cannot be categorized as breeders, yet they shouted (mutauk) in the middle of the forest so that deer and other types of animals are startled and are captured. at times, deers are caught in the forest with the help of sniffer dogs trained for hunting. d. bergule (fisheries sector business) the traditional fishermen are generally involved in the fishing business because the danaw laut tawar area has several types of wild plants that live in their lake. also, fishing is done to meet the needs of various families. therefore, the efforts put into this business are not in vain because it helps parents get fish for daily rice dishes. the types of fish found in this lake are depik, eyas, relo, poignant fish, mujahir, denung/lindung, bado/cork, friend, keperas, peres, bawal, mut (catfish), kerup/sepat, jejolong, carp, indigo, and eel15. there are a lot of ways or models used by the gayo residents to find fish even from ancient times16, but the most common methods include: ï mudoran or catching fish by mugerle (surprise) this is usually done on holidays with friends since fishing activities are carried out from morning hours till the completion of the exercise. 322 afkaruna ï berebetik (the fishing line) the residents often make their fishing lines with palm fiber color, and it is usually about one hundred meters long. however, the food placed in the fishing line issesut (ground animal) orketol rok (worm) obtained from the rice fields. ï menime (drain) they also dig ditches in paddy fields where there are some trenches (shelves) that have many fishes at a certain time. ï muneldik (bamboo and thread) they also tie a thread to the end of a wood which is usually made of bamboo or white flower stem, and put a large worm (ketol rok) on it and wrap it around, then they put the fish food into the ditch, but it must start from the downstream of the ditch. ï munekik (fishing) this is often carried out by the community both in rice field ditches, in dams, in the kala river and the fresh sea. ï menangil (fishing rods and sange) they could also tie fishing rods to several pieces of sange (a tree that is not submerged in water). ï mubengel (lake grass made into circles) the circle continues to be rolled and herded to the edge of the beach until it shrinks so that fish can be caught. ï menamawawu (bubu) this can be done in paddy fields both in the dry and rainy seasons. in the dry season, usually, the fish goes down to the lake so that the mouth of the pulp is upstream, whereas, in the rainy season, the fish usually go upstream to chase clean water so that the mouth of the bubu is mounted downstream. ï berjelabu this is usually carried out during the rainy season where the fishes are tamarind. ï mudurung, munyekot and munube these three methods are interrelated because munyekot involves trampling on the jenu tube (gummy grass), which if destroyed in the upstream of the trench, the fish will be poisoned by grass so that it goes downstream then the fish goes into the bubu already in the water. 323vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 ï munyangkul and depisik these represent the most interesting sides of the fishing business because, from ancient times, the tradition of embracing depik was already passed down for generations. along the shores of lake tawar lie hundreds of detectors (jermal), by erecting a stilt house that juts into the sea and making the courtyard to also jut into the middle of the lake made of bamboo hemispheres. in the house, there is a kitchen where cooking is done, and this is also the place for carrying out muniru (heating). ï mungekal this is a fish catching method that involves attaching a rope and fishing line on a pole and a bojok (an old and dried pumpkin). ï berserue, beluni this is almost the same as bubu, only that it has a bud shape and in the middle, there is an entrance (segapa), fish dishes have been placed in this series, such as bran or other food so that the fish will go into it. ï munyerampang this involves spearheading the fishing process done at night by tying a peteromak light at the end of the boat with two fishermen standing at each end of the boat and one of them rowing the boat. e. entrepreneurship the women in gayo have many skills for making various gayo foods, namely: ï lepat (timpan) ï gutel (rounded flour) ï cucuris food made from flour and then mixed with brown sugar water ï berahrum ï temping and gegaluh are two of the most pleasant typical foods, made from still rice, both of which are fried first and then ground and separated from the pulp. the marinade is coconut which is mixed with brown sugar ï apam serabi ï kekaras, engkul, lue and sagon f. tourism one of the competitive advantages of gayo is tourism. even though 324 afkaruna this potential has not been maximally promoted, there is now a five-star hotel, “renggali hotel,” belonging to gayo executives. as for the surrounding community, tourism business can influence independent businesses, especially during the holiday seasons such as islamic holidays and national holidays. at these times, the danau laut tawar tourist area is flooded with local tourists and those outside the regency. during this period, the residents open new businesses around this fresh sea lake tourist attraction center, and from this tourism environment, the community has created a wide variety of businesses, such as: ï vendors for food, drinks, fruits and even souvenirs such as accessories, gayo-made accessories such as bags, shoes, caps, and filed tablecloths are sold along the shore of the lake. travelers buy food and beverages offered by the surrounding residents in a bid to meet their nutritional needs. ï providing seating stalls in the form of huts as shelters for tourists. landowners provide these stalls in the lake area, and prices are related to the distance between the road and the lake. • providing children’s play facilities in several places, such as wheels and piggy banks, wedding receptions to provide comfort and entertainment for the travelers’ family members. ï historical places of ancient human legends, such as the daughter of pukes facility, are put in place by landowners. travelers are assisted in entering into the cave to witness the contents and history of the events of the daughter of pukes there are miniatures in this cave. even in the cave, there is water dripping from above said to have healing abilities,and is sold to travelers to treat eye pain. ï motorboats to cruise and spin around the lake as entertainment for the family members of travelers. some rent used tires for bathing on the beaches of the lake. research method this study used a qualitative approach (moleong, 2014: 11). qualitative approach processes, hypotheses, declines, data analysis and data conclusions were conductedby using aspects of trends, non-numerical calculations, descriptive situational and in-depth interviews. a qualita325vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 tive approach tries to explain reality using descriptive explanations in sentence form (pujileksono, 2015 : 35). this research applied a descriptive approach to picture a situation or event that is not accompanied by a hypothesis. according to pujileksono (2015 : 21), descriptive research is aimed at solving actual problems faced now, and it aims at collecting data or information to be compiled, explained and analyzed. through the descriptive research, the researchers gathered useful information and analyzed the integration of tawhīd values with their trading tradition. the data analysis technique started with observing the available data and then interviewing the native gayo people. those activities were carried out to describe the study results to make it easy to understand and interpret data. discussion integration of tawhīd value (religion value) with trade tradition of gayo tribe a. motivating theological values the gayo tribe community, as well as other muslims, treat the faith as the foundation of their lives, and similarly, their lives are based on faith as described by allah in qs. ibrahim 24: meaning: “do you not see how god has made a good parable of a sentence like a good tree; its roots are firm and its branches (towering) into the sky. the treegives its fruit at every season with the permission of the lord. god made the parables for humans so that they always remember.” the sentence that is referred to in the above verse is the sentence of tawhīd, and this saying is a call unto virtue in order to prevent evil and encourage good deeds. this sentence of tawhīd is found in the sentence laailaa ha illallaah. since the time of prophet ibrahim as, such sentences have been used as the basis of the life of muslims. in fact, a muslim must be like a staple of wood mentioned by allah above with a character having aqeedah (sentence of thayyibah) that is strong, good and is of 326 afkaruna true worship, with muamalah (harmonious relationship between humans), and having a noble character, because all of life’s activities must be built on the basis of this monotheism, including economic activity. economics is generally defined as the study of human behavior in its relations with scarce productive resources to produce goods and services and distribute them for consumption17. for the gayo community,the economy is the establishment of a business or work for living purposes, which is called livelihood. gayo tribe’s livelihoods include hunting, fishing, in rivers and in lakes, farming different crops, rearing livestock, trading and working as employees18. as a person who obeys the teachings of islam, the gayo tribe is a member of the faith, so all life’s needs must be based on the value of faith. in the al-quran, it is stated that there is a significant relationship between believing in allah and getting rizq, which is contained in al-ankabut 16-17: meaning: "verily what you worship besides allah is an idol, and you make a lie [1146]. surely what you worship besides allah is not able to give you sustenance; then ask for sustenance from allah, and worship him and give thanks to him. only to you, will we return." especially regarding property, gayo people still refer to al-quran as in the words of allah in qs al-baqarah 22: meaning: "he is the one who made the earth as a stretch for you and the sky a roof, and he sent down water (rain) from the sky, then he produced with it all fruits as a provision for you; therefore do not make allies to god [30], even though you know." the gayo people conduct their economic activities based on orders and stay away from allah's prohibitions by seeking legal and good rizq (qs16: 114). they try to stay in a halal way and avoid illegal business so that the assets obtained are truly clean. in order to obtain a halal and clean property, it must be sought by working hard and maximizing 327vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 efforts. working the islamic way can only be done in an atmosphere of honesty and sincerity because there is no drive stronger than faith19. in addition, life in gayo is patterned according to the principle of balance in the interests of this world and for the hereafter, meaning that they try to strike a balance between the interests of the people of this world in their attempts to earn a living while emphasizing the fact that worship must also be carried out together with it in order to attain allah's pleasure and stay away from the pollution that they could encounter in the environment (qs 28:77). gayo people are strong in their faith, and their motivation to work comes from their souls, and people like that get true blessings. and this conforms to the statement of yusuf al-qardawi that “the believer works because of the will of his heart, because of the call and command from within him, not because a whip drives him from behind.” they work with inner encouragement that trusts in god and his message because they remember their duties and obligations from god to prosper the earth and master nature20. b. motivation of cultural values many of gayo’s tribal ancestors' advice was found in the gayo proverbs, including the physical noise (so that it really worked), not aiming (effectively working), not tingling (strong working). there are even lyrics in the gayo march called “tawar sedenge,” which are compulsory songs done during official government events and community organizations and which are even entrenched in the education of the gayo people. it was even said that in the lyrics of the indonesia raya song, that there was one verse that reads: “uwetmi ko so the people of gayo beluhmi ko muniri so lautijo, entidatenko burnt kelieten mongot pudederu, oyalerahmatni tuhen, thank you, pengenko so nikorekso” (wake up o gayo people go take a bath in the green sea (danau laut tawar), do not let mount kelieten cry, that’s the blessing from god to all of you, listen to the sound of the rooster cock).the song’s lyrics are as simple as the mandate of the ancestor of gayang's ancestors to the next generation of gayo, to work diligently and try to get the chance to get rizq and not to just allow it to disappear. and in this life, we must gain the grace that allah has given, if necessary, to master it like mount burni kelieten (the biggest mountain in takengon). 328 afkaruna there are five scales of systematic work ethic in the gayo culture, namely: first: physical is really working to the maximum extent, this is illustrated in a traditional word kiding kin ulu, ulu kin kiding (feet become head and head becomes feet). it means that all members of the body are involved in working with the system of thinking, planning and working. second, bidik, working quickly to use time effectively (on time) and efficiently (appropriately), time is used properly so that useful results are produced. third, cleverness to use the work strategy, of course, using reason so that the work is not done in vain, so steps are taken to work not too heavy but to get good results. fourth, mersik is a scale of work that is made great by not just working but also ensuring that the benefits that will be achieved are great for the interests of life. fifth, mutasik is the result of the work, and this ensures that the produce from the production accumulates. if the results obtained are many, life will prosper and can be shared with others. in addition, there are eight values of life-based on the gayo culture, these values are: first: genap mufakat (deliberation), even consensus means an agreement is reached in deliberation, which is taken by deliberation in all matters. second, the mandate is to be trusted with or handed over a position, a job and even a mandate of words and barag. third, orderliness is a culture that is highly upheld because orderliness is akhlak al-karimah that is taught in islam. fourth, alang tulung beret berbantuis means to help one another, especially when there is a disaster. when it actually happens, gayo people are quick to provide assistance to others. fifth, compassion is a mental attitude to love the family, handaitolan, fellow muslims even love the other creatures of allah swt. sixth, setie is loyalty to parents, father, mother, family and even colleagues. seventh, bersikekemelen is to be positively competitive, and this came up from facing and tackling the shame that has grown from infancy. eighth, mutentu is gayo's mental attitude that is very noble and aesthetic. it is called noble because it requires them to work regularly, to be clean, neat and beautiful. so that mutentu tends more to the regularity of appearance when working. tawhīd values and gayo culture in economic activities 329vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 in the gayo culture, mothers always sing poetry and prayers as songs; they sing prayers to their babies and older children, especially before going to bed. one of the verses has been stated above, namely: "lailahaillah ankkuni mutuah umure gelah lanyut rezekie gelah mudah, atewe gelah mukmin tangane gelah murah". thus, the foundation upon which their children’s knowledge of allah (thayyibah sentence) is built is found in this verse. also, these children are taught how to pray so that they can become true believers, so that they can have a long and easy life, and so that their hands can be generous as they become givers. every child in gayo grows up to marry in order to establish faith so that his worship is good in relation to others’ (muamalah) and so that he is able to produce akhlakul karimah as the fruit of his faith (qs. 66: 24-25). also, since they need the necessities of life starting from the basic ones (ad-dharuriyah) like food and drink, they actively engage themselves in various businesses such as farming rice fields, gardening, rearing livestock, fishing, and so forth. the gayo people are used to having rice lavas (keben) in each household because they are afraid of starvation so as to be able to have seedlings to plant rice as much as possible, and the results are stored for a long time. likewise, abundant fish in danau laut tawar are easy to catch and dry in preparation, vegetables and fruits are cultivated in their gardens and they also rear livestock. so the life of the gayo people is very prosperous. they see to the needs of their various households (al-hajiah) such as buying of supplementary foods, bicycles, radio and tv sets which almost every household can afford, through their well planned out financial-economic system. also, their tertiary needs (tahsinat) in the form of beauty equipment, handphones, home accessories, hygiene cupboards, flowers and others items are also planned for. in fact, the gayo plateau can be said to possess “a thousand grace” because it comprises fertile land that can grow vegetables, fruits and hultikultura parks. it also has beautiful laut tawar lake and a variety of flora and fauna. it is as if god wants the inhabitants of gayo land to live in prosperity. any crop planted in gayo land grows well, and any business tried in gayo land gets abundant rizq. but these potentials need to be explored. this makes the gayo people be close (taqarrub) to the one who gives them sustenance, that is, allah swt. with the abundance of 330 afkaruna natural resources, it is paramount for the people of gayo to be obedient to allah through taqwa, meaning that the more allah increases mercy, the more intense the quality of their service will be to god almighty. among the gayo people, there is a connection between deviations from aqeedah and islamic teachings to make rizq disappear (qs. 29: 18). therefore, there is a relationship between the more abundant mercy shown to the people of gayo and more obedience from them to allah. on the other hand, the diminishing pleasure of allah is increasingly tenuous when it concerns the relationship of gayo people with allah. therefore, the gayo plateau has a thousand blessings that must draw its people closer to allah, so that the rahmat continues and becomes a provision for everyday life a thousand grace must be balanced with a thousand gratitude as in the words of allah, “if you are grateful i will add to my favour, but if you are not grateful, my punishment will be very painful” (qs. 14: 7). conclusion for the gayo people to get blessing sustenance, they must have good intentions to be obedient to allah, who gives them their blessings. they must start each business with the basic sentence and put in their maximum efforts, and be grateful to allah for business success. the results of their work must be used to serve god and to provide income for their various families. the rest can be released as zakat, infaq and sadaqah for the mustahiq. by capitalizing on faith and piety, these people work honestly, trustworthily, and carry out the traditions of the gayo tribe consistently in every effort they make. in doing so, the gayo people strictly practice islam in their daily lives to get a blessed, prosperous and dignified life from allah to achieve happiness in this world and in the hereafter. having a sense of being close to god makes the gayo people not afraid of feeling economically deficient. the life of the gayo community is in line and is balanced between this world and the hereafter, in the sense that all the achievements made by people in the community are regarded solely as a god’s gift that will surely return unto him. in conclusion, it is worth mentioning that the researchers who were 331vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 directly involved in this research also felt a very significant impact when experiencing their practice of monotheism. it gives the opportunity for each and every one of us to reflect on it in our lives so that we can become people who are truly grateful and who are always thankful to god for giving a decent life to each of his people. endnotes 1 in aceh province there are also twelve tribal sub-groups in aceh, namely, acehnese, gayo, aneuk jamee, singkil, alas, tamiang, kluet, devayan, sigulai, batak pak-pak, haloban, lekon. these tribes differ in language and culture but are united in an aceh region. it is said that the acehnese were still related to the mon khmer tribe (campa region). acehnese language is part of the malay language of austronesian polynesia. see on visit banda aceh-aceh indonesia. 2 drs. m. j. melalatoa (1982), kebudayaan gayo, (jakarta: pn. balaipustaka), p.34. 3 there is a term from the word aceh, the arabs call it asji, the french writers refer to aceh as acehm, acin, acheh, while the british call it atcheen, acheen, achin. the dutch called it achem, achim, atchim, atchem, atjin, atsjeh and atjeh. one of the origins of the acehnese designation is an ancient story of an indian guzarat ship that sailed to aceh and arrived at the tjidaih river (read: ceudah). the crew then climbed ashore to pande village. 4 gayo language utterances have the same words used in malaysia such as, uluh (bamboo) reeds in malay, tingkep (window), screeching (running fast) etc. in mandailing also found syllables such as ipon (teeth), ulu (head), manganese (eating), maridi similar to muniri means bathing, etc. so that the gayo tribe is close to the north sumametra tribe as an old malay tribe. 5 in the traditional words, edet urum syeriet is the song of the urine sifet. 6 researcher and writer team (1970), monografi kabupaten aceh tingkat ii aceh tengah, (banda aceh: economy faculty unsiyah), p.10. 7 h. mahmud ibrahim (1980), peranan islam melalui adat gayo dalam pembangunan masyarakat gayo, makalah seminar ilmu pengetahuan dan kebudayaan, januari 20-25, 1986 (takengon: majelis ulama indonesia with mui aceh tengah), p.2. 8 before livelihoods in the fields developed well, rice fields were dominant for the gayo people. meanwhile, according to walad, viewed from basic livelihoods up to 1972 in the four largest villages were coffee, tobacco and secondary crops (35%), then followed by rice fields (25.5%), the rest were teachers, administrative staff, trade and others. see in m. j. melalatoa, gayo culture, (jakarta: balai pustaka, 1982), p. 132. 9 in the tradition in gayo, there are various forms of mutual cooperation (tulang tulung) such as berlat, host, mango lo, munempuh and so on, m. j. melalatoa, kebudayaan gayo, p. 132. 10 nengel is a land plowing tool drawn by a horse. this tool consists of a baluhen which is a bent wooden trunk, at the end of this baluhen there is a nengel eye (knife) that will dismantle the ground, from this baluhen is attached to another wood as the 332 afkaruna handle for the control device, then there is a 5 x 6 cm wood perpendicular to the baluhen angle straight forward as a horse-drawn hook, there is a curved igu of wood placed on the horse's neck with its saddle, and there is an eighth rope where it is inserted in the form of flour, and there are two bridle straps from munung horse because of the control device. 11 the rope from the stem of the train can also be made as a "jangkat" in the gayo tradition, there is a tool to lift things, especially fire wood, rice greetings, and other special items for mothers called go-to. whereas for men it is called bertujung if caught on the head like rice, etc., but there is also "berarang" if what is brought is wood or bamboo, where the wood is placed on the shoulder and the tag handles objects that are carried. 12 splint is made from burlap which is cut in two right sides and is clipped with wood and tied with a rope, in the middle of which there is branching wood (kekawit) into this tool, placed raden (clump of rice) and then transported (ijujung) to seladang. 13 lucky coffee is when this coffee tree is about one meter high, cut so that the trunk and branches become fat and will bear heavy fruit, if coffee is not made fortune then the coffee is higher and taller and less fruitful and even difficult to pick it. 14 mars gayo which is called "tawar sudenge", one of the verses reads ... "the party is asking for nikorekso, (listen to the sound of chickens crowing)" so wake up early for prayer and work to find god's gifts. 15 a.r. hakim aman pinan, daur hidup, hal. 38. 16 tools for catching fish in gayo are kik sawa, jo, mangka, ngelok, nekik brawang, nancak, begerep, beketor/bermemin, murodok, mulongkop, salir, nin, dawe, nelping, rawit, kik sawe, munyamar, nekik bado, dekik, nantus, didisen, berserue, nenekil, kekal, murebetik, munangil, modoran, menyangkul, muneldik, wawu ni li, nujele/munyempak, munyerampang, munyekot, mubengel, mnyengkek, meneni, munyerkap, munyisik, batur, gedegom, crkap 17 monzer kahf, ekonomi islam (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1995), p.2. 18 drs. m. j. melalatoa, kebudayaan gayo (jakarta:balai pustaka,1982), p.130. 19 drs. m. j. melalatoa, kebudayaan gayo (jakarta:balai pustaka,1982), p.130. 20 yusuf al-qardawy, iman, p.266. references ahmad tafsir. “ilmu pendidikan dalam perspektif islam”. 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(boston and london: allyn & bacon). 1977. 335vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 5. afkaruna_wartoyo jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 cryptocurrency in the perspective of maqasid al-shariah: a critical analysis of the mafsadah (harm) and the maslahah (benefit) of cryptocurrency doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.14164 iain syekh nurjati cirebon wartoyo@syekhnurjati.ac.id wartoyo iain syekh nurjati cirebon alvienseptian@syekhnurjati.ac.id alvien septian haerisma abstract this study explains the islamic economic perspective on cryptocurrency, in this case, in the light of maqashid shariah. this research was a literature study and qualitative in nature. the data analysis applied a descriptive-analytical technique with a normative juridical approach to islamic law. the results of this study conclude that cryptocurrency has a much greater element of mafsadah than maslahah. it is an investment commodity rather than a currency with a very high level of risk and volatility that reflects the mafsadah. this is the attraction of a new investment model because it only follows the trend of global market developments that are far from the function and benefits of currency in the perspective of islamic economics. keywords: cryptocurrency, maqashid sharia, fiat money, blockchain cryptocurrencies are a new phenomenon in the investment industry in particular and in the financial world in these two decades that offer both opportunities and threats, causing a debate about cryptocurrencies, introduction which makes some people hesitate whether to accept or reject the currency. on the other hand, it also brings inevitable advantages and disadvantages as it is operated online, which is vulnerable to a number of threats and dangers.1 since its launch in 2009, cryptocurrencies have caused controversy in the financial industry. some opinions are optimistic and supportive and believe that it will become part of the economic and political fundamentals of the world in the future, but many others are pessimistic and doubtful about its sustainability and predict its collapse in the end. krugman, for example, still doubts the existence and contribution to the economic values that this cryptocurrency will provide in the future.2 so far, cryptocurrencies that are already popular such as bitcoin, ethereum, litecoin, dogecoin and the like, have been able to provide alternatives for some people in making transactions and investments. aspects of ease, speed and transparency that are more compared to currencies, in general, have driven the intensity of their use among millennials who are so obsessed with different types of cryptocurrencies and all kinds of derivatives that various kinds of crypto tokens have emerged that make more diverse types of digital currencies. but behind all the advantages offered, there are great risks that must be borne by cryptocurrency holders, including the very high volatility value, the absence of real supporting assets and the absence of supporting rules that can protect against losses that may be suffered. this is what then makes cryptocurrencies controversial and is still the object of debate between its supporters and repellents. the debate about the pros and cons of its use has become dynamic among experts, including scholars who have studied it from the islamic point of view.3 the main problem in cryptocurrencies is related to volatility risk, where the rise and fall of the value of cryptocurrencies are very sensitive to the dynamics of the world’s market, politics, and economy. even the value of cryptocurrency seems to follow a certain trend of some people who have a strong influence in controlling the market and its distribution. for example, in june 2021, when elon musk gave a certain gesture to a cryptocurrency, it would immediately affect the increase or decrease in 111 afkaruna the value of the cryptocurrency. this is, of course, the negative side of cryptocurrency because its value is unstable and tends to follow market flows and uncertain politics, it will be very vulnerable for anyone, so it is not suitable to be used as a major currency or even just a commodity in investing.4 several fatwas prohibit crypto money, including those issued by the egyptian mufti and the turkish state government on the grounds that crypto money is very vulnerable to being used for unlawful activities such as money laundering, can only be used in transactions on the internet, and there is no supervision from the competent authorities in each country. others argue that cryptocurrencies, in this case, especially bitcoin, cannot be categorized as currencies because several reasons, such as: not being backed by real assets, having no intrinsic value, and the absence of supervision from the authorities so that bitcoin money can be classified as gharar and maysir goods that can result in injustices in the economy.5 as for those who allow cryptocurrencies based on the fiqhiyah rule, which states that "in muamalah, all things are basically okay until there is a prohibition that forbids it". in the case of cryptocurrencies, according to them, they already qualify as a currency because of 4 things, namely: proven to have a value recognized by everyone, accepted as legal tender and applicable to some people or certain groups, the value can be measured, and can be used as a unit of calculation. in addition, cryptocurrencies are, in principle, allowed because they are treated as valuables reflected by the prevailing market prices on global exchanges and are accepted for payment at various merchants, including bakeries, restaurants, and even large retailers and e-commerce.6 meanwhile, the fatwa of the indonesian ulema council (mui) has expressly stipulated that the use of cryptocurrency as a currency is haram, as it contains gharar and dharar and is contrary to existing regulations. meanwhile, cryptocurrency as a commodity/digital asset is not legally traded because it contains gharar, dharar, qimar and does not meet the requirements of sil'ah in syar'i, since there is a physical form, has value, is known for its exact amount, property rights and can be handed over to the buyer.7 112vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 in line with the fatwa, several studies discussing cryptocurrencies concluded that cryptocurrencies have a greater mafsadah (harm) than the maslahah (benefit) they gave because they are still very thick with elements of gambling (maysir). also, there is high speculation and profitability by utilizing the level of volatility. in addition, cryptocurrencies are vulnerable to illegal practices such as money laundering and human trafficking that are difficult for financial and banking systems to detect.8 meanwhile, other studies have found that cryptocurrencies can be traded on islamic commodity exchanges on the condition that the state protects these trades under a legal umbrella and issues cryptocurrencies where the pricing rests on gold or the country's currency. cryptocurrencies cannot be used as commodities in sharia derivatives contracts in indonesia, as they still contain speculation and maysîr and are vulnerable to use for illegal activities. therefore cryptocurrency is legally harâm lighairihi or haram due to external factors, so it should be avoided.9 it is interesting to study this issue, especially when viewed from the perspective of maqashid sharia, regarding whether the presence of this cryptocurrency provides more maslahat or mudharat for the current and future economic world. because whether you like it or not, cryptocurrencies already exist and are present in the life of modern humans today, and there have even been several countries that openly accept them as legal tender for use. although in indonesia itself, the government seems to be still difficult to determine attitudes, so it has not issued a strict regulation on whether or not to use cryptocurrency in business transactions in the community. this article studies the following the problems; first, is the cryptocurrency qualified, criteria and worthy of being used as a currency? secondly, has cryptocurrency fulfilled its function as a currency from an islamic economic perspective? third, what is the position of cryptocurrencies in the islamic economy when viewed from the aspect of maqashid sharia? 113 afkaruna method this study is a type of literature research with a qualitative approach and analyzed using descriptive-analytical techniques. data collection was carried out by tracing previous studies on cryptocurrencies through various approaches and analyses, especially those with the maqashid sharia approach.10 the data that was collected was then analyzed using the concept of maqashid shariah with an emphasis on the maslahah paradigm. maslahah is the maintenance of aspects of life (nafs), religion (dien), reason (aql), treasure (maal), and offspring (nasl), which are categorized into three levels as follows: daruriyyah, hajjiyah, and tahsiniyyah. the maslahah approach is a step to eliminate difficulties in various aspects of life, especially in social problems.11 the concept of maqashid shariah was chosen based on the interest that the debate over the validity of cryptocurrency as a currency cannot be seen only from the perspective of islamic law, which is always solely based on text (nash) because there are other aspects of this problem that cannot be achieved using a legal approach but must use an approach that looks more at the side of its benefit to humans, especially in modern times.12 literature review the presence of cryptocurrencies managed to attract a lot of attention, inseparable from the observations of academics, especially those who have an interest in the field of network computers and also finance. as a new phenomenon, there are many opinions on its pros and cons. this is what attracted several researchers to conduct research related to bitcoin or other cryptocurrencies, both in terms of legality, feasibility, and several other cases. accordingly, some research has examined bitcoin from the aspect of islamic law. cryptocurrencies have an excellent future for being an alternative currency in the world because they have an appeal that lies in simplicity, flexibility, and decentralization, being easy to understand but difficult to subvert. in essence, cryptocurrencies can be expected as long as the system is still protected by its users.13 in addition, cryptocurrencies can also be used as an alternative medium in investing or diversifying 114vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 investment portfolios because they are consistently correlated with investments that use conventional assets. even the average daily return can be higher than traditional investment. along with the growing popularity of bitcoin, it is hoped that in the future, the governments of countries in the world will provide a legal basis for bitcoin to provide stability between demand and supply. the feasibility of14 cryptocurrencies as an investment commodity is very prospective, but while still paying attention to the characteristics of good cryptos, such as 1. knowing its creator, 2. there is real work to get it, 3. coins are not distributed free of charge, 4. in accordance with pareto's law, 5. have the right incentive scheme, 6. developers have good credibility, 7. unique, 8. proper selection of launch time (ico).15 on the other hand, there are also research results that argue that cryptocurrencies are not suitable for use as currencies or investment instruments for several reasons, including 1. bona fide currencies serve as a medium of exchange, store of value, and unit of account, but bitcoin largely fails to meet these criteria. 2. bitcoin reaches very little consumer transaction volume, with an average of under one daily transaction of 3. bitcoin has a very high risk because its value is unstable with higher volatility than currencies or gold, so it cannot be used as a reference in managing financial risk for a long period of time. 4. in the future, bitcoin is at risk of being hacked as technology advances 5. bitcoin seems to behave more like a speculative investment than a currency.16 other opinions consider cryptocurrencies to be a breakthrough in the world of digital finance, but it is difficult to predict their future existence with the development of the world of technology. the chances of cryptocurrencies in the long term are highly unlikely due to weak support, both in terms of technology and currency stability, not to mention when there is resistance from the government.17 other studies that discuss cryptocurrencies from the perspective of islamic economics and finance view that cryptocurrencies are very much in line with the concept of islamic finance because they are able to eliminate elements of speculation and also usury that has been complained about by most people who are on fiat currencies.18 115 afkaruna the concept of money in an islamic economic perspective there are two major theories about money, namely the classical theory of demand and the keynesian theory. in classical demand theory, money is recognized only as a medium of exchange (medium of change) and a cryptocurrencies are highly compatible with islamic finance on the grounds that cryptocurrencies cannot be faked, do not experience inflation because of their limited supply, minimize the occurrence of gharar, and because of their decentralized nature, give complete freedom to their owners without having to comply with third-party rules in addition to19 cryptocurrencies systemically, its characteristics and functions already meet all the criteria required in islam, so that undoubtedly its validity is used for business transactions.20 bitcoin is not the only cryptocurrency. to date, there are no less than 1000 types of cryptocurrencies in circulation. and not a few of these cryptocurrencies end up "dying" for various reasons, but mostly because they are not in demand by the market, so they are no longer taken care of by their developers. some of the digital currencies that still survive and are the prima donna today, as well as bitcoin, are ethereum, ripple, monero, dogecoin and litecoin and other alternative coins that are then known as altcoins.21 in addition to crypto coins, there are currently also other derivatives of cryptocurrencies known as crypto tokens. if a crypto coin operates on its own blockchain network, then the crypto token operates by hitchhiking on the blockchain of other cryptocurrencies, as it does not have its own blockchain network. crypto tokens are commonly used to describe functions representing the value of cryptocurrencies, such as bitcoin value tokens, security tokens for account protection, and utility tokens for specific purposes. in other words, tokens can be understood as a type of encryption consisting of long lines of numbers and letters used for money transfers or bill payments.22 in indonesia itself in 2021, several local crypto tokens such as asix tokens and i-coin were circulated, but in their development, they could not survive, and in the end, the rug was pulled or abandoned by their developers because they were no longer in demand. 116vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 unit of account (unit of account). whereas in keynesian theory, the demand for money is based on three motivations: transaction purposes, just in case and lastly, for speculation purposes. from these two theories, it is clear that keynesian considers money not only as a tool for transactions but also seen as a commodity that can be used as an investment instrument. this theory later gave birth to other derivative theories related to money, which are still applied today in the world of finance around the world.23 24 in concept, money has several functions that must be owned so that it can be used as a reference in transactions. this is what then encourages changes in the physical form of money from time to time-correlated with the aim of making it easier for humans to make transactions using one payment instrument that is truly trusted, stable and easy to transfer. however, the function of money remains unchanged, namely as a medium of exchange, a unit of account and as a medium of store of value.25 as a medium of change, money has the function of making a transaction easy, cheap and simple. therefore, a currency must have the following specifications and features: accepted by the majority in a group in a particular region, stable and not easily changed to the extreme, trusted by its holders, standardized, has the right denomination value, are easy to be cultivated and transferred, old and not easily damaged, have a safety net system.26 the second currency function is as a unit of account. the point is that money serves to determine the value or narga of an item or objects to be transacted. or it can be a jugu to determine how much wealth or property is owned by a person. in order for the function of currency as a unit of calculation to be fulfilled, it must have several requirements, including being widely applied, reducing transaction costs and information costs.27 the third function of money is as a unit of a store of value. the currency also allows humans to store wealth where wealth can later be used as capital in carrying out an effort to create added value. a currency must meet several requirements in carrying out its function as a store of value, namely:28 117 afkaruna from the explanation of the function of money above, it can be clearly understood that money in a conventional economic perspective has two properties at once, namely the flow concept and the stock concept. the flow concept is illustrated from the function of money as a medium of change and a unit of account, while the nature of the stock concept can be seen from the function of money as a store of value. the implications of this view clearly have an impact on the behavior and current economic conditions, where in the capitalist economy, money is used as a commodity that can be traded or rented out to make a profit.29 when money is treated as a commodity, then there arises a so-called money market which then develops again into a derivatives market that uses interest instruments as the price of its products that is not based on the motive of real transactions completely. in fact, most of them are motivated by speculation, which can eventually create a bubble economy that can cause an economic and monetary crisis when it reaches its breaking point.30 meanwhile, the concept of money in islamic economics is very clear that money is a flow concept, meaning that money is not always synonymous with capital which is a stock concept. because in the islamic economic view, money is public goods while capital (capital) is private it can be stored for a certain period of time, and it can maintain the price value of the money. it can be used as capital with the aim of obtaining higher profits in the future. maintained liquidity. wealth may be invested in the form of precious metals or high-priced works of art. but still, wealth in a more liquid form (cash) will be more able to be used more flexibly for any purpose and at any time without having to be sold first. can avoid the possibility of hyperinflation. inflation will inevitably be experienced by all types of fiat money; this is due to the pure or intrinsic value of the paper not being equal to its physical value. so, inflation can definitely occur at any time. this is normal as long as inflation can still be controlled by generating incomes that are higher than the money they have. 1. 2. 3. 4. 118vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 does cryptocurrency qualify as a currency? in economics, money is anything generally accepted as a medium of exchange. because, in concept, all goods or objects that are considered valuable and mutually agreed upon by a certain group can be called money. when referring to this definition, other cryptocurrencies can already be categorized as money. because indeed, another cryptocurrency was created as an alternative means of payment for people who do not want their private data and transactions to be known by certain authorities.33 cryptocurrencies offer many of the same functions as currencies that a country's government issues paper. there are generally three main functions of a currency: as a medium of change, a unit of account, and a store of value. digital currencies are an efficient means of exchange. users can purchase goods and services using digital currency units. digital currencies can also serve as a store of value. privately issued tokens have a value that can remain stable over time. account owners can use digital currency as a savings account for long-term storage of value. cryptocurrencies are a modern, recognizable and scalable economic unit accepted in the global economy.34 of the three functions, cryptocurrency, in general, has qualified as a medium of change because it almost meets all aspects of the requirements as a medium of exchange among them, is accepted by the majority in a group in a certain region, is stable and not easy to change in goods. because money is public goods, it should not be used as a store of value because it will cause scarcity that can disrupt price stability and possibly be used as a speculative medium. this means that money must be rotated (investment) in the real sector in order to get a return or profit.31 in general, muslim scholars and economists agree that money only serves as a medium of change. among these scholars are imam ghazali, ibn taymiyah, ibnul qayyim, raghib alashbahani, ibn khaldun, and al-maqrizi expressly stated that the main function of money is as a medium of exchange. despite some scholars’ differing views, the majority (jumhur ulama) adhere to the original opinion.32 119 afkaruna considering aspects of maslahah and mafsadah cryptocurrency speaking in the study of maslahah and mudharat, of course, the simplest thing to use as a measure is to look at what can be the benefits or advantages of cryptocurrency and how are the sides of mafsadat or its shortcomings. therefore, in the next discussion, several advantages and disadvantages of this digital currency will be identified. bitcoin as a digital currency has several advantages compared to fiat money, or e-money that is currently in circulation, including: cannot be faked unlike the banknotes that are very easy to counterfeit, for the time being, counterfeiting against bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies has never happened. this is because the security system contained in a peer-to-peer network where all data is stored on an open the extreme, trusted by its holders, standardized, has the right denomination value, is easy to carry and transfer, durable and not easily damaged, and have a safety net system.35 but for the other two functions, it seems that cryptocurrencies are not able to meet all the requirements to fulfill their functions as a unit of account because, in the future, it is doubtful that they can be widely applied due to their inclusive nature. after all, they transform into commodities from the medium of exchange. in full function as a store of value, cryptocurrency in real terms still cannot be fulfilled. the difficulty of cryptocurrencies as a tool for storing value is their very high volatility. it is difficult to mitigate the risk of volatile and drastically moving values.36 with these conditions, we cannot hedge bitcoin, so the risk becomes even greater. compared to the volatility of bitcoin, the average in a year can reach 300%. this figure is much greater than the average currency in the world, about 7% to 12%. gold, whose volatility is about 20%. or stocks that range from 20-30%, although for some stocks that are at risk, it can reach 100%. from the comparison, it can be seen that holding bitcoin, even in the short term, carries a high risk, which is inconsistent with the nature of money that serves as a store of value.37 1. 120vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 blockchain will make it difficult for anyone to forge bitcoin money. in addition, bitcoin will be difficult to forge in the form of physical bitcoin itself does not exist because bitcoin is just a series of cryptographic codes that are systematically arranged and stored in the accounts of each owner, making it almost impossible for a person or group of people to commit counterfeiting.38 transact online but like cash one of the advantages of using a cryptocurrency is that users can transact online as well as transact in cash. there are no excessive transaction fees, as is the case when using e-money. by eliminating third-party (banking) restrictions, transactions between users will be easier, cheaper and faster.39 decentralized system whether one realizes it or not, when a person decides to place his money in a bank or in another financial institution such as mutual funds or insurance, it is indirectly "forced" to be subject to the terms and conditions made by the company. all our identities and privacy are taken away so that almost nothing else can be covered, such as identity, family, or job, even until our income is all obligatory to give to those third parties. whereas we do not know who they are, whether they will use our personal data really only for business purposes or for other interests that we do not know for sure. on the other hand, after we have handed over all the personal data, we also hand over our assets to them. with the surrender of these assets, we will no longer be able to take full control of these assets. for example, if we hand over 100 million, then when we need the money immediately, there is a mechanism that prevents us from being able to take and utilize the asset even though it is really our full right. this happens because there is a limit to the number of withdrawals allowed per day, the minimum amount of money that must settle in the account and not mention that every month there are administrative fees and other fees charged in making each transaction. in another aspect, the security system implemented in its financial institutions has 2. 3. 121 afkaruna proven to be still very vulnerable to break-ins, both by40 41 hacking, skimming and other methods. this causes the risks that will be borne by customers to be many times over. by using cryptocurrencies, all of that will never happen because everyone can protect all their privacy when transacting with others. in addition, all the cryptocurrency assets that we have are all completely within our own power and can be used whenever, wherever and whatever we want.42 low transaction fees the use of cryptocurrencies, for example, bitcoin, in transactions is not really free of fees. there is a provision for a number of costs that must be borne, which is 1 sathosi or 0.0001btc per 100043 bytes. the size of the fee in the bitcoin system uses a standard byte, where every 1000 bytes of transaction data is charged 0.0001 btc, which when converted to an exchange rate of 1 us $ = rp. 15,000 is approximately rp.10,000. compared with the fees charged in the transaction process in banking, in addition to the monthly routine administration fees, which amount to rp. 10,000-rp. 15,000 / month, in each transaction made, is also charged a fee depending on the amount the value of the money transacted. from the aspect of flexibility, payment of transactions using e-payments from banks sometimes hinders, for example, transactions made on holidays, not to mention the risk if the bank's database network experiences disruptions caused by human error and hacking activities. this will not happen to cryptocurrencies because transactions on the cryptocurrency network does not recognize holidays.44 does not cause inflation the value of cryptocurrencies does experience ups and downs following the supply and demand mechanisms that occur in the market on the cryptocurrency network. however, with the restriction that the number of cryptocurrencies such as bitcoin in circulation amounts to 21 million btc, naturally, the value of bitcoin will continue to rise, along with the smaller and fewer 4. 5. 122vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 bitcoin reserves that have not been mined. even cryptocurrencies are predicted to continue to increase in value so that they can be economically profitable both in terms of exchange rates and from the aspect of being a commodity in investing.45 future investment instruments cryptocurrency, which was originally intended as a substitute for centralized fiat currencies, has now begun to be used as an instrument in investing. it is suspected that the need for cryptocurrency for investment today is much greater than its need to transact. for example, investing in bitcoin is almost the same as investing in using other currencies, which is buying at a time when the value falls and selling it to take advantage at a time when the value of bitcoin is high. in addition to the advantages and advantages previously explained, cryptocurrencies also, of course, have disadvantages as follows: unclear system of oversight and accountability cryptocurrencies aim to break into the current financial system, which is server-based with centralized control, into a peer-to-peer network system. when viewed in terms of security and privacy, it is clear that the peer-to-peer network used by cryptocurrencies provides a much stronger security and privacy guarantee so that if a transaction occurs, it could be that the two parties to the transaction do not know correctly who the transaction is with. with such a strict security system and protection against47 privacy, this network is widely used by people who carry out illegal activities such as drug trafficking, arms trafficking and also humans. for this reason, there are still many countries that ban the use of cryptocurrencies because they are worried that the risks posed outweigh the profits obtained.48 it costs a lot to get it to do cryptocurrency mining nowadays, it can no longer be done by people in general because, in the cryptocurrency system, the more users who participate in mining and 6. 1. 2. 123 afkaruna transactions will increase the energy resources and technology needed. several studies have found that in a mining process, the cost of supplying49 electrical energy is much greater than the results of mining cryptocurrencies obtained. so, it is not economically profitable. in addition, currently, pliers’ equipment is used to carry out mining in the form of asics, and the price is no longer affordable for the public. so that only people with large capital can carry out mining activities. so in this aspect, cryptocurrency is still very thick with the nuances of capitalism.50 based on networks that are still possible to engineer and hack a peer-to-peer network with all its security attributes in the form of cryptography and other functions that currently guarantee the security and privacy of each of its members may currently be very difficult to hack its network. but keep in mind that the world of technology in the world with the fastest development. everything considered51 impossible is done at this time, not necessarily valid in the future. remember how we used to be amazed by e-mail technology that was so sophisticated that it was declared the most secure medium of communication and information exchange is no longer an example of this assumption because e-mail can be hacked by inserting malware that can snoop on all the contents of an e-mail. also, it is not likely that this will happen in the next 5 or 10 years on the cryptocurrency system.52 depends on user consensus as a currency, of course, the value of its applicability will largely depend on the extent to which a particular group or community agrees on the validity of a type of currency. likewise, cryptocurrencies will only have value when most of the members in the network still agree to continue using and recognizing cryptocurrencies as legal tender. due to the beginning of the control of53 cryptocurrencies by only some people with large capital, it is feared that there is a kind of 3. 4. 124vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 jealousy and feeling of injustice from some of them that cause the abandonment of the use of bitcoin. this began to happen when there appeared a lot of alternative cryptocurrencies besides bitcoin, which numbered more than 1000 types.54 the limited scope of circulation asa currency that operates on the basis of high-tech devices, the spread of cryptocurrency as a currency feels impossible to be widely used because the limitations of human and natural resources between one country and another are still very high. for the people of developed countries who have become accustomed to high technology, such as america, china, japan, korea and european countries, perhaps the availability and use of cryptocurrencies will be easily carried out, but what about societies in developing and underdeveloped countries?55 not based on its intrinsic value. cryptocurrency is a digital currency with no real physical form. in this aspect, then cryptocurrency can be called worse than the fiat currencies that exist today due to its unclear physical existence. this results in the high volatility of the value of cryptocurrencies in the market which sometimes rises economically and then a little later fall also to extremes. why can this happen? in addition to being caused by the laws of demand and supply, the absence of56 intrinsic value backing also exerts a great influence, so the stability of the value of cryptocurrencies as a currency is greatly affected by internal and external issues.57 tendency to be a commodity rather than a medium of exchange lately, the tendency of cryptocurrency users is no longer to treat it as just a medium of exchange but rather as a trading commodity, with the aim of seeking to profit from the difference in the price of cryptocurrencies over time. it is very similar to the dollar currency, which can be traded and used as a commodity rather than a medium of exchange or in 5. 6. 7. 125 afkaruna terms of58 forex trading. this fact certainly deviates from the original purpose of creating cryptocurrencies, namely as a means of payment or alternative currency that is more independent and far from the intervention of certain financial authorities to cut the bureaucratic flow in transactions and trust problems of third parties who control the financial system. with this tendency, the future of59 cryptocurrencies will eventually only circulate among certain groups (owners of large capital), so the function of bitcoin as a currency will be increasingly lost and turned into a commodity, as is currently the case with metals starting. easy to abuse for criminal acts in the world of internet networks, generally, humans only know open-access sites that are commonly available on the surface and used for various purposes of their use. few know that there is an area or area in the network world that has been rarely known by humans in general, which is called the deep web or also known as the dark web, which is a network site that is in the depths of darkness. as with the internet on the surface, as we know it, in the dark web area, there are also many types of services and sites that are used for various purposes, for example, places to store research results on the military, medical, and cutting-edge technologies that are still in the development stage and are confidential. it is undeniable that the birth of60 cryptocurrency cannot be separated from this dark web because the beginning of the cryptocurrency's fame was caused by the discovery of the silkroad network, an online store on the dark web that sells various types of drugs using bitcoin as a means of payment.61 8. discussion cryptocurrency, with all its advantages and lack thereof, is undoubtedly a brilliant invention of the decade, in which it was able to break the established modern financial system and provide an alternative for 126vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 everyone to make a choice in making transactions. as a currency, the function of cryptocurrency is undoubtedly its function and benefit because it can provide more profitable services compared to payment systems using fiat currencies or e-money that exist today. however, the concept of money in the islamic economy itself is basically only recognized as a medium of change and as far as a unit of account because if a currency has been categorized and treated as a commodity, what will happen is a transaction that contains elements of gharar (speculation) and usury. with the large possibility of62 cryptocurrencies being used as commodities, the recent trend shows that this is currently becoming a prima donna, characterized by the existence of a special money market for buying and selling cryptocurrencies called the cryptocurrency index.63 if a cryptocurrency has been traded in the money market, then its nature has changed from public goods to private goods, which will be more widely used as speculative instruments in seeking profits based on interest. ultimately64 cryptocurrencies will resemble fiat currencies more than gold because they are not backed by a clear intrinsic value.65 moreover, most cryptocurrency users want to get a share of the increase in the value of cryptocurrencies. in fact, this behavior is not in line with the philosophy of cryptocurrency itself. on another aspect, cryptocurrencies also cause legitimacy problems for muslim users in terms of islamic fiqh. although many islamic religious institutions and scholars say that cryptocurrency is haram, some islamic scholars consider that cryptocurrency is halal.66 from this explanation, cryptocurrency is no longer included in the level of daruriyat needs for humans because there are still major currencies that are standard transactions and are used more widely by the public, especially with the emergence of various cases so far that show the instability of cryptocurrencies to be used as the main currency of a country, which can completely replace the type of fiat currency in general. the case that occurred in the elsavador country, whose country's economy was in danger of being destroyed because it tried to make cryptocurrency the country's main currency, is proof that the stability and 127 afkaruna reliability of cryptocurrencies are far from feasible.67 another serious problem contained in cryptocurrencies in the islamic economic perspective is the presence of legality and control from the authorities, in this case, the government through the central bank. because according to al-ghazali that the terms of an object can be said to be money. in addition to the money being printed and circulated by the government, the government declares that the money is the official means of payment in a region, and the government has gold and silver reserves as a benchmark for the money in circulation. thus, bitcoin transactions do not meet these three conditions to be referred to as a means of payment.68 cryptocurrencies have the advantage of freedom and freedom from third-party intervention because they are based on peer-to-peer networks so that the security and privacy of each user are also able to remove the attachment of certain trustworthy financial authorities while minimizing the necessary transaction costs. but when examined further, behind all these advantages, it is powered by another, the greater risk that the bitcoin system is likely to be used for activities that threaten the security and future of a country. suppose it is used for illegal activities of buying and selling drugs, illegal weapons, terrorist financing and human trafficking that is not tracked by the authorities.69 based on this description, cryptocurrencies are also not included in the needs of the human hajjiyat level because there are still many investment instruments and other commodities whose value is more stable and has clear underlying assets, such as stocks, bonds, oil and others. not to mention that if you look at risks that cannot be measured definitively, with their high volatility, they are very vulnerable and sensitive to world political and economic issues that can change at any time. another advantage, namely that the value of cryptocurrencies tends to be more stable and also does not experience inflation is completely unprovable because the evidence is found to the contrary, where70 cryptocurrencies have high volatility as a currency, even higher than the volatility of fiat currencies by and large. as for the possibility of inflation, bitcoin is designed in such a way (with a limit of 21 million btc) that it 128vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 will theoretically cause deflation in the future.71 this reality even has negative consequences for cryptocurrencies in carrying out their role as currencies in the future because they will negate their function as a currency transformed into a commodity or asset that is more attractive to have with the aim of being traded the aim of making a profit. some of the research results provide input for investors who want to invest using72 cryptocurrencies should not be careless and make investment decisions because cryptocurrencies are "new goods" that are still excellent and "fun toys" for investors and speculators, so cryptocurrencies such as bitcoin and altcoins could just be a "one-season wonder" that in the years to come will even be abandoned by their users if a better and more sophisticated replacement technology has been found.73 economically, today cryptocurrency is a rather controversial financial instrument: on the one hand, it has a great investment appeal, but on the other hand, it is subject to great volatility and seems to be a very risky financial asset. from a legal point of view, cryptocurrencies have not found consistent consolidation and further legal regulation in legislation almost all over the world.74 in the islamic economic perspective, the use of cryptocurrency is allowed as long as it meets certain conditions, namely by eliminating the vanity element as in the qur'an surah an-nisa verse 29, the vanity element is gharar and mayshir. in addition, cryptocurrencies must also have clear legality in a country for the sake of security in their use.75 apart from the benefits of cryptocurrencies, there are some challenges that cryptocurrencies face in ensuring financial stability. this is based on the widespread use of cryptocurrencies, causing the payment system to be disrupted, especially in the absence of a guarantee mechanism. in addition, the impact of cryptocurrencies on the activities of commercial banks can exacerbate financial stability risks. the loss of control over monetary policy and the central bank's lack of last resort lenders led to higher systemic risk exposure. nevertheless, sharia-compatible cryptocurrencies can avoid many problems and ensure financial stability and better social cohesion in a dual system.76 129 afkaruna conclusion based on studies and analyses, the characteristics of cryptocurrencies cannot qualify as currencies because they tend to be exclusive, have no intrinsic value and are not as accessible to everyone as fiat money in general. in addition, cryptocurrencies have the potential to be abused in illegal or criminal activities. with the current trend of cryptocurrencies starting to switch functions and currencies to commodities that are traded with a high level of volatility so that they have a high risk as well, the benefits caused are limited and not universal, with more mafsadat than maslahat. in this case, islamic economics views that the benefits caused by cryptocurrencies do not reach the level of dharuriyat or even hajjiyat, but are still in the stage of tahsiniyat, which is legal in islam and can be implemented but only as a complement to transactions. another problem that occurs today, cryptocurrencies are more regarded as commodities than currencies, so they are very vulnerable to containing elements of usury that are of great concern in the islamic economy. in addition, they have the potential to have negative implications for the market, such as their use in money laundering, drug trafficking, and other illegal transactions.77 some researchers argue that cryptocurrencies can be traded on islamic commodity exchanges, provided they issue or make their own cryptocurrencies whose price depends on gold or the country's currency. so cryptocurrency, for the time being, cannot be used as a commodity in sharia derivatives contracts because it contains a lot of speculation, is chaotic and vulnerable to being used for illegal activities. cryptocurrency is haram li ghairihi or haram due to external factors, so it should be avoided.78 thus, then cryptocurrencies can be seated at the level of tahsiniyat needs. because although it has many vices (mafsadah) that can harm the community and the state, there are still benefits that can 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of sharia economics, faculty of islamic studies, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia masudi_moh@umy.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.17820 moh. mas'udi article history received: 22 february 2023, revised: 11 may 2023, accepted: 27 june 2023, published: 30 june 2023 muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama are the two pillars of the islamic movement in indonesia. muhammadiyah represents the modernist islamic movement. meanwhile, nahdlatul ulama represents the traditionalist islamic movement. the role of both in da'wah activities of islam in religious, educational, and social fields is crucial. in the context of islamic economics, both contribute to the development of islamic economics in indonesia. through a historical analysis, this study showed that muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama have contributed to the sharia economic development since before the independence of indonesia in the context of islamic economic thoughts and practices. with the spirit of the qur’an, chapter al-ma’un, the founder of muhammadiyah, kh ahmad dahlan, has inspired muhammadiyah members to implement islamic economy in the forms of islamic philanthropy, which remains preserved until today. at the same time, kh hasyim asy'ari, as the founder of nahdlatul ulama, initiated nahdlatut tujjar as an embryo for the birth of nahdlatul ulama. keywords: muhammadiyah, nahdlatul ulama, contribution, islamic economics abstract the islamic economics system in indonesia has been practiced since the era of the sultanate in various areas of indonesia. it became extinct when indonesia entered the era of colonialism.1 even the presence of islamic economics, as practiced every day, is assumed to have come together with the coming of islam alone through arab, persian, and indian traders. practices of islamic teachings about trade (tijarah) are indicated by the carriers of the islamic teachings.2 in the 19th and 20th centuries, islamic countries faced severe political and social challenges since they must fight to release themselves from the shackles of european colonialism nations. consequently, the problem economy has not yet become a serious concern for muslim nations, including indonesia. indonesian independence in 1945 and global awareness in the muslim world for restructuring the modern economy in line with islamic principles in the 1970s and 1980s followed suit affected muslims in restructuring institutions, economics, and finance following islamic teachings. unlike other muslim countries, developments in islamic economics and finance in indonesia spelled out relatively late. although the discourse, debate, and efforts are very dynamic and exciting, indonesian authorities were passive at the first emergence of islamic economics and finance in the 1980s and 1990s. they began to be more proactive with map strategy, way, synergized policy, introduction framework-related laws, and regulations with islamic economics and finance, because they are aware of its potential for the socio-economic development.3 several parties, such as government, institution legislature, islamic mass organizations, and islamic scholars, have been playing various roles in the dynamics and development of islamic economics in indonesia. in order to better understand the roles of these parties in the development of islamic economics in indonesia, especially in the civil society context, this study aims to examine roles muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama (abbreviated nu).4 this selection was motivated by the significant role of these organizations, both within the scope of islamic society and the state of indonesia in various sectors. muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama are among indonesia's largest islamic religious organizations, which have received the attention of many academics from within and outside the country. there are names such as james l. peacock (america), alfian (indonesia), kim hyung jun (korea), and mitsuo nakamura (japan) for the study about muhammadiyah and andree feillard (germany), zamahsari dhofier (indonesia), greg fealy (australia), and martin van bruinsen (netherlands) for the study about nahdlatul ulama.5 deliar noer and rifyal ka’bah study, among others, muhammadiyah as part of the islamic modern movements and its traditional counterpart, nahdlatul ulama, by explaining their historical backgrounds, goals of establishing the organization, and methods in understanding islam.6 however, the above studies discuss muhammadiyah, nu, or both from the lens of politics, sociology, anthropology, theology, law, and education. the same applies to studies of indonesian scholars such as maman a. majid b. et.al. (2018),7 tasman hamami (2021),8 alexander r. arifianto (2021),9 and umiarso (2022).10 the study of the roles played by muhammadiyah and nu in the context of economy is still limited. among few studies in this economic field are conducted by gwenaël njoto-feillard (2014) and falik isbah (2016).11 in this respect, this article will enrich the academic conversation of the roles of islamic mass organization in indonesia in the economic setting. this article employed a historical approach to the economic roles of muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama, which will be divided into two periods: pre-independence and after-independence of indonesia. there are at least two aspects that can be identified from the roles of muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama in the development of islamic economics, namely the historical and the organizational. these two aspects will be discussed using both primary and secondary sources available. methods the discussion about the contribution of muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama in developing islamic economics has two meanings. first, islamic economics is understood as an economic activity based on islamic teachings because muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama are islamic organizations. second, islamic economics is understood as a new phenomenon that emerged after the fatwa of legal interests by the mui (majlis ulama indonesia, indonesian ulema council) in 2004. in order to understand their contributions better, it is necessary to learn about the organization's history, founders, and thoughts. it is a historical fact that kh ahmad dahlan pioneered the contribution of muhammadiyah to the development of thoughts and movements in economics. likewise, nahdlatul ulama's contribution to the evolvement of economic thoughts and movements was influenced by the thoughts of kh hasyim asy'ari. discussion 110 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 1. muhammadiyah contributions muhammadiyah is one of indonesia's most significant islamic movements, born on november 12, 1912, by kha. dahlan in yogyakarta. as an islamic movement, muhammadiyah is also known as part of the tajdid movement (islamic renewal movement), such as the islamic unity (persis) and al-irsyad, which have the motto return to al-qur'an and as-sunnah. the current development of muhammadiyah has spread to all provinces in indonesia, rural and urban, and special branches have been established worldwide. in the centennial, muhammadiyah has presented itself as an islamic movement with many activities. such activities cover various aspects of life spread in almost all corners of the country, both in rural and urban areas of indonesia, even in several friendly countries. it is natural for researchers to see muhammadiyah as a multifaceted islamic movement. alfian's study states that muhammadiyah, as a multi-face gesture, has played three important interrelated roles: a movement for religious reform, an actor for social change, and as a political force.12 in line with that, nakamura also views muhammadiyah as a multifaceted movement that is not only engaged in education and health but also active in social, economic, political, and religious activities.13 the description above shows that muhammadiyah is a movement for religious renewal. he is better known as the islamic renewal movement or the tajdid movement. it is in line with the articles of association of muhammadiyah, which state: (1) muhammadiyah is an islamic movement, preaching good and evil and tajdid, based on the al-qur`an and as-sunnah. (2) muhammadiyah is based on islam.14 in history, the islamic reform movement or the tajdid movement has a long chain, starting from ibnu taimiyah, muhammad bin abdul wahab, muhammad abduh, and jamaludin al-afghani, to figures of the islamic reform movement in indonesia, such as kha dahlan. on the other hand, the long and in-depth history of muhammadiyah shows the most prominent activities of the muhammadiyah movement from its inception until its birth, especially in education and health, without neglecting other aspects such as social, economic, political, or religious, as stated by nakamura. it is from these education and health activities that muhammadiyah has many proud achievements. a. early thoughts in the pre-independence period muhammadiyah's involvement in the economic field can be traced from the founder of muhammadiyah, namely kha dahlan, when teaching his students about surah al-ma'un being taught repeatedly. from an economic perspective, the teachings of surah al-ma'un have given birth to various economic philanthropy activities in muhammadiyah. with the spirit of the al-ma'un muhammadiyah orphanage, the muhammadiyah nursing home, the muhammadiyah hospital was born based on social generosity. in the current context, real economic philanthropy has materialized in the activities of the muhammadiyah amil zakat infaq alms institution (lazismu). there are also institutions related to economic actors, such as the economic and entrepreneurship council (mek), the community empowerment council (mpm), the disaster management agency (lpb), and the social services council (mps), all of which are based on the spirit of al-ma'un.15 the capacity of ahmad dahlan as a cleric as well as a trader has delivered economic activities as a means of spreading muhammadiyah to various cities in java in the beginning period. the growing economic mobility with the preaching of muhammadiyah has inspired a native minangkabau cleric, namely haji rasulullah, to develop muhammadiyah in minangkabau, west sumatra. by 1921, muhammadiyah had spread throughout indonesia.16 111afkaruna kh. ahmad dahlan, known to be active in various organizations before 1912, the birth of muhammadiyah. he was active as a member of budi utomo, a movement among indigenous javanese scholars and had become a national movement born in 1908. he was also a member of jami'at al-khair, a benevolent association initiated by residents of arab descent in indonesia in 1905 kha dahlan was also active as a member of the islamic union, which forerunners came from the islamic trade association organization that was born in solo in 1911. in the management of si yogyakarta, kha dahlan had been his adviser. the islamic trade association was founded by h. samanhudi, motivated by the desire to compete with chinese traders who monopolized the batik trade in solo. this birth shows the strong indigenous economic drive to unite themselves in an organization. kha dahlan's involvement in the origin of islamic unity (si) from the islamic trade union has given muhammadiyah and its members an economic touch to strengthen the economy further. the positive impact is that muhammadiyah members from the merchant group can provide convenience for various muhammadiyah charitable efforts to support philanthropic movements imbued with the spirit of al-ma'un. the waqf movement in the early days of muhammadiyah became very strong because the main base of supporters of the muhammadiyah movement was the merchant class, whose economy was relatively well established. slowly enough, waqf, many of them owned by muhammadiyah, are part of the waqf activities of the muhammadiyah people from the merchant class, which are driven by the spirit of al-ma'un, which kha dahlan taught. after the death of kha dahlan, there were at least two events whose importance was directly seen for the development of islamic economics. first, muhammadiyah pioneered the organization of hajj by the private sector in indonesia. before indonesia's independence, muhammadiyah had established the hajj assistance section led by kh. sujak. the 17th muktamar muhammadiyah in minangkabau in 1930 recommended building its own cruise ship for indonesian pilgrims. this shows that muhammadiyah has thought about the economics of hajj since before independence. second, the leadership of ibrahim (1923-1934) formed one of muhammadiyah's charitable endeavors in the economic field called the adzakirat cooperative. initially, this cooperative was formed to provide facilities for aisyiyah (muhammadiyah autonomous organization for women) in religion and the economy. muktamar muhammadiyah, in 1933 in semarang decided:17 third, concerning the economic issues, especially those related to finance with the legal aspects of bank interest. in the early days of the birth of muhammadiyah, the dutch colonizers initiated the birth of conventional banks in colonial countries, which have survived to this day. concerning conventional banking practices attached to bank interest, the initial thoughts of islamic economics in muhammadiyah can be traced from the discussion of religious issues regarding bank interest laws. this idea is still an aspect of legal thinking and has yet to be implemented. it first appeared in 1937 by mas mansur, who served as hoefdbestur moehamadijah. the idea was outlined in article a in the march 1, 1937 issue of broadcast magazine. mas mansur emphatically stated in his writings that bank interest is forbidden (haram). even so, because the existing banks played an important role in driving economic activity, based on the use of “oeroesan adzakirat, that is jang moelanja cursus kaoem iboe-iboe the toea-toea, oentoek spend he remembered to toehan allah, laloe made oeroesan goena support the treasury of ' aisjijah as well as stage the gedongs”. (oeroesan adzakirat is the basic course for old mothers to increase their remembrance of god, then used as an institution to support aisyiyah's treasury and the establishment of it’s office building) 112 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 bank interest, it was considered an emergency (dharurat). mas mansur appealed to immediately find a solution to establish a bank that complies with sharia principles.18 the above description above shows that the idea of islamic economics in the prehistoric period of independence was pioneered by the founder of muhammadiyah, namely kha dahlan, based on the spirit of the teachings of surat al-ma'un. this idea gave birth to various activities based on economic philanthropy in muhammadiyah—the establishment of the adz-dzakirat cooperative during the leadership of kh. abraham has provided a platform for economic activities for aisyiyah's women and mas mansur's thoughts on bank interest, reflecting efforts to respond to the reality of conventional social banking, which cannot be separated from money interest. b. postindependence organizationally, muhammadiyah's thoughts on post-independence bank interest began to surface in 1968 at the muhammadiyah special conference (religious issues) in sidoarjo, east java. it was decided in the deliberation that banks with usury systems are unlawful. second, the interest given by state-owned banks during the case deliberation. third, suggest to pp muhammadiyah try a bank that conforms to islamic qa'idah (principles).19 in 1976, muhammadiyah gave birth to economic guidelines for muhammadiyah members, which resulted from the muhammadiyah tarjih deliberation in garut, west java. this guide is entitled "al-amwal fii al-islam," a treasure trove from an islamic point of view. this document explains that the islamic religion has taught about wealth with all its problems, both in terms of meaning, position, and function, as well as aspects of usability and usability, from where and with the method how it was obtained and so on.20 the discussion about money interest by muhammadiyah reappeared in 1989. discussions were more developed in cooperatives. in the deliberations, it was decided that interest in cooperatives is allowed with consideration of the costs in credit cooperatives, not including usury.21 muhammadiyah's discussion of post-independence islamic economics in indonesia shows that since the beginning of independence until 1989, muhammadiyah has not come into contact with the idea of islamic economics as understood by contemporary muslims as a new entity that is different from conventional economics. one of the characteristics of the islamic economic tree that comes from islamic teachings, justice, and interest is the same as usury. the emergence of sharia economics in the 80s in indonesia has yet to become a discourse of thought among muhammadiyah scholars and academics, except for a few people, such as kh ahmad azhar basyir, who is still a member of the international conference of jurists. thus, the idea of islamic economics, as understood by muslims, has not yet become a religious discourse in muhammadiyah. the conference (muktamar), especially in sidoarjo, east java, in 1968, decided that the law on bank interest was in doubt. meanwhile, when discussing interest cooperatives at the tarjih national conference in malang in 1989, it was stated that interest cooperatives were legally mubah. c. present context the indonesian ulama council (majelis ulama indonesia or mui) is an independent community institution that accommodates islamic scholars, zuama, and scholars to guide, mentor, and foster muslims in indonesia. the existence of mui has involved islamic organizations in indonesia to be part of it, including muhammadiyah. from time to time, many muhammadiyah leaders in each mui management have planted seeds of awareness to become an integral part of the islamic economic movement in indonesia. the birth of the national sharia council indonesian ulama council 113afkaruna (dsn-mui), which was formed in order to realize the aspirations of muslims regarding economic issues and encourage the application of islamic teachings in the economic/financial sector, which is carried out according to the guidance of islamic law further strengthens the involvement of many muhammadiyah figures to take part in overseeing the economy islam in indonesia. there are muhammadiyah figures who are actively involved in the islamic economic movement at mui, such as prof. dr. din syamsudin, ma., prof. dr. yunahar ilyas, ma., dr. anwar abbas, m.ag., prof. dr. fathurrahman djamil, ma., prof. dr. jaih mubarok, sh., ma., prof. dr. syamsul anwar, ma, as well as many other figures. following their respective capacities, these figures are an integral part of efforts to develop the islamic economy in indonesia. along with the development of the islamic economic movement in indonesia, especially in the financial sector after the establishment of bank muamalat indonesia in 1991 and the 2004 mui fatwa regarding haram bank interest, the tarjih council and the tajdid central executive of muhammadiyah (the institution authorized in religious matters). in 2006, the institution issued a fatwa against money interest. the fatwa dictum states that muhammadiyah needs to be actively involved in developing and advocating islamic economics, bank interest (riba), and encouraging existing islamic financial institutions. it also must continue to strive to improve operational conformity based on sharia principles and encourage muhammadiyah members, in particular, to be pleased with sharia principles and appreciation of sharia economics.22 the explanation above shows that as an organization, muhammadiyah passed the tarjih and tajdid councils, which positively responded to the emergence of a bank interest fatwa by the mui in 2004. after two years of operation, muhammadiyah tried to issue a fatwa on bank interest that was haram in 2006 so that the tarjih council fatwa and tajdid regarding illegitimate bank interest in 2006 obtained legality in the organizational hierarchy, and the discussion on illegitimate bank interest was scheduled for the tarjih muhammadiyah xxvii national conference (munas) in malang in 2010. it turned out that the tarjih national conference in malang disagreed with the fatwa made by the tarjih council in 2006. the xxvii tanfidz tarjih conference in malang stated that "regarding the issue of interest, especially bank interest, needs to be studied more deeply, and as a temporary attitude to the fatwa of the tarjih council no. 08 of 2006, which confirms that interest is usury.23 referring to the 2006 pp muhammadiyah fatwa of the tarjih and tajdid council concerning the bank interest law and positioning muhammadiyah as one of the most prominent islamic movements, muhammadiyah has become an organization committed to developing the islamic economy in indonesia. the fatwa regarding unlawful bank interest based on fatwa tarjih number 6 of 2006 says that interest (interest) is usury because (1) it is an addition to the principal capital lent, even though allah says, and if you repent (from taking usury), then for you your treasure tree; (2) additions that are binding and promise, while those who are willing and do not promise are not included in usury. in addition, it was also stated that muslims, in general, and muhammadiyah members, in particular, should increase their appreciation of the principles of a sharia-based economy and develop a cultural economy based on sharia values.24 the central leadership of muhammadiyah manifests appreciation for the sharia economy within muhammadiyah by cooperating with seven sharia banks consisting of bank syariah mandiri, bank syariah bukopin, bank muamalat indonesia, bank bri syariah, bank bni syariah, bank btn syariah, bank danamon syariah, and other sharia banks to be determined later. it is done in the context of implementing an integrated fund management system for cash management services at every level, element, and muhammadiyah's charitable business. the awareness to realize this collaboration with 114 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 islamic banks is further strengthened by the existence of a circular letter from pp muhammadiyah to a) assemblies, institutions, and autonomous organizations at the central level, b) heads of regions, regions, branches, and branches, c) muhammadiyah's business units to open accounts and transfer accounts from conventional banks to muhammadiyah partner islamic banks. there is a muhammadiyah leadership assistant unit which is mandated to deal with economic problems muhammadiyah members, namely the economic and entrepreneurship council of pp muhammadiyah, have initiated the growth of baitut tamwil muhammadiyah (btm) and islamic rural bank (bank pembiayaan rakyat syariah) as an effort to empower the people's economy. in contrast to other islamic microfinance institutions that use the term baitul mal wat tamwil (bmt), the baitul mal affairs have been handed over to the amil zakat infak and alms muhammadiyah institution (lazismu). thus it is developed on the tamwil aspect. networks between btm nationally have been accommodated in the main baitut tamwil muhammadiyah. this network has spread in provinces in indonesia. the existence of btm is an implementation of the pp muhammadiyah board of tarjih and tajdid decision which prohibits bank interest, as well as a best practice for muhammadiyah and its citizens in running the islamic financial system. the most apparent aspect of muhammadiyah's contribution to the development of islamic economics is establishing an islamic economics study program at muhammadiyah university. from the islamic economics study program in various concentrations, ideas, thoughts, discourses, research, and studies on islamic economics have developed. the involvement of muhammadiyah activists in institutions related to the islamic economic movement is inevitable, such as being part of the association of islamic economic experts (iaei), islamic economic society (mes), islamic economic intellectual forum (fies), islamic economics lecturer association ( adesy). the description above shows that muhammadiyah has contributed to the development of the islamic economy in indonesia. externally, the presence of muhammadiyah figures who are members of the mui is the forerunner to the growth and development of the islamic economy in indonesia. internally internally, the contribution is proven in the legal aspect, a tarjih fatwa of bank interest, and muhammadiyah's policy to support indonesia's islamic economic and financial system within the structural organization. 2. nahdlatul ulama contributions nahdlatul ulama is one of the most prominent islamic movements in indonesia, which was born on january 31, 1926, in surabaya. the founding figure is kh. hasyim asy'ari, a scholar from jombang, east java. as an islamic movement, nahdlatul ulama is also known as a traditional islamic movement that strives to preserve the ahlussunnah wal jama'ah ideology. since its formation, nahdlatul ulama has become an obstacle to modern islamic thought's spread to java villages. since the late 1920s, it has reached a relatively stable condition, namely that the modernists have concentrated their da'wah in urban areas. at the same time, nahdlatul ulama has been content to attract followers from rural areas.25 nahdlatul ulama is an islamic movement in indonesia as a legal entity that operates religious, educational, and social associations. today's developments show that nahdlatul ulama has spread across all provinces in indonesia. there have been many special branch leaders of nahdlatul ulama abroad, in asia, australia, africa, europe, and america. sutisna stated that nahdlatul ulama was born not only with religious traditions, nationalism, and thought but also with economic power. these three foundations became the pillars of the founding of nahdlatul ulama in 1926 and are often referred to as the three supporting pillars of the founding of nahdlatul ulama. the three main pillars are (1) 115afkaruna nahdlatul wathan, as the spirit of nationalism and politics, (2) tashwirul afkar, as the spirit of scientific and religious thought; and (3) nahdlatut tujjar, as the spirit of economic empowerment.26 a. pre-independence nahdlatut tujjar, or resurrection traders, is a movement to revive the ummah's economy or lift the economy of muslims, which cannot be separated from the birth of nahdlatul ulama. among the founding figures is kh. hasyim asy'ari, kh. abdul wahab hasbullah, and kh. bisri syamsuri, all three are east javanese scholars. the emergence of nahdlatut tujjar as a pillar for the birth of nahdlatul ulama shows that the economic aspect is the main focus for the formation of nahdlatul ulama. in its journey, the three pillars needed to be running in balance. one of the orientation pillars is more advanced than the other pillars. during the approximately one century since nahdlatul ulama's existence, political orientation received a more significant portion, so the portion of development thinking through education and economic empowerment of the people needed to be addressed. the budget states that in the economic field, trying to increase people's income and employment/business for welfare distribution.27 the 1927 articles of association of nahdlatul ulama stated that nahdlatul ulama aims to strengthen the faith of muslims in one of the four schools of thought and carry out islamic activities that benefit its members according to islamic teachings. the activities carried out include: (1) strengthening unity among fellow scholars who are still loyal to the school's teachings; (2) delivering directions on the types of books/books taught in islamic educational institutions; (3) the spread of islamic teachings following the demands of the four schools of thought; (4) increase the number of madrasas and improve the organization; (5) assisting in constructing mosques and islamic boarding schools; and (6) accompanying/caring for orphans and the poor. in addition, it also tries the steps of establishing a trading business entity using the advanced economy of nahdlatul ulama members.28 the 1927 nahdlatul ulama statutes imply two critical aspects concerning the economy. first, carrying out activities that benefit its members following islamic teachings. the word "profitable" can be interpreted as the economic value provided by islamic teachings. thus, the scope of islamic economics at the time of the birth of nahdlatutl ulama became more straightforward and immediately practicable in everyday life. secondly, establishing a trading business entity to advance the economy of nahdlatul ulama members. it implies that the desired economy which is being promoted is an economy characterized by collective activity, not individual characteristics, because muslims have bound themselves in an organization. legal aspects of the economic field have been seriously discussed since its inception. the nahdlatul ulama ii congress in surabaya in 1927 decided that the legal interest bank was the same as the mortgage law stipulated in the congress. the results of the decision of the nahdlatul ulama ii conference in surabaya regarding pawnshops resulted in three opinions, namely: 1. prohibited (haram),since it includes debt billed as profit (rent). 2. lawful (halal), because there are no conditions when contracting, according to well-known legal experts, the prevailing customs are not included as provisions. 3. doubtful (shubhat) because according to jurists, there are still differences of opinion. as an important note in decision-making deliberations, being more careful can be done by taking an opinion for those who prohibit it.29 116 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 b. post independence a significant event related to the independence of the republic of indonesia in 1945 was the issuance of a fatwa by the founder of nahdlatul ulama, kh hasyim asy'ari. he issued two very important fatwas. first, he gave a fatwa that the war against the dutch was a jihad (holy war), and second, he prohibited indonesian muslims from performing the pilgrimage on dutch ships.31 the prohibition on using dutch ships for pilgrimages shows that the spirit of independence should have developed the economy at the beginning of indonesian independence. with the independence of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia, it is necessary to implement social and economic changes based on national independence. another important event was the national conference of 'alim ulama nahdlatul ulama in bandar lampung in 1992, which resulted in three opinions regarding the law of bank interest: “first the opinion is the same between bank interest and usury absolutely, so the law is unlawful. second is the opinion that does not equate bank interest with usury, so the law is permissible. third, the opinion stating that the legitimacy of bank interest is doubtful. nonetheless, the national assembly deems it necessary to find a way out to determine a banking system that complies with islamic law”.32 regarding the decision of the nahdlatul ulama national alim ulama conference in bandar lampung in 1992 relating to the law of interest on money, nahdlatul ulama has remained firm in its views since before the independence of the republic of indonesia until 1992. the consequence of this fatwa is that the nahdlatul ulama executive board has no policy to support development, such as the islamic economy, muhammadiyah, and the indonesian ulema council (mui). it is because the efforts to develop islamic economics within nahdlatul ulama are individual and not institutional since there is a non-singular interpretation of bank interest laws. nonetheless, for nahdliyin members who think that bank interest is haram, it is open for them to contribute to developing indonesia's sharia economy. the existence of the indonesian ulema council (mui) as a non-governmental organization that accommodates islamic scholars, zuama, and intellectuals to guide, foster, and nurture muslims in indonesia is a loophole for nahdlatul ulama figures who play an active role in the development of the islamic economy. mui has involved islamic organizations in indonesia to be part of it, including nahdlatul ulama. the involvement of several nahdlatul ulama figures in every mui management from apart from nahdlatut tujjar, whose journey has been in the doldrums, there is a business economy named the syirkah muawanah cooperative, founded in the pre-independence era. researchers _ differ on the year of birth. some say it was founded in 1929, and some say that the syirkah muawanah cooperative is an economic institution affiliated with nahdlatul ulama which was only founded in 1937 at the initiative of the chairman of tanfidz nahdlatul ulama, kh mahfoedz sidiq. the syirkah muawanah cooperative aims to open trade links between the many islamic boarding schools that produce agricultural products and other small businesses. by researchers, syirkah muawanah is considered a link in the chain of economic development for nahdlatul ulama residents starting from nahdlatut tujar.30 the description above indicates that the birth of nu in 1926 was preceded by the birth of nahdlatut tujjar in 1918. it shows the economic awareness of the founding figures of nahdlatul ulama. it is just that in the development of nahdlatut tujjar, they needed an adequate portion to grow and develop with nahdlatul ulama. as an islamic organization born during the dutch colonial period, nahdlatul ulama is also very concerned about the realities of existing economic developments. regarding interest in money, nahdlatul ulama discussed it later in 1927. meanwhile, syirkah muawanah, born in 1937, has inspired nahdlatutl ulama from time to time to develop the nahdliyin people's economy in the form of cooperatives. 117afkaruna time to time has planted seeds of awareness to become an integral part of the islamic economic movement in indonesia. the birth of the national sharia council indonesian ulema council (dsn-mui), which was formed in order to realize the aspirations of muslims regarding economic issues and encourage the application of islamic teachings in the economic/financial sector, which is carried out according to islamic sharia guidance further strengthens the involvement of many nahdlatul ulama figures to take part in overseeing islamic economics in indonesia. nahdlatul ulama figures are actively involved in the islamic economic movement at the mui, such as kh. ali yafi, kh. sahal mahfudz, kh. ma'ruf amin, as well as some other figures. by their respective capacities, these figures are an integral part of efforts to develop the islamic economy in indonesia. externally, the contribution of nahdlatul ulama figures involved in mui has become the forerunner of the growth and development of the islamic economy in indonesia. the peak of the involvement is seen in the nahdlatul ulama figure currently serving as a vice president, kh. ma'ruf amin. he and jokowi as president, have initiated the existence of the national sharia economic and financial committee (kneks). as a nahdlatul ulama figure who has served as a chair of the indonesian ulema council and a chair of the mui national sharia council, he has been concerned about the sharia economy becoming part of national economic development. the existence of islamic boarding school cooperatives (koperasi pondok pesantren or kopontren) is a concrete manifestation of the development of the islamic micro in the real economic sector, in addition to the baitul mal wat tamwil (bmt) and the sharia people's financing bank (bprs) which nahdliyin residents initiated have also given nahdlatul ulama its color in developing the islamic economy in indonesia. even though there are different orientations in the history of the birth of muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama, in recent developments, both have become the two most significant islamic movements in indonesia, which complement each other in the context of the development of islamic economics in indonesia. muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama made a real contribution to developing the islamic economy in indonesia. during the pre-independence period, both had expressions to build the people's economy in different forms. the al-ma'un's spirit has inspired various muhammadiyah activities based on economic philanthropy. this nahdlatut tujjar activity became the forerunner to the birth of nahdlatul ulama in economic empowerment. muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama studied the legal aspects of money interest as an integral part of conventional economic practices in colonial countries. nu discussed it later in 1927, while muhammadiyah was only legalized in 1937 on the ideas of kh mas mansur. economic business in the post-independence period showed little economic activity. the most obvious effort is in legal studies to obtain different decision rates between these two islamic organizations. muhammadiyah concerning money interest was doubted by the state in 1968. however, the cooperatives' interest was declared permissible legally in 1989 and then declared haram in 2006, as nahdlatul ulama in 1992 still adhered to the old view, which condemned interest in money as haram, doubtful, and permissible. muhammadiyah's fatwa regarding unlawful bank interest has been followed up by a policy by the central leadership of muhammadiyah to support sharia banking while at the same time encouraging the birth of islamic microfinance institutions. as for nahdlatul ulama, it has been maintaining its fatwa against bank interests since its inception until now. this organizational stance is followed by personal or cultural supports for the development of islamic economy in the organization. the emergence of financial institutions within nu, which primarily come from the "ijtihād" of individual members and affiliated institutions such as pesantren conclusion 118 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 sidogiri that has a developed baitul mal wa tamwil (bmt), shows cultural strengths of nu compared to its structural-organizational role in the development of islamic economics. in this regard, nu as an organization should increase its organizational role so that it can maximize its combined cultural and organizational contributions to the development of indonesian islamic economics. this is feasible since several nu figures actively involved in the mui national sharia council (dsn), which plays a crucial role in the development of the islamic economics in the country. as it is shown in the above discussion, muhammadiyah’s contribution to the islamic economy is more structural and organizational, while nu's contribution to the islamic economy is more cultural. it is hoped that each can optimize their roles and contributions to the development of islamic economy through their combined organizational and cultural resources. 119afkaruna endnotes hafas furqani, “the current situation of islamic economics in indonesia,” ikam reports 5, no. 5 (2017), https://ikam.org.tr/the-current-situation-of-islamic-economics-in-indonesia. cahyono bayu aji, muhammad yafiz, and sukiati, “pemikiran ekonomi islam indonesia (studi pemikiran cendekiawan muslim indonesia era pra-kemerdekaan-orde baru),” al muamalat jurnal hukum ekonomi syariah 2, no. 2 (2017): 35–51. the birth of national sharia finance committee (knks), which changed into the national sharia economic and finance committee (kneks), is growing and strengthening government involvement in islamic economics. see mohammad syifa amin widigdo and awang azman awang pawi, "“reason” of political and religious moderation in the book of ghiyāth al-umam by al-juwaynī and its contemporary southeast asian context," cogent arts &amp; humanities 10, no. 1 (2023): 10, https://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2223815. see footnote number 1 and 2. it mentions that muhammadiyah is “the oldest “modernist” islamic organization in indonesia. this was established by k. h. ahmad dahlan on 18 november 1912 in a response to both challenges of modern colonialism and religious traditionalism. after k.h. ahmad dahlan (d. 1923) was encountering and inspired by islamic reformation thought of muhammad abduh (d. 1905) and rashid rida (d.1935) in egypt, he established muhammadiyah to face modern educational and social challenges. in educational and social context, k.h. ahmad dahlan and his colleagues in muhammadiyah founded a modern classroom-based school, initiated philanthropic organization named pko, and formed a women’s organization called aisyiyah.” meanwhile nu is understood as “the largest “traditional” islamic organization in indonesia, which was established on 13 january 1926 (16 rajab 1344 h) by two indonesian muslim scholars (ulama’), k.h. hasyim asy’ari and k.h. abdul wahab chasbullah. the incep-tion of nu was essentially an institutionalization of muslim scholars’ madrasah (pesantren) network that had been formed decades or centuries earlier. in the islamic doctrinal context, the ulama’ of nu adhere to the doctrines of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama’ah (people who follow the tradition of the prophet and become a member of muslim community).” james l. peacock, purifying the faith: the muhammadiyah movement in indonesian (california: cummings, 1978); alfian, muhammadiyah: the political behaviour of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism (yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1989); kim hyung-jun, reformist muslims in yogyakarta village: the islamic transformation of contemporary socio-religious life (canberra: anu-e press, 2007); mitsuo nakamura, the crescent arises over the banyan tree a study of muhammadiyah movement in central town of javanese, c. 1912s-2010, 2nd enlarg (singapore: iseas, 2012); andree feillard, nu vis-a-vis negara: pencarian isi, bentuk dan makna (yogyakarta: lkis, 1999); zamakhsyari dhofier, tradisi pesantren: studi tentang pandangan hidup kyai (jakarta: lp3es, 1982); greg barton greg fealy, nahdlatul ulama, traditional islam and modernity in indonesia (australia: monash asia institute monash university, 1996); martin van bruinessen, nu: tradisi, relasi-relasi kuasa pencarian wacana baru (yogyakarta: lkis, 1994). deliar noer, modern islamic movements in indonesia 1900-1942, (jakarta: lp3es, 1998); rifyal ka’bah, islamic law in indonesia, (jakarta: yarsi university, 1998). maman a. majid b; somariah f; sintha w, “muhammadiyahnahdlatul ulama (nu): monumental cultural creativity heritage of the world religion,” epistemé: jurnal pengembangan ilmu keislaman 13, no. 1 (2018): 173–93, https://doi.org/10.21274/epis.2018.13.1.173-193. tasman hamami, “muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama education: two main pillars of national education in indonesia,” jurnal pendidikan agama islam 18, no. 2 (2021): 307–30, https://doi.org/10.14421/jpai.2021.182-06. alexander r. arifianto, “from ideological to political sectarianism: nahdlatul ulama, muhammadiyah, and the state 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 120 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 in indonesia,” religion, state and society 49, no. 2 (2021): 126–41, https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1902247. umiarso, “socio-cultural transformation of muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama communities in east java prismatic society,” millatī, journal of islamic studies and humanities 7, no. 1 (2022): 67–83, https://doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v7i1. gwenaël njoto-feillard, “financing muhammadiyah: the early economic endeavours of a muslim modernist mass organization in indonesia (1920s-1960s),” studia islamika 21, no. 1 (2014); m falikul isbah, “examining the socio-economic role of islamic boarding schools (pesantren) in indonesia” (ph.d thesis, unsw canberra, 2016). alfian, muhammadiyah: the political behaviour of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism, 5. nakamura, the crescent arises over the banyan tree a study of muhammadiyah movement in central town of javanese, c. 1912s-2010. central board of muhammadiyah, “muhammadiyah statutes article 1” (n.d.). central board of muhammadiyah, “the report of central board muhammadiyah at the 48th muhammadiyah muktamar in surakarta,” 2022. noer, modern islamic movements in indonesia 1900-1942, 87. hilman latief, “al-amwal fi al-islam: hasil muktamar majelis tarjih muhammadiyah di sidoarjo (1968) dan garut (1976),” in genealogi pemikiran dan ekonomi islam di indonesia konsepsi keadilan dan proyeksi kebangsaan, ed. hilman latief mukhlis rahmanto (yogyakarta: adesy & ib times, 2021), 233. syamsul anwar, “percepatan perkembangan bank syariah di indonesia kenapa harus?,” jurnal tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam 4, no. 1 (2002). syamsul anwar, “percepatan perkembangan bank syariah di indonesia kenapa harus?,” jurnal tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam 4, no. 1 (2002). hilman latief and mukhlis rahmanto, ibid., p. 229. himpunan putusan tarjih (malang: pimpinan daerah muhammadiyah kota malang, 2000), 297–302. muhammadiyah, himpunan putusan tarjih, 204. majelis tarjih dan tajdid muhammadiyah, himpunan putusan tarjih jilid 3 (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2018), 197. ibid., muhammadiyah, 203. dhofier, tradisi pesantren: studi tentang pandangan hidup kyai, 98. didin sutisna, “komunikasi nahdlatul ulama dalam pengembangan ekonomi umat,” communicatus: jurnal ilmu komunikasi 2, no. 1 (2019): 17–34, https://doi.org/10.15575/cjik.v2i1.4961. “statuten perkoempoelan nahdhatoel oelama” (1926). dhofier, tradisi pesantren: studi tentang pandangan hidup kyai, 96–97. mahtumah, “tinjauan nahdlatul ulama dan muhammadiyah dalam melihat hukum bunga bank,” asy-syari`ah 2, no. 1 (2016): 85–132. suryani masayu m. maisarah, “gerakan ekonomi islam masa pra-kemerdekaan: semangat nahdlatut tujjar (1918),” in genealogi pemikiran dan ekonomi islam di indonesia konsepsi keadilan dan proyeksi kebangsaan, ed. hilman latief mukhlis rahmanto (ed.) (yogyakarta: adesy & ib times, 2021). dhofier, tradisi pesantren: studi tentang pandangan hidup kyai. ltnu pwnu jawa timur, ahkamul fuqaha solusi problematika aktual hukum islam keputusan muktamar, munas dan konbes nahdlatul ulama (1926-2010 m) (surabaya: khalista, 2011), 27. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 references aji, cahyono bayu, muhammad yafiz, and sukiati. “pemikiran ekonomi islam indonesia (studi pemikiran cendekiawan muslim indonesia era pra-kemerdekaan-orde baru).” al muamalat jurnal hukum ekonomi syariah 2, no. 2 (2017): 35–51. alfian. muhammadiyah: the political behaviour of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1989. andree feillard. nu vis-a-vis negara : pencarian isi, bentuk dan makna. yogyakarta: lkis, 1999. anwar, syamsul. “percepatan perkembangan bank syariah di indonesia kenapa harus ?” jurnal tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam 4, no. 1 (2002). arifianto, alexander r. “from ideological to political sectarianism: nahdlatul ulama, muhammadiyah, and the state in indonesia.” religion, state and society 49, no. 2 (2021): 126–41. https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1902247. 121afkaruna https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1902247. bruinessen, martin van. nu : tradisi, relasi-relasi kuasa pencarian wacana baru. yogyakarta: lkis, 1994. central board of muhammadiyah. muhammadiyah statutes article 1 (n.d.). ———. “the report of central board muhammadiyah at the 48th muhammadiyah muktamar in surakarta,” 2022. dhofier, zamakhsyari. tradisi pesantren: studi tentang pandangan hidup kyai. jakarta: lp3es, 1982. furqani, hafas. “the current situation of islamic economics in indonesia.” ikam reports 5, no. 5 (2017). https://ikam.org.tr/the-current-situation-of-islamic-economics-in-indonesia. greg fealy, greg barton. nahdlatul ulama, traditional islam and modernity in indonesia. australia: monash asia institute monash university, 1996. gwenaël njoto-feillard. “financing muhammadiyah: the early economic endeavours of a muslim modernist mass organization in indonesia (1920s-1960s).” studia islamika 21, no. 1 (2014). himpunan putusan tarjih. malang: pimpinan daerah muhammadiyah kota malang, 2000. isbah, m falikul. “examining the socio-economic role of islamic boarding schools (pesantren) in indonesia.” ph.d thesis, unsw canberra, 2016. james l. peacock. purifying the faith: the muhammadiyah movement in indonesian. california: cummings, 1978. kim hyung-jun. reformist muslims in yogyakarta village: the islamic transformation of contemporary socioreligious life. canberra: anu-e press, 2007. latief, hilman. “al-amwal fi al-islam: hasil muktamar majelis tarjih muhammadiyah di sidoarjo (1968) dan garut (1976).” in genealogi pemikiran dan ekonomi islam di indonesia konsepsi keadilan dan proyeksi kebangsaan, edited by hilman latief mukhlis rahmanto. yogyakarta: adesy & ib times, 2021. mahtumah. “tinjauan nahdlatul ulama dan muhammadiyah dalam melihat hukum bunga bank.” asy-syari`ah 2, no. 1 (2016): 85–132. maisarah, suryani masayu m. “gerakan ekonomi islam masa pra-kemerdekaan: semangat nahdlatut tujjar (1918).” in genealogi pemikiran dan ekonomi islam di indonesia konsepsi keadilan dan proyeksi kebangsaan, edited by hilman latief mukhlis rahmanto (ed.). yogyakarta: adesy & ib times, 2021. muhammadiyah, majelis tarjih dan tajdid. himpunan putusan tarjih jilid 3. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2018. muhammadiyah, pp. himpunan putusan tarjih. yogyakarta: persatuan, n.d. nakamura, mitsuo. the crescent arises over the banyan tree a study of muhammadiyah movement in central town of javanese, c. 1912s-2010. 2nd enlarg. singapore: iseas, 2012. noer, deliar. modern islamic movements in indonesia 1900-1942,. jakarta: lp3es, 1998. rifyal ka’bah. islamic law in indonesia,. jakarta: yarsi university, 1998. sintha w, maman a. majid b; somariah f; “muhammadiyahnahdlatul ulama (nu): monumental cultural creativity heritage of the world religion.” epistemé: jurnal pengembangan ilmu keislaman 13, no. 1 (2018): 173–93. https://doi.org/10.21274/epis.2018.13.1.173-193. statuten perkoempoelan nahdhatoel oelama (1926). sutisna, didin. “komunikasi nahdlatul ulama dalam pengembangan ekonomi umat.” communicatus: jurnal ilmu komunikasi 2, no. 1 (2019): 17–34. https://doi.org/10.15575/cjik.v2i1.4961. tasman hamami. “muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama education: two main pillars of national education in indonesia.” jurnal pendidikan agama islam 18, no. 2 (2021): 307–30. https://doi.org/10.14421/jpai.2021.182-06. timur, ltnu pwnu jawa. ahkamul fuqaha solusi problematika aktual hukum islam keputusan muktamar, munas dan konbes nahdlatul ulama (1926-2010 m). surabaya: khalista, 2011. umiarso. “socio-cultural transformation of muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama communities in east java prismatic society.” millatī, journal of islamic studies and humanities 7, no. 1 (2022): 67– 83. https://doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v7i1. 122 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 83. https://doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v7i1 . widigdo, mohammad syifa amin, and awang azman awang pawi. "“reason” of political and religious moderation in the book of ghiyāth al-umam by al-juwaynı̄ and its contemporary southeast asian context." cogent arts &amp; humanities 10, no. 1 (2023). https://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2223815 . w jurnal af ka ru na vol. 17 no . 1 juni 2021 profit and risk for property business using sharia and conventional system: a comparative analysis doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i1.11325 zaini muchlis department of economics, faculty of economics and business universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta e-mail: zaini.muchlis@umy.ac.id ayif fathurrahman department of economics, faculty of economics and business universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta e-mail: ayif.fathurrahman@umy.ac.id abstract sharia and conventional business management system are often become a parameter in gaining profit and managing the risk faced by the entrepreneurs. this research aims to determine the comparison of profit and risk obtained by the property entrepreneurs in conducting their business when they use conventional or sharia system. this research is qualitative descriptive analysis. the variables that would be investigated are the profit obtained by the property business owner and the risks in conducting this business when the business owner uses sharia and conventional system in the capital investment or the buying and selling process of a certain property unit. the data was collected through an interview and documents. the article shows that conventional and sharia are a concept or system that generally used by the entrepreneurs in conducting their business to obtain the profit and face the risks. both of the systems have advantages and disadvantages. this article further argues that sharia system gives a higher profit and fewer risks rather than the conventional system. it is because in the sharia system, entrepreneurs or costumers are not concerned about the burden of the interest and fines of the debt from a financing institution. although there are risks considered such as bad credit and longtime cash flow, the profit obtained through the sharia system is higher than the conventional one. keywords: property business; profit and risk; sharia and conventional 152 a f k a r u n a abstrak sistem manajemen bisnis syariah dan konvensional seringkali menjadi parameter dalam memperoleh keuntungan dan pengelolan risiko yang dihadapi oleh para pengusaha. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perbandingan keuntungan dan risiko yang diperoleh pengusaha properti dalam menjalankan usahanya baik secara konvensional maupun syariah. jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif kualitatif, adapun variabel yang akan diteliti meliputi keuntungan yang akan didapat pengusaha property serta resiko yang dihadapinya dalam menjalankan usaha ini, baik yang berkaitan dengan hal permodalan ataupun dalam proses jual beli unitnya ketika menggunakan system syariah dan konvensional. metode pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara, angket dan dokumentasi lapangan, yaitu berupa daftar pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang mengungkap variabel dan rubrik refleksi diri. konvensional dan syariah merupakan sebuah konsep/system yang harus dipilih oleh pelaku usaha dalam menjalankan bisnisnya dalam mendapatkan keuntungan dan menghadapi resiko dalam usahanya. keduanya memiliki kelebihan dan kekurangan, adapun system syariah dapat memberikan keuntungan yang lebih besar dan juga resiko yang lebih kecil jika dibandingkan dengan system konvensional. hal tersebut dikarenakan dalam system syariah baik pengusaha ataupun konsumen tidak dikhawatirkan menanggung beban bunga dan denda yang dihasilkan dari hutang terhadap lembaga pembiayaan. meskipun ada resiko lain yang ditanggungnya seperti adanya kredit macet dan cash flow yang relative lama, akan tetapi keuntungan yang didapat melalui system syariah akan jauh lebih besar. keywords: bisnis properti; keuntungan dan resiko; syariah dan konvensional introduction property is a primary need for society, so that the property business becomes one of the promising businesses in gaining profit for entrepreneurs in their field. indonesia is the largest muslim country in the world. nowadays, most of indonesian people who are muslim and non-muslim still follow the conventional economy and make it as guide to their economic activities. moreover, some muslims do not want to apply the islamic economy as their guide in economic activities because most of them do not know the concept of sharia economy. in the concept of the conventional economy, many disadvantages which can be very detrimental to those involved in it. besides, the objectives of the conventional economy also give a detriment or even misery. rather than bringing welfare, instead it makes “the rich are richer, and the poor are getting poorer” and it is very ironic.1 sharia economic system, which is now present and touches the indonesian society, gives the fresh air for the people especially property entrepreneurs who yearn for justice and welfare. they can develop their business and 153vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 achieve more profit when applying the concept of sharia economy. besides, they can gain a bigger profit. the concept also brings a blessing for their wealth. the concept of economy in the islamic perspective is a demand for life as well as the suggestion with the dimension of worship. likewise, the conventional economy often ignores the moral and ethical of the transaction and only focus on the profit without thinking of the consequences in the hereafter. house is one of the basic needs of a human being to be fulfilled. having a house is a hope of all people and even it becomes a primary need for the married couple. the number of such needs make the development of property investment increases and becomes a favorite for society and investors who will invest in it. the development of the sharia system is also coloring the property investment world, characterized by a growing number of appearances of sharia property. moreover, there is a type of home loan (kpr) that become a trend in society now to buy the sharia home. sharia kpr or home loan adapts the sharia system of selling and buying which is free of interest and riba, and because it is not related to the bank.2 an entrepreneur definitely will determine the profit and risks incurred when he handles a business. in this case, a property entrepreneur will see an opportunity offered by either sharia or conventional system, so that he will compare them by determining the profit and risks. by looking at those systems, there are advantages and disadvantages especially those which are related to the profit and risks, borne by an entrepreneur. therefore, the researcher wants to identify the differences between those two systems deeply, whether on the profit or the risks, so that the muslim entrepreneurs can apply the best system for them in the future. as a muslim entrepreneur, he should be able to see the plus and minus offered from both systems by determining the worldly and hereafter aspects, and then he can get a big fortunate both in the world and hereafter. due to the background above, the researcher identifies the problems which are: 1. business property or selling a house is a business that sells the primary needs in society, it is necessary to find out the role model of the buying and selling system which is studied empirically and scientifically from the treasures of islamic economic though. 2. in the islamic economic discourse, profit and loss sharing is a system that is accepted as a financing system, because it is closer to the principle of 154 a f k a r u n a justice in economic transactions. 3. the risks in business become a consideration that is critical for the entrepreneur. it needs an explanation of the risks incurred from conducting business by using sharia or conventional system. literature review a. review of property business property business nowadays becomes a trend in the investment field and the most interested by many people. while, it has a great profit, this business is also assessed to have a low risks, so it makes this business become the most favored by entrepreneurs. many people assesses that the property business today as an investment that has a very wide market share. so that people or entrepreneurs whether they beginner or expert are competing in investing on this business. although the investment of property is known by the great profit, but business is not always running smoothly. property business can fail, so the risk of this business is also necessary to be noticed. therefore, a property investor needs to know about the advantages and risks of business property. the definition of property is goods and all things legally in a status owned by a person or legal entity. property can be divided into two kinds which are personal property and real property. personal property is any kind of property that can be moved and not attached to the ground or become a unit with buildings, such as equipment, furniture, vehicles, and others. whereas the real property is a proprietary right based on the legal interest that is inherent on the real estate or legal relationship of juridical by the owner of real estate such as land and building.3 the house is a primary need for the human being, so that many people need it. then, the property business can move the whole sectors such as building materials industry, heavy equipment, consultants, banking, insurance, and labor services, so that is not only developer, contractor, or costumer who can get the benefit from this business. people who do the business property is called investor property, they buy then they sell a product which is property whether it is new or secondhand, so that they get the profit from the activity such as rent or result from the sale of property. an investor in property field should know more about this business, the deep knowledge about this business property is important and useful for increasing the value of the invested property and it also anticipate the loss of this business. 155vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 b. the benefits of business property business property has many benefits and advantages that many people do not know about it, even this benefit can be very promising. the examples of benefits that can be reached from this business are: 1. added value added value in this context means property is built over a plot of vacant land, and then the value of that place is increasing, especially if the position or the layout of the building is very strategic for the example in the center of the city or near from public facilities such as offices or shopping center, the value will be more expensive. 2. income appreciation (profit continuously increasing every year). having a plot of vacant land, house, or office will make a big profit. why? because every year, the value or price of land or building is continuously increasing, for example if we buy a vacant land now, the value of land will increase after two or three years. the number of people is continuously increasing but the land is not increase, so it is normal if the land price continuously increases significantly every year. 3. not effected by inflation. many people go in the property investment field because in addition to the price which is continuously increasing every year, investment business is also insusceptible from the inflation. people are sure by buying a property, the value will not go down but it will continuously increase differently from the currency business (foreign currency) that the value is very influenced by inflation. 4. property has a wide and promising market. the number of people is continuously increasing but the land is not increase so that many people who need the residence, so it normally if the price of land especially in the urban areas is continuously increasing. 5. property has a long-term investment. when compared with other investment products such as gold, deposits, and others, the property is durable investment product. in 3-5 years, the value of developed property can obtain capital gain (profit from difference between the purchase price and the sale price). c. the risks of business property basically, conducting something certainly has some risks to face in which those risks are the impact of what we done. the risks that can interfere with 156 a f k a r u n a the activities of the business usually occur due to several factors which are internal and external factors. the internal factor of the business risks arises from the internal business for example it related to ineffective marketing activities. whereas, the external factor arises from the external business for example it related to changes of demands for goods or services produced by a company.4 the risks that should be faced by property entrepreneurs are: 1. requires large capital basically, almost the entire businesses need a capital and asset especially property business. the nature of property business investment is capital intensive. business property can be called as a business that needs a large capital because the result of this business is also great. in conducting business property should spend a lot of additional costs such as tax or pph which is charged to the seller and bphtb which is charged to the customer. so that the risks of business property about the capital is something needs to be noticed and considered because if we are not careful then the spent capital may not bring the suitable profit or even can lose. 2. the risks of sales time one of the types of business risks property is the time for sale the units, its takes a long time to be sold out. it is because a person who wants to buy the property is not easy to find. then, as the entrepreneur of business property should understand the risks of this business and should be patient to do the marketing and sales. 3. risks of natural disasters this natural disaster cannot be avoided and can befall to anyone that can bring the big risk for business property, whether it is earthquake, avalanche, flood, or tsunami. the built property can be destroyed by natural disasters. this is the risk that the property manager should bear. if we look at the profit and the risks obtained by the property entrepreneur in the review above, it all refers to something global that is always experienced by the entrepreneurs, and the explanation above have not discussed about the profit and the risks of a transaction mechanism conducted by property entrepreneurs. whereas, through that transaction the entrepreneur gains the real profit and also knows the risks that will be faced, because all of that related to the business capital and also the concept of buying and selling that will be conducted. then through this research, the researcher wants to explain about the mechanism of transaction management and marketing property through conventional and sharia system, in which the 157vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 property entrepreneur can compare the advantages and disadvantages of those two systems, so that they can understand clearly about the gained profit and also ready to face the risks in the implementation of the business. research method the object of the study that is intended in this research is the businessperson who have been conducting the business in property that then gained the profit and also faced the certain risks in conducting the business, whether it is conducted by sharia or conventional system. the population of this research is the property business, whether who use sharia or conventional system. the data in this study were taken from six property companies that run their business with both systems.5 the informants in this study consisted of company leaders and eighty-two staff who run this company with various positions. the type of this research is descriptive analysis. the variables that will be examined are the profit gained and also the risks faced by the property business in term of capital and buying and selling of the products when it uses sharia and conventional system. data collection method is through the interview, questionnaire, and field documentation which are the list of the questions that reveals the variables and self-reflection rubric. the technic of analysis data used the content validity and data triangulation, verification, and fgd (focused discussion group). discussion a. overview of capital management and transaction of buying and selling property in conducting a business property, an entrepreneur will faced a variety of issues whether in licensing, construction, taxes and the things related to finance. the finance is a biggest obstacle for an entrepreneur in this business because there are many things in this business that needs a big cost especially for licensing, construction, and buying and selling of the property. hence, the capital and the concept of sale should be prepared well so that the business does not cease in middle of process. financing companies such as banks, bmt, leasing, cooperatives etc. are often needed by those who conduct the business with conventional system to support the business. besides, those who use sharia system will seek the partner to cooperate in finding a business 158 a f k a r u n a capital, whether it cooperation with individual who have sufficient capital or to the institution labeled sharia. on the other hand, the transaction of marketing and sale done in buying and selling of property also has various ways and the process often confuses the people who first time buys a house. therefore, it is necessary to know about the payment procedures of the property that can be done by costumers. according to fikri as the owner of kirana garden property: there are advantages and disadvantages in the implementation of the process of buying and selling the property and it depends on the financial capability of the costumers. there are three ways to buy and sell the property: 1. hard cash in this system, the costumers buy the property in cash on the beginning. usually, the payment system with hard cash is done at least a month since the agreement between the costumer and seller. for the customers who have a large budget is recommended to buy by this system because it has a big profit in which the seller usually will give a big discount of the property price about 10% to 15% of the total price. in addition to get a great discount, the customers also do not to worry with the monthly installments because it is paid off. besides, they do not to worry about the fluctuations in bank rates that are often increasing as in the credit system.6 2. cash installment the payment system with cash installment is done by paying the property gradually with a limited period of time in which the deadline is agreed by both parties. usually, a period of the payment with this cash installment method occurs within six months to a year with an excess of payment that has been set by the seller. due to the limited period of payment, so the customers are obligated to pay the deposit about 30% to 50% of the selling price to the seller and also the substantial monthly installment fee. if we look at this system, there are some advantages and disadvantages: a. the advantages. 1. still get a discount even though not as big as the hard cash. 2. not so hassle with the administration because the installment can be paid to the seller directly and not to the third party (bank/leasing/ other financial institution). 3. not so long to bear a debt with 0% installment rate. b. the disadvantages. 159vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 1. the value of the installment is large because of the short period of time 2. if we meet a shifty seller, the potential legal risk is greater than the hard cash payment. the illustration of installment cash: for example the price of a unit of house is 400 million, in the beginning of buying and selling agreement the customer pay the down payment about 10 million, then he pay the deposit about 50% of the total price of the house purchased, subtracted by down payment that has been paid (idr 200 million – 10 million = 190 million). the remaining payment of 200 million will be charged for 1 year. 3. home loan or kpr in this payment system, the costumers involve the third party in the payment activity such as bank, leasing, cooperative, or other financial institutions. the funding by home loan system makes the bank paid the acquittance of the house to the seller, then the customer will pay the installment to the bank with certain interest rate. however, need to be noted that the bank will be paid the house no more than 70% 80% of the house price according to the result of credit feasibility analysis, and the remaining of 20% 30% is the down payment that should be paid by the customer to the seller. the range of tenor is varies between 3-15 years. in the home loan payment system, there are some advantages and disadvantages such as: a. advantages. 1. it does not require a great capital, the costumer only need to pay the down payment and deposit to the seller. 2. the buying and selling has been completed by life insurance and wildfire. 3. the minimum of legal risks, it is because the bank will check the entire document of house ownership and imb. moreover, if occur the legal problems, the bank will go ahead as the involved party for the house. b. disadvantages. 1. the price of the house will more expensive because it is added by the interest, plus the cost of credit administration and contract provisions charged by the bank. 2. it will quite complicated by completing the documents requirement 160 a f k a r u n a for a credit application. 3. it creates the obligation to pay a debt for long term period. illustration of home loan payment the price of mr. onis’ house is 500 million, in the agreement of buying and selling the costumer pay the down payment about 10 million. then, he pay the deposit about 30% of the total price of house purchased, subtracted by the paid down payment which is (150 million – 10 million =140). the remaining payment of 350 million will be paid by installment during the period agreed by both parties and also added by the interest rate. generally, the payment system occurred in the buying and selling transaction of property has been done through some ways as mentioned above. surely, those ways have some advantages and disadvantages for the entrepreneur that will impact the profit gained and the risks that will be faced. therefore, as the entrepreneur they should be careful in making decision because it will bring the impact on the result of the business. b. mechanism of conventional and sharia system generally, both systems are not very different, but if we see in detail to the business management agreement of those systems, it will appear the significant differences and also it will look different on the mechanism of the conducted business. the differences can be found on the capital and the concept of buying and selling implemented. in the capital, the entrepreneurs who are apply the conventional system often begin the business with the capital from the debt to bank, leasing, cooperative, or other financial institutions. loan venture capital obtained from the financial institution obligates the creditor to deliver the collateral of valuable thing to the debtor, in which obligates the creditor to pay the installment loan with the interest to the debtor, in addition to the fine that should be bear if there is lateness in paying the installment.7 besides, the venture capital obtained through the sharia system, the entrepreneur get it through the cooperation by profit sharing system with the third party which is an investor, whether an individual investor, sharia bank, or other financial sharia institutions. an investor can help to supply the entire needs of the venture capital by not loan but by conducting the partnership relation with the entrepreneur, in which the investor as the funder or shahibul maal and the entrepreneur as mudharib. this cooperation financing system in 161vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 islam is called mudharabah/ trust financing.8 this cooperation can be conducted in the certain period, and the profit sharing between both parties is divided periodically with an agreement. on the due date, the entrepreneur returns the amount of fund to the investor and also the profit sharing that has not be divided. necessary to be noticed, that in this cooperation, both parties should be ready to bear the loss together and this is the difference from the conventional system. in the buying and selling process, the mechanism conducted by conventional system is different from sharia system. the transaction between the costumer and seller in the conventional system can be conducted by cash and credit, whether cash installment or home loan. the basic differences between those systems are occurred on the transaction process. the conventional credit makes its money as an object of business transaction, when the object transacted is money then there are interest and fine because the nature of the basic buying and selling in that system is loan from the third party. when it is a loan, then it is obligated for the costumer to pay the loan to the funder party (financial institution) with the interest. for example, the costumer wants to buy a house with the price of 500 million, bank will give the loan to the costumer with a requirement that he should give the collateral to the bank for the loan. since the fund accepted by the costumer, he will pay the loan by installment with the certain period that has been agreed by both parties and also he should pay the added margin for 5-10% of the loan. the benefit of this concept is the costumer can return the loan with the long time period which is 5-25 years. on the other hand, the object sold in the sharia system is a good (its property). so that there is no interest or fine in the transaction process because the basic or buying and selling is not the loan but the barter. the main features that distinguish the islamic system from the conventional are the prohibition of interest (riba) on loans and excessive leverage, focus on profit sharing and dependence on economic transactions involving tangible assets.9 mechanism of buying and selling implementation by the sharia concept can be conducted by two ways: first, the costumer can buy the property on cash to the seller or can buy it on credit by doing the transaction of installment directly according to the agreement of price and tenor that has been determined by both parties. the process of transaction is conducted on the short period which is 5-15 years and only involves the costumer and seller without any third party such as bank, leasing, or other financial institution. second, in 162 a f k a r u n a this sharia credit system the costumer can involve the third party in the buying activity, in which in the transaction the sharia bank/ sharia financial institution (third party) will buy the house from the developer suitable with the costumers’ wishes on cash then sell it to the costumer by credit with no interest, but the bank takes the profit margin from the sale price of that house. in islam, this system is known as murobahah.10 the example of this concept is: costumer wants to buy a house with a price of 500 million the sharia bank will buy that house from the developer then sell it to the costumer with a price of 650 million by the tenor of 20 years (the sharia bank takes the profit margin about 150 million during tenor). then, the costumer should pay installment for 20 years with amount of 650 million without any interest and fine if there is lateness in paying the installment. as the explanation of both system mechanisms above, we got some points of differences between them which are: 1. in conventional system: money is an object of transaction in conventional system the capital is the result of loan from the third party requirements and provisions of capital loan/ buying and selling is determined by the third party as the debtor there is an interest rate that should be paid by the creditor to the third party there is a fine if the costumer late or in arrears in paying the instalment the tenor is about 5 – 25 years 2. in sharia system the goods (house) are an object of transaction in the sharia system the capital is obtained from from the result of cooperation/partnership mudharabah use the principle of murabahah (profit sharing) agreement in the buying and selling there is no interest system there is no fine if occurs the lateness and arrears in installment payment the tenor is about 5 – 15 years c. the benefits and risks of conventional system financing through the conventional credit is conducted based on the banking operational standard determined by government and comply with the 163vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 legal rule in indonesia. this is managed by government through the financial institutions and other parties who is involved in this case. so that will bring the profit and risks for the creditor or debtor who conducts the business and the transaction through this system. the profits of property entrepreneur if he conducts the transaction using the conventional system are: 1. easy to get the financing capital. the venture capital becomes the issue that often befalls to an entrepreneur in conducting the business, especially for those who wants to start a business. by the existence of financing concept through banking or other financial institutions makes the entrepreneur easier to get the venture capital and rolling the wheel of their business. this is because the entrepreneur can allocate the fund and budget of their business freely, so that the project can run as planned. 2. have the low interest rate in financing. the interest rate is something often calculated for the entrepreneurs or the creditor who wants to get the fund from the financing institution. each institution usually has the different interest rate between one to other. if compared between conventional and baking and sharia banking, then the conventional bank has a lower interest rate, in which the average of conventional bank has a rate about 6%-10%every years.11 besides, the sharia bank has a concept of financing capital and sales that is determined in the beginning of the transaction agreement, but if calculates the costs that should be paid by the creditor in paying the installment, we will found that sharia bank has the higher level of financing. 3. cashflow/ the capital is returned relatively fast. each property entrepreneur will seek to get a quick refund of their business capital. it is a human nature that cannot be denied by everyone. conventional system promises the property entrepreneurs to be able to get their business capital quickly through buy and sell transactions. this is because in buying and selling property transactions, the bank/ financing institution will pay directly the total cost of selling property that has been sold to the developer/seller. so the developer does not need to wait so long to get profit of the buying and selling the property in spite of it is done in credit. 4. be able to manage and replace the result of business quickly. the buying and selling by conventional system makes the property entrepreneur get the profit of their business quickly because the financing insti164 a f k a r u n a tutions provide the result of the buying and selling transaction between the seller and costumer in cash to the developer, therefore the developer can replace the profit of the business for the next project without need to wait the returning of their capital. 5. provides the insurance when occur the natural disasters. the insurance is one of the unforgotten aspects for the property entrepreneur because the human does not know their fate of the natural disaster. hence, insurance is the right solution for anticipating a disaster, so that the entrepreneur does not bear a loss when the disaster affects the damage on their property. therefore, it is useful for the entrepreneur if he does not need to spend money for the renovation of the damaged property because of natural disasters. in every way there must be a consequence as well as in a business there is profit and loss that is the phenomenon that occurs in this life. in entrepreneurship journey there is a risk that should be faced by the entrepreneur which is no exception to business property. the risks faced by the property entrepreneurs who apply conventional system are: 1. overly complicated loan application the process of loan application conducted by entrepreneurs for the venture capital or costumers in purchasing a unit of property to financial institutions often finds the troublesome constraints because there are many procedures conducted by the institution to help the costumer to get the funding that very complicated such as the customer should pass a business feasibility check, survey location, or also requires an equal collateral to the proposed capital loan, etc. it all makes the customers should be more prepared all the requirements that sometimes make him depressed in fulfilling it. 2. an interest that should be paid the interest is a must be paid by the entrepreneur or the consumer to a third party/financing institution if they conduct the transaction by conventional system. although the interest rate is not really high, but it becomes a big risk if the sale of unit property is stagnated. if they are as the costumers who conduct the credit to the financial institution, it also becomes a big risk when they are not able to pay off the purchase of property within certain period. finally, they will have a debt that cannot be resolved except by auction the goods that they give as collateral to the 165vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 lender. 3. the fine that should be paid if late to pay the installments. fines become a risk that should be considered if an entrepreneur started his business with debt, so does the consumer who bought the property unit through loan/credit to the financing institutions. in capital or purchase of the unit property by the conventional system has a trap for the debtor which is a fine for those who late in their debt/ loan payment. if someone has already stuck in the debt, it often leads to a loss in paying a fine because he is not able to continue the installment of the goods he credits. this is a big risk because there are many customers are caught up with a fine that culminated by foreclosure the property they owned. 4. violate the islamic sharia that affect to the blessing of the business. entrepreneurs or consumers who do transactions through conventional systems often contradict the islamic teachings because in that transaction there are some things that have been forbidden by allah swt. the forbidden thing is the existence of riba that is forbidden in islam. riba is the great sin in islam, so that by the existence of riba in the transaction will makes unblessed of the business and the wealth. d. the benefits and risks of sharia system the concept of the sharia funding is it can be conducted in both short or long term period for the entrepreneurs who need the added venture capital that is based on the principles of sharia. it is also for the customers who need the financing of the purchase an item. in this case, the concept of the financing usually used for the capital, payment of the production cost, purchase of materials, trade of the goods and services, contraction project, and many others. hence, if we look generally to this sharia financing system, there are some benefits such as: 1. the transparence agreement when apply an agreement about the financing either capital or loan, the debtor will sign the contract of agreement. in this sharia system, the transaction of the agreement will be transparence which is the debtor know the costs included in the agreement and he can negotiate the profit margin for the financing institution if he feel objected. 2. the bigger profit by added margin from the sale price of goods. scheme of murabahah in sharia system makes the property entrepreneur gets more profit from the sale of unit. although the profit gained takes 166 a f k a r u n a the longer period than the conventional system but the result obtained is greater. it is because the developer will get the profit from the costs of goods sold plus the profit margin from the financing agreement in credit. for example if the costumer buy a unit of house with the price of 500 million, then when he bought it by credit, the developer will increase the house’s selling price to 600 million (depending on the duration of the credit and the agreement of both parties). 3. do not pay the interest to the third party. the capital needed by the entrepreneurs to run the project does not bring any concern on interest payments, because the principle of the agreement between entrepreneurs and financing institutions is cooperation. likewise, in buying and selling that is conducted by costumers through sharia systems, make costumers safer because there is no additional cost except the things that has been agreed by both parties in the beginning of buying and selling agreement. 4. there is no risk of fine that should be paid. the agreement of sharia system is the agreement for cooperation and profit sharing, so in this case there is no risk of any fine that should be bear by the entrepreneur or costumer in conducting the transaction related to the capital or buying and selling. it is because the risk of fine will rise in the debt transaction, but the sharia system is not based on the debt/ loan agreement. 5. the blessing in the business and the result it has been the principle of muslims to seek the blessing in life especially the blessing in obtaining the wealth that becomes a living for him and his family. by choosing the sharia system in every business and transaction, it will indirectly bring the blessing in every business outcome. it is because of his obedience in upholding islamic sharia so that it makes allah swt bless him and eventually it will affect the blessing of all result of his works. on the other hand, in conducting the business by sharia system also have some risks that should be faced by the property entrepreneur: 1. difficult to get a capital. a capital is an important thing in conducting a business, without it the business cannot be run. sharia system is based on the cooperation in a business, then the obstacle to apply this system is difficult to get a trust of 167vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 the party invited to cooperate, whether from the individual investor or financing institutions such as sharia bank, bmt, etc. the cause of this difficulty is the entrepreneur has not a clear concept of the business, so it makes a doubt on the partner in doing cooperation. the solution for this problem is by creating the clear proposal about the concept of the business that will be started whether on the cooperation agreement, profit sharing, procedure, business governance, and the others. 2. cash flow/ capital return relatively longer cash flow by sharia system takes a relatively long time, moreover if a property is sold by credit. in this case, the entrepreneur can give a rule in the credit agreement that will be held with the costumer which is by giving a certain limitation of time for the payment. therefore, it can shorten the time to returning the venture capital. besides, this agreement is more profitable for the entrepreneur in the buying and selling transaction because he got the added profit margin from the result of buying and selling the property by credit. 3. bad credit or the lateness on payment of monthly installment the costumer who is not able to continue the payment of credit installment is an obstacle that often occurs, and it becomes a risk that should be faced by the entrepreneur in buying and selling transaction of his property. this problem has a non-complicated solution because the prices of the property will continuously increasing. in this case, the entrepreneur can give a chance to the owner of that house to sell it then the result of sale can be used for paying the debt of house purchase.12 moreover, the owner will get the profit from the sale of the house. in this case, each party will get a win solution for this problem. 4. bear a risk on the nature disaster. sharia system has its own specificity in bearing a risk, in which the profit shared and loss borne together. thus, if the loss is not from the negligence or maintainers, all losses are borne together between investors who lose capital and managers who lose energy, time and others. however, on the contrary if the loss is caused by the negligence or maintainer, he should repay and pay the capital back to the investor.13 a nature disaster is an unpredictable disaster, so in this case it is not a negligence of the entrepreneur in conducting the business. then, if it occurs the loss will be borne together and not only for the entrepreneur. 168 a f k a r u n a conclusion the profit and loss are something different that becomes a challenge for each business owner. both of them are inevitable in the business field. on the other hand, conventional and sharia is a concept/system that must be chosen by them in conducting their business. this research limits the problem on the benefit gained by the entrepreneur of sharia and conventional property as well as the risks that will be incurred in conducting the business, especially in the capital and buying or selling of the product by using sharia and conventional system. based on the benefits and risks faced by the property business above, it can be seen that the sharia system can provide a greater profit and also a smaller risk. this is because in the sharia system, whether businesspersons or costumers are not concerned about the burden of interest and fines resulting from debt to financing institutions. although there are other risks borne such as a bad credit and a relatively long cashflow, but the profit margins gained through the sharia system will be greater. endnotes 1 dwi condro triono, (2017) ekonomi pasar syariah, yogyakarta: irtikaz. 2 rosyid aziz, (2015) berkah melimpah dengan bisnis property syariah, bogor: alazhar freshzone. 3 roby agung kusuma, (2017) untung maksimal dari bisnis properti, jakarta: laksana. 4 nm.wahyu kuncoro, (2015) 97 risiko transaksi jual beli properti, jakarta: raih asa sukses. 5 the names of the companies in this study are kirana garden, zafilla property, hudaya anugrah madani, basmalah property, mitra artha and arkana property. 6 malte kueger & seits franz. (2017) costs and benefits of cash and cashless payment instruments module 2: the benefits of cash. e-book by fritz knapp verlag, frankfurt. 7 umar vadillo, (2005) bank tetap haram: kritik terhadap kapitalisme sosialisme, dan perbankan syariah, petaling jaya: pustaka zaman. 8 wahbah al-zuhaili, (2003) al-fiqh al-islam wa adillathu, damascus: dar-al fikr, 9 chamberlain, t., hidayat, s., & khokhar, a. r. (2020). credit risk in islamic banking: evidence from the gcc. journal of islamic accounting and business research. 10 p wulandari, putri, n. i. s. p., kassim, s., & sulung, l. a, (2016) contract agreement model for murabahah financing in indonesia islamic banking. international journal of islamic and middle eastern finance and management. vol. 9(2): 190-204. 169vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 11 https://www.rumah.com/panduan-properti/ lima bank kpr dengan suku bunga rendah per januari 2019-2-9574. 12 ahmad bin abdurrozaq ad duwaisy, (2011) fatwa-fatwa jual beli, jakarta: pustaka imam syafii. 13 abdurrahman as sa’di dkk, (2014) fiqih jual beli: panduan praktis bisnis syariah, jakarta: senayan abadi. references ad duwaisy, ahmad bin abdurrozaq, (2011) fatwa-fatwa jual beli, jakarta: pustaka imam syafii. al-zuhaili, wahbah, (2003) al-fiqh al-islam wa adillathu, damascus: dar-al fikr, as sa’di, abdurrahman dkk, (2014) fiqih jual beli: panduan praktis bisnis syariah, jakarta: senayan abadi. aziz, rosyid, (2015) berkah melimpah dengan bisnis property syariah, bogor: alazhar freshzone. chamberlain, t., hidayat, s., & khokhar, a. r. (2020). credit risk in islamic banking: evidence from the gcc. journal of islamic accounting and business research. https://www.rumah.com/panduan-properti/ lima bank kpr dengan suku bunga rendah per januari 2019-2-9574 kueger, malte & seits franz. (2017) costs and benefits of cash and cashless payment instruments module 2: the benefits of cash. e-book by fritz knapp verlag, frankfurt. kuncoro, nm.wahyu, (2015) 97 risiko transaksi jual beli properti, jakarta: raih asa sukses. kusuma, roby agung, (2017) untung maksimal dari bisnis properti, jakarta: laksana. triono, dwi condro, (2017) ekonomi pasar syariah, yogyakarta: irtikaz. vadillo, umar, (2005) bank tetap haram: kritik terhadap kapitalisme sosialisme, dan perbankan syariah, petaling jaya: pustaka zaman. wulandari, p., putri, n. i. s. p., kassim, s., & sulung, l. a, (2016) contract agreement model for murabahah financing in indonesia islamic banking. international journal of islamic and middle eastern finance and management. vol. 9(2): 190-204. 3. afkaruna_abdul rachman rachman departement of islamic banking, stes islamic village abdul@stes.isvill.ac.id abdul rachman rachman departement of islamic banking, stes islamic village mayang_ayu_faluthamia@stes.isvill.ac.id mayang ayu faluthamia universitas islam negeri syarif hidayatullah jakarta muhammad@uinjkt.ac.id muhammad said departement of islamic banking, stes islamic village arie.haura@stes.isvill.ac.id arie haura jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 the urgency of halal tourism literacy in responding to rejection of halal tourism in indonesia doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.12770 abstract halal tourism has received a rejection from several people in indonesia because it is understood as a form of islamization of tourism. this rejection is evidence of the lack of literacy in halal tourism in the community regarding halal tourism. the purpose of this paper is to investigate the rejection of halal tourism in several regions of indonesia and to discover the important role of halal tourism literacy in responding to the rejection of halal tourism from some communities. this study used a qualitative descriptive approach using document analysis as a data collection technique. the results of this study indicate that halal tourism literacy is very important to be able to increase public understanding of halal tourism that the concept of halal tourism is a universal concept that can be accepted by all religions, societies, cultures, and governments. halal tourism literacy has an important role to socialize that halal tourism is not a form of islamization of tourism but rather an extended service in the tourism industry in indonesia. keywords: literacy, tourism, halal, islamization the development of halal tourism in indonesia is significantly growing. it was started with the initiative from the ministry of tourism of the republic of indonesia which is under the command of arief yahya in taking the market share of muslim travelers around the world. ministry of tourism has a great role in developing halal tourism in indonesia, and its effort paid off since in 2019 indonesia was in the first place equalling malaysia regarding world halal travel by gmti 2019. for the sake of halal tourism development in indonesia, the ministry of tourism specify halal tourism destinations and registered the areas that have been set as halal tourism destinations to the world halal travel event in abu dhabi, united arab emirates and won several categories in 2015 and 2016. in 2015, indonesia won three award categories, whereas in 2016 indonesia won twelve award categories. those awards have become a motivation for indonesia to improve the development of halal tourism so that indonesia could be the center of the world halal tourism industry. however, the implementation of halal tourism in indonesia is considered to be relatively late, because some countries, both muslim-majority countries and non-muslim majority countries such as thailand, south korea, japan, malaysia, singapore, etc., have started earlier in promoting their halal tourism to the world in order to attract overseas muslim travelers. the application of halal tourism does not mean that the non-muslim majority countries disrespect their culture, customs, and local culture, but it is done to fulfill the needs of muslim travelers.1 halal tourism market industry is quite large since muslim tourists spending during their travel is varied. according to dinar standard data year 2020/2021 via salaam gateway, stated that travel expenses for muslim travelers from saudi arabia are 24,3 billion us$. about 17,2 billion us$ is spent by muslim travelers from the united arab emirates, whereas muslim travelers from qatar spent 14,2 billion us$, kuwait 13 us$, and indonesian muslim travelers spent about us$ 11,2 billion. the data shows that the travel expenses of muslim travelers are huge so that introduction 55 afkaruna data shows that the travel expenses of muslim travelers are huge so that it becomes a factor to implement the halal tourism concept around the world. one serious action from indonesia government in developing halal tourism, ministry of tourism has sorted some potential destinations with some considerations in order to develop halal tourism. one of which is a region with a muslim majority population. some regions that have been set as halal tourism destinations are west nusa tenggara, west sumatera, and aceh are considered successful since the implementation of halal tourism does not cause commotion and controversy among local people, even the local government support and encourage this concept. one example is halal tourism in west nusa tenggara province which received a positive welcome from everyone, including local people and government, legislators, scholars, public and traditional figures. there is even also a regulation regarding halal tourism in the form of governor’s regulation and local regulation. halal tourism in west nusa tenggara can be categorized as successful with minimum conflict. this shows that halal tourism in west nusa tenggara is one proof that halal tourism is accepted in the community. this also happens in west sumatera and aceh where there is no rejection from local people, in fact, the realization of halal tourism can be accepted by the whole community. halal tourism is somewhat positive since it is in accordance with islamic values. if we found no rejection of halal tourism in some destinations set by the ministry of tourism, this is because the majority of people in west nusa tenggara are muslims.2 it is unlike the implementation of halal tourism in non-muslim majority regions such as bali, east nusa tenggara, and north sumatera. there is a debate and rejection on the halal tourism concept since it is considered contrary to local wisdom and culture. there is an excessive concern in implementing halal tourism within non-muslim communities. they found that it will go against the practices, customs, and local wisdom of the destination. this rejection and conflict regarding halal tourism in indonesia happened in non-muslim majority regions which do not fully understand the concept comprehensively, as well as not 56vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 knowing the substance of halal tourism that has been implemented by several non-muslim majority countries in the world. it is indeed ironic if halal tourism received a rejection from several communities since indonesia is a country with the biggest population of muslims in the world. however, indonesia is not a religious state that followed the islamic sharia, but it is based on pancasila with diverse ethnicities, cultures, races, religions, languages, etc. indonesia is an archipelago state which stretched from sabang to merauke. tourism potential with various local cultures and wisdom are very supportive for tourism sustainable growth in indonesia. halal tourism is about taste and choices. it also commits to respecting culture, customs, diversity, and local wisdom. the fundamental difference in understanding halal tourism causing a different realization towards halal tourism development in indonesia. one proof is the difference of halal tourism implementation in banyuwangi by applying separated beach areas between men and women as a representative definition of halal tourism. implementation of halal tourism in banyuwangi is authentic proof that tourism which is understood by sharia not just attract a niche market only. the separation between men and women on the beach also gives different dimensions to halal tourism understanding promoted by the ministry of tourism republic indonesia. phenomena of rejection on halal tourism happened after the statement delivered by north sumatera governor, edy rahmayadi, that toba lake will be one of halal tourism destinations.3 however, the statement directly receives rejection and protest from the north sumatra people. the rejection could give a negative impact among north sumatra people because it will cause social restlessness, local wisdom, and cultural disclaimer. this happened because the majority of people surrounding lake toba are christian and catholic. halal tourism is considered disrespectful to cultural differences, local customs and cultures, and diversities. halal tourism is regarded as something that contrary to the local wisdom and culture of the local community.4 the rejection also happened in bali. bali’s governor, i wayan koster thought that bali is a 57 afkaruna cultural-based tourism, not a religion-based one, so he refused any kind of religion-related concept, let alone about to be set as a destination of halal tourism. this rejection is strictly done to the government, specifically the minister of tourism and creative economy, wishnutama, and the later minister, sandiaga uno. if we looked at the background of rejection for halal tourism in indonesia, it can be classified into several categories. the first category is the region with muslim majority population, and the second category is the non-muslim majority region. these categorizations give an impact on understanding halal tourism literacy. acceptance of halal tourism concept comprehensively lies on muslim majority regions where halal tourism can be developed better without any rejection and substantive conflict, yet rather a technical problem. on the other hand, rejection of the halal tourism concept from non-muslim majority regions is because the understanding of halal tourism literacy was not conveyed well comprehensivel because according to widagdyo and kurniawan in ma'rifah, halal tourism itself is not a special tour for muslims/muslims merely a concept that is general or open to all tourists with different beliefs (religion), ethnicity, and culture. in this concept, the priority is how tourism is able to promote values and islamic norms as the basic foundation.5 therefore, we need literacy socialization on halal tourism in indonesia, including its concept, regulation, general policy, technical policy, dsn fatwa of the indonesian ulama council regarding halal tourism, etc. the purpose of this paper is to investigate the rejection of halal tourism in several regions of indonesia and to discover the important role of halal tourism literacy in responding to the rejection of halal tourism from some communities.6 this rejection linked with halal tourism implementation in indonesia which have been going since couple years ago and won many categories at world halal travel, abu dhabi, united arab emirates, even some destination of halal tourism set by the government fully support the halal tourism concept by creating regulation in form of governor and local regulations. in 2019, indonesia equalling its position to malaysia to be on the first place global muslim travel index version (gmti). it is quite interesting when we found 58vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 rejection towards halal tourism, but the majority of indonesia population are muslim, this is what underlies the researcher to conduct research in order to discover how important halal tourism literacy to give socialization and education to the public, so they would fully understand about halal tourism. method in this research, the researcher analyzes halal tourism literacy to be able to respond to a few cases of rejection to halal tourism using a descriptive-qualitative approach. to collect data related to this study, the researcher using document analysis by learning various journal articles, newspaper, documents related to halal tourism, books, and other references by sorting and selecting the data. the data then is being processed, reviewed, and criticized to get a precise formula related to the urgency of halal tourism literacy in responding to rejection from several societies on the halal tourism concept. those data will be combined to create a new perspective related to the halal tourism literacy topic. halal tourism literature halal labeling in the tourism sector is still being rejected and debated. the refusal was carried out by the majority of religious communities other than islam, such as the rejection by the governor of east nusa tenggara province, the balinese, the lake toba community.7 indeed, indonesia is not a religious state, nor a cultural state, but it is a state based on pancasila. indonesia consists of many religions, various cultures, unity in diversity, and it has many local wisdom from sabang to merauke. however, indonesia is a country with the biggest population of muslims in the world. the presence of halal tourism in indonesia is not a new thing in terms of substance, because the term "halal" is an obligation that must be obeyed, for example, it is prohibited to eat pork, dog meat, and it is also prohibited to consume alcohol or committing adultery (prostitution). the term “halal” also quite understandable by non-muslim communities, but they do not mind if there are certified halal food, they even feel comfortable and safe to consume halal foods. 59 afkaruna halal literature paired in tourism sector is emerging in the world when some muslim and non-muslim countries competing to implement the "halal tourism" to take over foreign muslim travelers market, especially from united arab emirates (uae), saudi arabia, oman, egypt, malaysia, indonesia, and other muslim countries. halal literacy also appears because "halal" is a safe, clean, and comfortable concept. a certified halal product means the product has passed the processes of checking including raw material checking, production process, packaging, and distribution to the consumers. halal products have also undergone laboratory inspection process that it is not contaminated with unclean goods, not contaminated with something impure and dirty. this means that halal products are clean, safe, and harmless for consumption. halal products are an inseparable part of the concept of halal tourism because the concept of halal tourism prioritizes providing services both halal services and products that do not conflict with islamic religious principles. the definition of islamic tourism according to islamic tourism malaysia as quoted from aulia is every activity, event and experience carried out in travel conditions that are in accordance with islam, not only halal food and beverage products but also provide the needs of muslim tourists such as halal hotels, prayer rooms, mosques, places for ablution, providing prayer mats, al-quran, caps, qibla direction, and others.8 it is an irony that a minority of indonesia population rejected halal tourism since they consider it as not “pancasilais” (not in accordance to pancasila), and incompatible with the concept of unity in diversity. the refusal was based on a lack of literacy about the concept of halal tourism. the rejection of halal tourism in the some regions is due to: inadequate understanding of halal tourism which only consider it a form of islamization that violates the values of diversity, tolerance and respect for culture and religion adopted by the local.9 in fact, halal tourism is not only friendly to muslim travelers but also very friendly for non-muslim travelers as well. it is in contrary if the one who asked the question regarding halal food and beverages (and others) that available at tourist destinations in indonesia is a foreign traveler. foreign muslim tourists will have more trust in the restaurants or food stalls with the halal label, 60vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 substance discourse of halal tourism concept halal tourism definition has not been agreed widely and there are some different opinions, both from academics and the government. therefore, it is necessary to have discussions carried out by the ministry of tourism, academics, businessmen, community leaders, and cultural leaders to discuss and formulate the right definition of halal tourism to be implemented in indonesia. the use of the terminology of halal tourism and islamic tourism is a matter of debate until now. according to el-gohury and battour and ismail that the use of terminology halal tourism and islamic tourism are different. islamic tourism is like explaining certain activities or products "islamic" i.e. giving an indication that the activity or product fully complies with islamic law (which may not apply to every product and or halal tourism activity). besides therefore, the term islamic is only applied to things that are directly related to the faith and teachings of islam (such as islamic/sharia law, islamic values, principles because they have been tested and certified by the authorized institutions, in this case, are bpjph and the indonesian ulama council. halal tourism is a part of the sharia economy. its literature in indonesia is considered low, since halal tourism is a newly implemented concept in indonesia, the same goes for sharia financial literature. even though it has been developed for a long time, the understanding of sharia financial literacy is still low. according to a survey conducted by financial services authority through national literacy survey and financial inclusion in 2019, the sharia financial literacy index reached 38,03%. that literacy is still relatively low compared to the total population of indonesian muslims. however, the literacy index has increased compared to 2016 which was 29.7%. likewise, halal tourism literacy which is still relatively new to be implemented in indonesia makes the public lack of understanding on halal tourism, even halal tourism definition itself is still a debate among academics and practitioners. therefore, socialization and education related to halal tourism are necessary, so the public will understand that halal tourism is not an islamization to tourism, and not something that is contrary to pancasila and the 1945 constitution. 61 afkaruna and beliefs, and islamic worship). the use of the word islamic tourism also gives the impression that an activity or the product is only used for muslims, even though non-muslims can also consume the product or halal tourism activities.10 moreover, the existence of halal tourism as complementary tourism or a new variant of tourism is still in debate. however, there are several popular terms in some countries (even indonesia), such terms are sharia tourism, islamic tourism, halal tourism, halal travel, halal lifestyle, muslim-friendly travel destination, and other terms linked to halal tourism. the difference of definitions gives implicate meanings, regulations, and technical policies for halal tourism implementation in indonesia and even worldwide. since there is no agreement yet on the term “halal tourism”, it encourages everyone to differently define the terms. mohamed battour stated that the challenge for academics and practitioners is identifying a proper terminology for halal tourism terms. in his article titled “halal tourism or muslim-friendly tourism?” he stated that the term “halal” sounds more islamic if to be paired with the tourism sector, or more precisely using islamic tourism terms since islam has a direct connection with faith and its doctrine.11 hafizah awalia criticized the confusing, ambiguous, and non-standard “halal tourism” terms. since there is no agreement yet to define it precisely in tourism terms, then everybody can define it differently according to their own understanding.12 she also criticized that halal tourism is for muslim tourists only, and not for the non-muslims, since in the halal tourism concept prostitution and discotheque are prohibited, alcohol is haram, and halal tourism only provides separated facilities between men and women that are not a close relatives. jafari and scott define islamic tourism as basically an interpretation of new tourism from a pilgrimage that combines religious tourism and recreation, and consider it as an alternative to the hedonistic conceptualization of mass tourism.13 kessler categorized islamic tourism as a strict market, purpose, lifestyle, and strength of culture.14 this difference shows that halal tourism still in debate among academics and practitioners. most countries also give different definitions of halal tourism that means halal 62vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 the existence of halal tourism in indonesia halal tourism in indonesia grows and develops because of the policy from central government, that is the ministry of tourism which was led by arief yahya at that time. the policy is taken to take over foreign well-defined so that it needs a long discussion to set a whole definition that can be set as a reference for every research. different points of view in giving terms and defining halal tourism create a room for discussion to uniform perception on halal tourism concept applied in indonesia, because if it does not formulate nationally, then the growth of halal tourism will run without standard reference in terms of regulation, model, concept, even strategy so that it will cause many conflicts which can be an obstacle in developing the next halal tourism. therefore, we need the halal tourism concept that can accommodate sharia principle values, and the economy by keeping eye on and respecting the customs, culture, and local wisdom of one region. 15the differences indeed are based on the background of application and substance of halal tourism. tourism is an economic activity which can be reviewed as a multi-dimensional activity that can reach every aspect of life. tourism can also increase the cultural values of a region, and it can also create more job opportunities, as well as developing infrastructure, services, and facilities. several points of view in halal tourism stated by sihar sitorus as parliament member is that halal tourism is designed by the government to create separation/segregation among inter-religious, even ethnic groups. halal tourism is considered breaking the nation since it creates discrimination between one community and others. this is a normal thing to happen because we do not truly understand halal tourism literacy. another opinion delivered by i wayan koster as governor of bali who stated that halal tourism is somehow reducing and narrowing the tourist destinations value in bali as if only the island belongs to one specific group, although in fact, bali is an island of culture-based tourism which develops in accordance with all religions, ethnicity, and culture. those views can be a suggestion to be handled professionally, so there will be no misunderstanding in comprehending halal tourism literacy. 63 afkaruna muslim travelers market, especially from the middle east such as united arab emirate (uae), saudi arabia, oman, kuwait, and others. in a research conducted by mohammed battour and m. nazari ismail create an output regarding a reason behind the new concept in the sharia-based tourism sector, and code of ethics is tourists from the bay area.16 the reason is very realistic since tourists coming from the middle east have an extremely high buying power that motivates the sharia-based tourism industry in order to meet the needs of middle east muslims. the research result becomes the excuse for non-muslims countries to participate in applying the halal tourism concept without any rejection on the halal tourism concept. for an instance, south korea has already developed a halal tourism by holding halal restaurant week event which shares information about halal culinary, and create an application that eases muslim travelers who want to look for information on halal restaurants, halal foods, praying sites, and schedules. looking at the phenomenon in some countries, both the muslim majority and non-muslim majority countries that develop halal tourism concept, then indonesia also takes part. halal tourism concept application in indonesia can be categorized as “late” compared to other countries. however, indonesia is truly serious to build the market of muslim tourists from the bay area. in 2016, according to crescentrating and master card, indonesia achieved the fourth rank gmti version of 2016 after being in the sixth position before. indonesia’s effort in developing halal tourism needs to be appreciated because in 2019, indonesia and malaysia to equal their position as the first rank gmti version of 2019. however, halal tourism development in indonesia facing some obstacles and challenges, including several rejections in some regions, lack of regulation in form of the constitution which regulate halal tourism policy that still referring to conventional tourism law, infrastructure is still not tourist friendly and human resources must receive training and understanding regarding halal tourism literacy comprehensively. however, there is a law that supports halal tourism development that is law number 33 year 2014 on halal product guarantee. the law only mentioned about food, cosmetics, pharmacy, 64vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 destination mapping for halal tourism in indonesia the effort made by the central government to develop the halal tourism concept is by specifying some regions to be halal tourism destinations. as mentioned before, there are some destinations set based on mapping, both from local community support, readiness human resources readiness, facilities, and supporting infrastructure in regions that become the focus of tourism activities. the existence of halal tourism in indonesia is actually growing significantly, both in terms of national and international branding. we need to appreciate and pay attention to the government’s effort because they gave a big contribution in accelerating halal tourism development in indonesia. however, in reality, the mapping of halal tourism in indonesia can be and other products, no discussion about halal tourism as a whole. the development of halal tourism in indonesia is supported by many factors in which the biggest factor is religious support from muslim majority population in indonesia who are friendly and be tolerant of others. the next factor is indonesia’s huge and beautiful natural wealth, a country with a wide-stretched beach, and full of various cultures and local wisdom, which encourages tourism sector to grow aggressively. to make it real, the ministry of tourism has a logo and tagline “halal tourism indonesia, the halal wonders” to accelerate halal tourism development in indonesia. the nation set some halal tourism destinations, including west nusa tenggara province, aceh province, west sumatera province, banten province, east java province, and other destinations in several provinces/districts, and cities with many interesting and beautiful attractions that can accept halal tourism concept.17 the concept can increase national economy, even tourism gives multiplier effects to many people, and it also creates many businessmen who open job opportunities. therefore, public welfare will be realized. david mc cleland found that if the economy of one country becomes stronger, then the number of its businessmen is at least 2% of its total population.18 schumpter explained that entrepreneurship is an innovative activity to utilize business opportunities.19 65 afkaruna seen as forced, since some potential regions for halal tourism destination mapping receive rejection and debate. some regions that support the central government’s effort in applying the halal tourism concept in local tourism ecosystem are west tenggara province, aceh province, and west sumatera province. when we see it from the majority of the smuslim population, even the local government creates a regulation in form of governor regulation and local regulation. those regulations are truly helpful in developing halal tourism in destination areas since it gives legal certainty for investors, businessmen, communities, associations, and other stakeholders. looking at the success of specifying halal tourism destinations based on the support of muslim majority communities should be a measured achievement that halal tourism concept cannot be implemented in every region of indonesia. therefore, we should anticipate rejections of halal tourism in bali, east nusa tenggara, and north sumatera, since we know that those three regions are non-muslim majority regions. therefore, destinations mapping should consider the region’s background, majority of population, natural resources, etc. implementation of halal tourism in some potential regions as halal tourism destinations somewhat forced by the domination of capitalism. a swot analysis should be done in the mapping for halal tourism destination. for rejection cases happened in some area, the researcher agrees with frankfurt teachings20 which believe that people who consume cultural products are generally driven by constructs and logics of desire formed by the charm of popular culture, and not driven by needs. that means bali, east nusa tenggara, and north sumatera are not yet categorized as destinations to implement halal tourism concept, and still needs socialization and education related to the halal tourism concept, so that people can understand comprehensively about halal tourism. the researcher also agrees with adorno’s theory21 which stated that we live in a commodity society that is a society in which the production of goods is not made primarily for the satisfaction of human desire and needs, but for profit.22 that means halal tourism is about choices in giving the best facilities in terms of praying and religious values for muslim travelers, so they can do both traveling and praying. 66vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 study and discussion on halal tourism literacy the rejection of halal tourism in indonesia comes from non-muslim communities who are allergic to “halal” terms that is linked to islam. that is a normal phenomenon, moreover to assume that halal tourism will suppress customs, local wisdom, and even local culture such as in lake toba where there is a pig slaughterhouse. rose emmaria tarigan, and abdul basit in their research titled public rejection of danau toba’s halal tourism program, stated that the causative factor of halal tourism is an unfinished communication between the government and the people. that means, there is no education and socialization regarding halal tourism as a whole, so that it creates different perceptions and they judged halal tourism as something terrible. even though the phenomena of rejecting halal tourism is a normal thing, but it is considered odd since halal tourism is not only applied in indonesia but also implemented in non-muslim majority countries that already accepted the “halal” label. yukichika kawata, sheila nu nu htay, and ahmed salman syed in their research entitled non-muslims’ acceptance of imported products with halal logo: a case study of malaysia and japan found that a halal logo product with certification will be welcomed in japan’s stores so that it can boost muslim foreigner travelers.23 the research argued that “halal” is intended for muslims only. instead, “halal” is meant for every human being with any religious belief. the non-muslim majority countries even hold a halal tourism such as in japan, south korea, thailand, singapore, etc. many factors cause the rejection of halal tourism.24 different religion will have impact on defining halal tourism that is complex and vary. the rejection can also be caused by the lack of understanding related to halal tourism literacy so that people make their own perception that is not based on halal tourism as a whole. the impact of lacking understanding on halal tourism literacy can also lead to a superficial and judgmental understanding that halal tourism has a negative reputation. in fact, halal tourism is implemented with a focus on providing the needs of muslim tourists by not disturbing other non-muslim tourists. however, in halal tourism there is a provision on certified halal food and beverages, and 67 afkaruna other matters. indeed, a halal product shows the cleanliness and safety of one product to be consumed. the urgency of halal tourism literacy is truly necessary, so we will be able to develop halal tourism in indonesia aggressively without rejection from a few communities. halal tourism is actually implemented to meet the needs of muslim travelers. its implementation refers to muslim life rules in terms of product, service and accommodation, food and beverages. currently, big cities in muslim majority countries such as malaysia, turkey, saudi arabia, united arab emirate, and indonesia, etc. are still the favorite destinations for travelers. in buchalis’ opinion25, tourism purpose has five important elements namely, attraction, access, facilities, activities, and travel agent. halal tourism is implemented and developed with some purposes and objectives. some purposes identified by the researcher are as follows; first, halal tourism is a branding to improve the potential of muslim travelers visit. second, halal tourism is a new market, and gives many tourism choices for foreign and domestic travelers, muslim and non-muslims. the third is that halal tourism may keep natural conservation, tourist’s belief, and keeping tourism destination according to sharia. the fourth is that halal tourism can fulfill the needs of praying for muslim travelers, and the fifth is that halal tourism can contribute to improving the economy of a country. diagram 4.0 halal tourism destinations in indonesia 68vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 level of halal tourism literacy in indonesia there is no definitive research regarding the index level of halal tourism literacy in indonesia so that national research is needed by related institutions such as kneks to be able to determine the index level of halal tourism literacy in indonesia. so far, there have only been results of a survey on the level of islamic financial literacy in indonesia conducted by the financial services authority. the survey provides a clear description that the level of islamic financial literacy is still low compared to the reality of islamic financial sector development in indonesia. although halal tourism is not islamic finance, halal tourism is part of the islamic economy. the survey data can be used as study material for the development of halal tourism which is still low.26 research result conducted by alfonso vargas-sánchez and murko perano entitled halal tourism and new generations: the indonesian case stated that although halal tourism is a suitable economy sector to fulfill the needs of muslim travelers that in accordance with religious manners. however, the new generation that consistsa of students, lacks an understanding of the halal tourism industry in indonesia, so that it becomes an obstacle for halal tourism development in indonesia. therefore, special attention is necessary to deliver knowledge about halal tourism to indonesia students that is a muslim majority country.27 the level of people’s literacy about halal tourism must be improved, because by educating and socializing halal tourism may increase people’s perceptions and minimize the rejection caused only by the existing “islamization” of tourism.28 in fact, according to aan jaelani in his research entitled halal tourism industry in indonesia: potential and prospects, stated that halal tourism in indonesia has been implemented by the community for a long time in the form of pilgrimage. halal tourism is considered as ritual with religious motivation. halal tourism is not exclusive but inclusive for all travelers, both muslims and non-muslims. given the huge potential for halal tourism, indonesia can be used as a center of world halal tourism, because it has a lot of natural beauty and tourist destinations.29 69 afkaruna factors of rejection on halal tourism in indonesia based on data and fact that happened in indonesia regarding the rejection on halal tourism, it can be concluded that there are some factors which affect the rejection. the researcher tries to identify using three main factors. the first is the factor of a negative perception of halal labeling. the fear of attaching halal label on a product, since the seller is worried that the product will not sold out.30 the second factor is the unprepared human resources in applying the halal label on the tourism sector that is always side-by-side with pleasures, such as prostitution, alcohol, discotheques, etc.31 this is what makes one think that halal tourism might be contrary to local wisdom, the culture, and the habits of tourists. the third factor is low socialization and education on halal tourism, so many people are not familiar with halal products in halal tourism. the terms of halal tourism is still not familiar among the people, except for halal food and beverage, and halal cosmetic. several factors mentioned above are clearly identified that the rejection of halal tourism does not mean that it is not a good thing, or if it is a negative concept, it does not mean that halal tourism is contrary with culture, or it forbids all habitual activities that have been implemented in the tourism sector so far. halal tourism is a recreational activity that can be enjoyed by all local and foreign tourists, both muslims and non-muslims who can accommodate sharia and economic values in accordance with the culture and local wisdom.32 halal tourism is implemented to fulfill the needs of muslim travelers, both domestic and foreign travelers. it is also expected to take over the foreign tourist market which has a big potential in giving and increasing foreign exchange earnings. halal tourism is not only a product for muslims but also a product for non-muslims majority countries as well. \halal tourism can be consumed and enjoyed by all tourists since with the “halal” label something can be valued as good, clean, harmless, and safe for consumption. as research conducted by vloreen nity mathew et.al. entitled acceptance on halal food among non-muslim consumers stated that halal represents cleanliness and quality of the foods consumed.33 70vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 developing cultural halal tourism literacy in indonesia halal tourism literacy is truly important as a response to rejection from some societies on the halal tourism concept in several regions of indonesia with a non-muslim majority population. in fact, at the same time, even before indonesia applied the halal tourism concept, some non-muslim majority countries already implemented the halal tourism concept, and it is considered as a good concept to attract the market of foreign muslim travelers, especially from the bay area. the need of praying during traveling is one of the factors that muslim travelers can visit as well as paying attention to halal foods and beverages when traveling. therefore, we need socialization and education on halal tourism literacy extensively, so there will be no misunderstanding of the concept. to raise awareness that halal tourism does not undermine local knowledge, to increase the belief that halal tourism is a good concept to be enjoyed by all people, and to change the mindset that halal tourism is harmless, and does not interfere with diversity. moreover, halal tourism can even grows the values of positivism and improve the economy of local communities. the lack of halal tourism literacy becomes a fundamental factor and widely affecting the growth of halal tourism in indonesia. it is also causing low halal tourism growth which can hamper the growth of foreign muslim travelers. the lack of halal tourism literacy diagram 4.3 factors of rejection on halal tourism 71 afkaruna also give a negative impact on increasing per-capita income. therefore, a low halal tourism literacy can contribute to unemployment rate and inequality in the community around the destination. to develop halal tourism literacy culture among indonesian people is not something difficult, but it needs commitment and consistency in educating people to have a deeper understanding, not only the terms of ‘halal’ but also that halal is good, clean, safe, and comfortable. it means that the halal essence is not inclusive, but exclusive. halal is respecting different religions and does not suppress the culture. therefore, some steps need to be taken to develop halal tourism literacy culture, some of which are as follows: first, is planning socialization strategy about halal tourism literacy by holding some events in a form of webinar, workshop, competition, halal festival, scientific paper, exhibition, expo, etc. both offline and online. indeed, literacy socialization must be done consistently and massively. therefore, we need cooperation from all parties and collaboration with several agencies and institutions, as well as local communities, so that the understanding of halal tourism can be well-delivered in form of information, knowledge, innovative and creative ideas in developing the tourism sector in indonesia with great cultural diversity and the world beauty. socialization can also be done in the form of multimedia and the like. the second is creating and developing digital-based education about halal tourism. the combination of natural beauty, cultural diversity, religious diversity, and wealth of resources with the halal tourism concept can increase prestige and reputation that is balanced with the background of the muslim majority population in indonesia, even though it is not a religious nor a sharia state, but a pancasila state. raising awareness by digital education is truly helping the people in understanding halal tourism concept entirely so that it can change the negative mindset about halal tourism. the third is to strengthen religious community-based education. indeed, there is no doubt that halal tourism destinations are implemented in some areas that have a muslim majority population, such as west nusa tenggara, aceh, west sumatera province. evidence of 72vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 encouragement and support from local government is the issuance of regulations to strengthen the implementation of halal tourism in form of governor and local regulations. this means that a mapping of destinations in implementing halal tourism in indonesia can be an example to be followed up in other areas which can accept the halal tourism concept. therefore, before developing the halal tourism concept, we need education and swot analysis of local cultural values, community characteristics, and natural resources that can support the concept. the fourth step is to hold technical guidance regularly for tourism actors in indonesia. it is necessary to accelerate the halal tourism literacy acceleration program in many ways, namely with technical guidance to encourage the acceleration of halal tourism destinations development in indonesia by referring to the assessment of indonesia muslim travel index (imti) using several indicators, accessibility, communication, environment, and service. technical guidance aims to formulate the halal tourism literacy movement as a whole. this movement is started by giving knowledge, insight, concept, strategy, policy, regulation to tourism actors, and then continued with implementation in the field by forming the halal tourism literacy movement. the fifth is to implement the halal tourism concept in every institution by forming strategic alliances with various stakeholders, mainly the academics, businessmen, local government, religious leaders, traditional figures, and tourism association, etc. strategic alliances are necessary in order to encourage and support the halal tourism concept. halal tourism needs special attention since literacy means there is knowledge to enlighten the people in understanding halal tourism. we need an understanding paradigm that literacy is not only reading and writing but also thinking skills in understanding scientific resources that are accurate and reliable, either in digital, visual, and printed forms. therefore, halal tourism literacy is extremely important in order to be able to give a quick response to the rejection of halal tourism from a small part of communities. several moves mentioned above are the first steps to be able to create and develop the halal tourism concept in responding to the rejection which happened due to a different understanding since ‘halal’ terms have 73 afkaruna a sensitivity among inter-religious communities. in fact, “halal” terms for muslims contain all the good things, of course, it can be interpreted differently for non-muslims, which is also very reasonable because the word ‘halal’ can be politicized so that its meaning can change (good meaning becomes bad meaning). the terms which contain islamization values are often taken to the relevant debates related to religious moderation. the term also has a very high sensitivity. therefore, it is necessary to have dialogue and discussion related to the halal tourism literacy, so it does not leave problems both from the meaning and message implied in the halal tourism concept. therefore, it is not misinterpreted and can be understood comprehensively. if the people are well-educated and have a comprehensive understanding, as well as aware of the importance of halal label, indonesia will be a role model of halal world and huge potential in increasing national economy, since “halal” is not merely the needs of muslims, but it is a global trend that is universal not only among muslims but also within non-muslim societies. conclusion the phenomenon of rejection of halal tourism in indonesia due to lack of literacy in halal tourism is understood as a form of islamization of tourism, namely changing tourism objects according to islamic sharia. halal tourism is not turning a tourist attraction into a halal one. halal means the provision of food served in restaurants, the availability of places of worship, and hotels that can have halal standards, also related to health and hygiene issues. halal tourism is different from the islamization of tourism because halal tourism is actually widely used by countries that are predominantly non-muslim. halal tourism is a global need and has great potential to bring in foreign exchange for the country. halal tourism is a tourism concept that becomes an additional service (extended services) in the tourism industry in indonesia to be able to respond to the world tourist market share. the concept of halal tourism is a universal concept that can be accepted by all religious, community, cultural and government circles. an incomprehensive understanding of halal tourism makes the substance of halal tourism in indonesia 74vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 considered negative and can even deny local wisdom and culture of the surrounding community or referred to as a form of islamization of tourism. in fact, halal tourism is implemented in the form of providing the needs of muslim tourists with the availability of halal food and drinks, mosques, prayer rooms, ablution places, qibla direction, prayer rugs, al-quran, and others. halal tourism is not a form of islamization of tourism, but rather becomes the choice of domestic and foreign tourists in meeting the needs of worship and as a new market in developing global tourism. therefore, to overcome the incomplete understanding, a literacy socialization strategy is needed by holding several events, digital-based education, religious community-based education, conducting technical guidance for tourism actors in indonesia and forming strategic alliances with all parties related to halal tourism. so that it can provide a comprehensive understanding of halal tourism. endnotes zakiah samori, nor zafir md salleh, dan mohammad mahyuddin khalid, “current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries,” tourism management perspectives 19 (juli 2016): 131–36, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tmp.2015.12.011. miko rayendra, “halal tourism development in east lombok regency,” sumatra journal of disaster, geography and geography education 1, no. 2 (2017): 5. “mahasiswa pecinta danau toba aksi tolak wisata halal,” diakses 28 juni 2021, https://news.detik.com/berita/d-4690578/mahasiswa-pecinta-dana u-toba-aksi-tolak-wisata-halal. rose emmaria tarigan dan abdul basit, “penolakan publik terhadap program wisata halal danau toba,” nyimak: journal of communication 4, no. 1 (24 maret 2020): 125–34, https://doi.org/10.31000/nyimak.v4i1 .2224. aula nurul ma’rifah, m nasor, dan erike anggraeni, “tingkat literasi pariwisata halal dan keputusan berwisata pada wisata halal (studi pada wisatawan domestik di indonesia),” jurnal ilmiah manajemen “e m o r” 4, no. 1 (2020): 16–16, https://doi.org/10.32529/jim.v4i1.455. adil khan, mohd yasir arafat, dan mohammad khalid azam, “role of halal literacy and religiosity in buying intention of halal branded food products in india,” journal of islamic marketing, no. query date: 2021-10-28 13:38:19 (2020), https://doi.org/10.1108/jima-08-2019-0175. 75 afkaruna 1 2 3 4 5 6 76vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 ghifari yuristiadhi masyhari makhasi dan muhammad thohir yudha rahimmadhi, “ramai-ramai menolak wisata halal: kontestasi politik identitas dalam perkembangan wisata halal di indonesia,” jurnal sosiologi reflektif 14, no. 2 (2020): 373–373, 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kessler, kristel. “conceptualizing mosque tourism: a central feature of islamic and religious tourism.” 3 (2015): 23. khan, adil, mohd yasir arafat, dan mohammad khalid azam. “role of halal literacy and religiosity in buying intention of halal branded food products in india.” journal of islamic marketing, no. query date: 2021-10-28 13:38:19 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1108/jima-08-2019-0175. “mahasiswa pecinta danau toba aksi tolak wisata halal.” diakses 28 juni 2021. https://news.detik.com/berita/d-4690578/mahasiswa-pecinta-danau-toba-aksitolak-wisata-halal. makhasi, ghifari yuristiadhi masyhari, dan muhammad thohir yudha rahimmadhi. “ramai-ramai menolak wisata halal: kontestasi politik identitas dalam perkembangan wisata halal di indonesia.” jurnal sosiologi reflektif 14, no. 2 (2020): 373–373. https://doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v14i2.1767. 79 afkaruna ma’rifah, aula nurul, m nasor, dan erike anggraeni. “tingkat literasi pariwisata halal dan keputusan berwisata pada wisata halal (studi pada wisatawan domestik di indonesia).” jurnal ilmiah manajemen “e m o r” 4, no. 1 (2020): 16–16. https://doi.org/10.32529/jim.v4i1.455. mathew, vloreen nity, ardiana mazwa raudah binti amir abdullah, dan siti nurazizah binti mohamad ismail. “acceptance on halal food among nonmuslim consumers.” procedia social and behavioral sciences 121 (maret 2014): 262–71. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.01.1127. nirwandar, dr h sapta. “halal lifestyle in indonesia.” unwto seminars the contribution of islamic culture and its impact on the asian tourism market, nopember 2015, 16. nurhadi, dr zikri fachrul. teori komunikasi kontemporer. prenada media, 2017. rayendra, miko. “halal tourism development in east lombok regency.” sumatra journal of disaster, geography and geography education 1, no. 2 (2017): 5. ri, kemenparekraf/baparekraf. “ekonomi syariah pendukung sektor parekraf dan halal tourism.” kemenparekraf. diakses 3 november 2021. https://www.kemenparekraf.id. samori, zakiah, nor zafir md salleh, dan mohammad mahyuddin khalid. “current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries.” tourism management perspectives 19 (juli 2016): 131–36. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tmp.2015.12.011. schumpeter, joseph a. the theory of economic development: an inquiry into profits, capital, credit, interest, and the business cycle. transaction publishers, 2011. smith, carol a. “david c. mcclelland and david g. winter. motivating economic achievement. new york: free press, 1969. pp. 409.” behavioral science 18, no. 1 (januari 1973): 64–67. https://doi.org/10.1002/bs.3830180110. suyanto, dr bagong. sosiologi ekonomi. prenada media, 2014. tarigan, rose emmaria, dan abdul basit. “penolakan publik terhadap program wisata halal danau toba.” nyimak: journal of communication 4, no. 1 (24 maret 2020): 125–34. https://doi.org/10.31000/nyimak.v4i1.2224. “tiga hambatan pengembangan wisata halal di indonesia kompas.com.” diakses luj 02 .8102 i https://travel.kompas.com/read/2016/08/06/170400727/tiga.hambatan.penge mbangan.wisata.halal.di.indonesia. vargas-sánchez, alfonso, dan mirko perano. “halal tourism and new generations: the indonesian case.” toulon-verona conference “excellence in services” 0, no. 0 (17 desember 2017). http://www.toulonveronaconf.eu/papers/index.php/tvc/article/view/498. vellas, francois, dan lionel bécherel. pemasaran pariwisata internasional: sebuah pendekatan strategis. yayasan pustaka obor indonesia, t.t. wingett, fiona, dan sarah turnbull. “halal holidays: exploring expectations of muslim-friendly holidays.” journal of islamic marketing 8, no. 4 (13 november 2017): 642–55. https://doi.org/10.1108/jima-01-2016-0002. 3. afkaruna_imroatul istiqomah da’wa model based on brand community value: qaryah thayibah implementation for villages fostered by 'aisyiyah ponorogo jurnal afkaruna vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.10225 fakultas ushuluddin universitas darussalam gontor ponorogo imroatul.istiqomah@unida.gontor.ac.id imroatul istiqomah fakultas ushuluddin universitas darussalam gontor ponorogo mariaulfa@unida.gontor.ac.id maria ulfa abstract islamic da’wa’s performance is highly influenced by the techniques and tactics used in conjunction with the preaching object. 'aisyiyah applies a qoryah thayyibah group-based da’wa model that is expected to become the brand community value. each regional leader must enforce this program with a minimum of three supported villages. the purpose of qoryah thayyibah, in general, is to establish an advanced and dignified islamic society. this study aimed to identify the implementation of the qoryah thayyibah program and the obstacles faced by 'aisyiyah ponorogo. the qualitative literary approach was used in this analysis. accordingly, the data collection was through documentation (identification of documents), observation, and interviews. the inductive reasoning was also used in the analysis to see how the qoryah thayyibah program is implemented, and the conclusion was taken from the general statement to a particular statement. the primary sources were the results of interviews with the management of 'aisyiyah ponorogo, interviews with qoryah thayyibah pw east java and pda ponorogo, the results of tanwir relevant to qoryah thayyibah and supported by other sources, such as articles, documents or writings on the official pda website of ‘aisyiyah ponorogo. 'aisyiyah ponorogo has successfully applied the qoryah thayyibah in five of the eight intended fields. they faced obstacles in several fields, including spirituality, education, economics, and health. keywords: ‘aisyiyah, qoryah thayyibah, da’wa, women movement abstrak keberhasilan dakwah islam sangat dipengaruhi oleh metode dan strategi yang digunakan sesuai dengan objek dakwahnya. ‘aisyiyah memiliki model dakwah berbasis masyarakat qoryah thayyibah yang diharapkan menjadi brand community value. program ini wajib dilaksanakan oleh setiap pimpinan wilayahnya dengan batas minimal tiga desa binaan tiap daerah. tujuan qoryah thayyibah secara umum adalah untuk mewujudkan masyarakat islam yang maju dan bermartabat. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui implementasi program qoryah thayyibah desa binaan ‘aisyiyah ponorogo dan kendala-kendala yang dihadapi. metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode literer kualitatif. teknik pengumpulan data adalah dokumentasi (identifikasi dokumen), observasi dan wawancara. metode analisis yang digunakan adalah induktif. metode induksi untuk melihat implementasi program qoryah thayyibah hingga ditarik suatu kesimpulan dari pernyataan umum menjadi pernyataan yang sifatnya khusus. sumber utamanya adalah hasil wawancara pengurus ‘aisyiyah ponorogo,wawancara pengurus qoryah thayyibah pw jatim dan pda ponorogo, hasil tanwir berkaitan dengan qoryah thayyibah dan didukung sumber-sumber lain seperti jurnal, dokumen-dokumen, atau tulisan-tulisan di web resmi pda ‘aisyiyah ponorogo. hasil dari penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa ‘aisyiyah ponorogo telah berhasil mengimplementasikan program qoryah thayyibah dalam lima bidang dari jumlah keseluruhan delapan bidang garap. kendala-kendala yang mereka hadapi berada di beberapa bidang diantaranya bidang kerohanian, pendidikan, ekonomi dan kesehatan. kata kunci: ‘aisyiyah, qoryah thayyibah, dakwah, gerakan wanita islamic da’wa is split into individuals and organizations or movements. every islamic religious institution is, in essence, a da’wa institution because the purpose of those institutions is to preach islam, to facilitate the consolidation of movements and to equalize perceptions. indirectly, in addition to their primary function as centers of social information, these institutions are also centers of political communication. ulama are required to be able, when conflicts occur, to bridge religious orders with cultural and social realities. this ability is how religious beliefs and introduction 228 afkaruna al-qur’an operational platform qs. al-a'raf (7) verse 96 about people who believe and fear allah. muqaddimah ‘aisyiyah’s articles of association qs. saba '(34) verse 15 about a peaceful and prosperous society. qs. an-nahl (16) verse 18 concerning people who are good at being grateful for favors. article 7 verse 1 of the articles of association of ‘aisyiyah: efforts to achieve the objective provisions can be articulated by the figure of a cleric in various practical events (social change).1 jurgen habermas argues that da’wa is a medium that can help people achieve autonomy and maturity in thinking and acting to transform emancipatory theory. meanwhile, in a deconstructive-constructive way, michael foucault implies that da’wa is knowledge of strategic conversations. da’wa is not only understood as a transformation of value that appears as a top-down structural arrangement (between the da'i and the preached) but dialectically forms a functional relationship with the pattern strategy and style of delivery.2 the islamic da’wa’s epistemological dimension can be seen through the following chart: ‘aisyiyah is the oldest socio-religious organization with a strong socio-religious character that has now developed into a modern women’s movement. it was kyai haji ahmad dahlan and his wife who instilled the basic character of the aisyiyah movement. both of them educate daughters of muhammadiyah who are still in their teens to understand religious knowledge and how to care for and serve the broader community. the most significant contributions of ‘aisyiyah to improve indonesia, in general, are in the fields of education and health. it does not mean, however, that ‘aisyiyah only restricts its movements in these two fields. ‘aisyiyah also plays an increasingly vital role in reacting to the rise of global problems, both on the global women's movement agenda and general issues in other modern civilizations.4 229vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 diagram 1. islamic da’wa’s epistemological dimension3 aisyiyah, founded in 1917, played an important role in the rise of indonesian women. the ‘aisyiyah movement has occupied an important position in the history of the women's movement in indonesia for almost a century. long before the first women’s congress was successfully held at pendopo joyodipuran, mataram (yogyakarta) on december 22-25, 1928. ‘aisyiyah progressively transforms into a modern islamic women’s organization. ‘aisyiyah seeks to empower females. women’s empowerment is an attempt to allow them to gain access to and influence over wealth, economy, politics, community, and culture so that they can organize themselves and increase self-confidence. this self-confidence enables women to engage in problem-solving to improve their skills and self-concept actively.6 ‘aisyiyah also develops different community-based activities, particularly in increasing community life awareness. it becomes significant since ‘aisyiyah recognizes the importance of islam having a strong presence not just for private matters but also for the public. a muslim is not only expected to be successful in a private or personal sphere but also consciously form the culture or country in which they live by applying islamic practices. ‘aisyiyah is a muslimah movement that emphasizes self-discipline in order to improve individual piety and regulate public piety. one of the programs is qoryah thayyibah, which generally aims to create an advanced and dignified islamic society. in particular, this program aims to facilitate the integration of “amar ma'ruf nahi munkar” movement, through assemblies, from all elements within the muhammadiyah and ‘aisyiyah. the goal of qoryah thayyibah is the physical and mental development of strong community groups, creating a healthy, peaceful and prosperous community environment, and realizing the community’s al-ma’un da’wa movement.7 qoryah thayyibah is expected to become the brand community value for the targeted community. the qoryah thayyibah program, tested since 1989, has been applied to ‘aisyiyah regional leaders all over indonesia. the main objective of this program is to become ‘aisyiyah’s priority program to empower the community so that every village or group 230 afkaruna adhere to the islamic teachings, both in relation to allah swt (hablun minallah) and human relations (hablun minannas) in all aspects life to create an advanced and dignified islamic society.8 the main goal of this research was to identify the implementation of the ‘aisyiyah da’wa model based on the development of qoryah thayyibah. the steps, materials, methods, strategies and media for da’wa, stated as the research results are expected to become a basic reference for ‘aisyiyah ponorogo in particular or other muslim women’s organizations in general. consequently, a previous study related to this research topic was found entitled ‘the organizational role of aisyiyah among members in creating sakinah families’ written by ismah salman from the women’s studies program at universitas indonesia in 1995. this descriptive study explained the steps taken by ‘aisyiyah among members in developing and creating a sakinah family. according to the guidance of the al-qur'an and the sunnah, these steps are essential for restoring the role of family members where everyone must understand their respective roles. because of their critical role in the family, women must be able to improve their performance. in creating a sakinah family, ‘aisyiyah emphasizes the five directions, formal and non-formal education, enhancing entrepreneurial skills and cooperatives, realizing qoryah thayyibah, and improving the family economy. in addition, by improving the well-being of mothers and children, ‘aisyiyah also builds relationships with the wider community and publishes relevant guidebooks and guidelines that are helpful to the community. this research, however, was limited to ‘aisyiyah’s steps in realizing the sakinah family and did not discuss ‘aisyiyah’s roles in other fields, such as politics and da’wa. in comparison, ‘the struggle of nyai ahmad dahlan to improve the role and position of women in 1914-1946 through ‘aisyiyah,’ found at universitas indonesia, faculty of cultural sciences, by retno wuryaningtyas in 1999 narrated the role and struggle of nyai ahmad dahlan in increasing the role and position of women in kauman through the ‘aisyiyah movement in 1914-1946 in the form of historical research with a biographical nature. this movement came out of the sopo tresno 231vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 association due to kh educating women in their teens. it also exposed religious science and the challenges of the people of that era, especially for ahmad dahlan and his wife. this research focused on nyai ahmad dahlan’s personal role and did not discuss the ‘aisyiyah organization’s role in general. another study, ‘aisyiyah malang regional organization 1968-1995 research on the women's movement,’ was compiled in 2010 by nur laili rohmah at malang state university, historical science program. this historical research is bibliographical, discussing the two steps, the role and progress of ‘aisyiyah in malang from 1968 to 1995. firstly, through the charitable efforts of the organization to increase knowledge of islam, including the establishment of schools, hospitals, orphanages and cooperatives. second, by setting up a women’s prayer room, jamiatul ummahat, rukun kebahagiaan wanita (rkw) and pioneering the establishment of the association of indonesian women’s organisations (gowi) for movements outside charitable organizations. this research focused on discussions in the malang area from 1968 to 1995, and did not discuss the role of the ‘aisyiyah organization in general. accordingly, ‘the effectiveness of the tabligh ‘aisyiyah council study in improving the community’s religious understanding’ was written by rahmi damis in 2012 in al-fikr journal, volume 16, number 2. it was field research with a qualitative descriptive method held at makassar. this study concluded that al-qur’an and al-hadist, ad/art and tanfidz musywil are the basis for the implementation of the dialogical da’wa carried out by the south sulawesi tabligh ‘aisyiyah council, which describes the da’wa program of ‘aisyiyah. the dialogic method was applied, while the time and material were quite efficient, and the participants varied. therefore, these variables really promote the increase in the community’s religious understanding. 232 afkaruna qualitative literary methodology or literature research was applied in this study. the qualitative method was intended to sharpen the findings. a qualitative technique for analyzing the da’wa strategies was carried out research method 233vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 in qoryah thayyibah program by ‘aisyiyah ponorogo. based on the method used in this study, the information was categorized accordingly. the primary data source was obtained from interviews with the actors of the qoryah thayyibah program supported by written data in the form of manuals, journals, magazines, research results, and congress decisions directly published by ‘aisyiyah. the data collection was through documentation (identification of documents), observation, and interviews. the inductive analytical method was used in the analysis to see how the qoryah thayyibah program is implemented. also, the induction method before a conclusion was drawn from a general statement to a particular statement. the purpose of the validity test was to check the validity or truth of the reported data against the factual data in the field. in qualitative research, there are four data validity tests, including credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. this study measured transferability and dependability. the implementation of the qaryah thoyyibah program by ‘aisyiyah ponorogo was explained in detail for a clear research context and focus. the conclusions were taken from the overall exposure. below is the ideal basis for the qoryah thayyibah program: discussion al-qur’an operational platform qs. al-a'raf (7) verse 96 about people who believe and fear allah. muqaddimah ‘aisyiyah’s articles of association qs. saba '(34) verse 15 about a peaceful and prosperous society. qs. an-nahl (16) verse 18 concerning people who are good at being grateful for favors. article 7 verse 1 of the articles of association of ‘aisyiyah: efforts to achieve the objective of “the creation of islam and a true islamic community,” the organization conducts da’wa with tajdid in all areas of life. qs. al-ma'un (107) verses 1-7 about reviving the spirit of al-ma'un. qs. ali imron (3) verse 103 about being happy to work together in kindness. qs. al-an'am (6) verse 159 concerning tolerance and maintaining unity. decree of the 43rd 'aisyiyah congress in banda aceh on the provisions for the establishment in each pwa of a qoryah thayyibah assisted village, at least one target village. qs. shaf (61) verse 4 about the congregation such as shaf / line in prayer. qs. ali-imron (3) verse 110 concerning the spirit of amar makruf nahi munkar. 234 afkaruna community,” the organization conducts da’wa with tajdid in all areas of life. qs. al-ma'un (107) verses 1-7 about reviving the spirit of al-ma'un. qs. ali imron (3) verse 103 about being happy to work together in kindness. qs. al-an'am (6) verse 159 concerning tolerance and maintaining unity. decree of the 43rd 'aisyiyah congress in banda aceh on the provisions for the establishment in each pwa of a qoryah thayyibah assisted village, at least one target village. qs. shaf (61) verse 4 about the congregation such as shaf / line in prayer. qs. ali-imron (3) verse 110 concerning the spirit of amar makruf nahi munkar. qs. ar-rum (30) verse 21 concerning the households of the people who are sakinah mawaddah warohmah. qs. ar-ra'd (13) verse 11 about citizens who have a high work ethic. the decision of the tanwir i 'aisyiyah session in samarinda in july 2007 for the period 20052020. qs. yunus (10) verse 5 discusses the significance of education and attempts to make it happen. table 1. the ideal basis for the qoryah thayyibah program graph 2. qoryah thayyibah’s field of work the focus of qoryah thayyibah is based on the potential and critical issues faced by the target villages, such as spirituality, economics, education, social affairs, health and environment, politics and law, communication and information technology, as well as other fields in line with local circumstances.9 ‘aisyiyah ponorogo selected three main areas in implementing the qoryah thayyibah program in ponorogo district, siman district and sawo district, which consisted of 12 target villages. each sub-district has a village as the pilot project of this program. the main person in charge of 235vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 qoryah thayyibah was the ponorogo regional leader (pda), hj. titi listyorini, s.h, while the deputy head of the program was the head of the health sector, hj. siti khoirul djannah. per several criteria under several considerations, target villages were selected, especially villages that are not yet developed and not too backward. second, the village did not yet have an ‘aisyiyah branch. third, the religious understanding was still lacking in most of the village community, and some even became a mission area for christianization. the factors underlying these three criteria were that ‘aisyiyah can advance the village in multiple fields, including religion, education, economics and social conditions. in the meantime, it is hoped that it will become a new branch as a structural da’wa target for villages where ‘aisyiyah does not yet have a branch (the aim is to facilitate the coordination, monitoring and evaluation of other ‘aisyiyah programs structurally). the third consideration was that the majority of the population did not understand islam or christian mission areas, and it was hoped that ‘aisyiyah could strengthen their spirituality and aqidah.10 given that ‘aisyiyah is a muslim organization, female muslims have become the main focus of the qoryah thayyibah movement. the number of members from each assisted village is 25 mothers with childbearing age criteria, having a child, low economy, low education and housewives. many things are provided, ranging from increasing knowledge of religion, skills, household management, increasing awareness of hygiene and health, and so on. in detail, based on the findings of the interview and other written sources, the implementation of the qoryah thayyibah ‘aisyiyah ponorogo program11 is as follows: 1. spirituality the spiritual field of qaryah thayyibah by ‘aisyiyah ponorogo is to make members aware of the importance of fostering congregations and prospering the mosque as a center of worship, education and community development. second, to turn on the recitation regularly to increase religious knowledge and close friendship. third, encourage members to perform sunnah worship (rawatib prayer, midnight prayer, fasting 236 afkaruna picture 1. shibori batik training activities 2. economy economic sector by increasing cooperation for the procurement of business capital. second, increasing the cooperation of community members in various fields to develop businesses. third, build an entrepreneurial spirit with productive skills training. fourth, instill a frugal and non-consumptive life. skills training to increase members' economic income is carried out in several forms of training that are suitable for women's skills. the training that has been carried out is training on making shibori batik, sewing training, training on making trasi crackers, various wet and dry cakes and making dumplings. in addition to training, members are taught entrepreneurship that can be a source of economy, such as catfish farming, growing hydroponic plants and so on. monday, thursday and others). fourth, educating members to be able to manage zakat, infaq and shadaqah. fifth, mobilizing the community to perform the haj pilgrimage. sixth, cooperating with the local radio as a means of oral preaching delivered by the muballighat ‘aisyiyah, which contains tausiyah diniyah regarding human relations with god, human relations with family, neighbor and the environment and so on. seventh, efforts to convert non-muslim women and assist their converting process.12 237vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 3. education sector in the education sector, the program focuses on freeing members of arabic, latin, and bahasa indonesia illiteracy. second, it tries to make the members aware of the importance of education for their children to improve their quality of life. third, ‘aisyiyah strives to have a public reading garden as a source of basic literacy for the community. fourth, the program also strives to foster children programs through educational funding assistance for underprivileged children. fifth, the organization directs the public to take equivalency examinations a, b or c for those who do not have an official certificate. 4. health and environment in the health sector, it is done by mobilizing the community to reduce the maternal mortality rate (mmr), infant mortality rate (imr) and the mother care movement (gsi), as well as the inter-guard ready movement (siaga). second, a team is formed for disseminating a clean and healthy environment and loves greenery. third, society is encouraged to have a healthy prayer room. fourth, the program organizes reproductive health consultation bureaus/posts. fifth, it also reactivates the health information and consultation center, as well as family sakinah (piksa). for example, pca siman, ronowijayan and brahu branches held health education in collaboration with local health center health workers, medical staff at ‘aisyiyah ponorogo hospital on maternal and child health and bse practice. the next stage is about the female reproductive system and the risk of cervical cancer and its prevention. pca ponorogo and sawo sub-districts conducted counseling on obstetric health, family planning and immunization in collaboration with practical midwives and bkkbn. at the qoryah thayyibah management level, training for reproductive health cadres was held at 'aisyiyah ponorogo hospital.13 in the field of environmental preservation, 'aisyiyah encourages qoryah thayyibah members to cultivate a clean life, good for themselves, homes, food and the environment. this is a strategic effort considering that a mother is rabbatu al-bait, who is fully responsible for food, house 238 afkaruna in implementing the qoryah thayyibah program, the obstacles faced by ‘aisyiyah ponorogo include the incomplete work of several qoryah thayyibah fields, such as in law and politics, cultural arts, technology, and information. it is due to the fact that those five areas are still optimized obstacles 5. social field in the social sector, it is done by making people aware of upholding the principles of ta’awun. second, the program encourages the movement of foster parents. third, it tries to increase community members’ awareness about the rampant trafficking of children and women. ‘aisyiyah ponorogo held social ta’awun in various ways, including the assistance of basic necessities to qoryah thayyibah participants, which was distributed along with recitation, counseling and training events. another way is to support orphans and help the needy. especially during the covid 19 pandemic, ‘aisyiyah is promoting social ta’awun at various management levels in collaboration with the muhammadiyah covid-19 command center ponorogo, lazismu ponorogo held social ta’awun for paud and tk aba teachers' aisyiyah at 23 pca. in cooperation with pt. charoen pokphand indonesia donated 10,000 eggs for pesantren ‘aisyiyah ponorogo. in collaboration with lazismu, distributed 1050 basic food packages to members of the qoryah thayyibah program and 385 special packages for pregnant women. most recently, pda ponorogo held the launching of griya lansia sakinah on november 1, 2020. previously, it was named geriartri ‘aisyiyah, which consisted of 70 elderly mothers who have been established since 2007. the activities they hold are recitation, prayer and dzikr together, elderly gymnastics and so on.14 hygiene and its surroundings. furthermore, they are encouraged to plant medicinal plants to maintain health, such as ginger, turmeric, galangal and so on. 239vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 by the concentration of the qoryah thayyibah program in ponorogo. there are three regions where it has not been applied at all, but it has become a long-term strategy, and the next agenda instead since qoryah thayyibah’s goal is solving critical problems occurring in the target village. the above five areas are crucial concerns that need to be addressed immediately. while these three fields were not explicitly incorporated, they were indirectly included in other initiatives. in the area of law and politics, for instance, the socialization of domestic abuse (domestic violence) and its laws. second, to offer support to people who are persecuted in order to uphold justice in community life. third, creating a life that gives peace priority. fourth, cultivating, with shared regard for fellow family members, a democratic environment. fifth, according to the option of conscience, to increase confidence in expressing views and exercising political rights. these five items, such as religious tausiyah and social events, have been included on numerous occasions. other problems are in developing islamic cultural arts as the area of cultural arts, reviving indonesia’s noble tradition, which does not contradict the ideals of islamic teachings, urging individuals to be conscious of using art as a way of preaching. ‘aisyiyah has appealed to the qoryah thayyibah participants on these items and has been practiced under ‘aisyiyah in schools. the area of information and technology by strengthening society from the detrimental effects of the independence of information technology. secondly, to increase collaboration between members of the society to reduce the negative effects of freedom of information technology, such as crime and pornography. in many seminars and outreach conducted by 'aisyiyah, these two points have been discussed. during the covid 19 pandemic, the key challenges faced by the board of 'aisyiyah ponorogo in the implementation of qoryah thayyibah programs were the termination of many regular operations, insufficient room for' aisyiyah related to the acquisition of member associations. however, by complying with health guidelines and reducing the frequency of in-person meetings, 'aisyiyah is innovatively searching for mawaddah warohmah. qs. ar-ra'd (13) verse 11 about citizens who have a high work ethic. the decision of the tanwir i 'aisyiyah session in samarinda in july 2007 for the period 20052020. qs. yunus (10) verse 5 discusses the significance of education and attempts to make it happen. 240 afkaruna better ways to execute her services. the problems that existed under normal circumstances in general (before the pandemic) are summarized in the table below: table 2. the qoryah thayyibah ponorogo program obstacles qoryah thayyibah's field of work type of activity obstacles spirituality da’wa bil-lisan regularly every month the absence of some participants, especially farmers, during the planting and harvest season. other participants in the javanese walimah season (month of sha'ban, shawwal and dzulhijjah). economy entrepreneurial training there is no capital to build acquired entrepreneurship skills for participants, and no training in product marketing management has been held. education sector training on literacy and provision of reading garden low interest from members in learning. health sector organizing offices/posts consulting on reproductive health there is no special location that is close and convenient for members to enter. still in ‘aisyiyah ponorogo hospital, centered. social field zakat, infaq and sadaqah assistance there has not been a successful way to create productive zakat for members, even in the form of disposable assistance. there is no sort of assistance that offers benefits that are sustainable. the purpose of qoryah thayyibah, in general, is to establish an islamic society that is advanced and dignified. this program is still focused on the initial departure of the qoryah thayyibah from the sakinah family. the aim to be accomplished is the physical and mental development of strong community groups, the creation of a healthy, peaceful and productive analysis 241vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 community environment and the realization of al-ma'un's preaching in the community. a special and creative way of preaching is qoryah thayyibah. this software leads to a certain village that seeks to alter the importance of the village at once in different areas of existence. qoryah thayyibah is the solution to the preaching approach that is needed today because it addresses issues as a whole and comprehensively in society, not focusing on one side of the lives of people. qoryah thayyibah is based on brand community value, a model of preaching. brand community because it is a social group with a dedication to an association or initiative (being a community) that has a bond of solidarity.15 the value behind the qoryah thayyibah community brand is the actualization of the values of muhammadiyah teachings, namely qs. al-ma'un and qs. ali imron 104. a movement that is oriented towards transformative theology, which consists of hablun minallah and hablun minannas as well as human obligations to uphold amar ma'ruf nahi munkar. with these values, it is hoped that qoryah thayyibah can answer the demands of society and be able to solve the problems they face concretely. spirituality or faith is the main field that is the focus of qoryah thayyibah preaching since real monotheism contributes to an understanding of muslims. the realization that allah is the creator and encourages the belief that none of the creations of god were made in vain. this is what inspires muslims to take advantage of his mercy, decorate their days of devotion to him and fulfill their duties to become his caliph on this earth.16 the opportunity offered by allah in the form of justification is best used to study his verses and improve them for the good of the people. people will recognize the meaning of their existence in this world beginning from the true basis of tawhid. one of the main aspects is the right interpretation of the meaning of happiness (sa'adah). he understands what needs to be done and sought. important happiness, according to al-attas, should be heart-oriented, to self-belief in the right of ta’ala and the harvesting of activities based on that belief that is 242 afkaruna performed by oneself. so, the fruit of knowledge is ma'rifatullah. information that can lead individuals to the idea that there is no god but allah. this is the science of civilization and happiness that will lead people to.17 a culture is a result of the accumulation of three essential elements, according to ibn khaldun, namely: 1. the human capacity for thinking that creates science and technology, 2. in the shape of political and military force, the capacity to mobilize and 3. the potential to struggle for life.18 thus, the education sector is the primary asset of science and technology development. an efficient economy, physical and environmental health, food security, healthy and peaceful social environments and so on are the foundation of the capacity to fight for life. in addition, the health sector is an area of work on qoryah thayyibah since several factors affect public health conduct, including beliefs (religion), values, expertise, knowledge and abilities, and the culture of both individuals and families. in the table below, these factors can be described: religion is a significant foundation for directing actions in person or community health. religion is a central principle that affects individuals and society's philosophy of life, the conception of health and illness by society, forms of food eaten, birth and death rites, and health care methods. a society with a huge effect on the prevention and treatment of health conditions will also influence religion. islam, christianity, hinduism, for instance, have many laws surrounding food restrictions.19 picture 2. factors influencing actions in public health 243vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 in a family, women in the household have a food-related jobs. so, if aimed at mothers, environmental health and hygiene initiatives are very suitable. they will be aware of the value of safe and nutritious food, which will have a positive effect on the health of members of the family. it will also promote good nutritional status in children and prevent stunting. not to mention that fertility concerns are frequently ignored, so if any difficulties are found, the presence of therapy in this regard will make women aware of the importance of protecting them and being sensitive. qoryah thayyibah is a special and creative way of preaching, another case in the social sector since it does not incorporate all mothers of all ages into one association. by establishing geriartri 'aisyiyah, which had 70 elderly mothers as members, qoryah thayyibah distinguished her own elderly group. considering that the needs of the elderly are also distinct from the needs of women at other ages, they are distinguished. it is definitely unnecessary to have adequate and in-depth muhammadiyah materials for the elderly who have physical and psychological problems. the elderly group provides only light materials, and the distribution method is versatile and gentle. for example, how to perform dzikr and correct worship procedures is taught, special elderly gymnastics and other light activities are conducted. this is evidence that ‘aisyiyah attempted to pursue the way of preaching of the prophet, namely to change the purpose and meaning of the da’wa at hand.20 thus, to decide the form of da’wa to be implemented, it is very important to look at the social circumstances, the character of mad'u, the prevalent customs. finally, the researcher suggested that how 'aisyiyah would strengthen muslims from the effects of modernity, globalization, and the development of communication technologies is what needs to be the subject of further preaching.21 taking advantage of the advancement of information technology to become a strategic medium for da’wa. da’wa must be rational, free (not coercive) and universal, as stated on qs. al-baqarah (2): 256, qs. al-kahf (18): 29 and qs. shad (39): 41. 244 afkaruna this research found that the qoryah thayyibah ponorogo regional management program has been well implemented in the field of spirituality, education, social, economic and health, as well as the environment, in accordance with the ponorogo community context. nevertheless, in order to achieve the goal of qoryah thayyibah in creating physically and spiritually strong community groups, a safe, peaceful and prosperous community atmosphere, and realizing the al-ma'un da’wa movement in the community, the regional leaders of ‘aisyiyah ponorogo need to create a new and innovative da’wa strategy and keep up with the advancement of information and technology. second, the regional leaders of ‘aisyiyah ponorogo should solve the obstacles by cooperating with relevant parties to achieve qoryah thayyibah’s goals optimally. conclusions the highest appreciation is for the regional board of ‘aisyiyah ponorogo and the ministry of science and technology, in particular, who have assisted this research. acknowledgement endnotes a. muis, komunikasi islam (bandung: remaja rosdakarya, 2001), p. 306-307. andy dermawan, “landasan epistemologi ilmu dakwah” dalam sukriyanto ar dkk., metodologi ilmu dakwah (yogyakarta: lesfi, 2002), p. 71-73. normative da’wa, namely islamic preaching originating from the al-qur'an and sunnah which is studied systematically-dialectically so that its moral teachings can be captured completely without reducing both. historical da’wa is islamic preaching that developed after the prophet muhammad. died until now, which is used as a reference and consideration to understand the two sources, namely the al-qur'an and sunnah. the characteristics of this historical preaching are that it is always open to accept change, is in a scientific area that is ready to be tested for its scientific level, provides meaning and re-understanding of the existing reality of preaching. da’wa is considered a process. see: andy dermawan, “landasan epistemologi..., p. 70-71. adaby dahlan (dkk), 'aisyiyah dan sejarah gerakan perempuan indonesia: sebuah tinjauan awal (yogyakarta: jurusan sejarah, fakultas humaniora ugm, 2010), p. 17-19. 1 2 3 4 245vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah, sejarah pertumbuhan dan perkembangan ‘aisyiyah, (jogjakarta: seksi khusus penerbitan pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah, tt), p. 29. khofifah indar parawansa, mengukir paradigma menembus tradisi (jakarta: lp3es, 2006), p. ix. as an initial implementation of the qaryah thoyyibah concept, 'aisyiyah has conducted a trial in mertosanan wetan hamlet, potorono, banguntapan, bantul in 1989. the result of this trial is a composition of the guidelines for the implementation of qaryah thoyyibah which will be used as a guide for all regions of indonesia. there are already 7 regional leaders of 'aisyiyah who have assisted villages as the actualization of the concept of qaryah thayyibah. see: ai fatimah nur fuad, the islamists’ responses to modernity and their notion of active da’wa, afkaruna journal vol. 15 no.02 desember 2019, p. 194, pp ‘aisyiyah, sejarah pertumbuhan...,,p. 57. the specific objective of qaryah thayibah is to increase the integration of organizational movements in an integrated manner, across assemblies, simultaneously from all organizational elements in 'aisyiyah and other autonomous organizations in the muhammadiyah organization to carry out da’wa amar makruf nahi munkar to empower the community. second, accelerating efforts to carry out the revitalization of branches / branches in mobilizing all leaders of 'aisyiyah organizations throughout indonesia through various activities carried out across assemblies so that the existing da’wa develops and can move the community to be independent, advanced and dignified. third, develop 'aisyiyah da’wa in society with various development efforts, both through developing concepts and methods of preaching as well as developing da’wa targets in various parts of the country and abroad. see: pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah, panduan teknis pelaksanaan program qaryah thayibah (yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah, 2012), p. 13-14. ibid., p. 31-32. the form of da’wa varies depending on the object at hand. for example, if the object of preaching is the disbelievers, the first call is to call them to believe in allah swt. and another pillar of faith. however, if the object of preaching is a muslim, what will be conveyed is a call to implement islamic teachings in all aspects of life and fight for islam. see: uswatun ni'ami, aktualisasi dakwah di era globalisasi (dalam menegakkan syariat islam) in the journal ulul albab volume 07 number 02 june 2020. p. 54. the figure we interviewed was the head of pda ponorogo hj. titi listyorini, s. h, hj. siti khoirul djannah, person in charge of qoryah thayyibah for east java, mrs. ir. hj. siti asfiyah, mkp and several other qoryah thayyibah administrators. 'aisyiyah facilitates the process of syahadat (converting to islam) and is ready to assist converts to understand and deepen islam. among them recorded in 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 246 afkaruna the official ponorogo pda news is the procession of a female figure in the sooko sub-district, a junior high school teacher named mamik sri budiarti who was previously a christian. see: http://ponorogo.aisyiyah.or.id/berita /pengislaman-tokoh-wanita-kristen-ponorogo.html. accessed on 24 october 2020. http://ponorogo.aisyiyah.or.id/id/berita/pelatihan-qoryah-thoyyibah.html. accessed on 20 october 2020. http://ponorogo.aisyiyah.or.id/id/berita/launching-griya-lansia-sakinah-ais yiyah-ponorogo.html. accessed on 14 october 2020. muniz and o'guinn revealed 3 important elements that underlie the community, namely awareness of the kind, which refers to the intrinsic relationship and collective feelings among members, as well as to feel differences with those who are not part of the community. second, rituals and traditions (rituals and tradition) aim to maintain the cultural traditions of the community. third is a sense of responsibility (moral responsibility), community members have a moral responsibility that must be maintained. see: jr. a.m. muniz and t.c. o'guinn, brand community, journal of consumer research, vol. 27, no. 4 (2001), p. 412-432. the aim is to make a muslim truly a believer, muslim and muhsin, that is, who can realize faith, islam and ihsan in everyday life. faith that can be brought in an attitude of how to get along with others and nature, faith that can respond to problems faced by the ummah. tauhid nur azhar, alam, sains dan teknologi (solo: tinta medina, 2012), p. 208; gusman lesmana, strategy for developing quality of da’wa of youth muhammadiyah with guidance and counseling service in the journal biblio cons volume 2, no. 02 july 2019, p. 65. adian husaini, membendung arus liberalisme di indonesia (jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar, 2009), p. 397-399. hamid fahmy zarkasyi, worldview islam asas peradaban (jakarta: insists, 2011), p.15-35. tri hastuti nur et al., rumah gizi 'aisyiyah: komunikasi kesehatan dengan pendekatan agama-budaya in the journal global communication vol 9, no. june 1, 2020, p. 155-156. the prophet adjusted the methods and materials of preaching according to his object. the preaching period of mecca, namely before the hijrah, was a period of composing the power of preaching which was carried out orally and addressed to the prophet's family and members of his tribe. da’wa material focuses on issues of faith. while in the medina period the material of the prophet's da’wa on social and state issues. see: faiqotul mala, mengkaji tradisi nabi sebagai paradigma dakwah yang ramah in the journal dakwatuna volume 6 number 1 february 2020, p. 114; mohammad arif, implementasi dakwah rasulullah dalam era milenium in the journal asketik 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 247vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 volume 4 number 1 july 2020, p. 120-124. the negative impact of modernization for muslims is very significant, including the domination of the west, islam which is increasingly marginalized and even excluded from politics and government and other consequences such as freedom that transcends boundaries and the distance of muslims from islam itself. the consequences of advancing science and technology not only lead to progress but have negative consequences, such as the threat of natural sustainability, depletion of natural resources and the threat of human existence and integrity. see: ai fathimah nur fuad, the islamists' responses..., p. 189-190. sulhan hamid a. ghani, problematika dakwah islam dalam masyarakat pluralis in the journal paradigma, volume 9, no. april 1, 2020, p. 2-3. 21 22 arif, mohammad. implementasi dakwah rasulullah dalam era milenium in the azhar, tauhid nur. 2012. alam, sains dan teknologi. solo: tinta medina. pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah. tt .sejarah pertumbuhan dan perkembangan ‘aisyiyah. _______________. 2012. panduan teknis pelaksanaan program qaryah thayibah. dahlan, adaby (et al). 2010. 'aisyiyah dan sejarah gerakan perempuan indonesia: damis, rahmi. research on the effectiveness of the tabligh'aisyiyah council study dermawan, andy. 2002. “landasan epistemologi ilmu dakwah” dalam fuad, ai fathimah nur. the islamists' responses to modernity and their notion of ghani, sulhan hamid a. problematika dakwah islam dalam masyarakat pluralis http://ponorogo.aisyiyah.or.id/id/berita/launching-griya-lansia-sakinah-aisyiya h-ponorogo.html. accessed on 14 october 2020 http://ponorogo.aisyiyah.or.id/id/berita/pelatihan-qoryah-thoyyibah.html. http://ponorogo.aisyiyah.or.id/id/berita/pengislaman-tokoh-wanita-kristen-p onorogo.html. accessed on 24 october 2020. accessed on 20 october 2020. in the journal paradigma, volume 9, no. april 1, 2020. active da'wa in afkaruna journal volume 15 no. december 2, 2019. sukriyanto ar dkk., metodologi ilmu dakwah. yogyakarta: lesfi. in improving the community 's religious understanding. a study in al-fikr journal, volume 16, number 2, 2012. sebuah tinjauan awal. yogyakarta: jurusan sejarah, fakultas humaniora ugm. yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah. jogjakarta: seksi khusus penerbitan pimpinan pusat ‘aisyiyah. journal asketik volume 4 number 1 july 2020 references 248 afkaruna husaini, adian. 2009. blocking the flow of liberalism in indonesia. jakarta: lesmana, gusman. strategy for developing quality of da’wa of youth mala, faiqotul. mengkaji tradisi nabi sebagai paradigma dakwah yang ramah in muis, a. 2001. komunikasi islam. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. muniz, jr. a.m. and t.c. o'guinn, brand community, journal of consumer nata, abuddin. 2002. methodology of islamic studies. jakarta: raja grafindo ni'ami, uswatun. aktualisasi dakwah di era globalisasi (dalam menegakkan nur, tri hastuti., et al., rumah gizi 'aisyiyah: komunikasi kesehatan dengan parawansa, khofifah indar. 2006. mengukir paradigma menembus tradisi. rohmah, nur laili. the 'aisyiyah malang regional organization 1968-1995 salman, ismah. the organizational role of aisyiyah among members in creating wuryaningtyas, retno. the struggle of nyai ahmad dahlan to improve the role and zarkasyi, hamid fahmy. 2011. worldview islam asas peradaban. jakarta: insists. position of women in 1914-1946 through 'aisyiyah. a thesis compiled at the university of indonesia, faculty of cultural sciences, in 1999. sakinah families. a thesis written in the women's studies program at the university of indonesia in 1995 research on the women's movement. a thesis compiled in 2010. at malang state university, historical science study program jakarta: lp3es. pendekatan agama-budaya in the journal global communication vol 9, no. june 1, 2020. syariat islam) in the journal ulul albab volume 07 number 02 june 2020 persada. research, vol. 27, no. 4 (2001) the journal dakwatuna volume 6 number 1 february 2020. muhammadiyah with guidance and counseling service in the journal biblio cons volume 2, no. 02 july 2019. pustaka al-kautsar. 6. afkaruna_eko suprayitno jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 performance analysis of sharia banking in indonesia: abu zahrah maqasid shariah index approach doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.13181 universitas islam negeri maulana malik ibrahim, malang suprayitno@pbs.uin-malang.ac.id eko suprayitno universitas islam negeri maulana malik ibrahim, malang 17540048@student.uin-malang.ac.id yunan syaiful haq abstract this study aims to analyze the performance of islamic banking (ib) in indonesia through the maqashid shariah index abu zahrah approach. performance appraisal on islamic banking (ib) is generally done through financial performance measurements without including non-financial performance measurements. furthermore, this study uses descriptive quantitative research methods, namely an approach with a ratio value that can be calculated and described. the research object is 3 islamic banks in indonesia registered on the indonesia stock exchange (idx) and published their financial reports for 2018-2020. the results showed that panin dubai sharia bank obtained the best msi score among 2 other islamic banks with an msi value of 38.59%. furthermore, bank bri sharia with an msi score of 30.38%, and finally bank btpn sharia with an msi score of 30.24%. panin dubai sharia bank is more focused on achieving maqashid sharia aspects than the other 2 islamic banks. keywords: sharia bank, performance evaluation, maqashid sharia index, abu zahrah concept islamic banks are financial institutions which of course, also have obligations to their stakeholders. according amaroh1,2 the obligation is introduction to disclose information in a timely, adequate, clear, accurate, and comparable manner and easily accessible by stakeholders. it can be in the form of financial statements or other supporting reports. and from the report, stakeholders can assess the performance of a financial institution/islamic bank according to the reporting time. in assessing the performance of a financial institution/islamic bank, an assessment or measurement of the institution's performance is required. the first islamic bank established in indonesia was bank muamalat indonesia (bmi) in 1992. then in 1999, the establishment of sharia banks and other sharia business units such as brisharia and other islamic financial institutions began. the development of sharia banks and sharia business units (uus) continues to increase, as can be seen from the graph of growth in business income of sharia commercial banks and sharia business units, which continues to increase. the expansion of islamic banking services usually supports this growth, thereby increasing the use of sharia-based banking services. source: sps otoritas jasa keuangan figure 1 shows that the operating income of bus and uus has increased from 2010 2019, which is indicated by the green line. meanwhile, the blue line represents operating income data from 141 afkaruna conventional banks for the last 10 years, which projects conventional banks' operating income growth. from the graph, it can be concluded that the operating income of conventional banks is better than islamic banks. many studies have been conducted to find a proper indication to measure islamic banks activity. hafiez et al,suggest that to measure financial performance in islamic banks, islamic corporate social responsibility (icsr) can be adopted as proxies. the study results show that although some islamic banks experience losses in certain years or decrease profits, this does not make islamic banks out of the sharia corridor.3 nawaz & haniffa, study determinant intellectual capital (ic) on financial performance4 while controlling for firm-specific variables, namely, bank size, level of risk, listing status, and firm complexity.5 so far, the measurement of banking financial performance uses profitability ratios such as return on assets (roa) and return on equity (roe) which can be seen from the level of effectiveness of the bank's business to earn a profit. in addition to using profitability ratios, the camels method (capital, asset, management, earning, liquidity, and sensitivity of market risk) used data envelopment analysis (dea) to measure banking financial performance.6 however, in this case, it is not enough to measure the performance of islamic banking with the ratios mentioned above. islamic banks have a different foundation from conventional banks in general. as a financial institution based on sharia principles, islamic banks should not only focus on fulfilling profits, but addition, they must also be responsible for fulfilling islamic goals, namely maqashid sharia.7,8,9 the maqasid sharia index is an alternative performance measurement model for islamic banking which generally uses profitability ratios such as roa, roe, or roi as a financial performance tool. today's performance appraisal of islamic banking tends to prioritize aspects of achieving profit (economy) and sometimes forgets its priority in fulfilling its social function (maslahah). performance appraisal in conventional and islamic banking usually only looks at measuring financial performance using the camels ratio (capital, asset, management, earning, liquidity, sensitivity of market risk) and eva (economic value added).10 142vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 mehmet asutay11,12 has developed a concept to measure the performance of islamic banking centered on the achievement of maqashid sharia. the concept is the maqashid sharia index (msi), which aims to measure islamic banks in achieving maqashid sharia. in this study, the researcher applied the concept that abu zahrah had formulated. abu zahrah himself divides the maqashid sharia concept into three main aspects, namely, tahdzibu-l-fard (individual education), iqamatu-l-'adl (enforcement of justice), and jalbu-l-maslahah (encouraging welfare).13 furthermore, the concept by omar m & taib14 developed and applied to the current concept. it became a measurable parameter, and from these parameters, it can describe the performance of islamic banking in achieving maqashid sharia.15 furthermore, mifrahi & fakhrunnas16 study the performance of sharia banking under maqashid shariah’s performance evaluation model (mpem) approach. to measure the islamic banks, this research adopts maqashid sharia measurement that consists of 5 (five) elements formulated in mpem. the main purpose of sharia is to encourage human welfare, which lies in the protection of faith (din), life (nafs), intellectual (aql), descendent (nasb), and wealth (mal).17,18 regarding the importance of achieving maqasid sharia, chapra19 states that an important key to sustainable growth is the implementation of islamic law. this is based on al-ghazali's formula regarding five fulfillment of human needs based on maqasid sharia. the main purpose of sharia is to encourage human welfare, which lies in the protection of faith (din), life (nafs), intellectual (aql), descendent (nasb), and wealth (mal). anything that guarantees the protection of these five cases is fulfilling the public interest and is highly recommended, and what injures these five cases is against the public interest that must be disposed of.20 based on this background, this paper will examine the factors that determine the performance of sharia-based maqashid. several previous researchers studied the financial aspect, while in this method combining the financial and non-financial aspects with the concept of measuring the performance of maqashid sharia. abu zahrah divides maqashid sharia into 3 main objectives, namely: (1). tahdzib al fard (individual education), 143 afkaruna (2). iqamah al-adl (enforcing justice), (3). jalb al maslahah (realizing the benefit/public interest). so that a comprehensive financial performance assessment can be comprehensive and in accordance with the maqasid syariah indicators literature review shariah enterprise theory (set) triyuwono21 proposes what is called shariah enterprise theory. the most important axiom that must be based on any determination of the concept of set according to triyuwono21 is allah as the creator and sole owner of all resources in this world. god as the main source of trust and resources owned by stakeholders. in these resources, there is a responsibility in the use, methods and goals set. the concept of set encourages the understanding that in real estate the rights of others are stored. this understanding certainly brings an important change in the terminology of set which lays its premise on distributing wealth based on the contribution of the participants, namely participants who make financial or skill contributions. this thinking is based on the premise that humans are khalifatullah fil ardh who carry the mission of creating and distributing welfare for all humans and nature. this premise encourages set to realize the value of justice for humans and the natural environment. therefore, set will bring benefits to stockholders, stakeholders, society and the environment21. according to this explanation, the concept of responsibility brought by the sharia enterprise theory can be described. in principle, sharia enterprise theory provides the main form of accountability to god (vertical accountability) which is then further elaborated on the form of accountability to humans and nature (horizontal accountability). the final premise is falah, true success in business is the achievement of prosperity which includes happiness (spiritual) and prosperity (material) at the individual and community levels21. implementation of sharia enterprise theory (set) in which islamic banking in its operational activities must be based on sharia principles because islamic banking has a responsibility not only to the owners of the 144vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 company but also to stakeholders and allah swt. ) in islamic banking will make the bank's performance healthier because management will always comply with the principles that have been set . resource-based value theory resource-based value theory is a theory that explains that a company can increase its superiority in competition by developing resources so that it can direct the company to survive in the long term. the key to this theoretical approach is to understand the strategy of understanding the relationship between resources, capabilities, competitive advantage, and profitability, in particular, to understand the mechanism by which to maintain a competitive advantage over time. in his work entitled "a resource-based view of the firm". however, the research that is widely used as a reference is the article by barney , "firm resource and sustained competitive advantage". it is explained that firm resources can help companies improve the efficiency and effectiveness of their operations. furthermore, competitive advantage can be instilling an understanding that the company consists of heterogeneous and immovable elements. to maximize competitive advantage, companies must meet four criteria: valuable, rareness, inimitability, and non-substitutabilitya maqashid sharia index concept the concept of maqashid sharia index is a measuring tool developed recently for use in measuring the financial performance of islamic financial institutions. this concept arose because the existing and widely used measuring instruments were not sufficient to describe the overall condition of a sharia financial institution in its achievement in achieving falah and maqashid sharia . furthermore, many study formulated a performance evaluation for islamic banking, which refers to the maqashid sharia concept. the development of the maqashid sharia index (msi) method is based on the incompatibility of conventional performance indicators when applied to islamic banking. this discrepancy is caused by the difference in objectives between conventional measurement indicators that focus more on measuring financial performance than 145 afkaruna islamic banking measurement indicators, which are more multi-dimensional8. 9, 11, 12. fiqh scholars have different opinions or views in classifying the concept of measuring the maqashid (purpose/intention) of sharia. the concept of measuring the performance of the maqashid sharia index (msi) in this study compares the concept of measuring the performance of the maqashid sharia index (msi) according to zahrah.26 concept of maqashid sharia (msi) abu zahrah concept of maqashid sharia abu zahrah. in his book of usul fiqh26, he formulated the concept of maqashid sharia and then classified it into three main objectives: (1). tahdib al fard (educating individuals), (2). iqomah al-adl (enforcing justice or establishing fairness), and jalb al maslahah (realizing or promoting public interest/welfare). the three concepts of abu zahrah are used and developed by omar mohammed & md taib14, as shown in table 1. the maqashid sharia index of omar m and thaib is as follows: the explanation of the concept of the maqashid sharia index (msi) abu zahrah briefly consists of: tahdib al fard (individual education). individual education performance indicators oriented to islamic banks are required to develop knowledge not only for their employees but also for the concept (purpose) dimension element 1. individual education d1. knowledge advancement e1. education grant e2. study d2. instilling new skills and upgrades e3. training d3. creating awareness of sharia banking e4. publication 2. upholding justice d4. fair return e5. fair return d5. products and services e6. functional distribution d6. elimination of the negative elements that gives birth to injustice e7. interest-free products 3. promote prosperity d7. bank profitability e8. profit ratio d8. redistribution of income and wealth e9. personal income d9. investment in real sector e10. investment ratio in real sector source: omar mohammed & md taib, (2015) (1) 146vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 research method in this research, descriptive quantitative research is used to assess the performance of islamic banking in indonesia by using the ratios of the maqashid sharia index (msi) and knowing the percentage value of each ratio in the maqashid sharia index, which is known from the annual financial statements of sample banks for the 2015-2019 period. there are three objectives to the current method mohammed & razak12. the concepts (c) into observable characteristic behaviors, which she termed as dimensions (d). the dimensions are then further broken down into measurable behaviors that she referred to as elements (e). the three (3) broad objectives of ib, namely educating individuals, establishing justice and maslahah are operationally defined. each of these objectives or concepts (c) are then translated into broad characteristics or dimensions (d) and finally into measurable behaviors or elements (e) as follows in table 2 below: general public. performance measurement on this dimension includes 4 measurement elements: e1. education grants, e2. research, e3. training, and e4. publication iqamah al-adl (enforcing justice). performance indicators upholding justice oriented to islamic banks are required to conduct transactions fairly and equally so that they do not harm their customers. performance measurement on this dimension includes 3 measurement elements: e5. fair return, e6. functional distribution, and e7.educational interest-free products. jalb al maslahah (realizing benefit or public interest). performance indicators of public interest are oriented to that the greater the profits obtained by islamic banks will have an impact on increasing the welfare of the owners and employees of islamic banks and all stakeholders of islamic banking. performance measurement on this dimension includes 3 measurement elements: e8. profit ratio, e9. personal income, e10. investment in the real sector. the objectives in the maqashid sharia index concept are individual education, upholding justice, and promoting welfare12. (2) (3) 147 afkaruna research method this research applies the descriptive quantitative method. sugiyono, (2017) explains that quantitative research is a research method that uses positivism as the basis. this method is to examine a data source and test it to prove temporary conjectures. while the descriptive approach, according to (sugiyono, 2008), is the rule used to determine the existence of a variable, both independent and dependent variables, without comparing these variables and connecting them with other variables. in this research, descriptive quantitative research using to assess the performance of islamic banking in indonesia by using the ratios of the maqashid syariah index (msi) and knowing the percentage value of each ratio in the maqashid syariah index, which is known from the annual concept (purpose) dimension element performance ratio data source 1. individual education d1. knowledge advancement e1. education grant ratio 1: education grants/total cost annual report e2. study ratio 2: research cost/total cost annual report d2. instilling new skills and upgrades e3. training ratio 3: training cost/total cost annual report d3. creating awareness of sharia banking e4. publication ratio 4: publication cost/total cost annual report 2. upholding justice d4. fair return e5. fair return ratio 5: profit/total revenue annual report d5. products and services e6. functional distribution ratio 6: musyarakah and mudharabah financing/total investment annual report d6. elimination of the negative elements that gives birth to injustice e7. interest-free products ratio 7: interest-free income/total income annual report 3. promote prosperity d7. bank profitability e8. profit ratio ratio 8: net profit/total assets annual report d8. redistribution of income and wealth e9. personal income ratio 9: zakat/profit annual report d9. investment in real sector e10. investment ratio in real sector ratio 10: investment in real sector/total investment annual report table 2. operationalization of islamic banking objectives source: omar mohammed & md taib, (2015) 148vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 financial statements of sample banks for the 2015-2019 period. these three objectives to the current method mohammed & razak, (2008), there is concept (c), then with specific characteristics, the concept is derived into several measurable dimensions (d). some of these dimensions reducing to certain elements that are easier to measure (e). after applied the objectives in the maqashid syariah index concept to the current method, ratios emerge that can be measured to achieve the goals mentioned. these ratios can be using the current method of the maqashid syariah index concept in table 2 below: source: omar mohammed & md taib, (2015) concept (purpose) dimension element performance ratio data source 1. individual education d1. knowledge advancement e1. education grant ratio 1: education grants/total cost annual report e2. study ratio 2: research cost/total cost annual report d2. instilling new skills and upgrades e3. training ratio 3: training cost/total cost annual report d3. creating awareness of sharia banking e4. publication ratio 4: publication cost/total cost annual report 2. upholding justice d4. fair return e5. fair return ratio 5: profit/total revenue annual report d5. products and services e6. functional distribution ratio 6: musyarakah and mudharabah financing/total investment annual report d6. elimination of the negative elements that gives birth to injustice e7. interest-free products ratio 7: interest-free income/total income annual report 3. promote prosperity d7. bank profitability e8. profit ratio ratio 8: net profit/total assets annual report d8. redistribution of income and wealth e9. personal income ratio 9: zakat/profit annual report d9. investment in real sector e10. investment ratio in real sector ratio 10: investment in real sector/total investment annual report table 2. operationalization of islamic banking objectives 149 afkaruna population and sample the population in this study is islamic banks located in indonesia and have been operating and publishing their annual financial statements. this study's sample used a purposive sampling method, a sampling technique with specific considerations . some considerations in sampling in this study are as follows: 1). sharia banks that have registered with idx. 2). has been operating at least early 2015. 3). has published its annual report from 2018 to 2020 on the company's official website. from some of these considerations, islamic banks obtained as samples in this study, namely: 1). bri sharia bank 2). btpn sharia bank 3). panin dubai sharia bank data analysis as explained in the previous chapters and sub-chapters, this research uses the maqashid sharia index (msi) concept in conducting data analysis and assessing islamic banking performance. in a study conducted by omar & taib14, where verification of sharia experts in the middle east and malaysia, 12 experts were interviewed, and 16 experts were asked to the components of the middle east and malaysia, 12 experts were interviewed, and 16 experts were asked to give weight to the components of the maqashid sharia index concept. furthermore, determine whether the concept is acceptable. furthermore, the average weight given by the experts is presented in table 3 below: table 3. average weight for each maqashid and ten ratios aim average weight (scale 1) element average weight (scale 1) 01. individual education (tahdhib-l-fard) 0.30 e1. education grant 0.24 e2. study 0.27 e3. training 0.26 e4. publication 0.23 total 1 02. upholding justice (iqamatu-l'adl) 0.41 e5. fair return 0.30 e6. functional distribution 0.32 e7. interest-free products 0.38 total 1 03. promote welfare (jalbu-l0.29 e8. profit ratio 0.33 e9. personal income 0.30 150vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 the steps taken in the analysis using the msi concept are as follows: 1. determine the performance ratio. this determination is based on the ten (10) ratios mentioned in table 1. 2. determine the value of each performance indicator (pi) or concept. in determining the value of each performance indicator (ik), the weighting in table 2 is used and the following formula: performance indicator 1 (ik 1) = individual education aim average weight (scale 1) element average weight (scale 1) 01. individual education (tahdhib-l-fard) 0.30 e1. education grant 0.24 e2. study 0.27 e3. training 0.26 e4. publication 0.23 total 1 02. upholding justice (iqamatu-l'adl) 0.41 e5. fair return 0.30 e6. functional distribution 0.32 e7. interest-free products 0.38 total 1 03. promote welfare (jalbu-lmaslahah) 0.29 e8. profit ratio 0.33 e9. personal income 0.30 e10. investment in the real sector 0.37 total 1 total 1 source: omar mohammed & md taib, (2015) where: 151 afkaruna determine the value of the maqashid sharia index (msi) of each bank. the determination of the msi value by adding up the results of each of the first to third performance indicators. this can be written as the following formula: msi = ci 1 + ci 2 + ci 3 provide a rating of each islamic bank according to the achievement of each maqashid sharia index (msi) value and define how the performance of islamic banks is measured using the maqashid sharia 3. result and discussion performance of islamic banks in achieving the maqashid shariah index (msi) concept in measuring the performance of islamic banks using the maqashid sharia index (msi), several steps must be taken. the first step is to measure the performance of islamic banks using 10 performance ratios following the maqashid sharia index concept. the second step is to determine the value of each performance indicator based on a predetermined ratio. the third step is to add up these values to determine each islamic bank's maqashid sharia index (msi) value. maqashid sharia performance indicators the first index of education grant ratio the first msi performance indicator, educating individuals, has 3 dimensions, namely: advancing knowledge (d1), enhancing new skills (d2), and creating awareness of islamic banking (d3). each of these dimensions is reduced to something measurable and observable, which is denoted by an element. the dimension of advancing knowledge is measured by education grants (e1) and research (e2). the dimension of improving skills is measured by training (e3). and the dimension of creating awareness of islamic banks is measured by publication (e4). these four elements are the measure for the first dimension, the greater the islamic bank in allocating its funds into these 4 elements, namely: education grants (e1), research (e2), training (e3), and publications (e4), it symbolizes that more focus for islamic banks in 152vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 advancing knowledge which is an indicator of the first dimension. this also shows that islamic banks focus on improving the quality of human resources, which can educate customers and prospective customers about sharia-based banking services. table 4 shows the results of calculating the ratio of the first element, namely education grants. based on table 4, the average value of islamic banks' highest educational grants allocation was achieved by panin dubai sharia bank of 1.04%. this shows that 1.04% of the total costs incurred by panin dubai sharia bank were allocated for educational grants. then bank bri sharia, with a ratio value of 0.06%, shows that 0.06% of the total costs incurred by bank bri sharia is allocated for the benefit of education grants. finally, btpn sharia bank with a ratio value of 0%. this is because bank btpn sharia does not report its expenditure in educational grants in the related sharia bank's annual financial statements. no. bank years education grant (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 0,1 0,06 2019 0,05 2020 0,02 2 pnbs 2018 1,16 1,04 2019 1,16 2020 0,78 3 btps 2018 0 0 2019 0 2020 0 table 4. islamic bank education grant ratio 2018 – 2020 source: author dataa maqashid sharia performance indicators the first index of research based on table 5, the highest average ratio value from research allocated by islamic banks was achieved by btpn sharia bank of 2.92%. this indicates that 2.92% of the total costs incurred by bank btpn sharia were allocated for research purposes. . then bank bri sharia with a ratio value of 2.67%, indicating that 2.67% of the total costs incurred are allocated for research purposes and finally, bank panin dubai sharia with 153 afkaruna source: authors data a ratio value of 0.93% indicating that 0.93% of funds of the total costs incurred, allocated for research purposes. no. bank years research (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 2,65 2,67 2019 2,61 2020 2,73 2 pnbs 2018 0,92 0,93 2019 1,14 2020 0,74 3 btps 2018 1,95 2,92 2019 2,76 2020 4,07 table 5. islamic bank research fund ratio 2018 – 2020 training ratio based on table 6, the highest average ratio value for training allocated by islamic banks was achieved by bank btpn sharia at 2.31%, and this indicates that 2.31% of the total costs incurred by bank btpn sharia were allocated for training purposes. then panin dubai sharia bank amounted to 0.96%, indicating that 0.96% of the total costs incurred by panin dubai sharia bank were allocated for training purposes. lastly, bank bri sharia is 0.55%. this shows that the allocation of funds for training is only 0.55% of the total costs incurred. no. bank years training (%) mean (%) 1 bris 2018 0,71 0,55 2019 0,62 2020 0,30 2 pnbs 2018 2,09 0,96 2019 0,27 2020 0,52 3 btps 2018 2,87 2,31 2019 2,98 2020 1,10 source: author data table 6. islamic bank training ratio 2018 – 2020 154vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 source: data analysis tabel 7. islamic bank publication ratio 2019 2020 publication ratio based on table 7, the average value of the highest ratio of publications allocated by islamic banks was achieved by bri sharia bank of 1.64%. this shows that 1.64% of the total costs incurred by bri sharia banks were allocated for publication purposes. . then bank panin dubai sharia with a ratio value of 1.52%, indicating that 1.52% of the total costs incurred were allocated for publication purposes. finally, bank btpn sharia is 0.73%, which shows that 0.73% of the total costs incurred are allocated for publication purposes. no. bank years publication (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 1,68 1,64 2019 1,70 2020 1,54 2 pnbs 2018 1,97 1,52 2019 1,49 2020 1,11 3 btps 2018 1,06 0,73 2019 0,90 2020 0,24 maqashid sharia performance indicators the second index upholding justice the second msi performance indicator is enforcing justice. this second indicator has 3 dimensions, namely: fair returns (d4), affordable products and services (d5), and eliminating injustice (d6). each of these dimensions is reduced to something measurable and observable, which is denoted by an element. the fair return dimension is measured by fair return (e5). the dimensions of affordable products and services are measured by functional distribution (e6). and the dimension of eliminating injustice is measured by the interest-free product (e7). the second msi performance indicator, namely upholding justice, relates to providing rights and obligations for all customers who fairly conduct transactions with islamic banks. the second performance 155 afkaruna islamic bank fair return based on table 8, the average value of the highest ratio of fair returns allocated by islamic banks was achieved by bank btpn sharia of 35.75%, which shows that 35.75% is the company's profit from the total revenue earned. then bank bri sharia got a ratio value of 5.75%, which shows that 5.75% is the company's profit from the total revenue earned. finally, bank panin dubai sharia, with a ratio value of 3.45%, shows that 3.45% is the company's profit from the total revenue earned. affordable products and services affordable products and services are measured by functional distribution. based on table 9, the average value of the highest ratio of functional distribution allocated by islamic banks was achieved by panin dubai sharia bank of 93.80%. this indicates that musyarakah and mudharabah financing carried out by panin dubai sharia bank amounted to 93.80% of the total financing disbursed. then bank bri sharia, with a ratio value of 41.48%, shows that the musyarakah and mudharabah financing carried out by bri sharia bank is 41.48% of the total financing disbursed. finally, bank btpn sharia, with a ratio value of 0.14%, shows total 1 source: author data table 8. fair return ratio 2018 2020 indicator is interpreted as the greater the islamic bank allocates its funds through fair returns, functional distribution, and interest-free products. the better the performance of islamic banks in achieving performance indicators in upholding justice. no. bank years fair return ratio (%) mean (%) 1 bris 2018 4,78 5,75 2019 3,27 2020 9,20 2 pnbs 2018 0,68 1,41 2019 2,80 2020 0,74 3 btps 2018 37,64 35,75 2019 42,03 2020 27,58 156vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 eliminating injustice eliminating injustice is measured by the interest-free product. based on table 10, the average value of the ratio of interest-free products allocated by islamic banks is the same. bri sharia bank, panin dubai sharia bank and btpn sharia bank obtained an average value of 100%. this shows that the income earned by the three islamic banks is completely free of interest. and this is in line with the basic principles of sharia, which is to stay away from something that is usury. that the musyarakah and mudharabah financing carried out by bank btpn sharia is 0.14% of the total financing disbursed. source: data analysis table 9. shariah functional distribution ratio 2018-2020 source: authors data table 10. islamic bank interest-free product ratio 2018 – 2020 no. bank years functional distribution (%) mean (%) 1 bris 2018 40,17 41,48 2019 45,64 2020 38,62 2 pnbs 2018 92,29 93,80 2019 96,29 2020 92,82 3 btps 2018 0 0,14 2019 0,33 2020 0,09 no. bank years interest-free product (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 100 100 2019 100 2020 100 2 pnbs 2018 100 100 2019 100 2020 100 3 btps 2018 100 100 2019 100 2020 100 157 afkaruna maqashid sharia performance indicators the third index promotes welfare the third msi performance indicator is encouraging welfare. this third performance indicator has three dimensions, namely: bank profitability (d7) measured by the profit ratio (e8), redistribution of income and welfare (d8) measured by individual income (e9), and investment in the real sector (d9) measured by the investment ratio in the real sector (e10). each of these dimensions is reduced to something measurable and observable, which is denoted by an element. the third msi performance indicator is to encourage benefits related to the public benefit. this is interpreted as the advantages and benefits obtained by islamic banks are not only owned and felt for islamic banks, but customers can also feel these advantages and benefits. the greater the ratio achieved by islamic banks in this third indicator, it shows the achievement of islamic banks in meeting the indicators of encouraging better welfare. bank profitability bank profitability is measured by the profit ratio. referring to table 11, the highest average value of the ratio of profit allocated by islamic banks was achieved by bank btpn sharia at 11.07%. this shows that the net profit received by bank btpn sharia is 11.07% of the total assets it owns. then bank bri sharia with a ratio value of 1.13%, indicating that the net profit received by bank bri sharia is 1.13% of the total assets owned. finally, panin dubai sharia bank, with a ratio value of 0.19%, shows that the net profit received by panin dubai sharia bank is 0.19% of the total assets owned. table 11. islamic banking profit ratio 2018 – 2020 no. bank years profit (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 1,59 1,13 2019 1,79 2020 0,01 2 pnbs 2018 0,26 0,19 2019 0,25 2020 0,06 3 btps 2018 12,40 11,07 2019 13,60 2020 7,20 158vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 redistribution of income and welfare the redistribution of income and welfare is measured by individual income. according to table 12, the average value of the highest ratio of individual income allocated by islamic banks was achieved by bri sharia bank of 6.11%. this shows that of the total profit received, 6.11% is allocated for zakat purposes. then bank panin dubai sharia amounted to 2.43%, indicating that 2.43% of the total profit received was allocated for zakat purposes. finally, bank btpn is 0%. this is because bank btpn sharia does not attach the amount of zakat issued in the last 3 years in its annual report. investment in the real sector investment in the real sector is measured by the investment ratio in the real sector. based on table 13, the average value of the highest investment ratio in the real sector allocated by panin dubai sharia bank is 92.89%. this shows that the total investment in the real sector by panin dubai sharia bank is rp. 92.89% of the total investment made. then bank btpn sharia amounted to 81.25%, indicating that the total investment in the real sector made by bank btpn sharia was 81.25% of the total table 12. islamic banking individual income ratio 2018 – 2020 no. bank years profit (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 1,59 1,13 2019 1,79 2020 0,01 2 pnbs 2018 0,26 0,19 2019 0,25 2020 0,06 3 btps 2018 12,40 11,07 2019 13,60 2020 7,20 source: data analysis no. bank years individual income (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 6,59 6,11 2019 9,49 2020 2,26 2 pnbs 2018 0 2,43 2019 4,79 2020 2,50 3 btps 2018 0 0 2019 0 2020 0 source: author data 159 afkaruna assessing each element of the sharia maqashid performance ratio. based on table 14, in the first ratio, namely education funds, panin dubai sharia bank received the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, which was 1.04%. this is due to the large amounts of funds disbursed by panin dubai sharia bank in the form of educational grants compared to the total costs incurred. furthermore, bank bri sharia has an average ratio value of 0.06%, and bank btpn sharia has a ratio value of 0. the second ratio, namely research, bank btpn sharia gets the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, namely 2.92%. the large allocation of funds from bank btpn sharia in research compared to the total costs incurred. furthermore, bri sharia bank got an average ratio value of 2.67%, and panin dubai sharia bank got 0.93%. investment made. finally, bri sharia bank is 71.14%. this shows that the total investment in the real sector made by bri sharia bank is 71.14% of the total investment made. table 13. islamic banking investment ratio in the real sector ratio 2018 2020 source: analysis data no. bank years investment ratio (%) means (%) 1 bris 2018 68,32 71,14 2019 70,92 2020 74,19 2 pnbs 2018 89,87 92,89 2019 94,90 2020 93,89 3 btps 2018 87,31 81,25 2019 80,83 2020 75,61 160vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 third ratio, namely training, bank btpn sharia obtained the highest average ratio value compared to the other 2 islamic banks, 2.31%. it is caused by the large number of funds disbursed by bank btpn sharia in training compared to the total costs incurred. furthermore, bank panin dubai sharia got an average ratio value of 0.96%, followed by bank bri sharia, which got 0.55%. fourth ratio, namely publications, bri sharia bank obtained the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, which was 1.64%. that is because of the large number of funds disbursed by islamic banks in publications compared to the total costs incurred. furthermore, bank panin dubai sharia got an average ratio score of 1.52%, followed by bank btpn sharia, which got an average ratio score of 0.73%. the fifth ratio, which is a fair return, bank btpn sharia gets the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, which is 35.75%. that is due to the high operating profit obtained by the btpn sharia bank compared to the total income obtained. furthermore, bank bri sharia got an average ratio value of 5.75%, followed by bank panin source: analysis data element ratio bank bris pnbs btps e1. education grant r1 0.06 1.04 0 e2. study r2 2.67 0.93 2.92 e3. training r3 0.55 0.96 2.31 e4. publication r4 1.64 1.52 0.73 e5. fair return r5 5.75 1.41 35.75 e6. functional distribution r6 41.48 93.8 0.14 e7. interest-free products r7 100 100 100 e8. profit ratio r8 1.13 0.19 11.07 e9. personal income r9 6.11 2.43 0 e10. investment in the real sector r10 71.14 92.89 81.25 table 14. islamic bank performance ratio following the maqashid sharia 161 afkaruna dubai sharia, which got an average ratio value of 1.41%. sixth ratio, namely functional distribution, panin dubai sharia bank gets the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, 93.80%. that is because of the largest musyarakah and mudharabah financing modes carried out by panin dubai sharia bank for the total financing carried out. furthermore, bank bri sharia got an average ratio value of 41.48%, followed by bank btpn sharia, which got an average ratio value of 0.14%. seventh ratio, namely interest-free income, the three islamic banks get a perfectly average score. bri sharia bank, panin dubai sharia bank and btpn sharia bank got an average score of 100%. that means that the three islamic banks carry out their operational activities based on sharia principles and generate income to stay away from anything with usury elements. eighth ratio, namely the profit ratio, bank btpn sharia obtained the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, 11.07%. that is influenced by the net profit earned by islamic banks compared to the total assets owned. furthermore, bank bri sharia got an average ratio value of 1.13%, followed by bank panin dubai sharia, which got an average ratio value of 0.19%. ninth ratio, namely personal income, bank bri sharia gets the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, which is 6.11%. due to the high amount of zakat funds issued by the islamic bank from the total profit earned. then bank panin dubai sharia got an average ratio value of 2.43%, followed by bank btpn sharia with an average ratio value of 0. this is because bank btpn sharia has not recorded the expenditure of zakat funds in the financial statements in the last three years. finally, in the tenth ratio, namely investment in the real sector, panin dubai sharia bank got the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, which was 92.89%. that shows that almost the total investment made by panin dubai sharia bank is the channel to the real sector. furthermore, bank btpn sharia got an average ratio score of 81.25%, followed by bank bri sharia, which got 71.14%. 162vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 determine the rating of islamic banks based on performance indicators (ik). furthermore, in the second ratio, namely research, bank btpn sharia gets the highest average ratio value compared to 2 other islamic banks, namely 2.92%. the large allocation of funds from bank btpn sharia in research compared to the total costs incurred. furthermore, bri sharia bank got an average ratio value of 2.67%, and panin dubai sharia bank got 0.93%. bank educating individuals upholding justice encouraging prosperity maqashid shariah index (msi) ik 1 ik 2 ik 3 bri sharia bank 0.38 21.73 8.27 30.38 panin dubai sharia bank 0.33 28.06 10,20 38.59 btpn sharia bank 0.47 20 9.78 30.24 table 12. islamic banking individual income ratio 2018 – 2020 source: authors data table 15 shows the calculation results of the performance indicator (ik) value and the maqashid sharia index (msi) value of bri sharia bank, panin dubai sharia bank, and btpn sharia bank for the period 2018 – 2020. from table 5, it can be explained that the achievement of the first performance indicator is individual education. bank btpn sharia obtained the highest score of 0.47%. in this performance indicator, bank btpn sharia is supported by the large allocation of funds for research and training elements. each of these elements obtained a value of 0.24% and 0.18%. furthermore, bank bri sharia with the achievement of an ik 1 ratio of 0.38%. and bank panin dubai sharia with the achievement of an ik 1 ratio of 0.33%. the second indicator, namely upholding justice, the achievement of each islamic bank is quite good overall. panin dubai sharia bank is the islamic bank with the second-highest achievement of performance indicators among the other two islamic banks. panin dubai sharia bank obtained a score for the second performance indicator of 28.06%. that is 163 afkaruna calculate the value (scoring) maqasid shariah index the next stage is to calculate the value of the maqashid sharia index (msi) of the islamic bank, which is the object of research by adding up all measurement performance indicators with the following formulation: because the size of the available distribution ratio, which reached 93.80%. furthermore, bank bri sharia obtained the second performance indicator score of 21.73%, and finally, bank btpn sharia with the second performance indicator score of 20%. in addition, the third performance indicator, namely encouraging welfare. from the analysis results, it can be concluded that of the three attached islamic banks, panin dubai sharia bank obtained the highest indicator value compared to the other two islamic banks, with the acquisition of the third performance indicator value of 10.20%. this is supported by the outstanding achievements of islamic banks in profit ratios and investment ratios in the real sector which reached 11.07% and 81.25%, respectively. each islamic bank's belief shows that the greater the ratio obtained by the islamic bank the more focused the islamic bank is in fulfilling the aspect of achieving the islamic maqashid itself. after knowing each performance indicator (ik) value, the next step is to add up each of the performance indicator values to get the maqashid sharia index (msi) value of each islamic bank. from the msi value, it will be known how the performance of sharia banking in achieving the maqashid sharia aspect is. based on table 4, it can be explained that the achievement of maqashid sharia index scores from islamic banks can be explained. bri sharia bank got an msi score of 30.38%, panin dubai sharia bank got an msi score of 38.59%, and bank btpn sharia got an msi score of 30.24%. table 16. rank maqashid index (msi) value ranking for the period 2018 – 2020 sharia commercial bank msi rank panin dubai sharia bank 38.59 1 bri sharia bank 30.38 2 btpn sharia bank 30.24 3 164vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 it appears that bank panin dubai sharia got the highest msi score of 38.59%, followed by bank bri sharia with an msi value of 30.38%, and finally bank btpn sharia with an msi value of 30.24%. this means that bank panin dubai sharia has a fairly good performance among other islamic banks in fulfilling the maqashid aspects of sharia formulated by abu zahrah. while bank bri sharia and bank btpn sharia got msi scores with a not too far difference, but the performance of the two islamic banks was also quite good in achieving the maqashid sharia aspect. sharia commercial bank msi rank panin dubai sharia bank 38.59 1 bri sharia bank 30.38 2 btpn sharia bank 30.24 3 source: author data conclusion the performance assessment of islamic banking using the maqashid sharia index (msi) concept shows that the achievement of islamic bank performance is quite good. the achievements of each islamic bank in fulfilling the aspects of individual education, upholding justice, and promoting welfare, in general, are outstanding even though several islamic banks have not fully met the ratio of the maqashid sharia index (msi) concept. the islamic banks with the highest msi value to the lowest in 2018 2020 are panin dubai sharia bank, bri sharia bank, and btpn sharia bank. the greatest significance of this research is that it proposes the objectives of ib from the maqasid al-shariah perspective. it also suggests methodologies that can be used to develop ib performance measures based on the shariah framework. the results of the study have shown variations in the performance of the selected islamic banks. not all banks are able to realize high performance in all three performances, alternatives and performance indicators. although in general, bank panin dubai syariah variation has the highest value compared to bank bri syariah and bank btpn syariah although the difference is not too high. this shows that there is inconsistency on the part of individual islamic banks to focus on overall islamic objectives. as this is an exploratory 165 afkaruna limitation related to the samples of islamic banks, this research only investigates the ones registered in the ise, not all islamic banks in indonesia. study, hopefully future research will consider it a starting point for further developing objectives and performance measures of ib based on the sharia framework. endnotes amaroh, s. (2016). “tanggung jawab sosial bank syariah terhadap”. ahkam, xvi(1), 41–50. amaroh, s., & masturin, m. (2018). the determinants of maqasid shariah based performance of islamic banks in indonesia. iqtishadia, 11(2), 354–370. hanief et al, (2012). “islamic social reporting index sebagai model pengukuran kinerja sosial perbankan syariah (studi komparasi indonesia dan malaysia)”. jurnal dinamika akuntansi. vol. 4, no. 1, maret 2012, pp. 36-46 nawaz, t., & haniffa, r. (2017). determinants of financial performance of islamic banks: an intellectual capital perspective. journal of islamic accounting and business research, vol. 8(no. 2), 130–142. setianto, r. h., & sukmana, r. (2016). intellectual capital and islamic banks performance; evidence from indonesia and malaysia. iqtishadia jurnal kajian ekonomi dan bisnis islam, 9(2), 376. al ghifari, m., handoko, l. h., & yani, e. a. (2015). analisis kinerja perbankan syariah di indonesia dan malaysia dengan pendekatan maqashid indeks. jurnal ekonomi dan perbankan syariah, 3(2), 47–66 muhammad, r., mangawing, m. a., & salsabilla, s. (2021). the influence of intellectual capital and corporate governance on financial performance of islamic banks. jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam, 7(1), 77–91. muhammad, r., & triharyono, c. (2019). analysis of islamic banking financial performance before, during and after global financial crisis. jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam, 5(2), 80–86. mutia, e., jannah, r., & rahmawaty, r. (2019). islamicity performance index of islamic banking in indonesia. proceedings of the 1st aceh global conference (agc 2018), 424–436. antonio, muhammad syafii, yulizar d. sanrego, m. t. (2012). an analysis of islamic banking performance: maqashid index implementation in indonesia and jordania. journal of islamic finance, 1(1), 012–029 mehmet asutay, a. f. h. (2015). developing maqasid al-shari’ah index 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 166vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 to evaluate social performance of islamic banks: a conceptual and empirical attempt. uluslararası i̇slam ekonomisi ve finansı araştırmaları dergisi. mohammed, m. o., & razak, d. a. (2008). the performance measures of islamic banking based on the maqashid framework. iium international accounting conference (intac iv) , putra jaya marroitt. bedoui, h. eddine. (2012). shari‘a-based ethical performance measurement framework. in chair cefn (chaire ethique et norme de la finance) du centre d’economie de la sorbonne) (issue january 2012). omar mohammed, m., & md taib, f. (2015). developing islamic banking performance measures based on maqasid al-shari’ah framework: cases of 24 selected banks. in journal of islamic monetary economics and finance (vol. 1, issue 1, pp. 55–77) afrinaldi. (2013). analisa kinerja perbankan syariah indonesia ditinjau dari maqasid syariah : pendekatan syariah maqasid index ( smi ) dan profitabilitas bank syariah. islamic economic & finance (ief) universitas trisakti, 1–23 mifrahi, m. n., & fakhrunnas, f. (2018). islamic bank peformance based on maqasid based performance evaluation model (mpem). jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam, 4(2), 93–103. al arif, m. n. r., & yati, d. (2021). comparison of islamic banking performance in indonesia, pakistan, and bangladesh: sharia maqashid index approach. share: jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam, 10(1), 1–23. supriyono, s., rodoni, a., suparno, y., hermadi, h., & nafisah, h. (2019). efficiency performance analysis of panin dubai syariah bank in collecting and distributing third party funds before and after merger. i-finance: a research journal on islamic finance, 5(1), 46–56. chapra, m. u. (2008). vision of development in the light of maqāsid al-sharī ‘ ah (issue may) said, s., sofyan, a. s., & amiruddin, a. m. a. (2019). mashlaha in financing risk measurement in sharia financing institutions. iqtishadia, 12(2), 240. triyuwono, iwan. (2001). metafora zakat dan shari’ah enterprise theory sebagai konsep dasar dalam membentuk akuntansi syari’ah. jurnal akuntansi dan auditing indonesia, 5(2), 131–145. triyuwono, i. (2011). angels: sistem penilaian tingkat kesehatan (tks) bank syari’ah. jurnal akuntansi multiparadigma, 2(1), 1–21 barney, j. (1991). firm resources and sustained competitive advantage. journal of management, 17(1). prahalad, c. k., & hamid, g. (2007). the core competence of the corporation. in software management, seventh edition. nurmahadi, n., & setyorini, c. t. (2018). maqasid syariah dalam 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 167 afkaruna pengukuran kinerja lembaga keuangan syariah di indonesia. jas (jurnal akuntansi syariah), 2(1), 29–55 zahrah, a. (1989). usūl al-fiqh. in beirūt: dār al-fikr al-`arabi. sugiyono. (2017). metode penelitian bisnis (pendekatan kuantitatif, kualitatif, kombinasi dan r&d) (2nd ed.). alfabeta, bandung. 26 27 168vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 references afrinaldi. (2013). analisa kinerja perbankan syariah indonesia ditinjau dari maqasid syariah : pendekatan syariah maqasid index ( smi ) dan profitabilitas bank syariah. islamic economic & finance (ief) universitas trisakti, 1–23. al arif, m. n. r., & yati, d. (2021). comparison of islamic banking performance in indonesia, pakistan, and bangladesh: sharia maqashid index approach. share: jurnal ekonomi dan keuangan islam, 10(1), 1–23. https://doi.org/10.22373/share.v10i1.9351 al ghifari, m., handoko, l. h., & yani, e. a. (2015). analisis kinerja perbankan syariah di indonesia dan malaysia dengan pendekatan maqashid indeks.. jurnal ekonomi dan perbankan syariah, 3(2), 47–66. https://doi.org/10.46899/jeps.v3i2.160. amaroh, s. (2016). tanggung jawab sosial bank syariah terhadap. ahkam, xvi(1), 41–50. https://doi.org/doi: 10.15408/ajis.v16i1.2894 amaroh, s., & masturin, m. (2018). the determinants of maqasid shariah based performance of islamic banks in indonesia. iqtishadia, 11(2), 354–370. https://doi.org/10.21043/iqtishadia.v11i2.3961 antonio, muhammad syafii, yulizar d. sanrego, m. t. (2012). an analysis of islamic banking performance: maqashid index implementation in indonesia and jordania. journal of islamic finance, 1(1), 012–029. barney, j. (1991). firm resources and sustained competitive advantage. journal of management, 17(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/014920639101700108 bedoui, h. eddine. (2012). shari‘a-based ethical performance measurement framework. in chair cefn (chaire ethique et norme de la finance) du centre d’economie de la sorbonne) (issue january 2012). https://doi.org/10.13140/rg.2.2.18433.66401 chapra, m. u. (2008). vision of development in the light of maqāsid al-sharī ‘ ah (issue may). https://doi.org/10.13140/rg.2.1.4188.5047 hafiez sofyan, ihyaul ulum, daniel syam, sri wahjuni l, (2012). islamic social reporting index sebagai model pengukuran kinerja sosial perbankan syariah (studi komparasi indonesia dan malaysia). jurnal dinamika akuntansi, 4(1), 36–46. https://doi.org/10.15294/jda.v4i1.1958 mehmet asutay, a. f. h. (2015). developing maqasid al-shari’ah index to evaluate social performance of islamic banks: a conceptual and empirical attempt. uluslararası i̇slam ekonomisi ve finansı araştırmaları dergisi . mifrahi, m. n., & fakhrunnas, f. (2018). islamic bank peformance based on maqasid based performance evaluation model (mpem). jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam, 4(2), 93–103. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol4.iss2.art6 mohammed, m. o., & razak, d. a. (2008). the performance measures of islamic banking based on the maqashid framework. iium international accounting conference (intac iv) , putra jaya marroitt. muhammad, r., mangawing, m. a., & salsabilla, s. (2021). the influence of intellectual capital 169 afkaruna and corporate governance on financial performance of islamic banks. jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam, 7(1), 77–91. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol7.iss1.art6 muhammad, r., & triharyono, c. (2019). analysis of islamic banking financial performance before, during and after global financial crisis. jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam, 5(2), 80– 86. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol5.iss2.art5 mutia, e., jannah, r., & rahmawaty, r. (2019). islamicity performance index of islamic banking in indonesia. proceedings of the 1st aceh global conference (agc 2018), 424–436. https://doi.org/10.2991/agc-18.2019.65 nurmahadi, n., & setyorini, c. t. (2018). maqasid syariah dalam pengukuran kinerja lembaga keuangan syariah di indonesia. jas (jurnal akuntansi syariah), 2(1), 29–55 nawaz, t., & haniffa, r. (2017). determinants of financial performance of islamic banks: an intellectual capital perspective. journal of islamic accounting and business research, vol. 8(no. 2), 130–142. https://doi.org/10.1108/jiabr-06-2016-0071 omar mohammed, m., & md taib, f. (2015). developing islamic banking performance measures based on maqasid al-shari’ah framework: cases of 24 selected banks. in journal of islamic monetary economics and finance (vol. 1, issue 1, pp. 55–77). https://doi.org/10.21098/jimf.v1i1.483 prahalad, c. k., & hamid, g. (2007). the core competence of the corporation. in software management, seventh edition. https://doi.org/10.1109/9780470049167.ch7 said, s., sofyan, a. s., & amiruddin, a. m. a. (2019). mashlaha in financing risk measurement in sharia financing institutions. iqtishadia, 12(2), 240. https://doi.org/10.21043/iqtishadia.v12i2.4992 sugiyono. (2017). metode penelitian bisnis (pendekatan kuantitatif, kualitatif, kombinasi dan r&d) (2nd ed.). alfabeta, bandung supriyono, s., rodoni, a., suparno, y., hermadi, h., & nafisah, h. (2019). efficiency performance analysis of panin dubai syariah bank in collecting and distributing third party funds before and after merger. i-finance: a research journal on islamic finance, 5(1), 46– 56. https://doi.org/10.19109/ifinace.v5i1.3716 triyuwono, i. (2011). angels: sistem penilaian tingkat kesehatan (tks) bank syari’ah. jurnal akuntansi multiparadigma, 2(1), 1–21. triyuwono, iwan. (2001). metafora zakat dan shari’ah enterprise theory sebagai konsep dasar dalam membentuk akuntansi syari’ah. jurnal akuntansi dan auditing indonesia, 5(2), 131– 145. tumewang, y. k. (2019). a comparison of non-financial performance and earnings quality between qiib and bib. jurnal ekonomi & keuangan islam, 5(1), 25–33. https://doi.org/10.20885/jeki.vol5.iss1.art4 zahrah, a. (1989). u�ūl al-fiqh. in beirūt: dār al -fikr al-`arabi. 9. afkaruna_aqidah asri suwarsi jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 portrait of msmes‘ islamic financial literacy and the impact on business development doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.12991 university muhammadiyah yogyakarta aqidah.asri@umy.ac.id aqidah asri suwarsi university muhammadiyah yogyakarta anintagina22@gmail.com aninta gina sharfina university muhammadiyah yogyakarta anisatun.anggraeni@gmail.com anisatun anggraeni abstract msmes are part of the supporting aspects of the country's economy. however, the competitiveness of msmes in indonesia towards the global economy still tends to be low when compared to other asean countries. this is caused by low levels of education and expertise, difficulties in obtaining licensing for msmes, lack of access to capital, and lack of infrastructure support. one aspect that should not be missed from the field of education and expertise is the level of public financial literacy. the purpose of this study is not only to analyze and classify the level of financial literacy of msmes but also to examine the impact of literacy levels on the development of msmes. this research approach is descriptive quantitative with a sample size of 1392, obtained by using cluster random sampling technique in special region of yogyakarta (diy). the results of the study show that the financial literacy of msmes in diy is less literate. the effect on the business developing had a positive and significant influence amounted to 36.1%. with this finding, it is expected to be an input for regulators in the framework of planning and implementing policies related to islamic financial literacy. keywords: business development; islamic financial literacy; micro, small, and medium enterprises; financial literacy index, yogyakarta the discussion on micro, small, and medium enterprises (msmes) is one of the new issues to be appointed in the achievement of an economic growth in indonesia.1 this is not excessive considering that msmes are part of the economic support aspect, and their existence is believed to be able to contribute to poverty alleviation efforts through job creation.2 based on data from the ministry of cooperatives, small and medium enterprises, employment from msmes during 2010-2018 tends to increase every year and experiencing rapid increase in 2015.3 however, the potential of msmes in indonesia has not been optimally pursued.4 of the five selected countries, the involvement of the indonesian msme sector in the global value chain is the lowest. only 6.3 percent of the total msmes in indonesia are able to be involved in the trade chain in the southeast asia region.5 the low competitiveness of msmes in indonesia is partly due to low levels of education and expertise, difficulties in obtaining licensing for msmes, lack of access to capital, and lack of infrastructure support.6 therefore, to sustain economic growth, introduction figure 1. employment from msmes during 2010-2018 sumber: ministry of cooperatives, small and medium enterprises 208 afkaruna one aspect unnoticed in education and skills is the level of financial literacy whose activity cannot be separated from financial institutions.7 msmes that are well literate (financial literacy) are easier to understand and understand about the ins and outs of the financial services sector which in the end will utilize financial products and services optimally to improve welfare and can protect themselves from potential losses due to financial sector crime.8 to create a policy strategy that is right on target, effective and efficient, data on current conditions of public financial literacy are needed.9 one of these efforts was carried out by the ojk by conducting a national scale survey called the national survey of financial literacy 2016 and the 2019 national financial literacy and inclusion survey to determine the current conditions of public financial literacy and inclusion. the survey showed that the financial literacy index reached 38.03%. this figure is an increase compared to the results of the 2016 ojk survey, where the financial literacy index of 29.7%.10 the survey then underlies researchers to conduct more specific research on the level of islamic financial literacy of msmes in yogyakarta. as a student city, the high level of consumers is a driving force for the development of msmes. this is evidenced by the large number of id card number data and the development of msmes in diy.11 figure 2. total id card number in diy source: ministry of cooperatives, small and medium enterprises diy 209vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 previously, several studies that discuss msmes are.12 apart from that, some previous studies that discussed the financial literacy of msmes were.13 these several journals, all of them discussed financial literacy, although they also studied msmes, none of them had deepened islamic financial literacy, especially for msmes. this research is expected to be used as material for evaluating the effectiveness and efficiency of the financial literacy program that was previously made by ojk. based on the gap from previous research, this study contributes to classifying msme financial literacy standards according to the financial literacy index (fli) from the ojk. in addition, this study also focuses on assessing the impact of literacy levels on the development of msmes. this is an effort to complement ojk in reviewing islamic financial literacy data, especially in the special region of yogyakarta. figure 3. development of diy msmes source: ministry of cooperatives, small and medium enterprises diy literature review financial literacy financial literacy by the financial services authority (fsa) is a series of activities or processes to further enhance the knowledge (knowledge), confidence (competence), and skills (skills) or consumer society so that they can manage their finances better. literacy finance occurs when a person has the ability and expertise that makes a person able to manage finances to achieve something he wants.14 financial literacy is a measure of financial concepts understanding and financial management capabilities in making short-term and long-term decisions according to the dynamics of economic needs and conditions.15 financial literacy is the ability to use knowledge and expertise to achieve 210 afkaruna good financial behavior. knowledge, expertise and behavior are interrelated entities in the concept of financial literacy.16 islamic finance literacy financial literacy itself can be interpreted as financial literacy. financial literacy refers to knowing islamic financial services and products as well as being able to distinguish between islamic banks and conventional banks in order to choose the economy following sharia. the goal (maqhasid) of islamic financial literacy is so that consumers and the wider community can determine islamic financial products and services that suit their business needs, and properly understand the benefits and risks, know the rights and obligations of each of their chosen financial products and services so that it can improve the health of their business based on islamic principles that are lawful and profitable.17 financial literacy index the financial literacy index is built through several stages, namely18 : 1) the group financial literacy variables into basic financial literacy; 2) give a score of each variable that is 1 for knowing and very knowledgeable answers and 0 for other answers, do not know, very ignorant, and refuse to answer; 3) calculating the weight of each variable using a simple weight; 4) calculate the financial literacy index in each observation in each group of variables and then calculate the number of scores and weights. the overall score is calculated by the arithmetic to mean both for basic financial literacy. the determination of the financial literacy index category divided into three categories, namely19 : 1) financial literacy index lower than or equal to 60 categorized as a low literacy index (0 ≤ fli ≤ 60); 2) the financial literacy index is higher than 60, and less than or equal to 80 said as a moderate or moderate financial literacy index (60 <fli i 80); 3) the financial literacy index higher than 80 categorized as a high financial li index (fli> 80). 211vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 financial literacy classification financial literacy is a measure or understanding of financial concepts and the ability of a person in proper financial management in making long-term and shortterm decisions by economic conditions. the financial services authority classifies financial literacy into four levels as a benchmark for reference20: 1) well literate: have confidence and understanding regarding financial service institutions including products and financial services as well as knowing the risks, benefits, rights, and obligations related to financial services used. and in this category, someone has the skills to utilize the financial products and services they use; 2) sufficient literate: have confidence and understanding regarding financial institutions, including financial products and services and knowing the risks, benefits, rights, and obligations related to financial services used; 3) less literate: only has an understanding about financial services institutions, including financial products and services; 4) not literate: do not have confidence and understanding regarding financial institutions, including financial products and services. development of msmes development of msmes (micro, small and medium enterprises) is the ability possessed by an entrepreneur to socialize himself to market needs to improve the standard of living they have.21 the development of msmes can be measured using several indicators, namely22: 1) the number of sales increases is a situation where the sale of goods/services can cover all capital and generate profits. whichever is meant by the number of sales increases, namely the existence of financing and products of islamic financial institutions make business sales in diy increase; 2) innovating is a person's knowledge to make product changes with new ideas. what is meant by innovation is that with the financing and products of islamic financial institutions, msme players in diy can innovate with the products they make; 3) the extent of the market that controlled is a situation where a person can assess sales owned by others. what is meant by the breadth of the market being controlled is by the existence of financing and products of islamic financial institutions of business people in diy can 212 afkaruna development of msmes (micro, small and medium enterprises) is the ability possessed by an entrepreneur to socialize himself to market needs to improve the standard of living they have . the development of msmes can be measured using several indicators, namely : 1) the number of sales increases is a situation where the sale of goods/services can cover all capital and generate profits. whichever is meant by the number of sales increases, namely the existence of financing and products of islamic financial institutions make business sales in diy increase; 2) innovating is a person's knowledge to make product changes with new ideas. what is meant by innovation is that with the financing and products of islamic financial institutions, msme players in diy can innovate with the products they make; 3) the extent of the market that controlled is a situation where a person can assess sales owned by others. what is meant by the breadth of the market being controlled is by the existence of financing and products of islamic financial institutions of business people in diy can develop product sales more broadly; 4) being able to compete is a person's ability to be able to maximize the results and can maintain their quality. what is meant by being able to compete in that with the financing and products of islamic financial institutions, the products of business people in diy can compete with other entrepreneurs; 5) increased income is an income earned by a person from a job whose debt is increasing. what is meant by increasing income is the existence of financing and products of islamic financial institutions making income for msme players in diy increasing; 6) having full access to islamic financial institutions so that they can increase business financing is a situation where a person can finance extensively with the presence of financial institutions. what is meant here is the existence of financing and products of islamic financial institutions of msme players in diy can make financing (capital increase) in diy islamic financial institutions. previous studies several previous studies that also discussed financial literacy were23 financial literacy is very low around the world, irrespective of the level of financial market development and the type of pension provision. variable value of loading factor information know1 0.672 valid know 2 0.706 valid know 3 0.831 valid 213vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 accordingly, changes in markets have apparently not wrought enhancements in financial knowledge, suggesting that people’s gain in knowledge might be limited to what they learn from their own financial experiences. most workers, including older ones, have not planned or even thought much about retirement. this is important because retirement planning is a good proxy for retirement wealth; those who have calculated how much they need to save for their own retirement reach retirement age with as much as three times the wealth of those who did no such calculations. we also show that retirement planning can be traced back to financial literacy; those who can undertake simple calculations, who have an understanding of inflation, and who grasp the concept of risk diversification are more likely to plan for their retirement. 24also found that the demographic factors of gender, age, and education; the socio-economic factors of income and occupation; and the psychological factor of perceptions about the future significantly affect financial literacy. among the factors found to be related to financial literacy, occupation, and future orientation are of particular interest because the other factors are somewhat related to the attainment of education in general. having an occupation in the field of finance and insurance is helpful for attaining financial literacy because of the knowledge gained through working with financial matters. future orientation is also a financial literacy specific factor because people tend to want to make better financial decisions when they place more importance on the future. we checked the robustness of the results using a different measure of financial literacy, which also confirmed our findings. the results emphasize the need for a formal financial education and social contact to boost financial literacy levels in japan. current academic research suggests that financial literacy may be more important than income level and professional qualifications, as the decisive factor in the future will not be the amount of financial resources available to a person but the ability to manage them effectively and achieve their goals. the research results proved the impact and interconnection of main financial inclusion aspects such as account ownership, use of the internet, availability of atms, and bank offices on 214 afkaruna financial literacy level. the main factor influencing the demand side of financial services is numeracy knowledge; a strong correlation has been found between pisa mathematics average scores for countries and their literacy level. the analyzed savings factor (voluntary savings for pension, life insurance, and investments in mutual funds) showed a heterogeneous situation – the ranks of countries differed from the financial literacy levels. it draws the attention of government policy-makers to attract citizens to these long-term investment and social security products by strengthening the supply side of the financial services.25 another research that explores the impact of microfinance on multidimensional constructs of empowerment and the catalysts thereof is research by26. the reference point for analysis in this research is the women microfinance borrowers' self perception about their life transmutation as well as that of household power configuration. unlike other recent research papers on the topic that focus on women's economic empowerment, this paper focuses on both economic and socio-cultural empowerment. this research argues that microfinance can be a useful empowerment tool that can transmute women's eco-nomic position and power relationships, but only when combined with financial literacy. it concludes that financial literacy is more important than access to credit and should be the focus of all future microfinance. hypothesis h1: msmes actors financial literacy is less literate h2: islamic financial literacy for msmes has a positive and significant effect on business development research method the type of research in this study is field research, with a quantitative descriptive method approach, because the data in this study obtained from the results of direct observation which described systematically and factually. the object in this study was msmes in diy. the types of data used are primary data and secondary data. in this study, the primary data obtained from msmes actors in diy. the data is in the form of 215vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 financial literacy index the financial literacy index can be known through several stages, there are: grouping basic financial literacy variables; give a score for each variable, namely 1 for agreeing answers and strongly agree. while the answers disagree, strongly disagree, and refuse to answer given a score of 0; calculate the weight of each variable by using simple weight based as follows (bumcrot): multiple linear regression analysis the method used to analyze the influence of financial literacy variables (knowledge, beliefs, and skills) on the development of msmes in diy is ordinary least square (ols). multiple linear regression method is a data calculate the financial literacy index in each observation by calculating the number of scores and weights. the overall score is calculated by the arithmetic to mean for basic financial literacy. simple basic wi = 1/n explanation: simple basic wi = the weight for each variable using simple weight n = number of variables information from the answers to questions, direct interviews, and research observations. secondary data in this study were taken from journals, which is related to this research such as research from).27,28 the population in this study is the msmes in the province of special region yogyakarta some 238.619 msmes. the sampling technique used in this study was the cluster random sampling technique. the number of samples consisted of 1392 samples from sleman; gunung kidul; bantul; kulon progo, and the city of yogyakarta. data collection techniques in this study used a questionnaire. data analysis techniques are carried out in two stages, including (1) analyzing the financial literacy index; (2) analyze using multiple linear regression analysis. the questionnaire assessment technique in this study used a likert scale. the range of values used in this study is 1-4, with an ss measuring scale worth 4, s worth 3, ts worth 2, sts worth 1. 216 afkaruna discussion the results of table 1 show that the sample in this study was 1392 samples. the minimum value for development of msmes (y) is 0 and the maximum value is 24, and the average value is 9.63. meanwhile, the minimum value of knowledge, confidence and skill is 6, 0 and 3, while the maximum value is 24, 37, and 12. then the average of each variable of knowledge, confidence and skill is 14.11, 6.70 and 7.03. previously, this research had passed the classical assumption test with the results of multicollinearity tests of each variable is more than 0.1 and vif values in the three variables are less than 10. this research is free from heteroscedasticity because the significance value (p-value) of each variable is more than 0.05. besides that, the variable development of msmes has kolmogorov-smirnov value of 0.057 with a significance of 0.200, which is more significant than 0.05. it shows that the independent and dependent variables have a normal distribution. analysis technique that discusses the relationship between dependent variables with independent variables. multiple linear regression is a regression in which the dependent variable y in this case is the development of msmes in diy connected with more than one independent variable. the independent variables used our knowledge, beliefs, and skills. the estimation equation uses the ols model29: yt = a + β1lnx1 + β2ln2x 2 + β3lnx 3 + e explanation: y = development of msmes in diy a = constant β = independent variable regression coefficient x 1 = knowledge x 2 = confidence x 3 = skill 217vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 n minimum maximum sum mean std.deviation knowledge 1392 6 24 19646 14.11 4.224 confidence 1392 0 37 9332 6.70 3.202 skill 1392 3 12 9788 7.03 2.080 development of msmes 1392 0 24 13402 9.63 7.451 valid n (listwise) 1392 table 1. descriptive statistical test results the validity test in this study used the confirmatory factor analysis (cfa) method with the help of spss 25. the criteria before carrying out factor analysis were the kmo (keizer-meyer-olkin) test, the msa (measures of sampling) test, and bartlett's test. if the results of kmo ≥ 0.5, then the analysis of items in a dimension is declared valid and feasible to do.30 test equipment test results kaiser-meyer-olkin measure of sampling adequacy. . 0.936 bartlett's test of sphericity approx. chi-square 23561,717 df 153 sig. 0, 000 table 2. kmo, msa and bartlett's test table 3. indicator validity test source: data test result variable value of loading factor information know1 0.672 valid know 2 0.706 valid know 3 0.831 valid know 4 0.858 valid know 5 0.765 valid know 6 0.756 valid confidence1 0.882 valid confidence 2 0.918 valid confidence 3 0.869 valid skill1 0.721 valid skill 2 0.844 valid skill 3 0.830 valid development 1 0.958 valid development 2 0.947 valid development 3 0.969 valid 218 afkaruna reliability test if the reliability in this research uses the cronbach's alpha test, a research instrument can be said to be reliable if it has a value of ≥ 0.60. if the value of cronbach's alpha is getting closer to number 1, the better the measurement of the instrument.31 based on table 4 the value of cronbach's alpha > 0.60 and close to 1, it can be said that all variables have good reliability. in table 3, it can be seen that all statement indicators can be extracted correctly and validly because each indicator has a loading value greater than 0.5 so that it is suitable to be used for the subsequent analysis. know 5 0.765 valid know 6 0.756 valid confidence1 0.882 valid confidence 2 0.918 valid confidence 3 0.869 valid skill1 0.721 valid skill 2 0.844 valid skill 3 0.830 valid development 1 0.958 valid development 2 0.947 valid development 3 0.969 valid development 4 0.950 valid development 5 0.973 valid development 6 0.945 valid source: data test results variable cronbach's alpha information knowledge 0, 792 reliable confidence 0.858 reliable skills 0, 825 reliable development of msmes 0.822 reliable table 4. reliability test results table 5. test results t source: data results free variable b t count sign t information constant -5,056 -7,925 0,000 significant knowledge 0.401 7,844 0,000 significant confidence 0.759 11,920 0,000 significant skills 0.559 6.052 0,000 significant hypothesis testing t-test 219vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 determination coefficient (r square) based on table 5 the significant value of knowledge and belief variables is smaller than 0.05 (0,000 < 0.05) which indicates that the knowledge and beliefs of msme players regarding islamic financial institutions have a significant effect on the development of their msmes. similar to the skill variable, which has a significant value smaller than 0.05, which means that the skills in managing finance have a significant effect on the development of msmes. based on table 7, the r square value is 0.361. this means that the independent variables simultaneously have an influence of 36.1% on the development of msmes. while other variables outside the research model explain the remaining 63.9%, it can be concluded that the knowledge and beliefs of the community regarding sharia financial institutions as well as skills in managing finances affect the development of msmes by 36.1%. based on the results of the data above, the regression equation is as follows: pu = -5,056 + 0.401 p + 0.759 key + 0.559 ket + e based on the regression equation above, it can interpret as follows: the regression coefficient for knowledge is positive 0.401. it shows in case increasing one unit on the knowledge of the development of smes will increase by 0.401. the regression coefficient for confidence is positive at 0.759. this shows that if there is an increase in one unit in the belief, the development of msmes will increase by 0.759. the regression coefficient for skills is positive at 0.559. this shows that if there is an increase in one unit in the belief, the development of msmes will increase by 0.559. dependent variable: development of msmes source: primary data processed (2019) dependent variable: development of msmes predictors: (constant), skills, confidence, knowledge source: primary data processed (2019) table 7. coefficient of determination model f sign f information regression 261,592 0,000 significant 220 afkaruna first hypothesis: msmes actors' financial literacy is less literate. the level of msmes financial literacy and the classification of literacy using the financial literacy index financial literacy is a measure of understanding financial concepts. financial literacy is seen from one's ability in financial management to make long-term and short-term decisions. alternatively, in other words, financial literacy can be interpreted as the ability to effectively evaluate and manage finances in achieving good finance.32 conceptually financial literacy has two dimensions, namely understanding financial knowledge in theory and using financial knowledge that is owned by the application. according to the financial services authority, islamic financial literacy is classified into four types. first, well literate: have trust and understanding of the risks, benefits, rights and obligations and have the skills to utilize the financial products and services they use. second, sufficient literate: do not yet have the skills to utilize the financial products and services they use but already have the trust and understanding of the financial institutions' risks, benefits, rights and obligations. third, less literate: only have an understanding of financial institution products and services. fourth, not literate: do not have the trust and understanding of financial institutions.33 in this study, the researchers used the financial literacy index (fli) by the ojk to determine the classification of the level of islamic financial literacy of msmes in diy. this study focuses on the basic financial literacy considering the object of this research is micro-scale entrepreneurs. the researcher measures fli with simple weight method where each variable is given the same weight as the formula. simple_basic_w1 = 1/n (the number of basic financial literacy variables) simple_basic_w1 = 1/12 = 0,0833 next, calculate the financial literacy index in each variable and then calculate the number of scores and weights. the overall score is calculated by the arithmetic mean for basic financial literacy. as for the basic literacy level, the researchers chose 12 indicators in the table below as follows: 221vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 the determination of the financial literacy index category is divided into three categories, namely34: 1) financial literacy index lower than or equal to 60 is categorized as a low financial literacy index (0 ≤ fli ≤ 60); 2) the financial literacy index is higher than 60 and less than or equal to 80 said to be a moderate or moderate financial literacy index (60 <fli ≤ 80); 3) financial literacy index higher than 80 is categorized as a high financial literacy index (fli > 80). so based on the results of fli calculations, the level of msme financial literacy in diy with the basic no indicator basic financial literacy weight % agree & strongly agree 1 knowledge knowing the existence of islamic financial institutions in yogyakarta 0.083333 6.458.333 2 can recommend someone to use the products and services of sharia financial institutions in yogyakarta 0.083333 3.175.287 3 use products and services provided by islamic financial institutions in yogyakarta 0.083333 4.454.023 4 can choose islamic financial institutions in yogyakarta according to my needs 0.083333 433.908 5 can distinguish islamic financial institutions from conventional financial institutions 0.083333 4.051.724 6 islamic financial institutions do not use interest systems but are in accordance with sharia 0.083333 3.637.671 7 confidence believe in the performance of islamic financial institutions in yogyakarta 0.083333 476.259 8 believe in the quality and service of islamic financial institutions in yogyakarta because they are in accordance with what is offered 0.083333 4.382.184 9 believe in continuing to use the services and products of sharia financial institutions in yogyakarta because they meet my expectations 0.083333 3.527.299 10 skills have the ability to manage money well 0.083333 5.366.379 11 have financial planning for the future of my business through financing and products of islamic financial institutions 0.083333 4.037.356 12 have the right way to solve financial problems by financing in islamic financial institutions (additional capital) 0.8333 3.393.242 financial literacy index 4.298.764 table 8. indicators of community islamic financial literacy rate assessment source: data processed 222 afkaruna financial literacy classification is at the index of 42.99 which means it is in a low category. the level of fli above also illustrates that the ability to use knowledge, beliefs, and skills to achieve good financial behavior on average has not even touched the figure of 50%. this is where the level of islamic financial literacy by msmes is still limited to understanding the existence of islamic financial institutions without being accompanied by a significant contribution to the use of lks products and services to develop their business. in terms of variations in the use of msme products and services, they are also not diversified and have not used products and services provided by islamic financial institutions precisely such as the use of islamic bank savings and deposit products as well as islamic non-bank financial institutions (nbfi) products. based on the magnitude of the basic financial literacy index of the msmes in yogyakarta, it is still limited to having an understanding of financial institutions. understanding is still limited to knowledge of financial products and services but has not been accompanied by risks, benefits, rights, and obligations related to financial services used. besides that, msmes in diy is still less skilled in utilizing the financial products and services they use to improve their businesses. the low level of financial literacy is proven by low business development, which only reached an average of 30%. source: data processed no indicator basic financial literacy % agree & strongly agree 1 development of msmess the amount of my business sales has increased 30.96264 2 can innovate in making silver products 25.6455 3 can expand my product sales more broadly. 30.55356 4 my business products are able to compete with other business products 26.14943 5 my business income is increasing 30.74713 6 can do financing (additional capital) in islamic financial institutions in yogyakarta 29.5977 average 28,94 table 9. assessment of msmes business development 223vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 in a survey conducted by the financial services authority (ojk) in 2019, it was explained that only 38,03 percent of the indonesian people were financially literate. while for diy region touches the figure of 58.53 percent of the well literate people. this number has also seen an increase in public financial understanding (literacy) by 8.33 percent during 2016-2019. however, the level of islamic financial literacy is only 8.93 percent, in other words only 9 out of 100 indonesian adults are familiar with islamic financial products. this literacy level is much lower than the national average financial literacy level of 38 percent.35 the cause of low financial literacy is actually not only a matter of financial knowledge and skills, but also the ability to apply them.36 based on several literature reviews, the key aspect related to financial literacy among msmes is the relationship between the actors' personal socio-cultural backgrounds, including gender37 and place of origin.38 apart from personal factors, other factors that also affect the level of financial literacy are family factors. this is because families who are from the upper middle class will have more financial support in studying financial problems formally and informally.39 so that financial literacy needs to be pursued and improved. low financial literacy can have an impact on an uncomfortable retirement. efforts that need to be made to improve financial literacy, especially islamic financial literacy among msmes are educational programs. educational programs are useful for increasing financial understanding where the impact can help increase awareness of saving and making financial decisions. it is hoped that msme financial activities will be more effective in the future.40 5 0.973 valid development 6 0.945 valid second hypothesis: islamic financial literacy of msmes has a positive and significant effect on business development. effects of islamic financial literacy on business development islamic finance literacy for msmes influences business development. based on table 6, literacy has a significance value of 0,000 which is smaller than 0.05 (0,000 < 0,05). this indicates that literacy consisting of knowledge, beliefs, and skills together (simultaneously) has a significant 224 afkaruna effect on business development. literacy rates have a positive and significant influence on business development. this can be interpreted that the higher the level of islamic financial literacy of msmes, the greater the development of their business. in general, the research states that if msme actors have adequate sharia financial literacy, the business and financial decisions taken will improve over time. msme actors are also able to have the skills to overcome financial problems. so, msme actors will be able to make the business grow and be sustainable in the long term. functional financial literacy enables entrepreneurs (msme players) to be able to use financial capabilities in making the right decisions for the businesses they run (muraga and john, 2015). business managers are closely related to strategic financial decision making related to the success of achieving business goals and sustainability.41 the results of this study are in line with the research conducted by.42 there is a meaningful relationship between financial literacy and company performance. this relationship indicates that companies that have functional financial literacy will be able to identify and respond to changes in the business, economic, and financial climate. the results of the study also support previous research conducted by aribawa which states that there is a significant effect of financial literacy on the performance and sustainability of msmes. thus, decisions made by capable entrepreneurs create the best and innovative solutions for improving business performance and sustainability.43 based on table 5, it can be seen that the knowledge of msme actors has a positive and significant influence on business development. the knowledge variable has a coefficient marked positive with a value of 0.401. the significance value of the knowledge variable is 0,000, which is smaller than 0.05. thus, the knowledge of msme actors has a positive and significant influence on business development. knowledge has a positive and significant effect on the development of msmes. the higher the knowledge of msmes, the more the development of their businesses will increase. knowledge here includes six indicators. mostly, as much as 64.83%, msmes players already knew about the existence of islamic financial institutions in the special region 225vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 of yogyakarta. not only knowing, but msme players have also used products and services offered by islamic financial institutions. msme players can choose financial institutions that suit their needs. some msmes players can provide recommendations to others to use islamic financial institutions products and services. msme players can distinguish between islamic financial institutions and conventional financial institutions. the msme players can ensure that islamic financial institutions do not use the interest system but use the sharia system. good knowledge of islamic finance, business, and financial decisions created by msmes will lead to business development that improves overtime. msmes players can share knowledge about islamic financial institutions to be able to develop their business. based on table 5, it can be seen that the beliefs of msmes actors have a positive and significant influence on business development. confidence variables have coefficients marked positive with a value of 0.759. the significance value of the knowledge variable is 0,000, which is smaller than 0.05. thus, the confidence of msmes actors has a positive and significant influence on business development. confidence in msmes has a positive and significant effect on business development. the higher the confidence of msmes actors, the more the development of their business will increase. beliefs here include indicators of product trust, quality suitability, and confidence in service. msmes actors have a sense of trust in the performance of islamic financial institutions. msmes players also have a sense of trust in the quality of products and services offered by islamic financial institutions. msmes actors have confidence in the services of products and services of islamic financial institutions because they are under what is expected by msmes actors. based on table 5, it can be seen that the skills of msmes actors have a positive and significant influence on business development. the skill variable has a positive coefficient with a value of 0.559. the significance value of the knowledge variable is 0,000, which is smaller than 0.05. thus, the skills of msmes actors have a positive and significant influence on business development. skills have a positive and significant effect on business development. the higher the level of skills of msmes, the more 226 afkaruna the development of their business will also increase. confidence or competence here includes several indicators as follows: financial management ability, financial planning ability, and ability to solve financial problems. entrepreneurs who can manage finances well will have bookkeeping for every financial transaction carried out. the ability to manage finances can be seen from the ability to budget, record cash inflows (income), and cash outflows (expenses). msmes who can manage finances well can separate them from business finance with their household finances. however, documentation of receipts has not been done well. the ability to manage finances owned by msmes players will be able to develop their business. msmes actors have the ability to plan finances well for the continuity of their business. the msmes actors need to plan the budget for their business. business actors can use the budget as a material for business evaluation. in terms of financial planning, proper documentation is also needed, including revenue and expenditure. proper also needed, including revenue and expenditure. proper documentation can be taken into consideration when msmes players will develop their business through financing in islamic financial institutions. functional literacy includes financial planning skills. msmes players can plan business development through financing products in islamic financial institutions. msmes managers can solve problems, find the right solution to overcome the financial problems of their business. to overcome financial problems, for example, by applying for financing (additional capital) in islamic institutions. the ability to solve problems is needed so that business people have innovative and well-directed solutions to improve business performance and sustainability. excellent management skills will make msmes players able to make the right decisions and strategies to develop their business. conclusion msmes are one part of supporting a country's economy. the existence of msmes can contribute to efforts to alleviate poverty through job creation. one aspect that must not escape the attention in the field of 227vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 education and expertise is the level of public financial literacy whose activities are inseparable from financial institutions. success in developing msme business actors is supported by various factors, including business financial management. the results showed that the literacy rate of diy msmes was in the less literate category. islamic financial literacy for msme players has a positive and significant influence on business development. the effect on business development is positive and significant, with an effect of 36.1. seeing the importance of the influence of financial literacy on the development of msmes businesses, efforts are needed to encourage msmes actors who are still less literate to be well literate. increasing financial literacy will help msmes in making appropriate management and financial decisions to develop their businesses. 228 afkaruna endnotes diana djuwita and ayus ahmad yusuf, “tingkat literasi keuangan syariah di kalangan umkm dan dampaknya terhadap perkembangan usaha,” al-amwal�: jurnal ekonomi dan perbankan syari’ah 10, no. 1 (2018): 105; & krisnawati. hatammimi, j., “financial literacy for entrepreneur in the industry 4.0 era: a conceptual framework in indonesia,” proceedings of the 2018 10th international conference on information management and engineering (pp. 183-187) (2018); a. a. et.al. chandrawulan, “potensi umkm di pangandaran dalam menghadapi masyarakat ekonomi asean. kumawula,” 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44(2), 276-295 (2010). resmi, s., pahlevi, r. w., & sayekti, f. “determinants creative msmes financial literacy in the special region of yogyakarta and effect of competitive advantage.” journal of international conference proceedings (jicp) (vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 160-167) (2019). sabri, f., cook, c. and clinton, g. “financial well-being of malaysian college students.” asian education and development studies, vol. 1 no. 2, pp. 153-170 (2012). setiawati, r., et al. “islamic financial literacy: construct process and validity.” academy of strategic management journal, 17(4), 1-12 (2018). sugiarto, i. “obstacles and challenges in the development of msmes: case study.” budapest international research and critics institute (birci-journal): humanities and social sciences, 1(4), 93-98 (2018). # layout jan jun 2011 abstrak tulisan ini mengungkap upaya bertahap yang dilakukan penulis untuk menjadi pendidik yang reflektif di tengah kondisi pendidikan yang kerapkali mandeg, rutin dan kurang inovatif. dengan menyandarkan pada teori tahap-tahap karir pendidik, beberapa temuan penting dapat dikemukakan bahwa antara tahap awal karir sebagai pendidik dan tahap menuju kedewasaan dalam mendidik dapat ditemukan sebuah masa transisi karir yang sering menjadikan seseorang merasa ragu dan terasing atas pilihan karirnya. tahap ini sesungguhnya perlu dilewati dengan tidak hanya melakukan kritik diri dan upaya perbaikan atas kinerjanya, namun juga perlu menyimak dan mengadopsi secara kritis atas inovasi dan kinerja terbaik atau keteladanan yang dilakukan kolega lainnya. lebih dari itu, sejumlah kreativitas dan inovasi juga perlu dikembangkan sehingga karir sebagai pendidik merupakan pilihan penting dalam kehidupan seseorang. tulisan ini juga menegaskan bahwa kemampuan merefleksi dan meningkatkan kinerja secara umum merupakan tindakan islami bagi setiap muslim yang memiliki profesi kependidikan. kata kunci: pendidik reflektif; pengembangan profesi; karir mendidik; pendidik muslim. introduction it is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore the dynamics of teaching and learning as central parts of educational processes. perhaps, this particular portrayal will be empirically clarified by examining teachinglearning activities conducted by teachers along with their ‘becoming a reflective educator?’: an analysis of the individual career trajectory and the importance of reflection for islamic educators nurwanto fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, email: nur_lippro@yahoo.com abstract this article covers scaffolding efforts done by the writer to be a reflective educator in the middle of educational condition which is often stopped, routine and less innovative. by depending on the stages of carrier of being educator, some important inventions can be showed that between the first stage of carrier and the stage toward maturity in educating, it can be found a time of carrier transmission making ones be wary and alien to the carrier chosen. this stage must be passed by some actions not only having self reflection but also learn and adopt critically toward the best innovation and model done by other colleges. moreover, some creativities and innovations also need to be developed, so the carrier of being an educator becomes the important choice in one’s life. this article also explains that a skill of reflection and improving the quality of work is an islamic action for every moslem which is having educational profession. keyword, reflective education, professi development, educational carrier, moslem educator. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 15vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 students either in or outside their classrooms. this mode of interaction between teacher and students is actually one of the criteria of judging whether or not an educational process runs well. such a mode of relationship is able to be linked to the term ‘teaching styles’ which mean ‘a wide range of approaches’ in teaching activities fitting with ‘the needs of learners’ and ‘the nature of subjects’ (wallace, 2009). yet, this concept might be difficult to implement if teachers as classrooms’ leaders lack of knowledge and practical experiences of how to select teaching approaches possibly appropriate with either their students’ needs or the characteristics of each subject. this sort of difficulty is likely to be a common problem for teachers, in particular, who are in ‘a betwixt transition’ (horrison and mckeon, 2009). at this period of transition, teachers tend to have hesitance between to change their old-fashioned teaching styles and to try more innovative methods. by taking account of that transitional period of teaching, i have personally faced more or less the same circumstances. the first deals with the influence of the past educational impacts. it seems that i was a ‘product’ of the schools and pre-service trainings generally traditional in terms of teaching styles merely promoting teachercentered rather than teacher and studentcentered learning. what i was encountering is probably relevant to blume’s (1971) notion that ‘teachers teach as they are taught and not as they are taught to teach’ (cited in cheng, cheng and tang, 2010, p.102). it is not to mention that i never had previous innovative teachers, rather i would say that generally they are likely to perceive their profession as ‘business as usual’, referring to the lack of self and external criticism. it fits with what dewey (1933) said that teaching has been a ‘routinized’ rather than ‘reflective’ activity (cited in pollard, 2002). quite clearly, i have hardly ever encountered the best models of reflective teaching whereby a teacher continuously analyzes, criticizes and improves his or her teaching quality. the second is commensurate with my recent capacity of managing teaching processes. by taking brown, lake and matters’ (2009) opinion that teacher-centered and student-centered teaching styles are a continuum, it is probably right that i am still struggling to overcome my difficulties of dealing with my classrooms by choosing particular methods of teaching more appropriately. furthermore, my ability to practice a reflection of my own teaching whether it is improved or not, has not been carried out yet. in that sense, however, some of my interactions in education such as trainings and research, however, are quite important to build on my horizons of teaching in order for me—probably others—to be more reflective. but, it is undoubted that i have not made full use of these practices as internal data or resources to criticize and reflect on my own teaching. in this respect, thus, i have an interest to trace and analyze some activities within my teaching career trajectory. to analyze the path to be a teacher, it is quite imperative to take goodson’s (1995) idea that ‘a story is never just a story—it is a statement of belief and morality’ (cited in smith (ed.), 1995, p.56). such a notion implies that teaching is not only a profession but also an ethical standpoint or value (lampert, 2009). here i would try to uncover not only what happens on the surface of, but also the dynamics under the surface relating doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 16 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna to ideas, values and beliefs of my teaching profession. more systematically, this paper has been divided into three parts. the first part deals with the concept of the teaching profession and reflective teaching. the second correlates with an analysis of my individual career in teaching and the possibility of becoming a reflective educator. the third tries to signify my teaching experience to other islamic practitioners, especially teachers, in terms of practicing reflections of their career. teaching career development and the need for a reflective practitioner: a brief theoretical framework in recent years, there has been an increasing amount of literature on teaching profession development. most of the literature generally investigate its basic concepts, stages and possible barriers. ýn detail, other studies have even focused on a particular dimension of teaching styles necessarily practiced by teachers as reflective practitioners. such pivotal viewpoints, henceforth, will be briefly highlighted below. the most important aspect of the teaching profession might be capacity building since it will determine the teaching quality performed by teachers. murray, jones, mcnamara and stanley’s (2009) research reveals that capacity building is a multiplication of ‘motivation’, ‘opportunity’ and ‘expertise’. it is obvious that motivation or interests could no longer exist without both opportunities provided by institutions and particular expertise, skills or competences which will be produced. in regard to teachers’ expertise, eraut (1998) cited in day (1999) asserts that professionals’ skills should be based on ‘current competence(s)’ of each teacher and then gradually developed by internalizing and transforming ‘additional capability’ and possible practices. yet, teachers’ development and transformation are unlikely to be merely the sort of skills or competences listed since, as fessler and christensen (1992) argued, teacher development should pay more attention to ‘personal’ and ‘organizational environment(s)’ as well (cited in day, 1999). the former refers to individual dispositions, incidents and life; and the latter deals with regulations, union and management—to mention some. it is clear that capacity building of every teacher is unique due to various personal conditions and even complex because of lots of influencing factors. generally speaking, personal and organizational conditions interact with stages of teachers’ career. huberman (1995) develops five stages of ‘teacher career cycle’ consisting of ‘launching a career’ (1-3 years), ‘stabilization’ or ‘integration into a peer group’ (4-6 years), ‘new challenges’ (7-18 years), ‘reaching a professional plateau’ (19-30 years), and ‘the phase of greatest expertise in teaching’ (31-40 years) (cited in day, 1999). for those who choose teaching as their career, it is important to note that the first stage seems to be a quite new career environment where teachers might feel either convenient or awkward. such initial challenges can possibly be controlled if they have positive perceptions, knowledge and experience of teaching, for instance, as previously taken from their preservice trainings. this induction process will be likely to be a foundation of the second stage, ‘stabilization’. here, teachers are personally tested whether or not they are committed to their profession. interpersonal doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 17vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 skills such as working in a team will be one of important indicators. as a profession which is academically linked to the dynamics of science, teaching itself really has a number of challenges such as experimentation. at the third stage, self-reliance and collaborative work generally determine the quality of academic involvement. besides having scientific responsibility, teachers are also responsible for their students and institutional progression. the following years are the possibility of getting professionalism. at the fourth stage, teachers are probably in a situation whether or not they tend to be professional and such a condition also depends upon, for example, promotion sustainability of their career. finally, the greatest career is when teachers can manage and reflect on the possibility of change both to themselves and others. it is clear therefore that teaching career development necessarily correlates with personal and organizational environments which support the personal dynamics of each teacher. relating to the personal and organizational environment, some findings show that teachers’ development very often faces barriers because it correlates with more than what the teachers want to do but what ideas and practices they believe. cheng, et.al. (2010) find that teachers’ perceptions possibly influenced by their ‘pre-training strategies’ might have positive or negative impacts. for example, due to the image of the possible difficulties of putting innovative ideas into practices, they tend to decide to take the oldfashioned teaching styles emphasizing oneway communication. moreover, some even feel ‘frustated’ and give up when trying to implement active-reflective teaching methods (hursh (1995) cited in smith, 1995). ironically, brown, et.al. (2009) finding reveals that by using teaching perspectives inventory (tpi), even if teachers agree with innovative teaching styles but, as if they could not reject ‘the transmission perspectives’ or teachercentred learning, for instance, due to the political demand such as national assessment which should be completely covered in their teaching materials. in this context, ‘the conservative culture’ could be a particular challenge when ‘innovative practices’ try to be implemented (cheng, et.al., 2010). again, the work of horrison and mckeon (2009:19) indicates that a ‘turning point’ or ‘betwixt transition’ can be either a support or a barrier. this concept refers to a situation where, for instance, a relatively new practitioner in higher education institutions (heis) should initially conduct research and ‘scholarly activities’. this transitional state seems to be critical and strategic in determining selfesteem of the teacher. thus, it may be clear that both unexpected internal (personal) and external (organizational) atmospheres are quite important to anticipate. by taking account of these barriers, teachers actually require a tool of analysis and practice for anticipating and resolving possible problems. in his writing, lampert (2009) argues that teachers should have an ability of developing ‘praxis’ or ‘theory-in-action’ as ‘an ethical, social and political action’. this concept is different from a cartesian doctrine which separates a theory form a practice, solely focusing on technical work (‘poiesis’). however, according to hillier (2005), while ‘praxis’ only develops a critical awareness, what is really needed is ‘acting rightly and appropriately’ (‘phronesis’). in this respect, lampert (2009) also makes clear that, in order to be reflective, teachers should condoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 18 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna centrate on ‘a common problem of practice’ or ‘high-leverage practices’ rather than ordinary teaching practices. based on the above notes, it may be argued that under simple or complex circumstances, teachers need to be critical of and reflective on their teaching processes and interactions so as to improve their teaching competences. when promoting the idea of a reflective educator, perkin (1995) identifies three types of teachers (cited in snowball, 2007, p. 254). the first are those who ‘resist secrutiny’ and ‘show little tendency to reflect on their own practice’ and the next are the group who ‘rethink their own practice according to their own experience’ but ignore ‘outsiders’. finally, the last are those who conduct ‘selfexamination’ and open interactions and criticism from others. in practice, the third group is the reflective practitioner. more completely, snowball (2007) lists four criteria of reflective teachers. firstly, they make use of ‘classroom experience’ as a basis to assess and reflect on their teaching processes. secondly, they look for ‘professional literature, colleagues and other resources’ to develop their profession. thirdly, they actively make use of various resources to improve their teaching-learning skills, solve their problems, and get ‘feedback’. lastly, they involve in ‘professional development activities’ such as classroom action research. pollard, et. al. (2008, p. 14) clearly add that ‘reflective teaching is applied in a cyclical or spiralling process, in which teachers monitor, evaluate and revise their own practice continuously’. in this regard, it is obvious that reflective educators would always evaluate and improve their teaching and profession from self-criticism and other various resources such as colleagues, communities and references. if paid more attention, reflective practices can possibly be one of the ways to deal with the problems facing the teachers’ roles. since, in this context, they tend to get involved individually or collaboratively to anticipate the barriers which might emerge. moreover, pollard, et. al. (2008) point out that ‘teacher judgment’ and ‘competence’ could be more responsible if the teachers make use of ‘evidence-based enquiry’ in their teaching. therefore, by taking account of such an inquiry, the possible problems and difficulties emerging during the teachers’ career cycle and trajectory could be anticipated so that the smooth practice will possibly enhance their teaching performance. ‘from routine to reflective teaching’: an individual career trajectory in the mid-1990s, i started taking a preservice training in a university where i could learn knowledge of why and how to be a teacher. in regard to the materials offered, the course generally taught philosophical, theoretical and practical dimensions of education. in detail, for instance, i could learn an inspirational lesson of a cartesian doctrine which underpins idealism and of a newtonian experience which implies empiricism. such philosophical ideas were to be debated and, in some cases, to be linked to educational theories. other subjects such as educational management, curriculum, teaching methodology and evaluation were studied as well. in addition, a number of subjects referring to the national curriculum were taught in order for students to be more or less knowledgeable of the subjects. almost all these subjects were then projected to support students to understand and implement them doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 19vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 in teaching practices. as long as it is concerned, the logic of learning from philosophy to practice of education was generally conducted. yet, it is argued that because of merely referring to the content mastery, students tended to feel overwhelming and less reflective. there was hardly ever critical thought during the teaching practice. in daily meetings, learning any subject tended to be ‘routinized’ without reflections (dewey (1993) cited in pollard, 2002). therefore, such a problematic circumstance was likely to make students, including me, less aware of possible disadvantages of, for instance, any particular teaching strategies practiced. the less impact of the educational theories towards the subject of the teaching practice was empirically verified. as i was taking this subject, even though i have theoretically learnt various teaching styles in previous classes, i tended to concentrate on subject transmissions to peers (in a shadow class) or students (in a school where i took a real teaching practice) instead of applying teachercentered and student-centered teaching interchangeably. this choice seemed not because of a particular demand such as national curriculum as indicated by brown, et. al. (2009), but it was quite influenced by the lack of practice. as noted earlier, there were a few reflections and practices conducted correlating with philosophical and theoretical dimensions of education so that as if the concepts that i have learnt might be separated from practices. it is obvious that, in this subject i took at the final term, i tended to take materials for granted without having criticism sufficiently. in short, my competence of ‘acting rightly and appropriately’ (‘phronesis’) as proposed by hillier (2005) in the context of teaching practice at that time seemed to have been quite far-reached. even if i previously had a plan to be a teacher at any school, but after graduation, in the early-2000s, i was in fact promoted to be a teaching assistant in a university. at the stage of ‘launching a career’ (1-3 years) as shown by huberman (1995) cited in day (1999), i could note some particular experiences. at this phase, i received an induction programme managed by the university in a couple of months, providing activities such as self-introduction to new colleagues and the explanation of the existing units with their programmes and other chronologically ceremonial activities. in addition, i followed both training of instructional techniques and workshop of research methodology for newly qualified lecturers. in this respect, what did these activities then influence my perception of becoming a university educator? it might be clear that my perception has since been built whilst taking a pre-service training (see cheng, et. al., 2010). the problem was that the pre-service training was part of my preparation of becoming an educator at school, not at university. whilst i was still having some problems in line with the concept and the methods of teaching students at school, i was being taught several key points of how to teach university’s students. i have read somewhere that school’s teachers should understand the concept of ‘pedagogy’ (child’s education) and, on the other hand, university’s ones should develop their knowledge of the concept of ‘andragogy’ (adult education). here, i would argue that although both concepts might be different in terms of practical techniques of approaching between children’s and adult’ needs, the ideal concept of education is basically an interaction instead of only using a one-way communication. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 20 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna through the training and workshop conducted during the induction, it seemed that i could refresh my knowledge or practices, and, in some cases, learn more about why and how to teach in higher education. even though the 2003 education act, which issues that the academic requirement for lecturers must be at least a master (postgraduate), had not been enacted, many academics said that it was reasonable if a university educator has reached the minimum standard such as the masters level. because of this reason and other factors, in 2001 i took a post-graduate programme in home country as part of in-service training. reference to murray, et. al. (2009) reveals that motivation to study, an opportunity given by the university and certain competences that should be reached, have led me to run this transitional period of time. under this circumstance, receptively called ‘a betwixt transition’ by horrison and mckeon (2009), i also started taking the chance to specify my skills, for instance, writing an article in media and an academic journal. by asking for one of my senior colleagues to criticize my article, i could then publish it in a local newspaper. moreover, i also begun to get an annually competitive research grant provided by the university and to involve in being a participant in training for trainers. the latter activity held in 2004 was quite pivotal since i could interact with other colleagues from different universities in line with the skills needed to be a learning facilitator. such an interesting moment has made me aware of my role as a newly qualified educator and other teaching challenges in higher education. it might be argued that the opportunity for teachers to develop their career is not only limited by the chance given by certain institution where the teachers work as generally stated by murray, et. al. (2009) but also by the wide range of their interactions. it can be the so-called ‘a cyclic process’ since such interactions will strengthen network and improve teaching skills. the latter would then improve professional competences and broaden network for the teachers. in line with the stage of ‘stabilization’ (4-6 years), it has drawn attention to the fact that the induction and other activities have become a foundation of my teaching establishment and integration with other colleagues. my difficulties in the first three years in regard to the abilities to build teaching interactions tended to be gradually resolved. even if i very often deliver the subjects by applying one-way teaching methods such as lectures, but, in another time i also tried to practice some active learning methods such as ‘teaching starts with brainstorming and questions’, ‘small group discussions’ and ‘classroom debates’. it seems that my interactions with colleagues who have been quite advanced in practicing such active learning, have given me much more benefits, not only enhancing the possible quality of learning for students (ng and tan, 2009) but also ‘collaborative dispositions’ (parkison, 2009) with my colleagues. initially, i tended to imitate what they have practiced and gradually, i started making a little bit variation for my own teaching style. this ‘self-directed professional development’ as minott (2010) perceptively states, might happen because of this intensive interaction and experimentation. although i sometimes encountered some barriers such as the lack of knowledge of choosing appropriate teaching methods fitting with learning objectives, contents and time limitation, i did doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 21vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 not get ‘frustrated’ as indicated by hursh (1995) cited in smith (1995). through these efforts, i would say that i could even have much ‘deeper learning’ (hedberg, 2009) from either my possible mistakes or a little bit of my progressions. my effort to be more familiar with some innovative teaching methods seemed to have flourished gradually. in 2006, i conducted classroom action research (car) on one of the subjects i taught in a class. again, i worked collaboratively with my colleague who monitored a couple of meetings of my teaching. because of the essence of such research is monitoring, evaluating and revising the teaching practice (pollard, et. al., 2008, p. 14), i received plenty of considerations and corrections. one of them was that i needed to have certain teaching instruments which guide students and me in observing and analyzing both my teaching development and students’ learning progress. it was quite clear as i read chiptin, simon and galipeau (2008)’s practice when they used ‘the objective knowledge growth framework’ (okgf) to monitor students’ learning achievement. in this respect, the main dimension of teaching was not only learning targets, but also the stage-by-stage learning achievement. as promoted by pelliccione and raison (2009) about ‘a structured reflective tool’ by which students can analyze and reflect on their arguments, in the car i practiced, i had just conducted the process of teaching and learning without sufficient instruments. however, by working collaboratively, i could learn to recognize, as malm (2009) called, ‘uncertainties’ in my teaching career. by practicing the reflection collaboratively or individually, i have more positive feelings such as empathy to my students about certain difficulties they possibly encountered to improve their learning quality. such reflective practices substantially help grow ‘human flourishing’ such as ‘positive emotions’ and ‘positive engagement’ (ghaye, 2010; shoffner, 2009). thus, what i have conducted with my colleague seemed to have been part of my effort towards more qualified teaching and learning. yet, i would say that i have not yet practiced such a type of important collaborative research continuously. therefore, unfortunately, not all important criticism and suggestions from my colleague could be followed up. by taking account of the stage of ‘new challenge’ of my teaching career (7-18 years), i would little bit argue that teaching skill improvement is a dynamic practice. as i have tried to conduct innovations, to be or not to be, i also encounter new challenges in my profession. in 2009, i got scholarship and have started studying abroad to pursue my second masters degree. during my study in europe, i have begun to interact with various learning resources in terms of tutors, students and references from different countries. under these globally diverse circumstances, i have entered a new phase of how to bring some of the advanced notions and practices with me to my home country. on the one hand, i can possibly borrow them critically and reflectively to be implemented in the institution where i have worked and i would possibly have difficulties to adapt some european educational advancement to my home institution on the other. regardless of having opportunities to access ‘professional literature’, ‘colleagues’ and ‘global resources’ as snowball (2007, p. 257) said, by studying overseas, however, i have been in a new ‘betwixt transition’ (horrison and mckeon, 2009) of my career trajectories in line with doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 22 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna the issue of adaptation, borrowing and possible implementation of these diverse resources into my educational institution. the importance of reflective teaching for islamic educators what i have encountered as stated in the previous paragraphs is probably different from those also involved in educational fields. it is because of the possible differences of having experiences of why and how to teach. however, it is important to note that reflection in teaching possibly looks like the term ‘transcendentalism’ in a religious meaning which is pivotal for many educators of certain religion. regarding this concept, immanuel kant, a prominent german philosopher, said that “all knowledge transcendental … is concerned not with objects but with our mode of knowing objects.” (http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/transcendentalism, 4/ 4/2012). put simply, the main problem in this life is not merely how to change or manipulate certain objects or circumstances, rather, is how to understand and rethink about what we think and why we think about those objects. related to the reflective teaching, therefore, teachers should be more critical of their own choices of teaching approaches for instance. there are lots of findings which state that teaching approaches in religious—including islamic—education have accentuated on a one-way communication (see barnes & wright, 2006; kassem & murphy, 2009) such as lectures. these practices seem to be recognized as the only way of transmitting the religious knowledge to students. furthermore, the teachers of this subject also implement such mode of teaching without any criticism. if their students do not understand what the teachers have delivered, the teachers would mostly say that it is because of students’ lacks of understanding of the subject taught. in short, the culprit is students as a conclusion. in this case, the so-called ‘religious transcendentalism’ seems important to propose that islamic teachers need to try to fairly scrutinize their teaching and learning achievement. by transcending their routine activities of teaching, the islamic teachers might be able to take account of what they have facilitated in their classrooms. the activity which encourages them to be more aware of their weaknesses in their teaching tasks is quite similar to the so-called ‘reflection’. in this respect, being reflective or transcendent is likely to be more islamic or pious. the process of reflective teaching for islamic teachers might be able to be conducted either personally or collectively. the personal reflection of teaching leads them to try to individually understand what they have taught. however, such reflection tends to close the possibility of others’ suggestions. i would argue that the collective reflection of teaching will highly possibly directs them to correct and improve their teaching quality. their colleagues’ suggestions for instance, would become the so-called ‘second opinions’ since their own thoughts and feelings might be limited in trying to deal with their possible teaching difficulties. the best practices of some chinese teachers for instance, show that cooperative learning will accelerate their teaching improvement (chen and maanen, 1999). as fitted with the soul of ‘change’ and ‘improvement’ in teaching and learning, islamic teachers should be open-minded in the context of improving islamic education teaching. finally, i also argue that to doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 23vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 strengthen the islamic teachers’ reflection on their teaching, the practice of classroom action research (car), as i have noted earlier, might be valuable for them. it is not only to lead the reflection of their teaching to be more systematic but also to optimize collaborative work between an islamic teacher and his or her colleagues. conclusion a teaching career seems to face many challenges. in this essay, by analyzing my teaching career trajectory and development, i have often encountered difficulties regarding the effort to implement innovative teaching styles. such problems seem to be affected by my teaching notions and practices which have no longer been matured. even if the more i tried certain innovative teaching method, the more i encountered new barriers, but, by practicing more reflective teaching, i could gradually overcome such teaching barriers. in this regard, the practice of reflective teaching has generally flourished my positive affection to students’ learning processes and my positive relationship with the people involved. the reflective teaching which bases on evidence-based inquiry, feedback from outsiders and continuous improvement, appears to be a challenge for my own teaching profession. based on my experience of practicing collaborative classroom action research (car) which underpins reflective teaching, i would say that teaching activities need to be reflected and improved. nowadays, my new interactions with globally diverse learning resources seem to be the new challenge of the possibility of borrowing and implementing them in my home institution. on this basis it may be inferred that becoming a reflective educator is a gradual process instead of being given. the possible way of practicing teaching reflection is try to optimizing learning resources available, monitoring the implementation of teaching plans and evaluating the output of learning more reflectively used as a feedback to the following teaching and learning activities. finally, based on such an experience, the reflective activity may be pivotal to implement by islamic educators. by practicing reflection on their teaching collaboratively, the islamic teachers will have the chance to optimize their teaching improvement and their students’ achievement simultaneously. bilbliograpy barnes, l.p. and wright, a. (2006). romanticism, representations of religion and critical religious education, british journal of religious education, 28 (1), pp. 65-77. brown, gtl, lake, r. and matters, g. (2009) assessment policy and practice effects on new zealand and queensland teachers’ conceptions of teaching, journal of education for teaching, 35 (1), pp. 61-75. chen, a. and maanen, john van. (1999). the reflective spin: case studies of teachers in higher education transforming action. singapore: world scientific publishing co.pte. ltd. cheng, mmh, cheng, ayn and tang, syf (2010) closing the gap between the theory and practice of teaching: implications for teacher education programmes in hong kong, journal of education for teaching, 36 (1), pp. 91104. chitpin, s., simon, m., and galipeau, j. (2008) pre-service teachers’ use of the objective knowledge framework for reflection during practicum, teaching and teacher education, 25, pp. 2049-2058. day, c. (1999) developing teachers: the challenges of lifelong learning. london: falmer. ghaye, t. (2010) in what ways can reflective practices enhance human flourishing?, journal reflective practice, 11 (1), pp. 1-7. harrison, j., and mckeon, f. (2009) perceptions of beginning teacher educators of their development in research and scholarship: identifying the ‘turning point’ experiences, journal of education for teaching, 36 (1), pp. 19-34. hedberg, p.r. (2009) learning through reflective practice: applications to educate the reflective manager, journal of management education, 33 (1), pp. 10-36. hornbey, g. (2009) the effectiveness of cooperative learning with trainee teachers, journal of education for doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 24 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna teaching, 35 (2), pp. 161-168. kassem, d. and murphy, l. (2009). faith schools: diversity or division? in d. kassem and d. garratt (eds) (ch. 5, pp. 70-82). exploring key issues in education. london: continuum. lampert, m. (2009) learning teaching in, from and for practice: what do we mean?, journal of teacher education’, 61 (1-2), pp. 21-34. malm, b. (2009) towards a new professionalism: enhancing personal and professional development in teacher education, journal of education for teaching, 35 (1), pp. 77-91. minott, m.a. (2010) reflective teaching as self-directed professional development: building practical or workrelated knowledge, professional development in education, 36 (1-2), pp. 325-338. murray, j., jones, m., mcnamara, o. and stanley, g. (2009) capacity: expertise x motivation x opportunities: factors in capacity building in teacher education in england, journal of education for teaching, 35 (4), pp. 391-408. ng, p. t. and tan, c. (2009) community of practice for teachers: sensemaking or critical reflective learning?, reflective practice, 10 (1), pp. 37-44. parkison, p.t. (2009) field-based preservice teacher research: facilitating reflective professional practice, teaching and teacher education, 25, pp. 798-804. pelliccione, l., and raison, g. (2009) promoting the scholarship of teaching through reflective e-portfolio in teacher education, journal of education for teaching, 35 (3), pp. 271-281. pollard, a. (ed.) (2002) readings for reflective teaching. london: continuum. pollard, a., anderson, j., maddock, m., swaffield, s., warin, j., and warwick, p. (2008) reflective teaching. london: continuum. shoffner, m. (2009) the place of the personal: exploring the affective domain through reflection in the teacher preparation, teaching and teacher education, 25, pp. 783-789. snowball, l. (2007) becoming more internationally-minded: international teacher certification and professional development (ch. 21, pp. 247-255). in m. hayden, j. levy and j. thompson (eds.) (2007) the sage handbook of research in international education. london: sage publication ltd. smyth, j. (ed.) (1995) critical discourse on teacher development. london: cassel. wallace, s. (2009) oxford dictionary of education. oxford: oxford university press. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/transcendentalism, downloaded on 4/4/2012. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0002. 14-24 index symbols ] a abdullah ahmad an-naim abid al-jabiri abraham maslow abu dawud afghanistan akhlaqul karimah al-qirâah al-mutakarrirah aljazair allied forces ambon amin abdullah arab astrid kusumowidagdo athar husain ayatollah ruhullah khomeini ayatullah ruhullah khomeini b bahrain bani sadr basu swastha borjuis bourdieu british orientalisme c calcutta cartesian doctrine charles adam charles j adams china cia clash of civilization classroom action research d dale southerton e edward m. bruner edward said egypt etnis dayak etnis madura f fazlur rahman france g gammal abdul naseer germany gulf war h hasan hanafi i ibn hisyam ibn ishaq ibn sa'd iran islam islamic revolution j james a. bill jordan judeo-kristen k karel c. steenbrink karen amstrong karita muslim square kuwait kyai masrur l lebanon m maisir majelis ulama indonesia maroko marshal david sahlin middle east miftakhul khasanah mohammad mosaddeq morocco muammar qadhafi muhamamd arkoun muhammad reza shah n nabi muhammad saw nasr hamid abu zaid o oman p palestina papbs pasuruan pekalongan q qajar empire qatar r reza shah richard king richard martin russia s samuel huntington saudi arabia savak scientific revolution shireen t. hunter situbondo soviet union stanley lieberson sudan surabaya syria t taqdîs al-afkâr al-dîniyyah the consumer society the message of muhammad theda scokpol thomas kuhn tjiptono tudeh party tunisia turkey u ubi rubin ujung pandang united states universitas chicago w william james world war ii y yahudi-kristen yunani 2. afkaruna_m. fuad hadziq jurnal afkaruna vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 santri perception to islamic bank: are there no differences with conventional banks? doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.12752 universitas terbuka fuadhadziq@ecampus.ut.ac.id m. fuad hadziq universitas terbuka yosimardoni@ecampus.ut.ac.id yosi mardoni universitas muhammadiyah jakarta m.khoirulanam@umj.ac.id moh. khoirul anam abstract several studies show no difference in practice and academics in general between islamic banks and conventional banks. however, they are both very different. this research analysed the perceptions of santri/students of islamic boarding schools regarding no differences between islamic banks and conventional banks. this research was quantitative with an in-depth descriptive analysis. the research sample used a blend of purposive and judgment techniques applied to santri from several large islamic boarding schools in banyuwangi. the analytical method used a two-way causative relationship using multiple regression. the research used a structured questionnaire with a likert scale and in-depth interviews with santri. santri's view of islamic banks differed from that of regular banks. santri strongly believes in islamic banking, while the majority is not traditional but represents islamic ideals. islamic bank workers, nevertheless, have shown islam's greater identity than standard banks and imply that no disparities in islamic banks are shown to be stigmatic. keywords: conventional bank, islamic bank; perception, santri, banyuwangi abstrak beberapa penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada perbedaan secara umum antara bank syariah dan bank konvensional. namun, keduanya sangat berbeda. penelitian ini menganalisis persepsi santri pondok pesantren tentang tidak ada perbedaan antara bank syariah dan bank konvensional. metode penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif dengan analisis deskriptif mendalam. sampel penelitian menggunakan perpaduan teknik purposive dan judgement; santri dari beberapa pondok pesantren besar di banyuwangi. metode analisis menggunakan hubungan kausatif dua arah dengan menggunakan regresi berganda. penelitian ini menggunakan kuesioner terstruktur dengan skala likert dan wawancara mendalam dengan santri. pandangan santri terhadap bank syariah berbeda dengan bank biasa. santri sangat percaya pada perbankan syariah, sementara mayoritas tidak tradisional tetapi mewakili cita-cita islam. pekerja bank islam, bagaimanapun, telah menunjukkan identitas islam yang lebih besar daripada bank standar. ini menyiratkan bahwa tidak ada disparitas di bank syariah yang terbukti bersifat stigma. keywords: bank islam; bank konvensional, persepsi, santri, banyuwangi 203vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 islamic banks have 80% of a whole financial system's potential market share.1 over the last 26 years, the indonesian economy has been made a major contribution, although growth was not sufficiently high. the islamic bank is one of indonesia's major muslim countries in the world as a pioneering contribution.2 indonesia is the largest muslim country globally, with muslims representing 88 percent of the population, somewhere in the range of 165 million.3 today, the muslims number exceeds 165 million due to the growth of the population up to 271 million.4 in the world, islamic banking has increasingly received significant attention. after several economic crises in 1998 and 2009, the effect was almost evenly distributed globally. conventional banks experienced a more significant negative effect than the islamic banking sector caused by the global economic crisis.5 from a sample of 34 islamic banks and 34 conventional banks in 16 countries, there was no significant difference in the effect of the financial crisis on islamic banks and conventional banks.6 an islamic bank captive market is a safe place during difficult financial times.7 introduction 204 afkaruna based on the image, the market share of islamic banking in indonesia increases, although not too significant. the market share of islamic banking is 5.9% of total bank assets nationally.9 at the same time, the number of customers of islamic banks is still less than 10 million. as of january 2019, the number of sharia commercial bank was 13 banks, 22 islamic business units, 163 sharia credit bank, and 2,950 office networks. the total assets of the islamic commercial bank and islamic business unit are idr. 316,691 trillion, financing of idr. 196,491 trillion, and collection of islamic banking deposits until idr 207,121 trillion. it can be concluded that the growth of islamic market share was increasing, little by little but sure to develop year to year. lately, due to the backup from the government, the growth of islamic banks will be bigger in the future. the growth of indonesian islamic banking asset is continuously increasing significantly year by year. slow but sure, it has the potential to be a big asset bank in indonesia (bank indonesia, 2019). the small market share is only 4.70% of national banking. besides the appropriate rate of growth, indonesia has a considerable market. it is a significant asset of figure 1. image of market share of indonesian islamic banking figure 1. image of market share of indonesian islamic banking source: publication of bank indonesia sharia financial progress report8 source: publication of sharia financial progress report10 205vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the indonesian economy, especially muslims. although the growth is still not as fast as expected, it continues to experience development from year to year, even though it is under the expected plan. the citizen of indonesia is predominantly muslim. at the same time, the largest religious community organisation is nahdhotul ulama (nu).11 nu is the largest mass organisation in east java, especially in banyuwangi. nu claims to have ±40 million members in indonesia and is the largest religious organisation. looking at the quantity, ideally, the contribution to the islamic economy is also substantial, especially from the nu cultural grass-root in rural areas, especially the main base, which has 27,218 pesantren (an islamic boarding school in indonesia) with the number of santri (student) reaching 3,642,738 people.12 the statement was linearly related to the majority population in east java and banyuwangi, mostly nu. the majority of pesantren stayed in the village, while the rest is in the downtown. nu is influential in the village with support from pesantren. accordingly, banyuwangi has the same characteristic as east java and indonesia. despite all of those things, a lot of concerns are addressed to islamic banks. the pesantren politicians still do not believe that islamic banks are different from normal banks. the notion of islamic banking as a whole is not yet understood by the majority. with the growth of islamic banks, administrative and surveillance measures which require islamic institutions have not yet been established.13 many still think that profit-sharing is the same as interest in conventional banks. they claim profit-sharing is only a derivative of the interest system. similarly, some research14 is still ignorant of the concept and operation of profit sharing. almost all pesantren live in the village and cannot easily access sharia bank. only a few pesantren have access to atm or sharia bank office. many parents experienced difficulty sending money to their son in pesantren. consequently, not many rural communities use sharia bank products because they are not familiar with sharia banks and cannot reach their services.15 many still believe that the name of a normal bank has been extended by islamic institutions. a research of the banking ideas and practices of sharia banks and other islamic financial institutions in india was one of 206 afkaruna the assumptions of the executive board of nahdlatul ulama (pbnu). bank and financial services transactions complementing the word sharia move away from muamalah fiqh.16 there was a diversity of community perceptions of sharia banks.17 most of the respondents, 55% of the people, said that sharia banks are lawful. it was supported by some scholars and santri, who stated that the interest of the legal bank was halal. of the total respondents, 60 of whom only 10% said it was haram, the rest said they were syubhat, and the rest had no idea. previous research stated that islamic boarding school students in urban areas perceive sharia banks mostly through tv with 36% and from islamic boarding schools 18%. only 39% of students become customers of sharia banks.18 in the community of santri, knowledge of sharia banking influenced the use of the saving product.19 from these findings, there are indications that the community does not fully understand the existence of a sharia bank.20 this research is necessary to analyse the perception of santri to sharia banking because they were the candidate of islamic leaders. referring to the terminology, sharia banks and conventional banks are very different. according to regulations, the difference is in the implementation principle regarding its relation to sharia principles. sharia banks are operationally different from conventional banks.21 in some cases, sharia banks and conventional banks have similarities, especially the technical ones. however, many fundamental differences between the two concerning legal agreements and legal aspects, dispute resolution institutions, businesses and work environments. these issues distinguished this research from the previous research, which only analyses its legality. perception consumer perception is a process through which a person selects, organizes and interprets the inputs into a meaningful and full world view.22 perception means the individual process selects, organises, and interprets information inputs. the point is to create a picture that has meaning.23 it also means the process of how stimuli that influence those literature review 207vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 sharia banks the sharia bank’s products are essentially separated into three main areas: generating money (funding), the distribution of funds (financing) and services. free interest and usury, application of zakat, muslim taxes, lack of produced or consumed illegal products must be strictly applied to responses are selected and interpreted.24 each perception of an object varies because perception has a subjective nature. a stimulus can be interpreted as any physical form or verbal communication that can influence individual responses. likewise, the perception of sharia banks, a necessary stimulus that can influence consumer behaviour is the environment (social and cultural). the consumer characteristics influence the perception of a sharia bank consumer to the various stimuli. the act of choosing, organizing and interpreting the information generates an image with a certain significance or meaning. accordingly, discrepancies between perceptions between people might be produced by differing capture forces, stages of intelligence and expectancies, which occur in each person based on variables that impact the person's perception.25 likewise, with banks, public perceptions are important for banks in pushing satisfaction ratings, affecting market share, consequently shareholder profits and executive remuneration.26 from this opinion, it can be concluded that perception is the process of interpreting and reacting to information received through the five senses. people might be partially affected by behavior and situation, emotions, attitudes and internal statements. the interpretations of self-perception may be derived from many studies and paradigms in cognitive dissonance literature. despite that, alternate interpretations of tests cannot be utilized as unambiguous proof of self-perception theory.27 based on the expert’s statement,28 the perceptual elements are sensations, absolute thresholds and differential thresholds between several different stimuli. a person’s perception is influenced by several factors that cause an individual to be able to give a different interpretation than others when they see something.29 the factors that influence are functional, structural and cultural that determine perception. 208 afkaruna hypotheses the hypothesis is a temporary answer to the formulation of research problems, in which the formulation of research problems has been expressed in the form of questions.35 it is a temporary term because the answers are only based on theory. the hypothesis is formulated based on a mindset which is a temporary answer to the problem formulated in islamic financial institutions.30 in indonesia, sharia banks are regulated in regulation no. 21 of 2008. sharia bank is a bank that runs its business activities based on sharia principles. the sharia bank consists of sharia commercial banks and islamic people financing banks. sharia banks, in channeling their funds to stakeholders, are very selective and ensure halal factors. companies that cooperate with sharia banks must produce halal goods and services.31 also, sharia banks will not finance projects containing things islam prohibits. in muamalah, the legal rule is “all transactions are permitted unless there is prohibition.”32 the prohibition of a transaction can be caused by the haram nature and illegitimate contract. in the case of transacting prohibited goods, the legal transaction is forbidden regardless of the legal sale-purchase agreement. in addition, sharia financial products must meet sharia criteria in avoiding usury, maysir, and gharar.33 sharia banks prohibit tadlis, gharar, ikhtikar, usury, maysir, and riyswah (info et al., 2019). in addition, various usury is also prohibited in islamic economics, such as usury fadl, nasi’ah, and jahiliah. sharia banks contrast from traditional banks mostly in the denial of usury, gharar (over-the-top vulnerability or chance), and illicit exercises (for example, liquor and medications).34 at the same time, invalid contracts are when conditions are not fulfilled, taalluq and two contracts at a time. so there is uncertainty about which contract applies. sharia banks must have a sharia atmosphere and working culture as islamic financial organizations. the management of a sharia bank has to follow the business concepts based on the examples of the prophet in his life. it is common (info et al., 2019) that sharia banks must follow the principles of shiddiq, amanah, al huriyah and tabligh. those values must be sustainable in the principles of sharia banking. 209vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 this quantitative research used numerical data from a closed questionnaire with a likert scale. this research used questionnaires with indicators and numerical scales. to strengthen the method, in-depth interviews were carried out, especially for data that could not be extracted from regression statistics. since statistics cannot fully answer problems comprehensively, direct analysis was necessary. the descriptive method in the surveys was in-depth and measurable. the research used both primary and secondary data. primary data was collected from direct observation and in-depth interviews, while the secondary data was collected from the library and documentation. accordingly, a likert scale was used to measure attitudes, opinions, and perceptions of a person or group on research problems from the research sample. the sampling used purposive and judgment techniques. the sampling criteria were islamic boarding schools with the number of santri and alumni above 2000 people, a boarding school branch of at least two pesantren in indonesia, a branch of at least two pesantren, formal and non-formal education with alumni of at least 2000 santri. some of the samples taken were from the darussalam pesantren blok agung banyuwangi, pesantren minhajut thullab banyuwangi and the mambaul ulum banyuwangi islamic boarding school in indonesia. determination of the number of survey respondents used the slovin method. the slovin method, with an error margin of 5%, obtained 273 respondents. the 273 samples were santri from various large pesantren in banyuwangi, indonesia. of the 273 samples, 74 were male respondents, 129 were female respondents, and 70 respondents did not fill in the gender column. as for age, 118 respondents were ranging 25-35 years old, 66 respondents ranging 35-45 years, 17 respondents ranging 46-55, research method research. the research hypothesis is that there is a difference between sharia banks and conventional banks, for example, aqad (riba, prohibition), business (halal, haram, drugs, alcohol, carcasses, pork) and environment & work culture (praying, custom, worship). 210 afkaruna 7 respondents aged over 55 years, and 65 respondents did not fill the age column. the santri were quite mature and understood the development of sharia banks, even though they did not have updated information. some obstacles were limited media available, lack of access to technical information and geographical constraints. regarding education, 137 respondents were graduated from college, 61 had senior high school grades or equivalent, three were graduated from junior high schools, and 72 respondents did not fill in the education column. the biggest respondents were with bachelor and senior high school degrees. from the 273 samples, only 43 people with sharia bank accounts, 57 conventional bank accounts, four both sharia banks, conventional banks, and 80 without information. it turned out that many santri used conventional banks rather than sharia banks. it is normal because there are very few sharia bank offices around the pesantren area. only one sharia bank unit in the area is bank syariah mandiri because of its distant location. in addition, the majority of santri use bank services to send money for their daily needs, not for saving or investing. so that, the ownership of the type of bank is still very dependent on the bank used by parents of santri who are from the rural areas far from sharia banks. the variables studied in this research are : table 1. variable of research no. variable halal prohibition riba contract type aqad & legality business environment and work culture halal haram drugs, alcohol, carcasses, pork and others how to dress how to worship pray the beginning and end of sholat jamaah indicator 1 2 3 source: data processed by researcher 211vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 lately, the science of using statistics in analysing nesting or hierarchical data is applied by many researchers.36 likewise, this research used multiple linear regression analysis methods by analysing the pattern of relationships between variables to know the direct and indirect effects of the independent and bound variables. data analysis the data analysis findings discovered in r square are 0.436. it indicates that 43.6 percent of financial institutions can make up a contract and legal factors, company, environment and working culture. these results show that external influences still impact the impression of sharia banks rather than internally linked to sharia banks. researchers argue that external factors influence people’s perceptions of sharia banks, such as government policies, regulation of the bank of indonesia and financial services authorities, information and education stakeholder. santri received much socialisation directly, especially the limited access to the outside world, such as the number of islamic boarding schools that prohibited technology media from entering islamic boarding schools such as television, mobile phones, radio, etc. the results support previous research from the bank of indonesia, the bogor agricultural institute (ipb), diponegoro university, and brawijaya university indonesia. the result is that customers’ motivation to invest in sharia banks is influenced by location, service aspects, credibility, facilities, status, knowledge of sharia banks, rate of return, attitude discussion source: processed by the author figure 3 relationship scheme between variables and correlations 212 afkaruna aqad & legality the results of this research aqad & legality have a positive and significant effect on perceptions. the positive influence shows that the perception of students will increase if the contract of sharia bank products is halal and the contract is in accordance with sharia. this means that the results of this research accept the hypothesis that aqad has a significant effect on students' perceptions. the research results showed that contract variables and legality influence the perceptions of the santri community. santri tends to be interested in saving at sharia banks due to religious factors. sharia banks rely heavily on the depositors’ religious commitment in maintaining market share.40 sharia banks need to continue paying attention and maintaining sharia principles as part of sharia compliance, which is a reference in carrying out their operations beliefs, work, and education.37 the religious orientation of sharia banking is focused on influencing investors’ perceptions.38 based on the coefficient of determination, empirical evidence provides empirical evidence that improving the development of sharia banking should pay more attention to people’s perceptions. until now, there are still people who have a wrong perception of sharia banks. however, the perception of sharia banks is only one variable that can influence investment decisions. many other factors are more dominant in influencing investment decisions.39 source: processed data from spss the result of the regression model can be stated as follows: from the regression equation model for the research, the model can be as follows: y = 0.770 + 0.594 (x1) 0.222 (x2) + 0.309 (x3) model unstandardised coefficients standardised coefficients t sig. b std. error beta 1 (constant) .770 .269 2.858 .005 aqad .594 .090 .357 6.589 .000 business -.222 .080 -.139 -2.791 .006 environmental .309 .053 .323 5.871 .000 a. dependent variable: y 213vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 (info et al., 2019). pesantren’s curriculum follows everything according to the basis of religion, especially in the study of jurisprudence. the law of usury has been explained in the qur’an and hadith. it is an explicit prohibition; even the prohibition is repeatedly explained in the qur’an up to four times. most islamic religious scholars adhere to the broad interpretation that usury and interest are prohibited.41 santri mostly knows and understands the utility of islamic products, which can avoid usury in the banking world. when practised the pesantren education, muamalat, halal and haram nature becomes essential. in the santri community, it is closely synonymous with religious values. regardless, in islam, profound quality or morals is dependably hindered by religious qualities. what is religiously commanded constantly turns into an ethical commitment.42 it can be said that banyuwangi, which has a lot of santri, has an economic pattern based on religion. this phenomenon is suitable with previous research that the analysis of factors that motivate people to use sharia banking services that are more dominant for central java indonesia is a religious consideration factor.43 the research response revealed that 94% of responses stated that sharia banks guard against things that contain usury. only 6% consider usury still carried out by sharia banks. they were also supported by a 91% statement of responses stating. sharia banks have kept their business away from things that contain prohibition in terms of contract and legality. religious values make santri know about “how to live”. they would prioritise all of the world’s things because religious values are the first and eminent. the perception of santri to sharia banks is very positive. they consider fundamental differences between sharia banks and conventional banks. sharia banks are considered still following the provisions in islamic sharia, both in terms of harmony, contracts and other requirements. it is consistent with research that religious commitment influences people’s interest in using sharia banking products.44 moreover, pesantren are very synonymous with islamic religious values. in addition, religious guidance has been obligatory in these pesantren.45 214 afkaruna business this research indicates that the business variable has a negative and significant effect. the business has an inverse effect on students’ perceptions. the more active business activities, the lower the perception of students. this research accepted the hypothesis that business has a significant effect on students' perceptions. in business variables, there are three major indicators, namely halal, haram and the business of khamr, pork, carrion, etc. students' perceptions of banks still perceive that banks do business with illicit products. santri considers sharia banks still provide financing to sectors that are not fully halal. not 100% halal, meaning that there are still illegal businesses even if they are small. this is a natural and normal thing because, in the field, the fact is that banks provide financing to all types of businesses without exception. therefore, students can have a bad perception of the halal business of sharia banks in a kaffah manner. the research statistic stated that business influence the perceptions of the santri community. the santri respondents consider sharia banks purely conducting sharia business, with 81% stating their perceptions although many santri still use conventional banks rather than sharia banks, this research shows that their perception of sharia banks is still very strong in islamic values. according to research,46 in the respondents, 79.3% of conventional bank respondents stated bank interest is contrary to the teachings of islam. they tend to express rejection in the conventional banking system. on the other hand, they are customers of conventional banks, so this can be taken as a perception of consumer behaviour inconsistency. finally, the previous research results show that understanding consumer behaviour becomes increasingly crucial and needs to be studied. the majority of santri knows the practice of usury in conventional banks. conventional bank products, especially financing, are seen by santri as a type of usury. according to research,47 the boarding school community mostly knows and understands the use of islamic products. so the hypothesis of the research is accepted. there is a difference between sharia banks and conventional banks, especially in sharia contracts. 215vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 agree. only 19% of santri respondents still consider santri to disagree. santri regards sharia banks in business and product investing as quite distinct from regular banks. unlike conventional banks, sharia banks, nevertheless run or fund items that smell as unlawful beverages or haram business, have a clear notion. an expert48 argued that sharia banks operate by not relying on interest. sharia banking is everything that concerns sharia banks and islamic business units, including institutions, business activities, and the ways and processes in carrying out their business activities. its means that institutionally sharia banks make rules about their business activities that must be free from prohibition. in this research, 78% of santri respondents stated that they disagreed that sharia bank business practices were the same as conventional banks. sharia banks are considered to have very different. conventional bank perceptions with interest cannot be separated, such as sharia banks with profit sharing. sharia banks work on a benefit and misfortune sharing premise contrasted with traditional activities that depend on the premium.49 this perception is corroborated by 85% not agreeing that sharia banks conduct prohibited sale transactions of goods. sharia bank cooperates with companies that are certain to be halal. sharia banks endeavour to take out the effects of non-halal pay.50 in addition to the funding sector, sharia banks also conduct transactions in the lending sector. in financing sharia banks that 67% disagree with sharia banks; credit members are like credit to conventional banks. in the santri’s view, loans given by conventional banks must use interest. from education conducted in islamic boarding schools, the majority of scholars punish illegitimacy because of usury. most religious researchers of islam, be that as it may, hold fast to the comprehensive understanding as indicated by which both usury and intrigue are disallowed.51 this stigma is different from the funding made by sharia banks. sharia banks are operationally different from conventional banks, including in the business.52 especially in a business that is prohibited, such as drugs. sharia banks also do not provide financing for the company concerned. in this research, it was proven that 240 respondents or 87%, 216 afkaruna environmental and work culture the attitudes of the santri community are affected by variables and working culture. the beneficial effect of this variable is considerable. this option improves the visibility of students. the investigation results accept the premise of substantial impact on environmental factors. santri sees workers of sharia banks as reflecting islamic principles better than conventional. for sharia banks, the mean score of these qualities seems greater than regular banks.54 sharia bank employees show more identity islam than conventional banks. these traits for sharia banks appear to be higher than those for ordinary banks.55 any values of worship are used in service attributes at the bank office location. the attribute is used starting with muslim clothes. every morning before the start of service, it usually starts with reading the qur’an. this attribute is one form of promotion and socialization to attract customer decisions using sharia banks. it is consistent with the research56 that muslim consumer behaviour (religious motive and economic motive in the decision-making process) is to carry out socialization and promotion more intensively to provide complete and correct information about islamic banking business. banks are service companies that do not have visible products. there is an influential factor impacting client trust in keeping a money framework.57 therefore, service becomes the attracting factor for customers to be loyal to the bank. service companies have high trust to determine customer decisions. by58, the most dominant consideration in drug companies would not be funded or cooperated with sharia banks. sharia bank is distinct and clear with drugs because al quran prohibits them clearly. this perception is also the same as the results for companies that are unclear about halal. 87% of respondents say sharia banks do not provide financing to companies. its business process shows that sharia banks have no major differences in profitability and liquidity from conventional banks. sharia banks, as new entrants to the financial market, do the same thing with conventional banks. in addition, sharia banks have a smaller credit risk compared to conventional banks. their credit performance is superior to conventional banks.53 217vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 choosing conventional banks is the procedure side (fast and easy), dealing with banks, and proximity of location (home and place work) respondent with a bank office. these aspects are more important than the image factors of repute and of banks, the number of banks/branches, collateral for money, bank regulations and availability of banking technology. the consumer preference in selecting conventional banking services is more determined by unrelated factors, such as the need to increase socialisation and promotion of santri, especially within the scope of islamic behaviour, for quicker and easier procedures, the proximity to a banking site, the reputation of bankers and the number of bank branches. during this period there was, in effect, less large and fair socialisation restricted the expansion of sharia banks. to conclude from prior research, the core of sharia banks did not represent many perceptions. there is a large number of unfavorable impressions, but they are generalized in all respects of sharia banks. this impression gradually develops a powerful and hard-to-remove stigma. the limited knowledge of the community to sharia banks affects the wrong perceptions, impacting the community’s low decision to choose sharia banks.59 it certainly impedes the expansion of the sharia bank market and inhibits the spread of universal values. sharia banks need to keep on focusing and keep up sharia standards as a feature of sharia consistency.60 consecutive socialisation is needed, supported by solid commitments from all sharia bank human resources to implement islamic principles. therefore sharia banks need to improve socialisation and education more intensively.61 the santri must be more aware of technological advancements. stakeholders of sharia banks need to put forward a technological approach to increase public awareness. the santri should follow the development of technology now. understanding sharia banks from santri cannot be forever dependent on only religious factors. sharia banking should not rely too much on the “spiritual market”, which is only filled with loyalist segments of islam, namely people who choose banks solely for religious reasons. the trend in the future is estimated that the segments cultivated by sharia banks began to shift from islamic loyalists to the floating market. technology development 218 afkaruna conclusion aqad & lawfulness affect views positively and significantly. this implies that if the sharia bank contract is halal and the contract is in compliance with sharia law, the perception of students will grow. the viewpoints of sharia banks are different from conventional in terms of contract, legality, business and the environment & work culture of santri. santri’s perspective regarding sharia banks is extremely good. for his part, they take basic distinctions into account between islamic and conventional banks. sharia banks continue to be examined as regards harmony, contracts and other criteria in accordance with the norms of the islamic sharia. santri have a strong sense of religious belief in sharia banks, and yet most of them still utilize regular banks for technical and non-technical reasons. pesantren's curriculum follows several religious aspects, including the rule of the riba and usurpation. the sharia activities were conducted. then, the business variable has a negative and significant effect. the business has an inverse effect on students' perceptions. the more active business activities, the lower the perception of students. the attitudes of the santri community are affected by variables and working culture. the beneficial effect of this variable is considerable. this option improves the visibility of students. the investigation results accepted the premise of substantial impact on environmental factors. sharia banks have a clear halal concept and business, contrasted with conventional banks that still provide financing for illegitimate stuff. sharia banks make rules for their business activities to be free from islam prohibition. consequently, many santri perceive that sharia bank employees better reflect islamic values than conventional banks because sharia bank employees show more islamic identity than those of conventional banks. causes consumers to be more rational, still prioritising service quality and benefits. it is essential to give experience reaching saving money and good administrations to customers to exploit communication innovation.62 not only from emotional sentiments. therefore, this tendency needs the readiness of infrastructure and resources owned by sharia banks today to develop like conventional banks. 219vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 recommendation the use of it facilities and social media, particularly the distribution of information to santri in islamic boarding schools, requires intense and extensive socialization. however, technological media like social media, tv, radio, etc., were banned in many pesantren. they must have actual knowledge of legality, business, the environment and the culture of work. in addition, it is recommended that santri be more conscious of access to technology, in particular in terms of the extent of social media technological growth, because santri has received a lot of non-conventional information from sharia banks lately. sharia banking stakeholders should innovate in the direction of socialization and education, particularly information and profit-sharing. sharia banks and conventional banks play a significantly distinct role. in sharia banks' operations and surroundings,63 the government should remove regulatory barriers, competition from conventional banks, and the lack of qualified and trained personnel. in addition, authorities and policymakers must review islamic screening rules.64 endnotes bank indonesia, bank publication financial report (jakarta, 2019). minako sakai, 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“pengaruh persepsi tentang bank syari’ah terhadap rahmawaty, anita. “pengaruh persepsi tentang bank syari’ah terhadap ramlan, hamidah, and mohd sharrizat adnan. “the profitability of islamic rohmadi, nurbaiti, and junaidi. “analisi faktor penentu keputusan nasabah rosyid, maskur, and halimatu saidiah. “pengetahuan perbankan syariah dan rosyid, maskur, and halimatu saidiah. “pengetahuan perbankan syariah dalam memilih jasa perbankan syariah dan perbankan konvensional di kote bengkulu.” jurnal munhaj 4, no. 3 (2016): 283–290. and conventional bank: case study in malaysia.” procedia economics and finance 35 (2016): 359–367. minat menggunakan produk di bni syari’ah semarang.” addin 8, no. 1 (2014): 1–28. minat menggunakan produk di bni syari’ah semarang.” addin 8, no. 1 (2014): 1–28. indinavir in pharmaceutical dosage forms.” international journal of chemical sciences 49, no. 2 (2016): 251–277. market: a review of classical and modern literatures.” intertional review of business research 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management 2, no. 2 (2004): 1–14. banking: a comparison.” arab economic and business journal 13, no. 2 (2018): 155–167. partnership: women ’ s views of the business practices of an islamic savings and credit cooperative ( baitul maal wat tamwil ) in central java, indonesia.” women’s studies international forum 33, no. 4 (2010): 412–421. nilai-nilai bank syariah dalam masyarakat).” jurnal keuangan dan perbankan 16, no. 3 (2012): 481–488. # layout jan jun 2011 bersifat analitis, yakni metode tafsir al-tahlili. adapun bentuk penulisannya bercorak fiqhi (hukum), sesuai dengan pengarangnya yang merupakan guru besar di bidang hukum islam. kata kunci: tafsir al-bayan, metode tafsir, indonesia pendahuluan tafsir al-qur’an merupakan kegiatan ilmiah yang paling tinggi dan utama di antara ilmu-ilmu keislaman lainnya. al-ragib al-asfahani (w.502 h.) sebagaimana yang dikutip oleh al-suyuti (w. 911 h) memberi argumentasi mengenai keutamaan ini dari tiga sudut pandang; pertama dari segi materi, karena tafsir adalah kalamullah yang merupakan sumber segala kemuliaan. kedua, dari segi tujuan bahwa tafsir merupakan pegangan umat islam dalam mengarungi kehidupan dunia dan akhirat. ketiga, dari segi kebutuhan yang amat mendesak, sebab untuk mencapai kesempurnaan dalam urusan agama dan dunia dibutuhkan ilmu-ilmu syariat dan pengetahuan agama dan kesemuanya hanya bisa dicapai dengan menguasai kitab suci al-qur’an. bahkan lebih lanjut al-suyuti menyimpulkan bahwa mempelajari tafsir al-qur’an merupakan fardu kifayah.1 menurut keyakinan kaum muslimin, al-qur’an adalah kitab suci yang merupakan petunjuk bagi umat manusia,2 telaah atas karya tafsir di indonesia: studi atas tafsir al-bayan karya tm. hasbi al-siddiqi surahman amin stain sorong-papua. ferry muhammadsyah siregar universitas gadjah mada, yoyakarta. email: ferary26@yahoo.com abstract this article discusses the characteristic of tm hasbi as-siddiqi’s tafsir al-bayan, its methodology and influence to the society. indonesian muslims’ reception toward this tafsir is also discussed. this article suggests that the the methodology of thre quranic interpretation utilized in tafisr al-bayan is analytical method or tahlili. this tafsir also puts emphasis on islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), partly because the author of the tafsir is reknowned as a professor in islamic law. keywords: tafsir al-bayan, exegesis methods, indonesia abstrak tulisan ini menjelaskan tentang bagaimana wujud tafsir al-bayan karya tm. hasbi al-siddiqi dan menjawab pertanyaan seputar identitas dan metode penafsiran karya tafsir ini, pengaruh dan sambutan masyarakat terhadapnya, serta kedudukannya dalam sejarah perkembangan tafsir di indonesia. dalam paparannya, tulisan ini menggunakan teori tafsir. tulisan ini menemukan bahwa tafsir ini menggunakan metode penafsiran yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 38 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna khususnya bagi mereka yang beriman3 dan bertaqwa,4 di mana pun dan kapan pun mereka hidup. atau dengan kata lain, alqur’an tersebut berlaku untuk semua tempat dan zaman, serta dalam situasi dan kondisi apa pun. karena itu, hendaknya al-quran diamalkan dalam kehidupan, dan agar pengamalannya dapat terwujud, maka diperlukan upaya penafsiran terhadapnya secara baik dan benar. penafsiran terhadap al-qur’an, telah dimulai sejak islam diturunkan dan nabi muhammad saw. bertindak sebagai al-mufassir al-awwal (penafsir pertama dan utama). kemudian, dilanjutkan oleh para sahabatnya, para tabi’in, atba’ al-tabi’in dan generasigenerasi sesudahnya sampai masa kini. bahkan, upaya seperti ini masih tetap berlanjut sampai masa-masa mendatang. penafsiran terhadap al-qur’an telah mengalami perkembangan yang sangat siginifikan. hal ini ditandai dengan lahirnya berbagai karya tafsir, baik pada masa almutaqaddimin,5 maupun pada masa almuta’akhirin6 dan masa al-‘asr (modern)7 sekarang ini. karya-karya tafsir tersebut, masing-masing memiliki metode, corak dan teknik interpretasi yang berbeda-beda. bahkan, sistematika peyusunan dan jenis bahasa yang digunakan juga berbeda-beda. menurut howard m. federspiel, sebagaimana yang dikutip oleh islah gusmian dan ferry muhammadsyah siregar bahwa salah satu karya tafsir yang muncul pada masa al-‘asr (modern) dan mewakili tafsir generasi ketiga di indonesia adalah tafsir al-bayan, karya tm. hasbi al-siddiqi.8 karya tafsir ini, selesai ditulis pada tahun 1966 dan sistematika penyusunanya terdiri atas dua jilid, serta jenis bahasa yang digunakan dalam menafsirkan ayat-ayat alqur’an adalah bahasa indonesia. pada tahun yang sama, karya tafsir ini dicetak oleh penerbit al-ma’arif bandung. kemudian dicetak lagi oleh penerbit pustaka rizki putra semarang pada tahun 2002. kehadiran tafsir ini bertujuan untuk memahami al-qur’an secara komprehensif. tulisan ini menjelaskan tentang bagaimana wujud tafsir al-bayan karya tm. hasbi al-siddiqi dan menjawab pertanyaan seputar biografi penulis tafsir al-bayan, identitas dan metode penafsiran tafsir albayan, pengaruh dan sambutan masyarakat terhadap tafsir al-bayan, serta kedudukan tafsir al-bayan dalam sejarah perkembangan tafsir di indonesia. biografi t.m. hasbi al-siddiqi t.m. hasbi al-siddiqi, (selanjutnya disebut t.m. hasbi) bernama lengkap prof. dr. honoris causa (hc) tengku muhammad hasbi al-siddiqi,,9 lahir di lhokseumawe, aceh utara, pada 10 maret 1904. ayahnya bernama al-hajj tengku muhammad husen ibn muhammad su’ud, menduduki jabatan qadhi (hakim) chik maharaja mangkubumi di simeuluk samalanga aceh, sedangkan ibunya bernama al-hajjah tengku amrah, adalah putri tengku abdul aziz. paman beliau yang lain bernama teungku tulot yang menduduki jabatan pertama kali pada masa awal pemerintahan sri maharaja mangkubumi.10 t.m. hasbi, pada awalnya belajar ilmu qiraah dan tajwid serta dasar-dasar tafsir dan fiqhi pada ayahnya sendiri, dan dalam usianya 8 (delapan) tahun ia telah khatam mengaji alqur’an. setelah memperoleh ilmu-ilmu keagamaan dari ayahnya, ia belajar di pesantren-pesantren. pada tahun 1912, ia belajar di pesantren tengku piyeung; pada doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 39vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 tahun 1913 di pesantren bluk bayu; pada tahun 1914, di pesantren blang kabu; pada tahun 1916, di pesantren tengku idris; pada tahun 1918 di pesantren tengku chik hasan. selanjutnya, pada tahun 1920 dari tengku chik hasan kruengkale. tm. hasbi memperoleh syahadah sebagai pengakuan dan pernyataan bahwa ilmunya telah cukup dan berhak untuk membuka pesantren atau dayah.11 berdasarkan perjalanan sejarah pendidikannya ini, maka diketahui bahwa tm. hasbi telah menghabiskan masa-masa mudanya di lingkungan pesantren. pada sisi lain, pengetahuan islam yang telah diperolehnya tersebut, membuatnya cerdas dan dinamis untuk ia kembangkan. pada tahun 1926, t.m. hasbi bersama syaikh al-kalali (penyusun kamus bahasa arab-indonesia) berangkat ke surabaya, untuk melanjutkan pendidikan di perguruan al-irsyad. setelah di tes, ia dapat diterima di jenjang takhassus.12 setelah belajar di alirsyad, ia mengembangkan dan memperkaya diri dengan ilmu melalui belajar sendiri (otodidak). selain mempelajari ilmu-ilmu keislaman dan bahasa arab dengan baik, ia juga mempelajari bahasa belanda dari seorang warga belanda yang belajar bahasa arab darinya, sehingga dengan mudah mudah mengakses segala bentuk informasi dari media massa yang pada masa itu dikuasai oleh pemerintahan hindia-belanda. pada tahun 1933 t.m hasbi tiba di kutaraja, kemudian bergabung dengan organisasi nadi ishlah al-islam yang merupakan organisasi pembaru di kota tersebut dan pada saat yang bersamaan beliau juga dinobatkan sebagai pimpinan redaksi soeara atjeh. disamping itu beliau juga mengajar pada kursus-kursus yang diselenggarakan oleh jib (jong islamietien bond) aceh dan menjadi pengajar pada sekolah his dan mulo muhammadiyah. t.m hasbi pernah memimpin ormas muhammadiyah aceh sampai bulan maret 1946. selanjutnya t.m hasbi disekap oleh gerakan revolusi sosial yang gerakkan oleh puspa (persatoean oelama seloeroeh atjeh, didirikan pada tahun 1939), dimana organisasi ini melihat bahwa muhammdiyah aceh di bawah kepemimpinan t.m hasbi merupakan saingan utama dalam pengembangan ajaran islam. akibat penyekapan yang misterius ini t.m hasbi harus mendekam di dalam penjara di kamp burnitelog aceh selama kurang lebih satu tahun, kemudian pada pertengahan tahun 1948 t.m hasbi di dibebaskan dan diizinkan pulang ke lhoksumawe akibat desakan pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah melalui sutan mansur dan pemerintah pusat melalui wakil presiden moehammad hatta, namun masih berstatus tahanan kota, barulah pada februari 1947 status tahanan kota t.m hasbi dicabut dan dinyatakan bebas residen aceh. selama di aceh t.m hasbi selain menjadi pengajar di kursus-kursus dan sekolah muhammadiyah beliau juga memimpin smi (sekolah menengah islam), selain itu beliau juga aktif berdawah lewat masyumi dimana t.m. hasbi menjadi ketua cabang masyumi aceh utara. pada 20-25 desember 1949 diadakan kongres muslimin indonesia (kmi) di yogyakarta dimana t.m hasbi mewakili muhammadiyah dan ali balwi mewakili puspa. pada kongres tersebut t.m hasbi menyampaikan makalah dengan judul pedoman perdjuangan islam mengenai soal kenegaraan, disinilah oleh abu bakar aceh memperkenalkan t.m hasbi kepada wahid hasyim (menteri agama pada masa itu) dan k. fatchurrahman kafrawy. setahun doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 40 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kemudian setelah perkenalan tersebut menteri agama memanggil t.m hasbi untuk menjadi dosen pada ptain yang akan didirikan, sehingga pada januari tahun 1951 t.m hasbi berangkat ke yogyakarta dan menetap di sana mengkonsentrasikan diri dalam bidang pendidikan.13 selanjutnya, pada tahun 1960 tm. hasbi memperoleh dua gelar doktor honoris causa sekaligus. dr. hc, pertama ia peroleh dari unisba (universitas islam bandung) dan dr. hc yang kedua ia terima dari ptain sunan kalijaga yogyakarta,14 yang sekarang ini telah berubah status menjadi uin sunan kalijaga.15 dengan penganugrahan dr. hc ini, t.m. hasbi kemudian mengajar beberapa mata kuliah di kedua perguruan tinggi tersebut. pada tahun 1966, tm. hasbi dikukuhkan sebagai guru besar di ptain sunan kalijaga (sekarang uin) dalam bidang keilmuan hadis dan hukum islam.16 selanjutnya, ia menjabat dekan pada fakultas syariah sampai tahun 1972. t.m. hasbi juga mengajar dan memangku jabatan struktural pada perguruan tinggi perguruan tinggi islam swasta. dalam hal ini, pada tahun 1961 sampai 1971, dia juga menjabat rektor universitas al-irsyad surakarta; pada tahun 1964, ia mengajar di universitas islam indonesia (uii) di yogyakarta; pada tahun 1967 ia mengajar dan menjabat dekan fakultas syariah universitas islam di sultan agung di semarang.17 selanjutnya, pada tahun 1975 tm. hasbi diundang oleh menteri agama ri untuk menunaikan ibadah haji. namun dalam waktu yang bersamaan, ia menjalani rawat inap (opname) di rumah sakit islam jakarta dan di rumah sakit inilah ia meninggal, tepatnya pada hari senin, 9 desember 1975, pukul 17.45.18 dengan demikian, jika kembali ditelusuri tahun kelahirannya (1904) dan tahun wafatnya (1975), maka tm. hasbi berpulang ke rahmatullah dalam usia 71 tahun. jenazahnya dimakamkan di pemakaman keluarga iain syarif hidayatullah ciputat jakarta (sekarang uin syarif hidayatullah). pada upacara pelepasan jenazah, turut memberikan sambutan buya hamka (almarhum), dan pada saat pemakaman, dilepas oleh mr. moh. roem19 tm. hasbi dikenal sebagai ulama yang produktif menuliskan ide pemikiran keislamannya. karya tulisnya mencakup berbagai disiplin ilmu keislaman. menurut catatan, karya yang berbentuk buku berjumlah 73 judul (142 jilid). sebagian besar karyanya adalah tentang fiqhi (36 judul). bidang bidang lainnya adalah hadits (8 judul), tafsir (6 judul), tauhid; ilmu kalam (5 judul). dan selebihnya adalah tema-tema yang bersifat umum.20 selain menulis buku beliau juga aktif menulis dalam bentuk artikel. tercatat sekitar 50 artikel dalam bidang tafsir, hadith, fiqh dan pedoman ibadah dan beliau hasilkan. diantara karya ilmiah yang beliau tulis adalah; dalam bidang tafsir dan ilmu al-qur’an, ia menulis tafsir al-nur dan tafsir al-bayan; dalam bidang hadis dan ilmu hadis, ia menulis sejarah dan pengantar ilmu hadia dan 2002 mutiara hadis; dalam bidang fiqh, ia menulis sejarah peradilan islam dan pengantar hukum islam; dalam bidang tauhid/kalam, ia menulis peladjaran tauhid dan hakikat islam dan unsur-unsur agama. di samping itu, ia juga menulis buku agama yang bersifat umum misalnya al-islam dan pedoman zikir dan doa. tentu saja, masih banyak karya-karya lainnya, baik berupa artikel, makalah-makalah dan selainnya yang tidak sempat penulis sebut satu persatu di sini. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 41vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 dengan karya-karyanya tersebut, maka dapat diketahui tm. hasbi adalah sosok ulama dan intelektual yang sangat produktif menulis. mengenal tafsir al-bayan identitas tafsir al-bayan sepanjang hidupnya t.m. hasbi menghasilkan dua tafsir yang terkenal yaitu, yakni tafsir al-nur21 yang terbit pada tahun 1960; dan tafsir al-bayan yang penulisannya selesai tahun 1966,22 juga pada tahun ini pertama kali dicetak oleh penerbit al-ma’arif bandung. selanjutnya pada tahun 2002 atas permintaan dari masyarakat di cetak untuk kedua kalinya oleh pustaka rizki putra semarang, dan kitab cetakan kedua yang penulis jadikan sebagai pedoman dalam mendeskripsikan karya tafsir ini. tafsir al-bayan terdiri atas dua jilid dan setiap jilidnya berisi 15 juz. jilid i memuat tafsiran ayat-ayat al-qur’an mulai juz i sampai juz 15 (dari surah al-fatihah sampai surah alkahfi ayat 74), sedangkan jilid ii memuat tafsiran ayat-ayat al-qur’an mulai 16 sampai juz 30 (surah al-kahfi ayat 75 sampai akhir surah al-nas). dengan demikian, karya tafsir ini memuat terjemah dan tafsir ayat-ayat alqur’an secara keseluruhan, yakni 114 surah. format penyusunan tafsir al-bayan pada jilid i, terdiri atas atas 674 halaman. secara terstruktur dimulai dari halaman vii pengantar dari penerbit, halaman ix, sekapur sirih dari penyunting yaitu putra t.m. hasbi yaitu h.z. fuad hasbi al-siddiqi. selanjutnya pada halaman xi-xii terdapat kata pengantar dari sang mufassir t.m. hasbi. halaman xiiixv terdapat “khiththah penerjemahan” yang dijadikan pedoman dalam menerjemahkan al-qur’an. sedangkan “daftar isi” terdapat pada halaman xix-xlii. mengenai isi pembahasan pendahuluan tafsir ini yang diberi lebel “muqaddimah” secara berturut-turut adalah sebagai berikut : a) bab i, “al-qur’anul majid” (h. 1-21). b) bab ii, “hikmah al-qur’an diturunkan berangsur-angsur” (h. 23-24). c) bab iii, “hukum-hukum yang dikandung al-qur’an serta uslub-uslub (susunan) dakwah al-qur’an”, (h. 25-32). d) bab iv, “segi-segi kemukjizatan alqur’an”, (h. 33-39). e) bab v, “sejarah nuzul al-qur’an”, (h. 4146). f) bab vi, sejarah mengumpul al-qur’an”, (h. 47-57). g) bab vii, “penafsiran al-qur’an”, (h. 59-70). h) bab viii, “ hukum menerjemahkan alqur’an”, (h. 71-72). i) bab xi, “teori nasakh dalam al-qur’an”, (h. 73-78). j) bab x, “adab membaca al-qur’an dan mendengarnya”, (h. 79-85). k) bab xi, “sekelumit tentang pembahasan qira’ah”, (h. 87-91) selanjutnya untuk terjemahan dan penafsiran al-qur’an dimulai lagi dari halaman 1 yang merupakan halaman sampul yang berjudul “tafsir al-bayan juz i.” sebelum masuk pada bagian inti atau penerjemahan dan penafsiran, ada bagian penjelasan tentang juz yang akan dibahas, berupa hizib (bagian) dari ayat-ayat dan setiap hizib dibagi ke dalam beberapa rubu’ (sub bagian). pada halaman 3, baru dimulai penafsiran ayat-ayat pada juz 1 sampai halaman 54, untuk juz 2 dan seterusnya sampai ke juz 15 dalam jilid i ini, masing-masing memiliki hizib yang berbeda-beda. banyak dan atau sedikitnya jumlah hizib, tergantung pula dari prosentase banyak dan atau sedikitnya jumlah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 42 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna ayat dalam setiap juz. jilid i ini berakhir pada halaman 674. selanjutnya (tanpa halaman) dicantumkan diakhir lembaran “tanda tashhih” dengan no: bd.iii/ti.02.1/244/ 2002 yang ditandatangani oleh panitia pentashihan al-qur’an yang diketuai oleh haji fadhl abdurrahman bafadal pada tanggal 28 oktober 2002. kemudian, pada juz ii lembarannya di mulai dari halaman vii-xxix yang merupakan “daftar isi”. selanjutnya sebelum dimulai penafsiran, sama halnya pada jilid i, ada keterangan tentang pembagian hizib juz 16 (tanpa halaman). setelah itu pada halaman 677 dimulailah penafsiran al-qur’an juz 16 yang ayatnya dimulai ayat 75 dari surah alkahfi. begitu seterusnya sampai berakhir penafsiran juz 30 pada halaman 1646. adapun halaman 1647 sampai 1657 berisi glossary. selanjutnya pada halaman 1659 1662 berisi “sekilas tentang penulis.” dan diakhir jilid ii, seperti jilid i terdapat “tanda tashhih”. mengenai sistematika dan isi tafsiran jilid ii ini, sama halnya dengan jilid i. latar belakang sejarah tafsir al-bayan latar belakang penulisan tafsir al-bayan, terinspirasi dari karya tafsir penulisnya yang pertama, yakni tafsir al-nûr yang mendahului tafsir al-bayan tersebut. untuk lebih jelasnya, berikut ini dikutip pernyataan tm. hasbi mengenai latar belakang penulisan tafsir albayan: dengan ‘inayah allah dan taufiq-nya, setelah selesai menyusun tafsir al-nur yang menerjemahkan ayat dan menafsirkannya, tertariklah pula hati saya menyusun al-bayan ini. di dalam menerjemahkan ayat dalam tafsir al-nur, saya menempuh jalan cepat, jalan yang lazim ditempuh oleh penerjemahpenerjemah lain. karenanya terjemahan ayatayat dalam tafsir al-nur tidak menerjemahkan seluruh lafal, apalagi lafal-lafal yang harus diungkapkan…. maka setelah saya memperhatikan perkembangan terjemahan alquran akhir-akhir ini, serta meneliti secara tekun terjemahan-terjemahan itu, nyatalah bahwa “banyak terjemahan kalimat” yang perlu ditinjau dan disempurnakan. oleh karenanya, dengan memohon taufiq dari pada allah swt saya menyusun sebuah terjemah yang lain yang meliputi segala lafal, bahkan meliputi terjemah dari lafal-lafal yang diungkapkan menurut pendapat-pendapat ahli tafsir kenamaan. 23 ….. tafsir al-bayan merupakan suatu terjemahan dari ma’na-ma’na al-qur’an yang lebih lengkap dari terjemahan-terjemahan yang telah ber-kembang dalam masyarakat dewasa ini.24 dari pernyataan tm. hasbi di atas, maka dapat dijelaskan bahwa latar belakang penulisan tafsir al-bayan disebabkan oleh dua faktor: pertama, faktor internal, yang dimaksud di sini adalah motivasi dari penulisnya sendiri untuk mengembangkan karya tafsirnya yang telah ia tulis sebelumnya. dalam hal ini, tm. hasbi menyadari bahwa karya tafsirnya yang berjudul tafsir al-nur masih perlu dikembangkan dan disempurnakan, khususnya dari aspek metodologi tafsir. dalam aspek ini, tafsir alnur yang mendahului tafsir al-bayan hanya merupakan karya tafsir yang secara metodologis menginterpretasikan ayat-ayat alqur’an secara singkat. atau dengan kata lain, sebagian lafaz atau ayat di dalam tafsir al-nur tersebut tidak terinterpretasi secara tuntas. karena itu, maka tm. hasbi sebagai mufassir tertarik untuk lebih “mempertajam” makna lafa“-lafa“ ayat al-qur’an, dan ketertarikannya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 43vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 itu terwujud dengan lahirnya tafsir al-bayan. kedua faktor eksternal, yang dimaksud di sini adalah motivasi yang bersumber dari tafsir-tafsir al-qur’an di luar tafsir al-nur. dalam hal ini, t.m. hasbi menyatakan bahwa terjemahan-terjemahan atau tafsirtafsir yang ada ketika itu, masih perlu ditinjau dan disempurnakan. terkait dengan keterangan di atas dan tanpa mengurangi kredibilitas karya-karya tafsir lainnya, dapatlah dikatakan bahwa tafsir al-bayan ini merupakan karya tafsir yang menafsirkan makna-makna al-qur’an yang “lebih lengkap” dari pada karya-karya tafsir lainnnya pada masa itu. atau dengan kata lain, tafsir al-bayan ini, tidak tertandingi kredibilitasnya oleh karya-karya tafsir lainnya yang telah disusun oleh mufassir-mufassir di indonesia pada masa itu, tepatnya dalam kurun waktu tahun 1950-an sampai dengan 1970-an. mengenai latar belakang penamaan tafsir al-bayan, t.m.hasbi tidak menjelaskan dengan pasti tentang penamaan ini. tetapi menurut analisa penulis dinamakan demikian karena dalam tafsirnya sang mufassir setelah menerjemahkan ayat-ayat alqur’an, berusaha menjelaskan lafal ayat-ayat yang sulit dimengerti oleh masyarakat dengan penjelasan yang singkat dan padat. metode penafsiran dan corak tafsir albayan untuk mengetahui metode penafsiran dan metode penulisan yang terpakai dalam tafsir al-bayan, maka terlebih dahulu akan ditelusuri sistematika penafsirannya. dalam hal ini t.m. hasbi menyatakan berbagai langkah dan tahapan yakni: khiththah-khiththah (langkah dan tahapan) yang saya tempuh dalam menterjemahkan ayat (lafal) al-qur’an dan komentarkomentar ringkasnya, ialah : a. menterjemah ma’na lafal dan meterjemah kalimat-kalimat yang ditaqdirkan, baik di awal ayat, di pertengahannya, maupun di akhirnya. b. menterjemahkan kalimat-kalimat yang mempunyai dua terjemahan dengan lengkap, dengan menyebut terjemahan kedua dalam (……). c. menterjemahkan lafal-lafal yang ditaqdirkan, atau yang merupakan kalimatkalimat pelancar, dalam dua streep -…….-. d. menterjemahkan makna ayat yang dapat diterjemahkan lebih dari satu macam, lantaran berlainan i’rab dan sebagainya. terjemahan yang kedua diletakkan dalam noot, diawali oleh perkataan: “dapat juga diterjemahkan ……”. e. menerangkan pendapat-pendapat ulama di dalam memaknakan sesuatu ayat, atau kalimat yang berbeda-beda, ditempattempat yang saya pandang perlu dan penting diberi perhatian, karena kuat dalihnya. hal ini saya sebut dalam note. f. menterjemahkan lafal-lafal sifat allah swt yang sewazan “fa’ul” yang memfaedahkan “kebanyakan” dan “kesangatan” dengan mengawali terjemahannya dengan “yang sangat” atau “yang sangat banyak” atau “yang maha”, seperti ghafûr = maha pengampun atau yang sangat pengampun atau yang banyak mengampun. lafal-lafal sifat yang sewazan fa’il, yang memfaedahkan tsubut = tetap dan terus menerus, bukan menerangkan banyak atau sangat, saya awali terjemahannya dengan “yang senantiasa”, atau “yang tetap”.25 ……… dalam menterjemahkan sighah mubalaghah dan sifat musyabbahah, saya memilih pendapat al-imam muhammad doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 44 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna abduh dalam mema’nakan sifat-sifat arrahman dan ar-rahim. beliau berkata “ shigah-shigah yang sewazan “fa’lana”, menunjukkan kepada suatu sifat perbuatan yang mengandung arti mubalaghah, seperti lafadh “jau’ana = sangat lapar”. sifat-sifat ini dipakai buat sifat-sifat yang mendatang, yakni; kadang-kadang ada, kadang tidak, seperti “atsyasana = yang sangat haus”, “ghadbana = yang marah”. sighat-shigat “fail”, menunjukkan kepada makna yang tetap (senantiasa ada pada) manusia. sighat “fa’il”, ialah seperti “a’lim = yang tetap mengetahui”. “hakim = yang tetap mempunyai hikmah, atau yang senantiasa mengerjakan/menetapkan sesuatu sesuai dengan hikmah”, “jamil = yang tetap indah”, dan “halim = yang tetap dapat menahan amarah”. …………untuk membedakan antara ayatayat yang sebanding dengan ayat yang ada hubungannya dengan penafsiran ayat, maka ayat-ayat yang sebanding itu, diawali dengan: “ayat ini sebanding dengan ….” sedang ayatayat yang ada hubungannya dengan tafsir ayat, diawali dengan “bacalah (perhatikanlah) ayat …….”. dalam menghadapi lafal-lafal yang musytarak (yang banyak maknanya) yang dipakai dalam berbagai perngertian, seperti kalimat haq, maka saya menterjemahkan dengan pengertian yang dimaksud pada tempatnya masing-masing. ……….. untuk tafsir dan penjelasan dari makna, saya letakkan dalam noot.26 selanjutnya, sesuai dengan penelusuran penulis diketahui bahwa tafsir al-bayan dalam menjelaskan ayat-ayat, ia menerangkan tafsirnya dengan cara ringkas tapi padat; menerangkan ayat yang semakna dengannya; menerangkan ayat yang ada hubungan dengan penafsirannya (munasabah). dengan mencermati sistematika atau cara-cara yang ditempuh tafsir al-bayan dalam menafsirkan ayat-ayat al-qur’an sebagai mana yang telah dipaparkan, maka dapat rumuskan metode penafsiran dan metode penulisan tafsir al-bayan, sebagai berikut. metode penafsiran metode tafsir terdiri atas empat bentuk, yakni tahlili;27 ijmali;28 muqaran29 dan maudhu’i.30 bila keempat bentuk metode tafsir ini, dikaitkan dengan sistematika penafsiran tafsir al-bayan, maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa tafsir tersebut menggunakan metode tahlili. pada awalnya penulis agak kesulitan menentukan metode yang digunakan oleh tm. hasbi dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an, tetapi setelah membaca kriteria penafsiran yang dijelaskan dalam khittahnya dan membaca ayat-ayat yang ditafsirkan, maka penulis cenderung memasukkan tafsir ini dalam kategori tafsir tahlili. metode tahlili, dikenal pula dengan istilah metode analitis. dengan metode seperti ini, sang mufassir menjelaskan kandungan ayat dan menerangkan makna-makna yang tercakup di dalamnya sesuai keahlian dan kecenderungan mufassir yang menafsirkan ayat-ayat tersebut.31. dalam hal ini, t.m. hasbi dalam menjelaskan ayat-ayat al-qur’an, ia menerangkan makna-makna ayat yang tercakup di dalamnya, dan menguraikannya secara runtut ayat demi ayat, surah demi surah sesuai dengan urutannya di dalam mushaf, yakni mulai dari surah al-fatihah sampai surah al-nas. ayat-ayat yang ditafsirkan oleh t.m. hasbi tersebut dijelaskan pula aspek-aspek munasabah-nya,32 khususnya dalam hal munasabah antara “kata” dalam satu ayat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 45vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 dengan “kata” yang sama pada ayat lainnya dan atau pada surah lainnya. misalnya, tafsiran kata “hudan” pada q.s. al-baqarah/2: 2 adalah ; yang memberi petunjuk kepada orang-orang yang bersifat taqwa, oleh t.m. hasbi mengkaitkannya dengan kata “hudan” pada qs. yûnus/10: 57; juga “huda” pada q.s. al-an’am/6: 90; juga kata “al-huda” pada qs. fushilat/41: 17.33 dengan tafsiran seperti ini, maka dapat dipahami bahwa kata “hudan” pada q.s. al-baqarah/2: 2 sama maknanya dan kandungannya pada ayat-ayat lain yang disebutkan di atas. di samping aspek munasabah ayat, maka yang terpenting juga dalam tafsir metode tahlili adalah mengemukakan arti kosa kata ayat, asbab alnuzul pendapat nabi saw., atau sahabat, atau tabi’in, atau penafsir lain.34 selanjutnya, mengenai pengungkapan penafsiran yang dilakukan oleh nabi saw, atau sahabat, atau para tabi’in atau ahli tafsir lainnya. oleh tm. hasbi, juga melakukan hal yang demikian. dalam hal ini, ketika ia menjelaskan ayat alif, lam, mim, di situ ia mengatakan bahwa para mufassir mempunyai beberapa pendapat dalam memberikan makna terhadap ayat ini. misalnya, ada yang berpendapat ia merupakan ayat mutasyabih dan pendapat lain menyatakan ia sebagai pembuka surah.35 di sini, secara jelas tm. hasbi meramu berbagai pendapat, kemudian ia juga menyatakan pendapatnya sendiri di akhir tafsirannya. berdasar pada uraian-uraian dan hasil analisis seperti yang dipaparkan di atas, maka dapat dirumuskan bahwa tafsir al-bayan karya tm. hasbi tersebut, termasuk sebagai karya tafsir yang menggunakan metode tafsir tahlili. metode penulisan dan corak tafsir al-bayan karya tm. hasbi sebagai salah satu karya tafsir yang menggunakan metode tahlili, tentu memiliki metode penulisan yang memiliki corak tersendiri dalam menafsirkan ayat-ayat al-qur’an. berdasarkan hal ini dan sesuai dengan hasil bacaan penulis, maka tafsir al-bayan dapat dikelompokkan sebagai karya tafsir yang penulisannya terbangun atas corak fiqhi. menurut t.m. hasbi bahwa karya tafsirnya ini adalah “mengistimewakan perhatian kepada hukum-hukum yang dikandung oleh ayat”.36 sesuai dengan pernyataan tersebut, maka jelas bahwa karya tafsir al-bayan bercorak tafsir fiqhi. jadi, ketika tm. hasbi menafsirkan ayatayat yang berkenaan dengan fiqhi, maka yang ditonjolkan dalam penafsirannya adalah masalah hukum yang terkandung dalam ayat tersebut. misalnya, ketika ia menafsirkan q.s. al-baqarah/2: 225-228, di dalam tafsir al-bayan ditemukan penjelasan bahwa pada ayat 225 menerangkan tentang tidak wajibnya kaffarat. kemudian pada ayat selanjutnya, yakni ayat 226 diterangkan bahwa ayat ini mengandung hukum ila’. berikutnya ayat 227, dikaitkan dengan hukum hukum talak yang terdapat dalam q.s. al-ahzab/33: 49 dan q.s. al-thalaq/65: 4; dan berikutnya ayat 228, dijelaskan masalah quru’ lalu, disimpulkan bahwa ayat ini mewajibkan adanya timbal balik dari masing-masing pihak. tegasnya, wajib para isteri melayani kebutuhan-kebutuhan suaminya.37 untuk lebih menguatkan bahwa tafsir ini bercorak fiqhi, bisa diteliti bahwa sang mufassir sangat ahli di bidang hukum islam. karangan beliau tentang fiqhi mendominasi karya-karya beliau (36 judul). ini membuktikan bahwa t.m hasbi sangat menguasai ilmu ini dan sangat wajar ketika doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 46 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dituangkan pemikiran-pemikiran fikhinya dalam penafsiran al-qur’an. pengaruh dan kedudukan tafsir al-bayan pengaruh tafsir al-bayan di tengahtengah masyarakat dengan munculnya tafsir al-bayan di tengah-tengah masyarakat, maka tidak dipungkiri bahwa karya tafsir al-bayan ini telah turut serta memberikan pengaruh yang sangat siginifikan di tengah-tengah masyarakat. antara lain pengaruhnya yang sangat nampak adalah masyarakat (islam) lebih mudah memahami ajaran agamanya dengan membaca tafsir al-bayan. dikatakan demikian, karena tafsir al-bayan menggunakan metode tahlili sehingga memudahkan untuk memahaminya, juga sangat relavan dengan kebutuhan masyarakat. sebenarnya, metode tahlili dalam menginterpretasikan ayat-ayat al-qur’an merupakan suatu metode yang telah lama digunakan para mufassir. hanya saja, tm. hasbi menggunakan metode tahlili tersebut dengan gaya baru. hal ini, sesuai dengan pernyataannya, yakni: “sesuai dengan gaya baru dalam mentafsirkan ayat-ayat al-qur’an, maka di samping saya menerangkan maksud ayat, saya menerangkan pula ayat-ayat yang sebanding dengan ayat yang sedang dihadapi dan ayat-ayat yang ada hubungannya dengan tafsir ayat.”38 berdasarkan pernyataan t.m. hasbi di atas, maka dipahami bahwa gaya baru yang dimaksudkannya adalah menerangkan ayatayat yang “sebanding” dengan ayat dan ayatayat yang ada hubungannya dengan tafsir. kata “sebanding” yang dimaksud di sini adalah terkait dengan munasabah, yakni ia berusaha senantiasa mengkorelasikan antara satu ayat dengan ayat lainnya. sehingga, praktis bahwa uraian-uraian dalam tafsir albayan tersebut mudah dipahami oleh masyarakat yang membacanya. kedudukan tafsir al-bayan dalam sejarah perkembangan tafsir untuk mengetahui keberadaan atau kedudukan karya tafsir al-bayan karya t.m. hasbi al-siddiqi ini dalam sejarah pekembangan tafsir di indonesia, maka terlebih dahulu harus dipahami periodesasi sejarah perkembangan tafsir di indonesia itu sendiri, sebab melalui pemahaman terhadap hal ini akan diperoleh suatu kejelasan bahwa di periode mana karya tulis tersebut berada. secara sepintas telah disinggung pada uraian terdahulu bahwa sejarah perkembangan tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia, terdiri atas empat periodesasi perkembangan tafsir yaitu : a) periode klasik (abad viii – xv m) b) periode tengah (abad xvi – xviii m) c) periode pramodern (abad xix m) d) periode modern (abad xx) m)39 periode yang disebut terakhir ini disebutkan periode modern, karena abad ini memberikan kontribusi yang cukup menggembirakan dalam upaya penafsiran alqur’an, jika dibandingkan dengan periodeperiode sebelumnya.40 selanjutnya, sejarah perkembangan tafsir pada periode modern ini dibagi lagi atas tiga kurun waktu, yaitu kurun waktu pertama (1990-1950), kurun waktu kedua (1951-1980) dan kurun waktu ketiga (1981-2000).41 melihat pembagian kurun waktu dari periode modern yang dipaparkan di atas, sudah jelas bahwa karya tafsir al-bayan yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 47vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 ditulis oleh tm. hasbi tampaknya eksis pada kurun waktu kedua (1951-1980) dalam periode modern dari sejarah perkembangan tafsir di indonesia. namun, dengan eksisnya tafsir al-bayan pada masanya itu, oleh tm. hasbi mengakui bahwa karyanya tersebut belum terlalu sempurna. hal ini dapat disimak pernyataannya, yakni sebagai berikut: “akan tetapi, walaupun saya telah berusaha menyusun terjemahan yang lengkap dengan jalan: menterjemahkan setiap lafadz dan menyebut terjemahan dari kalimat-kalimat yang ditaqdirkan, namun saya belum mengatakan bahwa terjemahan ini sudah benar-benar sempurna.”42 dengan pernyataan di atas, maka dapat dipahami bahwa pada aspek lain ternyata tafsir al-bayan memiliki keterbatasan. keterbatasan yang dimaksud di sini adalah dari aspek metodologis yang belum sempurna. misalnya, dalam masalah ayat-ayat yang mutasyabihat yang memiliki banyak kalimat-kalimat (tafsiran) yang ditaqdirkan. memang harus diakui bahwa men-taqdir-kan atau mengkira-kirakan interpretasi ayat-ayat mutasyabihat pada makna tertentu sangat sulit dan hal inilah yang dihindari oleh tm. hasbi. berdasarkan periodesasi di atas, maka dapat dipahami bahwa tafsir al-bayan, sesungguhnya telah menambah khasanah kepustakaan tafsir di indonesia sejak kurun waktu kedua periode modern. kesimpulan karya tafsir al-bayan yang ditulis oleh tm. hasbi al-siddiqie, pertama kali dicetak tahun 1966 oleh penerbit al-ma’arif bandung. kemudian dicetak lagi pada tahun 2002 oleh penerbit pustaka rizki putra semarang. karya tafsir ini terdiri dari dua jilid dan keseluruhan juz serta surah dalam alqur’an menjadi obyek tafsirannya. tafsir albayan ini, dilengkapi dengan uraian tentang sejarah jazirah arabia; muhammad saw; sejarah al-qur’an; penafsiran dan penterjemahan al-qur’an. latar belakang munculya disebabkan dua faktor. pertama, faktor intern, yakni sebagai upaya pengembangan tafsir al-nur. kedua, faktor ekstern, yakni sebagai upaya dalam rangka penyempurnaan karya-karya tafsir lain. tafsir al-bayan merupakan tafsir ayat-ayat al-qur’an secara utuh (30 juz 114 surah), dengan menggunakan metode penafsiran yang bersifat analitis, yakni metode tafsir al-tahlili. adapun bentuk penulisannya bercorak fiqhi (hukum). tafsir al-bayan merupakan salah satu kitab tafsir periode modern dan dengan beredarnya karya tafsir ini secara luas, tampaknya memiliki pengaruh yang sangat signifikan di tengah-tengah masyarakat (islam) indonesia. pada sisi lain karya tafsir ini telah memperkaya khazanah keilmuan tafsir, khususnya dalam priode modern perkembangan tafsir di indonesia. catatan akhir 1 lihat abu al-fadhl jalal al-din al-suyuti, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, vol. 2. cet. 2. (beirut: dar al-kutub alilmiyah, 1991) h. 381-386 2 lihat q.s. al-baqarah/2: 185; q.s. ‘ali imran /3: 4; q.s. al-nisa/4: 174. 3 lihat q.s. al-baqarah /2: 4; q.s. al-a’raf/7: 203; q.s. alanfal/8: 2. 4 lihat q.s. al-baqarah /2: 2; q.s. al-isra’/17: 9; q.s. alnur/24: 34 5 masa al-mutaqaddimin, bermula dari abad ii sampai abad vii h, atau tepatnya mulai dari tahun 150 h/782 m sampai tahun 656 h/1258 m. karya-karya tafsir yang lahir pada saat ini antara lain adalah; tafsir almuqatil karya muqatil ibn sulaiman (w. 150 h); tafsir al-kabir karya imam al-bukhari (w. 256 h); tafsir jami’ al-bayan ‘an ta’wil al-qur’an karya al-tabari (w. 310 h); tafsir. lihat muhammad husain al-¯ahabi, al-tafsir wa al-mufassirun, vol. i. cet. 2. (beirut: dar al-kutub al‘ilmiyah, 1976), h. 204. 6 masa al-muta’akhirin, bermula dari abad vii sampai abad xii h, atau tepatnya mulai tahun 656 h/1258 m doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 48 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sampai tahun 1286 h/1888 m. karya-karya tafsir yang lahir pada saat ini antara lain adalah; tafsir anwar al-tanzil wa asrar al-ta’wil karya al-baidawi (w. 692 h); tafsir mafatih al-ghaib karya fakhr al-razi (w. 606); tafsir nazm al-durar fi tanasub al-ayah wa al-suwar karya al-biqa’i (w. 885); tafsir ruh al-ma’ani karya alalûsi (w. 1270 h). selengkapnya, lihat muhammad husain al-¯ahabi, al-tafsir wa al-mufassirûn, h. 280294. bandingkan dengan ahmad al-syirbasi, qissat altafsir, (beirut: dar al-jil, 1978), h. 58-67 7 masa al-‘ashr (modern), bermula dari abad xiv h/xix m sampai sekarang, atau tepatnya mulai tahun 1287 h/ 1896 m sampai sekarang. karya-karya tafsir yang lahir pada saat ini antara lain adalah; tafsir al-manar karya muhammad abduh (w. 1905 m) dan muhammad rasyid ria (w. 1935 m); tafsir mahasin al-ta’wil karya al-qasimi (w. 1914 m); tafsir al-maraghi karya ahmad musmafa al-maragi (w. 1952 m); tafsir al-qur’an alkarim karya mahmud syaltut (w. 1952 m). selengkapnya, lihat muhammad husain al-¯ahabi, altafsir wa al-mufassirun. 8 lihat islah gusmian, khazanah tafsir di indonesia; dari hermeneutika hingga ideologi. cet. i, (jakarta: teraju, 2003), h. 65; ferry muhammadsyah siregar, the role of religious leaders in the study of tafsir in indonesia: case study of three pesantrens in yogyakarta from sociological and exegetical perspective, dissertation, (yogyakarta: sekolah pascasarjana ugm), h. 164-165. juga bandingkan howard m. federspiel, popular indonesian literature of al-qur’an, terjemah oleh drs. tajul arifin, ma, kajian al-qur’an di indonesia, cet. i, (bandung: penerbit mizan, 1996), h. 137 9 nama atau istilah “tengku” di sini merupakan laqab (gelar) terhormat yang hanya boleh dipakai oleh keturunan maharaja mangkubumi di lohokseumawe. dengan laqab ini, maka dapat diketahui bahwa tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy adalah termasuk keturunan raja dan bangsawan yang terpandang. sedangkan “ashshiddieqy” merupakan nisbat (sandaran) dari khalifah abû bakar ash-shiddiq. dalam hal ini, tm. hasbi ashshiddieqy berhak menyandarkan namanya pada “ash shiddieqy” karena dari silsilahnya, ia merupakan keturunan ke-37 dari abû bakar ash-shiddieqy. lihat, baso midong, riwayat hidup tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tesis magister, kualitas hadis tafsir al-nur karya tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, (ujungpandang: pps iain alauddin, 1994), h. 27. 1 0 nama asli sri maharaja mangkubumi adalah abdul hamid. ia mendirikan dan menjadi ketua pertama cabang sarikat islam sejak didirikan di lhokseumawe pada tahun 1916. lihat nourouzzaman siddiqi, fiqh indonesia: pengagas dan gagasannya, cet. i. (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1997), h. 3. 1 1 nourouzzaman siddiqi, fiqh indonesia: pengagas dan gagasannya, h. 14 1 2 nourouzzaman siddiqi, fiqh indonesia: pengagas dan gagasannya, h. 13-14. 1 3 lihat www.orido.wordpress.com., ibnu mubhar. kontribusi tm. hasbi al-siddiqi dalam kajian hadis di indonesia, diakses pada tanggal 3 desember 2010 1 4 baso midong, riwayat hidup tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy. 1 5 peralihan status ptain sunan kalijaga ke iain sunan kalijaga yang dilakukan berdasar-kan keputusan presiden no. 11 tahun 1960, tiga jurusan (syari’ah, tarbiyah, dakwah) pada ptain masing-masing dijadikan fakultas. hanya dakwah tetap berstatus jurusan pada fakultas ushuluddin. selanjutnya, peralihan status iain sunan kalijaga menjadi uin sekarang ini sepengetahuan penulis pada tahun 2003. 1 6 baso midong, riwayat hidup tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, h. 2 8 1 7 nourouzzaman siddiqi, fiqh indonesia: pengagas dan gagasannya, h. 28-29 1 8 nourouzzaman siddiqi, fiqh indonesia: pengagas dan gagasannya, h. 60. lihat pula baso midong, riwayat hidup tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy. 1 9 lihat www.orido.wordpress.com., ibnu mubhar. kontribusi tm. hasbi al-siddiqi dalam kajian hadis di indonesia, diakses pada tanggal 3 desember 2010 2 0 t.m. hasbi ash shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan, vol. ii. cet.i. edisi 2. (semarang: pustaka rizki putra, 2002) , h. 1660. 2 1 tafsir al-nûr merupakan karya tafsir yang disusun oleh tm. hasbi al-siddiqi yang terinspirasi oleh tafsir almaraghi. sistematikan penafsiran tafsir al-nûr adalah dengan mengemukakan ayat-ayat yang akan ditafsirkan satu, dua, tiga dan kadang-kadang lebih dengan urutan sesuai dengan susunan kitab mushaf uœmani. lihat tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-nur, cet.i. (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1965), h. 8-9 2 2 lihat islah gusmian, khazanah tafsir di indonesia; dari hermeneutika hingga ideologi, h. 32 dan 49. 2 3 t.m. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, “pembuka kata” dalam tafsir al-bayan, vol. i. h. xi 2 4 t.m. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, “pembuka kata” dalam tafsir al-bayan, vol. i. h. xi 2 5 tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan, vol. ii. h. 9 2 6 tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan, vol. ii. h. 101 1 2 7 metode tahlili adalah suatu metode tafsir yang bermaksud menjelaskan kandungan ayat-ayat alqur’an dari seluruh aspeknya dengan memperhatikan runtut ayat-ayat al-qur’an sebagaimana yang tercantum dalam mushaf, misalnya dari aspek pengertian kosa kata, asbab al-nuzul, munasabah, syarh ayat dan selainnya. lihat abd. al-hayy al-farmawi, albidayat fi al-tafsir al-maudhu’i, terjemah oleh siryan a. jamrah, metode tafsir maudhu’i, cet. i. (jakarta: lsik dan pt. raja grafindo persada, 1994), h. 12. 2 8 metode iijmali adalah suatu metode tafsir yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 49vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 menafsirkan ayat-ayat al-qur’an dengan cara mengemukakan makna-makna global. dalam sistematika uraiannya, penafsir membahas ayat-ayat demi ayat sesuai dengan susunan yang ada dalam mushaf. lihat abd. al-hayy al-farmawi, al-bidayat fi al-tafsir almaudhu’i, h. 29 2 9 metode muqaran adalah suatu metode tafsir yang mengemukakan penasiran ayat-ayat al-qur’an yang ditulis oleh sejumlah mufassir, kemudian ia membandingkan arah dan kecenderungan masingmasing mufassir. lihat abd. al-hayy al-farmawi, albidayat fi al-tafsir almaudhu’i, h. 30 3 0 metode maudhu’i adalah suatu metode tafsir yang menghimpun ayat-ayat al-qur’an yang mempunyai maksud sama dalam arti sama-sama membicarakan satu topik masalah dan menyusunnya berdasarkan kronologi serta sebab turunnya ayat-ayat tersebut. lihat abd. al-hayy al-farmawi, al-bidayat fi al-tafsir almaudhu’i, h.36. lihat juga ferry muhammadsyah siregar. nasr hamid abu zayd on tafsir, ta’wil, and quranic hermeneutic discourses: a linguistic perspective, germany lap. (2011), h. 27-36. 3 1 lihat nashruddin baidan, perkembangan tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia, cet. i. (solo: tiga serangkai, 2003), h. 31 3 2 munasabah adalah kemiripan-kemiripan yang terdapat pada hal-hal tertentu dalam al-qur’an baik surah maupun ayat-ayat-ayatnya yang menghubungkan uraian satu dengan lainnya. aspek munasabah dalam berbagai ayat dalam al-qur’an dapat ditemui dalam hal-hal berikut: (a) hubungan antara satu kalimat lain dalam satu ayat; (b) hubungan antara satu ayat dengan ayat yang lain dalam banyak ayat; hubungan antara satu ayat dalam surah dengan ayat pada surah yang lain. uraian lebih lanjut, lihat manna’ al-qattan, mabahis fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, (beirut: mansyurat li al-asr al-hadis, 1973), h. 61. 3 3 hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan, vol. ii, h. 1096. 3 4 abd. al-hayy al-farmawi, al-bidayat fi al-tafsir almaudhu’i, h. 12. 3 5 abd. al-hayy al-farmawi, al-bidayat fi al-tafsir almaudhu’i, h. 185. 3 6 hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan., vol.i. h. xv 3 7 hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan., vol.i. h. 86-87. 3 8 hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan, vol.i. dalam “pembuka kata”, h. xi 3 9 nashruddin baidan, perkembangan tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia, h. 32-81. 4 0 nashruddin baidan, perkembangan tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia, h. 81 4 1 nashruddin baidan, perkembangan tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia, h. 82 4 2 hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-bayan., vol. i. dalam “pembuka kata”, h. xi daftar pustaka ‘attar al-, dawud. 1994. mu’jaz ‘ulûm al-qur’an, diterjemahkan oleh afif muhammad dan ahsin muhammad dengan judul perspektif baru ilmu al-qur’an. cet. i. bandung: pustaka hidayah baidan, nashruddin. 2003. perkembangan tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia. cet. i. solo: tiga serangkai. departemen agama ri, 1992. al-quraan dan terjemahnya. surabaya: mahkota farmawi, al1994. abd. al-hayy. al-bidayat fi al-tafsir almaudû’i, terjemah oleh siryan a. jamrah dengan judul metode tafsir maudhui. cet. i. jakarta: lsik dan pt. raja grafindo persada federspiel, howard, 1996. popular indonesian literature of the qur’an, terjemah oleh drs. tajul arifin, ma. dengan judul kajian al-qur’an di indonesia. cet i. bandung: penerbit mizan gusmian, islah. 2003. khazanah tafsir di indonesia; dari hermeneutika hingga ideologi. cet. i. jakarta: teraju midong, baso. 1994. riwayat hidup tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy dalam “tesis magister” yang berjudul, kualitas hadis tafsir al-nur karya tm. hasbi ash-shiddieqy. ujungpandang: pps iain alauddin qattan, almanna’. 1973. mabahis fi ‘ulum al-qur’an. beirut: mansyurat li al-asr al-hadiœ shiddieqy, tm. hasbi ash-. 1993. ilmu-ilmu al-qur’an; media-media pokok dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an. cet. iii; jakarta: bulan bintang ———————. 2002. tafsir al-bayan. jilid i dan ii. semarang: pustaka rizki putra ———————. 1962. tafsir al-nur. bandung: pt. alma’arif shiddiqi, nourouzzaman. 1997. fiqh indonesia: pengagas dan gagasannya cet. i; yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar shihab, h.m. quraish. 1997. tafsir al-qur’an al-karim. cet.i; bandung: pustaka al-hidayah syirbasi, ahmad al-. 1978. qissat al-tafsir. beirut: dar al-jil siregar, ferry muhammadsyah. 2011. nasr hamid abu zayd on tafsir, ta’wil and quranic hermeneutic discourses: a linguistic perspective. germany: lap ———————. 2014. “the role of religious leader in the study of tafsir in indonesia: case study of three pesantrens in yogyakarta from sociological and exegetical (tafsir) perspective.” dissertation. yogyakarta: icrs-the ugm graduate school zahabi, muhammad husain, al-. 1976. al-tafsir wa almufassirun, vol. i. cet. ii. (t.t). beirut: dar al-kutub al‘ilmiyah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0018. 37-49 1. afkaruna_nur hadi ihsan universitas darussalam gontor nurhadiihsan@unida.gontor.ac.id nur hadi ihsan universitas darussalam gontor alifrahmadi20@gmail.com muhammad alif rahmadi universitas darussalam gontor elmal4112@gmail.com jamal jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 spirituality as the foundation of the hierarchy of needs in the humanistic psychology of abraham maslow and sufi psychology of said nursi https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.14495 abstract abraham maslow’s theory discredits the existence of religion and substitutes it with secular spirituality. it provides a space for anthropocentrism and materialism philosophy, freedom, authorization, and a single human potentiality. on the other hand, said nursi’s sufi psychology sets religious teachings as the radiance of spirituality. it identifies the genuineness of human beings as creatures who are obedient to god. this study aims to reveal how humanistic psychology and sufi psychology perceive the need for spirituality by referring to abraham maslow and said nursi. researchers identify, select, and formulate relevant and constructive narratives to support each theory stated. they then conducted a deductive content analysis of the references using the available variables, categories, and content tabulations. this research finds that maslow's spirituality relies on subjective human experience, and life satisfaction can be achieved by maximizing one's potential. on the other hand, nursi's spirituality is based on the shari'a and leads to fundamental happiness. for maslow, the existence of god has been alienated from the human mind, and religion has become a secondary component. at the same time, nursi has a tauhidic perspective on reality and believes that religion is the primary guidance of life. meanwhile, secular spirituality promises nothing but illusory pseudo-happiness. this concept originated from the confusion of modern western psychology on the nature of god, religion, and human psychology. this confusion will vanish if it refers to religious teaching as the ultimate truth. although both have differences in their ontological nature and conceptual psychological foundations, they both present a similar understanding of recognizing a higher entity capable of controlling human life. this entity is called god. in conclusion, nursi's concept of tawhid-based spirituality offers a solution to modern man's anxiety, emptiness, and powerlessness of their life problems. keywords: abraham maslow, hierarchy of needs, humanistic psychology, said nursi, sufi psychology. 2vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 a multitude of mental and spiritual health concerns are currently plaguing modern civilization. according to a cdc study, more than 40% of 18-24-year-olds experienced mental disorders (30.9%), acute trauma stressor-related disorder (26.3%),1 and drug misuse disorder (13%).2 this phenomenon is the result of an outrageous and immoral materialistic lifestyle. according to foucault, modern human life has reached a point of modernity madness.3 a selfish and hedonistic lifestyle describes a modern systemic illness as a ‘sick society.’4 in other words, modern society will face major mental health challenges in the coming years. on the other hand, religion has ceased to be a spiritually essential human necessity. in today’s world, institutional religion is a crippling problem.5 modern society has been shaped by secularism as a stumbling barrier.6 it is the separation of religious ideas and practices from the public sphere.7 secular civilization entails the secularization of individuals and is the first step toward creating harmony, balance, flow, and integrated existence.8 as the postmodern era grew increasingly sophisticated, a new type of religion known as secular spirituality arose.9 spirituality is mistakenly confused as a religious belief and custom is often felt and expressed through a shared communal activity of ritual around a common set of constructed values, ultimately individually forged yet collectively entertained.’10 introduction 3 afkaruna in the prior study of educational philosophy, karataş wrote that nursi asserts god placed people at the heart of the cosmos as the most valuable and glorious of all creatures.11 god created humans in the most beautiful temper and shape.12 people who live in faith-based environments are happier than those who do not.13 by the sufistic-maqashidic approach of muazaroh, religion as the essential need leads humanity to the general prosperity of life and must be carried out under sharia’s norms. meanwhile, maslow said, ‘all religions are the same in their essence and always have been the same.’14 he thought religion was perceived as an empirical and naturalistic ritual that scientifically produced inner happiness while ignoring its mystical and metaphysical aspects.15 this phenomenon contains ignorance of some religions' absolute truth and generates the perception that all religions are relative to universal values.16 maslow’s view is only concerned with a continued freshness of appreciation that is satisfying and tentative, although it is not rooted in spiritual experiences based on religious teachings.17 this experience is said to be a subjective form of religion, a form of spirituality without religion that gives false happiness to humans. some of the studies above are good sources relevant to the author's research on spirituality, bediuzzaman sa’īd nursī, abraham maslow, and some of the central ideas discussed. according to the two characters, the studies above can be the basis for comparing, patching, filling, correcting, and enriching ideas about spirituality. this research wants to answer several essential discussions formulated: what are the spiritual needs according to abraham maslow and sa’īd nursī? what are the differences and similarities in seeing the need for spirituality? this research aims to look into the compilations of different types of literature. this study drew on various primary and secondary sources to expound on the acquired information. original research projects or works are primary sources. the writings include empirical research, scientific analysis, and pertinent reporting. secondary articles are supplied, which can assist in highlighting the major elements found in journals, research method 4vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 publications, and encyclopedias. this study is qualitative, as it examines a variety of books and other references in libraries. this work also used a descriptive and comparative approach to analyze the views of the two figures under consideration. the purpose of this research was to look into the issues covered and extracted information from the relevant references.18 researchers are the most critical tool for gathering, inventorying, and extracting data from the resources that have been established.19 accordingly, the researchers utilized a descriptive model in each chapter.20 also, the researchers attempted to find, choose, and formulate relevant, constructive narratives to illustrate each stated theory.21 the researchers then used the available variables, categories, and content tabulations to conduct a content analysis deductively from the reference material. biography of abraham maslow abraham harold maslow was the first of seven children. on april 1, 1908, he was born to a non-jewish friend named brooklyn in new york, united states. both of his parents were uneducated jews who migrated from russia.22 because living in a different community certainly feels lonely and sometimes isolated because of these differences, he was attracted to alfred north whitehead, henry bergson, thomas jefferson, abraham lincoln, plato, spinoza, and william graham summer. his solitude made him study a variety of psychological theories as well as study the practical world.23 when he entered his teens, maslow worked as a newspaper deliverer and spent his summers working at a company for his family. at twenty, maslow ended his teenage years by marrying bertha goodman, still a cousin. maslow received b.a. in 1930, m.a, and ph.d. in 1934. maslow had the opportunity to meet john b. watson in wisconsin, a behaviorism pioneer. he also met by studying gestalt psychology and psychoanalysis by sigmund freud. after meeting these two figures, he realized that humans are not always driven by instinct but usually an invention that can fully humanize men from the birth of maslow's children. the journal of humanistic psychology explained that maslow was affiliated with several scientific activities and professional 5 afkaruna biography of sa’īd nursī sa’īd nursī was born in 1878 in nurs, bitlis province in eastern anatolia-now turkey.28 he studied in the town where he lived and attended several madrasas or traditional schools. then he continued his studies at the madrasa under sheikh muhammad jalali’s guidance and was known as molla said, then continued at bitlis and sirt.29 old nursi was his name in the last decade when the ottoman sultan was in power. learning groups.24 he was president of the massachusetts state psychological association and the new england psychological association. as a member of the american psychologist association, he also served as president of the division of personality and social psychology and president of the esthetics division. he was elected president of the entire association from 1967-to 1968. d.leg awarded him an honorary degree at xavier university in 1965.25 maslow then invited several psychologists with similar views to himself. in 1954, he formed a mailing list of 125 names that presented copies of their writings and alternating mimeography.26 betty w. keane, a psychotherapist from new york who approaches self-exploration through sensory awareness or direct experience experiments rather than just simple verbalization, was one of the reformers in establishing a personal closeness with maslow. he was fascinated by some of the writings of julian huxley, victor frankl, zen teachings, gestalt psychology, and even more, particular writings such as those of kurt goldstein. when he read maslow's work, toward a psychology of being, he was more interested and determined to know more about humanistic psychology. maslow surprises him by making a long-distance call and expressing his interest in betty's theory of sensory awareness. they eventually met and became best friends, and maslow added his name to the list of psychological reformers. in late 1950, anthony sutich was one of the figures who helped maslow in founding two important institutions in humanistic psychology, such as the journal of american psychologists and the american association for humanistic psychology.27 6vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 years up to the end of the first world war saw the final decades of the ottoman empire. this period of sa’īd nursī’s life, which he refers to as 'old said', was when he was “actively engaged in social and political life and hoped to use politics to serve the religion of islam.” with the commencement of the war, he took an active role as he commanded the militia forces on the caucasian front against the invading russians. in march 1916, he was taken as a prisoner of war to russia for two years before escaping in early 1918. this was followed by the defeat of the ottoman empire, leading to the occupation of istanbul and parts of turkey by foreign forces such as england, greece, and italy. however, there was a change in the tide, and the turks won the war of independence in 1923. although this victory boosted the morale of the turks, he was disillusioned by what he saw within turkey. he explains how “an abominable current of atheism was treacherously trying to subvert, poison and destroy” the minds of his people.30 sa’īd nursī had well and truly seen the dangers faced by people of faith. furthermore, nursi went to ankara after receiving an invitation to meet the national government members. spending eight months in ankara, he realized the current government’s course was not in line with islam and its teachings. he also knew he could not change things or work with them.31 disappointed with what he saw, he took a train from ankara to van in april 1923, where his focus completely changed. later on, realizing how returning to van had been a critical turning point, nursi called this the 'transitional journey.'32 in hindsight, the struggles he experienced led to the crystallization of his ideas, so the 'new nursi' was born. furthermore, the new sa’īd nursī turned his back on politics and saw the solution to the muslim world's problems as “saving and strengthening religious belief, which would form the basis of renewal and reconstruction.”33 he also realized the inadequacy of the human sciences and philosophy he had studied to reach the truth. this led him to take the qur'ān as his ‘sole guide.’34 there was also a change in sa’īd nursī’s personal life as he was noted for dedicating much time to worship, spending his nights in prayer, and his days in reflection (tafakkur).35 7 afkaruna the roots of spirituality in modern psychology the interaction, interrelationships, and attachments between psychology and spirituality are not new. in the western scientific tradition, we found there was such psychoanalysis of carl jung (1875-1961),36 the existential psychology of rollo may (1909-1994),37 and the humanistic psychology of abraham maslow (1908-1970).38 these various branches of psychology started to see that an irrational dimension tries to influence humankind’s life. for them, secular spiritual experiences, a deeper subjective awareness, and a peak form of unlimited ecstacies can initiate modern humans to achieve mental health and spiritual hygiene. however, the epistemological construction of contemporary psychology is still inseparable from secularism. psychologists have a traumatic conception of religion, primarily as a projection for mental health. for them, religion is different, and spiritual experience is something else. here, modern psychology removes god's existence as an indicator of the attainment of mental health. god is no longer considered the primary being. in that case, those regarded as healthy experience a connection to a significant entity, a higher secular spirituality and the supernatural, a feeling that is mainly connected to the world around them and sends them towards ‘self-realization.’39 carl jung, for example. epistemologically, he built his psychoanalytic concept based on the mystical experiences of human subjects in the system of individual unconsciousness.40 in his modern man in search of soul, he emphasizes unique experiences, personal premonitions, and human freedom's authority apart from religious teachings.41 religion is an irrational dimension that must be abandoned, mystical instruction that only gives spiritual alienation to its adherents.42 he straightforwardly sees religion (christianity) as not the solution to modern human's complex problems, but the human unconsciousness can be one. he creates the new 'image' of god from the human unconscious system because it is the source of the highest virtue, the highest knowledge, and where the guidance of life is situated.43 according to jung, his unconsciousness is considered a moral code that guides humans, even though it provides a place for secular spirituality, which becomes fundamental to his 8vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 an existentialist psychologist, rollo may, believes that man is haunted by a terror called religion. religion provides continuous anxiety, sustained insignificance, and persistent meaninglessness.44 religion is a kind of illusion and nothing but an exaggerated myth. even though it is embraced by many people and is still maintained, it is occupied with endless rites. it can not be separated from human shortages of inconsistency.45 in the aspect of psychology, may sees that religion provides existential anxiety to man in the form of supernatural mechanisms and expressed through beliefs and religious practice. cognitively speaking, a human’s faith is considered a magical power, influencing him to act dogmatically, instinctively, and usually captured through illusional experience.46 in this late twenty-first century, one of the well-known schools of modern psychology is humanistic. theoretically, this branch provides a variety of humanism paradigms that see, understand, and discover human beings' authenticity for their potentialities and abilities.47 human potential is central. it should be explored and shaped under the compartment of a versatile homo sapien.48 humanistic psychology views human existence through autonomization, accessibility in thinking behavior, alienation of social rights, gifts, and independence abilities of anthropocentric human individuals. in 1933, alfred adler stated no doubt that the physical aspect of man we recognize tends to reach perfection. since then, a new paradigm has emerged. humans are seen as more reliable creatures, have complete control over their destinies, become more active and creative, and have a futuristic orientation.49 this flow has become a breakthrough behind the inability of psychoanalytic psychology50 and behaviorism51 concerning human personality. while sigmund freud understood humans as entities controlled by aggressive instincts and sexual desires, this branch approached the human character through its psycho-social needs in detail and depth. if b.f. skinner of his behaviorism sees stimulus-response mutualistic relation. humanistic psychology determines the meaning behind this behavior as more holistic and gradual.52 9 afkaruna spiritual needs in both abraham maslow and sa’id nursi a. abraham maslow and hierarchy of need in maslow's thinking, maslow uses seventeen basic concepts to understand humans as a whole. among these critical points are first, humans are fully integrated individuals. second, the drive or need characteristics are not necessarily related to one particular need. third, motivation becomes part of the study of ultimate human goals. fourth, humans cannot ignore life in the subconscious. fifth, the absolute and fundamental desire is not far from what he experiences daily. sixth, the desire that arises and is realized is often the beginning of other hidden goals. seventh, motivation must assume that motivation is constant and will never end, and several other basic concepts. the problem of humanistic spirituality since the emergence of the discourse of religion and psychology integration, western psychologists have begun to search for what is missing from modern psychological methods to attain mental health stability.53 humanistic psychology assesses mental health as self-autonomization that includes regulating free behavior, good self-growth and development, empathy and social sensitivity, and ability and self-integration with the environment.54 mental health condition was measured by how a person perceives an empirical reality. nevertheless, the contemporary western scientific psychology tradition does not discuss metaphysical phenomena and religious experiences. still, much of its analysis is adequate sensory, materialistic, and quite objective.55 modern human life needs transformation for identity, where vulnerability may have occurred, and life meanings are vanishing.56 especially with the perverted problems of contemporary western spirituality, the conception of mental health has landed in the holes of secularism which necessitated secular psychotherapy and secular healing practices.57 mental health is achieved more by offering a paradigm of secular western psychologists. at the same time, the perspective of seeing the substance and complexity of humans has been reduced to an individual who stands without the power of god in it. 10vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 furthermore, maslow divides needs into five phases, namely physical needs, the need for security, the need for belonging and love, the need for esteem, and the need for self-actualization. first, physiological needs. this need is the most basic and dominant. these needs are more material and biological, such as oxygen, food, water, etc. the conditions of world war ii greatly influenced the ideas. humans were in a pathetic situation; hunger was everywhere, and maslow argued that physical needs were essential. second, safety needs. after the biological and material needs are met, humans seek a sense of security, which may be the need for protection, freedom from fear, chaos, difficulties, and troubles in life. this need is nothing but aimed at developing human life to become better than the previous state. third, the belongingness and love need. after humans have possessed the physical needs and a sense of security, they will tend to seek the love of others so that they can be understood and understood by others. according to maslow, the need for love is not the same as having sex. on the other hand, maslow asserts that the need for sex is categorized as a physical need. this need for love reinforces that humans cannot be separated from the love of others, a sense of belonging to each other in life. fourth, the esteem needs. after the three needs above are met, it becomes a human instinct to be appreciated by others and the community. maslow divides this need into two parts. first, it was considered strong, able to compete appropriately, have expertise in dealing with various kinds of problems, and free and independent. at the same time, the other needs are more of an appreciation. it's also a desire to have a particular reputation and prestige (respect and merit from others). this need will psychologically impact self-confidence, worth, strength, etc. the last need is the need for self-actualization. this need is the highest peak of human achievement after the above needs are met. humans will highly experience the accomplishment of this self-actualization in life. they will experience a change in perception and motivation to grow and develop continuously. the five hierarchy of needs above become maslow's fundamental structure in explaining human life today. the founding concept of maslow's theory is how humans are motivated by several basic needs that are the same for all species, do not change, and come from genetic or instinctive sources. needs are also psychological, not merely physiological, because this need is the core of human existence. at the same time, something is called an essential need if it meets the following conditions: if not fulfilled, it can cause disease. fulfilling it can prevent infection. his recovery can cure the disease. people are free to choose in certain very complex situations (someone in need will tend to select needs over other satisfactions. the need is inactive, weak, or functionally absent in healthy people.58 as explained earlier, unlimited human needs to fulfill his mental health state give him inner and spiritual happiness, even though his material needs are fulfilled. needs are still seen through physical and material forms side. this theory's physiological, biological, and self-actualization styles are more material and full of materialism philosophy.59 even though it looks sophisticated, the need for spirituality is rarely discussed. even though it existed, humanistic psychology and its spirituality were quite problematic because it is not religion-based but a similar supernatural-mystical activity for self-reassurance. spirituality can be from mystical activities that give inner perfection, avoiding organized religion. with certain puristic rituals. on one occasion in california, he gave a lecture and said: these mystics’ experiences feel the ultimate satisfaction of vague and unsatisfied yearning. they are like a sudden stepping into heaven, like the miracle achieved, like perfection finally attained.60 they sought that mystical experiences are like a step toward heaven, miracle, and perfection that man should attain. this hierarchy of needs also can not be separated from criticism in psychiatry, health psychology, and social sciences, such as that written by uriel abulof.61 his paper poses a fundamental question for maslow: whether the theory is still relevant for human needs or a merely hierarchical pyramid triangle going extinct due to modern changes. should another dimension be added? are there any additional needs that have not been included in the hierarchical structure? for him, the lowest level in the hierarchy only makes a man like an animal. the top level is reserved for those who fully complete their material element despite their deficiency in 11 afkaruna 12vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 in maslow's explanation of religion, he maintains that individual experiences influence human belief to be recognized for their existence. personal experience is significant because it can bring humans to self-perfection. mystical experiences, illuminations, and extraordinary awareness, as long as the observer or influential figure, must be forgotten and eliminated because it teaches religious orthodoxy and the authority of a belief that removes the human self’s potential. spiritual experience can accommodate human needs without faith in religion because this phenomenon is sufficient to provide the human potential for the actual application. on the other hand, he does not have to believe in religion to experience a profound awareness, but enough to do religionization or the fact that everything that calms down can represent religion to achieve human happiness. jim mccleskey also explains the problem of the absence of spirituality in maslow's theory.62 in his view, maslow's theory makes religious truth relative and has very little objective value. maslow has a radical perspective on religion, providing humanist values and denying supernatural elements in life. even if it's a little, transcendence can only be seen from the existence of humans who have actualized themselves without religious teachings. maslow's transcendental values in religion are not a concern because self-actualization as the culmination of the hierarchy of needs has also been considered an actual character that can be juxtaposed with religious teachings; self-actualizing people parallel, at many points, the ideals urged by religions.63 b. sa’īd nursī and tauhid as the basis of spirituality bediuzzaman sa’īd nursī has different insightful ideas toward pure spirituality to answer various multi-dimensional crises. nursi's idea came from a perspective on reality based on the al-qur'an verses, which provide spiritual guidance for humans. in islam, tauhid is the main principle that governs human life. in moslem’s view, reality is not dichotomic and partially misunderstood but based on tauhid which sees an integral unity in seeing reality as the core of the islamic worldview.64 the macrocosmic reality is like the natural phenomena of the universe, or the microcosm is 13 afkaruna like humans. their anatomical elements are nothing but the form of his most great signs.65 this point of view becomes a worldview and a fundamental belief of a muslim and the core of the teachings of islam, which must be understood wholeheartedly.66 more than that, the islamic intellectual tradition is characterized by an integrative paradigm model, harmonious, rooted in god's oneness. muslims who believe in tauhid believe that allah is the only god and is not an ally, the source of everything. there is no single essence apart from himself.67 in sa’īd nursī’s conception, spirituality is built based on the teachings of tawheed, the heart of the spirit of islam, the purpose of life, and the fundamental truths of man's creation.68 tauhid is the confession of god that manifests in all things, starting from a single essence to guide human life. a good human being is a person who knows himself and is connected to his god. here, nursi divides the human self into several forms: the spiritual self, the rabbani self, the nafsani self, the tafakkur self, the tadabbur self, and the physical self.69 rabbani's self is the soul's movement to surrender perfectly to god to make sincere offerings only to him. humans are equipped with five senses to develop all their potential, as well as the knowledge they have, the sense of sight, the sense of hearing, the sense of taste, and the sense of smell, all of which are possessed by the essence of god who manifests in human form. said nursi calls it a mirror reflecting god's beautiful names (asmā' al-husnā) as a comprehensive creation. the purpose of humans' creation is not only to eat and drink, joke and play, die, and become carcasses. humankind was not created to accumulate its total material needs and pleasures like animals. they were created to worship him, worship the true nature of worship and live in order under his guidance. then, the spiritual self is the self that puts all the flaws in the most fundamental part. this self explains human helplessness to live without the guidance of god. this self is none other than the soul, which is in the form of spirituality and is said to be with the spirit. the soul's concept is also formed through consciousness not to forget allah and avoid rejecting his existence. next is the self who does tadabbur, doing all the prophet muhammad's sunnah and allah swt commands from the 14vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 comparison between maslow and nursi in human origin, maslow emphasizes the empirical humanist state and rejects religion. the emphasis on these two souls does not create humans close to god. they dwell on epistemological and ontological statuses based on worldly dimensions and remain separated from god. because al-qur'an al-karim, such as doing dhikr and reading ma'thurat, leaving the sins of the kaba'ir. subsequently, tadabbur self means to control and think about something.70 before thinking, the gate is the heart, which can intellectually be awake to interpret an event under the supervision of allah swt.71 tadabbur is a path that is very dear to god. with tadabbur, humans prove an absence of other than allah in the presence of the heart (al-hudlur bi al-qalb). the tadabbur of a human being is a representation of god and the basis for a muslim's daily behavior so that the world should be seen as a field of good deeds, not to get a job and get gifts, praise, and appreciation. tadabbur proved the weakening of the human self first and the weak's solid and wise powers. these characteristics are embedded in every human form and are a bridge to ultimate truth. then the physical self, humans are always influenced by the soul movement, in which the soul tends to achieve the essence of holiness by looking at allah and equipped with increased worship to him. if a human finds his natural need in the body, it will activate a courageous form of the soul, a gradually formed soul based on his weakness. the last one is the self who does tafakkur. tafakkur is derived from fakkara or power, which leads to understanding and power to knowledge.72 according to ibn qayyim, tafakkur is a thought process that can distinguish between good and evil, haq and batil.73 raghib al-asfahani added that tafakkur is closely correlated with the heart because it can find wisdom behind the events that occur and, of course, lead to the truth (haq).74 for nursi, practicing meditation uses reason as a philosophical tool to find the source of truth, showing its meaning. intellect is a unique character; that character has a right in life and its territorial area towards the original essence, namely god. tafakkur is a form of rational thinking and a philosophical justification as a source of knowledge.75 15 afkaruna humans measure the truth of their personal experiences that satisfy their lusts and desires, this knowledge stands alone and is deliberately shaped for worldly needs. maslow's knowledge is human knowledge, which is materialistic and produces nothing but emptiness. in contrast to maslow, as can be seen in the graphic 1, sa’īd nursī returns the soul and nature of humans to their original place, humans who recognize god and perform good religious teachings. humans with control over themselves cannot be separated from religious teachings based on the ultimate truth but can provide a clear and peaceful path in life. in the beginning, humans were perfect creatures, but maslow had reduced humans to a low degree and had no religious values. meanwhile, sa’īd nursī explained that religious values in humans exist, and these values will shine as a delicate light only if they are held out if humans have faith. in this context, islam becomes the light of human life to get out of worldly darkness. besides, for sa’īd nursī, thoughtful humans should be able to digest the science and art of the universe so that the essence and manifestation of belief in nature can be known. humans should follow the sunnah of the prophet muhammad saw by emulating all his behavior and personality and making him the sharia principle in acting and thinking. this will cause humans to experience self-awareness in the various passageways and rails that the shari'a has determined. religious knowledge becomes essential knowledge, and many things in this world cannot always be solved by human expertise and empirical measures but are contained in the teachings of religion and the experience of the graphic 1. the comparison between maslow’s and nursi about the need for spirituality in the hierarchy of need 16vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 existence of god. preserving faith and activities is maintained by worshiping and opening the way to heaven. faith is the most important necessity, and nothing can take us to heaven except with the faith we enclose.76 meanwhile, maslow's individual inner experiences, epistemically empty, do not provide any valid form of knowledge. his theories left developmental stages beyond the adult ego, which involve experiences of connectedness with phenomena considered outside the boundaries of ego and only focus on uniting the steps of the growth of the human ego with the higher nature of human mental development. furthermore, most humans within the distance of their spirituality only blunder with human values and provisional spiritual experiences. this even produces a crisis. giorgi said that the problem results from having had a compelling impact on the clinical world but failing to capture the imagination of those working in diverse areas across the specialization. stated differently, humanistic psychology more than delivered in terms of its potential human promise to psychology but did not win decisive accomplishments in terms of having its metapsychological and analysis pledges.77 the following criticism narrowed down to the status of human independence who experienced self-actualizes. this situation is based on an assumption opposed to the dominant humanistic view of the nature of the individual. it rejects the notion of an autonomous self, and maslow's idea of growth and progress is meaningless. the absence of religious guidance during his childhood also influenced maslow's life so that he grew up. like the shelter, protector, and guide of life, religion has been alienated and replaced by temporary needs. for maslow, such a totalizing analysis of power relationships would be a minimal view of human reality, especially its denial of individual freedom to affect meaningful change. this makes the self-actualizes state that even though he gets the happiness, he has. he enters a state of alienation, which does not have a positive social impact even though it is slightly. some of the terms he uses tend to form a high individualism, such as rivalry, competition, personal chauvinism, money, power status, domination, and manipulation. on the other hand, sa’īd nursī conceived the level of 17 afkaruna a great human being because it is close to the supreme essence of god. knowing god and worshiping him is the primary purpose of creation, as he stated: be sure that the highest aim of creation and its most crucial result is belief in god (al-imān billāh). and the most exalted rank in humanity and its highest degree is the knowledge of god (marifatullāh) within faith in god. and the most radiant happiness and sweetest bounty for jinn and human beings are the love of god (mahabbatullāh) contained within the knowledge of god. and the purest joy for the human spirit and the sheerest delight for man's heart is the rapture of the spirit (lazzat al-rūhaniyah) contained within the love of god.78 with iman, humans will get the highest degree as a creature (a’dham darajāt al-basyariyah). indeed, all true happiness, pure joy, sweet bounties, and untroubled pleasure lie in knowledge of god and love of god; they cannot exist without them.79 with this, humans can encounter themselves living in the inner (bātin) and outer (zāhir) tranquility, not resentful when they get into hazards because of the belief that god in religious activities supplies life guidance through the shari'a as a form of love for his servants. according to nursi, all activities carried out by humans are the actualization of their potential.80 these potentials include the sense of hearing, the sense of taste, the sense of sight, the sense of touch, and the sense of sight. aspects of human cognition, such as the ability to think and analyze and provide answers to every problem in life, are wisdom/ hikmah from god that should be used properly. to achieve a healthy state of mind, spirit, and body, nursi said that the actualization of all human potential does not only stop at the use of aspects of the dimensions of the human body, such as the physical and biological organs of the body. furthermore, using the measurement of thinking with the heart / qalbu, sharpening the power of thinking with the mind/ aql, and giving actualization to an atmosphere of tranquillity for the soul and other metaphysical organs with such tremendous power for a peaceful and happy life. in the practical aspect, humans do not make the world's life the end of their dreams because they will get temporary pleasures and fall into a narrow area so that their efforts will be in vain. then on the day of resurrection (yaumul jazā'), all the organs given to humans will be 18vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 resurrection (yaumul jazā'), all the organs given to humans will be observers against them by complaining about all the actions of humans while living in this world. the attainment and stages of authenticity in mental health also include the presence granted by abraham maslow. although every human potential and capacity is utilized accurately, all of them only aim to accumulate worldly happiness and temporal happiness. the need for spirituality can be easily replaced with a need for otherworldly pleasures since pleasure is the essence and optimum gaining of earthy life. the dependence on only biological nature is the key to maslow’s psychology; it is a nourishment of the soil of human biological nature. the physical and spiritual aspects are separable. in this coupling, the physical takes distinct priority. in the end, mental health conditions oriented to worldly pleasures can bring humanity further to another anxiety, with the loss of hope and the meaning of true life. conclusion these passages will conclude that a need for religion is fundamental. based on the tauhidic perspective of understanding reality, this need is the beginning of other human needs. in practice, this spirituality will shape humans who remember their god no matter their circumstances—starting with tafakkur and tadabbur, two contemplative procedures. sa’īd nursī has developed an integrated paradigm for describing the nature of the human self, including religious values. based on religious teachings, human needs are met first by having confidence in god to live intelligently and find peace of mind. the function of religion and god in regulating human needs was dismissed by humanistic psychology. otherwise, said nursi proposed a tauhid-based pattern. in contrast, maslow’s theory of hierarchy of need impressively provides several key concepts of human psychological considerations which affect their complementary life. it is a universal human need, the need and drive to experience pleasure. in yoga terms, this equates to the second chakra, the pleasure of lovemaking, the joy that comes from good company with good wine, and the transcendence pleasure from listening to music or 19 afkaruna dancing at a party.81 referring to maslow’s hierarchy, these pleasures are significant and play an important role in life’s experience as worth living. the entertainments, worldly pleasures, and tremendous diverse nuance are the related needs of human beings. maslow exclusively concerns the proportions of the material human dimension and is distant from sacred teachings. maslow gives several methods to perpetuate mental health conditions, but they are meaningless except to get into the emptiness and false well-being.82 this is anticipated to maslow’s disarray about human reality and temporary life. he accomplishes it, despite not having a legal basis in searching for the source of truth and genuine pleasure. the splendors of life become disorders and chaotic disabilities. maslow proclaimed a form of suffering from the sensations of the beating of individualism, self-conceit, and critical chaos. the absence of religion and spiritual guidance from the ultimate truth makes it easy for humans to experience problematic disorders, in distinction to said nursi, who provides a spiritual need as basic for all things so that humans can enjoy prosperity and feel peace in their lives. endnotes kenneth i. pargament and james w. lomax, “understanding and addressing religion among people with mental illness,” world psychiatry 12, no. 1 (february 2013): 26–32, https://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20005. paul m. dietze et al., “mental health, substance use, and suicidal ideation during the covid-19,” addictive behaviors 29, no. 32 (2020): 1049–57. sigmund freud, a general introduction to psycho-analysis (mortimer j. adler, 2003). and see liah greenfield, mind, modernity and madness (usa: harvard university press, 2013). kenneth boyd, m, disease, ilness , sickness, health, healing and wholeness: exploring some elusive concepts (j.medical ethics, 2000). wilson. r bryan, religion in secular society (england: oxford university press, 2016), xxi. muhammad khalid mas’ud, the construction and deconstruction of secularism as an ideology in contemporary muslim thought (leiden: islamabad, council of islamic ideology, 2005). and see oemar bakry, islam menentang sekularisme (jakarta: mutiara, 1984). adian husaini, mengapa barat menjadi sekuler-liberal? (ponorogo: cios-isid gontor, 2015), 43. owen chadwick, the secularization of the european mind in the nineteenth century (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1975), 27 1 2 3 4 5 6 20vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 nineteenth century (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1975), 27 and 149. jonathan van antwerpen, rethinking secularism (new york: oxford university press., 2011). nadia bartolini et al., “the place of spirit,” progress in human geography 41, no. 3 (june 26, 2017): 338–54, https://doi.org/10.1177/03091325166445 12. charles taylor, a secular age (england: the belknap press of harvard university press, 2007), 505. john mills, inventing god, psychology of belief and the rise of secular spirituality (new york: routledge taylor & francis group, 2016). mills. kasim karatas, “educational philosophy according to bediuzzaman said nursi,” the journal of rısale-i nur studies 1 (2018): 1–16. al-qur’an al-karim, n.d. anees ahmed, “said nursi’s concept of education and revitalization of muslim culture and civilization with special reference to southeast asia,” asian journal of multidisciplinary studies 2, no. 9 (2014). abraham harold maslow, religion, values, and peak experiences (new york: viking publishing, 1070). douglas a. macdonald et al., “spirituality as a scientific construct: testing its universality across cultures and languages,” ed. cédric sueur, plos one 10, no. 3 (march 3, 2015): e0117701, https://doi.org/10.1371 /journal.pone.0117701. gabriel s. crane and glenn hartelius, “introduction to the special topic section on transpersonal measures of spirituality,” international journal of transpersonal studies 36, no. 1 (2017): 98–100, https://doi.org/10.249 72/ijts.2017.36.1.98. carol. d. ryff, adult personality development and the motivation for personal growth,” in advances in motivation and achievement: motivation and adulthood (greenwich: jai press, 1985). hardani, buku metode penelitian kualitatif kuantitatif (yogyakarta: cv pustaka ilmu grup, 2020). philipp mayring, qualitatative content analysis, theoretical foundation, basic procedures, and software solution (klagenfurt: copyright philipp mayring, 2014), 12. philipp mayring, qualitatative content analysis, theoretical foundation, basic procedures, and software solution. sarah j. tracy, qualitative research methods, collecting evidence, crafting analysis, communicating impact (new york: john wiley & sons, 2013), 29. duane p schultz, theories of personality, tenth edition (usa. wadsworth: cengage learning, 2009). erdy nasrul, pengalaman puncak abraham maslow (ponorogo: 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 21 afkaruna “abraham h. maslow: a bibliography,” journal of humanistic psychology 10, no. 2 (october 26, 1970): 98–110, https://doi.org/10.1177/00221678700 1000202. “abraham h. maslow: a bibliography.” roy jose decarvalho, “a history of the ‘third force’ in psychology,” journal of humanistic psychology 30, no. 4 (september 15, 1990): 22–44, https://doi.org/10.1177/002216789003000403. decarvalho. sukran vahide, islam in modern turkey an intellectual biography of bediuzzaman said nursi (new york: state university of new york press, 2005), 3. coruh hakan, “bediuzzaman said nursi and his understanding of exegesis in his risale-i-nur” (australian catholic university school of theology and philosophy, 2015), https://doi.org/10.4226/66/5a9cb66db 0b76. and see dhita ayomi purwaningtyas nur hadi ihsan, hasanah purnamasari, “said nursi education concept: integration of spiritual, intellectual, and moral dimensions,” muaddib: studi kependidikan dan keislaman 11, no. 01 (2021): 76–87. said nursi, the flashes m. hakan yavuz, islamic political identity in turkey (oxford and new york: oxford university press, 2003). vahide, islam in modern turkey an intellectual biography of bediuzzaman said nursi. vahide. nur hadi ihsan and ridani faulika permana, “transformasi mahabbah menjadi cinta abadi dalam konsep tasawuf badiuzzaman said nursi,” aqidah dan filsafat islam 6, no. 2 (2021): 178–92. vahide, islam in modern turkey an intellectual biography of bediuzzaman said nursi. jung carl gustav, psychology and religion (london: yale university press, 1938). rollo may, existence, a new dimension of psychiatry and psychology (usa: library of congress catalog, 1958). david e. leary, william james on the self and personality, clearing the ground for subsequent theorist, researches, and practitioners (psychology faculty publication: university of richmond, 1990). paul heelas, the new age movements, the celebration of the self and the sacralization of modernity (oxford: blackwell publishing, 1996). schultz, theories of personality, tenth edition. carl jung, modern man in search of a soul (london: routledge francis & taylor, 2005). 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 22vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 punita miranda, “c. g. jung on religion,” self revista do instituto junguiano de são paulo 4, no. 1 (2019), https://doi.org/10.21901/2448-3 060/self-2019.vol04.0008. miranda. rollo may, the meaning of anxiety (new york: w.w norton & company, 1950). may. frederic peters, “existential anxiety and religiosity,” critical research on religion 7, no. 3 (december 2019): 275–91, https://doi.org/10.1177/2050 303219874382. kirk. j sneider, the handbook of humanistic psychology, theory, research and practice (usa: sage publication, 2015). joseph r. royce, humanistic psychology, concepts and criticism (new york and london: plenum oress, 1981). ricahrd house, humanistic psychology, current trends and future prospects (new york: routldege taylor & francis grup, 2015). schultz, theories of personality, tenth edition. schultz. house, humanistic psychology, current trends and future prospects. hooman keshavarzi and amber haque, “outlining a psychotherapy model for enhancing muslim mental health within an islamic context,” international journal for the psychology of religion 23, no. 3 (july 2013): 230–49, https://doi.org/10.1080/10508619.2012.712000. and see amber haque, “psychology from an islamic perspective,” global psychologies: mental health and the global south 43, no. 4 (2018): 137–50, https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95816-0_8. and see hisham abu-raiya, “towards a systematic qura’nic theory of personality,” mental health, religion & culture 15, no. 3 (march 2012): 217–33, https://doi.org/10.1080/13674676.2011.640622. and see harold g. koenig phillip huguelet, religion and spirituality in psychiatry (cambirdge: cambridge university press, 2009). per-anders tengland, “marie jahoda’s current concepts of positive mental health,” in mental health (dordrecht: springer netherlands, 2001), 47–78, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2237-7_4. and see eric matthews, “handbook of the philosophy of medicine mind-brain dualism and its place in mental health care,” jurnal springer science + bussiness media dordrecht 1 (2017). matthews. jurgen habermas, the philosophical discourse of philosophy (united kingdom: cambridge polity press, n.d.). and see charles baudelaire, the painter of modern life (london: penguin classics, 2010). and see eric hobsbawm, the age of revolution, europe 1789 – 1848, the age of 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 23 afkaruna capital, 1848 – 1875, the age of empire, 1875 – 1914, (new york: vintage books, n.d.). and see george simmel, the metropolis and mental life in levine, in simmel: on individuality and social forms (chicago: chicago university press, n.d.). thomas g. plante, contemplative action in spirituality, meditation, and health. (washington: library congress cataloging inn-data, 2010). duane p schultz, a history of modern psychology (usa wadsworth: cengage learning, 2011). frederik albert lange, history of materialism and criticism of its present importance (boston: james r. osgood and company, 1877). and see george graham, the disordered of mind, an introduction to philosophy of mind and mental illness (london: routldge taylor and francis group, 2010). and see matthews, “handbook of the philosophy of medicine mind-brain dualism and its place in mental health care.” abraham maslow, lesson from the peak experiences. public lecture (california: sherwood hall, 1961). uriel abulof, “introduction: why we need maslow in the twenty-first century,” society 54, no. 6 (december 2017): 508–9, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12115-017-0198-6. larry ruddell jim a. mccleskey, “taking a step back — maslow ’ s theory of motivation: a christian critical perspective,” journal of blibical integration in busines, no. 1943 (2019). abraham harold malosw, toward a psychology of being (new york: nostrand reinhold, 1968). abul a’la maududi, the process of islamic revolution (lahore: islamic publications, 1977). and see sheikh atif al-zayn, al-islâm wa al aidulujiyyât al-insân (beirut: dâr al-kitâb al-mishr, 1989). and see m. sayyid quthb, muqowamât al-tashawwur al-islâmî (kairo: darul syuruq, 1997). and see alparslan acikgence, islamic science, towards definitions (kuala lumpur: istac, 1996). and see syed muhammad naquib al-attas, prolegomena to the metaphysicd of islam (kuala lumpur: istac, 1995). munawir haris, “spiritualitas islam dalam trilogi kosmos,” ulumuna 17, no. 2 (november 2017): 323–46, https://doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v17i2.165. syaikh salih bin utsaimin, al-‘aqîdah al-wasathiyyah (jeddah: dar ibnu jauzi, 1421). majma’ al-lughah al-‘arabiyah, al-mu’jam al-wasîth (kairo: maktabah al-syurûq al-dauliyah, 2005). colin turner, “the six-sided vision of said nursi: towards a spiritual architecture of the risale-i nur,” islam and christian–muslim relations 19, no. 1 (january 2008): 53–71, https://doi.org/10.1080/13510340701770 295. abdul gaffar et al., “self actualization according to bediuzaman said 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 24vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 nursi (1877-1960) in risale-i nur,” psychology and education journal 58, no. 2 (2021): 141–53, https://doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i2.1064. raghib al-asfahani, al-mufradat fi gharibil alfadzil quran (damaskus: darul qalam, 1412). abu al-fada` ismail bin umar bin katsir, tafsir al-qur’an al-azim (kairo: dar thayyibah li al-nashr wa al-tauzi’, 1999). raghib al-asfahani, al-mufradat fi gharibil alfadzil quran. abdul al-azhim syarifuddin, ibnu qayyim al-jauziyah asruhu wa manhajuhu (cairo: maktabah al-kullliyah al-azhari, 1967). raghib al-asfahani, al-mufradat fi gharibil alfadzil quran. ihsan and permana, “transformasi mahabbah menjadi cinta abadi dalam konsep tasawuf badiuzzaman said nursi.” bediuzzaman sa’īd nursī, al-maktubat, kulliyat 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london: yale university press, 1938. jurgen habermas. the philosophical discourse of philosophy. united kingdom: cambridge polity press, n.d. kasim karatas. “educational philosophy according to bediuzzaman said nursi.” the journal of rısale-i nur studies 1 (2018): 1–16. keshavarzi, hooman, and amber haque. “outlining a psychotherapy model for enhancing muslim mental health within an islamic context.” international journal for the psychology of religion 23, no. 3 (july 2013): 230–49. https://doi.org/10.1080/10508619.2012.712000. leary, david e. william james on the self and personality, clearing the ground for subsequent theorist, researches, and practitioners. psychology faculty publication: university of richmond, 1990. m. hakan yavuz. islamic political identity in turkey. oxford and new york: oxford university press, 2003. macdonald, douglas a., harris l. friedman, jacek brewczynski, daniel holland, kiran kumar k. salagame, k. krishna mohan, zuzana ondriasova gubrij, and hye wook cheong. “spirituality as a scientific construct: testing its universality across cultures and languages.” edited by cédric sueur. plos one 10, no. 3 (march 3, 2015): e0117701. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0117701. majma’ al-lughah al-‘arabiyah. al-mu’jam al-wasîth. kairo: maktabah al-syurûq al-dauliyah, 2005. malosw, abraham harold. toward a psychology of being. new york: nostrand reinhold, 1968. 26vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 malosw, abraham harold. religion, values, and peak experiences. new york: viking publishing, 1070. mas’ud, muhammad khalid. the construction and deconstruction of secularism as an ideology in contemporary muslim thought. leiden: islamabad, council of islamic ideology, 2005. maslow, abraham. lesson from the peak experiences. public lecture. california: sherwood hall, 1961. matthews, eric. “handbook of the philosophy of medicine mind-brain dualism and its place in mental health care.” jurnal springer science + bussiness media dordrecht 1 (2017). al-maududi, abul a’la. the process of islamic revolution. lahore: islamic publications, 1977. may, rollo. existence, a new dimension of psychiatry and psychology. usa: library of congress catalog, 1958. ———. the meaning of anxiety. new york: w.w norton & company, 1950. mills, john. inventing god, psychology of belief and the rise of secular spirituality. new york: routledge taylor & francis group, 2016. miranda, punita. “c. g. jung on religion.” self revista do instituto junguiano de são paulo 4, no. 1 (2019). https://doi.org/10.21901/2448-3060/self-2019.vol04.0008. nasrul, erdy. pengalaman puncak abraham maslow. ponorogo: cios-gontor, 2010. nur hadi ihsan, hasanah purnamasari, dhita ayomi purwaningtyas. “said nursi education concept: integration of spiritual, intellectual, and moral dimensions.” muaddib: studi kependidikan dan keislaman 11, no. 01 (2021): 76–87. nursī, bediuzzaman sa’īd. al-iman wa takamul al-insan. cairo: dar sozler li al-nashr, 2011. nursī, bediuzzaman sa’īd.. al-maktubat, kulliyat 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al-islâmî. kairo: darul syuruq, 1997. r. royce, joseph. humanistic psychology, concepts and criticism. new york and london: plenum oress, 1981. 27 afkaruna raghib al-asfahani. al-mufradat fi gharibil alfadzil quran. damaskus: darul qalam, 1412. sarah j. tracy. qualitative research methods, collecting evidence, crafting analysis, communicating impact. new york: john wiley & sons, 2013. schultz, duane p. a history of modern psychology. usa wadsworth: cengage learning, 2011. ———. theories of personality, tenth edition. usa. wadsworth: cengage learning, 2009. sheikh atif al-zayn. al-islâm wa alaidulujiyyât al-insân. beirut: dâr al-kitâb al-mishr, 1989. sneider, kirk. j. the handbook of humanistic psychology, theory, research and practice. usa: sage publication, 2015. syarifuddin, abdul al-azhim. ibnu qayyim al-jauziyah asruhu wa manhajuhu. cairo: maktabah al-kullliyah al-azhari, 1967. taylor, charles. a secular age. england: the belknap press of harvard university press, 2007. tengland, per-anders. “marie jahoda’s current concepts of positive mental health.” in mental health, 47–78. dordrecht: springer netherlands, 2001. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-0172237-7_4. thomas g. plante. contemplative action in spirituality, meditation, and health. washington: library congress cataloging inn-data, 2010. turner, colin. “the six-sided vision of said nursi: towards a spiritual architecture of the risale-i nur.” islam and christian–muslim relations 19, no. 1 (january 2008): 53–71. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510340701770295. utsaimin, syaikh salih bin. al-‘aqîdah al-wasathiyyah. jeddah: dar ibnu jauzi, 1421. vahide, sukran. islam in modern turkey an intellectual biography of bediuzzaman said nursi. new york: state university of new york press, 2005. 28vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 jurnal af ka ru na vol. 17 no . 1 juni 2021 islamophobia and the challenges of muslims in contemporary eropean union countries: case studies from austria, belgium, and germany1 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i1.10557 muhammad wildan uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta muhammad.wildan@uin-suka.ac.id fatimah husein uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta fatimahhusein17@gmail.com abstract in the last two decades, the muslim population in western europe has grown in unprecedented ways. at the broader regional level, there are approximately 25 million muslims living in european union member states as of 2016, which is estimated to increase to 35 million by 2050. the arrival of muslims from various countries in the middle east, africa, and the balkans has brought about significant changes and issues socially, economically, as well as politically. undeniably, some phenomena of discrimination and islamophobia arise in almost all eu countries in various aspects of public life such as hijâb clothing, building mosques, and housing. using a qualitative approach and field research, this article explores not only the historical accounts of the presence of islam in several eu countries, but also the relations between islam and the state. this research presents several cases of discrimination and islamophobia and the internal dynamics within the muslim communities as to the challenges of living in completely different atmosphere. three countries, namely austria, belgium, and germany are chosen to represent european union countries. this study contributes to the discourse on the integration of muslims in european culture and to the way eu countries could involve muslims in constructing european islam. keywords: discrimination, far-right groups, integration, islamophobia, multiculturalism abstrak dalam dua dekade terakhir, populasi muslim di eropa barat telah tumbuh dengan sangat pesat. di tingkat regional yang lebih luas, terdapat sekitar 25 juta muslim 57vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 yang tinggal di negara-negara anggota uni eropa pada tahun 2016, yang diperkirakan akan meningkat menjadi 35 juta pada tahun 2050. kedatangan umat islam dari berbagai negara di timur tengah, afrika, dan balkan telah membawa perubahan dan masalah yang signifikan secara sosial, ekonomi, dan politik. tak dapat dipungkiri, beberapa fenomena diskriminasi dan islamofobia muncul di hampir seluruh negara uni eropa dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan masyarakat seperti hijâb, pembangunan masjid, dan perumahan. menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan penelitian lapangan, artikel ini membahas tidak hanya catatan sejarah tentang keberadaan islam di beberapa negara uni eropa, tetapi juga hubungan antara islam dan negara. penelitian ini memaparkan beberapa kasus diskriminasi dan islamofobia serta dinamika internal komunitas muslim terhadap tantangan hidup dalam suasana yang sama sekali berbeda. tiga negara yaitu austria, belgia, dan jerman dipilih untuk mewakili negara uni eropa. studi ini berkontribusi pada wacana tentang integrasi muslim dalam budaya eropa dan juga cara negara-negara uni eropa dapat melibatkan muslim dalam membangun islam eropa. keywords: diskriminasi, integrasi, islamofobia, kelompok ekstrem kanan, multikulturalisme introduction this article attempts to describe the current condition of muslims in several european countries, and to understand the challenges and opportunities to integrate into european culture and society. it explores three countries namely austria, belgium, and germany. these countries are deliberately chosen due to the high number of muslims who live there, and to our prior relationships with academics in those countries which have supported our field research. even though the discussions of these countries do not represent all european union (eu) countries, it is expected that these findings provide a general picture of the growth of islam and the dynamics of muslims in europe. we argue that regardless of the difficult relationship between afro-asia muslim societies and cauca-european societies, the dynamics of their relationship will bring about better cooperation and yield a new identity for european muslims. in the last ten years, islam in europe has significantly increased in terms of the growing muslim population. although europe is not a “home” for islam, it cannot be denied that according to the latest estimation (2016), muslims make up 4.9% of european union’s total population.2 in addition, projections which include migration at a medium rate suggest the muslim population could reach as high as 11.2% to 14% by 2050.3 reasons for this growth include the projected shrinkage of the non-muslim population and the fact that muslims in europe are considerably younger and have a higher fertility 58 a f k a r u n a rate (2.1) than that of other europeans (1.6).4 although muslims have made significant contributions to european society, they have also brought with them a number of social concerns: increased job competition, problems of muslim-christian relations, additional language barriers, the issue of islamic headscarves, the need for worship space, and issues of religious extremism and radicalism.5 various eu countries have tried to reduce these social tensions by “integrating” muslims with european culture through various policies including citizenship, language requirements for imams (religious leaders), and religious education in public schools. however, it cannot be denied that the issue of social integration is debatable. in several eu countries, some muslims are experiencing marginalization6 and discrimination.7 many muslims in those countries, who came from various national and ethnic backgrounds, experience economic, social, and political exclusions. the marginalization of muslims is mostly caused by a misconception of western societies (caucasians) that islam is a monolithic religion. the image that islam is synonymous to violence and even terrorism is quite familiar in western media. the hijâb (head covering) is perceived as confining women’s freedom. moreover, polygamy is often understood as a muslim tradition, and qishâsh8 punishment is deemed as violating human rights. therefore, many westerners are in doubt of the possibility of muslims integrating into western culture.9 in western europe, where governments and societies have christian and secular state cultures, it seems difficult for practicing muslims to find a suitable place to live. nevertheless, the exclusion of muslims from the mainstream society is not the right answer to solve the problem. in countries where democracy and human rights are maintained, there have to be opportunities where muslims could engage in social life and become an integral part of european society. although this is not an easy matter, it would provide an opportunity for the second and third generation of muslims, and even new migrants, to prove that they have commitments to become european citizens. tariq ramadan, a european of egyptian descent, for example, believes that muslims’ identity is determined by completely open, dynamic, inter-active, and multiple factors in which they live. when muslims could settle the spiritual and ethical modalities of a harmonious life through a real integration, they will create european islamic culture.10 he further states: “we need to separate islamic principles from their cultures of origin and anchor them in the cultural reality of western europe. i can incorporate ev59vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 erything that’s not opposed to my religion into my identity and that’s a revolution.”11 rather than alienating muslims from social life, therefore, it seems that the integration of muslims into european society is a better option. there has been a simmering debate on the concept of integration whether it means multiculturalism12 or assimilation. some leaders of eu countries such as angela merkel (2010) and david cameron (2011) claimed that multiculturalism has failed and endorsed assimilation as an alternative.13 parekh also notes that european muslims tend to take a narrow and pragmatic view of multicultural democracy.14 their presence in mainland europe, however, is a source of ‘wealth’ for europe to promote egalitarianism and cultural and religious pluralism. this proposition is very relevant because the growth of muslims in europe is inevitable. on a larger scale, there are an estimated 25.8 million muslims (2016) living throughout the eu. this demographic projection illustrates that muslim integration in europe is an imperative. in fact, there are of course some works on the issue of islamophobia in europe. there are several books, official reports, and also some journal articles dealing with this issue. the books dealing with islamophobia area islamophobia in muslim majority societies co-edited by enes bayrakli and farid hafez.15 while the first book dealing with the normative discourse of islamophobia and few cases in several countries, the second book dealing with some cases in several european countries. quite comprehensive reports have also been produced by seta, a foundation for political, economic and social research in turkey entitled european islamophobia report (eir) since 2015 based on surveys and researches on media. finally, there are also some articles published in several journal discussing on islamophobia in europe. among them are “public and scholarly debates on the comparison of islamophobia and anti-semitism in germany” written by farid hafez.16 based on the writers’ reading, however, most data were gathered are from online media and do not cover interview at the grassroot level. this current article based its findings not only on books and reports but mostly from interviews at the grassroot level. moreover, it compares the cases among muslims at the above-mentioned three countries. this article starts with a brief description of the development of islam in austria, belgium, and germany. it then explores the relationship between the states and islam in the three countries, as represented by its formal organizations. the article then discusses issues of discrimination, hostility, islamophobia 60 a f k a r u n a as told by our interlocutors. the last part of the article attempts to highlight some opportunities and faced by muslims in these three countries. islam in austria, belgium, and germany the muslim population in europe is tremendously diverse with varied histories and origins. although the presence of islam in europe is not a new phenomenon, the muslim population has experienced a significant increase in recent decades. along with the existing muslim community who has been in europe since the 1960s due mostly to economic reasons,17 there is an abundance of muslims who migrated to europe in the last two decades due to political instabilities or wars in certain muslim countries.18 muslim communities in some eu countries have maintained and practiced islamic teachings and cultures within their respective countries, such as the wearing of the hijâb, providing islamic education for their children, and building mosques. these practices have sparked debate, controversy, fear, and even hatred on the part of some eu citizens.19 due to different political situations in eu member countries, muslims have different experiences in their relations with society and in dealing with the state’s regulations. islam in austria has the longest history as compared to other countries discussed in this article. in 1525, many austrians converted to islam when the ottoman dynasty tried to conquer the austrian empire.20 after the collapse of the empire, the ottomans were allowed to build factories and muslim settlements in the region. islam then influenced the culture and converted portions of the austrian population. since 1912, islam has been constitutionally recognized as a corporation,21 which is equal to other religions such as christianity, catholicism, and judaism. due to a shortage of workers after world war ii in the 1960s, austria brought in many immigrant workers from yugoslavia and turkey. after the 1974 oil crisis, the migrant worker policy was halted and muslim migrants began to arrive again in 1986. according to pew (2016), muslims in austria are approximately 600,000 (6.9%).22 the majority of muslims in this country are of turkish descent and, therefore, they mostly adhere to the hanafi school of islamic law with a small shiite minority.23 austrian muslims are officially organized under the islamistche glaubensgemeinschaft in österreich (iggiö), which coordinates the relations of all muslim groups with the state. in addition to overseeing various islamic organizations that manage registered mosques, iggiö also has the 61vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 rights to give religious lessons in public schools. since 1983, austria has provided funding for religious education in public schools. in 1998, the government passed a law on the status of religious communities, one of which was related to the legal status and curriculum of islamic studies in public schools. more importantly, women and girls are permitted to wear the hijâb at schoo ls. i n the sam e yea r, ig giö f ound ed the isl amis che religionspädagogische akademie (irpa), a higher educational institute that produces islamic religious teachers.24 in more recent times, however, the rightwing extreme freedom party austria (ovp) led the issuance of several infamous anti-muslim regulations, such as the banning of the hijâb in kindergartens and primary schools as well as attempts to close mosques.25 different from austria, islam in belgium is a relatively new phenomenon. although the presence of muslims in belgium traces back to the 19th century,26 a massive wave of muslim immigrants to belgium from morocco, turkey, algeria, and tunisia began in the early 1960s. from that time onward, the muslim populations has grown significantly with the emergence of the second and third generations in the country. in 2016, the number of muslims in belgium was estimated at around 870,000 (15.1% of the total population).27 they consist of 30 ethnic groups and the largest number (35%) comes from turkey and morocco. in the city of brussels, itself, more than a quarter of the population is muslim.28 belgium is quite generous in its treatment of immigrants. this country gave official recognition to islam in 19 july 1974. in 2007, belgium was ranked third among 25 eu countries in assisting work rights, anti-racism, the opportunity for permanent residence, family reunion, and election suffrage. the formation of the executive des musulmans de belgique (emb, muslims executive council) in 1998 in belgium met the administrative needs of managing muslim communities, especially administrative functions, mosques, and imams.29 similar to iggiö, the emb has a significant role in managing the relationship between muslims and the state as muslim ethnic communities should be registered with the emb to receive facilities from the government. the emb director said that the government has subsidized about 50 mosques and imams, and around 700 religious teachers in public schools.30 this policy applies not only to the muslim community, but also to other religious communities recognized by the state such as catholicism, anglicanism, orthodoxy, judaism, and buddhism. relatively similar to austria, islam in germany also has a long history. an 62 a f k a r u n a early recognition of muslims in germany came in 1732, when king friedrich wilhelm i built a mosque in potsdam as a place of worship for ottoman mercenaries (janissaries). this relationship continued to the period of friedrich ii and until the nazi era when hundreds of thousands of turkish were recruited to join world war ii. after the war, a wave of muslim workers to germany came from turkey, north africa, and former yugoslavia, especially during the 1960s and 1970s. since the 1980s, the number of muslim asylum seekers in germany has also increased, especially ethnic turks (kurds, yezidis, and assyrians).31 today, germany has the second largest muslim population in the european union. according to pew estimates, there are 4.9 million (8.7%) muslims living in germany32 and about 80% of them hold german citizenship.33 unlike austria and belgium, until now, germany has not recognized islam as an official religion. therefore, religious education, mosques, and other social problems are still quite significant issues in this country. some sources confirm that islam has not been formally recognized because there is no umbrella for islamic organizations which is accepted by all muslim groups.34 some existing islamic organizations have not been unanimously accepted as representative of all muslims groups. the government seems to be more accommodating towards muslims, especially in the field of education. several universities have established training programs for islamic teachers or imams, including the university of osnabrück (2010), erlangen-nürnberg university (2011), munich, and frankfurt universities.35 several states of germany have also accommodated the status of ahmadiyya which is administratively more well-organized. the relations between islam and the state although eu countries are formally secular states, in reality each country has a different pattern of religion-state relations that constantly evolves.36 in the 1990s, five of the eu countries, namely denmark, finland, greece, sweden and the united kingdom, had established state churches. as for germany, although it does not have a state church, it recognizes catholicism and protestantism as the official state religion.37 in some european countries, such as austria, belgium, denmark, finland, germany, the central government or states even provide religious educational assistance for public or religious schools.38 among the three countries we studied, austria is a relatively better coun63vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 try in terms of relations between islam and the state. austria is the first country in the eu to recognize the muslim community as one of the recognized religious communities by the state. the recognition occurred in 1912, when bosnia was part of the austro-hungarian empire where most of the population was muslim. however, it was only in the 1960s, when many muslim immigrants came to austria from turkey and the former yugoslavia, the necessity to form an organization to take care of various problems faced by muslim communities was increasingly felt.39 in 1979, iggiö was established as a representative organization for all muslim groups in austria at the governmental level. although the establishment of iggiö could be regarded as a muslim success in their negotiation with the government, they still face many issues in austria. carla amina baghajati, the spokesperson of iggiö, explained to us that the struggle to form an organization recognized by the country took about eight years until finally being approved by the government. she could imagine that it would be much more difficult to form it nowadays.40 institutionally, all muslim communities in austria are required to register with iggiö in the form of an islamic religious community. although this was not easy at first, in the end the muslim communities understood it well. with a clear membership, the government will help them financially, but also oversee them easily. currently, there are about 16 religious communities recognized by the austrian government such as christianity, protestantism, islam, and alavism. the harmonious relationship between islam and the state in austria is also continuously growing. in the construction of the austrian islamic center mosque, for example, sheikh salim mujkanovic, the deputy imam, said that initially muslims had difficulty to obtain permission in building the mosque, but finally it could be built and now the mosque stands majestically in the city of vienna.41 in belgium, the presence of the muslim community is relatively new, as compared to austria. muslim immigrants, mostly ethnic turks and moroccans, began to come to belgium in 1960s. despite its status as a secular state, the belgian government still gives equal rights to religious communities that have been recognized by the state. all recognized religious communities have the same rights before the state, such as the right to receive religious education for students in public schools, salaries for priests, and financial assistance in the construction of worship places. this was clearly stated by semsettin ugurlu, the president of executive musulman de belgigue (emb): we have in belgium a very special organization concerning the relations 64 a f k a r u n a between the state and the recognized religious communities. […] because the separation between state and religious communities, it implies that religious communities have their autonomy, but they can claim some finances or supports from the government for many aspects.42 in addition, the government is also involved in many ways in various muslims’ affairs. within the framework of emb, the government assists muslims with mosques and islamic schools. although almost all construction of mosques in belgium is self-financed by turkish and moroccan communities, in many cases the belgian government provides additional funds for these mosques and also for further management, including imams and other expenses. whereas for islamic education, the government also provides salaries for islamic teachers in public schools. unlike in austria and belgium, the status of the muslim community in germany is an interesting case. at the national level, muslim communities do not have an umbrella organization that represents all muslims in germany. this is because the country does not recognize islam as a public corporation like other religious communities such as jews, protestants, catholics and ahmadis. the lack of recognition of islam as a public corporation does not entitle muslims in germany to a variety of forms of financial assistance from the central or state governments. to build a mosque, for example, muslims in germany must finance it independently without any assistance from the government. this was conveyed by muhammad hajjaj, the chairman of the palestinian community in germany: the problem is, because in germany we are not a public corporation, all the costs and the finances in the mosque or in islamic community we have to pay ourselves, in terms of everything, the imam, the school, the mimbar, the carpet. everything is on our shoulders.43 at the local level, however, each state in germany has different policies related to the existence of muslim community. some state governments provide assistance to muslims not as a religious community but as a community organization. in berlin, for example, the local government provides aid to the islamic federation of berlin (ifb), which consists of around 30 organizations. in the hessen region, the local government recognizes the turkish-islamic union for religious affairs (ditib), the largest umbrella organization of mosques in germany. also, ahmadiyah (qadiyan) as an official islamic organization, has the rights to manage islamic teachings in public schools.44 65vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 at the political level, muslims’ participation in the german parliament is noteworthy. there are some muslims who have become members of parliament through different political parties as their vehicles. these include the social democratic party (sdp), the christian union party (cpu), and the green party. although their existence at the political level does not satisfactorily represent muslims’ aspirations in germany, such phenomenon is important in terms of the openness of german political parties as well as the parliament to muslims. this exactly corresponds with the eagerness of muslims to integrate into western society even without any islamic political parties. discrimination and islamophobia before we examine further, it is necessary to discuss the definition of discrimination and islamophobia. according to american psychological association, discrimination is defined as “the unfair or prejudicial treatment of people and groups based on characteristics such as race, gender, age or sexual orientation”.45 while islamophobia is defined as “a term used to describe irrational hostility, fear, or hatred of islam, muslims, and islamic culture, and active discrimination against these groups or individuals within them.” 46 as discrimination could manifests itself through individual attitudes or behaviors and institutional policies and practices, discrimination could be attributed to islamophobic phenomena. according to european islamophobia report (eir), islamophobic phenomena in the austria, belgium, and germany increase quite significantly. based on the dokustelle islamfeindlichkeit und antimuslimischer rassismus (office for documenting islamophobia and anti-muslim racism) of austria recorded an increase of approximately 74% of anti-muslim racist acts from 309 cases in 2017 to 540 cases in 2018. eir also notes that, islamophobia in belgium has continued to grow and to permeate diverse aspects of belgian society. the islamophobic attitudes in belgium have been widely spread and affected not only islamic sites with physical attacks and graffities, some numerous attacks against visibly muslim women in particular are increasing significantly. in germany, although official state statistics of physical violence against german muslims, refugees, and migrants have gone down, the discourse on islamophobia has changed drastically over the past 70 years. in the past, migrant muslims are normally called as “guest worker”, “foreigner”, “muslim”, today they are mostly named as “economic migrant”, “refugee”, physical “threat”, or even “terrorists”.47 66 a f k a r u n a the research conducted by pew research center may also be attributed to the islamophobic phenomena. based on the government restriction index (gri) and social hostility index’s (shi) on minority religions of pew research center, the three countries experience a lot of changes as shown on the table below. while austria’s index of both ghi and shi are increasing, belgium and germany’s index of gri are relatively stable at moderate level, their number of shi are increasing quite significant especially germany increase from moderate to very high. although the table does not necessarily highlight a specific religion, in general it measures the attitude of the government and dominant religions towards minority religions across the world, as can be seen in the table 1. countries 2007 2016 2017 gri shi gri shi gri shi austria 2.6 1.1 3.9 3.8 4.2 3.2 belgium 4.0 0.9 4.0 2.7 3.8 2.2 germany 3.1 2.1 3.0 6.8 3.2 7.1 table 1: government restriction and social hostility index48 regardless of all the opportunities for muslims in europe, some face difficulties in the form of discrimination and islamophobia.49 economically, almost all muslims enjoy and receive the benefits of the economic development and modernization of europe. many muslims, however, faced discrimination and islamophobia to various extents. most discrimination in public spaces included limited admission to educational institutions and workplaces, difficulties in building mosques and in obtaining imams, as well as problems in renting houses. on the issue of full-face veils (niqâb), many eu countries have similar regulations. several european countries, including france (2010), belgium (2011), bulgaria (2016), austria (2017), and denmark (2018), have banned full-face veils in public spaces. in the netherlands, burqas and niqâbs are prohibited at schools, hospitals, and on public transport since 2012.50 generally, the increasing number of migrant muslims from africa and middle east has fueled political tensions in many eu countries, such as the emergence of far-right political groups. this could be explained by, among others, the view held by many westerners that islam and muslims are a threat to western values.51 among far-right politicians, suspicion and 67vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 islamophobic discourse is quite obvious. while some politicians argue that islamic culture would substitute christian heritage, others have further termed the presence of muslims in europe as an “occupation”.52 driven by these issues, many eu countries have implemented policies that are less tolerant towards minorities, chiefly muslims. several governments have already adopted regulations restricting the wearing of veils by muslim women, particularly the wearing of full-face veils. regardless of the similar patterns of discrimination and fear of muslims, each eu country we examined has interesting characteristics that need to be further explored. in the context of austria, many (non-muslim) austrians have not been able to accept the islamic cultural practice of the hijâb. muslim women undergo various kinds of discrimination, especially within the workplace. ummu selime, a public relations officer for the islamic federation in vienna (ifv), argued that many westerners could not fully accept the presence of muslims, especially a veiled woman. she underlined that the hijâb is basically still a barrier for muslim women to work. she stated that upon the completion of her study in 2012, she sent many job applications, but she did not receive positive responses from any of them. she was not given the exact reasons why she was not accepted, even though she believed that she was qualified for the jobs. she argued that many muslim women have similar experiences when applying for jobs.53 the rise of discrimination in austria is also driven by the media. several researchers see that the media in the country does not view islam objectively.54 many iggiö activities do not receive enough appreciation from the media and they even search for the weaknesses of islamic organizations, such as the possibility of fundamentalist or extremist elements within them. indeed, austrian muslims do realize that elements of extremism do exist within muslim societies in the country, as narrated by baghajati: ...of course, we don’t take a blind eye although there are very small groups (of extremists) that are in existence in all societies. but we feel that the groups are very small in numbers, and they don’t meet in mosques in general.55 in line with baghajati, the president and spokesman of iggiö zekeriya sejdini also stated that the presence of fundamentalist muslim groups in austria was quite complex. besides being triggered by the international political situation, it is also caused by frustration among muslim youth who do not possess what they hope from the country. in that case, ummu selime 68 a f k a r u n a underlined that the literalist understanding of islam, which has developed among austrian muslims, is one of the obstacles for muslims’ integration to the country. she has tried to encourage muslims in austria, especially women, to be open-minded and urges them to attend to the substance of islamic teachings rather than to take the literal meaning of the religion.56 the main challenge of muslims in austria is how to adapt to western culture without losing their identity as muslims. zekeriya sejdini believes that religious education in schools has a significant role in the integration process. islamic religious studies do not only provide religious knowledge normatively, but also provide students with the ability to live in the society and to coexist with followers of other religions. this is exactly the target desired by the state by properly holding religious education in schools.57 similar to austria, the wearing of the hijâb is also perceived as a common problem in belgium. since 2007, the belgian federal council of education has banned headscarves for teachers with the exception of religious teachers who teach islam.58 the problem lies in the fact that there are teachers who teach other subjects and students who also wear the hijâb. although wearing a hijâb could be understood as part of human rights, at the practical level this becomes an endless dispute. several muslim communities convinced us that muslim students in belgium also had difficulty entering college because the government tends to direct them more to vocational schools.59 the issue of the hijâb does not only impact the educational sector, but also the work sector. the indonesian muslim community in belgium told us of the case of mahmudah, an indonesian citizen who worked in a hospital in belgium, who was fired from her job because of wearing the hijâb. although finally the case was solved by the belgian labor bureau,60 the fundamental problems still exist and have not been resolved properly. apparently, emb as a representative body of muslims in belgium was unable to solve various muslim problems in belgium. the imam of the de koepel mosque in antwerp stated that emb was less responsive in dealing with various muslim problems in belgium due to intervention by the government.61 however, in general, some muslim communities acknowledged that discrimination and challenges of muslims in belgium are mostly caused by the lack of integration of muslims in european culture, both in terms of language and participation in society. this has worsened the image of muslims in the country.62 in belgium, the most difficult challenge for muslims is the attributed stereotyping of extremism and terrorism. this is reasonable because the media 69vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 coverage of islam is often negative so that more belgians believe that muslims are terrorists or, at least, related to terrorism. in line with this, the european network against racism (enar) in brussels stated that the primary source for the negative image of muslims in belgium is media coverage. belgian media notoriously stated that muslims are one of the five dangerous communities in europe, together with roman catholicism, judaism, immigrants, and those of african ancestry.63 the radicalism issue has given impetus to the rise of the far-right movement in belgium. the imam of de koepel mosque in antwerp stated that the local government, which is dominated by right-wing groups, labeled the muslim community in belgium as radical. vlaams belange and the new flemish alliance (nva), the right-wing parties in belgium, take advantage of muslim issues to attract sympathy from their supporters. both right-wing parties are also worried about the growing number of muslims in belgium. the success of geert wilders in the netherlands has inspired nva to seek community support to oppose islam. it is precisely in this context that the imam of the mosque urges the muslim community not to be easily provoked as this would further damage the image of islam in belgium and bring harm upon themselves.64 quite similar to other eu countries in general, muslims in germany also experience some challenges and even discrimination. discrimination against muslims in germany is also quite common, especially for muslim women workers who wear the hijâb. in fact, there is no nationwide policy on wearing the headscarf, except in some states, which ban wearing the veil by female teachers. furthermore, housing is also a quite serious problem for muslims in germany, especially educated youth living in the city. as productive workers, many young muslims find it difficult to rent houses in urban areas of germany. based on his and also his colleagues’ experiences, several times, some homeowners refused to rent their house or apartment for muslims. the rejection usually occurs when the prospective tenant comes and shows that she is wearing the hijâb.65 the fast growing and influx of muslim migrants in germany has evoked the rise of islamophobia. in 2014, an anti-islam and far-right movement, patriotische europäer gegen die islamisierung des abendlandes (pegida), was established in dresden. pegida believes that germany is being increasingly islamicized and defines itself in opposition to islamic extremism. the movement wants to control the immigration process, especially for muslims. 70 a f k a r u n a pegida has held rallies in various cities and their appeal has resulted in the formation of offshoots in many german states and even neighboring countries. however, there are also anti-pegida movements in some other german states, some organizing public rallies against pegida, which is also well known as a neo-nazi movement.66 opportunities for muslims based on the various challenges, discrimination, and islamophobia faced by muslims in the above countries, we try to examine ‘opportunities’ for muslims to better integrate in european culture. the term integration is preferable in this context as it is more neutral that islam could integrate at multiple levels.67 we do not opt for the term multiculturalism or assimilation, which are quite debatable at the empirical level. although religion has historically created many negative perceptions in europe, we cannot deny that it can also play a significant role in the development of the society. undeniably, european countries also receive social benefits due to the presence of muslims in their respective countries.68 this is to say that european muslims could also be part of european cultures and take part in the development of their respective countries. austria offers the greatest opportunity for muslim communities to develop. it is also the country with the lowest level of discrimination as compared to the other two countries. although in recent years the development of islam in austria has been relatively stagnant, baghajati saw that, as compared to the early 2000s, islam in the country has developed well. she believes that religion should not be an obstacle, but can instead offer a solution. for this reason, the integration of muslims to european culture is necessary to achieve the goals to fully integrate into the european society. many people still perceive that muslims are half-hearted when it comes to integrating with the wider society. ummu selime, however, emphasized that both sides of muslims and the government should build a better reciprocal relationship. negative labeling of muslims in the media or in state institutions instigates the reluctancy of muslims to integrate. as for the muslims themselves, they could start by conducting positive activities with their neighbors to show that they are good muslims. on this issue, baghajati underlined that muslim women could take a significant role in fostering networking with communities of different religious and ethnic backgrounds.69 religious education could also be considered as an opportunity for mus71vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 lims in some eu countries. this is because the government in austria, for example, gives the right for every recognized religious community to conduct religious education in the schools. the more muslims in the country, the more students need religious studies in austria. through this education young muslims in austria could become european muslims without losing their islamic identity. at the beginning, most islamic teachers in austria were migrants from turkey and arab countries who did not have enough competence in pedagogy. but after the founding of irpa, most of the teaching staff are professional teachers who have mastered the german language and are able to integrate islamic values with european culture. currently, there are approximately 450 islamic teachers in austria. proper education for the young muslim generation will determine the face of islam in the future. islamic education could also build positive dialogue among muslim communities and decrease the negative image of muslims in european society.70 in line with austria, the presence of emb as an organization that represents the muslim community in belgium allows greater opportunities for muslims to become better citizens. in the fields of education, imams of mosques, and religious teachers in belgium have brought positive developments from time to time. the belgian government through the ministry of education gives students the rights to receive two hours of religious studies each week. with this islamic education, students are expected to understand islamic teachings within the european context. the establishment of educational institutions for religious teachers, such as those in the flemish region, is also an opportunity for muslims in belgium to improve the quality of religious teaching. in the german context, the unity of all muslim organizations is necessary to foster a better relationship with the government. unifying islam as a public corporation in accordance with german regulation would allow the government to better communicate with and provide assistance to muslim communities. some efforts have been made including the establishment of coordinatesrat der muslime (krm) and islamrat (ir) but so far, they have not fulfilled the requirements of the government. the german government, in general, does not have strict regulations governing the issue of mosques and imams yet so that muslims can freely regulate their religious lives. although german government has built some imam schools which is offered in four university centers in münster-osnabrück, frankfrurt-greissen, tübingen, and erlangen–nürnberg,71 the bill that requires 72 a f k a r u n a imams to utilize german as friday sermon language has not been officially passed. the use of german, both in friday sermons and as an introductory language for islamic studies in schools, is a positive development for muslim life in germany. with this kind of awareness, it is expected that muslims, especially the younger generation, have the ability to combine islamic teachings and german culture. moreover, the non-recognition of islam as a public corporation also has several positive benefits for muslims, such as the absence of government interference in muslims’ religious lives, including in the content of friday sermon. the above opportunities, however, do not free the muslims from challenges. within the context of germany, for example, the german government and caucasian society demand muslims integrate in the form of assimilation, namely the fusion of islam and muslims into german culture. the second and third generation of german muslims and even for those who have held german citizens cannot fully understand this concept. muhammad hajjaj, a muslim of palestinian descent explained: i was born here and i now have german citizenship. … our point is now to motivate the muslim community to participate in society because the process of integration is finished in my opinion, it is finished. because we are living now in the third or fourth generation in germany.72 in our view, however, the integration in the form of adopting western language has been completed, but some other forms of western culture may not finish yet. for this reason, there needs to be a formulation of assimilation of islam in the west-european context, which could form a european islam. this could take the lesson developed in indonesian islam, in the concept of islam nusantara or islam berkemajuan, which consider the local context in its interpretation of the religion. conclusion the above explanation illustrates the complex issues faced by european muslim communities, especially in european union member countries. based on the above discussion, we could draw some conclusions and recommendations to foster a better relationship between (migrant) muslims and caucasian europeans in the future. first, muslims and islam, in general, have a long history in eu countries which, in turn, offers many reciprocal social and economic benefits. on the one hand, muslims receive the advantages of 73vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 being high-paid workers in many european businesses, but on the other hand, european countries also reap the benefits of accelerating economic growth. second, the discrimination and islamophobia faced by muslims should not be seen as merely as the fault of westerners, but also that of muslims. most (caucasian) westerners tend to see muslims as a threat which could dominate and endanger european culture, and most muslims tend to be very strict and conservative in applying islamic teachings. the widespread (violent) extremism in muslim societies in the last decade has created an atmosphere of danger for europeans. in return, the flourishing of far-right movements among europeans jeopardizes the existence of muslims in europe. third, there are many opportunities for both sides to help solve the problem. there is no one-size-fits-all strategy to unravel the complex issues in the above-discussed eu countries. on the muslim side, they could consider a more effective strategy to integrate their identity with the european cultures in which they reside, such as language acquisition and observing general cultural norms. for eu countries, they could issue more policies which are less discriminative and hostile to minority communities, including religious outfits, places of worship, and access to housing. fourth, as one of the underlying issues of muslims in the west is muslimchristian relations, interreligious dialogue should be fostered. discussion on the common grounds of both religions could be a starting point to build mutual trust, which could later be developed to include more difficult issues. austria and germany, for example, have been involved several times in interfaith dialogues with indonesia through the indonesia-austria or indonesiagermany interfaith dialogue symposium. unfortunately, the involvement of the muslim communities in these dialogue programs was insignificant because they were mostly dominated by academics from prominent universities. in the future, some universities and centers of religious studies in the above countries could open interreligious dialogue study programs so that universities could become places for dissemination of inclusive religious values. interreligious dialogue cannot instantly resolve conflicts, but as rene garfunkel argued, the dialogue is an important step to change attitudes and lay the foundation for building peace in the future. the interfaith gathering itself did not resolve the conflict, but it was an important step toward changing attitudes about the issues and may have helped lay the groundwork for cooperatively building peace in the future.73 74 a f k a r u n a endnotes 1 this paper resulted from a research project funded by the indonesian ministry of religious affairs entitled “social challenges of muslim minorities in european countries” in 2013. realizing that there have been some changes in the islamic landscape in those countries since our field research, we follow the development of muslim communities in europe in general to provide a more up-todate data for this article. we wish to thank the former ambassador of the embassy of the republic of indonesia to the kingdom of belgium, the grand duchy of luxembourg and the european union in brussels, mr. arif havas oegroseno, and the former counsellor for information, social culture and public diplomacy at the same embassy, mr. riaz jp. saehu, for all their assistances during our field research in different countries in europe. 2 pew research center, europe’s growing muslim population: muslims are projected to increase as a share of europe’s population – even with no future migration, us: pewtempleton global religious futures project, 2017, p. 4. 3 pew research center, europe’s growing muslim population…, p. 5. 4 michael lipka and conrad hackett, “why muslims are the world’s fastestgrowing religious group” in https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/04/ 06/why-muslims-are-the-worlds-fastest-growing-religious-group/ (retrieved 25 june 2020). 5 aristotle kallis, sara zeiger, bilgehan öztürk, violent radicalisation & far-right extremism in europe, istanbul: hedayah & seta, 2018. 6 marginalization is both a condition and a process that prevents individuals and groups from full participation in social, economic, and political life enjoyed by the wider society. further see niyara alakhunova (et al), defining marginalization: an assessment tool. us: elliott school of international affairs of the george washington university, 2015, p. 2. 7 on the definition of discrimination, see endnote no 43. 8 qishâsh is one of several forms of punishment in traditional islamic criminal jurisprudence. in traditional islamic law (sharia), the doctrine of qishâsh provides for a punishment analogous to the crime. 9 alwi shihab, examining islam in the west: addressing accusations and correcting misconceptions, jakarta: gramedia, 2011, pp. 11-12. 10 tariq ramadan, western muslims and the future of islam, uk: oxford university press, 2004, p. 216. 11 robert j. pauly, jr, islam in europe: integration or marginalization? uk: routledge, 2004, p. 2. 12 multiculturalism refers to an idea of integration without assimilation, or more precisely those deemed to be immigrant/migrant not having to give up facets of their culture (notably, clothing, religion and language) in order to be accepted as part of the national fabric. see arzu merali, “countering islamophobia in the uk” in ian law (et al), countering islamophobia in europe. uk: palgrave macmillan, 2018, p. 44. 13 michael emmerson (ed.), interculturalism: europe and its muslims in search of 75vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 sound societal models. brussels: center for european policy studies, 2011, p. 1. 14 bikhu parekh, “is islam a threat to europe’s multicultural democracies?” in krzysztof michalski religion in the new europe. budapest: central european university press, 2006, pp. 199-120. 15 enes bayrakli and farid hafez. europhian islamophobia report. (uk: routledge, 2020) and countering islamophobia in europe co-edited by ian law (et al), (palgrave macmillan 2018) 16 hafez, “public and scholarly debates on the comparison of islamophobia and anti-semitism in germany.” (kirchliche zeitgeschichte, vol. 32, no. 2, 2019). also see karolin machtans racism is not an opinion” muslim responses to pegida and islamophobia in germany (german politics & society, vol. 34, no. 4, winter 2016). 17 pew research center, an uncertain road: muslims and the future of europe. us: pew-templeton global religious futures project, 2005. 18 bichara khader, “muslims in europe: the construction of a “problem” at https://www.bbvaopenmind.com/en/articles/muslims-in-europe-the-construction-of-a-problem/ (retrieved on 1 july 2020) 19 “muslims in europe: the construction of a “problem” in https:// www.bbvaopenmind.com/ en/articles/muslims-in-europe-the-construction-of-aproblem/ (retrieved on 20 june 2020) 20 http://www.euro-islam.info/country-profiles/austria/ (retrieved on 11 june 2020) 21 corporation” in the austrian context connotes a legal public entity. the recognition of islam as a public entity, therefore, provided muslims with guarantees to publicly practice islam, establish mosques and other religious institutions, as well as self-govern internal matters. 22 pew research center, europe’s growing muslim population…, p. 29. 23 pew research center, europe’s growing muslim population…, p. 105. 24 thomas schmidinger and alev çakir, “austria” in jørgen s. nielsen (et al), yearbook of muslims in europe, vol. 6, leiden: brill, 2014, pp. 50-57. 25 farid hafez, “paradigm shift in austria’s security politics vis-à-vis islam” at https:/ /www.aa.com.tr/en/analysis/paradigm-shift-in-austria-s-security-politics-vis-à-visislam/1561316 (retrieved 1 july 2020). 26 nadia fadil, “belgium” in jørgen s. nielsen (et al), yearbook of muslims in europe, volume, leiden: brill, 2010, p. 67. 27 pew research center, europe’s growing muslim population…, p. 29. 28 sarah teich, islamic radicalization in belgium. brussels: international institute for counter-terrorism (ict), 2016, p. 9. 29 nadia fadil, “belgium”…, p. 67. 30 interview with semsettin ugurlu, the vice president of emb in brussels, on 23 october 2013. 31 joel s. fatzer & j. christopher soper, muslims and the state in britain, france and germany. cambridge: cambridge university press, 2005, p. 99. 32 pew research center, europe’s growing muslim population…, p. 29. 76 a f k a r u n a 33 mathias rohe, “germany”, in jørgen s. nielsen (et al), yearbook of muslims in europe, vol. 2, leiden: brill, 2010, p. 217. 34 conversation with andreas ismail mohr, a scholar of freie universität berlin on 31 october 31 2013. 35 albrecht fuess, “islamic religious education in western europe: models of integration and the german approach” in journal of muslim minority affairs 27(2) 2007: 215-239. doi: 10.1080/13602000701536166. 36 sergio carrera and joanna parkin, “the place of religion in. european union law and policy: competing approaches and actors inside the european commisson” as religare working document, no.1, september 2010. 37 yudi latif, negara paripurna: historisitas, rasionalitas, dan aktualitas pancasila, jakarta: gramedia, 2012, p. 98. 38 yudi latif, negara paripurna: historisitas, rasionalitas…, p. 98. 39 interview with carla aminah baghajati, the spokesperson of iggiö in austria on 14 october 2013. 40 interview with carla aminah baghajati in austria on 14 october 2013. 41 interview with salim mujkanovic, an imam of islamic center at vienna on 14 october 2013. 42 interview with syemsettin ugurlu in brussels on 23 october 2013. 43 interview with muhammad hajjaj, the spokesperson of palestinian community in germany on 21 october 2013. 44 interview with muhammad hajjaj in germany on 21 october 2013. 45 further see american psychological association at https://www.apa.org/topics/racism-bias-discrimination/types-stress (retrieved 19 april, 2021). 46 https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/explainers/islamophobia-europe (retrieved 23 april 2021) 47 enes bayrakli and farid hafez (eds), european islamophobia report 2018. istanbul: seta, 2018, p. 91, 144, and 372. 48 pew research center, a closer look at how religious restrictions have risen around the world. us: pew forum, 2019, p. 94. 49 islamophobia is about a dominant group of people aiming at seizing, stabilizing and widening their power by means of defining a scapegoat – real or invented – and excluding this scapegoat from the resources/rights/definition of a constructed ‘we’. 50 jennifer a. selby, “defining the “hijâb”in jocelyne cesari, the oxford, p. 715. 51 jocelyne cesari, the oxford handbook of european islam, uk: oxford university press, 2014. 52 michael emerson, interculturalism: europe and its muslims in search of sound societal model. ceps: brussels, 2011, pp. 9-11. 53 interview with ummu selime, a public relation of islamic federation in vienna (ifv), on 14 october 2013. 54 zeynep sezgin, “islam and muslim minorities in austria: historical context and current challenges of integration” in journal of international migration and integration (2019), p. 881. doi.org/10.1007/s12134-018-0636-3 77vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 55 interview with carla amina baghajati in austria on 14 october 2013. 56 interview with ummu selime in austria on 13 october 2013. 57 interview with ummu selime in austria on 13 october 2013. 58 jennifer a. selby (ed.), “hijâb” in jocelyne cesari, the oxford handbook of european islam, uk: oxford university press, 2014, p. 715. 59 fgd with indonesian muslim community in belgium on 25 october 2013. 60 fgd with indonesian muslim community in belgium on 25 october 2013. 61 interview with mohamad ali, the imam of de koepel mosque antwerpen, on 26 october 2013. 62 interview with mohamad ali, the imam of de koepel mosque antwerpen, on 26 october 2013. 63 interview with julie pascoet, a policy officer of enar, in brussels on 23 october 2013. 64 interview with mohamad ali, the imam of de koepel mosque antwerpen, on 26 october 2013. 65 interview with muhammad hajjaj in germany on 21 october 2013. 66 “germany anti-islamic protests: biggest pegida march ever in dresden as rest of germany shows disgust with lights-out”. the independent (retrieved 16 june 2020). 67 marian burchardt and ines michalowski, “after integration: islam, conviviality and contentious politics in europe” in marian burchardt and ines michalowski (eds.), after integration islam, conviviality and contentious politics in europe. germany: springer vs, 2015, p. 4. 68 elspeth guild, sergio carrera, and katharina eisele (eds.), social benefit and migration: a contested relationship and policy challenge in the eu, brussels: center for european policy studies, 2013, pp. 128-129. 69 interview with carla amina baghajati in austria on 14 october 2013. 70 interview with carla amina baghajati in austria on 14 october 2013. 71 https://www.dw.com/en/german-universities-enroll-to-school-imams/a-6113372 (retrieved 23 april 2021) 72 interview with carla amina baghajati in austria on 14 october 2013. 73 renee garfinkel, “what works? evaluating interfaith dialogue programs,” usip special report, no. 123, july 2004, pp. 2-5. references: alakhunova, niyara (et al), defining marginalization: an assessment tool. us: elliott school of international affairs of the george washington university, 2015 burchardt, marian and ines michalowski, “after integration: islam, conviviality and contentious politics in europe” in marian burchardt and ines michalowski (eds.), after integration islam, conviviality and contentious politics in europe. germany: springer vs, 2015. bayrakli, enes and hafez, farid (eds), european islamophobia report 2018. istanbul: seta, 2018 carrera, sergio and parkin, joanna, “the place of religion in. european union law and policy: competing approaches and actors inside the european com78 a f k a r u n a mission” as religare working document, no.1, september 2010. cesari, jocelyne, the oxford handbook of european islam, uk: oxford university press, 2014. emerson, michael, interculturalism: europe and its muslims in search of sound societal model. ceps: brussels, 2011. fadil, nadia, “belgium” in jørgen s. nielsen (et al), yearbook of muslims in europe, volume, leiden: brill, 2010. fatzer, joel s. & soper, j. christopher, muslims and the state in britain, france and germany. cambridge: cambridge university press, 2005. fuess, albrecht, “islamic religious education in western europe: models of integration and the german approach” in journal of muslim minority affairs 27(2) 2007: 215-239. garfinkel, renee, “what works? evaluating interfaith dialogue programs,” usip special report, no. 123, july 2004. “germany anti-islamic protests: biggest pegida march ever in dresden as rest of germany shows disgust with lights-out”. the independent (retrieved 16 june 2020). guild, elspeth, sergio carrera, and katharina eisele (eds.), social benefit and migration: a contested relationship and policy challenge in the eu, brussels: center for european policy studies, 2013. hafez, farid, “paradigm shift in austria’s security politics vis-à-vis islam” at https:// www.aa.com.tr/en/analysis/paradigm-shift-in-austria-s-security-politics-vis-à-visislam/1561316 (retrieved 1 july 2020). “islam in austria” in http://www.euro-islam.info/country-profiles/austria/ (retrieved on 11 june 2020) kallis, aristotle, sara zeiger, bilgehan öztürk, violent radicalisation & far-right extremism in europe, istanbul: hedayah & seta, 2018. kettani, houssain, “muslim population in europe: 1950 – 2020” in international journal of environmental science and development, vol. 1, no. 2, june 2010. lipka, michael and hackett, conrad, “why muslims are the world’s fastest-growing religious group” in https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/04/06/whymuslims-are-the-worlds-fastest-growing-religious-group/ (retrieved on june 20, 2020). “muslims in europe : th e constr uction of a “problem” in ht tps:// www.bbvaopenmind.com/en/articles/muslims-in-europe-the-construction-of-aproblem/ (retrieved 16 june 2020). parekh, bikhu, “is islam a threat to europe’s multicultural democracies?” in krzysztof michalski religion in the new europe. budapest: central european university press, 2006. pauly, robert j., jr, islam in europe: integration or marginalization? uk: routlege, 2004. pew research center, europe’s growing muslim population: muslims are projected to increase as a share of europe’s population – even with no future migration, us: pewtempleton global religious futures project, 2017. pew research center, a closer look at how religious restrictions have risen around 79vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 the world. us: pew forum, 2019. ramadan, tariq, western muslims and the future of islam, uk: oxford university press, 2004. rohe, mathias, “germany”, in jørgen s. nielsen (et al), yearbook of muslims in europe, vol. 2, leiden: brill, 2010. schmidinger, thomas and çakir, alev, “austria” in jørgen s. nielsen (et al), yearbook of muslims in europe, vol. 6, leiden: brill, 2014. selby, jennifer a. (ed.), “hijâb” in jocelyne cesari, the oxford handbook of european islam, uk: oxford university press, 2014. sezgin, zeynep, “islam and muslim minorities in austria: historical context and current challenges of integration” in journal of international migration and integration (2019), p. 881. doi.org/10.1007/s12134-018-0636-3. shihab, alwi, examining islam in the west: addressing accusationns and correcting misconceptions, jakarta: gramedia, 2011. teich, sarah, islamic radicalization in belgium. brussels: international institute for counter-terrorism (ict), 2016. yudi latif, negara paripurna: historisitas, rasionalitas, dan aktualitas pancasila (jakarta: gramedia, 2012). interview & focus group discussion (fgd) conversation with andreas ismail mohr, a scholar of freie universität berlin on 31 october 2013. focus group discussion with indonesian muslim community of belgium held in brussels, on 24 october 2013. interview with carla aminah baghajati, the leader of iggiö austria, on 14 october 2013. interview with julie pascoet, a policy officer of enar, in brussels on 23october 2013. interview with mohamad ali, the imam of de koepelmosque antwerpen, on 26 october 2013. interview with muhammad hajjaj, the spokesperson of palestinian community in germany, on 21 october 2013. interview with salim mujkanovic, the imam of islamic center at vienna, on 15 october 2013. interview with semsettin ugurlu, the vice president of emb in brussels, on 23 october 2013. interview with ummu selime, a public relation of islamic federation in vienna (ifv) austria on 13 october 2013. interview with zekeriya sejdini, the president and spokesman of iggiö, in austria, on 14 october 2013. # layout jan jun 2011 dakwah islam yang berkembang di jawa tengah. mta dikenal sebagai gerakan islam puritan yang salah satu misinya adalah melakukan pemurnian agama islam dengan slogal kembali kepada al-qur’an dan as-sunnah. dalam menganalisis gerakan ‘dakwah kultural’ yang dilakukan mta, penulis menggunakan teori gerakan sosial (social movement theory) untuk mengekplorasi bagaimana mta melakukan proses mobilisasi simbolik-kultural sebagai upaya untuk melahirkan tafsir-tanding (counter-interpretation) atas budaya jawa yang selama ini dianggap hegemonik. penulis memaknai dakwah kultural sebagai mobilisasi simbol-simbol budaya dengan memberikan makna dan penafsiran atasnya dalam rangka dakwah islam. penulis berargumen bahwa meskipun mta adalah gerakan islam puritan yang watak konfrontatif sangat dominan, dalam konteks mendialogkan agama dan budaya, mta juga menunjukan sikapnya yang akomodatif, dan hal itu dilakukan melalui proses tafsir banding terhadap pemahaman keagamaan yang umumnya dipahami masyarakat. kata kunci: majelis tafsir al-qur’an (mta), gerakan dakwah islam, mobilisasi kultural-symbolik. pendahuluan majlis tafsir al-qur’an (mta) lahir di pusat peradaban jawa, yakni surakarta, yang terkenal sikap toleran dan bahkan akomodatif terhadap berbagai adatistiadat dan budaya yang ada. di tempat inilah, islam sebagai identitas sosial-keagamaan masyarakat jawa pernah bersemai subur, berbarengan dengan kepercayaan pada ratu kidul atau nyai rara kidul yang menunggui pantai selatan jawa, dan semangat gerakan religio-kultural mta dakwah, mobilisasi dan tafsirtanding sunarwoto tilburg university dan junior fellow pada nisis (netherlands interuniversity for islamic studies) di leiden, belanda. email: s.sunarwoto@uvt.nl abstract this article investigates the role of majelis tafsir al-qur’an (mta), a dakwah movement operating aminly in central java. mta is known as the muslim purist movement whose mission focuses on the purification of islam by utilizing the slogan back to the qur’an and sunnah. using the social movemenet theory, the author analyzes the extent to which mta uses cultural dakwah or symbolic-cultural mobilization as its dakwah strategy in order to produce counter-interpretation towards the established and hegemonic interpretation of the javanese culture. cultural dakwah can mean a bolization process of javanese symbols by ataching new meaning and interpretation to thos symbols. the author further argues that even though the mta’s dakwah movement is mainly characterized by confontative attitudes, the mata has also shown its acomodative character by introducing new new understanding and meaning of the existing cultural symbols. keywords: majelis tafsir al-qur’an (mta), islamic dakwah movement, symbolic-cultural mobilization. abstrak artikel ini mengkaji mta, sebuah gerakan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 104 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna masyarakat yang tinggi dalam menjalankan lima rukun islam. di sinilah, seperti dikaji merle c. ricklefs, lahir fenomena “mistik sintesis islam” yang ditandai ketiga hal itu dan yang mencapai puncak kejawaannya pada masa sultan agung dan pakubuwana ii.1 pada 2009, presiden susilo bambang yudhoyono (sby) meresmikan gedung pusat mta yang baru. gedung mewah berlantai empat itu terletak persis berhadap-hadapan dengan keraton mangkunegara,2 seolah melambangkan misi dakwah mta di pusat peradaban jawa itu, mengislamkan jawa sepenuhnya. mta sadar betul akan budaya dan adat-istiadat yang sedang dihadapinya dalam misi dakwahnya, yakni budaya jawa yang sinkretis. sementara keraton penuh dengan ritual-magis yang dipertontonkan kepada masyarakat seperti kirab pusaka, kirab kerbau kiyai slamet dan sebagainya. mta hadir membawa sinar ajaran al-qur’an, seperti tercermin dari lambangnya, untuk memberi petunjuk yang lurus.3 melalui dakwahnya, mta berusaha memurnikan islam dari segala bentuk syirik dan bid‘ah. mta dikenal sebagai gerakan puritan,4 lantaran sikapnya yang tanpa kompromi berusaha membersihkan islam dari segala unsur syirik dan bid‘ah. tak ayal, mta menghadapi berbagai penolakan di berbagai daerah karena dipandang bertentangan dengan budaya dan adat-istiadat setempat. sikapnya yang mirip dengan gerakan puritan wahhabi ini tak pelak mendorong sebagian pengamat menggolongkan mta sebagai bagian dari gerakan wahhabi seperti gerakan (neo)salafi yang tumbuh subur sejak dasawarsa terakhir.5 tema-tema yang diusung oleh gerakan dakwah mta juga memiliki kemiripan dengan tema-tema yang diangkat muhammadiyah yang dikenal sebagai gerakan anti-tbc (takhayul, bid‘ah, dan churafat). kenyataan ini mendorong sebagian penulis menyamakan pandangan keagamaan mta dengan muhammadiyah.6 tulisan berikut ini tidak bermaksud menyoal keabsahan penilaian-penilaian terhadap gerakan dakwah mta di atas. alihalih, tulisan ini mengkaji gerakan dakwah mta sebagai gerakan religio-kultural dari kacamata teori gerakan sosial (social movement theory). dakwah, dalam hal ini, akan dilihat sebagai mobilisasi simbolik-kultural yang kemudian melahirkan tafsir-tanding (counterinterpretation) atas budaya jawa yang hegemonik. beberapa pertanyaan yang ingin dijawab dalam tulisan ini adalah sebagai berikut: bagaimanakah dakwah kultural mta? dan bagaimana implikasi dakwah kultural bagi strategi dakwah mta? untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan ini, tulisan ini terbagi ke dalam lima bagian pembahasan. bagian pertama akan membahas sekilas gambaran tentang mta. bagian kedua akan mendiskusikan dakwah sebagai mobilisasi simbolik-kultural dan tafsirtanding. selanjutnya, bagian ketiga membahas tentang landasan tekstual gerakan dakwah mta terkait dengan budaya. bagian keempat membahas satu contoh kasus bagaimana mobilisasi simbolik-kultural dan tafsir-tanding dilakukan. dan, kelima adalah penutup. dalam penulisan ini, saya memanfaatkan data tulis dan juga data penelitian etnografis yang sedang saya lakukan di surakarta. sekilas tentang mta majlis tafsir al-qur’an (mta) lahir dari sebuah kelompok pengajian yang rutin diadakan oleh ustadz abdullah thufail saputra (w. 1992),7 seorang saudagar doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 105vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 keturunan pakistan dan aktivis dakwah (muballigh) di surakarta. majlis ini dirintis pertama kali pada 19 september 1972 dan memperoleh pengakuan hukum pada 23 januari 1974. tujuan utama didirikannya mta adalah untuk mengajak umat islam kembali kepada al-qur’an. perlunya ajakan ini lahir dari pengalaman langsung ustadz thufail berdakwah di berbagai wilayah di indonesia. kala itu dia mengamati kondisi kemerosotan moral umat islam akibat kurangnya pemahaman terhadap al-qur’an. kondisi semacam itu tercermin dalam sikap sinkretis sebagian besar umat islam di indonesia. sikap sinkretis, yakni mencampuradukkan agama dan tradisi bid‘ah, menyebabkan mereka jauh dari ajaran islam yang sebenarnya.8 keadaan ini pernah dikemukakan oleh ustadz thufail di hadapan beberapa tokoh muslim di sebuah pertemuan di gedung umat islam kartopuran surakarta dan mengajukan gagasan membentuk suatu gabungan beberapa organisasi islam untuk mengatasi masalah yang sedang dihadapi umat islam tersebut. namun, usulan itu tidak disepakati karena masing-masing organisasi tersebut sudah memiliki corak dan gaya berdakwah sendiri-sendiri. ustadz thufail yang tidak bergabung pada satu organisasi islam yang sudah ada akhirnya memutuskan mendirikan pengajian tafsir rutin. mulanya, pengajian ini hanya diikuti oleh tujuh orang peserta dan dibuka angkatan pertama pengajian yang disebut sebagai gelombang pertama. ketika itu nama mta belum digunakan, dan baru didaftarkan di departemen sosial nama majlis tafsir alqur’an (tanpa singkatan mta) dipakai.9 kegiatan utama mta sejak awal kelahirannya adalah mengadakan pengajian tafsir sebagai kegiatan wajib bagi “warga”10 mta. secara garis besar, kegiatan ini dibagi menjadi dua jenis. yang pertama adalah pengajian khusus yang diikuti hanya oleh warga mta (yang biasa disebut ‘siswa’). dalam pengajian khusus ini, para siswa dituntut berdisiplin tinggi dengan adanya daftar hadir dan tidak dibenarkan tidak ikut kecuali jika ada alasan atau uzur yang bersifat syar‘i. sedangkan yang kedua adalah pengajian umum, yang bebas diikuti oleh siapa saja, tanpa mengenal perbedaan kelompok, golongan, ras dan bahkan agama. inilah pengajian ahad pagi atau disingkat jihad pagi yang di kemudian hari menjadi terkenal setelah diudarakan melalui stasiun radio mta (dan kemudian persada fm).11 mta telah berusia 40 tahun dan telah mengalami dua kepemimpinan. yang pertama adalah kepemimpinan sang pendiri, ustadz thufail, yang memimpin hingga wafatnya pada 1992. kemudian, dia digantikan oleh ustadz drs. ahmad sukino, pemimpin mta sekarang ini.12 pada masa kepemimpinan pertama, ustadz thufail membuka dan membangun landasan dakwah mta, sedang pemimpin yang kedua melanjutkan dan mengembangkan dakwah. sejak kepemimpinan yang kedua, mta mengalami perkembangan pesat. jika di kepemimpinan pertama, mta hanyalah gerakan dakwah yang bersifat lokal, maka di kepemimpinan kedua, ia merangkak dan berkembang menjadi gerakan yang dikenal di tingkat nasional. perkembangan pesat mta ini tidak lepas dari keberhasilannya dalam memanfaatkan media modern, terutama radio yang mampu menyedot perhatian banyak jamaah dari berbagai penjuru indonesia. yang khas dari kepemimpinan mta adalah sistem imamah. dengan kata lain, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 106 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mta dipimpin oleh seorang imam yang pemilihannya dilakukan melalui baiat. dengan sistem imamah, pemimpin mta memegang kekuasaan tertinggi keagamaan. mta kini memiliki berbagai ragam amal usaha yang mencakup: stasiun radio dan televisi, website, majalah respon dan almar’ah, buletin uswatun hasanah, bp-rb mta, ksu, percetakan al-abrar, air minum dalam kemasan kaafur, ub syariah, pertokoan, lembaga pendidikan (tk, sdit, smp dan sma), dan lainnya. amal-amal usaha ini menjadi penopang kemandirian dakwah mta.13 dalam kegiatan berdakwah di berbagai daerah, juru dakwah yang dikirimkan dari mta pusat tidak diperbolehkan menerima imbalan atau upah atas dakwah yang telah dilakukan itu. ini merupakan salah satu contoh bagaimana mta membangun kemandirian dalam berdakwah. dakwah kultural: mobilisasi dan tafsir-tanding saya memaknai dakwah kultural sebagai mobilisasi simbol-simbol budaya dengan memberikan makna dan penafsiran atasnya dalam rangka dakwah islam.14 dalam takrif ini, saya menekankan pada mobilisasi dan penafsiran simbol budaya di dalam melakukan dakwah. dengan demikian, dakwah kultural sesungguhnya adalah proses kreatif dalam memaknai simbol-simbol islam dan kemudian menyampaikannya kepada objek dakwah (mad‘u). mengkaji gerakan dakwah mta dari segi budaya, perlu kiranya dikemukakan bagaimana mobilisasi simbolikkultural dan tafsir-tanding (counter-interpretation) dalam dakwah tersebut. hal ini penting karena dakwah tidak hanya melulu persoalan menyeru atau menyampaikan islam, tetapi juga melibatkan proses mobilisasi dan penafsiran atas islam. dipahami secara demikian, dakwah merupakan bagian dari aktivisme islam. dakwah atau da‘wah berakar kata da‘a, yang berarti “memanggil”, “mengundang”, “menyeru”, dan seterusnya. jadi, secara bahasa, dakwah berarti panggilan, undangan, seruan, dan seterusnya. secara istilah, dakwah berarti “undangan yang ditujukan kepada manusia oleh allah dan nabi-nya untuk beriman kepada agama yang benar, yakni islam.”15 dengan demikian, hakikat dakwah adalah dakwah kepada allah.16 sementara makna dakwah lebih bersifat memanggil pihak luar masuk ke dalam islam, istilah lain yang juga digunakan adalah tabligh, yang berarti menyampaikan islam baik kepada pihak luar maupun pihak dalam. dilihat dari sisi pelakunya, dakwah dilakukan oleh pribadi atau individu maupun kelompok atau lembaga (institusi). sejarah menunjukkan bahwa dakwah tidak hanya bermuatan agama, tetapi juga politik—makna politiko-religius. dalam arti ini, dakwah merupakan ajakan untuk mendukung kepentingan suatu rezim kekuasaan atau untuk membangun negara teokratis yang berdasarkan monoteisme.17 dalam sejarah yang awal, setidaknya hal ini bisa dirujuk pada masa abbasiyah yang menjadikan dakwah untuk tujuan keberhasilan politiknya.18 dakwah menjadi salah satu bagian dari mobilisasi sosial-politik yang sangat penting sebagaimana pula kita lihat di masa modern. pada masa usmaniyah, sultan abdul hamid ii (berkuasa 1876-1909) menjadikan dakwah sebagai bagian dari ideologi kerajaannya. sejak akhir abad ke-19 ini, dakwah memainkan peran penting sebagai “alat fungsional dalam menghadapi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 107vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 tantangan modernitas” dan merupakan “salah satu jenis wacana mobilisasi islam”.19 di sinilah letak penting gerakan dakwah dalam kaitannya dengan gerakan-gerakan islam. dakwah merupakan wujud dari apa yang asef bayat sebut sebagai “kesalehan aktif” (active piety) yang mendasari lahirnya “aktivisme islam” (islamic activism).20 bayat mengemukakan bahwa suatu tindakan atau praktik bisa dikatakan aktif ketika ia merupakan tindakan “luar biasa” (extraordinary). “ketika tindakan berhenti menjadi luar biasa, ketika tindakan itu menjadi tindakan kehidupan sehari-hari, maka tidak lagi merupakan aktivisme.” kesalehan aktif bukan berarti sekadar orang menjalankan agama tetapi ia juga menyebarkannya serta menginginkan orang atau pihak lain berpikir dan bertindak seperti dia. kesalehan yang demikian tidak terbatas pada gerakan kesalehan yang bersifat politik, tetapi juga yang bersifat apolitis seperti tercermin dalam gerakan-gerakan yang berporos pada pemberdayaan diri dan identitas.21 sebagai bentuk aktivisme dan mobilisasi islam, keberhasilan dakwah terletak pada kemampuannya menggerakkan simbol, bahasa, adat-istiadat dan budaya masyarakat islam. dalam konteks inilah dakwah mta menjadi contoh menarik. mta sebagai gerakan dakwah bisa digolongkan sebagai gerakan yang apolitis dalam arti ia mencoba menghindari politik praktis. dalam hal ini, ketua mta, ustadz ahmad sukino, menyatakan “mta bukan partai politik dan tidak akan pernah menjadi partai politik, bukan suatu golongan dan tidak akan menjadi tersendiri dari ummat islam.”22 alih-alih berpolitik praktis, mta bertekad menjadi lembaga yang memusatkan perhatiannya pada dakwah islam. ini bukan berarti bahwa mta tidak memiliki signifikansi politik. perkembangan pesat mta belakangan tak pelak menjadi incaran partai-partai politik.23 belakangan, signifikansi politik ini semakin tampak ketika mta berhasil menarik kedatangan para petinggi negara, mulai dari pejabat kementerian agama, menteri hingga presiden. selain apolitis, dakwah mta lebih bersifat dakwah internal daripada dakwah eksternal. artinya, dakwahnya lebih diarahkan dan ditujukan untuk sesama muslim daripada non-muslim. sifat dakwah internal ini bisa dilihat dari cara mta memahami konsep-konsep penting semisal tauhid, syirik dan bid‘ah sebagaimana akan dijelaskan di bawah nanti. hal ini juga bisa dibaca secara jelas pada sikapnya terhadap formalisasi syariat islam seperti dituntut oleh beberapa organisasi islam semisal mmi (majelis mujahidin indonesia) dan hti (hizbut tahrir indonesia). bagi mta, yang penting bukan menjadikan islam sebagai ideologi resmi negara tetapi memberikan pemahaman umat islam tentang islam yang benar yang bersumber dari al-qur’an dan sunnah. dengan begitu, tanpa formalisasi syariat islam bisa tegak di tengah-tengah masyarakat indonesia. gerakan dakwah mta lahir dari konteks keberagamaan masyarakat jawa yang sinkretis, yakni mencampuradukkan keyakinan islam dengan keyakinan-keyakinan lain. tak pelak, konteks dakwah yang demikian itu mewarnai pandangan dan gerakan dakwah mta. pandangan mta mengenai budaya dan adat-istiadat jawa, di satu sisi, menampilkan watak konfrontatif dan antikompromi terhadapnya. di sisi lain, mta menampilkan wajah budaya jawa di banyak hal. dari sisi keanggotaan, warga doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 108 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mta sebagian besar dan utamanya adalah orang jawa. bahkan jika kita perhatikan dalam acara pengajian ahad pagi, jamaah yang datang dari luar jawa kebanyakan adalah asli jawa, terutama dari kaum abangan. hal ini bisa ditilik dari logat bahasa, nama dan pengakuan jamaah itu sendiri. dominasi warna jawa dalam hal bahasa, yakni bahasa jawa, yang digunakan dalam acara ini pernah dikritik oleh seorang jamaah yang datang dari daerah yang berbahasa selain jawa seperti sunda.24 tidak hanya bahasa, simbol jawa juga bisa dilihat dari segi pakaian. warga mta tidak ekslusif menggunakan pakaian khas seperti kaum salafi atau jamaah tabligh yang berpakaian khas seperti memakai abaya dan isybal. mereka sering menampilkan cara berpakaian khas jawa (modern) seperti menggunakan batik dengan kopiah. misalnya, dalam acara pengajian ahad pagi, kebanyakan petugas penerima peserta atau jamaah menggunakan seragam batik dan kopiah hitam. dalam acara ini ustadz ahmad sukino sendiri selaku pemimpin mta berpakaian biasa, baju lengan panjang, celana dan kopiah hitam. kekentalan warna jawa ini juga bisa ditilik dari persaksian warga ataupun simpatisan yang hadir di acara tersebut yang diudarakan secara langsung melalui radio mta dan radio persada fm, dua stasiun radio yang memainkan peran penting dalam dakwah mta. dalam persaksian itu warga ataupun simpatisan menyatakan jatidiri keberagamaannya sebelum mengenal mta, yakni sebagai penganut adat-istiadat dan tradisi jawa yang sinkretis. persaksian yang sama juga bisa kita jumpai pada acara hikmah yang disiarkan di radio tersebut pada setiap hari selasa siang pukul 13.00-14.00, yang menghadirkan narasumber terkait untuk berbagi pengalaman mendapatkan hidayah berkat mendengarkan radio mta maupun mengenal mta. dari uraian di atas tampak bahwa simbolisme-kultural mta terbangun di atas identitas jawa dalam hal bahasa, pakaian, dan adat. hal ini menjadikan mta sebagai gerakan dakwah yang khas jawa dan jauh dari kesan kearab-araban. landasan tekstual pandangan mta terhadap budaya tidak bisa dilepaskan dari pemahaman dan penafsirannya terhadap teks-teks keagamaan, yakni al-qur’an dan hadis. keduanya menjadi sumber dan landasan pokok mta dalam merumuskan seluruh pandangan keagamaannya. di samping itu, mta juga menggunakan kaedah usul fikih dalam membangun prinsip-prinsip bagi amaliah keberagamaannya. terkait dengan hal ini, mta merumuskan pandangannya berdasarkan pemilahan ibadah dan nonibadah. oleh karena itu, bagian ini akan memaparkan kedua landasan ini. di samping itu, juga akan dibahas tentang tauhid, syirik dan bid‘ah. kembali kepada al-qur’an (dan sunnah). seperti dikemukakan di atas, tujuan pendirian mta adalah untuk mengajak umat islam kembali kepada al-qur’an (dan sunnah). hal ini dilandasi oleh keyakinan bahwa dakwah atau seruan yang paling baik adalah dakwah kembali kepada allah swt. sebagaimana dinyatakan dalam al-qur’an.25 dalam hal ini, mta memiliki kesamaan dengan organisasi-organisasi islam modernis seperti muhammadiyah, persatuan islam (persis) dan al-irsyad.26 namun, perbedaan akan tampak jelas jika dilihat dari bagaimana organisasi-organisasi islam itu kembali kepada doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 109vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 al-qur’an dan sunnah. seruan kembali kepada qur’an dan sunnah ini juga telah melahirkan beragam tipe pemikiran, mulai dari konservatif hingga liberal. yang penting digarisbawahi dari seruan ini adalah upaya untuk mengembalikan islam kepada sumber aslinya, yakni qur’an dan sunnah, atau, dengan kata lain, kembali kepada islam yang murni. seruan ini digaungkan oleh berbagai kelompok islam dengan tujuan yang berbeda pula. seperti dikemukakan yudian wahyudi, seruan ini juga sering menjadi tema doktrin, ideologi dan geopolitik yang diusung oleh kelompok-kelompok pinggiran (peripheral) melawan kekuasaan pusat seperti khawarij melawan ali bin abu thalib, muawiyah melawan umayah, dan ibnu hanbal melawan al-ma’mun. dengan seruan ini mereka mengidentifikasi diri sebagai islam yang murni, sedangkan kekuasaan pusat tidak murni.27 tidak hanya itu, seruan kembali kepada alqur’an dan sunnah juga digaungkan kelompok minoritas muslim di tengah dominasi mayoritas muslim. dengan seruan ini, kelompok minoritas menempatkan diri sebagai kelompok yang sedang berusaha mengembalikan islam kepada kemurniannya. kemurnian ini dipandang telah lama terpendam dalam tradisi dan adat-istiadat yang tumbuh-suburkan oleh mayoritas umat islam. kalangan minoritas ini biasa mengangkat hadis yang menyatakan bahwa islam pada mulanya asing dan akan kembali asing. dalam keadaan ini, orang-orang yang dipandang asing (al-ghuraba’) oleh mayoritas muslim itulah yang beruntung.28 mta termasuk golongan umat islam yang meyakini kedudukannya sebagai kelompok kecil atau minoritas yang sering dianggap asing oleh mayoritas.29 “keterasingan” itu diyakini dikarenakan mta hadir membawa atau menyerukan al-qur’an dan sunnah. dengan itu, mta mencita-citakan islam yang murni itu berdasarkan hanya pada al-qur’an dan sunnah. hal ini didasarkan pada keyakinan bahwa nabi muhammad wafat hanya meninggalkan dua hal, yakni al-qur’an dan sunnah, sebagaimana ditegaskan dalam hadis.30 mengikuti bunyi hadis tersebut, bagi mta, hanya dengan berpegang teguh kepada keduanyalah umat islam tidak akan sesat. lantas, menurut mta, apakah maksud dari dan bagaimanakah kembali kepada alqur’an dan sunnah? dan siapakah yang memiliki kuasa untuk menjelaskan dan menafsirkan al-qur’an? dalam buku sekitar wahyu dan qur’an yang diterbitkan yayasan mta pada 1985 dikatakan sebagai berikut: “yang dimaksud kembali kepada al-qur’an dan as-sunnah adalah: pola berfikir dan pandangan hidup kita harus disinari dan dijiwai al-qur’an.” jadi kembali di sini bukan hanya menjadikan al-qur’an sebagai rujukan tetapi juga sebagai yang menyinari dan menjiwai cara pikir dan pandangan hidup.31 mta menyatakan tidak melakukan penafsiran al-qur’an, tetapi mengkaji tafsirtafsir yang sudah ada baik dari ulama salaf maupun khalaf.32 meskipun demikian, hal ini bukan berarti bahwa mta tidak melakukan penafsiran sebagaimana tercermin pada terbitnya 5 jilid tafsir mta.33 di samping itu, pada kenyataannya di dalam pengajianpengajian yang diadakan mta, terutama pengajian ahad pagi, hampir tidak pernah mengutip atau menyebut penafsiran ulama ahli tafsir. yang sering terjadi, dalam pengamatan saya, adalah penyebutan catatankaki-catatan kaki (notes) dari terjemahan alqur’an versi departemen agama untuk menjelaskan suatu maksud ayat atau kata doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 110 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dalam ayat tertentu yang dipandang musykil. dengan kembali kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah, apakah mta menyerukan ijtihad? bagi mta, ijtihad hanya boleh dilakukan oleh orang yang memenuhi persyaratan ijtihad. di dalam mta sendiri, yang berhak melakukan ijtihad adalah sang imam, yakni pemimpin mta. sedangkan ustadz-ustadz dan warga mta ataupun muslim awam tidak diperbolehkan ijtihad.34 namun mereka wajib ittiba‘ (mengikut). yang dilarang bagi umat islam, menurut mta, adalah taklid, yakni mengikuti amalan-amalan agama atau ibadah dengan tanpa tahu dalil-dalilnya. di kalangan warga mta, orang yang taklid adalah orang yang cara beragamanya adalah, dalam bahasa jawa, rubuh-rubuh gedang, yang berarti ikut-ikutan nenek-moyang dan orangorangtua terdahulu. untuk bebas dari taklid, orang harus tahu dalil atau “tuntunan” dari al-qur’an dan sunnah. untuk itu, orang harus ngaji35 atau mengkaji al-qur’an dan sunnah.36 tauhid, syirik dan bid‘ah. sebagai gerakan yang ingin kembali kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah, mta sangat mengedepankan ajaran tauhid, yakni mengesakan allah dalam ucapan, perbuatan dan pikiran. hal ini tercermin dari tema yang dominan dalam “brosur”37 yang dikeluarkan dalam pengajian ahad pagi. hingga bulan september 2012, brosur berjudul “islam agama tauhid” telah mencapai nomor 44. selain itu, mta juga sangat peka terhadap persoalan bid‘ah dan syirik. bahkan kedua hal ini menjadi perhatian utama dakwahnya. secara garis besar, pemahaman mta tentang syirik sama dengan umat islam lainnya, yakni menyekutukan allah, yakin bahwa ada tuhan selain allah. akan tetapi, titik tekan mta tidak hanya itu. mta juga menegaskan bahwa cara beragama yang mengikuti cara beragamanya orang yahudi dan nasrani, yakni hanya mengikuti para rahib, pendeta dan orang berilmu mereka.38 dari sini bisa dilihat penekanannya pada cara beragama yang ikut-ikutan yang di atas sudah disebut sebagai taklid. di sini termasuk syirik juga adalah fanatik mazhab.39 mta tidak berusaha menakrifkan bid‘ah secara khusus. bid‘ah dipahami mta sebagai lawan sunnah, yakni sesuatu yang tidak dituntunkan atau dicontohkan oleh nabi muhammad dalam urusan agama. dengan kata lain, bid‘ah adalah sesuatu yang baru dan diada-adakan dalam masalah agama yang tidak ada contohnya di masa nabi. menyangkut masalah budaya, kedua hal ini menjadi penilaian akhir, apakah suatu budaya bisa diteruskan atau tidak; apakah sesuatu yang dianggap urusan dunia itu menyebabkan syirik ataupun menghasilkan bid‘ah ataukah tidak. pembedaan ibadah dan bukan-ibadah. kembali kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah berarti kembali kepada asal, landasan, atau pokok. dalam praktik, hal ini terterjemahkan dalam kaedah tentang ibadah dan bukan-ibadah. oleh karena itu, hal yang penting dipahami dari pandangan mta terhadap budaya adalah pemilahan atau lebih tegasnya pemisahan antara ibadah dan non-ibadah, antara masalah ibadah dan masalah duniawi. pemilahan ini terkait erat dengan boleh-tidaknya suatu tindakan atau amal dari sudut pandang agama islam. dalam bahasa yang luas, pemilahan ini berhubungan dengan masalah halal dan haram. di sini, perlu dicatat lebih dulu bahwa bagi mta batas antara halal dan haram dalam islam itu jelas (bayyin) sebagaimana ditunjukkan dalam sebuah hadis.40 bagi mta, tidak ada wilayah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 111vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 “antara” atau abu-abu (mutasyabihat) dalam islam.41 dalam rumusan bahasa yang sederhana, mta sering mengatakan: “dalam hal ibadah, jangan tanyakan apakah ada larangannya, tetapi tanyakan apakah ada tuntunannya.” misalnya, mta tidak mengamalkan yasinan atau tahlilan. dalam hal ini, tidak tepat dan bahkan keliru jika diajukan pertanyakan apakah yasinan atau tahlilan dilarang oleh agama. yang tepat adalah pertanyaan ada atau tidaknya tuntunan atau dalil agama mengenai amalan yasinan dan tahlilan itu. rumusan ini sebenarnya bersumber dari kaedah usul fikih al-ashl fi al-‘ibadat ittiba‘, yakni bahwa hukum asal dari peribadatan adalah mengikut. dengan merujuk hadis man ahdatsa fi amrina hadza ma laisa minhu fauwa raddun42 dan man ‘amila ‘amalan laisa ‘alaihi amruna fahuwa raddun,43 mta menyimpulkan bahwa ibadah itu tercermin dalam dua hal, yakni 1) hanya allahlah yang disembah; dan 2) untuk menyembah allah, hanya dapat dilakukan menurut apa yang disyari’atkannya.44 kaedah lain yang digunakan adalah: “semua hal ibadah itu pada dasarnya dilarang kecuali yang diperintahkan.” dengan demikian, yang penting bagi mta adalah bagaimana mengikut dan bagaimana yang diikuti, yakni “tuntunan”. titik tekannya jelas pada ada tidaknya tuntunan untuk diikuti. oleh karena itu, bagi mta, dalam soal ibadah, adalah keliru jika orang bertanya soal ada atau tidaknya larangan. ittiba‘ dalam istilah usul fikih berarti mengikuti suatu pendapat berdasarkan dalil, sedangkan taqlid berarti mengikuti suatu pendapat tanpa dalil dari al-qur’an dan hadis. dalam soal-soal bukan ibadah, mta berpegang pada kaedah al-ashl fi al-asyya’ alibahah, yaitu bahwa hukum asal dalam segala hal (bukan ibadah) adalah boleh (ibahah).45 hal ini, di antaranya, didasarkan pada teladan yang diberikan oleh nabi muhammad, yakni sabda: antum a‘lamu bi umur dunyakum (kalian lebih paham tentang soal-soal duniawi kalian).46 mengikuti kaedah ini, maka semua yang dipandang sebagai urusan duniawi, bagi mta, diperbolehkan untuk dilakukan, kecuali jika ada dalil alqur’an atau hadis yang jelas-jelas melarangnya. oleh karena itu, rumusannya menjadi kebalikan dari urusan agama, yaitu: “dalam urusan dunia, tanyakanlah ada larangannya atau tidak.” jadi, bagi mta, keliru jika kita menyoal urusan duniawi dengan menanyakan tuntunannya, karena tuntunan urusan duniawi sudah diserahkan kepada manusia. sebagai contoh adalah soal menggunakan mobil atau motor untuk berkendara. hal ini tidak pernah dilakukan atau dituntunkan oleh nabi muhammad. pertanyaan untuk contoh semacam ini bukanlah apakah ada tuntunan atau dalil agama mengenai kebolehan berkendara mobil atau motor. yang benar adalah apakah ada larangannya berkendara mobil atau motor. pandangan mta tentang pemilahan ibadah dan bukan-ibadah semacam itu, seperti akan terlihat nanti, tercermin secara jelas dalam pandangannya terhadap budaya atau tradisi. di dalam melihat suatu kesenian, mta berpedoman pada prinsip bahwa seni adalah urusan dunia, dan karenanya selagi tidak ada larangan yang nyata dari agama, maka tidak haram. dalam hal musik dan hiburan, misalnya, mta tidak melarang diputarnya lagu-lagu jawa semisal klenengan dan lagu pop di stasiun radionya.47 hal ini karena mta memandangnya sekadar sebagai urusan dunia. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 112 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna bagi mta, syirik dan bid‘ah maupun pembedaan ibadah-bukan ibadah merupakan garis pemisah yang sangat tegas antara sikap akomodatif dan konfrontatif terhadap budaya dan adat. ia akomodatif selagi budaya dan adat itu tidak mengandung syirik dan bid‘ah serta dalam urusan-urusan dunia. sedangkan dalam hal akidah, mta sangat konfrontatif terhadap apa saja yang dipandang menyimpang. itulah strategi dakwah kultural mta. tafsir-tanding tentang wali: suatu contoh menarik bahwa dalam banyak kesempatan acara pembukaan cabang, mta mementaskan karya-karya seni itu. dalam deklarasi pemuda mta yang digelar pada 7 oktober 2012 lalu, misalnya, mta mengadakan pagelaran seni mulai dari seni lukis, teater, hingga ketoprak dan wayang kulit. hal demikian tampak bertentangan dengan citra yang telah disematkan oleh orang-orang atau kelompok di luar mta, yakni gerakan antibudaya dan tradisi. hal ini mengingat bahwa mta sebagai gerakan puritan acapkali bersikap tanpa kompromi terhadap seluruh budaya dan tradisi yang dipandang menimbulkan maksiat, syirik, dan bid‘ah. namun, pada kenyataannya, mta menjadikan seni sebagai medium dakwahnya. bagaimana mobilisasi simbolik-kultural berlangsung dalam dakwah mta dapat dilihat dalam produk budaya yang dihasilkan. di sini akan saya kemukakan satu contoh saja untuk menggambarkan bagaimana karyakarya seni itu dijadikan sebagai media dakwah, yakni seni teater. setelah menggambarkannya, saya akan melakukan peninjauan atas mobilisasi simbolik dalam cerita itu sebagai bentuk dakwah kultural mta. akan saya perlihatkan bahwa mobilisasi ini melahirkan tafsir-tanding (counter-interpretation) terhadap budaya islam jawa. sanggar semu (seni muda) mta, yang disingkat semumta, telah memproduksi beberapa karya seni pentas teater, di antaranya: bukan opera van java, brama kumbara modern dan wali in final fantasy. ketiganya memadukan unsur dakwah, hiburan dan legenda. secara garis besar, karya ini bertutur tentang suatu planet rekaan bernama geostigma yang dikuasai oleh maharaja rufus shinra yang dibantu oleh panglima sephiroth dan kadaj yang ahli perdukunan.48 penduduknya menyembah berhala yang diberi nama jehova. kemusyrikan planet geostigma ini rupanya sampai ke telinga seorang wali di jawa. mendengar kabar kemusyrikan mereka ini, sang wali beserta para pengikutnya memutuskan untuk datang ke planet geostigma tersebut dengan tujuan berdakwah menyerukan mereka untuk kembali kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah. sesampai di planet itu, sang wali dan muridmuridnya mulai berdakwah secara sembunyisembunyi. maharaja menyebut mereka sebagai m-ta. berkat kegigihan mereka berdakwah, salah seorang panglima bernama panglima tatsuya yang sekaligus anak angkat sang maharaja secara diam-diam masuk islam dan kemudian turut berdakwa pula. panglima tatsuya mendekati pangeran cloud, putra kandung maharaja, dan mengajarkannya nilai-nilai islam. dakwah diam-diam ini akhirnya diketahui oleh maharaja rufus shinra dan panglima sephiroth. sang maharaja secara tidak sengaja mengetahui anak angkatnya, pangeran cloud, sedang membaca buku doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 113vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 tuntunan shalat yang diterbitkan oleh penerbit 234. dari kejadian ini, terungkap bahwa pangeran cloud telah menjadi pengikut sang wali. panglima tatsuya yang telah masuk islam terlebih dulu menghancurkan benda sesembahan planet geostigma yang bernama tuhan jehova. hal inilah yang kemudian menyulut amarah sang maharaja. perang pun terjadi antara pasukan pengikut sang wali yang dipimpin muridnya bernama tsabit dan pasukan panglima sephiroth. perang ini akhirnya dihentikan oleh sang wali yang kemudian mengajak para pengikutnya hijrah ke negeri seberang, sedangkan panglima tatsurya yang telah masuk islam itu terusir dari planet geostigma. secara keseluruhan, ini adalah cerita tentang kesatria penegak kebenaran yang dalam dakwahnya menghadapi berbagai rintangan dari kaum musyrik. dari cerita di atas, setidaknya ada lima hal yang bisa kita cermati, yakni: wali, kembali kepada alqur’an dan sunnah, buku tuntunan shalat, rintangan dakwah, dan hijrah meninggalkan kerajaan. keempat hal ini mencerminkan bagaimana identitas mta itu sendiri dibangun dalam narasi. pertama, dengan mengambil cerita tentang dakwah wali dari jawa, dapatlah ditafsirkan bahwa melalui cerita tersebut mta hendak mengangkat khazanah jawa, terutama walisongo yang masyhur. pada saat yang sama, cerita yang diubah latar tempat dan tokoh-tokohnya tampaknya bukan sekadar adaptasi atas kisah walisongo, tetapi juga menunjukkan bahwa kisah itu sendiri bukan sesuatu yang melulu sejarah, jika bukan rekaan belaka. bahkan lebih dari itu, cerita di atas sesungguhnya ingin menampik mitos yang berkembang mengenai walisongo. dalam cerita itu sang wali dan para muridnya disebut oleh sang raja sebagai m-ta. dengan mudah kita bisa katakan bahwa mta sendiri membawa misi seperti para wali di jawa tempo dulu. hal ini sesuai dengan pandangan mta bahwa semua orang islam bisa menjadi wali. dalam suatu tanya-jawab pengajian ahad pagi, misalnya, ditanyakan mengenai surat apa dan ayat berapa yang menjelaskan tentang walisongo dan wali-wali lainnya. ustadz ahmad sukino menjawab, “kalau wali 9 saya belum tahu.” dengan merujuk qs. [10]: 63, dia lalu mengatakan, “jadi, wali allah ialah orang-orang yang beriman dan selalu bertakwa kepada allah. bertakwa itu artinya menjalankan perintahperinah allah dan menjauhi laranganlarangan allah, … itulah wali allah. maka, siapa saja wali allah itu? kita pun bisa jadi wali allah. jadi, ora mung songo wali kuwi (wali itu bukan hanya sembilan) …”49 kedua, kembali kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah menggantikan unsur mistik-magis dalam cerita walisongo. dalam kisah sunan kalijaga, misalnya, digambarkan kesaktiannya setelah bertapa bertahun-tahun di pinggir sungai. juga dikisahkan kesaktian sunan bonang dalam mengubah buah menjadi emas. semua unsur mistis-magis ini diganti dengan belajar al-qur’an dan sunnah. ketiga, simbol tuntunan shalat. mengapa buku tuntunan shalat menjadi penting dalam alur cerita itu? seperti umat islam lainnya, mta tentu saja memandang shalat sebagai kewajiban yang tidak boleh ditinggalkan. namun, hadirnya buku ini dalam alur cerita di atas menggambarkan bagaimana pandangan yang khas, sekalipun tidak unik, tentang status keislaman seseorang. bagi mta, shalat adalah penanda keislaman doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 114 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna seseorang dan karenanya berdampak pada boleh-tidaknya dia dishalatkan jika meninggal, halal-haram sembelihannya dimakan, dan seterusnya.50 keempat, rintangan dakwah. dakwah mta banyak menghadapi rintangan di berbagai daerah, mulai dari penolakan, pengusiran hingga bentrok secara fisik. gambaran semacam ini terbaca jelas dari akhir cerita di atas. sang wali dan pengikutpengikutnya akhirnya meninggalkan planet geostigma. hal ini tidak hanya sebagai gambaran kenyataan yang dialami warga mta di berbagai daerah itu, tetapi juga cermin dari keyakinan mta bahwa ketika dakwah al-qur’an dan sunnah dilakukan, maka pasti terjadi penentangan dan penolakan. bahkan mta yakin jika tidak terjadi penentangan, berarti dakwah tersebut tidak berhasil. keyakinan semacam ini, di satu sisi, bersifat rawan konflik, tetapi di sisi lain mencerminkan kesadarannya akan konteks dakwahnya, yakni masyarakat yang masih memegang teguh adat-istiadat yang bertentangan dengan al-qur’an dan sunnah. kelima, meninggalkan kerajaan dan hijrah ke tempat lain menyiratkan bahwa dakwah yang dikembangkan sang wali dan murid-muridnya itu adalah dakwah yang damai, jauh dari kesan kekerasan. kesimpulan dari uraian-uraian di atas dapatlah disimpulan beberapa hal dan sekaligus dijawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan di awal tulisan ini. pertama, dakwah kultural mta adalah mobilisasi simbolik-kultural terhadap budaya jawa, konteks di mana dakwahnya dilakukan. mta memobilisasi simbol budaya jawa dalam hal bahasa, pakaian dan adat. kedua, mobilisasi ini dilandasi pemahaman atas teksteks agama, yakni al-qur’an dan hadis, serta kaedah usul fikih. dengan landasan dan kaedah ini, mta menggunakan strategi dakwah konfrontatif dan akomodatif. ia konfrontatif dan menarik garis pemisah secara tegas ketika budaya dan adat bertentangan dengan ajaran tauhid, dan mengandung syirik dan bid‘ah. namun demikian, ketiga, mta melakukan mobilisasi simbolik-kultural tidak hanya hal bahasa, pakaian dan adat, tetapi juga terhadap produk budaya semisal seni. di sinilah letak watak akomodatif dakwah mta. namun, tidak berhenti pada sikap akomodatif, mta juga melakukan tafsirtanding (counter-interpretation) atas suatu konsep keagamaan yang sudah dipandang baku di kalangan masyarakat. seperti dicontohkan di atas mengenai seni teater, tampak bahwa mta mengajukan tafsirtandingan atas konsep “wali allah” yang selama ini didominasi oleh penafsiran masyarakat muslim jawa berupa adanya waliwali, terutama walisongo, yang diziarahi secara massal. dengan merujuk kembali kepada alqur’an dan sunnah, mta ingin menyodorkan pemahaman bahwa wali adalah orang-orang yang bertakwa kepada allah dengan sebenar-benarnya dan karenanya semua muslim bisa menjadi wali allah. catatan akhir 1 lihat merle c. ricklefs, mystic synthesis in java: a history of islamization from the fourteenth to the early nineteenth centuries (norwalk, usa: eastbridge, 2006). 2 sebelumnya, selama 35 tahun, mta berkantor di gedung tua di daerah kemlayan, solo. 3 lambang mta adalah gambar mushaf al-qur’an yang terbuka dan di atasnya tulisan arab qs. al-isra’ [17]: 9 dan disertai artinya: “sesungguhnya al-qur’an ini memberikan petunjuk kepada (jalan) yang lebih lurus …” 4 lihat, misalnya, muthohharun jinan, “dinamika gerakan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 115vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 islam puritan di surakarta: studi tentang perluasan garakan majelis tafsir al-quran,” kumpulan makalah the 11th annual conference on islamic studies, bangka belitung, 10–13 oktober 2011, h. 581-602; idem., “kepemimpinan imamah dalam gerakan purifikasi islam: studi tentang perluasan mta surakarta,” disertasi pada uin sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta, 2012. 5 lihat, misalnya, yudian wahyudi (ed.), gerakan wahabi di indonesia (yogyakarta: bina harfa, 2009). mengaitkan mta dengan gerakan wahhabi barangkali hanya tepat jika dihubungkan dengan konsep tauhid, syirik dan bid‘ah. namun, dalam hal sikap terhadap adat-istiadat dan budaya, mta sangat berbeda, karena sikapnya yang lebih toleran daripada gerakan wahhabi. menganalisis mta dari kacamata wahhabisme, menurut saya, akan mengantarkan pada kesimpulan yang tidak utuh, atau bahkan keliru, terhadap gerakan dakwah mta. 6 muhammad wildan, radical islamism in solo: a quest of muslims’ identity in a town of central java indonesia, phd dissertation (institute of islamic world and civilization, universiti kebangsaan malaysia, bangi, 2009), h. 87. 7 abdullah thufail saputro lahir di pacitan, jawa timur, pada 19 september 1927. ayahnya, thufail muhammad, adalah seorang keturunan pakistan, sedangkan ibunya, fatimah adalah putri camat pacitan. pada 1950, thufail pindah ke dan menetap di solo, tepatnya di kelurahan semanggi, kecamatan pasar kliwon. ayahnya seorang penganut tarekat naqsyabandiyah. terlahir dalam keluarga yang agamis, thufail mendapat pendidikan dasar agama di sekolah dasar muhammadiyah. kemudian sekolah menegah pertama dan atas ditempuh di lingkungan al-irsyad solo. selepas itu, dia masuk kuliah di universitas cokroaminoto surakarta, tetapi tidak tamat. selain pendidikan formal, thufail juga mengikuti pendidikan informal di beberapa pondok pesantren, di antaranya pondok termas pacitan, pondok popongan klaten, pondok jamsaren dan mambaul ulum solo. selain di pondok pesantren, thufail juga berguru pada tiga habib, yakni habib hud, asegaf yun dan alwi al-habsy. ketiga ulama ini tampaknya sangat berpengaruh pada karier keulamaan thufail di kemudian hari. dari ketiganya, thufail mendalami bahasa arab, ulumul qur’an, ulumul hadis, nahwu dan sharaf. ketiga ulama ini terkenal sebagai penganut syiah, dan tampaknya dari merekalah thufail mendapat pengetahuan mengenai imamah (kepemimpinan) yang kemudian dijadikan sebagai asas dakwah mta. mta didirikan pada 1974 dan kini berkembang pesat ke seluruh pelosok nusantara. dia meninggal pada 15 september 1992. lebih lanjut mengenai riwayat hidup abdullah thufail saputra, lihat muthohharun jinan, “kepemimpinan imamah dalam gerakan purifikasi islam,” h. 84-101. 8 “sejarah mta,” respon, edisi 268, no. 26 (20 september – 20 oktober, 2012), h. 8. 9 “sejarah mta,” h. 12. 1 0 istilah “warga” digunakan secara khusus untuk menyebut anggota mta. 1 1 radio mta mulai mengudara pada 2007. sebelumnya, acara pengajian ahad pagi disiarkan melalui hiz fm selama kurang lebih dua tahun, yakni 2005-2006. 1 2 hingga kini, saya tidak menemukan riwayat hidup yang memadai mengenai ustadz ahmad sukino. bahkan disertasi yang ditulis muthohharun jinan pun hanya mengungkap sekilas mengenai pemimpin mta yang sekarang ini. dia tidak menyebut tanggal dan tahun kelahirannya. ahmad sukino lahir di gawok, sukoharjo, dan dibesarkan dalam keluarga masyumi dan muhammadiyah. kemudian keluarganya pindah ke sragen. pendidikan dasar hingga menegah atas, yakni pendidikan guru agama (pga), diselesaikan di sragen. kemudian ahmad sukino mengikuti kuliah di fakultas tarbiyah, universitas muhammadiyah surakarta (ums). dia pernah bekerja sebagai pegawai negeri hingga pensiun. menurut sumber yang dikemukakan jinnan, ahmad sukino pernah belajar di pakistan selama empat tahun atas perintah abdullah thufail, pendahulunya. mengenai ahmad sukino, lihat muthohharun jinan, “kepemimpinan imamah dalam gerakan purifikasi islam,” h. 117-123. 1 3 “sejarah mta,” h. 7. 1 4 muhammadiyah menakrifkan dakwah kultural sebagai: “upaya menanamkan nilai-nilai dalam seluruh dimensi kehidupan dengan memperhatikan potensi dan kecenderungan manusia sebagai makhluk budaya secara luas, dalam rangka mewujudkan masyarakat islam yang sebenar-benarnya.” lihat pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, dakwah kultural muhammadiyah (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2004), h. 26. 1 5 m. canard, “da‘wa”, dalam bernard lewis, ch. pellat & joseph schacht (eds), the encyclopaedia of islam, vol. 2 (leiden: e.j. brill, 1991), h. 168. 1 6 lihat, misalnya, muhammad al-ghazali, ma‘ allah: dirasah fi al-da‘wah wa al-du‘ah (kairo: nahdhah almisr, 2002), h. 14. 1 7 lihat m. canard, “da‘wa”, h. 168. 1 8 r. stephen humphreys, islamic history: a framework for inquiry, revised edition (princeton, new jersey: princeton university press, 1991), h. 1 9 christer hedin, torsten janson, dan david westerlund, “da‘wah,” dalam richard c. martin (ed.), encyclopedia of islam and the muslim world, vol. 1 (new york, ny: thompson, gale, 2004), h. 172. 2 0 quintan wiktorowicz menakrifkan islamic activism sebagai “the mobilization of contention to support muslim causes,” yakni mobilisasi kontensi untuk mendukung maksud-maksud umat islam. takrif ini, seperi diakui sendiri oleh wiktorowicz, terlalu luas doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 116 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna cakupannya, yaitu setiap kontensi yang muncul atas nama islam seperti dakwah, terorisme atas nama islam, dan sebagainya. lihat quintan wiktorowicz, “introduction: islamic activism and social movement theory,” dalam quintan wiktorowicz (ed.), islamic activism: a social movement theory approach (bloomington & indianapolis: indiana university press, 2004), h. 2. 2 1 asef bayat, “islamism and social movement theory,” third world quarterly, vol. 26, no. 6 (2005), h. 893894. 2 2 ahmad sukino, “mta datang menebarkan kasih sayang dalam kekeluargaan,” dalam ahmad sukino, kumpulan khutbah 2 (surakarta: yayasan majlis tafsir al-qur’an, 2012), h. 104. lihat juga tri harmoyo, “pendidikan politik ala mta,” respon, edisi 229/xxv (mei 2009), h. 40. 2 3 perlu dicatat bahwa dalam sejarahnya mta pernah terlibat dalam politik praktis. abdullah thufail, pendiri mta, pernah aktif di partai golkar, bahkan menjadi dewan penasihat dari parti orde baru ini. keterlibatan thufail ini tidak lepas dari tekanan politik penguasa orde baru kala itu. pada 1970a, ketua dpp golkar surakarta, amir moertono, berhasil merangkul mta untuk mendukung partainya. lihat, m. heri mulyadi, soedarmono, dkk, runtuhnya kekuasaan “kraton alit”: studi radikalisasi sosial “wong sala” dan kerusuhan mei 1998 di surakarta (surakarta: lembaga pengembangan teknologi pedesaan, 1999), h. 155; dan muthohharun jinan, “kepemimpinan imamah dalam gerakan purifikasi islam: studi tentang perluasan mta surakarta,” disertasi pada uin sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta, 2012, h. 94-95. 2 4 "usahakan 99,9% pakai bahasa indonesia di jihad pagi,” http://mtafm.com/v1/?p=3548 (dikunjungi: 11 oktober 2012). 2 5 mengenai hal ini, ayat yang sering dikutip, di antaranya, adalah qs. fushshilat [41]: 33. lihat, misalnya, ahmad sukino, “mta datang menebarkan kasih sayang dalam kekeluargaan,” h. 103; juga idem., kumpulan kajian kontemporer (surakarta: penerbit mta, 2008), h. 161. 2 6 mengenai organisasi-organisasi islam modernis di indonesia, baca deliar noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia 1900-1942 (kuala lumpur: oxford university press, 1973). 2 7 yudian wahyudi, the slogan ‘back to the qur’an and the sunna: a comparative study of the responses of hasan hanafi, muhammad ‘abid al-jabiri and nurcholish madjid (disertasi phd, mcgill university, 2002), h. 2. 2 8 hadis ini dalam riwayat muslim berbunyi: bada’a alislam ghariban wa saya‘udu kama bada’a ghariban. fa thuba lil ghuraba’ (islam itu bermula asing dan akan menjadi asing kembali seperti semula. maka berbahagialah orang-orang yang asing). lihat alnawawi, shahih muslim bi syarh al-nawawi, vol. 2 (kairo: al-mathba‘ah al-misriyah bi al-azhar, 1929), h. 176. terdapat beberapa hadis yang semakna dengan redaksi yang agak berbeda. hadis ini bisa dibilang sangat sering dikutip mta dalam berbagai kesempatan, terutama dalam pengajian ahad pagi. 2 9 pengelompokan mta sebagai minoritas juga digunakan dalam, badan penelitian dan pengembangan provinsi jawa tengah, laporan penelitian tentang interaksi sosial kelompok aliran islam minoritas dalam masyarakat di berbagai daerah di jawa tengah (2008). 3 0 dalam riwayat imam malik, hadis ini berbunyi: taraktu fikum amraini lan tadhillu ma massaktum bihima kitab allah wa sunnata nabiyyihi (aku tinggalkan bagi kamu sekali sekalian dua perkara yang dengannya kamu tidak akan tersesat selagi memegang keduanya, kitab allah dan sunnah nabi-nya). 3 1 abdullah thufail saputro [?], sekitar wahyu dan quran (surakarta: yayasan majlis tafsir al-qur’an, 1985), h. 2. 3 2 lihat http://www.mta-online.com/sekilas-profil/ (dikunjungi pada 12 oktober 2012). 3 3 saya sudah menulis mengenai tafsir mta ini berdasarkan 4 jilid buku tafsir yang sudah terbit kala itu. lihat artikel saya, “antara tafsir dan ideologi telaah awal atas tafsir al-qur’an mta (majelis tafsir alqur’an),” refleksi, vol. xii, no. 2 (oktober 2011), h. 118130. 3 4 muthohharun jinan, “dinamika gerakan islam puritan di surakarta: studi tentang perluasan garakan majelis tafsir al-quran,” kumpulan makalah the 11th annual conference on islamic studies, bangka belitung, 10–13 oktober 2011, h. 592. 3 5 dalam pengamatan saya, istilah “ngaji” di kalangan warga mta memiliki makna khusus, bukan hanya berarti belajar al-qur’an atau islam tetapi juga mengandung makna keanggotaan. saya meskipun hadir dalam pengajian ahad pagi, belum bisa disebut “ngaji” dalam pengertian khusus ini, tetapi baru pendengar (mustami‘). ketika saya wawancara dengan seorang warga mta yang aktif di radio, menanyakan apakah saya sudah ngaji. ketika saya katakan bahwa saya sudah sering ikut hadir dalam pengajian ahad pagi, dia menanggapinya dengan bercerita bahwa dia dahulu awalnya belum ngaji, tetapi setelah merenungkan isi-isi pengajian mta akhirnya dia memutuskan menjadi warga. dia sudah ngaji. 3 6 untuk memahami bagaimana orang terbebas dari taklid dalam praktik, barangkali menarik untuk beri satu contoh dalam pengajian ahad pagi. satu pertanyaan diajukan sebagai berikut: “apakah ada hadits yang melarang makan dengan tangan kiri? jika ada mohon disebutkan, ustadz!” menjawab pertanyaan ini, ustadz ahmad sukino mengatakan: “ada, saya bacakan ya, biar tidak taklid. …” lihat respon, edisi 236/xxiv (januari 2010), h. 16. dari tanya-jawab ini bisa digambarkan bahwa untuk terbebas dari taklid, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 117vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 orang cukup mengetahui dalil, tanpa perlu pemahaman lebih lanjut mengenai dalil itu. 3 7 yang khas dari pengajian ahad pagi mta adalah digunakannya brosur, yang berisi ayat-ayat al-qur’an dan hadis mengenai tema tertentu disertai terjemahannya, dan kadang, tapi tidak selalu, disertakan penjelasan-penjelasan seperlunya. brosur biasanya terdiri dari 8 halaman dan diberi nomor urut keluaran. brosur ini dibagikan khusus kepada “murid”, sebutan jamaah khusus, tetapi belakangan dibagikan secara cuma-cuma kepada semua jamaah, termasuk yang bukan warga mta, yang hadir di pengajian ahad pagi. 3 8 ketika menjelaskan maksud qs. al-taubah [9]: 31, ustadz ahmad sukino menyimpulkan sebagai berikut: “… maka orang islam cara beragama jangan seperti itu. kalau ustadznya berkata ini halal, halal. ustadznya bilang haram, maka haram. itu berarti kamu menyembah ustadz, kamu lebih mempertuhankan ustadzmu daripada allah. kamu menuhankan ustadz itu syirik….” dikemukakan ustadz ahmad sukino dalam pengajian ahad pagi, 17 juli 2011, dan transkripnya dimuat dalam respon, edisi256/xxv (20 september-20 oktober, 2011), h. 14. lihat pula respon, edisi 257/xxv (20 oktober-20 november 2011), h. 15-16. 3 9 dalam hal ini, mta biasa merujuk qs. al-rum [30]: 3132. “… dan janganlah kamu termasuk orang-orang yang mempersekutukan-nya. yaitu orang-orang yang memecah belah agamanya dan menjadi beberapa golongan. tiap-tiap golongan merasa bangga dengan kepercayaan yang dianutnya.” ustadz sri sadono dari mta dalam acara fajar hidayah di persada fm, tanggal 12 oktober 2012 mengutip ayat ini untuk menjawab pertanyaan mengenai kelompok jamaah mayoritas yang biasa melaksanakan yasinan yang bangga akan kelompok mereka. 4 0 hadis ini bisa ditemukan dalam ibn al-hajar alasqalani, fath al-bari bi syarh shahih al-bukhari, vol. 1 (beirut: dar al-ma‘rifah, t.th. ), h. 126. 4 1 perlu dicatat bahwa hadis tentang halal-haram di atas menyebut wilayah “abu-abu” (yakni antara halal dan haram) sebagai mutasyabihat, dan bukan menafikannya. hal ini menunjukkan inkonsistensi perumusan kaedah sehingga hadis yang menjadi sumber perumusan itu tidak digunakan sepenuhnya. 4 2 artinya: “barang siapa mengada-adakan dalam perintah kami ini, apa-apa yang bukan daripadanya, maka ia tertolak.” 4 3 artinya: “barang siapa melakukan sesuatu amalan yang bukan perintah kami, maka ia tertolak.” 4 4 brosur no.: 1563/1603/if (17 juli 2011), h. 4. 4 5 brosur no.: 1563/1603/if (17 juli 2011), h. 1. 4 6 uraian panjang mengenai pemilahan urusan ibadah dan bukan-ibadah bisa ditemukan, di antaranya, dalam rekaman pengajian ahad pagi 25 november 2007. 4 7 namun, tidak semua jenis musik dan lagu boleh diputar di radio mta. setidaknya ada tiga kriteria pokok yang digunakan untuk menyeleksinya: 1) teks lagu tidak boleh mengandung doa; 2) bukan lagu dangdut, terutama karena citra goyang biduannya; dan 3) mengandung kesan keras seperti hard rock atau underground. wawancara dengan rudi herfianto, programmer radio mta fm, 21 juni 2012. 4 8 sinopsisnya bisa dibaca dalam sampul belakang cd bukan opera van java dan wali in final fantasy yang diproduksi oleh sanggar semu mta. juga dalam kolom “serba-serbi” berjudul “teater wali in final fantasy of java: ksatria penegak kebenaran,” respon, edisi 245/ xxiv (september-oktober 2010), h. 64. 4 9 lihat respons, 236/xxiv (januari 2010), h. 17-18. 5 0 dalam hal ini, mta mengikuti hadis riwayat buraidah yang mengatakan: “aku mendengar rasulullah saw bersabda: ‘perjanjian antara kami dan mereka adalah shalat, karena itu barangsiapa meninggalkannya berarti ia telah kufur.” lihat tim keilmuan mta, tuntunan ibadah shalat, cet. ke-15 (surakarta: yayasan majlis tafsir al-qur’an, 2011), h. 37. hal ini sering ditekankan dalam pengajian ahad pagi. simak, di antaranya, rekaman pengajian ahad pagi 2 januari 2011. daftar pustaka al-ghazali, muhammad. 2002. ma‘ allah: dirasah fi alda‘wah wa al-du‘ah, kairo: nahdhah al-misr. al-nawawi. 1929. shahih muslim bi syarh al-nawawi, vol. 2, kairo: al-mathba‘ah al-misriyah bi al-azhar. badan penelitian dan pengembangan provinsi jawa tengah. 2008. laporan penelitian tentang interaksi sosial kelompok aliran islam minoritas dalam masyarakat di berbagai daerah di jawa tengah. bayat, asef. 2005. “islamism and social movement theory,” third world quarterly, vol. 26, no. 6, h. 891-908. brosur no.: 1563/1603/if, 17 juli 2011. canard, m. 1991. “da‘wa”, dalam bernard lewis, ch. pellat & joseph schacht (eds), the encyclopaedia of islam, vol. 2, leiden: e.j. brill, h. 168-170. harmoyo, tri. 2009. “pendidikan politik ala mta,” respon, edisi 229/xxv, mei 2009, h. 40. hedin, christer, torsten janson, dan david westerlund. 2004. “da‘wah,” dalam richard c. martin (ed.), encyclopedia of islam and the muslim world, vol. 1, new york, ny: thompson, gale, h. 170-174. http://www.mta-online.com/sekilas-profil/, dikunjungi pada 12 oktober 2012. humphreys, r. stephen. 1991. islamic history: a framework for inquiry, revised edition, princeton, new jersey: princeton university press, 1991. al-asqalani, ibn al-hajar. tth, fath al-bari bi syarh shahih albukhari, vol. 1, beirut: dar al-ma‘rifah. jinan, muthohharun. 2011. “dinamika gerakan islam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 118 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna puritan di surakarta: studi tentang perluasan garakan majelis tafsir al-quran,” kumpulan makalah the 11th annual conference on islamic studies, bangka belitung, 10–13 oktober, h. 581-602; jinan, muthohharun. 2012. “kepemimpinan imamah dalam gerakan purifikasi islam: studi tentang perluasan mta surakarta,” disertasi pada uin sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta. mulyadi, m. heri, soedarmono, dkk. 1999. runtuhnya kekuasaan “kraton alit”: studi radikalisasi sosial “wong sala” dan kerusuhan mei 1998 di surakarta, surakarta: lembaga pengembangan teknologi pedesaan. noer, deliar. 1973. the modernist muslim movement in indonesia 1900-1942, kuala lumpur: oxford university press. pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 2004. dakwah kultural muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. rekaman pengajian ahad pagi 25 november 2007. rekaman pengajian ahad pagi, 17 juli 2011. respon, edisi256/xxv, 20 september-20 oktober, 2011. respon, edisi 236/xxiv, januari 2010. respon, edisi 257/xxv, 20 oktober-20 november 2011. respons, 236/xxiv, januari 2010. ricklefs, merle c. 2006. mystic synthesis in java: a history of islamization from the fourteenth to the early nineteenth centuries, norwalk, usa: eastbridge. saputro, abdullah thufail [?].1985. sekitar wahyu dan quran, surakarta: yayasan majlis tafsir al-qur’an. sukino, ahmad. 2008 kumpulan kajian kontemporer, surakarta: penerbit mta. sukino, ahmad. 2012. 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(ed.). 2004. islamic activism: a social movement theory approach, bloomington & indianapolis: indiana university press.. ———————. 2004. “introduction: islamic activism and social movement theory,” dalam quintan wiktorowicz (ed.), islamic activism: a social movement theory approach. bloomington & indianapolis: indiana university press, h. 2. wildan, muhammad. 2009. radical islamism in solo: a quest of muslims’ identity in a town of central java indonesia, disertasi phd, institute of islamic world and civilization, universiti kebangsaan malaysia, bangi. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0009. 103-118 index a abdul munir mulkhan abdullah thufail saputra abu al-mughisy al-husain abu yazid al-busthami aceh achmad chodjim acquisition adat adat's administrative agama agama ageming aji agama jawa" ahmad khatib minangkabawy ahmad sukino aksiomatis alqur'an al-hallaj al-irsyad al-irsyad al-islamiyyah ali handoyo amalgation amended âmil amir syarifuddin andy agung prihatna animisme anthropology antroposentrisme ar fakhruddin ar. suprapto arnold m. rose arskal salim asef bayat ashad kusuma djaya azyumardi azra b badan amil zakat badan 'âmil zakât baheula bapak rohmat baptis behaviour bengkulu bid'ah blending bmt buah gadang buddha c canduang koto laweh center for the study of religion and culture chaidar s. bamualim children's jurai churafat citizenship clifford geertz contemporary csrc cultus publicus d damami darul ulum datuak sangguno di rajo dediknas departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan republik indonesia diachronic diana leat dinamisme dogmatism dpr-gr dr. sutomo duffy durkheim dutch dutch occupation e eklektivisme eksistensi eksistensi ekslusivisme, eksperiensial ekspresi-ekspresi emile durkheim erni budiwanti evers f farâidh fi al-asyya' al-ibahah filantrofi islam filantropi filantropi islam flexibility franz von benda-beckmann franz von benda-bergmann freedom fried fundamental furnivall furuiyyah fusion g geertz geo-politik global ethics global theology. glock gluckman gong zhui gordon w. allport gulliver gus dur h h. dawam h. kusrin h. nasih h. roziq h. salim haji dawam haji dawam roji hak hanna djumhana bastaman harato pusako harmonisasi harmonisasi helmut k. anheier hendrik hibah hilman latief hindu hizbut tahrir indonesia hj. khotijah hoebel horikoshi horizonta hudaniah i idealisme ideologis ijmaiyyah ilmu jiwa agama imran manan briefly individualistis indonesia indonesische drukkerij infak ingsun ilahi inklusif inklusivisme intelektual intellectuals intension ir. henry suwarto irvan abu bakar islam islamic activism islamic law islamic law. islamic philanthropy isrâ' mi'râj istimbath j jackson jambi jamil wahid java jehova jim schiller john hick k k.h. ar. fachrudin kaafur kamanakan kapital-modern kartopuran surakarta katolik kaum kedermawanan khas-an khazanah khurafat kiyai slamet klenteng klenteng sie hien kyong koentjaraningrat kohesivitas komaruddin hidayat konsekuensial kristen kulonprogo kulonrpogo yogyakarta kyai kyai haji ahmad dahlan l lazis lili zakiyah munir lirboyo llyod m m. dawam rahardjo m. ng. harjawijaya madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah maharaja rufus shinra majelis mujahidin indonesia majelis tafsir al-qur'an malawi malinowski mamak manfred ziemek mangkubumi mangkunegara mansoer faqih mas ng. harjawijaya mas ng. mangunwijaya masdar f. mas'udi masif max planck institute for social anthropology mazdhabiyyah memberdayakan merle c. ricklefs milik minangkabau minister of religious affairs mitologi mmi modernisasi moh. hari siti jenar moh. hari soewarno mohammad sobary monograph monograph. moore mora moralitas mta muhaimin muhammad dachlan muhammad muhsin khan muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali muhammad wildan, muhammadiyah 'multifungsi musyawarah muthohharun jinan n nagari nagari nahdhatul ulama nahdlatul ulama (nu) nico syukur dister niels mulder non-partisan nu ny. rorokidul nyai rara kidul o ohan hendrik caspar kern optimisme ota ownership-deed p pangeran cloud panglima sephiroth panjinatarata pantekosta partai amanat nasional (pan) partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) peacock penghulu permodalan nasional madani persatuan islam pesantren philanthropy pilkades pku pluralism pluralisme pluralisme pluralitas pluralitas pns politisasi tradisi pondok pesantren gontor prabu satmata president suharto priyayi protestan purifikasi purwoko q qadariyah qiyâs quran qurasih shihab r raden panji natara radio persada fm raditional society ranz von benda-beckmann rasionalisasi regulations riau rigidity ritualistik robert c. monk rusbult s saifuddin zuhri sami hasan samiul hasan scholars scientific sekolah guru agama semi-autonomous serat bayan budiman sewugalur shadaqah sholawatan sinkretisme sintetis social justice socio-political sosial-ekonomi sosial-politiknya spiritual stark state strategic-group subsidi silang suku sultan abdul hamid ii sultan agung sumatra sunan bonang sunan giri kedhaton suparman usman susilo bambang yudhoyono sustainabilitas syekh siti jenar t tahlilan takhayul takhayul takhayul, bid'ah, dan churafat teologis terorisme tersantuni timur tengah tionghoa tipologi tradisionalis tradition tri dayakisni trikotomi truth claim u uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 'ulama ulayat universalisme universalisme university of leiden university of zurich urbanisasi uswatun hasanah v vanderlinden vinogradoff, w w. allport wahhabi wakaf wali songo waqf warih wasiyat widya pustaka woodman word trade center y yasinan yesus kristus z zakat zakât zamachsyari dhofier zambia zis ziswaf 4. afkaruna_edi santosa universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta edisantosa567@gmail.com edi santosa universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta kamsi@uin-suka.ac.id kamsi universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta sunaryati@uin-suka.ac.id sunaryati jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 analysis of the weakness factors of baitul maal hidayatullah (bmh) yogyakarta in raising islamic philanthropy funds doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.13069 abstract laznas baitul maal hidayatullah (bmh), which has been initially considered successful, in reality, shows a failure in terms of collecting zakat funds. bmh has received various awards from the marketing award, baznas award, and anugerah syariah republika. however, the collection of zakat funds and the number of muzakki are very low and tend to decrease from year to year. in 2019, the number of muzakki was only 14.38%, and the zakat funds collected were only 11.7% of the total funds. this research aims to investigate what internal and external factors caused this decreasing trend. employing interviews with the bmh leaders and employees, this study found that the internal factors of the low collection of zakat funds were: 1) the funds targeted by bmh from zakat were much lower than the other sources, only 32.66%; 2) bmh only followed the will of the donors; 3) bmh did not ask the donors whether they had paid zakat; 4) bmh felt uncomfortable to ask the donors whether they had paid zakat. meanwhile, the external cause was that the donors tended to be more interested in choosing the programs offered by bmh rather than paying zakat. keywords: weaknesses; zakat funds; muzakki; bmh yogyakarta representative. the islamic philanthropy organization named “the national amil zakat institute (laznas) baitul maal hidayatullah (bmh)”, yogyakarta representative, has received various awards, including the 2011 imz award for best of growth fundraising, the 2017 marketing award for the best social marketing and the best marketing campaign, the 2019 baznas award for laznas with the best institution and laznas with the best distribution.1 bmh has also received the republika syariah award for an inspirational philanthropic institution. however, despite such achievements, the collection of funds from zakat is very low and tends to decrease. in 2019, the zakat funds were only about 11.7% of the total collection of funds. the other sources of funds were special infaq (67.5%) and general infaq (20.7%). the low percentage of zakat funds compared to other islamic philanthropic funds, in the perspective of authors, is a weakness or even failure. it is because it does not reflect the name of the institution, namely the national amil zakat institute. regarding bmh, an article examines the central bmh written by mongkito, abdul wahid, didin hafiduddin, and irfan syauqi beik. the title is “analysis of amil strategies in collecting zakat funds through bmh”.2 there are also several articles that explore bmh in various representatives, such as in surabaya, malang, east java, tulungagung, probolinggo, bondowoso, and surakarta. six aspects of bmh are generated from these articles, including distribution or utilization, collection or fundraising, work ethic or employee performance, the role of the institution, customer satisfaction, and accounting. meanwhile, there are four articles related to bmh in yogyakarta. among those articles explore the historical aspect (misbahul munir3) and the management aspect of fundraising (ita rufiati4). the latest articles are written by miftahul huda and mu'arrifah titled “analysis of zakat management strategies for community empowerment at bmh yogyakarta”5 and by ma bachri titled “openness of receipts and expenditures of bmh introduction 81 afkaruna yogyakarta representative office as a grass root entity for the islamic boarding school economic empowerment”.6 from mongkito's research looking for strategies that bmh should do to increase zakat collection, it is known that bmh laznas has not become a "market leader" in collecting zakat funds. bmh only collected zakat funds of idr 9.5 billion in 2009 and increased to idr 10.5 billion in 2010. this amount is still below baznas and other laznas, which have reached trillions of rupiah in collecting zakat funds. likewise, at bmh yogyakarta representative, zakat collection is also low. though actually, the zakat funds collected from 2016 to 2019 have been very low, only around 11.7% of the total funds. the number of muzakki has also been low and tended to decrease, only around 14.38%. meanwhile, the number of munfiq has tended to increase. in comparison, in 2019, the philanthropic funds collected by baznas from all zakat management institutions in indonesia amounted to 10.2 trillion, whereas the zakat funds collected were 5.6 trillion or 55.3%, even in 2018, the zakat funds collected were 60.46%.7 therefore, using a descriptive qualitative method, this study will discuss why the number of zakat funds and the number of muzakki at bmh yogyakarta representative are low, the internal and external factors behind that situation, and the efforts to increase the number of zakat funds and muzakki. this study aims to explore the causes of the low collection of zakat funds at bmh yogyakarta and find ways to optimize the collection of zakat funds at the bmh. it is hoped that this study will be useful, both theoretically and practically, for zakat management institutions to optimize the collection of zakat funds, which are still far from their potential. the contribution of this research, in theory, is to find the internal and external causes of the low acquisition of zakat funds. meanwhile, it is practically beneficial for zakat management institutions to obtain a strategy to maximize the acquisition of zakat funds. general overview of islamic philanthropy the term “philanthropy” comes from the latin “philanthropia”. as explained by sulek, it comes from the greek word philo which means 82vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 “love” and anthropos, which means “human”.8 the term philanthropy has various definitions. friedman and mcgarvie define philanthropy as a personal voluntary act driven by a tendency to uphold the common good.9 payton and moody define philanthropy as a voluntary act for the common good.10 meanwhile, anheier and list define philanthropy as donations, both material and non-material, to support social activities without anything in return for the giver.11 from this definition, sulek concludes that the underlying purpose of each definition of philanthropy is love manifested in the form of solidarity among human beings. meanwhile, hilman latif explains that philanthropy is a concern of a person or group of people to others based on feelings of love for fellow human beings.12 in general, the term “philanthropy” is defined as generosity. the w.k. kellogg foundation defines philanthropy in a broader way by giving time, money, and knowledge on how to develop the common good.13 from these definitions, it can be concluded that philanthropy is the generosity or concern of a person or group of people who love fellow human beings so that they donate their money or wealth, energy, time, and knowledge to help others. philanthropy is an important element in islam. islam is a religion that teaches humans to love and support each other. islam is a religion that carries the concept of social justice for all human beings. islam rejects injustice, discrimination, and ignorance. in islam, the rich are not allowed to ignore the poor. qaradawi says that islam is highly concerned about poverty issues and the concept of modern development. poverty is a problem that has been faced by mankind throughout the history of human civilization, and islam is a religion that directly responds to this problem by emphasizing the importance of social justice, social security, and social solidarity as described in the qur'an and hadith. since the early period of islam, the practice of islamic philanthropy has developed and become one of the practices that emerged along with the development of islamic civilization. zakat, infaq, sadaqah, and waqf (abbreviated as ziswaf) are the most popular forms of islamic philanthropic activities developed in indonesia.14 83 afkaruna the qur'an emphasizes the importance of a balance between establishing prayer and paying zakat. the obligation of zakat is very important so that, in the qur'an, the commandment of zakat is repeated 72 times (atu az-zakat) after the commandment of prayer (iqam ash-shalat). meanwhile, the word “infaq,” with its various forms of derivation, appears 71 times, and the word “sadaqah” appears 24 times, all of which show the importance of islamic philanthropic activities.15 islam is a religion that asks humans to love, cherish, and support each other. as prihatna says, islamic philanthropy is a character, purpose, and function of the muslim community.16 it means that the muslim community must have a philanthropic character, and one of the goals of the muslim community is to conduct philanthropic activities. thus, islamic philanthropy is a generosity of a person or group of people who love their fellow human beings so that they donate money or wealth, energy, time, and knowledge to help each other based on islamic teachings. the islamic philanthropic funds are manifested in zakat, infaq, sadaqah, and waqf (ziswaf). several scholars have conducted studies on the various aspects of islamic philanthropy. for instance, the benefits of islamic philanthropy have been explored by abdiansyah linge in his article titled “islamic philanthropy as an instrument of economic justice”.17 in addition, udin saripudin18 and fakhrudin19 looked into the aspect of economic empowerment in their study on islamic philanthropy. moreover, studies on the aspect of islamic philanthropy in indonesia have been administered by sulkifli,20 makhrus21 and amelia fauzia. using a case study, imron hadi tamin examined the role of islamic philanthropy in poverty alleviation in local communities (a case study of the philanthropy of orange farmers in sukoreno village, umbulsari district, jember). meanwhile, abdurrohman kasdi probed into islamic philanthropy for the economic empowerment of the people (a ziswaf empowerment model in bmt in demak regency). similarly, qi mangku bahjatulloh looked into the development of community economic empowerment through philanthropic activities (a case study of the d-iii tazakka institution of islamic banking at iain salatiga).22 in a study by makhrus, the role of 84 afkaruna zakat as one of the forms of islamic philanthropy zakat is one of the forms of philanthropic activities in islam in addition to infaq, sadaqah, waqf, and others. infaq is removing part of the property or income for an interest that is commanded by islamic teachings. sadaqah is the giving of something to someone in need, solely for the pleasure of allah swt. waqf is a legal act of wakif to separate and/or surrender part of his property to be used forever or for a certain period of time for purposes of worship and/or general welfare in accordance with sharia. a. definition of zakat etymologically, the term “zakat” comes from the basic arabic word “zakah” which means clean, good, blessing, growing, and increasing. while in fiqh terminology, zakat is a certain number of assets that are required by allah swt to be given to people who are entitled to receive (mustahiq) by people who are obliged to give zakat (muzakki). meanwhile, according to m. syafe'ie el bantanie, the term “zakat” comes from the word “zaka” which means holy, a blessing to grow and develop. philanthropy in the banyumas regency has also been investigated. meanwhile, nur kholis probed into the portrait of islamic philanthropy in the province of the special region of yogyakarta,23 whereas sauqi futaqi looked into the smart house strategy of baznas at piyungan yogyakarta.24 looking at a different aspect, a study on islamic philanthropy in relation to the national policy has been administered by widyawati, who wrote “islamic philanthropy and post-new order national policy, studies on zakat law and waqf law”.25 in general, the studies that have been carried out are related to the benefits and roles of islamic philanthropy, among others, as economic empowerment. in addition, it is related to the strategy and state policy towards islamic philanthropy. none of these studies have evaluated the low achievement of zakat funds. therefore, this study criticizes the low acquisition of zakat funds from an institution called "lembaga amil zakat", which should prioritize the collection of zakat funds. 85vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 b. zakat law zakat is the third pillar of islam, so it has become one of the main elements for the establishment of islamic law. thus, zakat is obligatory for every muslim who has met certain requirements. in the qur'an, there are about 82 verses that talk about the obligation to pay zakat after the obligation to pray.26 one of them is: from this verse, allah swt commands believers to establish prayer and dispense zakat. prayer and zakat cannot be separated, and zakat is the third pillar of islam after shahada and prayer. thus, if people only pray without paying zakat, then they do not qualify as muslims. anyone who is able but does not want to pay zakat is a sinner. in addition, allah says in another verse as follows: from that verse, allah commands that there are officers who take zakat from people who are obliged to pay zakat (muzakki), which is used to clean the property and purify the soul of a person. after that, they pray for people who have paid zakat. "and establish prayer, dispense zakat and bow in worship with those who bow." (q.s. al baqarah (2): 43) “take zakat out of their wealth to cleanse and purify them, and pray for them. surely, your prayer is a relief (peace) to them. and allah is all-hearing, all-knowing." (qs. at taubah (9): 103) meanwhile, according to sharia, zakat is a property that must be given by people who have met the requirements of those entitled to receive it. 86vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 c. benefits, functions, and purposes of zakat everything that allah has commanded will certainly provide great benefits for those who carry out, and others will feel the benefits. likewise, the commandment of allah regarding zakat, if carried out properly, will certainly lead to blessings. the term “zakat” means clean, holy, fertile, blessed, and growing. from the definition, it can be understood that there are many benefits of zakat. zakat serves as a means of washing away sins, purifying the soul and morals, getting closer to allah, and instilling noble character, tolerance, compassion, and gentleness to the poor (qs at taubah (9): 103). in addition, the wealth of people who pay zakat will not decrease, but it will be fertile and growing (surah al baqarah (2): 261). those who pay zakat will be kept away from calamities (disasters), and later in the hereafter, they will get a double reward (qs. (2): 245, 276). meanwhile, the general benefits of zakat can be seen from its use (qs at taubah (9): 60). besides reducing social jealousy and fulfilling the needs of the poor, zakat can help people in debt and also muallaf. it can also bring feelings of togetherness between the rich and those who fight in the way of allah, including the da'i who invites people to the way of allah. in addition, zakat can also support the empowerment of the people. the main purpose of the zakat sharia is to help the poor to lift themselves out of poverty by empowering their economy. in addition, zakat can foster care, love, and brotherhood among people, including those of different religions. in detail, the purposes of zakat are explained by the caliph muhammad ali as follows:27 helping the poor to improve their status so that they can get out of the suffering of poverty. providing a way out for people who are in debt and people who run out of supplies on the streets. strengthening love and fostering brotherhood among muslims and humans in general. eliminating the stinginess and greediness of the rich. removing envy from the heart of the poor. removing the dividing wall between the rich and the poor. 1). 2). 3). 4). 5). 6). 87 afkaruna assessing the zakat management with a quality assurance approach the implementation of a quality system in the zakat management was discussed in 2009 by maftuh basyuni when he was the minister of religion. maftuh suggested that baznas, as a zakat management agency established by the government, needs to conduct a standardization of management to improve services to the people and the quality of a strict warning for people who do not pay zakat yusuf qaradawi explains that people who do not want to pay zakat will get a severe punishment in the hereafter, as narrated by bukhari hadith from abu hurairah that rasulullah saw says: "whoever allah has given wealth but does not pay zakat, then on the day of judgment he will be visited by a male bald snake, which is very poisonous and very scary with spots above his eyes, then twists and pecks his neck while shouting, “i am your wealth that you were hoarding up.” the prophet then read the verse, “let not those who are miserly with the bounty that allah has given them think that their stinginess is good for them. actually, the stinginess is bad for them; all their stinginess will be hung around their necks on the day of judgment.” developing a social spirit in a person. educating people to be discipline in fulfilling obligations and giving other people something that belongs to them. providing an equal distribution of income to realize social justice. meanwhile, according to mursyidi, there are four main functions of zakat:28 to cleanse the muzakki's soul from the stinginess and excessive love for wealth. to cleanse the muzakki’s wealth from those that belong to other people. to express gratitude to allah swt (the function of worship). to spread welfare and happiness (the socio-economic function). 7). 8). 9). 1). 2). 3). 4). 88vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 management.29 on the other hand, didin hafidhuddin said that a quality management system should be adopted in the management of zakat. the quality system for zakat institutions contains a standardization of management, an amil performance benchmark, a process carried out systematically and consistently, a quality orientation, a work culture, and an increase in zakat management results.30 one of the efforts to achieve quality management is through quality assurance. as explained by lazar vlasceanu, quality assurance refers to the continuous evaluation process of a system, institution, or program. it focuses on accountability and improvement, providing information and assessment through an agreed process consistent with the established criteria. quality assurance activities depend on the existence of institutional mechanisms supported by quality standards.31 dadang eka jatmika developed qa as an approach to evaluating internal quality.32 ozer, gur, and kucukcan describe quality assurance as the progress and evaluation of various dimensions of a project/service/institution in order to determine whether the quality standards are being met. quality assurance ensures an internal control system based on an assessment to achieve goals and strategies.33 in addition, the term "assurance" or "guarantee" is an expression of trust in the company's products. quality assurance guarantees the quality of the products and ensures that the process of making the products is in accordance with the standards and requirements specified. thus, quality assurance is a process-based approach whose main goal is to prevent defective products from the planning stage to product delivery. it will avoid rework, added expense, and also customer complaints that will harm the company's reputation due to poor quality. quality assurance is a proactive process that emphasizes planning, documentation, and determining quality guidelines at the beginning of the project to understand the expected quality requirements and standards. after all the requirements and the desired quality standards have been identified, it is necessary to develop a plan to meet the requirements and the desired quality standards. 89 afkaruna qa aims to provide a framework of reference that can be used by institutions to inform and raise the expectations of all stakeholders about better processes and outcomes, at the same time developing a quality assurance system.34 qa verifies that control is being maintained, performance is evaluated after an operation, and the information is provided to publish the results achieved.35 through a plan, do, check and action (pdca) cycle approach, qa continuously improves systems, institutions, or programs. in this study, quality assurance is used as an approach to assessing the management of zakat. the assessment will provide a conclusion on whether the zakat management has followed the process of implementing quality assurance. it will also describe the strengths and weaknesses of the zakat management carried out by the zakat management institute. quality assurance evaluates and assesses whether the zakat management standards are implemented properly. the regulation regarding zakat management standards can be seen in the act or other regulations related to zakat management. in article 1 of the republic of indonesia act number 23 concerning zakat management, it is stated that zakat management is an activity of planning, implementing, and coordinating the collection, distribution, and utilization of zakat. thus, quality assurance in zakat management assesses and verifies the zakat management process starting from the planning activities (plan), the implementation and coordination in the collection, the distribution and utilization of zakat (do), as well as the implementation of zakat management principles that consist of 1) islamic sharia, 2) amanah, 3) benefit, 4) justice, 5) legal certainty, 6) integrated, and 7) accountability. furthermore, quality assurance in zakat management verifies the check stage by evaluating the aspects that have been implemented and verifying the action stage to make improvements in the future. this research is focused on verifying laznas bmh in the planning (plan) and implementation (do) of the collection of islamic philanthropic funds, especially zakat. 90vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 research methodology employing a case study, the data were collected using interviews, observations, and documentation. the primary data in this study were gathered through interviews with 4 officers of bmh yogyakarta representative (both the leaders and employees) and 1 permanent donor. meanwhile, the secondary data were obtained from books, brochures, magazines, and others. the data were then analyzed descriptively using an inductive technique. discussion from the research results obtained data on targets and achievements of philanthropic fundraising based on the source of funds as follows: table 1. targets and achievements of islamic philanthropy fundraising at bmh yogyakarta based on fund sources in 2019 from the table, it can be seen that the funds collected from zakat al-fitr, infaq/sadaqah, and other religious social funds (dskl) were more than 100% of the targets. even from dskl, the funds collected were more than 200% of the targets. meanwhile, the funds collected from individual zakat al-mal were only 41% of the targets, whereas the funds collected from institutional zakat al-mal were only 16% of the targets. the following table shows the percentage of funds collected from each source (compared to the total collection of funds). table 2. percentages of islamic philanthropy fundraising at bmh yogyakarta based on fund sources in 2019 41% 16% 115% 101% 209% 113% 1,896,565,000 223,125,000 55,780,000 2,550,000,000 1,935,530,000 6,661,000,000 784,787,456 35,030,892 64,104,000 2,586,928,706 4,049,013,789 7,519,864,843 individual zakat al-mal institutional zakat al-mal zakat al-fitr infaq/sadaqah other religious social funds (dskl) total fund sources targets (idr) %achievements (idr) source: bmh yogyakarta report 2019 91 afkaruna 10.44% 0.46% 0.85% 34.40% 53.84% 100.00% 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 784,787,456 35,030,892 64,104,000 2,586,928,706 4,049,013,789 7,519,864,843 individual zakat al-mal institutional zakat al-mal zakat al-fitr infaq/sadaqah other religious social funds (dskl) total fund sources %achievements (idr)no. source: bmh yogyakarta 2019 report reprocessed from the diagram, it can be seen that the largest source of funds at bmh yogyakarta in 2019 was dskl (54%), and then followed by infaq/sadaqah (34%), individual zakat al-mal (10%), zakat al-fitr (0.85 %), and institutional zakat al-mal (0.46%) respectively. when combined, the zakat funds collected both from zakat al-mal and zakat al-fitr were only 11.75% of the total funds, with a total amount of idr 883,922,348. meanwhile, the non-zakat funds collected from infaq/sadaqah/dskl were 88.25% of the total funds, with a total amount of idr 6,635,942,495. the following is the achievement of targets of islamic philanthropy fundraising at bmh yogyakarta based on fund sources from 2016 to 2019: table 3. achievements of islamic philanthropy fundraising at bmh yogyakarta based on fund sources from 2016 to 2019 92vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 from the table, it can be seen that, in general, the total funds collected from 2016 to 2019 have increased significantly. however, if looking at the data more closely, there are several differences. looking at the nominal value, the funds collected from zakat, special infaq, and general infaq have always increased from year to year. however, the funds collected from zakat al-fitr have tended to fluctuate. meanwhile, after an increase in 2017, the funds collected from waqf decreased in 2018. in 2019, there were no funds collected from waqf since bmh no longer managed it. however, if looking at the percentage of funds collected each year, the results will vary. it can be seen as follows: table 4. percentages of islamic philanthropy fundraising at bmh yogyakarta based on fund sources from 2016 to 2019 source: results of an interview with the head of the yogyakarta bmh collection division zakat al-mal zakat al-fitr special infaq general infaq waqf total 203,116,273 (23.4%) 4,062,500 (0.5%) 191,928,060 (23.5%) 416,856,947 (48.0%) 52,060,000 (6.0%) 868,023,780 fund sources 2016 331,158,715 (19.4%) 36,622,000 (2.1%) 738,109,474 (43.3%) 452,885,525 (26.5%) 147,245,400 (8.6%) 1,706,021,114 2017 493,740,118 (8.7%) 9,135,000 (0.2%) 4,193,228,565 (74.2%) 854,419,185 (15.1%) 98,356,000 (1.7%) 5,648,878,868 2018 819,818,348 (10.9%) 64,104,000 (0.8%) 5,075,856,749 (67.5%) 1,560,085,746 (20.7%) 7,519,864,843 2019 amounts of funds collected (idr) no. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. zakat al-mal zakat al-fitr special infaq 23.4% 0.5% 23.5% fund sources 2016 19.4% 2.1% 43.3% 2017 8.7% 0.2% 74.2% 2018 10.9% 0.8% 67.5% 2019 amounts of funds collected (idr) no. 1. 2. 3. 93 afkaruna from the table, it can be seen that the largest source of funds in 2016 was general infaq with a percentage of 48.0%. in 2017, 2018, and 2019 the largest source of funds was special infaq with a percentage of 43.3%, 74.2%, and 67.5%, respectively. if zakat and non-zakat funds are separated, it can be seen that the amount of funds from zakat is always much smaller. in 2016 and 2017, the funds collected from zakat were only 23.9% and 21.5% of the total funds, respectively. in 2018, the zakat funds were only 8.9% of the total funds, and it slightly increased to 11.7% in 2019. the low amount of zakat funds collected is in accordance with the low number of muzakki (zakat payers) and the higher number of munfiq (infaq/sadaqah payers). the percentage of the number of muzakki and munfiq from 2017 to 2019 can be seen in the following table: table 5. percentages of the number of muzakki and munfiq at bmh yogyakarta from 2017 to 2019 source: results of an interview with the head of the collection division reprocessed general infaq waqf total 48.0% 6.0% 100% 26.5% 8.6% 100% 15.1% 1.7% 100% 20.7% 100% 4. 5. source: bmh yogyakarta report 2019 muzakki of individual zakat al-mal muzakki of institutional zakat al-mal muzakki of zakat al-fitr institutional munfiq individual munfiq total 109(13.7%) 2 (0.25%) 141(17.7%) 7 (0.9%) 535(67.4%) 794(100%) 2017 251(15.1%) 5 (0.3%) 123 (7.4%) 7 (0.4%) 1274(76.7%) 1660(100%) 2018 359(14.3%) 2 (0.08%) 151(6.0%) 9 (0.36%) 1922(79.3%) 2513(100%) 2019no. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. donors 94vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 from the table, it can be seen that the total number of muzakki from individual zakat al-mal, institutional zakat al-mal, and zakat al-fitr was always much smaller. from 2017 to 2019, the percentages of the number of muzakki of zakat al-mal were 13.95%, 15.4%, and 14.38%, respectively. meanwhile, the number of munfiq was always much higher. the number of infaq payers was always increasing, whereas the number of zakat payers tended to be low. as an amil zakat institution, it is not an ideal situation that the number of zakat payers is low and tends to decrease. changes are thus needed to increase the number of muzakki. it is because the ratio of the individual muzakki and the institutional muzakki is the measurement variable for the national zakat index (izn). yusuf qaradawi explains that zakat is very fundamental in islam. zakat is one of the pillars of islam, which all muslims must carry out. the obligation of zakat is confirmed in the verses of the qur'an, and in the sunnah of the prophet witnessed by all mutawatir, and the consensus (ijma') of the entire ummah from the past until now, from generation to generation. some also believe that zakat is obligatory.36 the term “asasi” means basic, main, very important, standard, and fundamental. thus, zakat is very important in islam. it is a basic interest that must be prioritized. yusuf qaradawi further says that zakat in islam is not just a good deed, but it is a major foundation of islam. zakat is also one of the splendors of islam and one of the four acts of worship in islam. people who do not want to pay zakat are considered wicked, and people who deny zakat must be considered disbelievers. from a moral and religious point of view, zakat is an obligation that is absolutely mandatory.37 thus, in the perspective of the authors, the amil zakat institution with the low amount of zakat funds and the low number of muzakki is considered weak or even failed. it is not in accordance with the function of the institution as the national amil zakat institution. it is not in line with the belief of bmh stated in its profile "the power of zakat". from the data above, it is necessary to discuss why the achievement of zakat funds in bmh yogyakarta is very low (very low: <20%, low: 20%-35%, medium 36%-50%, high: 51%-65%, very high: >65%) compared to the other sources of funds. from the authors’ observations, 95 afkaruna firstly, the low achievement of zakat funds at bmh yogyakarta is due to a lack of good planning. in the planning stage at the beginning of the year, there is a low target of collecting zakat funds. if the planning target is low, the achievement will also be low. since bmh is an amil zakat institution, the planning target of collecting zakat funds should be higher than the other sources of funds, at least above 60%. according to act no. 23 of 2011, chapter i article 1, the amil zakat institution, hereinafter abbreviated as laz, is an institution formed by the community that has a duty to assist in the collection, distribution, and utilization of zakat. thus, the main duty of laz is to collect, distribute, and utilize zakat. in its implementation, laz must try to increase the collection of zakat funds in order to reach the high potential of national zakat. currently, there is still a high disparity between the potential of national zakat and its achievement, which is only about 3%. therefore, the target of laz in collecting funds from zakat should be higher than from infaq or sadaqah. in addition, act no. 23 of 2011 article 28 paragraph 1 explains that, in addition to receiving zakat, baznas or laz can also receive infaq, sadaqah, and other religious social funds. it does not mean that it is free for laz to make a target of collecting funds from zakat, infaq, sadaqah, and other religious social funds. but it implies that the main program of laz is to manage zakat funds. thus, the focus is on zakat because zakat is the obligation of every muslim who can afford it, and zakat is the third pillar of islam. the function of bmh is to make the muslim community aware of the obligation to pay zakat. although laz is also allowed to receive funds from infaq, sadaqah, and other religious social funds, the focus is on optimizing the collection of zakat funds. the target percentage of each source of funds at bmh yogyakarta according to fund sources in 2019 can be seen in the following table: table 6. targets of islamic philanthropy fundraising at bmh yogyakarta based on fund sources in 2019 96vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 from the table, it can be seen that at the planning stage, the targets of funds collected from individual zakat al-mal, institutional zakat al-mal, and zakat al-fitr were 28.47%, 3.35%, and 0.84%, respectively. in total, the target of funds collected from zakat was only 32.66%, while the other 67.34% was from infaq, sadaqah, and other religious social funds. as an amil zakat institution, bmh yogyakarta must set a higher target in collecting funds from zakat than from the other sources of funds. it should be at least 60% or above. if the target of zakat is smaller, it is better to name it a social institution rather than a zakat institution. in addition, the word “amil” means a person whose job is to take care of zakat; he gets a salary for managing zakat. the reason why the target of zakat funds was much lower than the other sources of funds was that people were more interested in the visible programs offered by bmh. this can be seen from the results of the interviews, as follows: “the first is that people tend to be more interested in visible programs offered by bmh, such as educational programs and social programs, which are included in special infaq or general infaq, so they choose special or general infaq and do not choose zakat. second, people understand that the time of zakat is in the month of ramadan, so they generally pay zakat in ramadan.” (ustadz mahfudz al afghani, head of the yogyakarta bmh association division) 28.47% 3.35% 0.84% 38.28% 29.05% 100.00% 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1,896,565,000,223,125,000,55,780,000,2,550,000,000,1,935,530,000,6,661,000,000,individual zakat al-mal institutional zakat al-mal zakat al-fitr infaq/sadaqah other religious social funds (dskl) jumlah fund sources %targets (idr)no. source: bmh yogyakarta 2019 report 97 afkaruna when the donors are more interested in the programs offered by bmh, and they choose special infaq or general infaq, the bmh amil should ask them whether they have paid zakat. if the donors have already paid zakat, it is fine for them to choose special infaq or general infaq. but if they have not paid zakat yet, it is necessary for the bmh amil to explain to the donors that zakat is obligatory for those who are able (to pay zakat) and those who have fulfilled the nishab. the bmh amil should also give an understanding to the donors that the time for paying zakat is not only in the month of ramadan. however, what happened at the implementation stage (do) was that bmh only followed the will of the donors. this became the second cause of the low amount of zakat collected by the bmh. when the donors chose special infaq offered in various programs or general infaq, the bmh amil only followed it without directing the donors to pay zakat. it was known from the interviews with one of the regular donors of bmh yogyakarta representative, mr. ahmadi prasetya. the researcher asked the following questions to him: how did you first donate the part of your wealth to bmh yogyakarta? is there an explanation about zakat first? the answer is as follows: the third cause of the low amounts of zakat collected by the bmh was that, at the implementation stage (do), the amil did not ask whether the prospective donors had paid zakat. it was known from the results of interviews with bmh leaders. the researcher asked them whether bmh “initially, i am a parent of my child who studied at sdit hidayatullah, was visited by officers from bmh yogyakarta. the officer gave me a brochure or leaflet containing a profile of bmh and its programs, as well as an availability form. then the officer explained what bmh is and its programs. but at that time, there was no detailed explanation of zakats, such as the meaning of zakat, the zakat law, the benefits/functions and purposes of zakat, and others. after receiving an explanation, i was asked to fill out an availability form, and i chose one of the programs at bmh and did not choose zakat. every month i donate idr 200,000 to bmh.” (ahmadi prasetya, permanent donor of bmh yogyakarta) 98vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 the statement that the amil has no authority and feels uncomfortable in asking whether the donors have paid zakat is not completely appropriate. in our perspective, the amil has the authority and obligation to ask the donors. it is the amil’s job to make sure that the muslim community is aware of paying zakat and taking zakat. according to imam al-tabari, the definition of amil is officers who are appointed to collect zakat from zakat obligors and distribute it to people who are entitled to receive it.38 likewise, the definition of amil, according to imam shafi'i, is people who are given orders to take zakat from zakat obligors.39 on the other hand, in act no. 23 of 2011, articles 6 and 7 concerning zakat management, it is explained that the authority and function of baznas are also similar to those of laznas because the laznas's job is to help baznas. “baznas is an institution that has the authority to carry out the duties of managing zakat nationally” (article 6). “in carrying out the duties, as referred to in article 6, baznas performs the following functions: a) planning for the collection, distribution, and utilization of zakat; b) implementation of the collection, distribution, and utilization of zakat; c) control of the collection, distribution, and utilization of zakat; and d) reports and accountability for the implementation of zakat management.” (article 7) from article 6 and article 7, it can be understood that the duties and functions of baznas and laznas as amil are planning, implementing, controlling, and reporting as well as being responsible for the activities of collecting, distributing, and utilizing zakat. asked prospective donors whether they had paid zakat. the answer is as follows: "we as amil do not have a right to ask questions like that, there is no authority, and we are hesitant because sometimes the donors donate their wealth not only to bmh. there is an amil who once came to someone's house. it turned out that he donated to various institutions so that there were piles of letters or proposals from various institutions on his desk, and all the letters or proposals were given funds.” (ustadz ch rahman, director of bmh yogyakarta) 99 afkaruna the following are the details of the duties of amil according to nopiardo: a) the collection of zakat, which includes collecting the data of zakat obligors, determining the object of zakat obligors, calculating the amount of zakat nishab, calculating the amount of zakat rate, and managing certain conditions on each object of zakat obligors; b) the maintenance of zakat, which includes managing the inventory of assets, conducting the maintenance and security of zakat assets; c) the distribution of zakat, which includes distributing zakat assets so that it reaches the zakat mustahiq properly, and also reporting.40 similarly, as explained by mufriani, the duties of amil are: a) collecting the data of muzakki and mustahiq, coaching, collecting and receiving zakat, praying for muzakki, handing over zakat, arranging the administration system, and managing the zakat funds; b) utilizing the data regarding the maps of mustahiq and muzakki, mapping the number of needs, determining the distribution tips, and coaching the recipients of zakat funds. even amil can be a da'wah interpreter regarding zakat41. amil needs to have sufficient knowledge on the implementation of zakat and know what to do with the donors as their customers. amil must know whether the donors are obliged to pay zakat, whether they have paid zakat, and how much zakat must be issued by them. zakat is an obligation with a clear procedure regarding the nishab, amount, limits, conditions, time, and payment method. zakat should not only be managed by individuals voluntarily, but the government also has a responsibility to collect and distribute it. it is done with the help of amil. zakat is a tax that must be collected, not only left to the person's will. therefore the qur'an expresses it with the verse "take zakat from their wealth", and the sunnah expresses it with “collected from the rich”.42 thus, it is the duty of amil to ask the donors whether they have paid zakat. if the donors have paid zakat elsewhere, we are grateful and say alhamdulillah because they have been released from the obligation to pay zakat. but if they have not paid zakat yet, even though their wealth has reached the nishab, and the time has passed, they are sinful even though they have given infaq, charity, or waqf. it is because prayer and zakat cannot be separated. muhammad bin salih al-utsaimin explains that 100vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 zakat, in the sunnah, is an accompaniment to prayer. prayer is the greatest pillar after the two sentences of syahadat. zakat is also fundamental as it is the companion to prayer. therefore, whoever ignores zakat because of the stinginess or love of wealth; they are gathered with the enemies of allah.43 in this regard, qaradawi views that in the qur'an, humans cannot be called good people before they dispense zakat. before paying zakat, they could not belong to pious people and could not gather with the other believers. without zakat, a person will belong to musyrik people who do not pay zakat and do not believe in the afterlife. without zakat, one cannot be distinguished from the hypocrites who do not like to donate. without zakat, a person will not get the grace of allah (surah al a'raf: 156). without zakat, a person has no right to get help from allah, his messenger, and the believers (surah al maidah: 55-56). without zakat, one cannot obtain the defense from allah which he has promised (qs al-hajj: 40-41).44 from qaradawi's explanation, it can be concluded that people who have not paid zakat are not among those who are pious. but they are among those who are musyrik and hypocrites. consequently, they will not receive mercy, help, and defense from allah. in addition, as explained by wahbah al zuhaily, it has become a consensus of ulama in all countries that zakat is obligatory. even the companions of the prophet muhammad agree to kill people who are reluctant to pay zakat. thus, a person who denies the obligation of zakat is considered an infidel. if he is previously a muslim who grows up in a muslim area, then he becomes an apostate. to him, the laws of apostates are applied. the person should be encouraged to repent. this suggestion has been made three times. if they do not repent, they must be killed. however, a person who denies zakat because he does not know, either because he has just embraced islam or because he lives in an area far from the place of ulama, should be informed about the law of zakat. he is not judged as an infidel because he has an excuse.45 therefore, with regard to the donors who have not paid zakat, the amil is obliged to explain in detail the essence of the obligation to pay zakat. it is the duty of amil, as a da’wa interpreter, to make people understand the existence of some assets that do not belong to him but 101 afkaruna belong to eight groups that must be paid as zakat. amil must explain the laws, benefits, functions, and objectives of zakat clearly. after they understand, the amil is obliged to collect zakat from them. in this way, the number of zakat funds collected and the number of muzakki will increase. conclusion laznas bmh, which has been considered successful and has received various awards, has still shown its weaknesses. the collection of zakat funds was very low, amounting to 11.7% of the total funds. in line with this, the number of muzakki was only 14.38%. as a national amil zakat institution, if the number of zakat funds collected and the number of muzakki are low, it does not reflect the name of the institution. changes are highly needed to increase the number of zakat funds and the number of muzakki, with zakat as the main concern. however, what happened was that zakat was not the priority. the first internal cause was in the planning stage (plan). the target of the collection of zakat funds was always much lower than other sources of funds, which was only 32.66%. the second cause was that at the implementation (do) stage, the bmh amil only followed the will of the donors, who generally chose the visible programs offered by bmh, whether special infaq or general infaq. the third cause was also at the implementation (do) stage. the bmh amil felt uncomfortable asking the donors whether they had paid zakat. regarding the external cause, the donors generally preferred visible programs offered by bmh, such as education programs, health programs, da'wah programs, and social programs, rather than paying their zakat. therefore, to increase the number of zakat funds and the number of muzakki: 1) amil must increase the target of zakat funds to above 60%; 2) amil must increase his awareness that he has the right and even the obligation to know whether the donors are already paying zakat. 3) amil must ask the donors whether they have paid zakat, not just following the donors’ will. if the donors have not paid zakat even though they have fulfilled the nishab and the time, then they must be made aware of 102vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 paying zakat; 4) amil must conduct continuous socialization about the ins and outs of zakat in a comprehensive way so that the public will get a complete understanding about the importance and the benefits of zakat; thus they will be more aware of the obligation to pay zakat; 5) amil must collect the data of people who are obligated to pay zakat (muzakki); 6) amil must collect zakat from people who have fulfilled the nishab and the time of zakat. in order for zakat management institutions to prioritize and maximize the acquisition of zakat funds, the authors offer an additional value for the percentage of zakat funds collected in the accreditation of zakat management institutions instrument. in the zakat institution accreditation instrument, there is no assessment of the percentage of zakat funds obtained from the total amount of funds collected, including infaq, alms and dskl funds. in accordance with the name of the institution, namely the "amil zakat" (baz) and "amil zakat" (laz) institutions, the institution should prioritize the collection of zakat funds so that it targets a higher zakat collection than infaq, alms and dskl. it is called "amil zakat" because its main task is to collect and manage zakat. if baz or laz targets lower zakat collection, so that the percentage of zakat funds is very low below 20%, some even only 8.9%, then such an institution is not properly called an amil zakat institution/badan amil zakat, but is more accurately called an infak alms organization. lis) or the alms infaq agency (bis). therefore, to motivate institutions to target higher zakat funds, the government, in this case, baznas, should add instruments in the accreditation of zakat institutions with the percentage value of zakat funds. for example, an institution with a percentage of zakat acquisition above 65% gets an a grade, a zakat acquisition percentage of 51%-65% gets a b value, and a zakat acquisition percentage of 36%-50% gets a c grade, which 20%-35% gets a d grade, and those less than 20% get an e score. in addition, the percentage value of the acquisition of zakat funds is given a high weight. this research implies that there is a need to conduct further research on the bmh donors, especially the munfiq. it is because the number of munfiq is larger (79.66%). the problem posed is whether they have paid 103 afkaruna zakat. if yes, it is necessary to know where they pay zakat. if they have not paid zakat, the follow-up questions can investigate why they have not paid zakat. endnotes tim penulis, (2019) katalog program baitul maal hidayatullah (jakarta, 2019). abdul wahid mongkito, didin hafiduddin, and irfan syauqi beik, “analisis strategi amil dalam penghimpunan dana zakat melalui baitul maal hidayatullah,” kasaba: journal of islamic economy (2018). misbahul munir, “sejarah bmh yogyakarta 2000-2018” (uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta, 2019). ita rufiati, “manajemen fundrising di bmh yogyakarta” (uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta, 2018). miftahul huda, “analisis strategi pengelolaan zakat untuk pemberdayaan masyarakat di baitul maal hidayatullah yogyakarta,” journal of islamic economics and philanthropy (jiep) 3, no. 2 (2020): 810–832. mila alim bachri, “keterbukaan penerimaan dan pengeluaran kas baitul maal hidayatullah perwakilan yogyakarta sebagai entitas grass root pemberdayaan ekonomi pesantren era new normal,” jurnal hukum ekonomi syariah, unismuh 4, no. 2 (2020). tim penulis, out look zakat 2021 (jakarta: puskas zakat, 2021). marty sulek, “on the classical meaning of philanthropia,” nonprofit and voluntary sector quarterly 39, no. 3 (2010): 386. lawrence j. friedman and mark d. mc garvie, charity, philanthropy, and civility in american history (new york: cambridge university press, 2003), 37. robert l payton and michael p moody, understanding philanthropy (bloomington and indianapolis: indiana university press, 2008), 6. helmut k anheier and regina a. list, a dictionary of civil society, philanthropy and the non-profit sector (london-new york: routledge, 2005), 196. hilman latief, melayani umat, filantropi islam dan kesejahteraan kaum modernis, i. (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2017), 30. katherine & andre blau fulton, cultivating change in philanthropy: a working paper how to create a better future, 2005, 4. amelia fauzia, filantropi islam, sejarah dan kontestasi masyarakat sipil dan negara indonesia, ed. farid wadjidi dan amirul hasan, cetakan i,. (yogyakarta: gading publishing, n.d.). abdurrohman kasdi, “filantropi islam untuk pemberdayaan ekonomi umat (model pemberdayaan ziswaf di bmt se-kabupaten demak),” 104vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 1 2 3 5 4 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 iqtishada 9, no. 2 (2016): 230. qi mangku bahjatullah, “pengembangan pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat melalui kegiatan filantropi (studi kasus lembaga tazakka d iii perbankan syariah iain salatiga),” inferensi jurnal penelitian sosial keagamaan 10, no. 2 (2016): 476. abdiansyah linge, “filantropi islam sebagai instrumen keadilan ekonomi,” jurnal perspektif ekonomi darussalam 1, no. 2 (2015): 154–174. saripudin, “filantropi islam dan pemberdayaan ekonomi.” fakhrudin, “rekonstruksi padigma zakat: sebuah ikhtiar untuk pemberdayaan mustahik,” al manahij: jurnal kajian hukum islam 6, no. 2 (2012): 229–241. sulkifli, “filantropi islam dalam konteks pembangunan sumber daya manusia,” journal of social-religion research 3, no. 1 (2018): 1–12. makhrus, “aktivisme pemberdayaan masyarakat dan institusionalisasi filantropi islam di indonesia,” islamadina 8, no. 2 (2014): 26–44. bahjatullah, “pengembangan pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat melalui kegiatan filantropi (studi kasus lembaga tazakka d iii perbankan syariah iain salatiga).” nur kholis, “potret filantropi islam di propinsi daerah istimewa yogyakarta,” la riba: jurnal ekonomi islam 7, no. 1 (2013): 61–84. syauqi futaqi, “pembiayaan pendidikan berbasis filantropi islam,” manageria: jurnal manajemen pendidikan islam 3, no. 2 (2018): 231. widyawati, filantropi islam dan kebijakan negara pasca orde baru, studi tentang undang-undang zakat dan undang-undang wakaf, 2011. fauzia, filantropi islam, sejarah dan kontestasi masyarakat sipil dan negara indonesia. khalifah muhammad ali, “perbandingan zakat produktif dan zakat konsumtif dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan mustahik,” al-muzaraah 4, no. 1 (2016): 19–20. mursyidi, akuntansi zakat kontemporer (bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya, 2011). baznas, “pengelolaan zakat harus sesuai standar mutu,” http://bsn.go.id/main/berita. didin hafidhuddin, “sistem manajemen mutu,” republika, n.d. lazar vlasceanu, quality assurance and accreditation, a glosary of basic terms and definitions (buchares: unesco, 2007), 74. dadang eka jadmika, “evaluasi terhadap kualitas internal audit melalui pendekatan program quality assurance (studi kasus pada pt bank tabungan negara)” (universitas diponegoro, 2006). t. ozer, m., gur, s., b., ve kucukcan, “quality assurance in higher education,” seta publication 1 (2010): 33–39. andrea hope wong, dany, cheng, daniel, hs chui, good practices in 105 afkaruna 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 quality assurance a handbook for the sub-degree sector (hong kong, 2009), 16. joseph m juran, juran’s quality handbook (new york: mc graw-hill, 1998), 43. yusuf qardawi, hukum zakat (jakarta: pt litera antar nusa, 2002). ibid. muhammad bin jarir abu ja’far al-tabari, jami’ al-bayan fi ta’wil qur’an, juz iii. (bayrut: dar al-fikr, 2000), 15. muhammad bin idris al-syafi’i, al-umm, juz ii. (bayrut: dar al-ma’rifah, n.d.), 71. widi nopiardo, “urgensi berzakat melalui amil dalam pandangan ilmu ekonomi islam,” jurnal ilmiah syariah 15, no. 1 (2016): 92. arif mufraini, akuntansi dan manajemen zakat mengkomunikasikan kesadaran dan membangun jaringan (jakarta: prenada media group, 2006), 188. qardawi, hukum zakat. muhammad bin shalih al utsaimin, fikih zakat kontemporer: soal jawab ihwal zakat dari yang klasik hingga terkini (surakarta: al qowam, 2011), 3–4. qaradawi, hukum zakat. wahbah al zuhayly, zakat: kajian berbagai mazhab (bandung: remaja rosdakarya, 1995). 106vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 references abu ja’far al-tabari, muhammad bin jarir. 2000. jami’ al-bayan fi ta’wil qur’an . juz iii. bayrut: dar al-fikr. al-syafi’i, muhammad bin idris. al-umm. juz ii. bayrut: dar al-ma’rifah, n.d. anheier, helmut k, and regina a. list. 2005. a dictionary of civil society, philanthropy and the non-profit sector. london-new york: routledge. bachri, mila alim. 2020. “keterbukaan penerimaan dan pengeluaran kas baitul maal hidayatullah perwakilan yogyakarta sebagai entitas grass root pemberdayaan ekonomi pesantren era new normal.” jurnal hukum ekonomi syariah, unismuh. vol.4, no. 2. bahjatullah, qi mangku. 2016. “pengembangan pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat melalui kegiatan filantropi (studi kasus lembaga tazakka d iii perbankan syariah iain salatiga).” inferensi jurnal penelitian sosial 107 afkaruna keagamaan. vol. 10, no. 2. baznas. “pengelolaan zakat harus sesuai standar mutu.” http://bsn.go.id/main/berita. didin hafidhuddin. “sistem manajemen mutu.” republika, n.d. fakhrudin. 2012. “rekonstruksi padigma zakat: sebuah ikhtiar untuk pemberdayaan mustahik.” al manahij: jurnal kajian hukum islam. vol. 6, no. 2 : 229–241. fauzia, amelia. filantropi islam, sejarah dan kontestasi masyarakat sipil dan negara indonesia. edited by farid wadjidi dan amirul hasan. cetakan i,. yogyakarta: gading publishing, n.d. friedman, lawrence j., and mark d. mc garvie. 2003. charity, philanthropy, and civility in american history. new york: cambridge university press. fulton, katherine & andre blau. 2005. cultivating change in philanthropy: a working paper how to create a better future. futaqi, syauqi. 2018. “pembiayaan pendidikan berbasis filantropi islam.” manageria: jurnal manajemen pendidikan islam vol. 3, no. 2. hilman latief. 2017. melayani umat, filantropi islam dan kesejahteraan kaum modernis. i. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. huda, miftahul. 2020. “analisis strategi pengelolaan zakat untuk pemberdayaan masyarakat di baitul maal hidayatullah yogyakarta.” journal of islamic economics and philanthropy (jiep) vol. 3, no. 2: 810–832. jadmika, dadang eka. 2006. “evaluasi terhadap kualitas internal audit melalui pendekatan program quality assurance (studi kasus pada pt bank tabungan negara).” universitas diponegoro. juran, joseph m. 1998. juran’s quality handbook . new york: mc graw-hill. kasdi, abdurrohman. 2016. “filantropi islam untuk pemberdayaan ekonomi umat (model pemberdayaan ziswaf di bmt se-kabupaten demak).” iqtishada vol. 9, no. 2. kholis, nur. 2013. “potret filantropi islam di propinsi daerah istimewa 108vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 yogyakarta.” la riba: jurnal ekonomi islam vol. 7, no.1 : 61–84. linge, abdiansyah. 2015. “filantropi islam sebagai instrumen keadilan ekonomi.” jurnal perspektif ekonomi darussalam vol. 1, no. 2: 154–174. makhrus.2014. “aktivisme pemberdayaan masyarakat dan institusionalisasi filantropi islam di indonesia.” islamadina. vol. 8, no. 2 : 26–44. mongkito, abdul wahid, didin hafiduddin, and irfan syauqi beik. 2018. “analisis strategi amil dalam penghimpunan dana zakat melalui baitul maal hidayatullah.” kasaba: journal of islamic economy. mufraini, arif. 2006. akuntansi dan manajemen zakat mengkomunikasikan kesadaran dan membangun jaringan. jakarta: prenada media group. muhammad ali, khalifah. 2016. “perbandingan zakat produktif dan zakat konsumtif dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan mustahik.” almuzaraah. vol. 4, no. 1. munir, misbahul. 2019. “sejarah bmh yogyakarta 2000-2018.”(skripsi). uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta. mursyidi. 2011. akuntansi zakat kontemporer. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. nopiardo, widi. 2016. “urgensi berzakat melalui amil dalam pandangan ilmu ekonomi islam.” jurnal ilmiah syariah. vol. 15, no. 1: 92. ozer, m., gur, s., b., ve kucukcan, t. 2010. “quality assurance in higher education.” seta publication 1. payton, robert l, and michael p moody. 2008. understanding philanthropy. bloomington and indianapolis: indiana university press. penulis, tim. 2019. katalog program baitul maal hidayatullah. jakarta. ———. out look zakat 2021. jakarta: puskas zakat, 2021. qaradawi, yusuf. 2002. hukum zakat. jakarta: pt litera antar nusa. rachmanto. “filantropi islam dan distribusi kesejahteraan.” 109 afkaruna http://salamdamai.org/suarakita. rufiati, ita. 2018. “manajemen fundrising di bmh yogyakarta.”(skripsi). uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta. saripudin, udin. 2016. “filantropi islam dan pemberdayaan ekonomi.” jurnal bisnis dan manajemen islam. vol. 4, no. 2: 177. sulek, marty. 2010. “on the classical meaning of philanthropia.” nonprofit and voluntary sector quarterly .vol. 39, no. 3: 385–408. sulkifli. 2018. “filantropi islam dalam konteks pembangunan sumber daya manusia.” journal of social-religion research .vol. 3, no. 1: 1–12. al utsaimin, muhammad bin shalih. 2011. fikih zakat kontemporer: soal jawab ihwal zakat dari yang klasik hingga terkini. surakarta: al qowam. vlasceanu, lazar. 2007. quality assurance and accreditation, a glosary of basic terms and definitions. buchares: unesco. widyawati. 2011. filantropi islam dan kebijakan negara pasca orde baru, studi tentang undang-undang zakat dan undang-undang wakaf. wong, dany, cheng, daniel, hs chui, andrea hope. 2009. good practices in quality assurance a handbook for the sub-degree sector. hong kong. al zuhayly, wahbah. 1995. zakat: kajian berbagai mazhab. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. 6. afkaruna_akif khilmiyah jurnal afkaruna vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 character education concepts and values in the teaching of gratitude (a critical analysis of major qur’anic exegesis texts) doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.13399 universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta akif.khilmiyah@umy.ac.id akif khilmiyah1 wahid setiawan2 abstract this paper aimed to explore and find the concept and content of character values of being grateful. this research was library research using qualitative data types. the primary sources were tafsr al-qurān al-'azim, tafsr al-fakhri ar-rāzi, tafsr al-maraghi, at-tafsir al-munir, tafsr al-karim ar-rahmān fā tafsir kalām, and tafsir al-azhar. at the same time, secondary sources were books or journals related to the concept of gratitude and the value of character education. data from sources were collected using documentation, then analyzed using subjective thematic interpretation methods and objective hermeneutics. the results showed that the concept of character education in the teaching of gratitude in qs. ibrahim (14): 7 is both targib (motivation) and tarhib (threat). this concept will make humans remain in the circle of goodness, who is always patient and grateful to allah swt. there are nine values of character education in the teaching of gratitude: trustworthiness, qanā'ah, creativity, hard work, trustworthiness, optimism, caring for others, tawaduk, and istiqamah. these values will be attached to someone who makes gratitude a habit that can be both a motivation and a threat (targib wa tarhib). these nine character values will have implications for increasing devotion to allah swt and increasing compassion for fellow creatures. keywords: concept, value of character education, gratitude abstrak tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menggali dan menemukan konsep dan kandungan nilai-nilai karakter dalam ajaran kebersyukuran. jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kepustakaan dengan menggunakan jenis data kualitatif. sumber primer yang digunakan adalah kitab tafsir al-qurān al-‘alim, tafsir al-fakhri arrāzi, tafsir al-maraghi, at-tafsir al-munir, tafsir al-karim ar-rahmān fi tafsir kalām al-mannān, dan tafsir al-azhar. sedangkan sumber sekunder berupa buku-buku atau jurnal yang berhubungan dengan konsep kebersyukuran dan nilai pendidikan karakter. data dari sumber dikumpulkan menggunakan teknik dokumentasi, kemudian dianalisis menggunakan metode tafsir tematik subjektif, dan hermenutik obyektif. hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa konsep pendidikan karakter dalam ajaran kebersyukuran q.s. ibrahim (14): 7 adalah targib (motivasi) sekaligus tarhib (ancaman). konsep tersebut akan menjadikan manusia tetap berada dalam lingkaran kebaikan, yang selalu bersabar dan bersyukur kepada allah swt. teradapat sembilan nilai-nilai pendidikan karakter dalam ajaran kebersyukuran yaitu: amanah, qanā’ah, kreatif, kerja keras, tawakal, optimis, peduli terhadap sesama, tawaduk, dan istiqamah. nilai-nilai tersebut akan melekat pada seseorang yang menjadikan syukur sebagai kebiasaan yang dapat menjadi motivasi dan juga ancaman (targib wa tarhib). sembilan nilai karakter ini akan berimplikasi pada peningkatan ketaqwaan kepada allah swt dan peningkatan kasih sayang kepada sesama makhluk. keywords: konsep; nilai pendidikan karakter; kebersyukuran. 291vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 humans are created in perfect conditions to support daily activities.1 perfection is certainly not separated from the many blessings god has given to humans. therefore, people should be grateful for these blessings, as stated in qs. ibrahim (14): 34. “and he gave you from all you asked of him. and if you should count the favor of allah, you could not enumerate them. indeed, mankind is most unjust and ungrateful.” the verse above explains that allah’s blessings to his servants are uncountable. according to imam as-sa'di, a person's level of gratitude must be directly proportional to the blessings obtained2. a person must always be grateful since god always bless us all. gratitude by humans, even though it is an obligation from allah swt, will bring benefits for introduction 292 afkaruna humans. this has been revealed in the qur'an and reinforced by various evidence that the gratitude expressed by a person will produce the hormone of happiness in him3 and develop his mental health4. that way, he will avoid stress and depression because of the problems he is facing.5 gratitude is closely related to the level of welfare of one's life because gratitude is a form of expression of the happiness of one's soul.6 this well-being includes psychological well-being, emotional well-being, and subjective well-being7. by being grateful, someone will be greatly helped to enjoy his life, as well as when he gets a special gift from someone he loves so that he has the opportunity to reach the greatest possibilities in his life8. gratitude can be realized by always remembering allah swt through heart, tongue, and limbs. remembering with the heart means contemplating the signs of allah’s power, verbally by always remembering his name, and through the limbs by doing good deeds.9 however, in reality, many people still do not understand gratitude,10 and it affects the way to realize gratitude. some people realize their gratitude by saying “alhamdulillah,” but after that, they complain about the problems they are facing. some people think that gratitude is only done when they get sustenance in the form of money, so gratitude is realized by having a meal with friends or is often called a thanksgiving event.11 even some people interpret gratitude as giving alms to the earth because of abundant harvest,12 to avoid mountain disaster,13 or getting rid of misfortunes (something that may lead to disaster).14 of course, such an expression of gratitude has no guidance in islamic law and is actually closer to shirk,15 and does not bring one's self to the happiness and glory of life. the verse explains that if a servant is grateful for the blessings that allah swt has given, by actualizing himself to unite and obey allah, then allah will add favors to him.16 these additions can be in the form of rewards for kindness, additional favors, happiness in the afterlife, and unlimited enjoyment, as gratitude also means unlimited17 in addition, the verse also contains educational concepts and values from god in instilling an attitude of gratitude in his servants. these values can be used to 293vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 measure a person's level of success in gratitude.18 however, these concepts and values are still abstract. therefore, it is necessary to have an interpretation of the verse in order to get a clear picture of the concept of character education and the values of character education in the holy verses. the interpretation of the qur’an, especially in the concept of gratitude contained in qs. ibrahim (14): 7 can be seen in the mu’tabar commentary books. also, books of tafsir have a fairly complex discussion of the verse of gratitude in both bi al-ma’sur and bi ar-ra'yi. moreover, by reviewing classical and modern commentary books, more comprehensive results will be found in understanding the verse of gratitude. character education is a broad term because it involves many sub-components that contribute to the implementation of character education itself. according to thomas lickona,19 character education is a deliberate effort to develop good character, both for individuals and society.20 in line with this understanding, mike frye et al. define character education as an effort that is made intentionally to help someone understand, care about something, and act in accordance with ethical values.21 thus, in character education, three components must be processed: mind, taste, and body. according to a study,22 character education occupies a higher position than moral education. character education does not only teach about right and wrong,23 but rather on inculcating good habits in individuals so that they are able to master the cognitive, affective, and psychomotor or behavioral domains: understand the good and the bad, be able to feel the value of goodness, and can apply it in everyday life. in islam, gratitude is often referred to as gratitude. imam ibn qoyyim defines gratitude as an act of praising or thanking for the blessings that allah swt has given.24 according to asy-syibly, gratitude means an awareness of someone towards the creator who gives blessings, saying thank you regardless of the form of the favor itself. yunahar ilyas also expressed a similar understanding that gratitude is praising the giver of favors for good deeds.25 based on some of the definitions above, it can be defined that gratitude is an expression of gratitude from the recipient of 294 afkaruna the favor to the giver of the favor, starting from the heart, then verbally, and proven by real actions the reason for choosing tafsr al-qurān al-'azim, tafsr al-fakhri ar-rāzi, tafsir al-maraghi, at-tafsir al-munir, tafsir al-karim ar-rahmān fā tafsir kalām, and tafsir al-azhar as references for character education as references in this study is because the six interpretations explain character education comprehensively, which includes knowledge of goodness, feeling the existence of goodness, and good behavior. meanwhile, the concept of character building was proposed by thomas lickona. based on the description above, the research focused on examining more deeply the concept of character education in the teachings of gratitude in qs. ibrahim (14): 7, along with the value of character education in the teachings of gratitude. consequently, this study aimed to find the concept of character education and the values of character education contained in the qs. ibrahim (14): 7, which is helpful for strengthening the character of students. this study was library research using qualitative data. the primary sources were from tafsr al-qurān al-'azim, tafsr al-fakhri ar-rāzi, tafsr al-maraghi, at-tafsir al-munir, tafsr al-karim ar-rahmān fā tafsir kalām, and tafsir al-azhar. at the same time, secondary sources were from books or journals related to the concepts and values of character education and morality. data from sources were collected using documentation technique, then analyzed using subjective thematic interpretation method. next, the collected data were analyzed using descriptive analysis methods.26 this analysis consisted of data collection, data classification, analysis, and identification through subjective thematic interpretation. analysis of thematic interpretation used the interpretation method of mustafa muslim, in his book entitled mabāhis fi at-tafsir al-maudū'i. there are seven steps27 taken in analyzing this thematic interpretation: (1) choosing the title of the discussion to be studied in the qur’an thematically. (2) searching for and collecting verses of the qur’an related research methods 295vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 to the subject matter (munasabah verse). (3) arrange and sort the verses of the qur’an related to the subject matter. (4) perfectly study these verses by looking at the interpretations of the scholars. (5) drafting a systematic discussion of themes and main material in a framework of thought. (6) completing the discussion with the traditions of the prophet. (7) conducting a thorough analysis of these verses, then correlating them with existing research related to the theme or object of discussion in the interpretation. the research on the concept and value of character education in the teaching of gratitude refers to several well-known interpretation books, both classical commentaries and modern commentaries. discussion tafsir al-qurān al-'azim or also called tafsir ibn kasur, the author is named abu al-fidā' imāduddin ism'āil ibn 'umar ibn katsir al-quraish. in his interpretation, ibn kasur explains that the meaning of the sentence “wa idz taazdana rabbuka layab 'asanna 'alaihim ila yaumil qiyamah...,” which means “and remember when your lord made known his promise to the children of israel, that indeed, he will send people who will inflict the worst punishment on the jews until the day of resurrection.” according to ibn kasur, the arrangement of these sentences can also be interpreted as allah's oath to the children of israel. furthermore, in interpreting the next word, “lain syakartum laazidannakum.” ibn kasur also explains that if they (the children of israel) are grateful for the blessings that allah swt has given, then surely allah will add favors to them in the form of goodness. but if what happens is the opposite, “wa lain kafartum” and if they (the children of israel) disobey the favors that have been given by allah, either by covering them up or not being grateful for these favors, they do not want to obey allah's orders through his messenger, and act arrogantly with these favors, then allah will inflict punishment on him “inna ‘adzabi lasyadiid”, and in fact, allah's punishment is very severe. so the torment is only given specifically to those who do kufr favors.28 gratitude in tafsir al-quran al-‘azim 296vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the book of tafsir ar-rāzi or often known as the kitab at-tafsr al-kabir wa mafātih al-gaib is a book of interpretation written by muhammad ibn 'umar ibn hasan al-tamimial-bakri al-tibristāni ar-rāzi.29 the book is in bi al-ra’y and semi bi ma’sūr30 with the ijmāli method and bi ‘ilmi style. according to ar-rāzi, the verse contains three discussions: first, someone preoccupied with being grateful. second, the essence of gratitude. third, additional favors. the first discussion is that for someone busy with gratitude, then allah will give him additional blessings as the oath and promise of allah swt. the second discussion is about the nature of gratitude. the meaning of gratitude, according to ar-rāzi31, has the meaning: an expression of acknowledgment of the favors of allah swt, accompanied by glorifying him and fulfilling oneself in this way. the third discussion, obtaining two additional pleasures, spiritual and physical pleasures. spiritual favors are obtained because gratitude will present parts of the blessings of allah swt, as well as various virtues and his glory. for example, when someone often does good deeds to others, he will love the good habit, and the good habit becomes the character. then the good he does will be a reinforcement of love for allah swt. there is no doubt that the source of happiness and the branches of all goodness is gratitude in at-tafsir al-kabir wa mafatih al-gaib from the tafsir of ibn kasur above, every blessing must be followed with gratitude, even for small and not useful favors, and it will trigger the increase in pleasure. in addition, the perpetrators of kufr favors will receive punishment from allah swt, and the punishment is reserved for the perpetrators, not for other people. although ibn kasur did not explain how to manifest gratitude in detail, through his interpretation, a lesson can be drawn that gratitude cannot be separated from three things: the heart, tongue, and limbs. be careful with the qanā'ah order for something that is accepted. oral with thanks, and praise the greatness of allah swt. members of the body with an attitude ready to carry out all the commands of allah and stay away from all that he forbids, obey without expression but and obey unconditionally. 297 afkaruna the love of allah because of knowing him deeply. at the same time, the additional pleasure for the body is a person's firm and consistent attitude in doing good. in other words, gratitude occupies a high position to achieve happiness in this world and the hereafter. the meaning of kufr in qs. ibrahim (14): 7 is kufr favors, instead of in the sense of apostasy from islam. according to ar-rāzi, kufr favors will not happen except to stupid people who do not know the favors of allah swt. ar-rāzi also argued that ignorance of allah includes sanctions and punishments.32 based on ar-rāzi's interpretation, it can be concluded that gratitude must begin with acknowledgment, both in the heart and verbally, to glorify allah swt. then expressed by good deeds that can draw closer to allah swt and know him deeply. such gratitude will bring additional blessings from allah swt in the form of physical and spiritual favors, worldly and hereafter blessings. while kufr favors are only for people who do not want to know allah, and they are classified as getting punishment for those who do it in the world. the book of tafsir al-karim ar-rahmān fi tafsr kalām al-mannān or often referred to as the book of tafsir as-sa’di is a book of interpretation by abdurrahman ibn nasiru as-sa’di. in interpreting qs. ibrahim (14): 7, as-sa’di explained about remembrance first, that remembering allah must be with two things, the heart and the tongue. both are a unity that cannot be separated, both in remembrance and gratitude. when remembrance and gratitude are depicted as body, then remembrance is the head, and gratitude is the limb. in this case, as-sa’di rests on the hadith of the prophet as follows: “whoever remembers me in himself i will remember him in myself, if he remembers me in a group of people i will remember him in a group that is better and better than him” (hr. muslim, no. 4832). then as-sa’di explained about gratitude. as for the gratitude referred to by as-sa’di is to use three components at once, the heart, mouth, and limbs. using the heart can be in the form of testimony and acknowledgment of the blessings that have been given by allah swt. gratitude in tafsir al-karim ar-rahmān fi tafsir kalam al-mannan 298vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the book at-tafsir al-munir fi al-'aqidah wa ash-syari'ah wa al-manhaj or known as the book at-tafsir al-munir is a book of tafsr by wahbah az-zuhaili. this tafsir has a mixed tahlili method, tafsr bi al-ma’sūr, and tafsr bi ar-ra’yi. according to az-zuhaili, the verse warns the children of israel to remember something that allah swt has promised. when allah announces that he will increase favors to anyone grateful for the favors that have been given to him, in this regard, az-zuhaili quotes a hadith from anas, as follows: “whoever is inspired to be grateful, it is not hindered from getting additional.” at the end of the interpretation,34 it provides a summary of the wisdom contained in verse, including: (1). humans should take lessons from events that happened to the previous people and get used to remembering the favors of allah. this is a combination of targib and gratitude in at-tafsir al-munir fi al-‘aqidah wa asy-syari’ah wa al-manhaj using the tongue can be in the form of wetting the tongue with dhikr and praising the greatness of allah swt. the definition of gratitude, according to as-sa’di is the recognition of the heart for the favors of allah, praising allah for his favors, and using it for things that are pleasing to allah, while kufr is the opposite. the meaning of kufr is an unwillingness to be grateful for the blessings that have been given by allah swt and not use them for good things. according to33 that kufr has many kinds and types, and kufr in verse has a general meaning, which is kufr favors. meanwhile, kufr favors are still classified as disobedience and do not exclude the perpetrator from islam. from the interpretation of as-sa’di above, it can be concluded that the form of gratitude must use three components at once: the heart, the tongue, and the good deeds. being grateful with the heart is by acknowledging and believing that the favors are from allah swt. gratitude verbally in the form of a habit of remembrance praising allah swt. gratitude with actions in the form of carrying out allah's commands and staying away from his prohibitions. in contrast, kufr favor is classified as a heinous act and displeased allah swt because it includes immoral behavior towards allah swt. 299 afkaruna tarhib, promises and threats. targib lies in the words of moses to his people or to others to always remember the favors that allah has given. in comparison, tarhib in the form of lafadl reminds people of the rewards and punishments from allah against those who deny his favors or kufr favor. (2) the content of advice and warning is contained in the lafadl, which shows people who are able to be patient and grateful. indeed, being grateful for the favors will increase the favors, and kufr for the favors will reduce the favors or even erase the favors. (3) the benefits and harms of gratitude will return to those who practice gratitude or do not do gratitude. allah, the most holy, and exalted does not benefit or harm from the gratitude of his servants. based on the interpretation of az-zuhaili above, it can be concluded that gratitude is remembering and knowing allah swt by heart, verbal, and knowing in every action. with such an expression of gratitude, allah will increase the blessings in this world and the hereafter. while kufr favors are for people who do not know allah (jahil murakab), and that will bring the punishment of allah swt. in his interpretation, az-zuhaili also explained that the verse contains the concept of planting character from allah swt. the concept is in the form of targib (motivation) and tarhib (threat) methods. motivation to always do good, and threats not to do bad deeds. the author of the book of tafsir al-marāgi has the full name of ahmad mustafa ibn mustafa ibn muhammad ibn 'abd al-mun'im al-qadi al-marāgi. the interpretation is classified in the form of tafsir bi al-ra’yi.35 according to al-marāg, in brief, the verse can be understood that whoever is grateful to allah for the sustenance that has been bestowed upon him, then allah will make the path of sustenance clear for him. whoever is grateful to allah for the health benefits he feels, allah will prolong his health. whoever is grateful by obeying orders and avoiding all things that are forbidden by allah, then he will instill obedience in the heart. gratitude in tafsir al-maragi 300vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 but if they (the children of israel) disbelieve in the blessings that allah has given, do not want to enforce their obligations as servants, use the favors for things that are hated or even forbidden by allah, then the punishment will befall them. al-marāgi also explained that the punishment inflicted on the kufr is not only limited to the hereafter but also in this world.36 the punishment in the world is the loss of sustenance (favors) that should be obtained in the world. whereas in the hereafter, there will be torments that humans will not be able to bear. in this case, al-marāg rests on the following hadith of the prophet: “indeed a servant is truly deprived of sustenance because of the sin he has committed.” (hr. ahmad, no. 21379) based on the interpretation of al-marāgi above, the reward for the grateful person depends on his intention. grateful for being healthy, allah will maintain the healthy favors. grateful for the sustenance, the blessings of sustenance will be added, and so on. al-marāg did not explain how to manifest true gratitude in detail, but through his interpretation above, gratitude starts from the heart and goes up to the mouth, expressed by actions, and these actions will bring recompense or reward. tafsr al-azhar is a modern interpretation37 by haji abdul malik karim amrullah (buya hamka) while in prison.38 in his book, hamka includes several isrā'iliyyah stories, with the aim of only being a complementary explanation. however, the story has been selected by hamka and does not conflict with islamic law.39 as for hamka’s tafsir of qs. ibrahim (14): 7 is to be grateful for all the blessings that allah has given by giving thanks. speech is not just a word with the mouth but must be proven by actions. therefore, hamka is of the opinion that being grateful must be followed by continuous effort, constantly striving to find a way out of the problems at hand. do not easily complain about the small problems that come your way. don't complain about the lack of food supplies. don't complain if you can't reach your dreams. however, we still must be grateful for what we have, then surely allah will sustain us with his favors. gratitude in tafsir al-azhar 301 afkaruna to clarify his tafsir, hamka cites the following hadith: “indeed, a servant is truly deprived of sustenance because of the sin he has committed” (hr. ahmad, no. 21379). even though a person looks rich by birth with a myriad of assets he already has, if it is not halal, then his soul will always feel lonely, empty, always feel poor and lacking compared to others due to being ungrateful.40 after analyzing each of the commentary books as the references in this study, it can be seen very clearly that all commentators agree that the expression of gratitude cannot be separated from three things, first with conscience, which is to believe that all blessings come from allah swt since human efforts without god’s intervention will be in vain. second, verbally, by always remembering allah swt, praising him for his majesty, and thanking him. third, we should manifest our gratitude with limbs or deeds ordered by allah swt, for example, doing charity with the sole intention of seeking the pleasure of allah swt, trying earnestly without giving up, or complaining. such gratitude will lead a person to the happiness and glory of life, as well as the imprinting of character values in a person, as will be explained in the following discussion. in the book al-mu’jam al-mufahras li alfādi al-qur'ān al-karim, there are 75 mentions of the word gratitude in the qur'an (baqi, 1364: 385-386). however, in this discussion, only a few will be presented, including qs an-nahl (16): 78, qs al-mu'minun (23): 78, qs. as-sajdah (32): 9, q.s. al-mulk (67): 23. the verses above explain gratitude, more precisely about how few people are able to be grateful for the blessings given by allah swt. humans have been given by god great potentials in the form of hearing, sight, and conscience. with this potential, humans can think and acquire knowledge because it cannot be obtained except with one of these senses. but in reality, there are still a lot of people who are not grateful. this is a statement at the end of the verse, lafadl qalilan mā tasykuruna. gratitude here is interpreted by using these potentials for things that can draw closer to allah swt or reach his pleasure.41 the reasons for the revelation of the verse about gratitude 302vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 in the book al-mu’jam al-mufahras li alfādi al-qur'ān al-karim, there are 75 mentions of the word gratitude in the qur'an (baqi, 1364: 385-386). however, in this discussion, only a few will be presented, including qs an-nahl (16): 78, qs al-mu'minun (23): 78, qs. as-sajdah (32): 9, q.s. al-mulk (67): 23. the verses above explain gratitude, more precisely about how few people are able to be grateful for the blessings given by allah swt. humans have been given by god great potentials in the form of hearing, sight, and conscience. with this potential, humans can think and acquire knowledge because it cannot be obtained except with one of these senses. but in reality, there are still a lot of people who are not grateful. this is a statement at the end of the verse, lafadl qalilan mā tasykuruna. gratitude here is interpreted by using these potentials for things that can draw closer to allah swt or reach his pleasure.41 later described in qs al-baqarah (2): 152, allah swt gives each portion of remembrance and gratitude and prioritizes remembrance over gratitude. according to a study,42 remembrance is the essence of gratitude. as a body, remembrance is the head, while gratitude is the body. therefore, allah placed the command of remembrance at the beginning with a specific command, then followed by thanksgiving with a general command. as-sa’di also argues that gratitude should be done with the heart, mouth, and limbs. then qs. lukman (31): 12, the verse tells the story of luqman, who received a gift from god in the form of wisdom. according to ar-razi, wisdom is referred to as taufik in knowledge.43 if a person has learned knowledge, but he does not know the benefits of the knowledge he has learned, then he cannot be called getting wisdom. the verse stated mustaqbal lafaz, which means actions for the future. according to ar-rāzi, this is a sign that gratitude must be repeated. in contrast, kufr is mentioned with fi’il mādi, which means enough and should not be repeated. ar-rāzi also explains that the benefits of gratitude will only return to the doer. and vice versa, that the harm of kufr will also return to the perpetrator. meanwhile, allah, the richest, the most praised, is not affected in the slightest by the consequences of 303 afkaruna the qur'an was revealed as a guide for all humans.45 accordingly, qs. ibrahim (14): 7 shows how to live a happy life. in the content of the verse, god made a covenant with humans. according to its tafsir, humans here mean the children of israel. whoever is grateful for the blessings that allah has given, then he will increase these blessings. on the other hand, whoever denies his favor, he has prepared punishment for them. therefore, the verse contains the concept of targib (motivation) as well as tarhib (threat). targib (motivation) has the root of yeastba-yargabu, which means liking or loving.46 then the isim masdar is followed with wazan taf’il, so that it becomes targib which means encouragement or motivation. targib can also be interpreted with the promise of happiness, pleasure, enjoyment accompanied by seduction or persuasion. in terminology, syamsul ulum provides an understanding of target as a means of encouraging preventive and repressive education, boosting enthusiasm, and increasing one's learning motivation to become better.47 related to qs. ibrahim (14): 7, targib means motivation so that humans are always grateful for the blessings of allah swt. tarhib (threat) comes from the word rahaba-yarhabu, which means fear. then the masdar follows wazan taf'il, which has the meaning of punishment, scaring, threatening by giving sanctions, thereby causing fear in the heart to commit violations.48 in the terminology of the qur-an, it is also often referred to as iqāb, which means punishment. terminologically, according to arifin, punishment has the meaning of values of character education in gratefulness gratitude or kufr of a servant. then qs an-naml (27): 40, the verse tells of prophet solomon when he was about to move the throne of queen bilqis in front of him. allah swt made it easy for him to do this. so when it happened, solomon realized that it was impossible.44 the point is that kufr does not need to be repeated and is fulfilled immediately. therefore, an educational concept is needed in instilling the habit of gratitude so that a grateful personality can be formed in a person. the concept of education will be explained in the following discussion. 304vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 intentional suffering given by educators (whether teachers, parents, or others) after a violation, mistake, or crime has occurred.49 related to qs. ibrahim (14): 7, tarhib means a threat to anyone who dares to disobey or disbelieve in the blessings of allah swt. these two methods, both targib and tarhib, are a unity that cannot be separated. if the two are separated, it will not give expected results. islam uses this concept to always believe in allah and his messenger. so it can be ascertained that these two methods will make humans remain in the circle of goodness. thus, it can be concluded that in gratitude in qs. ibrahim (14): 7 contains the concept of character education, targib (motivation) as well as tarhib (threat). the two concepts are inseparable units. because both of them will keep humans in the circle of goodness, which is to always be patient and grateful to allah swt, in addition, the concept can also be used to instill character education values in humans. according to the ministry of national education, there are 18 points of character education values that must be instilled in each individual, as mentioned in the previous discussion50. after reading from some of these commentaries and some opinions of the commentators on the content of character education values contained in qs. ibrahim (14): 7, it was found that the teaching of gratitude contained the values of character education as follows: analysis of character education values in gratitude teaching the value of amanah education is also reflected in qs. an-naml (27): 19. according to as-sa’di, prophet sulaiman asked allah for guidance on how to be grateful, both for the blessings he had and the favors given to his parents, at the same time asking for instructions to do righteous deeds in accordance with what allah swt approves51. based on this view, it can be understood that a person's form of gratitude can be in the form of good deeds according to the pleasure of allah swt. amanah character value 305 afkaruna in addition, another verse gives a signal that gratitude trains an educated person to be amanah, in qs. al-a'raf (7): 58 this verse explains the need to take advantage of god's grace in accordance with its functions and provisions.52 likewise, qs ar-rūm (30): 46 explains that the meaning of gratitude is to use god's gift in accordance with the purpose of giving it. the same verse is qs. sabā' (34): 15, gratitude means using god’s gifts according to his direction. also supported by the verse qs al-baqarah (2): 172, which explains that gratitude is using god's gift to do good deeds, deeds that are pleasing to god, in other words putting something in its place. linguistically, qanā'ah comes from the root word qani'a-yaqna'u-qanā'tan, which means feeling satisfied, willing to share53 qanā'ah contains five indicators: 1) accepting voluntarily towards something that exists. 2) ask allah for a proper addition, followed by continuing to strive. 3) full of patience in accepting the decree of allah swt. 4) always put your trust in allah swt. 5) not interested in the glittering world that can make people lulled.54 from the five indicators above, it can be concluded that qanā'ah is more dominant in belief or related to the heart. the relationship between qanā'ah and gratitude is that people who are always grateful for allah's favors, whether these blessings are small or large, will feel enough with what is there, and his life is always filled with happiness. according to a study,55 something that is a little in the eyes of a grateful person will feel enough, while something that is a lot in the view of a person in disbelief will feel less. several verses indicate that gratitude educates a person to be qanā'ah, the following verses: qs. an-nisa' (4); 147, q.s. al-a'rāf (7): 144, q.s. al-isra' (17):17-18, q.s. an-naml (27): 19, q.s. al-fātir (35): 30, q.s. at-tagābun (64): 17, and q.s. al-insan (76): 22. 3. qonaah character value 306vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 creative including the greatest blessings from allah are the pleasures of hearing, sight, and conscience or mind, as stated in qs. an-nahl (16): 78, qs. al-mu'minūn (23): 78, qs. as-sajdah (32): 9, qs. al-mulk (67): 23, as explained in the previous discussion. according to wahbah az-zuhaili, the three blessings (hearing, seeing, and conscience or reason) are the main instruments for a person to gain knowledge in order to know and get closer to allah swt. without these three blessings, a person will not be able to receive knowledge or teach it to others.56 based on this view, it can be understood that when someone is grateful for the three blessings, using them according to their nature, the value of creativity will appear automatically. the value of creativity helps humans survive by managing the natural wealth already available. god’s gifts are in the form of an expanse of ocean with millions of contents contained therein (surah fatir (35): 12), fertile land with millions of crops (surah al-'araf (7): 58), mountains containing gold, diamonds, and gems, (surat an-nahl (16): 14), are all blessings for which his servants should be grateful. gratitude for such things can be realized by making the best use of this gift without damaging the existing ecosystem. therefore, humans are required to have high creativity in managing these natural resources in order to create innovations, such as creating eco-friendly boats and nets to catch fish, inventing tractors to manage the land, creating mining tools, and so on. creative character value hard work is one of god's commands to show gratitude to him by working hard. this is as stated in qs. saba' (34): 13. ibn kasir explains that the verse tells about the prophet dawud's question of how to give thanks to allah and be grateful for the blessings he has given. so allah ordered prophet dawud and his followers to be grateful by working hard 57. likewise, in the teachings contained in qs al-ankabūt (29): 17, ibn kasir mentions that all sustenance comes from allah swt, so worship him, and be grateful by seeking that sustenance58. according to buya hamka, gratitude must also be proven by hard work, continuously trying hardworking character value 307 afkaruna to overcome all the difficulties being faced, until they find a way out. thus, one of the values of character education contained in the concept of gratitude is hard work. tawakal comes from arabic, the root word wakala-yakilu, which means to surrender or entrust. meanwhile, according to moral terminology, tawakal means freeing the conscience from all dependence on other than allah while leaving all affairs only to him. realizing tawakal does not mean negating effort, but tawakal must still be started with effort and work hard. trying with the limbs is a form of obedience to allah swt while trusting with the heart is a form of manifestation of faith in him59. the relationship between tawakal and gratitude is as illustrated in qs. an-naml (27): 19, which describes the story of prophet sulaiman asking allah for guidance on the right way to give thanks. prophet sulaiman left all affairs only to allah swt. later described in qs al-ankabut (29): 17 regarding sustenance, all sustenance comes from allah swt. so people should leave the matter of sustenance only to him. later described in qs al-baqarah (2): 152 regarding remembrance and gratitude, allah prioritizes the mention of remembrance of gratitude. this shows that gratitude must begin with the remembrance of allah swt. tawakal character value the relationship of optimism with one's gratitude can be seen in qs. ibrahim (14): 7. in that verse, allah has promised his grateful servants additional favors. as for his servants who disbelieve in favors, allah has provided such a painful punishment. so based on the explanation of this verse, it can be understood that in being grateful, a person is required to always be optimistic (full of good hope) about god's promises which are certain to be true. there should not be the slightest doubt in his heart. as explained in the quds hadith, allah swt said: from abu hurairah ra (narrated), the prophet saw said: allah swt said: “i am in the prejudice of my servant, and i am always with him when he remembers me, if he optimistic character value 308vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 remembers me in himself, then i remember him in myself, and if he remembers me in an association, then i 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the imamite-shiite qur’anic commentaries on qur’anic verse 16: 90. it reveals the transformation and development of imamite-shiite exegesis pertaining to q. 16: 90, ranging from classical to modern. it takes into a closer look into seven qur’anic commentaries which may serve as examples of different typologies within imamite-shiite exegetical tradition. it argues that the imamite-shiite interpretation on this verse moves between these two poles (political legitimacy and social fabric of society) most notably due to the religious and political circumstances of the exegetes. from these quranic commentaries, one may also notice the division and ecumenism between sunnism and shiism. this paper underlines a colourful nuance of shiite exegesis and denies the simplified belief that shiite exegesis is sectarian. keywords: political legitimacy, social fabric, imamite-shiite exegesis, division, islamic ecumenism. introduction qur’anic exegesis (tafsîr) is regarded by some specialists as an integral part of the “discursive tradition” of islam. this conception stays in contrast to the viewpoints of some other scholars who consider tafsîr as an “an extension of the foundational text of islam”.1 early tafsîrs are worth specific remarking, since their authorities (such as ‘abd allah ibn ‘abbas (d. 688) and ‘ali ibn abi 29vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 talib (d. 661)) embody an integration of comprehending, interpreting and applying the qur’an, or, in other words, “an imagined hermeneutical unity that sees accomplishment in application”.2 publication of tafsîr in print has often been motivated by ideological or dogmatic deliberations, not essentially linked to their actual significance in the tradition of tafsîr. the notions of tafsîr bi al-ma’thûr (interpretation based on sound tradition) and tafsîr bi alra’y (interpretation based on arbitrary opinion) are actually a dogmatic categorisation. this classification is aimed to differentiate between acceptable and unacceptable exegesis, from a certain dogmatic standpoint.3 the issue of the extent to which a qur’anic exegesis is influenced by the exegete’s theological stance is an interesting to be investigated. it is stressed that a sufi may present a qur’anic commentary in an entirely non-mystical way. a mu’tazilite scholar does not automatically promote mu’tazilite dogma through his tafsîr. in this vein, we may see that tafsîr constitutes “a genealogical tradition”, in the sense that the qur’anic commentators are engaged in the duty of “creatively appropriating the tradition of tafsîr than with pursuing a specific dogmatic or sectarian agenda”.4 this does not necessarily deny that there are tafsîrs that are influenced by the theological and or philosophic bent of their commentators, or in other words, their “pre-texts”.5 abu ‘ali al-jubba’i can be highlighted as an instance of this kind of tafsîr. al-juba’i (d. 915-916), for instance, employs and adapts the verses of the qur’an in a way that lets him to maintain his theological standpoints and to support his claims.6 some historians reported that during the umayyad dynasty, the preachers were ordered to curse ‘ali ibn abi talib (599-661), in pulpits and in the rest of public space. this practice continued until the time of umar ibn abd al-aziz (682-720). umar ibn abd al-azis broke this tradition and replaced the curse on ‘ali with the reading of q. 16: 90. he insisted that such a reading was sunna (tradition), which substituted the older sunna, namely the curse on ‘ali, which has been practiced by the preachers during the umayyad dynasty.7 this paper investigates the dialectics between “political legitimacy” and “social fabric of society”, as it develops in the imamite-shiite qur’anic commentaries on q. 16 (16): 90. this study focuses on seven tafsîrs which were written by imamite-shiite scholars: first, tafsîr al-qummî; second, tafsîr al‘ayyâshî; third, al-tibyân fî tafsîr al-qur’an; fourth, majma’ al-bayân; fifth, tafsîr al-sâfi; sixth, nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an; and seventh, almîzân fî tafsîr al-qur’an. the investigation of these seven tafsîrs is of signifi30 a f k a r u n a cance in revealing the transformation and development of imamite-shiite qur’anic tafsîrs pertaining to q. 16: 90. these seven works represent the exegesis from different periods, from the medieval to the modern. the interpretation of q. 16: 90 in these eight shiite tafsîrs demonstrate that there are varied standpoints pertaining to q. 16: 90. the examination of these tafsîrs is of significance in unravelling the complexity of imamite-shiite tafsîrs, which has been more or less affected by the theological and political circumstances of the exegetes. the study of these tafsîrs will also reveal the dynamic of sunnite-shiite ecumenism throughout the history. at a certain historical phase, shiism demonstrated their rapprochement with sunnism, and this can be observed from qur’anic exegesis which were written by the shiite scholars and from their consultation with sunni sources. at another historical phase, shiism showed their division and distance from sunnism, as can be discerned from the existence of shiite tafsîrs which criticise the companions of the prophet. these shiite exegetes are convinced of the incompleteness of the qur’an which circulates among sunnites. general mapping of imamite-shiite qur’anic exegesis the imamite-shiite qur’anic exegesis under the discussion can be clustered into three main categories, namely (a) political legitimacy, (b) social fabric of society, and (c) bridge between political legitimacy and social fabric of society. there are three tafsîrs which belong to the category of political legitimacy, namely tafsîr al-qummî (by al-qummî, d. 919) and tafsîr al-‘ayyâshî (by al-‘ayyâshî (d. 932), and tafsîr al-sâfi (by al-kashani, 1598-1680). as for the category of social fabric of society, we come across with three tafsîrs, namely al-tibyân fi tafsîr al-qur’an (by al-tusi, d. 1067), majma’ al-bayân (by al-tabrisi, d. 1154), and al-mizân fi tafsîr al-qur’an (by al-tabataba’i, d. 1981). nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an (by al-nahawandi, 1874-1952) epitomises a shiite tafsîr which pays attentions to both political legitimacy and social fabric of society. early imamite-shiite tafsîrs such as tafsîr al-qummî and tafsîr al-‘ayyâshî much more rely on the transmitted narrations from the imams, which stress the legitimacy of ‘ali ibn abi talib on the one hand, and delegitimise the first three caliphs. these two qur’anic commentaries were in conformity with the general tendency of the imamism at that time, which rejected the first three caliphs and labelling them as usurpers. tafsîr al-sâfi represents the medieval 31vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 imamite-shiite tafsîrs which seek to underline the legitimacy of ‘ali and his descendants. it seems that the akhbari background and the religious-political circumstances of the safavid which shaped al-kashani’s radical interpretation of the qur’an. al-tibyân fi tafsîr al-qur’an and majma’ al-bayân fi tafsîr al-qur’an represent a moderate medieval shiite exegesis which pay attention to social fabric of society. these two tafsîrs underline moral features which were contained in q. 16: 90, without employing the verse to justify the legitimacy of ‘ali and deligitimise his opponents. this moderate exegesis is due to their appreciation of sunnite sources. his exegesis was in line with the tendency of imamiteshiite scholars during the buyid era. al-tusi’s theological tendency exerted an influence on al-tabrisi’s tafsîr. al-tabrisi’s moderate inclination can be also located within the broader religious-political context of his lifetime. he lived under the seljuq dynasty which demonstrated their tolerance towards twelver shiites. al-mizân fi tafsîr al-qur’an epitomises the fullest account of social fabric of islamic society in the light of q. 16: 90. al-tabataba’i brings forward the notions of “personal justice” and “social justice”. his elaboration of personal and social justice shows that he is distinct to that of classical muslim scholars (including the shiite) which perceive justice most particularly in its theological sense. the tafsîr of al-tabata’i is in conformity with the general inclination of imamite-shiism which demonstrates their convergence with sunnism. this can be observed for instance from the ecumenical dialogue between sunnism and shiism which was ventured for instance by muhammad al-husayn al kasif al-gita (1877-1953) during the world islamic congress in 1931. in 1948, the ventures of sunnite-shiite ecumenism was further promoted by the formation of jama’at al-taqrib bayna al-madhahib al-islamiyya (community for rapprochements of islamic sects).8 nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an represents a bridge between the shiite tafsîrs which accentuate the political legitimacy of ‘ali and his descendants and those emphasise social fabric of islamic society. al-nahawandi brings together these two tendencies in his tafsîr, with the accentuation on social fabric of society. one might think that the idea of deligitimising the first three caliphs have become decreased during al-nahawandi’s lifetime, as can be observed from his interpretation of q. 16:90 and from his consultation with sunni sources. 32 a f k a r u n a tafsîr al-qummî: early shiite transmitted exegesis abu al-husayn ‘ali ibn ibrahim al-qummî (d. 919) was shiite exegete, jurist and historian. the life of al-qummî is unfortunately not fully known. there is a supposition that muhammad ibn ya’qub al-kulini (d. 939) was one of al-qummî’s teachers, but this supposition is doubted by some scholars. al-qummî wrote works on islamic law, shiite doctrines and historiography, unfortunately the extant work of him is only tafsîr al-qummî.9 it is worth mentioning that during al-qummî’s lifetime, kufa and qumm constituted the main centres of imami shiism.10 al-qummî belongs to the shiite scholars who maintain that the uthmani codex of the qur’an is incomplete. the shiites until the end of tenth century claim that the qur’an was falsified by their enemies. early shiites maintained it was not only the qur’an which was fabricated but also the hadith.11 the claim that the quran and the hadith of the prophet have been fabricated, distorted, or misunderstood constitutes a common pattern in shiite argumentation, and represents the foundation of the shiite standpoint regarding the misguided direction taken by the early muslim community. 12 al-qummî was contemporaneous with the eleventh imam al-hasan alaskari (d. 874). his tafsîr exemplifies “transmitted exegesis” of the twelver imami shiism during its earlier phase. tafsîr al-qummî is highly venerated within the circle of shiites most specifically due to the closeness in time of its author to the imams.13 al-qummî’s hesitance to exercise independent reasoning (ijtihad) and to express his own opinion pertaining to the meanings of the qur’an is mostly due to the fact that the imams were at that time available for consultation pertaining to qur’an.14 the imamis underlines that the imams represent a hereditary succession. they hailed from the descendants of the prophet via husayn’s line. hasan was considered an exception; it was only at his time that the imamate could be transferred from one brother to another brother. after husayn, imamate could be only passed from father to son. imam is believed to be created of distinct element, endued with celestial light, “divinely inspired (mufahham), protected against error (ma’sum), possessed of knowledge over and above that possessed by ordinary human believers”, and ultimately not a member of the normal human world at all.15 al-qummî witnessed the historical transformation from imamism (imamiyya) to twelver shiism (ithna ash‘ariyya). the imamism developed during the eighth and ninth century, and it obtained its classical form of twelver shiism in the tenth and early eleventh centuries. some scholars suggest that one may speak 33vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 of the imamism as distinct only after the death of ja’far al-sadiq, namely in 765. the imamism was transformed into twelver shiism a few moments after death of the eleventh imam hasan al-‘askari in 874. his infant son who had gone into occultation (ghayba) was regarded as the twelfth imam. the occultation of imam relieved relations between the imamis and power. the imamis before ghayba in principle were concerned with defeating the supplanters, and “hopes for a political redeemer sometimes ran high, as has been seen. but in practice the imamis can be defined as those shiites who renounced political action”. 16 al-qummî, in his tafsîr al-qummî, explains that the term al-‘adl means “bearing witness that there is no god but allah, and that muhammad p.b.u.h. is the messenger of allah”. it is also interesting to see his interpretation for the word al-ihsân. for him, al-ihsân means the commander of the faithful ‘ali ibn abi talib.17 al-qummî goes on to explain that the phrase “wa alfakhshâ’ wa al-munkar wa al-baghy” means “this man, this man, and this man”. in the footnote of tafsîr al-qummî we encounter an explanation that these figures are habtar, zariq and na’thal. these three figures are however not clear, but when we consult to al-kashani’s tafsîr, it becomes obvious that these refer to the “the first caliph” (abu bakr), the “second caliph” (‘umar ibn al-khattab) and the “third caliph” (uthman ibn ‘affan). al-qummî’s commentary corresponds to the general inclination of shiite tafsîrs, most particularly early transmitted tafsîrs. gätje observes that, “all statements of the qur’an, insofar they are unclear (mubham) or sufficiently generic (‘amm), will be refer to ‘ali, the imam, and their community.18 on the other way around, if these are negative these will be addressed to their opponents including the first three caliphs”. this is in line with bar-asher’s observation on the tendency of early shiite transmitted tafsîrs.19 al-qummî’s exegesis is in harmony with the general tendency of the imamism. the imamis are unvaryingly rafidis, in the sense of rejecting the first three caliphs and labelling them as usurpers, as these three caliphs illegally seized ‘ali’s right as successor to the prophet.20 tafsîr al-‘ayyâshî: accentuating the authoritative exegesis of the imam muhammad ibn mas’ud ibn ‘ayyash al-sulami al-samarkandi (d. 932), (from here on al-‘ayyâshî), was a shiite scholar and exegete. it is worth remarking that al-‘ayyâshî lived in samarkand. this indicates that during al34 a f k a r u n a ‘ayyâshî’s lifetime, the imami shiism has reached transoxania.21 al-‘ayyâshî followed sunnism, but after that converted to shiism. he was contemporary with another well-known shiite exegete al-qummî. he wrote a number of works, ranging from exegesis, prophetic tradition (hadith), jurisprudence, history, to astronomy and medicine.22 his work on qur’anic exegesis is known as tafsîr al-‘ayyâshî. he studied under the instruction of al-hasan ibn ‘ali ibn faddal (d. 839-839) and abu ‘abd allah ibn muhammad ibn khalid al-tayalisi al-tamimi, who were both known as traditionists who transmitted reports from the eight imam ‘ali al-rida (d. 808).23 the twelver imamism was in opposition to the ghulat who assigned prophetic or divine status to the imams.24 in response to that, al-‘ayyâshî produced narrations which emphasised the knowledge of the imam, without being trapped to cult the imam. in the introduction of tafsîr al-‘ayyâshî we encounter an account of “knowledge of the imam concerning ta’wil”, which serves to uphold the authority of the imam in interpreting the esoteric meanings of the qur’an. to support this notion, al-‘ayyâshî brings forward a couple of narrations. some of these narrations read as follows:25 from sulayman al-a’mash, from his father, he said: ‘ali said: whenever a qur’anic verse was revealed, i know to whom it was addressed and when it was revealed. my lord granted me a smart brain and a fluent tongue. from abu al-sabah said: abu ‘abd allah said: god taught the descent of revelation (tanzil) and the spiritual exegesis (ta’wil) to the prophet; and correspondingly the prophet taught these to ‘ali. ta’wîl is concerned with unearthing the inner meanings of the qur’an, which, according to shiites, cannot be accomplished by ordinary persons. ta’wil is conceived by modern scholars such as corbin as “the hermeneutics of symbols” and consequently it “presupposes the superimposition of worlds and inter-worlds, as the correlative basis for the plurality of meanings in the same text”.26 due to al-‘ayyâshî’s adherence to ta’wil of the imam, he is against tafsîr bi al-ra’y (exegesis based own arbitrary opinions). for this purpose, he cites some narrations. one of these narrations read as follows, “from hisham ibn salim ibn ‘abd allah, he said: those who interpret the qur’an with his ratio and achieve the truth, they do not obtain a reward. if they make mistakes (in interpreting the qur’an), they will bear sin”.27 the shiites develop their own “exegetical tradition” which is distinct to that of sunnites. the reference to contemporary historical imams is an indication that shiite ex35vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 egetes give a much stronger direct reference to post-qur’anic events, which is distinct to that of sunnite exegetes.28 this is due to shiite conception that the imams exemplify a “speaking qur’an”. al-‘ayyâshî renders a narration from sa’d from imam abu ja’far: “o sa’d, god commands to uphold al-‘adl, namely muhammad p.b.u.h., and to uphold al-ihsân, namely ‘ali ibn abi talib, and to give wealth to dhî al-qurbâ, namely our relatives who are entitled for our love and charity.29 and god forbids us from al-fakhshâ’, al-munkar and al-baghy, namely those oppress the family of the prophet”. in addition, al-‘ayyâshî brings a forward a narration from ismail al-hariri: i read q. 16: 90 in front of al-sadiq. al-sadiq said, ‘read as i said to you: ‘inna –llâha ya’muru bi l-‘adli wa l-ihsân wa-itâ’i dhî l-qurbâ haqqahu’ (indeed, allah orders justice and good conduct and giving rights to dhî l-qurbâ). we do not read this way according to the qirâ’a of zayd, but we read this way according to the qirâ’a of ‘ali. muhammad al-baqir (d. 735) was asked, ‘what is the meaning of itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ haqqahu?’ albaqir replied, ‘it means acknowledging imams. whilst the phrase ‘yanhâ ‘an l-fakhshâ’ wa l-munkar’ means the reign of this man’. al-‘ayyâshî renders another narration pertaining to al-‘adl and al-ihsân: ‘amr ibn husayn reported: ’ali came to his companions and they were mentioning about manliness (al-muruwwa). ‘ali said to them, ‘who were you, you forgot the qur’an, and it mentions about that’. they asked, ‘o the commander of the faithful, which place of the qur’an? ‘ali replied, ‘inna llâh ya’muru bi al-‘adl wa al-ihsân. al-‘adl is doing things rightly and in equilibrium, whilst al-ihsân is doing better than it is supposed to be. the latter narration underlines ‘ali’s preference for al-‘adl and al-ihsân rather than al-muruwwa. it is worth remarking that, as khadduri points out, al-muruwwa constitutes one of pre-islamic arab virtues.30 in tribal societies in arabia, where survival was possibly the main concern of tribal members, virtues such as courage, honor, and freedom were more highly valued than other virtues. these were symbolized in the word muruwwa, which comprised of everything that was considered praiseworthy and which may be designated as the highest good of the arabs. al-‘ayyâshî’s fourth cited narration is from ata’ al-hamadani from abu ja’far who said that “al-‘adl is bearing witness that there is no god but allah. al-ihsân means the reign of the 36 a f k a r u n a commander of the faithful (‘ali ibn abi talib). al-faksha’ is the first, al-munkar is the second, whilst al-baghy is the third”. al-‘ayyâshî’s last narration is from sa’d al-iskaf, which reads as follows: al-‘adl (justice) is muhammad p.b.u.h., accordingly those who obey him are considered just. al-ihsân is ‘ali ibn abi talib, accordingly those acknowledge his leadership are considered muhsin. the muhsin will enter the paradise. itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ means our relatives which are entitled for our love and charity. al-fakhshâ’, al-munkar and al-baghy refer to those oppress the family of the prophet”. one may see that al-‘ayyâshî’s commentary on q. 16: 90 is comprised of narrations, most particularly from the imams. his narrations from the imams are believed to be able to explicate the inner meanings of the qur’an. such a method of interpretation is known as ta’wil. pertaining to outer and inner meanings of the qur’an in the shiite tradition, it is worth remarking that in shiism “the literal text (zâhir) of the qur’an, while indispensable, is only symbolic of a deeper inner truth (bâtin), which can only be assessed and disseminated by the imam, for whom is claimed the status of an enunciating word of god, or ‘the speaking qur’an (qur’an natiq) as opposed to the silent (samit) scriptural text between the covers”.31 shiite’s perspective on the varied layers of the qur’an is based most notably from the narrations of ‘ali ibn abi talib. one of these narrations is read as follows: every verse in the qur’an contains four layers of meaning: outer meaning (zâhir), inner meaning (bâtin), a boundary (hadd), and a outlook point (muttala’). the outer meaning refers to the recitation (tilawa), the inner meaning refers to the understanding (fahm), the boundary is the rule concerning what is allowed and forbidden, and the lookout point refers to what god intended for the servant by that verse.32 al-‘ayyâshî cites many narrations from muhammad al-baqir and (d. 714) and ja’far al-sadiq (d. 765). it was during his lifetime that these two imams that the esoteric theories of the qur’an became apparent. it was also during this period that the shiites challenged the uthmanic qur’an by stressing that this copy was incomplete.33 however al-baqir and al-sadiq did not hold a sectarian view of their own position. this can be observed for instance that they both had students from circle of jama’i (sunni, in later terminology), such as abu hanifa (699-767), malik ibn anas (711-795) and ‘abd al-rahman al-awza’i (707-774).34 37vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 al-tibyân fî tafsîr al-qur’an: appreciating sunnite sources abu ja’far muhammad ibn al-hasan al-tusi (9951067) was a twelver shiite scholar and exegete. he completed his qur’anic exegesis entitled altibyân fi tafsîr al-qur’an in baghdad during the buyid era. although the sociopolitical conditions in baghdad at that time were difficult, he could devote his time to compose a tafsîr, which was regarded as a synthesis of the most important theological and exegetical works pertaining to the qur’an during his lifetime.35 pertaining to the issue of authenticity of the qur’an, he belongs to the shiite scholars who believed on its authenticity.36 this is in line with the standpoints of other imami shiite scholars under the buyid regime, most notably shaykh al-mufid and sharif al-murtada.37 shiite scholars who lived in baghdad under the buyid regime also showed their appreciation to sunnite exegesis. this was distinct to their contemporaneous shiite scholars who lived in qum, who showed a low-level appreciation and dialogue with sunnite exegesis.38 al-tusi showed his disagreement with the twelver akhbaris. he labeled the akhbaris as “ashab al-jumal”, namely “literalists who stopped short of reasoning by basing the fundamentals of religion on the text of reported hadith”.39 it is worth mentioning that there has been division within the twelver shiism, which split them into the akhbaris and the usulis. the akhbaris were convinced that “the knowledge on islam and its stipulations is to be derived solely from the traditions of the prophet and the imams”. hence, the akhbaris did not acknowledge other tools typically used in islamic jurisprudence and advocated by their furious rivals, the usulis.40 the tension between the akhbaris and usulis is not a phenomenon which owes its origin in safavid times. this divide is rather rooted in the earlier broader tension between the advocates of “speculative theology” and “traditionalist opponents of reasoning in religion”.41 al-tusi lived under the reign of the buyids (945-1055). the buyids were zaydis but then converted to imamism. they took imami scholars as patrons. as repayment for that the imamis acknowledge “the concept of a just ruler who was not the imam” by grounding on “ambivalent formulations” employed by al-tusi. the buyid rulers themselves did not consider themselves as imams.42 it was during the buyid era that the imami shiites experienced a golden era, since they enjoy political freedom. it should be noted, however that non-muslim minorities also enjoyed conducive situation so that they 38 a f k a r u n a could develop their culture and thoughts.43 during the reign of buyids. “phrases like sultan ‘adil (just ruler) were introduced in juridical decisions dealing with political functions reserved for the theologically acknowledged just ruler (the imam), despite his occultation. 44 al-tusi, in his al-tibyân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, explains that the word al-‘adl means “being moderate among people and carrying out the obligations as mukallaf (religiously responsible person)”. al-ihsân means “doing good to other”. he points out, “the command on upholding al-‘adl is an obligatory, whereas the command on implementing al-ihsân is recommended. this is a clear message that the command sometimes indicates recommendation not necessarily obligation”.45 al-tusi is aware that the phrase itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ contains two meanings: first, maintaining bonds of kinship, in generic sense. second, maintaining ties with the family of the prophet. this is what is meant by the qur’an: “and know that anything you obtain of war booty – then indeed, for allah is one fifth of it and for the messenger and for (his) near relatives” (q. 8:41). al-tusi explains al-fakhshâ’, al-munkar and al-baghy in the following words, “al-fakhshâ’ designates the bad thing that is committed by a person but he does not show it to the public. al-munkar is the bad thing that is committed by a person and showed it to the people, and these people are ought to deny it”. he goes on to explain the relation among al-‘adl, al-ihsân, al-fakhshâ’ and al-munkar. he says, “al-’adl refers to the balance between exterior and interior; al-ihsân designates a state in which one’s interior is better than his/her exterior; whilst al-fakhshâ’ and al-munkar is a state in which one’s exterior is better than his/her interior”. majma’ al-bayân: accentuating the rapprochement with sunnism abu ‘ali al-fadl al-hasan al-tabrisi (d. 1154) was a twelver imamite scholar who wrote an important shiite qur’anic exegesis entitled majma’ al-bayân fi tafsîr al-qur’an. in contrast to previous imami tafsîrs, al-tabrisi’s tafsîr has much more similarities with the sunni tafsîr, most particularly in terms of method, content and sources. al-tabrisi’s tafsîr also brings forward varied opinions, ranging from imamism, sunnism to mu’tazilism. this is in line with the fact that the imami shiism at that time took up some tenets from the mu’tazilism.46. al-tabrisi’s theology embodies the twelver shiite adjustment of mu’tazilite theology initiated by al-shaykh al-mufid (d. 1020) and al-sharif 39vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 al-murtada (d. 1044).47 it is worth remarking that the interplays between shiite and mu’tazilite theology are not the only preoccupation of the twelver imamis. the zaidites are also concerned with this enterprise. abu al-qasim ‘abd allah ibn ahmad al-kalbi al-balkhi (d. 931) adhered to mu’tazilism in theology and zaydism in politics, and strived to find congruity between these two schools.48 al-tabrisi belongs to the shiite scholars who believe on the authenticity of the qur’an.49 he is not the only twelver shiite scholars who maintain that the qur’an is authentic. we observe a general tendency within the 11th and 12th century twelver shiite scholars which refuse the claims of earlier shiite scholars on the incompleteness of the uthmanic qur’an.50 al-tabrisi drew his scholarly lineage to the leader of twelver shiite community in baghdad abu ja’far al-tusi (d. 1067) via ‘abd al-jabbar ibn ‘abd allah al-muqri al-razi. al-tusi’s tafsîr to some extent influenced al-tabrisi’s tafsîr, most specifically in terms of structure and theological tendency. it is also worth mentioning that al-tabrisi once learned under the instruction of two well-known sunnite commentators, namely mahmud ibn al-husayn al-kirmani (d. 1106-7) and abu al-fath ‘ubayd allah al-qushayri (d. 1127).51 this allows us to comprehend why altabrisi’s exegesis has something in common with sunnite qur’anic commentaries. al-tabrisi’s parallels with sunni exegetes can be located within the broader religious-political context of his life time. he lived under the seljuq dynasty (1040-1194). the sultans and wazirs (high-ranking officials) of the seljuq dynasty demonstrated their tolerance towards twelver shiites, on the one hand, but they considered the ismaili shiites as the factionist of their rival namely fatimid dynasty (909-1171).52 nizam al-mulk (1018-1092) was appointed as a wazir throughout the reign alp arslan (r. 1063-1072) and malik shah i (r. 1072-1092). al-mulk, who happened to be shafiite, was vaunted in the circle of the twelver shiites due to his promotion of sayyids and twelverimami scholars. the reign of ahmad sanjar (1118-1157) exhibited the political recognition of the shiites, it was recorded that two of his six wazirs were shiites.53 al-tabrisi, in his tafsîr, explains that the term al-‘adl means treating others in moderation. the term al-ihsân contains all kinds of good deeds, and it is mostly used to designate charity by giving money and rendering good service to others. he also cites different standpoints among the scholars pertaining to al-‘adl and al-ihsân. some scholars said that al-‘adl is in terms of deeds, 40 a f k a r u n a whilst al-ihsân is in term of sayings. hence, somebody does not do something except what is just, and does not say something except what is good. al-tabrisi is aware that there are two meanings of dhî al-qurbâ. the first is in its generic sense, comprises of all family relatives. the second is in it specific sense, namely the family of the prophet muhammad (ahl al-bayt), as what indicated by the verse on khumus (one fifth). the second meaning owes its origin from the transmitted narration (riwaya) from abu ja’far.54 due to the institution of khumus, the shiite clergy enjoy financial standing which is independent from the state. al-tabrisi explains the qur’anic phrase “he forbids immorality (al-fakhshâ’) and bad conduct (al-munkar) and oppression (al-baghy)” in the following words: “al-fakhshâ’ designates the bad thing that is committed by a person but he does not show it to the public. al-munkar is the bad thing that is committed by a person and showed it to the people, and these people are ought to deny it. al-baghy is the continuous oppression to others”. he also cites the opinion of another scholar, that alfakhshâ’ is fornication and adultery, al-munkar is what denies by the islamic law, whilst al-baghy is oppression and arrogance. al-tabrisi refers to the transmitted narration from sufyan ibn ‘uyayna pertaining to the difference between al-‘adl, al-ihsân, al-fakhsha, and al-munkar: “al-’adl designates the equilibrium between interior and exterior; al-ihsân is a state in which one’s interior is better than his exterior; whilst al-fakhshâ’ and al-munkar is a state in which one’s exterior is better than his interior”. tafsîr al-sâfi: upholding the legitimacy of ahl al-bayt muhsin fayd al-kashani (1598-1680) was a persian philosopher, theologian and poet. he wrote a qur’anic commentary entitled tafsîr al-sâfi. among his teachers was the traditionist (muhaddith) abu ‘ali majid ibn hashim ibn ‘ali ibn ‘ali majid al-sadiqi (d. 1618). he was the student and son in law of the philosopher sadraddin muhammad ibn muhammad ibn ibrahim (known as mulla sadra, d. 1640). al-kashani lived under the reign of safavid (15011736). safavid is known most specifically for establishing the twelver shiism as the official religion of the empire (bar-asher 1999: 23). it seems that alkashani’s radical interpretation was rooted in the religious-political context of the safavid. the ‘shiitisation’ is rooted most specifically in safavid dynasty (1501-1736), in which the shiite preachers actively promoted their teachings to the eastern lands of the muslim world, most notably indian subconti41vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 nent.55 al-kashani belongs to twelver akhbari scholars.56 the akhbari qur’anic exegetes normally use a great number of oral reports, which explain directly or indirectly the meaning of the qur’anic verses. these oral reports are labelled as khabar, which owe their origin from one of the members of the ahl al-bayt, namely the so-called “fourteen most pure ones” which comprise of the twelve imams, fatima and the prophet muhammad. a great number of these cited khabars unequivocally show their disagreement with sunnism. such khabars exhibits a degree of radicalism, since “the message contained in these traditions is that certain phrases of the qur’an which referred to ‘ali’s rights had been deliberately omitted by ‘uthman and his accomplices”.57 such an interpretation was most specifically needed by the shiite community, in the time in which the safavid dynasty was undergoing a gradual deterioration. in response to this political crisis, the authority of the qur’an and the authority of the imams were upheld. the qur’an, at this juncture, is observed as a “charismatic text”, or in other words, “it’s already considerable charisma is greatly enhanced”.58 there are intricacies in attributing “literalists” to the exegesis of the akhbari scholars. one may say that “their so-called literalism must be seen to pertain to a veneration for the statements of the imams on a given verse of the qur’an. many of these statements are concerned precisely with the ‘inner meaning’ of the text, and for that are not usually not what one would describe as straightforward interpretations of the literal text”. 59 pertaining to q. 16: 90, al-kashani explains that god commanding us to give the relatives what they need. he goes on to elucidate that al-fakhshâ’ is what violates god’s rules, al-munkar is what is denied by the ratio, whilst albaghy designates the oppression to others. al-kashani also cites another twelver shiite exegete al-‘ayyâshî, which renders a transmitted narration from ‘ali ibn abi talib, namely, “al-‘adl is doing things rightly and in moderation, whilst alihsân is doing better than it is supposed to be”.60 it is also of interest to note that al-kashani also quotes al-qummî’s commentary pertaining to q. 16: 90. for al-qummî, the term al-‘adl means “bearing witness that there is no god but allah, and that muhammad p.b.u.h. is the messenger of allah”. al-ihsân means the commander of the faithful ‘ali ibn abi talib. the phrase “wa alfakhshâ’ wa al-munkar wa al-baghy” has been interpreted as “this person, this person and this person”. al-kashani also cites al-‘ayyâshî’s commentary on this kind of interpretation. al-‘ayyâshî transmits a narration from al-baqir, who said, “al-faksha’ is 42 a f k a r u n a the first, al-munkar is the second, whilst al-baghy is the third. it is unclear, however, who are meant by the first, the second and the third. when one reads al-kashani’s whole explanation of q. 16: 90, one may suppose that these refer to ‘the first caliph’ (abu bakr), ‘the second caliph’ (‘umar ibn alkhattab) and ‘the third caliph’ (uthman ibn ‘affan). al-kashani also transmits sa’d narration from ‘ali ibn abi talib, “al-‘adl is muhammad p.b.u.h., accordingly those who obey him are considered just. al-ihsân is ‘ali ibn abi talib, accordingly those acknowledge his leadership are considered muhsin. the muhsin will enter the paradise. itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ means our relatives which are entitled for our love and charity. al-fakhshâ’, al-munkar and al-baghy refer to those oppress the family of the prophet”.61 al-kashani’s commentary on the variant reading (qirâ’a) of q. 16: 90 is worth noticing. he renders a transmitted a narration from ja’far al-sadiq (d. 765), as follows: al-sadiq said, ‘read as i said to you: inna –llâha ya’muru bi l-‘adli wa l-ihsân wa-itâ’i dhî l-qurbâ haqqahu’ (indeed, allah orders justice and good conduct and giving rights to dhî al-qurbâ). we do not read this way according to the qirâ’a of zayd, but we read this way according to the qirâ’a of imam ‘ali. imam al-baqir was asked, ‘what is the meaning of itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ haqqahu?’. imam al-baqir replied, ‘it means acknowledging imams. whilst the phrase yanha ‘an l-fakhshâ’ wa l-munkar means the reign of this man. this is a clear message that there is conviction within the earlier shiite qur’anic commentators, that there are slight differences between the shiite and the sunni recitation modes of the qur’an. this can be observed from q. 16: 90 in which some shiite exegetes stick to the qirâ’a (variant readings and additions) of ‘ali, namely ‘inna –llaha ya’muru bi l-‘adli wa l-ihsân wa-itâ’i dhî l-qurbâ haqqahu’. the sunnite commentators mostly refer to the qirâ’a of zayd, namely ‘inna –llaha ya’muru bi l-‘adli wa l-ihsân wa-itâ’i dhî l-qurbâ’, without mentioning the word ‘haqqahu’. such a reading has an implication in interpreting the verse. for some shiite commentators, this implies a command to assign the political legitimacy (the interpretation of the word ‘haqqahu’ (his right) to the family of the prophet (ahl al-bayt), most notably ‘ali ibn abi talib and his descendants). for sunnite commentators, the meaning of the verse is generic, comprises all kind of kindness to the family relatives. we are aware that there are varied ways of reading the texts of the qur’an. 43vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 in response to these variants al-kashani asserts that “the best tradition is the easiest to pronounce and the clearest meaning based on the akhbar of the imams”. the issue on the best way of reading the qur’an leads us to another issue of dispute between the sunnites and shiites. al-kashani belongs to those shiite scholars who maintain that the qur’an that is circulated in the muslim society has been altered.62 the issue of “variant readings” and “originality” of the qur’an in the circle of shiites owes its origin most specifically from some early transmitted reports on the qur’anic compilation of ‘ali ibn abi talib. it was reported that ‘ali presented his own compilation of the qur’an to the companions, but they refuse it. these reports also asserted that there were differences between the varied compilations of the qur’an. ‘ali kept up his own copy and taught it to his successors.63 al-kashani’s qur’anic commentary is an interesting piece of work, if we look to the fact that he was a philosopher, and even became the student of son in law of the well-known philosopher mulla sadra. this clearly demonstrates that a philosopher may interpret the qur’an in a different way, namely by sticking solely to the tradition without providing his own further interpretation and rational consideration. nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an: political and social concern muhammad ibn ‘abd al-rahman al-nahawandi (1874-1952) was born as the son of the shiite scholar, exegete and mathematician mirza ‘abd al-rahim al-nahawandi (d. 1849) who taught at the hawza (traditional shiite learning institution) in teheran.64 muhammad ibn ‘abd al-rahman al-nahawandi learned under the instruction of the twelver shiite scholar ismail al-sadr al-isfahani (d. 1919-1920). he wrote a qur’anic exegesis entitled nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, which he completed in 1950. he also composed poetries. in addition, he wrote a book on islamic law, namely siraj al-nahj fi masa’il al‘umra.65 al-nahawandi66 is aware of the correlation between the verses of the qur’an, accordingly he is convinced that q. 16: 90 correlates to what is mentioned before, namely in q. 16: 89. he points out that after god mentions in q. 16: 89 that the qur’an is “clarification for all things”, he alludes to the important features of morality and laws contained in this qur’an by mentioning q. 16: 90. besides, he cites the interpretation of ibn ‘abbas who said, “this is the most concise and comprehensive verse of the qur’an pertaining to good and bad. if there is no other verses in the qur’an which explain this, 44 a f k a r u n a this verse is sufficient to explain that, and it proves that qur’an is ‘clarification to all things’”. al-nahawandi explains that the term al-‘adl means “moderation and balance in terms of morality and other matters, and treating people equally in terms of rights and leadership”. al-ihsân means “performing good for your selves, by avoiding from doing evil, and by attempting to develop them into the higher state of humanity; doing good for others by teaching them religious sciences, leading them to the happiness hereafter and thereafter, and helping them in meeting their worldly and religious needs”. the phrase itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ means “giving to the family relatives what they need either pertaining to wealth or knowledge. the mentioning of family relatives in the context of ihsân is to underline the importance of maintaining the ties of kinship (silat al-rahim)”. as for the word al-fakhshâ’, al-nahawandi explains that it means “things that are extremely bad, like zina and shirk (polytheism)”. al-munkar means “things that are considered bad by the ratio, but do not reach the level of fakhshâ’”. al-baghy means “oppression to people, by taking their rights, wealth, life and dignity”. in addition, al-nahawandi brings forwards other transmitted narrations pertaining to the meaning of al-‘adl and al-ihsân. the first is ibn ‘abbas’ interpretation that al-‘adl is “bearing witness that there is no god but allah”, whilst al-ihsân is “carrying out the obligations”. the second is the interpretation that al-‘adl is “believing in oneness of allah”, whilst al-ihsân is “worshiping allah as if you see him and loving people as you love yourself. if you love a muslim, it is hoped that his faith will increase. if you love non-muslim, it is hope that he will become your brother in islam”. the third is the exegesis which mentions that the meaning of al-‘adl is “believing in oneness of allah”, whilst al-ihsân means “sincerity in worshiping allah”. the fourth is the interpretation that al-‘adl is in terms of deeds, whilst al-ihsân is in terms of sayings. the fifth is the transmitted narration from ‘ali ibn abi talib, who said that “al-‘adl is giving suitable reaction, whilst al-ihsân is responding the goodness by the better degree of goodness”. the fourth cited interpretation is also worth noticing. al-nahawandi brings forward the narration from al-baqir who said, “al-‘adl is muhammad p.b.u.h., accordingly those who obey him are considered just. al-ihsân is ‘ali ibn abi talib, accordingly those acknowledge his leadership are considered muhsin. the muhsin will enter the paradise”. al-nahawandi goes on to present an explanation to the phrase “itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ”. the first is ibn abbas’ interpre45vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 tation that this phrase means maintaining the bonds of kinship either with wealth or supplication. the second is the prophetic saying, “the quickest devotion attracting rewards is maintaining the ties of kinship. some family relatives are poor, they need our help. their wealth will be increased if we maintain the kinship ties”. the third is the narration from imam al-baqir, which points out that the phrase means “our relatives which are entitled for our love and charity”. the fourth is the narration from imam al-sadiq, namely: one upon at time somebody read q. 16: 90 in front of imam al-sadiq. imam al-sadiq said, ‘read as i said to you: inna –llaha ya’muru bi l-‘adli wa l-ihsân wa-itâ’i dhî l-qurbâ haqqahu’ (indeed, allah orders justice and good conduct and giving rights to dhî l-qurbâ). imam al-baqir was asked, ‘what is the meaning of itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ haqqahu?’. imam al-baqir replied, ‘it means acknowledging imams’. when we compare between al-nahawandi’s and al-kashani’s account of imam al-sadiq’s narration, we realise the difference between the two accounts.67 in al-kashani’s account of the narration, which is in line with that of al-‘ayyâshî, we encounter this sentence, “we do not read this way according to the qirâ’a of zayd, but we read this way according to the qirâ’a of imam ‘ali”.68 these two accounts have different implications of the status of the word haqqahu (his right). al-kashani’s account indicates that the word haqqahu is part of q. 16: 90 according to the qirâ’a of ‘ali. al-nahwandi’s account implies that the word haqqahu is imam al-baqir explanation to make clear the phrase “itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ”, so it is not necessarily part of the qur’an. it is worth mentioning that al-nahawandi belongs to shiite scholars who are against the idea that the qur’an is altered (tahrif al-qur’an). when we read the introduction of his tafsîr, we struck to al-nahawandi’s statement that he “prefers not to talk about the varied modes of reading the qur’an which run in counter to the well-known reading”. al-nahawandi renders varied interpretation to the word al-fakhshâ’. first, those interpret al-fakhshâ’ as fornication and adultery. second, those interpret al-faksha’ as stinginess. third, those consider al-fakhshâ’ as including all kinds of sins, either in terms of deeds or sayings, either in big or small. in the last part of his tafsîr, al-nahawandi brings forward some transmitted narrations which justify the legitimacy of ‘ali ibn abi talib, on the one hand, and delegitimise the first three caliphs. these narrations are as follows: first, the narration of al-qummî who makes a ta’wil that the phrase “alfakhshâ’ wa l-munkar wa l-baghy” means “this man, this man, and this 46 a f k a r u n a man”. second, the narration of imam al-baqir which states that al-fakhshâ’ is the first, al-munkar is the second, whilst al-baghy is the third. third, the narration of imam al-sadiq which interprets this phrase as “the reign of this man, this man, and this man”. one may suppose that the idea of delegitimising the first three caliphs still exerted an influence in the minds of some shiites during the lifetime of alnahawandi. one may also suppose that this constituted their consciousness and interpretation to early islamic history. when one read al-nahawandi’s whole interpretation of q. 16: 90 one realises that the idea of delegitimising the first three caliphs had become gradually marginalised during his lifetime. it is seen from the fact that al-nahawandi also refers to the sunni sources. it is also observable from his own interpretation of q. 16: 90 in the first part of the section, which underlines the social and religious implications of god’s command of good and his forbid of evil. al-mizân fi tafsîr al-qur’an: exploration of social fabric of society muhammad husayn al-tabataba’i (1903-1981) was one of the well-known modern shiite scholars. he has played an important role in introducing the shiism to the world, most particularly through his book shia dar islam (shiite islam). he is known for his magnum opus, which is entitled al-mizân fi tafsîr al-qur’an. this tafsîr, which is written in twenty volumes, brings together some approaches in understanding the qur’an. this can be observed for instance from some sections in his tafsîr such as “scientific discussion” (bahth ‘ilmi), “philosophical discussion” (bahth falsafi), “literary discussion” (bahth adabi), “social discussion” (bahth ijtima’i). his exegetical style can be considered as tafsîr al-adab al-ijtima’i (literary and social interpretation).tabataba’is tafsîr shares some similarities with modern sunni tafsîrs. some scholars even consider his tafsîr as closely resembling rashid rida’s (1865-1935) tafsîr almanar, and accordingly label him as “rashid rida’s counterpart”. he has written a number of books, including usule falsafe wa raveshe realism (the principles of philosophy and the method of realism) and the qur’an in islam.69 he is regarded by his student the iranian-american philosopher seyyed hossein nasr (b. 1933) as a master in philosophy and exegesis which exhibit a millenial intellectual tradition of shiism.70 47vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 al-tabataba’i points out that “these verses mention a number of norms that are pertinent to the state of islam before the prophet’s migration to medina (hijra), which improve the society in general”.71 he goes on to explain q. 16: 90 by saying: god begins these three norms (immorality, bad conduct and oppression) which constitute the threats to social fabric of human society, due to the consideration that the well being of society in general is the important targets of islamic teachings. for human being, individuals are the most important; but the happiness of individuals is grounded on the well beings of the society in which they live. individuals hardly attain the happiness in a sick society, in which misery are found everywhere. for al-tabataba’i, al-‘adl means providing the suitable reaction, namely responding goodness by the similar goodness and replying badness by the similar badness. this is distinct to the notion of al-ihsân. al-ihsân designates the act of responding the goodness by the better degree of goodness and replying the badness by the lesser degree of badness. al-tabataba’i explains the relation between justice (al-‘adl) and goodness (al-husn). for him, the justice necessitates goodness. goodness is none other than what the human soul tends to it, and confirming something for those entitled. this goodness is known by the people. al-tabataba’i mentions that there are two kinds of al‘adl. the first is that is absolutely considered by the reason as good. this is not removed in any times and will not be described as injustice in any circumstances. an example of this is doing goodness to those doing goodness to you. the second is what is known as just by the law, and this may be removed in any times. this is observable in the case of retaliation (qisas). retaliation is seen as an example of “retributive justice” if we employ a terminology from contemporary justice theories. al-tabataba’i also brings forward another categorization of justice, namely “personal justice” and “social justice”. his elaboration of these two notions is observable from the following quotation: justice (al-‘adl) designates the moderation between excessiveness (ifrat) and laxity (tafrit). the essence of justice is this moderation by giving the things to the persons who are entitled to these. justice is believing on these rights. at the personal level, al-‘adl means doing something for one’s happiness and becoming alert to the things that lead him to the sadness. the justice pertaining the people is putting something to those entitled to it, whether in terms of 48 a f k a r u n a islamic law or customary law. hence, those doing goodness are rewarded due to their goodness, and those committing evil are punished in accordance with their evil. there should be equality before law, without exception. the word al-‘adl is generic, but al-tabataba’i is convinced that the explicit context of q. 16: 90 indicates that the meaning of al-‘adl in this verse is “social justice”. he said, “social justice in this vein designates a condition in which all members of the society interact in good order, and put everything in its place. this is a command on social characters to all the mmadeliembers of the society. this is a command to the society to sustain these norms, and this is also a command to the state since it governs the matters of the society”. in shiism, ‘adl constitutes one of the five principles of religion (usul al-din). these five principles comprise of belief in divine unity (tawhid), prophecy (nubuwwa), resurrection (ma’ad), imamate (imama) and divine justice (‘adl). as for the nature of ‘adl in shiism, nasr explains that the character of justice is regarded essential to the divine nature.72 god cannot do in an unfair way since it is his nature to be fair. for him, being unjust would contravene his own nature. altabataba’i’s elaboration of the personal and social justice is distinct to that of classical muslim scholars (including classical shiite scholars) which perceive justice most particularly in its theological sense. according to al-tabataba’i, al-ihsân literally means doing something perfectly. it designates rendering goodness or benefit to others, not on the basis of giving a similar response, but rather reacting to the goodness by the better degree of goodness and replying to the badness by the lesser degree of badness, as well as initiating goodness to others. the notion of al-ihsân also includes improving the people in misery, spreading mercy and love. this has an impact on the prosperity and safety of the people. al-tabataba’i explains the phrase itâ’ dhî al-qurbâ by saying: it means giving the wealth to the family relatives, and this constitutes the kind of al-ihsân which is specifically mentioned, to underline the importance of improving this “micro-society” (al-mujtama’ al-saghir) which essentially constitute a significant factor in establishing the big civil society (al-mujtama’ al-madani al-kabir). the “nuclear family” (mujtama’ al-izdiwaj) is smaller than the “extended family” (mujtama’ al-qaraba), but the former becomes a significant factor in establishing the latter. accordingly the big civil society is begun with the nuclear family, then becomes extended family and clan, until it transforms to be a big society. 49vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 in this vein, one may see al-tabataba’i’s concern for social fabric of society by underlining to the providing needs to the nuclear family and extended family, which both become the pillars of the prosperity of the society in general. in this juncture, one may also observe that “giving wealth to relatives” constitutes an element of “social justice”, a notion that has been explained by al-tabata’i. his notion of social justice in this sense seems to be distributive. the distributive justice in classical islamic tradition refers to a condition in which “individual ownership (freedom) may be said to have become the overriding principle, qualified by collectivist restrictions (equality)”. these constraints embrace most notably “the legal alms (zaka), the usury (riba), the pious foundation (waqf), the pre-emption (shuf’a), restriction on inheritance right by wills, and confiscation of private ownership by the state”. besides, al-tabataba’i points out that according to transmitted exegetical tradition from the imams of the ahl al-bayt, the term dhî al-qurbâ refers to the family of the prophet. it means that the muslims should give one fifth of their income to the family of the prophet, as indicated by q. 8: 41. for al-tabataba’i, the word al-fakhshâ’ means a saying and a deed which are extremely bad. the original meaning of the word al-fakhshâ’ is “exceeding the necessary limit”. as for the meaning of the word “al-munkar”, he says, “it refers to the deed that is unrecognized by the people in the society, so the people leave this kind of deed. this includes for instance kissing and showing the intimate parts (‘awra) in public in the islamic societies”. pertaining to al-baghy, he says, “the original meaning of the word al-baghy is asking. it is frequently used to designate the demanding of the rights of others with the oppression. some says that the word al-baghy means zina.al-tabataba’i goes on to explain the impact of al-fakhshâ’, al-baghy, and al-munkar to the society. he points out these tree characters will destroy the order of society, and consequently the happiness of the individuals within the given society. it will also create enmity and tension within the society. conclusion the investigation of seven exegetical works within the imami shiism is of significance in revealing the transformation and development of imamiteshiite qur’anic exegesis pertaining to q. 16: 90. this study shows that the imamite-shiite interpretation on q. 16: 90 moves between these two continuums, because of the religious and political circumstances of the ex50 a f k a r u n a egetes. this study also shows that the division and rapprochement between sunnism and shiism are observable through these seven imamite-shiite tafsîrs. this study rejects a simplified supposition that shiite tafsîrs are sectarian, in the sense of being excessively coloured by shiite dogmas, on the one hand; and offers a distinct and vibrant nuance to theodor nöldeke’s supposition (as quoted gätje) that shiite tafsîrs constitute “miserable fabric of lies and stupidities”.73 the investigation of seven tafsîrs within shiite-imamite tafsîrs demonstrates that shiite-imamite tafsîrs are colourful, not monolithic. classical imamiteshiite tafsîrs often underline their disagreement with sunnism. in the medieval age, we encounter some shiite-imamite tafsîrs which demonstrate their rapprochement with sunnism, due to religious-political circumstances of the authors. this tendency becomes more prevalent in the modern age. in this sense, we notice that tafsîr is not a theological product per se, but also has any relation with religious-political milieu in which the exegetes live. essentialist approach to the exegetical tradition within the shiism is accordingly irrelevant. one cannot only read one shiite tafsîr, then come to the conclusion that all shiite tafsîrs are sectarian or moderate. one has to look for other tafsîrs from different periods, to have a broader picture of shiite tafsîrs. likewise, one has to enquire why one shiite tafsîr tends to be sectarian, whist the other demonstrates their moderation and rapprochement with sunnism. endnotes 1 johanna pink and andreas görke, (2014) ‘introduction’, in johanna and andreas görke (eds.), tafsîr and intellectual history: exploring the boundaries of a genre, oxford: oxford university press.pp. 1-2. 2 abdessamad belhaj, (2014), ‘interpretation and reasoning in al-qadi ‘abd aljabbar’s qur’anic hermeneutics’, in johanna pink and andreas görke (eds.), tafsir and islamic intellectual history: exploring the boundaries of a genre, oxford: oxford university press, p. 273. 3 pink and görke, ‘introduction’, pp. 2-8. 4 pink and görke, ‘introduction’, p. 8. 5 s.r. burge, (2015) ‘introduction: words, hermeneutics and the construction of meaning’, in s.r. burge (ed.), the meaning of the word: lexicology and qur’anic exegesis, oxford: oxford university press., p. 4. 6 belhaj, interpretation and reasoning in al-qadi ‘abd al-jabbar’s qur’anic hermeneutics, p. 275. 7 jalaluddin rahmat, (2015), ‘akar ideologis konflik sunni-syiah’, maarif: arus pemikiran islam dan sosial 10, p. 76. 51vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 8 see: behnam said, (2009) islamische ökumene als mittel der politik, berlin: schwarz, p. 56. 9 regula forster, (2001) methoden mittelaterlicher arabischer quranexegese am beispiel von q 53, 1-18, berlin: klaus schwarz verlag, p. 57. 10 moshe bar-asher , (1999) scripture and exegesis in early imami shiism, brill: leiden, p. 6. 11 brunner, rainer, (2001) die schia und die koranfälschung, würzburg: ergon verlag, p. 5. see also: brunner, rainer, (2004) islamic ecumenism in the 20th century: the azhar and shiism between rapprochement and restraint, leiden: brill, p. 23 12 robert gleave, (2015) ‘ealy shiite hermeneutics and the dating of kitab sulaym ibn qays’, bulletin of soas, 78 pp. 83-103, pp. 89-90. 13 feras hamza, sajjad rizvi and farhana mayer (2008), an anthology of qur’anic commentary, oxford: oxford university press, vol. 1, p. 25. 14 dana steigerwald, (2009) ‘twelver shi’i ta’wil’, in andrew rippin (ed.), the blackwell companion to the qur’an, oxford and new york: willey-blackwell p. 381. 15 patricia crone, , (2005) medieval islamic political thought, edinburg: edinburg university press, p. 122. 16 crone, medieval islamic political thought, p. 123. 17 abu al-husayn ‘ali ibn ibrahim al-qummi, (1979) tafsîr al-qummî, mu’assat alimam al-mahdi, vol.2, p. 556. 18 helmut gätje, (1971) koran und koranexegese, zürich and stuttgart: artemis verlag p. 59. 19 bar-asher, scripture and exegesis in early imami shiism, p. 20. 20 crone, medieval islamic political thought, p. 110. 21 barasher, scripture and exegesis in early imami shiism, p. 6-9. 22 afsin hatami, (2016) ‘reviews of isra’iliyyat in interpreting the tafsîr ayyâshî’, international journal of humanities and cultural studies p. 5-6. 23 hamza, rizvi and mayer, an anthology of qur’anic commentary, vol. 1, pp. 2627. 24 crone, medieval islamic political thought, p. 113. 25 muhammad ibn mas’ud ibn ‘ayyash al-sulami al-samarqandi, al-‘ayyashi (n.d.) tafsîr al-‘ayyâshî, ed. sayyid bashim al-muhallati, teheran: al-maktaba al-‘ilmiyya al-islamiyya.vol. 1, pp.15-17. 26 steigerwald, ‘twelver shi’i ta’wil’, p. 376. 27 al-‘ayyashi, tafsir alayyashi, vol. 1, p. 17. 28 gätje, koran und koranexegese, p. 39. 29 al-‘ayyashi, tafsir al-‘ayyashi, vol. 2, p. 267. 30 majid khadduri, (1984), islamic conception of justice, baltimore: john hopkins university press, p. 9. 31 hamza, rizvi and mayer, an anthology of qur’anic commentary, vol. 1, pp. 1112. 32 kristin zahra sands, (2006) sufi commentaries on the qur’an in classical islam, 52 a f k a r u n a london and new york: routledge, p. 12. 33 steigerwald, ‘twelver shi’i ta’wil’, p. 380. 34 crone, medieval islamic political thought, p.113. 35 karimi-nia, al-syaikh al-tusi and his commentary sources in al-tibyan, pp. 81-82. 36 lawson, ‘akhbari shi’i approaches to tafsir’, p. 186. 37 bar-asher, scripture and exegesis in early imami shiism, p. 16. 38 morteza karimi-nia, (2007) ‘al-shaykh al-tusi and his commentary sources in al-tibyân’, journal of islamic studies 74, pp. 203-204. 39 ahmad kazemi moussavi, (1985) ‘the establishment of the position of marja’iyyti taqlid in the twelver-shi’i community’, iranian studies 18. p. 36. 40 christoph marcinkowski, (2010) shiite identities: community and culture in changing social contexts, zürich: lit verlag, p. 33. 41 see: todd lawson, (1993) ‘akhbari shi’i approaches to tafsîr’, in g.r. hawting and abdul-kader a. shareef (eds.), approaches to the qur’an. ed., london and new york: routledge, p. 175. 42 crone, medieval islamic political thought, p. 120 43 bar-asher, scripture and exegesis, 9-10. 44 abdulaziz abdulhussein sachedina,, (1988) the just ruler (al-sultan al-‘adil) in shi’ite islam: the comprehensive authority of the jurist imamite jurisprudence, oxford: oxford university press. p. 11. 45 abu ja’far muhammad ibn al-hasan, al-tusi (n.d.) al-tibyân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, agha bazrak al-tahrani (ed.), beirut: dar ihya’ al-turath al-‘arabi, vol. 6, pp. 418-419. 46 bruce fudge, (2011) qur’anic hermeneutics: al-tabrisi and the craft of commentary, london and new york: routledge, p. xi. 47 hamza, rizvi and mayer, an anthology of qur’anic commentary, p. 36. 48 patrick, franke, (2016) ‘abu l-qasim al-balchi’, bamberg islam encyclopedia https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/ 49 lawson, ‘akhbari shi’i approaches to tafsir’, p. 186. 50 steigerwald, ‘twelver shi’i ta’wil’, p. 382. 51 hamza, rizvi and mayer, an anthology of qur’anic commentary, vol. 1, p. 36 52 heinz halm, (1988) die schia, darmstadt: wissenschaftliche buchgesellschaft, p. 74. 53 halm, die schia, pp. 74-75. 54 abu ‘ali al-fadl al-hasan al-tabrisi, (n.d.), majma’ al-bayân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, teheran: majma’ al-‘ilmiyya al-islamiyya. vol.2, p. 380. 55 biancamaria scarcia amoretti, (2015) ‘shia devotion to the ahl al-bayt in historical perspective’, in chiara formichi and michael feener (eds.), shi’ism in south east asia: alid piety and sectarian constructions, london: hurst and company, pp. 24-25. 56 khosrow behrouz, (1973) der korankomentar von muhammad b. murtada faid al-kashani: ein beitrag zur schiitischen koranexegese, doctoral thesis, saarbrücken: saarland university, pp. 6-8. 57 lawson, ‘akhbari shi’i approaches’, p. 176 53vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 58 lawson, ‘akhbari shi’i approaches’, pp. 202-203. 59 lawson, ‘akhbari shi’i approaches’, p. 201. 60 mulla muhsin fayd al-kashani, (n.d.) tafsîr al-sâfi. zahra khalu’i (ed.). beirut: dar ihya’ al-turath al-‘arabi, vol. 3, p. 68. 61 al-kashani, tafsir al-safi, vol.3, p. 36. 62 lawson, ‘akhbari shi’i approaches’ , pp. 184-186. 63 steigerwald, ‘twelver shi’i ta’wil’, p. 378. 64 sayyid ‘abbas radawi, (2012), ‘tehran’, in gholamali haddad adel, mohammad jafar elmi and hassan taromi rad (eds.), hawza-yi ilmiyya (shi’i teaching institution): an entry from the encyclopaedia of the world of islam, london: ewi press ltd, p. 228. 65 qism al-dirasat al-islamiyya, (1965) ‘tarjamat al-mu’allif’, in muhammad ibn ‘abd al-rahim al-nahawandi, nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, qum: mu’assat al-bi’tha, pp. 12-15. 66 muhammad ibn ‘abd al-rahim al-nahawandi, (1965) nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, ed. qism al-dirasat al-islamiyya, qum: mu’assat al-bi’tha ,vol. 3, p. 606. 67 see: al-kashani, tafsir al-safi, vol. 3, p. 36. 68 see: al-‘ayyashi, tafsir al-‘ayyashi, vol. 2, p. 267. 69 bahar davary, (2009) women and the qur’an: a study in islamic hermeneutics, new york: the edwin mellen press. p. 103-105. 70 asfa widiyanto, (2016) ‘the reception of seyyed hossein nasr’s ideas within the indonesian intellectual landscape’ studia islamika the reception of seyyed hossein nasr’s ideas, p. 16-20 71 muhammad husayn al-tabataba’i, (1983) al-mizân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, beirut: mu’assasat al-a’lami li al-matbu’at., vol. 12, p. 329-330. 72 seyyed hossein nasr, (1975) ‘preface’ to shiite islam, allamah sayyid muhammad husayn tabataba’i, london: george allen & unwin ltd, p. 11 73 helmut gätje, koran und koranexegese, p. 60. references amoretti, biancamaria scarcia, (2015) ‘shia devotion to the ahl al-bayt in historical perspective’, in chiara formichi and michael feener (eds.), shi’ism in south east asia: alid piety and sectarian constructions, london: hurst and company. al-‘ayyâshî, muhammad ibn mas’ud ibn ‘ayyash al-sulami al-samarqandi, (n.d.) tafsîr al-‘ayyâshî, ed. sayyid bashim al-muhallati, teheran: al-maktaba al-‘ilmiyya al-islamiyya. bar-asher, moshe, (1999) scripture and exegesis in early imami shiism, brill: leiden. behrouz, khosrow, (1973) der korankomentar von muhammad b. murtada faid alkashani: ein beitrag zur schiitischen koranexegese, doctoral thesis, saarbrücken: saarland university. belhaj, abdessamad, (2014), ‘interpretation and reasoning in al-qadi ‘abd aljabbar’s qur’anic hermeneutics’, in johanna pink and andreas görke (eds.), 54 a f k a r u n a tafsîr and islamic intellectual history: exploring the boundaries of a genre, oxford: oxford university press. brunner, rainer, (2001), dia schia und die koranfälschung, würzburg: ergon verlag. brunner, rainer, (2004) islamic ecumenism in the 20th century: the azhar and shiism between rapprochement and restraint, leiden: brill. burge, s.r., (2015) ‘introduction: words, hermeneutics and the construction of meaning’, in s.r. burge (ed.), the meaning of the word: lexicology and qur’anic exegesis, oxford: oxford university press. crone, patricia, (2005) medieval islamic political thought, edinburg: edinburg university press. davary, bahar, (2009) women and the qur’an: a study in islamic hermeneutics, new york: the edwin mellen press. franke, patrick, (2016) ‘abu l-qasim al-balchi’, bamberg islam encyclopedia https:/ /de.wikipedia.org/wiki/ forster, regula, (2001) methoden mittelaterlicher arabischer quranexegese am beispiel von q 53, 1-18, berlin: klaus schwarz verlag. fudge, bruce, (2011) qur’anic hermeneutics: al-tabrisi and the craft of commentary, london and new york: routledge. gätje, helmut, (1971) koran und koranexegese, zürich and stuttgart: artemis verlag. gleave, robert, (2015) ‘ealy shiite hermeneutics and the dating of kitab sulaym ibn qays’, bulletin of soas, 78 pp. 83-103. halm, heinz, (1988) die schia, darmstadt: wissenschaftliche buchgesellschaft. hamza, feras, sajjad rizvi and farhana mayer, (2008) an anthology of qur’anic commentary, oxford: oxford university press. hatami, afsin, (2016) ‘reviews of isra’iliyyat in interpreting the tafsîr ayyâshî’, international journal of humanities and cultural studies. karimi-nia, morteza, (2007) ‘al-shaykh al-tusi and his commentary sources in al-tibyân’, journal of islamic studies 74 pp. 81-111. karimi-nia, morteza, (2016) ‘al-tabari and shi’a tafsîrs’, journal of shi’a islamic studies 9, pp. 196-221. al-kashani, mulla muhsin fayd, (n.d.) tafsîr al-sâfi. zahra khalu’i (ed.). beirut: dar ihya’ al-turath al-‘arabi. khadduri, majid, (1984), islamic conception of justice, baltimore: john hopkins university press. lawson, todd, (1993) ‘akhbari shi’i approaches to tafsîr’, in g.r. hawting and abdul-kader a. shareef (eds.), approaches to the qur’an. ed., london and new york: routledge. marcinkowski. christoph, (2010) shiite identities: community and culture in changing social contexts, zürich: lit verlag. moussavi, ahmad kazemi, (1985) ‘the establishment of the position of marja’iyyti taqlid in the twelver-shi’i community’, iranian studies 18. al-nahawandi, muhammad ibn ‘abd al-rahim, (1965) nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, ed. qism al-dirasat al-islamiyya, qum: mu’assat al-bi’tha. nasr, seyyed hossein, (1975) ‘preface’ to shiite islam, allamah sayyid muhammad 55vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 husayn tabataba’i, london: george allen & unwin ltd,. pink, johanna and andreas görke, (2014) ‘introduction’, in johanna and andreas görke (eds.), tafsîr and intellectual history: exploring the boundaries of a genre, oxford: oxford university press. qism al-dirasat al-islamiyya, (1965) ‘tarjamat al-mu’allif’, in muhammad ibn ‘abd al-rahim al-nahawandi, nafakhât al-rahmân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, qum: mu’assat al-bi’tha. al-qummî, abu al-husayn ‘ali ibn ibrahim, (1979) tafsîr al-qummî, mu’assat alimam al-mahdi. radawi. sayyid ‘abbas, (2012), ‘tehran’, in gholamali haddad adel, mohammad jafar elmi and hassan taromi rad (eds.), hawza-yi ilmiyya (shi’i teaching institution): an entry from the encyclopaedia of the world of islam, london: ewi press ltd. rakhmat, jalaluddin, (2015), ‘akar ideologis konflik sunni-syiah’, maarif: arus pemikiran islam dan sosial 10. sachedina, abdulaziz abdulhussein, (1988) the just ruler (al-sultan al-‘adil) in shi’ite islam: the comprehensive authority of the jurist imamite jurisprudence, oxford: oxford university press. said, behnam, (2009) islamische ökumene als mittel der politik, berlin: schwarz. sands, kristin zahra, (2006) sufi commentaries on the qur’an in classical islam, london and new york: routledge. steigerwald, dana, (2009) ‘twelver shi’i ta’wil’, in andrew rippin (ed.), the blackwell companion to the qur’an, oxford and new york: willey-blackwell. al-tabataba’i, muhammad husayn, (1983) al-mizân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, beirut: mu’assasat al-a’lami li al-matbu’at. al-tabrisi, abu ‘ali al-fadl al-hasan, (n.d.), majma’ al-bayân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, teheran: majma’ al-‘ilmiyya al-islamiyya. al-tusi, abu ja’far muhammad ibn al-hasan, (n.d.) al-tibyân fi tafsîr al-qur’an, agha bazrak al-tahrani (ed.), beirut: dar ihya’ al-turath al-‘arabi. widiyanto, asfa, (2016) ‘the reception of seyyed hossein nasr’s ideas within the indonesian intellectual landscape’ studia islamika, 23. # layout jan jun 2011 kacamata kebanyakan umat islam selalu dipandang secara peyoratif dan direduksi secara simplifikatif. dalam artikel ini penulis kemudian mendeskripsikan beberapa respon balik dari sarjana-sarjana barat atas kesalahpahaman tersebut. selain itu, penulis mendeskripsikan pula beberapa prasyarat yang telah berhasil dirumuskan oleh sejumlah sarjana modern (muslim maupun non-muslim) mengenai pendekatan (approach) dalam mengkaji agama islam dalam kerangka disiplin ilmu studi agama-agama (religious studies). pada akhirnya, penulis kemudian menyajikan pembahasan bagaimana dirâsah islâmiyyah mu’âshirah semestinya menampilkan diri dengan melakukan sintesa antara islamic studies di era klasik dan pengalaman intelektual barat dalam melakukan studi terhadap dunia islam di era modern. kata kunci: orientalisme, edward said, studi islam kontemporer, inklusivisme. pendahuluan sampai saat ini pro-kontra tentang wacana akademik seputar orientalisme1 di tengah umat islam masih saja terus berlanjut. tidaklah terlalu simplistis jika dikatakan bahwa kecenderungan umum yang beredar di kalangan umat islam adalah pandangan yang serba negatif terhadap orientalisme.2 pengalaman terjajah di masa lalu3 dan pandangan relativisme kebudayaan bisa jadi merupakan katalisator paling bertanggungjawab terhadap munculnya pandangan negatif terhadap orientalisme sebagai mainstream di kalangan umat islam. sikap seperti itu mendapatkan justifikasinya manakala gelombang baru studi islam dan masyarakat muslim pasca orientalisme muhammad rofiq fakultas isipol, universitas gadjah mada yogyakarta. email: mrofiqmz@yahoo.com abstract this article underlines some misunderstanding in the muslim communities concerning three concepts: orientalism, evangelism and imperialism. in the writer’s view point, orientalism has often been seen in it’s a pejorative and simplified meaning. therefore the writer attempts to describe western scholars’ responses to this understanding, and tries to explain some requirements that have been formulated by modern scholars, either muslim or non-muslim, regarding approaches in the study of islam in the framework of religious studies. the writer also argues to what extent that contemporary islamic studies (dirâsah islâmiyyah mu’âshirah) is supposed to synthesized between classical islamic studies and western intellectual history in the study of islam in the modern world. keywords: orientalism, edward said, studi islam kontemporer, inclusivism. abstrak tulisan ini menggarisbawahi beberapa kesalahpahaman internal umat islam mengenai tiga entitas, yaitu: orientalism, evangelism dan imperialism. dalam pembacaan penulis, orientalisme dalam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 26 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna beberapa intelektual muslim menemukan sejumlah tesa orientalis yang berseberangan seratus delapan puluh derajat dengan apa yang selama ini telah menjadi kebenaran yang mapan (kredo) dalam pemikiran umat islam.4 tesa-tesa tersebut kemudian dituduh sebagai bagian dari makar dengan menggunakan metode ilmiah dan sistematis untuk menghancurkan islam.5 maka tak pelak lagi, tiga fakta di atas telah melahirkan pandangan yang mencampuradukkan antara orientalism sebagai bagian dari wilayah intelektualisme murni dengan colonialism dan evangelism.6 pertanyaan yang muncul adalah benarkah ketiga hal itu sejak awal adalah entitas yang saling terkait satu sama lain dan tidak bisa dipisahkan? tulisan ini akan menguraikan bagaimana semestinya perspektif proporsional yang harusnya dibangun oleh umat islam di era modern ini terhadap orientalisme dan bagaimana pula umat islam dapat mereformasi paradigma mereka mengenai dunia barat dan sekaligus wajah dari islamic studies itu sendiri. problem ontologis orientalisme tampaknya harus segera ditegaskan di awal bahwa pandangan yang mencampuradukkan antara ketiga entitas itu adalah pandangan yang tidak tepat. perspektif filsafat ilmu kurang lebih bisa memberikan jawaban terhadap percampuradukkan di atas. sesungguhnya bisa dipastikan bahwa kesalahpahaman terhadap esensi orientalisme terjadi karena para intelektual (muslim maupun non-muslim) telah terlebih dahulu terjebak pada perspektif aksiologis dari orientalisme,7 sebelum terlebih dahulu melakukan proses penjernihan masalah dalam tataran ontologis. padahal, sisi ontologis dari segala sesuatu sudah semestinya tidak hilang ditelan oleh stereotyping yang dilakukan secara simplifikatif terhadap permasalahan apapun, termasuk terhadap orientalisme. secara ontologi8, sesungguhnya orientalisme tak lain adalah sebuah disiplin ilmu yang muncul sebagai sebuah keniscayaan dari perjumpaan antar komunitas yang berlainan (encounter of different nation). perjumpaan itu kemudian membangkitkan rasa ingin tahu (curiosity) yang tinggi dan pada akhirnya memunculkan penelitian (inquiry) sebagai upaya untuk mengetahui sisi lain dari komunitas yang asing ada di sampingnya. jika dipahami dengan perspektif seperti ini maka keterburu-buruan yang mencampuradukkan antara evangelism, colonialism dan orientalism akan segera bisa disudahi. jika dirunut genealoginya, paradigma negatif terhadap orientalisme ini menemukan momentumnya untuk tumbuh subur di kalangan umat islam saat seorang outsider (meminjam bahasa fazlur rahman)9 dan tokoh kristen dari palestina; edward said, menerbitkan bukunya yang berjudul orientalism. erward dalam bukunya tersebut melakukan ideologisasi dan politisasi terhadap orientalisme, sehingga orientalisme pasca edward said berubah menjadi lebih peyoratif. edward said menyatakan bahwa orientalisme adalah usaha manipulasi kolonial terhadap dunia timur.10 paradigma edward ini jika dianalisis komponen pembentuknya maka kita bisa melihat pengaruh michael foucoult yang kental pada diri edward. foucoult mereduksi makna ilmu dan pengetahuan dan mengidentikannya dengan kekuasaan. padahal awalnya keduanya dianggap sesuatu yang netral, baik dan bermanfaat.11 foucoult percaya bahwa karena terlibat dalam dunia doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 27vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 nyata, ilmu pengetahuan terlibat pula dalam perjuangan kekuasaan dan ketegangan yang membentuk dunia.12 dalam menerapkan teori foucolt ini, jelas edward said tampak banyak sekali melakukan tindakan gebyah uyah (menggeneralisir) sehingga berimplikasi pada, seperti yang dinyatakan oleh richard martin, penyulitan sejumlah pengkaji timur tengah dan islam dalam banyak kesempatan.13 edward said melakukan kesalahan dengan mengindentikan subyek orientalisme sebagai bangsa yang memiliki agenda kolonialisme. richard king ketika mengkritik edward tentang generalisasi ini menyatakan bahwa analisa edward tentang orientalisme perancis, inggris dan sampai batas tertentu amerika tidak menyentuh tradisi kesarjanaan orientalis yang kuat di jerman, di mana jerman tidak memiliki kerajaan kolonial di timur. generalisasi edward said yang terlalu berlebih juga bisa kita temukan ketika ia mengidentikkan obyek orientalisme sebagai obyek penjajahan. ia mengabaikan fakta bahwa jepang yang diminati para orientalis adalah bangsa yang belum pernah sama sekali dijajah oleh barat. selain itu, edward juga mengindentikan orientalisme sebagai senjata untuk mematikan obyek yang dikaji dan tidak memperhitungkan cara bagaimana masyarakat timur menggunakan, memanipulasi dan mengkonstruksi responrespon positifnya sendiri untuk menentang koloanialisme dengan konsepsi-konsepsi orientalis.14 untuk mengkritik edward said, richard king dalam karyanya orientalism and religion postcolonial theory, india and the mystic east mencatumkan hasil penelitiannya tentang orientalisme di india. sembari mengutip david kopf ia menulis15: kopf, in fact, believes that said has provided an overly negative and one-sided analysis, which fails to take into account the positive elements within orientalist discourses. he suggests that modern orientalism was born in calcutta in 1784 with the establishment of the asiatic society of bengal. british orientalisme can be said to have given birth to the bengal renaissance since it ‘helped indians to find an indigenous identity in the modern world. kopf suggest that these orientalist ‘were men of social action, working to modernize hindu culture from within’. (pada kenyataannya, kopf percaya bahwa said telah membuat analisis yang sangat negatif dan timpang, yang gagal melihat unsur-unsur positif dalam wacana orientalis. dia mengatakan bahwa orientalisme lahir di kalkuta pada tahun 1784 dengan berdirinya masyarakat asiatik bengal. “orientalisme inggris bisa dikatakan telah mendorong lahirnya renaisans bengal karena orientalisme inggris membantu bangsa india menemukan identitas indigenous-nya sendiri di dunia modern. kopf berpendapat bahwa orientalis-orientalis ini adalah orang-orang gerakan sosial yang bekerja untuk memodernisasi kebudayaan hindu dari dalam). konsep agama hindu, menurut richard king, pada awalnya justru digulirkan oleh orientalis-orientalis barat berdasarkan pengamatan mereka terhadap pemahamanpemahaman judeo-kristen atas istilah “agama”. konsepsi agama hindu tersebut diakibatkan oleh interaksi antara orientalis barat dan pundit brahmanikal. konstruk ini kemudian diadopsi dan diadaptasi oleh kaum nasionalis hindu untuk memperoleh doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 28 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna swatantra (swaraj) dan merespon hegemoni imperial inggris.16 fakta temuan richard king menunjukkan bahwa sikap simplifikasi radikal ala edward said tidaklah bersandarkan pada argumentasi yang bisa dibenarkan karena menggunakan logika deduktif. richard martin menyebut bahwa karya tersebut justru membuat chauvinisme rasial dan politik.17 genealogi pandangan edward said yang mengidentikkan kolonialisasi dan apropriasi terhadap orientalisme bisa ditemukan pada teori hermeneutika. sebagaimana dinyatakan gadamer dalam truth and method yang dikutip richard king bahwa memahami sesuatu, secara implisit melibatkan prasangka keterkondisian seseorang; orang tidak dapat mengelak kepemilikian agenda atau perspektif tentang sesuatu atas dasar kekhususan kultural dan historisnya. tentang hal ini, richard king menulis: in contrast to this, gadamer’s work is clearly an attempt to reassess the importance of both tradition and prejudice in the act of understanding. gadamer argues that both tradition and prejudice are inevitable features of any act of interpretation since they reflect the historical and cultural situatedness of human beings. thus, understanding is conditioned by the past (our ‘tradition’) as well as by our own present circumstances and agendas (our prejudice). the particularity of our situation makes any notion of an objective and value-free interpretation inherently problematic.18 (berkebalikan dengan ini, karya gadamer adalah jelas-jelas sebuah upaya untuk menegaskan kembali pentingnya tradisi dan prasangka dalam memahami sesuatu. gadamer berpendapat bahwa keduanya, tradisi dan prasangka, merupakan ciri-ciri yang pasti hadir dalam tindakan menafsir, karena keduanya merefleksikan keterkondisian historis dan kultural umat manusia. maka, memahami (understanding) terkondisikan oleh masa lalu (tradisi kita) dan juga oleh sekeliling dan agenda (prasangka) kita sendiri pada saat sekarang. kekhususan situasi ini membuat konsep penafsiran yang obyektif dan bebas nilai menjadi problematis secara inheren). bagaimana seharusnya orientalisme jika secara ontologis, orientalisme harus bersih dari stereotype, dan secara hermeneutis dimungkinkan adanya perbedaan pandangan orientalis dengan pandangan muslim (karena perbedaan keterkondisian historis dan kultural), namun dalam tataran praktikal kita tidak bisa menerima tanpa reserve semua pemikiran orientalis dan mengenerasilir bahwa mereka memiliki kesamaan titik tolak.19 fazlur rahman seorang yang sangat bersahabat dan sekaligus kritis dengan tradisi orientalisme di barat misalnya, pernah secara keras mengkritik john wansbrough yang menulis buku quranic studies. dalam karyanya itu, seperti dikutip oleh rahman, wansbrough mencoba membuktikan tesatesanya (1) bahwa al-quran adalah sebuah kitab ala tradition juvie karena tercipta di dalam suasana yang penuh denan perdebatan sektarian yahudi-kristen, (2) bahwa al-quran adalah perpaduan dari berbagai tradisi, (3) alquran adalah seuah ciptaan setelah kehadiran muhammad. sejalan dengan kritik rahman terhadap wansbrough dalam quranic studies, ia juga mengkritik john burton yang menyatakan bahwa keseluruhan teks al-quran diedit, dicek, dan disebarkan oleh nabi muhammad sendiri. tentang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 29vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 temuan-temuan tokoh-tokoh ini rahman menilai bahwa karya-karya mereka menunjukkan sebuah pandangan eksternal yang mengendalikan mereka.20 atas dasar itulah rahman kemudian mengusulkan disepakatinya prasyaratprasyarat untuk dilakukannya studi terhadap agama lain. studi agama, menurutnya, harus dilakukan di atas pemahaman intelektual yang ilmiah, yaitu yang tidak didirikan atas permusuhan (inimical) atau prasangka (prejudice) terhadap objek kajiannya dan semestinya terbuka (open minded) dan jika mungkin simpati (sympathetically).21 tentang prasangka tersebut ia menjelaskan bahwa dalam konteks akademis prasangka tidak hanya datang dalam bentuk emosi keagamaan, namun juga bisa muncul ketika melakukan kategori-kategori prakonsepsi. rahman pun mengakui bahwa kajian akademis para orientalis bisa saja terjebak pada reduksionisme, yaitu manakala mereka berusaha menjelaskan kelahiran islam dengan merujuk pada pengaruh-pengaruh yahudi, kristen dan lainnya. charles j adams, tokoh yang menggeluti sejarah agama-agama dan studi islam di universitas chicago, membuat klasifikasi metode para orientalis dalam mengkaji islam. ia menyatakan bahwa minimal ada dua pendekatan yang biasa digunakan ketika mengkaji islam sebagai agama dan kebudayaan, yaitu pendekatan normatif (mi’yâriy) dan deskriptif (washfiy). pendekatan normatif adalah cara pandang terhadap agama dari orang yang mempunyai dan meyakini kebenaran-kebenaran transedental dari agama itu sendiri. dari segi normatif, adam mengelompokkanya menjadi tiga, yaitu: a) misionarisme (tabsyîri), b) apologisme (i’tidzâriy) dan c) pendekatan irenis (simpatik). ketiga motivasi dalam pendekatan pertama ini masih mencerminkan sikap yang tidak sesuai dalam melakukan studi terhadap agama orang lain karena masih mengajak orang lain agar juga mengakui apa yang menjadi keyakinan penganut agama tersebut.22 para pemikir barat kemudian menyadari bahwa pendekatan normatif dalam studi agama memiliki banyak kelemahan dan hanya akan menghasilkan pertentangan abadi antar umat beragama, sebab tujuan pokok dari pendekatan ini adalah melakukan penguasaan (arab: saitharah) dan misionarisme terhadap umat agama lain.23 maka, pendekatan deskriptif yang telah digunakan sebagian orientalis bisa dijadikan pendekatan alternatif dari pendekatan normatif. pendekatan ini muncul sebagai jawaban terhadap motivasi keingintahuan intelektual atau akademis (intellectual curiositiy, isybâ’ al-raghbah al-insâniyyah). menurut martin, aspek deskriptif studi agama bergantung kepada disiplin-disiplin ilmu lain, yaitu; a) filologi-historis. metode ini digunakan untuk mengkaji warisan tekstual atau dokumen-dokumen masa lampau dari khazanah keislaman. b) ilmu-ilmu sosial. penelitian dalam ilmu sosial bertujuan untuk menemukan aspek empiris dari keberagaman. dengan menggunakan pendekatan ilmu-ilmu sosial, agama akan dijelaskan dengan beberapa teori, misalnya agama merupakan perluasan dari nilai-nilai sosial. c) fenomenologi.24 dalam pendekatan ini ada beberapa premis yang dijadikan pijakan, yaitu pertama, fenomena keagamaan harus dilihat dan diteliti dengan cara yang terbuka, akutanbel dan dengan empati. kedua, fenomologi harus bersumpah meninggalkan semua bentuk penjelasan yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 30 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sifatnya reduksionis mengenai agama. ketiga, fenomenologi agama adalah apa yang dialami oleh pemeluk agama, apa yang dirasakan, dikatakan dan dikerjakan, serta bagaimana pula pengalaman tersebut bermakna baginya.25 sejalan dengan taksonomi pendekatan terhadap studi agama yang dilakukan charles adam tersebut, kita bisa menemukan bahwa kesadaran untuk melakukan studi agama di kalangan ilmuwan barat terus meningkat ke arah kesadaran untuk menemukan obyektifitas dan sikap simpati kepada agama lain. jadi tesis gadamer bahwa seseorang seorang peneliti tidak akan bisa menanggalkan keterkondisian historis dan kulturalnya sesungguhnya bisa didamaikan dengan teori adam bahwa semestinya prasangka harus ditekan sekuat mungkin. bahkan tidak hanya itu, seorang orientalis (lagi-lagi terpaksa harus menggunakan istilah ini) harus melakukan semacam tindakan meninggalkan diri sendiri (epoche) dan berusaha menghidupkan pengalaman orang lain. implikasi yang tak terhindarkan dari adanya sikap empati dalam memandang agama lain pada yang saat sama bisa menjadi alternatif bagi paradigma binarian yang serba memandang agama lain dengan penuh curiga dan sebagai musuh. dunia sudah tidak bisa lagi dikendalikan dengan cara berfikir dikotomistik, penuh nuansa clash dan rivalitas. dunia milik bersama ini harus dikelola secara damai, santun penuh pengertian antar berbagai macam kultur dan pemeluk bermacam-macam agama yang mendiaminya. masa depan islamic studies pada tahun 1999, hasan hanafi, seorang intelektual berkebangsaan mesir menerbitkan bukunya yang berjudul almuqaddimah fi ‘ilmi al-istighrâb (pengantar menuju oksidentalisme). buku ini termasuk karya awal yang ditulis oleh cendikiawan muslim tentang bagaimana peradaban islam dan dunia timur umumnya menyusun kerangka berfikir dalam menghadapi orientalisme yang dalam pandangan hanafi sarat dengan kelemahan. kelemahan orientalisme itu di antaranya adalah saratnya muatan eurosentris, di mana setiap kajian didirikan di atas sikap superioritas barat terhadap dunia timur. oleh karena itu, menurut hanafi, tugas berat oksidentalisme adalah melakukan usaha untuk mensejajarkan antara barat dan dunia islam, di mana islam tidak lagi diposisikan sebagai objek dan barat sebagai subyek, namun berganti posisi islam sebagai subjek dan barat sebagai objek. sebagai sebuah karya yang mewakili kepedulian dan komitmen mengangkat peradaban islam menjadi peradaban terkemuka, karya ini patut diacungi jempol. namun, jika ditelisik lebih dalam sesungguhnya karya ini menunjukkan beberapa kesalahan cara pandang pula, yaitu adanya sikap defensif, apologis dan reaksioner terhadap dunia barat. dalam hal ini sesungguhnya hasan hanafi mengulang kesalahan yang dilakukan oleh samuel huntington dengan tesa clash of civilizationnya yang membagi dunia hanya kepada dua kutub. cara pandang yang binarian (membagi dunia dalam binary opposition/ wajhan bi wajhin) seperti ini justru menunjukkan adanya sikap yang tidak toleran, inklusif dan kental dengan nuansa rivalitasnya. kondisi dunia saat ini tidak bisa lagi diatur dan dikendalikan oleh sikap bermusuhan yang tidak berkesudahan antar doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 31vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 umat manusia. pertanyaan yang muncul selanjutnya, lantas seperti apa format hubungan dunia barat dan islam dalam bidang intelektual harus kita bangun? dengan kata lain, jika barat tidak diposisikan sebagai obyek kajian, akan seperti apa ia kita perlakukan? apakah sebagai musuh ataukah justru sebagai partner? untuk menjawab kerumitan ini, beberapa intelektual mencoba memunculkan istilah dirâsah islâmiyah mu’âshirah (contemporary islamic studies, studi islam kontemporer) sebagai studi yang muncul pasca era kolonialisme dan bahkan orientalisme. studi ini lahir sebagai sintesa antara islamic studies di era klasik dan pengalaman intelektual barat dalam melakukan studi terhadap dunia islam di era modern. kedua-duanya memiliki kekurangan dan kelebihan sehingga masingmasing harus disatukan. harus diakui bahwa produk yang lahir dari islamic studies di era klasik dengan beberapa pengecualian dari karya sebagian ulama, mengandung banyak anomali. diantaranya adalah, dengan meminjam istilah amin abdullah, terlalu kental nuanasa believe (teologis) nya dan sangat normatif (deduktif) sehingga cenderung mengabaikan kajiankajian yang lebih bersifat historis dan empirik. kelemahan ini disebabkan antara lain oleh tidak adanya induksi dan investigasi sistemik dan empirik mengenai manusia dan realitas sosial masyarakat.26 apa yang lahir dari rahim peradaban islam, terutama di era stagnasi cenderung hanya bersifat repetitif (alqirâah al-mutakarrirah), minim kreasi dan menghindar dari apa yang disebut thomas kuhn sebagai scientific revolution.27 bangunan pemikiran yang lahir dari peradaban islam di era klasik tidak dipahami sebagai formula yang lahir dalam lanskap tertentu dan tidak tidak terlepas dari ruang dan waktu, sehingga beberapa pemikir mengidentifikasi bahwa telah terjadi apa yang disebut dengan sakralisasi pemikiran keagamaan (taqdîs alafkâr al-dîniyyah) dalam realitas pemikiran keislaman saat ini. ada semacam keengganan untuk melakukan pembacaan kritis (naqdî) dan ijtihad ulang terhadap ilmu kalam, fikih, tasawuf, tafsir, dan ilmu-ilmu lainnya sebagai hasil karya yang lahir dari produk era klasikskolastik. sehingga produk-produk tersebut diterima secara for granted dan minim penalaran terhadap konteks sosio-kulturalpolitis di mana pendapat tersebut dilahirkan. sementara kajian di dunia barat telah mengalami revolusi yang sangat cepat, di mana dunia keilmuan telah mengalami titik kulminasi. apa yang sebelumnya hilang dari peradaban islam, diantaranya yaitu curiosity terhadap pengetahuan empirik, mampu ditemukan dan dipoles sehingga lebih menemukan vitalitas untuk berkembang dan memberikan kontribusi bagi kehidupan manusia.28 adanya discoveries dalam lingkup ilmu humaniora dan ilmu alam adalah fenomena ril yang kita temukan paska bangkitnya peradaban barat. jika di dunia islam kajian historis-sosiologis seperti yang digagas oleh ibnu khaldun misalnya ditelantarkan dan dikalahkan oleh disiplin yang bersifat teologis-deduktif, di barat kajian yang bercorak seperti itu diterima dengan tangan terbuka dan berhasil dikembangkan dengan baik. agama yang pada kajian keislaman era klasik lebih banyak didekati dan dikaji hanya sebagai way of life sehingga selalu saja kesan sakral tak bisa dilepaskan, di barat juga ditempatkan secara lebih manusiawi sehingga ia bisa diteliti dan dikritisi sebagai realitas kemanusiaan yang profan.29 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 32 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna islamic studies di era pasca orientalisme ini bisa diposisikan sebagai jawaban dan alternatif terhadap mampetnya pemikiran keislaman yang sudah sejak lama telah dirasakan oleh sebagian intelektual muslim.30 problem yang dihadapi oleh umat islam dan dunia kemanusiaan menuntut agar islamic studies di era modern lebih kontributif. maka, sintesa dari dua gelombang itu dalam kerangka islamic studies adalah sebuah keniscayaan. kedua gelombang itu harus diposisikan sebagai dua instrumen yang saling bekerja sama, melengkapi dan juga saling mengkritisi kekurangan masing-masing. pola kerjasama antar dua gelombang ini oleh amin abdullah disebut sebagai paradigma interkoneksi, yaitu sebuah paradigma yang menghubungkan secara sirkuler pendekatanpendekatan yang lahir dari ilmu-ilmu sains, sosial dan keislaman.31 pendekatan ini akan mengakhiri dikotomi wajah pendidikan yang bercorak dogmatis dan yang bercorak murni scholarly work. dengan kata lain, meminjam istilah richard martin, paradigma ini akan mengakhiri dualisme pendidikan antara universitas leiden dan al-azhar serta menyatukan kutub believer dan historian.32 islamic studies kontemporer yang mendapatkan celupan dari dua gelombang besar tersebut kemudian akan muncul dengan wajah yang inklusif (terbuka) dengan masukan baru dan tidak terpaku dengan warisan masa lalu. sesungguhnya ada beberapa tokoh yang bisa kita sebutkan sebagai representasi dari islamic studies kontemporer tersebut, diantaranya adalah muhamamd arkoun dari aljazair, nasr hamid abu zaid dari mesir, fazlur rahman dari pakistan, abid al-jabiri dari maroko, abdullah ahmad an-naim dari sudan tokohtokoh lainnya. harus diakui bahwa sebagian besar dari mereka ini hanyalah sekelompok muslim minoritas yang lahir dari tradisi ilmiah barat. mereka dibesarkan dalam iklim intelektual yang kritis dan sekaligus terbuka terhadap warisan peradaban barat. namun sungguh satu hal yang sangat ironi ketika mereka sedang berupaya mencarikan sebuah formula agar agama islam tetap relevan dengan modernitas, mereka malah dituduh nyeleneh, antek asing, bahkan sampai dikafirkan. sikap tidak kritis, eksklusif dan lebih-lebih penuh curiga merupakan bahaya besar yang menghadang kemajuan pemikiran dan peradaban islam di era kontemporer ini. kesimpulan dari pemaparan di atas, dapat digarisbawahi bahwa orientalisme adalah sesuatu yang pada awalnya merupakan entitas yang terpisah dengan evangelism dan colonialism. sehingga mencampuradukkan ketiganya menurut penulis jelas adalah tindakan simplikasi yang tidak dapat diterima. namun diakui pula bahwa dalam perjalanannya orientalisme pernah ‘ditunggangi’ oleh sejumlah kepentingan yang bersifat nonakademik sehingga tidak heran jika tesa yang dimunculkan cenderung reduktif dan apologetik. respon sebagian sarjana islam dengan memunculkan disiplin ‘studi barat (oksidentalisme, ‘ilmu al-istighrâb)’ menurut penulis hanya akan melanjutkan dikotomi dan pandangan binarian antara barat dan timur, sehingga pada akhirnya berpotensi melahirkan konflik antar peradaban (clash of civilization) di era modern. untuk itu, tulisan ini menawarkan satu formula agar umat islam melakukan reformasi sifat dasar (nature) studi islam, yakni agar tidak ‘melulu’ teologis, deduktif, ahistoris dan pada akhirnya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 33vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 menjadi sesuatu yang sakral (muqaddas). namun studi islam bisa pula bersifat empirik, induktif, historis dan bahkan profan sekalipun. untuk sampai ke arah sana, langkah yang dapat dimulai adalah dengan memandang secara kritis dan proporsial terhadap warisan (turâst) islam di masa lalu dan melakukan apresiasi terhadap intelektualisme dan empirisme di dunia barat. wallahu a’lam. catatan akhir 1 untuk kepentingan membuat runtutan historis yang akan menggiring munculnya gelombang baru dalam studi islam, penulis di sini mengabaikan seruan richard martin untuk mengganti terminologi orientalisme yang garang dan sangat idelogis dengan terminologi islamic studies atau middle eastern studies yang lebih bersahabat. baca richard martin, approaches to islam in religious studies (university of arizona press, 1985), h. 10-6. 2 seorang penulis bahkan mengasosiasikan orientalisme dengan diabolisme intelektual. 3 muhammad al-bahi, seorang penulis di mesir menerbitkan buku tentang hubungan orientalisme dengan penjajahan yang berjudul al-fikru al-islâmiy alhadîst wa shilâtuhu bi al-isti’mâr al-gharbiy (pemikiran islam kontemporer dan hubungannya dengan penjajahan barat), (cairo: maktabah wahbah, 1997). 4 pandangan negatif tentang orientalisme misalnya bisa kita temukan pada kesimpulan yang dibuat oleh ahmad samaloyevic dalam disertasinya untuk fakultas darul ulum di universitas kairo. setelah memaparkan berbagai definisi dari beberapa intelektual arab mengenai orientalisme (al-istisyrâq), ia menyimpulkan bahwa orientalisme adalah alat intelektual untuk menghancurkan islam. ahmad samaloyevic, falsafatu al-istisyrâq wa atsâruha fi al-adabi al-‘arabi al-mu’âshir (cairo: darul fikri al-arabi, 1998), h. 31. 5 ditambah lagi adanya fakta sejumlah orientalis yang berlatar belakang sebagai gerejawan, alias seorang pendeta, seperti di era modern ada figur montgomery watt (w. 2006). 6 pandangan ini seperti biasanya didukung oleh cara berfirkir deduktif murni yang bersandarkan argumentasi pada teks-teks keagamaan, misalnya biasa dikutip surat al-baqarah ayat 120 dan al-maidah ayat 85. menurut penulis, penafsiran ayat-ayat tersebut harus dilakukan secara kontekstual, yaitu diiringi dengan data-data empirik yang meyakinkan dan menggunakan logika berfikir yang lebih induktif. 7 seorang penulis arab, abdur rahman hasan al-maidani, misalnya meletakkan orientalisme sejajar dengan altabsyîr (misionarisme) dan al-isti’mâr (imperialisme), sebagai tiga sayap (ajnihah) konsprirasi musuh islam untuk menghabisi agama islam. ia mendefinisikan terma al-mustayriqûn sebagai hum al-ladzina yaqûmûna bi al-dirâsah al-syarqiyyah min ghairi alsyarqiyyin wa yuqaddimûna dirâsâtihim wa nashâihahum wa washâyahum li: (a) al-mubasyyrîn bighâyyati tahqiq ahdâf al-tabsyîr, (b) al-musta’mirûn bighyyati tahqiq ahdâf al-isti’mâr. (orang-orang yang melakukan studi tentang dunia timur melalui perspektif mereka sendiri dan mempersembahkan hasil studi mereka kepada; (a) para misionaris, (b) kolonialis). abdur rahman hasan al-maidani, ajnihatu al-makri altsalâtsah, wa khawâfiha, al-tabsyîr, al-istisyrâq, alisti’mâr, dirâsah wa tahlîl wa taujîh (damaskus: darul qalam, 2000), h. 122. 8 ontologi bisa didefinisikan sebagai penjelasan tentang keberadaan atau eksistensi yang mempermasalahkan akar yang paling mendasar tentang apa yang disebut ilmu pengetahuan. soteriono dan rita hanafie, filsafat ilmu dan metodologi penelitian (yogyakarta: penerbit andi, 2007), h. 61. 9 fazlur rahman, approaches to islam in religious studies (tempe: the university of arizona press, 1985), 191. 1 0 edward said, orientalisme, menggugat hegemoni barat dan mendudukkan timur sebagai subjek, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2010), h. 18. 1 1 amin abdullah, 2007. al-maujah al-islâmiyah al-ukhrâ al-istisyrâq wa al-dirâsah al-islâmiyah al-mu’âshirah, dalam jurnal al-jami’ah, vol. 45. no. 2, h. 416 1 2 tholchatul choir, ahmad fanani (ed.), islam dalam berbagai pembacaan kontemporer, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2007), h. 117 1 3 richard martin, approaches.., h. 14 1 4 richard king, orientalism and religion, postcolonial theory, india and ‘the mystic east’, routledge, 1999, h. 8 5 1 5 richard king, orientalism and religion, h. 86-87 1 6 richard king, orientalism and religion, h. 90 1 7 richard martin, approaches... h. 15 1 8 richard martin, approaches...., h. 73 1 9 seperti dikatakan gadamer sendiri bahwa: “rejecting the ideal of neutral and ahistorical objectivity does not necessarily lead to an anarchistic acceptance of any and all interpretation, however idriosyncratic, as equally valid. (menolak ideal objektifitas yang netral dan ahistoris tidak mengarah pada penerimaan sembarang dan semua penafsiran secara anarkistik betapapun ideokonstruksinya sebagai sama-sama sah). richard martin, approaches..., h. 79 2 0 fazlur rahman, mayor themes of the quran, diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa indonesia oleh anas mahyuddin menjadi tema-tema pokok al-quran doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 34 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna (yogyakarta: penerbit pustaka, 1996), h. xv. 2 1 fazlur rahman, approaches to islam in religious studies dalam approaches to islam in religious studies (ed.), 1985, h. 192 2 2 amin abdullah, al-maujah…h. 424-428 2 3 amin abdullah, al-maujah, h., 428 2 4 fazlur rahman memberikan syarat untuk penggunaan fenomenologi ini, yaitu harus berdasarkan pengakuan terhadap al-quran dan sunnah. fazlur rahman, approaches… h. 197 2 5 tholhatul choir, islam.. h. 284 2 6 syamsul anwar, ke arah epistemologi integratif, mencari arah pengembangan keilmuan dalam rangka pemekaran iain, (yogyakarta: pilar media, 2004), h. 54. 2 7 amin abdullah, islamic…, h. 50. 2 8 pada dasarnya kelahiran peradaban barat juga tidak lepas dari sumbangsih peradaban islam. muhammad iqbal pernah mengatakan bahwa francis bacon bapak empirisme barat adalah tokoh yang terpengaruh dari ibnu taimiyah. muhammad iqbal, the reconstruction of religion thought in islam diarabkan oleh abbas mahmud menjadi tajdîdu al-tafkîr al-dîniy fi al-islâm, (alexandria: dar al-hidayah, 2006), h. 154. 2 9 sebelumnya terlebih dahulu harus dicatat bahw apengertian agama di sini tidak hanya pada masalah doktrin dan ajaran semata, tetapi juga mencakup sejarah, tradisi, ritual dan budaya. koentjaraningrat, seorang antropolog yang dibesarkan dalam tradisi ilmiah di barat, misalnya menyatakan bahwa gejala religi itu merupakan gejala yang begitu kompleks sehingga tidak dapat diterangkan dengan satu hipotesa atau teori saja. ia lalu mengusulkan agar konsep religi dipecah menjadi lima bagian yang bisa diteliti sendiri-sendiri namun memiliki keterkaitan satu sama lain. kelima bagian itu adalah: (a) emosi keagamaan; (2) syitem keyakinan; (3) sistem ritus dan upacara; (4) peralatan ritus dan upacara; (5) umat beragama. koenjtaraningrat, sejarah teori antropologi i, (jakarta: ui press, 2007), h. 84. 3 0 fazlur rahman misalnya mengkritik tradisi syarh dan ta’lîq dalam fikih islan yang dianggapnya tidak kritis, menjauh dari ijtihad dan hanya usaha untuk memapankan warisan fikih sebelumnya. lih. islam and modernity: transformation of an intellectual tradition (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1982), h. 378 3 1 m. amin abdullah, islamic studies di perguruan tinggi (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2009), h. 65 3 2 richard martin, approaches…h. 15 daftar pustaka abdullah, m. amin. 2009. al-maujah al-islâmiyah al-ukhrâ, al-istisyrâq wa al-dirâsah al-islâmiyyah al-mu’âshirah, dalam jurnal al-jami’ah, vol. 45. no. 2. _________________. 2009. islamic studies di perguruan tinggi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ahmad samaloyevic. 1998. falsafah al-istisyrâq wa âstaruhâ fil adabi al-mu’âshir. kairo: darul fikri alarabi. albahi, muhammad. 1997. al-fikru’l islâmiy al-hadist wa silatuhu bi’l isti’mâr al-gharbiy. kairo: maktabah wahbah. anwar, syamsul. 2004. ke arah epistemologi integratif, mencari arah pengembangan keilmuan dalam rangka pemekaran iain. yogyakarta: pilar media. king, richard. 1999. orientalism and religion, postcolonial theory, india and ‘the mystic east’. london: routledge. koentjaraningrat. 2007. sejarah teori antropologi i. jakarta: ui press. maidani, abdurrahman hasan. 2000. ajnihatu al-makr altsalâtsah. damaskus: darul qalam. martin, richard. 1985. approaches to islam in religious studies. arizona: university of arizona press. rahman, fazlur rahman, islam and modernity: transformation of an intellectual tradition. chicago dan london: the university of chicago press, 1982. ___________________. 1985. approaches to islam in religious studies, arizona: university of arizona press. samaloyevic, ahmad. 1998. falsafatu al-istisyrâq wa âstaruhâ fi al-adab al-‘arabiy al-mu’âshir. kairo: darul fikri al-arabi. soteriono dan rita hanafie. 2007. filsafat ilmu dan metodologi penelitian. yogyakarta: penerbit andi. tholchatul choir, ahmad fanani (ed.). 2009. islam dalam berbagai pembacaan kontemporer. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0003. 25-34 index symbols ] a abdullah ahmad an-naim abid al-jabiri abraham maslow abu dawud afghanistan akhlaqul karimah al-qirâah al-mutakarrirah aljazair allied forces ambon amin abdullah arab astrid kusumowidagdo athar husain ayatollah ruhullah khomeini ayatullah ruhullah khomeini b bahrain bani sadr basu swastha borjuis bourdieu british orientalisme c calcutta cartesian doctrine charles adam charles j adams china cia clash of civilization classroom action research d dale southerton e edward m. bruner edward said egypt etnis dayak etnis madura f fazlur rahman france g gammal abdul naseer germany gulf war h hasan hanafi i ibn hisyam ibn ishaq ibn sa'd iran islam islamic revolution j james a. bill jordan judeo-kristen k karel c. steenbrink karen amstrong karita muslim square kuwait kyai masrur l lebanon m maisir majelis ulama indonesia maroko marshal david sahlin middle east miftakhul khasanah mohammad mosaddeq morocco muammar qadhafi muhamamd arkoun muhammad reza shah n nabi muhammad saw nasr hamid abu zaid o oman p palestina papbs pasuruan pekalongan q qajar empire qatar r reza shah richard king richard martin russia s samuel huntington saudi arabia savak scientific revolution shireen t. hunter situbondo soviet union stanley lieberson sudan surabaya syria t taqdîs al-afkâr al-dîniyyah the consumer society the message of muhammad theda scokpol thomas kuhn tjiptono tudeh party tunisia turkey u ubi rubin ujung pandang united states universitas chicago w william james world war ii y yahudi-kristen yunani afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 readiness to implement inclusive education in muhammadiyah elementary schools of yogyakarta doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0124.263-287 ratna sari,1 m. nurul ikhsan saleh 2 fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta 1 fakultas ilmu agama islam, universitas islam indonesia 2 correspondence e-mail: ratna.sari@umy.ac.id1 abstract this research aims to analyse the readiness of muhammadiyah elementary schools in implementing inclusive education in the schools. through a case study methodology with a purposive sampling technique, this research investigates the readiness of four muhammadiyah elementary schools. the data were collected by an in-depth interview and observation and would be analyzed by thematic analysis method. this research provides worthy indicators of school readiness in executing inclusive education. this study indicates that two out of the four muhammadiyah elementary schools observed, have not reached the required level of readiness to implement inclusive schools based on the indicators of the school readiness, whereas the other two schools are more prepared to fully run the inclusive education program. this study enhances elementary schools to implement inclusive education by meeting five required indicators: 1) perception of school stakeholders; 2) curriculum and teaching and learning activities; 3) educational staffs; 4) facilities, infrastructure, and funding; 5) relationship between community and school. the implementation of inclusive education in elementary schools under the muhammadiyah institution as one of the biggest islamic organizations in indonesia would build a positive perception for all teachers, students’ parents, and school communities. keywords: school readiness, inclusive education, muhammadiyah elementary school abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kesiapan sekolah dasar muhammadiyah dalam melaksanakan pendidikan inklusi. melalui metode studi kasus, dengan teknik purposive sampling, penelitian ini menyelidiki kesiapan empat sekolah dasar muhammadiyah. pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam dan observasi serta dianalisis dengan metode analisis tematik. penelitian ini memberikan 264 afkaruna indikator kesiapan sekolah dalam melaksanakan pendidikan inklusif. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dua dari empat sd muhammadiyah yang diamati belum mencapai tingkat kesiapan yang disyaratkan untuk melaksanakan sekolah inklusi berdasarkan indikator kesiapan sekolah, sedangkan dua sekolah lainnya lebih siap menjalankan program pendidikan inklusif. studi ini mendorong sekolah dasar untuk melaksanakan pendidikan inklusif dengan memenuhi lima indikator yang dibutuhkan: 1) persepsi pemangku kepentingan sekolah; 2) kurikulum dan kegiatan belajar mengajar; 3) tenaga kependidikan; 4) sarana, prasarana, dan pendanaan; 5) hubungan antara komunitas dan sekolah. penyelenggaraan pendidikan inklusi di sekolah dasar di bawah institusi muhammadiyah sebagai salah satu organisasi islam terbesar di indonesia akan membangun persepsi positif bagi seluruh guru, orang tua siswa, dan komunitas sekolah. kata kunci: kesiapan sekolah, pendidikan inklusi, sekolah dasar muhammadiyah introduction the growing diversity in today’s classroom not only covers students’ learning abilities, but also encompasses other aspects such as race, ethnicity, religion, physical condition, students’ need, and others.1 the diversity of students is not a barrier in achieving quality education, as stated in the 1945 constitution (uud 1945) article 31 number 1, that every citizen has the right to education. the opening of the salamanca declaration states that more than 300 participants from 92 countries and 25 international organizations gathered in the city of salamanca, spain in june 1994 to discuss the fundamental policy change needed to promote an inclusive education approach, that is education that allows schools to serve all children, especially children with special needs.2 this declaration also highlights the need for joint concrete efforts in realizing “schools for all”, that is schools that accommodate everyone, celebrate differences, support learning, and respond to individual differences.3 lately, schools in indonesia are generally divided into two categories: regular schools and schools for students with disabilities or often referred to as special schools (sekolah luar biasa/slb). there has been a widely held assumption shared by the communities that children who are physically and mentally healthy shall go to regular schools, while the slb is provided for students with special needs due to physical and psychological disabilities. likewise, based on the shared community’s understanding, inclusive education is often assumed as a program intended for children with disabilities. the salamanca declaration is a milestone in the implementation of inclusive education in the world.4 the inclusive education movement is a response 265vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 to the separation in the education of children with special needs into separate educational institutions.5 the indonesian government through the minister of national education regulation (permendiknas) no. 70 of 2009 states that inclusive education is defined as a system of education that provides opportunities for all students who have physical and psychological limitations, and potential intelligence and special talents to participate in education or learning in a shared educational environment with students in general.6 this is in line with the second point of the salamanca declaration that every person with disabilities has the right to express their desire to gain access to education, while parents have the right to consult on the form of education that best suits the needs, circumstances and aspirations of their children.7 as explained in permendiknas number 70 of 2009, inclusive schools should provide the equal learning opportunities for all their students, including children with special needs who study at the school. 8 to this end, inclusive school should prepare several valuable components such as human resources at schools, especially teachers. the teacher is a figure who plays a central role in organizing the learning activity so that the learning process can run smoothly according to the needs of each student. hence, teachers are required to master four teacher competencies; pedagogic competence, professional competence, personality competence, and social competence to enable them to plan, organize and manage the learning process in inclusive schools. in addition, supporting facilities are also a valuable component in the implementation of inclusive schools.9 generally, regular schools only provide regular facilities for regular students. meanwhile, students with special needs and physical disabilities need special facilities to participate in learning activities to the fullest. thus, inclusive schools are required to support the needs of all students, including those with special needs. furthermore, the readiness of human resources is a crucial factor in implementing inclusive learning. school members such as employees and students’ parents should be ready in the implementation of inclusive schools.10 the preliminary research shows that three of the students’ parents has a negative perception of the implementation of inclusive schools. parents of regular students are reluctant to have their children attend school with children of physical and psychological limitations. the parents of regular students assume that normal children would encounter obstacles when they study in the same classroom with students having the special needs. meanwhile, three teachers from different schools considered that inclusive class teaching com266 afkaruna petencies were only possessed by teachers with special education background. therefore, teachers with other educational backgrounds, such as teacher training program background were considered to lack competence in holding inclusive education. the aforementioned background highlights the need for the implementation of inclusive education in indonesia. this implementation is expected to provide broader learning opportunities for children who have different physical and psychological conditions. therefore, it is vital to investigate the school readiness in implementing inclusive education. despite some obstacles in the implementation of the development of inclusive education in indonesia, many yogyakarta elementary schools have held inclusive education program.11 however, it is necessary to study the readiness of these schools to achieve the existing standards and criteria in implementing inclusive schools in yogyakarta. there are five essentials aspects to assess the school readiness: perception of school stakeholders, curriculum, teaching and learning activities, educational staffs, facilities, infrastructure and funding, relationship between community and school. this study specifically examined the readiness of muhammadiyah elementary schools in implementing inclusive education for all students. muhammadiyah elementary schools have contributed a lot in advancing education in indonesia. in particular, muhammadiyah elementary schools in yogyakarta have implemented inclusive schools’ program. hence, this study was conducted in yogyakarta to provide an overview to other muhammadiyah elementary schools in indonesia to prepare for the implementation of inclusive education. literature review cambridge dictionary defines “inclusive” as to where an inclusive group or organization tries to include many different types of people and treat them fairly.12 belanger mentions that ‘academic inclusion’ refers to the full-time integration of all students regardless of each student’s difficulties which take place in a regular class according to their age and is located in a school close to where students live.13 moreover, eripek explains that inclusive education is an implementation where students with special needs and students with regular development have equal education.14 the definitions above are in line with permendiknas number 70 of 2009 article 1 that states that inclusive education is an educational system implementation that provides opportunities for all students who have abnormalities and have the potential of intelligence 267vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 and/or special talents to participate in education or learning in one educational environment together with students in general. 15 from the explanation above, it can be concluded that inclusive schools are regular schools that provide the equal learning opportunities for students who have different physical and psychological background as well as students with special needs and students who have special talents to attend the learning process with normal children or regular students. inclusive schools accept all types of children in school, including children with special needs who have diverse disability backgrounds. there are several models of education for children with special needs in inclusive schools;16 regular class (full inclusion), regular class with cluster, regular class with pull out, regular class with cluster and pull out, special class with various integration, and full special class. inclusive schools facilitate the diversity that exists in students. the diversity of students includes: a. intelligence intelligence is one of the general and potential human abilities. intelligence is influenced by certain factors namely: innate factors, environment, distinctive interests and character, maturity, and freedom. intelligence includes not only thinking intelligence but also emotional and spiritual intelligence. b. learning style learning style is a process of behaviour, appreciation, and a tendency for someone to learn something in a separate way that is different from each other.17 learning styles greatly influence the learning process of students. the right learning style would increase the success of students in learning. kanar classifies learning styles related to physiological factors into 3 parts, namely; visual, auditory, and kinaesthetic. 18 c. personality funder states that personality refers to patterns of individual characteristic of thought, emotion, and behaviour, along with psychological mechanism, both hidden and not hidden patterns.19 personality is a characteristic of someone in facing their lives, empirically, each student has his or her own unique personality that distinguishes him or her from other students.20 d. culture and ethnicity identity and culture are the two basic components of ethnicity.21 according to the cambridge dictionary, culture is the way of life, especially the 268 afkaruna general customs and beliefs, of a particular group of people at a particular time.22 moreover, ethnic is related to a particular race of people.23 thus, culture is a pattern of behavior, beliefs and all products produced by certain groups of people in their homes or results from the inheritance of generations. every individual has a different cultural and ethnic background from one to another, which affects his or her daily lives. a culture is a form of diversity that is brought and/or inherited by parents and people who live with an individual. inclusion schools should also implement multicultural education by organizing education for all students with different ethnicities, cultures, and religions. e. socio-economic status each student has a different social and economic background from one another, which is usually influenced by family background and/or parents. socio-economic status grouping often has a negative influence on students. students of the lower middle class often feel inferior and lower level of confidence than to students of the upper middle class. conversely, grouping students as middle to upper economic class can lead to superior attitudes in students. according to house and galobardes, socio-economic status is a measure of the combined economic and social status of individuals.24 social status not only leads to grouping based on economic characteristics but also relates to influence, position, and others. the economic status is a way to label group people based on economic characteristics. in sociology, socio-economic status is measured using a composite measure of education, income, and employment or several variations of the three indicators.25 inclusive schools need to design a curriculum by considering equality among all students and respecting students’ social diversity, including students’ socio-economic status. 26 f. language the variety of languages used by each student can be influenced by several things, namely; ethnicity, culture, and family background. language is one of the factors that can influence students in understanding the learning that takes place in the classroom.27 g. gender the process of students’ understanding and learning is influenced by certain factors, such as student motivation, students’ daily language, age, and gender, and socioeconomic status.28 it is necessary to apply equality in learning to all sexes, in order to get equal rights in learning. 269vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 unesco explained that inclusive schools accept all children regardless of their abilities, disabilities, gender, hiv status and health, as well as their socioeconomic, ethnic, religious or language background.29 therefore, inclusive school is a place for everyone, with diverse backgrounds and conditions. learning opportunities are given to all, including students who have severe physical and health problems, such as hiv. this is in line with permendiknas law no. 70 of 2009 which mentions that there are 13 categories of children with special needs that will be accepted in inclusive education, such as: the blind, deaf, speech impaired, mental retardation, physically disabled, unsociable, problem learner, slow learner, autism, motoric disorder, being a victim of drug abuse, drugs, and other addictive substances, having other abnormalities, and having double handicaps.30 more resources become increasingly available for improving access to education in middle-income countries. hence, children without disabilities increasingly attend school, while the condition of children with disabilities increases more slowly.31 likewise in indonesia, inclusive education in indonesia has been initiated by the government since 2002.32 inclusive education promotes diversity in a learning environment. the most prominent diversity is the cognitive abilities of students. in an inclusive school, all students with different levels of intelligence can achieve learning according to their needs. in other words, not only students with average or regular intelligence are accepted in school, but also are students with intelligence above and below the average who should obtain their learning rights. this is as stated in article 31 of the 1945 constitution that every indonesian has the right to education. an inclusive school is a school model that is expected to accommodate education for all children. on august 11, 2004, in bandung-west java province, there was an official declaration of “indonesia towards inclusive education”, which is expected to motivate regular schools to provide education for all children with special needs, including children with mental retardation.33 the inclusive education system is developed to eliminate discrimination between children with special needs and people in the surrounding environment.34 this is based on the fact that negative stigma is often given to students with different physical deformities, mental disorders, races and religions.35 discrimination experienced by students of special needs is both in the provision of educational services and the availability of learning facilities. schools that organize inclusive education need to create the learning atmosphere by referring to one of the goals of inclusive education to respect 270 afkaruna diversity and reduce discrimination for all students.36 in addition, schools and teachers also need to make adjustments to the curriculum and learning process to the abilities and needs of exceptional children.37 adjustments to the curriculum and learning process should meet the needs of all students. therefore, children with special needs also have the equal right to study and receive the teaching materials from teachers in the school. muhammadiyah as a large islamic organization in indonesia has been working in education since in its establishment in 1912. according to muhammadiyah business charity (amal usaha muhammadiyah/ aum) database, there are 2.604 muhammadiyah elementary schools throughout indonesia.38 in yogyakarta, there are 10 muhammadiyah elementary schools that administer inclusive education based on the decree of the head of the yogyakarta city education office on the determination of school of inclusive education provider (sekolah penyelenggara pendidikan inklusi/ sppi).39 sppi is a regular school appointed by the yogyakarta city education office to organize inclusive education by accepting all students, both regular students and students with special needs. the implementation of inclusive schools aims to eliminate the rejection of students with special needs who want to study in regular schools in yogyakarta. it further eases the community to access education from the basic level to the higher level of education. mangunsong states that there are 8 components to prepare for the implementation of an inclusive school.40 these components are: a. the change of perspective and the attitude of all school elements in looking at the diversity of students. b. reorientation of assessment, teaching methods and classroom management, and environmental adjustments. c. redefining the role of the teacher and reallocating human resources. d. the redefinition of the role of existing extraordinary schools (slb), whether the schools could gradually begin to function as an extensive source of learning or not. e. availability of professional assistance for teachers in the form of reorientation of in-service training and training of teachers, principals and classroom teachers, so that all school members can make a full contribution in realizing inclusive education. f. availability of visiting teacher services as needed. g. formation, improvement, and development of partnerships between teachers and parents to establish smooth communication related to the devel271vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 opment of students learning and other school activities. h. the flexibility of education system, curriculum and examination system. a regular school should meet the above components to be categorized as a school that has achieved the readiness level to become an inclusive school. the readiness component in this research is specified in several aspects, namely: school community perceptions, curriculum and teaching, and learning activities, education staff, facilities, infrastructure, funding, and relations between the community and the school. research method this study uses a case study methodology. case studies are a strategy of examination in which the researcher investigates in depth a program, event, activity, or process.41 it used a purposive sampling technique to investigate school readiness. purposive sampling technique is conducted by identifying the purposefully selected sites or individuals for the proposed study.42 the participants in this study are stakeholders in muhammadiyah elementary school that consist of 5 teachers, 7 parents, and 4 principals. the research location consists of four muhammadiyah elementary schools; 2 muhammadiyah elementary schools in yogyakarta city and 2 muhammadiyah elementary schools in sleman regency, special region of yogyakarta. the data were collected using an in-depth interview and observation. the data analysis techniques consist of data reduction, data presentation and verification.43 the researcher conducted data validation using triangulation of data sources. patton mentioned that triangulation refers to the use of multiple methods or data sources in qualitative research to develop a comprehensive understanding of phenomena.44 the triangulation method refers to linking different data source: interviews, and observation for a comprehensive understanding of a complex social situation.45 in the data analysis, the school names were made anonymous by categorizing the schools in four names: elementary school (a), elementary school (b), elementary school (c), and elementary school (d). result and discussion the result of participants’ interview could be seen in table 1. perception of school stakeholders in some countries, inclusive education is thought of as an approach to serving children with disabilities within general education settings.46 this is in 272 afkaruna line with the opinions of all respondents in this study, that inclusive schools are regular schools with 2 categories of students, regular students and students with special needs. the widely held perception is in contrast with salamanca statement which states that the special education is a place of learning for children and adolescents who need to rise from learning disabilities or difficulties.47 furthermore, it is explained that schools should accommodate all children regardless of physical, intellectual, social, emotional, language or other conditions.48 in conclusion, inclusive education is not only regular school with regular students and students with special needs, but also a school that facilitates the diversity of students as stated in salamanca statement. the principal of the elementary school (b) stated that accepting special needs children and combining them with the regular students in the classroom would hamper the quality improvement in school because teachers would need to work harder to serve special needs children. furthermore, the headmaster of the elementary school (b) argued that accepting inclusion children would prevent the school from providing optimum services. this school also gives reasons that the school have high targets in students’ academic and non-academic achievements, so the existence of inclusive students is feared to hamper the learning activities of regular students in the class. since each class contains 30 to 40 students with one teacher who uses classical methods in delivering the material, the principal explained that the school would find it difficult to deal with students having the special needs since most of them are slow learners. moreover, the principal of the elementary school (a) said that to transform the school to be inclusive school is difficult. most of the teacher expressed a negative opinion about inclusive education.49 the teacher from elementary school (b) also stated that it would be difficult to apply the learning system with the moving class method to students with special needs because students would need the help of others at all times to be able to take part in teaching and learning activities. the teacher stated that students with special needs were of slow learners and thus would hinder the achievement of learning objectives for regular students in the class. teachers from elementary school (b) expressed similar opinion with the principal that the large number of students in one class limited the teacher’s ability to pay attention to every child in the classroom, especially when there are students with special needs or inclusion children who should receive 273vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 table 1. summary of participants’ statements participants schools statements principals a “it is not an easy thing if this school has to be transformed into an inclusive school, to be honest we are not ready to become an inclusive school. however, if it is necessary then we will make careful planning to overcome it.” “our school does not have facilities and infrastructure such as inclusive school, we are still using the 2013 curriculum and do not have experience in modifying the curriculum for students with special needs.” “all of our class teachers have undergraduate educational backgrounds and have never attended training to teach in an inclusive school.” “the large fund is needed for implementing inclusive school. currently, this school do not have specific funding that can be used for implementing inclusive schools.” b “suppose we accept inclusive children in our school, and they study with other regular children. in that case, it will hinder the improvement of the quality in our school because we need much energy to serve children with inclusion. so, if our school accept inclusive children, then the services we provide will not be optimal.” “so, our school is not ready to become an inclusive school. we do not have a special educator who can teach inclusive children. the cost of inviting special teachers to school is high, and this school is a private school, so the government does not provide funding for it.” “this school cannot optimally provide support to regular children yet. in contrast, inclusive children need more support and services than regular children.” c “this school is not yet an inclusive school due to limited funds for facilities and infrastructure. however, this school has several students with special needs, such as slow learners.” “in making the public school into inclusive school, more funds are needed to prepare adequate facilities and infrastructure. the teacher must be patient in teaching children with special needs because they are unique. they should also be paid more attention to special needs students than regular students. even though the facilities and infrastructure are inadequate, the teacher must keep the spirit in teaching.” d “this school accepts children with special needs with the categorization of mental retardation, adhd, moderate mental retardation, low vision, and slow learner. for special needs children with physical problems, the school have not been able to provide adequate facilities. so that special needs children with physical problems cannot be served well. facilities for children with special needs have not been maximally fulfilled, because there are still many facilities that are not available yet.” “the educational programs available at this school are general education programs, then additional activities of a religious education, and education for children with special needs.” “in this school, there are six students with special needs and ten students who are indicated with special needs. children with special needs in this school participate in teaching and learning activities in the same class as regular children. at certain times the class teacher will provide additional time as a form of additional learning for children with special needs. this school has also provided special teachers for children with special needs to assist them in the learning process.” 274 afkaruna participants schools statements teachers a “our school is a regular school that uses the 2013 curriculum, and all students are regular children. we do not have any special needs student.” “we do not have facilities for students with special needs.” “i think our school does not need to organize an inclusive school yet.” b “i feel that i am not ready if our school become an inclusive school because in this school there are no special teachers for inclusive children. the teachers who teach in this school are all regular school teachers, so they do not have the special abilities to deal with inclusive children.” (teacher 1) “our school uses a moving class system. this system will be one of the obstacles for special need student because they are difficult to adapt. special needs student will need a long time to adapt, including moving from one classroom to another classroom, or from one type of teacher to another.” (teacher 2) “there will be many ineffectiveness that will happen to both inclusive and regular children if there is a student with special needs in this school.” (teacher 2) c “in dealing with students with special needs, it is divided into several ways; first, by approaching students and inviting students to be involved in classroom learning. second, communicating with fellow teachers who handle students with special needs and parents of students with special needs. third, give more time to students with special needs to learn, while the way to teach them is the same as other regular students. moreover, always monitors students’ progress.” d “the subject matter in this school is the same for regular and special needs students. however, the achievement indicators of children with special needs are not the same as indicators of learning achievement of normal children. teacher lowering the standard of achievement indicators for students with special needs by adjusted to the abilities of students with special needs. at the same time, the studying hours for students with special needs are the same as for regular students.” “there is training to improve teacher competence and training related to handling students with special needs which is carried out regularly, twice every semester. this training usually invites experts from the education authorities and psychologist.” parents a “children with special needs cannot study together with regular children, because they can interfere other regular children in learning at class.” b “children with special needs cannot go to the same school as regular children. the children's portion of learning and comprehension is different. moreover, regular children will not even be able to improve their learning because they have to adjust to inclusive children.” (parent 1) “regular children can study with children with special needs, as long as the school can facilitate the special needs student well. so that in the teaching and learning process, special needs and regular children can be equal.” (parent 2) “in terms of curriculum, teaching staff and school facilities must support the implementation of inclusive schools, so that special needs children can experience the same education as other regular children.” (parent 3) 275vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 more attention than other students. furthermore, teacher of elementary school (a) mentioned that the school does not need to organize the inclusive school. parents of a student from elementary school (a, b, c) stated his disagreement about the school acceptation of students with special needs because it was feared that it would disrupt regular students learning activities. in contrast, the other three parents from elementary school (a, d) thought that it would not be a problem to accept students with special needs. parents of two students who agreed on the implementation of inclusive education added that schools should be able to facilitate inclusion students well so that in the learning process inclusion children and regular children can receive the equal service. the components that need to be considered by the school are the curriculum, teaching staff, and supporting facilities so that students with special needs can experience education with other regular students. lack of awareness and understanding of disability is the main problem in creating inclusive education.50 the essential step in order to achieve the goal of inclusive education is to develop a positive attitude towards people who are different but equal in rights and obligations, despite the social, economic or educational background.51 inclusive education should be prepared with teachers who have a positive attitude in accepting inclusive students in their classroom. it is essential to build a conducive environment for all students while they are studying together. moreover, maria explained that the positive attitude can be made especially in an educational context, with the help of teachers.52 in this case, a teacher also needs to give adequate information about inclusive education not only to the regular students but also to the students’ parents to make them understand the philosophy and the meaning of inclusive education clearly so that they will develop their positive attitude towards students with special needs. 53 curriculum, teaching, and learning activities the curriculum is an essential component in implementing inclusive education. in the inclusive class which consists of regular and students of special participants schools statements c “children with special needs cannot attend this school because there are no facilities for children with special needs. in this school, the facilities are only for regular children.” d “this school has complete facilities, also has made improvements such as the addition of religious activities such as tahfizhul-qur'an and islamic living habituation, also activities for children with special needs.” 276 afkaruna need who have various learning needs, it is necessary to modify the curriculum, learning strategy, and assessment system.54 regulation of the minister of national education number 70 of 2009 article 7 states that education units administering inclusive education use an education unit level curriculum that accommodates the needs and abilities of students according to their talents and requests.55 the education unit of curriculum level is an operational curriculum compiled by schools with regard to the competency standards and basic competencies that have been developed by the national education standards agency (bnsp). this curriculum is specially prepared by schools with regard to the characteristics and conditions of their students. with the education unit curriculum, schools have the authority to modify the curriculum according to their individual needs, but this is still based on competency standards and basic competencies established by bnsp. only one school out of the four elementary schools in this research that modified the curriculum to facilitate inclusion students. the other three elementary schools conducted the learning process in accordance with the government-determined curriculum, namely the 2013 curriculum. elementary school (d) modified the curriculum by expanding indicators of competency achievement (ipk) students. ipk is one of the pivotal components in a learning implementation plan (rpp). the ipk shows an indicator that the competencies learned have been fully mastered by students and are formulations of abilities that should be performed or displayed by students to show the achievement of basic competencies (kd). the ipk formulation uses a specific and measurable operational verb. ipk measures 3 components: students’ knowledge, attitudes, and skills. expanding the ipk in the curriculum is very useful for inclusion classes to facilitate the learning process of each student according to their respective levels of ability. it is possible to lower the basic competencies to master by the students with special needs than that of regular students, so the ipk should be adapted to the abilities and needs of these students. in the daily learning process in the classroom, the four elementary schools use the regular class with cluster models. regular class with clusters models place students with special needs in regular classes together with other regular students, but students with special needs are placed in special groups.56 this model is applied by elementary school (c, d). students with special needs sit in an area that is easily accessible by the teacher to ease the teacher in supervising and providing direction during the classroom learning process. 277vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 educational staffs in this study, only 1 school has a shadow teacher, that is elementary school (d). shadow teacher is the teacher who helps students with special needs in the teaching and learning process in the classroom. in carrying out their duties in the classroom, the shadow teacher collaborates with regular classroom teachers who teach regular students. regulation of the minister of national education number 70 of 2009 article 10 number 3 states that the district or city government is required to improve competence in the field of special education for educators and education personnel in education units providing inclusive education.57 teacher training systems need to mainstream the skills and knowledge of inclusive education to improve knowledge of regular classroom teachers in the implementation of inclusive classes.58 however, in this study, none of all elementary schools received a training program held by the government. elementary school (d) has conducted a training program for all regular classroom teachers to study the implementation of inclusive learning in the classroom every semester independently. this step is carried out to increase the competence of regular class teachers in helping students with special needs to follow the learning process at school. research by de bjoer, pijl, and minnaert states that teachers who had attended training in the implementation of inclusive schools or special education have a more positive attitude towards inclusive education compared to teachers who do not receive any training at all.59 teachers with shorter teaching experience have more positive attitudes towards inclusive students, especially students with special needs than teachers who have longer teaching experience.60 one of the competencies that teachers need to have in dealing with students, both regular students, and special needs are teachers who are able to conduct assessments and are able to communicate well with colleagues, as well as parents of students. there are three strategies that prioritized communication with students which were inclusive in nature. these are: teachers give feedback and paying sustained and inclusive attention to all students; teachers create an environment where students feel safe, and teachers draw on students’ backgrounds in their pedagogic discourse.61 the results of the observation indicate that elementary school teachers (c) provide an assessment to students with special needs in two ways. the first way is to approach students, such as by way of inviting students to have a private talk in their spare time, giving advice not to break the rules, and inviting students to be 278 afkaruna involved in classroom learning. such personal approach aims to make students feel safe and comfortable in the school environment. the teacher also communicates with fellow teachers who handle students with special needs and parents of students with special needs regarding student development. second, teachers spare special time to students with special needs in understanding the learning materials and arranging their seats in front of the teacher to enable teachers to monitor the students’ progress constantly. in addition to teacher competence, teacher attitudes are also very essential in dealing with special needs children. teachers should understand students with various characteristics.62 it is vital that teachers should develop new ways of believing and acknowledging that all children can learn, all children are worth educating, and they have the capacity to make a difference to children’s lives. such work is their responsibility.63 elementary school teacher (c) states that one of the keys to deal with children with special needs is patience. the teacher also should believe that special need students can work on their learning task based on their ability and teachers should convince the students that they are able to work on their school task by themselves. in the end, teachers and the regular students celebrate the completion that has been made by the special need student; such celebration aims to develop the confidence of the special need student. in carrying out the learning process in inclusive classrooms, teachers cannot work alone. teamwork and collaboration are very relevant for all teachers or staff in an inclusive school.64 in the school’s internal environment, there should be a collaboration between the school principal, teachers and employees. the school should also collaborate with external parties by enabling teachers and staff to work with parents and other parties such as the government, special education institutions, community health centres, and nongovernmental organizations. the principal of the elementary school (a, b) said that teachers required a background in special education to teach students with special needs. at present, this school does not have a teacher with special education background so it does not accept students with special needs to study there. in addition, according to the principal of elementary school (b) in terms of human resources, teachers have not been able to optimally provide support for regular students so that services and support for children with special needs would not be optimal. this is contrary to the results of observations in elementary school (c). in terms of education staff, elementary school (c) 279vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 proved that regular class teachers who are not from a special education background, but who have initiative, knowledge, and good attitude would be able to conduct learning in an inclusive setting even though the school does not have complete facilities and infrastructure for the implementation of inclusive schools. facilities, infrastructure, and funding complete facilities are one of the supporting factors for the success of a program, including in the implementation of inclusive schools.65 the principal of the elementary school (c) states that it needed complete and adequate facilities to carry out inclusive education in schools. the current facilities are considered to be inadequate to provide services for students with special needs. elementary school (a) states the same thing that inclusive schools need more comprehensive facilities than regular schools. the other two elementary schools claim that an inclusive school would only be realized if the government provided them with sufficient funding. financing is closely related to the adequacy of the implementation of a program.66 the principal of the elementary school (b) stated that financing was the most-valuable factor because sufficient funds would allow them to employ a teacher with special need education background to school and provide adequate facilities for students with special needs. the principal of the elementary school (b) explained that the school frequently obtained students with special needs and found it difficult to facilitate these students in teaching and learning activities. this is due to the lack of facilities and infrastructure for the learning of inclusive children. the school decides to suggest parents to transfer their children to an inclusive school as recommended and appointed by the government. the principal of the elementary school (b) stated that this decision was made to develop the overall learning system in the elementary school (b) and to allow students with special needs to learn in places that have the supporting facilities and required infrastructure. elementary school (a, c, d) also stated that funding is a beneficial factor to provide facilities for students with special needs, for example by providing textbooks with braille for blind students, and by providing school facilities for students with physical disorders. elementary school (d) is a regular school that accepts students with special needs. however, due to inadequate facilities, the school only accepts students with special needs in the category of mental retardation, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (adhd), moder280 afkaruna ate mental retardation, low vision, and a slow learner. furthermore, elementary school (c), stated that the school is a regular school with regular facilities. however, they accept special needs students, such as slow learner students. relationship between community and school teamwork and collaboration are very relevant for all teachers or staff in an inclusive school.67 regulation of the minister of national education number 70 of 2009 article 11 number 1 states that education units administering inclusive education have the right to obtain professional assistance from district or city governments as needed.68 endnotes 1 patricia j. bonner, susan r. warren, and ying h. jiang, “voices from urban classrooms: teachers’ perceptions on instructing diverse students and using culturally responsive teaching,” education and urban society 50, no. 8 (november 15, 2018): 697–726, https://doi.org/10.1177/0013124517713820. 2 unesco, the salamanca framework, issued 1994. 3 unesco. the salamanca framework, issued 1994. 4 s b wibowo and j a muin, “inclusive education in indonesia: equality education access for disabilities,” kne social sciences 3, no. 5 (2018): 484, https:// doi.org/10.18502/kss.v3i5.2351. 5 suguru mizunoya, sophie mitra, and 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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.12.001. mu’min, s. a. “variasi individual dalam pembelajaran.” al-ta’dib 7, no. 1 (2014): 68–83. mukti, abdul, ahsan somadlon, and alexander thomas hauschild. merangkul perbedaan: perangkat untuk mengembangkan lingkungan inklusif, ramah terhadap pembelajaran. edisi keem. bangkok: unesco-biro regional asia dan pasifik untuk pendidikan, 2007. nagel, joane. “constructing ethnicity/: creating and recreating ethnic identity and culture constructing ethnicity/: creating and recreating ethnic identity and culture *.” social problems 41, no. 1 (2009): 152–76. nandya atika, iva, norimune kawai, and edy prabowo. “inclusive education in indonesia from the perspective of widyaiswara in centre for development and empowerment of teachers and education personnel of kindergartens.” and special education indonesian journal of disability studies (ijds, 2017. http:// ijds.ub.ac.id/. o’gorman, elizabeth, and sheelagh drudy. “addressing the professional development needs of teachers working in the area of special education/inclusion in mainstream schools in ireland.” journal of research in special educational needs 10, no. suppl. 1 (2010): 157–67. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14713802.2010.01161.x. rosada, admila. menjadi guru kreatif: praktik-praktik pembelajaran di sekolah inklusif. yogyakarta: kanisius, 2018. sadioglu, ömür, asude bilgin, sema batu, and aynur oksal. “problems, expectations,and suggestions of elementary teachers regarding inclusion.” educational sciences: theory & practice 13, no. 3 (2013): 1760–65. https:// doi.org/10.12738/estp.2013.3.1546. schmidt, sylvine, and michèle venet. “principals facing inclusive schooling or integration.” canadian journal of education 35, no. 1 (2012): 217–38. steff, by marion, ro mudzakir, and m andayani. “equity and access to tertiary education for students with disabilities in indonesia,” 2010, 1–30. unesco. the salamanca statement framework, issued 1994. vincent, annette, and dianne ross. “learning style awareness a basis for developing teaching and learning strategies.” eflpresentations.pbworks.com. accessed march 1, 2021. http://eflpresentations.pbworks.com/f/good+summary+of+learning+style+models.pdf. 287vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 wahyuni, y. “identifikasi gaya belajar ( visual, auditorial, universitas bung hatta” 10, no. 2 (2017): 128–32. wibowo, s b, and j a muin. “inclusive education in indonesia: equality education access for disabilities.” kne social sciences 3, no. 5 (2018): 484. https:// doi.org/10.18502/kss.v3i5.2351. widiastuti, sri, sri suwitri, y. warella, and. haryono. “evaluation of the implementation of the educational inclusion of junior high school level in central java constructs.” journal of social science studies 4, no. 2 (february 6, 2017): 1. https://doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v4i2.10694. 2. afkaruna_ija suntana universitas islam negeri sunan gunung djati bandung ijasuntana@uinsgd.ac.id ija suntana universitas islam negeri sunan gunung djati bandung tedipriatna@uinsgd.ac.id tedi priatna universitas islam negeri sunan gunung djati bandung dedekania@uinsgd.ac.id dede kania universitas islam negeri sunan gunung djati bandung sitinurfatoni@uinsgd.ac.id siti nurfatoni jurnal afkaruna vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 high integrity, low publicity: research performance of professors in indonesian state islamic universities doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v18i1.14195 abstract this study aims to analyze the performance of the published research results by professors in three state islamic universities (uins). by using descriptive–qualitative analysis and quantitative data reading, this study analyzes the research outputs of lecturers with a full professorship in the state islamic universities from january to october 2019. the research finds that most of the professor’s research results were not published whether in the form of books or scientific journal articles. 60% of the professors have a lack of understanding of the open journal system, which causes a low level of publication among them. one program that is very effective in helping them to increase the productivity of the publications is a program of publication assistance. the well-versed information technology assistants help the professors to get familiar with the information technology. this study adds to the existing literature regarding the research performance of university professors, especially in understanding what factors that hinder the publication performance of state islamic university professors in indonesia. keywords: muslim professors; low publication; high integrity; islamic university; assistance system for publication. in recent years, the issue of evaluating research results has played a central role in higher education internationally, more so by the public policies adopted by the european union and the countries that followed the bologna declaration ii in 1999 and the lisbon strategy iii in 2000. international academic issues that are in the spotlight, apart from themes and methods, are research results, especially in the social sciences and humanities.1 academics view social science as important to study its variables to produce an even more important social impact in community capacity building. the indonesian government allocates several funds for the research activities of professors at several state islamic universities. the impact of research conducted by professors at the state islamic university has not been informed measurably, as well as its development has not been mapped, both in terms of publications and the impact of social engineering on society. this requires serious study in the form of patterned and programmed research. research output is the goal of every country and is even used as a measure of international reputation. countries in the world are currently being assessed for the quality of their human resources in terms of productivity and the quality of their academic research, both in the form of impact factors and real impacts. many countries in the world use several parameters to measure the level of progress of society through research outputs. research is no longer just a form of expression of a desire to know something and scientific art, but as a parameter of national development and an instrument for measuring the international quality of a country's human resources. professors are important assets of higher education institutions and the main proponent of institutional strategic goals, and they also have a significant relationship with the credibility of the institution.2 the more introduction 30vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 professors, the greater the credibility of the institution.3 on the contrary, the fewer the number of professors, the less credible the institution is. in the higher education system, professors have many roles, including the role model, mentor, protector, guardian, and ambassador of the institution.4 for indonesia’s state islamic universities, professors play a central role in knowledge development, that is, to produce knowledge and make it available to the public. the indonesian ministry of research and technology has issued the threat of revoking professors' honorary benefits for those who do not publish in scientific journals. the threat is quite influential in increasing the publication of scientific works among professors.5 however, the basic problem is not solved, namely the problem of the great uncertainty of professors in adapting to information technology. reading the researchers who publish their work in a discipline is essential to understanding the discipline itself and its impact. meanwhile, documenting it makes it possible for researchers to assess their capacity in research and develop their expertise. the big problem faced by professors in state islamic universities is the publication of research results. they are not able to properly publish their research results, even though they have a good ability to find good and useful research results for the public. regarding the above, this research has succeeded in filling the research gap on mapping the research performance of state islamic university professors that researchers have neglected. mapping of research performance is directed at finding aspects of the research performance weaknesses of professors at state islamic universities, especially in relation to the publication of research results, so that it will provide academic solutions to overcome the research productivity of the professors. ian o. williamson and dian m. cable conducted a study of the productivity of professors early in their professor careers at aacsb-accredited united state business management schools.6 of 152 management professors, during the first 6 years of their careers, research literature review 31 afkaruna productivity was very high. however, over time (the addition of age numbers), the professors' productivity has various symptoms. carleton et al. conducted a study of the productivity of clinical psychology professors in canada by grouping professors based on gender and level of publication.7 of the 255 cpa accredited professors, the study found that most professors published between 0 and 4 articles each year. male professors published significantly more research results than female professors.8 a quite interesting and unique study was conducted by shawn bauldry9 about the productivity of research by assistant professors. bauldry reported that research results conducted by 334 in 98 american sociology study programs boosted the productivity of scientific publications at the institutions where they were employed. in terms of research integrity, there is an increasing trend of research replication.10 a verification of research findings, as presented in journals that publish research results, triggers a demand to find the best way to look for higher standards and better integrity of research practices.11 the abundance of data and instant, as well as massive online publications, have a significant contribution to shaping the tradition of research replication, which has a big influence on researchers’ integrity.12 in addition to trends and topics, the output of research results was apprehended by many researchers and became global trends.13 mingze wang researched the output of research results on soil monitoring, using data from 1999 to 2013. through a complete calculation strategy of the impact factors and the number of citations for each document, wang mapped the criteria in an integrated manner to evaluate all of the research results outputs. wang's research shows that the publication of research results on soil monitoring presents solid growth, and the number of related articles continues to increase, along with collaboration indices, quotes, and references. as many as 18,940 articles related to land monitoring were published in various journals in 2004 on various topics, such as environment, water, geoscience, and ecology.14 regarding the approach aspect, research conducted by matthew charles wilson on political science illustrates that the dominant trend in political science research is a comparative approach.15 the research 32vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 published in eight major political science journals between 1906 and 2015, according to wilson, gave a very positive and important contribution to political research with a comparative approach and paved the way for scientists to explore more about political science. in terms of style and design, collaborative research among professors is less research carried out in qualitative studies. states that the style of collaborative research falls into the critical zone of scarcity, even though the most appropriate research evaluation is if performed through collaborative research. innovations from the collaborative work of a team of researchers are very hard to find, especially researchers’ collaboration between countries. overall, the above researchers only highlighted the problem of the decline in the research performance of professors.16 they did not focus much on the obstacles to the publication of research results, which is precisely the biggest problem among muslim professors in indonesia. in terms of academic integrity, professors in indonesia uphold academic ethics, so they do not commit much plagiarism, but they have very big obstacles in terms of publishing their research results. this study adds to the existing literature regarding the research performance of university professors. this research has succeeded in finding several factors that hinder the publication performance of state islamic university professors in indonesia so that their results reports are only stored in university warehouses and are not widely published to the public. this study can be used as a guide to help increase the productivity of the publications of professors in indonesia, namely about mentoring programs by young assistants who are adaptive and well-versed to information technology. assistants help old professors to get acquainted with information technology. in several universities in indonesia, the mentoring program has increased the trend of publications by professors in local and international journals. based on the background study and literature review, three research questions were developed to guide the research process, they are: 1. how is the research publication performance of state islamic university professors in indonesia? 33 afkaruna 2. how is the average level of originality of research results of state islamic university professors in indonesia? 3. how is the average quantity of publication of research results among state islamic university professors in indonesia? in this study, the authors used mixed methods by combining quantitative and qualitative approaches.17 the main raw material for this research is the research reports of the professors and the results of the questionnaires distributed to them in three state islamic universities in indonesia. the author uses qualitative methods to explain in detail the findings in the questionnaire and research reports. this study uses a mixed-method, combining the descriptive–qualitative analysis with a quantitative data reading in form of the bibliometric analysis. lately, most researchers have applied bibliometrics to analyze publication citation indexes, both journals and proceedings.18 this study took place in uin bandung, uin jakarta, and uin surabaya, for five months, from january to october 2019. research method participants and sample the population of this research is 250 research reports of professors’ research work and 98 professors from three state islamic universities in indonesia in the span of five years (2014-2018). the universities are uin bandung, uin jakarta, and uin surabaya. the research sample is 185 research results and 85 professors, randomly taken from those universities (se table 1). the random sampling technique is a method of collecting samples randomly without considering the levels within the population.19 therefore, this research determined the sample by calculating the population and then determining the samples randomly from the population.20 the calculation used isaac and michael’s table,21 and the result based on the population of 250, with the error rate below 1%, determined 185 the number of samples. the professors who were sampled in this study were eighty-five people from a population of 98 people. 34vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 instrumentation this study uses two instruments, namely documentation and questionnaires. documentation is used to collect data related to the performance, originality, and publication of the results of professors. the survey questionnaire in this study is a written questionnaire in the form of a question or statement that gives respondents the freedom to provide answers and opinions according to their wishes. there are three forms of research questionnaire, namely an open, closed, and semi-open questionnaire. the questionnaire mentioned the profile of the respondents and instructions for filling in. the technique of measuring data through this questionnaire uses a likert scale (see table 2). the likert scale is used to measure the attitudes, opinions, and perceptions of a person or group of people about a social phenomenon.22 table 1. distribution of sample members uin bandung uin jakarta uin surabaya sum: uin bandung uin jakarta uin surabaya sum: 30 35 20 85 62 77 46 185 35 41 24 100 33,5 41,6 24,9 100 variable category frequency percentage professor research report documents table 2. score table always often sometimes rarely never 1 2 3 4 5 5 4 3 2 1 statements positive (+) negative (-) score 35 afkaruna data collection and analysis techniques collecting data in the form of documentation was carried out directly through the research and publishing center at uin bandung, uin jakarta, and surabaya. the collection of research questionnaires was carried out via email and whatsapp group of respondents that had previously been formed and used to send research questionnaires. this research used descriptive statistics to describe the basic features of the data in a study. furthermore, the questionnaire received by the researcher was sorted based on university data, study program, and gender. in particular, the answer data collected from the questionnaire was tabulated for percentage based on each question for description and conclusion. in tabulating, linear statistical analysis was not used but used descriptive statistical techniques. descriptive statistics allow a researcher to quantify and describe the basic characteristics of a data set. as such, descriptive statistics serve as a starting point for data analysis, allowing researchers to organize, simplify, and summarize data.23 discussion research performance this study found that the number of muslim professors at state islamic universities in indonesia is very minimal, especially female professors. besides, the research publication performance of muslim professors in indonesia is very low, while the originality of the research is very high. there are only a few professors at the state islamic universities, especially the female ones (see table 3). table 3 above shows a very big gap between the number of female and male professors. the stark contrast proves that there is still gender bias at the universities. the situation accordingly affects the number of table 3. number of professors based on sex 85 15 100 male female sum: 73 12 85 variable category negative (-)frequency gender 36vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 research results of female professors. the average professors at state islamic universities are over 40 years old. based on the collected data, the number of professors under 40 is very low, with only 4 people. meanwhile, there are 81 people over the age of 40 years. furthermore, data of 85 professors indicate that 57 professors at the state islamic universities wrote less than 5 research articles in a year. meanwhile, 17 professors write only 1 research article in a year, and 5 people never write at all for a year. only 6 people write more than 5 research articles annually (see table 5). regarding the research motives of professors in indonesia can be seen in table 6 below. table 4. number of professors based on age 5,7 94,3 100 under 40 years over 40 years sum: 4 81 85 variable category percentagefrequency age table 5. article writing in a year 67 7 20 6 100 < 5 > 5 1 0 57 6 17 5 85 variable category percentagefrequency writing sum: table 6. research motivation 17 24 59 100 knowledge development promotion requirements research fund 31 44 110 185 variable category percentagefrequency motivation sum: 37 afkaruna table 6 shows that the majority of professors research if they receive research funding aid from the institution where they work, as is commonplace in many places.24 meanwhile, descriptive methods tended to be the most preferred method by professors of the state islamic universities in 2014-2018. other methods are library research, surveys, experiments, and comparatives (see table 7). the descriptive method is used in 55% out of 185 (102 research). the second most favored one is the literature study, which reaches 15% (27 research). the survey method is 13% (24 research). the comparative method is 10% (19 studies). the least preferred method is the experimental method, which is 7% (13 research). of all the methods used in the research above, qualitative data analysis techniques are more dominant than quantitative analysis. only 19 reports, or 10% of the research, utilize quantitative techniques. on the contrary, research with qualitative techniques reaches 130 research or 70%. the mixed quantitative and qualitative technique is 20% (36 research). table 7 illustrates that social sciences predominate the science and knowledge development in the state islamic universities, while natural sciences lag far behind. this is a social capital for the direction of those universities. the institutional policy framework related to development table 7. data analysis techniques 70 10 20 100 55 15 13 10 7 100 qualitative quantitative mixed sum: descriptive literature survey comparative experimental sum: 130 19 36 185 102 27 24 19 13 185 variable category percentagefrequency approach method 38vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 must take into account the data analysis methods and approaches developed and expounded in the professor's research. when there is a large tendency to analyze data qualitatively, the institution does not have a fundamental reason to develop natural sciences. the reason behind the quantitative methods being the least preferable is that the professors believe that the approach is not strong enough to develop a theory and to narrate the difference between the influential variables on a studied phenomenon. in this case, as stated by kari lukka, quantitative research has a limited capacity to produce research results that present new insights.25 the proportion of the data analysis approach used by professors in state islamic universities is presented in the following table. the limited use of quantitative techniques cannot be attributed to difficulties in obtaining quantitative research theory because various quantitative research results are found in numerous journals. perhaps, this is due to the lack of instruments and research steps with quantitative methodologies. other than that, the social sciences have a different character. meanwhile, the use of qualitative techniques that are dominant in the professors' research has presumably a relation with theory developments.26 the qualitative and quantitative mixed techniques are not found in all selected research samples. this is related to the use of mixed methods, which becomes a problem in social studies. in alise and teddie’s27 report, there are 5% of the sample he uses from various social sciences articles using mixed methods. due to the vast majority of the use of the descriptive method, the professors’ studies at the state islamic universities do not answer research problems or hypotheses but rather create new hypotheses. the additional effect of these facts and data is that the studies do not provide practical solutions to problems but only describe the problems. based on the collected data, it is found that most professors at state islamic universities occupy certain administrative positions. of the total 85 professors at the three universities, 52 (62%) of them administer certain positions on their respective campuses, 25 (29%) people occupy positions outside campus, and only 8 (9%) people are exempt from any administrative job. 39 afkaruna in general, professors are in managerial positions, which have a significant effect on the level of their research productivity. meanwhile, positions held by the majority of professors are irrelevant to knowledge management, while the professors who held a position in structural positions outside the campus are mostly involved in socio-religious fields and community organizations. the research data showed that 10 professors could not use computers. forty-seven professors stated they can but are not very familiar with computers, and as many as 13 professors did not provide information. meanwhile, only 15 people are well-literate and can use a computer but do not know how to use a complicated program, such as data processing in graphs (see table 8). computer literacy among professors is a crippling problem to research independence in terms of process and outcome management. this leads to a situation where some professors have to wait for other people to assist them in data processing and data management. the inability of the majority of professors to use electronic writing tools makes them unable to properly record the knowledge development processes. table 8. technology literacy 12 55 18 15 100 cannot use not familiar well-literate no comment 10 47 15 13 85 variable category percentagefrequency computer mastery sum: the originality of the research reports in general, the similarity average of the professors' research reports is less than 25%. by using the plagiarism check application from turnitin, as many as 174 results of the sample can be considered original since they did not have a similar title to other and previous research results. there is no similarity in the title, methodology, and material. meanwhile, there are 11 research results whose titles are similar to other research results, but the methodology and material are not. 40vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 publication of research results out of the 185 research results by professors from the state islamic universities, several 22 pieces of research are published in international in the light of online plagiarism, there are no samples that indicate plagiarism in the studied writings. this percentage illustrates that the results of the professors’ research at the state islamic universities belong to high integrity research. however, this high percentage of originality is not parallel to the level of professors’ knowledge of plagiarism. as many as 54% of professors at the state islamic universities did not have in-depth knowledge about plagiarism and were unable to use relevant applications. the majority of professors have only heard of the term plagiarism but do not understand the technical meaning of the term and its parameters. as many as 14% know and can use the plagiarism checker application. 29% of professors do not know the term plagiarism at all and do not understand the applications associated with it. the data represent a latent potential for the emergence of plagiarism among professors of the universities because of their minimal knowledge of plagiarism. besides, this indicates that they are not able to adapt to the development of plagiarism checker technology that has become an international standard in science management. the increasing use of the internet in higher education has raised concerns about the rise of online plagiarism and virtual fraud.28 in the united states, the number of students who admit to plagiarism in different forms is as high as 70%.29 in some colleges in pakistan, 365 graduates of undergraduate and graduate programs from private and public universities have very low awareness of plagiarism. in addition, university plagiarism policies are very loose, and many respondents do not understand what plagiarism is. a large number of undergraduate graduates admit that they have deliberately plagiarized other people's work.30 meanwhile, in mozambique universities, as in coughlin’s study,31 75% of the 150 undergraduate students’ final assignments and master's thesis have plagiarized content (having more than similar 100 words in each thesis). meanwhile, 39% of these are even worse, having more than 500-word similarities. 41 afkaruna discussion an unexpected result and important of this study is the gender factor among professors. this study found that based on the imbalance of the number of female professors with male professors in state islamic universities, the number of research by male professors is bigger than the number of female counterparts. overall, there is a trend in the productivity of research performance in the world between male professors and female professors. yves gingras et. al. identify differences in research productivity, patent creation, funding, collaboration, quotations, and the factor impact between men and women.32 fayaz scientific journals and 31 researchers in local (national) journals. meanwhile, the rest are published in proceedings (24 pieces of research), local books (25 pieces of research), teaching materials, nine pieces of research, and 74 research results are available as research reports (see table 9). table 9 shows that most of the research reports are in the universities’ storage, and it is not readily accessible to the international public. there were several reasons why they did not publish their research results. 30% of researchers are unsure that their research article would be accepted and published in respected journals. 10% use the high cost of the publishing process as a hindrance, including the cost of translation. meanwhile, 60% of the respondents say they do not understand the publication flow in the open journal system. table 9. publication of research result 12% 17% 13,5% 12,5% 40% 5% 100% 22 31 25 24 74 9 185 internationaljournals local journals local books local proceedings research reports teaching materials total category of publication percentagefrequency 42vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 ahmad lone illustrates that men have higher average productivity than women for all research productivity indicators, patent creation, funding, and collaboration across regions and disciplines.33 age, marriage, children, and household workload are some personal factors that greatly affect the research productivity of women.34 there appears to be an imbalance in numbers between professors who are still of productive age compared to the number of professors who are already unproductive. 94% of professors in the three state islamic universities have entered the low productivity age, while only 6% are in the high productivity age. age is the key factor in research productivity, meaning that the older the professor is, the lower the level of his scientific productivity is.35 36 on the other hand, the younger the professor is, the higher the level of his or her scientific productivity usually is, and the higher their scientific productivity usually is. the involvement of professors in structural positions becomes an obstacle to their research productivity and quality. the professors have limited time and energy to conduct research since they are too busy with management tasks. meanwhile, their time to read books or access relevant research references is greatly reduced. thus, they rarely update themselves in terms of research methods and other subjects related to research that is needed for the improvement of research quality. in sum, managerial positions held by professors within state islamic universities are not related to their research field and duty. instead, their administrative works are more about social activities. it is a different story if their positions have a relation to research endeavors. research results from damien contandriopoulos show that those who have managerial positions in research networks are more productive than those who do not have the same jobs.37 these positions bring professors closer to research information and opportunities. the jobs also can supply more insights, ideas, new projects, and potential performance improvements. the appropriate managerial positions for professors are rector, vice-rector, and dean. meanwhile, any technical positions, such as head of study programs, institutions, centers, and technical units, are not suitable for professors since these positions are more technical and 43 afkaruna administrative that require a tremendous amount of time. research tools mastery and literacy, in the form of information technology devices, is another obstacle to the professors’ research productivity. their inability to use information technology devices, especially among the senior professors, hinders them in the process of conducting their research and communicating their ideas through a written research report. based on the research results above, one of the fundamental problems experienced by indonesian professors in the publications of their research reports is their inability to adapt to information technology. in terms of the content of thoughts and ideas, the professors have strengths and qualities, but they have considerable problems in publishing their works. they cannot access an open journal system which is now a common trend in the publication of scientific papers. therefore, one program that is very effective in helping increase the productivity of the publications of professors in indonesia is an assistance program by young assistants who are adaptive to information technology. the assistants can help the professors to get familiar with the information technology. the assistance program is very effective in increasing the productivity of the publications of professors, especially the senior ones. in several universities in indonesia, assistance programs have increased the trend of publication by professors in local and international journals. consequently, it is recommended that the islamic state universities must allocate a special financial budget for the assistance program outside the existing publication budget. conclusion the publication performance of the research results of professors at state islamic universities shows an alarming performance, this can be seen from the data found that 57 professors at the state islamic university from 85 samples wrote less than 5 research articles in a year, 17 professors only wrote 1 research article. in a year, 5 professors never write at all for a year, and only 6 professors write more than 5 research articles each year. meanwhile, the research results used as teaching materials are even lower, with only 9 results or 5% of the total sample. 44vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 in terms of research result publication, 60% of sampled professors did not understand the open journal system, thus hindering the publication of research results in reputable journals. the small number of research publications among professors in state-owned islamic universities may affect the knowledge share of the public, as their findings have not been published widely.. as for research integrity, professors at state islamic universities are quite high. however, for the benefit of research, it is not enough just to have integrity but to do publicity, so that high integrity is even more useful. the findings of this study indicate that the research productivity of professors at various state islamic universities cannot contribute to the development of knowledge, if their research results are not widely published. it is natural, recently that the islamic sciences have stagnated because the professors who were supposed to develop knowledge experienced obstacles in publishing their research results. this research can answer the riddle of why islamic sciences are not developing in a better direction, even though the budget for state islamic universities has been allocated by the government. in addition, the results of this research refute several opinions which state that due to inadequate government budgets, professors do not publish. this is only a small part of the reason professors do not publish. in fact, some of the most crucial barrier factors are the age of the professors who are too old and their inability to adapt to the development of publication technology. endnotes giulio peruginelli, “evaluating research: the case of legal scholarly outputs,” legal information management, vol. 15, no. 1, (2015): 50-56. https://doi.org/10.1017/s147266961500016x. seonghye yoon, seyoung kim, and minjeng kang, “predictive power of grit, professor support for autonomy and learning engagement on perceived achievement within the context of a flipped classroom”, active learning in higher education, vol. 21, no. 3 (2020): 233–247, viewed 6 january 2021,<http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct= true&db=eric&an=ej1262509&site=eds-live>. young kim, lee, y., and chung, k. “an investigation on the information 45 afkaruna 1 2 3 systems research in supply chain management: an analysis of research topic and methodology,” multimed tools appl, vol. 74 (2015): 8849–8860. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11042-013-1632-4 roni strier and dorit shechter, “visualizing access: knowledge development in university-community partnerships,” high educ., 71 (2016): 343–359. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-015-9907-5; david otts, “the role of the professor in adult student success: teaching today’s college students to succeed”, practitioner to practitioner, vol. 10, no. 5 (2020): 10–15, viewed 6 january 2021,<http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/lo gin.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&an=ej1263892&site=eds-live>. adhtya himawan, “ada 1.200 guru besar di indonesia tak lakukan publikasi ilmiah,” suara com. (2017). https://www.suara.com/tekno/2017 /02/23/063700/ada-1200-guru-besar-di-indonesia-tak-lakukan-publikasi-il miah ian o. williamson and dian m. cable, “predicting early career research productivity: the case of management faculty.” journal of organizational behavior, 24/1 (2013): 25-44. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com /docview/224902132?accountid=25704wray, k. (2014). collaborative research, deliberation, and innovation. episteme, 11(3), 291-303. https://doi.org/10.1017/epi.2014.9 carleton, r.nicholas., parkerson, h.a. and horswill, s.c., “assessing the publication productivity of clinical psychology professors in canadian psychological association-accredited canadian psychology departments,” canadian psychology, vol. 53, no. 3 (2012): 226-237. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1034977502?accountid=25704 larivière, v., archambault, e., and gingras, y., “long‐term variations in the aging of scientific literature: from exponential growth to steady‐state science (1900–2004), j. am. soc. inf. sci., vol. 59 (2004): 288-296. https://doi.org/10.1002/asi.20744 bauldry, s., “trends in the research productivity of newly hired assistant professors at research departments from 2007 to 2012,” am soc, vol. 44 (2013): 282–291. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-013-9187-4 helgesson, g. & eriksson, s. (201victory prawira yan lepa, "pidana pengawasan dalam sistem pemidanaan di indonesia," lex administratum ii, no. 3 (2014).5), “plagiarism in research,” medicine, health care, and philosophy, vol. 18, no. 1 (2015): 91-101. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11019 014-9583-8 jalbert, t., “do business professors who excel at both teaching and research exist?”, research in higher education journal, vol. 37 (2019). ishiyama, j. (2014), “replication, research transparency, and journal publications: individualism, community models, and the future of replication studies,” ps: political science & politics, vol. 47, no. 1 (2014): 46vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 47 afkaruna 78-83, 2014. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001765 pomante, l., “periodical press for university professors in italy between war and post-war period (1939-1960),” history of education & children’s literature, vol. 15, no. 1 (2020): 469–518; alhirtani, n.a.k., “the use of modern teaching methods in teaching arabic language at higher education phase from the point view of arabic language professors--a case of a premier university”, international education studies, vol. 13, no. 1 (2020): 32–41. wang, m., liu, d., jia, j.& zhang, x., “global trends in soil monitoring research from 1999–2013: a bibliometric analysis. acta agriculturæ scandinavica, 65 (2015): 483-495. https://doi.org/10.1080/09064710.201 5.1030443 wilson, m. z., “trends in political science research and the progress of comparative politics,” ps: political science & politics, 50/4 (2017): 979-984. https://doi.org/10.1017/s104909651700110x rohman, m., “problematika guru dan dosen dalam sistem pendidikan nasional,” cendekia, vol. 14, no. 1 (2016): 49-70. guillén, g.f.d & mayorga, f.m.j., “quantitative-comparative research on digital competence in students, graduates, and professors of faculty education: an analysis with anova,” education and information technologies, vol. 25, no. 5 (2020): 4157–4174; garcía, g.m.a., torrano, f. & garcía, g.g., “analysis of stress factors for female professors at online universities”, international journal of environmental research and public health, vol. 17, no. 8 (2020), viewed 6 january 2021, http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=cme dm&an=32344638&site=eds-live; werle, d. & byrd, c.t., “college professors’ perceptions of students who stutter and the impact on comfort approaching professors”, journal of fluency disorders, vol. 67 (2021). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.as px?direct=true&db=edselp&an=s0094730x20300814&site=eds-live>. xie, s. zhan, j. & ho, y., “assessment of world aerosol research trends by bibliometric analysis,” scientometrics, 77 (2008): 113-130. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11192-007-1928-0; deborah, a. abowit, and michael toole, t., “mixed method research: fundamental issues of design, validity, and reliability in construction research,” journal of construction engineering & management, vol. 136, no.1 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1061/(asce)co.1943-7862.0000026; kim, h. and choi, j., "the growth of higher education and science production in south korea since 1945", the century of science (international perspectives on education and society, vol. 33), emerald publishing limited (2017): 205-226. https://doi.org/10.1108/s1479-367920170000033010; peruginelli, g., “evaluating research: the case of legal scholarly outputs,” legal 13 14 15 16 17 18 48vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 information management, vol. 15, no. 1 (2015): 50-56. https://doi.org/10.1017/s147266961500016x; togia, a. and malliari, a., “research methods in library and information science, qualitative versus quantitative research. dr. sonyel oflazoglu (ed.),” intech (2017). https://doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.68749 sugiyono, metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif, dan r&d. alfabeta, cv: bandung (2017); töre, e., “the opinions of students, professors and practice teachers on the teaching practice course”, international journal of evaluation and research in education, vol. 9, no. 1 (2020): 10–20, viewed 6 january 2021, <http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct= true&db=eric&an=ej1246375&site=eds-live>. baidi. (2019), “the role of parents’ interests and attitudes in motivating them to homeschool their children,” journal of social studies education research, vol. 10, no. 1 (2019). 156-177. https://jsser.org/index.php/jsser /article/view/522; ramón, s.p., silva, m.p., garcía, v. & estay s.j.g., “coping, personal and family life of professors who belongs to the national system of researchers of a university of the south of méxico”, journal of educational psychology propositos y representaciones, vol. 8 (2020). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login. aspx?direct=true&db=eric&an=ej1251983&site=eds-live>. isaac and michael's table is a way to determine the number of samples with the following conditions, namely the number of populations is known, the significance level is 1%, 5% and 10%, and is used for samples that are normally distributed or homogeneous samples. sugiyono, “metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif” ija suntana & betty tresnawaty, “political knowledge and political behavior among highly educated muslims in indonesia,” journal of social studies education research, 11/4 (2020): 149-174. https://jsser.org/index.ph p/jsser/article/view/2817 ammon, j. salter, & martin, ben, r., “the economic benefits of publicly funded basic research: a critical review,” research policy, vol. 30, no. 3 (2001): 509-532. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0048-7333(00)00091-3 lukka, k., “the roles and effects of paradigms in accounting research,” management accounting research, vol. 21, no. 2 (2010): 110-115. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mar.2010.02.002 ngulube, p., “qualitative data analysis and interpretation: systematic search for meaning,” in mathipa, e. r. and gumbo, m. t, (eds.), addressing research challenges: making headway for developing researchers, (2015), noordwyk: mosala-masedi publishers and booksellers cc. alise, m.a., & teddlie, c., “a continuation of the paradigm wars? prevalence rates of methodological approaches: across the social/ behavioral sciences,” journal of mixed methods research, vol. 4, no.2 (2010): 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 49 afkaruna 103-126. https://doi.org/10.1177/1558689809360805 pecorari, d. & petric, b., “plagiarism in second-language writing,” language teaching, vol. 47, no. 3, (2014) : 269-302. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0261444814000056; saunders, j., “plagiarism and the law,” learned publishing, vol. 23, no. 4 (2010): 279–292. https://doi.org/10.1087/20100402 east, j., “judging plagiarism: a problem of morality and convention,” higher education, vol. 59, no. 10 (2010): 69-83. http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/47145283/judging-plagiaris m-problem-morality-convention. ramzan, m., munir, m., siddique, n., & asif, m., “awareness about plagiarism amongst university students in pakistan,” higher education, vol. 64, no. 1 (2012): 73-84. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/awa reness-about-plagiarism-amongst-university-in-ramzan-munir/1042010b89 9af162547d362706aa4076eb66e36d coughlin, p.e., “plagiarism in five universities in mozambique: magnitude, detection techniques, and control measures,” int j educ integr, vol. 11, no. 2 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40979-015-0003-5 gingras, y. larivière, macaluso, v. b., & robitaille, j., “the effects of aging on researchers' publication and citation patterns,” plos one, vol. 3, no.12 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0004048 loan, f.a. & hussain, m., “gender variations in research productivity: insights from scholarly research,” library philosophy and practice, (2017): 1-12. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1969923417? accountid=25704 szymanska, i.i. and rubin, b.a., "gender and relationship differences in the perceptions of male and female leadership", gender in management, vol. 33 no. 4 (2018): 254-281. https://doi.org/10.1108/gm-06-2016-012 7 garcía, g.m.a., torrano, f. & garcía, g.g., “analysis of stress factors for female professors at online universities”, international journal of environmental research and public health, vol. 17, no. 8 (2020). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct= true&db=cmedm&an=32344638&site=eds-live>. ramón, s.p., silva, m.p., garcía, v. & estay s.j.g., “coping, personal and family life of professors who belongs to the national system of researchers of a university of the south of méxico”, journal of educational psychology propositos y representaciones, vol. 8 (2020). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://e-resources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&d b=eric&an=ej1251983&site=eds-live>. contandriopoulos, d. , duhoux ,a. , larouche, c., & perroux, m., “the impact of a researcher’s structural position on scientific performance: an 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 50vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 empirical analysis,” plos one, vol. 11, no. 8, e0161281 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0161281 references adhtya himawan, “ada 1.200 guru besar di indonesia tak lakukan publikasi ilmiah,” suara com. (2017). https://www.suara.com/tekno/2017/02/23/063700/ada-1200guru-besar-di-indonesia-tak-lakukan-publikasi-ilmiah alhirtani, n.a.k., “the use of modern teaching methods in teaching arabic language at higher education phase from the point view of arabic language professors--a case of a premier university”, international education studies, vol. 13, no. 1 (2020): 32–41. alise, m.a., & teddlie, c., “a continuation of the paradigm wars? prevalence rates of methodological approaches: across the social/ behavioral sciences,” journal of mixed methods research, vol. 4, no.2 (2010): 103-126. https://doi.org/10.1177/1558689809360805 ammon, j. salter, & martin, ben, r., “the economic benefits of publicly funded basic research: a critical review,” research policy, vol. 30, no. 3 (2001): 509532. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0048-7333(00)00091-3 baidi. (2019), “the role of parents’ interests and attitudes in motivating them to homeschool their children,” journal of social studies education research, vol. 10, no. 1 (2019). 156-177. https://jsser.org/index.php/jsser/article/view/522 bauldry, s., “trends in the research productivity of newly hired assistant professors at research departments from 2007 to 2012,” am soc, vol. 44 (2013): 282–291. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-013-9187-4 carleton, r.nicholas., parkerson, h.a. and horswill, s.c., “assessing the publication productivity of clinical psychology professors in canadian psychological association-accredited canadian psychology departments,” canadian psychology, vol. 53, no. 3 (2012): 226-237. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1034977502?accountid=25704 contandriopoulos, d. , duhoux ,a. , larouche, c., & perroux, m., “the impact of a researcher’s structural position on scientific performance: an empirical analysis,” plos one, vol. 11, no. 8, e0161281 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0161281 coughlin, p.e., “plagiarism in five universities in mozambique: magnitude, detection techniques, and control measures,” int j educ integr, vol. 11, no. 2 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40979-015-0003-5 david otts, “the role of the professor in adult student success: teaching today’s college students to succeed”, practitioner to practitioner, vol. 10, no. 5 (2020): 10–15, viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&an=ej1263892 &site=eds-live>. deborah, a. abowit, and michael toole, t., “mixed method research: fundamental issues of design, validity, and reliability in construction research,” journal of 51 afkaruna construction engineering & management, vol. 136, no.1 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1061/(asce)co.1943-7862.0000026 east, j., “judging plagiarism: a problem of morality and convention,” higher education, vol. 59, no. 10 (2010): 69-83. http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/47145283/judging-plagiarism-problemmorality-convention. garcía, g.m.a., torrano, f. & garcía, g.g., “analysis of stress factors for female professors at online universities”, international journal of environmental research and public health, vol. 17, no. 8 (2020), viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=cmedm&an=323446 38&site=eds-live>. garcía, g.m.a., torrano, f. & garcía, g.g., “analysis of stress factors for female professors at online universities”, international journal of environmental research and public health, vol. 17, no. 8 (2020). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=cmedm&an=323446 38&site=eds-live>. gingras, y., larivière, v., macaluso, v. b., & robitaille, j., “the effects of aging on researchers' publication and citation patterns,” plos one, vol. 3, no.12 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0004048 giulio peruginelli, “evaluating research: the case of legal scholarly outputs,” legal information management, vol. 15, no. 1, (2015): 50-56. https://doi.org/10.1017/s147266961500016x guillén, g.f.d & mayorga, f.m.j., “quantitative-comparative research on digital competence in students, graduates, and professors of faculty education: an analysis with anova,” education and information technologies, vol. 25, no. 5 (2020): 4157–4174. helgesson, g. & eriksson, s. (2015), “plagiarism in research,” medicine, health care, and philosophy, vol. 18, no. 1 (2015): 91-101. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11019014-9583-8 ian o. williamson and dian m. cable, “predicting early career research productivity: the case of management faculty.” journal of organizational behavior, 24/1 (2013): 25-44. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/224902132?accountid=25704wray, k. (2014). collaborative research, deliberation, and innovation. episteme, 11(3), 291-303. https://doi.org/10.1017/epi.2014.9 ija suntana & betty tresnawaty, “political knowledge and political behavior among highly educated muslims in indonesia,” journal of social studies education research, 11/4 (2020): 149-174. https://jsser.org/index.php/jsser/article/view/2817 ishiyama, j. (2014), “replication, research transparency, and journal publications: individualism, community models, and the future of replication studies,” ps: political science & politics, vol. 47, no. 1 (2014): 78-83, 2014. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001765 52vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 jalbert, t., “do business professors who excel at both teaching and research exist?”, research in higher education journal, vol. 37 (2019). kari lukka, “the roles and effects of paradigms in accounting research,” management accounting research, vol. 21, no. 2 (2010): 110-115. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mar.2010.02.002 kim, h. and choi, j., "the growth of higher education and science production in south korea since 1945", the century of science (international perspectives on education and society, vol. 33), emerald publishing limited (2017): 205226. https://doi.org/10.1108/s1479-367920170000033010 larivière, v., archambault, e., and gingras, y., “long‐term variations in the aging of scientific literature: from exponential growth to steady‐state science (1900– 2004), j. am. soc. inf. sci., vol. 59 (2004): 288296. https://doi.org/10.1002/asi.20744 lone, f.a. & hussain, m., “gender variations in research productivity: insights from scholarly research,” library philosophy and practice, (2017): 1-12. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1969923417?accountid=25704 lukka, k., “the roles and effects of paradigms in accounting research,” management accounting research, vol. 21, no. 2 (2010): 110-115. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mar.2010.02.002 guillén, g.f.d & mayorga, f.m.j., “quantitative-comparative research on digital competence in students, graduates, and professors of faculty education: an analysis with anova,” education and information technologies, vol. 25, no. 5 (2020): 4157–4174. helgesson, g. & eriksson, s. (2015), “plagiarism in research,” medicine, health care, and philosophy, vol. 18, no. 1 (2015): 91-101. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11019014-9583-8 ian o. williamson and dian m. cable, “predicting early career research productivity: the case of management faculty.” journal of organizational behavior, 24/1 (2013): 25-44. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/224902132?accountid=25704wray, k. (2014). collaborative research, deliberation, and innovation. episteme, 11(3), 291-303. https://doi.org/10.1017/epi.2014.9 ija suntana & betty tresnawaty, “political knowledge and political behavior among highly educated muslims in indonesia,” journal of social studies education research, 11/4 (2020): 149-174. https://jsser.org/index.php/jsser/article/view/2817 ishiyama, j. (2014), “replication, research transparency, and journal publications: individualism, community models, and the future of replication studies,” ps: political science & politics, vol. 47, no. 1 (2014): 78-83, 2014. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001765 jalbert, t., “do business professors who excel at both teaching and research exist?”, research in higher education journal, vol. 37 (2019). kari lukka, “the roles and effects of paradigms in accounting research,” management accounting research, vol. 21, no. 2 (2010): 110-115. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mar.2010.02.002 kim, h. and choi, j., "the growth of higher education and science production in south korea since 1945", the century of science (international perspectives on education and society, vol. 33), emerald publishing limited (2017): 205226. https://doi.org/10.1108/s1479-367920170000033010 larivière, v., archambault, e., and gingras, y., “long‐term variations in the aging of scientific literature: from exponential growth to steady‐state science (1900– 2004), j. am. soc. inf. sci., vol. 59 (2004): 288296. https://doi.org/10.1002/asi.20744 lone, f.a. & hussain, m., “gender variations in research productivity: insights from scholarly research,” library philosophy and practice, (2017): 1-12. retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/1969923417?accountid=25704 lukka, k., “the roles and effects of paradigms in accounting research,” management accounting research, vol. 21, no. 2 (2010): 110-115. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mar.2010.02.002 ngulube, p., “qualitative data analysis and interpretation: systematic search for meaning,” in mathipa, e. r. and gumbo, m. t, (eds.), addressing research challenges: making headway for developing researchers, (2015), noordwyk: mosala-masedi publishers and booksellers cc. pecorari, d. & petric, b., “plagiarism in second-language writing,” language teaching, vol. 47, no. 3, (2014) : 269-302. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0261444814000056 peruginelli, g., “evaluating research: the case of legal scholarly outputs,” legal information management, vol. 15, no. 1 (2015): 50-56. https://doi.org/10.1017/s147266961500016x pomante, l., “periodical press for university professors in italy between war and postwar period (1939-1960),” history of education & children’s literature, vol. 15, no. 1 (2020): 469–518. ramón, s.p., silva, m.p., garcía, v. & estay s.j.g., “coping, personal and family life of professors who belongs to the national system of researchers of a university of the south of méxico”, journal of educational psychology propositos y representaciones, vol. 8 (2020). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&an=ej1251983 &site=eds-live>. ramón, s.p., silva, m.p., garcía, v. & estay s.j.g., “coping, personal and family life of professors who belongs to the national system of researchers of a university of the south of méxico”, journal of educational psychology propositos y representaciones, vol. 8 (2020). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&an=ej1251983 &site=eds-live>. ramzan, m., munir, m., siddique, n., & asif, m., “awareness about plagiarism amongst university students in pakistan,” higher education, vol. 64, no. 1 (2012): 73-84. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/awareness-aboutplagiarism-amongst-university-in-ramzan 51 afkaruna 52vol. 18 no. 1 june 2022 munir/1042010b899af162547d362706aa4076eb66e36d rohman, m., “problematika guru dan dosen dalam sistem pendidikan nasional,” cendekia, vol. 14, no. 1 (2016): 49-70. roni strier and dorit shechter, “visualizing access: knowledge development in university-community partnerships,” high educ., 71 (2016): 343–359. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-015-9907-5 saunders, j., “plagiarism and the law,” learned publishing, vol. 23, no. 4 (2010): 279–292. https://doi.org/10.1087/20100402 seonghye yoon, seyoung kim, and minjeng kang, “predictive power of grit, professor support for autonomy and learning engagement on perceived achievement within the context of a flipped classroom”, active learning in higher education, vol. 21, no. 3 (2020): 233–247, viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&an=ej1262509 &site=eds-live>. sugiyono, metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif, dan r&d. alfabeta, cv: bandung (2017). szymanska, i.i. and rubin, b.a., "gender and relationship differences in the perceptions of male and female leadership", gender in management, vol. 33 no. 4 (2018): 254-281. https://doi.org/10.1108/gm-06-2016-0127 togia, a. and malliari, a., “research methods in library and information science, qualitative versus quantitative research. dr. sonyel oflazoglu (ed.),” intech (2017). https://doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.68749 töre, e., “the opinions of students, professors and practice teachers on the teaching practice course”, international journal of evaluation and research in education, vol. 9, no. 1 (2020): 10–20, viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&an=ej1246375 &site=eds-live>. wang, m., liu, d., jia, j.& zhang, x., “global trends in soil monitoring research from 1999–2013: a bibliometric analysis. acta agriculturæ scandinavica, 65 (2015): 483-495. https://doi.org/10.1080/09064710.2015.1030443 werle, d. & byrd, c.t., “college professors’ perceptions of students who stutter and the impact on comfort approaching professors”, journal of fluency disorders, vol. 67 (2021). viewed 6 january 2021, <http://eresources.perpusnas.go.id:2069/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edselp&an=s009473 0x20300814&site=eds-live>. wilson, m.c., “trends in political science research and the progress of comparative politics,” ps: political science & politics, 50/4 (2017): 979-984. https://doi.org/10.1017/s104909651700110x xie, s. zhan, j. & ho, y., “assessment of world aerosol research trends by bibliometric analysis,” scientometrics, 77 (2008): 113-130. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11192-007-1928-0 53 afkaruna young kim, lee, y., and chung, k. “an investigation on the information systems research in supply chain management: an analysis of research topic and methodology,” multimed tools appl, vol. 74 (2015): 8849–8860. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11042-013-1632-4 layout juni 2016 wajah islam indonesia kontemporer yang terus berhadap-hadapan hilman latief universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. judul : islam in indonesia: the contest for society, ideas and values penulis : carool kersten penerbit : husrt & company kota : london tahun : 2015 halaman : 373 isbn : 9781849044370 indonesia masih menjadi salah satu dunia muslim yang mendapatkan perhatian dari para peneliti dan akademisi. satu karya yang muncul dan mewarnai kajian islam indonesia kali adalah ditulis oleh seorang sarjana kebangsaan belanda, carrol kersten, yang juga merupakan seorang dosen senior di king’s college london dan juga peneliti pada school of oriental and african studies (soas). buku memaparkan dinamika perkembangan pemikiran intelektual dan gerakan islam indonesia kontemporer yang didasarkan pada penelitian penulisanya selama bertahun-tahun di indonesia. buku ini telah mengisi kekosongan atau lebih tepatnya melengkapi literatur untuk kajian tentang sejarah intelektual muslim indonesia yang pada tahun-tahun 1990an dan awal 2000an pernah ditulis oleh sarja-sarjana lainnya seperti robert w. hefner, michael feener, martin van bruinessen, johan hendrik meuleman dan sebagainya. secara umum, buku ini bermaksud memahami upaya dan dinamika kaum intelektual muslim indonesia dalam melakukan pencarian model keislaman yang akan dan ingin diterapkan di indonesia. untuk itu, carool kersten, sang penulis, menelusuri keragaman gagasan-gagasan yang telah dan sedang dirumuskan dan ditawarkan oleh para intelektual dan aktivis muslim di indonesia, yang ternyata sangat dinamis dan bahkan dalam konteks tertentu, penuh diwarnai dengan perdebatan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b o o k r e v i e w doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016. 0058.135-138 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 136136136136136 afkaruna buku ini dibagi ke dalam 6 bab yang menjadi substansi buku di luar pendahuluan dan kesimpulan penulis. pada bagian pendahuluan, penulis memaparkan tentang peta dan akar intelektualisme islam kontemporer di indonesia. perkembangan inetelektualisme islam indonesia menunjukkan bahwa kaum muslim pada tahun 1980an dan 1990an telah merupaya mencurahkan enerji dan pemikirannya untuk sebuah agenda pembaruan pemikiran islam dalam konteks islam dan kenegaraan maupun islam dan keindonesiaan. untuk memahami substansi pemikirna yang berkembang tentang islam di indonesia, penulis tidak hanya mengeksplorasi pemikiran tokoh-tokoh pemikir muslim seperti nurcholsih madjid dan abdurrahman wahid, tetapi juga gagasan yang dirumuskan oleh organisasi-organisasi keagamaan di indonesia, seperti gerakan pemikiran di kalangan muyda muhammadiyah, nu, dan juga gagasan-gagasan yang dirumuskan oleh mui (majelis ulama indoensia), hizbut tahrir, fpi dan lain sebagainya. pada bab 1, penulis secara khusus menganalisis perdebatan tentang sekularisme, pluralisme dan liberalisme di indonesia. sebetulnya topik ini merupakan topik “tradisional” yang selalu menjadi perdebatan di dunia muslim, seperti mesir, turki, pakistan, dan sebagainya, tidak terkecuali indonesia. tentu saja, perkembangan tiga tema gagasan tersebut (sekularisme, pluralisme dan liberalisme) berada dalam rangkaian dan hasil dari dinamika relasi islam dan politik di indonesia yang terus berkembang dinamis sejak masa orde baru sampai era reformasi. pada masa orde baru, indonesia telah menyaksikan lahirnya pelbagai ormas keislaman yang secara aktif terlibat dalam merumuskan model islam indonesia, seperti hizbut tahrir, fpi, laskar jihad, masjid mujahidin indonesia dan sebagainya. tentu saja, diluar kelompok-kelompok tersebut, berkembang pula gagasan-gagasan lain, yang secara diametris berbeda dan lebih menunjukkan karakteristiknya yang lebih progresif. gagasan progresif muncul pada umumnya dipelopori oleh para akademisi dan cendekiawan yang berasal perguruan tinggi islam seperti uin atau iain. artinya fragmentasi pemikiran mewarnai pemikiran islam di indonesia, mulai dari pemikiran yang coraknya lebih pragmatis, idealistik, oportunistik, dan politis. pada bab 2, penulis menyoroti perkembangan pemikiran islam yang dipelopori dan dirumuskan oleh generasi baru, baik dari kalangan tradisionalis maupun tradisionalis. dalam pandangan penulis, corak pemikiran di kalangan generasi baru banyak diwarnai dengan apa yang disebutnya proses “hibridasi”. proses hibirdasi ini terjadi di kalangan muda aktivis nahdlatul ulama dan muhammadiyah. di yogyakarta, misalnya pergumulan intelektual telah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 137137137137137vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 memunculkan “mazhab sapen” sementara di jakarta muncul “mazhab ciputat”. kedua istilah maszhab ini muncul dikaitkan dengan posisi para aktivis dan cendekiawan muda muslim yang belajar di daerah sapen (iain/uin sunan kalijaga) dan di ciputat (iain/uin syarif hidayatullah). baik di yogyakarta maupun di jakarta, kedua mazhab tersebut (sapen dan ciputat) merupakan tempat titik temunya kaum cendekiawan muslim dari kalangan tradisionalis dan modernis, dan masing-masing mazhab melestarikan serta merupakan kelanjutan dari tokoh-tokoh pemikir muslim sebelumnya. mulai dari mukti ali, dawam rahardjo, ahmad wahib, djohan efendi, abdul munir mulkhan di yogyakarta, serta nurcholish madjid, muslim abdurrahman, azyumardi azra, dan lain-lain. pada bab 3, kajian dilanjutkan dengan secara spesifik mengupas tematema tertentu di kalangan generasi muslim baru sebagai bentuk dari adaptasi, kritik dan transformasi dari pemikiran islam yang sebelumnya dikembangkan cendekiawan muslim. di kalangan tradisionalis, penulis mencermati bagaimana konsep dan wacana neo-tradisionalisme islam dikembangkan dalam karyakarya baru yang ditulis. pada bagian ini, nampak bagaimana pemikir-pemikir muslim dari belahan dunia lain, seperti hassan hanafi, abed al-jabiri, mohammad arkoun, nasr hamid abu zayd, khaleed abou fadhl berpengaruh dna ikut mewarnai diskurus islam di indonesia. dalam konteks tertentu, wacana neo-tradisionalisme islam muncul sebagai kritik terhadap neo-modernisme yang diusung oleh sosok seperti nurcholish madjid. bab 4 diberi judul “debating secularism” di mana penulis fokus pada perdebatan di kalangan muslim indonesia tentang relasi antara islam, negara dan gagasan demokrasi. sebagaimana perdebatan muslim pada saat pembentukan negara indonesia, enerji kaum inelektual dan cendekiawan muslim juga masih terus digunakan hingga tahun 1990an dan pasca reformasi untuk merumuskan identitas politik islam di era negara bangsa. artinya, fragmentasi masih terus berlanjut, dan kaum muslim indoensia masih terus berhadap-hadapoan ketika berbicara tentang dasar negara, negara islam, sekularisme, nasionalisme dan lain-lain. tentu, ada banyak model yang telah ditawarkan. sebagian cendekiawan muslim menawarkan pemisahan yang utuh mendorong terbentuknya negara liberal-demokrasi yang utuh, tidak sedikit yang menginginkan negara relijius-demokratis, dan tentunya ada pula yang menawarkan negara islam. begitu pula tentang ide sekularisme atau sekularisasi yang juga telah menyulut perdebatan dan mendorong mui mengeluarkan fatwa khusus tentang hal itu. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 138138138138138 afkaruna bab 5 mengulas dimensi lain dari kontestasi pemikiran islam di indoensia, khususnya yang terkait dengan hukum islam. di indonesia organisasi kemasyarakatan islam seperti muhammadiyah, naldlatul ulama, dan persis tidak bisa lepas jauh-jauh dari pembahasan fikih islam, dan begitu pula dengan majelis ulama indonesia (mui). masalah hukum islam dan kajian fikih juga sudah sudah sejak lama menjadi diskurus masyarakat islam indonesia, termasuk di era kolonial. lagi-lagi, dalam perkembangannya terdapat fragmentasi yang belum berakhir, khususnya di kalangan “substansialis” yang mencoba mengedepankan spirit atau ruh dari tujuan hukum islam, dan kalangan “formalis” yang cenderung ingin meerapkan hukum islam secara tekstual. di tengah semangat reformasi pemikiran hukum islam, kecenderungan untuk melakukan formalisasi tidak berakhir dan bahkan semakin menguat. hal itu ditandai dengan adanya formalisasi “syariat islam” yang diadopsi melalui perdaperda di beberapa daerah kabupaten/kota termasuk di aceh. bab ke-6 atau bab terakhir mengupas topik-topik yang berkembang lebih belakangan, yaitu tentang kebebasan beragama, hak asasi manusia (ham) dan kebebasan berfikir. pada bagian ini, dapat dicermati bagaimana cendekiawan muslim indonesia harus mendiskusikan ulang tentang konsep kebebasan beragama, konsep ahli kitab, dan juga tentang eksistensi kelompok-kelompok minoritas. seperti halnya terhadap isu yang lain seperti demokrasi dan pluralisme, kaum muslim di indonesia fragmentasinya semakin menguat, yang ditunjukkan tidak hanya oleh kaum intelektual yang memiliki kebebasan berpendapat secara pribadi, tetapi juga oleh munculnya kelompok-kelompok baru yang secara kolektif menunjukkan prodan kontra terhadap gagasangagasan yang diperdebatkan. yang menarik dari paparan-paparan yang ada dalam buku ini adalah bagaimana kontestasi terjadi dan fragmentasi pemikiran keislaman di indonesia dari waktu ke waktu. buku ini memberikan gambaran yang cukup detail yang didasarkan pada wawancara pelbagai kalangan cendekiawan muslim di indonesia. buku ini juga memberikan peta pemikiran islam indonesia kontemporer dan menunjukkan bagimana kesinambungan fragmentasi pemikiran dapat dibaca melalui pelbagai topik yang didiskusikan. oleh karena itu, tepat kiranya bila kajian pemikiran islam modern (kontemporer) di indonesia menjadikan buku ini sebagai salah satu rujukan penting yang wajib dibaca oleh para mahasiswa, terutama di tingkat pascasarjana. layout des 2015 berderma dan sejarah sosial politik islam indonesia mukhlis rahmanto dosen di jurusan muamalah (ekonomi dan perbankan islam), fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: mukhlisindunisi@gmail.com judul buku : faith and the state: a history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia penulis : amelia fauzia penerbit : brill, leiden kota : belanda tahun : 2013 tebal : 346 bentuk-bentuk kedermawanan seperti zakat, infak, sedekah dan wakaf atau sekarang lebih populer dengan istilah filantropi islam, adalah jantung dari ajaran islam itu sendiri, yaitu rukun iman yang lima. praktik dari bentuk kedermawanan ini dalam sejarah islam, membuktikan bahwa islam dalam doktrin normatifnya, adalah agama yang menekankan kesalihan sosial yang berujung pada keadilan sosial. di sinilah cita-cita sosial islam menjadi sebuah keniscayaan. keimanan seorang muslim tidak dapat dinilai sempurna, jika hanya salih (baik) terhadap tuhannya, namun juga diukur dari kepedulian sosialnya terhadap manusia lain. ukuran ini termaktub tegas dalam al-qur’an dan hadis, salah satunya adalah perintah memelihara anak yatim dan memberi makan fakir miskin dalam surat al-ma’un. akan tetapi, dinamika praktik kedermawanan di lingkup umat islam, tidak terlepas dari bermacam kepentingan yang ada dan berkelindan, apalagi ketika islam sebagai ajaran dari tuhan dipraktik-ekspresikan, terkait dan masuk dalam bingkai kekuasaan, dalam hal ini adalah negara yang mempunyai otoritas mengatur suatu wilayah tertentu. meski kebanyakan tesis menunjukan, secara umum pengelolaan filantropi lebih banyak bertumpu dan diperankan oleh masyarakat sipil. dari titik kisar inilah, buku ini lahir dan merefleksikan kontestasi (persaingan) antara individu (iman-faith) dengan negara (state). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b o o k r e v i e w doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0052. 268-272 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 269269269269269vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 dalam hal ini, kajian sejarah sosial islam di indonesia mendapat tambahan referensi, dengan hadirnya buku yang aslinya adalah penelitian doktoral yang dilakukan oleh amelia fauzia, -dosen dan peneliti di universitas islam negeri syarif hidayatullahdi universitas melbourne, australia, di bawah bimbingan prof. m.c ricklefs. pembaca disuguhi tidak hanya dinamika sejarah filantropi islam di indonesia, akan tetapi juga perkembangan pemaknaan dan manifestasi terhadap konsep filantropi islam oleh para ulama dan intelektual muslim, yang banyak terekam dalam turats (legasi) fikih klasik. amelia juga mengawali dengan mengetengahkan bahasan tradisi dan praktik filantropi di dunia islam secara umum, dengan bahasan khusus umat islam di mesir dalam mengelola zakat dan wakaf, yang direpresentasikan oleh al-azhar, sebuah institusi dakwah dan pendidikan islam sunni tertua yang mampu bertahan seribu tahun lebih dengan topangan dana filantropi islam. buku ini terdiri dari empat bab yang terinci ke dalam tujuh bagian. penulis kemudian membagi babak sejarah filantropi islam di indonesia menjadi tiga: pertama, masa awal islam masuk ke indonesia hingga era kerajaan-kerajaan islam; kedua, masa kolonialisme hingga pra-kemerdekaan; ketiga, era kemerdekaan, orde baru hingga reformasi. babak pertama pada masa awal islam masuk ke indonesia hingga era kerajaan-kerajaan islam, temuan amelia menunjukan, bahwa filantropi islam dalam bentuk zakat dan wakaf lebih dijadikan sebagai sarana mendukung islamisasi dan belum banyak diatur oleh negara. artinya, dari sisi administrasi, filantropi islam berjalan begitu saja, ada atau tidak perhatian dan regulasi dari kesultanan, yang jika ditelisik lebih mengutamakan pajak. hal itu dapat dilihat pada dokumen undang-undang melaka, sebagai regulasi legal yang banyak dipakai oleh kesultanan-kesultanan islam sumatra sepanjang selat melaka. sedang proses islamisasi di sini diwakili, salah satunya dalam bentuk patronase antara para pemuka agama dengan umatnya. filantropi islam dinilai menguatkan posisi para pemimpin agama dalam melaksanakan islamisasi, dikarenakan menariknya, umat tidak banyak memiliki pengetahuan mengenai zakat, bagaimana dan kepada siapa harus disalurkan. babak kedua pada masa kolonialisme, amelia menyimpulkan bahwa kolonialis, dalam hal ini belanda, sebagai penguasa nusantara tidak terlalu berambisi ikut campur mengurus wilayah filantropi islam, karena dikhawatirkan memunculkan resistensi atau perlawanan dari umat islam yang mayoritas. keadaan ini memberi kesempatan pengelolaan filantropi islam dilakukan oleh masyarakat sipil (umat islam sendiri), sebagaimana dicontohkan oleh ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 270270270270270 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna muhammadiyah, yang membidani ide dan praktik pengelolaan serta manajemen dana filantropi, untuk mewujudkan perubahan sosial di masyarakat, bukan negara, karena penguasa saat itu adalah belanda. amelia mengetengahkan beberapa fakta sejarah yang unik, dimana seyogyanya bagi generasi baru kalangan islam modernis dewasa ini, memberikan pelajaran penting bagaimana generasi awal muhammadiyah melakukan intepretasi dan manifestasi filantropi islam. fakta unik itu salah satunya, bagaimana ideologi terbuka (inklusif) mendasari pengelolaan filantropi ala muhammadiyah masa itu, yang memang gagasan muhammadiyah dalam hal ini, terinspirasi oleh lembaga kedermawanan (charity) kristen yang telah terlebih dahulu muncul dan berkembang, khususnya di yogyakarta sebagai tempat kelahiran muhammadiyah. rumah sakit atau klinik milik muhammadiyah sebagaimana tertuang dalam anggaran dasarnya didirikan untuk melayani setiap golongan, agama, dan masyarakat berlatar-belakang apapun. juga menerima donasi filantropi dari siapapun, tanpa melihat latar belakangnya. bahkan beberapa doktor belanda pun ikut membantu pelayanan medis. selain itu, ide pelembagaan filantropi yang digagas oleh muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan modernis islam, mendapat resistensi dari kalangan tradisionalis yang kukuh berpendapat, bahwa pelembagaan filantropi islam akan mengurangi pendapatan para ulama dari umat sebagai klien mereka. dalam hal ini, kontestasi pengelolaan dana filantropi islam pun berlangsung di lingkaran masyarakat sipil islam itu sendiri. babak ketiga yaitu era kemerdekaan, orde baru, hingga reformasi. pasca kemerdekaan, para intelektual islam, terutama kalangan modernis, banyak tertarik membahas dan mengembangkan isu dan wacana filantropi, sehingga melahirkan beberapa lembaga pendidikan tinggi islam yang dibiayai dari dana filantropi sekaligus untuk kepentingan islamisasi. masalahnya, tidak hanya para intelektual yang tertarik, negara dalam hal ini pemerintahan orde baru juga tertarik untuk mengelola zakat dengan menimbang-kalkulasikan keuntungan ekonominya, terutama untuk menopang pembangunan yang membutuhkan banyak modal dana. negara dalam hal ini sangat mendukung, dimana menurut amelia, juga karena faktor balas budi terhadap umat islam yang membantu negara dalam menghadapi gerakan komunisme. tahun 1968, badan amil zakat (baz) pusat resmi berdiri menyusul di tingkatan provinsi hingga 1985. dalam perjalanannya, baz ternyata tidak berjalan mulus dan mendapat banyak resistensi, terutama dari pegawai negeri sipil muslim yang tidak punya pilihan lain, akan pemotongan gaji dan penyalurannya yang dilakukan oleh beberapa yayasan milik suharto, salah satunya yayasan amal bakti muslim ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 271271271271271vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 pancasila. dan jelas dalam hal ini, hal itu dilakukan, utamanya untuk mendukung citra politik suharto di mata umat islam serta demi kelanggengan rezim orde baru. perlawanan lain datang dari kalangan tradisionalis, apalagi setelah baz didirikan di tingkatan desa, dengan alasan sama, terkikisnya hubungan kuat patron antara pemimpin agama dan umatnya yang diikat oleh dana filantropi. lebih lanjut, pada masa ini negara sangat antusias mengelola dana filantropi islam, sehingga masyarakat sipil islam menjadi lemah, namun tetap ditemukan siasat dan langkah yang diambil oleh masyarakat sipil islam dalam rangka mensiasati kebijakan dan regulasi dari negara. masa reformasi yang ditandai dengan desentralisasi, menandakan kekuasaan negara yang melemah. oleh karena itu, masyarakat sipil islam terutama dari kalangan modernis dan revivalis (kelompok yang menekankan islam dipraktikan di semua bidang kehidupan termasuk politik), berperan banyak dalam mendirikan lembaga filantropi islam yang bertujuan, menurut temuan amelia, untuk mendukung islamisasi yang lebih luas. di sinilah terjadi tarik ulur kepentingan hingga persaingan (kontestasi) dan memunculkan dilema, dimana negara tidak ingin kehilangan posisinya, sementara lembagalembaga filantropi islam menginginkan misinya tercapai. hal itu terbukti dengan uji materi yang dilakukan berkali-kali oleh konsorsium lembaga-lembaga amil zakat untuk undang-undang no. 23/2011 tentang manajemen zakat yang telah disahkan oleh parlemen. dalam penelisikan yang lebih umum, memang amelia sangat banyak menemukan alur dan menggunakan argumen ‘islamisasi’ dalam praktik sejarah filantropi islam di indonesia. penggunaan argumen ini, hemat penulis, patut dipertanyakan kembali seiring dengan makin inklusifnya institusi-institusi pengelola filantropi islam di indonesia dewasa ini, dimana hal itu dapat dilihat dalam program-program yang direncanakan, yang menawarkan pemberdayaan zakat misalnya, di masyarakat, untuk kepentingan ekonomi, sosial dan kemanusiaan bagi kepentingan kelompok miskin dan tidak mampu, tanpa mempertimbangkan latar belakang agama sekalipun, sebagaimana temuan asep saipudin jahar (2015). dari kesemuanya, buku ini sangat menarik dan memberikan alur optimisme, bahwa dana filantropi islam (zakat, infak, sedekah, dan wakaf) mempunyai beberapa fungsi sosial di antaranya: mengkonsolidasikan solidaritas sosial; sarana memenuhi jaminan sosial dan sarana memenuhi kebutuhan serta fasilitas publik. filantropi islam memainkan perang penting dalam sejarah sosial islam di indonesia, sebagai sumber pendanaan dari dan untuk masyarakat sipil islam serta berimplikasi menyasar umat lain dalam lingkup yang lebih ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 272272272272272 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna luas. dengan atau tanpa negara, masyarakat sipil islam di indonesia mampu mempertahankan eksistensinya. terakhir, studi yang dilakukan oleh amelia, menguatkan tesis yang sebelumnya telah muncul dan mapan terkait dengan praktik filantropi di berbagai belahan dunia, yaitu: weak state, strong philanthropy; strong state, weak philanthropy (jika negara lemah, maka filantropi menguat dan jika negara kuat, maka filantropi melemah). a a.a. navis a.h. johns abdul munir mulkhan abdulkahhar mazakkir, abdurrachman surjomihardjo abdurrachman surjomiharjo aceh africa ahmad hani aisyah 'aisyiyah akhlâq al-karîmah al-azhar al-azhar al-azhar university al-fawaidul 'illiyah al-irsyad al-maktabah al-islamiyah al-manar al-qaedah al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah al-tahir ibn ashur al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wuthqa al-ustadh abu raidah alawiyin albert hourani allan boesak len hansen amelia fauzia amien rais amrozi anas s al-shaikh-ali anke von kügelgen annette damayanti anton houtepen ariel heryanto asabiyyah asy-syubbanul muslimun australia ayahku b bambang purwanto bandung bangil bani abbas bantam basuki tjahaja purnama beirut belitung bengkulu bentang budaya budi setiawan bukittinggi c cairo cambridge university cambridge university press cental serikat islam cf. deliar noer chadewi abbas helmi charity charles amjad-ali china csrc d dar al-arabiyah dâr al-ma'rifah darul 'ulum de indische courant diponegoro dirjowongso djohan effendi doctoral address dutch e egypt egyptian emir shakib arslan encyclopaedia of islam english ezzat mossallenejad f f. poeradisastra farid wadjdy fatimah fazlur rahman french g garut gramedia h h. yunus anis h.o.s. cokroaminoto haedar nashir haji abdul malik karim amrullah haji samanhudi hamid algadri hamka harakah tarbiyah het vaderland hilman latief hizbul wathan hizbut tahrir indonesia hongkong hoofdbestuur husein muhammad i ibn al-qayyim ibn taimiyyah ibn taymiyya ibn taymiyyah ibnul qayyim ikhwanul muslimin ilyas ya`kub indonesia iqazun niam ir. h. juanda iraq isis islam islamic endowments in iraq j jakarta jamal abdel nasser jamal al-din al-afghani jan willen van henten jasser auda jeffrey hadler jemaah islamiyah joko widodo jw marriot k k.h.a. dahlan kabili kalimantan karel steenbrink karl mannheim kaum muda kenang-kenangan hidup kh. ahmad dahlan khamami zada killyatul adab king george v kristen kuntowijoyo kweekschool l lienau lowanu m m. c. ricklefs m. quraish shihab madam rahmah mahmud yunus majelis mujahidin indonesia majmû' fatawâ malacca malaya maninjau maqasid syari´ah ma'rifatullahi masjumi michel foucault minangkabau mitsuo nakamura mizan moeslim abdurrahman mohamad rasyidi mohammad al-ghazaly mohammad hatta mohammad isa anshary mohammad natsir moluccus muchtar luthfi mufti of egypt mufti of palestine muhammad muhammad abduh muhammad said al-asymawi muhammad syoedja' muhammad yusuf muhammad zain hassan muhammadiyah multatuli mulyadhi kartanegara munir mulkhan mutu qabla an tamutu n nahdlatul ulama nasyiatul 'aisyiyah neo-sufisme netherlands new york nus press o omar hobais oxford university press p padang padang japang pakualaman palembang palestine panji masyarakat papua parabek paris pasai pedoman masjarakat pekalongan pembela islam penolong kesengsaraan oemat penolong kesengsaraan oemoem philippine pilihan timur pko pluralitas prof dr schrieke prof. farid ma'ruf pulau pinang purwokerto r radikalisme rahmah el-junusiyah revival and reform in islam s sa'ad zaghlul sadaat salafiyah sayyid abdul aziz as-sta'alaby sayyid abdur rahman baswedan sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi sayyid amin husainy sayyid hussein nars sayyid muhammad bin aqil sayyid mustafa ghalayini sayyid okbah bin nafi' sayyid omar hobais sayyid rashid rida senegal sharbazah sheikh abdul karim amrullah sheikh abdullah ahmad sheikh abdullatief drazz sheikh abdur rahman taj sheikh ahmad dahlan sheikh ahmad hassan sheikh ahmad khatib sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur sheikh ahmad soorkati sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani sheikh athaillah affendy sheikh bachit al-muthi'iy sheikh chalil al-chalidi sheikh di tiro sheikh husein wali sheikh ibrahim bin musa sheikh jar-ul lah az-zamachsyari sheikh mohammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad abduh sheikh muhammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad thaib sheikh mustafa abdullah sheikh nawawi sheikh taher jalaluddin sheikh thaher jalaluddin sie boen lian sinar harapan singapore singapura soeara moehammadijah soerabaijasch handelsblad solo sorbonne university spanish st. ignatia lammens st. yudith de laat stamford press studia islamika suez canal sukarno sulawesi sultan sultan idris murshidu'l a'zam shah sultan of perak surabaya syed farid al-attas syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur syria t tafsir maqasidi tafsir ustazul imam tanjung sungayang tariq ramadan tasauf moderen tasawuf mistis tauhid sosial tokyo toronto tuanku imam bonjol tuhfah and nihaya u united kingdom university of chicago press university of oxford ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh usul al-fiqh w west sumatra whael b. hallaq wihdatul wujud wirobrajan wiyhatul islam y yale university yazid bin muawiyyah yogyakarta yusuf al-qardhawi z zadul ma'ad zainal abidin ahmad 1. afkaruna_humaida_revisi 1 this article explains and analyzes the position and function of the soul for humans and its relationship to the supreme being in ibn sina’s interpretation of the qur’an, q.s. al-nūr [24:35]. according to ibn sina, the soul is the same as light, nūr, and non-physical being that becomes a source of knowledge, enlightenment, and truth. the method used by ibn sina in interpreting this verse, q.s. al-nūr [24:35], can be classified into rational or manhaj al-ijtihād al-’aqlī. meanwhile, the scope of the study focuses on the existence, potential, and actualization of the human soul, which originates in the universal being, allah swt. the analysis concludes that ibn sina’s rational-psychological interpretation is the first in the history of tafsir. this conclusion also responds to the accusation that ibn sina’s interpretation is misleading, distancing muslims from the islamic creed. this qualitative library research applied a rational and historical approach and analysis. keywords: light, intellect, psychological interpretation, philosophical interpretation abstract article history received: 22 november 2022, revised: 23 february 2023, accepted: 24 may 2023, published: 30 june 2023 uin syarif hidayatullah, jakarta, indonesia yusuf.rahman@uinjkt.ac.id light in the qur’an: ibn sina’s psycho-philosophical interpretation of surah al-nūr [24:35] jurnal afkaruna vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 uin syarif hidayatullah, jakarta, indonesia corresponding author: humaidi@uinjkt.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v19i1.16381 humaidi* yusuf rahman ibn sina, in the scientific tradition, is known as a philosopher, scientist, and also physician. in the field of philosophy, for example, ibn sina has some works such as al-shifā’,1 al-najāh,2 and al-ishārāt wa al-tanbīhāt,3 as works of philosophy plus science that consist of various branches of knowledge, such as metaphysics, mathematics, astronomy, geometry, music, physics, biology, zoology, botany, psychology, and logic. seyyed hossein nasr called these works the longest encyclopedia of knowledge ever written by one man.4 in medicine, ibn sina has the work of al-qānūn fi al-’ibb. according to mehdi nakosteen, this work was the main source for western universities before the modern era. some parts of this book are still important references for teaching at the university of bologna until 1800.6 although avicenna is well known as a philosopher, scientist, and doctor, he also has works related to the science of the qur’an and interpretation. very few people have done research in this area. there is no research related to the field of ibn sina’s commentary not only in the west but also in the islamic world. in the west, for example, as can be read in jon mcginnis’s work, the science of interpretation is introduction not mentioned as ibn sina’s expertise. he only mentions several fields of science, such as logic, science, physical sciences or natural sciences, psychology, metaphysics, and medicine.7 in the islamic world, especially among the ghazalian sunnīs, ibn sina is known as a peripatetics who is considered deviant from the islamic creed, heretic, and infidel. this can be seen, for example, in al-ghazali’s book, tahāfut al-falāsifah.8 the affirmation of al-ghazali is emphasized by husein al-dzahabi in his book, al-tafsīr wa al-mufassirūn. according to him, the method used by ibn sina is the same as that used by the shī’a imāmiyyah, ismā’īliyyah, and the sūfīs. for dzahabi, the commentators who belong to this group are enemies of muslims. what they do is nothing but vain and misleading muslims.9 among muslim scholars who mention ibn sina as a commentator of the qur’an is seyyed hossein nasr.10 according to him, apart from philosophy, science, medicine, sufism, and literature written in arabic and persian, ibn sina also wrote several interpretations of the qur’an. researchers who have conducted research related to this field are hasan ‘ashi;11 daniel de smet and meryem sebti;12 jules janssen;13 kayhul fatimah al-zahra;14 amir abbas mahdavi fard and aminollah shakeri movvahid;15 and robert wisnovsky.16 the research of hasan ‘ashi contains, first, a comment and survey of ibn sina’s interpretation, and second, contains twenty-three books of ibn sina’s commentaries. according to him, six books are books of philosophical interpretation, and seventeen are mystical commentaries.17 the conclusion of daniel de smet and meryem sebti is very clear that ibn sina’s approach to interpreting surah al-ikhlā� is philosophical. even so, the purpose of its interpretation is theological, namely to assert the oneness of god.18 the conclusion is the same as kayhul fatimah’s finding. however, the topic of fatimah’s research is soul and cosmology. jules janssen studies three of ibn sina’s works, i.e., al-ishārāt, the proof of prophecy, and kitāb al-mabda’ wa al-ma‘ād, on the type of qur’anic interpretation. he concludes that all three parts of those works are almost nothing explicitly philosophical but rather kalāmic and mystical, even though he makes an exception in explaining the power of the soul.20 likewise, the research conducted by amir abbas mahdavi fard and aminollah shakeri movvahid compares ibn sina’s and suhrawardi’s methods of interpretation. the conclusion is that ibn sina’s method is philosophical, and suhrawardi’s is mystical. meanwhile, wisnovsky’s research analyzes the result of interpretations of philosophers and theologians of al-ishārāt, like nasir al-tusi and fakhr al-din al-razi.21 so, there is no relation directly with this topic, but only with the source of this research. none of these studies explicitly explains the interpretation of q.s. al-nūr [24:35]. the only study directly related to ibn sina’s interpretation of the verse is the work of khalid al walid.22 this research has similarities as well as differences. the similarity lies in the method used by ibn sina in interpreting the verses of the qur’an, namely the philosophical approach, as used in this research. this philosophical method is acknowledged by other researchers like ‘ashi, daniel, meryem, fatimah, mahdavi fard, and movvahid. it differs from jules janssen’s research, who rejects that ibn sina’s interpretation is not philosophical but theological and mystical. we believe janssen’s result is not true for two reasons. first, he did not read ibn sina’s work comprehensively. in his introduction of mi’rāj nāma, or prophet muhammad’s ascent to heaven,23 ibn sina says that he uses a rational (philosophical) approach in explaining mi’rāj. second, philosophy, mysticism, and theology in ibn sina’s thought are not separable. likewise, the object, namely q.s. al-nūr [24:35], has been the subject of khalid al walid’s research. the scope and sources of research, however, are different. this study focuses on the soul's ontological, cosmological and psychological aspects, while al walid focuses on the epistemological aspects. so, this 2 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 research is more comprehensive because it uses multiple methods. besides that, the primary source is not limited to the interpretation of q.s. al-nūr [24:35] in the book of al-ishārāt. this study compares with two other treatises, namely tafsīr āyāt al-nūr24 and risālah fi ithbāt al-nubuwwah. the purpose of this study is, first, to analyze and explain the philosophical method ibn sina used in interpreting the qur’an verses, especially q.s. al-nūr [24:35]. second, to analyze the existence of the soul, which is used as a metaphor in explaining the term nūr and all its gradations. therefore, the title of this research is philosophical-psychological. that is, ibn sina’s method of interpretation has a rational-philosophical character, while the scope of the study is psychological. third, to respond to the statement which accuses ibn sina’s interpretation as misleading because it contradicts the islamic creed stated by al-ghazali and al-dzahabi. based on these facts, the researchers conclude that ibn sina�s interpretation of the soul includes arguments about its existence, potential, and abilities of the human soul both ontologically and cosmologically. nūr, or light, is the soul itself. when it reaches the peak of actuality, the soul will receive the radiance of revelation and be connected with god. this finding supports the conclusions of mohammad syifa amin widigdo, shams c. inati, and peter heath. the etymological meaning of interpretation comes from the word al-fasru which means clear and real. in the book lisān al-‘arab, it is stated that al-fasru has the meaning of opening the veil, while al-tafsīr means revealing the meaning of words that are not understood to be clear and real.25 hasan ‘ashi states that the linguistic meaning of the interpretation is al-bayān wa al-kashf, which means disclosure.26 kashf means the process of uncovering the meaning of the verses, in parts or whole, and at the same time explaining the meaning. this meaning is distinguished from the term ta’wīl, defined as al-murajja’, which means the place of return. in comparison, the interpretation is an explanation of the pronunciation or verses using clear arguments, qat’ī. at the same time, ta’wīl is an explanation of the verses by using the arguments of presumption, suspicion, and zannī. some scholars distinguish between the two classifications, but others consider the same. the difference between the two lies only in the level of disclosure and explanation of the verse being interpreted, such as a simple explanation called tafsīr, while a long and complex explanation is called ta’wīl. ibn sina, in his works, the treatise on tafsīr ayāt al-nūr and also in fi ithbāt al-nubuwwah, mentions both.27 the literal meaning of al-ramzu is a sign, ishārāt, and guidance. therefore, the term rumūz refers to the qur’anic verses, especially the letter of al-nūr [24:35]. the researchers in this paper use an interpretation with the same meaning as ta’wīl. in addition to distinguishing between tafsīr and ta’wīl, the scholars also classify the models of interpretation based on the method used, such as al-tafsīr bi al-ma’thūr or bi al-riwāyah and al-tafsīr bi al-ra’yi, which include al-tafsīr al-falsafī, al-tafsir al-sūfī, al-tafsīr al-’ilmī. it is called the interpretation bi al-ma’thūr because it interprets the verses with other verses or with the hadīth. it is called al-tafsīr al-falsafī because its interpretation uses philosophical principles, such as narratives and arguments based on rational proof.28 using rational indicators of philosophy, ibn sina’s approach to the qur’an can be classified as philosophical. as for the objects and themes discussed, the interpretation has many features and characters. fazlur rahman, for example, mentions ten main themes of the qur’an: god, humans as individuals, humans as part of society, the universe, prophethood and revelation, eschatology, demons and evil, the birth of the muslim community, the condition of muslims, ahl al-kitāb and religious differences. scholars and approach and method of ibn sina’s tafsir 3afkaruna exegetes explain that the qur’an is a source of knowledge that contains various fields of discipline, and the themes that can be studied and interpreted are not only limited, as mentioned by fazlur rahman. patterns and interpretations based on certain themes and topics are called thematic interpretations. the style and model of ibn sina’s interpretation can be classified as thematic interpretation, maūd’ī, which is specific to certain themes.30 in addition, thematic interpretation means to interpret certain verses. therefore, ibn sina does not interpret all verses, but only a few verses and letters, such as al-nūr, al-ikhlās, al-falaq, and also al-nās. apart from being rational-philosophical, ibn sina’s interpretation also focused on the importance of perfecting and actualizing the potential of the human soul. this can be seen in the treatise on tafsīr ayāt al-nūr, al-ishārāt, as well as in the treatise of fī ithbāt al-nubuwwah.31 these interpretations are the focus and objects of research in this paper which are analyzed comparatively with other interpretations. likewise, the method applied in interpreting certain verses uses the philosophical approach. it is called the philosophical method because the explanation, narration, and argumentation used in interpreting the verses of the qur’an employ a rational or demonstrative approach, burhānī.32 the characteristic of demonstrative rationale is to use rational evidence based on logical premises. this method is also known as manhaj al-tafsīr al-ijtihādī (al-’aqlī).33 according to henry corbin, the method and process of interpretation used by ibn sina is nothing but a process of mental work or psychological events. therefore, the interpretation is an attempt to understand the events experienced by the soul. the text acts as an intermediary to express the meaning of the experiences in the soul.34 this argument is based on the philosophical principle of ibn sina himself that only the soul can understand the events and actualization processes that occur in the soul. therefore, the soul will not carry out the process of actualization, perfecting itself, and finding the truth in the text without returning to the truth itself. the methods and means of finding the truth are nothing but seeing and through the soul. according to al-kindi,35 this process is the main and highest goal of philosophy, which is understanding, knowing, and finding the true one, al-haq. the soul,36 in ibn sina’s thought, is the central and most important theme. this concept always appears in his works, both in encyclopedic and general books such as al-shifā’, as well as in his books aimed at special people, such as al-ishārāt. therefore, peter heath mentions that the study of the soul throughout ibn sina’s thought occupies a very special position, being the heart of his philosophy, and many works are devoted to the explanation of the soul.37 according to ibn sina, the soul is a univocal concept that humans, animals, and plants share. the soul is also a name that is not only owned by humans but also by angels and nature in general. the soul is the perfection of the material body to become a living being. according to him, another meaning of the soul is a non-physical substance that moves with free will based on rational principles in the realm of reason and potentially in humans.38 although it is called the perfection of the body, it does not mean it comes from the physic itself. ontologically, the human soul is an emanation from a perfect being, namely the universal soul. this soul does not mean the origin of the soul itself because the universal soul becomes the intermediary of the stump known as the necessary being.39 it accompanies the birth of humans since the beginning of creation. the soul is potential and will actualize along with human physical development. the physical body is necessarily a condition for the existence of the soul, but regarding its immortality, the soul is independent of the body.40 ontological and cosmological argument on soul 4 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 in the book al-ishārāt, ibn sina tries to prove his claim by using an intuitive experience approach. he recommends to every human being who wants to prove the existence of his soul by looking inside, thinking, and contemplating himself, to look at something very substantial within oneself. if we are healthy and fit, we will see an essential entity within us that can be distinguished from something else, namely the body.41 having advocated to look within oneself, ibn sina then asks, is it possible for a person to deny the existence of something in himself and not admit it? according to him, if someone denies the existence of self-consciousness, then the statement is not in accordance with the proof that humans have a mental vision and self-consciousness. therefore, one cannot run or escape from one’s consciousness even during sleep or when one is in a drunken state. he could not deny that he was aware of himself, even if later it would not remain in his memory. to complete the argument, ibn sina adds other statements and approaches as evidence that the soul exists non-physically and does not depend on the physic. this theory later became known as the flying man.42 he recommends that a person created with a perfect physique without any shortcomings do contemplation. even though all five senses are complete, imagine that all five senses cannot digest the external world, as if they were cut off from all the limbs. in such a state, it is as if he is flying in the air without a physical body that can feel, hear, see, touch, and perceive. at the same time, the only thing that remains is certainly his awareness of himself. then at a time like that, it will appear and be seen clearly that what is present and exists is none other than his separate self, without feeling and helping of sensation from the five senses. awareness of itself, through itself, and within itself is a proof of the existence of the soul which is an independent and non-physical substance. he can digest and realize even without the five senses. ibn sina’s method and proof of an independent soul does not stop at the above theory, but he then continues by asking questions. if it has arrived at such a condition, then the question is, is the consciousness he has still a part of his limbs or something else that separates from the physical body? if it is considered part of the physical or part of the brain, as empirical psychologists believe,43 can the consciousness that exists in the brain be proven? for example, through surgery or presenting consciousness in a physical form? to provide an answer to this question, ibn sina states that even if the human head were dissected, surely that knowledge and awareness would never be found. it is impossible to find words, writings, symbols, universal concepts, and a single letter contained in the nerves of the brain. or vice versa, the particular concept, such as the concept of a tree obtained through sensing, will also never be found in the brain. based on these arguments, ibn sina epistemologically shows that consciousness is not something physical, as well as a tool for knowing that is not physical, but the soul is referred to as a non-physical spiritual substance. according to davidson, universal human knowledge that leads to certainty and truth cannot be based on empirical evidence but is obtained from outside the physical realm, namely from divine emanations connected to the rational soul.44 cosmologically, ibn sina rejects the existence of the human soul before the body is created or already exists before humans are born. according to him, the soul is born simultaneously with the creation of humans. the argument presented by ibn sina is related to the relationship of soul and body in the unity of matter and form. if the human soul existed before the body, surely the soul would be singular or plural. if the souls are plural, the argument must be wrong and impossible because it is based on rational evidence that simple abstract forms of quiddity cannot be divided among individuals.45 therefore, the soul cannot be divided and different from one soul to another before joining the body. 5afkaruna vice versa, it is impossible when the soul is already present with the body. the soul is essentially the only one for the whole body. this means that each body has a soul that is different from other bodies. so mathematically, the soul is a lot according to the number of the body itself. the soul will be present if the body has met the appropriate level according to the soul itself. with the appropriate size, the soul can occupy and use the body as a tool for actualization.46 ibn sina asserts that after thesoul is separated from the body, it does not mean that it reunites as before with the body. he will continue to be personal as he is with the body according to the conditions and levels when he is with the body. therefore, once the body dies and disintegrates, the actual soul, in particular, will not disintegrate along with the dissolution of the body. he completely became a non-physical form. all of ibn sina’s explanations and arguments on the soul above become the basis for explaining and interpreting the verses. among them is when ibn sina interprets q.s. al-nūr [24:35] by using the theory of the soul or intelligence and its relationship with the process of illumination of knowledge. shams c. inati mentions that ibn sina borrowed the terminology of the qur’an in explaining light, soul, and its powers.47 this verse is explained in three of his works, first, in the book al-ishārāt, in the sub-chapter, fī al-nafs al-arbiyyah wa al-samāwiyyah, the soul of the heavens and the earth.48 the second is explained in the treatise of fī ithbāt al-nubuwwah.49 third, ibn sina wrote a special treatise on the interpretation of this verse, namely tafsīr āyat al-nūr.50 several studies stated that the book ishārāt is the last and most mature work of ibn sina, among other works.51 however, no one knows when they were written. however, if we refer to ibn sina’s biography, which he wrote himself, the treatise was likely written in his youth, at the age of 20 years. at that time, he wrote a work entitled kitāb al-hāsil wa al-mahsūl, as many as 20 volumes dedicated to a scientist who was an expert in the fields of interpretation and fiqh, namely abu bakr al-barqi, for asking ibn sina to write a book in this field.52 in al-ishārāt, ibn sina interprets q.s. al-nūr [24:35] when it comes to the discussion of theoretical reason. according to him, the classification of reason is divided into two kinds: practical and theoretical. the function of practical reason is to maintain and regulate the body to do something related to human problems and the perfection of the soul, al-‘aql al-‘amalī, fa-min quwwāhā; mā lahā bihasbi hājātihā ilā tadbīr al-badan, wa hiya allatī takhtassu bism al-‘aql al-‘amalī, wa hiya allatī tastanbitu al-wājiba fīmā yajibu an-yaf‘ala min al-umūr al-insāniyyah juz’iyyatan.53 the purpose of these actions is that what humans want specifically can be achieved. as for the way to achieve the perfection of the soul through action and to arrive at the desired goal, it must go through three aspects, namely the intermediary of basic principles (al-muqaddimāt al-awwaliyyāt), the training process, and the help of theoretical reason, litatawassala bihi ilā aghrādin ikhtiyāratin-min muqaddimātin awwaliyatin, wa dzāi‘atin wa tajribiyyatin, wa bi-isti‘ānihi bi l-‘aql al-nazarī.54 in contrast to practical reason, whose perfection is through its actions in the human body, the function of theoretical reason is in the context of perfecting its substance into actual reason. before arriving at the actual mind, according to ibn sina, there are other powers possessed by reason, which must also be actual.55 these powers are preparation and prelude to arriving at the actual mind. the first power is called potential intellect, ‘aqlan hayūlāniyyan. in the qur’an, according to ibn sina, this power is called mishkāh, as contained in the snippet of al-nur [35], mathalu nūrihī ka-mishkātin fīhā misbāh.56 the implementation of ibn sina’s interpretation 6 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 another ability of theoretical reason is the acquired intellect, ‘aqlan bi al-malakah. this intellect, according to ibn sina, is zujājah, as contained in the verses, al-misbāhu fī zujājah al-zujājatu ka’annahā kawkabun durriyyun. intellect is acquired when the objects of reason are present in the soul through the thought process or intuition. meanwhile, ash-shajarah az-zaitūnah, which is a fragment of the verse min shajaratin mubārakatin zaitūnatin lā sharqiyyah wa lā gharbiyyah is interpreted as an activity of the mind when carrying out the thought process and the presence of the object being thought of. this means that when the mind carries out a thought process, then from that process, it causes the presence of something in the soul. in addition to the activity of the thought process of reason, ibn sina mentions the word zaitunah as intuition.57 in the treatise of fī ithbāt al-nubuwwah, ibn sina tries to explain in more detail which combines the exoteric and esoteric aspects of the verse. for example, when ibn sina interprets the word al-nūr, in the verse of allāhu nūru s-samāwāti wa l-ardi, he mentions two meanings: substance and metaphor. the meaning of al-nūr is substantially the perfection of the luminous container of the light receiver itself, “wa al-dzati hiya kamāl al-mushiffu mih haytsu hiya mushiffun.”58 this means that nūr is a perfectly transparent form and can receive light rays. ibn sina compares the meaning of nūr in substantial meaning to the mishkāh, which is considered a receptacle for receiving light. this is seen when ibn sina mentions that the most important receptacle for light is air, and the best air is mishkāh. meanwhile, the metaphorical meaning of nūr has two aspects: first, light is referred to as goodness itself. it means that light and reason are nothing but goodness, and secondly, light is the cause for the arrival of goodness. from these two aspects, nūr is god because he is goodness itself and is the cause of other goodness.59 the words heaven and earth are signs of the entire universe and its contents. this sentence is more widely explained in his other work, namely in the treatise on tafsīr ayāt al-nūr. ibn sina’s model of interpretation is a combination of exegetes and sufis.60 based on this explanation, ibn sina states that the meaning of soul and the meaning of nūr are the same: an independent substance that is spiritual existence. the soul is the light that radiates to the sensory body. therefore, he asserts that the mishkāh is the material mind and the rational soul because the mishkāh and the material mind have closeness in terms of the best form of receiving light.61 everyone who has closeness and similar, it will be stronger and the light will be even more. the existence of actual reason is the same as light, so it is the vessel that receives it. thus, the actual mind, the light, and the light-receiving are one and the same. these arguments are then used as the basis and reasons why the human soul must carry out the process of actualization and purification in order to meet and unite with the most actual. this means that human knowledge will not reach a transparent source of knowledge except through a form that is also transparent and able to receive light rays. therefore, in the qur’an, it is mentioned that glass tubes are like sparkling, clean, and transparent stars that can receive light,62 not colored tubes that do not receive light. if the soul is still unable to purify itself and is attached to the senses, it will not be able to receive light. meanwhile, in the treatise on tafsīr ayāt al-nūr, ibn sina interprets the verse in a different way than the two previous interpretations. while the two interpretations above of the same verse are more psychological-philosophical, the interpretation in this treatise uses a cosmological-philosophical approach in sequence, in more detail, from the beginning to the end of the verse. in the following verse, for example, allāhu nūr al-samāwāti wal-ardi is explained by using three interpretations. first, what is meant by al-samāwāt wa l-ard is all the inhabitants of the heavens and the earth, including the souls of both. in fact, the inhabitants of the heavens and the earth are possible beings [potential forms], as well 7afkaruna as atoms, in which all of these beings receive an abundance of light from the form of god and not from the light apart from that being. ibn sina explicitly states that light is a form, and light can shine because of the light of the divine being.63 light and being are the same.64 that allah is the light itself that radiates his light to the heavens, the earth, and all that are in it. this model of interpretation was also put forward by the previous interpreter of ibn sina, like al-thabari,65 who said that god gives guidance to creatures in the heavens and on earth; they are guided through his light, hādī man fi al-samāwāt wa al-ard, fahum binūrihi ilā al-haqq yahtadūn.66 second, nūr is interpreted as a guide to all inhabitants of the heavens and the earth.67 in this context, the word nūr is the same as guidance, which is addressed to all beings for their benefit and to be on the straight path. meanwhile, the existence of allah, according to ibn sina, extends to cover all beings, even believers, and nothing is empty of that being. the third meaning, nūr is the decorator of the heavens and the earth. allah adorns and illuminates the sky with ‘arsh, chair [throne], lawh, qalam [pen], sidrah al-muntahā, paradise, bait al-ma’mūr [comfortable paradise]. the decoration also consists of high places in heaven, with the angels and his lovers, the servants who always glorify, those who prostrate, and those who read his verses.68 such an interpretation is also found in the work of al-sulami,69 a contemporary commentator of ibn sina. as for the verse, mathalu nūrihī ka-mishkātin fīhā misbāh al-misbāhu fī zujājah has been interpreted as the nature of light and its traces, the sign is clear and bright, like a cavity through which the light of a lamp shines, and the light of the lamp is in a very clean glass, which was the light is lit because of the presence of very clean oil. according to ibn sina, the mishkāh [chimney] is like the inner side of the prophet muhammad saw, which is high, noble, and holy. al-zujāj is his heart which is full of goodness and clean of all impurities.70 compare this with the previous interpretations, which mention the mishkāh as a layer of the mind or soul. however, when he mentions that the mishkāh is the inner side of the prophet, what is meant is none other than his soul.71 meanwhile, al-misbāh, according to ibn sina, is the light of knowledge and faith filled by allah through his radiance. it gathered the light of a lamp and adorned the light of a glass tube, clean from every sin and evil. so, with that dimension, he is called light above light, nūrun ‘alā nūrin. as for the light contained in the mishkāh, it is the light above that light, all of which is none other than the light itself. based on this interpretation, it can be concluded that nūrun ‘alā nūrin is the highest light and the purest. in al-shifā’, ibn sina confirms that the highest level of the soul is holy intellect (al-‘aql al-qudsi. according to muhammad syifa amin widigdo, this holy intellect plays an important role in the revelation process.72 however, since this holy intellect is very high, not everyone has it, illā annahu rāfi‘un jiddan laysa mimma yashtariku fihi al-nāsu kulluhum. this intellect is only owned by the prophets, wa hādhā darbun min al-nubuwwah, bal a‘lā quwa al-nubuwwah.73 another illustration of al-zujāj, apart from being like the heart of the prophet, is like the stars full of light. this similarity is due to the light that is the identity contained in the zujāj and the stars. the meaning of the stars here is the largest star, and its light and radiance are like the sun that can illuminate other stars.74 this explanation is an interpretation of the sentence, al-zujājatu ka’annahā kawkabun durriyyun. 8 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 9afkaruna no verses al-ishārāt wa al-tanbīhāt fi ithbāt al-nubuwwah tafsīr ayāt al-nūr nūr has two meanings; substantial and metaphorical. substantially, it is the perfection of the luminous receptacle of the light receiver. metaphorically, it has two aspects: the first is goodness. light and reason are nothing but goodness, and secondly, light is the cause of the arrival of goodness. mishkāh is substantially the same as nūr, which is considered a receptacle for receiving light. mishkāh is also called the material intellect and rational soul. both have closeness in terms of the best form of receiving light the nature of light and its traces, the mark is clear and bright, like a cavity through which the light of a lamp is contained within a very clean glass. mishkāh is the power of the human soul called potential intellect, ‘aqlan hayūlāniyyan. zujajah is the acquisition of reason, ‘aqlan bi al-malakah. mishkāh is the inner side of the prophet muhammad saw., which is high, noble, and holy. allāh nūru s-samawāti wa l-rad ibn sina uses three approaches. first, light is a form, and light can shine because of the light of the divine being. as for as-samāwāti wal-ard, it is all inhabitants of the heavens and the earth, including the souls of both. second, allah is the guide to all the inhabitants of the heavens and the earth. the word nūr is the same as guidance. third, that nūr is the decorator of the heavens and the earth. mathalu nūrihī ka-mishkātin fīhā misbāh, wa l-misbāhu fi zujājah 10 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 misbāh is the light of allah’s knowledge and faith-filled through his light. zujājah is the prophet’s heart which is full of goodness and clean of all impurities. a star and the largest star that has a light, like a sun that can illuminate other stars. likewise, the heart of the prophet, like a star, shines on others. az-zujājah ka’annahā kawkabun durriyyun ibn sina mentions in al-ishārāt that at a higher and more important level than the ‘aqlan bi al-malakah, the acquired intellect is the holy reason or what is known as sacred intellect, quwwah qudsiyyah. the existence of this soul is translated from a fragment of the verse, yakādu zaituhā yudī’u. the ability of this soul is the highest, most important, and perfect among the other powers and is called the holy soul. it is always lit even without being touched by fire.75 according to ibn sina, if the mind or the soul has reached this level, it will reach perfection, that is, the presence of objects of reason in the soul where these objects have similarities or are identical with the soul itself. the soul that has reached this perfection is translated or called light above light, nūrun ‘alā nūrin, from a verse, nūrun ‘alā nūrin yahdī llāhu li-nūrihi man yashā’. the model of ibn sina’s interpretation above is fully affirmed by suhrawardi and fakhr al-din al-razi,76 although al-razi states that al-’aql al-fa’āl is not part of the human soul, because it is he who moves the soul from potential to actual, from actual to acquisition. al-’aql al-fa’āl is called fire, al-nār, from the verse, wa law lam tamsashu nār. likewise, he mentions that nūrun ‘alā nūrin is ’aql mustafād, that is, acquired intellect.77 as for the word al-misbāh, according to ibn sina, it is a power obtained after carrying out a thought process in which the process will be present at any time when needed and without any effort to present it. this perfection is called ‘aqlan mustafādan. in fact, according to scott michael girdner, when al-ghazali interprets light psychologically-ontologically in his work mishkāt al-anwār, he uses ibn sina’s interpretation as the main reference and is very dependent on him.78 according to al-ghazali, the rational faculty is more worthy to be named light than the outward eye.79 likewise, if it is traced to the works of commentary before ibn sina, such as the commentaries of ibn abbas,80 al-thabari,81 and hasan bashri,82 as well as those of his contemporaries such as al-sulami,83 no trace of this philosophical interpretation, can be found. as for in the treatise of fī ithbāt al-nubuwwah, ibn sina interprets the verse of yūqadu min shajaratin mubārakatin zaitūnatin, as the potency of reason which is the locus and material for the actions of reason in the actualization process. as oil becomes matter and is prepared for the lamp, the potency of the soul becomes material for a reason to attain actuality.84 another verse, namely, lā sharqiyyah wa lā gharbiyyah, is interpreted using a semantic approach. according to him, linguistically, sharq is a place where light appears, while gharb is a place where light disappears.85 with this approach, ibn sina asserts that rationality has no limits. rational thought includes the west and the east, including the animal, plants, human soul, rational mind, potential mind, material reason, acquired mind, and actual reason. while the verse, yakādu zaituhā yudī’u wa law lam tamsashu nār, is interpreted as the glory of the ability to think. literally, the sentence of wa law massahā is interpreted to touch in a connected and stretched way. as for the word fire [nār], which also means light metaphorically, it has the same meaning as nūr, in essence, namely, the owner of the essence who is the cause for others. according to ibn sina, nār owns another property: light with its radiance. this is the existence of the fire [nār], which shines in relation to its radiance [al-nūr]. although fire does not have light in its essence, it is generally luminous. when a fire is lit, it can illuminate the surroundings. fire gets an abundance of light from light itself. when the fire [al-nār] covers its origin, it resembles the whole world.86 this scope is not in an additional sense but in the sense of metaphorical delegation, which is what universal reason means. according to ibn sina, this universal mind is not the one god, as the philosopher from apordias, plotinus, interprets the statement of aristotle, the immovable mover, muharrikun lā yataharrak. the one god is the first intellect, namely one from all aspects and sides as well as from its forms and images. the universal reason is not one in essence but is singularly accidental. he gets an abundance of oneness from a single essence, namely god almighty.87 this principle is known in peripatetic philosophy as the rule that a single cause will not produce an effect except for a single one. meanwhile, in the treatise of tafsir ayāt al-nūr, the verse of yūqadu min shajaratin mubārakatin zaitūnatin, is interpreted as a burning, misbāh, or it is also stated that the lit lamp comes from the tree of goodness. while the meaning of the tree in this verse, according to ibn sina, is the body of the prophet muhammad filled with goodness and luck. while olive, oil, or lubricant substitutes for trees and refers to emptiness and freedom from dirt and cloudiness. such an interpretation can be found in al-tabari�s work.88 likewise, according to ibn sina, the tree also does not only originate or present in the west, or vice versa, namely the east, but includes both east and west.89 this explanation is an interpretation of the verse, lā sharqiyyah wa lā gharbiyyah, which has the same interpretation as in the book of ishārāt. for ibn sina, by using the metaphor of light, there is no need for argument and proof. light is self-evident. whoever sees this fact, even if there is no evidence of miracles or other evidence, that person’s heart will be enlightened. this is what is meant by the snippet of the verse, yakādu zaituhā yudī’u wa law lam tamsashu nār. when ibn sina previously interpreted nūr as one of them as a guide, he interpreted it from the following verse; yahdī llāhu li-nūrihī man yashā’, which is contained in the same verse. therefore, the meaning of the verse is that allah is the form of the guiding one, al-hādi, to his servants to convert to islam and believe and direct them to the right path. in what ways does god guide? ibn sina answers the question, namely through the prophet muhammad saw. in this context, ibn sina agrees with ibn abbas, al-tabari, and hasan basri.90 by referring to the prophet muhammad as a guide, ibn sina, in interpreting this verse, is consistent with the snippet of the previous verse, which states that the tree is the body of the prophet while the lamp and light are the inner sides of the prophet muhammad. therefore, whoever turns away from this guidance, his eyesight is lost, and when his eyesight is lost, all his light disappears. with the disappearance of light, he becomes a vain human. in order not to be a vain person and to be happy, please look and follow the instructions given by allah, namely the prophet muhammad. 11afkaruna 12 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 verses al-ishārāt wa altanbīhāt fi ithbāt al-nubuwwah tafsīr ayāt al-nūr zaitūna is intuition shajaratin mubārakatin is the body of the prophet muhammad which is filled with goodness and luck. zaitūna is oil or lubricant, a substitute for trees, and refers to emptiness and being free from dirt and cloudiness. a rational potential is the locus and material for the actions of reason in the actualization process. shajaratin is acquired intellect which is obtained when the objects of reason are present in the soul through thought processes or intuition. as a burning misbāh or it is also mentioned that a burning lamp comes from the tree of goodness. yūqadu min shajaratin mubārakatin zaitūnatin wa law massahā means to touch in a connected and stretched way. the word fire [nār] is also light metaphorically. it has similarities with the interpreted as a secret sense or referred to as quwwah qudsiyyah. a higher and more important level than the acquired intellect. the light is self-evident, and there is no need for argumentation and proof. when a person’s soul is bright and luminous, even if there is no evidence of yakādu zaituhā yudī’u wa law lam tamsashu nār sharq is a place where light appears, while gharb is a place where light disappears. rationality has no limits; the west and the east, including the animal soul, plants, human soul, rational mind, potential mind, material reason, acquired mind, and actual reason. as a metaphor or sign of religious light, thus, the light covers both the west and the east. and not limited to countries or peoples in the west or the east. the light of islam shone on the entire population of the land, both in the east and in the west. lā sharqiyyah wa lā gharbiyyah although ibn sina interprets al-nūr [24:35] in three different works, all the themes and topics described, in general, he uses philosophical methods and approaches, and the focus of the discussion is more on the inner (esoteric) aspects related to human psychological dimensions. based on the research on the works of commentary before and contemporaries with ibn sina, such as ibn abbas, al-tabarī, hasan basrī, and al-sulamī, as well as on comparative study with the research results of scott, kristin, and roxanne, it can be said that ibn sina is the first philosopher and commentator who interprets al-nūr [24:35] ontologically and psychologically. 13afkaruna meaning of nur, namely, the owner of the essence who is the cause for others. the fire in itself has no light, but it gets its abundance from light itself. when the fire [nār] covers its origin, it resembles the whole universe, which is majestic and equal to the universal mind. therefore, the verse yakādu zaituhā yudi’u wa law lam tamsashu nār is as the glory of the ability of the mind. as a soul that is already perfect, up to actuality or aql bi al-fa’āl. allah is the being of the guidance, al-hādi, to his servants to convert to islam and believe and direct them to the right path. nūrun ‘alā nūrin yahdī llāhu li-nūrihi man yashā’ based on a philosophical approach, ibn sina mentions that the word nūr contained in the q.s. al-nūr [24:35] is nothing but the soul or mind emanating from god. this light has layers and levels such as mishkāh, misbāh, and zujājah. all these layers and levels are one substance with different abilities and powers. with this argument, it can be concluded that, first, ibn sina, in his interpretation, ontologically, always connects the human soul with the divine dimension, which is the origin and ultimate goal of the conclusion 14 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 soul’s movement process. the potential of the human soul will actualize and become perfect only if it is connected with the supreme being, namely god. the more the human soul becomes a spiritual substance and purifies itself into a transparent form, the more ready and able to receive his rays of light or revelation. the second point shows that ibn sina’s interpretation, apart from combining the exoteric and esoteric dimensions of the verse, also always integrates reason and revelation. these two points negate the accusations that ibn sina’s philosophy or interpretation leads people to disbelief because his theories, arguments, and interpretations are considered contrary to the qur’an and belief in islam. ibn sina’s philosophical approach to the qur’an is not only applied in q.s. al-nūr but also in al-a’lā, al-ikhlās, al-falaq, al-nās, and al-fussilat. this research demonstrates the validity of philosophical and psychological approaches in reading the qur’an, namely on the surah al-nur [24:35]. by using various methods in reading and interpreting the qur’an, the meaning of the qur’an is more comprehensive and more understandable. this research also shows that the goal of philosophy does not contradict the vision of the qur’an or revelation, as has been proven by ibn sina. revelation comes down through the soul or intellect, namely holy intellect, and can be understood only through and by the intellect. endnotes abu ali ibn sina, al-shifā, jilid 1-10 (qum: wizarah al-thaqafah wa al-irsyad al-qumi, n.d.). ibn sina, kitāb al-najāh fi al-hikmah wa al-mantiqiyyah, al-tabi’iyyat, wa al-ilāhiyyat (beirut: dar al-akhlaq al-jadidah, 1985). ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihāt (qum: mathba’ah maktab al-i’lam al-islami, 2000). seyyed hossein nasr, three muslim sages: avicenna, suhrawadi, ibn ’arabi, oriens, vol. 18 (cambridge: harvard university press, 1997), 23. mehdi nakosteen, history of islamic origins of western education, a.d. 800-1350 with an introduction to medieval muslim education (colorado: university of colorado press, 1964), 192-193. nancy g. siraisi, avicenna in renaissance italy: the canon and medical teaching in italian universities after 1500 (princeton: princeton university press, 1987), 6. mcginnis, great medieval thinkers: avicenna. sabih ahmad kamali, al-ghazali’s tahafut al-falasifah (incoherence of the philosophers), new scholasticism (lahore: pakistan philosophical congress, 1963). muhammad husein al-dzahabi, al-tafsīr wal mufassirūn al-juz’ al-thānī (kairo: maktabah wahbah, n.d.), 313-318. nasr, three muslim sages: avicenna, suhrawadi, ibn ’arabi. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina (lubnan: al-muassasah al-jami’at al-dirasat al-nashr wa al-tauzi’at, 1982). daniel de smet and meryem sebti, “avicenna’s philosophical approach to the qur’an in the light of his tafsīr sūrat al-ikhlas,” journal of qur’anic studies 11, no. 2 (2009): 134–48, https://doi.org/10.3366/e1465359110000847. jules janssen, “avicenna and the qur’an: a survey of his qur’anic commentary,” medio 26, no. 6 (n.d.): 177–92. kayhul fatimah al-zahra, “al-ta’wīl al-falsafī li al-nass al-dīnī inda ibn sīna” (universite mohammad bodiaf, 2019). amir abbas mahdavi fard and aminollah shakeri movvahid, “the comparative analysis of the exegital method of avicenna and sheikh-i ishraq,” biannual journal of comparative exegital research 6, no. 11 (2020): 235–51, https://doi.org/10.22091/ptt.2020.4404.1587. robert wisnovsky, “avicennism and exegetical practice in the early commentaries on the isharat,” oriens 41, no. 3–4 (2013): 349–78, https://doi.org/10.1163/18778372-13413406. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 19 smet and meryem sebti, “avicenna’s philosophical approach to the qur’an in the light of his tafsīr sūrat al-ikhlas.” al-zahra, “al-ta’wīl al-falsafī li al-nass al-dīnī inda ibn sīna .” janssen, “avicenna and the qur’an: a survey of his qur’anic commentary.” wisnovsky, “avicennism and exegetical practice in the early commentaries on the isharat.” kholid al-walid, “takwil epistemologis ibn sînâ atas surah al-nûr ayat 35,” ulul albab jurnal studi islam 19, no. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 15afkaruna 1 (2018): 1, https://doi.org/10.18860/ua.v19i1.4797. peter heath, allegory and philosophy in avicenna (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, 1992), 111. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 84-88. ibn mandzur, lisan al-arab (kairo: dar al-ma’arif, n.d.). ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 13. ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-�ikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt (kairo: dar al-’arab lilbustani, 1989), 120-134. mahdavi fard and movvahid, “the comparative analysis of the exegital method of avicenna and sheikh-i ishraq.” fazlur rahman, major themes of the qur’an (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1979). taufan anggoro, “tafsir alquran kontemporer: kajian atas tafsir tematik-kontekstual ziauddin sardar,” al quds: jurnal studi alquran dan hadis 3, no. 2 (2019): 199, https://doi.org/10.29240/alquds.v3i2.1049. ibn sina, “tis’u rasail fi al-hikmah wa al-tabi’iyyat.” nano warno, “metode demonstrasi (burhan) dalam filsafat islam,” rausyan fikr 17, no. 2 (2021): 311–44. kerwanto, metode tafsir esoeklektik: pendekatan integratif untuk memahami kandungan batin alqur’an (bandung: mizan, 2018), 116. henry corbin, avicenna and the visionary recital (new york: bollingen series lxvi, 1960), 28-29. alfred l. ivry, “al-kindi’s metaphysics: a translation of ya’qub ibn ishaq al-kindi’s treatise on first philosophy (fi al-falsafah al-ula)” (new york: state, 1974), 55-57. the term soul in ibn sina’s writing is al-nafs, al-‘aql, and al-rūs. al-nafs is used when it refers to human abilities that have similarities with animals and plants. al-‘aql is used when the soul or al-nafs has reached actuality. this sense is only specific to humans. as for spirit or rūs, it is usually used in the inner dimension or deeper on the power of al-nafs, like al-rūh al-qudsī which is at the same level as the holy intellect, al-‘aql al-qudsī. peter heath, allegory and philosophy in avicenna (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, 1992), 53. ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt 81 ibn sina, risālah fī ma’rifah al -nafs al-nātiqah wa ahwāliha (berkshire: hindawi foundation, 2018), 9-18. ibn sina, al-ta’līqāt (qum: al-i’lam al-islami, n.d.), 212. ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihāt, 233-234. majid ehsanfar et al., “the suspended man self-awareness in ibn sina and suhrawardi ( a comparative study ),” the quarterly journal of philosophical investigation 14, no. 32 (2020): 1–10, https://doi.org/10.22034/jpiut.2020.41090 .2640. duane p schultz and sydney ellen schultz, a history of modern psychology, ninth (belmont: wadsworth engage learning, 2008), 65-67. herbert a. davidson, alfarabi, avicenna, and averroes on intellect (new york: oxford university press, 1992), 80-81. ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihāt, 235. ibn sina, kitāb al-najāh fi al-hikmah wa al-mantiqiyyah, al-tabi’iyyat, wa al-ilāhiyyat, 222. shams c. inati, ibn sina’s remarks and admonitions: physics and metaphysics (new york: columbia university press, 2014), 97. ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihāt, 231. sina, tis’u rasāil fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 120. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina. shams c. inati, ibn sina remarks and admonitions part one: logic (toronto: pontificial insitute of medieval studies, 1984), 1. william e. gohlman, ed., the life of ibn sina (new york: state university of new york press, 1974), 39. ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihat, 241-242 ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihāt, 241-242. inati, ibn sina’s remarks and admonitions: physics and metaphysics, 102. ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihāt, 242. ibn sina, al-ishārāt wa al-tanbihāt, 242-243. ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-abī’iyyāt, 125-128. ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 125-128. kristin l. (zahra) sands, “commentary (tafsir) and allusion (ishara): a comparative study of exoteric and sufi interpretation of the qur’an in classical islam,” dissertation (new york university, 2000), 252-258. ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 125 ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 126. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 86. 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 16 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 seyyed hossein nasr, an introduction to islamic cosmological doctrines (colorado: shambala publication, inc, 1964), 197-202. sands, “commentary (tafsir) and allusion (ishara): a comparative study of exoteric and sufi interpretation of the qur’an in classical islam," 252-258. al-tabari, tafsīr al-tabarī min kitābihi jāmi’ al-bayān 'an-ta’wīl ayi al-qur’ān, al-isrā’ ilā al-naml, al-majallad al-khamis (beirut: muassasah al-rasalah, 1994),426 ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 88. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-�ūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina,. 86 abi abd al-rahman muhammad ibn al-husain ibn musa al-ardi al-sulami, haqāiq al-tafsīr, tafsīr al-qur’ān al-aziz, al-juz’ al-awwal (beirut: dar al-kutub al-ilmiyyah, 2001), 45. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 87. abi jakfar muhammad ibn jarir al-thabari, tafsīr al-tabari, jāmi’ al-bayān an-ta'wīl ayi al-qur’ān, juz 19 (kairo: markzaa al-buhuts wa al-dirasat al-arabiyyah wa al-islami, 2001), 158. mohammad syifa amin widigdo, “philosophical and religious justification of prophecy: a comparative analysis between al-ghazali and maimonides’ accounts of prophecy,” afkar 22, no. 1 (2020): 123–46. ibn sina, al-shifa, al-tabī‘iyyat 6, al-nafs, 219-230. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 87. ibn sina, al-isharat wa al-tanbihat, 242. fakhr al-din ibn umar al-razi, sharh al-ishārāt wa al-tanbīhāt (teheran, 1384), 270. roxanne d. marcotte, “suhrawardī(d.1191) and his interpretation of avicenna’s (d. 1037) philosophical anthropology” (mcgill university, 2000), 151. scott michael girdner, “reasoning with revelation: the significance of the qur’anic contextualization of philosophy in al-ghazali’s mishkat al-anwar (the niche of lights)” (boston university, 2010), 205. al-ghazali, the niche of lights-mishkah al-anwar, a parallel english-arabic text translated, introduced, and annotated by david buchman (utah: brigham young university of science, 1998), 6. ibn abbas, tanwīr al-miqbās min tafsīr ibn abbās (beirut: lidar al-kutub al-ilmiyyah, 1992), 374. ibn jarir al-thabari, tafsir al-thabari, jami’ al-bayan an-takwil ayilqur’an, juz 19, 158. hasan al-bashri, tafsīr al-hasan al-basrī, al-juz al-thānī (kairo: dar al-hadith, n.d.), 159-160. muhammad ibn al-husain ibn musa al-ardi al-sulami, haqaiq al-tafsir, tafsir al-qur’an al-aziz, al-juz’ al-awwal, 45. ibn sina, tis‘u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 127 . ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 125. ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 127. ibn sina, tis’u rasā'il fī al-hikmah wa al-tabī’iyyāt, 127.. sands, “commentary (tafsir) and allusion (ishara): a comparative study of exoteric and sufi interpretation of the qur’an in classical islam," 252-258. ashi, al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah al-sūfiyyah fi falsafah ibn sina, 88. sands, “commentary (tafsir) and allusion (ishara): a comparative study of exoteric and sufi interpretation of the qur’an in classical islam", 252-258. 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 references anggoro, taufan. “tafsir alquran kontemporer: kajian atas tafsir tematik-kontekstual ziauddin sardar.” al quds : jurnal studi alquran dan hadis 3, no. 2 (2019): 199. https://doi.org/10.29240/alquds.v3i2.1049. ashi, hasan. al-tafsīr al-qur’āniyyah wa al-lughah 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risālah fi maʿrifah al -nafs al-nāṭiqah wa aḥwāliha. berkshire: hindawi foundation, 2018. al-shifā', jilid 1-10. qum: wizarah al-thaqafah wa al-irsyad al-qumi, n.d. al-taʿlīqāt. qum: al-i’lam al-islami, n.d. “tisʿu rasāʾil fi al-ḥikmah wa al-tabi’iyyat.” kairo: dar al-’arab lilbustani, 1989. inati, shams c. ibn sina’s remarks and admonitions: physics and metaphysics. new york: columbia university press, 2014. ibn sina remarks and admonitions part one: logic. toronto: pontificial insitute of medieval studies, 1984. ivry, alfred l. “al-kindi’s metaphysics: a translation of ya’qub ibn ishaq al-kindi’s treatise on first philosophy (fi al-falsafah al-ula).” new york: state, 1974. janssen, jules. “avicenna and the qur’an: a survey of his qur’anic commentary.” medio 26, no. 6 (n.d.): 177–92. kamali, sabih ahmad. al-ghazali’s tahafut al-falasifah (incoherence of the philosophers). new scholasticism. lahore: pakistan philosophical congress, 1963. kerwanto. metode tafsir esoeklektik: pendekatan integratif untuk memahami kandungan batin alqur’an. bandung: mizan, 2018. marcotte, roxanne d. “suhrawardı̄(d.1191) and his interpretation of avicenna’s (d. 1037) philosophical anthropology.” mcgill university, 2000. mcginnis, jon. great medieval thinkers: avicenna. oxford: oxford university press, 2010. nakosteen, mehdi. “history of islamic origins of western education, a.d. 800-1350 with an introduction to medieval muslim education.” colorado: university of colorado press, 1964. nasr, seyyed hossein. an introduction to islamic cosmological doctrines. colorado: shambala publication, inc, 1964. three muslim sages: avicenna, suhrawadi, ibn ’arabi. oriens. vol. 18. cambridge: harvard university press, 1997. rahman, fazlur. major themes of the qur’an. chicago: the university of chicago press, 1979. al-razi, fakhr al-din. sharh al-ishārāt wa al-tanbīhāt. teheran, 1384. sands, kristin l. (zahra). “commentary (tafsir) and allusion (ishara): a comparative study of exoteric and sufi interpretation of the qur’an in classical islam.” dissertation. new york university, 2000. schultz, duane p, and sydney ellen schultz. a history of modern psychology. ninth. belmont: wadsworth engage learning, 2008. siraisi, nancy g. avicenna in renaissance italy: the canon and medical teaching in italian universities after 1500. princeton: princeton university press, 1987. medicine and the italian universities 1250-1600. leiden: koninklikje brill, 2001. https://doi.org/10.1201/9781482286809-37. smet, daniel de, and meryem sebti. “avicenna’s philosophical approach to the qur’an in the light of his tafsı̄r sūrat al-ikhlas.” journal of qur’anic studies 11, no. 2 (2009): 134–48. https://doi.org/10.3366/e1465359110000847. 18 vol. 19 no. 1 june 2023 al-sulami, abi abd al-rahman. ḥaqā'iq al-tafsīr, tafsīr al-qur’ān al-ʿazīz, al-juz’ al-awwal. beirut: dar alkutub al-ilmiyyah, 2001. al-ṭabarı̄. tafsīr al-ṭabarī min kitābihi jāmiʿ al-bayān ʿ an-ta’wīl ayi al-qur’ān, al-isrāʾ ila al-naml, al-majallad al-khāmis. beirut: muassasah al-rasalah, 1994. tafsir al-ṭabarī, jāmiʿ al-bayān ʿan taʾwīl ayi al-qur’ān, juz 17. kairo: markzaa al-buhuts wa al-dirasat alarabiyyah wa al-islami, 2001. al-walid, kholid. “takwil epistemologis ibn sînâ atas surah al-nûr ayat 35.” ulul albab jurnal studi islam 19, no. 1 (2018): 1. https://doi.org/10.18860/ua.v19i1.4797. warno, nano. “metode demonstrasi (burhan) dalam filsafat islam.” rausyan fikr 17, no. 2 (2021): 311–44. widigdo, mohammad syifa amin. “philosophical and religious justification of prophecy: a comparative analysis between al-ghazali and maimonides’ accounts of prophecy.” afkar 22, no. 1 (2020): 123–46. wisnovsky, robert. “avicennism and exegetical practice in the early commentaries on the isharat.” oriens 41, no. 3–4 (2013): 349–78. https://doi.org/10.1163/18778372-13413406. al-zahra, kayhul fatimah. “al-takwil al-falsafi li al-nash al-dini inda ibn sina.” universite mohammad bodiaf, 2019. 1. afkaruna_jajat burhanudin jurnal afkaruna vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 the triumph of the second leaders: ahmad khatib and rashīd ridā in islamic reform in indonesia doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.12554 faculty of adab and humanities uin jakarta j.burhanudin@uinjkt.ac.id jajat burhanudin abstract the advent of islamic reform in indonesia at the turn of the 20th century is to be attributed to two scholars or called the second muslim leaders. they were ahmad khatib in mecca and rashīd ridā in cairo. ahmad khatib was an intellectual leader of mainly malay-indonesian section of jawa (southeast asians muslims) in mecca when the islamic reform began to be voiced by cairo ‘ulama, muhammad ‘abduh and rashīd ridā. one crucial point to discuss in this article is that the two scholars shared similar religious thoughts, which hold a determining role in the development of islamic reform, much more than the role of muhammad ‘abduh, the first leader of the movement. as can be gleaned from ahmad khatib’s works and his intellectual orientation, as well as from the fatwas of rashīd ridā in al-manār, both scholars emphasized the primacy of pristine islam (salāf), different from the thought of ‘abduh. in fact, it was in the hands of ahmad khatib’s students that the islamic reform reached wider audiences in indonesia and southeast asia. at the same time, the early 20th century also witnessed the mounting request for fatwas to rashīd ridā in al-manār, which greatly contributed to the transmission of reform ideas from cairo to the region. keywords: islamic reform, ahmad khatib, rashīd ridā, al-manār, al-imam, al-munir, muhammadiyah. abstrak gerakan pembaharuan islam di indonesia pada awal abad ke-20 tidak bisa dilepaskan dari peran besar dua orang ulama, yang disebut di sini sebagai tokoh muslim barisan kedua. mereka adalah ahmad khatib in mekkah dan rashīd ridā in cairo, mesir. ahmad khatib adalah tokoh intelektual dari komunitas jawi (asia tenggara) di mekkah, khususnya orang-orang melayu, ketika gagasan-gagasan pembaharuan islam mulai disuarakan oleh ulama pembaharu mesir, muhammad ‘abduh dan rashīd ridā, pada pergantian abad ke-20. satu hal penting yang menjadi tekanan utama artikel ini adalah bahwa corak pemikiran keagamaan dua tokoh tersebut, yang memperlihatkan kesamaan, menjadi faktor menentukan bagi keberhasilan proses perkembangan pembaharuan islam, jauh melampaui peran seorang tokoh sudah lama diakui sebagai pemimpin utama pembaharuan, muhammad ‘abduh. pemikiran ahmad khatib, sebagaimana bisa dilihat dari karya dan orientasi intelektualnya, memperlihatkan kedekatan dengan rashīd ridā. keduanya sama-sama menekankan pentingnya kembali ke islam masa nabi dan sahabat (salāf). karena itu, di tangan murid ahmad khatib gagasan pembaharuan islam bisa sampai ke masyarakat luas di indonesia dan asia tenggara. bersamaan dengan itu, meningkatnya permintaan fatwa kepada rashīd ridā di majalah al-manār memperkuat proses transmisi gagasan pembaharuan mesir ke indonesia. this article departs from a rather neglected and unrevealed fact in the celebrated picture of islamic reform in indonesia in the early 20th century. the formative period of this cairo-inspired movement denotes the crucial role of what is stated here as “the second leaders of islamic headship”. while recognizing the great influence of muhammad ‘abduh (1849-1905) as an intellectual leader of the movement, its systematic formulation, which might direct muslim’s religious ideas and practices, was in the hands of his students and those who were exposed to his thought.1 in this article, the issue just cited is addressed by revealing the thought of two ‘ulama (sing. ‘ālim, muslim scholar) who held such a pivotal role in the formation of islamic reform in indonesia. the first is ahmad khatib (ahmad bin ‘abd al-lātīf al-khatīb al-minangkabāwī, 1860-1915). amidst scholarly works, the ideas of this scholar in relation to islamic reform still need to be clarified and explored.2 the classical work of deliar noer, for instance, attaches importance to this scholar as a forerunner of reformism. however, noer’s description focuses on his role as a teacher in mecca at the turn of the century, who exposed his jawi (southeast asian) students to reform ideas of cairo ‘ulama. no attention is given to his 171vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 introduction thought and his books (kitab).3 in fact, ahmad khatib presented new islamic discourse that departed from the traditional line of thought among the jawa of mecca. ahmad khatib appeared as an activist ‘ālim who posed direct responses to religious affairs in the dutch east indies, particularly in his hometown in west sumatra. he introduced a new way of intellectual dealing with actual religious issues, which could hardly be found in the traditional islamic scholarship. as such, he contributed to establishing a strong base for the rise of islamic reform and new islamic leadership. the second is rashīd ridā (1865-1935), a cairene reformist ‘alim who echoed the reformist ideas articulated by his teacher, muhammad ‘abduh. it should be noted that the role of rashīd ridā in the islamic reform has been superseded by his teacher.4 this point needs to be highlighted. with due regards to the central role of ‘abduh, the reformist ideas were disseminated by ridā, who taught the jawi students at al-azhar when their numbers increased in the 1920s. as well, it was also with ridā that muslim leaders in southeast asia corresponded to request fatwas (ar. fatāwa, religious edicts) through the journal al-manār. as a matter of fact, ridā’s religious thought differed from abduh’s. he emphasized the return to the tradition of the forefathers of islam (salāf). in this article, the thought of these two scholars will be examined, giving emphasis on the ways how they came into the indies and southeast asia at large and formed a new layer of islamic configuration in the region. one thing is important to state at the outset, the ideas of ahmad khatib held essential roles in the dissemination of the cairo-based reform. he had similar ideas with salafiyya line of ridā’s thought, as articulated in ahmad khatib’s response to the subject of islamic inheritance in west sumatra. his role is also to be explained by the fact that the first contingent who migrated to cairo to study at al-azhar came from his jawi students in mecca. and, one of his students appeared as a leading scholar who disseminated the islamic reform to southeast asia. the discussions of this article have a foundation in the previous scholarly studies5 but with strong weight on direct relation to the thought of indonesian reformist muslim leaders. in so doing, the motion of ideas 172 afkaruna from the middle east to the indies, and southeast asia at large, is taken as the main subject of discussion, which appears to be a leading issue in the initial development of islamic reform in the region. this article is expected to give a new element to the historiography of islamic reform, which has emphasized too strongly the role of the mentioned intellectual leader and equally has paid attention too much to the rise of modern organizations.6 approaching the end of the 19th century, the holy city, which had enjoyed being the heart of traditional islamic learning, began to change. among the jawa, new orientation in intellectual life started rising amidst the traditional practices of learning. the rise of this new orientation can be explained in a short intellectual biography of ahmad khatib, the new leader of jawa in mecca, in the place of nawawi al-bantani (shaykh muhammad nawāwī al-bantānī), who died in 1897. ahmad khatib presented a new model of islamic discourses laden with activism, different from those of nawawi al-bantani that focused on commenting standard kitabs of middle eastern ‘ulama. ahmad khatib began joining the jawa in mecca as his father sent him to the holy city for hajj and islamic learning. he arrived in mecca in 1881 with his grandfather and cousin, thahir djalaluddin (muhammad tāhir jalāl al-dīn, 1856-1956). like other jawi fellows, ahmad khatib joined the circle of islamic leaning. here, in addition to learning from the shattā family of ‘ulama from egypt residing in mecca—sayyid ‘umar, sayyid bakr, and sayyid ‘uthman—ahmad khatib also attended the lectures of other meccan ‘ulama, such as ahmad zaynī dahlān and yahyā kablī.7 abu bakr shattā was the most influential in his for-mation of islamic knowledge, leading him to specialize in shattā’s teaching in his well-known work, i‘āna al-tālibīn (the seekers’ aid). it was most likely when ahmad khatib was learning from bakr shattā that snouck hurgronje came to study the jawa in mecca. however, ahmad khatib was then too young to attract the attention of this dutch scholar, who concentrated on the senior jawi ‘ulama, which was the 173vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 ahmad khatib and the changing jawa of mecca reason this ‘alim was left out of his work, mekka. in addition, the still prevailing ethnic divisions within the jawa of the period might also have led ahmad khatib to stick to the malay circle of the jawa.8 whatever the case, ahmad khatib emerged as the leading ‘alim of the jawa prior to the early 20th century. ahmad khatib’s career was supported by his strong relationship with one of the meccan elites, shaykh muhammad sālih al-kurdī, the owner of a bookshop at bāb al-salām and a member of the sharif committee. this relationship became stronger as ahmad khatib married his two daughters, which led him to be¬come part of the meccan elite. as a result, he gained both facilities and political support for his career in mecca. sometime between 1887 and 1892, he held the salaried position of an imām at the masjīd al-�aram, which assured his prominence within the jawa of mecca. he also established a career as a teacher of jawa in the bāb ziyādā circle, in addition to writing about forty-six books mainly for his malay audiences.9 turning to the above-cited issue of a changing mecca, it can be said that at the time when his being appointed as an imām and a teacher of jawa that ahmad khatib encountered a new trend of religious and intellectual life. the ‘ulama-centered learning, as “the very kernel of the jawa colony”,10 began to change. ahmad khatib’s students, most notably those from sumatera and the malay peninsula, seem to have started learning islam from other sources of knowledge besides the lectures of their teacher.11 the printed islamic materials, especially the journal al-manār published by the reform-minded ‘ulama muhammad ‘abduh and rashīd ridā, circulated in mecca and were accessed by the jawi students. and ahmad khatib, as noer asserts, permitted his students to read the journal, although with the expectation to be able to refute the reformist ideas. with the printed materials, a new mode of islamic learning arose, no longer based on the book as lectured by the ‘ulama but on the independent reading of the printed media. as a result, the students had a space of liberty to comprehend and to come to a conclusion on certain islamic doctrines on the basis of their autonomous reading, not of oral lectures by their teacher.12 174 afkaruna the changing jawa of mecca can also be seen in ahmad khatib’s picture as an activist-plus-‘alim; it was at this moment, during the height of his career, that he came to the attention of snouck hurgronje, as this scholar mentioned one of ahmad khatib’s works al-manhaj al-mashrū‘ (the legitimate method) in a letter to the department of education dated 18 april 1894.13 as will be elucidated below, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘ was written in relation to disputed religious issues in minangkabau on inheritance, to which ahmad khatib responded and strongly urged the minangkabau people to uphold islamic doctrines. in the context of the jawa of mecca, the way ahmad khatib engaged in the local issue in west sumatera appeared as a new intellectual orientation amidst the continued traditional practices of meccan islamic learning. 175vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 as can be seen from his works, ahmad khatib took a different approach from nawawi al-bantani. ahmad khatib composed his own original works, not in the form of commentaries to the arabic books as nawawi al-bantani had done. in so doing, he engaged in the disputed islamic affairs of west sumatra and the indies in general. his works were written in response to the contemporary islamic issues of the period. al-minhaj al-mashrū‘ is an example. it is a malay translation of his previous work in arabic on the islamic rule of inheritance, al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘ (the sounding call), which discusses the minangkabau adat of inheritance. having been entrenched in a matrilineal social system, the minangkabau people held the adat regulation that requires inherited property to be handed down in the matrilineal line of descent—from great-uncle to uncle and then to his sisters’ children. it was to this subject that ahmad khatib dedicated his al-dā‘ī al-masmū’ and then translated it into malay under the requests of his jawi fellows from west sumatra. at the beginning of its discussion, he wrote, “since the previous kitab [al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘] is in arabic and only very few people know the language, some of our minangkabau fellows … requested me to write a kitab in jawi [malay] to explicate those contained in al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘”.14 it was hoped, he continued, that this kitab would represent him in new kitab and new discourse 176 afkaruna providing the people with advice and guidance on the way islam should adequately be practiced.15 ahmad khatib also expanded on the discussion by adding to al-minhaj a specific chapter on the islamic rule of inheritance (kitāb al-farā’id), in which he elucidated the way in which the inherited properties should be divided according to islamic law.16 the same background can also be found in another of his works, al-jawhara al-farīda fī al-ajwiba al-mufīda (the essence of the duties concerning the advantageous answers) here, ahmad khatib said that this kitab was written with the main intention of clarifying some basic points on the islamic regulation of inheritance as he already had explained in the jawi version of al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘, al-minhaj al-mashrū‘.17 also, like in al-minhaj, ahmad khatib in al-jawhara recounted his experience with the muslims of west sumatra to be the basis for writing this kitab. he wrote that some of his minangkabau fellows had come to him to request his opinion on the adat practice in the area that deviated from the islamic regulation in dividing their inhe¬rited properties.18 with such a mode of writing, the intellectual tradition of ahmad khatib departed from that of nawawi al-bantani. there do not appear in the kitab of ahmad khatib the basic text (matn) to which his works are exclu¬sively referred, nor citing any specific ‘ālim with an expectation to gain blessing (tabarruk), as can be found in the works of nawawi al-bantani.19 ahmad khatib made his religious views and explanations constitute the main body of his books, while references were made only to specific and relevant hadith and verses of the qur’an. in al-minhaj al-mashrū‘, ahmad khatib begins his discussion with the introduction, in which he mentions the intention and background of writing this kitab, and then clarifies the issues of minangkabau muslims who deviated from the islamic rule of inheritance. from this, he moves on to discuss the subjects of religious deviation—which he associates with the pre-islamic (jāhiliyya) religious practices—and then enumerates several conse¬quences of their departure from the true teachings of islam. in the last part of his kitab, ahmad khatib provides his readership with guidance and a clear method of islamic inheritance, which functions as a manual 177vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 for muslims of west sumatera to divide their inherited properties according to islamic law (al-farā’id).20 from the contents of al-minhaj, it is clear that ahmad khatib com¬posed this work independently, in the sense that he did not take any particular kitab to be the particular source of his explanation on the issues concerned. and this becomes even more apparent if we take a closer look at the format of his arabic version of al-minhaj al-mashrū‘, al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘. here, in the margin of its pages, ahmad khatib attached as a supplement (al-hāmish), the work on the same subject by his teacher, sayyid bakr sattā, al-qaul al-mubram fī anna man‘ al-usūl wa al-furū‘ min irthihim muharram (the firm opinion on the prohibition of the exclusion of parents and their children from inheriting property). at the beginning of his attached kitab, bakr sattā wrote that a fellow from the jawi land—ahmad khatib himself—had come to him, informing him of the traditional and un-islamic practices of inheritance in his country of origin. this jawi fellow then requested him to write a small treatise in order to refute the adat practices on the basis of legitimate arguments.21 ahmad khatib’s attaching the supplement can be seen in the framework of enhancing his authority amongst the minangkabau audiences. nonetheless, it has to be stressed, ahmad khatib put al-qaul al-mubram as a separate text, not in the form of basic text (matn) and commentary (sharah) relationship, as can be found in the works of nawawi al-bantani. ahmad khatib made no special reference in his al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘ to the attached supplement. he wrote his kitab on his own terms. al-qaul al-mubram remained a distinct text of his teacher. and, al-qaul al-mubram then disappeared in al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, the malay version al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘, confirming that they were presented as being independent of one another. ahmad khatib joined the mainstream discourse of sharī‘ah-oriented islam of mecca in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. yet, in line with the intensifying network of islamic reform of cairo, ahmad khatib mingled the meccan discourse with the reform spirit, thus emphasizing an engagement with the living socio-political affairs of muslims. hence, unlike nawawi al-bantani, who had concentrated mostly 178 afkaruna on the “literary sphere”,22 ahmad khatib combined his intellectual concerns with an activist orientation of islamic reform, which led him to become more responsive to the socio-religious issues he encountered. in the hands of ahmad khatib, the spirit of sharī‘ah-oriented islam of mecca heightened, to the extent that it was embodied in his uncompromised attitudes to what he regarded as contradictory to the principles of sharī‘ah. reading al-minhaj al-mashrū‘, it is clear that ahmad khatib voiced his strong criticism of the minangkabau traditional practice (adat) on inheritance, which he described as pre-islamic adat (jāhiliyya) and therefore in opposition to islam. ahmad khatib attacked this adat, condemning it as the source of the minangkabau people’s distance from islam. he even opined that this adat practice led them to be regarded as unbelievers. to support his opinion, ahmad khatib espoused the concept of sharī‘ah, which constituted the main substance of islamic discourse in mecca of the period.23 in al-minhaj al-mashrū‘, he defined sharī‘ah as the whole aspect of divine regulation (segala hukum) that muslims are obliged to follow. it includes not only the ritual practices that belong to the five islamic pillars—the statement of faith, prayer, fasting, alms, and pilgrimage—but also “all those come down from the prophet”.24 he then elaborated on the meaning of islamic belief (imān) and islām, in which the regulation of inheritance (hukm al-farā’id) is strongly emphasized as being an inherent part of the main islamic teachings.25 again, he continuously urged the prescribed rule of inheritance be followed, while the jāhiliyya religious practices of the adat of minangkabau be left completely behind.26 with the above case of inheritance, the picture of ahmad khatib as an activist leader of the jawa in mecca is strongly evident. he played roles both as a teacher and muftī. his engagement in the disputed subject of islam in minangkabau proved this. he was acknow-ledged as having an equal position and authority to the meccan ‘alim ahmad zainī dahlān with his fatwa collection, muhimmat al-nafā’is.27 thus, besides the inheritance affairs, ahmad khatib was also consulted on the issue of the naqshbandiyya sufi order. and, as in the case of inheritance, he strongly 179vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 rejected it. he even accused its followers of being non-believers,28 affirming his departure again from nawawi, who had adopted a moderate stance á la al-ghazali’s ethical sufism.29 in addition, ahmad khatib was requested to issue a fatwa on the friday prayer in palembang,30 which led him to become involved in a polemic against dutch-supported hadrami ‘alim said oesman.31 besides his social and intellectual achievement, to be taken into account in ahmad khatib’s elevation of being muftī was the increasing confidence of the sumatran malay faction of the jawa in mecca, which contributed to rising malay pride and sentiment. hence, different from nawawi’s period, the jawa was more in favour of requesting fatwa from their jawi master than from the then official shafī‘ī muftī of mecca, shaykh bā busail.32 this was not a surprise. ahmad khatib himself, as one of his students—‘abd al-karim ’amr allah or hadji rasul (1879-1945)—testified, was known to have had sentiments of the anti-arab intellectual leadership of mecca.33 as already noted, the time when ahmad khatib came into the intellectual stage of mecca, the islamic reform of cairo started to reach the jawi students, which in turn led to the rise of new scholarly interest in cairo. the jawa started taking cairo as a scholarly destination, although mecca remained highly respected due to its long intellectual network with the archipelago. of the jawa of mecca, thaher djajaluddin was the first generation to become interested in islamic reform. born on 7 november 1869 in bukittinggi, west sumatra, thaher djalaluddin came from a leading ‘ulama family of minangkabau. he was a maternal relative of ahmad khatib, with whom he went to mecca in 1880, when he was twelve years old, to study islam. under ahmad khatib’s leadership, he lived in mecca as a member of the jawa, witnessing the changing intellectual orientation. therefore, after having spent fifteen years in mecca, in 1895, he moved to al-azhar to complete his studies in astronomy. this cairo experience greatly contributed to his future career as a leading reformist ‘ālim in southeast asia.34 from ahmad khatib to rashid rida 180 afkaruna in this respect, the journal al-manār played such an important role in this changing intellectual attitude of the jawa of mecca. with their message of islamic reform, they caught the attention of the jawa and stimulated a great deal of interest in the reformism of cairo. as a matter of fact, al-manār was long under the editorship of rashīd ridā, leading this ‘ālim to have contact with the jawa. in spite of the important role of muhammad ‘abduh, the exposure to islamic reform was mostly through rashīd ridā. this strengthened following the death of ‘abduh in 1905, leaving rashīd ridā as the ‘ālim to whom the jawa of mecca and then of cairo established contact to learn the islamic reform. here, the experience of basyuni imran (muhammad bashūni bin muhammad ‘imrān) is a good example. he represented the above trend within the jawa that made cairo, through rashīd ridā, a scholarly destination and new source of religious authority. basyuni imran came from a family of leading ‘ulama in sambas, a malay sultanate in kalimantan where his father, muhammad imran, was maharaja imam (the highest religious official). he was born on 16 october 1885 and had his basic schooling (a dutch colonial volk-school) and religious education in his hometown. in about 1901, he went to mecca to perform the hajj and continue his studies. he spent almost five years studying in mecca under the mentorship of mainly the jawi ulama, including ahmad khatib. in 1906, at the request of his father, he returned to sambas.35 during his study in the holy city, basyuni imran became acquainted with islamic reform through the journal al-manār. after returning to sambas, he subscribed to the journal and began corresponding with rashīd ridā, requesting fatwas on various subjects.36 network with rashīd ridā intensified as fatwa requests (istiftā’) by southeast asian muslims to the journal al-manār mounted. as the previous studies demonstrate, the beginning of the 20th century witnessed the growing fatwa requests to the journal, marking the establishment of an intensive dialogue between southeast asian islam and al-azhar in cairo. what is special to note, the istiftā’ proceeded trough rashīd ridā as the editor of al-manār. this is to be explained by the fact that all the fatwa requests from southeast asia to the journal 181vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 dated from 1905 onward, which was the period after muhammad ‘abduh died. although al-manār continued publishing ‘abduh’s works, rashīd ridā was the ‘ālim the fatwa seekers mentioned in their requests. the statement “dear shaykh muhammad rashīd ridā, the editor of the journal al-manār” appear as the expression commonly found at the beginning of fatwa requests, and they continued with the expectation that rashīd ridā would provide them the answers to their questions.38 the above fact explains what is stated in the title, the triumph of the second leaders in islamic reform. rashīd ridā with the journal al-manār established an intensive contact with southeast asian muslims, much more than muhammad ‘abduh had done with his works. the fatwa requests, as can be gleaned from al-manār, deal with actual issues the muslims had in their real life, starting from ritual to modernity affairs they had to cope with in the changing cultural milieu of southeast asia at the dawn of its modern period in the early 20th century. as a result, rashīd ridā provided them with religious edicts as they expected and helped them resolve the problems encountered. nevertheless, connection to rashīd ridā is a point that needs special explanation. as is known, rashīd ridā appeared to be “the mouthpiece of his [muhammad ‘abduh’s] ideas, the guardian of his good name, and his biographer”.39 born of syrian nationality, rashīd ridā began to know the ideas of islamic reform while still in his country. he is said to have already read the works of muhammad ‘abduh before he met him in 1894, which led him to be involved in ‘abduh’s reformism. a few years later, in 1897, ridā left syria for cairo, and one year after, he published the first reform journal al-manār as the mouthpiece for the propagation of ‘abduh’s reformism. the journal first appeared in 1898 as a weekly issue and later became a monthly one. rashīd ridā continued to publish this journal until he died in 1935, making it an inherent part of his life. like muhammad ‘abduh and jamāl al-dīn al-afgāni, the reformism of rashīd ridā also started by questioning the backwardness of the muslims vis-à-vis the west. also, like his predecessors, liberating the muslims from the shackles of taqlīd (blind imitation), opening the gate of ijtihād and returning to “true islam” constituted the main message of rashīd ridā’s reformism.40 182 afkaruna however, different from muhammad ‘abduh who stressed the idea that religion must be accounted as a friend to western science,41 emphasizing the crucial role of reason in islam and demonstrating that it must positively cooperate with the faith for human advancement,42 rashīd ridā had a different line of thought. he took the ideas of muhammad ‘abduh in the direction of puritanism akin to the spirit of wahhabism in arabia. rashīd ridā considered true islam to be almost exclusively that which was practiced and taught during the time of the prophet and his companions (salāf). meanwhile, ‘abduh’s conception of salāf is more general, attributing it to “the creators of the central tradition of muslim thought and devotion, from the prophet to al-ghazali”.43 rashīd ridā’s ideas regarding the salāf are to be explained by his being a syrian, of where the hanbali school of thought was more alive than in egypt. this contributed to his sympathy and support for wahha¬bism in arabia, which can hardly be found in the works of his mentor, muhammad ‘abduh.44 being as such, what the jawi students learned in cairo, and what southeast asian muslims gained from the fatwas in al-manār, was the reformism of rashīd ridā, which was salafiyya in substance, that the practiced religion during the prophet and his companions as the true islam. this line of thought is reminiscent, to some important extent, of the ideas of ahmad khatib outlined above. in the case of inheritance, ahmad khatib presented the concept of sharī‘ah as the argument for his emphasizing the whole aspect of divine regulation that muslims are obliged to follow, as “all those come down from the prophet”.45 in addition, the similarity in religious ideas of the two ‘ulama can also be ascertained from the fact that both were critical of what was regarded as non-sharī‘ah-based local practices. like ahmad khatib, who repudiated the adat practice of inheritance in minangkabau people, rashīd ridā issued a number of fatwas in al-manār to combat local practices which were deemed as to have been influenced by pre-islamic elements, as will be discussed. 183vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 as was published in the edition of 1905 of al-manār, salim ibn ‘abdul fatah from singapore requested fatwa from rashīd ridā concerning local practice among the muslims of southeast asia who did praying (berdo’a) for the deceased as they visited his or her gravestone (ziarah kubur) by sitting close to and looking at, the headstone. rashīd ridā issued a fatwa in al-manār as a response to this request, in which he stated that this practice was a tradition of idolaters that fell under the category of unnecessary religious innovation (bid‘a), and therefore urged the muslims to abandon it.46 turning to the cited issue of salafiyya-reformism, this fatwa is one example of rashīd ridā’s line of thought. the same argument also applied to other fatwas he issued concerning other related issues the muslims asked to al-manār, still to respond to the requests of ahmad abdul fattah of singapore, which dealt with traditional practices of southeast asian muslims that began to be questioned in the early 20th century. one of the questions was concerned with two issues: to colour (black and others) the sign of praying direction in the mosque toward the kaaba and hang a piece of cloth for the spit in the mosque’s wall. to the first issue, rashīd ridā wrote in al-manār that this practice could be religiously immoral as it was to litter the mosque, and was equally so if it dislocated the mind of those who were praying; otherwise, it is just a small mistake in religious practice. one thing for sure is that rashīd ridā looked at the issues as to have no ground in the tradition of the prophet and his companions (salāf), and he classified them as bid‘a.47 further, rashīd ridā argued that the practice of hanging a piece of cloth in the mosque’ wall led him to remind those commonly found in muslim countries where stupid people were used to displaying a cloth hanged on a tree and the graves of supposedly pious muslims with the intention to prevent from danger and to gain advantages. for him, this practice belongs to those of the idolater and therefore contrary to the prophetic tradition, albeit many muslims had long practiced it.48 another issue that arose to be an intensely debated subject amidst the advance of islamic reform was tawassul, a medium in soliciting divine favour. it appeared in an al-manār edition of 1906. it was later re-stated rashid rida’s fatwas in al-manar: some examples 184 afkaruna due to the request by a fatwa seeker from singapore with initial name ms.49 as is assumed, rashīd ridā issued a fatwa that emphasizes the bid‘a status of tawassul, saying that it has not precedence which could be found in the qur’an and the tradition of the prophet, as well as in the religious practices of the believers from the companions. he also acknowledges the fact that those who are committed to bid‘a claim that their predecessor (the sufi ‘ālim) once made a prayer (du‘a) for the deceased with the intention that his wishes would be granted; and, in so doing, they do praying (salāt) on the grave; they also believe that these ritual practices would help to make the wishes materialize. rashīd ridā states that it is religiously groundless.50 moreover, to rashīd ridā, the wide practice of tawassul among the muslims is strongly related to the perception of the prophet, which holds the notion that his prophethood includes non-religious mission and affairs. in this particular respect, there appears the belief that the prophet had superiority which enables him to give help for those who do prayer to make what they look for are fulfilled by god. in contrast to this, rashīd ridā clarifies few points, saying that the prophet has no authority to prevent someone from danger, neither to give advantages; the only superiority he has lies in the mission to proselytize islamic teachings to the people; thus, with the exception of receiving qur’anic verses and having prophetic attributes, he is just like normal people.51 still related to the issue of tawassul, rashīd ridā issued another fatwa which refuted the belief that all the miracles of the prophet were similar with dignity or honour (karāma) of the saints. it was a response to the request sent by muhammad bin hashim alawy of java, in which he noted that the term karāma was popular among the javanese, especially those who admired extraordinary events. muhammad bin hashim asked if this belief has a foundation in islamic teaching. as is assumed, rashīd ridā believed that statement has no ground in both hadith and the tradition of the companions. the terms miracle and karāma were post-dated in nature; the notions of the terms were fabricated by some sufi ‘ulama in corresponding to the cultural desire of the people, who accepted the notions and, more importantly, elevated them to become religious principles.52 185vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 another debated issue is talqin (ar. talqīn, prompting of the dead), raised by h. musa al-samad in klaten, central java, in his request for a fatwa to al-manār. he questioned whether or not talqin has a foundation in the traditions of the prophet and his companions. this question was most likely spurred by its being widely practiced in java, where the people, to be more precise among of them, believed it as religiously recommended, in reference to the kitab by ibrāhīm al-barmāwī, hāshiya al-barmāwī ‘alā sharh al-ghāya lī ibn qāsim al-ghazzī.53 as its title suggests, this work is a gloss (hāshiya) on fath al-qarīb by qāsim al-ghazzī, which is a commentary on al-ghāya wa al-taqrīb by abū shujā’ al-isfhānī. and the last two books mentioned belong to popular books on fiqh in pesantren islamic learning.54 as such, the point in question refers to the ritual practice within the traditional community of santri (devout muslims) in java concerning the deceased. rashīd ridā’s fatwa on talqin is consistent with the salafiyya line of thought. he states that it is not religiously recommended because there is no legitimate hadith that shows the practice as coming from the tradition of the prophet. nevertheless, rashīd ridā acknowledges the spread of belief among the muslims on hadith, which encourages them to do talqin. but, so he argues, the hadith has never been verified by the leading scholars on this subject (such as imām al-bukhārī, muslīm, abū dā’ūd, and nasā’ī), and therefore are weak, unauthentic, and should be rejected; more importantly, the hadith cannot be taken as a foundation to determine its legal status of being recommended in islam. with this argument, rashīd ridā discourages muslims from doing talqin and regards it as belonging to local tradition for respecting the deceased.55 in addition to the above practices, rashīd ridā’s fatwa also deals with the strongly rooted traditions in muslim life in indonesia and southeast asia. it was issued to respond to the request by sayyid ‘aqil bin abd allah bin ‘aqil al-habshi of palembang in sumatera, who queried the practice of reciting a pious story on the prophet muhammad’s birthday (mawlid), whether or not it is religiously based. to be more specific, his question refers to a mawlid text of al-dībā‘ī which the ‘ulama regarded, so he states, as the best mawlid text to recite, compared to other mawlid texts, 186 afkaruna with the argument that the spirit of the prophet is present during the reciting of the text. to this question, rashīd ridā responded by saying that this practice is bid‘a; the stories in the mawlid text of al-dībā‘ī contain false and fabricated information and is potential of diverting the honour to the prophet to al-dībā‘ī instead.56 it should be noted that the text of mawlid al-dībā‘ī, written by al-imām al-jalīl ‘abd al-rahmān al-dībā‘ī, is one of several works that are identified as having circulated in indonesia: mawlid sharaf al‘anām (the birth of the best of mankind [the prophet muhammad]), mawlid al-barjanzī nathran (the prose version of al-barjanzi’s mawlid) and mawlid al-barjanzī nazman (the mawlid of al-barjanzi in verse); these two texts were written by the shaf‘ite muftī of medina, ja‘far bin hasān al-barjanzī (1690-1764). to be mentioned here are the mawlid by muhammad al-‘azb, an ‘ālim of nineteenth-century medina, and shimtu al-durār by imām ‘ali bin muhammad bin husain al-habshī.57 all these texts are very common and can be found in indonesia, showing that the ritual for commemorating the birth of the prophet muhammad (mawlid) has strong ground in muslim tradition. more importantly, mawlid also became the subject of scholarly works of a leading ‘ālim of indonesia in the nineteenth century, nawawi al-bantani (1813-1897). he wrote two works on this subject, targhīb al-mustaqin lī bayān manzūmat zayn al-ābidīn (first published in cairo in 1875) and madārij al-su‘ud ilā iktisā’ al-burūd (also published in cairo in 1878). like his other books (kitabs), the two works mentioned are commentaries to the poetical and the prose versions of al-barzanji’s mawlid texts.58 these facts show that mawlid has become part and parcel of muslims’ religious life. and the mawlid texts of al-barjanzi are very popular and constitute important teaching materials in islamic learning, including in pesantren in java.59 given the above fatwas, rashīd ridā with salafiyya-oriented ideas sourced the rising discourse of islamic reform in southeast asia. although unbinding in nature, the fatwas he issued in al-manār, as will be shown below, were taken as the main source of reform-minded scholars with their works. similarly, rashīd ridā contributed to making the cairo 187vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 while rashīd ridā continued providing southeast asian muslims with his fatwas in al-manār, which were salafiyya in character, the students of ahmad khatib returned to the region and started disseminating islamic reform. the aforementioned thaher djalaluddin was the first one to mention. he was a leading founder and editor of an al-manār-inspired reform journal in southeast asia, al-imam. thaher djalaluddin launched his reformism in singapore with other ‘ulama connected to new islamic ideas of cairo, sayyid shaykh al-hadi and hadji abbas bin mohamad taha.60 like al-manār, al-imam took the spirit of reform to be its central concern. in its first edition, the editors of al-imam wrote that the journal was directed to make the people who were forgetful, asleep and astray come under the right guidance based on islam.61 for this purpose, al-imam transmitted the reform ideas of cairo by republishing the articles in al-manār, such as the one entitled “ilmu dan ‘ulama” (knowledge and ‘ulama), on which the editors stated that “we publish this article in al-imam piece by piece so that the readers of al-imam know the character, the position and the occupation of ‘ulama”.62 another article in al-manār that was republished by al-imam was a malay translation of qur’anic commentary derived from the lectures by muhammad ‘abduh at al-azhar. “here in this volume”, the journal wrote, “we begin presenting the introduction [of the qur’anic commentary], and it was published already in al-manār in the third volume of its editions”.63 in addition to singapore, padang in west sumatera, one of the urbanized cities in the dutch east indies in the early 20th century, emerged as the bastion of islamic reform. haji abdullah ahmad, another student islamic reform in motion reformism undisruptive towards the islamic knowledge and practices among the jawa of mecca and the reformist muslims in southeast asia. this is to be explained by the fact that the reform message they received from al-manār had a strong grounding in the islamic ideas of ahmad khatib and the rising sharī‘ah-oriented islam in mecca in the early 20th century. while accepting modern devices and facilities, they upheld the tradition of the prophet and his companions. 188 afkaruna of ahmad khatib in mecca, engaged in voicing islamic reform with his journal al-munir. as a reformist ‘ālim of the area, popularly known as kaum muda, he published al-munir from 1911 to 1916 to continue the role and the spirit of al-imam, which ceased publishing in 1908. hadji abdullah ahmad even “copied the motto as well as the form of al-imam in his periodical”.64 al-munir was concerned mainly with the religious affairs of muslims in the indies. this journal presented islam in a way that was suitable for the increasingly modernized society and served to promote progress, which appeared as a central issue of the journal. designed as “the beacon that illuminates the environment”,65 the journal emphasized the necessity of creating progress for the indonesian people. for this, al-munir encouraged the indonesian muslims to cooperate with the dutch government to make order and peace, on the basis of which the progress could be achieved.66 in line with the above argument, al-munir stressed the value of having knowledge (berpengetahuan), which constituted another major concern of the journal. al-munir elaborated this point in the framework of creating progress, stating that berpengetahuan was a central element for the people to live in modern conditions. with this emphasis on having knowledge, al-munir criticized the older traditional elites, including the ‘ulama of kaum tua, who were attracted merely to virtually material and ceremonial aspects, not the essence of socio-religious life.67 the above ideas of progress and modernity were formulated in the framework of the salafiyya reformism. the reformist muslims of southeast asia simultaneously sought to purify religious practices of what they regarded as being heretical and improper innovations. they were interested in cleansing islam of practices that they felt were contaminated by pre-islamic tradition and culture and that which caused muslims’ backwardness. this line of reform can be seen in the religious thought of two other minangkabau students of ahmad khatib, who appeared as leading ‘ulama with significant contribution to the advance of islamic reform in the west sumatera. 189vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 haji abdul karim amrullah or haji rasul (1879-1945) is the first ‘ālim to note here. he was a leading figure in transforming the traditional surau jembatan besi into a modern education institution, sumatra thawalib, in 1918. afterward, in june 1925, he established the reformist organization muhammadiyah in sungai batang, from where its new branches were founded in many areas of west sumatra.68 haji rasul, at the same time, advocated the reform ideas which were directed to combat the so-called un-islamic influence in religious practices. for instance, he strongly rejected the mystical belief that is potential to lead the muslims to have a false perception of the qur’an, in that certain verses are believed and used as an amulet, as well as the recital for prophecy.69 also, haji rasul countered the excessive practices of sufism, such as escapism of this worldly life and the belief in sufi master (shaykh) as an intermediary (rābita) between god and humankind, and these were termed “mystics” and were attributed to naqshbandiyah sufi order.70 for him, all these beliefs and practices have no foundation in the prophet's traditions and of the companions. the same argument also applies to the practice the fatwa of rashīd ridā addresses, talqin. and, just like rashīd ridā, haji rasul urged the muslims to abandon the practice. in so doing, he also rejected the death-related tradition of festivity (kenduri), where the family of the deceased had to provide meals and beverages for rituals of prayer the day after the burial and continued until day seven. he argued that kenduri is in contrast to the saying of the prophet, which urges the muslims (the neighbors) to take care of the need of the family whose member passed away.71 the second ‘ālim is abdul latif syakur (1882-1963). his name is not so well-known as other students of ahmad khatib already mentioned. the previous work of deliar noer mentions this scholar in relation to his role in introducing a new style of education into ma’had biaro in 1906.72 nevertheless, thanks to the finding of his works, the intellectual picture of abdul latif syakur becomes more apparent.73 in terms of education, as his daughter sa’adyah syakura recounts, his concern in reforming education strengthened. in 1912 he founded sicamin school. a few years 190 afkaruna later, in 1918, he transformed into tarbiyatul hasanah school.74 and these schools were designed to enhance modern education for minangkabau people in the early 20th century. in addition, he was also concerned with the progress of women. in addition to writing a specific work on this subject,75 he also published djauharah (1923-1925), a special magazine for women’s issues.76 in the field of religious thought, abdul latif syakur seems to have adopted the notion of religious moderation. he was not engaged in controversial issues as other ‘ulama of kaum muda did, notably abdullah ahmad and haji abdul karim amrullah. instead, for the sake of muslim solidarity, he gravitated to the opinion that all schools of islamic law (madhhab) are in the same position and therefore should be given equal treatment, noting that all the leaders of schools were under the light of sharī‘ah. for this, he stressed the flexible nature of legal life during the early history of islamic law, in that the controversial subjects were determined in various ways, including by the understanding of both the substance and the context of the subjects disputed. it follows the independent legal reasoning (ijtihād) voiced by kaum muda has strong ground. in comparison, those who prefer to do taqlid should not refute the legal opinions of other schools immediately.77 abdul latif syakur was of the opinion that all controversies should be viewed, and in fact, they were an inherent part of religious life. regarding the above argument and his religious ideas, abdul latif syakur was not in the center of kaum muda movements, as noer assumes, which mistakenly associates islamic reform with the rise of modern organizations. the thought of abdul latif syakur put him in between the islamic movements in west sumatra. and this in-between stance can also be gleaned from his idea of sufism. instead of rejecting sufism for its potential to lead the muslims to the mystic practices, as haji rasul stated, abdul latif syakur elaborated sufism into several steps of spiritual exercises, starting from understanding the five pillars of islam, self-introspection, until ethics (akhlāq).78 for him, sufism should not be rejected for the negative impact it might have created, as the kaum muda ‘ulama said; equally, he refused its wide practices, with the support of 191vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 kaum tua, without the sharī‘a-based spiritual guidance and advises, especially for those who would join sufi order. however, the moderate ideas of abdul latif syakur appear not to have impacted much on the islamic trend of salafiyya-oriented reform, which increasingly grew to be the leading feature of reformism in indonesia, represented by the muhammadiyah movement, founded in 1912. the reform voices of this organization very much followed the path rashīd ridā had already laid down with his fatwas in al-manār. this mirrored the intellectual journey of its leader, ahmad dahlan, that his relationship with the reformist discourse of cairo was through his reading of al-manār and al-munir.79 in addition, his experience as a student of ahmad khatib in mecca also led him to be influenced by his teacher’s project of purifying the supposedly anti-islamic practices of the minangkabau tradition of inheritance. meanwhile, ‘abduh’s ideas acted much more as an inspiration for his reformist desire rather than as a direct influence that determined the course of the movement. the salafiyya reform of muhammadiyah took its definitive form in the hands of kyai hadji mas mansoer (1896-1946), who was the leader of the organization (1938-1940) and the leading thinker of muhammadiyah at the time. he contributed to making muhammadiyah more engaged in purifying religious practices. during his leadership, mansoer launched his vision of the organization, which came to be known as the twelve interpretations of muhammadiyah’s plan (12 tafsir langkah muhammadiyah), espousing the islamic principles of belief, morality, self-discipline, justice, and advice to improve the role of the organization in holding its mission.80 more importantly, mansoer’s vision of reform was mainly concerned with eradicating the elements of polytheism in religious practices. for this, in the 1930s, he wrote a small treatise risalah tauhid dan sjirik,81 which became the chief source of the reformist ideology of muhammadiyah.82 in this cited work, mansoer took the condition of decadence and backwardness of the muslims to be the point of departure to set forth his reform agenda.83 one point he identified as the cause of backwardness was syirik (polytheism), which had been responsible for making the 192 afkaruna muslims deviate from the true teachings, making them lazy, and in turn leading to their poverty and ignorance. because of syirik, the muslims of the time no longer experienced the prosperity of their fellow muslims in the earlier periods after the prophet muhammad, when the true islamic belief and teachings were firmly held.84 mansoer made the anti-syirik campaign become an institutional agenda. he strongly urged the members of muhammadiyah to do likewise. hence, fighting against what they regarded as contaminated religious practices was increasingly strong in the muhammadiyah movement. the issues over bid‘a (improper innovation) and khurafat (superstition) emerged as the main theme of reform. the salafiyya reformism increasingly grew, constituting the main theme in the emerging reformist discourse of indonesian islam. in a less quiet manner, it was taken up by another reformist organization, persatuan islam (persis), with ahmad hassan as its leader.85 like mansoer of muhammadiyah, ahmad hassan also directed his reformism to criticize the accepted religious beliefs and practices promoted by the so-called traditional ‘ulama, which were not approved by the qur’an and sunnah.86 the questioning of muslims’ religious practices led the reformists to challenge the authority of ‘ulama. and this challenge was strengthened by the reformists’ means of disseminating their reform message: the schools (sekolah and madrasah)87 and the printing presses (journals, newspapers, and books),88 leading the traditionalist monopoly in islamic learning under the leadership of traditional ‘ulama began to end. the new voice of islam, coming from reformist muslim leaders, started to constitute a new layer in islamic development in indonesia and southeast asia. the central role of the second leaders in advance of islamic reform, rashīd ridā of cairo and ahmad khatib of mecca, does not mean to undermine the widely accepted view on the crucial importance of muhammad ‘abduh. the primary point of this article is to provide the historiography of islamic reform in indonesia and southeast asia with new data and new insight into how the new trend of islamic thought disseminated to the region. all the discussions here reveal that the second conclusion 193vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 leaders mentioned the contribution to a historical process in which the motion of cairo-based reform idea can obviously be observed, leading to its forming into a new islamic layer in southeast asia. ahmad khatib was an intellectual leader of the changing jawa in mecca of the turn of the 20th century subsequent to the coming of reform voices from cairo ‘ulama, muhammad ‘abduh and rashīd ridā. besides witnessing his students who began to be interested in islamic reform, ahmad khatib, with his works, presented a new intellectual style laden with activism and, more importantly, the sharī‘a-oriented line of thought. in this respect, ahmad khatib’ ideas were similar in substance with the salafiyya-oriented reform of rashīd ridā, who emerged from 1905 onwards as a single cairene ‘ālim who was in charge of the editorship of the journal al-manār. rashīd ridā was a scholar whom muslims in southeast asia corresponded to learn islamic reform through the fatwa requests to the journal. rashīd ridā stressed the return to the tradition of the formative forefathers of islam, in line with ahmad khatib’s notion of sharī‘a. therefore, both strongly rejected the supposedly un-islamic practices that could not be found in the tradition of the prophet and his companions and were not in accord with shari‘ah principles. the prominence of rashīd rida and ahmad khatib in the rising reformist discourse, thanks to the journal al-manār and those of southeast asia (al-imam in singapore and al-munir in padang), had a considerable impact on the transmitted islamic ideas, which were salafiyya in substance. the ideas formed the nucleus of islamic reformism in indonesia in the early 20th century. in this respect, fighting against what was regarded as contaminated religious practices became the primary concern of the islamic reform movements, as can be seen in the reformist ‘ulama of west sumatra (kaum muda), who had experiences learning in mecca with ahmad khatib, and the development of muhammadiyah. all those explained present the triumph of not only the second leaders but also of the salafiyya reformism in indonesia. 194 afkaruna the first draft of this paper was written as i was a research fellow at southeast asian program (seap) cornell university in the framework of the fulbright program of visiting scholar (october 2019-march 2020). i am grateful to chiara formichi, who supported me during my research. i also thank my friend james b. hoesterey who kindly edited the major english part of this paper. acknowledgement endnotes see for instance kevin fogg (trans. and ed.), “the influence of muhammad ‘abduh in indonesia: speech given by hamka (haji abdul malik karim amrullah) when receiving doctorate honoris causa from al-azhar university, cairo”, afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies (11, 2, 2015), 125-156. see for instance yasrul huda, “islamic law versus adat: debates on inheritance law and the rise of capitalism in minangkabau”, studia islamika (15, 2, 2008), 201-299. deliar noer, the rise and development of the modernist muslim movement in indonesia during the dutch colonial period, (oxford: oxford university press, 1973), 39-40. see for instance alfian, muhammadiyah: the political behavior of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism, (yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1989), 95-100; 105. see for instances mona abaza, “southeast asia and the middle east: al-manar and islamic modernity”, in mediterranean to the china sea: miscellaneous notes, edited by claude guillot, denys lombard, and roderich ptak, wiesbaden: harrassowitz verlag, 1998), 93-111; jajat burhanudin, “aspiring for islamic reform: southeast asian requests for fatwas in al-manar”, islamic law and society (12, 1, 2005), 9-26, and “halal practices at the dawn of southeast asian modernity: some cases of halal fatwas in al-manar in beginning of the twentieth century”, in halal: genealogy, current trends and new interpretations, edited by ayang utriza yakin and louis leon, (leiden: brill, 2021), 56-79. the mentioned works of noer, the rise, and alfian, muhammadiyah, are examples of the organization-oriented discussion on the islamic reform in indonesia. to be included in the list this sort of scholarly work is the one by taufik abdullah, school and politics: the kaum muda movement in west sumatra, (ithaca: modern indonesian project cornell university, 1971). see ‘umar ‘abd al-jabbar, siyār wa tarājim ba‘ad ‘ulamā’ ina fī al-qarn al-rab ashar lī al-hijra, (jeddah: tihama, 1982), 38-9; nursal saeran, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 195vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 “syeikh ahmad khatib al-minangkabawy” in riwayat hidup dan perjuangan 20 ulama besar sumatera barat edited by sanusi latief and edwar et.al. (padang: islamic centre, 1981), 17-8. michael f. laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the wind, (london and new york: routledge and curzon, 2003), 107. laffan, islamic nationhood, 107; ‘abd al-jabbar, siyār wa tarājim, 39. c. snouck hurgronje, mekka in the latter part of the 19th century, (leiden: e.j. brill, 1931), 254. noer, the rise and development, 39. for the discussion on the impact of printed media, see francis robinson, “technology and religious change: islam and the impact of print”, modern asian studies (27, 1, 1993), 229-51. e gobée and adriaanse, ambtelijke adviesen van c. snouck hurgronje, 1889-1936, vol. 1, (‘s-gravenhage: martinus nijhoff, 1957), 694. it is worth to note that in addition to al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, snouck hurgronje in 1895 received other works of ahmad khatib, sent by his native informant in mecca, aboe bakar djajadiningrat. these works included: al-jawāhir al-naqiyya fī al-a‘māl al-jaybiyya (1892) and rawda al-hussāb fī ‘ilm al-hisāb (1893) on astronomy; al-minhaj al-mashrū‘; tarjamah kitāb al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘ (1893), regarding the minangkabau adat rule of inheritance; dhū al-sirāj pada menyatakan carita isra dan mi’rāj (1894); and his polemical work with said oesman on the friday prayer in palembang, sulh al-jamā‘atayn fī jawaz ta‘addud al-jum‘atayn (1894). see laffan, islamic nationhood, 109-10; huda, “islamic law”, 223-6. ahmad khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘ tarjamah kitāb al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘, (egypt: ahmad al-babi al-halabi, 1893), 1-2. khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, 3. khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, 3. ahmad khatib, al-jawhara al-farīda fī al-ajwaba al-mufīda pada menyatakan harta subhat dan haram, (mecca: publisher not identified, 1897), 2. khatib, al-jawhara, 2-3. shaykh muhammad nawawi al-jawi al-bantani, tījān al-dūrārī, (semarang: toha putra, n.d.), 2. this book is a commentary (sharh) to the work of shaykh ibrāhīm al-bājūrī, risāla fī ‘ilm al-tawhīd. in its introductory pages, nawawi notes that his writing this was with the expectation to gain benefit and blessing from al-bājūrī. khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘. ahmad khatib, al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘ fī al-radd ‘alā man yuwarith al-akhwā wa awlād al-akhwāt ma’a wujūd al-usūl wa al-furū‘, (egypt: ahmad al-babi al-halabi, 1892), 2-3. 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 196 afkaruna snouck hurgronje, mekka, 272. badri yatim, sejarah sosial keagamaan tanah suci: hijaz (mekah dan madinah) 1800-1925, (jakarta: logos, 1999), 253-7. khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, 5. khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, 6. khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, 6, 10. nico j.g. kaptein, the muhimmat al-nafa’is: a bilingual meccan fatwa collection for indonesian muslims from the end of the nineteenth century, (jakarta: inis, 1997). ahmad khatib, izhār zaghl al-kādhibīn bi tasbbuhihim bi al-sādiqīn, (padang-pondok: percetakan paul gamer, 1961 [1906]), 47-8. snouck hurgronje, mekka, 272. see ahmad khatib, sulh al-jamā‘atayn fī jawāz ta‘addud al-jum‘atayn (mecca: al-matba‘a al-miriya, 1894). nico j.g. kaptein, islam, colonialism and the modern age in the netherlands east indies: a biography of sayyid ‘uthman, 1822-1914, (leiden and boston: brill, 2014), 129-30. laffan, islamic nationhood, 108. hamka (haji abdul malik karim amrullah), ajahku: riwayat hidup dr. h. abd. karim amrullah dan perdjuangan kaum agama di sumatera, (djakarta: widjaja, 1958), 50-2. laffan, islamic nationhood, 129; see also mohammad r. othman, “the middle eastern influence on the development of religious and political thought in malay society, 1880-1940”, (ph.d. dissertation, university of edinburgh, 1994), 227. martin van bruinessen, “basyuni ‘imran” in dictionnaire biographique des savants et grandes figures du monde musulman peripherique du xix siecle a nos jours, edited by marc gaborieau et. al., (paris: ehess, 1992), 26; g.f. pijper, beberapa studi tentang sejarah islam di indonesia, 1900-1950, (jakarta: ui-press, 1984), 142-3. laffan, islamic nationhood, 138, 255. see jutta e. bluhm, “a preliminary statement on the dialogue between the reform magazine al-manar and the malayo-indonesian world”, indonesia circle (32, 1983), 35-42; abaza, “southeast asia”, 93-111; burhanudin, “aspiring”, 9-26. see for instances al-manār (12, 1909), 416; (14, 1911), 669; and (20, 1917), 22. albert hourani, arabic thought in the liberal age 1798-1939, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1984), 226. hourani, arabic thought, 224-7; see also charles adams, islam and modernism in egypt, (london: oxford university press, 1933), 177-80. adams, islam, 38. 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 197vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 fazlur rahman, islam, (chicago: university of chicago press, 1966), 217. hourani, arabic thought, 230. hourani, arabic thought, 231. khatib, al-manhaj al-mashrū‘, 5. al-manār (8, 1905), 665. al-manār (8, 1905), 662. al-manār (8, 1905), 663-4. al-manār (9, 1906), 130. al-manār (5, 1906), 131-2. al-manār (5, 1906), 138. al-manār (10, 1907), 115-6. al-manār (17, 1914), 513. martin van bruinessen, “kitab kuning: books in arabic script used in the pesantren milieu”, bijdragen to de taal-, land-, en volkenkunde, (146-2, 1990), 246. al-manār (17, 1914), 514-6. al-manār (17, 1914), 111. nico j.g. kaptein, “the berdiri mawlid issue among indonesian muslims in the period from circa 1875 to 1930”, bijdragen to de taal-, land-, en volkenkunde, 149, 1 (1993), 126-7. kaptein, “the berdiri mawlid”, 128-9. van bruinessen, “kitab kuning”, 260. william r. roff, the origins of malay nationalism, (new haven and london: yale university press, 1967), 32-9. al-imam (1, 1906), 2. al-imam (3, 1908), 7. al-imam (4, 1908), 10. noer, the rise, 35. al-munir (1,1, 1911), 6. al-munir (3, 3, 1913), 35-36. al-munir (3, 6, 1913), 81-82. taufik abdullah, school and politics, 34-44; 72-109. haji abdul karim amrullah, al-burhan, (sungai batang: n.p., 1922), 9-10; hamka [haji abdul malik karim amrullah], ajahku: riwayat hidup dr. h. abd. karim amrullah dan perdjuangan kaum agama di sumatera, (djakarta: widjaja, 1958), 32-33. haji abdul karim amrullah, sendi amal tiang selamat, (sungai batang: n.p., 1925), 33-35; hamka, ajahku, 77. hamka, ajahku, 51; 36-37. noer, the rise and development, 52. the works of abdul latif syakur were digitalized by researh centre of imam bonjol state institute for islamic studies (iain) west sumatra in 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 60 61 62 63 64 65 69 70 71 72 73 66 67 68 58 59 198 afkaruna 2014. i should thank yosi nova who gave me the digitalized version. yosi just finished writing dissertation on the thought of ahmad latif syakur at state islamic university jakarta. see yosi nova, “haji abdul latif syakur: pemikiran, wacana, dan gerakan pembaharuan islam di minangkabau abad xx”, (ph.d. dissertation, uin jakarta, 2021). sa’diyah syakura, otobiografi: riwayat saya sa’diyah syakura dari lahir, (unpublished treatise), 2. abdul latif syakur, “mā li al-nisā’ wa ‘alayhinn”, in kumpulan pidato (ms/sals_04_51). syakura, otobiografi, 4. abdul latif syakur, khulāsah fī ‘ilm usūl al-fiqh, (msl/sals 08_057), 1-7. abdul latif syakur, al-‘amru al-jami‘ lī man yasluku tarīqa allāh ta‘āla, (ms/sals_37_010), 12-16. hamka, ajahku, 78. mas mansoer, 12 tafsir langkah muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: majlis tabligh pp muhammadiyah, 1973); see also achmad jainuri, the formation of muhammadiyah’s ideology, 1912-1942, (surabaya: iain sunan ampel press, 1999), 98-9. mas mansoer, risalah tauhid dan syirik, (surabaya: al-ihsan, 1970). fazan saleh, modern trends in islamic theological discourses in 20th century indonesia, (leiden: e.j. brill, 2001), 120-36. mansoer, risalah, 19. mansoer, risalah, 18-9. howard m. federspiel, islam and ideology in the emerging indonesian state: the persatuan islam (persis), 1923 to 1957, (leiden: e.j. brill, 2001), 139-49, 165-7. saleh, modern trends, 146-9. robert w. hefner, “introduction: the poltics and cultures of islamic education in southeast asia”, in making modern muslims: the politics of islamic education in southest asia, edited by robert w. hefner (honolulu, the univesity of hawai’i press, 2009), 19-20. jajat burhanudin, “the fragmentation of religious authority: islamic print media in the early 20th century indonesia”, studia islamika (11, 1, 2004), 23-62. 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 87 88 al-imam (1906-1909). al-manār (1898-1936). al-munir (1911-1916). ‘abd al-jabbar, ‘umar. 1982. siyār wa tarājim ba‘ad ‘ulamā’ ina fī al-qarn al-rab ashar lī al-hijra. jeddah: tihama. references 199vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 abaza, mona. 1998. “southeast asia and the middle east: al-manar and islamic abdullah, taufik. 1971. school and politics: the kaum muda movement in west adams, charles. 1933. islam and modernism in egypt. london: oxford al-bantani, muhammad nawawi al-jawi. n.d. tījān al-dūrārī. semarang: toha putra. alfian. 1989. muhammadiyah: the political behavior of a muslim modernist bluhm, jutta e. 1983. “a preliminary statement on the dialogue between the bruinessen, martin van. 1990. “kitab kuning: books in arabic script used in bruinessen, martin van. 1992. “basyuni ‘imran.” in marc gaborieau et. al. burhanudin, jajat. 2004. “the fragmentation of religious authority: islamic burhanudin, jajat. 2005. “aspiring for islamic reform: southeast asian burhanudin, jajat. 2021. “halal practices at the dawn of southeast asian fogg, kevin. trans. and ed. 2015. “the influence of muhammad ‘abduh in gobée e. and c. adriaanse. 1957. ambtelijke adviesen van c. snouck hurgronje, 1889-1936, vol. 1. ‘s-gravenhage: martinus nijhoff. fogg, kevin. trans. and ed. 2015. “the influence of muhammad ‘abduh in indonesia: speech given by hamka (haji abdul malik karim amrullah) when receiving doctorate honoris causa from al-azhar university, cairo.” afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies. 11 (2), pp. 125-156. federspiel, howard m. 2001. islam and ideology in the emerging indonesian state: the persatuan islam (persis), 1923 to 1957. leiden: brill. modernity: some cases of halal fatwas in al-manār in beginning of the twentieth century.” in ayang utriza yakin and louis leon christians (eds.). halal: genealogy, current trends and new interpretations. leiden: brill, pp. 56-79 requests for fatwas in al-manar.” islamic law and society. 12 (1), pp. 9-26. islamic print media in the early 20th century indonesia.” studia islamika.11 (1), pp. 23-62. (eds.). dictionnaire biographique des savants et grandes figures du monde musulman peripherique du xix siecle a nos jours. paris: ehess, pp. 26-27. the pesantren milieu.” bijdragen to de taal-, land-, en volkenkunde. 146 (2), pp. 226-269. reform magazine al-manar and the malayo-indonesian world.” indonesia circle. 32 (1), pp. 35-42. organization under dutch colonialism. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. university press. modernity.” in claude guillot, denys lombard, and roderich ptak (eds.). mediterranean to the china sea: miscellaneous notes. wiesbaden: harrassowitz verlag, pp. 93-111. sumatra. ithaca: modern indonesian project cornell university. 200 afkaruna haji abdul karim amrullah. 1922. al-burhan. sungai batang: n.p.. haji abdul karim amrullah. 1925. sendi amal tiang selamat. sungai batang: hamka (haji abdul malik karim amrullah). 1958. ajahku: riwayat hidup dr. hefner, robert w. 2009. “introduction: the politics and cultures of islamic hourani, albert. 1984. arabic thought in the liberal age 1798-1939. cambridge: huda, yasrul. 2008. “islamic law versus adat: debates on inheritance law jainuri, achmad. 1999. the formation of muhammadiyah’s ideology, 1912-1942.. kaptein, n.j.g. 1993. “the berdiri mawlid issue among indonesian muslims in kaptein, n.j.g. 1997. the muhimmat al-nafa’is: a bilingual meccan fatwa kaptein, n.j.g. 2015. islam, colonialism and the modern age in the netherlands khatib, ahmad. 1892. al-dā‘ī al-masmū‘ fī al-radd ‘alā man yuwarith khatib, ahmad. 1893. al-manhaj al-mashrū‘ tarjamah kitāb al-dā‘ī khatib, ahmad. 1894. sulh al-jamā‘atayn fī jawāz ta‘addud khatib, ahmad. 1897. al-jawhara al-farīda fī al-ajwaba al-mufīda pada khatib, ahmad. 1961 [1906]. izhār zaghl al-kādhibīn bi tasbbuhihim bi laffan, michael f. 2003. islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma mansoer, k.h. mas. 1970. risalah tauhid dan syirik. surabaya: al-ihsan. below the wind. london and new york: routledge and curzon. al-sādiqīn. padang-pondok: percetakan paul gamer menyatakan harta subhat dan haram. mecca: n.p. al-jum‘atayn. mecca: al-matba‘a al-miriya. al-masmū‘. egypt: ahmad al-babi al-halabi. al-akhwā wa awlād al-akhwāt ma’a wujūd al-usūl wa al-furū‘. egypt: ahmad al-babi al-halabi. netherlands east indies: a biography of sayyid ‘uthman, 1822-1914. leiden and boston: brill. collection for indonesian muslims from the end of the nineteenth century. jakarta: inis. the period from circa 1875 to 1930.” bijdragen to de taal-, land-, en volkenkunde. 149 (1), pp. 124-153. surabaya: iain sunan ampel press. and the rise of capitalism in minangkabau.” studia islamika 15 (2), pp. 201-299. cambridge university press. education in southeast asia.” in robert w. hefner (ed.). making modern muslims: the politics of islamic education in southeast asia. honolulu: the university of hawai’i press. h. abd. karim amrullah dan perdjuangan kaum agama di sumatera. djakarta: widjaja. thamara al-ikhwan. 201vol. 17 no. 2 desember 2021 noer, deliar. 1973. the rise and development of the modernist muslim movement nova, yosi. 2021. “haji abdu latif syakur: pemikiran, wacana, dan gerakan othman, mohammad r. 1994. “the middle eastern influence on the pijper, g.f. 1984. beberapa studi tentang sejarah islam di indonesia, 1900-1950. rahman, fazlur. 1966. islam. chicago: university of chicago press. robinson, francis. 1993. “technology and religious change: islam and the roff, william r. 1967. the origins of malay nationalism. new haven and sa’diyah syakura, “otobiografi: riwayat saya sa’diyah syakura dari lahir.” saeran, nursal. 1981. “syeikh ahmad khatib al-minangkabawy.” in sanusi saleh, fazan. 2001. modern trends in islamic theological discourses in 20th century snouck hurgronje, c. 1931. mekka in the latter part of the 19th century. leiden: syakur, abdul latif. n.d. “mā li al-nisā’ wa ‘alayhinn.” in kumpulan pidato (ms/sals_04_51). syakur, abdul latif. n.d. khulāsah fī ‘ilm usūl al-fiqh, (msl/sals 08_057). syakur, abdul latif. n.d. al-‘amru al-jami‘ lī man yasluku tarīqa allāh yatim, badri. 1999. sejarah sosial keagamaan tanah suci: hijaz (mekah dan madinah) 1800-1925. jakarta: logos. ta‘āla, (ms/sals_37_010). brill. indonesia. leiden: brill. latief and edwar (eds.). riwayat hidup dan perjuangan 20 ulama besar sumatera barat. padang: islamic centre. unpublished treatise. london: yale university press impact of print.” modern asian studies 27 (1), pp. 229-51. jakarta: ui-press. development of religious and political thought in malay society, 1880-1940.” ph.d dissertation, university of edinburgh pembaharuan islam di minangkabau abd xx.” ph.d dissertation, uin jakarta. in indonesia during the dutch colonial period. oxford: oxford university press. mansoer, k.h. mas. 1973. 12 tafsir langkah muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: majlis tabligh pp muhammadiyah. jurnal af ka ru na vol. 17 no . 1 juni 2021 the hanbalite theology: a critical study of the hanbalite theological creeds and polemical adversaries doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i1.11353 ahwan fanani universitas islam negeri walisanga email: ahwan.fanani@walisongo.ac.id abstract the hanbalite school, well-known as a traditional school of islamic law, played important role in theological disscourses in islamic history. the fact, however, fails to be paid enough attention because of prevalent knowledge among islamic society that the hanbalite is only and a school of islamic law. the hanbalite theology is frequently abandoned in islamic scholarship, although several researches have tried to reveal them. this article is aimed to extend previous researche of the hanbalite theology through the description of its creeds and the elaboration of theological polemics between the hanbalites and their adversaries. this article employs the history of idea by analyzing references written by hanbalite scholars and other related sources. the references are collected and categorized according to the need of topics and then interpreted to provide readers with overall picture of the hanbalite theology and their polemics along history. the hanbalites creeds are based on textual understanding on quranic texts and prophetic traditions. the creeds are underpinned by the idea that the quran is not created and quranic verses on god’s attributes should be understood textually. the idea led hanbalite scholars to do a debate with other theologians. the article provides a more vivid description on hanbalite creeds and analyzes the creeds in the light polemics launched by the hanbalite scholars against their rivals. the article, however, does not elaborate detailly on each hanbalite scholar’s contribution in forming sophisticated hanbalite theology. key word: hanbalite, theology, creeds, polemics abstrak mazhab hanbali, yang dikenal sebagai mazhab hukum dalam islam, memainkan peran penting dalam wacana teologi dalam sejarah islam. akan tetapi, kenyataan itu kurang mendapatkan perhatian karena kuatnya persepsi di kalangan masyarakat 2 a f k a r u n a muslim bahwa mazhab hanbali hanya sekedar mazhab hukum. teologi hanbali seringkali diabaikan dalam kajian akademik, meski beberapa artikel tentang teologi hanbali mulai muncul. artikel ini dimaksudkan untuk memperluas penelitian sebelumnya mengenai teologi hanbali melalui penggambaran lebih jelas kredo hanbali dan penjabaran mengenai polemik teologi yang melibatkan para ulama hanbali berhadapan dengan lawan diskusi mereka. artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan sejarah ide melalui analisis berbagai karya yang ditulis oleh para ulama hanbali dan sumber-sumber terkait. referensi tersebut dikumpulkan dan dikategorikan sesuai dengan pembahasan serta ditafsirkan untuk menyediakan pembaca tentang gambaran mengenai teologi hanbali dan polemik teologis mereka. kredo hanbali didasarkan atas pemahaman tekstual atas teks al-quran dan hadis. kredo tersebut dibangun di atas gagasan bahwa al-quran bukan makhluk dan sifat-sifat allah harus dipahami secara tekstual. gagasan itulah yang menjadi titik polemik ulama hanbali dengan ulama dari aliran teologis lainnya. namun, artikel ini tidak menjelaskan lebih detail mengenai pandangan masing-masing ulama hanbali dan sumbangsih mereka dalam pembentukan teologi hanbali yang lebih maju. kata kunci: hanbali, teologi, keyakinan teologi, polemik introduction hanbalite is generally associated as a school of islamic law, along with hanafite, malikite and shafi‘ite, but it involves in theological discourse along islamic history. ahmad ibn hanbal was a pioneer of traditionist movement againts rationalistic theology.1 george makdisi noted two important moments in the development of classical islamic scholarship. the first is the emergence of the shafi‘ite school of thought which succeeded in synthesizing reason and text so that the views of traditionists could be accepted by classical jurists. the second was the emergence of ahmad ibn hanbal who successfully escaped of mihna and represented traditionists’ theological views in front of officially imposed rational belief.2 at the beginning of his development, however, ahmad ibn hanbal’s authority as jurist was questioned by several scholars, such as muhammad ibn jarir al-tabari (d. 310/923 ad), who regarded him as a traditionist. ibn nadim (d. 377 h / 987 ad) and al-maqdisi (375 h / 985 ad) also categorized amad ibn hanbal as traditionist (ashab al-hadith), along with al-awza‘i (d. 157 / 774 ad), ibn mundhir (d. 316 / 928m) and ishaq ibn rahawayh (d. 151/768 ad). both scholars, however, put another traditionist school, namely zahirite, as the school of islamic law at the end of the 10th century ad.3 the hanbalite as the school of islamic law, however, received a wide 3vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 acceptance so that hanbalite school is always being included in the collection of sunni legal schools that encompasses the legal opinions of hanbalite scholars in addition to the malikite, hanafite, and shafi’ite scholars as can be seen in the comparative legal works like al-fiqh ‘ala mazhahib al-‘arba‘a.4 the hanbalites, then, became one of established traditional school of islamic law among sunnite muslims. the existance of the hanbalite as the school of islamic law is also recognized by islamic organizations in indonesia, such as nahdlatul ulama. bahtsul masail, a forum for resolving legal problems among nahdlatul ulama’s followers, refers to the work of several hanbalite scholars, such as ibn taymiyya (d. 728 h / 1328 ad), ibn qayyim al-jawziyya (d. 751 h / 1350 ad), abu ya‘la al-farra’ (d. 458h), shams al-din ibn muflih al-maqdisi (d. 763h / 1362 ad), ‘ali ibn sulayman al-mardawi (d. 885 h / 1480 ad) and mansur ibn yunus ibn ‘idris al-bahuti (1051h / 1641 ad).5 ibn taymiyya and ibn qayyim had influence in the idea of coming back to the qur’an and the prophet traditions, opening the door of ijtihad and puritanism in modern islamic movement, such as muhammadiyah di indonesia.6 hanbalite played important is not only a school of islamic law, but it also plays an important role in theology. ahmad ibn hanbal was celebrated as a defender of traditionist position in their opposition to the force of mu‘tazila imposed by the abbasid rulers in the era of al-ma’mun (d. 218h / 833ad, al-mu‘tasim (d. 227h / 842ad) and al-wathiq (232h / 847ad). hanbalite gained the reputation as ahl al-sunna school, an ortodox islam.7 in the 11th century, hanbalite was recognized as an independent theological school.8 hanbalite differs from other legal schools because of its position as both legal and theological schools. most hanafite adhere to maturidite theology, while the majority of shafi‘ites and some malikite follows ash‘arite’s creeds. hanbalite scolars, however, do not need to adhere to any other theological schools because hanbalite acts as theological school as well. eventhough well-known as jurists, hanbalite scholars, such as abu ya‘la, ibn ‘aqil, and ibn qudama wrote theological treatises and involved in theological debate with other theologians. such theological debate was not new phenomenon in hanbalite as ahmad ibn hanbal wrote several theological treatises, such as kitab al-sunna and al-radd ‘ala al-jahmiyya wa al-zanadiqa. the theological attitude of the hanbalite school is influenced by the idea of ahmad ibn hanbal. ahmad ibn hanbal rose as theologian because of his opposition to mihnah (inquisition) conducted by abbasid caliphs. mihna was 4 a f k a r u n a the official stance taken by the caliph al-ma’mun in 212 ah / 827 ad to promote a creed that the koran is creature as stated by mu‘tazila scholars. alma’mun’s policy sparked opposition from conservative clerics in 218 ah / 833 ad when he ordered the provincial governors to ask religious scholars to conform to this idea and that the conformity was a condition for the application for an employee chair. ahmad ibn hanbal, along with muhammad ibn nuh, opposed the policy that led to their arrest and imprisonment.9 the opposition made ahmad ibn hanbal popular as defender of the sunna and the stance of sunnis majority. his struggle to face mihna attracted followers and shaped theological basis for hanbalite theology. unfortunately, the theological stance of hanbalite was not elaborated detailly yet by scholars due to the attribution of hanbalite as islamic school of law by khan, al-jaziri and ‘uthaimin.10 the works on hanbalite mainly focuse on its legal thought or on hadith study. there are, however, some previous researches on ahmad ibn hanbal’s opposition against rationalistic theology. melchert wrote articles on “the advesaries of ahmad ibn hanbal”11, “ahmad ibn hanbal and the qur’an”,12 and “the hanabila and the early sufis.”.13 in first article , he provided the depiction on ahmad’s disputes with rationalist and semi rationalist. he positioned ahmad ibn hanbal as traditionist who opposed rationalists’ camps on their reliance on opinions rather than hadits reports and their idea that the quran is creature and the pronunciation of the quran as creature as well. he also addressed his critics toward shi’a hostility toward prophets’ companions. in second article, melchert highlights ahmad ibn hanbal’s position on the recitation of the quran and the position of the quran in legal thinking. in third article. he elaborates hanabila hostile critics toward sufis, especially sari al-saqati and al-muhasibi, on their engagement in theology and their performing dhikr collectively. however, melchert does not provid the explanation on ahmad ibn hanbal’s creeds further because his aims was to show the difference between ahmad ibn hanbal form his advesaries. azmeh and williams highlight rigorous religiosity that ahmad ibn hanbal embraced. al-azmeh considered him as the proponent of fideism (anti-rationalistic idea), especially on god’s attributes.14 williams does not agree to azmeh’s conclusion on ahmad’s fideism, rather he prefer to categorizing ahmad as minimalist fideism proponent for his limited employment of rationalism and interpretation. anthopomorphism initially flourished under ahmad 5vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 ibn hanbal patronage, but it come to be alternative view available for muslims to interpret important pillars of islam.15 this paper aims to reveal the theological creeds held by the hanbalite and to provide vivid picture of theological polemics launched by hanbalite scholars. the development of theological idea of hanbalite is a contributive point that the article offers to academic readers. the article is to deepens the insight into the body of hanbalite creeds in the light of long history of polemics carried out by hanbalite scholars to their opponents. the understanding of the development of hanbalite creed will reveal the reality that hanbalite schools acts as the school of islamic law and the school of theology, the fact that is rarely paid close attention. the article uses a historical approach through library research to give a description of the development of hanbalite creeds. the article scrutinizes hanbalite theological works written by hanbalite scholars to describe the hanbalite’s creeds and to portray the polemic conducted by hanbalite scholars againts their opponents. the data are collected and categorized according to the squence of narration and interpreted to provide clear description of the hanbalite creeds and analyses of their arguments in the polemics againts their opponents. the article, therefore, provides a diachronic explanation to the evolution of hanbalite creeds through theological debate against their theological proponents.16 the development of hanbalite madhhab the hanbalite school is associated to its founder, ahmad ibn hanbal. during his lifetime, he was recognized more as an traditionist (muhaddith) than a jurist (faqih). he was also well-known for his opposition against the abbasid rulers who imposed a belief on the quran as creature. the career leads a historian ibn jarir al-tabari to not include him as a jurist.17 the recognition of ahmad ibn hanbal as a jurist initially came from hanbalite scholars. abu ya‘la (d. 458h / 1065m), a well-know hanbalite jurist, quoted the words of rabi‘ ibn sulayman (d. 270 / 883m), a student of al-shafi‘i, who reported the recognition of al-shafi‘i on ahmad ibn hanbal’s expertises in eight fields, including in islamic law (al-imam fi al-fiqh), although al-shafi‘i respected ahmad ibn hanbal’s expertise in hadith and rijal (hadith narrators).18 ahmad ibn hanbal refused his opinion to be recorded and emphasized a direct reference to the quran and sunna instead. however, his students recorded his various fatwas in masa’ils works that provide early 6 a f k a r u n a compilation of hanbalite legal opinions.19 the hanbalite school developed from baghdad, the birthplace of ahmad ibn hanbal. the hanbalite school developed and competed with other legal schools until it was recognized as an independent legal school in the 10th century. the appointment of abu ya’la as a judge accelerated the development of hanbalite so that its influence expanded to syria in the 10th century and to egypt in the 12th century. the development of hanbalite in egypt began with the appointment of al-hajjawi as a judge during the late ayyubid reign (1171-1250 ad). the development of the hanbalite school was not as fast as three other schools because it was never adopted as an official school by any political power. the hanbalite school again gained strong position in the kingdom of saudi arabia and qatar in modern time.20 there are several figures who played important role in the development of the hanbalite. al-kawsaj (d. 251/865 ad) was a narrator of masa’il ahmad ibn hanbal who traveled to hijaz, syria, iraq and finally settled in nisabur until he died. ahmad ibn hanbal’s son, salih ibn ahmad (d. 266/880 ad), served as judge in tarsus and isfahan. abu salih muflih (d. 330 942 ad) developed the hanbalite school in damascus. abu al-qasim al-khiraqi (d. 334 h/ 945 ad) acted as writer of standard works of the school. he settled in damascus during the buwaihi influence in the abbasid caliphate. prominent hanbalite figures appeared, such as ‘abd al-wahhab al-harrani (d. 476 h/ 1083 ad), a judge, mufti and teacher of the hanbalite. in isfahan, the names of several hanbalite figures emerged, such as abu al-qasim (d. 360/971 ad), abu ‘abd allah ibn manda al-isfahani (d. 395/1005 ad) and abu al-qasim ibn manda al-isfahani (d. 470 / 1078m). in amid (present day: diyarbakir, turkey), there were ‘abd al-rahman al-baghdadi (d. 468/1075) and abu al-qasim ibn abi ya‘la (d. 469/1077 ad). in herat, there was a famous hanbalite figure, ‘abd allah al-ansari al-harawi (d. 481/1088 ad). meanwhile in ‘ukbar, ibn batta al-‘ukbari (d. 387/997 ad), abu hafs al‘ukbari (d. 339/950 ad) and abu al-husayn al-‘ukbari (d. 424/1033 ad) appeared as outstanding hanbalite figure in early 10th century.21 the emergence of hanbalite was a monumental victory of traditionists in islam over rationalists.22 the recognition of hanbalite as the school of islamic law took place subsequent to mihna during the mutawakkil era until the emergence of buwayhid dynasty (855-945ad / 241-334 h). hanbalite involved in the confrontation againts imami shi‘ites, supported by the buwayhids. buwayhid dynasty strengthened isma‘ili shi‘a in egypt during the fathimid 7vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 dynasty (358 h / 969 ad). hanbalite figures had increasingly a decisive influence during the restoration of the sunni era of al-qadir (381-422 h / 9911021 ad) and played role as the defender of the caliphate and the sunni groups.23 the last two centuries of the abbasid rule in baghdad (447-656 / 1061-1258) were the golden age of the hanbalite school. at the end of the abbasid era, outstanding masters emerged among the hanbalite. the first was ibn hubayra, prime minister of the caliph al-muktafi (from 554 h / 1149 ad), who established hanbalite in 557 h. the second was abd al-qadir al-jaylani (d. 561 h / 1666 ad), the founder of qadiriya’s brotherhood and celebrated as prominent saint in islamic world. the third was abu al-faraj ibn al-jawzi (597h / 1200ad), a legal and hadith expert, who studied with many hanbalite masters and wrote several works rejecting sufis’ practices and philosophers.24 the important development of the hanbalite in syria were influenced by ibn munajja’s and bani qudama’s family. bani qudama contribute to the development of the hanbalite school through ‘abd al-ghani, an ash‘arite sufi and muwaffaq al-din ibn qudama. in harran, a region near damascus, there was also the center of hanbalite from the beginning, with majd al-din ibn taymiyya (d. 652 / 1254-1255), the grandfather of ibn taymiyya. under the mamluk bahriya and ‘uthmaniyya reign, the hanbalite was still active in syria and palestine, with the prominent figures ahmad ibn taymiyya (d. 728 / 1326 ad), ibn qayyim al-jawziyya (d. 1350ad) and ibn rajab (d. 1393ad). under the mamluk circasian (784-923 h/ 1382-1517 ad), the hanbalite began to lose its importance in several cities, as a result of their opposition to ibn ‘arabi, whose influence was increasing at that time in syiria, palestine, nisabur, ray and isfahan.25 ahmad ibn hanbal’s theological thought 1. the attitude toward theologians ahmad ibn hanbal reflected traditionists who did not prefer the use rational arguments (ra’y) in legal and theological disputes. he rejected legal teaching without direct reference to hadith or the opinions of prophet’s companions. his opposition to the ra’y was strong that he condemned person who issued fatwas based on hiyal (rational manipulation) as infidel. he included ashab alra’y (jurits who inclined to use ra’y) in the theological groups that he rejected, namely murji‘a, qadariya, rafida, hawarij and jahmiya. he excluded those theologians, especially rafida, from islamic community.26 8 a f k a r u n a ahmad ibn hanbal opposed the proponents of ra’y who held the idea that the quran is created. the opposition to the idea was central in ahmad ibn hanbal’s thought. he labelled those who believed that the quran is creatured and who rejected the attributes of god as jahmiya. ahmad ibn hanbal requested them to repent, otherwise they might be killed.27 ahmad ibn hanbal’s attitude towards theologians (mutakallimin) was harsh. he forbade his students to sit with those who claimed the createdness of the quran and deemed the claim as bid’a (innovation). he criticized his friends who studied with al-karabishi (d. 245 h/ 862 ad) and abu thawr (240 / 854m), both of which considered the recitation of the quran as created. interestingly, ahmad highly praised abu thawr for his expertise in hadith.28 ahmad ibn hanbal’s criticism was not only directed at theological arguments, but also at rational arguments. he prohibited the use of logical arguments to defend islamic faith. although ahmad ibn hanbal appreciated the practice of sufism and wrote the book al-zuhd, his attitude towrd sufis was not hospitable. ahmad respected ma‘ruf al-karkhi (d. 200 / 815-16 ad) for his mastery in hadith. however, he did not like al-harith al-muhasibi (d. 243 / 85758) because of his rational theological thought. al-muhasibi had to hide from the hanbalite threat and his funeral was only attended by four people.29 his opposition to the belief that the quran was created as promoted by the abbasid caliph since al-ma’mun (d. 833 ad), al-mu‘tasim (833 842) until al-wathiq (842-847) brought him into jail for 28 months in bagdad during the reign of al-mu‘tasim. after released, he was forbidden to teach until the regime of caliph mutawakkil (847-861 ad) who sought support from him.30 traditionists were targeted at mihna – inquisition held by abbasid rulers due to their persistance not to comply government’s request.31 the opposition of ahmad ibn hanbal to mihna drew wide support from mass and scholars. the resistance to the mihna and to the followers of jahmiya was also directed by a mob to officials after the death of al-mu‘tasim and the rise of al-wathiq (227-232 / 842-847 ad). the mob beat two of jahmiya’s followers and removed a sign promoting the createdness of the quran from a private mosque in baghdad. ahmad ibn hanbal, however, refused to support violent resistance to the abbasid goverment. the struggle of ahmad also drew support from other mu‘tazilah insider, namely abu hasan al-ash‘ari (d. 324 h / 935-6 ad). he had been a follower of mu‘tazila before he chose to support ahmad ibn hanbal’s movement and 9vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 celebrated ahmad ibn hanbal’s opinion as the representation of the truth (alhaqq) and sunna. al-ash‘ari, who belonged to shafi‘ite background, abandoned mu‘tazila later and founded his own theological school.32 al-ash‘ari critics against mu‘tazila’s creeds in his al-ibana led makdisi to conclude that he was a traditionists and hanbalian as well.33 al-ash‘ari’s approach, however, was not always in line with hanbalite’s one. although praising ahmad ibn hanbal in his work, his method of argumentation differed from that of hanbalite.34 abu hasan al-ash‘ari called ahmad ibn hanbal’s proponents as ahl alhaqq wa al-sunna whose creeds were: “allah is one, muhammad is his messenger, heaven and hell are true and allah will raise those in the grave”. alash‘ari embraced the idea that allah reigns (istiwa’) in ‘arsh and has face and hands without necessarily explaining how (bila kayf) as traditionists usually hold. according to him, whoever thinked that allah’s attributes are other than him, he had lost his way.35 ignaz goldziher saw the creeds were aimed to counter to mu‘tazila’s. while mu‘tazila rejected a literal understanding on the attributes of the god, the hanbalite held the imperative position to hold textual interpretation on it, such as hearing, seeing, standing and sitting, without necessarily questioning how god does it (bi la kayf).36 although supporting ahmad ibn hanbal, al-ash‘ari criticized him in his other works. according to amin, al-ash‘ari’s support to ahmad ibn hanbal was an effort to gain the support from wider community members. the literality of ahmad ibn hanbal and traditionists’ theology was incompatible to the rational background of al-ash‘ari, who chose to defend islamic ortodoxy by both textual and rational arguments. the critics marked the methodological break between al-ash‘ari, followed subsequently by the ash‘arite, and traditionists, especially hanbalite.37 the break led to long disputes between ash‘arite proponents and the hanbalites, both of which claim to be the representation of ahl al-sunna camp. 2. the creeds of ahmad ibn hanbal the theological thoughts of the hanbalite stemmed from and were strongly influenced by the views of ahmad ibn hanbal. abu ya‘la at the end of his tabaqat al-hanabila presented a chapter on ahmad ibn hanbal’s creeds. the creeds highlighted and systematisized the pillars of hanbalite theology, especially on god’s attributes and human actions. 10 a f k a r u n a a. god’s attributes god’s attrributes are central issues in islamic theology. the schools of islamic theology embrace different stances on the god’s attributes. mu‘tazila, for instance, was known as a supporter of an absolute monotheism and insisted on the inseparability between god’s attributes and his substance. mu‘tazila emphasized the oneness of god so that his various attributes might not be seen as independent entity from his essence. however, god has different names mentioned in the quran, which are parallel to his attributes. the discussion about the relationship between his oneness and the variety of his names sparked heat debate among islamic theologians.38 according to watt, the debate on god’s attributes is a continuation of the previous debate about the quran beginning in 750 ad. the qur’an is the logos or the word of god as stated in the quran sura al-zukhruf verse 3: “we actually made the quran in arabic so that you can understand it.” the verse opens different interpretations whether the quran is a creature or it has divine character.39 ahmad ibn hanbal recognizes all attributes of god mentioned in the quran. god’s attributes, according to him, might be known through the information of the quran. every attribute has unique meaning, such as al-sami‘ (allhearing) and al-basir (all-seeing), both of which are unique. he accepts literal meaning of the quran, such as the god has a face. the face of god is real, unimagined and eternal. the god also has two hands, but they are not members of any body and are not composed of any element. whoever claims that god’s face is he himself, he has deviated from true teaching of the quran. people who refuses to accept god’s attributes will turn to be apostate.40 ahmad ibn hanbal’s explanation on allah’s attributes may lead to suspicion that he embraces an anthropomorphic tenet, as patton and anawati do.41 hanbalite has been accused by its opponents as the follower of the mujassima (anthropomorphism). however, several scholars, such as laoust, strothmann and watt, refused the accusation since ahmad is the representation of the orthodox camp, rather that of the anthropomorphist. wesley william consider anthromorphism a choice among the sunnists at the beginning of its development. the anthromorphism was not only as the result of literal understanding of the quran, but it is also a kind intellectual perspective.42 in fact, ahmad realized that anthromorphic attributes of god in the quran constituted metaphorical understanding and they do not refer to any physical 11vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 form.43 he refuses to interpret those attributes methaphorically and avoids theological speculations as well. ahmad ibn hanbal insistently refuses to give any chance to the idea that the quran is created. he said: “a creature is created with all its characteristics, while allah is not creature with all of his attributes.” on the question of whether the letters of the quran are identical to their reference, ahmad and traditionists would answer “we don’t know”44, as the manifestation of bi la kayf position. b. god’s justice and human actions ahmad ibn hanbal included justice as god’s attribute, without reducing his power. according to him, if god wanted to get rid of any human action that he does not like, he would do it because he would never be forced. his justice is not determined or grasped by human reason and his deeds are not created as well. ahmad ibn hanbal challenges the second principle of mu‘tazila, namely god’s absolute justice, which obliges god to show his justice by freeing human from responsibility for actions they have no determination to do them. mu’tazila holds idea that god will never punish human for actions they are not responsible to.45 this idea contradicts to that of ahmad ibn hanbal who hold the absolute power and will of the god. he avoided debate on whether a faith was created or not. he blamed who regarded the createdness of the faith as heathen (unbeliever) and considered who assumed it the uncreated as heretic because the discussion on god’s attributes were not explained in quran or prophetic traditions.46 this principle was followed by ibn taymiyya in his al-‘aqidah al-hamawiyya that brought him into trial in egypt and damascus.47 ibn taymiyya highlighted the idea of hanbalite and traditionists on the issue. ahmad distinguished between belief and islam, based on the popular hadith regarding belief (iman), islam and ihsan and the content of surah alhujurat 14, concerning god’s rejection of bedouin’s claim that they had been believers. the difference between belief and islam is that the former is justification on faith and the latter is an manifestation of the submission of human to their god. a muslim would not be an infidel because of their sins, except for abandoning obligatory five prayers, in which the doer deserved to be punished by death sentence.48 the thought differed from that of the khawarij who argued that a muslim who committed serious sins would be an infidel and any ruler who was not line with allah’s law should be fought against.49 12 a f k a r u n a for ahmad ibn hanbal, allah would forgive the sinners according to his deliberate choice. ahmad ibn hanbal creed comprises many other issues. he discusses on graves, legal arguments, rituals, leadership, bid‘ or innovation, human effort (kasb), karama (magical power) of saints, and hadith experts. he, for instance, believes in life in the grave and believe that the prophet also lived in their graves. he also holds belief that allah punishes people in their graves due to their sins. ahmad ibn hanbal prefers political stability than radical political change. he supports status-quo on political leadership (imama). for him, conflict against a ruler should be avoided eventhough he conducted wrong policy. he considered prayer behind of an injustice leader as legitimate because ibn umar prayed friday and ‘id behind al-hajjaj (who was notoriously brutal). consequently, he forbade his fellow muslims to disobey political leaders, as far as they did not stated that the quran was created and did not belong to qadariya creed. ahmad ibn hanbal wrote theological treatises rejecting the creed of the jahmiya, the qadariya and the zindiq regarding to their creeds on the quran, leadership (imama) and ahl al-bayt (prophet family). ahmad ibn hanbal’s son, ‘abdullah, had a treatise on al-sunna, while abu bakr al-khallal collected inter-religious topics attributed to ahmad ibn hanbal under title ahkam ahl al-milal min al-jami‘ li masa’il al-imam ahmad ibn hanbal.50 the creed of the hanbalite attracted islamic scholars, such as abu al-fadl muhammad nasir al-sulami (d. 550 h), who abandoned shafi‘ite and, instead, chose the hanbalite due to theological reason.51 the development of habalite theology the writing on theological issues was developed among the hanbalite after the era of ahmad ibn hanbal. the hanbalite had outstanding figures who were interested in theological discussions, such as abu ya‘la al-farra’, ibn ‘aqil, ibn al-jawzi, ibn mibrad, ibn taymiyya and ibn qayyim. their writings shaped hanbalite theological characters and had the hanbalite not only as legal school, but also as theological one. this stance made the hanbalite differed from other islamic law schools who focused on legal opinions. a shafi‘ite would put additional attribute of theological school in their name to show their theological orientation because not all of shafi‘ite are ash‘arite. abu ishaq al-shirazi (d. 467h 108 3ad) was an example of a shafi‘ite who 13vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 was not an ash’arite. he conducted theological debate with abu ma‘ali aljuwayni (d. 478h/ 1085ad), a shafi‘ite-ash‘arite figure, on theology.52 hanbalite scholars, in other hand, did not need to show theological affiliation because the hanbalite represented theological affiliation as well as legal school. abu bakr al-khallal (d. 311h / 923m) collected various legal and theological issues attributed to ahmad ibn hanbal in his ahkam ahl al-milal. the book contained legal issues regarding ahl al-kitab, such as on rituals, almgiving (zaka), law of ahl al-dhimmah (non-muslims under the protection of muslim), the settlement of disputes between dhimmi (protected non-moslems) and his fellow, marriage, slaughter, punishment, siyar (war) and apostasy. the book opened with special chapter on theological issues under kitab aliman.53 after ahmad ibn hanbal passed away, the hanbalite continued to preserve his main creeds. ibn ‘aqil stated that he was follower of ahmad ibn hanbal’s creed and ibn taymiyya notified that the hanbalites followed the path of their predecessors.54 the theological discourses among the hanbalite went around the topics discussed by ahmad ibn hanbal previously, although they added some supportive arguments. al-barbahari (d. 941 ad) developed the idea of bila kayf (without how) suggesting that people were not be able to describe how god’s attributes work. god should be described according to what he himself had described without questioning on “how” and “why”. al-barbahari attributed this view to malik ibn anas (d. 795 ad) who said that istiwa ‘ (the residing of allah in the throne) was known (ma‘lum), but the way was unknown (majhul). the belief on the istiwa’ was an obligatory, but the question on “how” was a heresy.55 al-barbahari wrote sharh al-sunnah a small treatise on propethic traditions. the treatise emphasized that islam is sunna and the sunna is islam, both of which should not be separated. the sunna confirmed bila kayf idea so that god’s attribute could not be explained why and how. he rejected rational discussion on the topic that he condemned it to be an innovation (bid‘a) and heresy. al-barbahari restated ahmad ibn hanbal idea that the quran was not created by referring to the authority of malik, ahmad ibn hanbal and classical jurists.56 another celebrated hanbalite figure was abu ya‘la al-farra’ (458h / 1065ad). he wrote al-mu‘tamad fi usul al-din which provided various theological topics, such as the law of reasoning, the knowledge of god, the attributes of allah, spirit, reason, the actions of human (kasb), jin-devil-an14 a f k a r u n a gels, mizan, sirat (a path in hereafter), grave punishment, heaven, faith, commanding good and forbiding evil, extremists from the shi‘a rafida and the interpretation of metaphore. the treatise of abu ya‘la gave a picture of hanbalite’s attitudes towards other schools, especially those who were deemed as infidle based on the consensus of muslims, namely the dahriyah (belief in time); philosophers; the brahmins who rejected the messengers of god; worshipers of idols, stars and fire; and jews and christians. the cathegory also included islamic theological schools, such as qadariya, mu‘tazila and jahmiya based on their claims that al-quran was creature. some schools, like murji‘a who embraced the idea that true faith was based on statement. the khawarij were differentiated by the hanbalite between those who believed in ‘usman ibn ‘affan (d. 35 / 656m) and ‘ali ibn abi talib (d. 41 h/ 661 ad) and those who did not. the latter was considered infidel, so did rafida.57 ibn qudama, a great jurist of the hanbalite, was another outstanding theologian. he wrote lum‘a al-i‘tiqad presenting the general creeds of the hanbalite.58 the tiny treatise talked about main hanbalite’s or salaf’s creeds based on classical authorities, such as ahmad ibn hanbal, muhammad ibn idris al-shafi’i, ibnu mas‘ud, al-awza‘i and ‘umar ibn ‘abd al-‘aziz. the treatise discussed god’s attributes, the quran as the word of god, seeing god in the hereafter, qada and qadr (human destiny), the embodiment of faith in words and deeds, belief in prophet’s teachings, and muhammad as the last prophet. the work was typical of the hanbalite’s, filled with the quotations from the quranic verses and prophetic traditions. the work was later elaborated by muhammad ibn saih al-‘uthaymin (d. 2001 ad), a prolific saudi arabian scholar.59 in sum, hanbalite creeds encompassed the topics the god’s attributes, the quran as divine words the interpretation of the quran and the embodiment of belief in both statement and deeds. the topics stemmed from ahmad ibn hanbal polemic against theologians and subsequent elaboration of hanbalite scholars of ahmad’s creeds. the formulation of the hanbalite creeds, then, were influenced by the disputes conducted by their scholars againts other theologians and sects. theological polemics theological polemic formed theological ideas in islam. the polemics among scholars used to be carried out through jadl (debate) and munazara (discus15vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 sion). munazara emphasized on the seeking of true knowledge through collective discussions, while jadal was oriented to defend a belief or opinion. islamic scholars wrote several works on jadl and munazara to provide other scholars with guidance on how to conduct both in the discussion on islamic law or theology. there were popular works on the topic, such as al-ma‘una fi al-jadal by abu ishaq al-shirazi, al-jadal fi al-usul by abu al-wafa’ ibn ‘aqil and al-kafiya fi al-jadal by abu ma‘ali al-juwayni. according to widigdo,60 jadl was not only a kind of debate but it also served as the test of argumentation and reasoning because the jadl was aimed to re-examine the validity of the arguments. the polemic on theological issue in hanbalite was, again, pioneered by ahmad ibn hanbal. his opposition against mihna was starting point for the formulation of hanbalite creeds.61 he also launched critics againts other islamic sects. the hanbalite also fought fiercely against the syi‘a with the support of the caliph al-qahir in 321h/ 933 ad. al-barbahari was the celebrated figure who fought against shi‘a until his death in 329 h/940 ad.62 afterward, several hanbalite scholars follow the path, such as abu ya’la and his disciple abu ja’far, ibn qudama and ibn taymiyya, to defend hanbalite creeds. 1. abu ya‘la and abu ja’far the polemic between the hanbalites and the ash‘arites took place from 429h/ 1038ad until 445h/ 1053ad. ash‘arite scholars comdemned abu ya‘la’s understanding of god’s attributes as kind of tashbih (anthromorphic), especially in his kitab al-sifat (kitab ibtal al-ta’wilat li akhbar al-sifat). abu ya‘la, however, got support from shafi‘ite traditionist, abu hasan al-qazwini, who accompanied him before the trial by caliph al-qa’im. after the consultation to shafi‘ite judge, abu tayyib al-tabari (d. 450h / 1058ad) and judges from other schools, the caliph decided to approve the work.63 abu ya‘la divided religious law into three cathegories: first of which are known only by reason, such as the inevitability of the creator. the second was not be formulated by reason, rather by sam‘ (transmission), such as religious obligations and prohibitions. the third employed both rational arguments and transmission (the quran and hadith), such as the possibility of seeing god with eyes in hereafter and the forgiveness for believers.64 abu ya‘la involved in a polemic against an ash‘arite scholar, ibn furak (d.1015ad), regarding the interpretation of figurative speech (ta’wil) of god’s attributes. this topic marked the break between the hanbalites and the 16 a f k a r u n a ash‘arites. abu ya‘la wrote kitab al-sifat in response to the work of abu bakr ibn furak (d. 406 h/ 1015ad), entitled ta’wil al-akhbar.65 the conflict between the hanbalites and the ash‘arites broke in 469/1077 when ‘abd alkarim al-qushayri (d. 1074ad), an the ash‘arite propagandist, received an award at madrasa nizamiyya and gave a lecture at the nizamiyya gate. he promoted the ash‘arite’s creeds and deemed the hanbalites as mujassima (anthromorphist). al-qushayri’s statement sparked protests from the hanbalites led by abu ya‘la’s disciple, abu ja‘far (d. 470 h). in return, the shafi‘ite-ash‘arite proponents attacked abu ja‘far (d. 470 h) at his mosque, which prompted the hanbalites camp to retaliate, drawing them into street fight with the ash‘arites and causing the death of a tailor, hit by stone. the clash led wazir nizam almulk (d 1092 ad) to intervene and to end it with the imprisonment of abu ja’far who refused to reconcile.66 the rivalry between the hanbalite and the ash‘arite was inseparable from the efforts of the ash‘arite to penetrate into the shafi‘ite school of law. by this effort, ash‘arite would have legitimacy in islamic orthodhoxy, while they developed rationalistic approach, especially as had been done by abu ma‘ali al-juwayni as well.67 the hanbalite, in other hand, concerned to prevent the penetration of mu‘tazila into the hanafis68 and worried to rationalistic tendency among the ash‘arites. the polemic between the hanbalite and the ash‘arite was inevitable as result of their different approaches to deal with theological issues as well as their competition to get legitimacy as the representation of islamic ortodoxy. hanbalite scholars also clashed with hanafite-mu‘tazili cleric abu ‘ali ibn walid in 456h /1063ad. this clash led to the recitation of al-i‘tiqad al-qadiri before the meeting of the clerics. the hanbalite also moved against ibn ‘aqil in 461h /1069ad under abu ja‘far’s leadership. ibn ‘aqil was well-known as hanbalite, but his scholarship history linked him with both the hanbalite and the mu‘tazilite scholarship. ibn ‘aqil was accused of being the sympathizers of mu‘tazila and al-hallaj by abu ja‘far, though the accusation was driven by abu ja‘far’s dissappointment of abu ya‘la’s decision to choose ibn ‘aqil as his successor. ibn ‘aqil fled and hid in bab maratib until the problem was resolved with his repentance in 465 h/ 1072 ad. hanbalite, along with ash‘arite and mu‘tazilite, was dominant wave of theological orientation in the 10th and 11th centuries ad. the three schools involved in competition to be authoritative reference among islamic society. 17vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 al-ghazzali tried to reconcile them by underpinning the acceptance of the prophet’s teachings as pillar of the true belief. he highlighted the diversity of creeds as natural phenomena, even inside ash‘arite.69 2. ibnu qudama the core idea of hanbalite theology lies on its resistance to rationalism. this resistance led to the polemic between the hanbalites and the mu‘tazilite and between the hanbalites and the ash‘arite. ahmad ibn hanbal and many hanbalite circles strongly rejected the use of ta’wil (metaphorical interpretation) on god’s attributes. the opposition of hanbalite toward ta’wil had them suffer of being accused as anthromorphists.70 the high-profile scholars among the hanbalite who launched attacts on rationalism were ibn qudama and ibn taymiyya. ibn qudama (d. 620h / 1223 ad) is a master-jurist among the hanbalites. his masterpiece, al-mughni, is widely circulated and recognized as source for comparative study on islamic law. he wrote rawda al-nazir wa junna almunazir, a work on islamic jurisprudence. the works was written following the structure of al-ghazzali’s model of writing on al-mustasfa.71 the interraction of ibnu qudama to al-ghazzali’s work did not mean that he agreed to ash‘arite creeds. in his al-munazara fi al-qur’an al-‘azim (1990), ibn qudama told his experience of carrying out munazara with people he referred to as ahl al-bid‘a (heretics). he wrote the treatise based on a request from his friends to prevent disinformation on the quran. ibn qudama reinforced the idea that the quran was the word of god, including the letters of the quran. his opponents, however, argued that the letters were not the quran, but creatures that signified the words of god. ibn qudama did not explain who he called them ahl al-bid‘a, but it was presumably ‘abdullah ibn kullab (241h / 855ad), the predecessor of abu hasan al-‘ashari.72 ibn qudama refuted this opinion by quoting ahmad ibn hanbal who remarked that whoever implied the quran as a creature, he would be infidel. the debate regarding the quran extended to the topic of god’s creature in which ibn qudama expressed his objection to the arguments of jahmiya. ibn qudama cited a reportation on abdullah ibn ahmad’s question to ahmad ibn hanbal about the jahmiya who believed that god did not speak with voice. ahmad answered that they had lied and had embaced the idea of the omission of god’s attributes (ta‘til). in his ithbat sifah al-‘uluw, ibn qudama 18 a f k a r u n a reinforced ahmad ibn hanbal’s notion that allah is on ‘arsh based on prophetic traditions, the opinions of the companions and the opinions of classical authorities, such as malik, sufyan al-thawri, abu hanifa, muhammad alhasan (d. 189h / 804ad), ibn mubarak (d. 181h/ 797ad) and abdullah ahmad ibn hanbal.73 ibn qudama also wrote tahrim al-nazar fi kutub al-kalam to address ibn ‘aqil’s case. ibn ‘aqil was an hanbalite scholar who studied from both hanbalite and mu’tazilite teachers. ibn qudama’s work was written after ibn ‘aqil repented from mu‘tazilite orientation. ibn qudama reminded that if ibn ‘aqil did not repent, he would be classified as a zindiq (heretic). he, however, praised ibn ‘aqil’s decision to repent and considered the repentance had had overcome his mistakes. he criticized the suspicions among the hanbalites of ibn ‘aqil as excessive and baseless attitude. moreover, ibn ‘aqil had written works on the rejection of ta’wil.74 3. ibnu taimiyah ibn taymiyya (728h / 1328ad) was the most prominent late hanbalite figure after ibnu qudama. ibn taymiyya was an intelligent figure. however, he was undergoing several imprisonments due to his persistant defence on the salafi creeds. his work, al-‘aqida al-hamawiyah, brought him into trial before judges and a group of scholars, both in egypt and in damascus. he, however, managed to convinced the judges and scholars to accept his opinion, although he was imprisoned for his refusal to accept the judge’s summons before and his refusal to speak in front of judges whom he considered not neutral.75 al-‘aqida al-hamawiyah was ibn taymiyya’s answer to the question of hama citizens in 798 h about quranic verses and prophetic traditions concerning god’s attributes.76 this work provides theological arguments using the salaf (early pious generation of muslims and scholars) perspectives. ibnu taymiyya rebutted the claim of people who supported khalaf (later scholars) approach employing ta’wil. he categorized the premises of the khalaf that ignored the islamic sources as misleading premises. ibn taymiyyah took different path from his predecessors who tried to defend hanbalite creeds by means of pure textual arguments. in dar‘ ta‘arud al-‘aql wa al-naql, also known as muwafaqa sahih al-manqul li sarih alma‘qul,77 he employed a rational debate to support salaf creeds and falsified the arguments of rationalists, such as that of fakhr al-din al-razi (d. 606h/ 19vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 1210ad), al-amidi (d. 631h/ 1233ad), ibn kullab (d. 240h/ 854ad), albaqillani, al-ghazzali, ibn sina (d. 428h/ 1037ad), ibn rushd (d. 595h/ 1198ad), ibn ‘arabi (d. 638h/ 1240ad) and abu hasan al-ash‘ari. ibn taymiyya classified al-ash‘ari in one camp with ibn kullab, al-harith al-muhasibi (d. 243h/ 857ad, al-‘abbas al-qalanisi (d. 270h), abu bakr al-sibghi (d. 342h) and abu ‘ali al-thaqafi (d. 326h), although he praised al-ash‘ari’s views in al-maqalat al-islamiyyin, al-ibana and al-luma‘ that were in accordance to salaf’s creeds. ibn taymiyya’s attacks were mostly aimed to al-razi, mu‘tazilite circles, jahmiya, philosophers and pantheistic sufis.78 despites of his affiliation to the ash‘arite, al-razi inclined more to philosophy than al-ghazzali did.79 ibn taymiyya presented 44 arguments to refute al-razi regarding his priority of reason over religious texts. al-razi frequently refered to the risala adawiyya by ibn sina and reinterpreted it more freely according to his rational inclination.80 ibn taymiyya criticized the rationalist inclination to put the reason higher than textual sources in his al-radd ‘ala al-mantiqiyyin. the work criticized the principles of aristotelian (traditional) logic he saw it unreliable. ibn taymiyya’s critics were directed at three logical structures, namely the definition of terms, the proposition and the syllogisms. ibn taymiyya denied the superiority of logic for understanding religion as rationalists held, such as al-ghazzali in his al-mustasfa.81 he also criticized abu hasan al-ash‘ari, al-ghazzali, al-juwayni, ibn furak, abu ishaq al-isfira’ini (d. 418h/ 1027-8 ad), and abu al-mu‘in alnasafi (d. 508 h) as he also criticized abu ya‘la and ibn ‘aqil that supported the validity of traditional logic.82 despite his critics to traditional logic, ibnu taymiyya did not reject reason, rather he tried to balance reason and textual sources, with the emphasis on literal sources regarding god’s attributes.83 while many of the hanbalites avoided rational arguments to defend their creeds, ibn taymiyya used different strategy to enforce literalism. he took advantages of rational arguments to prove that the rational approach itself was inadequate to explain basic theological belief. the emphasis on literality marked the nature of hanbalite theological discourse. to use of ta’wil (the interpretation of text) was the central of disputes between hanbalites and its oppponents. the hanafites and the shafi‘ites were quite familiar with of rationalism in islamic law. hanafite frequently used ra’y (rational deduction) so that they are better known as ahl al-ra’y (the rationalists), while the shafi‘ite attempted to compromise the traditionists’ and the rationalists’ approaches. in baghdad, the hanbalites criticized the hanafites 20 a f k a r u n a who embrace mu‘tazila, while the shafi‘ite embraced ash‘arite.84 later, the hanafites prefered maturidite, after all islamic orthodoxy camps put mu‘tazila as their antithesis and shafi‘ite authorities turned to be ash‘arite proponents. the hanbalite represented traditionalists’ beliefs. the hanbalite strongly disapproved speculative theology (kalam) and esoteric-philosophical sufism. hanbalite scholars did not attach to any other theological school like shafi‘ite and hanafite did because hanbalite acted as theological school as well. the hanbalite was not homogeneous entity since ibn qudama criticized ibn ‘aqil for having ash‘arite tendencies and ibn al-jawzi had different views than that of abu ya‘la (d. 458h/ 1066ad), abu al-hasan al-zaghuni (d. 527h/ 1132ad) and abd al-qadir al-jilani (d. 561h/ 1166ad).85 despite of their difference, the hanbalites generally took position as the defender of salaf creeds that put them as an alternative school among other theological schools in islam. conclusion hanbalite creeds marked an unique portrait of the hanbalite as being both legal and theological schools. the school of islamic law grew from the discourse of islamic law followed by the application of the opinions in court and in islamic madrasahs. known as traditionists, hanbalites gradually gained acknowledgment as a legal and theological movement. the position of the hanbalite as legal school was is so prevalent that its position as theological school failed to be taken into account frequently. the hanbalite creeds and movement was laid down by ahmad ibn hanbal. the creeds of ahmad ibn hanbal went around the textual understanding of islamic source in the matters of theology and the persistant position that alquran is the words of god. subsequently, hanbalite scholars continued to elaborate and to defend the creeds against other theologians. hanbalite scholars, such as al-barbahari, abu ya‘la, ibn qudama and ibn taymiyya carried out polemics against theologians from mu‘tazilite, ash‘arite, jahmite, shiite and philosopichal sufis. through the polemics, the hanbalite creeds was tested and elaborated more sophistically. the article tried to extend previous research on hanbalite theology by adding direct reference to hanbalite theological treatises, narrating hanbalite scholars’ polemics against other theologians and portraiting the shift of the method of argument in hands of ibnu taymiyya. the article diachronically revealed the arguments of hanbalite that shapes an distinctive stance of 21vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 hanbalite among other islamic theological schools. the article, however, did not elaborate detailed arguments presented by each of hanbalite scholars, rather it provides readers with the glimps of their acquintance to theological discourses in defending their creeds. end note 1 eva alexe. “the relationship between the salafist current and the wahhabite movement.proceeding of the 15th edition of the international conference, european integration: realities and perspectives. 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(t.tp: dar al-bayruti. 1992hurvitz, nimrod. the formation of hanbalism: piety into power. new york: routledge. 2002 jaziri, ‘abd al-rahman al. kitab al-fiqh ‘ala madhahib al-arba‘a. beirut: dar ibn hazm. 2001 khallal, abu bakr ahmad ibn muhammad al-. ahkam ahl al-milal min al-jami‘ li masa’il al-imam ahmad ibn hanbal. beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiyya. 1994 khan, mohd. hameedullah, the schools of islamic yurisprudence, new delhi: kitab bhavan, ed. iii, 2001 kuntowijoyo. metodologi sejarah. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. 1994 lewis, bernard ch. pellat, dan j. schacht. the encyclopaedia of islam. vol. iv. leiden dan london: e.j. brill dan luzac and co, 1965 makdisi, george. “ash’ari and the ash’arites in islamic religious history.” studia islamica no. 17 (1962) makdisi, george. hanbalite islam, dalam merlin l. swartz (ed), “studies on islam”. new york dan oxford: oxford university press. 1988 makdisi, george, rise of colledge: institution of learning in islam and the west. edinburgh: edinburgh university press. 1981 matroudi, abdul hakim i.. the hanbali school of law and ibn tayamiyyah: conflict or conciliation. london and new york: routledge. 2006 melchert, christopher. ahmad ibn hanbal. oxford: oneworld. 2006 melchert, christopher. “ahmad ibn hanbal and the qur’an.” journal of quranic studies. vol. 6, no. 2 (2004) 22-34 melchert, christopher. “the adversaries of ahmad bin hanbal.” arabica t. 44, fasc. 2 (april 1997), 235-237 melchert, christopher. “the hanabila and the early sufis”. arabica t. 48, fasc. 3 (2001), 352-367 michot, yahya j. “a mamluk theologian’s commentary on avicenna’s “risala adhawiya”: being a translation of a part of the “dar’ al-ta’arud” of ibn taimiyya with introduction, annotation, and appendices part i. journal of islamic studies vol. 14, no. 2 (may 2003) mouline, nabila. the clerics of islam: religious and political power in saudi arabia. yale: yale university press. 2014 26 a f k a r u n a mughni, syafiq. hanbali movements in bagdad from abu 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ba‘d fuqaha al-hanabila imam al-madhhab. mesir: dar al-huda al-nabawi. 2014 al-sasan, saud saleh. “early muslim traditionalism: a critical study of the works and political theology of ahmad bin hanbal.” a thesis for the degree of doctor of philosophy in arab and islamic studies. the university of exeter. 2011 shihadeh, ayman. “from al-ghazali to al-razi: 6th/ 12th century developments in muslim philosophical theology.” arabic sciences and philosophy vol. 15 (2005) 141-179 sudarno, syamsul hidayat, mahasri shobahiya, 2010. studi kemuhammadiyahan: kajian historis, ideologis, dan organisasi. surakarta: lembaga pengembangan ilmu-ilmu dasar universitas muhammadiyah surakarta taymiyya, ibn. al-fatwa al-hamawiyya al-kubra. riyad: dar al-shamai. 1998 taymiyya, ibn. al-radd ‘ala al-mantiqiyyin. bombay: sharf al-din al-kutba wa awladih. 1949 taymiyya, ibn. dar’ ta‘arud al-‘aql wa al-naql. juz i, v, vii. madina: idara al-thaqafa wa al-nashr bi al-jami‘a al-madina. 1991 turiqi, abdullah ibn muhammad ibn ahmad al-. al-hanabila khiyala thalatha ‘ashara qarnan. juz i. riyad: maktaba al-mulk fahd al-wataniyya. 2012 uthaymin, salih ibn ‘abd al-‘aziz al-. sharh lum‘a al-i‘tiqad. riyad: maktaba adwa’ al-salaf. 1995 uthaymin, salih ibn ‘abd al-‘aziz al-. tashil al-sabila li murid ma’rifa al-hanabila. beirut: muassasah al-risala. 2000 watt, w. montgomery. islamic philosophy and theology, an extended survey. edinburgh: edinburg university press, 1985 widigdo, mohammad syifa amin. “imam al-haramayn a-juwayni and jadal theory in the eleventh century: a critical analysis of imam al-haramayn’s al-kafiya fi al-jadal.” qudus international journal of islamic studies. vl. 6, iusse 2, agustus (2018) williams, wesley. “aspects of the creed of imam ahmad bin hanbal: a study of 27vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 anthropomorphism in early islamic discourse.” international journal of middle east studies. vol. 34, no. 3 (aug, 2003) winter, tim (ed.). the cambridge companion to classical islamic theology cambridge: cambridge university press. 2008 zahro, ahmad. tradisi intelektual nu, lajnah bahtsul masa’il 1926 – 1999, yogyakarta: lkis. 2004 # layout jan jun 2011 concern with the environment, harmonious, democratic, paying attention to others, and ability to resolve the conflict. the lowest ability is emphaty or effort to understand the others, while the highest is acting democratically, ability to resolve the conflicts, and to pay attention to the others. kata kunci: intrapersonal, interpersonal, pendidikan karakter abstrak keberhasilan seseorang dalam kehidupan ini ditentukan oleh tiga kemampuan yakni akademik, vokasional, generik (kemampuan personal). ternyata kemampuan generiklah yang paling berperan dalam menentukan keberhasilan dalam kehidupan, maka pemberian bekal kepada siswa berupa kemampuan personal pembentuk karakter sangat diperlukan. karena itu tujuan penelitian ini adalah: mengkaji keterampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal siswa; dan mengkaji persamaan dan perbedaan tingkat ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal siswa dilihat dari perbedaan jenis kelamin, pekerjaan orang tua, tingkatan kelas, urutan anak dalam keluarga di sd negeri kasihan bantul. jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif yang bercorak komparatif. subyek dalam penelitian ini adalah siswa kelas iv, v, vi sd negeri kasihan bantul, sebanyak 79 siswa. penelitian ini menyimpukan, ada 8 dimensi intrapersonal yakni sadar diri, percaya diri, menangani kelemahan diri, bertanggung jawab terhadap diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan berani menyampaikan perasaannya. kemampuan yang paling rendah pada dimensi percaya diri, sedangkan kemampuan yang paling menonjol adalah dimensi keberanian menyampaikan perasaan pada orang lain. sementara 8 dimensi interpersonal meliputi mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, tenggang rasa, peduli perbandingan keterampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal berbasis pendidikan karakter siswa sekolah dasar negeri kasihan bantul akif khilmiyah fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: khilmiyahakif@yahoo.com abstract students’ achievement can be shaped by three types of ability (capacity); academic, vocational and generic (personal ability). it appears that generic ability has predominantly determined students’ achievement, and therefore providing nurturing personal abaility is necessary. the objectives of this research are twofold: to study both intra and interpersonal skills of the students; to study similarities and differences the level of intraand interpersonal skills of the students based on their sex, parent’s occupation, the level of class, and the order number of children in the family. the research was carried out in state basic school of kasihan, bantul. the subjects of this research are 79 students in the grade iv, v, vi. this reserach concludes that there are 8 types of intrapersonal skills: self-awareness, selfconfidence, effort to handle self-weakness, responsibilities, openness, assertiveness, self dicision making, effort to hadle stressful, and courage to express personal feelings. the lowest ability is self-confidence, and the highest is the courage to express personal feelings. there 8 types in interpersonal: easy to socialize, helpful, emphaty, tolerance, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 51vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil menyelesaikan konflik. dimensi kemampuan yang paling rendah adalah kemampuan memahami orang lain. kemampuan yang paling menonjol adalah kemampuan berlaku demokratis dan kemampuan menyelesaikan konflik serta kemampuan perhatian pada orang lain. kata kunci: intrapersonal, interpersonal, pendidikan karakter pendahuluan berdasarkan inpres nomor 1/2010 tentang percepatan pelaksanaan prioritas pembanguan nasional tahun 2010, pemerintah telah memerintahkan pengembangan karakter peserta didik melalui pendidikan di sekolah, melalui dua cara yakni: (1) melalui penyempurnaan kurikulum dan metode pembelajaran aktif berdasarkan nilai-nilai budaya bangsa untuk membentuk daya saing dan karakter bangsa, (2) melalui penyelenggarakan uji coba kurikulum dan metode pembelajaran aktif berdasarkan nilai-nilai budaya bangsa untuk membentuk daya saing dan karakter bangsa (kemendiknas, 2011:243). kesadaran penanaman karakter di sekolah dasar (sd) ini merupakan wujud dari pelaksanaan tujuan umum pendidikan dasar, dalam ktsp yakni: “meletakkan dasar kecerdasan, pengetahuan, kepribadian, akhlak mulia, serta ketrampilan untuk hidup mandiri dan mengikuti pendidikan lebih lanjut”.1 dengan demikian tujuan sekolah mendidik siswa adalah untuk membentuk karakter, agar tidak saja menjadi manusia yang cerdas secara kognitif tetapi juga memiliki kemampuan afektif untuk mengaplikasikan kecerdasan kognitifnya. oleh karena itu fungsi sekolah adalah untuk membentuk karakter siswa. banyak penelitian menunjukkan bahwa keberhasilan seseorang dalam kehidupan ini ditentukan oleh tiga kemampuan, yakni (1) kemampuan akademik (common core) yang mencakup keberhasilan dalam menguasai mata pelajaran, (2) kemampuan vokasional yang ditunjukkan melalui ketrampilan dalam suatu bidang tertentu, dan (3) kemampuan akademik generik (common knowledge) yang ditunjukkan melalui kemampuan personal (kemampuan mengambil keputusan secara rasional, kemampuan merancang masa depan, dll) serta kemampuan sosial (kemampuan bekerjasama, kemampuan memahami orang lain, dll).2 diantara ketiga kemampuan tersebut, ternyata kemampuan generik paling berperan dalam menentukan keberhasilan dalam kehidupan, dengan kontribusi sekitar 70h. berdasarkan penelitian tersebut, maka pemberian bekal kepada siswa berupa kemampuan menahan diri, mengendalikan emosi, memahami emosi orang lain, memiliki ketahanan menghadapi kegagalan, bersikap sabar, memiliki motivasi diri yang tinggi, kreatif, berempati, dan bersikap toleran, lebih penting dari sekedar memiliki nilai akademik semata. penilaian kepribadian siswa sebagai aspek afektif harus dilakukan secara komprehensif. pengembangan penilaian kepribadian sebagai ketrampilan afektif siswa meliputi ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal. ketrampilan intrapersonal berkaitan dengan pengembangan kemampuan mengelola diri sendiri, sedangkan ketrampilan interpersonal berhubungan dengan pengembangan kemampuan mengadakan hubungan antar pribadi.3 dengan demikian pengembangan penilaian kepribadian siswa meliputi ketrampilan intrapersonal mengarah pada kecerdasan emosional, sedangkan ketrampilan interpersonal mengarah pada kecerdasan sosial. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 52 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna karena itulah penelitian ini menjadi penting dan stragis untuk dilakukan guna mengetahui tingkat ketercapaian kemampuan intrapersonal dan interpersonal siswa pada sekolah dasar negeri kasihan yang dijadikan sebagai tempat uji coba pendidikan karakter oleh pemerintah daerah di propinsi daerah istimewa yogyakarta sejak tahun2010. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: (1) mengkaji ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal siswa setelah pelaksanaan pendidikan karakter di sd negeri kasihan bantul. (2) mengkaji persamaan dan perbedaan tingkat ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal siswa dilihat dari perbedaan jenis kelamin, pekerjaan orang tua, tingkatan kelas, urutan anak dalam keluarga di sd negeri kasihan bantul. hasil penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kontribusi bagi pemerintah dalam mengembangkan karakter siswa melalui evaluasi ketercapaian ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal berbasis pendidikan karakter di sekolah dasar. disamping itu juga dapat memberikan sumbangan pemikiran dalam mengkritisi dan mentyelesaikan permasalahan pendidikan karakter serta memberikan suatu kerangka acuan alternatif dalam pengembangan penilaian aspek afektif pendidikan karakter di sekolah. tentang pendidikan karakter pendidikan karakter mempunyai makna lebih tinggi dari pendidikan moral, bukan sekedar mengajarkan mana yang benar dan mana yang salah, tetapi lebih dari itu pendidikan karakter menanamkan kebiasaan (habituation) tentang hal yang baik sehingga peserta didik menjadi paham tentang yang baik dan yang salah (domain kognitif), mampu merasakan nilai yang baik (domain afektif) dan biasa melakukannya (domain perilaku). pendidikan karakter erat kaitannya dengan pembiasaan yang terus-menerus dilakukan. berdasar beberapa pendapat di atas dapat disimpulkan bahwa karakter dapat disamakan artinya dengan akhlak, adalah cara berfikir dan berperilaku yang menjadi ciri khas setiap individu terkait dengan nilai benar salah, dan nilai baik-buruk, sehingga karakter akan muncul menjadi kebiasaan yang termanifestasi dalam sikap dan perilaku untuk selalu melakukan hal yang baik secara terus menerus dalam semua lingkungan kehidupan. karena karakter terkait dengan nilai-nilai kebaikan, maka pendidikan karakter adalah upaya yang dilakukan secara bertahap untuk menanamkan kebiasaan, agar anak selalu dapat berfikir, bersikap dan berperilaku berdasarkan nilai-nilai kebaikan, sehingga pendidikan karakter selalu dikaitkan dengan pendidikan nilai. nilai-nilai yang menjadi ukuran baik buruk dan benar salah adalah nilai moral. nilai moral tersebut dapat berupa nilai instrumental yaitu presentasi diri, evaluasi, justifikasi dan perbandingan diri sendiri dengan orang lain, ataupun nilai moral terminal, yang secara konsisten telah dimiliki oleh individu, menjiwai tingkah laku dan kebiasaan sehingga menjadi karakter. menurut panduan pelaksanaan pendidikan karakter kemendiknas tahun 2011, karakter diartikan sebagai perilaku yang dilandasi oleh nilai-nilai berdasarkan norma agama, kebudayaan, hukum/konstitusi, adat istiadat, dan estetika.4 pendidikan karakter adalah upaya yang terencana untuk menjadikan peserta didik mengenal, peduli doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 53vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 dan menginternalisasi nilai-nilai sehingga peserta didik berprilaku sebagai insan kamil. tujuan pendidikan karakter adalah untuk meningkatkan mutu penyelenggaraan dan hasil pendidikan di sekolah melalui pembentukan karakter peserta didik secara utuh, terpadu, dan seimbang, sesuai standar kompetensi lulusan. adapun sasarannya adalah seluruh warga sekolah, terutama peserta didik sebagai prioritas utama, dan pendidik, berperan sebagai teladan. nilai-nilai basis pengembangan karakter meliputi delapan nilai yaitu: religiusitas, kejujuran, kecerdasan, tanggung jawab, kebersihan dan kesehatan, kedisiplinan, tolong-menolong, berfikir logis, kritis, kreatif dan inovatif. nilai-nilai yang perlu diinternalisasikan di sekolah dasar ada 25 butir terbagi 5 kelompok yakni (1) nilai karakter dalam hubungan manusia dengan tuhan adalah nilai religius, (2) nilai karakter dalam hubungannya dengan diri sendiri, meliputi: kejujuran, kecerdasan, rasa tanggung jawab, kebersihan dan kesehatan, kedisiplinan, berfikir logis, kritis, kreatif, inovatif, ketangguhan, keingintahuan, cinta ilmu, rasa percaya diri, kemandirian, keberanian mengambil resiko, berorientasi pada tindakan, jiwa kepemimpinan, kerja keras. (3) nilai karakter dalam hubungan antar manusia yang meliputi: tolong menolong, kesantunan, kesadaran akan hak dan kewajiban diri dan orang lain, kepatuhan pada aturan-aturan sosial, menghargai karya dan prestasi orang lain, dan demokrasi, (4) nilai karakter dalam hubungan manusia dengan lingkungan yakni kepedulian terhadap lingkungan, dan (5) nilai kebangsaan yang meliputi: nasionalisme, dan menghargai keberagaman. ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal ketrampilan intrapersonal (intrapersonal skill) ketrampilan pribadi (personal skill) tidak hanya berupa ketrampilan intrapersonal tetapi juga ketrampilan interpersonal (ketrampilan memahami orang lain). sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh gardner,5 bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal merupakan pengetahuan tentang aspek internal seseorang: akses perasaan seseorang, emosi seseorang, kapasitas diri, dan pemahaman terhadap perilaku diri. batasan ini menunjukkan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal ditandai dengan mengembangkan diri melalui mengendalikan emosi diri, memotivasi diri, bertanggungjawab atas kehidupan sendiri, dan mengembangkan harga diri. pendapat di atas dipertegas oleh daniel goleman dengan menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal adalah kemampuan yang korelatif, tetapi terarah ke dalam diri.6 dengan demikian ketrampilan intrapersonal merupakan kunci menuju pengetahuan diri. lebih lanjut dijelaskan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal merupakan kemampuan membentuk suatu model diri sendiri yang teliti dan mengacu pada diri serta kemampuan untuk menggunakan model tadi sebagai alat untuk menempuh kehidupan secara efektif. ketrampilan intrapersonal merupkan akses menuju perasaan-perasaan diri seseorang dan kemampuan untuk membedakan perasaanperasaan tersebut serta memanfaatkannya untuk menuntun tingkah laku. ketrampilan intrapersonal dapat dikatakan sebagai ketrampilan tentang diri sendiri. rose dan nicholl menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 54 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna intrapersonal merupakan kemampuan menganalisis diri dan merenungkan diri, mampu merenung dalam kesunyian dan menilai prestasi seseorang, meninjau perilaku seseorang dan perasaan-perasaan terdalamnya, membuat rencana dan menyusun tujuan yang hendak dicapai. hal ini berkaitan dengan kepeduliannya terhadap tujuan yang hendak dicapai.7 secara ringkas ketrampilan intrapersonal berkaitan dengan pemahaman diri sendiri. mant menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal merupakan kemampuan untuk memahami diri sendiri. dengan demikian dapat dikatakan bahwa seseorang yang memiliki ketrampilan intrapersonal dapat dengan teliti mengerti apa yang terjadi pada dirinya sendiri.8 pendapat senada disampaikan oleh lwin et al, bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal merupakan kemampuan untuk memahami diri sendiri dan bertanggungjawab atas kehidupannya sendiri.9 lebih lanjut lwin et al, menyatakan bahwa orang-orang yang memiliki ketrampilan intrapersonal tinggi cenderung menjadi pemikir yang tercermin pada apa yang mereka lakukan dan terus menerus membuat penilaian diri. batasan lebih ringkas disampaikan oleh ayan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal adalah kemampuan memahami perasaan diri sendiri, gemar merenung, serta berfilsafat.10 batasan ini menunjukkan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal, yaitu pemahaman tidak hanya terhadap perasaan semata namun juga masalah berfikir. untuk mengetahui indikator mengenai ketrampilan intrapersonal, lazear menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal meliputi pengetahuan tentang perasaan, proses berfikir, refleksi diri dan rasa atau intuisi tentang realitas spiritual.11 cunningham dan corderio menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal adalah akses terhadap perasaan diri sendiri dan kemampuan untuk membedakan emosi diri, pengetahuan tentang kekuatan seseorang, dan kelemahan seseorang.12 berdasarkan uraian di atas, yang dimaksud dengan ketrampilan intrapersonal adalah ciriciri spesifik yang lebih substantif dari kemampuan seseorang untuk memahami keberadaan dirinya dan berani bertanggung jawab terhadap kehidupan pribadinya sehingga terbentuk kepribadian yang mantap, yang nampak pada: sadar diri, percaya diri, menangani kelemahan diri, bertanggung jawab terhadap diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan berani menyampaikan perasaannya. ketrampilan interpersonal (interpersonal skill) setiap individu mempunyai ketrampilan personal yang berkaitan dengan pemahaman terhadap dirinya sendiri dan orang lain. ketrampilan interpersonal merupakan pemahaman tentang perbedaan orang lain dengan dirinya sendiri. dengan pemahaman ini, seseorang dapat memahami aspek-aspek perasaan orang lain. sebagaimana dinyatakan gardner bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal adalah kemampuan untuk menyatakan dan membuat perbedaan diantara individuindividu lain, dan khususnya, suasana hati (moods), temperamen, motivasi, serta maksud mereka.13 pendapat di atas dipertegas oleh goleman (2005:52) dengan menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal merupakan kemampuan untuk memahami orang lain: doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 55vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 apa yang memotivasi mereka, bagaimana mereka bekerja, bagaimana kerjasama yang mereka lakukan. ketrampilan interpersonal juga merupakan ketrampilan dalam kaitannya dengan hubungan sosial. rose dan nicholl (2002:60) menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal adalah kemampuan bekerja secara efektif dengan orang lain, memperhatikan empati dan pengertian, memperhatikan motivasi dan tujuan mereka. pendapat senada disampaikan oleh amstrong (1994:3) bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal merupakan kemampuan mempersepsi dan membedakan suasana hati, maksud, motivasi, serta perasaan orang lain. dengan demikian ketrampilan interpersonal merupakan kemampuan mempersepsi dan membedakan suasana hati, maksud, motivasi, serta perasaan orang lain berdasarkan ekspresi wajah, suara, gerak isyarat orang lain. ketrampilan interpersonal dapat dikatakan sebagai kemampuan untuk memahami orang lain. menurut mant bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal merupakan kemampuan untuk mengetahui apa yang terjadi diantara orang-orang dan memobilisasinya, sebagaimana menjadi guruguru dan penjual yang baik.14 pendapat di atas juga didukung oleh lazear dengan menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal merupakan kemampuan untuk menggunakan komunikasi verbal dan non-verbal, serta kapasitas untuk membedakan orang lain, misalnya, perbedaan suasana hati, temperamen, motivasi, dan maksud.15 dengan demikian, ketrampilan interpersonal ini memungkinkan seseorang untuk mengembangkan rasa empati dan perhatian satu sama lain. ketrampilan interpersonal yang dimiliki oleh seseorang dinyatakan berpengaruh terhadap kariernya. cunningham dan corderio menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal adalah kapasitas untuk melihat dan merespon dengan tepat suasana hati, temperamen, motivasi, dan keinginan orang lain.16 ayan menyatakan bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal merupakan kemampuan memahami orang lain, pikiran, serta perasaan mereka.17 lebih lanjut dijelaskan bahwa ketrampilan ini dapat dilakukan melalui pertemuan dan percakapan dengan orang-orang daerah lain, mengenai kehidupan mereka sehari-hari meskipun tidak menguasai bahasa daerah mereka, berkomunikasi dengan bahas isyarat sudah merupakan tantangan bagi ketrampilan interpersonal itu sendiri. sedangkan mengenai pengaruh ketrampilan interpersonal terhadap diri seseorang dijelaskan oleh lwin et al. sebagai berikut: ketrampilan interpersonal adalah kemampuan untuk memahami dan memperkirakan perasaan, temperamen, perasaan, suasana hati, maksud dan keinginan orang lain serta menanggapi secara layak. lebih lanjut dinyatakan ketrampilan interpersonal memungkinkan seseorang untuk membangun kedekatan, pengaruh, pimpinan, dan membangun hubungan dengan masyarakat.18 berdasarkan uraian di atas, yang dimaksud dengan ketrampilan interpersonal adalah ciriciri spesifik yang lebih substantif dari kemampuan seseorang dalam berfikir dan berkomunikasi secara efektif sehingga menimbulkan hubungan saling pengertian antara dirinya dengan orang lain, yang nampak pada: mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, tentang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 56 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna rasa peduli lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik. untuk mewujudkan manusia yang berhasil dalam kehidupan, diperlukan penilaian yang menyeluruh aspek kognitif dan non kognitif (kepribadian) dengan instrumen pendidikan karakter yang meliputi ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal. adapun karakter yang termasuk pada kemampuan psikososial anak terutama pada kecerdasan emosi dan sosialnya meliputi: (1) percaya diri (confidence), (2) kemampuan kontrol diri (selfcontrol), (3) kemampuan bekerjasama (cooperation), (4) kemudahan bergaul dengan sesama (socialization), (5) kemampuan berkonsentrasi (concentration), (6) rasa empati (empathy), dan (7) kemampuan berkomunikasi (communication). jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif yang bercorak komparatif. subyek dalam penelitian ini adalah siswa kelas iv,v,vi sd negeri kasihan bantul, sebanyak 79 siswa. dan sebagai informan tambahan adalah guru, kepala sekolah dan karyawan. tehnik pengambilan sampel dilakukan secara purposive random sampling. teknik pengumpulan data yang digunaka adalah: angket, observasi non partisipan, wawancara terpimpin, dan dokumentasi. analisis data penelitian ini menggunakan statistik deskriptif untuk mengkaji kemampuan ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal siswa sekolah dasar. analisis perbedaan antara perbedaan jenis kelamin digunakan uji t (t-tes) dan untuk menganalisis perbedaan berdasarkan pekerjaan orang tua, tingkatan kelas dan urutan anak dalam keluarga dilakukan teknik anova satu arah. hasil penelitian dan pembahasan ketrampilan intrapersonal dan interpersonal siswa kemantapan pribadi yang berkarakter akan nampak melalui sembilan indikator ketrampilam intrapersonal. adapun indikator-indikator ketrampilan intrapersonal yang menjadi fokus dalam penelitian ini meliputi sembilan dimensi yakni: (1) sadar diri, (2) percaya diri, (3) menangani kelemahan diri, (4) bertanggung jawab terhadap diri sendiri, (5) membuka diri, (6) tegas, (7) berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, (8) menangani stres, (9) berani menyampaikan perasaan. gambaran tentang ketrampilan intrapersonal siswa di sd negeri kasihan bantul dapat dilihat pada tabel 1. data tabel 1 menunjukkan bahwa semua dimensi ketrampilan intrapersonal siswa sd negeri kasihan bantul menunjukkan gambaran yang cukup merata. namun jika kita amati lebih jauh selisih antara nilai mean dan standar deviasi dari kesembilan dimensi tersebut . dengan demikian maka kemampuan percaya diri siswa masih lebih rendah dibanding kemampuan delapan dimensi yang lain. kemampuan yang paling bagus dimiliki siswa adalah kemampuan mengatasi kelemahan diri, kemudian disusul kemampuan melakukan curhat pada orang lain. gambaran tentang ketrampilan interpersonal siswa sd negeri kasihan bantul. berdasarkan hasil uji dapat diketahui bahwa kesembilan dimensi ketrampilan interpersonal siswa sd negeri kasihan bantul menunjukkan kondisi yang baik, karena kesembilan dimensi memiliki mean yang seperlima lebih besar dari standar deviasinya. dengan demikian maka kemampuan siswa doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 57vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 memahami orang lain masih lebih rendah dibanding kemampuan delapan dimensi yang lain. dan kemampuan yang paling bagus dimiliki siswa adalah kemampuan berlaku demokratis, kemampuan menyelesaikan konflik dan disusul kemampuan perhatian pada orang lain. perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal. perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal siswa dapat dilihat dengan cara memperhatikan perbedaan jenis kelamin yang dianalisis dengan uji t (t-.test) dan perbedaan tingkatan kelas, pekerjaan orang tua, dan urutan kelahiran anak dalam keluarga dilakukan uji beda dengan menggunakan annova one way. adapun hasil uji perbedaan kesembilan dimensi intrapersonal anak sd negeri kasihan bantul yang meliputi dimensi sadar diri, percaya diri, menangani kelemahan diri, bertanggung jawab terhadap diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan berani menyampaikan perasaannya. dilakukan dengang uji t. dengan melihat perbedaan jenis kelamin siswa, maka berdasarkan hasil dari uji t , dapat diketahui bahwa terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan antara siswa laki-laki dan siswi tabel 1. ketrampilan intrapersonal statistics tabel 2.1. ketrampilan interpersonal doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 58 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna perempuan pada semua dimensi ketrampilan intrapersonal yang meliputi sadar diri, percaya diri, menangani kelemahan diri, bertanggungjawab terhadap diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan berani menyampaikan perasaannya. berhubung semua dimensi intrapersonal memiliki taraf signifikansi lebih dari 0,05h, yang berarti ho ditolak dan ha diterima. siswa laki-laki dan siswi perempuan memiliki cara yang berbeda dalam melihat dirinya sendiri. siswa laki-laki cenderung lebih rasional dan siswi perempuan cenderung lebih emosional dalam melihat diri sendiri. sedangkan uji beda kemampuan intrapersonal dilihat dari perbedaan pekerjaan orang tua dengan menggunakan annova one way, maka dapat diperoleh hasil bahwa terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal yang meliputi sadar diri, percaya diri, kemampuan menangani kelemahan diri sendiri,bertanggung jawab, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan keberanian menyampaikan perasaan antara siswa yang berasal dari keluarga pns, wiraswasta dan petani. semua dimensi menunjukkan bahwa nilai signifikansinya lebih dari 0,05h yang berarti ho ditolak dan ha diterima. hal ini diasumsikan terdapat hubungan antar jenis pekerjaan orang tua dan cara mendidik anak yang berdampak pada perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal masing-masing anak dalam keluarga yang beda pekerjaan. perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal yang dilihat dari perbedaan tingkatan kelas di sekolah menunjukkan adanya perbedaan pada dimensi percaya diri, bertanggung jawab terhadap diri sendiri dan berani menyampaikan perasaan. semakin tinggi tingkatan kelas siswa, maka ada kecenderungan semakin meningkat rasa percaya diri siswa, kemampuan bertanggung terhadap tugas yang dibebankan kepada siswa, dan karena sudah semakin senior seorang siswa cenderung semakin memiliki keberanian untuk menyampaikan perasaan. begitu juga sebaliknya siswa yang kelasnya rendah akan merasa inferior, belum maksimal rasa tanggungjawabnya dan belum berani menyampaikan perasaannya pada orang lain. sedangkan pada dimensi sadar diri, kemampuan menangani kelemahan diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres tidak terdapat perbedaan antara pekerjaan orang tua dan ketrampilan intrapersonal siswa. berdasarkan hasil perhitungan keenam dimensi tersebut menunjukkan taraf signifikasi kurang darai 0.05h yang berarti ho diterima dan ha ditolak. ini berarti tidak terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan antara ketrampilan intrapersonal pada dimensi sadar diri, kemampuan menangani kelemahan diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres antara siswa kelas 4, 5 dan 6. kondisi tersebut dapat dibuktikan pada hasil perhitungan spss pada tabel 3. selanjutnya untuk mengetahui perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal siswa yang dilihat dari urutan anak dalam keluarga dilakukan perhitungan dengan annova one way. berdasarkan hasil uji beda dapat diketahui bahwa ketrampilan intrapersonal siswa yang meliputi sadar diri, percaya diri, menangani kelemahan diri, bertanggung jawab terhadap diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 59vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, berani menyampaikan perasaan. berdasarkan perhitungan annova one way bahwa hanya ada satu dimensi ketrampilan intrapersonal yakni dimensi keterbukaan diri yang menunjukkan tidak terdapat perbedaan antara anak sulung,anak tengah dan anak bungsu dalam mensikapi keterbukaan diri. asumsinya semua anak akan diperlakukan sama oleh orang tuanya, meskipun urutan lahirnya berbeda namun perilaku keterbukaannya bisa sama. hasil perhitungan dengan spss menunjukkan taraf signifikansinya di bawah 0,05h yang berarti tidak terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal pada dimensi keterbukaan diri antara anak sulung, anak tengah dan anak bungsu. sedangkan delapan dimensi yang lainnya selain keterbukaan yakni dimensi sadar diri, percaya diri, kemampuan menangani kelemahan diri sendiri, bertanggung jawab, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan keberanian menyampaikan perasaan menunjukkan adanya perbedaan tabel 3. hubungan ketrampilan intrapersonal dan tingkatan kelas doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 60 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna ketrampilan intrapersonal pada anak sulung, tengah dan bungsu. asumsinya adalah bahwa orang tua terkadang memperlakukan anak dengan cara berbeda. anak sulung dipaksa cepat dewasa sementara anak bungsu disetting manja, anak tengah biasanya kurang diperhatikan tidak seperti anak sulung dan anak bungsu. perbedaan pola asuh inilah yang dapat menyebabkan perbedaan kecenderungan keterbukaan. anak bungsu cenderung kurang mandiri dan manja, sementara anak sulung cenderung suka mengatur dan berani mengambil keputusan. sedangkan anak tengah cenderung tidak jelas sikapnya. berdasarkan hasil perhitungan annova one way diperoleh nilai signifikansi diatas 0,05h pada delapan dimensi tersebut. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa ho ditolak dan ha diterima. ini berarti bahwa terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal antara urutan anak dalam keluarga pada delapan dimensi yakni dimensi sadar diri, percaya diri, tabel 4. hubungan ketrampilan interpersonal dan urutan anak dalam keluarga doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 61vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 kemampuan menangani kelemahan diri sendiri, bertanggung jawab, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan keberanian menyampaikan. perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal siswa dapat dilihat dengan cara memperhatikan perbedaan jenis kelamin yang dianalisis dengan uji t (t-.test) dan perbedaan tingkatan kelas, pekerjaan orang tua, dan urutan kelahiran anak dalam keluarga dilakukan uji beda dengan menggunakan annova one way. adapun hasil uji perbedaan kesembilan dimensi interpersonal anak sd negeri kasihan bantul yang meliputi dimensi mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, rasa peduli lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik, dilakukan dengan uji t dengan melihat perbedaan jenis kelamin siswa. berdasarkan hasil uji t dapat diketahui bahwa terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan antara siswa dan siswi pada semua dimensi ketrampilan interpersonal yang meliputi: mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, rasa peduli lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik. semua dimensi dalam ketrampilan interpersonal memiliki taraf signifikansi lebih dari 0,05h, yang berarti ho ditolak dan ha diterima. hal ini berarti bahwa siswa laki-laki dan siswa perempuan memiliki cara yang berbeda dalam berinteraksi dengan orang lain. siswa laki-laki cenderung lebih rasional dan siswa perempuan cenderung lebih emosional dalam melakukan komunikasi dengan orang lain. sedangkan uji beda kemampuan interpersonal dilihat dari perbedaan jenis pekerjaan orang tua dengan menggunakan annova one way, maka dapat diperoleh hasil terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal yang meliputi: mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, rasa peduli lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik antara siswa yang berasal dari keluarga pns, wiraswasta dan petani. semua dimensi menunjukkan bahwa nilai signifikansinya lebih dari 0,05h yang berarti ho ditolak dan ha diterima. hal ini berarti terdapat hubungan antar jenis pekerjaan orang tua dan cara mendidik anak yang berdampak pada perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal masing-masing anak dalam keluarga yang berbeda pekerjaannya. perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal yang dilihat dari perbedaan tingkatan kelas di sekolah menunjukkan adanya perbedaan pada dimensi memahami orang lain dan tenggang rasa. semakin tinggi tingkatan kelas siswa, maka ada kecenderungan semakin meningkat pemahamannya pada orang lain karena sudah lebih berpengalaman dalam bergaul. kemampuan bersikap tenggang rasa (sikap peduli pada lingkungan) juga akan lebih mantap pada kelas atas karena sudah akrab dan tumbuh semangat solidaritasnya. begitu pula sebaliknya siswa yang kelasnya rendah akan merasa inferior, belum bisa memahami orang lain, masih bersikap individualis belum bisa tenggang rasa pada orang lain. sedangkan pada dimensi mudah bergaul, suka menolong, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik tidak terdapat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 62 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna perbedaan antara pekerjaan orang tua dan ketrampilan interpersonal siswa. berdasarkan hasil perhitungan ketujuh dimensi tersebut menunjukkan taraf signifikasi kurang dari 0.05h yang berarti ho diterima dan ha ditolak. ini berarti bahwa tidak terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan ketrampilan interpersonal dalam dimensi mudah bergaul, suka menolong, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik antara siswa kelas 4, kelas 5, dan kelas 6. selanjutnya untuk mengetahui perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal siswa yang dilihat dari urutan anak dalam keluarga dilakukan perhitungan dengan annova one way dan mendapat hasil sebagai berikut: (lihat tabel 4) berdasarkan hasil uji beda pada tabel tersebut di atas diketahui bahwa ketrampilan interpersonal siswa yang dimensinya meliputi: mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, rasa peduli lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik. berdasarkan perhitungan annova one way bahwa semua dimensi ketrampilan interpersonal tidak terdapat perbedaan antara anak sulung, anak tengah dan anak bungsu dalam ketrampilan berinteraksi dengan orang lain. hal ini berarti bahwa semua anak akan diperlakukan sama oleh orang tuanya. meskipun urutan lahirnya berbeda namun perilaku keterampilan berkomunikasi dengan orang lain bisa sama. hasil perhitungan dengan spss menunjukkan bahwa semua dimensi memperoleh nilai taraf signifikansinya di bawah 0,05h yang berarti tidak terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal pada semua dimensi antara anak sulung, anak tengah dan anak bungsu. meskipun ada asumsi bahwa orang tua terkadang memperlakukan anak dengan cara berbeda, anak sulung dipaksa cepat dewasa sementara anak bungsu disetting manja, anak tengah biasanya kurang diperhatikan tidak seperti anak sulung dan bungsu. namun ternyata hasil pendidikan tentang cara berkomunikasi dengan orang lain adalah tidak terdapat perbedaan kemampuan interpersonal pada semua dimensi. berdasarkan hasil perhitungan annova one way diperoleh nilai signifikansi dibawah 0,05h pada sembilan dimensi tersebut. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa ho diterima dan ha ditolak. ini berarti bahwa tidak terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal antara urutan anak dalam keluarga pada sembilan dimensi yaitu: mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, rasa peduli lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil dalam menyelesaikan konflik. kesimpulan penelitian ini menyimpukan, ada 9 dimensi intrapersonal yakni sadar diri, percaya diri, menangani kelemahan diri, bertanggung jawab terhadap diri sendiri, membuka diri, tegas, berani mengambil keputusan sendiri, menangani stres, dan berani menyampaikan perasaannya. kemampuan yang paling rendah pada dimensi percaya diri, sedangkan kemampuan yang paling menonjol adalah dimensi keberanian menyampaikan perasaan pada orang lain. sementara 9 dimensi intrapersonal meliputi mudah bergaul, suka menolong, memahami orang lain, tenggang rasa, peduli lingkungan, harmonis, demokratis, perhatian terhadap orang lain, dan trampil menyelesaikan konflik. dimensi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 63vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 kemampuan yang paling rendah adalah kemampuan memahami orang lain. kemampuan yang paling menonjol adalah kemampuan berlaku demokratis dan kemampuan menyelesaikan konflik serta kemampuan perhatian pada orang lain. terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan intrapersonal berdasar jenis kelamin dan pekerjaan orang tua pada semua dimensi. tingkatan kelas hanya berbeda di 3 dimensi intrapersonal yakni percaya diri, tanggung jawab, keberanian menyampaikan perasaan. urutan anak dalam keluarga hanya satu dimensi yang tidak berbeda yakni dimensi keterbukaan. terdapat perbedaan ketrampilan interpersonal berdasar jenis kelamin dan pekerjaan orang tua pada semua dimensi. perbedaan berdasar tingkatan kelas hanya pada dimensi memahami orang lain dan tenggang rasa. tidak terdapat perbedaan antara anak sulung, anak tengah dan anak bungsu dalam ketrampilan berinteraksi dengan orang lain. berdasarkan kesimpulan tersebut di atas, maka terdapat beberapa hal yang perlu disarankan yaitu: (1).guru perlu membiasakan pada siswa untuk bisa trampil dalam memahami diri sendiri melalui pembelajaran bermakna, sehingga memunculkan kesadaran untuk berbuat baik tanpa merasa terpaksa. (2).kemampuan berkomunikasi dan berinteraksi siswa perlu sering dilatih agar kelak mampu mengatasi masalah sosial (social problems) dalam kehidupan. guru perlu mengajarkan bagaimana cara bersosialisasi dengan orang yang berbeda agama dan berbeda status sosialnya.(3).guru perlu mengajarkan dan membiasakan untuk menengok teman yang sakit, memberi contoh cara menghibur teman yang sedih. catatan akhir 1 kurikulum sd, 2011:3. 2 zamroni, pengembangan sistem penilaian pendidikan yang menerapkan kbk dalam kerangka otonomi daerah (yogyakarta: hepi, 2005), h. 49. 3 maurice & roger dalam larry p.nucci, handbook of moral and character education, (new york and london: routledge, 2008), h. 250. 4 kemendiknas tahun 2011, h. 243-252. 5 howard gardner, frames of mind: the theory of multiple intelligence, (new york: basic books, 1993), h. 24-25. 6 daniel goleman, emotional intelligence, terj: t.hermaya, (jakarta: gramedia, 2005), h. 52. 7 collin rose and malcolm j. nicholl, accelerated learning for the 21st century, terj: dedy ahimsa. (bandung: nuansa, 2002), h. 60 8 alistair mant, intelligent leadership, (new south wales: allen & unwin. 1997 ), h. 161. 9 may lwin et al, how to multiply your child’s intelligence. terj: christine s. (jakarta: indeks, 2005), h. 233. 1 0 jordan e. ayan, aha!: 10 ways to free your creative spirit and find your great ideas, terj: ibnu setiawan, (bandung: mizan, 2003), h. 40. 1 1 david lazear, pathways of learning: teaching students and parents about multiple intelligences, (arizona: zephyr, 2000), h. 24. 1 2 william g. cunningham and paula a.corderio, educational leadership: a problem based approach (boston: pearson education, 2003), h. 205. 1 3 howard gardner, frames of mind, h. 239. 1 4 alistair mant, intelligent leadership, h. 161. 1 5 david lazear, pathways of learning, h. 23. 1 6 william g. cunningham and paula a.corderio, educational leadership, h. 205. 1 7 jordan e. ayan, aha!: 10 ways to free your creative spirit, h. 125. 1 8 may lwin et al, how to multiply your child’s intelligence, h. 197. daftar pustaka amstrong, t. 1994. multiple intelligences in the classroom. virginia: ascd anderson,l.w. 1981..assessing affective characteristics in the schools.boston: allyn and bacon. ayan, jordan e. 2003. aha!: 10 ways to free your creative spirit and find your great ideas, terj: ibnu setiawan, bandung: mizan. coopersmith, stanley. 1986. self-esteem inventory, palo alto, california: consulting psychologist press. cunningham, william g. and paula a.corderio. 2003. educational leadership: a problem based approach. boston: pearson education. david a.whetten.,kim s.cameron. 1991. developing management skills, new york: harper collin publishers. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 64 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna diknas, ri. 2004. kurikulum sd/mi berdasarkan ktsp, jakarta: puskur diknas. gardner, howard. 1993. frames of mind: the theory of multiple intelligence, new york: basic books. goleman, daniel. 2005. emotional intelligence, terj: t.hermaya, jakarta: gramedia. hurlock, elizabeth b. 1991. perkembangan anak. (terj: metasari dan tjandrasa dan muslichah zarkasih. jakarta: erlangga. karen e,bohlin. 2005. teaching character education through literature, awakening the moral immagination secondary classrooms. new york: routledgefalmer. kilpatrick. 1992. why johny can’t tell right or wrong, and what we can do about it. new york: a touchstone book. kirschenbaum,h. 1995. enhance values and morality in schools and youth, setting. boston: allyn and bacon. kohlberg, lawrence, (terj) john de santo, tahap-tahap perkembangan moral, yogyakarta: kanisius. larry p.nucci, 2008. handbook of moral and character education, new york and london: routledge. lazear, david. 2000. pathways of learning: teaching students and parents about multiple intelligences. arizona: zephyr. lickona, thomas. 1992. educating for character, how our schools can teach respect, respect and responsibility, new york: bantam books. ____________ . 1975. moral development and behaviour: theory, research, and social issues. new york: states university of new york. lwin, may et al. 2005. how to multiply your child’s intelligence. terj: christine s. jakarta: indeks. mant, alistair. 1997. intelligent leadership, new south wales: allen & unwin. piaget,j. (1950. the psychology of intelligence, new york: harcourt, brace&world. pusat bahasa depdiknas. 2005. kamus besar bahasa indonesia, edisi ke iii. jakarta: balai pustaka. ratna megawangi. 2004. pendidikan karakter: solusi yang tepat untuk membangun bangsa. jakarta: star energy (kakap) ltd. rohendi. 2004. “moral yang tereliminasi.” pikiran rakyat 15 juli 2004. rose, collin and malcolm j. nicholl. 2002. accelerated learning for the 21st century, terj: dedy ahimsa. bandung: nuansa. sax,g. 1980. principles of educational psychological measurement and educational an evaluation. balmont, ca: wadswort publising co. schon, d. 1990. educating the reflective practitioner. artikel. diambil pada tgl 12 desember 2010, dari http://www.reflectiveaction.com/home.html. sudarminta. 2002. pendidikan dan pembentukan watak yang baik, dalam tilaar: pendidikan untuk masyarakat indonesia baru, jakarta: grasindo. tadkiratun musfiroh. 2008. character building, yogyakarta: tiara wacana. tilaar, hr. 2006. pembangunan watak dan karakter dengan penciptaan kultur sekolah, kompas, 8 maret p.12. zamroni, 2005. pengembangan sistem penilaian pendidikan yang menerapkan kbk dalam kerangka otonomi daerah. yogyakarta: hepi. zuchdi, darmiyati. 2010. humanisasi pendidikan, menumbuhkan kembali pendidikan yang manusiawi, jakarta: bumi aksara. ____________ . 2009. pendidikan karakter, grand design dan nilai-nilai target, yogyakarta: uny press. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0019. 50-64 layout juni 2016 membaca islam dalam diversitas sejarah peradaban muhammad azhar program doktor umy. judul : keragaman dan perbedaan: budaya dan agama dalam lintas sejarah manusia penulis : almakin penerbit : uin suka-press kota : yogyakarta tahun : 2016 halaman : 288 isbn : 9786021326480 buku yang ditulis al-makin, dosen uin yogya, jebolan universitas heidelberg, jerman (2008) ini, menarik untuk dibaca, dikaji bahkan dikembangkan menjadi riset lanjutan, baik bagi sang penulis sendiri maupun bagi yang membacanya. secara kontekstual, karya ini amat relevan dengan munculnya berbagai dinamika sosial politik, budaya hingga agama akhir-akhir ini. hadirnya buku ini bagaikan oase bagi mayoritas masyarakat yang haus dengan indahnya perdamaian di tengah pluralitas sosial yang ada. sejauh ini, penulis berasumsi bahwa realitas masyarakat indonesia – bahkan dunia – yang palural ini belum banyak diperkaya dengan dukungan kajian teoritik keilmuan tentang pentingnya memahami fenomena perbedaan masyarakat, baik secara ontologis maupun epistemologis (dengan berbagai variannya). mungkin itu sebabnya, pluralitas sosial seringkali melahirkan kebingungan bagi banyak komponen masyarakat dan cenderung berdampak pada munculnya konflik-konflik sosial, politik, budaya hingga agama. fenomena konflik justeru melahirkan masyarakat yang hopeless, penuh “kutukan” yang seringkali disertasi dengan teriakan kalimat-kalimat religius, dan sejenisnya tanpa memiliki khazanah yang memadai untuk memberikan solusi. bukankah hidup akan selalu menghadapi banyak masalah yang membutuhkan banyak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b o o k r e v i e w doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016. 0059.139-143 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 140140140140140 afkaruna solusi?. seperti kata pepatah: “daripada mengutuk kegelapan, jauh lebih baik menyalakan lilin”. relevansi buku ini adalah sebagai salahsatu upaya “menyalakan lilin” tersebut di tengah kegelapan atau kepengapan sosial budaya akhir-akhir ini, tidak hanya untuk konteks indonesia bahkan untuk seluruh penjuru dunia yang sarat dengan berbagai konflik. dalam buku ini, al-makin, sebagai intelektual muda di tanah air, menguraikan secara luas – walau tidak semuanya secara mendalam – tentang lintas perjalanan umat manusia, dari aspek budaya dan agama. inti dari topik buku ini adalah tentang keragaman yang sangat sesuai dengan fakta pluralitas bangsa indonesia sejak awal berdiri hingga kini, yang sudah bersentuhan secara lebih massif dengan dunia global yang sarat dengan berbagai muatan “materi” konflik. dari segi metodologis, penulisan buku ini menggunakan pendekatan sejarah dan juga filsafat (tepatnya: filosofis). yakni sejarah dan filosofi yang mencakup tentang konsepsi penciptaan dunia, penciptaan manusia dengan beberapa pandangan mitologis di dalamnya, persepsi tentang dunia itu sendiri, keragaman teologi dan god in history (h.11-141); lima kota metropolitan yang populer di era klasik (damaskus-suriah, baghdad-irak, persia-iran, syriak dan yunani-eropa (h. 143-173). pada bab enam, buku ini berisi tentang tradisi beriman dan berfikir hingga soal sistem kenegaraan (h.175-210). lalu diakhiri dengan khazanah keagamaan nusantara, diantaranya terkait dengan hinduisme, buddhisme, kaliyuga dan sinkretisme (h. 211-248). aspek keragamaan dikenal dengan istilah pluralisme. dalam kaitan dengan ini dikenal istilah: pluralisme agama, pluralisme filosofis dan pluralisme sosiologis. terkait dengan pluralisme agama, dimana agama mencakup wilayah yang subjektif dan juga objektif. wilayah subjektif jika diperdebatkan memang bisa menimbulkan konflik sebab menyangkut martabat internal masing-masing umat beragama. untuk pluralisme yang subjektif keagamaan menyiratkan bahwa masing-masing umat beragama memiliki rasa – ‘irfani – keagamaan yang subjektif secara internal, seperti tentang: metafisika atau ontologi keyakinan, serta perspesi tentang tuhan (tuhan yang esa bagi muslim atau tuhan yesus bagi kaum kristiani); juga tatacara ritualitas (sistem shalat bagi muslim maupun upacara natalan). adapun pluralisme filosofis bisa lebih mendekati hal yang objektif yakni terkait “kesepakatan” nilai-nilai objektif yang berlaku secara universal (al-khair), lintas budaya, sosial, politik kultural dan agama, bahkan lintas generasi dari masa ke masa. sedangkan derivasinya bisa melahirkan aktualisasi yang berbeda ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 141141141141141vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 dalam setiap komunitas masyarakat, namun tetap bertumpu pada “kebaikankebaikan universal-humanistik” (al-ma’rufaat), seperti: persaudaraan, kesalehan, cinta alam, dan lain-lain. adapun pluralisme sosiologis, masing-masing kelompok memiliki kebebasan faktual-sosiologis untuk menerjemahkan pandangan subjektif dan filosofis keagamaan atau keyakinan-kepercayaan (termasuk yang ateis sekalipun) masing-masing, tentang bagaimana menerjemahkannya ke dalam dunia faktual-sosial. masing-masing umat beragama maupun yang ateis tentu harus mematuhi rambu-rambu kultural maupun yuridis formal dimana mereka berada. memang akan banyak celah terjadinya konflik pada saat melakukan derivasi keyakinan masing-masing. sejalan dengan perkembangan dunia it yang membuat masyarakat menjadi lebih integrated, maka peran pakar it, pakar hukum, pakar politik, pakar sosial dan pakar budaya menjadi lebih urgen untuk terus melakukan reformasi terhadap pijakan wilayah kepakaran masing-masing agar segenap komponen masyarakat lebih berhati-hati dan memiliki pinjakan yang jelas ketika akan saling bgerinteraksi satu sama lain. bila terjadi juga benturan yang tak dapat dihindarkan – seperti adanya kasus penistaan agama – maka pegangan yuridis lah yang menjadi jalan keluar bersama, dimana mekanisme banding harus menjadi way out tanpa ada upaya intervensi serta tekanan dari pihak manapun. terlebih lagi kaitannya dengan figur mapun kelembagaan keagamaan haruslah dilakukan desakralisasi ketika ada kasus yang menyimpang dari masingmasing umat maupun kelembagaan keagamaan. umat beragama dilarang bersikap “baper” ketika seorang figur atau lembaga atau partai keagamaan “terbukti” terlibat korupsi misalnya. demikian pula kasus-kasus kekerasan dan sejenisnya. dalam konteks inilah karya cerdas al-makin menjadi sangat relevan. karya al-makin sebenarnya bisa memperkaya pemahaman kultural sosial semua umat beragama, sebab al-makin memperkenalkan, dalam banyak hal, membedah kekayaan kultural, filosofis, historis bahkan agama-agama besar dunia seperti: islam, kristen, yahudi, hindu, budha dan lain-lain. menarik untuk dicermati bahwa dalam sejarah dinasti dan keagamaan juga terjadi proses inqusition (mihnah) yakni pada tahun 300 sm, terjadi perburuan terhadap orang-orang kristen di roma. perburuan atau konflik keagaman disebabkan masing-masing umat menganut pluralisme eksklusif yakni: “tiada kebenaran iman orang lain yang berada di luar agamanya sendiri”. hal sebaliknya juga terjadi yakni pada tahun 500 sm era justinian, dimana kristen di roma mencapai puncaknya. demikian pula halnya yang terjadi di ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 142142142142142 afkaruna sasania era rezim nushirwan, dimana zoroaster menjadi satu-satunya iman, di luar zoroaster tidak ada keimanan (h.121). inilah bahaya yang melahirkan konflik sosial jika segolongan umat sudah terjebak pada prinsip truth claim. dalam kesejarahan umat islam, fenomena pluralisme sebenarnya sudah biasa terjadi, khususnya era islam klasik. sebagai contoh, dalam soal membaca kitab suci al-qur’an dengan logat yang saling berbeda (h.125). walaupun pada era belakangan terjadi standarisasi bacaan dimana puncaknya terjadi di mesir tahun 1924 (h.127). pluralitas bacaan al-qur’an, terjadi karena perbedaan latar belakang kesukuan, dimana masing-masing suku memiliki dialek (lahjah) yang berlainan. bahkan juga bisa terjadi perbedaan dalam penafsiran, sesuai kreativitas ijtihad ulama masing-masing. kini usia al-qur’an sekitar 1500 tahun yang telah dibaca milyaran umat islam dengan beraneka ragam cita rasa, jenis mulut, dialek, lagu, cengkok dan model pemahaman atau penafsiran:”tidak ada pemaknaan dan peresapan kalam tuhan yang sama dalam waktu dan kesempatan yang berbeda, apalagi jika suatu generasi sudah terlampui” (h.128). pluralitas bacaan al-qur’an juga merambah ke bumi nusantara melalui lidah muslim jawa (orang jawa sulit melafalkan ‘ain, sering tertukar dengan ngain: nganngamta tidak ‘an’amta), minangkabau, aceh, sunda (yang sulit melafalkan huruf f, dan sering terbalik dengan huruf p), juga madura (yang sulit membaca huruf i secara lurus dan sering tertukar dengan huruf e: alladze tidak alladzi), dan seterusnya (h. 129). selain soal pluralitas keimanan dan cara membaca, juga memahami alquran, al-makin juga menuangkan idenya tentang terjadinya adu gagasan antara para teolog (mutakallimun) dan filosof, yang sampai hari ini dampaknya masih dirasakan umat islam. contohnya adalah, kritik teologis-filosofis imam ghazali yang ash’ariyah terhadap para filosof aliran mu’tazilah, atau juga dengan ibnu sina yang cenderung ke syiah. pasca ibnu sina, hadir ibnu rusyd (karya: tahafut at-tahafut) yang berbalik mengkritisi imam ghazali (tahafut al-falasifah) (h.196-204). pada era berikutnya debat metafisika antara filosof dan kaum teolog berkembang ke wilayah “empirisme islam” sebagaimana yang diprakarsai para kaum empirs muslim seperti: ibnu taimiyah (terkenal dengan jargonnya: alhaqiqatu fi al-a’yan, la fi al-adzhan). ada juga tokoh ibnu khaldun yang dikenal dengan proyek umran-nya atau peradaban, yakni tentang perkembangan masyarakat dari nomaden, menetap, membangun kekuasaan dalam dinasti, kapan kekuasaan itu bermula hingga menua seperti manusia, dan akhirnya mati. ibnu khaldun juga membahas tentang hubungan antar individu yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 143143143143143vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 bekerjasama dalam sebuah organisasi. khaldun juga menulis tentang pengaruh cuaca, geografi serta tentang naik turunnya sebuah peradaban. studi kritis ibnu khaldun ini masih cukup relevan dalam kajian sosiologi, sejarah, antropologi bahkan biologi (h. 204-206). dari perdebatan teologis-filosofis ini umat islam dewasa ini bisa belajar bagaimana cara berdebat secara islami dengan saling menulis kitab, buku, jurnal di bidangnya masing-masing. debat berdasarkan argumen, bukan berbasis sentimen pribadi (judgement). umat juga perlu belajar dari sejarah islam klasik bahwa seringkali perdebatan yang cerdas dan hangat, namun dihambat oleh rezim kekuasaan yang memihak pada salahsatu paham atau aliran keagamaan, sebagaimana yang pernah terjadi pada komunitas nonmuslim di roma dan lain-lain. layout des 2015 paradigma pendidikan islam dalam pluralitas masyarakat barat nurwanto dosen di pendidikan agama islam, fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. e-mail: nurwanto@umy.ac.id judul : islamic education in britain: new pluralist paradigms penulis : alison scott-baumann dan sariya cheruvalli-contractor penerbit : bloomsbury academic kota : london tahun : 2015 halaman : xv+218 isbn : 9781472581242 buku islamic education in britain ini lahir di saat yang tepat. pencarian yang panjang tentang bagaimana muslim eropa terlibat dalam dinamika masyarakatnya yang plural baik dari aspek agama maupun budaya serta secara khusus bagaimana pendidikan islam itu dikonstruksi, telah menjadi kajian, riset dan perdebatan. tentu saja, buku ini berada pada konteks demikian, yakni sebagai ikhtiar akademis untuk mendudukkan secara rasional atas formasi pendidikan islam yang sesuai untuk muslim dan masyarakat eropa. buku ini pada mulanya merupakan projek-projek riset yang terpisah, yakni: pertama, riset tentang training pemimpin muslim di united kingdom (uk) dari tahun 2008-2010. kedua, riset tentang muslimah dan pendidikan tinggi pada 2011. ketiga, riset tentang bahasa arab di pendidikan tinggi dan lembaga keislaman pada 2012. keempat, riset tentang makna penting partnership antara universitas-universitas di uk dengan lembaga-lembaga keislaman pada 2013. selain itu, buku ini juga memberi informasi penting mengenai pemetaan wacana tentang islamic studies dan islamic education dalam spektrum pendekatan tradisional islam dan pendekatan akademis di eropa. pada bagian akhir, penulis buku ini melontarkan sejumlah agenda revitalisasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b o o k r e v i e w doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0051. 260-267 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 261261261261261vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 pendidikan islam dalam konteks masyarakat eropa yang majemuk. tulisan akhir ini justeru menjadi penting sebagai upaya untuk mengikat ide pokok dari keseluruhan temuan dan abstraksi atas riset-riset yang terpisah sebelumnya. hal penting lainnya adalah bahwa riset-riset yang disajikan dalam buku ini merupakan kolaborasi akademisi dari kampus-kampus dan sekolah-sekolah tinggi islam (islamic/muslim college) di uk. kedua penulis sekaligus penghimpunnya yakni scott-bauman dan cheruballil-contractor merupakan cermin dari partnership ini. penulis yang pertama adalah akademisi wanita non-muslim yang semula sebagai profesor di pusat kajian masyarakat, filsafat dan kepercayaan di universitas derby, uk, sedangkan yang kedua adalah peneliti muslimat pada pusat kajian yang sama. saat ini scott-bauman merupakan profesor di pusat studi islam soas, universitas london. hal menarik yang perlu disampaikan bahwa keduanya memiliki interest yang sama dan terlibat dalam sejumlah aktivitas akademis dan konferensi seperti brais (british association for islamic studies) yang berkantor di universitas edinburgh, skotlandia. asosiasi ini menghimpun akademisi dari berbagai latar belakang universitas, agama dan kepercayaan yang beragam, baik religius maupun rasionalis-sekuler, untuk mengkaji islam dan masyarakat muslim. dengan latar belakang agama dan tradisi akademik eropa, analisis keduanya tampak dalam buku ini, tentang bagaimana potret islamic studies dan pendidikan islam di eropa itu dalam perspektif ideal dan empirik. pada bab awal, penulis mengkaji aspek-aspek yang berbeda tentang islamic theology (teologi islam) dan islamic studies. teologi islam pada umumnya diajarkan dan diskusikan di lembaga-lembaga keislaman termasuk sekolah tinggi islam (islamic college), seperti kajian tafsir, sunnah dan hadis, sufisme, tarikh, aqidah dan syariah. dalam tingkat tertentu juga ada falsafah, sufisme dan kalam. sementara itu, islamic studies sebagai bagian dari religious studies dikaji dan diperdebatkan di level universitas di uk. hal yang kemudian dipaparkan adalah signifikansi keduanya pada konteks masyarakat inggris yang majemuk. selain itu, di antara keduanya—teologi islam dan studi islam—kerapkali diangkat dari pendekatan yang berbeda. yang pertama cenderung dogmatik karena sumber kajiannya dianggap berasal dari teks yang suci sedangkan yang kedua menggunakan pendekatan sekular-rasional dan kritis melalui disiplin sosiologi, sejarah, antroplogi, linguistik, geografi dan politik. terhadap dua pendekatan ini, kedua penulis menekankan kembali pada kebutuhan untuk merespons secara adil dan nyata tentang inggris yang majemuk yang memerlukan keterbukaan dalam pengkajian islam secara ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 262262262262262 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna rasional. tantangan nyata lainnya adalah bagaimana mengurangi prejudice dan meningkatkan pemahaman atas islam. kecurigaan sejumlah pihak bahwa islamic studies di universitas akan memicu kemunculan radikalisasi1 perlu diatasi melalui kajian islam dalam pendekatan kritis yang seimbang dan konstruktif di tengah masyarakat inggris yang majemuk. ide-ide besar di atas sebenarnya sejalan dengan perspektif dari akademisi lainnya, seperti tariq ramadan, profesor islamic studies di universitas oxford, yang mengusung perlunya konsep ‘partisipasi’ dan ‘kontribusi’ muslim atas dunia eropa; bukan lagi sekedar mempersoalkan konsep ‘integrasi’ muslim di eropa, karena yang terakhir ini seolah-olah mendudukkan muslim eropa sebagai entitas baru yang perlu diakomodasi dalam dinamika sosial eropa. padahal, muslim eropa itu sendiri telah hadir dan bahkan sebagian besar generasi kedua dan ketiganya telah lahir dan besar dalam lokus eropa.2 secara spesifik, abdullah sahin, akademisi asal turki yang kemudian berkhidmat di markfield institute of higher education (mihe), sebuah lembaga riset yang didukung oleh universitas gloucestershire, berargumen perlunya pendekatan hermeneutis pendidikan islam yang menjelajah kembali esensi pendidikan islam secara normatif dalam berbagai konteks dan kemanusiaan secara luas,3 termasuk dinamika eropa. bila pandangan ramadan dan kahin ini dipinjam, maka menggairahkan kajian islam di eropa, bukan berarti meninggalkan apa yang dinamakan ‘teks suci’ keislaman. tetapi, pemaknaan ulang terhadapnya sangat diperlukan terutama kebutuhan muslim eropa untuk ikut-serta berkontribusi secara proaktif menjadikan masyarakat eropa dari berbagai latar belakang kepercayaan, agama dan etnis, dapat saling hormat dan mendukung antara satu dan yang lain serta melawan segala bentuk intoleransi dan terorisme. bab kedua secara khusus menggambarkan sistem lembaga pendidikan islam d inggris. sebagian muslim di inggris belajar islam sebagai sistem keyakinan dan perilaku bermula dari madrasah/maktab (4-11 tahun) yang berada di masjid atau pusat komunitas muslim. secara khusus mereka belajar membaca al-quran dan cara membacanya (tajwid) serta akhlak keseharian. muslim pakistan atau banglades cukup dominan di sana, sehingga bahasa pengantar yang digunakan pada umumnya adalah bengali, urdu atau gujarati serta arab. pada usia 11-18 tahun ke atas, para pemuda muslim dapat memperdalam islam melalui—istilah lembaga kristen—seminaries atau sekolah islam seperti darul ulum (suni deobandi), jami’ah (suni barelwi) dan hauza (syiah). kedua penulis menginformasikan bahwa saat ini ada sekitar 138 sekolah islam yang terdaftar di departemen pendidikan inggris. sebanyak 128 sekolah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 263263263263263vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 islam tersebut murni swasta dan sisanya sekolah swasta keagamaan yang dibantu negara. lembaga-lembaga ini memiliki fokus untuk menghasilkan para pembimbing/guru agama islam (alim-alimah), yang tentu saja dari aspek pemikiran dan fiqh dipengaruhi oleh aliran keislaman yang mengelolanya. di samping itu, muslim inggris (18 tahun ke atas) dapat pula mengikuti berbagai kursus-kurus keislaman yang tersedia secara online atau kajian keislaman yang ditawarkan bagi muslim secara personal untuk memperdalam islam. selanjutnya tersedia pula kampus-kampus di uk yang menawarkan islamic studies seperti soas (universitas london), universitas cardiff, universitas cambridge, universitas oxford dan universitas exeter—untuk menyebut beberapa saja. pendekatan studi islam di kampus-kampus ini bersifat lintas disiplin, rasional dan kritis yang tentu saja berbeda dengan pendekatan yang ada di madrasah atau sekolah islam pada umumnya yang lebih menekankan aspek penghayatan keimanan (confessional approach). pendekatan teologis keislaman yang lebih mendalam ditawarkan dalam program partnership seperti cambridge muslim college, al-mahdi institute serta program master dan doktor keislaman di beberapa sekolah tinggi (college) yang dikerjasamakan dengan kampus seperti universitas middlesex. lembaga lainnya adalah kursus praktis untuk memperoleh sertifikat untuk menjadi pimpinan komunitas keagamaan seperti mihe chaplaincy course dan pengembangan profesional keagamaan yang ditawarkan oleh faith associate yang dikerjasamakan dengan universitas east london bagi calon-calon imam dan guru madrasah. penjelasan penulis buku ini menunjukkan bahwa lembaga pendidikan muslim di inggris sudah sedemikian berkembang. bab ketiga menelaah dinamika empirik mengenai peran imam atau pemimpin muslim. secara terminologis, istilah ini lazim digunakan untuk mereka yang memimpin ibadah salat terutama di masjid. namun demikian, dalam pengertian kepemimpinan keagamaan dan sosial di barat, konsep-konsep yang semakna yakni alim/ah, ustadz/ah dan mujtahid/ah, pada konteks tertentu sesuai dengan konsep chaplain (anggota lembaga keagamaan) dan faith adviser (penasihat kepercayaan/keagamaan). pada prakteknya, peran imam tidak hanya memimpin sholat, proses pernikahan, pemakaman, melayani training keislaman dan memberikan pendapat tentang pandangan keyakinan dan fiqh, tetapi juga membangun komunikasi antar-komunitas dan kampus-kampus tentang pentingnya kohesi sosial. keterlibatan secara nyata, seorang imam di derby misalnya, ikut serta meyakinkan publik melalui telaah keislaman yang mendalam dan kampanye tentang ancaman radikalisme atas nama islam. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 264264264264264 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna inilah yang oleh kedua penulis buku ini dikatakan bahwa peran imam dalam komunitas telah menjadi ‘penerjemah’ islam secara nyata untuk merespons persoalan-persoalan masyarakat inggris secara luas. keduanya berpendapat bahwa dalam dinamika inggris, peran-peran keagamaan dan sosial pemimpin islam (imam) tersebut telah mendorong pola baru mengenai ‘otoritas’ dan ‘autentisitas’ kepemimpinan muslim, yang tentu saja berkaitan dengan syaratsyarat dan tahap-tahap yang perlu ditempuh untuk menghadirkannya dalam masyarakat yang dinamis dan kompleks dewasa ini. di negara-negara lain, baik dengan penduduknya yang mayoritas atau minoritas muslim, para pemimpin muslim senyatanya juga dihadapkan pada kebutuhan untuk melakukan pencerahan keagamaan baik secara internal maupun eksternal bagi masyarakat luas. di indonesia misalnya, fatwa, keputusan dan ijtihad keagamaan secara luas oleh lembaga seperti majelis ulama indonesia (mui), departemen agama, muhammadiyah dan nahdhatul ulama sangat diperlukan dan menjadi kompas perilaku keagamaan masyarakatnya. bab keempat membedah potensi, fakta dan harapan bahasa arab untuk menjadi alat penting dalam dinamika muslim eropa. pada bagian ini apa yang dipaparkan penulis dapat dibagi menjadi 4 (empat) aspek penting bahasa arab sebagai, pertama, alat komunikasi; kedua, alat pengkajian islam (islamic studies); dan ketiga, alat integrasi sosial. sebagaimana bahasa lainnya di dunia, bahasa arab sebagai alat komunikasi memiliki unsur-unsur kebahasaan yang dapat dipelajari dan dikuasai, baik muslim maupun non-muslim. namun demikian, dalam proses komunikasi, pemahaman atas bahasa dapat berkaitan dengan aspek-aspek simbolik, budaya, emosi, sosial dan politik. penulis memberi contoh bahwa istilah ‘jihad’ dalam bahasa arab mengandung pemahaman yang kompleks dan dapat memiliki pertimbangan nilai yang berbeda dalam konteks muslim maupun non-muslim. selain itu, fakta menunjukkan bahwa 70% muslim di inggris berasal dari asia selatan yang tidak berbahasa arab sehingga lembaga pendidikan islam memiliki kepentingan untuk mengajarkan bahasa ini untuk memahami al-quran dan ilmu keislaman lainnya terutama di madrasah, sekolah islam dan sekolah tinggi islam. sepanjang tahun 20122013, sistem kode mata kuliah oleh hesa (higher education statistics agency) merekam sekitar 280 mahasiswa s1 dan 5 mahasiswa pascasarjana yang mengambil mata kuliah yang berkaitan secara spesifik dengan bahasa arab (terpisah dari studi timur tengah), yang tentu saja di luar program bahasa arab yang tidak resmi. sedangkan mereka yang mengambil mata kuliah yang judulnya berkaitan dengan kata ‘bahasa arab’ di uk sebanyak 1.155 mahasiswa ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 265265265265265vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 s1 dan 80 mahasiswa pascasarjana. lebih lanjut dikatakan bahwa, sebagaimana riset british council, bahasa arab juga menjadi bahasa komunikasi penting di eropa, setelah spanyol, serta di atas perancis dan china, yang diharapkan akan dapat menjadi sarana pemahaman dan integrasi sosial eropa. penulis menggunakan teori ricoeur tentang bahasa sebagai ‘paradigma bertoleransi’ dan sarana ‘mediasi’ (conciliatory) melalui pemaknaan bahasa arab ke dalam dinamika bahasa inggris dan lainnya. problematika linguistik dan pemaknaan sosial—yang dapat saja politis—sebenarnya tidak saja terjadi antar-bahasa yang berbeda. dalam bahasa yang sama, pemaknaan antara orang yang berbeda juga menghasilkan interpretasi dan implikasi sosial yang berbeda seperti: persahabatan, pernikahan hingga manifesto politik. level kebutuhan selanjutnya atas bahasa arab, menurut kedua penulis, adalah di antaranya memahami kembali teks-teks keagamaan yang mendalam dan menjadi jembatan transformasi antar-dunia, keyakinan dan sekularitas, timur dan barat serta dunia lama dan dunia baru. mereka menegaskan pentingnya ‘pertukaran hermeneutis’ (hermeneutical exchanges) dari berbagai manusia dan beragam latar belakang. bab kelima secara khusus menggambarkan potret historis mengenai peran sosial wanita muslim pada awal abad islam (7-8 m) dan abad pertengahan muslim (9-13 m) dan selebihnya hingga pada kurun modern. secara spesifik hal ini terutama berkaitan dengan arah dan keberpihakan pendidikan islam kepada mereka. penulis di antaranya menjelaskan bahwa khadijah, isteri nabi muhammad, merupakan wanita muslim sekaligus saudagar wanita pertama yang masuk islam dan mempengaruhi perjalanan penyebaran islam. wanita lainnya adalah aisyah (isteri muda nabi) dan fatimah (puteri nabi) yang meskipun kepemimpinannya begitu penting tapi, dalam imajinasi barat, mereka tidak muncul sebagai prototype muslimah yang dinamis; atau bahkan kehadiran mereka tidak tersentuh. tentu saja, sebagaimana ungkapan penulis, ini terjadi karena sebab-ganda, yakni, pertama, ideologi patriarkis dalam sebagian muslim yang selanjutnya mempengaruhi teks-teks keislaman mengenai wanita; dan kedua, marginalisasi wanita melalui narasi populer tentang kecurigaan dan radikalisasi yang menggambarkan wanita muslim sebagai sosok yang tidak lumrah seperti halnya wanita barat pada umumnya. dengan menggunakan perspektif foucault tentang ‘tidak ada pihak luar untuk berkuasa/berpengaruh’ (no outside to power), penulis mengkritisi fenomena peminggiran wanita melalui narasi sosial yang ‘tidak berdaya’ (wanita) atas dominasi laki-laki. penguburan peran wanita muslim seperti begum syah jahan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 266266266266266 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang sebenarnya mendirikan masjid syah jahan di woking pada 1889 di india terjadi, misalnya, karena website masjid itu justru hanya mengupas sosok muslim (laki-laki) saja yang ikut serta mendirikan masjid itu. pada konteks demikian, kedua penulis selanjutnya mengupas aspek normatif islam dan memberi contoh tentang kiprah wanita muslim dan keikutsertaannya dalam penguasaan dan penghafalan al-quran dan al-hadis, pendalaman teologi islam serta keterlibatannya dalam transmisi pengetahuan sejak masa nabi dan sahabatnya hingga abad pertengahan muslim. sketsa historis ini, oleh penulis, dijadikan sebagai justifikasi bahwa realitas muslimah di inggris yang belajar islam melalui lembaga pendidikan islam dan kampus di uk pada hakikatnya sejalan dengan ide dan praktek kesetaraan mereka tentang penguasaan pengetahuan dan partisipasi publik. penulis akhirnya menyimpulkan bahwa wanita muslim yang mengkaji islam paling tidak karena dua kepentingan, yakni, pertama, mereka ingin memperdalam keyakinan islam; dan/atau kedua, mereka hendak memastikan bahwa pendidikan islam merupakan instrumen untuk bangkit dan berkontribusi, yang tidak hanya menjadikan mereka sebagai ‘ibu’, tetapi juga ‘pemimpin agama’, ‘pekerja sosial’ atau ‘warga inggris’ pada saat bersamaan. riset terakhir yang dikaji tercantum dalam bab keenam. bagian ini mengungkap alasan, dinamika dan arah kolaborasi beberapa universitas di uk dengan sekolah (tinggi) islam. di tengah iklim kompetisi kampus untuk memperebutkan sistem ranking dan akreditasi atas dasar ‘kebebasan akademis’ dan ‘kompetisi pasar’ (politik maupun ekonomi), pendekatan partnership ini merupakan gejala menarik. secara sosial, hal ini dapat dilihat sebagai ‘mediasi kultural’ tentang pemahaman lintas-budaya dan agama di tengah tantangan dan tuduhan subversif dan radikalisme agama—terutama islam setelah peristiwa 9/11 (pengeboman twin towers) dan 7/7 (teror di london). lebih dari itu, kedua penulis mengidentifikasi alasan mengapa partnership itu dilakukan, di antaranya, pertama, sejumlah pihak seperti kampus, layanan pendidikan muslim dan pihak pemerintah tidak cukup menunjukkan kemampuan untuk memfasilitasi partnership. kedua, pentingnya jaringan institusi untuk menjembatani pencarian solusi atas group prejudice dan pengabaian sosial-akademis di antara keduanya. ketiga, meningkatkan kualitas kurikulum yang relevan dan inklusif dengan pluralitas masyarakat inggris. keempat, keperluan validasi oleh universitas di inggris terhadap lembaga pendidikan muslim terutama berkaitan dengan pengakuan lulusan di dunia kerja. kelima, masukan pendanaan bagi universitas di uk karena sekolah (tinggi) islam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 267267267267267vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 misalnya membayar sistem validasi yang dilakukan oleh universitas tersebut dan ini tentu saja mempengaruhi pola akses pendanaan di antara keduanya. dewasa ini, kemunculan muslim college di london atau oxford dan mihe dan, di sisi yang lain, islamic studies di universitas oxford, soas, birmingham dan exeter—untuk menyebut beberapa saja—merupakan bagian langsung atau tidak langsung dari model partnership itu. jika kedua penulis berharap bahwa langkah ini merupakan upaya pengejawantahan paradigma pluralis dalam sistem pedagogis muslim untuk merawat kemajemukan britania raya secara umum maka jawaban yang pasti tidak bisa dilihat dalam waktu yang pendek. barangkali riset lanjutan diperlukan untuk melihat dan mengevaluasi tingkat keberhasilan atas harapan-harapan tersebut. sebagai catatan akhir, buku ini, dalam sejumlah aspek, mampu mendeskripsikan apa yang tengah berlangsung dalam sistem pendidikan islam di uk dan, berikutnya, membacanya dengan kerangka tafsir sosial tentang fakta pluralitas masyarakat yang perlu dipertimbangkan hingga diakomodasi dalam sistem pendidikan muslim itu sendiri. kedua penulis telah berhasil membawa wacana pendidikan muslim yang semula seolah-olah dari ‘wilayah pinggiran’ ke dalam ‘wilayah sentral’ perdebatan dalam dinamika pendidikan dan sistem sosial yang majemuk seperti inggris atau eropa pada umumnya. namun, di sisi yang lain, sistem pendidikan muslim itu sendiri juga pada akhirnya akan diuji dan perlu dievaluasi berkenaan dengan kemampuannya menjadi kompas pembangunan masyarakat yang beradab, egaliter dan toleran secara nyata sesuai dengan karakteristiknya, baik melalui out put sumber daya manusia, sains dan teknologi maupun budayanya. catatan akhir 1 riset tentang latar belakang studi perguruan tinggi dari beberapa (terduga) teroris, misalnya oleh gambetta, d. dan steffen hertog, engineers of jihad: the curious connection between violent extremism and education. new jersey: princeton university press, 2016. 2 tariq ramadan, what i believe. oxford: oxford university press, 2010, h. 5-6. 3 abdullah sahin, new directions in islamic education: pedagogy and identity formation. leicestershire: kube publishing ltd., 2013, h. 3. a a.a. navis a.h. johns abdul munir mulkhan abdulkahhar mazakkir, abdurrachman surjomihardjo abdurrachman surjomiharjo aceh africa ahmad hani aisyah 'aisyiyah akhlâq al-karîmah al-azhar al-azhar al-azhar university al-fawaidul 'illiyah al-irsyad al-maktabah al-islamiyah al-manar al-qaedah al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah al-tahir ibn ashur al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wuthqa al-ustadh abu raidah alawiyin albert hourani allan boesak len hansen amelia fauzia amien rais amrozi anas s al-shaikh-ali anke von kügelgen annette damayanti anton houtepen ariel heryanto asabiyyah asy-syubbanul muslimun australia ayahku b bambang purwanto bandung bangil bani abbas bantam basuki tjahaja purnama beirut belitung bengkulu bentang budaya budi setiawan bukittinggi c cairo cambridge university cambridge university press cental serikat islam cf. deliar noer chadewi abbas helmi charity charles amjad-ali china csrc d dar al-arabiyah dâr al-ma'rifah darul 'ulum de indische courant diponegoro dirjowongso djohan effendi doctoral address dutch e egypt egyptian emir shakib arslan encyclopaedia of islam english ezzat mossallenejad f f. poeradisastra farid wadjdy fatimah fazlur rahman french g garut gramedia h h. yunus anis h.o.s. cokroaminoto haedar nashir haji abdul malik karim amrullah haji samanhudi hamid algadri hamka harakah tarbiyah het vaderland hilman latief hizbul wathan hizbut tahrir indonesia hongkong hoofdbestuur husein muhammad i ibn al-qayyim ibn taimiyyah ibn taymiyya ibn taymiyyah ibnul qayyim ikhwanul muslimin ilyas ya`kub indonesia iqazun niam ir. h. juanda iraq isis islam islamic endowments in iraq j jakarta jamal abdel nasser jamal al-din al-afghani jan willen van henten jasser auda jeffrey hadler jemaah islamiyah joko widodo jw marriot k k.h.a. dahlan kabili kalimantan karel steenbrink karl mannheim kaum muda kenang-kenangan hidup kh. ahmad dahlan khamami zada killyatul adab king george v kristen kuntowijoyo kweekschool l lienau lowanu m m. c. ricklefs m. quraish shihab madam rahmah mahmud yunus majelis mujahidin indonesia majmû' fatawâ malacca malaya maninjau maqasid syari´ah ma'rifatullahi masjumi michel foucault minangkabau mitsuo nakamura mizan moeslim abdurrahman mohamad rasyidi mohammad al-ghazaly mohammad hatta mohammad isa anshary mohammad natsir moluccus muchtar luthfi mufti of egypt mufti of palestine muhammad muhammad abduh muhammad said al-asymawi muhammad syoedja' muhammad yusuf muhammad zain hassan muhammadiyah multatuli mulyadhi kartanegara munir mulkhan mutu qabla an tamutu n nahdlatul ulama nasyiatul 'aisyiyah neo-sufisme netherlands new york nus press o omar hobais oxford university press p padang padang japang pakualaman palembang palestine panji masyarakat papua parabek paris pasai pedoman masjarakat pekalongan pembela islam penolong kesengsaraan oemat penolong kesengsaraan oemoem philippine pilihan timur pko pluralitas prof dr schrieke prof. farid ma'ruf pulau pinang purwokerto r radikalisme rahmah el-junusiyah revival and reform in islam s sa'ad zaghlul sadaat salafiyah sayyid abdul aziz as-sta'alaby sayyid abdur rahman baswedan sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi sayyid amin husainy sayyid hussein nars sayyid muhammad bin aqil sayyid mustafa ghalayini sayyid okbah bin nafi' sayyid omar hobais sayyid rashid rida senegal sharbazah sheikh abdul karim amrullah sheikh abdullah ahmad sheikh abdullatief drazz sheikh abdur rahman taj sheikh ahmad dahlan sheikh ahmad hassan sheikh ahmad khatib sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur sheikh ahmad soorkati sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani sheikh athaillah affendy sheikh bachit al-muthi'iy sheikh chalil al-chalidi sheikh di tiro sheikh husein wali sheikh ibrahim bin musa sheikh jar-ul lah az-zamachsyari sheikh mohammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad abduh sheikh muhammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad thaib sheikh mustafa abdullah sheikh nawawi sheikh taher jalaluddin sheikh thaher jalaluddin sie boen lian sinar harapan singapore singapura soeara moehammadijah soerabaijasch handelsblad solo sorbonne university spanish st. ignatia lammens st. yudith de laat stamford press studia islamika suez canal sukarno sulawesi sultan sultan idris murshidu'l a'zam shah sultan of perak surabaya syed farid al-attas syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur syria t tafsir maqasidi tafsir ustazul imam tanjung sungayang tariq ramadan tasauf moderen tasawuf mistis tauhid sosial tokyo toronto tuanku imam bonjol tuhfah and nihaya u united kingdom university of chicago press university of oxford ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh usul al-fiqh w west sumatra whael b. hallaq wihdatul wujud wirobrajan wiyhatul islam y yale university yazid bin muawiyyah yogyakarta yusuf al-qardhawi z zadul ma'ad zainal abidin ahmad layout desember 2016 oke perjalanan kenabian muhammad saw dalam al-qur'an dhidhin noer ady rahmanto mahasiswa pasca sarjana uin sunan kalijaga. judul : sejarah kenabian dalam perspektif tafsir nuzuli muhammad izzat darwazah penulis : aksin wijaya penerbit : mizan pustaka kota : bandung tahun : 2016 halaman : 552h isbn : 978-979-433-959-6 perjalanan kenabian merupakan hal penting yang selalu menarik untuk dikaji lebih dalam. sederhananya kita sebagai umat rasulullah pasti mempunyai keinginan mengenal lebih dalam tentang perjalanan kenabian beliau. bagaimana proses perjalanan kenabian yang telah dijalani nabi muhammad saw yang telah kita jadikan sebagai suri tauladan dan kita yakini sebagai pembawa al-quran. al-quran merupakan bukti yang telah lama ada dan telah tersirat mengabarkan tentang perjalanan kenabian yang dapat kita telusuri dengan membaca dan mengkaji lebih dalam dengan metode analisis yang baik. dalam buku ini penulis mengupas perjalanan kenabian muhammad saw menggunakan perangkat al-quran dengan metode tafsir nuzuli dalam perspektif m. izzat darwazah. dengan adanya pemaparan ini pembaca semakin dapat menambah wawasan keislaman, juga dapat meningkatkan kualitas keimanannya kepada allah swt dan menambah kecintaannya kepada nabi muhammad saw. sejarah dan tafsir merupakan hasil interpretasi manusia yang didalamnya terdapat perbedaan cara mengkaji dan metode apa yang digunakan untuk membedah suatu masalah. sejarah di bangun dengan berbagai fakta lapangan, kisah terkait, dengan metode ilmiah lainnya. sedangkan tafsir dihasilkan dari al-quran. tafsir mempunyai banyak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b o o k r e v i e w doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016. 0065.279-286 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 280280280280280 afkaruna jenisnya seperti tafsir tajzii, tafsir tahlili, tafsir tauqifi, tafsir nuzuli dan lain sebagainya. buku ini akan terlihat menarik karena akan menggabungkan dua kata yang jarang sejarawan gunakan dalam mengupas perjalan kenabian muhammad saw. sehingga kita akan disuguhkan beberapa ulasan yang menarik yang akan kita dapatkan dari buku ini. buku ini menyajikan ulasan menarik yang diawali dengan apa yang menjadi latarbelakang pembuatan buku dan penulis juga menjelaskan bagaimana sistematika penulisan buku ini secara baik. beberapa yang menjadi kelebihan dari buku ini adalah disusun dengan tekad yang baik, mengumpulkan sumber sumber terkait yang detail dan rinci sehingga menghasilkan karya yang baik. sumber didukung dengan karya yang terbit dengan tahun yang cukup lama seperti buku buku terbitan tahun 1920an sampai tahun 1960an yang bahkan kita sendiri belum lahir, sehingga hal seperti ini perlu diangkat kembali untuk menambah wawasan keislaman terkhusus untuk indonesia. tokoh yang digali dalam buku ini adalah muhammad izzat darwazah sebagai sumber primer dan metode tafsir lain seperti penulis theodor noldheke, ibnu qarnas, abid al-jabiri menjadi sumber tambahan. metode tafsir yang digunakan dalam buku ini metode tafsir nuzuli. penulis mempunyai argumen yang kuat dalam memilih tafsir nuzuli, salah satunya tafsir nuzuli merupakan metode tafsir yang dapat membantu menjelaskan sejarah kenabian muhammad saw secara berurutan. tafsir nuzuli mempunyai kelebihan yaitu menafsirkan al-quran berdasarkan kejadian, waktu dan tempat sehingga memudahkan untuk ditelusuri. yang lebih menarik dari buku ini adalah membawa pembaca seakan menelusuri al-quran bersama cerita cerita perjalanan kenabian yang valid. buku ini merupakan karya yang cukup komprehensif terdiri dari lima bab, dimulai dengan sistematika sajian buku dilanjutkan dengan pengenalan tokoh muhammad izzat darwazah dilengkapi juga dengan pembahasan metode tafsir dari beberapa tokoh terkait seperti tafsir nuzuli noldeke, tafsir nuzuli jabiri, tafsir nuzuli ibnu qarnas dan tafsir nuzuli darwazah. pembahasan di bab selanjutnya khusus menjelaskan tentang tafsiran sejarah kenabian muhammad dalam perspektif tafsir nuzuli darwazah, dalam bab ini pembaca akan disuguhkan sajian tafsir berdasarkan sejarah kenabian pada masanya. pungkasan isi buku diakhiri di bab lima yang berisikan kesimpulan dan saran dilengkapi juga dengan lampiran-lampiran terkait pembahasan . ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 281281281281281vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 pada ulasan bagian awal buku ini yang tidak kalah penting adalah pembahasan empat tafsir nuzuli yaitu tafsir nuzuli noldeke, tafsir nuzuli jabiri, tafsir nuzuli ibnu qarnas dan tafsir nuzuli darwazah. dimulai dari pemaparan tafsir noldeke dalam buku ini dijelaskan secara khusus membedakan tafsirnya menjadi dua yaitu ayat yang bersifat makkiyah dan madaniyyah. fase makkah pertama berisi menceritakan tentang status nabi muhammad . dalam ayat ayat makkiyah yang dikelompokkan dalam fase makkah pertama menjelaskan nabi muhammad seoarang nabi utusan allah bukan seorang penyair, penyihir, pendusta apalagi gila yang sering dituduhkan dari masyarakat makkah. dilanjutkan dalam ayat selanjutnya berisikan tentang hari kebangkitan dan hari pembalasan. temuan ayat berikutnya bercerita tentang penghancuran berhala dan ancaman bagi penyembah berhala. dilengkapi dengan beberapa ayat ayat pendek yang sangat bernuansa kental dengan nilai sastra. fase makkah kedua bertema tentang membicarakan orang quraisy, usaha memperluas wilayah dakwah, dan ayat yang membicarakan jin. fase madaniyyah diawali dengan perpindahan status nabi, dan sebagai pemimpin politik kaum muhajirin dan anshar. tafsir nuzuli jabiri menerangkan bahwa ayat yang berada dalam alquran dibaginya menjadi dua jenis yaitu makkiyah dan madaniyyah. penulis mempunyai alasan dalam mendukung pendapat ini, yaitu untuk mempermudah bagaimana menempatkan posisi dakwah nabi pada waktu itu. makkiyah mengandung beberapa unsur yaitu pertama menjelaskan kenabian ruhuhiyyah dan uluhiyyah, kedua kebangkitan, balasan persaksian hari akhir, ketiga penjelasan tentang kesyirikan, keempat dakwah yang bersifat teran-terangan dan menjalin hubungan kabilah kabilah, kelima menjelaskan hijrah ke habasyah. sedangkan ayat madaniyyah berisikan yang membicarakan masalah hukum dan bernegara di ayat ini ditemukan hal menarik bahwa islam mampu berkembang pesat karena didukung dengan negara seperti hal “ negara adalah agama”, “agama adalah negara”. ayat madaniyyah lain cenderung bersifat tasyri’i disana lebih menjelaskan tentang bernegara dan bermasyarkat. tafsir nuzuli ibnu qarnas yang telah terbagi dengan makkiyah dan madaniyyah dijelaskan dengan terinci. ayat makiyyah dalam tafsir ibnu qarnas mengandung pembahasan pengenalan sifat allah, muhammad sebagai rosul, hari kebangkitan(siksaan dan balasan), syariat (sholat, infak), persiapan dirimuhammad sebagai nabi, aktif dakwah dan pemberi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 282282282282282 afkaruna peringatan, perubahan subjek sasaran dakwah, penolakan kezholiman, siksaan dan tentang hijrah. sedangkan ayat madaniyyah membahas tentang kewarganegaraan dan pengakuan, kewajiban perang dan persiapan perang, pasca perang badar, pasca perang uhud, pasca perang azab (khandaq), penaklukan kota makkah dan memerang romawi, pasca penaklukan makkah, dan ayat tentang akhir dari dakwah. dalam buku ini tafsir yang telah dibahas hanya sebagai tafsir pelengkap dari tafsir nuzuli perspektif darwazah. pada paragraf selanjutnya akan di bahas dengan nuansa tafsir nuzuli perspektif darwazah. tafsir nuzuli darwazah merupakan tafsir rujukan yang dijadikan alat untuk membahas perjalanan kenabian muhammad. penulis menjelaskan darwazah mempunyai metode yang menjadi alur pembahasan yaitu konsep ideal al-qur’an, signifikansi tafsir nuzuli, metode tafsir nuzuli, manafsirkan sejarah nabi. jelas sekali dalam buku ini mempunyai keinginan kuat dalam menunjukkan bahwa al-qur'an telah memiliki hubungan logis dengan masyarakat arab. darwazah memulai penafsirannya dengan tradisi tradisi sosial ekonomi, keyakian, pemikiran pemikiran dan ilmu pengetahuan dikalangan masyarakat arab yang terkait pada zaman perjalanan kenabian . al-qur'an merupakan kitab suci yang logis dan layak sebagai pedoman bagi seluruh umat. diperjelas dengan keterangan darwazah dengan tafsir nuzuli bahwa al-qur’an telah sesuai dengan keadaan realita masyarakat arab serta membantu masyarakat menjadi lebih baik yang sering disebut dengan “rosululloh telah membawa kaumnya dari zaman kebodohan (dzulumat) kepada zaman yang lebih baik (ila nuur)”. diceritakan dalam buku ini bahwa darwazah telah menerangkan gaya hidup masyarkat arab sebelum kedatangan islam salah satunya syiar tentang haji yang telah ada sebelum islam datang. namun dengan beriringan waktu syiar haji yang disyiarkan oleh nabi ibrahim dan ismail sebagai nenek moyang mereka telah di cemari dengan penyembahan berhala. pandangan darwazah tentang al-qu’ran yang lebih menyetujui bahwa kitab yang dibawa oleh nabi muhammad saw turun dengan berangsurangsur. darwazah mempunyai pandangan logis bahwa al-qur’an turun dengan sebab sebab dan realitas dan peraturan peraturan tertentu. jika diturunkan sekali dalam satu malam seperti halnya yang diperdebatkan pada kalangan ulama maka akan terjadi banyak kerancuan dan menimbulkan pola pikir yang seolah dibuat buat. jika kita telususri lebih dalam al○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 283283283283283vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 qur'an mempunyai penyampaian yang komprehensif mulai dari muslim dan non muslim, penyampaian kabar baik dan kabar buruk. maka alqur'an tidak dapat turun hanya dalam semalam. sehingga penulis lebih fokus pada tafsir darwazah dalam membedah bagaimana perjalanan kenabian muhammad saw. secara khusus buku ini menerangkan perjalan kenabian dengan tafsir nuzuli perspektif darwazah yang dibagi menjadi tiga hal pembahasan yang pertama, hubungan al-qur'an dengan masyarakt arab pra-kenabian. yang kedua, hubungan al-qur'an dengan nabi muhammad secara pribadi. yang ketiga, hubungan al-qur'an dengan masyarakat era kenabian muhammad. sehingga buku ini menjadi pembahasan yang menarik karena saling berkaitan antar ayat yang akan menggambarkan perjalanan kenabian rasulullah. pembahasan pertama, tafsir al-qur'an terhadap masyarakat arab sebelum kenabian. diceritakan dalam beberapa ayat terkait masyarakat arab pra kenabian telah menganut beberapa agama seperti agama monotheisme yang dibawa oleh nabi utusan allah sebelumnya. dalam agama monotheisme mereka melakukan beberapa ibadah seperti haji dan bulan bulan haram juga telah ada. seiring dengan berjalannya zaman maka agama ini telah tercampuri dengan ajaran ajaran kesyirikan seperti dalam melakukan ibadah haji orang yang mempunyai kuasa dimasa itu telah memberi tambah untuk membawa patung ketika ke ka’bah dalam menjalankan ibadah haji. maka sebelumnya ibadah mereka yang bernuansa tauhid murni maka tercemari dengan kesyirikan yang telah mewabah. selain agama monotheisme telah ada agama seperti agama yahudi dan nasrani namun dalam anggapan beberapa ulama agama ini telah mengalami pergeseran pemahaman. pembahasan kedua, tafsir al-qur'an terhadap kehidupan pribadi nabi muhammad saw. dalam hal ini sedikit yang dijelaskan oleh penulis bahkan dijelaskan bahwa para sejarawan sedikit yang mengetahui tentang kehidupan muhammad sebelum menjadi nabi dikarenakan disaat itu nabi belum menjadi pusat perhatian dan status muhammad waktu itu hanya seorang anak yatim sejak kecil. sehingga informasi lengkap dan valid dalam menceritakan kehidupan menjadi kendala bagi sejarawan dalam mengumpulkan bukti. penulis membahas beberapa ayat yang menjadi dasar penjelasan kehidupan pribadi nabi, dalam buku ini dijelaskan mulai dari asal usul, status nabi, akhlak rosul, ijtihad rosul dan sampai sikap ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 284284284284284 afkaruna umat islam terhadap nabi muhammad saw serta dilanjutkan dengan penjelasan sikap nabi muhammad ketika mendapatkan wahyu dari allah. pembahasan ketiga, tafsir al-quran terhadap masyarakat arab era kenabian. sebelum menjelaskan ke inti pembahasan darwazah dalam pembahasan ini masyarakat dibagi menjadi dua bagian yaitu masayarakat pra-kenabian dan masyarakat pada masa kenabian. serta masyarakat dalam era kenabian dibagi menjadi dua kembali yaitu masyarakat makkah dan masyarkat madinah. ini yang akan menjadi titik fokus pembahasan. fase dakwah di makkah, permulaan dakwah nabi kepada keluarganya mendapat tiga respon yaitu keluarga dengan respon menerima, tidak menerima tapi masih mendukung, yang terakhir tidak menerima tapi memusuhi. dalam buku ini penulis memunculkan ayat yang menjelaskan keterangan respon dari masyarakat melalui dua pembahasan yaitu respon dari non ahli kitab dan ahli kitab. golongan non ahli kitab sangat beragam responnya seperti dicontohkan dalam ayat bahwa benar benar mengecam keras dengan ancaman dan siksaan bagi yang memusuhi nabi muhammad, sedangkan yang moderat diberi ungkapan yang lunak seperti di contohkan dalam surah al-kafirun dan sebagainya, termasuk larangan memaksa orang yang dicintai seperti keluarganya untuk masuk islam, apalagi bersikap tidak adil, tapi juga diperingatkan allah untuk tetap hati hati agar menjaga dan tidak terjebak dalam rayuan kemewahan yang ditunjukkan kaum kafir. ayat yang turun di makkah mayoritas bersifat keras, juga bersifat ancaman ancaman tapi disamping itu juga turun ayat yang menggembirakan seperti halnya orang mukmin semua dalam lindungan allah dan ujian yang diberikan tidak melewati kemampuan yang dia miliki. pada masanya pengikut nabi muhammad dipaksa untuk berhijrah dengan alasan telah banyak menerima fitnah dan siksaan bagi umat islam. hijrah pertama menuju habsyah diikuti dengan 10 laki laki dan 4 perempuan, hijrah yang kedua diikuti oleh 83 laki laki dan 18 perempuan dengan alasan di daerah itu terdapat pemimpin yang adil. kembali pada fase makkah nabi telah dianjurkan agar tetap menghormati orang tua walau tidak masuk islam namun ajuran ini dalam hal dunia saja, dan muhammad diminta agar tidak terpengaruhi oleh kemewahan yang di tawarkan oleh kaum kafir quraisy, sementara pada masa itu umat islam dalam posisi lemah dan miskin. namun disisi lain umat islam juga memiliki pengikut yang kaya sehingga umat islam dapat menikmati hasil dari zakat dan sedekah yang disalurkan untuk keperluan ibadah. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 285285285285285vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 fase dakwah madinah, dalam fase dakwah ini darwazah menjelaskan ada lima fase yaitu fase awal kenabian, dakwah menghadapi orang munafik, kaum yahudi, kaum nasrani, dan perkembangan syariat islam. keberagaman masyarakat madinah darwazah membagi lagi 7 golongan yaitu muhajirin awal, jamaah anshar awal, golongan yang mempunyai imam murni, golongan yang masuk islam setelah muhammad hijrah, orang munafik dan badui, kaum muslim yang meperadukan hal yang jelek dan baik, terakhir golongan yang tidak jelas. namun di madinah muhammad dalam dakwahnya mendapat banyak dukungan sehingga islam mulai saat itu dalam posisi yang kuat. musuh islam dalam keadaan ini mereka terkadang merupakan bagian dari umat islam itu sendiri perlawan yang diperlihatkan menggunakan cara menipu, mencemooh, bersekongkol dengan musuh di masa itu perlawan yang paling banyak muncul dari orang munafik, orang munafik yang terkenal adalah abdullah bin ubay bin salul pada saat itu dia orang paling mulia dan dihormati di daerahnya. dalam khotbah nabi muhammad, ubay menunjukkan simpatinya dengan berbaiat di aqabah mendeklarasikan untuk masuk islam. tapi dia diwaktu lain melakukan penghasutan pada masyarakat untuk tidak mengikuti di setiap perang nabi. dalam masa ini juga dibarengi dengan bertebaran orang munafik yang menjadi musuh nabi sehingga muncul dua tanggapan untuk orang munafik yaitu berburuk sangka atau berbaik sangka. al-qur'an menanggapi kejadian ini dengan anjuran agar tidak menyalati orang munafik yang telah meninggal. dalam dakwah lain dijelakan bahwa nabi mempunyai perlawan juga dari kaum yahudi dan kaum nasrani walaupun dalam al-quran telah menjelaskan asal-usul nabi dan agama terdahulu yang membenarkan adanya kedua agama tersebut. nabi mendapatkan perlawan melalui hal argumentatif dan ajakan untuk dialog. sampai saatnya ada yang mengakui bahwa nabi adalah seorang penerus nabi terdahulu yang pernah ada tapi juga ada yang tidak mengimani status nabi yang disematkan kepada muhammad. simpulan akhir, buku ini sangat bagus dalam menganalisis tafsir yang dihubungkan dengan setiap kejadian sejarah kenabian muhammad saw. pembahasan sejarah yang disandingkan dengan tafsir mempunyai ciri khas dalam penjabarannya karena mempunyai bukti yang jelas serta analogi yang berkaitan. namun dalam buku ini memiliki titik point yang penting untuk diambil. pertama, buku ini walaupun hanya bersifat analisis deskriptif cukup mampu menggambarkan perjalanan kenabian muhammad, saran ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 286286286286286 afkaruna selanjutnya agar ada karya karya lain yang mampu membandingkan atau mengkritisi hasil tafsiran dari perspektif darwazah. kedua, buku ini akan membantu menambah wawasan dan kekayaan intelektual umat islam terkhusus untuk indonesia yang dikarenakan terkendala akses dan bahasa dalam mempelajari atau mengenal rosul lebih dalam. ketiga, tafsir nuzuli yang dipilih sebagai alat untuk menggali sejarah nabi merupakan metode yang tepat, baik terinci dan sesuai dengan objek analisis. saran untuk tafsir yang digunakan sebaiknya bisa lebih banyak sehingga dapat membandingkan, mengkritisi bahkan saling melengkapi. sebagai tambahan catatan akhir berkaitan dengan mencoba membandingkan tafsir, dalam tafsir nuzuli noldeke dijelaskan bahwa hijrah nabi ke madinah merupakan perpindahan status nabi yang sakral kepada sikap nabi sebagai pemimpin sosial-politik yang lebih bersifat profan. sedangkan dalam pandangan darwazah membantah kritik orientalis bahwa terkait kepindahannya bukan hal perpindahan status melainkan perpindahan secara alami-sosiologis, yang bermakna perpindahan dari dakwah prinsipil (cara damai, nasihat yang baik, debat yang baik) ke dakwah praktis-operasional [di madinah]. # layout jan jun 2011 muslim dan mencoba merekonstruksi perspektif islam tentang konsumsi. dengan merujuk kepada biografi nabi muhammad saw, penulis beranggaan bahwa memang terdapat kisah-kisah kenabian yang mengajarkan bagaimana seorang muslim bertindak dalam kehidupan mereka sehari, tetpai perspektif islam tentang konsumsi harus didiskusikan secara kritis dengan menggunakan pendekatan interdisipliner dalam ilmu-ilmu humaniora dan sosial. penulis juga berkesimpulan bahwa penggunaan ilmu-ilmu sosial modern, baik yang religius maupun sekular, untuk memahami tradisi keislaman, akan membawa kepada interpretasi-interpretasi baru mengenai pelbagai hal seperti teori produksi dan konsumsi. diyakini bahwa gaya hidup nabi muhammad dapat menjadi contoh bagi muslim yang hidup di masa modern, karena nabi muhammad sendiri dikenal sosok yang mengukai kesehatan, kebersihan dan ketertiban. kata kunci: biografi nabi, konsumsi, produksi, dan gaya hidup pendahuluan judul di atas dimaksudkan untuk melihat isu konsumsi dengan sudut pandang profetik yang jarang mendapatkan perhatian dalam kajian keislaman. memang ada kecenderungan pemaksaan dewasa ini bahwa kajian islam membahas membahas banyak aspek tanpa melihat bahwa tak sepenuhnya kajian tersebut dapat menjawab tantangan baru. nabi muhammad saw pernah menyatakan bahwa urusan duniawi berada di tangan manusia, di tangan para ahlinya, tanpa harus terpaku dengan perintah rasul. namun, hadits nabi mengkaji kembali konsumsi umat sebuah rekonstruksi interdisiplier terhadap gaya hidup nabi. ahmad sahidah kolej sastera dan sains, universitas utara malaysia, email: ahmads@uum.edu.my abstract this article analizes the issues of consumtion in muslim societies and attempts to reconturct the islamic perspective on comsumption. by referring to the biography of prophet muhammad, the write argues that despite the fact that there are religious narratives on the way muslims should behave in their everyday life; the muslim perspective of consumption should also be discussed critically by utilizing interdisclipnary studies in humanities and social sciences. the writer argues that the utilization of modern social sciences, both religious and secular, in understanding islamic tradition, will bring to new muslim interpretation on certain issues such as the theory of production and consumption in muslim societies. it is believed that the prophet muhammad’ life style can be example for muslim in modern times, as prophet was very concerned with the issues of public health, cleanliness, and orderliness. keywords: prophet biography, consumption, production, lifestyle. abstrak artikel ini menganalisa persoalanpersoalan konsumsi dalam masyrakat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 36 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tersebut konteksnya berkaitan dengan proses penyerbukan tananam yang sangat teknis. lalu, bagaimana membaca isu konsumsi di kalangan masyarakat dewasa ini, yang mungkin saja, karena konteks masyarakat modern yang lebih kompleks, tidak sesederhana pemanfaatan barang atau pelayanan pada masa nabi? mungkinkah kita menampilkan model kenabian dalam menghadapi serbuan konsumerisme baru? sementara, boleh dikatakan para pemikiran sarjana muslim modern masih banyak berkutat dengan ide-ide kontroversial, misalnya tentang kemungkinan tafsir modern al-qur’an, kesesuaian islam dengan demokrasi, sekularisme dan kemungkinan islam sebagai alat pembaruran.1 tentu, upaya untuk menjelaskan persoalan-persoalan epistemolog, termasuk dalam pembaharuan islam, adalah hal pokok yang perlu dilakukan agar masalah yang bersifat turunan bisa dipahami. jika kitab suci terbuka kemungkinan bagi tafsir modern, seperti dengan pemanfaatan ilmu-ilmu humaniora dan ilmu-ilmu sosial, maka dengan sendirinya hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan praktik keislaman keseharian tidak lagi terpaku pada hukum normatif yang clear-cut dan kaku, seperti isu halal dan haram, melainkan harus lebih jauh menguraikan isu tersebut dalam perspektif lain yang lebih diskursif. konsumsi yang berkait dengan kebutuhan rumah, makanan, pakaian dan pelayanan tidak lagi dilihat sebagai objek hukum (fiqh), tanpa memberikan ruang untuk membahas asal muasal di balik maksim (raison d’etre), yang bisa menguak latar belakang penetapan hukum, yang disebut illat (sebab) atau ratio legis. pendek kata, secara tersirat tradisi kesarjanaan islam telah membuka ruang yang sangat terbuka bagi analisis ilmu pengetahuan modern. keuntungan yang bisa diraih dengan pemanfaatan pendekatan kritis akan memungkinkan dialog yang konstruktif menyampaikan pesan-pesan etik islam. misalnya, kontroversi yang acapkali timbul tentang pakaian perempuan. apakah benar, gagasan tentang pakaian hanya terkait dengan penutupan aurat yang bersifat fisikal atau juga sekaligus metafora? belum lagi, serbuan perancang busana telah membuat pakaian penutup aurat tidak lagi sederhana, malah diperkaya dengan pernak-pernik. demikian pula, konsumsi makanan dalam dunia muslim yang lebih menitikberatkan kehalalan, yang terbatas pada cara penyembelihan dan penghindaran dari babi. kalau hanya terpaku pada halal, mungkin konsep ‘tayyiba’, yang banyak diterjemahkan ‘sehat’ dan ‘baik’, kadang dilupakan. nah, tentu saja, untuk mengetahui apakah makanan itu sehat atau tidak, kajian-kajian di luar disiplin keagamaan arus utama (mainstream) perlu dipertimbangkan. misalnya, bagaimana kajian-kajian kebudayaan (cultural studies) melihat makanan cepat saji (fast food) yang di indonesia mendapatkan sertifikasi halal dari majelis ulama indonesia (mui), namun ternyata di barat makanan sejenis ini telah menuai banyak kritik karena telah menyebabkan pelbagai penyakit disebabkan pengolahan bahan untuk makanan tersebut tidak hiegenis dan kandungan gizinya tidak sebagus penampilannya.2 tidak aneh jika makanan sejenis ini disebut makanan sampah (junk food). konsep penyajian yang mengutamakan kecepatan dan ketepatan pada dasarnya merupakan jawaban bagi kebudayaan barat yang mementingkan disiplin waktu, sehingga mereka tampak tergesa-gesa. sementara di sini, konsumsi makanan seperti ini justru untuk menaikkan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 37vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 gengsi dan berleha-leha, sebuah pembalikan epistemologi dari konsep asal. jauh dari silang pendapat ini, sebuah penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada keterkaitan antara konsumsi dengan kebahagiaan, atau diperhalus menjadi keadaan nyaman subjektif (well-being subjective). dalam penelitian tersebut dijelaskan bahwa rata-rata masyarakat di negara kaya merasakan lebih nyaman dibandingkan dengan khalayak di negara-negara miskin. kenyamanan ini diukur dengan tiga variabel, yaitu, 1) kehadiran dan frekuensi emosi positif; 2) ketiadaan emosi negatif; dan 3) tingkat kepuasan hidup. rasa nyaman yang berbuah kebahagiaan berkait dengan kemampuan konsumsi. lebih jauh, hasil penelitian menegaskan bahwa kemiskinan adalah kondisi ketakbahagiaan.3 jika merujuk pada perkiraan badan perencanaan pembangunan nasional (bappenas), angka kemiskinan di indonesia untuk tahun 2009 diperkirakan 33,7 juta (kontan, 13/2/09). sebuah angka yang cukup besar untuk menunjukkan betapa masalah ini masih menghantui negara indonesia yang telah merdeka 60 tahun lebih. apakah dengan demikian ini juga bisa dikatakan bahwa angka ini juga berbanding lurus dengan tesis penelitian tersebut di atas yang mengindikasikan tersebut bahwa dengan sendirinya mereka masyrakat indoensia tidak bahagia? konsumsi dan kebutuhan sejatinya, konsumsi berkait dengan penggunaan orang terhadap barang tertentu untuk kebutuhan sehari-hari.4 jika dikaitkan dengan gagasan abraham maslow, kebutuhan itu bisa dijelaskan secara hierarkis, yaitu fisiologis, keamanan, kasih sayang, penghargaan dan aktualisasi diri. pertama merupakan kebutuhan yang paling dasar, yang berkait dengan daya hidup dan pemeliharaan organisme biologis. kebutuhan pada tingkat ini meliputi makan, minum, konsumsi oksigen, tempat perlindungan, dan seks. jika kebutuhan ini tidak dipenuhi dalam jangka waktu lama, seorang individu tidak akan termotivasi untuk merangkak pada kebutuhan selanjutnya. kedua merujuk pada pemenuhan pada dunia yang teratur, stabil dan bisa diramalkan. individu yang hidup dalam lingkungan yang tidak aman atau mengalami kesulitan pekerjaan mungkin perlu menghabiskan banyak waktu dan tenaga untuk melindungi dirinya. ketiga merupakan keperluan individu terhadap kasih sayang. mereka mencari hubungan kasih sayang dan dekat dengan orang lain, seperti keluarga, ketetanggaan, atau kumpulan solidaritas. keempat, dua kebutuhan penghargaan yang berkelindan, kebutuhan penghormatan dari orang lain dan untuk diri sendiri. ini bisa dicapai melalui kemampuan bersaing, keyakinan diri, penguasaan bidang tertentu, kemandirian dan kebebasan. penghargaan dari orang lain berupa pengakuan, penerimaan, status dan apresiasi. terakhir, aktualisasi diri. tingkat pencapaian bisa diraih jika seseorang mempunyai keberanian untuk memilih. kebutuhan semacam ini sulit digambarkan karena unik dan beragam bagi setiap orang. namun, secara umum ia berhubungan dengan kehendak untuk mencapai potensi tertinggi dari individu.5 maslow mendorong sebuah kajian yang lebih hati-hati terhadap semua situasi yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 38 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna meningkatkan dan memenuhi kepuasaan kebutuhan dasar, seperti perkawinan yang konstruktif (sakinah), persahabatan, hubungan anak-orang tua, latar pendidikan yang positif dan pekerjaan yang memuaskan. bagi penggagas psikologi mazhab ke-tiga ini, atau yang dikenal humanistik, hubungan manusia berpotensi terapi. bahkan, menurut goleman, hubungan yang baik bisa melindungi manusia dari ketertekanan dengan membuat sistem kekebalan mereka lebih kuat.6 meskipun, teori motivasi maslow bersifat hierarkis, sejatinya semua unsur yang terkait dengan keperluan manusia itu boleh jadi bersifat serentak. dari kebutuhan di atas, pembahasan tulisan ini berkait dengan kebutuhan fisik, seperti rumah, pakaian dan makanan dan pelayanan. bagaimanapun, konsumsi terhadap kebutuhan utama telah menyita banyak waktu manusia, sehingga telah menghalangi mereka untuk beranjak pada hierarki selanjutnya. masalahnya, kadang kebutuhan dasar ini juga bersinggungan dengan kebutuhan lain, yang berkait penghargaan, seperti pujian, penghormatan dan percaya diri. selagi, kebutuhan dasar ini tidak dipenuhi, maka upaya menaikkan manusia pada tingkat kebutuhan yang lebih tinggi merupakan tugas yang maha berat. tapi, benarkah kesulitan hidup harus menghalang manusia untuk meraih kebahagiaan? di sini, model kenabian perlu dipertimbangkan agar masyarakat menemukan pedoman. konsumsi juga terkait dengan identitas dalam hal konsep cita rasa dan gaya hidup, yaitu sistem tindakan di mana seseorang mengelompokkan dirinya melalui barangbarang konsumen atau sesuatu yang lebih kurang diinginkan, diterima dan dihargai. dengan memanfaatkan data survei kepemilikian dan pengutamaan konsumen perancis (misalnya terhadap seniman, gaya pakaian dan masakan) bourdieu menunjukkan betapa pengetahuan tentang kode status, aturan legitimasi, memungkinkan konsumen untuk memerlihatkan cita rasa “yang baik” dan kemudian menegaskan perbedaannya dengan yang lain.7 jelas, konsumsi tidak hanya berkait dengan kebutuhan, tetapi juga hasrat. tampaknya, tidak sukar untuk memahami pandangan bourdieu di atas. dalam keseharian, kepemilikan terhadap barang telah mengelompokkan masyarakat ke dalam beberapa kelas. paling tidak, menurut filsuf perancis ini, kelompok itu bisa dibagi ke dalam tiga macam, yaitu borjuis, borjuis kecil (petite bourgeoisie) dan kelas pekerja (petani dan buruh industri).8 di sini, hal serupa bisa ditemukan, meski ia tidak mencerminkan kelas yang digambarkan bourdieu secara persis, karena pengelompokan ini didasarkan pada penelitian lapangan di perancis tahun 1960-an. namun demikian, ada beberapa poin yang bisa dijadikan pertimbangan untuk memotret pola yang sama di sini. kelas borjuis, jelas bourdieu, mempunyai kecenderungan untuk menjaga jarak dengan kebutuhan sehari-hari yang diasup oleh orang kebanyakan. modal yang besar mendorong kelas ini untuk membelanjakan uangnya untuk memenuhi selera yang membuatnya berbeda dengan khalayak. jelas, kelas ini merupakan lawan dari kelas pekerja dan menjadi apa yang disebut penulis distinctions sebagai permainan pembedaan (a game of distinctions). yang menarik justru kelas borjuis kecil, yang berkeinginan untuk meniru kelas borjuis, namun tidak mempunyai modal dan habitus untuk bisa mencapainya. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 39vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 selain karya bourdieu di atas, buku lain yang juga sangat penting untuk memahami konsumsi secara mendalam adalah jean karya baudrillard berjudul the consumer society. tambahan lagi, karya penting yang juga bisa dimanfaatkan adalah kumpulan empat jilid berjudul consumption: critical consepts in the social sciences.9 karya ini memuat sejarah penting tentang konsumsi, sejak tradisi awal pemikiran barat, yunani, hingga kontemporer. demikian pula, ada banyak ragam disiplin untuk memahami konsumsi, seperti antropologi, kajian budaya (cultural studies), ekonomi, geografi, media, psikologi, dan sosiologi. kekayaan sudut pandang ini tentu memperlihatkan pada pembaca perbedaan penilaian, sehingga konsumsi tidak hanya dilihat sebagai transaksi untuk mendapatkan barang atau jasa semata-mata. konsumsi dan eksistensi konsumsi juga terkait dengan kepemilikan sebagai pengembangan diri. dengan merujuk pada william james, ahli psikologi agama, pencarian pengertian diri bisa dilacak melalui kehendak konsumtif: a man’s self is the sum total of all that he can call his, not only his body and his psychic powers, but his clothes and his house, his wife and children, his ancestor and friends, his reputation and works, his lands, and yatch and bank-account. all these things give him the same emotion. if they wax and prosper, he feels triumphant; if they dwindle and die away, he feels cast down, not necessarily in the same degree for each thing, but in much the same way for all.10 di sinilah, pangkal kegundahan dan kegelisahan manusia bermula. perburuan kebahagiaan yang disamakan dengan pemerolehan harta benda telah memerangkap mereka pada rutinitas dan melupakan pencarian makna hidup yang lebih seimbang dan berumur panjang. sebagai makhluk yang mempunyai jiwa, mereka harus menjalani hidup seperti mesin. apalagi lagi, dalam tradisi marxian, dunia produksi kapitalisme telah membuat manusia asing dengan dunianya. pada masa yang sama, produksi barang yang diiringi dengan pemasaran progresif melalui iklan telah mendorong konsumen untuk dipaksa memilih, meski secara sekilas tampak mempunyai kebebasan. selanjutnya, pemuasan konsumtif hampir-hampir telah menjadi ideologi manusia sejagad, tak terkecuali di sini. untuk itu, pemahaman terhadap konsumsi perlu dilihat dari kebutuhan manusia akan tersedianya lingkungan yang sehat dan nyaman. jika sebelumnya, secara tradisional penyelidikan dan kebijakan lingkungan dititikberatkan pada bagaimana mentransformasi produksi melalui kontrol polusi dan efisiensi lingkungan, maka sekarang konsumsi juga telah dipandang sebagai faktor penyumbang bagi meningkatnya emisi co2 dan proses pemanasan global, demikian juga meningkatnya tingkat polusi, kehilangan keanekaragaman hayati dan pengurangan sumber daya yang terbatas. untuk itu dalam laporan brundland (1987) menegaskan: the use of goods and services that respond to basic needs and bring a better quality of life while minimising the use of natural resources, toxic materials and emissions of waste and pollutans over the life cycle, so as no to jeopardise the needs of future generations.11 seperti dalam kajian dale southerton, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 40 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna konsumsi tidak lagi dilihat sebagai tersendiri tetapi juga dikaitkan dengan definisi kesejahteraan, bagaimana harapan sosial tentang kenormalan ditegakkan dan juga desain, konstruksi dan pelembagaan permintaaan. dengan mengaitkan kajian terhadap konsumsi lingkungan dan konsumsi secara umum akan membuat sebuah alat sumber analitik dan teoretik baru. di sini, para sejarawan, antropolog, ekonom, ahli geografi, sosiologi, psikolog dan ahli ekonomi politik mempunyai peluang untuk berbicara tentang organisasi sosial konsumsi dan dinamika kehidupan sehari-hari. jika mengikuti marshal david sahlin, yang mengkritik kecenderungan marxis yang mereduksi kebudayaan (suprastruktur) pada produksi (infrastruktur), bahwa sebenarnya kebudayaan yang mendefinisikan kebutuhan dan juga memotivasi produksi. lebih jauh, sistem berpakaian memperlihatkan gagasan dasar tentang waktu, tempat dan pribadi sebagaimana tertera dalam tatanan struktural. dengan menggemakan kembali baudrillard, sahlin mencatat bahwa skema pengelompokan ini tidak menghasilkan batas-batas, katakan tingkat usia atau kelas sosial.12 tidak dapat dielakkan, eksistensi manusia berkait dengan benda. sejauh mana mereka memahami dan memanfaatkan benda, sejauh itu juga mereka memberikan makna pada hidupnya. sayangnya, terdapat kecenderungan untuk melihat kebutuhan hanya pada kepentingan diri sendiri. sejatinya mereka telah menafikan eksistensi lain, alam misalnya, yang justru menopang kehidupan jiwa dan raganya. kegagalan merawat lingkungan sebenarnya ketidakmampuan penghuni bumi menyelami makna spiritual dari tanah. oleh karena itu, konsumsi, sebagai penyumbang utama terhadap kerusakan lingkungan, harus ditinjau ulang, jika manusia tidak ingin gagal menjadi khalifah di bumi. rekonstruksi profetik sebagai pedagang, nabi telah akrab dengan kegiatan pasar, sesuatu yang erat kaitannya dengan produksi dan konsumsi. pengalaman perniagaan nabi telah mengantarkan suami khadijah ini ke negeri lain, seperti syria. apalagi, mekkah pada waktu itu dikenal sebagai pusat perdagangan. sebagaimana penelitian fazlur rahman, pesan kitab suci merupakan seruan etik dan tatanan sosial yang setara (egalitarian) mengingat ditemukan kepincangan ekonomi dan sosial.13 pernyataan tersebut mengandaikan ketidakmerataan tingkat produktivitas dan konsumsi masyarakat pada waktu itu. untuk itu, nilai etik apa yang diusung nabi, selain dalam perniagaan dan juga keseharian? lalu, bagaimana menemukan pola konsumsi itu? tentu gagasan model kenabian untuk menemukan pola-pola prilaku yang ideal akan mengacu pada biografi nabi muhammad. sebagaimana pengakuan ubi rubin: for the muslim believers, the story of the life of muhammad represents the most crucial stage of a sacred history that began with the creation of the world. the life of muhammad servers as an example and as an ideal model for an entire community; the stories describing his acts are therefore marked by a clear didactic trend; and they belong to that type of biographies which describe the lives of venerated heroes and saints.14 kehidupan muhammad sebagaimana doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 41vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 digambarkan dalam banyak tradisi dikenal dengan sîra telah disusun secara sistematik oleh banyak pengarang awal, seperti ibn ishaq (w.150/768), ibn hisyam (w.218/833) dan al-waqidi (201/822), ibn sa’d (w.230/ 844), al-baladhuri (w.279/892) dan al-tabari (w.310/922). karya mereka telah banyak mengilhami para penulis biografi nabi kemudian, seperti karen amstrong dan athar husain. dua karya yang terakhir ini merupakan bahan biografi yang digunakan penulis untuk melihat bagaimana ide model kenabian dalam konsumsi itu bisa direkonstruksi. dengan mengacu kisah rasulullah, maka rekonstruksi yang dimaksud diperoleh dengan cara menafsirkan ulang kebiasaan keseharian nabi. tanpa harus terjebak pada nada apologetik, tulisan ini menempatkan gaya hidup nabi sebagai alternatif di tengah gaya hidup yang takluk kepada serbuan konsumsi massa. apalagi, menurut kaum radikal, globalisasi telah mendorong warga dunia untuk tergoda memanjakan dirinya pada hedonisme dengan mengonsumsi barang yang dijejalkan oleh perusahaan multinasional. padahal, produk tersebut merupakan hasil dari praktik ekonomi yang mengandalkan buruh murah, penyumbang kerusakan lingkungan, jurang pendapatan yang lebar, dan konsolidasi politik di tangan segelintir plutokratik (orang kaya).15 sebagaimana dijelaskan athar husain, seraya merujuk pada kumpulan hadits sahih, kepemilikan nabi terhadap barang-barang sebatas keperluan sehari-hari. di antaranya, sisir, baju, sepatu, kaos kaki, cincin, pedang, tameng, helm, sorban, celana, bantal, dan kasur. demikian pula, rumah tempat berteduh adalah sebuah pondok dengan tembok terbuat dari tanah liat yang tidak dibakar dan atap daun kurma yang dilapisi kulit unta. pondok itu terdiri dari beberapa kamar kecil untuk para isterinya dengan bahan yang sama. untuk alat tranportasi, nabi memelihara unta, kuda dan keledai. malah, merujuk pada hadits bukhari, muslim dan abu dawud, nabi juga memiliki sebidang tanah di akhir hidupnya, meskipun akhirnya tanah itu pun disedekahkan untuk kepentingan umat. demikian juga kesaksian amr, saudara tiri nabi, muhammad tidak meninggalkan satu sen pun, seorang budak atau pembantu atau harta yang lain, kecuali seekor unta, senjata dan sebidang tanah.16 bahkan dalam sebuah kesempatan, segelintir sahabat pernah melihat bekas tempat tidurnya di badan nabi, lalu mereka menawarkan kasur yang lebih empuk, tetapi dengan sopan nabi menolak tawaran itu seraya menyatakan, “apa yang harus saya lakukan dengan benda-duniawi ini. hubungan saya dengan dunia seperti seorang musafir yang berteduh sementara di bawah naungan pohon dan kemudian tak lama beranjak.17 meski nabi memilih hidup sederhana dan nyaman dengan pilihan ini, namun dalam perjalanan hidupnya, rasulullah juga mengalami tantangan. justru cobaan itu berasal dari keluarganya sendiri, yaitu para isterinya. muhammad sangat prihatin pada kemunduran moral yang disebabkan kemakmuran yang diraih ketika hijrah, khususnya di kalangan isteri-isterinya. keprihatinan ini muncul dari krisis hubungan keluarga nabi. dalam buku muhammad, karen amstrong melukiskan dengan prosa liris bagaimana muhammad harus menghadapi tantangan ini. sikap nabi yan justru menarik diri dari masyarakat membuat umar, sahabatnya, cemas. meski doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 42 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pertama ditolak, akhirnya nabi bersedia menerima bapak hafsah ini. rumor bahwa nabi akan menceraikan isterinya tidak lebih dari isapan jempol belaka. pertemuan kedua sahabat ini menjernihkan suasana murung, namun nabi tidak dapat menyembunyikan keadaan sulit setelah hijrah ke madinah. 18 ketegasan nabi pada isterinya untuk hidup sederhana tentu banyak memberi ilham bagaimana umatnya juga menjalankan gaya hidup. ketika kesempatan untuk mereguk kekayaan terbuka, justru nabi lebih mementingkan kepentingan lebih besar, mendorong kepedulian umat terhadap orang miskin. hal yang lain yang bisa dipahami secara tersirat bahwa pemuasaan konsumtif itu terbatas, sejauh ia memenuhi kebutuhan dasar. kalau dicermati keseharian rasul, mungkin kita bisa mencerap seberapa besar waktu nabi dihabiskan. seperti dalam kesaksian aisyah, nabi selalu membantu pekerjaan rumah tangga dan acapkali menambal bajunya, memperbaiki sepatu dan menyapu lantai. tak hanya itu, dia juga memberi minum dan makan binatang ternak peliharaannya. uniknya lagi, kakek hasanhusein ini juga berbelanja ke pasar. kesaksian aisyah ini tentu sebuah sisi lain dari teladan nabi, bahwa perubahan masyarakat itu bermula dari rumah. sebagai pemimpin, beliau tidak ragu untuk mengerjakan pekerjaan kasar. prilaku ini juga menunjukkan antitesis terhadap kebudayaan patriarkal yang cenderung menampik pekerjaan domestik untuk kaum lelaki. dalam karya athar husain, the message of muhammad, rutinitas nabi diterakan dengan tiga kegiatan, yaitu ibadah, urusan masyarakat dan urusan pribadi. setelah shalat subuh, beliau duduk di masjid untuk berzikir hingga matahari terbit dan banyak orang berkumpul untuk mengikuti pengajian. setelah majlis taklim, mertua ali ini bercakap-cakap dengan riang bersama jamaah, bertanya tentang kesejahteraan dan bahkan bertukar lelucon dengan mereka. usai pertemuan itu, nabi pulang ke rumah untuk menyelesaikan pekerjaan rutin rumah tangga. pada waktu siang, dia kembali ke masjid untuk shalat zuhur dan ashar, lalu dilanjutkan dengan mendengarkan masalah umat dan menghiburnya, tentu juga memberikan petunjuk.19 kebiasaan nabi jelas-jelas menggambarkan kepedulian terhadap ketepatan waktu dan kedisiplinan. menjelang senja, nabi mengunjungi masing-masing isterinya dan setelah shalat isya, para isterinya berkumpul di satu tempat untuk makan malam. sebelum berangkat tidur, nabi akan membaca al-qur’an dan berdoa. kebiasaan yang selalu dilakukan sebelum sembahyang adalah membersihkan gigi. di tengah malam, beliau selalu bershalat tahajud, kebiasaan yang tak pernah ditinggalkan sepanjang hidupnya. 20 sebenarnya tidak ada yang terlalu berat untuk ditiru oleh umat pada hari ini. mungkin, malah ada sebagian yang justru melakukan ibadah yang jauh lebih panjang, seperti dilakukan oleh salah seorang tokoh agama di yogyakarta, kyai masrur, yang mengkhatamkan al-qur’an selama sebulan di pinggir jalan. jika mempertimbangkan gagasan maslow tentang hidup nyaman melalui hubungan baik, maka keterbatasan harta benda tidak menghalangi nabi untuk merawat hubungan mesra dengan keluarga. demikian pula, hubungan nabi dengan orang ramai yang mengandaikan jalinan keakraban dan keseteraan, sejatinya apa yang diandaikan maslow telah dipraktikkan oleh nabi ketika doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 43vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 bermasyarakat dan menyampaikan dakwah. meski biografi nabi tidak dijadikan bahan untuk penelitian psikologinya, kehidupan nabi mencerminkan orang-orang yang disenaraikan sebagai orang-orang yang sehat (healthy person). kesimpulan dari uraian dan penjelasan di atas, ternyata menjadi muslim itu sesederhana nabi menjalani keseharian dengan riang. meski memangku sebagai pemimpin, anak abdullah tersebut tidak memanjakan gaya hidup mewah, sesuatu yang sebenarnya bisa diraihnya dengan mudah. malah boleh dikatakan apa yang dilakukan nabi seharihari seperti kebanyakan orang pada waktu itu. sebagai manusia biasa, muhammad juga berusaha untuk melawan kecenderungan menuruti nafsu hedonis. seperti diceritakan dalam hadits bukhari, nabi hanya mempunyai sedikit baju, tetapi dijaga kebersihannya. bahkan di akhir masa hidupnya, ayah fatimah tersebut tidak meninggalkah uang, hanya sebidang tanah yang itupun diberikan pada masyarakat untuk kepentingan umum. tampaknya, menjalankan kesungguhan menjalankan keseharian dan menyisakan waktu untuk beribadah adalah lebih dari cukup untuk meneladani rasul. konsumsi berkait sehari-hari hanya terbatas pada kebutuhan pokok, dan justru waktu lebih banyak dihabiskan untuk merawat batin. hanya saja, di tengah keadaan bangsa ini tidak dilanda perang, kita sendiri sebagai muslim acapkali menimbulkan kegaduhan. padahal, bahkan kepada musuh-musuhnya nabi id mencerca dan mengutuk dengan garang. justru, yang perlu mendapatkan perhatian bahwa muhammad senantiasa menanyakan kesejahteraan umatnya. betapa penting persoalan konsumsi di dalam risalah nabi. namun demikian, pola konsumsi nabi yang tidak terjebak pada penampilan dangkal sejatinya bermuara pada tugas manusia sebagai khalifah di bumi, yang memelihara hubungan kemanusiaan secara beradab dan memanfaatkan alam secara bertanggungjawab. nabi hanya memiliki barang-barang yang berkaitan dengan keperluan yang mendasar dan terkait langsung dengan pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar sebagai manusia. kepedulian nabi terhadap lingkungan, dengan menggunakan air secukupnya dalam berwudhu, menunjukkan kesadaran terhadap pentingnya konsumsi yang ramah lingkungan. apalagi, kitab suci sebagai etika tertinggi nabi, selalu menekankan hidup yang hemat, tidak boros dan tidak merusak alam. catatan akhir 1 lihat abdou filali-ansari, pembaruan islam: dari mana dan hendak ke mana?, terj. machasin (bandung: mizan, 2009). mungkin, karya lain perlu juga dihadirkan untuk mengkritik gagasan pembaruan semacam ini, seperti jilani ben touhami meftah, the arab modernist and the qur’anic text (kuala lumpur: university of malaya press, 2005). 2 eric schlosser, negeri fast food, terj. ronny agustinus (yogyakarta: insist press, 2004). film dengan judul yang sama, fast food, memperlihatkan bagaimana secara visual produksi bahan untuk makanan cepat saji itu berproses. malah, tidak hanya berkait dengan pemprosesan, tetapi juga rekruitmen pekerja ilegal, yang jelas-jelas melanggar hukum. pendek kata, barang jadi itu menyimpan banyak masalah. 3 untuk bacaan lebih lanjut lihat aaron c ahuvia, “individualism/collectivism and cultures of happiness: a theoretical conjecture on the relationship between consumption, culture and subjective well-being at the national level, journal of happiness studies 3: : : : : 23–36, 2002. 4 lihat dale southerton, sustainable consumption: the implications of changing infrastructure of provision doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 44 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna (cheltenham, uk: edward elgar, 2004), h. 6 5 diambil dari barbara engler, personality theories: an introduction (boston dan new york: hughton mifflin company, 2003), h. 361-362. 6 barbara engler, personality theories, h. 363 7 diambil dari sharon zukin and jennifer smith maguire, “consumers and consumption” annual review of sociology, vol. 30 (2004), h. 181. bandingkan juga dengan kajian alan warde yang menyajikan tiga ahli teori sosial, ulrich beck, anthony giddens dan zygmunt bauman yang bersetuju bahwa pada masa sekarang orang ramai menegaskan dirinya melalui pesan yang mereka sampaikan melalui barang-barang dan praktikpraktik yang mereka miliki dan pamerkan. lihat alan warde, “consumption, identity-formation and uncertainty” dalam daniel miller (ed)., consumption: critical consepts in the social sciences, vol. iii (london dan new york: routledge, 2001), h. 556-561. 8 dikutip dari david gartman, “culture as class symbolization or mass reification? a critique of bourdieu’s distinction, the american journal of sociology, vol. 97, no. 2 (sep., 1991), h. 424. 9 daniel miller (ed)., consumption: critical consepts in the social sciences, vol. i (london dan new york: routledge, 2001). 1 0 dikutip dari russell w belk, “possessions and the extended self”, dalam consumption: critical consepts in the social sciences i (london dan new york: routledge, 2001). h. 180. 1 1 diambil dari dale southerton, ed., sustainable consumption: the implications of changing infrastructure of provision (cheltenham, uk: edward elgar, 2004), h. 2 1 2 dikutip dari james g. carrier and josiah mcc. heyman, “consumption and political economy” dalam the journal of the royal anthropological institute, vol. 3, no. 2 (jun. 1997), h. 357. 1 3 fazlur rahman, “man in society” dalam azhar ibrahim alwee dan mohamed imran mohamed taib (ed.), islam, religion and progress (singapore: the reading group, 2006), h. 35. 1 4 ubi rubin, “the prophet muhammad and te islamic sources” dalam ubi rubin (ed.), the formation of the classical islamic world: the life muhammad (aldershot, usa: ashgate, 1998), h. xiii. 1 5 lihat peter m hass (et.al., ed.), controversies in globalization: contending approaches to international relations ( washington: sage, 2010), h. lix. 1 6 diambil dari athar hussein, op.cit., h. 123-126. 1 7 ibid., h. 126. 1 8 untuk bacaan lebih lanjut, karen amstrong, muhammad: biografi sang nabi, terj. joko sudaryanto (yogyakarta: jendela, 2004). 1 9 lihat athar hussein, op.cit., h. 131-132. 2 0 ibid. daftar pustaka ahuvia, aaron c. (2002) “individualism/collectivism and cultures of happiness: a theoretical conjecture on the relationship between consumption, culture and subjective well-being at the national level”, journal of happiness studies 3: 23–36. amstrong, karen. (2004) muhammad: biografi sang nabi, terj. joko sudaryanto, yogyakarta: jendela. belk, russell w. (2001) “possessions and the extended self”, dalam daniel miller (ed)., consumption: critical consepts in the social sciences, vol. i, london dan new york: routledge. carrier, james g. dan josiah mcc. heyman. (1997) “consumption and political economy” dalam the journal of the royal anthropological institute, vol. 3, no. 2 (jun). engler, barbara. (2003) personality theories: an introduction, boston dan new york: hughton mifflin company. fazlur rahman. (2006) “man in society” dalam azhar ibrahim alwee dan mohamed imran mohamed taib (ed), islam, religion and progress, singapore: the reading group. filali-ansari, abdou. (2009) pembaruan islam: dari mana dan hendak ke mana?, terj. machasin, bandung: mizan. gartman, david. (1991) “culture as class symbolization or mass reification? a critique of bourdieu’s distinction, the american journal of sociology, vol. 97, no. 2 (september). hass, peter m (et.al., ed.). (2010) controversies in globalization: contending approaches to international relations, washington: sage. husain, athar (1983) the message of muhammad: prophet muhammad and his mission, lahore: islamic book foundation. maslow, abraham. (1968) toward a psychology of being, new york: van nostrand reinhold company. meftah, jilani ben touhami. (2005) the arab modernist and the qur’anic text, kuala lumpur: university of malaya press. miller, daniel (ed.). (2001) consumption: critical consepts in the social sciences i (london dan new york: routledge. miller, toby dan alec mchoul. (1998) popular culture and everyday life, london: sage. rubin, ubi (1998) “the prophet muhammad and te islamic sources” dalam ubi rubin (ed.), the formation of the classical islamic world: the life muhammad, aldershot, usa: ashgate. schlosser, eric. (2004) negeri fast food, terj. ronny agustinus, yogyakarta: insist press. southerton, dale. (2004) sustainable consumption: the implications of changing infrastructure of provision, cheltenham, uk: edward elgar, warde, alan. (2001) “consumption, identity-formation and uncertainty” dalam daniel miller (ed)., consumption: critical consepts in the social sciences, vol. iii, london dan new york: routledge. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 45vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 zukin, sharon and jennifer smith maguire. (2004). “consumers and consumption” annual review of sociology, vol. 30. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0004. 35-45 index symbols ] a abdullah ahmad an-naim abid al-jabiri abraham maslow abu dawud afghanistan akhlaqul karimah al-qirâah al-mutakarrirah aljazair allied forces ambon amin abdullah arab astrid kusumowidagdo athar husain ayatollah ruhullah khomeini ayatullah ruhullah khomeini b bahrain bani sadr basu swastha borjuis bourdieu british orientalisme c calcutta cartesian doctrine charles adam charles j adams china cia clash of civilization classroom action research d dale southerton e edward m. bruner edward said egypt etnis dayak etnis madura f fazlur rahman france g gammal abdul naseer germany gulf war h hasan hanafi i ibn hisyam ibn ishaq ibn sa'd iran islam islamic revolution j james a. bill jordan judeo-kristen k karel c. steenbrink karen amstrong karita muslim square kuwait kyai masrur l lebanon m maisir majelis ulama indonesia maroko marshal david sahlin middle east miftakhul khasanah mohammad mosaddeq morocco muammar qadhafi muhamamd arkoun muhammad reza shah n nabi muhammad saw nasr hamid abu zaid o oman p palestina papbs pasuruan pekalongan q qajar empire qatar r reza shah richard king richard martin russia s samuel huntington saudi arabia savak scientific revolution shireen t. hunter situbondo soviet union stanley lieberson sudan surabaya syria t taqdîs al-afkâr al-dîniyyah the consumer society the message of muhammad theda scokpol thomas kuhn tjiptono tudeh party tunisia turkey u ubi rubin ujung pandang united states universitas chicago w william james world war ii y yahudi-kristen yunani # layout jan jun 2011 laba, asset, dpk, pembiayaan, serta lima rasio camels yaitu: roa, roe, fdr, cr/fr dan gwm/ rr. penelitian ini difokuskan pada dua periode: yaitu 11 bulan sebelum dan 11 bulan sesudah program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah dijalankan. penelitian ini berkesimpulan bahwa terdapat perbedaan signifikan dalam performa keuangan dari bank-bank syariah setelah penerapan program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah pada tahun 2007-2008. kata kunci: program akselerasi, bank shariah, kinerja keuangan, manova. pendahuluan melalui berbagai kebijakan dan regulasi dari bank indonesia, maka bank syariah semakin berkembang. data biro riset infobank menyebutkan, total aset bank syariah di indonesia pada akhir tahun 1999 baru rp. 1,12 triliun atau 0,11 % dari pangsa pasar perbankan nasional. tetapi diakhir tahun 2005 total asetnya telah mencapai rp. 18,45 triliun, dan jumlah itu telah tumbuh lagi 31,79 % pada akhir tahun 2006 menjadi rp.24,32 triliun. hal itu berarti pertumbuhan rata-rata aset perbankan syariah dalam 5 tahun terakhir mencapai lebih dari 9 kali pertumbuhan perbankan konvensional. pada kurun waktu tersebut, perbankan syariah mampu menumbuhkan aset 65% per tahun sedangkan pertumbuhan aset perbankan konvensional rata-rata hanya 7 % per tahun.1 pengaruh program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs) terhadap kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah di indonesia miftakhul khasanah fakultas agama islam universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: tha_ul@yahoo.com abstract this research aims to analyze the influence of acceleration program development of sharia banking to performance of sharia banking in indonesian. this research is a comparative research, using quantitative method. research variables used are profit share, asset share, dpk share, financing extended, roa, roe, fdr, fr/ npfs and gwm/ rr. it focuses on two period: 11 months before and 11 months after acceleration development of sharia banking program. this research concludes there is a significant difference in the financial performance of sharia banking after the implementation of the acceleration development program of sharia banking in 2007-2008. keywords: acceleration program, sharia banking, financial performance, manova abstrak penelitian ini menganalisis pengaruh program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah di indonesia. penelitian ini adalah studi perbandingan dengan menggunakan metode kuantitatif. variable penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pembagian hasil doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 81vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 bukan hanya asetnya saja yang melonjak. jumlah bank yang beroperasi dengan prinsip syariah pun semakin bertambah. pada tahun 1999 baru terdapat dua bank syariah yang beroperasi di indonesia yaitu bank mualamat dan bank syariah mandiri serta satu unit usaha syariah (uus) milik bank ifi yang baru beroperasi. pada akhir 2007, tak kurang dari 26 bank umum di indonesia yang menjalankan prinsip syariah, terdiri dari 3 bank umum syariah (bus), yaitu bmi, bsm, dan bank syariah mega indonesia (bsmi), serta 23 unit usaha syariah, belum termasuk 109 bank perkreditan rakyat (bpr) syariah2. dari segi jaringan, laju pertumbuhan cukup tinggi. pada 2001 baru ada 101 kantor bus/uus, pada 2004 melonjak 3,5 kali menjadi 355 dan akhir 2006 menjadi 531 kantor. terobosan unik lahir ketika bi mengeluarkan izin penggunaan kantor bank konvensional untuk memberikan layanan syariah (office channeling/oc) yang menambah jumlah outlet oc langsung melejit mencapai 456 pada 2006, hampir menyamai jumlah kantor bus/uus. pada akhir 2007, setahun setelah kebijakan oc bergulir, jumlah kantor layanan perbankan syariah menjadi 575 kantor setelah berkiprah 15 tahun di indonesia3. di balik pertumbuhan yang sangat menggembirakan dan pangsa pasar yang terbuka lebar tersebut terdapat kekhawatiran bahwa perkembangan tersebut hanya semu belaka jika tanpa dilandasi dengan pengaturan yang memadai tentang prinsipprinsip syariah juga kerangka kelembagaan yang diterapkan yang nantinya akan mempengaruhi kinerja bisnis dari bank syariah tersebut. meskipun perbankan syariah mengalami pertumbuhan dan perkembangan yang luar biasa namun kontribusi sistem perbankan syariah terhadap sistem perbankan konvensional masih kecil hal ini ditunjukkan dari total aset perbankan syariah yang hanya 1,84 % dari total asset perbankan konvensional bulan desember 20074. berdasarkan cetak biru perkembangan perbankan syariah tahun 2002 2011, target pertumbuhan pada tahun 2011 ditetapkan sebesar 5 %. karena pertumbuhannya dinilai mulai melambat maka bi menetapkan perlu dilakukan percepatan atau akselerasi dengan memperpendek waktu yaitu bukan tahun 2011 tetapi tahun 2008 pertumbuhannya bisa mencapai 5 % dengan tetap mempertahankan prinsip kehati-hatian dan kepatuhan terhadap prinsip syariah, dimana target pertumbuhan untuk akhir 2008 tanpa program akselerasi adalah 2,8 %.5 bila mengacu pada skenario baseline dengan tingkat pertumbuhan awal industri (fast growth) rata-rata sebesar 38,8 % maka dengan adanya akselerasi diharapkan pertumbuhannya dapat lebih besar. simulasi implementasi program akselerasi diharapkan mampu mendorong pertumbuhan volume usaha lebih cepat, mencapai 52,8 % di atas skenario baseline sebagaimana proyeksi di pada tabel 16: kalangan perbankan syariah menanggapi target akselerasi itu dengan cukup beragam. ada yang bersikap netral dengan berbagai upaya fokus memacu dan mengharapkan uluran tangan tuhan untuk mencapai proyeksi tersebut. ada yang optimistis dengan syarat terjadi pertumbuhan nonorganik yang tidak biasa, seperti konversi bank bumn jadi bank syariah, spin-off, masuknya pemain asing, serta dukungan kebijakan pemerintah. ada juga yang menilai bahwa target akselerasi tersebut kurang realistis dan dinilai terlalu ambisius. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 82 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna walaupun tanggapan dari berbagai pihak cukup beragam tetapi bank indonesia mempunyai kebijakan sendiri untuk mencapai target dan tujuan yang telah ditetapkan dimana kebijakan dan program akselerasi 2007-2008 lebih difokuskan pada pencapaian target kuantitatif melalui terobosan paket kebijakan dan program inisiatif yang dapat memberikan perubahan pertumbuhan aset secara signifikan (lompatan besar) dalam jangka pendek. sasaran kebijakan dan program akselerasi 2007-2008 adalah7: 1. mendorong pertumbuhan dari sisi supply dan demand secara seimbang 2. memperkuat permodalan, manajemen dan sumber daya manusia (sdm) bank syariah. 3. mengoptimalkan peranan pemerintah (otoritas fiskal) dan bank indonesia (otoritas perbankan & moneter) sebagai penggerak pertumbuhan. 4. melibatkan seluruh stakeholder perbankan syariah untuk berpartisipasi aktif dalam program akselerasi sesuai dengan kompetensinya masing-masing. bank indonesia sendiri telah menetapkan enam pilar sasaran program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah, yaitu8: 1. penguatan kelembagaan bank syariah. 2. pengembangan produk bank syariah. 3. intensifikasi edukasi publik dan aliansi mitra strategis. 4. peningkatan peranan pemerintah dan penguatan kerangka hukum bank syariah. 5. penguatan sumber daya manusia bank syariah. 6. penguatan pengawasan bank syariah dalam mengimplementasikan programprogram akselerasi bank indonesia membentuk working group yang beranggotakan bank indonesia dan bankbank syariah. berdasarkan latar belakang masalah di atas maka diperlukan suatu pengujian atau analisa terhadap perkembangan perbankan syariah di indonesia. apakah perkembangan perbankan syariah tersebut semakin meningkat dengan adanya program akselerasi yang ditetapkan oleh bank indonesia dan apakah perkembangan pesat dari perbankan syariah tersebut akan terus berlanjut,dan meningkat sesuai dengan target yang ditetapkan. rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah apakah ada perbedaan kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah sebelum dan sesudah adanya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs) ?. dan bagaimana pengaruh baik secara parsial tabel 1 proyeksi aset, pembiayaan yang diberikan (pyd) dan dana pihak ketiga (dpk) perbankan syariah 2007 – 2008 (rp.triliun) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 83vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 maupun simultan dari adanya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs) terhadap kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah di indonesia?. secara empiris penelitian ini dapat memberikan kesimpulan secara statistik baik berdasarkan metode univariate maupun multivariate melalui pengujian hipotesis, seberapa besar pengaruh adanya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs) terhadap kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah di indonesia baik secara parsial pada masing-masing rasio ataupun secara serentak / simultan pada keseluruhan rasio. penelitian ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh kalangan akademisi maupun praktisi perbankan syariah dan lembaga keuangan syariah lainnya untuk menambah literatur penelitian dalam perencanaan strategi pengembangan perbankan syariah dan juga diharapkan dapat menambah referensi bagi penelitian-penelitian mendatang. secara praktis penelitian ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh para pelaku pasar /stake holder perbankan terutama perbankan syariah sebagai masukan untuk menyelaraskan strategi dalam mencapai tujuan dan aspirasi terhadap perbankan syariah. penilaian kinerja bank penilaian kinerja keuangan perbankan dapat diukur dari rasio camels. bank indonesia menetapkan metode camel rating system sebagai alat ukur penilaian kesehatan/ kinerja bank umum yang tertuang dalam surat keputusan direksi bi nomor 26/23/kep/dir tanggal 29 mei tentang tata cara penilaian tingkat kesehatan bank dan surat edaran gubernur bi nomor 26/ 5/ bppp, tanggal 29 mei 1993 tentang tata cara penilaian kesehatan bank umum dan diperbaharui lagi dengan surat keputusan direksi bank indonesia no.30/ 11/ kep/ dir tanggal 30 april 1997 tentang tata cara penilaian tingkat kesehatan bank umum dan terakhir diperbaharui lagi dengan surat edaran gubernur bi no.6/ 23/ dpnp tertanggal 31 mei 2004 yang menambahkan unsur resiko (sensitivity to market risk), sehingga menjadi camels.9 penilaian tingkat kesehatan/ kinerja bank dengan rasio camel meliputi aspek permodalan (capital), kualitas aktiva produktif (assets quality), manajemen (management), rentabilitas (earning), dan likuiditas (liquidity). pada kenyataannya penggunaan camels sebagaimana format aslinya yang ditetapkan oleh bi sulit diaplikasikan oleh masyarakat atau pihak diluar bi dan bank yang bersangkutan. masalah utama berhubungan dengan keterbatasan data laporan keuangan bank yang dipublikasikan dimana laporan tersebut tidak mencakup semua informasi yang dibutuhkan untuk melakukan analisis, maka penelitian tentang kinerja/ kesehatan bank dilakukan dengan menggunakan proksi dari rasio camels yang dimodifikasi berdasarkan data yang ada pada laporan keuangan publikasi bank indonesia. telah banyak studi ataupun penelitian yang dilakukan untuk menguji kinerja suatu perusahaan dengan menggunakan rasio camels dengan data berupa laporan keuangan yang dipublikasikan seperti beberapa penelitian berikut ini. payamta dan machfoedz (1999) menggunakan rasio camel untuk mengevaluasi kinerja perbankan sebelum dan sesudah go public di bej dengan sampel 22 buah bank. penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan uji rank’s wilcoxon dan uji manova. hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa dari tujuh rasio doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 84 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna camel yang dianalisis hanya car, rora, dan cml yang memberikan indikasi berbeda secara signifikan, namun perbedaan tersebut hanya bersifat temporer dan tidak signifikan.10 handayani (2004) melakukan penelitian perbandingan kinerja keuangan bank muamalat indonesia tahun 1994 – 1998 dengan tahun 1999 – 2003. perbandingan antara dua periode tersebut didasarkan pada pertimbangan bahwa saat itu (periode 1999 2003) bmi dan bank syariah lainnya beroperasi dalam lingkungan bisnis yang lebih baik dan akomodatif dibandingkan pada masa-masa awal berdirinya bmi. penelitian ini menggunakan alat analisis paired samples t test. hasil penelitiannya yaitu untuk rasio profitabilitas, likuiditas, dan solvabilitas tidak ada perbedaan yang signifikan antara rentang waktu pada dua periode tersebut. hasil perbedaan yang signifikan terjadi pada rasio commitment to economy and muslim community. 11 sudarmiyati (2004) menganalisis kinerja bank muamalat indonesia cabang pekalongan sebelum dan sesudah fatwa mui tentang haramnya riba. variabel penelitiannya yaitu jumlah dana pihak ketiga (dpk) dan jumlah nasabah dengan periode penelitian antara agustus 2003 sampai dengan mei 2004. kesimpulan yang didapatkan yaitu dengan uji beda mannwhitney didaptkan hasil bahwa rasio dpk berbeda secara signifikan antara sebelum dan sesudah adanya fatwa mui. sementara untuk jumlah nasabah tidak terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan antara periode sebelum dan sesudah adanya fatwa mui. sehingga kesimpulannya bahwa pertambahan dpk tidak disebabkan karena kenaikan jumlah nasabah baru akan tetapi disebabkan oleh nasabah-nasabah lama yang menambah jumlah simpanannya.12 sedangkan fadloli (2004) menganalisa apakah ada perbedaan kinerja keuangan antara sebelum dan sesudah fatwa mui pada dua bank umum syariah terbesar yaitu bank muamalat indonesia (bmi) dan bank syariah mandiri (bsm), baik secara terpisah maupun bersama-sama. variabel penelitian yang dipergunakan adalah sebelas proksi rasio camels yaitu car1, car2, rora, aut, npm, roa, roe, bopo, ldr, gwm, dan ltoa. metode yang digunakan adalah univariate dengan alat analisis paired samples t test dan wilcoxon sign rank test dan multivariate dengan uji manova. hasilnya adalah bahwa jika diuji secara simultan ternyata terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan pada kinerja keuangan kedua bank umum syariah tersebut antara periode sebelum dan sesudah fatwa mui.13 kerangka teori beberapa metode dapat digunakan untuk menilai kinerja suatu perusahaan, antara lain dengan menggunakan analisis rasio keuangan, economic value added (eva), balanced score card dan metode lainnya. berdasarkan penelitian-penelitian sebelumnya maka dalam penelitian ini yang dianalisis adalah rasio keuangan termasuk proksi dari rasio camels, diperkirakan bahwa dengan adanya program akselerasi perkembangan perbankan syariah akan berpengaruh secara signifikan terhadap kinerja keuangan bank umum syariah di indonesia. penelitian ini menggunakan metode kuantitatif.14 dan penelitian korelasi (correlation research) untuk menjawab rumusan masalah yang ada. tahap-tahap penelitian dengan pengujian statistik meliputi uji doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 85vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 normalitas data. uji normalitas dapat dilakukan dengan dua cara yaitu melalui analisa grafik (histogram dan normal probability plot) dan pengujian statistik. pengujian normalitas penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pengujian statistik untuk data metrik/ kuantitatif yaitu dengan menggunakan uji shapiro-wilk dan uji kolmogorovsmirnov dengan lilliefors significance correction. uji statistik dipilih karena lebih peka untuk mendeteksi normalitas data dibandingkan pengujian dengan menggunakan grafik.15 dilanjutkan dengan pengujian hipotesis parsial untuk masing-masing variabel penelitian dengan menggunakan paired samples t test untuk data parametrik dan wilcoxon’s signed rank test untuk data nonparametrik. uji nonparametrik menggunakan wilcoxon’s signed rank test. terakhir adalah pengujian secara simultan yang dilakukan dengan menggunakan anova dan manova. pengujian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui apakah ada perbedaan kinerja keuangan secara serentak dari keseluruhan rasio-rasio variabel yang digunakan sebelum dan sesudah adanya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs). metode penelitian subyek penelitian adalah perbankan syariah di indonesia (non bprs), sedangkan obyek penelitian adalah kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah nasional. variabel yang dipergunakan adalah share atau perbandingan antara total laba, asset, dpk (dana pihak ketiga) dan pembiayaan (financing extended) perbankan syariah dengan total laba, asset, dpk (dana pihak ketiga) dan pembiayaan/kredit dari perbankan nasional secara keseluruhan serta beberapa unsur camels yang diproksikan dalam lima rasio keuangan (kuantitas) yaitu roa, roe, fdr, cr/fr,dan gwm/rr. data yang dipergunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah data time series berupa data sekunder yang diolah dan didapatkan dari bank indonesia yaitu laporan bulanan bank umum syariah (lbus), data statistik perbankan indonesia, dan data statistik perbankan syariah indonesia. data-data tersebut bisa didapatkan dari perpustakaan bank indonesia atau melalui website bank indonesia di www.bi.go.id. penelitian ini menggunakan periode pengamatan waktu yaitu sebelas bulan sebelum (februari 2006desember 2006) dan sebelas bulan sesudah adanya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (februari 2007 – desember 2007) di mana bulan januari 2007 ditetapkan sebagai dasar dimulainya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs). dalam penelitian ini, variabel penelitian yang digunakan adalah share laba, asset, dpk, pembiayaan/ financing extended, serta lima rasio camels yaitu: roa, roe, fdr, cr/fr dan rr (gwm). rasio camels secara internasional lazim dipergunakan untuk menilai ukuran kinerja/kesehatan industri perbankan, bank indonesia sendiri juga menerapkan camels sebagai alat ukur kinerja/kesehatan bank umum, tetapi tidak semua rasio camels dipergunakan dalam penelitian ini karena keterbatasan data yang dipublikasikan, walaupun begitu beberapa proksi rasio camels sudah cukup mewakili untuk mengukur kinerja keuangan suatu perbankan seperti yang dinyatakan oleh rinaldi,dkk (1995), bahwa penilaian dengan menggunakan camel secara penuh sesuai dengan standar bi tidak dapat dilakukan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 86 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna karena keterbatasan data yang ada atau karena data yang dibutuhkan hanya diketahui oleh bi dan bank yang bersangkutan, semisal data pembobotan risiko aktiva yang dimiliki oleh bank dalam penghitungan car, juga data tingkat kolektibilitas kredit yang disalurkan, dan data-data lainnya.16 langkah pertama yang dilakukan adalah menghitung masing-masing rasio yang sudah ditetapkan sebagai variabel penelitian. hasil perhitungan rasio-rasio tersebut yang selanjutnya digunakan sebagai data dalam pengujian statistik. tahap-tahap pengujian secara rinci adalah sebagai berikut: 1) uji normalitas data pengujian normalitas data dimaksudkan untuk mengetahui apakah data berdistribusi normal atau tidak. uji normalitas penting dilakukan untuk menentukan alat uji statistik apa yang sebaiknya digunakan untuk pengujian hipotesis. apabila data berdistribusi normal maka digunakan test parametrik, sebaliknya apabila data berdistribusi tidak normal maka alat uji yang lebih sesuai adalah alat uji statistik nonparametrik.17 2) pengujian hipotesa parsial hasil uji normalitas data digunakan untuk menentukan alat uji apa yang paling sesuai dalam pengujian hipotesis. apabila data berdistribusi normal maka digunakan uji parametrik yaitu paired-samples t-test. sementara apabila data berdistribusi tidak normal, maka uji non parametrik yaitu wilcoxon’s signed rank test lebih sesuai digunakan. kedua model uji beda tersebut populer digunakan untuk model penelitian pre-post atau sebelum-sesudah. 3) uji hipotesis simultan dalam penelitian ini untuk variabel kategorikal periode yang merupakan data ordinal disebut sebagai two level factor karena hanya memiliki dua kategori atau level sebelum dan sesudah. pada penelitian kali ini pengujian dilakukan dengan analisa multivariate analysis of variance (manova). pengujian dilakukan dua sisi (two tailed) yaitu untuk mengetahui apakah nilai rata-rata rasio rasio dari variabel penelitian periode sebelum program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs) sama atau tidak dengan nilai mean rasio setelah adanya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah (papbs). tingkat signifikansi atau nilai alfa (α ) pada penelitian ini ditetapkan untuk seluruh pengujian adalah sebesar 0,05 atau 5 %. hasil dan pembahasan penelitian pengaruh program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah terhadap kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah ini pada dasarnya menggunakan dua uji yaitu uji beda dan uji anova/manova. uji beda menggunakan alat uji paired-samples t test (uji t sampel berpasangan) dan wilcoxon’s signed rank test (uji peringkat bertanda wilcoxon), sedangkan untuk uji anova/ manova dengan menggunakan alat uji univariate dan multivariate. kedua uji tersebut (uji beda dan uji anova/ manova ) sengaja dipakai dua-duanya untuk membuktikan adanya pengaruh (jika pengaruh tersebut memang ada) dan agar tidak terjadi bias atau kesalahan dalam uji. penelitian ini menggunakan level periode sebagai faktor kategorikal dimana level 1 untuk periode sebelum papbs dan level 2 untuk periode setelah adanya papbs dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 87vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 untuk variabel dependennya menggunakan sembilan rasio yaitu rasio share laba, share aset, share dpk, share financing, kemudian rasio roa, roe, fdr, fr dan quick ratio (gwm) dengan rentang periode pengamatan dari sebelas bulan sebelum adanya papbs dan sebelas bulan setelah adanya papbs. berdasar hasil uji hipotesis dari pengujian yang telah dilakukan hanya ada dua rasio yang tidak berbeda secara signifikan atau sama antara periode sebelum dan setelah adanya papbs, kedua rasio tersebut adalah rasio share laba dan gwm. sedangkan untuk ketujuh rasio lainnya terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan pada masingmasing variabel. selama periode pengamatan dapat dilihat adanya peningkatan nilai mean pada rasio laba, walaupun peningkatan ini tidak cukup signifikan untuk membuktikan adanya pengaruh program papbs. hal tersebut menunjukkan bahwa pada dasarnya laba yang dihasilkan oleh perbankan syariah mengalami peningkatan walaupun peningkatan tersebut tidak cukup mampu untuk menyamai rata-rata peningkatan laba yang dihasilkan oleh perbankan konvensional. hal ini bisa dibuktikan dari besarnya peningkatan nilai mean pada rasio roa dan roe, dimana rasio roa adalah rasio perbandingan antara laba sebelum pajak dengan total aset. rasio ini digunakan untuk mengukur kemampuan bank dalam memperoleh keuntungan secara keseluruhan. roa menggambarkan perputaran aktiva yang diukur dari volume penjualan.18 sedangkan roe (return on equity) merupakan indikator yang sangat penting bagi para pemegang saham dan calon investor untuk mengukur kemampuan bank dalam memperoleh laba bersih yang dikaitkan dengan pembayaran dividen. kenaikan pada rasio ini berarti terjadi kenaikan laba bersih dari laba yang bersangkutan, yang selanjutnya dikaitkan dengan peluang kemungkinan pembayaran dividen (terutama untuk bank yang telah go public). jadi apabila terjadi kenaikan dalam rasio ini, berarti terjadi kenaikan laba bersih dari bank yang bersangkutan, kenaikan ini akan menyebabkan naiknya harga saham bank, yang akan membuat para pemegang saham bank dan para investor di pasar modal ingin membeli saham bank tersebut.19 dari hasil pengujian diketahui bahwa terjadi peningkatan nilai mean pada rasio roa dan roe, dan masing-masing rasio tersebut memiliki nilai partial eta squared (pes) 0.892 untuk roa dan 0.870 untuk roe dengan nilai observed power yang tertinggi yaitu masing-masing 1, hal ini berarti bahwa terdapat perbedaan yang nyata baik pada proporsi variasi maupun mean dari kedua rasio tersebut akibat adanya perbedaan level periode antara sebelum dan setelah adanya program papbs. sehingga dapat disimpulkan bahwa dengan adanya program papbs ternyata berpengaruh terhadap kinerja keuangan dilihat dari sisi rentabilitas. rentabilitas adalah hasil perolehan dari investasi (penanaman modal) yang dijabarkan dengan persentase dari besarnya investasi. penilaian rentabilitas merupakan penilaian terhadap kondisi dan kemampuan rentabilitas bank untuk mendukung kegiatan operasionalnya dan permodalan.20 rasio gwm dari hasil pengujian dinyatakan tidak signifikan atau tidak berbeda antara periode sebelum dan setelah adanya program papbs. rasio ini disebut pula likuiditas wajib minimum, yaitu simpanan minimum yang wajib dipelihara dalam bentuk giro pada bank indonesia bagi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 88 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna semua bank. besarnya gwm minimal yang ditetapkan oleh bank indonesia akan berubah-ubah sesuai dengan kondisi moneter dan perbankan saat itu, semakin tinggi rasio ini maka bank tersebut akan semakin aman dari sisi likuiditas.21 walaupun rasio ini mengalami peningkatan nilai mean sebesar 1.556 tetapi dari hasil pengujian dinyatakan tidak cukup signifikan. untuk rasio gwm ini, baik nilai minimum dan maksimum sebelum papbs maupun setelah papbs nilai rasio gwm-nya jauh berada diatas ketentuan bi yaitu minimal sebesar 5 %. hal ini berarti bahwa kemampuan likuiditas perbankan syariah sudah cukup baik dan aman. untuk rasio share aset dan dpk masingmasing menunjukkan peningkatan yang cukup menggembirakan, karena dari hasil uji dinyatakan bahwa kedua rasio ini mengalami perubahan yang signifikan dari periode sebelum dan setelah adanya program papbs. peningkatan nilai mean secara individual dalam batas nilai tertentu dan tanpa memperhatikan hubungannya pada rasio lainnya berarti bahwa ada perbaikan kinerja diukur dari rasio keuangan tersebut. rasio share financing extended juga mengalami peningkatan nilai mean sebesar 0.185 dan dinyatakan signifikan dari periode sebelum dan setelah adanya program papbs. hal ini berarti bahwa peningkatan pembiayaan yang diberikan oleh perbankan syariah mampu menyamai kredit yang diberikan oleh perbankan konvensional, karena rata-rata nilai share-nya mengalami kenaikan. peningkatan pembiayaan ini ternyata meningkatkan nilai rasio financing risk (fr), rasio ini menunjukkan kemungkinan terjadinya risiko tidak tertagihnya piutang terhadap sejumlah pembiayaan yang telah diberikan. semakin kecil rasio ini maka semakin kecil pula resiko kemungkinan tidak tertagihnya piutang terhadap sejumlah pembiayaan yang diberikan, ini berarti semakin menguntungkan pihak bank.22 peningkatan nilai mean rasio fr sebesar 1.326 ini ternyata lebih tinggi apabila dibandingkan dengan peningkatan nilai mean pembiayaan/ financing extended. tetapi untuk rasio fdr sendiri ternyata mengalami penurunan nilai mean yang cukup signifikan dari periode sebelum program papbs yaitu sebesar 7.147 sehingga nilai mean yang dihasilkan setelah adanya program papbs ini menjadi 100.4382 %. hal ini ditopang oleh peningkatan dpk yang cukup tinggi sehingga nilai mean fdr bisa diturunkan. rasio fdr ini adalah rasio yang mengukur perbandingan jumlah pembiayaan yang diberikan oleh perbankan syariah dengan dana pihak ketiga yang diterima oleh bank tersebut, rasio ini menggambarkan kemampuan bank dalam membayar kembali penarikan dana oleh deposan dengan mengandalkan pembiayaan yang diberikan sebagai sumber likuiditasnya. oleh karena itu semakin tinggi nilai rasionya memberikan indikasi rendahnya kemampuan likuiditas bank tersebut, hal ini sebagai akibat jumlah dana yang diperlukan untuk pembiayaan menjadi semakin besar. karena nilai rata-rata rasio fdr-nya berkisar 100 %, maka likuiditas perbankan syariah dinilai sehat. secara umum pengujian hipotesis secara bersama-sama atau simultan dengan menggunakan uji manova (multivariat analysis of variance) menunjukkan adanya pengaruh dari program papbs dilihat dari adanya perbedaan nilai mean yang signifikan baik berupa peningkatan ataupun penurunan nilai mean pada rasio-rasio keuangan sebelum doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 89vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 dan setelah papbs. kesimpulan ini diambil dengan catatan bahwa model tidak lolos asumsi homogenity of variance walaupun manova masih robust terhadap pelanggaran ini. secara umum adanya pengaruh secara simultan pada variabel dependen akibat perbedaan level dilihat dari nilai signifikansi yang dihasilkan lebih besar atau lebih kecil dari nilai signifikansiα yang telah ditetapkan yaitu 5 %. nilai signifikansi ini dihitung berdasar nilai dari empat model uji multivariate yang berbeda dimana masing-masing nilainya kemudian ditransformasi kedalam nilai f statistik. keempat model uji multivariate tersebut yaitu pillai’s trace, wilks’ lambda, hotelling’s trace dan roy’s largest root dapat menghasilkan nilai signifikansi yang sama walaupun masing-masing uji modelnya berbeda. analisis lebih lanjut dilakukan pada penelitian ini, selain berdasar pada nilai signifikansi juga dengan melihat masingmasing nilai model uji multivariate dan implikasinya pada model. hasilnya secara umum berdasarkan empat model uji multivariate, semuanya menghasilkan kesimpulan yang signifikan, namun kesamaan nilai pada model uji hotelling’s trace dan roy’s largest root mengindikasikan adanya korelasi yang kuat antar variabel dependen. yang berarti bahwa pengaruh tersebut hanya terjadi pada satu atau beberapa variabel dependen saja dan bukan pada keseluruhan variabel dependen yang dianalisis. uji helmert contrast menunjukkan tujuh rasio yang signifikan dari sembilan rasio yang dianalisis secara simultan, ketujuh rasio tersebut adalah rasio share aset, share dpk, share financing, roa, roe, fdr, dan fr. sedangkan dua rasio yang tidak signifikan adalah share laba dan gwm. pada uji helmert contrast ini dihasilkan nilai difference yang merupakan pengurangan dari nilai contrast estimate dengan hypothesized value. nilai difference ini sama dengan nilai perbedaan mean yang dihasilkan pada uji paired-samples t test, akan tetapi dengan nilai perbedaan mean yang sama akan menghasilkan nilai signifikansi dan kesimpulan yang berbeda. hair, et. al menyatakan bahwa uji statistik univariate sebenarnya memiliki kelemahan yaitu dapat menyebabkan kesalahan tipe i secara keseluruhan, artinya ketika suatu hipotesis pada uji univariate menghasilkan nilai yang signifikan pada tingkat tertentu, pada pengujian secara simultan atau serentak bisa jadi hipotesis tersebut menghasilkan nilai yang tidak signifikan pada tingkat yang sama. sehingga pengujian secara serentak atau multivariate juga diperlukan untuk menghindari adanya bias atau kesalahan uji.23 kesimpulan dari hasil analisa dan pembahasan dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa dengan adanya program akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah tersebut dapat meningkatkan kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah di indonesia, berdasarkan analisis secara parsial rasio share laba dan rasio gwm dinyatakan tidak berbeda sedangkan ketujuh rasio yang lain dinyatakan berbeda secara signifikan yaitu rasio aset, dpk, financing, roa, roe, fdr, dan fr sedangkan secara serentak/ simultan terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan pada kinerja keuangan perbankan syariah antara sebelum dan setelah adanya program akselerasi perbankan syariah 2007 – 2008, walaupun peningkatan kinerja tersebut sangat dipengaruhi oleh perkembangan aset perbankan konvensional, yang bisa doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 90 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna diperkirakan adalah tingkat pertumbuhan aset perbankan syariah itu sendiri walaupun sulit untuk mencapai target yang ditetapkan yaitu share aset perbankan syariah terhadap perbankan konvensional bisa mencapai 5 % mengingat share asset pada mei 2008 baru mencapai 2.08 %.24 adanya konversi unit usaha syariah menjadi bank umum syariah merupakan salah satu upaya bi untuk mendorong peningkatan aset perbankan syariah. detail proses dan syaratnya akan diatur dalam peraturan bi (pbi) yang akan diterbitkan bi tahun ini dan mulai berlaku efektif tahun depan (2009-red). dengan adanya undangundang nomor 21 tahun 2008 tentang perbankan syariah diharapkan akan memberikan pengaruh yang positif bagi peningkatan perkembangan perbankan syariah di indonesia. catatan akhir 1 perbanasnews. no.71, tahun xxiv. maret-april 2007. 2 data statitik bank indonesia. sumber: www.bi.go.id/ publikasi/accessed 5 januari 2008. 3 data statitik bank indonesia. 4 data statitik bank indonesia, h.1. 5 direktorat perbankan syariah-bank indonesia, “akselerasi pengembangan perbankan syariah”,dpbs@bi.go.id / accessed 30 desember 2007 6 ameriza m musa “upaya 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metodologi penelitian, rajawali pers. jakarta. tan sri datuk ahmed mohamed ibrahim,1997. “ legal issues in implementation of islamic banking and finance”, labuan international submit on islamic financial & investment instruments, 16 -18 june 1997. taswan, 2006, manajemen perbankan, konsep, teknik & aplikasi. upp stim ykpn, yogyakarta. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0007. 80-91 index symbols ] a abdullah ahmad an-naim abid al-jabiri abraham maslow abu dawud afghanistan akhlaqul karimah al-qirâah al-mutakarrirah aljazair allied forces ambon amin abdullah arab astrid kusumowidagdo athar husain ayatollah ruhullah khomeini ayatullah ruhullah khomeini b bahrain bani sadr basu swastha borjuis bourdieu british orientalisme c calcutta cartesian doctrine charles adam charles j adams china cia clash of civilization classroom action research d dale southerton e edward m. bruner edward said egypt etnis dayak etnis madura f fazlur rahman france g gammal abdul naseer germany gulf war h hasan hanafi i ibn hisyam ibn ishaq ibn sa'd iran islam islamic revolution j james a. bill jordan judeo-kristen k karel c. steenbrink karen amstrong karita muslim square kuwait kyai masrur l lebanon m maisir majelis ulama indonesia maroko marshal david sahlin middle east miftakhul khasanah mohammad mosaddeq morocco muammar qadhafi muhamamd arkoun muhammad reza shah n nabi muhammad saw nasr hamid abu zaid o oman p palestina papbs pasuruan pekalongan q qajar empire qatar r reza shah richard king richard martin russia s samuel huntington saudi arabia savak scientific revolution shireen t. hunter situbondo soviet union stanley lieberson sudan surabaya syria t taqdîs al-afkâr al-dîniyyah the consumer society the message of muhammad theda scokpol thomas kuhn tjiptono tudeh party tunisia turkey u ubi rubin ujung pandang united states universitas chicago w william james world war ii y yahudi-kristen yunani # layout jan jun 2011 diperdebatkan. pasalnya, sebagaimana diramalkan oleh tesis dan teori modernisasi, agama akan kehilangan peran dan kekuatannya di dalam masyarakat modern. klaim-klaim itu kini terbukti semakin tak lagi relevan. secara sosiologis, agama tetap bertahan, hidup, dan bahkan menjelma jadi kebutuhan penting bagi banyak masyarakat. bahkan, tak jarang, dengan menggunakan bahasa serta simbol agama, masyarakat muslim kerap tampil melawan konsep-konsep modernisasi dan berbagai turunannya seperti sekularisasi, demokrasi, kesetaraan gender, dan sebagainya yang oleh sebagian telah ditahbiskan sebagai ideologi yang final. menjadikan khilafatul muslimin sebagai kajiannya, tulisan ini menunjukkan bagaimana agama justru berperan penting sebagai inspirasi dan sumber ide bagi kelompok-kelompok fundamentalis muslim untuk membangun tatanan masyarakat dan dunia yang sepenuhnya berbeda. kata kunci: islam, modernitas, fundamentalisme, dan khilafatul muslimin pendahuluan bagi para pendukung teori modernisasi, mengikuti arus logika max weber dan nama-nama lainnya, ada keyakinan bahwa dunia berkembang ke arah yang semakin modern yang antara lain ditandai dengan rasionalisasi, sekularisasi dan sebagainya. menurut teori ini, agama adalah fenomena “tradisional” yang pada akhirnya akan menurun, termarjinalisasi oleh proses modernisasi, industrialisasi, urbanisasi, dan pendidikan yang masif.1 begitulah bunyi hukum teori modernitas. sosiolog seperti bryan wilson dalam contemporary sikap muslim terhadap modernitas: kasus gerakan khilafatul muslimin di lampung ilham mundzir fakultas agama islam, universitas pof. dr. hamka, jakarta dan email: ilham2_m@yahoo.com abstract the relationship between islam, or muslim societies, and modernity has always become interesting issue to discuss. this is partly because, as predicted in certain theory of modernization, the role and significance of religion in modern society will decrease. yet, the above claim is no longer relevant to the current situation where sociologically, religions has still survived and has even increasingly become societal needs. islamic societies have often utilized religious symbols in order to fight against modernization and its extended issues, including secularization, democracy, gender equality, and the like. this article is an attempt to present the current response of muslim societies to modernity. by way of case study, it elaborates on the experience of the khilafatul muslimin, a fundamentalist movement that uses religious teachings as a soursce to create a new world order. keywords: islam, modernity, fundamentalism, khilafatul muslimin abstrak bagaimana seharusnya relasi antara islam, lebih tepatnya respon muslim, dan modernitas semakin menarik doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 66 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna transformation of religion (1976) misalnya dengan sangat percaya diri menyebut bahwa modernisasi akan membuat agama kehilangan tempat dan peranannya di dalam masyarakat. yang mutakhir, terdapat pippa norris dan ronald inglehart yang dengan riset kuantitatifnya menyurvei nilai-nilai masyarakat dunia. keduanya, seraya mempertahankan argumen modernisasi di atas, menyebut bahwa pertumbuhan ekonomi, tingkat sosial-ekonomi dan pembangunan manusia saat ini telah dan pada jangka panjangnya akan memunculkan sekularisme, membawa kepada erosi nilai-nilai keagamaan, keimanan dan praktik keagamaan.2 agama dan modernitas tidak mungkin bersatu (they just don’t mix!). pendeknya, agama secara tak terelakkan akan terlempar dari setiap masyarakat maju yang modern. faktanya, kini semakin banyak fenomena yang bisa menantang asumsi dan tesis di atas tersebut. membantah pelbagai klaim-klaim modernitas menyangkut hilangnya agama, juergensmeyer menegaskan bahwa saat ini dunia sedang dilanda krisis kepercayaan terhadap nasionalisme sekuler yang banyak dilancarkan oleh para agamawan religius dari beragam agama, termasuk islam di dalamnya.3 senada dengan itu, charles davis justru membuktikan bahwa agama saat ini kian merupakan kekuatan penting dalam seluruh aspek kehidupan modern ini baik dalam bidang ekonomi, sosial, politik, dan budaya.4 dalam kasus di indonesia saja misalnya ekonomi islam merupakan tren yang terus tumbuh. bank-bank konvensional bahkan bank asing pun kini berlomba-lomba mengembangkan lini perbankan syariah. dalam konteks budaya, busana muslimah kini menjadi gaya hidup. majalah-majalah fesyen muslimah tumbuh bak jamur di musim hujan. demikian juga pameran busana muslimah. di luar itu, organisasi-organisasi keagamaan juga banyak bermunculan, yang sampai pada tahap tertentu bisa menegaskan meningkatnya kesalehan dan religiusitas masyarakat. agama merupakan salah satu tema perdebatan yang menarik diperbincangkan dalam hubungannya dengan segala perkembangan modernitas. sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh gilles kepel, dalam sepertiga akhir abad ini, dunia menyaksikan kemunculan seruan serta gerakan-gerakan kembali kepada agama dalam cara-cara yang tak terduga sebelumnya. sebuah pendekatan keagamaan baru muncul dan menemukan bentuknya, yang tidak lagi bertujuan untuk menyesuaikan pada nilai-nilai modern yang sekular, tetapi pada penemuan kembali suatu landasan suci bagi masyarakat. diungkapkan dalam banyak cara, gerakan tersebut pada dasarnya berupaya untuk menentang modernitas yang dianggap gagal, mengalami jalan buntu serta menjadikan manusia terpisah jauh dari tuhan.5 indonesia memberikan fakta menarik soal ini. berbarengan dengan gerakan reformasi, kita dipertontonkan dengan kemunculan gerakan-gerakan keagamaan yang menyerukan pentingnya penerapan syariat islam secara formal dalam negara seperti front pembela islam (fpi), hizbut tahrir, majelis mujahidin indonesia, jamaah anshorut-tauhid, forum umat islam, komite persiapan penegakan syariat islam (kppsi), laskar jihad dan khilafatul muslimin. oleh karena itu, tak mengherankan bila meskipun michael burleigh menyebut abad ini sebagai age of reason yang menjadi ruh utama modernitas, namun pada saat yang bersamaan juga disebut sebagai century of faiths atau age of faiths.6 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 67vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 hubungan antara agama islam dan modernitas atau lebih tepatnya respon muslim7 terhadap modernitas tidaklah monolitik melainkan beragam. ada juga yang menganggap keduanya bisa berjalan dengan seiringan dan saling match di antara keduanya. asghar ali enginer misalnya mengatakan bahwa tak ada kesulitan serius yang tidak dapat diatasi antara islam sebagai agama dan pandangan hidup dengan dunia modern kita ini.8 pandangan semacam ini tidak hanya dikemukakan oleh sarjana muslim saja, melainkan juga disuarakan oleh para sarjana barat seperti ernest gellner dan mark woodward.9 meskipun demikian, banyak pula yang menilai keduanya tidak kompatibel, mismatch dan bahkan cenderung problematik. sayyid quthub merupakan tokoh berpengaruh yang menilai kemodernan tidak akan pernah bisa berdampingan karena ia identik dengan kejahiliyahan.10 sejauh ini tidak konsensus yang muncul yang mengikat mengenai bagaimana seharusnya komunitas muslim bersikap terhadap modernitas. sosiolog seperti bellah, umpamanya, dengan sangat baik menjelaskan bahwa upaya-upaya masyarakat muslim dalam menghadapi modernitas sesungguhnya sangat beragam. hal ini lantaran secara sosiologis, persoalannya, lanjut bellah, bukan hanya terletak pada pertanyaan apakah islam kompatibel dengan modernitas atau tidak. mengingat agama adalah cara untuk memahami dunia, maka persoalan yang paling besar dan mendasar bagi muslim saat ini adalah bagaimana islam dapat secara efektif memenuhi kebutuhan keagamaan/ religiusitas bagi mereka sendiri.11 beranjak dari situ, bentuk serta ekspresi keberagamaan masyarakat muslim menjadi sangat beragam, dipengaruhi oleh konteks-konteks tertentu. kita bisa menemukan ada agama rakyat, sufisme, islam kultural, fundamentalisme, liberalisme, dan sebagainya. dengan bahasa lain, bambang pranowo menjelaskan bahwa interaksi dan dialog antara agama dengan manusia beserta kebudayaan yang melingkupinya akan banyak menghasilkan pelbagai varian orientasi keagamaan.12 bagaimana respon muslim terhadap modernitas, sebagaimana dicatat oleh john obert voll, secara sederhana bisa diklasifikasikan menjadi dua arus besar utama yakni aliran revivalisme atau fundamentalisme di satu sisi dan aliran modernisme di sisi yang lain. yang pertama berarti aliran yang berpegang teguh pada fundamen agama dalam hubungannya dengan modernitas melalui penafsiran terhadap kitab suci secara rigid dan literal. sementara itu, kelompok kedua adalah kelompok keagamaan yang melakukan penafsiran terhadap doktrin agama untuk menyesuaikannya dengan perkembangan pemikiran modern. mereka bermaksud mengintegrasikan islam dengan nilai-nilai dan gagasan barat modern.13 dalam bahasa lain, yang pertama disebut oleh akbar s. ahmed sebagai kelompok yang intinya ingin melakukan konfrontasi terhadap modernitas sedangkan kelompok terakhir cenderung memilih jalan integrasi dan konsensus.14 jadi, salah satu bentuk penyikapan muslim terhadap modernitas adalah menolaknya secara tegas sambil kembali kepada idealisasi masa lampau dalam bentuknya yang rigid dan literal, yang oleh banyak akademisi gejala itu disebut dengan fundamentalisme. kelompok fundamentalis melihat bahwa modernitas tidak akan mampu membawa dunia ini ke arah cahaya terang. sebaliknya, justru mengantarkan ke arah obscurantisme,15 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 68 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kebingungan, kekaburan, kehampaan, kekacauan, dan krisis dunia. oleh karena itu, peneliti islam seperti bruce lawrence misalnya juga melihat kelompok fundamentalis seperti ikhwanul muslimin di mesir sebagai gerakan revolusi islam menentang elit-elit sekular sekaligus revolusi terhadap modernitas di negara tersebut. pandangan tersebut diperkuat oleh riaz hassan dalam sebuah riset kuantitafnya bahwa fundamentalisme merupakan gerakan sadar diri sebagian masyarakat muslim untuk melawan modernitas.16 seperti halnya john l. esposito yang menilai gejala fundamentalisme agama mewakili suatu pandangan bahwa sistem sosial, politik, ekonomi yang ada telah gagal; suatu kekecewaan dan seringkali berubah menjadi penolakan terhadap barat; karen amstrong juga menyebut bahwa fundamentalisme merupakan ekspresi kekecewaan terhadap modernisasi yang terlalu jauh tidak bisa memenuhi janjinya serta melenyapkan agama.17 francis fukuyama berpendapat bahwa gerakangerakan fundamentalisme islam merupakan reaksi keras sebagian orang muslim yang merasa terancam oleh modernisasi dengan segala kemungkinan konsekuensi lanjutannya, seperti sekularisasi dan sekularisme yang pada gilirannya akan menyingkirkan islam dari pelbagai aspek kehidupan.18 artikel ini secara khusus akan memotret dan membahas gerakan fundamentalise islam dengan khilafatul muslimin sebagai kasusnya. saya tertarik untuk membahas gerakan ini sebagai kasus dan meletakkannya dalam perbincangan “agama dan modernitas.” sebagaimana akan terlihat pada pembahasan di bawah, dengan memegang teguh keyakinan agamanya, gerakan khilafatul muslimin (selanjutnya disebut km) sangat kuat menolak sistem pemerintahan demokrasi sekuler yang dianggapnya sistem taghut atau kafir. mereka juga menjadi komunitas yang tertutup, mengisolasi diri masyarakat melalui cara berpakaian dan gaya hidup sehari-hari. dengan dalih agama, perempuan-perempuan mereka dilarang beraktivitas di ranah publik. hak-hak politiknya diredam. dengan demikian, kelompok ini meletakkan islam vis a vis dengan modernitas atau bisa diklasifikasikan ke dalam kelompok fundamentalis islam. betapapun demikian, penyebutan fundamentalisme dan modernisme hanya digunakan sebagai cara pandang untuk membantu menjelaskan sebuah gejala sosial, dan bukan sebagai pelabelan. proyek mercu suar itu bernama khilafatul muslimin: tapak tilas “sistem kekhilafahan atau kepemimpinan islam adalah sistem yang wajib disempurnakan keberadaannya di muka bumi. sistem ini telah dicontohkan oleh para khalifah alrasyidun, sebagai kelanjutan kepemimpinan nabi dalam mewujudkan kesejahteraan umat manusia lahir dan batin. kekhilafahan tidak boleh absen dalam kehidupan umat muslim, karena hanya melalui instrumen itulah umat dapat disatukan dalam satu jamaah. oleh karena itu, jika kekhilafahan itu, karena berbagai alasan, tidak ada maka wajib hukumnya bagi umat islam secara berkelompok maupun perorangan untuk mengumumkan dirinya sebagai amirul mukminin atau khalifah sedunia, untuk kemudian berupaya menyempurnakan segala persyaratannya.” kutipan di atas adalah pernyataan abdul qadir baraja, khalifah, yang disampaikannya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 69vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 kepada saya, yang sekaligus menggambarkan cita-cita atau proyek besarnya untuk mendirikan kekhalifahan islam sejagad beberapa tahun lalu. sebuah ikhtiar untuk kembali kepada peradaban islam yang dulu sembari menolak segala gagasan ketatanegaraan barat modern. dan bermula dari gagasan itulah, proyek itu direalisasikan. di bandar lampung, 14 tahun yang lalu, gerakan ini dicetuskan. tepatnya pada hari jum’at, 13 rabiul awal 1418 h atau 18 juli 1997. mengambil nama khilafatul muslimin atau kekhilafahan kaum muslimin (selanjutnya ditulis km), gerakan ini dipimpin oleh abdul qadir baraja—teman abu bakar ba’asyir. komunitas atau jamaah gerakan tersebut memanggilnya dengan sebutan “khalifah” atau amir dan membaiatnya sebagai pemimpin sah atas umat islam seluruh dunia. tanpa ada batasan waktu, sejauh ini km menjadikan bandar lampung sebagai ibu kota kekhalifahan islam untuk sementara, dan tentu saja bisa dirubah. namun sampai kapan, tidak ada perencanaan sama sekali. yang jelas, penetapan kedudukan itu bersifat temporer dengan memperhatikan tempat tinggal sang khalifah saat ini yang menetap bandar lampung. jika dimungkinkan, keputusan perubahan selanjutnya akan ditentukan sesuai dengan kesepakatan dari para perwakilan umat muslim sedunia. mengikuti jejak rasulullah muhammad, km membangun sebuah masjid sederhana 2 lantai dan menggunakannya sebagai sentral pemerintahan dan aktivitasnya. pada lantai pertama adalah tempat menjalankan ibadah shalat, mengadakan taklim dan sebagainya. sedangkan lantai kedua, adalah pusat aktivitas pemerintahan seperti rapat, menerima laporan, konsultasi dan sebagainya. konon, ketika dalam proses pembangunanya, sang khalifah selalu turun ikut bekerja dan paling royal dalam menyedekahkan hartanya untuk kepentingan itu. ketika mengunjungi kantor pemerintahan km saya bertemu dengan akh. rohim. dia adalah pemuda asal pringsewu, lampung. dibandingkan dengan mayoritas anggota km lainnya, ia tergolong yang berpendidikan formal baik. ia berhasil menamatkan pendidikan tingginya di sebuah perguruan tinggi negeri islam di yogyakarta hingga memperoleh gelar master (s2). dirinya menjelaskan bahwa secara teologis, berdirinya khilafattul muslimin tidak terlepas dari pemahaman terhadap ayat al-qur’an surat an-nisa’ ayat 49 yang artinya: “hai orangorang yang beriman, taatilah kepada allah dan taatilah rasulnya dan ulil amri di antara kamu.” bagi km, kata ulil amri tidak bisa dimaknai dengan pemimpin/pemerintah suatu negara biasa pada umumnya. ulil amri hanya benar bila dimaknai sebagai suatu pemerintahan islam yang memerintah masyarakatnya berdasarkan ketentuan syariat atau hukum islam dan berjalan di atas sitem islami yakni kekhalifahan.19 ulil amri juga harus secara aktif membimbing, mengajak dan mengarahkan masyarakatnya dalam ketaatan kepada tuhan.20 menurutnya, pada zaman dahulu, ulil amrinya adalah rasulullah saw secara langsung. ulil amri setelah wafatnya rasulullah adalah khalifah atau amirul mukminin atau imam umat islam sedunia.21 tak hanya itu, bagi km, ketaatan umat islam terhadap khalifah atau amirul mukminin adalah suatu kewajiban bagi setiap muslimin ataupun muslimah dan akan dipertanggungjawabkan di hadapan allah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 70 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kelak. lebih lanjut, ketaatan terhadap ulim amri merupakan perintah untuk mendirikan khilafah islamiyah sebagai satu satunya wadah bagi persatuan umat muslim seluruh dunia berdasarkan ajaran agama. dalam optik mereka, hanya lewat cara itulah akan syariat islam bisa dilaksanakan, masyarakat islami yang dicita-citakan bisa terwujud, serta umat islam akan memiliki kebebasan dan kemerdekaan untuk menjalankan peribadatannya sesuai dengan keyakinan agamanya masing-masing. baraja memberikan contoh ilustrasi menarik soal ini: di mesir ada universitas al azhar yang umurnya lebih dari 1000 tahun. alumninya sudah menyebar dimana-mana. berapa banyak penghafal al-qur’an yang dihasilkannya. belum lagi para pakar tafsir al-qur’an dan ahli hadits. tapi, orang yang ingin melaksanakan syariat islam di mesir malah dipotong lehernya, dibunuh dan digantung. itulah akibat tidak dijalankannya sistem khilafah yang berbasis islam. bagaimana pertanggung jawabannya nanti di akhirat? 22 untuk itu, kekhalifahan adalah sistem pemerintahan yang harus diusahakan, diperjuangkan oleh seluruh umat islam karena. kekhalifahan harus dirintis, dan generasi selanjutnya berkewajiban menyempurkannya. ia merupakan prasyarat kejayaan islam beserta kaum muslim. mereka juga memahawi bahwa kunci kejayaan muslim masa dulu tercapai lantaran keberhasilannya dalam mempersatukan dan mempertahankan keutuhan umat berada di bawah satu kepemimpinan, yang disebut sebagai khilafah. khilafah ini, secara organisasional dan politik, terbentuk karena adanya baiat berupa sam’an wa tha’atan (mendengar dan taat) dari rakyat kepada ulil amri atau pemimpin. itulah yang disebut dengan baiat.23 bunyi baiat warga kepada khalifah, yang diterakan dalam halaman belakang identitas kewarganegaraan km adalah sebagai berikut: a) demi allah sesungguhnya saya berbaiat kepada allah dipersaksikan oleh amirul mukminin dengan ikhlas karena allah taala; b) sesungguhnya saya tidak akan menyekutukan allah dengan sesuatu; c) saya tidak akan mencuri, tidak akan berzina, tidak akan berbohong, dan tidak akan bermaksiat kepada allah; d) saya menyatakan siap untuk mendengar dan taat kepada perintah allah, rasul dan ulil amri; e) saya siap menggunakan segala daya dan upaya dan apa-apa yang ada pada diri saya untuk meninggikan agama allah; f) jika suatu saat nanti saya dengan sengaja menyalahi baiat ini, maka saya bersedia menerima hukuman seadil-adilnya berdasarkan hukum allah. dengan harapan allah tetap menerima baiat saya dan allah memudahkan saya dalam menjalankan kewajiban, mengampuni saya, dan meridai saya. amin. allahu akbar. allahu akbar. allahu akbar. tanpa ada baiat, maka persatuan umat tidak akan bisa dibentuk. pengertian baiat seperti ini tentu saja berbeda dengan konsep baiat yang dipahami fathi osman yang menyamakannya dengan konsep kontrak sosial ala john locke. osman melihat konsep baiat sebagai komitmen penguasa untuk melayani rakyat sebaik mungkin, dan bukan sebaliknya permintaan kesetiaan oleh penguasa kepada rakyatnya.24 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 71vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 hanya saja, sebagai catatan, sebagaimana dikemukakan oleh ali, salah seorang pimpinan km untuk wilayah surabaya, bahwasanya baiat ini dibutuhkan manakala umat islam yang bernaung di bawah khilafah ini masih sedikit. ketika jumlahnya sudah banyak dan menyebar ke berbagai belahan dunia, maka baiat tidak lagi diperlukan. sebab, hal itu secara teknis sulit dilakukan. baiat dengan kata lain adalah penanda mana yang muslim sejati dan mana yang merupakan muslim munafik.25 sebaliknya, kemunduran dan kehancuran islam saat ini menurut muslim sekarang tidak mampu mempertahankan kekhilafahan islam. akibatnya, umat islam terpecah-pecah menjadi banyak golongan. naifnya lagi, masing-masing golongan saling membanggakan diri dan masuk dalam fanatisme golongan. padahal, berkelompokkelompok merupakan sebagian dari tandatanda orang kemusrikan.26 km memahami bahwa khilafah islamiyah itu berdiri sejak nabi, kemudian khalifah empat hingga kekhalifahan turki usmani. sayangnya, ketika saya tanyakan apakah dinasti abbasiyah dan umayyah merupakan bagian dari kekhalifahan umat islam yang sah, tidak didapatkan keterangan yang jelas. km juga tidak menjelaskan bagaimana hukum perampasan kekhalifahan dari tangan ali bin abi talib kepada monarki umayyah. bagi km, kekhalifahan terakhir adalah turki usmani, yang lantas hancur karenanya adanya penghianatan dari kemal ataturk yang berkonspirasi dengan inggris dan yahudi. . setelah kehancuran itu sebenarnya sudah banyak dilakukan upaya oleh kaum muslimin seluruh dunia. tapi lagi-lagi, dalam pandangan khalifah baraja, hanya menghasilkan kongres dan kongres lagi. kekhalifahan umat islam tidak pernah benarbenar terwujud. di kairo, pernah diadakan kongres kekhaifahan islam pada tahun 1926. pada tahun yang sama raja ibnu saud juga memprakarsai kongres muslim sedunia di makkah. pada tahun 1931 juga diadakan kongres umat islam sedunia di masjidil aqsha, yerusalem. konferensi islam internasional juga diadakan kedua kalinya di karachi, pakistan pada tahun 1949, selanjutnya yang ketiga diadakan lagi di mekah pada tahun 1951 menyusul kemudian tahun 1964. pada tahun 1974, diadakan konferensi tingkat tinggi negara-negara islam di lahore. dalam kesempatan tersebut presiden dari berbagai negara di timur tengah mengusulkan agar raja faisal dari arab saudi menjadi amirul mukminin, tetapi dia tidak bersedia.27 dalam konteks indonesia sendiri, menurut sang khalifah baraja, telah ada hos. cokroaminoto yang maju dengan gagasan pan-islamismenya. tapi juga gagal. gagasan tersebut dilanjutkan oleh kartosuwiryo dengan mendirikan nii pada tanggal 12 syawal 1368 h atau bertepatan dengan 7 agustus 1949. usaha ini juga gagal, karena ditempatkan oleh penguasa sebagai pemberontak. hizbut tahrir (selanjutnya ditulis hti), tahun 2000, mengadakan konferensi khilafah pertama yang dihadiri oleh 5000 orang. perkembangan secara signifikan amat terasa karena pada tahun 2007, hti kembali menggelar acara serupa dan mampu mengumpulkan massa sebanyak 100.000 orang muslim. namun, sang khalifah justru mengkritik kongres tersebut karena pertama, terdapat paradoks, dimana kongres khilafah minus khalifah. jadi seperti kongres guru, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 72 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna namun yang datang justru tukang jahit. kedua, itu hanya menghasilan rekomendasirekomendasi advokasi pembentukan kekhalifahan islam. seharusnya, kongres itu menghasilkan kekhalifahan yang riil.28 karena itu, meskipun pada tahun 1997 masih berada dalam penjara karena kasus pengeboman borobudur, baraja memaklumatkan berdirinya khilafatul muslimin sebagai bentuk kekhalifahan islam yang benar-benar nyata. konsep ini kemudian ditawar-tawarkan kepada orang yang pantas seperti abu bakar ba’asyir selama kurang lebih tiga tahun. sayangnya, tidak ada yang mau menerima amanah menjadi kahlifah atau amir. ketika ada kongres mujahidin pertama di yogjakarta pada tahun 2000,29 dia juga mensosialisasikan gagasannya. rupanya tidak mendapatkan tanggapan yang berarti di kalangan peserta kongres. di tengah-tengah keterbatasan itu, akhirnya dirinya dilantik menjadi khalifah bagi umat muslim sedunia. karena itu, meskipun pada tahun 1997 masih berada dalam penjara karena kasus usaha pemboman borobudur pada tahun 1977, baraja memaklumatkan berdirinya khilafatul muslimin sebagai bentuk kekhalifahan islam yang benar-benar nyata. konsep ini kemudian ditawar-tawarkan kepada orang yang pantas seperti abu bakar ba’asyir dll selama kurang lebih tiga tahun. sayangnya, tidak ada yang mau menerima amanah menjadi kahlifah/amir. ketika ada kongres mujahidin pertama di yogjakarta pada tahun 2000,30 dia juga mensosialisasikan gagasannya. rupanya tidak mendapatkan tanggapan yang berarti di kalangan peserta kongres. ditengah-tengah keterbatasan itu, akhirnya dirinya dilantik menjadi khalifah bagi umat muslim sedunia. dari totalitas islam ke literalisme pemahaman pada bagian ini saya akan menyuguhkan potret totalitas dan kesungguhan abdul qadir baraja terhadap keyakinannya. dibandingkan dengan pemimpin-pemimpin gerakan fundamentalisme islam lainnya, pemimpin yang satu ini tidak cukup popular di media masa dan banyak penelitian lain.31 ini terlihat dari sedikitnya liputan baik secara akademis maupun media. bandingkan dengan abu bakar ba’asyir, abu jibril, ja’far umar thalib dan habib rizieq shihab yang mendapatkan perhatian luas dari media massa. khalifah baraja adalah lelaki tua yang shalih dan sederhana. usianya kini sekitar 68 tahun. kesederhanannya itu antara lain terlihat dari rumahnya yang sangat kecil. di ruang tamunya yang hanya seluas sekitar 3x4 m dan terdapat televisi kuno dan karpet terbuat dari pelepah pohon pisang. tak ada lagi perabotan lainnya. meskipun berpangkat sebagai khalifah atau amir umat muslim sedunia, dia tidak memiliki petugas keamanan yang berfungsi sebagai pengawal. bagi dia, salah satu manifestasi islam adalah kepasrahan total kepada allah dalam segala urusan hidup dan mati. tidak ada benda/ mahkluk yang patut ditakuti selain allah. karena itulah meskipun dirinya dianggap sebagai pemberontak oleh pemerintah republik indonesia, dirinya merasa tidak perlu takut dengan polisi, intelijen dan tentara sehingga memerlukan pengawal seperti tokoh-tokoh gerakan islam lainnya. keberaniannya tumbuh sejalan dengan pengalamannya dalam usaha menegakkan islam. dia pernah bercerita bahwa sewaktu masih muda, dirinya aktif dalam gerakan nii. karena itulah, dia sudah kebal dari intimidasi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 73vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 dan kejaran tentara dan intelijen. bahkan, meskipun salah satu anaknya—menurut pengakuannya—mati ditembak tentara, dirinya tidak sedikitpun gentar dan mundur dari jalan yang ditempuhnya. ada kisah khalifah baraja sewaktu masih aktif di nii yang popular di kalangan anggota km. suatu ketika, khalifah dan satu temannya dalam pelarian di hutan. mereka membangun sebuh gubuk. pada tengah malam, syahdan gubuk itu sudah terkepung tentara, namun ia dan temannya masih bisa lari menyelamatkan diri dengan mengambil arah yang berbeda. lama kemudian, temannya itu datang ke rumahnya dan menceritakan bahwa itu terkena tembakan di punggung saat berusaha kabur. tapi ia tetap dapat berlari sampai di akhir tenaganya, dan sejurus kemudian ia jatuh dalam keadaan tak sadarkan diri. saat terbangun, ia mendapati bahwa dirinya sudah berada di rumah. setelah sembuh itulah, ia mengadukan peristiwa yang dihadapinya kepada baraja. dari pengalaman itulah, keteguhan hatinya terbentuk dan ia semakin yakin bahwa kematian berada di tangan tuhan, bukan tentara. bedil tentara sekalipun, tak akan mampu mencabut nyawa seseorang, selama tuhan masih berkehendak lain. begitulah totalitasnya. jaya, seorang lelaki tua dari daerah waydadi, lampung dalam kesaksiannya meneguhnya kesan itu. kepada penulis dia mengakui: “saya bergabung dengan khilafatul muslimin karena takjub dengan perjuangan ustaz baraja. saya tidak tertarik bergabung dengan hizbut tahrir karena tidak ada keberanian semacam itu yang patut diteladani,” setali tiga uang dengan totalitasnya terhadap islam yang dipahaminya, baraja juga memahami teks-teks al-qur’an secara tekstual dan literal. ini tentunya tidak mengherankan. sebab, dimanapun, kelompok fundamentalis senantiasa menafsirkan al-quran secara literal. al-qur’an adalah a word of god and is to be taken literally, word for word.32 saya akan ungkapkan contohnya. baraja, umpamanya, melihat bahwa masyarakat muslim di indonesia hidup di bawah hukum yang kafir. sebab, pancasila dan uud 945 serta kuhp yang menjadi turunanya, yang berlaku tidak memiliki pijakannya dalam islam.33 pelbagai produk undang-undang dan hukum adalah sepenuhnya buatan manusia (man made). baginya, hukum islam seperti qishash, potong tangan dan sebagainya harus ditegakkan. sebab itulah yang dijelaskan alqur’an.34 jika pemerintah tidak menegakkan hukum itu berarti tidak mendukung pelaksanaan syariat islam dan demikian kafir. dalam sebuah acara pengkaderan para dai km di sumbawa, baraja mengatakan: “di dunia ini hanya ada dua golongan orang yakni orang yang beriman dan orang yang kafir. di tengahnya sebetulnya ada orang yang katakanlah moderat. istilah lainnya adalah munafik. orang munafik adalah orang yang mengaku islam tapi tidak mau melaksanakan syariat islam secara kaffah, ia mendukung sistem pemerintahan taghut. orang munafik ini pada akhirnya akan lebih condong kepada kekafiran.” “penerimaan terhadap islam memiliki beberapa konsekuensi sekaligus. mengimani islam sebagai agama haruslah berarti melaksanakan ajaran agama secara kaffah. sebab islam adalah agama yang sempurna, agama yang syumul. islam tidak hanya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 74 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mengatur persoalan ibadah, tetapi juga menyangkut seluruh aspek kehidupan manusia. jangankan masalah pemerintahan yang merupakan payung utama penegakan agama, memotong kuku pun ada aturannya. dan ke-kaffah-an itu tidak hanya sebatas pada masalah substansi, melainkan juga harus pula mencakup dimensi institusi dan konstitusi. berislam tidak hanya menjalankan kewajiban shalat, zakat, tetapi sistem kenegaraan dan undang-undangnya pun harus berdasarkan pada syariat.” konsekuensi dari keyakinan bahwa kekhilafahan sebagai sistem pemerintahan islam yang benar (haq) berarti bahwa segala bentuk sistem pemerintahan dan bernegara seperti demokrasi, komunisme, nasionalisme adalah merupakan sistem yang batil atau yang dalam bahasa al-qur’an disebut sebagai sistem taghut. baraja juga menambahkan bahwa islam tidak akan mungkin bisa hidup tegak secara sempurna di dalam sebuah sistem yang tidak islami seperti itu. oleh karena itu, implikasi selanjutnya, seluruh perjuangan partai-partai islam melalui arena demokrasi menjadi amal usaha yang sia-sia belaka. sebab, bukannya meninggikan hukum islam, melainkan secara langsung justru mendukung tegaknya sistem taghut tersebut. padahal yang diinginkan islam adalah hilangnya sistem taghut itu. lebih jauh lagi, endi, seorang yang bertugas di kantor pemerintahan km menjelaskan: “seseorang yang menghabiskan seluruh hidupnya untuk membicarakan islam, jihad, haji, salat, dakwah, dan al-qur’an tetapi jika tidak menolak taghut beserta sistemnya; demokrasi, sosialisme, kapitalisme dan sebagaianya, maka tidak ada gunanya keislamannya. hal ini karena menolak taghut adalah syarat pertama seorang muslim yang terwujudkan dalam kalimat “tiada tuhan selain allah.”35 pendapatnya ini tentu saja berbeda dengan sejumlah kalangan yang menilai bahwa pancasila dan uud 1945 dan dalam perundang-undangan pelaksanaannya pada dasarnya berjiwakan, bernafaskan islam. ahmad sukardja misalnya secara tegas mendedahkan kepada kita bahwa meskipun kata islam, al-qur’an dan hadits tidak tercantum secara eksplisit di dalam konstitusi negara indonesia, namun sifat keislamannya jelas sangat tampak. isi uud 1945 sesuai dan tidak ada yang bertentangan secara hakiki dengan islam. ia menempatkan manusia dalam kedudukan yang sama di hadapan hukum dan pemerintahan, tidak memberatkan masyarakat, menegakkan keadilan, serta bertujuan menciptakan kemaslahatan bersama serta menjauhkannya dari kemudharatan.36 uu yang mengatur tentang perkawinan, ibadah haji, kewarisan, wakaf, departemen agama, peradilan agama serta adanya mui menunjukkan tesis itu. keseluruhannya selaras dengan islam. senafas dengan sukardja, faisal ismail juga menegaskan bahwa besarnya dukungan muslim di indonesia dan penerimaanya terhadap bentuk negara indonesia mengisyaratkan bahwa islam dan negara pancasila tidak saling bertentangan.37 menyuarakan kembali khilafah, menantang demokrasi persoalan mengenai bentuk negara dan pemerintahan yang ideal bagi masyarakat muslim dewasa ini masih menjadi perdebatan yang belum selesai—dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 75vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 tampaknya tidak akan pernah selesai. konsep negara modern, yang ditandai dengan sistem demokrasi di dalamnya—meski boleh jadi beda format dan derajat kedalamannya, telah dan terus diterapkan oleh negara-negara berpenduduk muslim. di waktu yang sama, tak sedikit pula gerakangerakan fundamentalis yang menyerukan pentingnya kekhalifahan dan negara islam— meski suara itu nyaris menjadi impian yang sampai kini tak pernah terwujud. munawir sjadzali dengan sangat cermat menyebut bahwa dalam pandangan masyarakat muslim setidaknya terdapat tiga konsep tentang negara islam. pendapat pertama menyatakan, bahwa islam adalah agama sempurna dan lengkap dengan pengaturan bagi segala aspek kehidupan manusia, termasuk kehidupan politik dan negara. umat islam harus merujuk kepada sistem ketatanegaraan islam sebagaimana dicontohkan muhammad dan khalifah yang empat, sekaligus membuang jauh-jauh konsepsi serta pemikiran barat mengenai itu. pendapat kedua, islam adalah suatu agama an sich yang tidak ada kaitannya dengan persoalan politik dan negara. muhammad adalah utusan allah untuk menyebarluaskan ajaran islam dan tidak bertugas untuk mendirikan suatu negara. menengahi dua kubu di atas, pendapat ketiga menyatakan bahwa meskipun islam adalah agama yang sempurna dan mengatur keseluruhan hal. namun, sifatnya secara umum dan pada pokok-pokoknya saja. islam tidak memiliki aturan tentang ketatanegaraan secara lengkap, namun hanya memberikan petunjuk-petunjuk umum serta etika.38 jika dimasukkan dalam pengelompokan di atas, maka gerakan khilafatul muslimin ini jelas masuk dalam kategori pertama sebagaimana tercermin dalam kutipan khalifah berikut ini: “al-khilafah atau imamah merupakan prasyarat mutlak (conditio sine qua non) bagi tegaknya islam di muka bumi. al-khilafah merupakan induk dari lembaga-lembaga lain di dalam masyarakat, yang tanpanya maka lembaga-lembaga lain akan kehilangan dasar pijakannya. karena, secara internal, khilafah merupakan justifikasi bagi penegakan syari’ah. sedangkan secara eksternal, khilafah merupakan pengejawantahan kekuasaan untuk kesejahteraan kekuasaan untuk kesejahteraan dan kedamaian umat guna mewujudkan tata dunia baru yang berorientasi pada keadilan dan kedamaian di muka bumi.” salah satu problem mendasar yang terdapat dalam demokrasi adalah pengakuannya terhadap kedaulatan di tangan rakyat. ini adalah sesuatu yang secara jelas berhadapan dengan islam. dalam islam, kedaulatan (souverenitas) ada di tangan tuhan, bukan manusia. al-quran menunjukkan bahwa otoritas serta kedaulatan tertinggi ada di tangan allah.39 yang bermakna pula bahwa tuhanlah yang berhak memberikan hukum bagi manusia. manusia tidak memiliki hak untuk menyususn hukum dzulkifli, mantan amir wilayah nusa tenggara yang kini menjadi amir ‘daulah indonesia’ menyatakan bahwa konsep khilafah islamiyah tidaklah sama dengan konsep negara islam. sebab, negara islam dibatasi oleh geografis tertentu, sementara kekhalifahan berlaku secara universal mendunia tanpa sekat-sekat geografis, budaya, suku dan sebagainya. selain itu, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 76 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna belajar dari strategi dakwah rasulullah, dakwah islam tidaklah dimulai dari negara, melainkan dari orang perorang. kepemimpinan itu diawali dengan apa yang sering disebut sebagai takliful qulub atau merebut dan menyatuan hati masyarakat untuk menerima islam, bukan dengan takliful quwwah atau merebut kekuasaan. dari situ kemudian rasulullah lantas melakukan baiat atau sumpah setia orang-orang yang sudah beriman, dan mewajibkan atas mereka ketaatan terhadap ajaran islam. dari situlah komunitas serta kesatuan umat islam akan dengan sendirinya terbentuk. sebuah kesatuan umat yang tidak dibatasi oleh territorial geografis, negara, bangsa, ataupun ras tertentu. akan tetapi, komunitas yang melampaui itu semua berdasarkan kesamaan, kesatuan iman yang membentuk umat.40 dalam konstitusinya, dijelaskan bahwa km ini berasaskan islam dan kemerdekaan, bertujuan memakmurkan bumi dan menyejahterakan umat melalui pelaksanaan ajaran allah dan rasulnya bersama kebebasan penerapan ajaran semua agama sebagai prinsip dasar jamaah tanpa memperkenankan seorang warganya membuat aturan, ketentuan, norma-norma yang bertentangan dengan ajaran agamanya sendiri. selain itu, jamaah km ini akan menyelesaikan suatu perkara atau urusan yang menyangkut kepentingan umat melalui musyawarah kekhalifahan secara transparan, penuh keterbukaan dan kebebasan berlandaskan akhlaq al-karimah. km juga akan senantiasa berusaha maksimal untuk mewujudkan kerja sama antar umat manusia sesuai ajaran demi keadilan dan kesejahteraan mereka serta kelestarian alam semesta atau rahmatan lil alamin. dalam hubungan internasionalnya dengan negara lain, km pada prinsipnya cinta akan kedamaian dan tidak akan melancarkan permusuhan, apalagi peperangan terhadap golongan mana pun, kecuali hanya berkewajiban membela diri dari serangan kelompok atau golongan yang memeranginya. dalam masalah kewarganegaraan, km memberikan identitas anggotanya dengan sebuah kartu identitas layaknya ktp dengan cara mendaftarkan diri. kewarganegaraan dalam sistem km dibagi menjadi dua: pertama, adalah muslim atau muslimah tanpa diskriminasi rasial, golongan, kebangsaan maupun jabatan dan berkewajiban menyerahkan infak dan zakatnya ke baitul mal km. kedua, adalah masyarakat non-muslim yang mendambakan keadilan dan kesejahteraan umat serta bersedia patuh terhadap khalifah atau amirul mukminin sepanjang tidak bertentangan dengan agama yang diyakininya, dan rela menyerahkan sumbangan menurut kemampuannya ke baitul mal km demi kesejahteraan bersama lahir batin. layaknya pemerintahan pada umumnya, mereka juga memiliki struktur yang menopang kekhilafahan mereka. struktur pemerintahan tertinggi adalah khalifah atau amirul mukminin, yakni abdul qadir baraja. ia menetap di lampung, sebagai pusat pemerintahan. struktur di bawahnya terdapat katib al-khilafah (wakil atau sekretaris khalifah). ia bertugas membantu menjalankan pemerintahan manakala khalifah tidak berada di pusat pemerintahan. meski keduanya merupakan pelaksana tugas tertinggi dalam struktur pemerintahan, namun di atasnya terdapat sebuah dewan yang disebut mustasyar doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 77vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 (penasehat), yang setara dengan wilayatul faqih di iran. merekalah yang berwenang memberi masukan, saran kepada khalifah terhadap masalah umat yang perlu dipecahkan. tepat di bawah khalifah adalah wazir (menteri) yang membantu khalifah dalam bidang-bidang yang telah ditentukan. mereka diangkat oleh khalifah. jumlah menteri merupakan hak mutlak khalifah dan disusun dengan mempertimbangkan kebutuhan masyarakat muslim. pada tahun 2008, misalnya, terdapat menteri pendidikan dan pengajaran yang dijabat sobirin. menteri pendataan umat dan inventaris dijabat oleh rafli. menteri keuangan dipegang oleh waluyo. menteri perhubungan, suryadi. menteri ekonomi dan pemberdayaan usaha, abdurrahim. menteri pertahanan dan keamanan adalah irza. sedangkan menteri olahraga dan kesehatan adalah jainuri. sekarang, sejumlah jabatan sudah berganti dan berubah. menteri pendataan umat dan inventaris (wazir tasjil wat taftisy) adalah ghulam siddiq telah melakukan ikhtiar pemutakhiran formulir pendataan warga yang memuat berbagai poin penting bagi database kewargaan ke depan. menteri bidang dakwah dan pembinaan ummat adalah aminuddin. menteri perhubungan (wazir muwashalatil ijtima’iyyah) adalah mukhliansyah. tugasnya mengatur perjalanan amir daulah ke berbagai wilayah di pulau jawa dan sumatera. menteri bidang ekonomi (wizaaratul iqtishodiyyah wat tadbiiril kasbi) adalah ammar. tugasnya antara lain, membangun usaha mikro untuk membuka lapangan kerja baru dan pemanfaatan sumber daya alam yang ada di sekitar warga jamaah tinggal untuk dieksporasi dan dieksploitasi secara beradab dan tetap bersahabat dengan alam, seperti program usaha pengadaan air minum isi ulang dalam kemasan gelas, bagi warga jamaah di pacet, mojokerto yang dekat dengan sumber air bersih. menteri kesehatan (wazir ash-shihhah) adalah muhammad yusuf abu qoyyim. programnya antara lain membangun sarana kesehatan ( klinik atau gerai sehat ) untuk warga km dengan biaya relatif murah, bahkan grastis dengan tanggungan dana baitul maal; menerbitkan bulletin ash shihhah; menyelenggarakan pelatihan attibbun nabawi di setiap wilayah; membangun jaringan antara klinik sehat yang sudah ada, yaitu ibnu qoyyim medical centre (iqmc) yang ada di tambun, bekasi; melayani konsultasi kesehatan bagi warga khilafah melalaui sms dan telephon, dan mengupayakan program imunisasi alami atau islami bagi bayi-bayi warga khilafah.41 struktur pemerintahan km terdiri atas beberapa bagian, berikut ini: 1. khalifah atau amirul mukminin. khalifah menetap di lampung, sebagai pusat pemerintahan. pusat pemerintahan dapat dipindah-pindah. 2. katib al-khilafah yang disebut juga wakil atau sekretaris khilafah yang membantu tugas khalifah ketika tidak ada di pusat pemerintahan 3. mustasyar adalah penasehat khalifah, yang memberikan masukan dan saran guna memberikan solusi atas permasalahan umat yang perlu dipecahkan bersama 4. para wazir adalah para menteri yang membantu khalifah dalam bidang-bidang yang telah ditentukan. jumlah menteri dibentuk dengan mendasarkan pada doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 78 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kebutuhan umat di lapangan. sejauh ini baru ada beberapa menteri saja yakni menteri pendidikan dan pengajaran yang dijabat oleh sobirin, menteri pendataan umat dan inventaris yang dijabat oleh rafli, menteri keuangan dipegang oleh waluyo, menteri perhubungan dijabat oleh suryadi, menteri ekonomi dan pemberdayaan usaha oleh abdurrahim, menteri pertahanan dan keamanan diamanatkan kepada irza, serta menteri olahraga dan kesehatan yang dijabat oleh jainuri. 5. amir daulah adalah pemimpin atau wakil khalifah yang mengurusi umat dalam batas teritoria negara tertentu. sejauh ini belum terdapat amir daulah, mengingat km masih berkembang di indonesia saja. 6. amir wilayah adalah pemimpin yang mengurusi umatnya di tingkat provinsi 7. amir ummul qura adalah pemimpin yang mengurusi umat di tingkat kabupaten atau kotamadya 8. mas’ulul ummah adalah penanggung jawab umat di tingkat kabilah atau kelurahan. jumlah mininum untuk dapat dibentuk kabilah ini adalah sebanyak tiga orang. sebelum memenuhi batas minimal tersebut, maka mereka bergabung dengan kelurahan lain terdekat. dalam pandangan baraja, kekhalifahan adalah anugerah tuhan sebagai bukti cintanya kepada manusia. dia menjelaskan: “islam adalah agama yang hak dan sempurna. kesempurnaannya mencakup segala hal. kalau ada orang yang bilang, islam tidak mengatur masalah politik itu sebuah kebohongan. kesempurnaan agama ini adalah sebagian bukti cinta allah kepada manusia. oleh karena itulah, dibekalkan syariat kepada manusia agar bisa menjalani kehidupan dengan selamat. saat ini syariat telah lama menghilang dari kehidupan tanpa disadari. umat islam telah lama hidup dalam dunia tanpa syariat karena ketiadaan sistem yang mampu menjamin berjalannya syariat secara sempurna. ketiadaan kekhalifahan bagi seluruh umat islam adalah bencana terbesar. sekarang ini banyak di antara umat islam yang menginginkan hidup secara islami, namun tidak mau merubah sistem kehidupan yang telah ada selama ini kepada sistem yang lebih sesuai dengan syariat agama. akibatnya, orang islam bagaikan hidup di dua alam. hatinya ingin beriman, namun merasa betah hidup di dalam sistem yang kafir. hidup di dua alam itu, pada akhirnya, mengikis idealisme orang islam sendiri, sehingga tanpa disa dari ia telah meninggalkan ajaran agama islam. sesuatu hal yang amat diharamkan.” dengan posisi ini, maka jelas bahwa kekhlifahan bagi km adalah sebuah keharusan, kewajiban. mengikuti atau berislam di bawah payung sistem selain kekhalifahan adalah suatu kekafiran. pandangan ini jelas berbeda, misalnya dengan husein heikal. bagi heikal, tidak ada keraguan sama sekali bahwa islam dan demokrasi adalah sinkron dalam semua hal yang esensial. bahkan, lebih jauh, ia mengatakan bahwa setiap sistem yang yang tidak berdiri di atas prinsip-prinsip demokrasi adalah tidak sesuai dengan kaidah-kaidah utama yang diserukan oleh islam.42 kedudukan perempuan dalam masyarakat km akbar s. ahmed dalam bukunya living islam menuliskan pandangannya bahwa semakin islam ditegakkan semakin doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 79vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 perempuan bisa maju. begitu pula sebaliknya. perempuan muslim, lanjut ahmad, akan memiliki kepercayaan yang tinggi ketika islam dalam keadaan aman; mereka menjadi tidak yakin dan tidak aman saat islam dalam posisi defensif. dimana peran islam dominan, wanita memainkan peran hak mereka dalam masyarakat secara penuh dan tidak dihalangi. dimana islam dihancurkan, sebuah tirai akan menutupi rumah-rumah muslim dan wanita-wanita akan disembunyikan.43 kesimpulan akbar s. ahmed itu tentu tidak bisa menemukan konteks kebenarannya jika diletakkan dalam lokus km. sebab, dalam km, semangat untuk menegakkan ajaran agama islam justru dibarengi dengan pengurungan terhadap perempuan. sekaligus membenarkan tesis moaddel mengenai sikap tak ramah kelompok muslim fundamentalis terhadap perempuan.44 dalam kehidupan sehari-hari yang saya amati, kehidupan perempuan km begitu terpisah dari kehidupan laki-laki. sepanjang saya melakukan pengamatan dan wawancara, tak ada satu pun ikhwan km yang membolehkan istrinya bekerja di luar, kecuali mengajar kelas perempuan, ke pasar dan sejenisnya. ke pasar pun harus disertai seorang mahram. meski tidak ada ketentuan baik secara implisit dan ekplisitnya dari al-qur’an yang justru menjelaskan tentang prinsip kesejajaran dan kemitraan45, ada ketentuan tegas dalam jamaah km bahwa sementara laki-laki mengartikulasikan diri di ruang-ruang publik, perempuan memperoleh jatahnya di ruang privat, dalam keluarga (domestik). secara legal dan politik, km mengharamkan perempuan menjadi pemimpin. ini ditegaskan dalam konstitusinya. terkait dengan isu kepemimpinan, sejauh ini km memberikan dua persyaratan penting bagi seseorang yang ingin ditetapkan sebagai seorang khalifah. pertama, laki-laki. menurut baraja, pergantian kepemimpinan dalam islam mensyaratkan seorang laki-laki yang harus menjadi atau khalifah, dan hal tersebut sudah menjadi ketetapan para ulama. kedua, tidak harus orang keturunan kaum quraish, sebagaimana banyak dipahami. menurut baraja, masalah khilafah adalah masalah umat dan karena itu tidak ada suatu kelompok atau golongan manapun yang berhak memonopoli persoalan menjadi syarat kepala negara. siapapun orangnya, arab ataupun bukan, bukanlah menjadi persoalan sepanjang ia sanggup memimpin dan mengurusi umat serta memiliki ketaqwaan kepada allah. terkait dengan adanya teks hadits nabi yang menyatakan pemimpin harus berasal dari kalangan suku quraish, menurut baraja, haruslah dipahami sebagaimana konteks waktu itu yang mana mereka dulu memang memiliki kualitas kepemimpinan yang lebih dari suku-suku lain waktu itu.46 dari kasus ini, tampak bahwa mereka cederung tidak konsisten. padahal, jika logika yang sama diterapkan untuk melihat masalah kepemimpinan, maka sebetulnya laki-laki maupun perempuan memiliki peluang yang sama. secara sosial dan budaya, para perempuan warga km diwajibkan mengenakan burqa yang lebar, hanya menyisakan bagian mata dan umumnya berwarna hitam. tubuh perempuan adalah aurat yang harus diselamatkan dan dilindungi dari lingkungan yang berbahagia. mereka juga berupaya menjaga kemurnian islam dengan itu. berpakaian, dengan demikian, sebagaimana doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 80 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna diungkapkan bruce lawrence, adalah perlambang atau simbol proses balik menuju identitas yang lebih islami. kepulangan kepada cara-cara berpakaian muslim dahulu ala arab adalah salah satu cara untuk memeperoleh kembali makna islam yang hilang. seorang laki-laki mengenaikan baju gamis dan seorang perempuan memakai hijab. keduanya berupaya memperoleh kembali makna dan identitas islam. pandangan semacam itu lantas dikristalkan bahwa itulah cara berpakaian satu-satunya yang benar menurut islam, sementara gaya berpakaian masyarakat muslim pada umumnya tidaklah bisa dinilai islami.47 ketika mengunjungi rumah-rumah anggota km, saya mendapati bahwa para perempuan harus tetap di dalam rumah bagian belakang serta tidak diperkenankan ikut menemui tamu, kecuali anak perempuan yang masih di bawah umur. ini berbeda dengan masyarakat muslim kebanyakan. dalam lingkungan pendidikan, kelas laki-laki juga dipisahkan dari kelas perempuan. ini terlihat jelas dalam sekolah taman kanak dan taman pendidikan qur’an yang mereka dirikan. apa yang dilakukan oleh km terhadap perempuan semakin mengkristalkan perlakuan kelompok fundamentalis yang menggunakan bahasa agama, yang bukannya untuk membebaskan, namun justru untuk menindas kaum perempuan.48 kesimpulan terlahir sebagai respon terhadap perkembangan modernitas, km muncul dengan seruan kembali kepada ajaran-ajaran agama yang murni. dengan semangat keagamaan yang tinggi, mereka mengusung misi besar untuk menegakkan khilafah sebagai satu-satunya sistem pemerintahan islami—melawan demokrasi, memahami kitab suci secara apa adanya dan mengatur kehidupan masyarakatnya berdasarkan cetak biru darinya seperti terlihat dalam pembagian peran lelaki dan perempuan. perempuan dipinggirkan dari kehidupan publik, sehingga tidak memperoleh hak-haknya secara setara sebagaimana diyakni masyarakat modern. singkatnya, tidak seperti francis fukuyama yang menyebut dunia telah berakhir dengan kemenangan demokrasi dan kapitalisme,49 bagi mereka dunia saat ini bergerak di jalan yang salah. perlu dikoreksi. supaya, ia berakhir di jalan yang benar; dipelukan tuntunan ilahi. catatan akhir 1 lihat dalam anthony giddens, kapitalisme dan teori sosial modern: suatau analisis karya tulis marx, durkheim dan max weber (jakarta: ui press, 1985), h. 252. lihat juga alan aldridge, religion in the contemporary world (cambridge: polity, 2008), h. 70. 2 pippa norris dan ronald inglehart, sekularisasi ditinjau kembali: agama dan politik di dunia dewasa ini (jakarta: paramadia dan alvabet, 2009) 3 mark juergensmeyer, menentang negara sekuler: kebangkitan global nasionalisme religius (bandung: mizan, 1998). 4 charles davis, religion and the making society: essays in social theology (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1994) 5 gilles kepel, pembalasan tuhan: kebangkitan agamaagama samawi di dunia modern (jakarta: pustaka hidayah, 1997), h. 10. 6 michael burleigh, earthly power: the clash of religion and politics in europe from the french revolution to the great war (australia: harper & collins, 2007) 7 saya menggunakan kata muslim ketimbang islam lantaran membedakan islam sebagai social blueprint yang sakral dengan bagaimana muslim memahami, menterjemahkan islam ke dalam realitas sosial yang dengan sendirinya masuk dalam wilayah profan. penggunaan kata muslim dengan demikian membatasi pada objek yang dibahas, dan bukan untuk menilai dan menggeneralisir islam secara keseluruhan. sebab, islam itu satu sementara muslim sangat banyak. diskusi mengenai ini lihat antara lain doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 81vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 gabriele marranci, the anthropolgy of islam (cambridge: berg, 2008), h. 31-52. 8 lihat lebih lanjut dalam dick van der meij, dinamika kontemporer dalam masyarakat islam (jakarta: inis, 2003), h. 193-194. 9 ernest gellner misalnya berpendapat bahwa islam merupakan agama yang paling sesuai dengan modernitas karena karakternya yang kosmopolit dan universal. hanya saja, muslim saat ini mengalami fluktuasi dan bandulnya mengayun mundur meninggalkan karakter asal sebagaimana diperlihatkan para muslim generasi awal. lihat ernest gellner, muslim society, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1981). sejalan dengan gellner, mark woodward juga menilai bahwa dibandingkan dengan kristen, islam merupakan agama yang paling terbuka terhadap modernitas. tak ada satu pun dalam aspek teologi islam yang bertentangan dengan modernitas. lihat mark r. woodward, “modernity and the disenchantment of life: a muslim-christian contrast” dalam johan meuleman (ed.), islam in the era of globalization: muslim attitude towards modernity and identity (london: routledge, 2005), h. 80-102. 1 0 sayyid qutub, petunjuk jalan (jakarta: media dakwah, 1987), cet. 3. 1 1 robert n. bellah, beyond belief menemukan kembali agama: esai-esai tentang agama di dunia modern (jakarta: paramadina, 2000) 1 2 m bambang pranowo, islam faktual: antara tradisi dan relasi kuasa (yogyakarta: adicita, 1998) 1 3 john obert voll, islam: continuity and change in the modern world (colorado: westview press, 1982), h. 146. lihat juga yusril ihza mahendra, modernisme dan fundamentalisme dalam politik islam: perbandingan partai masyumi (indonesia) dan partai jama’at-i-islami (pakistan), (jakarta: paramadina, 1999). lihat juga harun nasution dan azyumardi azra, perkembangan modern dalam islam (jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia, 1985). 1 4 akbar s. ahmed, living islam: tamasya budaya menyusuri samarkand hingga stornoway (jakarta: mizan, 1997). 1 5 gilles kepel, pembalasan tuhan: kebangkitan agamaagama samawi di dunia modern (jakarta: pustaka hidayah, 1997) 1 6 riaz hassan, keragaman iman: studi komparatif masyarakat muslim (jakarta: ppim dan rajawali pers, 2006) 1 7 karen amstrong, islam: a short history sepintas sejarah islam (surabaya: ikon teralitera, 2004), h. 193-197. 1 8 francis fukuyama, benturan islam dan modernisasi, koran tempo, 26. november (2001). 1 9 wawancara dengan akh. rohim 2 0 abdul qadir baraja, gambaran global pemerintahan islam, (surabaya: rap, 2001), h. 23. 2 1 bandingkan dengan abul a’la al-maududi, khalifah dan kerajaan, (bandung: mizan, 1984), h. 73. 2 2 wawancara dengan abdul qadir baraja 2 3 abdul qadir baraja, gambaran global pemerintahan, h. 92. 2 4 lihat lebih lanjut dalam fathi osman, “bay’ah al-imam: kesepakatan pengangkatan kepala negara” dalam mumtaz ahmad, (ed.), masalah-masalah teori politik islam, (bandung: mizan, 1996), h. 113, 75. 2 5 wawancara dengan ali 2 6 lihat qs. ar-rum : 31-32 yang berarti “janganlah kalian termasuk orang-orang yang musyrik yaitu orangorang yang memecah belah agama mereka menjadi beberapa golongan, tiap-tiap golongan merasa bangga dengan apa yang ada pada golongannya itu.” 2 7 wawancara dengan abdul qadir baraja 2 8 wawancara dengan abdul qadir baraja 2 9 tentang kongres ini lihat irfan s awwas, risalah kongres mujahidin i dan penegakan syariat islam (yogyakarta: wihdah press, 2001) 3 0 tentang kongres ini lihat irfan s awwas, risalah kongres mujahidin i dan penegakan syariat islam (yogyakarta: wihdah press, 2001). 3 1 dalam banyak penelitiannya terhadap gerakan radikal di indonesia, misalnya, ppim tidak memberikan perhatian terhadap gerakan ini. lihat misalnya, jamhari dan jajang jahroni, (ed.), gerakan salafi radikal di indonesia (jakarta: rajawali press, 2004) 3 2 peter herriot, religious fundamentalism: global, lokal, personal (london: routledge, 2009), h. 59. 3 3 bandingkan dengan pendapat ahmad syafi’i maarif, bekas ketua umum pp muhammadiyah, yang menjelaskan bahwa antara islam dan keindonesiaan sesungguhnya berada dalam satu tarikan nafas. susunan kimiawi antara islam dan keindonesiaan bertemu dalam anyaman yang padu, saling mengisi dan memperkaya. lihat lebih lanjut dalam ahmad syafii maarif, islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan: sebuah refleksi sejarah (bandung: mizan, 2009), h. 16. 3 4 baraja, gambaran global pemerintahan, h. 56. 3 5 wawancara dengan endi. lihat juga laporan utama, mufti taghut adalah taghut, majalah al khilafah, edisi 5. th. 2. shafar (1429 h) 3 6 ahmad sukardja, piagam madinah dan uud 1945: kajian perbandingan tentang dasar hidup bersama dalam masyarakat majemuk ( jakarta: ui press, 1995), h. 176 3 7 faisal ismail, ideologi hegemoni dan otoritas agama: wacana ketegangan kreatif islam dan pancasila (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 1999), h. 302 3 8 munawir sjadzali, islam dan tata negara: ajaran, sejarah dan pemikiran (jakarta: ui press, 1990), h. 1-2 3 9 qs. 12: 40, qs. 3: 154 dan 79; qs. 16:116 4 0 wawancara dengan dzulkifli di nusa tenggara barat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 82 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 4 1 lihat dalam http://www.khilafatulmuslimin.com/blog/ perkembangan-daulah-khilafatul-muslimin. diakses tanggal 7 maret 2012 4 2 muhammad husein heikal, pemerintahan islam (jakarta: pustaka firdaus, 1993), h. 87-88. 4 3 akbar s. ahmed, living islam, h. 224 4 4 lihat lebih lanjut dalam mansoor moaddel, “religion and women: islamic modernism versus fundamentalism,” journal for the scientific study of religion. vol. 37. no. 1. (1998) h. 108-130. 4 5 lihat m. quraish shihab, “kesetaraan jender dalam islam,” pengantar dalam nasaruddin umar, argumen kesetaraan jender perspektif al-qur’an (jakarta: paramadina, 2001) 4 6 baraja, gambaran global pemerintahan, 4 7 bruce b. lawrence, menepis mitos, islam dibalik kekerasan? (jakarta: serambi, 2002), h. 17 4 8 lihat riffat hassan “is islam a help or hindrance to women’s development?” dalam johan meuleman (ed.), islam in the era of globalization, h. 136. 4 9 francis fukuyama, kemenangan kapitalisme dan demokrasi liberal (yogyakarta: qalam, 2001) daftar pustaka ahmed, akbar s. 1997. living islam: tamasya budaya menyusuri samarkand hingga stornoway. jakarta: mizan aldridge, alan. 2008. religion in the contemporary world. cambridge: polity al-maududi, abul a’la. 1984. khalifah dan kerajaan. bandung: mizan amstrong, karen. 2004. islam: a short history sepintas sejarah islam. surabaya: ikon teralitera baraja, abdul qadir. 2001. gambaran global pemerintahan islam. surabaya: rap bellah, robert n. 2000. beyond belief menemukan kembali agama: esai-esai tentang agama di dunia modern. jakarta: paramadina burleigh, michael. 2007. earthly power: the clash of religion and politics in europe from the french revolution to the great war. australia: harper & collins davis, charles davis. 1994. religion and the making society: essays in social theology. cambridge: cambridge university press fukuyama, francis. 2001. benturan islam dan modernisasi. koran tempo 26, 11 gellner, ernest. 1981. muslim society. cambridge: cambridge university press giddens, anthony. 1985. kapitalisme dan teori sosial modern: suatau analisis karya tulis marx, durkheim dan max weber. jakarta: ui press hassan, riaz. 2006. keragaman iman: studi komparatif masyarakat muslim. jakarta: ppim dan rajawali pers hassan, riffat. “is islam a help or hindrance to women’s development?” dalam johan meuleman, ed. islam in the era of globalization. heikal, muhammad husein. 1993. pemerintahan islam. jakarta: pustaka firdaus herriot, peter. 2009. religious fundamentalism: global, lokal, personal. london: routledge ismail, faisal. 1999. ideologi hegemoni dan otoritas agama: wacana ketegangan kreatif islam dan pancasila. yogyakarta: tiara wacana jamhari dan jajang jahroni, (ed). 2004. gerakan salafi radikal di indonesia. jakarta: rajawali press juergensmeyer, mark. 1998. menentang negara sekuler: kebangkitan global nasionalisme religius. bandung: mizan kepel, gilles. 1997. pembalasan tuhan: kebangkitan agama-agama samawi di dunia modern. jakarta: pustaka hidayah lawrence, bruce b. 2002. menepis mitos, islam dibalik kekerasan?. jakarta: serambi maarif, ahmad syafii. 2009. islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan: sebuah refleksi sejarah. bandung: mizan mahendra, yusril ihza. 1999. modernisme dan fundamentalisme dalam politik islam: perbandingan partai masyumi (indonesia) dan partai jama’at-i-islami (pakistan). jakarta: paramadina marranci, gabriele. 2008. the anthropolgy of islam. cambridge: berg meij. dick van der. 2003. dinamika kontemporer dalam masyarakat islam. jakarta: inis moaddel, mansoor. 1998. “religion and women: islamic modernism versus fundamentalism.” journal for the scientific study of religion, vol. 37, no. 1 nasution, harun dan azyumardi azra. 1985. perkembangan modern dalam islam. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia nooris, pippa dan ronald inglehart. 2009. sekularisasi ditinjau kembali: agama dan politik di dunia dewasa ini. jakarta: paramadia dan alvabet osman, fathi. 1996. “bay’ah al-imam: kesepakatan pengangkatan kepala negara” dalam mumtaz ahmad, ed. masalah-masalah teori politik islam. bandung: mizan pranowo, m bambang. 1998. islam faktual: antara tradisi dan relasi kuasa. yogyakarta: adicita sayyid quthub, 1987. petunjuk jalan, jakarta: media dakwah. cet 3. sjadzali, munawir. 1990. islam dan tata negara: ajaran, sejarah dan pemikiran. jakarta: ui press sukardja, ahmad. 1995. piagam madinah dan uud 1945: kajian perbandingan tentang dasar hidup bersama dalam masyarakat majemuk. jakarta: ui press umar, nasaruddin. 2001. argumen kesetaraan jender perspektif al-qur’an. jakarta: paramadina voll, john obert. 1982. islam: continuity and change in the modern world. colorado: westview press woodward, mark r. 2005. “modernity and the disenchantment of life: a muslim-christian contrast” dalam johan meuleman, (ed.) islam in the era of globalization: muslim attitude towards modernity and identity. london: routledge doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0020. 65-82 layout juni 2015 konsep al-ma’rifah dalam tradisi sufisme dzu al-nun al-mishri m. ma’rifat iman kh. fakultas syariah uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta indonesia email: mr.iman.kh@gmail.com abstract in the world of sufism, dzu al-nun al-mishri is regarded as the father of alma’rifah. for him, al-ma’rifah is essential knowledge, by which some one is able to see god with the heart. meanwhile, scientific knowledge cannot attain to the ultimate level. in order too reach the level of al-ma’rifah, someone has to pass asceticism by leaving behind the luxuries of life and always worshiping god . it is believed that when someone’s soul is clean of dirt, it is ready to accept al-faidh (abundance of god’s bless), or people can get to level al-ma’rifah by experiencing al-kasysyaf and ilham given by god. in sufism tradition, not everyone can reach the level of alma’rifah. a sufi who has reached to the level of al-ma’rifah will have signs: 1) alma’rifah always enlightening all his attitudes and actions; 2) he dos not make decisions based on real facts, because the concept of truth is sufism is not based on real facts; 3) he does not show much expectation to god’s gift, because too much favors can laed to unlawful acts. keyword: sufism; al-ma’rifah; spiritualism; asceticism. abstrak dalam dunia tasawuf, dzu al-nun al-mishri dipandang sebagai bapak al-ma’rifah. baginya, al-ma’rifah adalah pengetahuan hakiki yang sanggup melihat allah dengan hati. sedangkan pengetahuan ilmiah belum sampai ke tingkat hakiki. untuk sampai ke tingkat al-ma’rifah harus melewati zuhud (meninggalkan kemewahan hidup duniawi) lebih dahulu, selalu beribadah dan bertafakkur. ketika jiwa sudah bersih dari kotoran, ia telah siap untuk menerima al-faidh (limpahan dari allah), atau orang yang bisa sampai ke tingkat al-ma’rifah harus melalui jalan al-kasysyaf dan ilham, yang allah berikan kepada hamba yang dia kehendaki. tidak semua orang dapat mencapai tingkat al-ma’rifah. seorang sufi yang sudah sampai ke tingkat alma’rifah akan memiliki tanda-tanda: 1) selalu memancar cahaya ma’rifat dalam segala sikap dan perbuatannya; 2) tidak mengambil keputusan berdasarkan fakta nyata, karena dalam ajaran tasawuf fakta itu belum tentu benar; 3) tidak banyak menginginkan nikmat allah, sebab kebanyakan nikmat justru bisa membawa kepada ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0042. 28-40 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2929292929vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 perbuatan haram. kata kunci: sufisme; al-ma’rifah; spiritualisme, asketisisme pendahuluan dzu al-nun al-mishri adalah sufi kedua tertua dalam sejarah islam setelah sufi wanita, rabi’ah al-adawiyah – sufi wanita yang menggagas konsep almahabbah (cinta). segala sesuatu dilakukan atas dasar cinta, tiada kebencian sedikit jua pada apapun dalam pandangannya. dalam perjalanan sufinya, dzu al-nun memperkenalkan konsep “al-ma’rifah”, di mana proses maqamat (perjalanan) melalui al-ma’rifah itu, ia telah mencapai tingkat pengetahuan tertinggi, yang dapat mengenal tuhan sedekat mungkin. secara bahasa, al-ma’rifah berarti ‘mengenal’, namun yang dimaksud alma’rifah di kalangan tasawuf tiada lain ‘melihat’ tuhan dengan mata hati, bukan dengan mata kepala. seseorang, yang dalam perjalanan spiritualnya sudah mencapai tingkat al-ma’rifah disebut dengan ‘arif dalam bentuk tunggal, dan ‘arifin dalam bentuk jamaknya. ada pula yang mengatakan bahwa istilah al-ma’rifah berarti mengetahui atau mengenal sesuatu. apabila dihubungkan dengan pengamalan tasawuf, maka al-ma’rifah berarti mengenal allah ketika seorang sufi mencapai suatu maqam dalam tasawuf.1 kemudian, istilah ini dirumuskan oleh beberapa ulama tasawuf, antara lain musthafa al-zuhri, yang mengemukakan pendapatnya: “al-ma’rifah adalah ketetapan hati dengan mewujudkan yang wajib adanya (allah), yang menggambarkan segala kesempurnaan-nya”. al-syaikh ihsan muhammad dahlan al-kadiri mengemukakan pendapat abu thayib al-samiry mengatakan: “al-ma’rifah adalah hadirnya kebenaran pada sufi dalam keadaan hatinya selalu berhubungan dengan nur ilahi”. sedang imam al-qusyairi mengemukakan pendapat ‘abd al-rahman bin muhammad bin ‘abdillah, mengatakan: “al-ma’rifah membuat ketenangan dalam hati, sebagaimana ilmu pengetahuan membuata ketenangan dalam akal pikiran. barangsiapa yang meningkat ma’rifatnya, maka meningkat pula ketenangan hatinya”.2 dalam beberapa literatur, dikemukakan bahwa al-ma’rifah juga menunjukkan arti mengetahui tuhan dari dekat, sehingga hati sanubarinya dapat melihat tuhan. para sufi juga mengatakan, kalau mata yang terdapat dalam hati sanubari manusia terbuka, maka mata kepalanya akan tertutup, dan pada ketika itu yang dilihatnya hanyalah allah. al-ma’rifah adalah cermin, kalau seorang ‘arif melihat ke cermin itu, maka yang dilihatnya hanyalah allah. yang dilihat oleh seorang sufi, baik sewaktu tidur maupun sewaktu bangun ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3030303030 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna hanyalah allah. sekiranya al-ma’rifah mengambil bentuk materi, semua orang yang melihat padanya akan mati, karena tak tahan melihat kecantikan serta keindahan yang luar biasa, dan semua cahaya akan menjadi gelap di samping cahaya keindahan yang gilang-gemilang itu.3 selanjutnya, al-junaid berpendapat bahwa al-ma’rifah merupakan hal, dan dalam al-risalah al-qusyairiyyah, al-ma’rifah disebut sebagai maqam.4 kemudian disebut dalam buku-buku tasawuf, urutan yang diberikan kepada al-mahabbah dan al-ma’rifah berbeda penempatan. al-ghazali dalam kitab al-ihya’ ‘ulum al-din memandang bahwa al-ma’rifah datang sebelum almahabbah, tetapi al-kalabadi dalam kitab al-ta’aruf li madzhab ahli altasawwuf menyebutkan dan menjelaskan bahwa al-ma’rifah sesudah almahabbah. namun, ada pula yang berpendapat bahwa antara al-ma’rifah dan al-mahabbah merupakan kembar dua, yang selalu disebut secara bersamaan. keduanya menggambarkan keadaan dekatnya hubungan seorang sufi dengan allah. al-mahabbah menggambarkan hubungan rapat dalam bentuk cinta, dan al-ma’rifah menggambarkan hubungan rapat dalam bentuk gnosis, pengetahuan dengan hati sanubari.5 demikian gambaran umum tentang al-ma’rifah menurut pandangan di kalangan ulama tasawuf. dalam makalah ini akan dibahas tentang riwayat hidup dzu al-nun al-mishri secara sederhana, dan bagaimana konsep tasawufnya, terutama tentang al-ma’rifah. oleh karena itu, rumusan permasalahannya adalah sebagai berikut: bagaimana riwayat hidup dzu al-nun al-mishri? serta bagaimana konsep tasawuf dzu al-nun tentang al-ma’rifah? biografi dzu al-nun al-mishri dzu al-nun tidak sependapat, bahwa dalam menjelaskan dan menuliskan biografi seseorang (khususnya seorang sufi) disebut-sebut bentuk fisiknya. misal, tubuhnya yang kurus, mukanya berbentuk virus atau oval, rambutnya lurus atau ikal, dan lain sebagainya. oleh karena itu, dalam menuliskan riwayat hidup beliau sama sekali tidak akan disebutkan bentuk fisik beliau. penulis mengalami kesulitan dalam mempelajari riwayat hidup dan ajaran dzu al-nun al-mishri, karena kelangkaan kepustakaan atau buku-buku yang menuliskan riwayat hidup beliau. data-data mengenai biografi dzu al-nun masih diperselisihkan oleh para sejarawan. di antara yang diperselisihkan adalah namanya, tanggal lahir dan tempat kelahirannya. namun demikian, dari hasilhasil penelusuran tentang riwayat hidup beliau yang paling mendekati kebenaran dan bersifat populer adalah sebagai berikut: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3131313131vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 nama lengkapnya adalah tsauban bin ibrahim, dan sehari-hari lebih dikenal dengan panggilan abu al-faidh. ayahnya bernama ibrahim, termasuk pemuka suku nubia di kawasan nubah, sudan. ia dibesarkan di dusun akhmim, sebuah desa di sebuah dataran tinggi di mesir, kemudian menetap lama di mesir sampai meninggalnya, sehingga melekat sebutan al-mishri di belakang namanya.6 ibrahim waktu itu, seperti pada umumnya masyarakat di sana tidak biasa mencatat tanggal dan tahun kelahiran putranya. hanya saja diketahui bahwa dzu al-nun meninggal pada tahun 245 h. karena diperkirakan ia hidup sampai usia 90 tahun, maka kelahirannya jatuh pada tahun 155 h. dalam ensiklopedi arab, disebutkan masa hidup dzu al-nun adalah sejak 771 – 859 m, yang bertepatan dengan tahun 155 – 245 h. tsauban atau abu al-faidh memperoleh gelar dzu al-nun, yang artinya pemilik ikan atau yang berkaitan dengan ikan, disebabkan karena ia memiliki karamah, yang di antara unsurnya menyerupai apa yang terjadi pada nabi yunus as. menurut suatu riwayat tentang wujud karamahnya adalah ketika ada seorang wanita yang anaknya ditelan oleh buaya, maka wanita itu bersedih secara berkepanjangan. melihat kesedihan wanita itu, dzu al-nun ikut merasa terharu dan prihatin. kemudian ia menuju sungai nil, dan berdo’a kepada allah untuk memohon kepada-nya agar buaya itu muncul. ketika buaya itu timbul, maka dibelahnya perut buaya itu, di dalamnya terdapat anak si wanita tadi, yang ternyata masih dalam keadaan hidup dan selamat. sedang kisah nabi yunus as. adalah ketika ia ditelan oleh ikan paus (yang juga disebut ikan nun, pen.) akibat hukuman allah karena ia meninggalkan umatnya lantaran kesal atas kebandelan umatnya tersebut yang ingkar. kemudian, nabi yunus as. menyadari akan kesalahannya, lalu dia bertaubat melalui do’anya yang populer dan banyak dihafal orang, yakni: “la ilaha illa anta, subhanaka, inni kuntu min al-zhalimin” (tiada tuhan kecuali engkau, mahasuci engkau, sesungguhnya aku ini tergolong orang-orang yang menganiaya diri). lalu allah mengampuni dan menyelamatkan nabi yunus dari perut ikan paus tersebut, dan selanjutnya nabi yunuspun melanjutkan dakwahnya hingga ia dapat menyadarkan umatnya menuju ketauhidan.7 menurut kisah yang lain, dzu al-nun al-mishri berada dalam suatu perjalanan di sebuah kapal. di dalam kapal tersebut beliau mengisi waktunya dengan berdzikir, terutama dengan dzikir khafi (tanpa suara, diucapkan dalam hati). dalam suasana hening itu, tiba-tiba dikagetkan dengan suara gaduh seorang penumpang yang kehilangan permata. orang itu menuduh dzu al○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3232323232 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna nun sebagai pencurinya, karena cara berpakaiannya terlihat sangat sederhana, tampak seperti orang miskin. hal mana tuduhan orang yang kehilangan permata itu diprovokasi oleh pencuri sebenarnya, akibatnya para penumpang lainnya memperkuat tuduhan pula kepadanya, karena kondisi lahiriahnya yang paling miskin di antara para penumpaang kapal sangat meyakinkan tuduhan tersebut jatuh padanya. atas perilaku para penumpang kapal itu, maka dzu al-nun bermunajat kepada allah dalam keadaan tetap berdzikir dan berdo’a, maka terjadilah suatu peristiwa yang menakjubkan, di mana secara tiba-tiba muncullah seekor ikan di lautan menampakkan diri di permukaan air, sementara di dalam mulutnya terlihat permata yang hilang itu. menyaksikan kejadian tersebut, pencuri yang sebenarnya menjerit histeris, kemudian mengaku serta menjelaskan ketika hasil curiannya berhasil, namun tanpa sengaja permata itu terjatuh ke dalam lautan. kemudian pencuri itu meminta ampun kepada sang pemilik permata dan para penumpang kapal lainnya, termasuk juga kepada dzu al-nun.8 dzu al-nun bukan hanya seorang sufi, ia juga dikenal sebagai ahli kimia dan pengobatan. kepakarannya di bidang ini menurut al-qafthi dalam akhbar al-‘ulama’ bi akhbar al-hukama’ sebanding dengan yang dimiliki oleh jabir ibn hayyan. yang lebih menarik lagi adalah penghayatannya tentang dimensi tasawuf dalam islam berpengaruh terhadap paradigma keilmuannya di bidang kimia. misalnya, ia meneliti gerakan-gerakan molekul dengan pendekatan spiritual.9 karya-karya ilmiahnya dalam bidang kimia, menurut ‘abd al-halim mahmud (mantan syeikh al-azhar) masih tersimpan rapih di perpustakan dar al-kutub al-mishriyyah, kairo. selain itu, masih banyak lagi karya-karya beliau di bidang kimia yang masih berupa manuskrip, yang belum dicetak. ibn alnadim dalam al-fihrasat, dzu al-nun memiliki karya dua buku: kitab al-rukn al-akbar dan kitab al-tsiqah al-shun’ah. sedang orientalis perancis (ceradifou), menyebutkan ada tiga karya dzu al-nun, yaitu: (1) al-mujarabat, yang memuat petunjuk-petunjuk medis dan pengetahuan kimia, serta jimat-jimat yang disimpan di perpustakaan paris; (2) asy’ar fi hijr al-hukama’, yang juga disimpan di perpustakaan paris; dan (3) kumpulan polemik antara dia dengan murid-murid ya’qub tentang isi kitab asy’ar fi hijr al-hukama’, yang tersimpan di perpustakaan berlin.10 dzu al-nun al-mishri, seperti umumnya ulama di masa kejayaan islam memiliki etos pencarian ilmu yang tuntas. lebih-lebih yang berhubungan dengan bidang hadits, yang mengharuskannya mencari dengan cermat dan teliti suatu hadits dari satu tempat ke tempat lain untuk menemui mereka ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3333333333vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 (para ahli hadits) yang umumnya dari generasi terdahulu, kemudian menguji keotentikan dan kekuatan hadits tersebut. ia mengembara ke berbagai kota di timur tengah, antara lain: mekah, madinah, bagdad, bashrah, kufah, damaskus, libanon, palestina, dan akhirnya kembali ke mesir. tradisi pengembaraan ini memang bukan hanya milik para ahli hadits, akan tetapi juga menjadi kebiasaan para ulama dari berbagai disiplin ilmu, apalagi ulama tasawuf. tujuan perjalanan mereka pada umumnya adalah untuk pengembangan wawasan, termasuk mencari guru yang namanya terkenal dari jauh dalam bidang yang ingin didalami, atau mencatat sanad hadits, menghadiri forum diskusi dan debat, atau sekedar menjajal halaqah (perkuliahan) orang-orang pandai. khusus bagi para sufi, pengembaraan bukan untuk tujuan pengembangan keilmuan, meliankan peningkatan kualitas spiritual, penyucian diri, dan pendekatan kepada allah.11 dalam perjalanan, sering kaum sufi mendirikan tenda-tenda di padang pasir. siang hari tenda mereka menjadi tempat berteduh bagi para musafir, sementara di waktu malam dengan lampu-lampu yang mereka pasang menjadi petunjuk jalan bagi mereka yang tersesat. di dalam tenda itu mereka mengadakan riyadhah (latihan penyucian dengan dzikir), membaca al-qur’an, shalawat kepada nabi, serta melakukan wiridan, dan ada pula pada sebagian mereka yang menari hingga mampu merasakan apa yang mereka yakini sebagai al-fana’, hilangnya kesadaran diri dalam “penyatuan dengan ilahi”. dalam tenda itu dzu al-nun al-mishri lebih tampil sebagai syekh sufi yang disegani. beliau sering memberikan nasehat agar orang beriman tidak dihanyutkan oleh jabatan, kekuasaan dan harta yang melimpah. semua kenikmatan dunia yang menipu hendaklah ditinggalkan. ucapan ini memang merupakan kritikan sufi terhadap kemewahan hidup para pejabat negara, yang di sana-sini suka menindas dan lupa kepada allah.12 karena ucapan-ucapannya tersebut, dzu al-nun dipanggil oleh khalifah al-mutawakkil ke bagdad. dzu al-nun kemudian dituduh sebagai penganut zindiq (aliran sesat dan subversif). ia dituduh pula menghasut rakyat untuk memberontak, lalu ia diborgol. beberapa tahun ia meringkuk dalam tahanan di bagdad. namun dalam menghadapi fitnahan atau cobaan itu dzu al-nun berkata: “ini adalah hadiah dari allah. setiap perbuatan-nya pahit maupun manis, semuanya bagus. kemudian ia mengubah sajak yang berbunyi: bagi-mu ada tempat terpelihara di hatiku kehendak-mu juga jika aku harus mati karena-mu dan sabar akan cobaan-mu jika luput kematian itu. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3434343434 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna kematiannya memang luput dari penjara tersebut, lalu ia dibebaskan dan dikembalikan ke mesir.13 akhirnya, pada tahun 245 h. bertepatan dengan tahun 859 m, dzu alnun wafat. ketika wafat, jenazahnya urung diangkut melalui jalan darat, karena dikhawatirkan jalan yang akan dilewati para penganatar orang alim ini akan roboh. tidak hanya karena harus menyebrang ke pulau tempat jenazahn ya dimakamkan, tetapi sejak semula melihat bukan main melimpahnya jumlah para pelayat, sehingga tidak semua pelayat dapat ikut serta sampai ke kuburnya. konsep al-ma’rifah dzu al-nun al-mishri termasuk sufi angkatan pertama. menurutnya, sufi adalah orang yang jika berbicara pembicaraannya bisa menjelaskan hakikat ilmu, dan jika diam anggota badannya berbicara tentang hakikat ilmu itu, dan memutuskan hubungan dengan yang ada di sekitarnya. seorang sufi sebelum mengkaji hakikat ilmu harus mengkaji dan mengenali dulu ilmu itu. menurut dzu al-nun dalam mengetahui hakikat ilmu, mula-mula mempelajari teks syari’at dan ilmu yang berkenaan dengannya, seperti: ilmu tafsir, ilmu hadits dan juga ilmu fiqih. selain itu, ditempuh juga jalan pengetahuan yang bersumber dari akal – dipraktikannya melalui ilmu kimia dan kedokteran – karena ilmu-ilmu kealaman itulah yang ditekuninya. namun, jika hanya menempuh jalan tersebut seseorang belum sampai kepada hakikat ilmu itu sendiri, atau belum sampai ke tingkat sufi. seorang sufi yang telah mencapai hakikat ilmu dengan jalan al-ma’rifah harus melewati zuhud (dengan meninggalkan kemewahan hidup duniawiyah), dan selalu beribadah serta bertafakkur. ketika jiwa bersih dari kotoran, maka ia siap untuk menerima al-faidh (limpahan dari allah), atau orang bisa sampai ke tingkat al-ma’rifah melalui jalan alkasysyaf dan ilham yang diberikan allah kepada hamba yang dikehendakinya.14 dzu al-nun berpandangan bahwa tidak semua orang dapat mencapai tingkat al-ma’rifah. seorang sufi yang sudah sampai ke tingkat al-ma’rifah akan memiliki tanda-tanda tertentu, antara lain sebagai berikut: a. selalu memancar cahaya al-ma’rifah padanya dalam segala sikap dan perilakunya. karena itu, sikap wara’ selalu ada pada dirinya. b. tidak menjadikan keputusan pada sesuatu yang berdasarkan fakta yang bersifat nyata, karena hal-hal yang nyata menurut ajaran tasawuf belum tentu benar. c. tidak menginginkan nikmat allah yang banyak buat dirinya, karena itu ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3535353535vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 bisa membawa kepada perbuatan haram.15 dari sinilah kita dapat mengetahui bahwa seorang sufi tidak membutuhkan kehidupan yang mewah, kecuali tingkat kehidupan yang hanya sekedar dapat menunjang kegiatan ibadahnya kepada allah swt, sehingga al-syeikh ibn alfadhil mengatakan bahwa al-ma’rifah yang dimiliki seorang sufi cukup memberikan kebahagiaan batin padanya, karena merasa bersama-sama dengan tuhannya.16 pengetahuan ketuhanan yang dicari para filosof bercorak rasional, sedangkan yang dicari para sufi adalah pengetahuan melalui kesaksian batin. seorang filosof mencari ‘ilm al-yaqin, seorang sufi mencari ‘ain al-yaqin, bahkan pada haq al-yaqin. sang filosof menggunakan rasio, sedangkan sang sufi menggunakan seluruh potensi ruhaniahnya untuk sampai kepada substansi, essensi dan hakikat. seorang sufi ingin menyatukan dirinya dengan tuhan bagaikan menyatunya setetes air dengan samudera. dzu al-nun juga memahami tentang al-mahabbah, digambarkana dalam suatu cerita sebagai berikut: ketika dzu al-nun ditanya tentang hakikat cinta, apakah benar tentang hakikat cinta itu? beliau menjawab: “bahwa engkau cinta apa yang dicintai allah, engkau benci apa yang dibenci-nya, engkau memohon ridha-nya, engkau tolak sekalian yang akan merintangi perjalanan menuju dia. jangan takut akan kebencian orang yang membenci, dan jangan mementingkan diri serta melihat-nya karena dinding yang sangat tebal untuk melihat-nya ialah lantaran melihat dirinya sendiri”. selanjutnya, dzu al-nun menambahkan: “orang yang ‘arif adalah bangga dengan kepapaannya, apabila ia disebut nama allah iapun bangga, namun bila disebut nama dirinya dia merasa miskin”.17 dalam tasawuf, dzu al-nun dipandang sebagai bapak faham al-ma’rifah. menurutnya, ada tiga macam pengetahuan tentang tuhan: (1) pengetahuan ‘awwam, yang hanya mengenal tuhan terbatas pada pengucapan dua kalimat syahadat; (2) pengetahuan ‘ulama’, yang mengenal tuhan dengan penalaran, logika dan dalil-dalil ilmiah; (3) pengetahuan shufi, yang mengenal tuhan dengan hati sanubarinya. dzu al-nun membagi tiga tingkatan itu dengan istilah pengetahuan ‘awwam, pengetahuan khawwas dan pengetahuan khawwas al-khawwas.18 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3636363636 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna pengetahuan dalam arti pertama dan kedua belum merupakan pengetahuan yang hakiki tentang tuhan. keduanya disebut ilmu, bukan al-ma’rifah. pengetahuan dalam arti ketigalah yang merupakan pengetahuan hakiki tentang tuhan, dan pengetahuan ini disebut al-ma’rifah. al-ma’rifah hanya terdapat pada kaum sufi yang sanggup melihat tuhan dengan hati sanubari mereka. alma’rifah dimasukkan tuhan ke dalam hati seorang sufi, sehingga hatinya penuh dengan cahaya. ketika dzu al-nun ditanya, bagaimana ia memperoleh al-ma’rifah tentang tuhan? ia menjawab: “‘araftu rabbi bi rabbi walau la rabbi lamma ‘araftu rabbi” (aku mengetahui tuhan dengan tuhan, dan sekiranya tidak karena tuhan aku tidak akan tahu tentang tuhan). hal tersebut menggambarkan bahwa al-ma’rifah tidak diperoleh begitu saja, tetapi merupakan pemberian tuhan (a direct knowledge of god based on revelation), al-ma’rifah bukanlah hasil pemikiran manausia, tetapi tergantung kepada kehendak tuhan. al-ma’rifah adalah pemberian tuhan kepada sufi yang sanggup menerimanya.19 al-ma’rifah serupa di atas diakui oleh ahl al-sunnah, karena al-ma’rifah seperti ini telah diterima oleh al-ghazali. al-ghazalilah sang pencerah yang membuat tasawuf menjadi halal bagi kaum syari’ah, sementara sebelumnya para ulama fiqh memandangnya sebagai hal yang menyeleweng dari islam. mereka tidak sependapat dengan kaum sufi, khususnya terhadap pandangan al-busthami dan al-hallaj tentang al-ittihad dan al-hulul. menurut al-ghazali selanjutnya, al-ma’rifah dan al-mahabbah adalah merupakan derajat setinggitingginya yang dicapai oleh seorang sufi, walaupun menurutnya tahapan alma’rifah lebih dahulu dari al-mahabbah, dan pengetahauan yang diperoleh dari al-ma’rifah lebih tinggi mutunya dari pengetahuan yang diperoleh dengan akal.20 dalam manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah, konsep al-ma’rifah sejalan dengan pendekatan ‘irfani. ‘irfan mengandung beberapa pengertian antara lain; ‘ilm atau ma‘rifah; metode ilham dan kasyf yang telah dikenal jauh sebelum islam; dan al-ghunus atau gnosis. ketika ‘irfan diadopsi ke dalam islam, para ahl al-‘irfan mempermudahnya menjadi: pembicaraan mengenai 1) al-naql dan al-tawzhaf; dan 2) upaya menyingkap wacana qur’ani dan memperluas ‘ibarahnya untuk memperbanyak makna. jadi pendekatan ‘irfani adalah suatu pendekatan yang dipergunakan dalam kajian pemikiran islam oleh para mutashawwifin dan ‘arifin untuk mengeluarkan makna bathin dari bathin lafzh dan ‘ibarah; ia juga merupakan istinbath al-ma’arif al-qalbiyyah dari alqur’an.21 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3737373737vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 pendekatan ‘irfani adalah pendekatan pemahaman yang bertumpu pada instrumen pengalaman batin, dzawq, qalb, wijdan, bashirah dan intuisi. sedangkan metode yang dipergunakan meliputi manhaj kasyfi dan manhaj iktisyafi. manhaj kasyfi disebut juga manhaj ma‘rifah ‘irfani yang tidak menggunakan indera atau akal, tetapi kasyf dengan riyadhah dan mujahadah. manhaj iktisyafi disebut juga al-mumatsilah (analogi), yaitu metode untuk menyingkap dan menemukan rahasia pengetahuan melalui analogi-analogi. analogi dalam manhaj ini mencakup: a) analogi berdasarkan angka atau jumlah seperti ½ = 2/4 = 4/8, dst; b) tamtsil yang meliputi silogisme dan induksi; dan c) shurah dan asykal. dengan demikian, al-mumatsilah adalah manhaj iktisyafi dan bukan manhaj kasyfi. pendekatan ‘irfani juga menolak atau menghindari mitologi. kaum ‘irfaniyyin tidak berurusan dengan mitologi, bahkan justru membersihkannya dari persoalan-persoalan agama dan dengan ‘irfani pula mereka lebih mengupayakan menangkap haqiqah yang terletak di balik syari‘ah, dan yang bathin (al-dalalah al-isyarah aw al-ramziyyah) di balik yang zhahir (al-dalalah al-lughawiyyah). dengan memperhatikan dua metode di atas, kita mengetahui bahwa sumber pengetahuan dalam ‘irfani mencakup ilham/intuisi dan teks (yang dicari makna batinnya melalui ta’wil).22 kata-kata kunci yang terdapat dalam pendekatan ‘irfani meliputi tanzilu ta’wil, haqiqi-majazi, mumatsilah dan zhahir-bathin. hubungan zhahir-bathin terbagi menjadi 3 segi: 1) siyasi mubasyar, yaitu memalingkan makna-makna ibarat pada sebagian ayat dan lafzh kepada pribadi tertentu; 2) ideologi mazhab, yaitu memalingkan makna-makna yang disandarkan pada mazhab atau ideologi tertentu; dan 3) metafisika, yakni memalingkan makna-makna kepada gambaran metafisik yang berkaitan dengan al-ilah al-muta‘aliyah dan aql kully dan nafs al-kulliyah.23 pendekatan ‘irfani banyak dimanfaatkan dalam ta’wil. ta’wil ‘irfani terhadap al-qur’an bukan merupakan istinbath, bukan ilham, bukan pula kasyf. tetapi ia merupakan upaya mendekati lafzh-lafzh al-qur’an lewat pemikiran yang berasal dari dan berkaitan dengan warisan ‘irfani yang sudah ada sebelum islam, dengan tujuan untuk menangkap makna batinnya. contoh konkret dari pendekatan ‘irfani lainnya adalah falsafah ishraqi yang memandang pengetahuan diskursif (al-hikmah al-bahtsiyyah) harus dipadu secara kreatif harmonis dengan pengetahuan intuitif (al-hikmah al-dzawqiyyah). dengan pemaduan tersebut pengetahuan yang diperoleh menjadi pengetahuan yang mencerahkan, bahkan akan mencapai al-hikmah al-haqiqah.24 pengalaman batin rasulullah saw dalam menerima wahyu al-qur’an ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3838383838 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna merupakan contoh konkret dari pengetahuan ‘irfani. namun, dengan keyakinan yang kita pegangi selama ini, mungkin pengetahuan ‘irfani yang akan dikembangkan dalam kerangka ittiba‘ al-rasul. dapat dikatakan, meski pengetahuan ‘irfani bersifat subyektif, namun semua orang dapat merasakan kebenarannya. artinya, setiap orang dapat melakukan dengan tingkatan dan kadarnya sendiri-sendiri, maka validitas kebenarannya bersifat intersubyektif dan peran akal bersifat partisipatif. sifat intersubyektif tersebut dapat diformulasikan dalam tahap-tahap sebagai berikut. pertama-tama, tahapan persiapan diri untuk memperoleh pengetahuan melalui jalan hidup tertentu yang harus ia ikuti untuk sampai kepada kesiapan menerima “pengalaman”. selanjutnya tahap pencerahan dan terakhir tahap konstruksi. tahap terakhir ini merupakan upaya pemaparan secara simbolik di mana perlu, dalam bentuk uraian, tulisan dan struktur yang dibangun, sehingga kebenaran yang diperolehnya dapat diakses oleh orang lain. implikasi dari pengetahuan ‘irfani dalam konteks pemikiran keislaman, adalah menghampiri agama-agama pada tataran substantif dan essensi spiritualitasnya, dan mengembangkannya dengan penuh kesadaran akan adanya pengalaman keagamaan orang lain (the otherness) yang berbeda aksidensi dan ekspresinya, namun memiliki substansi dan essensi yang kurang lebih sama. kedekatan kepada tuhan yang transhistoris, transkultural dan transreligius diimbangi rasa empati dan simpati kepada orang lain secara elegan dan setara. termasuk di dalamnya kepekaan terhadap problem-problem kemanusiaan, pengembangan budaya dan peradaban yang disinari oleh pancaran fithrah ilahiyyah. kesimpulan dari uraian di atas, maka dapat ditarik suatu kesimpulan mengenai halihwal dzu al-nun al-mishri, demikian pula tentang konsep al-ma’rifahnya, sebagai berikut: pertama dzu al-nun adalah seorang sufi yang namanya identik dengan pemilik ikan, karena ia memiliki karamah yang dapat menyelamatkan seseorang, dan menolongnya dari makhluk-makhluk air. di samping itu, di belakangnya melekat julukan al-mishri yang menunjukkan tempat asalnya sampai akhir hayatnya di mesir. dzu al-nun melakukan pendekatan kepada tuhan dengan jalur sufinya melalui al-ma’rifah yang dilakukan dengan pengalaman ruhaniahnya. dengan faham sufinya tersebut, ia berpandangan bahwa hidup itu tidak mengupayakan suatu kemewahan. dia mengkritik para pejabat negara yang hidup dalam kemewahan, sehingga melakukan penganiayaan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3939393939vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 kepada rakyat dan lupa kepada tuhannya. krtikatannya inilah yang menyebabkan dia dijebloskan dalam pencara di bagdad. kedua melalui konsep alma’rifah, dzu al-nun berpendapat bahwa kemampuan ma’rifat allah adalah semata-mata karena allah yang memberikannya kepada seseorang yang dengan ikhlas dan sungguh-sungguh mencintai-nya. karena kesucian hatinya, allah menyingkapkan hijab (penghalang) dari pandangan orang terhadap-nya. sang sufi dapat menangkap cahaya yang dipancarkan tuhan ke dalam qalbunya hingga melihat keindahan-nya yang azali. al-ma’rifah adalah pengetahuan yang hakiki, yang sanggup melihat allah dengan hati sanubari, sedang pengetahuan ilmiah belum dapat dan belum sampai ke tingkat yang hakiki. catatan akhir 1 mahjuddin, kuliah akhlak tasawuf, (jakarta: kalam mulia, 1991), h.118. 2 mahjuddin, kuliah akhlak tasawuf, (jakarta: kalam mulia, 1991), h. 118-119. 3 harun nassution, falsafat dan mistisisme dalam islam, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1993), h.75. 4 harun nassution, falsafat dan mistisisme dalam islam, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1993), h.75. 5 harun nassution, falsafat dan mistisisme dalam islam, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1993), h.75. 6 al-sayyid abu dhaif al-madaniy, dzu al-nun al-mishri wa al-adab al-shufi, (beirut: dar al-syuruq, 1973), h. 35-36. 7 al-sayyid abu dhaif al-madaniy, dzu al-nun al-mishri wa al-adab al-shufi, (beirut: dar al-syuruq, 1973), h. 36. 8 asep usman ismail, “kimiawan yang sufi”, majalah panji masyarakat, no. 2 tahun 1. 28 april (1997), h. 57. 9 al-sayyid abu dhaif al-madaniy, dzu al-nun al-mishri wa al-adab al-shufi, (beirut: dar al-syuruq, 1973), h. 42. 10 al-sayyid abu dhaif al-madaniy, dzu al-nun al-mishri wa al-adab al-shufi, (beirut: dar al-syuruq, 1973), h. 42. 11 asep usman ismail, “kimiawan yang sufi”, majalah panji masyarakat, no. 2 tahun 1. 28 april (1997), h. 56. 12 asep usman ismail, “kimiawan yang sufi”, majalah panji masyarakat, no. 2 tahun 1. 28 april (1997), h. 56. 13 asep usman ismail, “kimiawan yang sufi”, majalah panji masyarakat, no. 2 tahun 1. 28 april (1997), h. 56-57. 14 al-sayyid abu dhaif al-madaniy, dzu al-nun al-mishri wa al-adab al-shufi, (beirut: dar al-syuruq, 1973), hal. 44. 15 mahjuddin, kuliah akhlak tasawuf, (jakarta: kalam mulia, 1991), h. 119-120. 16 mahjuddin, kuliah akhlak tasawuf, (jakarta: kalam mulia, 1991), h. 119-120. 17 hamka, tasawuf: perkembangan dan pemurniannya, (jakarta: pustaka panjimas, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4040404040 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna 1986), h. 120. 18 al-sayyid abu dhaif al-madaniy, dzu al-nun al-mishri wa al-adab al-shufi, op. cit., hal. 73. bandingkan dengan harun nasution, falsafah dan mistisisme, op. cit., hal. 76. 19 harun nasution, falsafat dan mistisisme dalam islam, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1993), h. 76-77. 20 harun nasution, falsafat dan mistisisme dalam islam, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1993), h. 78. 21 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah, (malang: putusan tarjih muhammadiyah xxv, 2005). 22 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah, (malang: putusan tarjih muhammadiyah xxv, 2005). 23 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah, (malang: putusan tarjih muhammadiyah xxv, 2005). 24 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah, (malang: putusan tarjih muhammadiyah xxv, 2005). daftar pustaka hamka. 1986. tasawuf: perkembangan dan pemurniannya, jakarta: pustaka panjimas. ismail, asep usman. 1997. ”kimiawan yang sufi”, majalah panji masyarakat, no. 2 tahun 1. 28 april. al-madani, al-sayyid abu dhaif. 1973. dzu al-nun al-mishri wa adab al-shufi, beirut: dar al-syuruq. mahjuddin. 1991. kuliah akhlak tasawuf, jakata: kalam mulia. muzanni, saeful (ed.). 1986. islam rasional: gagasan dan pemikiran prof. dr. harun nasution, bandung: mizan. nasr, sayyid husein. 1985. tasauf: dulu dan sekarang (terj. abdul hadi wm), jakarta: pustaka firdaus. nasution, harun. 1993. falsafat dan mistisisme, jakarta: bulan bintang. pp muhammadiyah. 2005. manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah, malang: putusan munas tarjih muhammadiyah xxv. schimmel, annemarie. 1990. mystical dimensions of islam, chapel hill: the universityof north caroline press. layout juni 2015 perbandingan kinerja perusahaan dengan pendekatan balanced scorecard pada bpr syariah angrum pratiwi fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah sumatera barat e_mail: mahyudinritonga@gmail.com abstract this research aims to discover the progress of bprs in yogyakarta by using balanced scorecard (bsc) approach. bsc is a concept of management that help to translate the company strategy into company activities. there are four aspects to be evaluated in the bsc: financial prospective, consumen, internal business, growth and learning. this research is a descriptive and comparative research. the author conducted fieldwork in two bprs, which are bprs barokah dana sejahtera and bprs bangun drajat warga. the research sampel comprises financial aspect (financial report of 2012-2014); consumen aspect (400 respondents); growth and learning (69 respondents); and internal bussiness aspect (questioner and interview). there is not much difference between the two bprs in their financial, consumen, growth and learning, and internal bussiness aspects. yet, there is differences between the two in their npf, kpmm, fdr, finance, profit–sharing, and dpk. in a nutshel, the research result shows that bprs barokah is greater in its growth thaks to a solid team work. abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan mengetahui perbedaan kinerja bank pembiayaan rakyat syariah yang ada di yogyakarta dengan pendekatan balanced scorecard (bsc). bsc sendiri merupakan konsep manajemen yang membantu menerjemahkan strategi perusahaan dalam suatu tindakan nyata yang diturunkan dari visi dan misi perusahaan. terdapat empat prespektif yang dinilai dalam bsc, yaitu prospektif keuangan, konsumen, bisnis internal, pertumbuhan serta pembelajaran. jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian deskriptif dengan desain penelitian komparatif. penulis melakukan penelitian langsung ke lapangan pada dua objek penelitian yaitu bprs barokah dana sejahtera dan bprs bangun drajat warga. sampel penelitian pada perspektif keuangan yaitu laporan keuangan per-kuartal ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0045. 96-124 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9797979797vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 periode 2012-2014. pada prespektif konsumen kedua bprs berjumlah 400 responden dan prespektif pembelajaran serta pertumbuhan berjumlah 69 responden. sedangkan, prespektif bisnis internal berupa kuyesioner dan wawancara. hasil uji beda menunjukkan bahwa kinerja perspektif konsumen, perspektif bisnis internal, serta perspektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan bprs barokah dana sejahtera dan bprs bangun drajat warga tidak mempunyai perbedaan. namun, hasil uji beda prespektif keuangan menunjukkan perbedaan pada npf, kpmm, fdr, kas, pembiayaan, bagi hasil, kewajiban segera dan dpk. meskipun demikian, hasil kuesioner menunjukkan bprs barokah dana sejahtera terlihat lebih unggul pada prespektif pertumbuhan dan pembelajaran karena adanya team work yang solid. kata kunci : kinerja perusahaan, balanced scorecard dan bprs pendahuluan keruntuhan pasar keuangan tahun 2008 memicu munculnya istilah “credit cruch” dan memiliki dampak yang merusak industri jasa keuangan. masih hangat dalam ingatan kita bahwa krisis 2008 meruntuhkan pasar keuangan di amerika seperti lehman brothers, merrill lynch, dan royal bank of scotland di inggris yang hanya bisa bertahan dengan bantuan dari bank sentral. para ahli ekonom dan ahli lainnya khawatir bahwa credit cruch akan membawa dunia memasuki resesi yang mungkin sama dengan depresi besar seperti pada tahun 1930-an, yang dipicu oleh krisi kepercayaan terhadap industri perbankan. oleh karena itu, tidaklah mengherankan bahwa menjaga kesetian konsumen menjadi kekhawatiran tersendiri bagi sebagian besar industri keuangan1. metode yang digunakan jasa keuangan untuk menjaga kesetian konsumen salah satunya dengan balanced scorecard (bsc). dimana, perusahaan jasa keuangan akan lebih mampu dalam meramalkan dan merencakan perbaikan terhadap kesetian dan mempertahankan konsumen. praktek bsc diperkenalkan pertama kali oleh scotiabank kanada pada tahun 2001. pada tahun 2009 setelah credit cruch terjadi, scotiabank kanada tetap mampu meraih keberhasilan karena bsc tidak saja melihat kinerja keuangan, namun bagaimana memenuhi tujuan konsumen dengan kinerja secara “seimbang” diseluruh aspek2. latar belakang penciptaan ide balanced scorecard (bsc) dicetuskan oleh dr. david p. norton dan dr. robert s. kaplan yang dilunculkan dalam artikel harvard business review pada tahun 1992. ide tersebut muncul dari argumen sederhana, bahwa model keuangan saja tidak lagi mencukupi untuk mengelola perusahaan. workshop tentang bsc pertama kali diperkenalkan pada kuartal ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9898989898 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna ke empat tahun 1993 kepada para pemimpin bisnis dengan menciptakan serangkaian strategi yang digolongkan ke dalam empat prespektif yaitu keuangan, eksternal, internal, serta pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan. harvard business review mengatakan bahwa ide manajemen bsc ini memiliki dampak tersbesar terhadap bisnis selama 75 tahun terakhir pada abad ke-20 dan berlangsung hingga saat ini dengan banyak workshop dan penelitian yang dilakukan3. di asi-pasifik sendiri menurut studi yang dilakukan oleh bain & company tahun 2007, merupakan wilayah dengan pemakai balanced scorecard paling cepat. khusus untuk wilayah indonesia, meskipun tidak mengalami restrukturisai industri perbankan dari dampak credit cruch tahun 2008 silam. indonesia rupanya sudah melakukan tranformasi industri perbankan sejak krisi tahun 1997 dengan mempelajari berbagai strategi untuk recovery ekonomi seperti corporate governance dan balanced scorecard. untuk penerapan balanced scorecard, bank cimb niaga indonesia telah mengadopsi metode ini sejak tahun 2008 pada tingkat korporasi, direktur, dan karyawan sebagai upaya pertumbuhan dimasa mendatang. studi lain pada bank indonesia yang telah menerapkan balanced scorecard dari tingkat korporasi hingga ke tingkat karyawan individu4. menghadapi masyarakat ekonomi asean (mea) akhir tahun 2015 ini, perbankan perlu memfokuskan strategi perencanaan, pengorganisasian, pengoperasian, dan pengendalian sehingga siap bersaing di tingkat global. karena, para konsumen saat ini diberikan kebebasan memilih bank mana yang mampu memberikan pelayanan memuaskan dan professional, sehingga strategi dan kinerja perusahaan pun harus berorientasi pada keinginan nasabah tersebut. pengukuran kinerja dari aspek keuangan merupakan kinerja tradisional dan kurang tepat jika diterapkan perbankan saat ini, karena tujuan utama perusahaan perbankan adalah memberikan layanan jasa yang sebaik-baiknya kepada masyarakat5. untuk itu dunia perbankan perlu metode kinerja yang seimbang dengan menggunakan balanced scorecard. kelebihan dari balanced scorecard adalah konsep ini mampu menginterpretasikan visi dan misi perusahaan kedalam empat perspektif yang akan menjadi tolak ukur pengukuran kinerja yang ada6. kinerja industri perbankan indonesai pasca krisis global tahun 2008, tetap cukup solid dengan rasio kredit/pembiayaan, likuiditas dan pasar yang cukup terjaga. stabilitas sistem keuangan didukung oleh kinerja perbankan yang positif baik dari sisi fungsi intermediasi perbankan maupun efisiensi termasuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9999999999vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 didalamnya industri perbankan syariah7. halim alamsyah (2012), menyatakan bahwa industri perbankan syariah mampu menunjukkan akselerasi pertumbuhan yang tinggi rata-rata sebesar 40,20% pertahun dalam lima tahun terakhir (2007-2011), sementara rata-rata pertumbuhan perbankan nasional hanya sebesar 16,7% pertahun. oleh karena itu, industri perbankan syariah dijuluki sebagai “the fastest growing industry”. akselerasi pertumbuhan perbankan syariah yang jauh lebih tinggi dari pertumbuhan perbankan nasional berhasil meningkatkan porsi perbankan syariah dalam perbankan nasional menjadi 4,0%. jika tren tersebut dapat dipertahankan, maka porsi perbankan syariah diperkirakan dapat mencapai 15%-20% dalam kurun waktu sepuluh tahun ke depan8. salah satu instrumen yang turut membantu tumbuh kembangnya industri perbankan di indonesia yaitu dengan adanya bank pembiayaan rakyat syariah (bprs) yang turut mendorong perkembangan sektor riil. dalam rangka penguatan struktur perbankan untuk mendukung pengembangan dan transformasi ekonomi nasional dimasa mendatang, bank indonesia menetapkan beberapa arah kebijakan, salah satunya mendorong peningkatan alokasi pembiayaan produktif dan umkm dan perluasan jaringan ke berbagai daerah9. untuk itu perlu adanya dorongan serta evaluasi kepada industri bprs agar terus tumbuh perkembang dan meningkatkan kinerja dalam persaingan nasional dan global. adapun pembentukan daerah istimewa yogyakarta (diy) bertumpu pada keberadaan kraton ngayogyakarta hadiningrat yang secara spesifik membangun ’image’ kota yogyakarta sebagai kota budaya, kota perjuangan, kota pendidikan dan kota pariwisata. hal ini terbentuk atas berkembangnya fungsi-fungsi pelayanan kota yang dominan sejalan dengan tumbuh dan berkembangnya pembangunan masyarakat10. berkaitan dengan perkembangan perbankan di wilayah diy, berdasarkan hasil laporan bank indonesia pada akhir tahun 2013 kinerja perbankan diy menunjukkan perlambatan. hal ini terlihat dari aset perbankan diy tumbuh 15,88% yang lebih rendah dibandingkan periode yang sama pada tahun sebelumnya yang tumbuh 20,12%. perkembangan perbankan diy pada akhir tahun 2014 menunjukkan hal yang sama, adanya perlambatan pada indikator kinerja utama yaitu aset yang tumbuh sebesar 13,67% lebih rendah dibanding triwulan sebelumnya yang mampu tumbuh sebesar 14,27% dan lebih rendah dari pertumbuhan akhir tahun 2013. meskipun demikian, perkembangan perbankan syariah diy pada desember 2013 justru menunjukkan pertumbuhan yang lebih baik. aset tercatat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 100100100100100 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna tumbuh lebih tinggi dibandingkan triwulan yang sama pada tahun sebelumnya. hal yang sama terjadi pada desember 2014, dimana perkembangan usaha perbankan syariah masih terus mengalami peningkatan pada aset dan dana pihak ketiga11. pertumbuhan perbankan syariah nasional tentunya tak lepas dari peran dan kontribusi lembaga keuangan syariah di wilayahnya masing-masing. dalam hal ini tentunya diy turut andil dalam pertumbuhan perbankan nasional. perkembangan perbankan syariah di yogyakarta dapat kita lihat pada tabel 1.1, dimana bank umum syariah (bus) masih mendominasi total aset serta pembiayaan dibanding dengan bank pembiayaan rakyat syariah (bprs). jumlah bus yaitu enam bank, sedangkan jumlah bprs sebanyak 11 unit yang tersebar di kota yogyakarta, kab. sleman dan kab. bantul. dalam kegiatan penyaluran dana, bprs lebih agresif yang terlihat pada rasio fdr, hampir sebagian besar aset yang dimiliki dialokasikan pada pembiayaan. namun, bprs tidak mampu menjaga rasio npf dengan baik dan terlihat semakin meningkat pada kuartal kedua 2014 menjadi 8.97%. tentunya ini menjadi perhatian penting bagi para pengelola bprs diy untuk mengelola risiko pembiayaan dengan lebih intensif agar tidak berdampak negatif bagi pertumbuhan perbankan syariah regional diy. tabel 1.1 kinerja perbankan syariah daerah istimewa yogyakarta sumber: laporan perkembangan perekonomian diy, tahun 2010, 2012 & kuartal ke-iii 2014 berdasarkan berbagai isu terkait pentingnya penerapan balance scorecard (bsc) pada industri perbankan, semakin pesatnya pertumbuhan bprs di diy. peneliti tertarik untuk melakukan sebuah penelitian bagaimana penerapan bsc sebagai salah satu penilaian kinerja yang “berimbang” pada bprs. mengingatkan belum adanya penilaian baku secara menyeluruh, seperti yang telah diterapkan pada bank umum/bank umum syariah melalui laporan good ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 101101101101101vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 corporate governance (gcg). bank indonesia telah mengeluarkan peraturan resmi sejak tahun 2006, melalui peraturan bank indonesia (pbi) no. 8/4/pbi/ 2006 tanggal 30 januari 2006 tentang penerapan gcg bagi bank umum. untuk itu bsc bisa dijadikan salah satu penilaian kinerja bprs secara berimbang dari semua aspek kinerja. penulis melakukan penelitian pada perusahaan yang bergerak di bidang jasa keuangan syariah di yogyakarta. dari sebelas bprs yang tersebar di kota yogyakarta, kabupaten sleman, dan kabupaten bantul, hanya dua bprs yaitu bprs barokah dana sejahtera dan bprs bangun drajat warga yang memenuhi kriteria dan bersedia untuk penulis teliti. kriteria pengambilan objek terkait dengan kinerja keuangan yaitu total aset kedua bprs telah mencapai angka lebih dari rp 50 miliyar hingga desember 2014, pencapaian pada laba bersih dan penghargaan kinerja keuangan yang dicapai keduanya dari majalah infobank dengan predikat “sangat bagus” tahun 2013 dan 2014. kriteria lainnya yaitu kedua bprs telah memiliki kantor cabang/kas lebih banyak dari bprs yang sekelas di kota yogyakarta, hal ini memungkin peneliti memperoleh data serta informasi yang lebih luas guna mendukung penelitian. untuk itu peneliti mencoba melakukan penilaian kinerja dengan pendekatan balanced scorecard, kemudian membandingkan kinerja kedua bprs tersebut. dengan adanya penelitian kinerja bprs dengan menggunakan metode balanced scorecard penulis berharap mampu memberikan masukan, saran serta kontribusi untuk kemajuan dan meningkatkan kinerja bprs di wilayah yogyakarta. berdasarkan uraian di atas, permasalahan yang dapat dirumuskan dalam penelitian ini adalah: 1. bagaimana kinerja perusahaan pt. bpr syariah barokah dana sejahtera dengan pendekatan balanced scorecard? 2. bagaimana kinerja perusahaan pt. bpr syariah bangun drajat warga dengan pendekatan balanced scorecard? 3. adakah perbedaan kinerja kedua bank pembiayaan rakyat syariah tersebut dengan pendekatan balanced scorecard? landasan teori 1. kinerja perusahaan kinerja perusahaan adalah suatu tampilan keadaan secara utuh atas perusahaan selama periode waktu tertentu, merupakan hasil atau prestasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 102102102102102 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang dipengaruhi oleh kegiatan operasional perusahaan dalam memanfaatkan sumber daya yang dimiliki. kinerja pada dasarnya merupakan sesuatu yang dihasilkan atau hasil kerja yang dicapai dari suatu usaha. sedangkan, pengertian kinerja perusahaan merupakan sesuatu yang dihasilkan oleh organisasi dalam periode tertentu dengan mengacu kepada standar yang telah ditetapkan. dari penjelasan tersebut dapat disimpulkan pengertian kinerja keuangan adalah kemampuan kerja manajemen keuangan dalam mencapai prestasi kinerjanya12. tujuan pokok penilaian kinerja adalah untuk memotivasi personel dalam mencapai sasaran organisasi dan dalam mematuhi standar perilaku yang telah ditetapkan sebelumnya, agar membuahkan tindakan dan hasil yang diinginkan oleh organisasi13. 2. manajemen strategik manajemen strategik adalah suatu proses yang digunakan oleh manajer dan karyawan untuk merumuskan dan mengimplementasikan strategi dalam penyediaan costumer value terbaik guna mewujudkan visi perusahaan. strategi adalah pola atau tindakan utama yang dipilih untuk mewujudkan visi perusahaan melalui misinya. dari penjelasan tersebut terdapat empat hal penting mengenai manajemen strategik, yaitu manajemen strategik merupakan suatu proses yang melibatkan banyak orang dalam organisi, proses digunakan untuk merumuskan dan mengimplementasikan strategi, strategi digunakan untuk menyediakan consumer value terbaik guna mewujudkan visi perusahaan, dan terakhir manajer serta karyawan adalah pelaku manajemen strategik14. adapun sistem manajemen strategik yang berbasis balanced scorecard (bsc) adalah manajemen strategik yang dilaksanakan secara bersistem dan memanfaatkan bsc sebagai kerangka dalam sistem perencanaan strategik. balanced scorecard menjadi inti sistem manajemen strategik, karena memiliki peran dalam memperluas setiap tahap dalam manajemen strategik. sebagai akibat penggunaan kerangka bsc dalam sistem perencanaan strategik ini, maka semua sistem sesudahnya dipengaruhi secara signifikan oleh kerangka bsc dimana lima tahap lainnya dalam manajemen strategik juga dipengaruhi. 3. konsep balanced scorecard bsc merupakan suatu konsep manajemen yang membantu menerjemahkan strategi perusahaan dalam suatu tindakan yang diturunkan dari visi dan misi yang ingin dicapai perusahaan. dengan demikian bsc merupakan suatu sistem ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 103103103103103vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 pengukuran kinerja manajemen atau sistem manajemen strategis yang diturunkan dari visi dan misi yang diwujudkan secara nyata dalam suatu bisnis15. bsc merupakan suatu sistem manajemen, pengukuran dan pengendalian yang secara cepat, tepat dan komprehensif dapat memberikan pemahaman kepada manajer tentang performance bisnis. pengukuran kinerja tersebut memandang unit bisnis dari empat perspektif, yaitu perspektif keuangan, perspektif konsumen, proses bisnis internal serta proses pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan16. keunggulan pendekatan bsc mampu menghasilkan rencana strategik yang memiliki karakter sebagai berikut17: a. bsc menciptakan strategi yang komprehensif, koheren, terukur dan berimbang, b. bsc menghasilkan company scorecard sebagai titik awal proses cascading. c. bsc menghasilkan open book management dan perencanan strategik. terdapat empat perspektif yang dikembangkan dalam bsc, empat prespektif tersebut yaitu: 1) prespektif keuangan dalam konsep bsc kinerja keuangan harus dilihat dari dua sudut pandang yaitu tujuan jangka pendek dan tujuan jangka panjang. dalam tujuan jangka pendek, strategi yang digunakan adalah strategi peningkatan produktivitas seperti perbaikan struktur biaya dan pemaksimalan utilitas aset. tujuan jangka panjang dilakukan strategi khusus yang disebut dengan strategi pertumbuhan. strategi ini meliputi dua hal utama yaitu peningkatan pendapatan dan peningkatan nilai bagi konsumen18. 2) prespektif konsumen prespektif konsumen dalam bsc memiliki dua kelompok pengukuran, yaitu19: customer core measurement memiliki beberapa komponen pengukuran, yaitu: market share, customer retention, customer acquisition, customer satisfaction, dan customer profitabilty. kedua yaitu customer value proposition, dalam konsep balanced scorecard, perusahaan harus bisa menciptakan customer value. customer value adalah selisih antara manfaat yang diperoleh customer dari produk/jasa yang dikonsumsinya dengan pengorbanan yang dilakukan customer untuk mendapatkan manfaat tersebut. customer value proposition merupakan pemicu kinerja yang terdapat dalam core value proposition yang didasarkan pada atribut sebagai berikut20: a) product/service attributes, terdiri dari beberapa komponen yaitu price, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 104104104104104 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna quality, availability, selection dan fuctionality. b) relationship, terdiri dari dua komponen penting yaitu service (pelayanan kepada konsumen) dan partnership (hubungan perusahaan dengan konsumen). c) image (reputasi), adanya image atau reputasi yang dibangun perusahaan agar konsumen tertarik kerjasama dengan menjaga kualitas yang menjanjikan. 3) proses bisnis internal proses bisnis internal dibagi ke dalam tiga komponen: innovation (inovasi), operations (opersi), post-sale service (layanan purna jual) (lihat gambar 2.1). gambar 2.1 prespektif proses bisnis internal sumber: sony yuwono., dkk, 2004: 41. (diadaptasi dari robert s. kaplan & davis p. norton, 1996: 63) 4) prespektif pembelajaran & pertumbuhan prespektif pembelajaran serta pertumbuhan dalam balanced scorecard erat kaitannya dengan sumber daya yang tidak berwujud (intangible resources)21. intangible resources dalam kerangka sistem manajemen kinerja dapat dikelompokkan menjadi tiga bagian yaitu: a) human capital (sumber daya insani) b) firm equity c) technological capital d) organizational capital 4. konsep balanced scorecard dalam pandangan islam balanced scorecard (bsc) merupakan suatu konsep manajemen yang membantu menerjemahkan strategi perusahaan dalam suatu tindakan. bsc merupakan suatu sistem pengukuran kinerja manajemen atau sistem ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 105105105105105vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 manajemen strategis yang diturunkan dari visi dan misi yang diwujudkan secara nyata dalam suatu bisnis. bsc merupakan suatu sistem pengukuran manajemen secara berimbang dari semua aspek akan dinilai yang tujuannya menciptakan value pada perusahaan. prinsip dasar dalam konsep bsc yaitu penilaian secara berimbang, sejalan dengan prinsip dasar manajemen dalam islam yaitu adanya keadilan dalam setiap aspek manajemen. namun, perlu digaris bawahi bahwa manajemen dalam islam berlandaskan nilai-nilai spiritual dan kepedulian sosial sesama manusia. dengan tujuan akhir tidak hanya mencapai kebahagian dunia, namun kebahagian akhirat. sedangkan, teori bsc sendiri bertujuan menciptakan nilai tambah perusahaan dimata para stakeholder ataupun shareholder, dilihat dari empat aspek penilaian. dimensi dunia yang lebih diutamakan, namun tidak ada nilai-nilai spiritual didalamnya22. terdapat beberapa penelitian terdahulu baik lokal meupun internasional tentang penerapan balanced scorecard (bsc) pada industri perbankan. beberapa penelitian lokal yaitu penelitian dilakukan pada bpr di bali. hasil dari pengujian hipotesis komparatif menunjukkan bahwa terdapat perbedaan kinerja antara kedua bpr dan bpr mitra balijaya mandiri ternyata lebih unggul23. penelitian selanjutnya di penilaian kinerja dengan pendekatan bsc di bank sulawesi utara. hasilnya menunjukkan, perspektif keuangan sudah cukup baik, perspektif pelanggan dinilai sudah baik, perspektif proses bisnis internal dinilai cukup baik dan perspektif pertumbuhan serta pembelajaran dinilai masih kurang24. penelitian tentang penerapan bsc pada bpr nusumma di blora. hasilnya perspektif keuangan menunjukkan hasil yang baik, perspektif konsumen, tingkat kepuasan pelanggan dari 73%, perspektif proses internal kinerja semakin baik, prespektif pertumbuhan dan pembelajaran ada peningkatan produktivitas karyawan25. penelitian tentang penerapan bsc pada bank pasar kabupaten kudus. hasilnya skor total bsc adalah sebesar 94,12% dan masuk dalam kategori sehat, dari segi keuangan dan pelanggan tergolong sehat, dan segi bisnis internal dan pertumbuhan cukup sehat26. dan terakhir penelitian tentang environmental bsc dan etika bisnis islam. disimpulkan, bsc mengharuskan pelaku bisnis menempati posisi antara prinsip untuk mendapat keuntungan dan kewajiban memelihara nilai-nilai moral masyarakat, karena islam mengajarkan umatnya untuk melindungi dan menjaga alam dan lingkungan27. terdapat beberapa penelitian internasional yaitu penelitian yang berjudul “the balanced scorecard: structure & potential use in malaysian islamic banks”. hasilnya terdapat hubungan positif antara balanced scorecard (bsc) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 106106106106106 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna dan shariah compliance (sc) terhadap organization performance (op). dimana op yang semakin membaik dari 6 sampel bank yang diteliti dengan menggunakan bsc & sc28. penelitian dengan judul “balanced scorecard approach for better shariah corporate governance”. hasilnya ada perbedaan yang mendasar antara institut keuangan konvensional dengan institut keuangan islam. kepatuhan syariah (shariah compliance) adalah faktor yang sangat membedakan antara keduanya. hal ini akan menarik bagi shariah advisors, industrial players, regulators, researchers dan general public29. peneliti dengan judul “identifying key performance indicators of an iranian islamic bank based on bsc and ahp”. hasil penelitian ini dapat berkontribusi untuk lebih meningkatkan kompetisi industri berbankan yang berfokus pada efesiensi dan profit keuangan bank30. perbedaan penelitian ini dengan beberapa penelitian lokal dan internasional adalah alat analisis atau uji statistik yang digunakan. beberapa penelitian internasional menjelaskan juga dengan pendekatan shariah complaint. dan ini tidak ditemukan dalam penelitian sekarang, hanya saja diakhir pembahasan terdapat penjelasan terkait pandangan islam mengenai kinerja perusahaan dengan pendekatan balanced scorecard. perbedaan dengan penelitian lokal adalah pada objek penelitian yaitu lembaga keuangan berbasis syariah dan jumlah responden yang digunakan pada prespektif konsumen, bisnis internal, pembelajaran serta pertumbuhan. dengan harapan penelitian ini mampu menjelaskan secara lebih mendalam. berikut kerangka pemikiran peneliti, terlihat pada gambar dibawah ini: gambar 2.1 kerangka pemikiran ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 107107107107107vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 metode penelitian jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian deskriptif. adapun desain penelitian yang digunakan berbentuk komparatif atau perbandingan. dengan desain penelitian komparatif, penulis mengadakan penelitian dengan terjun langsung ke lapangan, mencatat kemudian menganalisa kinerja perusahaan dari dua objek penelitian yaitu di bprs barokah dana sejahtera dan bprs bangun drajat warga kemudian dibandingkan dengan pendekatan konsep balanced scorecard. populasi dalam penelitian ini adalah seluruh bprs di yogyakarta yang berjumlah sebelas bprs, tiga bprs berada di kota yogyakarta, tiga bprs berada di kabupaten bantul dan enam bprs di kabupaten sleman. untuk menentukan sampel penelitian, peneliti menggunakan teknik purposive sampling, yaitu teknik pengambilan sampel dengan pertimbangan dan kriteria tetentu sesuai tujuan penelitian. kriteria sampel penelitian tercantum pada tabel dibawah ini: tabel 3.1 kriteria pengambilan sampel penelitian sumber: data sekunder adapun lokasi yang menjadi objek dalam penelitian ini adalah: lokasi pertama terletak di kantor pusat pt. bpr syariah barokah dana sejahtera jl. sisingamangaraja, no. 71 mergangsan yogyakarta. waktu penelitian dimulai tanggal 16 maret 2015 hingga 09 april 2015. penelitian lapangan mengikuti jam kantor pelayanan bank, mulai jam 08.00 hingga jam 15.00 wib, terkecuali pada hari sabtu pukul 08.00 – 11.00 wib. lokasi kedua terletak di kantor pusat pt. bpr syariah bangun drajat wraga jl. gedong kuning selatan, no. 131 a yogyakarta. waktu penelitian dimulai tanggal 17 april 2015 hingga 09 mei 2015. penelitian lapangan mengikuti ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 108108108108108 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna jam kantor pelayanan bank, mulai jam 08.00 hingga jam 15.00 wib, terkecuali hari sabtu pukul 08.00 – 11.00 wib. teknik pengumpulan data merupakan langkah yang paling utama dalam penelitian, karena tujuan utama dari penelitian adalah mendapatkan data. sumber data yang digunakan pada penelitian ini yaitu data sekunder dan data primer. data sekunder yaitu laporan keuangan, data primer berupa hasil kuesioner, hasil wawancara dan dokumentasi. adapun instrumen yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah: 1. prespektif keuangan tabel 3.2 variabel dan ukuran variabel prespektif keuangan 2. prespektif konsumen (nasabah) tabel 3.3 variabel dan ukuran variabel prespektif konsumen sumber: diadaptasi dari teori bsc kaplan & norton, translating strategy in to action the balanced scorecard, 1996, hlm. 74. 3. prespektif bisnis internal dalam kuesioner bisnis internal terdapat tiga variabel pengukuran. pertama, pertanyaan mengenai proses inovasi, kedua pertanyaan mengenai proses operasi, ketiga pertanyaan mengenai manajemen dan pertanyaan tentang layanan purna jual untuk mengetahui apakah bank menjaga fasilitas, evaluasi terhadap produk/jasa dan pelayanan kepada nasabah31. proses operasi yang berkaitan dengan aktivitas pelayanan kepada nasabah. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 109109109109109vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dan pengukurannya dapat dilakukan dengan menggunakan rasio aetr (administrative expense to total revenue) yang bertujuan untuk mengetahui efisiensi dan efektivitas serta ketetapan waktu proses atas transaksi yang dilakukan bank. rumusnya dapat dilihat dibawah ini32: 4. prespektif pembelajaran & pertumbuhan dirangkum pada tabel dibawah ini, yaitu: tabel 3.4 variabel dan ukuran variabel learn and growth prespective sumber: diadaptasi dari teori bsc kaplan & norton, translating strategy in to action the balanced scorecard, 1996, hlm. 133. metode analisa data 1. uji instrumen uji validitas pada penelitian ini menggunakan confirmatory factor analysis (cfa). analisis ini digunakan untuk mengetahui apakah suatu konstruk memiliki unidimesionalitas atau apakah indikator-indikator yang digunakan dapat mengkonfirmasi sebuah variabel atau konstruk33. suatu kuesioner dikatakan reliabel atau handal jika jawaban seseorang terhadap pertanyaan adalah konsisten atau stabil dari waktu ke waktu. uji reabilitas yaitu dengan cronbach alpha. suatu konstruk atau variabel dinyatakan reliabel jika memberikan nilai cronbach alpha > 0.7034. sedangkan, uji normalitas yang digunakan yaitu dengan uji kolmogorov smirnov (uji k-s) dengan probabilitas á = 0.05, jika nilai k-s lebih besar dari 0.05 maka data tersebut terdistribusi normal. hasil uji validitas kuesioner prespektif konsumen (nasabah) dan prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan semua dinyatakan valid karena > 0.50. begitu halnya hasil uji reabilitas kuesioner prespektif konsumen dan pembelajaran serta pertumbuhan semua reliabel karena > 0.70. namun, pada prespektif bisnis internal tidak lulus uji validitas dan uji reabilitas. untuk prespektif keuangan semua data terdistribusi normal. 2. analisis perbandingan a. prespektif keuangan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 110110110110110 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna perbedaan kinerja keuangan dengan membandingkan rasio keuangan, posisi aktiva, pasiva dan laba/rugi. uji statistik yang digunakan yaitu independent sample t-test, karena data terdistribusi normal. pengambilan keputusan, melihat nilai signifikansi jika lebih besar dari 0.05 (á: 5%), maka diterima yang artinya terdapat perbedaan. b. prespektif konsumen (nasabah) perbedaan prespektif konsumen antara kedua bprs dengan membandingkan tiga variabel yaitu product and service attrubite, relationship serta image kedua bank. untuk melihat perbedaan prespektif konsumen menggunakan uji mann whitney u, karena data berdistribusi tidak normal sehingga menggunakan statistik non-parametrik. pengambilan keputusan melihat nilai u (u test), jika nilai u hitung lebih kecil dari nilai probabilitas 0.01 atau 0.05 (á: 1% atau 5%), maka diterima. c. prespektif pembelajaran & pertumbuhan perbedaan prespektif pertumbuhan dan pembelajaran antara kedua bprs dengan membandingkan variabel kemampuan karyawan, kepuasan karyawan, motivasi kerja, kepemimpinan dan kerjasama tim dari hasil kuesioner dari kedua bank dan alat ujinya yaitu mann whitney u. d. prespektif bisnis internal perbedaan prespektif bisnis internal antara kedua bprs dengan membandingkan variabel proses inovasi, proses operasi, sistem manajemen dan proses purna jual dari kedua bank dan alat ujinya yaitu mann whitney u. tabel 3.5 rangkuman metode penelitian sumber: penulis ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 111111111111111vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 profil umum bprs barokah dana sejahtera surat izin pendirian pada tanggal 10 oktober 2007 dari bank indonesia dengan nomor 9/51/kep. gbi/2007. soft opening dilaksanakan pada tanggal 1 november 2007, selanjutnya pada tanggal 14 november 2007 bprs bds diresmikan oleh pimpinan bank indonesia yogyakarta yaitu ibu endang setyadi dan disaksikan oleh sekda kota yogyakarta. pada tanggal 6 febuari 2009 diselenggaran rapat umum pemegang saham pertama tahun buku 2008. visi bank syariah bds adalah menjadi lembaga perbankan syariah yang besar dan sehat serta memberi kemanfaatan pada ummat. dan misi bank syariah bds adalah: a. melakukan operasional perbankan secara kompetitif, efisien dan memenuhi prinsip kehati-hatian, b. memberikan pelayanan prima dan optimal kepada nasabah, c. mengembangkan dan menumbuhkan sektor riil berbasis bagi hasil (share based financing), d. mengembangkan sumberdaya manusia berdasarkan apek profesionalitas dan spiritualitas, e. mengembangkan prinsip keseimbangan dalam semua aspek termasuk pemenuhan hak bagi seluruh stakeholder, f. bekerjasama dengan perbankan syariah lainnya menuju kebaikan dan kemaslahatan ummat. profil umum bprs bangun drajat warga pada hari rabu, 02 pebruari 1994 telah berdiri pt. bprs bangun drajat warga yang berkedudukan di ngipik, baturetno, banguntapan, bantul dan diresmikan oleh ketua pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah waktu itu bapak kh. akhmad azhar basyir, ma. visi bprs bdw adalah menjadikan bprs bdw sebagai lembaga keuangan syariah yang unggul dan terpercaya. sedangkan, misi yang ingin dicapai bprs bdw yaitu: a) mengembangkan dan mensosialisasikan pola, sistem dan konsep perbankan syariah. b) memajukan bprs bdw dengan prinsip bagi hasil yang saling menguntungkan antara nasabah dan bprs bdw dalam kerangka amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. c) mendapatkan profit sesuai dengan target yang ditetapkan. d) memberikan kesejahteraan kepada pengguna jasa, pemilik, pengurus dan pengelola bprs bdw secara layak. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 112112112112112 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna kondisi umum bprs barokah dana sejahtera gambar 4.1 grafik pertumbuhan aktiva dan laba bersih bprs bds sumber: data sekunder pada gambar 4.1 menunjukkan total aktiva bprs bds terus mengalami pertumbuhan yang cukup signifikan, hal ini terlihat dari grafik diatas. total aktiva hingga desember 2014 mengalami peningkatan dari desember 2013 sebesar rp 15,013,957 miliar menjadi rp 56,956,440 miliar. sedangkan, untuk laba bersih pada desember 2012 mengalami penurunan laba bersih menjadi rp 358,640, namun memasuki tahun 2013 dan 2014 laba bersih terus meningkat hingga mencapai rp 1,171,640 pada desember 2014 meningkat sebesar rp 406,761 dari tahun lalu. gambar 4.2 grafik pertumbuhan dpk & penyaluran dana bprs bds sumber: data sekunder pada gambar 4.2 menunjukkan total dana pihak ketiga (dpk) bprs bds terus mengalami pertumbuhan yang cukup signifikan, hal ini terlihat dari grafik diatas. tabungan wadiah terus meningkat, pada desember 2014 menjadi rp 8,879,934 miliar meningkat sebesar rp 3,040,917 miliar dari tahun sebelumnya. tabungan mudharabah terus meningkat meskipun tidak signifikan, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 113113113113113vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 hingga desember 2014 mencapai rp 6,330,664 miliar meningkat sebesar rp 1,138,478 dari tahun sebelumnya. sama halnya dengan produk tabungan, untuk deposito di bprs bds pada desember 2014 mencapai rp 26,231,250 miliar meningkat sebesar rp 4,327,110 miliar dari tahun sebelumnya. kondisi umum bprs bangun drajat warga gambar 4.3 grafik pertumbuhan aktiva dan laba bersih bprs bd sumber: data sekunder gambar 4.4 grafik penyaluran dana & pertumbuhan dpk bprs bdw sumber: data sekunder pada gambar 4.3 menunjukkan total aktiva bprs bdw terus mengalami peningkatan hingga desember 2014. total aktiva hingga desember 2014 rupanya naik dari desember 2013 sebesar rp 10,427,000 milyar menjadi rp 53,900,789 milyar. laba bersih bprs bdw selama dsember 2010 hingga desember 2014 terus mengalami peningkatan, namun tidak pada desember 2014 yang mengalami penurunan sebesar rp 41,398 dari desember 2013 menjadi rp 1,118,447. berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan wakil direktur penurunan tersebut disebabkan oleh beberapa hal yaitu biaya yang dikeluarkan untuk pembukaan kantor cabang mempengaruhi performa keuntungan yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 114114114114114 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna diperoleh bank, kedua adanya target pembiayaan yang tidak tercapai, dan terakhir biaya rekrutmen sdm selama 2014 mengalami peningkatan. pada gambar 4.4 menunjukkan total dana pihak ketiga (dpk) bprs bdw terus mengalami pertumbuhan cukup signifikan. tabungan wadiah, pada desember 2014 menjadi rp 15,350,676 milyar meningkat sebesar rp 3,090,950 miliar dari tahun sebelumnya. tabungan mudharabah, hingga desember 2014 mencapai rp 15,028,900 milaar meningkat sebesar rp 2,095,414 miliar dari tahun sebelumnya. sama halnya dengan produk tabungan, untuk deposito pada desember 2014 mencapai rp 13,250,005 miliar meningkat sebesar rp 2,240,940 miliar dari tahun sebelumnya. kinerja bprs barokah dana sejahtera pendekatan balanced scorecard a. prespektif keuangan analisa rasio keuangan dengan metode camel yang digunakan yaitu penilaian permodalan dengan rasio kpmm, penilaian profitabilitas dengan rasio roa, roe, dan bopo, penilaian aktiva produktif dengan rasio npf dan ppap, dan terakhir penilaian likuiditas dengan rasio fdr. berdasarkan hasil penilaian tingkat kesehatan, semua rasio keuangan bprs bds dinilai memiliki predikat baik meskipun ada koreksi pada rasio fdr yang dinilai kurang baik. hasil analisa trend pada laporan neraca menunjukkan trend meningkat sepanjang tahun 2012-2013 pada kas dan total aktiva, namun di tahun 2014 menurun, meskipun trend pembiayaan terus meningkat sepanjang tiga periode. total dpk trend terus meningkat sepanjang 2012-2014. sedangkan, untuk bagi hasil dan laba bersih, trend cenderung menurun diakhir 2014. b. prespektif konsumen hasil kuesioner tiga atribut prespektif konsumen, lebih dari 50% nasabah menjawab setuju dengan produk/jasa yang ditawarkan bank. kepercayaan nasabah kepada bprs bds memiliki prosentase tertinggi yaitu 85.20% dan terendah pada atribut kualitas 81.43&. rata-rata market share bprs bds selama 2012-2014 yaitu sebesar 15.88%. c. prespektif bisnis internal hasil kuesioner atribut prespektif bisnis internal, responden dari direktur dan beberapa devisi menjawab setuju dengan pertanyaan yang diajukan terkait proses inovasi, operasi, manajemen dan layanan purna jual. proses operasi memiliki prosentase tertinggi yaitu 75.43% dari atribut lainnya. rata-rata rasio aetr bprs bds selama 2012-2014 yaitu sebesar 11.85%. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 115115115115115vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 d. prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan hasil kuesioner atribut prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan, responden berasal dari karyawan bank. pertanyaan mengenai informasi dan teknologi serta kerjasama tim memiliki prosentase terendah yaitu 77.17 % dan 79.70%. skor rata-rata skala linkert yaitu 3.86 dan 3.98, artinya beberapa responden kurang setuju dengan sistem teknologi, informasi dan kerjasama tim yang diterapkan perusahaan. kinerja perusahaan bprs bangun drajat warga pendekatan balanced scorecard a. prespektif keuangan analisa rasio keuangan dengan metode camel yang digunakan yaitu penilaian permodalan dengan rasio kpmm, penilaian profitabilitas dengan rasio roa, roe, dan bopo, penilaian aktiva produktif dengan rasio npf dan ppap, dan terakhir penilaian likuiditas dengan rasio fdr. berdasarkan hasil penilaian tingkat kesehatan, semua rasio keuangan bprs bdw dinilai memiliki predikat baik. namun, rasio npf harus segera diperbaiki karena menunjukkan angka pembiayaan bermasalah dibannk tersebut cukup tinggi. hasil analisa trend pada laporan neraca menunjukkan trend meningkat sepanjang tahun 2012-2013 pada kas, total aktiva dan pembiayaan namun di kuartal kedua hingga keempat tahun 2014 menurun. total dpk trend terus meningkat sepanjang 2012-2013, menurun di 2014. sedangkan, untuk bagi hasil dan laba bersih, trend cenderung menurun diakhir 2014. b. prespektif konsumen hasil kuesioner tiga atribut prespektif konsumen, lebih dari 50% nasabah menjawab setuju dengan produk/jasa yang ditawarkan bank. kepercayaan nasabah kepada bprs bdw memiliki prosentase tertinggi yaitu 85.16% dan atribut terendah pada kualitas sebesar 80.50%. rata-rata market share bprs bdw selama 2012-2014 yaitu sebesar 15.62%. c. prespektif bisnis internal hasil kuesioner atribut prespektif bisnis internal, responden dari direktur dan beberapa devisi menjawab setuju dengan pertanyaan yang diajukan terkait proses inovasi, operasi, manajemen dan layanan purna jual. proses operasi memiliki prosentase tertinggi yaitu 85.15% dari atribut lainnya. rata-rata rasio aetr bprs bdw selama 2012-2014 yaitu sebesar 13.13%. d. prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan hasil kuesioner atribut prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 116116116116116 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna responden berasal dari karyawan bank. pertanyaan mengenai informasi dan teknologi, kepemimpinan dan motivasi memiliki prosentase rendah yaitu 83.43%, 83.54% dan 83.64% dari atribut lainnya. skor rata-rata skala linkert yaitu 3.82, 3.83 dan 3.83 artinya beberapa responden kurang setuju dengan sistem teknologi, informasi, gaya kepemimpinan dan motivasi yang diterapkan perusahaan. secara keseluruhan prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan bprs bds lebih unggul dari bprs bdw. perbandingan kinerja kedua bprs hasil dari keempat prespektif bcs masing-masing bprs kemudian dilakukan uji beda dengan bantuan program spss versi 20, dan hasilnya telah dirangkum pada tabel di bawah ini: tabel 4.5 hasil uji beda keempat prespektif bsc sumber: penulis keterkaitan keempat prespektif balanced scorecard hasil penelitian kinerja perusahaan bprs barokah dana sejahtera dengan pendekatan bsc menunjukkan bahwa organization capital berupa kerjasama tim dirasa masih cukup begitu halnya dengan information capital. hal ini berkaitan dalam membentuk image atau reputasi bank dimata nasabah. dalam konsep bsc, image dan reputasi bank berkaitan dengan kepuasan nasabah, sehingga mereka bisa saja beralih ke bank lain karena tidak puas dengan sistem layanan yang ditawarkan bank. dan jika dibiarkan tentunya mengganggu ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 117117117117117vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 performa keuangan bank. berkaiatan dengan kerjasama tim, bprs bds telah memiliki tim khusus untuk membentuk karyawan agar tetap profesional dan religius dalam bekerja. sehingga, diharapkan visi, misi, budaya kerja serta strategi perusahaan tercapai dengan baik. hasil penelitian kinerja perusahaan bprs bangun darajat warga dengan pendekatan bsc menunjukkan bahwa kompenen penilaian prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan masih dirasa kurang, sesuai hasil jawaban responden. sumber daya manusia dalam organisasi merupakan aset paling berharga dalam menentukan sukses atau tidaknya sebuah organisasi. dalam konsep bsc, hal ini akan mempengaruhi sistem bisnis internal perusahaan. kinerja internal perusahaan yang kurang, tentunya akan mengganggu performa layanan kepada nasabah. dan jika tidak segera dievaluasi bisa berimbas langsung kepada performa keuangan. pada akhirnya visi, misi dan strategi perusahaan tidak tercapai sebagaimana mestinya. balanced scorecard dalam pandangan islam 1. prespektif keuangan prestasi dalam keuangan merupakan hal penting bagi industri perbankan, karena bank termasuk industri bisnis yang juga mencari keuntungan untuk keberlangsungan usahanya. bagi perbankan syariah, hal yang harus diperhatikan dalam mencapai keuntungan yaitu kaidah dan etika bisnis bisnis islam. kaidah hukum asal muamalah sendiri menyatakan: segala sesuatunya dibolehkan kecuali ada larangan dalam al-qur’an dan as-sunnah. sedangkan, etika bisnis islam harus mengandung empat hal yaitu tauhid (qs. al-an’am: 162), keseimbangan (qs. al-hadid: 25), kehendak bebas (qs. al-mudasir: 38) dan pertanggung jawaban35. untuk itu perbankan syariah seharusnya tidak sematamata mencari keuntungan belaka, namun aspek mardhatillah serta kemaslahatan umat. dalam teori balanced scorecard, prestasi keuangan tidak akan tercapai tanpa dukungan konsumen, bisnis internal, pembelajaran, serta pertumbuhan dan harus dijalankan secara seimbang agar para pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan puas dengan kinerja perusahaan. prinsip keseimbangan juga diterapkan dalam bisnis islami, namun dimensi akhir yang dituju adalah akhirat bukan sebatas dunia. bprs bds dan bprs bdw merupakan lembaga keuangan syariah, penerapan nilai-nilai dan etika bisnis islami seyogyanya dijalankan secara konsisten dalam semua aktifitas bank dan juga dijalankan setiap anggota perusahaan dalam kehidupan kesehariannya. sehingga, dalam mencapai tar○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 118118118118118 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna get keuangan tidak berfokus kepada keuntungan, namun bagaimana bermanfaat bagi kemaslahatan umat. 2. prespektif konsumen (nasabah) konsumen merupakan stakeholder yang hakiki dalam bisnis. bisnis tidak mungkin berjalan tanpa ada konsumen yang menggunakan produk/jasa yang ditawarkan oleh pebisnis. supaya bisnis terus berjalan, konsumen perlu memakai atau memanfaat produk/jasa tersebut. para konsumen yang pada akhirnya memainkan peranan dalam menentukan keuntungan yang dicapai perusahaan. maka, perusahaan harus bisa memperoleh, mempertahankan, serta menjaga kepercayaan para konsumen36. dalam teori balanced scorecard untuk memperoleh, mempertahankan dan menjaga kepercayaan kosumen dengan meningkatkan pangsa pasar, kualitas produk/jasa, menjalin hubungan baik dan menjaga reputasi bank. dalam pandangan islam, semua itu harus berangkat dari nilai-nilai moralitas para pelaku bisnis. implementasi nilai-nilai moralitas tersebut merupakan tanggung jawab pelaku bisnis, hasil refleksi keimanannya kepada allah swt37. nilai-nilai moral misalnya kejujuran, keadilan, amanah, berniat baik, menepati janji dan lainnya. jika, para pelaku bisnis konsisten menjalankan, maka mudah memperolehnya meskipun banyak menghadapi aturan dan kendala. 3. prespektif bisnis internal bisnis internal disini berkaitan dengan bagaimana kegiatan internal perusahaan dapat dijalankan dengan baik. perencanaan dan organisasi perusahaan yang baik sangat mempengaruhi dalam menghasilkan kualitas perusahaan. dalam islam organisasi memiliki stuktur kepemimpinan yang terdiri dari beberapa level dan memiliki hubungan antara atasan dan bawahan. adanya strata kepemimpinan bukan berarti setiap pemimpin terpisah. karena, kedudukan mereka satu wadah manajemen yang disusun berdasarkan konsep syura, sehingga harus saling berkontribusi untuk mencapai tujuan organisasi. perbedaan level pekerjaan dan kepemimpinan dalam islam, didasarkan pada ilmu pengetahuan, intelektual atau pengalaman teknis. struktur organisasi bprs terdiri dari beberapa devisi yang dikepalai seorang direktur sebagai top management, diharapkan adanya hubungan baik antara atasan dengan bawahan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 119119119119119vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 4. prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan bersumber dari faktor sumber daya manusia. dalam organisasi manusia adalah sumber daya utama. prespektif pembelajaran dan pertumbuhan adalah fondasi utama keberhasilan organisasi38. prespektif ini berkaitan dengan kemampuan, kepuasan, motivasi, sistem teknologi, kepemimpinan dan kerjasama tim. model kepemimpinan merupakan hal penting dalam menentukan kinerja perusahaan dalam mencapai tujuannya. kepemimpinan dalam islam dibangun dengan prinsip pertengahan dan moderat dalam memandang persoalan dan memberikan sauri tauladan baik bagi bawahannya. seorang pemimpin paling tidak memiliki persyaratan yaitu kemampuan intelektual yang tinggi, analisa tajam, percaya diri, berjiwa besar, memahami orang, pioneer, inovator, visioner dan obsesi kuat kepada tujuan. dan rasulullah saw sendiri merupakan sauri tauladan bagi umat islam hal ini sesuia dengan firman allah swt dalam surat al-ahzab ayat 21.39. model kepemimpinan yang dimiliki kedua bprs jelas berbeda sesuai visi dan misi perusahaan. sedikit catatan, berdasarkan hasil kuesioner, skor terendah kepemimpinan kedua bprs yaitu pada proses pengambilan keputusan. konsep syura atau musyawarah dalam pengambilan keputusan, sebaiknya lebih diutamakan. sedangkan, pola rekruitmenm, penilaian kepuasan karyawan dan penilaian motivasi kedua lembaga dirasa masih kurang. perlu adanya evaluasi secara berkelanjutan akan ketiga hal ini agar visi, misi perusahaan tercapai dengan baik. saran penelitian berdasarkan hasil penelitain dan temuan dilapangan, ada beberapa saran yang bisa dijadikan bahan pertimbangan kedua bprs dalam meningkatkan kinerjanya, yaitu: 1. penilaian kinerja perusahaan dengan pendekatan bsc bisa diterapkan di kedua bprs, 2. pada prespektif konsumen, bank bisa lebih meningkatkan kualitas produk/ jasa agar mampu bersaing dengan lainnya, peningkatan pada market share serta pengurangan pembiayaan bermasalah, 3. pada prespektif pempelajaran dan pertumbuhan bank lebih memperhatikan aspek kepuasan karyawan, motivasi karyawan, gaya kepemimpinan, dan kerjasama tim. karena sumber daya manusia merupakan aset yang paling berharga dalam sebuah organisasi. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 120120120120120 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna keterbatasan pada penelitian ini yaitu objek penelitian yang terbatas, hanya membandingkan dua bprs dan untuk rekomendasi kedepan bisa membandingkan lembaga keuangan syariah dengan lembaga keuangan konvensional. aspek syariah dalam penelitian ini tidak dibahas begitu dalam, hanya point penting terkait manajemen syariah yang dijelaskan. rekomendasi bagi penelitian selanjutnya yaitu bisa membandingkan teori bsc dengan shariah compliant pada bank syariah dan penambahan objek penelitian. catatan akhir 1 naresh makhijani dan jamees creelman, menciptakan balanced scorecard untuk organisasi jasa keuangan (jakarta: esensi, erlangga group, 2012), h. 2. 2 naresh makhijani dan jamees creelman, menciptakan balanced scorecard untuk organisasi jasa keuangan (jakarta: esensi, erlangga group, 2012), h. 7. 3 naresh makhijani dan jamees creelman, menciptakan balanced scorecard untuk organisasi jasa keuangan (jakarta: esensi, erlangga group, 2012), h. 12-14. 4 naresh makhijani dan jamees creelman, menciptakan balanced scorecard untuk organisasi jasa keuangan (jakarta: esensi, erlangga group, 2012), h. 8-9. 5 yanne c. tahaka, “penerapan balanced scorecard sebagai alat ukur kinerja pada pt. bank sulut,” jurnal: emba, vol.1 no.4 desember (2013), fakultas ekonomi dan bisnis universitas sam ratulangi manado, h. 402. 6 lianto, “keunggulan balanced scorecard sebagai sitem manajemen strategis yang holistik”, jurnal ekonomi, stie widya dharma pontianak, (th. 2010), hlm. 1-2. 7 bank indonesia, laporan perekonomian indonesia 2013 (jakarta: bank indonesia, 2013), bagian i: tinjauan umum, h. 1-2. 8 halim alamsyah, “perkembangan dan prospek perbankan syariah indonesia: tantangan dalam menyongsong mea 2015”, paper disampaikan dalam ceramah ilmiah ikatan ahli ekonomi islam (iaei), milad ke-8 iaei, 13 april (2012), h. 3. 9 mulya e. siregar, “outlook perbankan syariah 2014”, makalah dipresentasikan dalam acara seminar akhir tahun bank indonesia, jakarta 16 desember (2013), h. 5. 10 walikota yogyakarta, “peraturan walikota yogyakarta nomor 38 tahun (2013)”, dalam tim, rencana kerja pembangunan daerah kota yogyakarta tahun 2014, (yogyakarta: sekertariat daerah yogyakarta), bab ii, h. 1. 11 bank indonesia, “laporan perkembangan perekonomian daerah istimewa yogyakarta triwulan iv 2014”, dalam tim penulis, laporan perkembangan perekonomian daerah istimewa yogyakarta (yogyakarta: kantor perwakilan bank indonesia diy, 2014), h. 60. 12 moh. wahyudin zarkasyi, good corporate governance: pada badan usaha manufaktur, perbankan, dan jasa keuangan lainnya (bandung: alfabeta, 2008), h. 48. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 121121121121121vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 13 mulyadi, akuntansi manajemen: konsep, manfaat, dan rekayasa (jakarta: salemba empat, 2001), edisi 3, h. 36. 14 —————-, balanced scorecard: alat manajemen kontemporer untuk penglipatan kinerja keuangan perusahaan (jakarta: pt. salemba empat, 2001), h. 40-41. 15 vincent gaspersz, sisten manajemen kinerja terintegrasi: bsc dengan sis sigma untuk organisasi bisnis & pemerintaha (jakarta: gramedia pustaka, 2003), h. 9. 16 vincent gaspersz, sisten manajemen kinerja terintegrasi: bsc dengan sis sigma untuk organisasi bisnis & pemerintaha (jakarta: gramedia pustaka, 2003), h. 10. 17 mulyadi, balanced scorecard: alat manajemen kontemporer untuk penglipatan kinerja keuangan perusahaan (jakarta: pt. salemba empat, 2001), h. 18-24. 18 suwardi luis & prima a. biromo, step by step in cascading balanced scorecard to functional scorecard (jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama, 2013), h. 26. 19 robert s. kaplan & davis p. norton, “linking the balanced scorecard to strategy”, california management review, vol. 39. no.1, fall (1996), amerika serikat, h. 59. 20 robert s. kaplan & davis p. norton, “linking the balanced scorecard to strategy”, california management review, vol. 39. no.1, fall (1996), amerika serikat, h. 62 21 mulyadi, balanced scorecard: alat manajemen kontemporer untuk penglipatan kinerja keuangan perusahaan (jakarta: pt. salemba empat, 2001), h. 287. 22 ahmad ibrahim abu sinn, manajemen syariah (jakarta: pt. rajagrafindo persada, 2008), h. 235-236. 23 kadek yenni widiastiti & i ketut yadnyana, “analisis perbandingan kinerja bpr mitra balijaya mandiri & bpr cahaya bina werdhi dengan pendekatan bsc”, e-jurnal akutansi, universitas udaya bali, edisi 4.3 (tahun 2013), h. 605621. 24 yanne christiani tahana, “penerapan bsc sebagai penilaian kinerja pada bank sulawesi utara”, jurnal emba, vol.1. no.4 desember (2013), h. 402-413. 24 ari kuntardina & prasto dwi wahjono, “penerapan manajemen bsc pada bpr nusumma cabang blora jawa tengah”, jurnal manajemen dan penelitian akuntansi, vol. 6. no. 1. juni (2012), h. 1-84. 26 herlina puji astuti, herry susanta & apriatani ep, “penerapan bsc pada pd. bank pasar kabupaten kudu”, diponegoro journal of social & politic, (tahun 2012), h. 1-8. 27 rudy haryanto, “environmental bsc & etika bisnis islam”, jurnal al-ahkam, vol. vi. no. 1, juni (2011), h. 75. 28 nik aiman nik muhamad., dkk, “the balanced scorecard: structure & potensial use in malaysian islamic bank”, the 5th international conference on financial criminology, (2013), h. 161-179. 29 sheila nu nu htay & syed ahmed salman, “balanced scorecard approach for better shariah corporate governance”, american journal of applied sciences 10 (12): 1553-1557, (2013). 30 mohammad ali shahhoseini, sahand khassehkhan, & nahid shanyani, “identifying key performance indicators of an iranian islamic bank based on bsc ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 122122122122122 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna and ahp”, journal of american science, (2012), h. 84-73. 31 robert s. kaplan & davis p. norton, translating strategy in to action the balanced scorecard”, united state of america: harvard business school press boston massachusetts, (1996), h. 96. 32 diadaptasi dari penelitian oleh meirdania zudia, “analisis penilaian organisasi dengan pendekatan bsc pada bank jateng semarang”, skripsi (2010), semarang: univesitas diponegoro. 33 imam ghozali, aplikasi analisis multivariate dengan program ibm spss 21 (semarang: badan penerbit undip, 2013), h. 55. 34 imam ghozali, aplikasi analisis multivariate dengan program ibm spss 21 (semarang: badan penerbit undip, 2013), h. 48. 35 muslich, etika bisnis islami (ekonisia: yogyakarta, 2004), h. 30. 36 akhmad mujahidin, “etika bisnis dalam islam”, jurnal hukum islam, vol. iv. no. 2. desember (2005), h. 119. 37 akhmad mujahidin, “etika bisnis dalam islam”, jurnal hukum islam, vol. iv. no. 2. desember (2005), h. 117. 38 sony yuwono, edy, sukarno, & muhammad ichsan, petunjuk praktis penyusunan balanced scorecard: menuju organisasi yang berfokus pada strategi (jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama, 2004), h. 39. 39 ahmad ibrahim abu sinn, manajemen syariah (jakarta: pt. rajagrafindo persada, 2008), h. 134. daftar pustaka aiman, nik. muhamad, nik., dkk,. 2013. “the balanced scorecard: structure & potensial use in malaysian islamic bank”, the 5th international conference on financial criminology. alamsyah, halim. 2012. perkembangan dan prospek perbankan syariah indonesia: tantangan dalam menyongsong mea 2015. disampaikan dalam ceramah ilmiah ikatan ahli ekonomi islam (iaei), milad ke-8 iaei. 13 april 2012. astuti, herlina puji., susanta, herry., & ep, apriatani. 2012. “penerapan bsc pada pd. bank pasar kabupaten kudu”. diponegoro journal of social & politic. bank indonesia. 2013. “laporan perekonomian indonesia 2013”. jakarta: bank indonesia), bagian i: tinjauan umum. bank indonesia. 2014.”laporan perkembangan perekonomian daerah istimewa yogyakarta triwulan iv 2014", dalam tim penulis, laporan perkembangan perekonomian daerah istimewa yogyakarta. yogyakarta: kantor perwakilan bank indonesia diy. gaspersz, vincent. 2003. sistem manajemen kinerja terintegrasi: balanced scorecard dengan six sigma untuk organisasi bisnis dan pemerintahan. jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama. ghozali, imam. 2013. aplikasi analisis multivariate dengan program ibm spss 21. semarang: badan penerbit undip. haryanto, rudy. 2011. “environmental bsc & etika bisnis islam”. jurnal al-ahkam, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 123123123123123vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 vol. vi. no. 1, juni. htay, sheila nu nu & salman, syed ahmed. 2013. “balanced scorecard approach for better shariah corporate governance”, american journal of applied sciences 10 (12): 1553-1557. kaplan, robert s. & norton, davis p. 1996. “translating strategy in to action the balanced scorecard”. united state of america: harvard business school press boston massachusetts. —————. 1996. “linking the balanced scorecard to strategy”. california management review, vol. 39, no.1, fall, amerika serikat. kuntardina, ari & wahjono, prasto dwi. 2012. “penerapan manajemen bsc pada bpr nusumma cabang blora jawa tengah”. jurnal manajemen dan penelitian akuntansi, vol. 6. no. 1, juni. luis, suwardi & biromo, prima a. 2013. step by step in cascading balanced scorecard to functional scorecard. jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama. lianto. 2010. “keunggulan balanced scorecard sebagai sitem manajemen strategis yang holistik”.jurnal ekonomi. stie widya dharma pontianak., makhijani, naresh & creelman, jamees. 2012. menciptakan balanced scorecard untuk organisasi jasa keuangan. jakarta: esensi. mulyadi. 2001. akuntansi manajemen: konsep, manfaat, dan rekayasa. edisi ke-3. jakarta: salemba empat. —————-.2001. balanced scorecard: alat manajemen kontemporer untuk penglipatan kinerja keuangan perusahaan. jakarta: pt. salemba empat. muslich. 2004. etika bisnis islami. yogyakarta: ekobisia. mujahidin, akhmad. 2005. “etika bisnis dalam islam”. hukum islam, vol. iv no. 2. desember. shahhoseini, mohammad ali., khassehkhan, sahand., & shanyani, nahid. 2012. “identifying key performance indicators of an iranian islamic bank based on bsc and ahp”. journal of american science. siregar, mulya e. 2013. outlook perbankan syariah 2014. seminar akhir tahun bank indonesia. jakarta 16 desember. sinn, ahmad ibrahim abu. 2008. manajemen syariah. jakarta: pt. rajagrafindo persada. tahaka, yanne c. 2013. “penerapan balanced scorecard sebagai alat ukur kinerja pada pt. bankk sulut”. jurnal: emba, vol.1. no.4. universitas sam ratulangi manado: fakultas ekonomi dan bisnis. desember. walikota yogyakarta. 2013.”peraturan walikota yogyakarta nomor 38 tahun 2013". dalam tim, rencana kerja pembangunan daerah kota yogyakarta tahun 2014. yogyakarta: sekertariat daerah yogyakarta. widiastiti, kadek yenni & yadnyana, i ketut. 2013. “analisis perbandingan kinerja bpr mitra balijaya mandiri & bpr cahaya bina werdhi dengan pendekatan bsc”. e-jurnal akutansi. universitas udaya bali. edisi 4.3. yuwono, sony., sukarno, edy., & muhammad ichsan. 2004. petunjuk praktis penyusunan balanced scorecard: menuju organisasi yang berfokus pada strategi. jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 124124124124124 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna zarkasyi, moh. wahyudin. 2008. good corporate governance: pada badan usaha manufaktur, perbankan, dan jasa keuangan lainnya. bandung: alfabeta. zudia, meirdania. 2010. “analisis penilaian organisasi dengan pendekatan bsc pada bank jateng semarang”. skripsi. semarang: univesitas diponegoro. layout desember 2016 oke makam sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus: jaringan spiritual usmani di indonesia akhir abad ke-191 frial ramadhan supratman istanbul university, turkey email: frialramadhan1@gmail.com abstract this article investigates indonesian history with transnational approach especially in tracing social community of indonesia in the context of globalization during nineteenth century. in this article, author focuses on holy tomb of ulama or saint (wali), sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus, who died in the late eighteenth century and buried in batavia. although he died more than a century a go, his influence through tomb still can be sensed until now. in the nineteenth century, the tomb of sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus became a symbolic mediator of arab hadrami communities in batavia to build contact with the only independence muslim states, ottoman state, after the decline of mughal state in 1857. in the late nineteenth century, hadrami communities requested donation from ottoman sultan or caliph to repair the tomb of sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus. upon this request, author concludes that in the middle of modernization and globalization, ottoman government in istanbul at that juncture was still concerned to preserve its spiritual network wiwth indonesian archipelago based on the tradition of islam (al-din). keywords: al-aydarus, tomb, spiritual networking, ottoman state, batavia abstrak artikel ini mencoba meneliti sejarah indonesia dengan pendekatan transnasional, khususnya dalam melacak peran komunitas sosial yang ada di indonesia dalam konteks globalisasi yang terjadi pada abad ke-19. di sini penulis akan memfokuskan pada makam keramat seorang ulama di batavia yang bernama sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus. dia adalah seorang ulama atau wali yang meninggal pada akhir abad ke-18 dan dimakamkan di batavia. meskipun sudah wafat, namun pengaruh dari makamnya masih terasa hingga kini. pada abad ke-19, makam sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus menjadi mediator simbolik bagi komunitas arab hadrami yang ada di batavia untuk melakukan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0061.169-186 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 170170170170170 afkaruna kontak dengan negara islam yang masih independen, usmani (ottoman state/ osmanlý devleti) setelah kejatuhan kesultanan mughal tahun 1857. pada akhir abad ke-19, komunitas hadhrami meminta sultan usmani, yang juga bergelar khalifah, agar meminta donasi untuk memperbaiki makam sayyid al-aydarus. permintaan bantuan ini menyimpulkan bahwa di tengah proses modernisasi dan globalisasi akhir abad ke-19 yang membawa nilai-nilai materialistik dan sekuler, pemerintah usmani di istanbul tetap menjaga jaringan spiritual di samudera hindia yang didasarkan pada tradisi islam (al-din). kata kunci: al-aydarus, makam, jaringan spritual, usmani, batavia pendahuluan pada akhir abad ke-19, tepatnya pada tahun 1898, terdapat sebuah laporan di dalam arsip usmani di istanbul yang menyatakan adanya permintaan bantuan donasi dari orang-orang arab di batavia. donasi tersebut diperuntukkan untuk membangun sekolah, masjid dan memperbaiki makam seorang ulama bernama sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus.2 dokumen yang tersimpan di kota yang sangat jauh dari makam al-aydarus di batavia, tidak hanya menyimpulkan adanya hubungan antara usmani dengan muslim di indonesia pada akhir abad ke-19 saja, namun lebih dari itu, dokumen ini memberikan makna yang sangat luas bagi sejarah transnasional di samudera hindia dan hubungan inter-asia di akhir abad ke-19 yang selama ini banyak didominasi oleh narasi kolonialisme. artikel ini ingin menjawab pertanyaan besar mengenai jaringan negaranegara asia yang ada di samudera hindia pada abad ke-19. sejauh ini narasi mengenai sejarah transnasional dan global masih didominasi oleh pandangan yang cenderung menekankan kekuatan struktural sebagai pengikat kesatuan di dalam hubungan antar asia, khususnya di samudera hindia. ini dipengaruhi oleh sejarawan eropa seperti braudel (1992) yang mengkaji laut mediterania dengan menekankan pada pentingnya duniaekonomi yang bercorak kapitalistik sebagai faktor pengikat negara-negara mediterania.3 dalam bukunya, braudel menekankan adanya suatu dunia ekonomi tersendiri yang ditandai oleh beragam karakteristik seperti adanya pusat kota yang bercorak kapitalis. dalam hal ini braudel menganalisa negara-negara mediterania dengan ukuran ekonomi kapitalis yang dapat menembus batas-batas peradaban. dengan adanya dunia-ekonomi yang diberangi oleh ekspansi imperialisme negara-negara eropa seperti portugis, spanyol, inggris, belanda, ke amerika, asia dan afrika, maka selanjutnya menciptakan sistem-dunia modern yang berpusat di kota-kota dagang eropa, sehingga terjadi hubungan antara pusat dan periferi. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 171171171171171vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 kajian yang serupa pun dilakukan oleh wallerstein (2011). dalam bukunya wallerstein menyatakan bahwa hanya ada satu sistem-dunia modern. bahkan ia merujuk bahwa jikalau ada yang lain, maka mungkin itu berada di planet lain yang dapat dibandingkan dengan sistem-dunia modern yang tunggal.4 wallerstein menunjukkan bahwa terdapat hubungan pusat (kota-kota eropa) dengan periferi (kota-kota asia, afrika dan amerika) dalam membentuk sistem dunia modern yang bercorak kapitalistik. namun dalam hal ini, wallerstein terlalu menekankan pentingnya wilayah pusat (eropa) dalam menjalankan perannya atas wilayah periferi. tentu saja di sini, braudel dan wallerstein mengabaikan kekuatan suprastruktur seperti agama yang menjadi spirit bagi masyarakat asia dalam melakukan interaksi. bahkan dalam karya mengenai samudera hindia, chaudhuri (1992) pun lebih mengutamakan kekuatan struktur di mana fisik (lingkungan geografis) dan masyarakat memainkan peran penting dalam interaksi di samudera hindia. di dalam buku ini chaudhuri menekankan pada teori logika sejarah bahwa transformasi mental atas spasial, waktu dan struktur beritndak sesuai simbol fisik melalui sebuah aksi. misalnya dalam spasial samudera hindia, kondisi laut yang berbahaya menentukan tindakan para pedagang yang melintasinya. jarak menentukan teknik pembuatan kapal dan metode navigasi, serta karakteristik musim di laut menentukan waktu pelayaran, dan waktu karavan dalam membawa barang ke pelabuhan.5 dari sini chaudhuri menekankan kekuatan fisik. meskipun chaudhuri membahas mengenai spiritual dan agama, namun tetap faktor fisik dan kegiatan ekonomi menjadi penyatu dalam interaksi di samudera hindia. interaksi yang menekankan kekuatan fisik ini sudah ditinjau ulang oleh beberapa sejarawan seperti bose (2006),tagliacozzo (2013) dan ho (2006).6 dari karya-karya tersebut kita mengetahui bahwa interaksi antar negara-negara asia tidaklah sederhana seperti yang dibayangkan oleh chaudhuri, braudel dan wallerstein. hubungan pusat dan periferi yang bercorak kapitalistik tidak selalu mendominasi kesatuan di samudera hindia. pada akhir abad ke-19, justru ketika kapitalisme eropa sedang menguat, maka samudera hindia sedang mengali proses spiritualisasi dengan adanya peran yang dimainkan oleh khilafah usmani yang berkedudukan di istanbul. semangat pan-islamisme atau persatuan islam (ýttihad-ý ýslam) menjadi pengikat negara-negara muslim yang ada di samudera hindia. beberapa studi yang dilakukan oleh eraslan (1992), ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 172172172172172 afkaruna çetinsaya (1988) dan özcan (1997).7 mereka menekankan peran yang dimainkan oleh sultan abdulhamid ii sebagai khilafah dalam menggelorakan persatuan islam untuk mendukung usmani di tengah konflik eropa yang sedang berkecamuk pada abad ke-19. namun artikel ini tidak akan berbicara lebih jauh mengenai konsep pan-islamisme. artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan kesatuan yang mengikat negaranegara muslim di samudera hindia. dalam hal ini penulis menjelaskan bahwa ikatan spiritual dalam bentuk donasi yang dimaksudkan untuk memperbaiki makam sayyid al-aydarus memainkan peran penting dalam hubungan antar negara asia di akhir abad ke-19. di sini kita menekankan pentingnya jaringan spiritual dalam mengikat kesatuan di samudera hindia, khususnya antara istanbul dan batavia. penulis mencoba menyuarakan pandangan dari s. h. nasr yang mengedepankan spiritualitas dalam menganalisa masyarakat non-barat khususnya asia. dalam bukunya nasr menyatakan bahwa barat telah melakukan desakralisasi pengetahuan sehingga kita tidak dapat melihat dunia dengan utuh. dalam hal ini telah terjadi pereduksian intelektual hanya dalam tahap alasan (reason) sehingga dimensi metafisik diabaikan.8 untuk itu penulis menilai perlu adanya analisa yang didasarkan suprastruktur seperti spiritualitas, bukan hanya struktural dalam melihat interaksi usmani dan indonesia dalam perbaikan makam al-aydarus sebagai unit yang menyatukan antar negara-negara mayoritas muslim di samudera hindia. dalam hal ini penulis ingin menunjukkan bahwa jaringan spiritualitas yang dimaksud dalam tulisan ini adalah sebuah hubungan yang saling mengikat antar negara dengan mengandalkan kekuatan spiritual. di sini kita takkan dapat memahami mengapa usmani menyumbangkan sejumlah uang untuk memperbaiki makam sayyid al-aydarus jika kita mengabaikan aspek spiritualitas. hal ini juga dipengaruhi oleh jaringan sufi yang saling bertautan antara istanbul dan samudera hindia sehingga posisi makam sayyid alaydarus dapat dipahami. dengan demikian penulis berargumen bahwa spiritualitas merupakan faktor pengikat yang menyatukan negara-negara mayoritas muslim di samudera hindia sehingga makam al-aydarus merupakan simbol bagi keberadaan jaringan spiritualitas yang menyatukan istanbul dan batavia. dari istanbul ke batavia: jaringan tarekat alawiyah untuk menganalisa makam al-aydarus sebagai simbol dari jaringan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 173173173173173vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 spiritualitas antara istanbul dan batavia, maka ada baiknya kita mengetahui komunitas hadrami dan jaringan tarekat alawiyah di samudera hindia. orang-orang arab hadrami di indonesia memainkan peran yang sangat penting dalam interaksi ekonomi dan kebudayaan yang menyatukan indonesia dengan negara-negara di samudera hindia. laporan van den berg mengenai orang-orang arab hadrami di indonesia merupakan kajian yang sangat penting. bahkan dapat dikatakan ini adalah sumber yang merepresentasikan pandangan pemerintah kolonial belanda dalam menjelaskan mengenai posisi arab hadrami di indonesia. namun dalam pandangan penulis, pandangan berg terhadap arab hadrami sangatlah sederhana sehingga dia menilai arab hadrami sebagai masyarakat yang oportunis sehingga berg tidak mampu melihat jaringan masyarakat arab hadrami dengan baik. pandangan berg yang kurang baik terhadap hadrami juga diperlihatkan ketika ia menganalisa hubungan antara usmani dan hadrami. dalam hal ini, seperti yang disebutkan di atas, ia melihat hadrami dengan sederhana, sebatas kepentingan ekonomi saja. jikalau porte (pusat birokrasi usmani) memobilisasi suku-suku hadramaut, saya hampir yakin bahwa beberapa akan memanggul senjata, bukan karena solidaritas agama, melainkan karena berharap memperoleh rampasan yang berharga. dan porte segera bosan mengacapi pembatu yang tidak disiplin, yang sama sekali tidak memikirkan kewibbawaannya sebagai khalifah penerus nabi, dan yang mungkin sekali tidak mampu membedakan antara umat kristen dan para petugas pegawai turki yang memperoleh pendidikan di paris atau london yang otaknya penuh dengan gagasan modern.9 untuk itu berg kurang jeli dalam melihat pengaruh gerakan tarekat dalam skala yang lebih luas. untuk hal ini sebenarnya masyarakat hadrami di indonesia dan semenanjung melayu memiliki jaringan spiritualitas yang kuat di samudera hindia. dalam hal ini, selain perdagangan, tarekat adalah faktor yang sangat penting untuk memperlihatkan jaringan hadrami di wilayah samudera hindia. diaspora orang-orang hadramaut dapat dilihat melalui genealogi atau silsilah generasi yang hidup di luar hadramaut. seluruh silsilah tersebut diketahui melalui teks, puisi, doa, hingga batu nisan. dari silsilah tersebut, orang-orang hadrami yang berdiaspora di luar hadramaut menjadi terikat. kebanyakan silsilah keturunan dari orang hadrami tersebut menyatu di ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 174174174174174 afkaruna kuburan-kuburan di tarim, yang juga dapat dilacak hingga nabi muhammad. sehingga dalam hal ini, batu nisan menunjukkan adanya diaspora yang pengaruhnya lebih besar daripada ‘globalisasi’. dalam diaspora yang ditujukan oleh batu nisan memperlihatkan adanya masyarakat yang absen daripada masyarakat yang hadir. untuk diaspora, masyarakat yang absen dapat menjadi sangat produktif. ini mengabsahkan masyarakat untuk mengasah kemampuan baru, menciptakan puisi dan tulisan, mengirim uang, ide, istri, anak dan rumah baru. kematian membuat mereka harus menulis obituari dan silsilah seperti yang ada di batu nisan .10 untuk itu dalam hal ini kita melihat adanya jaringan yang disatukan oleh adanya masyarakat yang absen di dalam masyarakat hadrami. justru dengan absen, jaringan diaspora hadrami semakin kuat karena mengharuskan mereka untuk mengikat diri mereka dengan leluhur dengan berbagai cara, seperti melalui teks-teks mengenai silsilah hingga doa-doa yang dipanjatkan kepada leluhur. dalam konteks ini, maka kekuatan dari tarekat alawi di samudera hindia tidaklah diragukan lagi. dalam diaspora hadrami, para sayyid memainkan peran penting di wilayah-wilayah diaspora seperti di indonesia. kebanyakan mereka berasal dari keturunan yang sama di hadramaut yaitu dari ahmad bin isa. dia meninggalkan kampung halamannya di basra, irak, dan bepergian ke hijaz dan yaman sebelum akhirnya memasuki hadramaut pada tahun 932.11 setelah itu para keturunannya terus menyebar di wilayah hadramaut. melakukan perkawinan dengan penduduk lokal merupakan salah satu cara untuk memperluas posisi sayyid di dalam masyarakat hadrami. setelah hadramaut dijadikan tempat menetap, maka para sayyid pun melakukan migrasi ke luar wilayah hadramaut seperti ke afrika timur, asia selatan dan asia tenggara. dalam diasporanya, mereka membantu penyebaran tarekat alawiyah ke berbagai wilayah. di indonesia mereka mendirikan organisasi bernama rabita alawiyah pada tahun 1927. keluarga sayyid yang mendominasi di indonesia pada tahun 1933 adalah al-attas, al-aydarus, al-haddad, al-hibshi, a-saqqaf dan al-shihab. sementara keluarga syaikh abu bakar bin sallim memiliki jumlah yang cukup banyak di afrika timur. migrasi ke pantai swahili meningkat pada abad ke-19 seiring dengan kebijakan sultan oman yang memberikan banyak perlindungan untuk kegiatan dagang dan belajar agama. sehingga kota-kota pantai di swahili seperti zanzibar, lamu dan pulau komoro ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 175175175175175vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 menjadi pusat interaksi antara hadramaut dan afrika selatan.12 pada masa pemerintahan abdulhamid ii (1876-1909), istanbul menjadi tempat destinasi banyak para sayyid, khususnya dari tarekat alawi. mereka datang ke istanbul untuk mencari patron yang dapat mendukung kegiatan mereka. saat itu memang abdulhamid ii memang sedang menggelorakan persatuan islam (ittihad-i islam) karena dia merupakan khalifah usmani yang berkewajiban dalam melindungi muslim dari tekanan imperialisme barat. selain itu, politik persatuan islam yang dilakukan oleh abdulhamid ii juga merupakan implikasi dari posisi usmani di tengah konflik eropa. sultan abdulhamid ii menginginkan agar muslim di wilayah usmani bersatu dalam mengehadapi perang melawan rusia pada tahun 18771878.13 atas dasar ini, maka para sayyid banyak yang mencari perlindungan di bawah kekuasaan abdulhamid ii. salah satu penganut tarekat alawiyah yang menjadi penasihat abdulhamid ii adalah sayyid fadl. dia merupakan salah satu penasihat abdulhamid ii disamping muhammad zafir bin muhammad al-tarablusi (1829), ahmad as’ad dan abu’l-huda al-sayyadi (meninggal tahun 1909).14 nama asli dari sayyid fadl adalah fadl bin al-ghaws bin muhammad bin sahll mawlla al-duwaylla al alawi al-husayni. dia memainkan peran yang penting di dalam konflik di samudera hindia. ayahnya adalah seorang pemimpin gerakan pan-islamisme yang terkenal di kalkuta. setelah kematian ayahnya, dia melanjutkan berjuang menjadi tokoh pan-islam. pada tahun 1852, inggris kemudian mengusir sayyid fadl. ia pergi ke mekkah kemudian datang ke istanbul di mana ia mendapatkan penghargaan di sana.15 pada tahun 1875, sayyid fadl menerima undangan dari ketua suku dhofar untuk memimpin mereka melawan inggris, dan dia menerima tawaran ini sehingga secara sepihak seyyid fadl mendeklarasikan bahwa dhofar adalah bagian dari wilayah usmani. namun pemerintahan usmani di istanbul tidak menyetujui klaim sayyid fadl. abdulhamid ii menyatakan bahwa usmani tidak melihat dhofar memiliki posisi yang strategis untuk usmani.16 meskipun seyyid fadl tidak sukses dalam gerakan politik di samudera hindia, namun ia merupakan figur yang diakui dalam membangun koneksi tarekat alawiyah. banyak para sayyid dari wilayah samudera hindia membangun kontak dengan istanbul melalui koneksi seyyid fadl seperti seyyid abu bakar bin shihab (singapura) dan sayyid ahmad bin sumayt.17 bahkan ahmad bin sumayt selama kunjungannya ke istanbul melakukan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 176176176176176 afkaruna kerja sama dengan seyyid fadl dalam menuulis biografi/manaqib dari ayah sayyid fadl. hubungan antara seyyid fadl dan ahmad bin sumayt ini adalah antara guru dan murid dalam tarekat alawiyah. perlu diketahui juga bahwa ahmad bin sumayt juga memiliki jaringan kekerabatan yang buas di jawa. seperti yang sudah disebutkan di atas bahwa banyak sekali keluarga sayyid yang bermigrasi ke indonesia. migrasi hadrami merupakan kegiatan aktivitas lelaki. dalam hal ini para perempuan hadrami menolak untuk melakukan migrasi, mereka memilih untuk tinggal di kampung halaman (hadramaut). untuk itu praktisi poligami merupakan hal yang wajar karena mereka melakukan migrasi seorang diri ke mahjar (tempat berdiaspora) dalam waktu yang tidak tentu sehingga mereka menikah lagi dengan perempuan di wilayah mahjar.18 perkawinan dengan perempuanperempuan pribumi ini menjadikan posisi para hadrami di indonesia semakin kuat karena mereka mampu beradaptasi dengan lingkungan sekitar melalui jaringan keluarga pribumi dari pihak perempuan. selain itu posisi mereka, para sayyid, yang dianggap sebagai orang suci oleh para pribumi di indonesia membuat mereka semakin mudah diterima oleh masyarakat. jejak keberadaan para sayyid dari tarekat alawiyah ini dapat dilihat dari kuburan sucinya seperti yang ada di surabaya. makam di surabaya ini adalah makam wali muhammad bin aydarus al-habashi (meninggal tahun 1919) dan muhammad bin ahmad al-mihdar (meninggal tahun 1926. pengaruh wali hadrami yang kuat bahkan bertahan hingga sekarang. keberadaan mereka, meskipun sudah meninggal, memberikan kesan suci dan sakral. hal ini terlihat dari makam muhammad bin aydarus al-habashi (meninggal tahun 1919) dan muhammad bin ahmad al-mihdar (meninggal tahun 1926). mereka dimakamkan bersama pangeran hasan bin umar bin al-habashi (meninggal 1854). gambaran kuburan ini sebelum dimakamkannya dua wali dari tarekat alawiyah adalah terkesan menyimbolkan kemewahan, namun setelah dimakamkannya dua wali dari tarekat alawiyah mengubah identitas makam tersebut menjadi sangat sakral. dengan kata lain, keberadaan makam wali di pemakaman pangeran hasan telah mengawali pembangunan liturgi yang menghasilkan perubahan atau transfigurasi ke menjadi situs yang bersifat saleh atau suci sehingga menghilangkan identitas sebelumnya.19 dari sini kita dapat melihat bahwa keberadaan para wali dari tarekat alawiyah hadrami di indonesia memberikan pengaruh yang sangat besar terhadap masyarakat. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 177177177177177vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 untuk itu tidaklah mengherankan jika keberadaan makam sayyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus di batavia tidak hanya menjadi simbol islamisasi, tetapi juga menjadi simbol dari jaringan spiritualitas yang mengikat wilayah-wilayah di samudera hindia pada masa modern. dalam hal ini usmani merupakan aktor yang menjaga jaringan spiritualitas di wilayah samudera hindia sehingga menghubungkan antara istanbul dengan batavia. perbaikan makam sayyid husein bin abu bakar alaydarus oleh usmani seyyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus adalah figur yang penting dalam komunitas hadrami di indonesia. dia wafat pada tahun 1798 setelah mengabdikan dirinya untuk mengajarkan agama islam. setelah wafat, dia memperoleh reputasi sebagai orang suci sehingga makamnya menjadi makam keramat. makamnya berada di luar batang, batavia, yang makan di sana didirikan masjid juga sebagai pusat ziarah. para peziarah yang mengunjungi makam sayyid al-aydarus tidak hanya orang pribumi tetapi juga orang cina dan indo. mereka menganggap makam tersebut membawa keberuntungan sehingga banyak yang memohon permintaan seperti memohon kesuksesan bisnis, memperoleh keturunan, dan lainlain. bahkan dilaporkan, hasil penjualan dari barang-barang keramat yang ada di sana mencapai 8.000 gulden setahun.20 seperti yang disebutkan di atas, bahwa dalam masyarakat yang absen, maka diperlukan upaya untuk mengingat melalui catatan dalam bentuk silsilah. selain itu upacara seperti berdoa merupakan bagian dalam kegiatan masyarakat yang diaspora. melalui upacara seperti haul (peringatan kematian seseorang), maka ini merupakan bentuk perkumpulan arab diaspora sehingga posisi makam keramat bagi hadrami di indonesia sangatlah penting sebagai pengingat mengenai silsilah mereka. menurut fajrie alatas setelah periode post-kolonial, haul, yang sebelumnya merupakan ajang berkumpul diaspora arab bertransformasi menjadi media integrasi terhadap negara indonesia yang sudah merdeka sehingga haul menjadi bagian dari komunitas hadrami untuk mengidentifikasi keindonesiaan, sementara tetap memelihara genealogi atau silsilah tarekat alawiyah. dalam hal ini, haul mencoba membangun jaringan antara tokohtokoh tarekat alawi dengan ulama lokal yang bergelar kiai.21 demikian keberadaan makam tokoh tarekat alawiyah di indonesia sangat penting ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 178178178178178 afkaruna bagi komunitas hadrami. pada akhir abad ke-19, makam ini pun menjadi penghubung bagi komunitas hadrami dengan usmani yang berpusat di istanbul. setelah abdulhamid ii naik tahta sebagai sultan sekaligus khilafah, dia mencoba mengeluarkan kebijakan politik luar negeri yang berccorak persatuan islam (ittihad-i islam). untuk itu ia mulai membina hubungan luar negeri dengan negara-negara muslim seperti indonesia yang saat itu berada di bawah kekuasaan pemerintah kolonial. konsulat usmani yang di buka di batavia tahun 1883, menjadi fondasi bagi hubungan usmani dan indonesia hingga keruntuhan usmani di tahun 1923. dalam membuka konsulat, usmani banyak berhutang dengan komunitas hadrami sehingga orang-orang arab hadrami menjadi perwakilah resmi usmani di batavia.22 dengan peran komunitas arab hadrami yang begitu besar untuk usmani maka mereka mencoba meminta kepada usmani agar memberikan donasi untuk memperbaiki makam seorang wali yang berada di batavia, yaitu seyyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus. bersamaan dengan permintaan tersebut maka arab hadrami meminta donasi untuk memperbaiki masjid dan membangun sekolah. masjid yang dimaksud tidaklah disebutkan secara pasti, namun kemungkinan besar adalah masjid yang menjadi pusat ziarah ke makam sayyid alk-aydarus. konsul usmani di batavia menjadi penghubung antara arab hadrami di batavia dengan pemerintahan usmani yang berpusat di istanbul. dalam dokumennya, konsul usmani menyebutkan bahwa “di batavia terdapat masjid besar yang rusak”.23 sadrazam atau perdana menteri usmani, kemudian menerima surat dari batavia mengenai permintaan donasi. dalam dokumen tersebut, usmani mengakui bahwa “makam al-aydarus yang rusak adalah makam orang suci yang menyebarkan agama islam”.24 berdasarkan hal tersebut, kita melihat adanya jaringan spiritual dari komunitas arab hadrami dengan khilafah yang berkedudukan di istanbul. surat permintaan akan pembangunan makam, masjid dan sekolah pun dilakukan dalam konteks hubungan antara muslim dan khilafah yang berkedudukan di istanbul. bahkan dalam arsip di sebutkan bahwa komunitas arab hadrami mencoba menjelaskan kepada khalifah usmani mengenai penderitaan yang terjadi akibat kolonialisme belanda, sehingga pembangunan sekolah, serta perbaikan masjid dan makam sayyid al-aydrarus memiliki makna spiritual dan politik. arab hadrami menceritakan bahwa permintaannya untuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 179179179179179vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 melakukan pembangunan masjid tidak diabaikan oleh belanda. laporannya menyebutkan bahwa “terdapat masjid besar di batavia yang rusak dan para muslim di sana sama sekali tidak mendapatkan dukungan atau sokongan...”25 untuk itu maka orang-orang arab hadrami menginginkan adanya kebaikan dari khilafah yang berkedudukan di istanbul untuk menutupi kekurangan sebesar 30 juta (satuan mata uang tak disebutkan).26 adanya upaya untuk memperbaiki makam sayyid al-aydarus dan masjidnya, maka koran belanda, nieuw roterdamsche memandang upaya ini dengan rasa curiga. adanya kecurigaan ini kemudian diketahui oleh usmani yang menerjemahkan berita tersebut ke dalam bahasa turki. dalam dokumen tersebut disebutkan bahwa koran nieuw roterdamsche memandang jikalau donasi yang dikumpulkan oleh istanbul untuk pembangunan masjid, sekolah dan makam sayyid al-aydarus berpotensi untuk membangkitkan persatuan islam.27 atas dasar itu pemerintah belanda menaruh kecurigaan terhadap konsulat usmani yang ada di batavia. adanya permintaan mengenai perbaikan makam sayyid al-aydarus merupakan suatu kesempatan bagi sultan abdulhamid ii untuk menunjukkan kehormatannya sebagai khilafah yang melayani muslim di luar wilayah usmani. atas bantuan yang diberikannya maka muslim di indonesa berterima kasih kepada sultan abdulhamid ii. dalam dokumennya, konsul usmani di batavia memuji sultan abdulhamid ii telah membantu muslim di timur jauh dalam mengurangi kemiskinan. bahkan konsul meminta sultan abdulhamid ii untuk mengirimkan utusan yang dapat berbicara mengenai agama kepada muslim yang ada di indonesia.28 berdasarkan hal tersebut makam sayyid al-aydarus di batavia secara tidak langsung menjadi penghubung spiritual antara usmani dan indonesia, khususnya di batavia. perbaikan makamnya beserta masjid yang menaunginya menimbulkan kontroversi karena belanda melihat ini sebagai upaya untuk menciptakan gerakan persatuan islam yang dapat mengancam keberadaan pemerintah kolonial belanda di indonesia. namun dalam hal ini, penulis menilai bahwa kecurigaan belanda sangatlah tidak berdasar karena usmani sama sekali tidak berniat untuk menimbulkan pengaruh anti-kolonialisme yang dapat mengancam keberadaan belanda. apa yang dilakukan usmani dalam konteks ini adalah untuk menciptakan jaringan spiritualitas yang mengikat usmani sebagai negara islam dengan muslim lainnya yang berada di luar wilayah usmani. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 180180180180180 afkaruna seperti yang telah diketahui, bahwa sejak gerakan tanzimat di pertengahan abad ke-19, usmani telah dibawa ke dalam dunia barat sehingga usmani banyak menyerap nilai-nilai modernisasi barat. hal yang paling terlihat dalam perubahan itu adalah adanya kesetaraan antara muslim dan non-muslim sebagai instrumen utama dalam modernisasi. atas itu pembagian masyarakat berdasarkan agama seperti sebelumnya tidak ada lagi. namun sejak abdulhamid ii naik tahta pada tahun 1876 sebagai khalifah usmani, dia berusaha untuk menghidupkan kembali tradisi usmani.29 dalam hal ini penulis melihat bahwa upaya usmani untuk memperbaiki makam sayyid al-aydarus di batavia merupakan bagian usaha usmani dalam membangkitkan tradisi yang kembali pada tradisi islam. di dalam artikel ini, penulis melihat tradisi dalam konsep yang dikemukakan oleh s. h. nasr. tradisi dalam hal ini bukan seperti tradisi yang ada dalam konsep katolik sebagai traditio, namun ditempatkan dalam konteks islam yang berarti al-din. sehingga tradisi diartikan sebagai transmisi pengetahuan, praktisi, teknik, hukum, bentuk dan elemen lainnya baik oral maupun tertulis. di sini tradisi merupakan sebuah usaha untuk memperlihatkan kebenaran yang dibawa oleh agen atau aktor seperti rasul dan nabi. singkatnya, tradisi dalam tulisan ini diartikan sebagai prinsipprinsip yang mengikat manusia kepada surga, untuk itu agama merupakan bagian yang penting dalam menghubungkan manusia dengan surga.30 di samping itu konsep tradisi yang dikemukakan oleh nasr berkaitan erat dengan empat pilar usmani pada masa abdulhamid ii yaitu islam, keturunan osman (pendiri usmani), perlindungan terhadap haramain, dan memilihara istanbul sebagai ibukota usmani.31 atas hal ini sultan abdulhamid ii memberikan donasi kepada arab hadrami untuk perbaikan makam sayyid al-aydarus di batavia merupakan bagian dari upaya usmani untuk membangkitkan tradisi islam yang sudah menghilang sejak adanya upaya baratisasi setelah periode tanzimat di pertengahan abad ke-19. dengan donasi untuk perbaikan makam, pemerintah usmani mencoba mengikat muslim dengan khilafah yang berkedudukan di istanbul dengan kesucian nilai-nilai relijius. dapat dikatakan ini adalah bagian dari penghormatan usmani kepada ulama yang telah berjasa dalam menyebarkan agama islam di indonesia seperti sayyid al-aydarus yang dimakamkan di batavia. di samping itu, pengaruh para penganut tarekat alawiyah yang mendapatkan posisi di istanbul juga memainkan peran penting di dalam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 181181181181181vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 hal ini. dalam tarekat, hubungan antara sesama penganut ajaran sufi bermuara dalam satu guru yang sama. dalam tarekat alawiyah mereka bermuara pada ahmad bin isa, seperti yang telah disebutkan. untuk itu para penganutnya memiliki keterikatan meskipun mereka dipisahkan oleh spasial. istanbul dan batavia berjarak sangat jauh, namun keterikatan antara penganut tarekat alawiyah di istanbul dan batavia tetap terjalin. dalam perbaikan makam sayyid al-aydarus, kemungkinan besar pengaruh sayyid fadl dan pengaruh tarekat alawiyah lainnya sangat kuat untuk mempengaruhi usmani. di samping usmani memiliki misi tersendiri dalam memperkuat tradisi untuk mengikat khilafah, muslim dan tuhan dalam konteks keagamaan. kesimpulan keterikatan antara masyarakat asia, khususnya muslim sangat berbeda dari masyarakat eropa seperti di mediterania. mungkin braudel sudah tepat melihat ikatan masyarakat di mediterania dengan kekuatan struktural seperti geografi dan ekonomi, namun kekuatan struktur tidaklah cukup untuk melihat masyarakat asia yang muslim. hal ini ditunjukkan dalam artikel ini. artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa relasi antara pusat (eropa) dan periferi (asia, afrika) dalam konsep yang dikemukakan oleh wallerstein kurang mampu melihat hubungan antar negara asia dengan baik. untuk itu penulis menekankan harus adanya jaringan spiritualitas yang dibangkitkan oleh tradisi untuk mengikat masyarakat asia khususnya muslim di samudera hindia. makam seyyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus merupakan simbol dan tanda dalam melihat keterikatan antara masyarakat muslim di samudera hindia. ini juga pertanda bahwa keterikatan muslim di samudera hindia tidaklah mudah didominasi oleh kekuatan struktural kolonialisme seperti eksploitasi ekonomi. hubungan antara masyarakat muslim tetap kuat melalui jaringan spiritualitas yang dibangkitkan kembali melalui tradisi yang dibangun oleh masyarakat seperti arab hadrami. dalam hal ini masyarakat arab hadrami dan usmani mencoba menghidupkan kembali jaringan spiritualitas usmani di samudera hindia melalui perbaikan makam seyyid husein bin abu bakar al-aydarus di batavia. donasi perbaikan makam ini memperlihatkan bahwa usmani sedang membangkitkan tradisi islam di tengah arus modernisasi yang penuh dengan desakralisasi kehidupan publik. namun justru perbaikan makam wali seyyid husein bin ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 182182182182182 afkaruna abu bakar al-aydarus memperlihatkan bahwa pada akhir abad ke-19, istanbul dan batavia justru sedang terhubung melalui jaringan spiritual samudera hindia yang di hubungkan oleh tarekat alawiyah. catatan akhir 1 versi awal dari dari artikel ini adalah makalah yang dipresentasikan di seminar internasional sejarah “interpreting 70 yeaars of indonesian independence amidst global changes in historical perspective” pada 20-22 agustus 2015 di universitas indonesia, depok. terima kasih juga kepada para sejarawan, panitia dan peserta konferensi yang memberikan masukan atas makalah ini. 2 arsip baþbakanlýk osmanlý arþivi akan disingkat dengan boa. lihat boa, ya.hus 386/40 3 fernand braudel. (1992). civilization & capitalism 15th-18th century (berkeley-los angeles: university of california press), hlm 24 4 immanuel wallerstein.the modern world-system i: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the european world-economy in the sixteenth century (london, los angeles, berkeley: university of california press, 2011), hlm 7 5 k.n. chaudhuri. asia before europe: economy and civilisation of the indian ocean from the rise of islam do 1750 (cambridge: cambridge university press,1992), hlm 29 6 sugata bose. a hundred horizons: the indian ocean in the age of global empire. cambridge massachussetts: harvard university press, 2006); eric tagliacozzo. the longest journey: southeast asians and the pilgrimage do mecca .new york: oxford university press,2013); engseng ho. the graves of tarim: geneaology and mobility cross the indian ocean. (berkeley, los angeles, london: university of california press, 2006). 7 azmi özcan. pan-islamism: indian muslim, the ottomans and britain 18771924.leiden: brill, 1997); cezmi eraslan. ii.abdülhamid ve ýslam birliði: osmanlý devleti’nin ýslam siyaseti 1856-1908.ýstanbul: ötüken neþriyat, 1992); gökhan çetinsaya. “ii. abdülhamid döneminin ýlk yýllarýndan ýslam birliiði hareketi” (master tesis tidak diterbitkan tahun 1988) universitas ankara 8 seyyed hossein nasr. knowledge and the sacred. (new york: state university of new york, 1989),hlm 8 9 l.w.c. van den berg. orang arab di nusantara. (jakarta: komunitas bambu,2010)., hlm 158 10 ho. the graves of tarim, hlm 4 11 ibid, hlm 37 12 anne k. bang. sufis and scholars of the sea: family networks in east africa 18601925 (london: routledge,2003), hlm 24-25 13 çetinsaya “ii. abdülhamid döneminin ýlk yýllarýndan ýslam birliiði hareketi” hlm.6-7 14 ulrike freitag. indian ocean migrants and state formation in hadhramaut: re○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 183183183183183vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 forming the homeland. (leiden, boston: brilll, 22003), hlm 129 15 ibid,,hlm 79. 16 þ.tufan buzpýnar. ‘abdülhamit ii and sayyid fadl pasha of hadramawt: an arab dignit ar y’s ambitions 1876-1900’, the journal of ottoman studies,1993,hlm 238. 17 freitag.indian ocean migrants,hlm 211 18 ismail fajrie alatas. “gold and silver, branden horses, and well-tilled land: gender and harami migration” dalam indonesian feminist journal, vol 3, nomor 1,(2015),hlm 8 19 ismail fajrie alatas. “the pangeran and saints: the historical inflection of a mia 19th-century hadrami mausoleum in east java, indonesia”. indonesia and the malay world, (2016) hlm 2 20 berg.orang arab di nusantara,hlm.146 21 ismail fajrie alatas . “pilgrimage and network formation in two contemporary ba ‘alawi hawl in central java”, journal of islamic studies, (2014), hlm 300 22 ýsmail hakký göksöy. güneydoðu asya’da osmanlý-türk tesirleri (isparta: fakulte kitabevi, 2004),hlm 95. untuk melihat peran komunitas arab hadrami sebagai mediator asia tenggara dengan usmani lihat, ýsmail hakký kadý “the ottomans and southeast asia prior to the hamidian era: a critique of colonial perceptions of ottoman-southeast asian interactions” in a.c.s peacock & annabel teh gallop (ed).from anatolia to aceh: ottomans, turks and southeast asia (london: british academy, 2015); jeyamallar kathirathamby wells “hadhrami mediators of ottoman influences in indonesia” in a.c.s peacock & annabel teh gallop (ed).from anatolia to aceh: ottomans, turks and southeast asia (london: british academy, 2015). 23 boa, ya.hus 386/40, shafer 1316 (juni 1898) 24 boa, ya.hus 386/40, shafer 1316 (juni 1898) 25 boa, ya.hus 386/40, shafer 1316 (juni 1898) 26 “inþasýna karar verilmiþ ise de cam olunan ianenin iþbu tamirat ve inþaata gayr kafi bulunduðuna otuz milyona balið olan (yang berjumlah) ve ýmra ve ýfrad-ý bila istiþna hilafet mukaddes islamiyeye merbut bulunan oradaki ahlýslam hakkýnda dahi bir eþer lütuf ve inayet hazret hilafetpenahi olmak” lihat: boa, ya.hus 386/40 tanggal, shafer 1316 (juni 1898) 27 “batavyada bir mescid þerif ve bir mekteb inþasý içun þehir mezkur kadýsý tarafýndan cem edilen ianeye dersaadetce iþtirak edildiðinden bunun kýlýnmak müstemlekatýnde ittihad islam içun gayretten hali kalmadýðýný müsebbit bulunduðundan bahýsla bazý ifadatý þamil “nieuw roterdamsche” gazetesinin dersaadetten olup neþr ettiði mektubun tercümesi gönderildiðini” lihat boa, ya.hus 400/124, cemazilahir 1317 (october 1899) 28 boa, ya.hus 386/40, shafer 1316 (juni 1898) 29 m.þükrü hanioðlu. a brief history of the late ottoman empire (new jersey: princeton univeersity press,2008), hlm. 126 30 nasr.knowledge and the sacred,hlm 62-63 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 184184184184184 afkaruna 31 selim deringil. ‘legitimacy structures in the ottoman state: the reign of abdulhamid ii (1876-1909)’ in international journal of middle east studies, vol 23, no.3, (1991), hlm 346. daftar pustaka sumber sekunder alatas, ismail fajrie. 2015 “gold and silver, branden horses, and well-tilled land: gender and harami migration” dalam indonesian feminist journal, vol 3, nomor 1, alatas, ismail fajrie. 2014. “pilgrimage and network formation in two contemporary ba ‘alawi hawl in central java”, journal of islamic studies. alatas, ismail fajrie. 2016. “the pangeran and saints: the historical inflection of a mia 19th-century hadrami mausoleum in east java, indonesia” in indonesia and the malay world, bang, anne k. 2003. sufis and scholars of the sea: family networks in east africa 1860-1925.london: routledge. berg, l.w.c. van den. 2010. orang arab di nusantara. jakarta: komunitas bambu. bose, sugata. 2006. a hundred horizons: the indian ocean in the age of global empire. cambridge massachussetts: harvard university press,2006. braudel, fernand. 1992. civilization & capitalism 15th-18th century. berkeley-los angeles: university of california press. buzpýnar, þ.tufan. 1993. ‘abdülhamit ii and sayyid fadl pasha of hadramawt: an arab dignitary’s ambitions 1876-1900’, the journal of ottoman studies. çetinsaya, gökhan. 1988. ‘ii. abdülhamid döneminin ýlk yýllarýndan ýslam birliiði hareketi’. (master tesis tidak diterbitkan) universitas ankara. chaudhuri, k.n. 1992. asia before europe: economy and civilisation of the indian ocean from the rise of islam do 1750. cambridge: cambridge university press. deringil, selim. 1991. “legitimacy structures in the ottoman state: the reign of abdulhamid ii (1876-1909)”, international journal of middle east studies, vol 23, no.3. eraslan, cezmi. 1992. ii.abdülhamid ve ýslam birliði: osmanlý devleti’nin ýslam siyaseti 1856-1908. ýstanbul: ötüken neþriyat. freitag, ulrike. 2003. indian ocean migrants and state formation in hadhramaut: reforming the homeland. leiden, boston: brilll. göksöy, ýsmail hakký. 2004. güneydoðu asya’da osmanlý-türk tesirleri. isparta: fakulte kitabevi. hanioðlu, m.ªükrü. 2008. a brief history of the late ottoman empire. new jersey: princeton univeersity press. ho, engseng. 2006. the graves of tarim: geneaology and mobility cross the indian ocean. berkeley, los angeles, london: university of california press. kadý, ýsmail hakký. 2015. “the ottomans and southeast asia prior to the hamidian era: a critique of colonial perceptions of ottoman-southeast asian interactions” in a.c.s peacock & annabel teh gallop (ed).from anatolia ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 185185185185185vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 to aceh: ottomans, turks and southeast asia london: british academy. nasr, seyyed hossein. 1989. knowledge and the sacred. new york: state university of new york. özcan, azmi. 1997. pan-islamism: indian muslim, the ottomans and britain 18771924. leiden: brill. tagliacozzo, eric. 2013. the longest journey: southeast asians and the pilgrimage do mecca . new york: oxford university press. wallerstein, immanuel. 2011. the modern world-system i: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the european world-economy in the sixteenth century. london, los angeles, berkeley: university of california press. wells, jeyamallar kathirathamby. 2015. “hadhrami mediators of ottoman influences in indonesia” in a.c.s peacock & annabel teh gallop (ed). from anatolia to aceh: ottomans, turks and southeast asia. london: british academy, 2015. lampiran arsip (boa, ya.hus.386/40) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 186186186186186 afkaruna boa, ya.hus 400/124 # layout jan jun 2011 crucial role in determining the quality of conflict and integration in term of the relation between both dayak and madura ethnic. kata kunci: konflik, integrasi, etnis, madura, dayak. abstrak indonesia merupakan salah satu negara dengan masyarakat plural terbesar di dunia yang terdiri dari group sosial, etnik, suku, bahasa dan keragaman agama. bagaimanapun juga, keragaman sosial, politik dan budaya di antara masyarakat seringkali menjadi pemicu konflik. dengan menggunakan pendekatan konflik dan integrasi, maka dari itu, artikel ini meninjau hubungan dinamika antara group etnik, yakni madura dan dayak di daerah pluralisme tertentu dalam ranah keragaman etnik, yakni yogyakarta, malang dan sampit. setelah mendiskripsikan teori dengan luas, penulis mengemukakan hipotesis dan kemudian manganalisanya secara kuantitatif. hipotesis tersebut terdiri dari perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara group etnik dayak dan madura, perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara muslim dan kristen,, perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara kelompok mayoritas dan kelompok minoritas, korelasi positif antara orang yang berpendidikan tinggi dan kualitas integritas; dan korelasi negatif antara status sosial dan ekonomi dan kualitas integritas dan lain sebagainya. sebagai kesimpulan, data empiris menunjukkan bahwa variabel agama memegang peranan penting dalam menentukan kualitas konflik mengenai hubungan antara etnik dayak dan madura. kata kunci: konflik, integrasi, etnis, madura, dayak. pendahuluan masyarakat indonesia adalah masyarakat yang majemuk, baik dalam skala nasional maupun daerah. dinamika konflik dan integrasi antara etnis dayak dan etnis madura (studi kasus di yogyakarta malang dan sampit) khoiruddin bashori, abd. madjid, mahli zainuddin tago fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email:maztago@yahoo.com. abstract indonesia is one of the most pluralistic societies in the world consisting of various social groups, ethnics, tribes, languages and religious diversities. however, the social, political, and cultural diversities among people have frequently been resulting conflicts or tensions. using conflict and integration approach, therefore, this article observes the dynamics relation between ethnic groups, madura and dayak ethnic in particular, in certain plural regions in term of ethnic diversities; those are yogyakarta, malang and sampit. after describing an extensive theoretical description, the writers proposed hypothesis and then analyze them quantitatively. such hypothesis consist of the different integration quality between both dayak and madura ethnic groups; the different integration quality between muslim and christians; the different integration quality between majority and minority groups; the positive correlation between educational level of people and the integration quality; and the negative correlation between socialeconomic status and the integration quality, etc. in short, the empirical data perform that religious variables have a doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 61vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 kemajemukan itu sifatnya multidimensional antara lain ditimbulkan oleh perbedaan suku, tingkat sosial, pengelompokan organisasi politik, dan agama. dalam istilah resmi dan untuk kepentingan administrasi praktis, pemerintah indonesia membagi suku bangsa indonesia menjadi tiga golongan yaitu: (1) suku bangsa yang memiliki daerah asal dalam wilayah indonesia, (2) golongan keturunan asing yang tidak memiliki wilayah asal dalam wilayah indonesia karena daerah asal mereka yang terdapat di luar negeri (cina, arab atau india) atau karena keturunan campuran (indo eropa) dan (3) masyarakat terasing yaitu kelompok masyarakat yang dianggap sebagai penduduk yang masih hidup dalam tahap kebudayaan sederhana dan biasanya masih tinggal di daerah dalam lingkungan yang terisolasi. dari sisi agama, walaupun negara indonesia mempunyai sekitar 90% penduduk yang beragama islam, indonesia bukanlah negara islam. lima agama dunia yang memuja satu tuhan secara resmi diakui, walaupun masih banyak reliogi lainnya (terutama dalam masyarakat terasing, yang diterima dan disebut kepercayaan tradisional.1 dalam interaksi antar berbagai kelompok masyarakat, kemajemukan bisa melahirkan integrasi sebagaimana dia juga bisa melahirkan konflik. pada tahun 1995 karel c. steenbrink dengan optimis menulis bahwa indonesia selama masa 45 tahun terakhir memberikan gambaran kerukunan agama yang hampir-hampir bebas dari berbagai konflik. itu merupakan prestasi yang sangat hebatmerupakan perkembangan yang dianggap luar biasa di tempat lain.2 pada umumnya berbagai hubungan tampak kuat dan stabil di tingkat lokal. ketegangan yang sangat banyak selama 45 tahun silam muncul pada tingkat politik nasional indonesia, namun dapat pula ditemukan adanya hasrat serupa kepada stabilitas dan ketidaksenangan terhadap perubahan radikal.3 dalam konteks ini dapat difahami pernyataan geertz bahwa kesadaran akan kesatuan kebudayaan antara lain dalam bentuk nasionalisme cenderung melindungi masyarakat dari perpecahan.4 tetapi dewasa ini hanya ada sedikit masyarakat multikultural yang tidak memiliki sejarah permusuhan antar etnik yang membentuk mereka.5 bangsa indonesia, misalnya, pada paruh kedua dekade terakhir abad ke-20, menghadapi berbagai konflik: baik yang bernuansa kesukuan, kedaerahan, keagamaan, maupun antar kelompok lainnya. kasus timor-timor (1995), situbondo (1996), tasikmalaya (1997) dan beberapa kasus yang terkait dengan sara di surabaya, ambon, ujung pandang, pekalongan, pasuruan dan didaerah lain telah menimbulkan kerugian yang sangat besar baik materi (masjid, gereja dan tempat peribadatan lain) maupun hubungan sosial antar umat beragama.6 konflik-konflik yang memakan banyak korban harta maupun jiwa itu ada yang bisa ditemukan solusinya dan ada yang sampai sekarang masih berlangsung. konflik antar komunitas islam dan kristen di situbondo, misalnya, bisa diselesaikan. kerusuhan situbondo yang berlangsung pada 10 oktober 1996 ini berakibat tewasnya 5 jiwa dan rusaknya 34 bangunan yang di antaranya berupa terbakarnya 20 gereja. setelah melakukan penelitian mendalam tentang konflik situbondo ini, retnowati menulis sebagai berikut. pertama, kerusuhan itu merupakan konflik sosial keagamaan yaitu konfliki horizontal meyangkut hubungan antar agama. penyebabnya adalah akumulasi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 62 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna segala keresahan dan ketidakpuasan yang dialami masyarakat, jadi bukan merupakan sesuatu yang bersifat spontan.7 masalah pokok sebagai penyebab konflik bukan pada perbedaan aspek doktrin ajaran tetapi pada masalah non teologis, terutama pada kecemburuan keagamaan yaitu karena adanya gaya hidup beragama kelompok kristen yang demonstratif. kedua, telah terjadi kesenjangan komunikasi sosial antar agama karena tumbuhnya gaya hidup eksklusif dari kelompok sosial tertentu. ketegangan yang lama terpendam meledak dalam bentuk amukan massa yang didukung oleh faktor non agama. ketiga, kesenjangan ekonomi bukan merupakan faktor utama konflik, penguasaan sumberdaya ekonomi yang tidak simetris antara pelaku ekonomi hanya merupakan faktor pendukung saja. keempat, pola pembinaan lembaga gereja dan pesantren cenderung eksklusif, berorientasi ke dalam yaitu berisi tentang pendidikan agama sendiri, kurang berorientasi ke luar. dalam hal ini pemeluk agama kurang mendapatkan pengetahuan dan pemahaman tentang agama lain. sikap beragama yang demikian ini sangat rentan konflik karena mudah terjadi kesalahpahaman, streotype negatif, prasangka dan curiga terhadap agama lain. kelima, resolusi konflik berhasil dilakukan melalui konsiliasi dan mediasi. dialog dilakukan antara lembaga gereja, nu dan pesantren dan menghasilkan kesepakatan bersama menyangkut sumber-sumber konflik dan solusinya. keenam, konflik menghasilkan nilai dan tatanan baru, menyadarkan pemeluk agama untuk menjalani kerjasama, perlunya keterbukaan dan saling pengertian.8 kebalikan dari kerusuhan situbondo adalah konflik ambon. konflik ambon, salah satu dari konflik di atas, yang telah berlangsung sejak 19 januari 1999 dan mengakibatkan tewasnya ribuan jiwa serta ratusan ribu penduduk mengungsi (tempo, 23 januari 2000). walau telah diberlakukan keadaan darurat sipil, sampai saat ini konflik antar umat beragama di ambon pada khususnya maupun kepulauan maluku pada umumnya belum juga berakhir. kerusuhan di ambon dan sekitarnya adalah tragedi kemanusiaan sekaligus tragedi bangsa yang memilukan. sebelumnya tidak terbayangkan bisa terjadi bentrokan massal antara dua kelompok pemeluk agama berbeda di indonesia sampai berdarah-darah.9 setelah konflik antar etnis madura dengan dayak dan melayu mereda di sambas kalimantan barat dan sekitarnya, pada 12 februari 2001 kembali meledak konflik yang sama dengan skala yang lebih hebat di sampit, kalimantan tengah. kerusuhan itu telah mengakibatkan 469 orang tewas dan puluhan ribu warga mengungsi (adil, 19 maret 2001, hal. 17). dengan demikian, kerusuhan sampit antara etnis dayak dan madura ini lebih parah dari kerusuhan sambas yang ‘hanya’ menewaskan 50 orang itu (republika, 23 februari, 2001). penelitian tentang interaksi antar komunitas, baik berbentuk konflik maupun integrasi, telah banyak dilakukan. m. atho mudzhar, misalnya, setelah meneliti interaksi antar kelompok islam dengan kelompok towani tolotang dan tolotang benteng (kelompok aliran kepercayaan di amparita, sulawesi selatan) menemukan bahwa aspekaspek yang mendorong integrasi sosial di amparita adalah: adanya kepercayaan yang sama tentang gunung lowa, adanya pemilikan bersama atas kekayaan kebudayaan lama, adanya pendidikan dan kegiatandoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 63vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 kegiatan kepemudaan yang melibatkan semua kelompok, adanya ritus dan jaringan sewa menyewa yang melibatkan semua kelompok dalam aktivitas pertanian, adanya interaksi dalam golkar dan lembaga pemerintahan desa, adanya pemukiman yang membaur dan sumber air minum yang sama, dan adanya faktor kekerabatan.10 secara teoritis, masyarakat bisa terintegrasi bila: pertama, individu yang menjadi anggota masyarakat mengalami rasa memiliki sebagai suatu kelompok sosial atau kolektivitas berdasarkan antara lain atas norma-norma, nilai-nilai, kepercayaan-kepercayaan yang disepakati bersama. kedua, aktivitas maupun fungsi dari istitusi atau subsistem di dalam suatu masyarakat lebih saling melengkapi daripada saling berlawanan satu dengan lainnya. ketiga, adanya lembaga tertentu yang menganjurkan untuk saling mengisi/mengimbangi dan mengkoordinir aktivitas dari berbagai susbsistem dari masyarakat itu sendiri.11 dalam hal konflik antar etnis dayak dengan etnis madura di kalimantan tengah yang menelan ratusan korban jiwa, memaksa ratusan ribu warga mengungsi dan hancurnya banyak harta benda itu, terdapat berbegai perspektif yang mencoba menjelaskannya. bagi orang madura, sebagaimana tercermin dalam sinyalemen basra (badan silaturrahmi ulama madura), konflik antar etnis di sampit mengarah pada sentimen agama. tetapi bagi orang dayak, pada khususnya dan warga kalteng non-madura pada umumnya, konflik itu murni konflik antar etnis (kalteng pos, 26 februari 2001). pendapat kalangan dayak yang lebih komprehensif terlihat dalam laporan tentang konflik etnik sampit, kronologi, kesepakatan aspirasi masyarakat, analisis, saran, yang dibuat oleh presidium lembaga musyawarah masyarakat dayak dan daerah kalimantan tengah (lmmdd-kt). dalam point ke tiga laporan itu disebutkan faktafakta menunjukkan bahwa adanya suatu rencana penguasaan/kolonisasi secara paksa/ kekerasan, sehingga status konflik tidak hanya antar etnik, tetapi juga bersifat aksi “penguasaan suatu wilayah “ secara berencana. konflik itu juga dilihat dalam kerangka usaha pihak tertentu untuk mengobok-obok dan meningkatkan desintegrasi negara kesatuan republik indonesia (lmmdd-kt, 2001). senada dengan itu, m. saily mochtar melihat konflik yang terjadi di kalteng itu bukan sebagai konflik agama, bukan konflik karena kecemburuan ekonomi, bukan pula konflik antara dayak dan madura. konflik ini adalah konfliik antara masyarakat kalteng dengan sekelompok masyarakat etnis madura yang tidak dapat menyesuaikan diri dengan adat istiadat dan norma perilaku masyarakat umum yang hidup berdampingan dan tidak profersionalnya penegakan hukum. watak yang temperamental dan kebiasaan membawa senjata tajam mungkinnjuga menjadi salah satu penyebabnya (kalteng pos, 22 maret 2001). dari berbagai perspektif lainnya yang bisa dilacak oleh peneliti belum terlihat adanya penelitian yang mencoba melihat konflik antar etnis itu dari perspektif variabelvariabel yang kuantitatif empiris. padahal penelitian itu menjadi penting untuk menghindari subyektivitas yang dipengaruhi oleh stereotipe dari berbagai pihak yang terlibat. konflik, integrasi dan etnisitas konflik dan integrasi dengan membaca berbagai literatur doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 64 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sosiologi terlihat bahwa tidak ada satu kesepakatan definitif tentang pengertian integrasi. jadi terdapat beberapa pengertian tentang integrasi. sebagai perbandingan, berikut ini diambil empat defenisi yang diperoleh dari beberapa sumber dalam collins dictionary of sociology, misalnya, konsep integrasi dipakai dalam tiga makna: pertama, integrasi berarti suatu tingkat dimana seorang individu merasa memiliki suatu kelompok sosial atau kolektivitas dengan menerima norma, nilai, kepercayaan kelompok sosial itu. kedua, integrasi berarti suatu tingkat dimana aktivitas atau fungsi tertentu dari lembaga atau subsistem yang berbeda dalam suatu masyarakat berada dalam keadaan saling melengkapi, tidak saling kontradiktif. ketiga, integrasi adalah hadirnya suatu lembaga khusus yang mendorong dan mengkoordinir kegiatan-kegiatan masing-masing subsistem masyarakat.12 charles h. banton, dalam kaitannya dengan hubungan antar ras, mendefinsikan integrasi sebagai suatu pola hubungan yang mengakui adanya perbedaan ras dalam suatu masyarakat tetapi tidak memberikan makna penting pada perbedaan ras tersebut.13 sunyoto usman melihat integrasi sosial sebagai suatu proses ketika kelompokkelompok sosial tertentu dalam masyarakat saling menjaga keseimbangan untuk mewujudkan kedekatan-kedekatan hubungan sosial, ekonomi dan politik.14 walau terdapat beberapa titik tekan dari berbagai pengertian yang dibuat oleh para ahli tersebut, nampak bahwa dalam suatu konsep integrasi sosial setidak-tidaknya tercakup hal-hal sebagai berikut. pertama, bahwa integrasi merupakan suatu tingkatan dalam hubungan antar kelompok dalam masyarakat. kedua, dalam hubungan itu hadir suatu kesadaran kolektif yang antara lain berbentuk rasa memiliki kelompok, saling menjaga keseimbangan dan kebersamaan. dengan mengacu pada definisi david jary dan julia jary tersebut dapat disimpulkan bahwa masyarakat bisa terintegrasi bila: pertama, individu yang menjadi anggota masyarakat mengalami rasa memiliki sebagai suatu kelompok sosial atau kolektivitas berdasarkan antara lain atas norma-norma, nilai-nilai, kepercayaan-kepercayaan yang disepakati bersama. kedua, aktivitas maupun fungsi dari institusi atau subsistem di dalam suatu masyarakat lebih saling melengkapi daripada saling berlawanan satu dengan lainnya. ketiga, adanya lembaga tertentu yang menganjurkan untuk saling mengisi/ mengimbangi dan mengkoordinir aktivitas dari berbagai susbsistem dari masyarakat itu sendiri. dari uraian di atas dapat disimpulkan bahwa prasyarat bagi adanya suatu integrasi sosial itu adalah adanya: kesadaran kolektif, aktivitas yang saling melengkapi, lembaga tertentu yang berfungsi koordinatif, cross cutting affiliations, dan saling ketergantungan ekonomi. durkheim membagi integrasi sosial atas dua hal: pertama, integrasi normatif, yang ada dalam perspektif budaya dan menekankan solidaritas mekanik yang terbentuk melalui nilai-nilai dan kepercayaan. kedua, integrasi fungsional yang menekankan pada solidaritas organik, suatu solidaritas yang terbentuk melalui relasi saling tergantung antara bagian atau usnur dalam masyarakat.15 integrasi melalui tahapan-tahapan:16 akomodasi, kerjasama, koordinasi dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 65vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 asimilasi. mengutip ogburn dan nimkoff, astrid mendefenisikan akomodasi sebaga pribadi atau kelompok bekerja bersama dengan mengesampingkan perbedaanperbedaan atau permusuhan-permusuhan. jadi walaupun ada perbedaan dan permusuhan, itu dilupakan dalam rangka kerja bersama. ini terjadi karena adanya kepentingan yang sama, adanya tujuan obyektif yang sama. fase ini juga ditandai dengan tercapainya kompromi dan toleransi. fase berikutnya adalah fase kerjasama. ini terjadi bila pekerjaan kelompok (kerja bersama) berlangsung cukup lama. pada fase ini juga mulai muncul solidaritas ketika reaksi terhadap suatu kejadian adalah sama bahkan terjadi pembagian kerja. bila kebiasaan bekerjasama lambat laun mencapai situasi dimana orang/kelompok mengharapkan dan mempunyai kesediaan untuk bekerjasama, maka ini berarti tercapai fase koordinasi. fase terakhir dari integrasi adalah asimilasi yaitu proses dimana individu/ kelompok yang tidak sama menjadi sama dan itu terlihat dari kepentingan dan pandanganpandangan mereka. tiap pihak telah menyesuaikan diri sehingga tercapai situasi adanya pengalaman dan tradisi bersama.17 dari uraian di atas dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa setidaknya ada 10 elemen yang harus ada dalam situasi sosial yang disebut integrasi. ke sepuluh elemen itu bisa dilihat sebagai tahap-tahap atau dilihat sebagai unsur-unsur yang saling melengkapi. dalam hal ini peneliti tidak melihat kesepuluh hal itu sebagai sebuah proses tetapi lebih sebagai unsur atau indikasi suatu integrasi karena masing-masing indikator itu kadang saling tumpang tindih dan yang satu tidak harus menjadi prasyarat bagi hadirnya elemen yang lain. ke sepuluh indikator itu adalah: 1) tidak memasalahkan adanya perbedaan-perbedaan, 2) munculnya usahausaha adaptasi, 3) hadirnya kompromi dan toleransi, 4) adanya kerja bersama, 5) adanya reaksi yang sama terhadap suatu kejadian, 6) munculnya pembagian kerja, 7) berkembangnya solidaritas, 8) adanya kerjasama yang telah berlangsung lama, 9) adanya harapan-harapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjsama, 10) mengakhiri kebiasaankebiasaan lama atau adanya pengalamanpengalaman bersama yang baru. antara ras dan kelompok etnis ras maupun etnik merupakan kenyataan sosial yang penting karena orang menilai penting akan keberadaan kelompok yang dianggap sebagai rasnya. tetapi ras adalah konsep yang membingungkan karena tidak ada kesepakatan umum mengenai istilah tersebut.18 oleh karena itu dapat difahami ketika weber melihat etnisitas sebagai suatu identitas, kesadaran, afiliasi dan komitmen pada suatu aksi yang sangat beragam, sesuai dengan pengalaman historis dari kategori etnis yang spesifik dan batas-batas politik dimana hal itu terjadi.19 dalam kaitan ini koentjaraningrat mengusulkan istilah kelompok etnik diganti dengan istilah golongan etnik atau suku bangsa. para ahli sosiologi lalu menggunakan istilah kelompok etnik untuk menyebutkan setiap bentuk kelompok -baik kelompok ras maupun yang bukan kelompok ras yang secara sosial dianggap telah berada dan mengembangkan sub-kulturnya sendiri. walaupun perbedaan kelompok dikaitkan dengan nenek moyang tertentu, namun ciriciri pengenalnya dapat berupa bahasa, agama, wilayah kediaman, kebangsaan, bentuk fisik, atau gabungan dari beberapa ciri tersebut.20 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 66 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna identitas etnis memiliki aspek obyektif dan subyekyif. aspek obyektif adalah bahasa, agama, ras, kedaerahan dan budaya. aspek subyektif adalah bahwa kelima hal itu ditafsirkan secara subyektif oleh masingmasing pihak. bahasa: tidak semua pemakai bahasa yang sama merasa satu etnis (misal: antara bosnia muslim, krotia dan serbia; antara suku hutu dan tutsi). agama: tidak semua mereka yang satu agama merasa satu etnis (misal: antara muslim india, pakistan dan banglades; antara muslim kurdi dengan muslim iraq, iran, suriah dan turki). kedaerahan: tanpa berasal dari satu kawasanpun orang bisa merasa satu etnis (misal: yahudi sebelum israel-1948; orangorang gipsi di eropa tengah dan timur). ras: warna kulit sering merupakan konstruk sosial, tidak biologis (kulit berwarna di afrika selatan sama dengan kulit hitam di amerika serikat). budaya: walau sama berbahasa inggris, budaya kelas atas dan budaya kelas bawah sangat berbeda di inggris, khususnya dalam hal cara makan, musik, sport, percakapan, pakaian. perbedaan etnis tidak selalu berarti konflik terbuka. banyak etnis di suatu tempat yang tidak merasa terancam secara sosial politik, mereka bisa bekerja sama sesuai aturan. tetapi di tempat lain perbedaan etnis bisa berarti susah di atur, mengarah kekerasan, menciptakan instabilitas yang luas dan bahkan menghancurkan kehidupan. dalam hal konflik etnis, meski banyak yang muncul secara spontan, banyak juga yang butuh rekayasa politik, penggerak, jaringan organisasi, diskursus (perangkat prinsipprinsip dan ide-ide) untuk mengaktifkannya.21 di indonesia etnisitas biasanya dihubungkan dengan suku bangsa yang tersebar di seluruh nusantara dan berkaitan dengan pembagian hukum adat.22 pada sebagian negara yang mejemuk etnisitas menunjukkan gejala separatisme yang berakar pada perasaan primordial suku bangsa sehingga kurang menyumbang pada nasionalisme kebangsaan. hal ini nampak dalam kurang efektifnya interaksi antar suku bangsa. interaksi antar suku bangsa menjadi sulit karena perbedaan budaya dijadikan indikasi untuk membedakan efektivitas interaksi di dalam suku bangsa (in group) dengan kelompok luar (out group) yang ditandai dengan menguatnya solidaritas in group dan melemahnya solidaritas out group.23 kesetiaan pada etnis juga tumbuh di daerah/ kota lain di luar daerah asal. ini disebut urbanism ethnic. di daerah perantauan, orang yang berasal dari daerah atau etnis yang sama memperlihatkan kecenderungan masih mempunyai kesetiaan kepada etnis atau daerah asalnya.24 menurut donald l. noel stratifikasi etnik muncul bila terpenuhi tiga persyaratan: etnosentrimse, persaingan dan perbedaan kekuasaan. etnosentrisme menurut sumner adalah suatu sudut pandang yang menempatkan kelompok sendiri di atas segala-galanya dan menilai kelompok lain dengan memakai kelompok sendiri sebagai acuan. stratifikasi etnik tidak terjadi bila hanya salah satu atau dua prasyarat yang terpenuhi. etnosentrisme saja, misalnya, tidak menyebabkan stratifikasi etnik bila antara kedua kelompok yang berinteraksi terjalin kerjasama dan saling ketergantungan. etnosentrisme dan persaingan tanpa disertai perbedaan kekuasaan, menurut noel, hanya akan melahirkan persaingan berkepanjangan tanpa penyelesaian. kontak antara kelompok kulit hitam dengan kelompok kulit putih berkembang menjadi hubungan perbudakan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 67vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 dimungkinkan karena adanya etnosentrisme di pihak kelompok kulit putih, adanya persaingan di bidang ekonomi, dan adanya kekuasaan lebih besar di pihak kelompok kulit putih.25 hubungan antar kelompok kelompok (group) adalah kumpulan orang yang menyepakati suatu masalah dan bergerak bersama dalam menyikapi masalah tersebut, memiliki harapan bersama dan memiliki suatu rasa senasib sepenanggungan. ada banyak macam kelompok: persahabatan informal, kelompok-kelompok etnis, masyarakat, kelompok antar masyarakat. hubungan antar kelompok adalah bentukbentuk hubungan yang dikembangkan di antara dua kelompok.26 berdasar sejarah hubungan antar kelompok para ilmuan sosial telah mengidentifikasi berbagai kemungkinan pola hubungan. banton menulis bahwa kontak antara dua kelompok ras dapat diikuti proses akulturasi, dominasi, paternalisme, integrasi dan pluralisme. pola hubungan seperti itu juga bisa berlaku dalam hubungan antar kelompok lain di luar kelompok ras. akulturasi terjadi manakala kebudayaan kedua kelompok ras yang bertemu mulai berbaur dan berpadu. sering terjadi antara kebudayaan dua masyarakat yang posisinya relatif sama, walau juga bisa terjadi antar kebudayaan yang posisinya tidak sama. dalam sejumlah kasus akulturasi terjadi pula proses dekulturasi seperti terjadi pada kasus hilangnya kebudayaan asli dan hancurnya kehidupan keluarga orang-orang afrika yang secara paksa diculik untuk dijadikan budak di amerika utara, dan dibunuhnya unsur pimpinan orang aztec di mexico. sementara itu stanley lieberson membedakan dua pola utama dominasi yaitu dominasi kelompok pendatang atas kelompok pribumi (migrant superordination) dan pola dominasi kelompok pribumi atas kelompok pendatang (indigenous superordination). pengendalian politik dan ekonomi oleh migran menghasilkan perubahan besar pada institusi politik dan ekonomi serta demografi penduduk setempat dan suatu waktu cenderung memancing reaksi keras dari mereka. dominasi pribumi di bidang ekonomi dan politik kurang memancing konflik di pihak migran yang didominasi. perspektif lain yang dominan dalam hubungan antar kelompok berasal dari pemikiran-pemikiran marxian yang dikenal dengan teori konflik. dalam pandangan ini hubungan-hubungan yang saling bersaing beserta konsekwensinya muncul dari sistem stratifikasi sosial dalam masyarakat. masyarakat dilihat sebagai sesuatu yang secara konstan selalu berubah. masyarakat membedakan anggota-anggotanya, memberikan kekuasaan, martabat, uang, lebih besar pada satu kelompok dibanding kelompok lain. akibatnya muncul ketidakadilan sosial yang menjadi bagian esensial dari suatu sistem stratifikasi. lebih lanjut, kelompok-kelompok yang berbeda dalam masyarakat (seperti kelas-kelas, kelompok etnis-ras) bersaing untuk menguasai sumberdaya tersedia yang terbatas. bentuk hubungan antar kelompok yang lain adalah akomodasi. akomodasi yang dimaksudkan berkaitan dengan keputusan dua atau lebih kelompok untuk mengesampingkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang signifikan yang ada di antara mereka dalam rangka kepentingan bersama. hal ini mengarah kepada pluralisme budaya dimana doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 68 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna berbagai bentuk budaya yang berbeda hidup berdampingan secara damai dalam masyarakat yang sama. amerika serikat, misalnya adalah masyarakat yang plural dimana berbagai agama, etnis dan kelompok ras yang berbeda diizinkan hidup secara berdampingan.27 salah satu bentuk hubungan yang banyak disoroti dalam kajian terhadap hubungan antar kelompok ialah hubungan mayoritasminoritas. dalam konteks ini yang coba dijelaskan adalah konsep mayoritas karena bila di suatu tempat terdapat kelompok mayoritas maka tentu secara otomatis kelompok lain disebut minoritas. terdapat beberapa pendapat tentang pengertian mayoritas. kinloch mendefenisikan mayoritas sebagai any power group that defines itself as normal and superior and others as abnormal and inferior on the basis of certain perceived characteristics, and exploits or discriminates against them in consequence. dari defenisi ini dijumpai beberapa unsur sebagai berikut: mayoritas merupakan kelompok kekuasaan, kelompok tersebut menganggap diri mereka normal dan superior sedangkan kelompok lain (minoritas) tidak normal dan rendah karena mempunyai beberapa ciri tertentu, atas dasar anggapan tersebut kelompok lain mengalami eksploitasi dan diskriminasi. edward m. bruner melihat mayoritas dalam kaitannya dengan kebudayaan. dalam penelitiannya di medan dan bandung bruner melihat bahwa ada tidaknya suatu kebudayaan mayoritas dominan menentukan bentuk hubungan antar kelompok di suatu wilayah. medan merupaka suatu kota yang terdiri dari sejumlah minoritas tanpa adanya suatu kebudayaan dominan sehingga antar kelompok-kelompok etnis yang ada berkembang persaingan ketat dan hubungan antar etnis tegang. sementara di kota bandung kebudayaan yang dominan ialah kebuidayaan sunda selaku kelompok mayoritas sehingga di sana para pendatang harus menyesuaikan diri dengan kebudayaan tersebut dan hubungan antar etnis yang ada bersifat lebih terbuka dan santai.28 hipotesis penelitian 1. terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara etnis yang berbeda. kualitas integrasi etnis madura lebih besar dibanding dengan kualitas integrasi etnis dayak. 2. terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara pemeluk agama islam dengan pemeluk agama kristen. kualitas integrasi pemeluk agama islam lebih besar dari kualitas integrasi pemeluk agama kristen. 3. terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara kelompok mayoritas, seimbang dan minoritas. 4. ada hubungan positif antara tingkat pendidikan dengan kualitas integrasi. semakin tinggi tingkat pendidikan semakin tinggi pula kualitas integrasi. 5. terdapat hubungan negatif antara status sosial ekonomi dengan kualitas integrasi. semakin tinggi status sosial ekonomi maka semakin rendah pula kualitas integrasi. metode penelitian penelitian ini dilakukan untuk memperoleh data empiris tentang dinamika konflik dan integrasi dalam interaksi antara komunitas etnis madura dan etnis dayak guna menguji hipotesis-hipotesis penelitian. variabel penelitian sebagai penelitian survai, penelitian ini tidak sekedar deskriptif tetapi lebih jauh juga berusaha melakukan eksplanasi. karena doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 69vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 tujuannya eksplanatif maka survai ini disamping menggambarkan karakter tertentu dari populasi juga melakukan uji hubungan antar variabel.29 oleh karena itu terlebih dahulu ditetapkan variabel penelitian sebagai berikut. 1. variabel bebas: kelompok etnik, kepemelukan agama, kelompok mayoritas/seimbang/minoritas, tingkat pendidikan dan tingkat sosial ekonomi. 2. variabel tergantung: kualitas integrasi subyek penelitian unit analisis dari penelitian ini adalah sampit, malang dan yogyakarta. karena keterbatasan waktu dan luasnya lokasi penelitian maka terlebih dahulu dilakukan sampling. dari ketiga lokasi itu ditetapkan sampel sejumlah 180 orang, dengan masingmasing lokasi sejumlah 60 orang. dari 60 responden untuk masing-masing lokasi itu lalu dibagi lagi ke dalam dua kelompok berdasarkan etnik, yaitu 30 orang untuk etnik dayak dan 30 orang untuk etnik madura. metode pengumpulan data dan alat ukur yang dipergunakan data dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan teknik yang bervariasi, sesuai dengan jenis data. 1. angket dipakai untuk mengumpulkan data tentang etnisitas, agama, tingkat pendidikan, dan status sosial ekonomi. 2. penelusuran data sekunder dipergunakan dalam rangka mengidentifikasi data tentang distribusi kependudukan lokasi penelitian 3. skala dimanfaatkan untuk mengumpulkan data tentang kualitas konflik dan integrasi yang telah terjalin antar dua komunitas tersebut. pada tahap pertama data dikumpulkan melalui angket dan skala. pada skala ini, tabel 2 kisi-kisi kualitas integrasi dan nomor item doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 70 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang dirumuskan dalam sebuah daftar diberi lajur-lajur jawaban yang tingkat-tingkat kebenarannya ditetapkan oleh skala (alternatif) yang menyertai pertanyaan itu.30 sebagaimana disebutkan di atas, skala digunakan untuk mengetahui kualitas konflik dan integrasi. skala yang dipakai adalah skala likert yang penyusunannya melalui tahapan-tahapan sebagai berikut.31 pertama, pembuatan blue print yaitu cetak biru yang diabstraksikan dari konstruk teoritis yang dipilih. mengacu pada defenisi ogburn dan nimkoff32 bahwa integrasi melalui beberapa tahap yaitu akomodasi, kerjasama, koordinasi dan asimilasi. masingmasing fase itu juga memiliki beberapa indikasi. dan dengan menggabungkan indikasi-indikasi itu maka dapatlah penulis ambil sepuluh indikasi dari suatu pola hubungan sosial yang disebut integrasi itu. kesepuluh indikasi integrasi itu yang kemudian menjadi kisi-kisi dalam penyusunan skala integrasi adalah: (1) tidak memasalahkan adanya perbedaan-perbedaan, (2) munculnya usaha-usaha adaptasi, (3) hadirnya kompromi dan toleransi, (4) adanya kerja bersama, (5) adanya reaksi yang sama terhadap suatu kejadian, (6) munculnya pembagian kerja, (7) berkembangnya solidaritas, (8) adanya kerjasama yang telah berllangsung lama, (9) adanya harapanharapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjasama, dan (10) mengakhiri kebiasaan-kebiasaan lama atau adanya pengalaman-pengalaman bersama yang baru. kedua, berdasarkan cetak biru tersebut dikembangkan pernyataan-pernyataan (items) yang relevan untuk setiap indikasi itu. setiap indikasi penulis rumuskan sembilan (9) item yang masing-masing terdiri dari tiga (3) item tentang aspek wawasan, tiga (3) item tentang aspek sikap dan (3) item tentang aspek perilaku. sehingga pada tahap ini keseluruhan pernyataan berjumlah 90 item. ketiga, kesembilan puluh butir itu sebagian merupakan item yang favourable (bila dijawab setuju maka nilanya maksimal dan bila dijawab tidak setuju maka nilanya minimal)) dan sebagian merupakan item unfavourable (bila dijawab setuju maka nilainya minimal dan bila dijawab tidak setuju maka nilainya maksimal). item-item favourable adalah item no. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 53, 56, 57, 58, 61, 62, 64, 65, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 79, 81, 82, 84, 86, 88, 89, 90. dan selain nomor-nomor itu berarti item unfavourable. dengan urutan kerja seperti itu maka diperoleh sembilan puluh item skala kualitas integrasi. kesembilan puluh item itulah yang diminta diisikan oleh responden dengan cara memilih salah satu dari tiga alternatif jawaban yaitu: s=setuju, r=ragu-ragu, ts=tidak setuju. metode analisis data untuk menguji hipotesis, teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah analisis statistik dengan teknik analisis 1) uji-t untuk hipotesis 1 dan 2 2) analisis variansi 1-jalur untuk hipotesis 3. 3) korelasi product moment untuk menguji hepotesis 4 dan 5. semua tes ini dibantu program komputer sps sutrisno hadi dan seno pamardiyanto. hasil penelitian dan pembahasan deskripsi data sebagaimana dikemukakan sebelumnya bahwa subyek penelitian ini sebanyak 180 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 71vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 orang yang terdiri dari masing-masing 30 orang untuk etnik dayak dan 30 orang etnik madura untuk tiga lokasi yang berbeda. dari 180 angket itu hanya 150 angket yang kembali dengan rincian sebagai berikut; dari sampit kembali 60 angket, dari yogyakarta 60 angket, dan dari malang hanya kembali 30 angket. dan dari 150 angket itu ada 14 angket yang tidak terisi secara lengkap, dengan demikian hanya 136 angket yang akan dijadikan sebagai bahan analisis pada bab iv ini. a. norma penilaian kualitas integrasi norma penilaian diperlukan untuk mengelompokkan proporsi subyek yang memiliki kualitas integrasi rendah, sedang dan tinggi. norma penilaian yang digunakan adalah norma kelompok. karena data mengikuti distribusi normal maka subyek akan masuk kategori rendah jika skor kualitas integrasi yang dimiliki <x-1sd. jika skor subyek berada di antara x-1sd dan x+1sd maka digolongkan dalam kategori sedang. apabila skor subjek >x+1sd, maka digolongkan dalam kategori tinggi.33 b. kualitas integrasi subjek penelitian dari data yang terekam menunjukkan bahwa secara umum kualitas integrasi etnis dayak dan etnis madura di lokasi penelitian adalah sedang (64%). sedangkan kualitas integrasi tinggi (17,6%) tidak berbeda jauh dengan kualitas integrasi rendah (18,4%). kenyataan ini berarti bahwa ada 64 % dari subyek penelitian ini yang tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka. mereka berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap orang yang tidak seagamaawa. ini juga berarti mereka memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, memiliki solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan komunitas yang tidak berbeda dengan mereka. c. kualitas integrasi etnis dayak dan etnis madura data yang diperoleh memperlihatkan bahwa dalam hubungan antar suku, etnis madura memiliki kualitas integrasi rendah paling kecil (10,8%) dibandingkan etnis dayak (18 %) dan etnis madura memiliki kualitas integrasi tinggi paling besar (27,7%) dibandingkan dengan etnis dayak (8,5%). keadaan ini berarti bahwa 27,7% etnis madura di wilayah penelitian betul-betul tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaanperbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan etnis dayak. mereka selalu berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap orang dayak. ini juga berarti mereka memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, memiliki solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan komunitas orang dayak. d. kualitas integrasi dan kepemelukan agama data yang diperoleh menunjukkan bahwa di antara dua komunitas agama yang diteliti ternyata pemeluk kristen memiliki prosentase kualitas integrasi rendah paling tinggi (33,3%) bila dibandingkan dengan pemeluk islam (15,7%). keadaan ini berarti bahwa 33,3% umat kristen di lokasi penelitian masih agak memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan orang islam, kurang berusaha beradaptasi, kurang berkompromi dan kurang memiliki toleransi terhaddap doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 72 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pemeluk islam. 33,3% pemeluk kristen kurang ada kerjasama, kurang solider dan kurang memeiliki harapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta kurang memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan pemeluk islam. sebaliknya komunitas islam memiliki kualitas integrasi tinggi lebih besar (23%) bila dibandingkan dengan komunitas kristen (4,8%). keadaan ini berarti bahwa 23% pemeluk islam di lokasi penelitian betul-betul tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaanperbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan orang kristen, selalu berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap pemeluk kristen. ini juga berarti 23% pemeluk islam memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan pemeluk kristen. namun demikian, sebagian besar pemeluk agama (islam 64,3% dan kristen 61,9%) memiliki kualitas integrasi sedang. ini artinya adalah bahwa sebagian besar pemeluk agama di wilayah penelitian tidak memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka yang berbeda agama, berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap pemeluk agama lain. ini juga berarti bahwa sebagian besar pemeluk agama ada kerjasama, solider dan memiliki harapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan komunitas agama di luar agama mereka. e. kualitas integrasi dan mayoritas-seimbangminoritas data yang diperoleh menunjukkan bahwa prosentase kualitas integrasi rendah terbesar terjadi pada situasi mayoritas (26,9%). sedangkan prosentase kualitas integrasi tinggi terjadi pada situasi minoritas. keadaan ini berarti bahwa 26,9% kelompok etnis dalam situasi mereka sebagai mayoritas masih agak memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnis lain, kurang berusaha beradaptasi, kurang berkompromi dan kurang memiliki toleransi terhadap kelompok etnis lain itu. sejumlah 26,9% dari kelompok etnis sebagai mayoritas kurang ada kerjasama, kurang solider dan kurang memiliki harapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta kurang memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik lain. sementara itu prosentase kualitas integrasi tinggi terjadi pada situasi suatu kelompok etnik berposisi sebagai minoritas di suatu kelompok (28,9%). data ini membuktikan bahwa pada situasi sebagai minoritas, kelompok etnik tertentu betul-betul tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnik di luar kelompok etnik mereka, selalu berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap mereka. ini juga berarti 28,9% kelompok etnik itu memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik di luar mereka. karena prosentase terbesar ada pada kategori kualitas integrasi sedang (63,5 % untuk situasi mayoritas, 67,4 % untuk situasi seimbang dan 60,5 % untuk situasi minoritas) maka ini berarti bahwa antar kelompok etnik dayak dan etnik madura pada umumnya tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaanperbedaan yang ada antara mereka. mereka berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 73vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 memiliki toleransi terhadap orang yang tidak seagamaawa. ini juga berarti mereka memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, memiliki solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan komunitas umat yang tidak seagama dengan mereka. f. kualitas integrasi etnis dayak-madura dan mayoritas-seimbangminoritas data yang terrekam dari angket penelitian ini menunjukkan beberapa fakta sebagai berikut. pertama, pada situasi sebagai mayoritas, etnis dayak memiliki kualitas integrasi rendah (29,0 %) lebih tinggi di banding yang dimiliki etnis madura (23, 8 %). pada situasi yang sama etnik dayak juga memiliki kualitas integrasi tinggi paling kecil (6,5 %) dibanding yang dimiliki etnik madura (14,3 %). kenyataan ini berarti bahwa lebih banyak kelompok etnik dayak (29,0%) dibanding kelompok etnik madura (23,8 %), dalam situasi mereka sebagai mayoritas, yang masih memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnis lain, kurang berusaha beradaptasi, kurang berkompromi dan kurang memiliki toleransi terhadap kelompok etnis lain itu. mereka juga sebagai mayoritas kurang ada kerjasama, kurang solider dan kurang memiliki harapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta kurang memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik lain. atau dengan kata lain, dalam situasi sebagai mayoritas, lebih banyak anggota kelompok etnik madura (14,3 %) dibanding anggota kelompok etnik dayak (6,5 %) yang betul-betul tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnik di luar kelompok etnik mereka, selalu berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap mereka. ini juga berarti lebih banyak anggota kelompok etnik madura dibanding anggota kelompok etnik dayak yang memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik di luar mereka. kedua, pada situasi sebagai minoritas, etnis madura juga memperlihatkan prosentase kualitas integrasi rendah paling kecil (4,2 %) di banding etnis dayak (21,4 %). pada situasi yang sama etnik dayak juga memiliki kualitas integrasi tinggi paling kecil (7,1 %) dibanding yang dimiliki etnik madura (41,7 %). kenyataan ini berarti bahwa pada situasi sebagai minoritas, kelompok etnik madura memiliki prosentase kualitas integrasi rendah lebih kecil dan memiliki prosentase kualitas integrasi tinggi paling besar dibanding kelompok etnik dayak. dengan kata lain dapat dikatakan bahwa dalam situasi sebagai minoritas, jumlah anggota kelompok etnik madura (41,7 %) lebih besar dibanding anggota kelompok etnik dayak (7,1 %) yang betul-betul tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnik di luar kelompok etnik mereka, selalu berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap mereka. ini juga berarti lebih banyak anggota kelompok etnik madura dibanding anggota kelompok etnik dayak yang memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik di luar mereka. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 74 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna g. kualitas integrasi dan tingkat pendidikan data yang terrekam dari angket penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa prosentase kualitas integrasi rendah terbesar terjadi pada tingkat pendidikan tinggi (24%), keadaan ini berarti bahwa 24% subyek penelitian yang berada pda tingkat pendidikan tinggi masih agak memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnis lain, kurang berusaha beradaptasi, kurang berkompromi dan kurang memiliki toleransi terhadap kelompok etnis lain itu. sejumlah 24% dari subyek penelitian yang adalah mereka yang berpendidikan tinggi juga kurang ada kerjasama, kurang solider dan kurang memiliki harapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta kurang memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik lain. sedangkan prosentase kualitas integrasi tinggi terbesar terjadi pada situasi tingkat pendidikan menengah (27,8%). data ini membuktikan bahwa subyek penelitian yang tingkat pendidikannya menangahlah yang betul-betul tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnik di luar kelompok etnik mereka, selalu berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap mereka. ini juga berarti 27,8% dari subyek penelitian itu memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik di luar mereka. karena prosentase terbesar ada pada kategori kualitas integrasi sedang (80 % untuk yang berpendidikan dasar, 61,1 % untuk yang berpendidikan menengah dan 60 % untuk yang berpendidikan tinggi) maka ini berarti bahwa secara umum subyek penelitian tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaanperbedaan yang ada antara mereka. mereka berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap orang yang tidak seagamaawa. ini juga berarti mereka memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, memiliki solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan komunitas di luar etnis mereka. h. kualitas integrasi dan status sosial ekonomi data yang terrekam dari angket penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa prosentase kualitas integrasi rendah terbesar terjadi pada tingkat ekonomi kuat (23,8%). keadaan ini berarti bahwa 23,8% subyek penelitian yang berada pada tingkat ekonomi kuat masih agak memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnis lain, kurang berusaha beradaptasi, kurang berkompromi dan kurang memiliki toleransi terhadap kelompok etnis lain itu. sejumlah 23,8% dari subyek penelitian yang adalah mereka yang berstatus ekonomi kuat juga kurang ada kerjasama, kurang solider dan kurang memiliki harapan dan kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta kurang memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik lain. sedangkan prosentase kualitas integrasi tinggi terbesar terjadi pada situasi tingkat ekonomi menengah (19,8%). data ini membuktikan bahwa subyek penelitian yang tingkat ekonominya menangahlah yang betul-betul tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka dengan kelompok etnik di luar kelompok etnik mereka, selalu berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 75vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 toleransi terhadap mereka. ini juga berarti 19,8% dari subyek penelitian itu memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan kelompok etnik di luar mereka. karena prosentase terbesar ada pada kategori kualitas integrasi sedang (72,4% untuk yang berekonomi lemah, 61,6 % untuk yang berekonomi menengah dan 61,9% untuk yang berada pada tingkat ekonomi kuat) maka ini berarti bahwa secara umum subyek penelitian tidak lagi memasalahkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada antara mereka. mereka berusaha beradaptasi, berkompromi dan memiliki toleransi terhadap orang yang tidak seagamaawa. ini juga berarti mereka memiliki banyak pengalaman bekerjasama, memiliki solidaritas dan harapan serta kesediaan untuk bekerjasama serta memiliki pengalaman bersama yang baru dengan komunitas di luar etnis mereka. hasil pengujian hipotesis 1) hipotesis pertama penelitian ini berbunyi terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara etnis yang berbeda. kualitas integrasi etnis madura lebih besar dibanding dengan kaulitas integrasi etnis dayak. untuk menguji hipotesis tersebut digunakan metode statistik t-tes dibantu program sps sutrisno hadi dan seno pamardiyanto (1995), yang rangkuman hasilnya bisa dibaca pada tabel-tabel terlampir. data yang terrekam dari angket penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara etnis dayak dan etnis madura. etnis madura memiliki kualitas integrasi lebih tinggi (rerata=229,877) daripada etnis dayak (rerata=216,155). dan dari uji hipotesa juga terlihat bahwa perbedaan itu berada pada taraf signifikansi sangat signifikan (p=0,000). dengan demikian hipotesis pertama penelitian ini terbukti. 2) hipotesis kedua penelitian ini berbunyi terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara pemeluk agama islam dengan pemeluk agama kristen. kualitas integrasi pemeluk agama islam lebih besar dari kualitas integrasi pemeluk agama kristen. untuk menguji hipotesis tersebut digunakan metode statistik t-tes dibantu program sps sutrisno hadi dan seno pamardiyanto (1995), yang rangkuman hasilnya bisa dibaca pada tabel-tabel terlampir. data yang terrekam dari angket penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi) antara pemeluk agama islam dengan pemeluk agama kristen. pemeluk agama islam memeiliki kualitas integrasi lebih tinggi (rerata=224,586) dibanding dengan pemeluk agama kristen (rerata=211,850). dan dari uji hipotesa juga terlihat bahwa perbedaan itu berada pada taraf signifikansi sangat signifikan (p=0,006). dengan demikian hipotesis kedua penelitian ini terbukti. 3) hipotesis ketiga penelitian ini berbunyi terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi antara kelompok mayoritas, seimbang dan minoritas. untuk menguji hipotesis tersebut digunakan metode statistik anava a dibantu program sps sutrisno hadi dan seno pamardiyanto (1995), yang rangkuman hasilnya bisa dibaca pada doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 76 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tabel-tabel terlampir. data yang terrekam dari angket penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat perbedaan kualitas integrasi yang cukup signifikan (f= 4,465 dan p=0,013) antara kelompok mayoritas, seimbang dan minoritas. masing-masing kelompok memiliki mean berbeda: kelompok mayoritas (216, 8269), seimbang ( 224, 0625) dan minoritas (228,3158. tetapi bila masing-masing kelompok dibandingkan satu sama lain maka diperoleh kesimpulan sebagai berikut. pertama, kelompok mayoritas memiliki perbedaan mean (-11,4889)) bila dibandingkan dengan kelompok minoritas. perbedaan itu signifikan (p= 0,010). kedua, bila kelompok seimbang dibandingkan dengan kelompok mayoritas maka perbedaan mean (7,2383) tidak signifikan (p=0,131). demikian juga halnya bila kelompok seimbang dibandingkan dengan kelompok minoritas maka perbedaan mean (-4,2506) juga tidak signifikan (p=0,548). 4) hipotesis keempat penelitian ini berbunyi ada hubungan positif antara tingkat pendidikan dengan kualitas integrasi. semakin tinggi tingkat pendidikan semakin tinggi pula kualitas intgerasi. untuk menguji hipotesis ini digunakan metode statistik korelasi produk momen dengan dibantu program sps sutrisno hadi dan seno pamardiyanto yang hasilnya bisa dibaca pada tabel-tabel dalam lampiran penelitian ini. dari hasil analisa data terbukti bahwa tidak terdapat hubungan positif antara tingkat pendidikan dengan dengan kualitas integrasi (r= -0,148 dan p =-0,086). dengan demikian hipotesa keempat penelitian ini tidak terbukti. 5) hipotesis kelima penelitian ini berbunyi terdapat hubungan negatif antara status sosial ekonomi dengan kualitas integrasi. semakin tinggi status sosial ekonomi semakin rendah kualitas integrasi. untuk menguji hipotesis ini digunakan metode statistik korelasi produk momen dengan dibantu program sps sutrisno hadi dan seno pamardiyanto (1995) yang hasilnya bisa dibaca pada tabel-tabel dalam lampiran penelitian ini. dari hasil analisa data nampak bahwa tidak terdapat hubungan negatif yang signifikan antara status sosial ekonomi dengan kualitas integrasi (r=0,012 dan p =0,888). dengan demikian hipotesa kelima penelitian ini juga tidak terbukti. kesimpulan karena penelitian ini bersifat kuantitatif, maka pembahasan-pembahasan yang akan dilaklukan berangkat dari data-data kuantitatif sebagaimana terlihat pada deskripsi data dan uji hipotesis tersebut di atas. selanjutnya pembahasan akan dilakukan pada dua tahap: pertama, pembahasan terhadap hipotesis penelitian yang tidak terbukti yang meliputi hipotesis ke empat (tidak ada hubungan yang signifikan antara tingkat pendidikan dengan kualitas integrasi) dan hipotesis kelima (tidak ada hubungan yang signifikan antara status sosial ekonomi dengan kualitas integrasi). kedua, eksplorasi terhadap data dan hipotesis penelitian yang mendapatkan verifikasi empiris di lapangan. 1. hubungan tingkat pendidikan dengan kualitas integrasi dugaan bahwa semakin tinggi tingkat pendidikan seseorang akan diikuti oleh doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 77vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 semakin tingginya kualitas integrasi yang bersangkutan ternyata tidak mendapatkan verifikasi empiris di lapangan. berdasarkan deskripsi data nampak bahwa semakin tinggi tingkat pendidikan ternyata justru semakin besar proporsi subyek yang memiliki kualitas integrasi rendah (pendidikan dasar 12%, pendidikan menengah 11,1% dan pendidikan tinggi 24%). observasi di lapangan memberikan informasi bahwa umumnya pelaku konflik berpendidikan rendah. kenyataan ini bertolak belakang dengan data kuantitatif yang diperoleh. memperhatikan tingginya proporsi subyek yang memiliki kualitas integrasi rendah adalah mereka yang berpendidikan tinggi, maka peneliti menduga bahwa kelompok kecil dengan kualitas integrasi rendah inilah yang sangat potensial memprovokasi kelompok lain yang lebih besar yang berpendidikan rendah meskipun sebenarnya mereka ini memiliki kualitas integrasi memadai. 2. hubungan status sosial ekonomi dengan kualitas integrasi meskipun dalam pengujian hipotesis tidak nampak hubungan yang signifikan, tetapi deskripsi data menunjukkan bahwa semakin tinggi status sosial ekonomi subyek semakin banyak proporsi mereka yang memiliki kualitas integrasi rendah (ekonomi lemah 13,8%, ekenomi menengah 18,6% dan ekonomi kuat 23,8%). kenyataan ini sejalan dengan teori yang mengatakan bahwa konflik sosial berupa perebutan kekuasaan terjadi pada faksi-faksi yang berbeda di kalangan kelas tinggi. hal ini antara lain karena mereka lebih mobil dibanding dengan kelas sosial rendah. dalam konflik etnis, menurut bangura, meski banyak yang muncul secara spontan, banyak juga yang butuh rekayasa politik, penggerak, jaringan organisasi, diskursus untuk mengaktifkannya. dan itu semua memang pada umumnya hanya bisa dilakukan oleh mereka yang berstatus sosial tidak rendah. 3. kualitas integrasi dilihat dari etnisitas, mayoritas-seimbang-minoritas, dan agama. kenyataan yang menarik untuk disimak dalam deskripsi data adalah bahwa kualitas integrasi etnis madura lebih baik dibanding etnis dayak. secara umum, pada kategori kualitas integrasi rendah proporsi etnis madura lebih tinggi (25,4%) dibanding etnis dayak (10,8%). sebagaimana juga pada kategori kualitas integrasi tinggi. proporsi etnis madura (27,7%) lebih besar dibanding etnis dayak 8,5%). bila variabel mayoritas-seimbang-minoritas dimasukkan dalam kualitas integrasi antar etnis itu, maka terlihat bahwa etnis madura juga memiliki kualitas integrasi lebih tinggi daripada etnis dayak. pada kategori mayoritas, misalnya, etnis madura memiliki proporsi kualitas integrasi tinggi (14,3%) lebih besar dari proporsi etnis dayak (6,5). bahkan pada kategori minoritas, proporsi etnis madura yang memiliki kualitas integrasi tinggi (41,7%) jauh lebih besar dari proporsi yang dimiliki etnis dayak (7,1%). dengan demikian berbagai sinyalemen yang mengatakan bahwa salah satu faktor utama penyebab konflik adalah karena arogansi etnis tertentu, dalam hal ini etnis madura, atau dengan kata lain pendapat yang mengatakan bahwa etnis madura memiliki kualitas integrasi yang rendah, tidak menemukan verifikasi empiris dalam penelitian ini. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 78 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pertanyaan selanjutnya adalah mengapa etnis madura memiliki rerata kualitas integrasi lebih tinggi dibanding etnis dayak? jawaban terhadap pertanyaan ini nampak jelas dengan melihat data yang terdeskripsikan dalam variabel kepemelukan agama. pada kategori kualitas integrasi rendah, pemeluk agama islam terbukti memiliki proporsi lebih kecil (15,7%) dibanding pemeluk kristen (33,3%). sebagaimana juga halnya pada kategori kualitas integrasi tinggi, proporsi pemeluk islam (20%), jauh lebih besar dibanding proporsi pemeluk kristen (4,8%). dengan demikian data empiris penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa variabel agama memegang peranan penting dalam menentukan tingkat integrasi dan konflik dari hubungan antar etnis dayak dengan etnis madura. catatan akhir 1. koentjaraningrat, masalah kesukubangsaan dan integrasi nasional, (jakarta: ui-press, 1993) hlm. 12-9. 2. karel steenbrink, kawan dalam pertikaian: kaum kolonial belanda dan islam di indonesia (1596-1942), (bandung: mizan, 1995) hlm. 217 3. karel steenbrink, kawan dalam pertikaian…, hlm. 211. 4. roland robertson, agama: dalam analisa dan interpretasi sosiologis, (jakarta: rajawali pers, 1995) hlm. 220. 5. anthony giddens, human societies a reader, (cambridge: polity press, 1992) hlm. 162. 6. anshari thayib, dkk. (ed.), hak asasi manusia dan pluralisme agama, (surabaya: pusat kajian strategi dan kebijakan (pksk), 1997), hlm. 207-208. 7. retnowati, agama, konflik dan integrasi sosial (rekonsiliasi islam dan kristen pasca kerusuhan situbondo), tesis tidak diterbitkan pada program studi sosiologi, program pasca sarjana ugm, 2000. 8.retnowati, agama, konflik dan integrasi sosial …, hlm. 102-104 9.s. sinansari ecip, menyulut ambon: kronologi merambatnya berbagai kerusuhan lintas wilayah di indonesia, (bandung: mizan 1999) hlm.5 10. m. atho’ mudzhar, pendekatan studi islam, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1998) hlm. 203-226. 11. david jary & julia, collins dictionary of sociology, (glasgow: harper collins, 1991) hlm. 315. 12. david jary & julia, collins dictionary of sociology…, hlm. 315. 13. kamanto sunarto, pengantar sosiologi, (jakarta: lembaga penerbit fakultas ekonomi universitas indonesia, 1993) hlm. 141. 14.doyle paul johnson, teori sosiologi klasik dan modern, (jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, 1990), hlm. 181. 15.david l. shills (ed.), international encyclopedia of social sciences, (new york: the macmillan company and the free press, 1972) hlm. 382. 16 astrid s. susanto, pengantar sosiologi dan perubahan sosial, (bandung: binacipta, 1979). 17.astrid s. susanto, pengantar sosiologi…, hlm. 123-126; kaare svalastoga, diferensiasi sosial, (jakarta: bina aksara, 1989) hlm. 98-99. 18.paul b. horton & hunt, chester l., sosiologi, (jakarta: airlangga, 1992) hlm. 60. 19. parameswara krishnan, critical sociology: essays in honour of arthur k. davis, (delhi: b.r. publishing corporation, 1995) hlm. 34. 20. paul b. horton & hunt, chester l., sosiologi…, hlm. 60-61. 21. yusuf bangura, the search for identity: ethnicity, religion and political violence, makalah ke-6 world summit for social development, kopenhagen, 1995. 22. masri singarimbun, “hak ulayat masyarakat daerah.” makalah disampaikan pada seminar kebudayaan dayak, pontianak, 1992. hlm. 56. 23. thomas hylland eriksen, ethnicity and naturalism. anthropological perspective, (colorado: pluto press london boulder, 1993) hlm.12. 24. hendro suroyo sudagung, “pembinaan bangsa dan karakter bangsa melalui hubungan antar suku bangsa” dalam proyeksi, universitas tanjung pura, 1987, hlm. 79; ichlasul amal & armaidy, armawi (ed.), sumbangan ilmu sosial terhadap konsepsi ketahanan nasional, (yogyakarta: gadjahmada university press, 1996) hlm. 140. 25. kamanto sunarto, pengantar sosiologi…, hlm. 139. 26. edgar f. borgotta, encyclopedia of sociology..., hlm. 962. 27 andito (ed.), atas nama agama: wacana agama dalam dialog “bebas” konflik, (bandung: pustaka hidayah, 1998) hlm. 359. 28. kamanto sunarto, pengantar sosiologi…, hlm. 135-136. 29. sanapiah faisal, format-format penelitian sosial, (jakarta: rajawali pers, 1999) hlm. 23. 30.winarno surakhmad, pengantar penelitian ilmiah: dasar, metoda, teknik, (bandung: tarsito, 1989) hlm. 185. 31 sanapiah faisal, format-format penelitian sosial…, hlm 1 4 3 32. astrid s. susanto, pengantar sosiologi…, hlm. 124 33.sutrisno hadi & pamardiyanto, seno, seri program statistik, (yogyakarta: universitas gadjahmada, 1997). daftar pustaka ali, a. mukti, ilmu perbandingan agama di indonesia, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 79vol. 8 no. 1 januari juni 2012 bandung: mizan, 1992. amal, ichlasul & armaidy, armawi (ed.), sumbangan ilmu sosial terhadap konsepsi ketahanan nasional, yogyakarta: gadjahmada university press, 1996. amirin, tatang m., menyusun rencana penelitian, jakarta: rajawali pers, 1990. andito (ed.), atas nama agama: wacana agama dalam dialog “bebas” konflik, bandung: pustaka hidayah, 1998. bangura, yusuf, the search for identity: ethnicity, religion and political violence, makalah ke-6 world summit for social development, kopenhagen, 1995. borgotta, edgar f., encyclopedia of sociology. ecip, s. sinansari, menyulut ambon: kronologi merambatnya berbagai kerusuhan lintas wilayah di indonesia, bandung: mizan, 1999. eriksen, thomas hylland, ethnicity and naturalism. anthropological perspective, colorado: pluto press london boulder, 1993. faisal, sanapiah, format-format penelitian sosial, jakarta: rajawali pers, 1999. giddens, anthony, human societies a reader, cambridge: polity press, 1992. hadi, sutrisno & pamardiyanto, seno, seri program statistik, yogyakarta: universitas gadjahmadda, 1997. horton, paul b & hunt, chester l., sosiologi, jakarta: airlangga, 1992. jary, david &julia, collins dictionary of sociology, galsgow: harpercollins, 1991. johnson, doyle paul, teori sosiologi klasik dan modern, jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, 1990. koentjaraningrat, masalah kesukubangsaan dan integrasi nasional, jakarta: ui-press, 1993. krishnan, parameswara, critical sociology: essays in honour of arthur k. davis, delhi: b.r. publishing corporation, 1995. mitchell, g. duncan, a dictionary of sociology, london & henley: routledge& keegan paul, 1968. moleong, lexy j., metodologi penelitian kualitatif, bandung: remaja rosdakarya, 1998. mudzhar, m. atho, pendekatan studi islam, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1998. mujiana, potensi konflik antar umat beragama dalam masyarakat majemuk, tesis tidak diterbitkan pada program studi ketahanan nasional, program pasca sarjana ugm, 1999. nottingham, elizabeth k., agama dan masyarakat: suatu pengantar sosiologi agama, jakarta: rajawali pers, 1993. o’dea, thomas f., sosiologi agama suatu pengenalan awal, jakarta: rajawali pers, 1987. retnowati, agama, konflik dan integrasi sosial (rekonsiliasi islam dan kristen pasca kerusuhan situbondo), tesis tidak diterbitkan pada program studi sosiologi, program pasca sarjana ugm, 2000. robertson, roland, agama: dalam analisa dan interpretasi sosiologis, jakarta: rajawali pers, 1995. shills, david l. (ed.), international encyclopedia of social sciences, new york: the macmillan company and the free press, 1972. singarimbun, masri, “hak ulayat masyarakat daerah.” makalah disampaikan pada seminar kebudayaan dayak, pontianak, 1992. ————————————— & effendi, sofian, metode penelitian survai, jakarta: lp3es, 1982. soekanto, soerjono, sosiologi: suatu pengantar, jakarta: rajawali pers, 2000. steenbrink, karel, kawan dalam pertikaian: kaum kolonial belanda dan islam di indonesia (1596-1942), bandung: mizan, 1995. sudagung, hendro suroyo, “pembinaan bangsa dan karakter bangsa melalui hubungan antar suku bangsa” dalam proyeksi, universitas tanjung pura, 1987. sumarjan, selo, steriotif etnik, asimilasi dan integrasi sosial, jakarta: pustaka grafika kita, 1988. sunarto, kamanto, pengantar sosiologi, jakarta: lembaga penerbit fakultas ekonomi universitas indonesia, 1993. surakhmad, winarno, pengantar penelitian ilmiah: dasar, metoda, teknik, bandung: tarsito, 1989. susanto, astrid s., pengantar sosiologi dan perubahan sosial, bandung: binacipta, 1979. svalastoga, kaare, diferensiasi sosial, jakarta: bina aksara, 1989. tanja, victor i., pluralisme agama dan problema sosial: diskursus teologi tentang isu-isu kontemporer, jakarta: pustaka cidesindo, 1998. thayib, anshari, dkk. (ed.), hak asasi manusia dan pluralisme agama, surabaya: pusat kajian strategi dan kebijakan (pksk), 1997. wirosardjono, soetjipto, agama dan pluralitas bangsa, jakarta: perhimpunan pengembangan pesantren dan masyarakat (p3m), 1994. majalah dan koran: adil, 19 maret 2001, 29 maret 2001. republika, 23 februari 2001. tempo, 23 januari 2000. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0006. 60-79 index symbols ] a abdullah ahmad an-naim abid al-jabiri abraham maslow abu dawud afghanistan akhlaqul karimah al-qirâah al-mutakarrirah aljazair allied forces ambon amin abdullah arab astrid kusumowidagdo athar husain ayatollah ruhullah khomeini ayatullah ruhullah khomeini b bahrain bani sadr basu swastha borjuis bourdieu british orientalisme c calcutta cartesian doctrine charles adam charles j adams china cia clash of civilization classroom action research d dale southerton e edward m. bruner edward said egypt etnis dayak etnis madura f fazlur rahman france g gammal abdul naseer germany gulf war h hasan hanafi i ibn hisyam ibn ishaq ibn sa'd iran islam islamic revolution j james a. bill jordan judeo-kristen k karel c. steenbrink karen amstrong karita muslim square kuwait kyai masrur l lebanon m maisir majelis ulama indonesia maroko marshal david sahlin middle east miftakhul khasanah mohammad mosaddeq morocco muammar qadhafi muhamamd arkoun muhammad reza shah n nabi muhammad saw nasr hamid abu zaid o oman p palestina papbs pasuruan pekalongan q qajar empire qatar r reza shah richard king richard martin russia s samuel huntington saudi arabia savak scientific revolution shireen t. hunter situbondo soviet union stanley lieberson sudan surabaya syria t taqdîs al-afkâr al-dîniyyah the consumer society the message of muhammad theda scokpol thomas kuhn tjiptono tudeh party tunisia turkey u ubi rubin ujung pandang united states universitas chicago w william james world war ii y yahudi-kristen yunani jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 tracing the path of islamic political movements in indonesia doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0092.1-13 istadiyantha1 faculty of cultural sciences, universitas sebelas maret, surakarta, indonesia1 email: istadiyantha@staff.uns.ac.id abstract middle east is a religious center for muslims around the world, including the indonesians. the relationship between islam and the middle east involves a complex political and historical process. the struggle for authentic islam in the face of imperialist domination values and westernization of course the main reason for the spread of islamic political movements to various parts of asia.. the goal of this research is to discover the relationship between the islamic political movements in the middle east and the movements that have developed in indonesia. there are numerous aspects which need to be understood about the emergence of islamic political movements. the transmission of islamic political movements to indonesia has seen rapid developments since the 1970s and 1980s. the development of islamic political movements began to gain momentum with the increase in the number of indonesian students, of both school and university age, who went to study in the middle east, which caused the relations between indonesia and the middle east to become closer on many levels. in the 1980s, indonesian students in saudi arabia, egypt, and other middle eastern countries absorbed many ideas related to political islam or the movement of islamic fundamentalism from the middle east. keywords: fundamentalism, islamic political movements, middle east, terror, transmission; abstrak timur tengah adalah pusat agama bagi umat islam di seluruh dunia, termasuk orang indonesia. hubungan antara islam dan timur tengah melibatkan proses politik dan sejarah yang kompleks. perjuangan islam otentik dalam menghadapi nilai-nilai dominasi imperialis dan westernisasi tentu saja menjadi alasan utama penyebaran gerakan politik islam ke berbagai belahan asia. tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menemukan hubungan antara gerakan politik islam di indonesia. timur tengah dan gerakan-gerakan yang telah berkembang di indonesia. terdapat banyak aspek yang perlu dipahami tentang munculnya gerakan politik mailto:istadiyantha@staff.uns.ac.id 2 afkaruna islam. transmisi gerakan politik islam ke indonesia telah melihat perkembangan pesat sejak tahun 1970-an dan 1980-an. perkembangan gerakan politik islam mulai mendapatkan momentum dengan meningkatnya jumlah siswa indonesia, baik usia sekolah dan universitas, yang pergi untuk belajar di timur tengah, yang menyebabkan hubungan antara indonesia dan timur tengah semakin dekat pada dalam berbagai kesempatan. pada 1980-an, pelajar indonesia di arab saudi, mesir, dan negara-negara timur tengah lainnya menyerap banyak ide yang berkaitan dengan islam politik atau pergerakan fundamentalisme islam dari timur tengah. kata kunci: fundamentalisme, gerakan politik islam, teror, timur tengah, transmisi introduction the term political islam was made popular by oliver roy in his book entitled l’échecde l’islampolitique or the failure of the political islam. the term used in this research is islamic political movements, which is equivalent to the term islamic fundamentalism. in addition to the term islamic political movements, this article also uses other terms, such as fundamentalist islam, militant islam, and radical islam, but the use of the term islamic political movements is more dominant and is the term chosen for use by the writer because it has been agreed upon by experts both in indonesia and internationally1,2 as the appropriate term to replace the term islamic fundamentalism. hassan hanafi, in his book entitled alushûliyah al-islâmiyah, states that islamic fundamentalism is the ‘prototype’ of the salafi movement which was originally led by ahmad bin hanbal and subsequently continued by ibnu taimiyah, ibnul qayyim, and jamaludin al-afghani3. in recent times, one of the more prominent roles in islamic fundamentalist movements has been played by jamaah islamiyah (ji). ji carries out its activities persistently, in particular in southeast asia, but also on an international level. unfortunately, according to hassan hanafi, although islam is a religion that is supposed to bring peace (the word islam comes from the word “salam” which means “peace”), some radical islamic groups and terrorist groups have interpreted their harsh and violent activities as being in the name of islam. political islam is a political institution which is oriented to promoting islam as a way of life for a society and a political system for a country, and endeavours to implement islamic law or sharia in countries where the majority of the population is muslim. experts in indonesia agree that this 3vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 term is an appropriate term to be used in indonesia to replace the term islamic fundamentalism4. political islam is a political theory within an islamic outlook, or the use of symbols and texts (nash) of the islamic religion which revolve around social order, power, and authority (see previous discussion).whereas the islamic political parties in indonesia include partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp), and a reference to political islam is synonymous with a reference to islamic parties such as partai keadilan dan sejahtera (pks) and partai bulan bintang (pbb), while islamic movements such as majelis mujahidin indonesia (mmi) and jamaah ansharut tauhid (jat) are referred to as islamic political movements5. after muhammad bin abdul wahab (1701 – 1793) disseminated the wahhabi ideology, which promoted the teachings of islamic purism of hanbal along the entire peninsula of arabia, an islamic reformist movement began to appear, which was better known as salafism and spread to all corners of the world. the pioneers of this movement were reformistmodernist thinkers such as jamaluddin al-afghani, (1838-1935), muhammad abduh (1849-1905), and muhammad rasyid ridha (18651935) who believed that rational thought, as the foundation of modern advancements, already existed in islam. this movement made an important contribution to the ideas of modern islam6. the origins of an organization which is frequently referred to the new islamic movements can be traced back to the ideas of a number of islamic movements in the middle east5. some of the movements which clearly imported their ideas from the middle east are gerakan tarbiyah, hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti), and salafi groups, including lasykar jihad ahlussunnah wal jama’ah. the idea underlying those tarbiyah movements are very similar to those of ikhwanul muslimun (im), and this group even calls itself the “ideological child” of im in egypt. hizbut tahrir indonesia is officially a branch of hizbut tahrir which is based in jordan7. dakwah salafy including the lasykar jihad, is a community of activists from salafi groups, and is associated with the salafi movements’ network in saudi arabia and the middle east. essentially, the salafi agenda was to search for authenticity or the purification of islam (rahmat, 2005) and this agenda was later translated into various concepts: islamic morals, islamic society, islamic life views, islamic countries, and islamic caliphates, where such ideas further supported by salafi groups6.salafism is said to be a doctrine which teaches that islamic teachings should emulate the behaviour of the 4 afkaruna prophet muhammad and his earliest followers6. the roots of salafism can be traced back to the wahhabi movement which first developed in hejaz at the end of the 19th century6. the characteristics of islamic political movements are: a) to promote an islamic textual civilization; b) to remain faithful to sharia; c) to believe in the western conspiracy theory that muslims are their victims; d) to develop an agenda of anti-pluralism8. research method the theoretical underpinning used in this research study is the theory of diffusion. diffusion is the spread of elements of a culture from one place in the world to another, either carried by groups of people who move from one place to another, or through a process of reporting through a medium of information. the analysis of the data is carried out deductively. the discussion of this topic makes use of various kinds of analysis which have the ability to present an accurate and real review, and for this reason, the technique of analysis is based on a triangulation of data, including written data; oral data (the results of interviews); and observation in the field, which is prepared as a tool for analysis that it is hoped will produce the best results. discussion the transmission of islamic political movements from the middle east to indonesia the transmission of islam to indonesia took place with two different patterns: first, the pattern of trade and sufism. in this pattern, islam entered indonesia through the social interaction that took place within the media of trade and religious teachings through the mystical ritual of tasawuf. both of these media used the same cultural type, or in other words, elements of culture and tradition were the media of dissemination9,10. second was the pattern of radical fundamentalist political movements, which were inclined to commit acts of violence in centres of power, and instil islamic values by force while ignoring cultural factors9. these two patterns of movement formed the basis for subsequent movements. there are two examples of developments of islamic movements from the past which can be viewed as radical: in west sumatra, the padris declared that the followers of tarekat syattariyah and tasawuf, who had 5vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 been around for centuries in minangkabau, were people who misguided polytheists and practised superstitious beliefs and acts of heresy, and should be suppressed11. tuanku nan renceh who was also popularly called by his nickname fakih saghir, his friend and colleague from the same school, to be an infidel, giving him the title raja kafir and rahib tua, simply because he did not share the same religious views as nan renceh12. secondly, the birth of darul islam and the masyumi party in indonesia can be traced back to a connection with the network of islamic movements in the middle east, which in this case refers to the wahhabi movement in saudi arabia and ikhwanul musliminin of egypt, and in later times, the hizbut tahrir movement in jordan13, 14. in the 1980s, indonesian students began to establish more intense relations with ikhwanul muslimin activists in egypt and saudi arabia15. a long time ago, there was even a connection between muhammad rasyidi and kahar muzakkir (one of the people who signed the jakarta charter) who had once established relations with sayyid quthub of egypt, a prominent figure from ikhwanul muslimin16. in addition to that, muhammad natsir established broader relations with a number of islamic countries17. under the leadership of natsir, the masyumi party arranged for 90 indonesian students to be sent to the egypt in 195718. almost all of the colleagues of usamah “arab-afghans” who came from southeast asia passed the recommendations and disposition of abdullah sungkar (indonesian) who already had a special relationship with abdurrasul sayyafin pakistan. in their discussions about ideology with peshawar (pakistan), the indonesian mujahidin fighters proposed the idea ofan islamic army, di/tii (darul islam/tentara islam indonesia), led by sekarmaji marijan kartosuwiryo, who was known as the founder of the indonesian islamic state or negara islam indonesia (nii). this connection between abdullah sungkarand di/tii was through ajengan masduki, until in 1993 they finally went their separate ways ideologically19. the indonesian contingent in peshawar held discussions about the kanun asasi (basic constitution) of nii, which consisted of 15 chapters and 34 sub-sections, as well as the kuhp nii which consisted of 10 chapters and 27 subsections20. all members of the contingent endeavoured to learn from each other and to establish a firmer ideological interaction through which they could move forward under the umbrella of “a nation of god”. present at the meeting were members of various islamic political movements from all over the world, ranging from ikhwanu lmuslimun; 6 afkaruna jamaa’ah al-jihad; al-jama’ah al-islamiyyah from egypt, morocco, tunisia, and pakistan; to hamas and hizbut tahrir from palestine; at-takwirwalhijraor jama’at muslimin; milf (moro islamic liberation front)abu sayyaf from the philippines, di/tii from indonesia, etc.21. the history of hadhramaut arabs migration (from south yemen) to indonesia taken place in the 18th century was meant for trade or commerce. alwi shihab disputes against the expert historian’s opinion, van den berg’, who states that the sole reason the hadhramaut arabs came to indonesia was to seek for wealth. shihab believes that berg’s accusation is defamatory to the good name of arabs22. shihab’s argument is founded on good reason because since the birth of islam, arabs have never been free from conspiracies put forward by outsiders who have a wish to discredit islam. it is no secret that some of the information that developed in indonesia was the result of an effort by dutch colonial powers to stem the influence of islam from arabic nations. to the dutch, islam was a threat to their existence in indonesia23. the book entitled negara tuhan: the thematic encyclopaedia24 presents the opinion of the indonesian moslem scholars community (ims.com), namely that: a) the international network of radicalism by the name of alqaidah and al-jama’ah al-islamiyah was the result of verbalistic and scripturalistic ideas about religious texts which were forced to legitimize violent acts through jihad and spread terror “in the name of god” and as “the agenda of the prophet”25. the transmission of islamic political movements to indonesia has seen rapid developments since the 1970s and 1980s. this transmission was influenced by a greater intensity in relations which occurred in the 1970s and 1980s (as a result of the boom in world oil prices which enabled oil producing countries such as saudi arabia to offer more opportunities for foreign students to earn scholarships to continue their studies in arabic countries). since 1975, ddi (dewan dakwah islamiyah) began to hold a central position as a mediator which channelled funds from rabithah alam islami in saudi arabia to indonesia. these funds were given to various islamic organizations such as nu, muhammadiyah, and al-irsyad to pay for students who wished to study in the middle east26. abdul munip offers a different opinion from that suggested in studies by azra and van bruinesssen27, 28, namely that in addition to the transmission of knowledge from the middle east to indonesia that has taken place 7vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 for centuries through the contact of religious leaders, there is also another phenomenon that is interesting to study, namely the translation of arabic books from the middle east into the indonesian language. according to munip29, the existence of books that have been translated from arabic to indonesian has both a positive and negative effect. the positive effect is that it increases the availability of books of literature that can be easily accessed by indonesian muslims. the negative effect, however, is that: a. these translated books are inseparable from the time setting and the social, cultural, and historical conditions of the middle east, as the homeland of the writer; b. there are often mistakes or inaccuracies in the translations and as a result, these translated books fail to transmit the content of the original books. the consequence of this is that it is quite probable that a transfer of teaching or doctrine may occur which cannot be adapted to suit the socio-historic character, and this leads to a concern that the transfer of knowledge from the middle east may ultimately turn into a form of arabization. up to the present time, there is no official government institution which monitors the quality of translations from arabic to indonesia (ibid.). abdul munip also brings to light a recent situation in which there has been an increase in the spirit of fundamentalism among some indonesian muslims. one of the indicators of this is the open emergence of social and political movements which have their own somewhat radical perspectives and ways, calling on muslims to follow their religion perfectly (kaaffah) and also calling for the formal implementation of sharia law in indonesia. this ideology is similar to the ideology that had developed previously in the middle east. hasan30 states that: 1) political islam has developed as a dynamic of the existing power struggle. in many ways it is a public protest that is disguised in the form of religious symbols and discourse. in the midst of the domination of the secular political system of the west, political islam encourages the islamic religion to enter into the field of discourse, and in the circle of power of the state to become a system which regulates all systems of life. a developmental milestone in political islam occurred following the defeat of the arabic world to israel in 1967. the loss of this war caused many muslims to become more aware of how fragile the regimes in their countries were; 2) from this perspective, it can be seen clearly that political islam developed over the defeat of these regimes. political islam is not a story of success but rather a series of episodes of 8 afkaruna defeat which often end with fragmentation or paralysis as a result of the brutal repression of the state; 3) the ups and downs in political islam cannot be separated from the geo-strategic constellation that has occurred in the world of islam. the influence of al-ikhwan began to spread to a number of different countries in the 1970s, at first riding on the coattails of the ambitious campaign of saudi arabia to export wahhabism in an endeavour strengthening the geo-strategic position of the centre of the islamic world, and this included the protection of a group of prominent al-ikhwan members who fled from egypt to saudi arabia following the execution of quthb and his allies; 4) the surge in oil prices in the 1970s gave the opportunity for saudi arabia to fill the ideological vacuum that had occurred as a result of the defeat in the war against israel in 1967 and had led to a decline in socialist nationalism in egypt during the era of naser. saudi arabia was able to facilitate various educational and proselytizing activities all over the world. saudi arabia used rabithah alam islami as a media for cooperation both on a local and international level; 5) the iranian revolution in 1979 which resulted in iran becoming an islamic state was the blueprint for the only example of tactics that were successful in revolutionary islamism; 6) the war in afghanistan allowed opportunities for various muslim activists from all over the world to come together and act as volunteers in jihadi activities. this included the activities of al-qaeda, led by osama bin laden, which endeavoured to show resistance to iraq but was rejected by saudi arabia. the protests led by bin laden marked the emergence of salafi jihadists31. during the suharto era, a komando jihad (komji) was created by the new order government in order to give the impression that the indonesian government was under threat from extremist right-wing groups, after it had previously succeeded, in 1965, in managing to quash the threats of the extremist left-wing communist party, pki32. the method used by ali murtopo, head of bakin (badan koordinasi intelejen negara or the state intelligence coordination body) to detect activists from organizations such as nii, di, and tii, was to recruit di activists who had been released from prison in the 1960s. with the goal of suppressing the indonesian communist party (pki), these di activists were nurtured and coached by the state intelligence coordination body (bakin) until pki was finally disbanded. the coaching and nurturing of these di activists led to the birth of the “komando jihad” movement33. 9vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 the ideology of al-qaeda that had been carried by osama bin laden for the previous five years failed to attract much attention, especially following the rumours that bin laden had been shot dead by soldiers from the usa navy seals on 1 may 2011, in abbottabad, pakistan. bin laden’s ideology also adopted the ideas of al-ikhwan, including hizbut tahrir which was a splinter group of al-ikhwan. in 2011, abdurrahman al-bagdadi separated himself from l-qaeda and formed isis, and this movement attracted the attention of arabic youths, many of whom joined the movement, as well as young people in indonesia. there has been a rapid transmission of this ideology throughout the whole world, and especially to indonesia. the way in which isis has used social media and propaganda to reach the young generation is not unrelated to its ability to play a secondary role such as it did at the time of the arab spring. the role of social media and the young generation was a significant factor in the mobilization of a social movement to overturn the regime. it has been this power of the social media and the young generation that has been used by isis to support its militant forces. the use of social media in the framework of recruitment, propaganda, and the dissemination of information to various networks across the entire world is extremely effective34. the declaration of support by isis sympathizers at the hotel indonesia roundabout in march 2014 was an important moment for witnessing the extent of the indonesian people’s support for isis. there are at least two main currents in the way that factions of radical islamic movements in indonesia have responded to the declaration of a caliphate by isis: the faction that rejects isis and the faction that accepts isis. these two main currents follow the conflict between isis and al-qaeda. as we are aware, in the past, radical islamic movements in indonesia have followed the leadership of al-qaeda. in response to the declaration by abu bakar albaghdadi, there was a polarization of factions. interestingly, the faction that rejects isis may also send its sympathizers to syria. the conflict between isis and al-qaeda has also had other implications, namely that the migration of indonesian citizens has in general led them to join isis and the militant wing of al-qaeda, jabhah nusrah. in simple terms, the recruitment of a network of isis sympathizers in indonesia follows two main currents35. firstly, the recruitment via existing networks, or those that affiliated with abu bakar baasyir. secondly, the recruitment taken place 10 afkaruna through social media. amongst the old network of radical islamic movements in indonesia including the isis sympathizers, the name abdul rauf appears. previously convicted for his involvement in the bali bombings, for being part of the banten circle, and for robbing a gold shop to fund the bali bombings, rauf was released from prison in 2011. in addition to rauf, another name that has appeared is that of muslim cleric afif abdul majid, a veteran of afghanistan, who was sentenced to 4 and a half years in prison by the district court in central jakarta after being found guilty of helping to fund organizations affiliated to isis. in response to the verdict, afif announced that he would submit an appeal. in addition to these two names, there are still several other people who have contributed to the development of isis in indonesia. islam and political development in indonesia islam came to indonesia has brought about various kinds of changes, not only in the field of spiritual spirituality, but also in the social and political fields. moreover, in the rise of nationalist and patriotic resistance against colonialism. it has become a general consensus of various social scientists, both in the west and in the east, that the rise of islam in the 8th century ad has built a new world, with new ideas, ideals, cultures and civilizations. the elements of the dominant elements of culture and defense are two, which is man of the pen and man of the sword. the element of man of the pen concerns the civilian bureaucracy and the clerics. meanwhile, man of the sword consists of literacy with all its defense forces. the collaborations between the two dominant elements shall foster a new culture and appearance, empowered to develop knowledge in all fields, with its various branches36 endnotes 1 roy, o. gagalnya politik islam. (french language edition entitled: l’echec de l’islampolitique, edition du seuil, 1992; and english language edition entitled the failure of the political islam, harvard university press). (jakarta: serambi, 1996). 2 istadiyantha. “transmisi gerakan islam politik dari timur tengah ke indonesia”. (dissertation, yogyakarta: postgraduate faculty universitas gadjah mada, 2014). 3 hanafi, h. al-ushöliyyah al-islâmiyyah in ad-dînwa ‘ts-tsaurah, (1989). p.6. 4 istadiyantha. (2014). 5 hanafi, h. (1989). 11vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 6 aydýn bayram. the rise of wahhabi sectarianism and its impact in saudi arabia. atatük üniversitesi ýlahiyat fakültesi dergisi, sayý: 2014: (42). http:// dergipark.gov.tr/download/article-file/31226 7 roy, o. (1996) 8 anwar, m. s., memetakan teologi politik dan anatomi gerakan salafi militan di indonesia. in m. z. mubarak, genealogi islam radikal di indonesia: gerakan, pemikiran, dan prospek demokrasi. (jakarta: lp3es, 2007). 9 denys, l. nusa jawa silang budaya (vols. 1-3). (jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama, 1996). 10 ngatawi, radikalisme gerakan islam simbolik fpi. (thesis, jakarta: postgraduate programme universitas indonesia, 2002). 11 fathurrahman, o. “tarekat syattariyah di dunia melayu-indonesia: kajian atas dinamika dan perkembangannya melalui naskah-naskah di sumatera barat”. (dissertation, jakarta, 2003). 12 syaikhu, a. pergulatan organisasi islam dalam membendung gerakan ideologi islam transnasional. jurnal falasifa, 3 (1), 2012. 13 bruinesen, m. “genealogies of islamic radicalism in post-soeharto indonesia”. (south east asia research, 2002), p.10. 14 umar, a. r. “melacak akar radikalisme islam di indonesia”. jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, 4 (2), 2010. 15 rahmat, m. i.arus baru islam radikal: transmisi revivalisme islam timur tengah ke indonesia. (jakarta: penerbit erlangga, 2005). 16 istadiyantha. 2014. 17 rahmat, m. i. 2005. 18 rahmat, m. i. 2005 19 abegebriel, a. m. ada apa dengan dokumen ji. in a. m. abegebriel, a. y. abeveiro, & s.-i. team, negara tuhan: the thematic encyclopaedia. (yogyakarta: sr-ins publishing, 2004). 20 abegebriel, a. m., abeveiro, a. y., & team, s.-i. (2004) 21 abegebriel, a. m., 2004 22 shihab, a. 2004. keturunan arab adn radikalisme indonesia. in t. thahir, meredam gelombang radikalisme. jakarta: cmm 23 shihab, a. (2004). 24 abegebriel, a. m., (2004). 25 abegebriel, a. m., (2004). 26 hasan, n. 2012. islam politik di dunia kontemporer: konsep, genealogi, dan teori. yogyakarta: uin sunan kalijaga press 27 munip, a. “transmisi pengetahuan timur tengah ke indonesia: studi tentang penerjemahan buku berbahasa arab di indonesia periode 1950-2004”. (dissertation, yogyakarta: postgraduate programme uin sunan kalijaga, 2007). 28 azra, a. islam substantif: agar umat tidak jadi buih. (bandung: penerbit mizan, 2000). 29 munip, a., (2007). 30 hasan, n. (2012). http:// 12 afkaruna 31 hasan, n. (2012). 32 yunanto, nuryanti, s., hasjim, j. f., effendy, r. f., anggoro, k., basman, t. m., et al. gerakan militan islam: di indonesia dan di asia tenggara. (jakarta: friedrich-ebert-stiftung (fes) dan the ridep institute, 2003). 33 yunanto, nuryanti, s., hasjim, j. f., effendy, r. f., anggoro, k., basman, t. m., et al. (2003). 34 syauqillah, m. indonesian sympathizers and international relations. (universitas indonesia international seminar of the middle east: the dynamics of the middle east culture after arab spring). (jakarta: fib universitas indonesia, 2015.) 35 syauqillah, m. (2015). 36 bernard lewis. islam and the arab world: faith, people, culture. (new york: random house inc., 1976). references anwar, m. s. 2007. memetakan teologi politik dan anatomi gerakan salafi militan di indonesia. in m. z. mubarak, genealogi islam radikal di indonesia: gerakan, pemikiran, dan prospek demokrasi. jakarta: lp3es. abegebriel, a. m., abeveiro, a. y., & team, s.-i. 2004. negara tuhan: the thematic encyclopaedia. yogyakarta: sr-ins publishing. abegebriel, a. m. 2004. ada apa dengan dokumen ji. in a. m. abegebriel, a. y. abeveiro, & s.-i. team, negara tuhan: the thematic encyclopaedia. yogyakarta: sr-ins publishing. azra, a. 2000. islam substantif: agar umat tidak jadi buih. bandung: penerbit mizan. bayram, aydýn. 2014. the rise of wahhabi sectarianism and its impact in saudi arabia. atatük üniversitesi ýlahiyat fakültesi dergisi, sayý: 2014: (42). (accessed; march 21st, 2019). accessible in: http://dergipark.gov.tr/download/articlefile/31226 bruinesen, m. v. 2002. genealogies of islamic radicalism in post-soeharto indonesia. south east asia research, 10. denys, l. 1996. nusa jawa silang budaya (vols. 1-3). jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. fathurrahman, o. 2003. tarekat syattariyah di dunia melayu-indonesia: kajian atas dinamika dan perkembangannya melalui naskah-naskah di sumatera barat. dissertation. jakarta: roy, o. (1996). gagalnya politik islam. (french language edition entitled: l’echec de l’islampolitique, edition du seuil, 1992; and english language edition entitled the failure of the political islam, harvard university press). jakarta: serambi. hasan, n. 2012. islam politik di dunia kontemporer: konsep, genealogi, dan teori. yogyakarta: uin sunan kalijaga press. hanafi, h. 1989. al-ushöliyyah al-islâmiyyah in ad-dînwa ‘ts-tsaurah. 6. istadiyantha. 2014. transmisi gerakan islam politik dari timur tengah ke indonesia. dissertation. yogyakarta: postgraduate faculty universitas gadjah mada. lewis, b. 1976. islam and the arab world: faith, people, culture. new york: ranhttp://dergipark.gov.tr/download/article13vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 dom house inc., munip, a.2007. transmisi pengetahuan timur tengah ke indonesia: studi tentang penerjemahan buku berbahasa arab di indonesia periode 1950-2004. (dissertation). yogyakarta: postgraduate programme uin sunan kalijaga ngatawi. 2002. radikalisme gerakan islam simbolik fpi. thesis. jakarta: postgraduate programme universitas indonesia. syaikhu, a. 2012. pergulatan organisasi islam dalam membendung gerakan ideologi islam transnasional. jurnal falasifa, 3 (1). umar, a. r. 2010. melacak akar radikalisme islam di indonesia. jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, 4 (2). rahmat, m. i. 2005. arus baru islam radikal: transmisi revivalisme islam timur tengah ke indonesia. jakarta: penerbit erlangga. shihab, a. 2004. keturunan arab adn radikalisme indonesia. in t. thahir, meredam gelombang radikalisme. jakarta: cmm. syauqillah, m. 2015. indonesian sympathizers and international relations. universitas indonesia international seminar of the middle east: the dynamics of the middle east culture after arab spring. jakarta: fib universitas indonesia. yunanto, nuryanti, s., hasjim, j. f., effendy, r. f., anggoro, k., basman, t. m., et al. 2003. gerakan militan islam: di indonesia dan di asia tenggara. jakarta: friedrich-ebert-stiftung (fes) dan the ridep institute. layout afkaruna juni 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 memahami pilihan aktivis untuk bermuhammadiyah haryadi universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta judul : becoming muhammadiyah prolog : hajriyanto y. thohari epilog : muhammad ali penerbit : mizan kota : bandung tahun : 2016 halaman : 340 isbn : 978-979-433-913-8 muhammadiyah merupakan organisasi islam yang besar, yang memiliki ciri melaksanakan amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. muhammadiyah mengajarkan dalam beragama secara lugas, apa adanya, yang pokok-pokok saja, yang penting sesuai dengan alquran dan sunnah. lugas inilah yang menyebabkan muhammadiyah miskin tradisi, beginilah prolog dalam buku ini. muhammadiyah yang merupakan persyarikatan modern akan tergilas dengan zaman apabila tidak melakukan perubahan, tidak berijtihad dalam menangani isu-isu dan ancaman global. kegelisahan inilah yang malahirkan buku ini. buku yang merupakan kumpulan testimoni para tokoh intelektual muhammadiyah menjadikan buku ini menarik untuk dibaca. para tokoh intelektual menyebut muhammadiyah merupakan state of mind, jadi orang yang menjadi muhammadiyah dikatakan sebagai process of becoming. orang menjadi muhammadiyah tidak lepas dari proses perjalanan yang panjang. perjalanan setiap orang tentunya berbeda-beda, tetapi mungkin tanpa sengaja menemukan sesuatu yang dicarinya. becoming muhammadiyah, proses menjadi muhammadiyah yang direfleksikan dalam testimoni para tokoh muhammadiyah dalam buku ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b o o k r e v i e w doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0070.145-148 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 142142142142142 afkaruna ini, merupakan gambaran bagaimana seseorang untuk menjadi muhammadiyah. ada beberapa faktor seseorang menjadi muhammadiyah, antara lain: pertama, menjadi muhammadiyah karena faktor keturunan. hal ini merupakan proses alami yang mana setiap orang mengalaminya, akan tetapi ada juga dalam perjalanan hidupnya menambatkan pilihan ke yang lain. akan tetapi kebanyakan menjadi muhammadiyah karena faktor keturunan ini. orang tua dan kerabatnya muhammadiyah maka otomatis menjadi muhammadiyah. kedua, menjadi muhammadiyah karena tugas belajar atau melanjutan pendidikan. penulis dalam buku ini sebagian menuliskan bahwa menjadi muhammadiyah mereka berawal dari perjalannya menjadi pelajar atau mahasiswa. setelah itu kemudian ikut aktif dalam kegiatan yang di dalamnya berkaitan dengan muhammadiyah, seperti ikut darul arqam, ipm, imm. aktif dalam organisasi tersebutlah kemudian semakin paham dengan muhammadiyah, yang kemudian semakin jatuh cinta dengan muhammadiyah. karena di situlah mereka menemukan wadah dalam mengaktulisasikan dirinya, dalam berkiprah mengabdikan diri untuk agama, bangsa dan negara. ketiga, menjadi muhammadiyah karena amal usaha muhammadiyah. muhammadiyah dengan amal usahanya yang sudah maju dan berkembang, tentu melibatkan banyak porsenil di dalamnya. sehingga banyak orang menjadi muhammadiyah karena bekerja di amal usaha muhammadiyah, seperti menjadi pengajar di sekolah milik muhammadiyah, bekerja di rumah sakit milik muhammadiyah dan sebagainya. keempat, menjadi muhammadiyah karena membaca buku tentang muhammadiyah. menjadi muhammadiyah melalui proses dari kenal kemudian ingin tahu dan akhirnya menjatuhkan pilihan kepada muhammadiyah, berawal dari membaca buku tentang muhammadiyah. kelima, mejadi muhammadiyah karena lingkungan. lingkungan yang merupakan tempat tinggal dan tempat bersosialisasi manusia memberikan warna tersendiri bagi setiap orang. lingkungan memberi pengaruh sangat besar terhadap kehidupan manusia. lingkungan juga sangat berpengaruh terhadap karakter manusia. lingkungan yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 143143143143143vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 di dalamnya didominasi muhammadiyah juga akan memberikan warna masyarakat yang ada di dalamnya. seperti daerah kauman yogyakarta yang mana tempat kelahiran muhammadiyah sangat berbeda sekali dengan daerah yang lain, baik dari kehidupan keagamaan dan sosialnya. jadi orang yang tinggal di lingkungan yang di dalamnya banyak orang muhammadiyah atau lingkungan muhammadiyah juga akan mempengaruhi kehidupannya. menjadi muhammadiyah karena hidup dan berinteraksi di lingkungan muhammadiyah. keenam, menjadi muhammadiyah karena perkawinan. perkawinan atau pernikahan merupakan ikatan lahir batin antara seorang pria dan seorang wanita sebagai suami-istri dengan tujuan membentuk keluarga. perkawinan antara seseorang dari anak yang keluarganya muhammadiyah juga bisa menjadikan seseorang menjadi muhammadiyah. hal ini terjadi karena dengan interaksinya di dalam keluarga yang muhammadiyah akan juga mempengaruhi kehidupan orang tersebut menjadi muhammadiyah. maka akhirnya perpaduan antara muhammadiyah dengan yang lain juga terjadi, misal perpaduan antara keluarga muhammadiyah dengan keluarga nu, keluarga muhammadiyah dengan keluarga persis, dan sebaginya. jadi menjadi muhammadiyah karena perkawinan ini sangat banyak terjadi di masyarakat kita. perpaduan ini juga akan berdampak tersendiri kepada muhammadiyah. muhammadiyah akan semakin progresif dan berkembang mengikuti perkembangan sosial masyarakat. ketujuh, menjadi muhammadiyah karena simpatik dengan tokoh-tokoh muhammadiyah yang dermawan, suka bersedekah dan menolong umat. keteladaan kata kunci untuk menjadi simpatik, hal inilah yang menjadi para tokoh ke depankan dalam berdakwah dan beramal ma’ruf nahi munkar. suritauladan yang dibawa rasulullah dalam mengajari umat dalam berdakwah ini yang membuat banyak orang bersimpatik dengan muhammadiyah, yang merupakan pergerakan islam yang moderat, inklusif dan progresif. kedelapan, menjadi muhammadiyah karena urbanisasi dan mobilitas sosial. banyak orang pedesaan pindah ke kota dalam rangka belajar (menjadi pelajar atau mahasiswa) dan bekerja. ada yang belajar ke kota karena kemauan sendiri atau juga karena keinginan orang tua. berawal dari sekolah inilah banyak pelajar dan mahasiswa mengenal muhammadiyah, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 144144144144144 afkaruna baik dari mata pelajaran kemuhammadiyahan ataupun ikut dalam organisasi yang terkait dengan muhammadiyah, seperti darul arqam, ipm, imm dan juga kajian-kajian islam yang diadakan oleh muhammadyah. bekerja dan tinggal di kota juga bisa menjadikan seseorang mengenal muhammadiyah. tinggal di lingkungan muhammadiyah kemudian berinteraksi dengan masyarakat, mengikuti kegiatan-kegiatan sosial dan keagamaan, akan mempengaruhi orang yang ada dan tinggal di lingkungan tersebut. belajar dan bekerja di kota atau urban, menyebabkan seseorang bersinggungan dengan muhammadiyah yang akhirnya kenal dan jatuh cinta dengan muhammadiyah, kemudian menjadi muhammadiyah. buku becoming muhammadiyah, yang di dalamnya berisi testimoni para tokoh dari intelektual muhammadiyah atau autobiografi tokoh muhammadiyah, ini sangat bagus untuk dibaca, karena disini tokoh-tokoh yang mengenal muhammadiyah berbagi pengalaman, yang nantinya akan memberikan lebih banyak pemahaman tentang muhammadiyah. becoming muhammadiyah cocok sekali dibaca bagi para aktivis dan pengamat untuk memahami bagaimana proses kader-kader muhammadiyah menentukan pilihan mereka untuk aktif dalam pergerakan islam. # layout jan jun 2011 india yang dalam beberapa dekade terakhir ini bertransformasi menjadi gerakan islam internasional yang aktif di pelbagai belahan dunia. penulis memberikan perhatian pada karakteristik ideology keagamaan dan bentuk keorganisasian jamaah tabligh. penulis berpendapat bahwa komitmen yang kuat dan sikap kerelawanan di kalangan anggota jamaah ini memberikan dampak kuat pada berlangsungnya kegiatan dakwah jamaah tabligh. tidak seperti organisasi yang lain, sebut saja ikhwanul muslimin atau hizbut tahrir yang mendasarkan model dakwahnya pada materi-materi tertulis dan dakwah keorganisasian, jamaah tabligh melakukan banyak pendekatan personal dalam menyampaikan pesan-pesan islam (dakwah) kepada komunitas-komunitas muslim. keywords: jamaah tabligh, ideologi keagamaan, organisasi transnasional, gerakan islam. introduction tablighi jamaat has been viewed to be an apolitical and less-institutionalized transnational organization. however, present evidence suggests that it is considered as the world’s largest transnational islamic movement.1 this paper sets out to examine this phenomenon in light of the history, ideology, and the organizational perspective of the movement. the term transnational islamic movement refers to interactions and multiple ties connected muslims accross the borders of modern nation states. in fact, the transnational attribute embedded in such religious activism could be properly understood only in its relations with the westphalian system of modern the tablighi jamaat movement its ideological concept and organizational structure zulkhan indra putra researcher and graduate student in conflict analysis and peace building at jamia millia islamia university, new delhi – india. email: zulkhanip@yahoo.com abstract the author discusses the nature of the tablihi jamaat, an india-based islamic movement which in the past decades has witnessed organizational transformation by becoming the transnational islamic movement active in many parts of the world. the author pays attention to the characteristic of religious ideology of the organizational pattern of tablighi jamaat. he argues that a strong organizational commitment and voluntarism among the members of the tablighi jamaat have had a profound impact on the enduring tablighi jamaat activities. yet, ideologically, unlike other islamic movements such as ikhwanul muslimin or hizbut tahrir whose ideological foundations are nurtured through written communication and speech based-congregational preaching, the tablighi jamaat has utilized direct and personal approach in delivering the messages of islam to the communities. keywords: tablighi jamaat, religious ideology, transnational organization, the islamic movement. abstraksi penulis mendiskusikan tentang gerakan jamaah tabligh, sebuah gerakan islam asal doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 17vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 nation state concept in which the catholic church had gradually lost its influence among local churches. while, on the other side, islam has become a global religions since its inception. beside tablighi jamaat movement, there are several islamic movements which are operating transnationally, such as ikhwanul muslimin and hizbut tahrir whose concept of ummah has become a base for its political entity, or gulen movement of turkey that is working largely on transnational humanitarian activism as a base for its socio-cultural entity. by all accounts, the area of transnational religious movement is still becoming a fertile ground awaiting for many more studies. today, the tablighi jamaat (jamaah tabligh, as largely known in indonesia) is a visible presence all over the world and has expanded its network even in remote locations and far from other major population centers. this movement gradually expands from local to national to a transnational movement and now it is operating in 165 countries2 with significant influence in many majority muslim as well as non-muslim majority countries in western and eastern europe and north america. its annual assembly, held in tongi, bangladesh, was larger than any other islamic organization’s assembly around the world except for the hajj. it is estimated that its members goes between 12 to 80 millions. however, its global presence and increasingly growing influence in both majority muslim and nonmuslim countries makes the tablighi jamaat becoming the most dynamic islamic group in the world, with scant regard for the logic of loyalties of national territory. the concept of motivation and organizational commitment within islamic organization has not received adequate attention in the literature and research. this is so, especially, in the transnational islamic organizations context. given the growing intensification of transnational religious networks, more notably of the tablighi jamaat, it is becoming increasingly necessary to study the concept of motivation and organizational commitment in different religious movements.3 this concept has led me to take an interest in the concept of commitment and motivation within the tablighi jamaat. it seems to be particularly interesting to analyze it in the ideology of the movement, which spurs its activities. from this standpoint, tablighi jamaat can be held up as an outstanding example. this paper examines the phenomenon by looking at the concept of motivation and commitment held within the tablighi jamaat and will end with some observations about organizational perspectives. the paper will focus on three related questions: 1) what are causes that make the tablighi jamaat acquires significant growth? 2) what are the objectives of the movement? and 3) what are the ideological concepts which stimulate the members to take contributions to the organization and how it is portrayed through an organizational perspectives? this paper is thus organized as follows. i outline the interlinked primary resources, such as historical background, objectives, and ideology, which are necessary preconditions for a movement to sustain and expand. these preconditions are observed in order to be in line with the definition of social movement, as msa rao demonstrates that a social movement is an organized attempt on the part of a section of society to bring about either partial or total change in society through collective mobilizadoi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 18 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tion based on ideology.4 the second section will find out the organizational structure that drive the tablighi jamaat movement since an observation of the organizational perspectives is essential for understanding its survival and achievements. this part will highlight the organizational theories corresponding to this movement. this section thus explores the organization and structure of the jamaat, and how it becomes a successful transnational movement. tablighi jamaat movement: origins and ideology the genesis of the movement the history of the tablighi jamaat, best known as the sufi-background movement, has generally been understood through doctrinal works produced by its founding-leaders. tablighi jamaat literally means a “conveying group”. it basically fused some aspects of sufism with strict adherence to shariah combined with practical da’wah activities. it is an apolitical and less institutionalized, having no formal organizational structure, devotional movement whose primary aim is to bring about reforms into muslim individuals, stressing individual faith, spiritual development, and introspection. as a sufi-background movement, tablighi jamaat consistently maintains its distance from political practices. it concentrates more on devotional life collaborated with da’wah in terms of missionary duty. it is from this standpoint that tablighi jamaat has been described by scholars and observers as a peaceful and law abiding movement. as a matter of fact, even pakistani militay officers allow the tablighi to preach in their barracks.5 tablighi jamaat emerged from deobandi movement active in south asia. maulana ilyas kandahlawi (1885 – 1994), the graduate of deoband madrassah in 1910, launched the movement in the early twentieth century as a peace, independent, and voluntarily movement. maulana ilyas was known for his knowledge of islam and his inclinations towards sufism. being established as a response to the hindu revivalist movement in india, which strived to reconvert muslims who had converted to islam in the period when muslim political power took control of the region6 as well as the presence of christian missionary agenda sponsored by the british colonials, the movement avoided to resort to direct confrontations with hindu and christian groups. it refused the use of violence and has eventually been directed towards more apolitical and adopting quietistic peaceful model based on the idea of inner individual transformation, a mission the movement continues to the present day. following the onset of mass politics, the first quarter of the twentieth century was a period of intense political mobilisation accross the indian subcontinent. mewat, southwest of delhi, the region where tablighi jamaat was founded, was one of the target regions of hindu reconversion movements, and the tablighi jamaat was formed at a time of intense rivalry between muslims and hindu in india.7 realizing the particular situation, instead of relying merely on the method of traditional islamic schooling, maulana ilyas initiated a method of learning which is more practical in pattern, inviting and encouraging even the less educated muslims to leave their environment and begin preaching to others. tabligh, he argued, was incumbent not only on the learned but also on every muslims.8 as a consedoi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 19vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 quence, in the mid-thirties, the tablighi movement spread widely in mewat and became very popular.9 the ideology of the movement, then, cultivated to revive islam in response to the cultural onslaught of the colonial british occupation. following the demise of maulana ilyas in 1944, maulana muhammad yusuf (19171965), maulana ilyas’ son, took control the leadership of the movement. under his leadership, the movement dramatically reached its peak through which he toured throughout subcontinent. this movement further increasingly spread to southeast asia, africa, europe, and north america. during this time, also, the conventions began to be held regularly in various parts of the subcontinent and from his time onwards the participants are moving out over the whole world, on foot, by bus, by train or airplane or any other suitable means.10 while under the leadership of maulana in’amul hasan (19651995), its worldwide activities increased dramatically, perhaps it is in line with the increasing indo-pakistani diaspora in many countries.11 however, despite its massive expansion, this movement hardly gets governments’ suspicion. the reason is, it is believed, because this movement always maintains its apolitical stance. probably, the most important things of this movement, once maulana ilyas suggested to an all-india conference of ulama and the muslim political leaders at delhi in 1944, when he distinguished between two different techniques to be adopted by the indian muslim community. first, acquire power, and then prevail upon the people by force. second, strive among the people with heart and soul and then employ the consequent favours of god.12 in here, he chose the second and this stance was maintained by his successors until present day. in the context of indonesia, the tablighi jamaat penetrated to the country via medan and jakarta in 1952, after which it spread rapidly all over the country. today, the movement is a visible presence all accross regions in java, sumatra and madura, and has been expanding its networks to other islands such as kalimantan, sulawesi, nusa tenggara, the mollucas and even in the west papua. it is safe to say that no region in indonesia where the movement doesnt set its foot conducting da’wah activities. yet, what is truly interesting about the expansion was how the movement successfully spreading using the same standard, keeping the unity and the consistency of its identity in the middle of different various local culture, language, ethnicity, and history. the doctrinal roots and objectives the tablighi jamaat was founded in 1925 and it started its works as a reform movement in the district of mewat, southern delhi. it emerged out of deobandi sub-school with predominant using of hanafi school of jurisprudence. however, no particular jurisprudence or interpretation of islam has been dominating since the inception of the movement. therefore, every member is allowed to follow his own school of jurisprudence as long as it does not deviate from sunni islam. this movement, like any other muslim movements, is premised on the teachings of the quran and the hadith (prophetic traditions), the life of the prophet muhammad pbuh and his companions. they believed that as prophethood was ended with the sending of prophet muhammad pbuh, it is thus the obligation of all muslims coming doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 20 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna after the prophet to call people to allah. here, any muslim should follow the quranic teachings to call people to the way of allah with wisdom and fair exhortation and reason with them in the better way. through this movement, maulana ilyas called every committed believer to leave his home and give up his occupation for a period of time, in order to rehearse the faith on the pattern – in his opinion – of the life of the companions of the prophet pbuh, away from the affairs and interests of everyday life. its slogan – oh muslims, become muslims -, coined by ilyas kandahlawi himself, demonstrates that the movement’s main point was to convert not those of non-muslim but rather of muslims. its main objective is to reach all muslim societies at the grassroots levels in order to bring them to the pristine perfection of islam at its foundational moment and follow the piety and practice of prophet muhammad pbuh and his companions (shahabah). tablighi jamaat believes that the decline of islam and muslim religiousity started following the passing of the prophet and the subsequent lost the prophetic ideal type, for the prophet is not merely an individual who transmitted islam but he also demonstrated a muslim ideal way of life.13 it is thus also called a re-pietization organization.14 the objectice of the movement is to turn a muslim into a proper muslim (muhsin), who not only believes in god and prophetic traditions but also conducts and internalizes the values and norms of islam in their daily life and activities. the tablighi jamaat believes that they are different from other muslims, whose faith they may regard as being incomplete. it is from this standpoint that the movement also introduces the distinction between ordinary believer (mu’min) and those who choose to live out a life of islamic piety trough their good conducts (muhsin).15 the tablighis portray ordinary muslims as those who merely perform duties and rituals without knowing the meaning of what they do. this is, in fact, one of the first internal discursive frontiers introduced by the tablighi jamaat in building their own identity and distinction. this notion is an important one in understanding why and how the tablighi can be defined as a da’wah movement that seeks to bring muslims into their fold. in terms of how the movement portrays prophet muhammad pbuh, in comparison to notions propounded by muslim business leaders or politically inclined islamic organizations who views the prophet pbuh as a successful businessman and ruler, the tablighi portrays the prophet pbuh as an individual of an un-worldliness. they believe that those who follow the prophet in the notion that he is an un-worldliness individual will come closer to loving him and understand his prophetic message. this particular worldview, however, largely serves as a discursive device for the tablighi jamaat’s worldview and becomes the discursive formation of the movement. in addition to the teachings of the quran and the hadith, the curriculum thought in the tablighi jamaat comprised of some works compiled by its founding-leaders, which has also been translated in full into bahasa indonesia, such as himpunan fadhilah amal, dalil-dalil enam sifat para sahabat, kehidupan para sahabat, and fadhilah sedekah. himpunan fadhilah amal, a compilation of 7 works by maulana muhammad zakaria, is the one that is most often referred to by the leaders and doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 21vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 teachers of the tablighi jamaat in their sermons. it comprises of fadhilah al-quran, fadhilah as-shalah, fadhilah az-zikr, fadhilah at-tabligh, kisah-kisah shahabah, keruntuhan umat islam dan cara mengatasinya, and fadhilah ar-ramadlan. maulana ilyas, as a founder of the movement, developed fundamental principles of the tablighi jamaat, comprising of six principles based on the universal personal character of the companions of the prophet pbuh. those principles are the following: 1. every muslim should be able to recite shahadah in arabic correctly (kalimah) 2. every muslim should perform five daily prayers, and learn how to perform sholat perfectly (five times daily prayers) 3. every muslim must learn the basic teaching of islam and do dzikr (ilm and dzikr) 4. every muslim must respect other fellow muslims (ikramul muslim) 5. every muslim must cultivate honesty and sincery, performing actions for the sake of allah (ikhlasun niyyat) 6. every muslim must spend some times to travel from place to place to spread the words of allah, sacrificing time, energy and wealth, following the footsteps of the prophet for the sake of faith (da’wat and tabligh) it is believed that the collective success of a muslim community depends largely on certain activities such as internalizing the missionary spirit, acquiring basic knowledge of islam and its dissemination to muslims through mutual cooperation among them. maulana ilyas stressed this movement on purifying the muslims to make them better muslims who would set practical examples of islam before other communities. by looking at this ideological background, tablighi jamaat is certainly not inventing a new feature of islam. not even to remake the world through restructuring key social, economic and political institution in society, rather to reshape individual lives and recreate muslims in the form of true muslims of pristine islamic period.16 it is, thus, in this premise, the tablighi jamaat believes that bottom-up approach is the best way to achieving change. it is said that the transnational movement presented by the tablighi jamaat is not always about religion. it is argued that sociologically, muslims are attracted to the tablighi jamaat because many muslims particularly from upper-middle class and below find themselves in the grips of disappointed modernity which can only be benefitted by few individuals. islam for these muslims thus provides comfort and a haven. since modernity brought about positive changes in society and improved human conditions, particularly in the west where benefits of modernity have been enjoyed the most. unfortunately, minority groups like muslims in the west hardly get their share socially and economically, while only a minority has enjoyed the positive outcome of modernity in the non-western parts of the world.17 organizational perspective of the tablighi jamaat organizational structure of the movement since its inception as of now, the tablighi jamaat does not require any formal bureaucracy and paid staff. it, however, depends largely on small groups (jamaats) of perhaps eight or ten people, who finance themselves, going out door-to-door inviting people to doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 22 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna come to the mosques in which they began to preach the message of islam. participants are ideally organized in four ways; one day a week, one three-day period a month, one forty-day period a year, and one four-month tour at least once in a lifetime.18 while tablighi jamaat participants may also belong to professional institutions, sometimes the arrangement is made simple. the movement adopts a form of an informal organization and keeps an introvert institutional profile. keeping away from the media and avoid detail publication with regards to its activities and membership. maulana ilyas was not in favour of writing about the tablighi jamaat, probably because he believed that action and practice were the best method to effectively change minds.19 it also completely absent from the public opinions and controversial issues in order to avoid disputes that might be happen. as an organization, the tablighi jamaat asks no donation and largely depends its finance upon its senior members. it is because of the absence of formal registration, we hardly know the exact number of its members. organization activities are coordinated through the centres and headquarters, which they call markaz. their international headquarter is located in southern delhi, used to be called as nizamuddin markaz. they also have their headquarters in every country to coordinate their activities. these markaz are voluntarily organized with self-financing from their own members. this is through those headquarters the movement continue to expand all over the world. self-financing trip (khuruj) is an inherent characteristic of participants in the tablighi jamaat. everyone involved in the movement would voluntarily cover his own expenses during the preaching travel. in addition, to support its activities, there are also some senior members who donate to the movement. organizational theorists argue that the success of a movement is highly dependent on contribution of “resourceful actors”, because they have the capacity to contribute a significant part in achieving the goals of the movement. theoretical frameworks through theoretical perspective, we would like to analyze what are the organizational mechanisms that explain why tablighi jamaat has captured the enthusiasm of millions of muslims around the world. and in what ways do the financial mechanisms involved in funding the service projects promote the involvement, enthusiasm, and commitment of movement supporters? two theoretical frameworks help to explain why the tablighi jamaat movement has been so successful both in india and internationally. the first is the intrinsic motivation theory. in basic terms, motivation theory is defined as the reason someone does something. while in the term of the intrinsic motivation theory, it is the term of internal motives to the reason behind why someone does something. in comparison to extrinsic motivation theory, which stresses on external rewards such as pay-for-performances incentive devices (bonuses, gifts, etc.), intrinsic motivation is believed to show better compliance in the long run. unlike the central tenet of modern economics, which held that individuals largely respond to monetary incentives or external motivation, intrinsic motivation suggests the members to act for the love of the activities and believes the rewards coming from his intrinsic belief.20 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 23vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 this theory is characterized by intense concentration and motivation that centers on the process and the goal. this theory enables a movement or organization to grow continuously. in terms of the intrinsic motivation theory, tablighi jamaat has something to offer to its members: it provides muslim identity, a sense of purpose and the meaning of life. the foundational texts of the movement play a crucial role in which it privileges the prophet pbuh and his companions as the ideal prototypes for the muslims. as it is stated in the prophetic tradition that whosoever follows the practice and lifestyle of the prophet will come closer to loving the prophet and understanding his prophetic message.21 it forges communities in which the members would experience self-satisfaction and a sense of fulfilment by following the piety, practice, and even lifestyle of the prophet and his companions. this movement thus provides moral support and spiritual guidance. it also offers to the oppressed and marginalized masses the position of faithful members of the community of believers giving psychological encouragement. in regards of the theory, we find that the members of the tablighi jamaat join this movement for their love of the activities characterized by this movement, such as travelling, calling people to the way of god, gathering with fellow muslims, following the lifestyle of the prophet, etc., giving them selfsatisfaction. in addition, they believe that such activities will give them a reward in the hereafter, as they believe that it is the duty for every muslim to call people to god. this motivation, further, lead them to spend their time, energy and money to contribute the expansion of this movement. the second is the organizational commitment theory, which focuses on movement intentions for gaining member motivation to provide necessary resources and the consequences on building loyalty to the movement, thus assuring its validity and growth. in the field of organizational behaviour, organizational commitment theory may be defined as the relative strength of an individual’s involvement in a particular organization. it is a psychological state that binds an individual member to an organization. an individual will tend to adhere to the norms and conform to the values and expectations of those to whom he is committed.22 researchers have been studying organizational commitment in its relations to many situational attitudes, characteristics and behaviors of employees. moreover, brigitte charles-pauvers and zhongming wang propound that there are three factors characterize commitments; a) a strong belief in and acceptance of goals and values of the organization, b) a willingness to make considerable efforts for the benefit of the organization, c) a high desire to remain a member of the organization.23 it is defined as the strength of member’s identification with a given organization. in accordance to the above finding, putti, aryee, and ling, further observed that intrinsic motivation values relate more closely to organization commitment rather than extrinsic motivation values.24 correspondingly, tablighi jamaat has its own concept that is derived from the quran and sunnah. as a result, those within the organization who believe in islam and follow the standard tenets of islam tend to be more satisfied and more committed to the movement. as a result, they will have low intention to turnover out of the organization. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 24 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna from this background, we find the attractiveness of muslims to join t is because, for the members, self-improvement is very satisfying that through this movement they can make commitment to religion and valuing the travelling cultures. the studies of organization have also highlighted that commitment has great impact on organization’s performance. this is because a member with high commitment will identify the goals and values from his involvement in the activities and the member of the movement is thus willing to perform the duty. a committed person is loyal and involved, has a sense of belonging, a feeling that the group is an extension of the member and that the member is an extension of the group.25 similarly, the members of the tablighi jamaat are willing to take the trip by their own money and so its senior members who continuously donate a large amount of money. given the tradition of members’ commitment in terms of giving time, emotional involvement, and finances to achieve movement goals, the concept of organizational commitment implies a strong tendency for working for internal development and goal achievements of the tablighi jamaat. conclusion in summary, we can conclude that intrinsic and extrinsic motivation theory and organizational commitment theory provide a lens through which to view the tablighi jamaat and to explain why it is thriving. these theoretical tools, along with an analysis of the historical and ideological context in which the founder preached in india and an understanding of the islamic concepts of selfimprovement provide insight into the beliefs, values, and social dynamics that are propelling this movement to international prominence. in addition, the model of preaching adopted by the tablighi jamaat has located this movement to the position in stark contrast to its counterparts such as ikhwanul muslimin or hizbut tahrir, whose activities are highly dependent on written communication and speech based-congregational preaching. a direct approach with simple message and seeking a slow yet permanent transformation made tablighi jamaat a pleasant and non-threatening movement before the world. finally, there are some limitations in this study need to be considered. firstly, the researcher does not involve quantitative research methods using big sample size. secondly, generalizations of findings in this study obtained through interviews with only scant number of individuals. lastly, the limited amount of variables may affect the findings. therefore, it is for the next study to better use quantitative methods involving both tablighi jamaat participants and exparticipants to obtain more convincing results. endnotes 1 muhammad khalid masud (ed.), travellers in faith; studies of the tablighi jama’at as a transnational islamic movement for faith renewal (leiden: brill, 2000), p. 15 2 tablighi jamaat, american foreign policy council, p. 1. http://almanac.afpc.org/sites/almanac.afpc.org/files/ tablighih20jamaat_0.pdf 3 shail mayaram. “hindu and islamic transnational religious movement”, economic and political weekly, (2004), p. 80. 4 rao, m.s.a. (ed.). social movements in india, (new delhi: sage publication india pvt. ltd., 2004), p. 19 5 alex alexieve. “tablighi jamaat: jihad’s stealthy legions,” middle east quarterly, (winter 2005), pp. 3-1 6 it must be noted that the objective of the movement should not be misleading since this movement aims at strengthening the muslims and not converting nonmuslims into islam. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 25vol.9 no.1 januari juni 2013 7 farish a. noor. islam on the move: the tablighi jamaat in southeast asia, amsterdam: amsterdam university press, 2012). 8 barbara d. metcalf, tablighi jamaat, in richard c. martin (ed.), encyclopedia of islam and the muslim world new york: macmillan, 2004), p. 671 9 christian w. troll, ‘two conceptions of da’wa in india: jama’at islami and tablighi jama’at’, archives de sciences sociales desreligions (1994), p. 120. 1 0 ibid, p. 121 1 1 barbara d. metcalf, tablighi jamaat, in richard c. martin (ed.), encyclopedia of islam and the muslim world (new york:macmillan, 2004, p. 672. 1 2 christian w. troll, ‘two conceptions of da’wa in india: jama’at islami and tablighi jama’at’, archives de sciences sociales desreligions (1994), p. 122. 1 3 farish a. noor, p. 67. 1 4 tablighi jamaat, american foreign policy council, p. 1. 1 5 farish a. noor, p. 75. 1 6 ali, jan a. “tablighi jamaat: a transnational movement of islamic faith regeneration”. accessed from: http:// ejeps.fatih.edu.tr/docs/articles/67.pdf 1 7 ibid. 1 8 an interview with capt. erwin ruliansyah, an indonesian participant of the tablighi jamaat and former jet airways senior commander pilot, now living in hongkong. 1 9 muhammad khalid masud, (ed.), travelers in faith: studies of the tablighi jamaat as a transnational islamic movement for faith renewal (leiden: brill,2000), p. 80. 2 0 dana george, ‘about intrinsic and extrinsic motivation’, accessed from http://www.ehow.com/ about_4616875_intrinsic-extrinsic-motivation.html, on september 30th 2010. 2 1 farish a. noor, pp. 74-75. 2 2 j. h. amernic, ‘organizational commitment: testing two theories’, relations industrielles journal (1998), p. 319. 2 3 brigitte charles-pauvers and zhongming wang, ‘organizational commitment: examining the case of china’, management international review, springer, 2002, p. 159. 2 4 wahibur rokhman, the effect of islamic work ethics on work outcomes, electronic journal of business ethics and organization studies, vol. 15, no. 1, 2010), p. 22. 2 5 helen rose ebaugh. the gullen movement: a sociological analysis of a civic movement rooted in moderate islam (london: springer, 2010), p. 8. bibliography alexieve, alex. 2005. tablighi jamaat: jihad’s stealthy legions. middle east quarterly, pp. 3-1. accessed from: http://www.newageislam.com/radical-islamism-andjihad/tablighi-jamaat—jihad-s-stealthy-legions/d/ 34588 ali, jan a. “tablighi jamaat: a transnational movement of islamic faith regeneration”. accessed from: http:// ejeps.fatih.edu.tr/docs/articles/67.pdf amernic, j. h. 1983. “organizational commitment: testing two theories”, relations industrielles, pp. 319-343 charles-pauvers, brigitte and zhongming wang. 2002. ‘organizational commitment: examining the case of china’, management international review, springer, pp. 155-168 george, dana. 2010. ‘about intrinsic and extrinsic motivation’, accessed from http://www.ehow.com/ about_4616875_intrinsic-extrinsic-motivation.html, on september 30th. ebaugh, helen rose. 2010. the gullen movement: a sociological analysis of a civic movement rooted in moderate islam. london: springer masud, muhammad khalid, (ed.). 2000. travellers in faith: studies of the tablighi jamaat as a transnational islamic movement for faith renewal. leiden: brill. martin, richard c (ed.). 2004. encyclopedia of islam and the muslim world, new york: macmillan. mayaram, shail. 2004. “hindu and islamic transnational religious movement”, economic and political weekly, pp. 80-88 noor, farish a. 2010. “the arrival and spread of the tablighi jama’at in west papua (irian jaya), indonesia.” s. rajaratnam school of international studies working paper series no. 191, 1-31. _____________ 2012. islam on the move: the tablighi jamaat in southeast asia. amsterdam: amsterdam university press. rao, m.s.a. (ed.). 2004. social movements in india, new delhi: sage publication india pvt. ltd. rokhman, wahibur. 2010. the effect of islamic work ethics on work outcomes, electronic journal of business ethics and organization studies, vol. 15, no. 1 saberwal, satish, and mushirul hasan (eds.). 2006. assertive religious identities: india and europe, new delhi: manohar publishers & distributors troll, christian w. 1994, ‘two conceptions of da’wa in india: jama’at islami and tablighi jama’at’, archives de sciences sociales desreligions tablighi jamaat, american foreign policy council, p. 1. accessed from: http://almanac.afpc.org/sites/ almanac.afpc.org/files/tablighih20jamaat_0.pdf doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0016. 16-25 layout afkaruna juni 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 islam sebagai agama dan gerakan politik nadya rizky khoirun nisa‘a universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta judul : islam dan islamisme penulis : bassam tibi penerbit : mizan pustaka kota : bandung tahun : 2016 halaman : 374 isbn : 978-979-433-968-8 banyak yang beranggapan bahwa islam merupakan agama yang tidak luput dari kekerasan. terlebih setelah tragedi 11 september di new york city, umat islam menjadi sorotan dunia dan dipandang dengan sebelah mata. sebuah karya dari bassam tibi, seorang guru besar di jerman tepatnya dari universitas g ttingen yang mengabdi sejak 1973 dan pensiun pada tahun 2009 akan membuka mata kita. beliau merupakan seorang peneliti yang terkenal dengan analisisnya tentang hubungan antara islam, politik, dan hubungan internasional. buku ini menjadi pencerahan bagi dunia umumnya dan bagi umat islam khususnya, mengenai perbedaan antara agama islam dan islamisme dengan konsep tentang negaranya. belakangan ini islam dan islamisme sering diabaikan bahkan dihilangkan, namun buku ini menjelaskan pentingnya pemahaman dari dua kata tersebut bagi umat muslim karena beragama islam bukan berarti menjadi penghambat bagi perdamaian dan bukan juga sebuah ancaman bagi non-muslim. tibi berusaha menyampaikan bahwa islamisme bukanlah sesuatu yang dibutuhkan oleh peradaban islam, karena islamisme merupakan idiologi totalitarian. buku ini dibagi menjadi 9 ulasan pokok di luar prakata. pada bagian prakata, penulis memaparkan tentang pesan-pesan yang akan disampaikan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b o o k r e v i e w doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0071.141-144 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 146146146146146 afkaruna pada bukunya. pesan pertama adalah penegasan perbedaan agama islam dengan islamisme. pesan kedua bahwa islamisme merupakan ideologi totalitarian, pandangan ini sangat terkait dengan antisemitismenya. penulis juga menjelaskan bahwa posisinya sebagai penulis berusaha mengkaji islam dari kerangka yang biasa disebut dengan islamologi atau suatu ilmu sosial berbasis penelitian yang mengaitkan realitas keislaman dengan kajian konflik internasional di dunia politik. penulis juga menjelaskan tujuan penulisan bukunya tak lain untuk menjelaskan berbagai nilai yang berbenturan dan membuka perdebaatan tentang perbedaan antara islamisme dan islam. pada pembahasan pertama, penulis dengan tegas menjelaskan perbedaan islam dengan islamisme “politik yang diagamaisasikan” untuk mempermudah dalam memahami argumen dasar dari buku ini. disini juga didefinisikan secara lugas ideologi yang menghubungkan agama dengan negara dalam tatanan politik yang berbasis syariat. pada bagian ini penulis membahas isu-isu dasar antara lain; islam sebagai nizan islami, yahudi, evolusi dari jihad, rekonstruksi syariat, dan pandangan islam akan sekularisasi serta desekularisasi. penulis juga membagi 3 kelompok yang akan membantah perbedaan islam dan islamisme. pembahasan kedua penulis menyoroti din-wa-daulah dan hal yang menjadikan islamisme menjadi isu global dengan tujuan memperluas dunia islam dengan tatanan dunia yang baru. pada bagian ini penulis memaparkan kelompok islamis bertujuan menggulingkan perdamaian westphalia 1648 dengan dasar kepentingan politik, ekonomi, dan sosial berbagai klaim agama. penulis menjadikan “fundamentalisme agama” sebagai alat analisis yang mengekspresikan islamfobia benar-benar menyesatkan. penulis menitikberatkan pada ideologi islamis memiliki visi; secara politik, hukum, budaya dan secara militer. pada pembahasan ini penulis juga menyoroti tokoh qutb dan hasan al-banna serta yusuf al-qardhawi. pembahasan ketiga banyak menggunakan istilah-istilah seperti antisemitisme, yudeofobia. penulis juga menyinggung gerakan antisemitis baru yang populer setelah paus benediktus xvi mengemukakan pidatonya. penulis lebih dalam mengkaji pertarungan sayyid qutb dengan yahudi sebagai zionis hingga disepakati piagam hamas. isu utama dalam bab ini adalah anti-zionisme dan anti-amerikanisme berkamuflase agar mendapatkan dukungan. pembahasan keempat berkaitan dengan hubungan antara islamisme ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 147147147147147vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 dengan demokrasi sudah memicu perdebatan sengit. pada bab ini sayyid qutb menyatakan bahwa demokrasi barat tidak sempurna sehingga memicu dua kasus islamisme institusional; akp dan ikhwanul muslimin. awalnya demokrasi menawarkan masa depan yang lebih baik bagi islam namun terjadi krisis demokrasi di dunia arab. menghadirkan syariah sebagai hukum konstitusional merupakan masalah terbesar pada bab ini. pada bagian kelima penulis memberikan pemahaman tentang jihad dan jihadisme serta peranan para ulama di dalamnya. bab ini juga memaparkan arti islam dimata barat dan mengatakankan bahwa nabi muhammad hanya memberi perintah menyebarkan iman dengan peperangan. sedangkan umat muslim mengartikan jihad sebagai perintah al-qur‘an dan akan menggunakan kekerasan hanya kepada mereka yang menolak dakwah islam. berbeda dengan ikhwanul muslimin yang lebih memilih untuk berperang dalam ide-ide yang lebih menguntungkan. penulis memaparkan bahwa agama, etnisitas, dan budaya adalah sumber konflik antara islam dan barat. bab selanjutnya penulis mencoba mempelajari syariah dari berbagai tinjauan seperti; politik syariat, desekularisasi, syariah sebagai hukum kunstitusi, syariat secara universal dalam hukum, syariat dan fikih, serta syariah dan kebebasan. yang belum pernah terjadi adalah negara islam didasari dengan hukum syariah. pada bab ketujuh penulis membahas perpaduan sekularisasi dan desekularisasi. agenda pemurnian politik sebenarnya autentisitas. keautentikan rasional falsafah islam juga menjadi sorotan pada bab ini, wacana peradaban islam di masa kejayaannya ditentukan oleh keterbukaan untuk belajar dari liyan. konflik lama dalam islam abad pertengahan antara ortodoksi fikih dan rasionalisme filsafat kembali meradang dengan nama dan keadaan yang berbeda. mengingat bahwa islamisme adalah agama politik. pada bab ini penulis banyak membahas negara-negara islam yang menjadikan islamis sebagai solusi dalam pemecahan masalah apapun, seperti di negara arab saudi dan mesir. penulis juga menyoroti agenda islamis yang disebut sebagai nizam islami. bagian terakhir hasan al-banna, sayyid qutb, abu al-a‘ala al-maududi dan yusuf al-qaradhawi merupakan tokoh-tokoh dalam islamisme dengan tujuan anti demokrasi dan totaliter untuk membentuk tatanan negara dan seluruh politik dunia. terdapat tiga perbedaan mendasar dalam bab ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 148148148148148 afkaruna ini yaitu; agama politik dan problematika tatanan politik, praktik kekerasan sebagai teror suci dan perang iregular dari para aktor non-negara, terakhir adalah islamisme dan kerangka konseptual fundamentalisme agama. bab ini juga membahas kalangan islam moderat. kelebihan buku ini adalah ada banyak informasi menarik khususnya terhadap pandangan islam sebagai agama dan islam sebagai gerakan politik. buku ini sangat penting bagi akademisi khususnya dalam studi islam dalam mengkaji dunia islam yang lebih luas lagi, termasuk untuk mencoba mengkontekstualisasikannya dalam dinamika politik islam di indonesia. layout juni 2015 fleksibilitas pemaknaan wakaf tunai di indonesia: studi terhadap lembaga filantropi dan lembaga keuangan hilman latief, syarif as’ad, miftakhul khasanah ekonomi dan perbankan islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email : hilman.latief@gmail.com abstract this paper discusses cash waqf innovation in indonesia by exploring the experience of islamic financial institutions and islamic philanthropy organizations . the increase of opportunity to gain public fund from the muslim middle-class has lead to the dynamics and inovatove waqf (endowment) management. this article focuses on the socio-economi context that fueled the incease of cash waqf practice, and various innovative forms of islamic phinathropy. this paper argues that the concept of cash waqf has been translated in various ways, and there have been different forms of cash waqf management. this suggests that people put much attention to ideas of maslahat (the benefit of society) in practicing cash waqf instead of simply rigidly following islamic jurisprudential rule or positive law. keywords: cash waqf, islamci jurisprudence, middle class, and financial institution abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang mekanisme pengelolaan wakaf tunai di indonesia dengan melihat pengalaman lembaga keuangan syariah dan lembaga filantropi islam. semakin terbukanya praktik kesempatan untuk menggalang dana sosial di kalangan kelas menengah muslim, menjadi praktik filantropi islam semakin dinamis dan sangat inovatif. artikel ini fokus kepada konteks sosial-ekonomi yang melatarbelakangi maraknya wakaf tunai di indonesia, dan bentuk-bentuk inovasi pengelolaan filantropi islam. kesimpulan dari artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa praktik wakaf tunai di indonesia sangat dinamis, tidak seragam, dan sangat lentur. hal itu menunjukkan bahwa kemasalahatan lebih menjadi pertimbangan para pengelola dana wakaf tunai daripada aturan main ataupun aspek hukum islam maupun hukum positif semata-mata. kata kunci: wakaf tunai, hukum islam, kelas menengah, lembaga keuangan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0044. 66-95 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6767676767vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 pendahuluan gagasan untuk menggali dan merevitalisasi konsep-konsep dasar filantropi islam di indonesia mulai mengemuka dan menemukan momentumnya setidaknya dalam satu dekade terakhir ini. krisis ekonomi yang melanda indonesia pada akhir tahun 1990an, mendorong umat islam indonesia untuk melirik kembali fungsi dan peran ‘filantropi islam’, seperti zakat, sedekah dan wakaf, dalam mendorong perubahan sosial di indonesia.1 hal ini ditandai oleh munculnya lembaga filantropi islam yang bertugas menggalang dana-dana sosial dari masyarakat, baik individual maupun kolektif, untuk kemudian disalurkan ke dalam pelbagai bentuk kegiatan yang memberikan manfaat bagi masyarakat, khususnya kaum miskin.2 menjamurnya lembaga filantropi islam yang mengelola zakat, sedekah dan wakaf dalam sepuluh tahun terakhir mengindikasikan tingginya antusiasme masyarakat dalam merevitalisasi tradisi filantropi islam.3 antusiasme tersebut dalam di lihat dalam tiga aspek aspek, yaitu 1) transformasi kelembagaan; 2) dinamika pendistribusian dana filantropi melaui programprogram sosial, serta 3) inovasi pada konsep-konsep dasar filantropi islam yang melegitimasi penggalangan dana sosial dari masyarakat umum. pertama, ‘transformasi kelembagaan’ dalam aktivisme filantropi islam di indonesia ditandai dengan proses birokratisasi dan modernisasi pada lembaga filantropi islam, termasuk lembaga pengelola ziswaf (zakat, infak, sedekah dan wakaf) di indonesia. proses birokratisasi yang dimaksud adalah, kegiatan sosial keagamaan dalam masyarakat menjadi lebih terstruktur dan dikelola oleh sebuah organisasi yang memiliki sistem manajemen yang lebih baik sehingga akuntabilitas pengelolaan dana sosial menjadi lebih terukur dan terkontrol, baik akuntabilitas sumberdaya manusia, akuntabilitas manajerial, dan akuntabilitas pengelolaan keuangan.4 kedua, pendistribusian dana-dana sosial oleh lembaga filantropi islam saat ini, misalnya dompet dhuafa (dd), rumah zakat indonesia (rzi), dompet peduli umat-daarut tauhid (dpu-dt), lazismuh, al-azhar peduli dan sebagainya, sangat beragam, mulai pelayanan kesehatan buat keluarga tidak mampu, pemberdayaan ekonomi, pemberian beasiswa, dan pelatihan keterampilan praktis. tidak hanya itu, lembaga-lembaga filantropi islam saat ini berperan aktif dalam misi-misi kemanusiaan dan penanggulangan bencana di daerah rawan bencana maupun berpartisipasi dalam member bantuan (relief assistance) di lokasi konflik.5 ketiga, inovasi pada konsep-konsep dasar filantropi islam, seperti zakat dan wakaf telah dilakukan oleh berbagai lembaga keislaman di indonesia. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6868686868 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna pelaksanaan konsep ‘zakat profesi’ di indonesia merupakan satu indikasi paling nyata dari inovasi tersebut. mayoritas organisasi keagamaan di indonesia mengadopsi konsep tersebut, meski dengan interpretasi yang berbeda-beda. badan amil zakat (baz), sebuah lembaga yang disponsori pemerintah untuk mengelola dana sosial dari kaum muslim, sebagai contoh, lebih banyak mengandalkan gagasan zakat profesi untuk memobilisasi dana dari pegawai negeri di tingkat kabupaten, povinsi, maupun nasional.6 selaras dengan inovasi tersebut, konsep ‘wakaf tunai’ (waqf al-nuqud atau cash endowment) menjadi fenomena yang berkembang di indoensia dalam dua dasawarsa terakhir ini. praktik wakaf dengan uang tunai, uniknya, mendapat legitimasinya baik dari lembaga otoritas keagamaan seperti mui (majelis ulama indonesia)7 maupun departemen agama republik indonesia. mengenai wakaf tunai ini, mui mengeluarkan beberapa keputusan sebagai berikut: 1) yang disebut ‘wakaf tunai’ (waqf al-nuqud) adalah wakaf yang dilakukan oleh seseorang, lembaga maupun badan hukum dalam bentuk uang; 2) makna atau arti dari ‘uang’ yang dimaksud mencakup ‘surat berharga’; 3) status hukum the wakaf tunai adalah boleh (jawaz); 4) wakaf tunai hanya bisa dipergunakan untuk sebuah keperluan yang diperbolehkan menurut islam, dan 5) nilai utama dari uang dan keabadiannya harus terjaga dan tidak boleh dijual, didonasikan maupun diwariskan. artikel ini membahas aspek-aspek sebagai berikut: apa yang melatarbelakangi munculnya gagasan wakaf tunai tersebut dalam konteks sosial, ekonomi dan politik di indonesia?; bagaimana konsep wakaf tunai diadopsi dan dimplementasikan oleh lembaga-lembaga filantropi islam di indonesia?; inovasi-inovasi seperti apakah yang dilakukan oleh pengelola wakaf tunai untuk mempermudah pelaksanaan wakaf tunia? sebabagi studi kasus artikel ini membahas mekanisme pengelolaan wakaf uang yang dilakukan oleh badan wakaf indonesia (bwi), bank syariah mandiri, tabung wakaf indonesia-dompet dhuafa dan waqf fund management. sebagi perbandingan, pengalaman ormas islam seperti muhammadiyah dan nu juga ikut dibahas. dinamika pengelolaan wakaf tunai meskipun belum banyak, studi tentang wakaf tunai di indonesia telah menarik perhatian beberapa sarjana dan peneliti, terutama yang berkecimpung dalam bidang sejarah ekonomi islam. di indonesia, kajian wakaf tunai juga cukup mendapat perhatian para peneliti, salah satunya irfan abu bakar dari csrc-uin jakarta. dalam artikelnya ia menelaah beberapa konsep dasar dalam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6969696969vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 fikih islam yang dijadikan argument para ulama untuk mempraktikan wakaf tunai, yaitu konsep maslahah (public benefit) dan ta’amul (proper costum). meski demikian, praktik wakaf di indonesia belum disinggung sama sekali.8 selain itu, secara konseptual departemen agama republika telah melakukan pembahasan tentang pengertian wakaf tunai dan potensinya dalam pengembangan filantropi islam dan pemberdayaan masyarakat di indonesia.9 pun, buku karya edwin nasution and uswatun hasanah (eds.), wakaf tunai, inovasi finansial islam: peluang dan tantangan dalam mewujudkan kesejahteraan ummat telah menelaah wakaf tunai dalam perspektif ekonomi islam.10 kedua produk akademik tersebut telah memberikan gambaran umum mengenai kemungkinan-kemungkinan melakukan inovasi di bidang lembaga keuangan islam yang dapat mendorong peningkatan kapasitas lembaga filantropi dalam memperluas cakupan kegiatan sosial dan ekonominya. beberapa kajian empirik tentang wakaf tunai juga telah dilakukan oleh peneliti-peneliti lain. mukhyar fannai dalam artikel berjudul “pengelolaan wakaf tunai” mengkaji tiga lembaga yaitu twi (tabung wakaf indonesia), pkpu (pos keadilan peduli umat) dan bmm (baitul maal muamalat). secara umum, studi tersebut menunjukkan bahwa wakaf tunai telah menjadi bagian dari program-program lembaga sosial islam seperti twi dan pkpu, dan pada saat yang sama telah dilakukan oleh lembaga keuangan seperti bmm. mukhyar fannai berkesimpulan bahwa proses penggalangan dana wakaf tunai yang dilakukan oleh bmm lebih efektif dibanding dengan dua organisasi lainnya yaitu twi dan pkpu, karena bmm memiliki basis nasabah yang kuat dalam perbankan. sementara ditinjau dari segi pengelolaan peruntukan dana wakaf tunai, ketiga organisasi tersebut memiliki banyak kesamaan, dintaranya menggunakan dana wakaf tunai untuk kepentingan sosial, pendidikan dan pemberdayaan ekonomi.11 hal tersebut diperkuat dengan hasil penelitian maya maimunah yang melihat aspek pemberdayaan usaha kecil dan menengah dalam penggunaan wakaf tunai.12 studi yang juga relevan dengan penelitian ini adalah karya sri handayani yang menulis tentang “pelaksanaan wakaf tunai dalam perspektif hukum islam setelah berlakunya undang-undang no. 41 tahun 2004 tentang wakaf di kota semarang.” dalam studi ini disebutkan bahwa pelaksanaan wakaf tunai, meskipun dalam perspektif hukum telah mendapatkan legitimasinya, namun secara operasional masih mendapatkan banyak hambatan. hambatan tersebut antara lain peraturan teknis wakaf tunai/uang belum terintegrasi dengan wakaf secara umum, belum adanya kepastian hukum yang memadai yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7070707070 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna dapat melindungi pewakaf maupun pengelola wakaf, wakaf tunai belum diatur secara terperinci. sebagai sebuah kajian rintisan, karya-karya tersebut di atas memberikan gambaran bahwa pelaksanaan wakaf tunai sangat dinamis dalam masyarakat indonesia. meski demikian, bagaimana perdebatan konseptual di kalangan ulama, akademisi dan praktisi mengenai konsep wakaf tunai ini, dan bagaimana pengalaman (baca: kesuksesan dan ketidaksuksesan) lembaga-lembaga filantropi islam dan lembaga keuangan islam di indonesia dalam menggalang dana sosial melalui wakaf tunaimasih memberikan ruang untuk dianalisis lebih lanjut. aspek perundang-undangan dan pandangan keagamaan tradisi wakaf sudah berlangsung ratusan tahun dan bahkan ribuan tahun lamanya, dan menggunakan istilah yang berbeda-beda. hampir semua tradisi agama-agama memiliki konsep wakaf, dan hal itu sudah dipraktikan sepanjang peradaban manusia. di kalangan muslim sendiri, wakaf telah mentradisi begitu kuat. hampir tidak ada lembaga-lembaga pendidikan, sosial dan keagamaan yang bisa lepas dari tradisi wakaf. bahkan, perguruan tinggi-perguruan tinggi yang berada di barat, sebagian berasal dari tradisi endowment, penyerahan asset dari seseorang kepada sebuah lembaga untuk dikelola dan dijaga keabadiannya. bab ini membahas perkembangan wakaf uang di indonesia, berikut tradisi wakaf di perkotaan dan pedesaan, aspek perundang-undangan, serta pandangan organisasi keagamaan tentang wakaf uang. sebagai sebuah konsep yang relatif baru ditemukan dan diadopsi oleh kaum muslim di indonesia, wakaf tunai juga dipahami dan dilaksanakan secara beraneka ragam, dan dalam konteks tertentu, diperdebatkan oleh perbagai kalangan.13 hal ini bisa dipahami karena wakaf lebih identik dengan barang atau lahan dari pada uang.14 mui sendiri baru mengeluarkan fatwa tentang wakaf tunai pada tahun 2002, dan hal ini kemudian diikuti oleh lahirnya undang-undang wakaf pada tahun 2004. dari lahan dan bangunan ke uang tunai pertanyaan yang menarik untuk dikaji adalah mengapa wakaf uang muncul dan faktor apa yang melatar belakangi adanya pergeseran dari wakaf lahan/ bangunan menjadi wakaf tunai. wujud kekayaan seseorang dan tingkat kekayaan atau kepemilikan asset oleh seseorang mengalami pergeseran dari waktu ke waktu. penguasaan lahan yang luas menjadi simbol kekayaan atau ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7171717171vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 kekuasaan atau pengaruh seseorang. orang-orang kaya identik dengan kepemilikan banyak lahan, dari dulu hingga kini. karena itu, bila kita melihat sejarah perkembangan wakaf, maka peran tokoh-tokoh tertentu sangat penting mewarnai berkembangnya tradisi wakaf yang kemudian menjadi tulang punggung di balik berkembangnya lembaga sosial, pendidikan dan kesehatan dalam komunitas muslim. salah satu argumen yang dikemukakan pada bagian ini adalah bahwa tradisi wakaf tunai sebetulnya merepresentasikan fenomena tradisi muslim perkotaan. semakin menyepitnya asset dan proses pemerataan ekonomi yang terus tumbuh menjadi salah satu alasan mengapa praktik wakaf mengalami pergeseran. di pedesaan, hampir sulit untuk ditemukan praktik wakaf tunai, pasalnya praktik wakaf lahan/bangunan masih sangat mungkin dilakukan. biasanya wakaf lahan dilakukan oleh seseorang ketika mengawali pendirian bangunan tempat ibadah, bangunan lembaga pendidikan seperti pesantren atau madrasah, dan sebagainya. karena itulah, tradisi wakaf ini sejatinya beriringan dengan perkembangan sebuah kawasan. sebuah desa kecil dan terpencil dapat berkembang dengan cepat ketika seseorang mewakafkan tanahnya untuk dijadikan sebagai tempat berdirinya lembaga keagamaan dan pendidikan. secara perlahan, desa tersebut berkembang dan semakin ramai. harga tanah di pedesaan juga jauh lebih murah di pedesaan dibanding perkotaan. oleh karena itu, sangat memungkinkan orang-orang di pedesaan untuk mewakafkan tanahnya yang luas guna kepentingan yang lebih besar. hal tersebut sangat berbeda ketika memasuki masyarakat perkotaan. meski ketersediaan sumber daya ekonomi lebih banyak dan dinamis, masyarakat perkotaan juga menghadapi persoalan lain, yaitu keterbatasan lahan. tanah di perkotaan juga dapat menjadi asset bisnis yang nilainya sangat tinggi. keterbatasan masyrakat di perkotaan untuk menguasai lahan luas demi kepentingan sosial adalah sisi lain yang boleh jadi menstimulasi perkembangan atau inovasi dalam praktik wakaf. hal ini setidaknya dapat dibandingkan dengan praktik zakat, dimana praktik zakat pertanian saat ini lebih kecil porsinya dibandingkan dengan zakat perdagangan ataupun zakat penghjasilan yang lain. bila dalam praktik zakat terjadi bentuk inovasi dengan lahirnya “zakat profesi” atau “zakat gaji”, yaitu zakat yang diambil dari penghasilan bulanan seorang muslim yang terkena wajib zakat, maka di bidang praktik wakaf, “wakaf tunai” merupakan satu bentuk inovasi masyarakat perkotaan. sebagai sebuah “tadisi baru”, wakaf tunai kini sudah mulai mendapatkan tempat yang lebih luas dalam masyarakat indonesia. hal itu dapat dilihat dari ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7272727272 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna semakin banyaknya lembaga-lembaga sosial islam dan bahkan lembaga keuangan islam yang mulai menggunakan istilah wakaf uang/tunai dalam rangka menggalang dana-dana sosial dari masyarakat. penggunaan wakaf tunai tidak jauh berbeda dengan wakaf yang lainnya, yaitu guna meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat, memperkuat mutu pendidikan, serta untuk memajukan kegiatan ekonomi masyarakat. memang, hingga hari ini belum diketahui secara pasti siapa penggagas awal wakaf tunai di indonesia. pasalnya, selama puluhan tahun, konsep wakaf lebih lekat atau identik dengan pengalihan asset berupa tanah dan bangunan. mungkin, dua sasawarsa silam belum istilah wakaf tunai sangat tidak popular, karena bentuk kontribusi dana sosial secara tunai lebih identik dengan kegiatan sedekah. namun demikian, di indonesia sudah banyak didirikan lembaga yang diberikan kuasa atau mengklaim memiliki kuasa untuk mengelola wakaf tunai. salah satunya adalah tabung wakaf indonesia (twi), sebuah lembaga yang didirikan secara khusus oleh pegiat filantropi islam, khususnya yang bergabung dengan dompet dhuafa, untuk mengelola wakaf uang. lembaga ini berdiri pada tahun 2005 oleh dompet dhuafa, sebagai salah satu bentuk ekspansi dari aktivitas filantropi islam yang dikelola oleh dumpet dhuafa.15 dalam praktinya, twi menerima pengelollan harta wakaf dalam bentuk tunai, yang antara lain berupa uang, emas, dinar & dirham, serta perhiasan emas dan perak. dengan demikian terdapat fleksibilitas di dalam pelaksanaan wakaf tunai di indonesia, yang tidak semata-mata terkait dengan “uang tunai” tetapi lebih kepada barang atau “harta bergerak.” hal itu juga dilkaukan oleh lembaga-lembaga lain yang mengelola wakaf tunia di indonesia, baik yang dikelola organisasi masyarakat sipil atau yayasan-yayasan islam. perkembangan wakaf tunai secara historis disebutkan bahwa pada abad ke 16th dan 17th, perdebatan di kalangan para ulama tentang wakaf uang untuk kepentingan sosial sudah terjadi. pada masa kekhalifahan turki utsmani, wakaf tunai sudah dipraktikkan secara luas dalam masyarakat muslim dan praktik ini didukung pula oleh negara, disamping diperdebatkan oleh para ulama ahli hukum islam.16 sebagian ulama mengajukan pelbagai alasan dalam mendukung praktik wakaf tunai, salah satunya adalah terkait dengan praktik kebiasaan masyarakat (customary practice),17 yang mengindikasikan bahwa dana yang diwakafkan cukup popular pada waktu itu, dan secara hukum praktik ini diterima oleh sistem hukum sebelumnya.18 pada masa pemerintahan utsmani, namun tidak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7373737373vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 demikian halnya di negara-negara arab seperti mesir, wakaf tunai merupakan sumber kredit yang penting (an important source of credit).19 sementara kalangan ulama yang menolak praktik ini, beranggapan bahwa tanah atau lahan berbeda dengan uang, sebab pada ‘nilai’ (value) tanah dan lahan tidak mengenal inflasi dan deflasi. pada saat yang sama, prinsip ‘keabadian’ (perpetuity) yang memberika karakter pada objek-objek tidak bergerak seperti tanah tidak dapat diterapkan pada uang.20 sebagai sebuah gagasan, memang wakaf tunai lebih sedikit ditemukan dalam literatur-literatur klasik. setidaknya para ulama imam madzhab, seperti hambali, hanafi, maliki dan syafii banyak memperdebatkan masalah wakaf dalam pelbagai aspeknya, mulai dari syarat-syarat-syarat wakaf maupun penggunaannya. selain itu, perhatian para ulama juga lebih banyak kepada jenis harta benda yang “tidak bergerak” ketika membahas jenis harta wakaf. muhammad abid abdullah al-kabisi dalam karyanya ahkam al-waqf fi alsyariah al-islamiyyah misalnya mengulas pelbagai bentuk pendapat yang dikemukan para imam madzhab terkait dengan wakaf.21 abdullah al-kabisi menilai bahwa para imam madzhab fikih islam tidak konsisten dalam merumuskan pandangan mereka tentang wakaf. artinya, telah terjadi pergeseran di kalangan para ulama tentang harta yang dapat diwakafkan. abdullah al-kabisi mencatat bahwa menurut madzhab hanafiyah, harta wakaf haruslah harta yang abadi dan kekal, dan oleh karena hanya benda yang tidak bergerak yang dapat diwakafkan, seperti tanah dan bangunan. meski demikian, mereka juga berpendapat bahwa boleh saja harta yang bergerak diwakafkan selama ada dalil yang kuat yang mendukung pelaksanaan tersebut.22 bahkan seorang ulama bernama kamal bin hammam sebagaimana digambarkan dalam fathul qadir dan dikutip oleh abdullah al-kabisi, menyatakan bahwa kaum muslim tidak diperkenankan mewakafkan satu bentuk harta yang mudah rusak dan musnah, seperti emas, perak makanan dan minuman. dalam konteks ini yang dimaksud emas dan perak adalah mata uang dinar dan dirham.23 bila pernyataan tersebut yang muncul, itu artinya bahwa sebelumnya tradisi wakaf tunai tersebut, tidak terlalu popular, setidaknya di tempat pada ulama mazhab hanafiyah ini tinggal. karena itu, sebagian ulama berpendapat bahwa pelaksanaan wakaf tunai dapat diterima bila memang lazim dipraktikkan—dan dapat diterima—oleh masyarakat. oleh karena itu pelaksanaan wakaf tunai lebih merupakan kebiasaan yang berkembang dalam masyarakat.24 sebagimana dikemukakan oleh imam almawardi dalam kitabnya al-hawi al-kabir bahwa imam syafii berpendapat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7474747474 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna bahwa wakaf uang dinar dan dirham, sebagimana yang dipraktikan atau menjadikan kebiasaan sebagian masyarakat muslim di zamannya, adalah boleh.25 dalam konteks inilah sebenarnya bagaimana tradisi baru tersebut muncul di indonesia dan mengapa gagasan wakaf tunia baru muncul belakangan. tentu saja, ada banyak alasan mengapa praktik wakaf tunai baru dilasanakan baru-baru ini saja, meski sebelumnya para filantropis di indonesia aktif memberikan donasi kepada yayasan-yayasan sosial pendidikan dan keagamaan, dengan melalui konsep sedekah atau infak, dan bukan wakaf. dalam pandangan penulis, sebagaimana akan dijelaskan pada bagian berikutnya dari tulisan ini, fenomena wakaf tunai adalah fenomena perkotaan. pergeseran model mata pencaharian yang dimiliki seseorang saat ini sudah berubah, tidak hanya didasarkan pada penguasaan lahan-lahan yang luas sebagaimana yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat pedesaan, tetapi juga penguasaan keterampilan dan teknologi. dalam tiga dasawarsa terakhir, jumlah kaum kelas menengah muslim indonesia memang terus berkembang. munculnya kota-kota baru dan kelas menengah baru menjadikan memberikan ruang aktivisme keagamaan, khususnya keislaman yang juga semakin dinamis. dengan kata lain, kelas menengah muslim telah menjadi sebuah entitas baru yang mewarnai perubahan sosial dan politik di indonesia. hal ini ditandai dengan munculnya berbagai organisasi islam di kalangan professional muslim. lahirnya icmi pada awal tahun 1990an merupakan satu indikasi dari semakin menguatnya kelas menengah muslim di indonesia. icmi bukan saja telah berperan sebuah ruang untuk memperkuat kohesivitas kelas menengah muslim, tetapi untuk mempercepat mobilitas vertikal di bidang politik dan ekonomi pada masa orde baru.26 ruang-ruang politik dan ekonomi semakin terbuka dan kelas menengah muslim memiliki cukup keleluasaan untuk melakukan pelbagai inovasi dalam praktik sosial-ekonomi yang inspirasi gagasan keagamaan, termasuk praktik wakaf. kelas menengah adalah kelompok sosial yang secara ekonomi memang bersifat moderat dan berada di tengah. mereka menjadi kelompok sosialekonomi yang dominan yang memiliki banyak peran dalam struktur pemerintahan, bidang swasta dan bahkan di sektor informal. semakin menguatnya peran kelas menengah di indonesia, boleh jadi mempengaruhi dan membentuk model-model baru praktik keislaman di indonesia, serperti penggunaan zakat melalui sms dan internet, serta wakaf yang tidak lagi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7575757575vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dilakukan melalui penyerahan asset, tetapi juga dalam bentu “tunai” dalam jumlah yang jauh lebih kecil secara nilai nominal di banding penyerahan asset berupa lahan dan bangunan. wakaf tunai: wakaf versi kelas menengah salah satu argument yang bisa diajukan dalam tulisan ini adalah bahwa pada tingkat akar rumput, praktik wakaf tunai boleh jadi merupakan praktik wakaf muslim kelas menengah perkotaan. ada beberapa faktor yang dijadikan landasan untuk memperkuat argument di atas. pertama, faktor sosial-ekonomi. secara ekonomi, sebagaimana pernah disinggung sebelumnya, peran kelas menengah dalam penguasaan asset tidak lah terlalu besar. ia berada di bawa kelas menengah atas yang penghasilannya jauh lebih besar. namun, kelas menegah atas (upper-middle class) lebih kecil jumlahnya. keterbatasan dalam penguasaan kapital atau modal yang dimiliki oleh kelas menengah menjadikan asset yang dimiliki oleh individu-invidu kelas menengah saat ini juga terbatas, terutama di kalangan pegawai atau pekerja, seperti guru, dosen, pedagang, pns, dam lain-lain. oleh karena itu, secara ekonomi kelas memiliki kehidupan yang cukup dan bebrnading antara penghasilan yang mereka dapatkan serta kebutuhan yang harus mereka penuhi. kedua, faktor sosial-politik. kelas menengah juga menguasai memiliki pernah aktif di sektor politik. mereka menjadi birokrat, pagawai, aktivis partai politik, pegiat sosial, dan aktivis keagamaan. saat ini, kekuatan kelas menengah dalam mentransformasikan islam dalam ranah publik sangat besar. hal itu bisa ditandai dengan munculnya pendukung partai-partai keagamaan di kalangan muda, dan semakin maraknya kegiatan-kegiatan keislaman di ruang publik. pada saat yang sama, kelas menegah, dengan jaringan yang dimilikinya mampu membuka keran politik yang mengakomodasi kepentingan masyrakat muslim, seperti munculnya peraturan daerah (perda) yang terkait dengan keagamaan, seperti peraturan tentang pelaksanaan zakat, undang-undang tentang halal, dan sebagainya. ketiga, faktor sosial-keagamaan. indonesia dalam dua puluh tahun terkahir ini mengalami proses islamisasi yang kuat dalam pelbagai sektor kehidupan. kelas menengah sebagai kelompok dominan tidak saja menjadi kelompok yang menentukan bentuk dan karakteristik sosial-politik masyarakat indonesia, tetapi juga membentuk ekspresi-ekspresi sosial, budaya dan politik islam. pengajian-pengajian kelas menengah semakin marak, lembaga-lembaga pengelola zakat terus bertambah, dan lembaga keuangan islam memiliki produk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7676767676 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang semakin beragam, termasuk melayani pengelolaan wakaf tunai. selain hal-hal di atas, menunjukkan perlu ditekankan bahwa kelas menengah muslim di indonesia bersifat dinamis dan menerima keterbukaan dalam melakukan inovasi praktik keagamaan, khususnya yang terkait di bidang sosialekonomi. jelas, bahwa praktik wakaf tunai adalah salah satunya. hal ini dapat dibandingkan dengan fleksibilitas praktik ekagamaan yang terkait dengan kegiatan ekonomi, seperti meningkatnya jumlah perbankan islam dengan segala jenis model transaksinya (mudharabah, musyarakah, dll), praktik simpan pinjam dalam bmt, pembuatan lembaga pegadaian syariah dan sebagainya. perkembangan regulasi seiring dengan berkembangnya konsep negara-bangsa, khususnya setelah kejatuhan kekhilafan islam yang juga beriringan dengan munculnya kekuatan kolonialisme barat di dunia islam, khususnya pada abad ke 19 dan awal abad ke 20, adminsitrasi wakaf menjadi perhatian pemerintah kolonial. hak ini bisa dilihat pada pengaruh hukum perancis di jordan dan mesir, inggris di india-pakistan27 dan malaysia, 28dan juga belanda di indonesia.29 dalam sebuah studi tentang wakaf yang filakukan di zanzibar, disebutkan bahwa pemerintah kolonial inggris memberikan dampak terhadap pengelolaan wakaf dalam wilayah kesultanan zanzibar. kebijakan-kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah kolonial inggris mengenai wakaf di zanzibar dapat dikatakan sebagai bentuk dari kombinasi pelbagai motif yang satu sama lain kadang saling bertentangan. wakaf, acap kali terkait dengan kepentingan-kepentingan para elit lokal yang perannya membentuk kerjasama dengan pemerintah kolonial inggris sangat menentukan kekuatan politik kolonial di kesultanan tersebut.30 regulasi yang dibuat oleh pemerintah lolonial pada umumnya terkait dengan objek-objek wakaf, khususnya wakaf dalam bentuk harta benda tidak bergerak seperti tanah dan bangunan yang digunakan untuk kepentingan umum. pemerintah kolonial belanda, misalnya, memberikan perhatian yang cukup besar untuk pengelolaan adminsitrasi wakaf, namun tidak demikian halnya untuk praktik zakat di kalangan muslim nusantara pada masa kolonial.31 meski demikian, prakti wakaf di indonesia, seperti halnya di negara-negara muslim lainnya, berbeda dengan praktik zakat. praktik wakaf, dalam banyak pengalaman di lapangan, kerap diwarnai oleh perseteruan antara orang yang berwakaf (waqif) dan wahli waris atau kerabat keluarganya yang boleh jadi tidak setuju dengan keputusan pemilik harta untuk mewakafkan harta bendanya. ahli waris darti pewakaf kerap pula berbeda pendapat atau berselisih ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7777777777vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 paham dengan, pengelola harta wakaf (nazir), dan juga penerima manfaat wakaf. karena itu, pembatalan proses wakaf seringkali terjadi.32 pemerintah kolonial belada mengeluarkan surat edaran (yang dapat ditemukan dalam bijblaad 1905 nomor 6169; bijblaad 1931 nomor 125/3; bijblaad 1934 nomor 13390; bijblaad 1935 nomor 13480 tentang toezicht op den bouw van muhammedaansche bedehuizen) yang berisi tentang perintah untuk mendaftarkan seluruh asset dalam bentuk bangunan, khususnya masjid yang berasal dari wakaf, dengan tujuan untuk mengkarifikasi status kepemilikan lahan dan bangunan. mekansime tersebut diterapkan untuk mengetahui apakah proses penyerahan asset (wakaf) tersebut bertentangan dengan hukum adat ataukan tidak.33 setelah hari kemerdekaan, wakaf diatur oleh—dan digabungkan denganhukum agraria noomor 5 tahun 1960 tentang undang-undang pokok agraria, yang masih mengatur status kepemilikan dan keabadian harta tidak berberak.34 segera setelah itu, peraturan pemerintah nomor 28 tahun 1977 tentang perwakafan tanah milik memperkuat payung hukum dari sistem perwakafan di indonesia. peristiwa yang bersejarah dimulai setelah era reformasi ketika pemerintah mengeluarkan undang-undang no 41 tahun 2004 tentang waqf.35 terdapat dua alasan di balik penetapan undang-undang ini wakaf ini: pertama, untuk mendorong terwujudnya kesejahteraan masyarakat melalui aksi-aksi kedermawanan dan gerakan sedekah/wakaf; dan kedua, untuk menertibkan administrasi wakaf di indonesia. undang-undang wakaf bertujuan untuk memberikan payung hukum terhadap praktik-praktik wakaf di kalangan muslim di indonesia, memperluas cakupan harta benda yang dapat diwakafkan, memperluas cakupan penerima wakaf, memelihara dan melindungi status harta yang diwakafkan, dan memberikan dasar hukum untuk menyelesaikan sengketa tentang harta wakaf.36 pada bagian 6 dari undang-undang ini, khsususnya pasal 16, disebutkan bahwa harta benda bergerak, yang menjadi landasan wakaf tunai, yang dapat diwakafkan adalah, uang tunai, logam mulia, surat berharga, kendaraan, kekayaan intelektual, hak sewa dan harta benda lainnya yang sesuai dengan syariah serta hukum yang berlaku di indonesia. secara khusus, pasal-pasal khusus tentang wakaf tunai dapat ditemukan dalam undang-undang wakaf ini, dimana harta benda bergerak, khususnya uang, harus di salurkan proses wakafnya melalui lembaga keuangan syari’ah yang telah ditunjuk oleh kementeriaan agama republik indonesia (pasal 28). orang yang berwakaf (waqif), kemudian akan menerima sertifikat wakaf dari ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7878787878 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna lembaga keuangan yang telah ditunjuk tadi (pasal 28, ayat 2). untuk itu, dapat dikatakan bahwa praktik wakaf tunai di indonesia memang selaras dengan perkembangan lembaga keuangan islam, mulai dari bmt sampai bankbank islam.37 oleh karena itu, tidak mengherankan bila wakaf tunai dapat dilihat sebagai salah satu inovasi dari lembaga keuangan islam. dalam konteks nasional, segera setelah dikeluargkannya fatwa oleh mui dan undang-undang wakaf, beberapa lembaga yang secara khusus mengelola harta wakaf tunai mulai bermunculan. president susilo bambang yudoyono kemudian meluncurkan badan wakaf indonesia-bwi) pada 8 januari 2010. bwi meyakini bahwa wakaf tunai akan membawa pada tahap baru peningkatan kesejahteraan masyarakat, dan mengurnagi praktik meminta-minta. singkat kata, penggunaan wakaf tunai untuk investani bisnis akan mengubah budaya bersedekah di indonesia dengan mentalitas kewirausahaan. presiden yudoyono pada waktu itu juga menyertakan sebagain harta yang dimilikinya sebagai bentuk dukungan praktik wakaf di indonesia. skema pengelolaan wakaf tunai oleh lembaga filantropi islam praktik wakaf tunai praktik wakaf tunai di indonesia sesungguhnya didasarkan pada peraturan pemerintah (pp) nomor 42 tahun 2006, yang di dalamnya memuat beberapa hal antara tentang peran lembaga keuangan syariah yang dapat berperan sebagai nadzir untuk harta wakaf tunai. ditunjuknya lks sebagai salah satu pengelola dana wakaf tunai oleh pemerintah adalah untuk menjaga bahwa uang yang telah terkumpul aman, tidak hilang dan tentu saja tidak habis pakai. sementara itu, bila dana wakaf tunai akan diintestasikan di luar lks, maka investasi tersebut juga harus diasuransikan melalui lembaga asuransi syariah. meski demikian, tidak semua lembaga keuangan syariah diberikan wewenang untuk mengelola wakaf tunai. kementerian agama republik indonesia telah menunjuk beberapa lembaga keuangan untuk mengelola wakaf tunai, yaitu bank muamalat indonesia (bmi), bank syariah mandiri (bsm), bank mega syariah (bms), bank bni syariah dan bank dki syariah. sebagaimana dikemukakan sebelumnya, mekanisme pelaksanaan wakaf tunai sudah ditentukan oleh bwi (badan wakaf indonesia). bwi berperan dalam mempermudah proses pelaksanaan wakaf tunai bai kaum muslim di indonesia. berbeda dengan lembagapengelola wakaf tunai lain, sebagaimana ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7979797979vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dijelaskan pada bagian sebelumnya, bwi telah menetapkan standar tersendiri tentang jumlah minimal dana wakaf tunai yang bisa diterima. mekanisme wakaf tunai yang ditentukan oleh bwi dapat dilihat dalam skema berikut ini. diagram 1 alur pembayaran wakaf tunai bwi makna singkatan aiw: akta ikrar wakaf swu: sertifikat wakaf uang lkps-pwu: lembaga keuangan syariah penerima wakaf uang ppaiw: pejabat pembuat aiw dengan mekansime yang dirumuskan oleh bwi, maka calon wakif di kalangan muslim indonesia diberikan kemudahan dalam banyak aspek, antara lain: 1) calon wakif dapat melaksanakan wakaf tunai dimana saja mereka berada selama dapat melakukan transfer atau menyetorkan dana kepada bank (lembaga keuangan syariah) yang telah ditunjuk; 2) calon wakif dapat menyetorkan kapan saja dana yang mereka miliki sebagai bentuk wakaf tunai; 3) calon wakif diberikan keyakinan bahwa dana yang mereka wakafkan akan terjamin keabadiannya. meskipun demikian, ada beberapa catatan dari mekanisme pelaksanaan wakaf tunai seperti yang dilakukan oleh bwi, yaitu: 1) wakaf tidak terlalu mengerti bagaimana penggunaan dan peruntukan wakaf tunai yang mereka setorkan melalui bank; 2) wakif juga tidak terlalu mengerti secara spesifik dimana dana yang mereka setorkan itu akan digunakan; 3) wakif juga tidak dapat tahu secara persis kapan dana yang dia wakafkan itu akan digunakan serta; 4) wakif tidak memahami bentuk investasi apa dan keuntungan apa ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8080808080 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang akan diperoleh dari dana wakaf tersebut. hal inilah yang kemudian mendorong lembaga-lembaga masyarakat sipil atau lembaga filantropi islam yang lain melakukan “inovasi” lain dalam pelaksanaan wakaf tunai. inovasi yang dimaksud salah satunya adalah membuat skema-skema yang lebih sederhana dalam melaksanakan praktik wakaf tunai baik yang sesuai maupun tidak dengan perundang-undangan wakaf. pengelolaan wakaf tunai oleh lembaga filantropi islam tabung wakaf indonesia (twi) twi adalah salah satu lembaga filantropi islam yang paling awal mengelola wakaf tunai di indonesia. twi merupakan satu badan khusus pengelola wakaf yang berafilisasi pada lembaga filantropi islam nasional di indonesia, dompe dhuafa. bahkan twi berdiri dan mengelola wakaf tunai sebelum undangundang wakaf yang memuat aturan tentang wakaf tunai ada. program wakaf tunai yang dikelola oleh twi adalah wakaf investasi.38 yang dimaksud investasi dalam konteks ini adalah dana-dana yang terkumpul oleh twi digunakan untuk membiayai kegiatan-kegiatan ekonomi indtustri kecil dan menengah, pembiayaan bmt dan sektor bisnis lainnya, untuk kemudian keuntungan yang diperoleh digunakan untuk kegiatan produkstif serta pengembangan masyarakat.39 tidak hanya itu, inovasi twi dapat juga dilihat dari upayanya menerima wakaf saham dari pt. bank muamalat yang deviden-nya harus digunakan untuk kepentingan sosial sosial dan pengembangan masyarakat, dan bukan untuk diinvestasikan lagi.40 diagram 2 alur pembayaran wakaf tunai twi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8181818181vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 di dalam pelaksanannya twi menetapkan mekanisme yang tidak jauh berbeda dengan bwi. dalam hal ini, sertifikat wakaf tunai bisa diperoleh bila wakif menyerahkan dana minimal satu juta rupiah. waqf fund management-jakarta waqf fund management (wfm) adalah salah satu lembaga filantropi islam di indonesia yang diperuntukkan mengelola dana-dana wakaf dalam bentuk tunai. sesuai namanya, waqf fund yang berarti wakaf tunai adalah sebuah yayasan yang cukup awal muncul di indonesia untuk mengelola wakaf tunai. wfm menempatkan diri sebagai “lembaga investasi sosial pengelola dana wakaf dan wakaf produktif.” sejak kemunculannya, wfm melakukan banyak inovasi dalam menggalang dana wakaf guna mendanai proyek-proyek sosial. inovasi tersebut dilakukan guna memfalitasi masyarakat dalam berwakaf dan karena itu membuat program wakaf yang paling sederhana dan mudah dilakukan oleh masyarakat, dengan menawarkan gerakan wakaf rp. 1000 sehari atau sebulan sejumlah rp. 30.000. dari model penawaran wakafnya, terlihat jelas bahwa tujuan utama yang dilakukan dari gerakan wakaf rp. 1000 sehari adalah untuk membangun kesadaran dalam masyarakat luas tentang pentingnya berwakaf. prinsip yang dibangun gerakan ini bukan semata-mata berbicara tentang bagaimana sebuah praktik wakaf dilakukan, melainkan juga bagaimana wakaf produktif bisa digelorakan dan menjadi bagian partisipasi masyarakat muslim. untuk menarik perhatian dari publik, pada tahun 2009, lembaga ini mengkampanyekan program wakaf produktif berupa program bantuan bagi 1000 anak yatim, program 1000 sarjana dari keluarga miskin, program 1000 usaha kecil kreatif keluarga miskin, program 1000 haji bagi pengelola masjid dan aktivis keagamaan, dan program 1000 jaringan masjid digital.41 tentu saja, dilihat dari jenis program yang ditawarkan, kita akan melihat banyak perbedaan dari jenis wakaf “konvensional” lainnya. apa yang disebut dengan wakaf produktif, konsepnya tidak jauh berbeda dengan zakat produktif dimana dana yang diperoleh digunakan untuk membiayai proyek-proyek sosial. beda antara zakat produktif dan wakaf produktif adalah pada model pengelolaan dana awalnya, dimana dana wakaf diinvestasikan terlebih dahulu sebelum digunakan untuk membiayai proyek sosial. 42 tentu saja, untuk menjalankan program wakaf tunai ini, wfm bekerjasama dengan lembaga-lembaga yang sudah memiliki akses dan jaringan serta sistem ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8282828282 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna mobilisasi yang memadai, yaitu lembaga keuangan seperti bank bni syariah dan asuransi bumi putra syariah. penggunaan lembaga perbankan atau lembaga keuangan islam sebagai mitra oleh wfm karena lembaga keuangan syariah memiliki instrumen untuk memobilisasi dana khususnya dari kalangan kelas menengah. dalam penjelasnnya, guntur s. makardika, managing director dari waqf fund management, menjelaskan bahwa kerjasama ini dilakukan dalam rangka melakukan pendidikan kepada anak-anak sekolah tentang pentingnya berderma. namun dana yang diperoleh tidak digunakan secara langsung melainkan diinvestasikan melalui lembaga asuransi tersebut. artinya, para siswa belajar berderma dan pada saat yang sama akan mendapatkan proteksi asuransi, dan dana yang telah diinvestasikan akan kembali guna disalurkan untuk program beasiswa dan sebagainya. wakaf tunai dan ormas islam indonesia sebagai sebuah tradisi yang sedang berkembang, wakaf tunai telah menjadi pembahasan khusus beberapa lembaga keagamaan di indonesia. forum-forum seminar, konferensi dan workshop telah diselenggarakan untuk membahas masalah ini, begitu pula dengan kementeriaan keagamaan. meskipun demikian, kajian hukum mengenai wakaf tunai tidak terlalu intensif di lakukan oleh ormas, dan tidak banyak perdebatan yang kuncul. hal ini berbeda bila kita bandingakan dengan lahirnya gagasan tentang zakat profesi atau zakat gaji. zakat profesi telah diperdebatkan oleh banyak kalangan karena secara konseptual, kaum muslim, khususnya para ulama, memliki pandangan yang berbeda tentang zakat, apakah sebagai bentuk ibadah mahdhah yang tidak perlu ‘inovasi’ ataukah ibadah maliyah ijtima’iyah semata-mata yang fleksibel untuk dimodifikasi.43 sementara itu, konsep wakaf sendiri dalam hukum islam tidak seketat atau sekuat doktrin tentang zakat. sehingga, munculnya persepsi di kalangan muslim pada umumnya bahwa inovasi dalam praktik wakaf lebih bisa mudah diterima. selain itu, pelaksanaan wakaf yang bersifat kerelawanan menjadi permasalahn wakaf tidak terlalu menjadi persoalan yang diperdebatkan di kalangan muslim, berbeda dengan hukum zakat yang diwajibkan. meskipun demikian, di dalam wakaf terdapat prinsip-prinsip yang lebih tegas yang harus dipegang, khususnya mengenai keabadian harta wakaf, dan dalam aspek itulah para ulama membahas hal-hal dalam wakaf tunai. terdapat beberapa pandangan umum tentang wakaf tunai di kalangan ulama, yaitu membolehkan, tidak membolehkan dan membolehkan dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8383838383vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 syarat. pendapat yang membolehkan biasanya disandarkan pada prinsip keabadian harta, apakah itu harta bergerak maupun bergerak. tidak ada persoalan apakah wakaf itu berbentuk tunai ataupun lahan, selama harta itu tetap abadi maka diperbolehkan. pendapat ini dipegang oleh ulama hanafiyah dan hanabilah. sedangkan yang menolak pada umumnya berpendapat bahwa wakaf tunai secara fisik hartanya tidak abadi, karena ketika digunakan maka uang menjadi habis, dan karena itu tidak sesuai dengan prinsip keabadian harta yang menjadi landasan praktik wakaf. tetapi tidak sedikit juga yang menunjukan kebolehan praktik wakaf tunai karena alasan kemaslahatan.44 agaknya, di dalam praktiknya, saat ini pendapat ketiga menjadi banyak pegangan para pelaku praktik wakaf tunai di indonesia saat ini. muhammadiyah muhammadiyah sendiri melalui majelis tarjih dan tajdid tidak mengeluarkan fatwa khusus tentang wakaf tunai. meksipun demikian, diskusi-diskusi oleh para ulama di kalangan muhammadiyah di pelbagai daerah kerap dilakukan. prof. syamsul anwar, ketua bidang tarjihdan tajidid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah mengatakan bahwa saat ini belum ada pembahasan khusus terkait wakaf tunai.45 pasalnya belum ada permintaan khusus dan wakaf tunai juga dianggap tidak menjadi kontroversi, baik di kalangan umat islam indonesia maupun di kalangan warga muhammadiyah sendiri. selain itu, fatwa yang telah dikeluarkan mui telah dianggap cukup untuk menjadi landasan umum tentang pelaksanaan wakaf tunai di indonesia. pada buku tanya jawab agama yang merupakan kumpulan fatwa-fatwa tarjih muhammadiyah, tidak satupun pembahasa wakaf tunai. beberapa pertanyaan-pertanyaan keagamaan yang dilontarkan jamaah muhammadiyah yang kemudian dijawab oleh majelis tarjih muhammadiyah tidak satupun yang mempertanyakan tentang wakaf tunai. yang jelas salah satu program utama dari majelis wakaf dan kehartabendaan pimpinan pusat periode 2010-2015 adalah “mengoptimalkan pengembangan wakaf dalam bentuk wakaf tunai dan wakaf produktif sebagai benteng atas problem kemiskinan, keterbelakangan dan kebodohan pada masyarakat marjinal.” dalam konteks kemaslahatan pula, agaknya, muhammadiyah tidak terlalu mempersoalkan pelaksanaan wakaf tunai secara lebih jauh. wakaf tunai dipandang dapat memberikan manfaat untuk mendorong agenda-agenda organisasi dalam mengentaskan kemiskinan dan kebodohan. seperti halnya muhammadiyah, kumpulan fatwa dari ormas persatuan islam maupun ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8484848484 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna nahdlatul ulama yidak secara spesifik membahas wakaf tunai. di kalangan muhammadiyah maupun ormas lainnya, wakaf tunai biasanya dilaksanakan untuk membiayai proyek-proyek pembangunan tempat-tempat ibadah maupun lembaga pendidikan. tentu saja ini menjadi fenomena yang menarik sebab sebelumnya istilah wakaf tunai tidak digunakan untuk membiayai proyek-proyek pembangunan. sebelumnya, istilah yang lazim digunakan untuk membiayai proyek pembangunan adalah infak atau sadaqah jariyah. namun demikian, seiring dengan perkembangan sosial-ekonomi masyarakat yang lebih merata, maka model-model penggunaan wakaf pun dibuat selentur mungkin agar partisipasi masyarakat dalam wakaf tunai menjadi lebih luas. hal ini bisa dilihat dari praktik yang dilakukan oleh muhammadiyah di pelbagai daerah, sebut saja kabupaten karanganyar, jawa tengah. dalam rangka mendorong percepatan pembangunan lembaga pendidikan, pimpinan muhammadiyah di karanganyar melakukan penggalangan dana melalui konsep “wakaf tunai”. pimpinan muhammadiyah setempat bermaksud menggalang dana 1 milyar rupiah melalui wakaf tunai pendidikan. artinya dana yang diperoleh akan dipergunakan sebagai dana “wakaf tunai pendidikan”, yang jumlah wakaf dari para wakifnya jumlahnya tidak ditentukan. menariknya, “wakaf tunai” semacam ini para pimpinan muhammadiyah setempat melakukan “inovasi”, dengan menjalankan program wakaf melalui cara cicilan dengan jumlah nominal sukarela.46 dalam konteks yang lain, lazis muhammadiyah di surabaya juga merancang program wakaf tunai secara lebih fleksibel, yaitu wakaf untuk mobil ambulance. kampanye wakaf tunai lazismu fenomena lain dari pelaksanaan wakaf tunai dapat dilihat dari pengalanan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8585858585vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 amal usaha muhammadiyah yang lain seperti universitas muhammadiyah surakarta (ums). berbeda dari konsep wakaf tunai yang lain, ums tidak menggalang dana dari individu-individu untuk digunakan sebagai wakaf tunai, melainkan dari hasil usaha yang dilakukan oleh ums di sektor properti dan pasar uang. lembaga wakaf tunai ums mengelola dana hasil usaha untuk digunakan sebagai dana abadi lembaga yang dapat digunakan untuk pelbagai pengembangan amal usaha muhammadiyah. ums mengelola dana wakaf sebesar rp. 120 milyar dan bertambah sekitar 30 milyar pertahun. menurut prof. bambang setiaji, rektor universitas muhammadiyah surakarta, lwt ums diproyeksikan menjadi bank khusus amal usaha muhammadiyah yang dananya dapat ini dapat digunakan untuk pinjaman lunak bagi karyawan dan dosen, serta amal usaha muhammadiyah yang membutuhkan suntikan dana bagi pengembangan lembaga. selain itu, setiap bulannya, lembaga ini membayarkan zakat sebesar 5 % dari keuntungan yang diperoleh.47 nahdlatul ulama sementara itu, di kalangan nahdlatul ulama (nu) wakaf tunai juga mulai popular. pada tahun 2010, nu meluncurkan produk baru dari gerakan filantropi islam, yaitu lumbung wakaf nusantara (lwnu), yang secara khusus diamanahi untuk meningkatkan perolehan dan pengelolaan wakaf tunai. proses yang dilakukan untuk wakaf ini tidak terlalu rumit, karena calon wakif hanya diharuskan menyetorkan sejumlah dana ke bank yang telah ditentukan melalui rekening lpnu. seperti halnya proses mobilisasi dana zakat, lpnu juga mecoba meningkatkan perolehan dana wakaf dari pns dengan cara bekerjasama dengan pemerintah daerah di beberapa provinsi. dalam prosesnya, dana yang terkumpul akan diserahkan kepada lks yang telah ditentukan untuk kemudian dikelola dan diinvestasikan, dan hasil dari investasi tersebut akan digunakan untuk kepentingan sosial. lwu menginvestasikan dana wakaf tunai yang diperoleh melalui pelbagai bentuk, antara lain investasi di bidang perhotelan melalui program waqf center. lwu merancang pembangunan hostel di lokasi tanah wakaf yang dikelola nu. hostel ini akan dilengkapi fasilitas ruang diklat, ruang seminar, dan ruangruang komersial lainnya yang dapat disewakan kepada orang lain dan hasil dari investasi ini akan digunakan untuk mendampingi kegiatan pendidikan di kalangan dhuafa melalui bekerjasa dengan lembaga maarif nandlatul ulama dan pesantren-pesantren nu. selain itu, program lainnya adalah green waqf, yaitu sebuah program yang dirancang untuk meningkatkan produktivtas lahan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8686868686 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna wakaf milik pb nu di kabupaten brebes seluas 16 hektar. lahan tersebut ditanami pohon jambon sebagai salah satu upaya untuk “memberdayakan ekonomi berbasis hutan desa”. hasil dari investasi ini juga digunakan untuk pengembangan pendidikan dan kesehatan. 48 sebagai mana di muhammadiyah maupun ormas lainnya, pelaksanaan wakaf tunai di nu tidak ada yang tersentralisasi. kehadiran lwnu tidak berarti bahwa seluruh dana wakaf tunai dikelola oleh lembaga ini. dalam praktinya, masing-masing pimpinan cabang mengeloa dana wakaf di daerah juga mengelola wakaf tunai, tanpa harus melibatkan lwn maupun pebankan, karena disesuaikan dengan potensi yang terdapat di masyarakat tempat pengelola wakaf itu didirikan. perlu dicatat bahwa bila ditelusuri lebih jauh model operasionalisasi dan pengelolaan wakaf tunai di indonesia sangat beragam, baik yang sesuai dengan undang-undang maupun yang tidak sesuai. begitu pula dengan prosedur yang ditetapkan oleh pengelola wakaf tunai. tidak sedikit yang mengelola wakaf tunai seperti halnya mengelola infak atau sadekah biasa, tanpa menggunakannya untuk sebuah ‘investasi’ atau tanpa melibatkan lembaga keuangan sebagai lembaga penjamin. peran lembaga keuangan syariah secara nasional lembaga keuangan syariah memiliki penting dalam tata kelola wakaf tunai. pasalnya, beberapa bank syariah telah ditunjuk secara khusus oleh bwi menjadi lembaga yang otoritatif mengeluarkan sertifikat wakaf tunai. pertanyaan yang muncul adalah apakah lembaga keuangan syariah berperan sebagai nadzir secara formil ataukah hanya menjadi lembaga penerima dana wakaf saja. bila lks berperan sebagai nadzir maka lks berhak mengelola dana wakaf itu secara mandiri. artinya lks dapat menginvestasikan secara langsung dana wakaf itu di sektor bisnis, dan kemudian menjalankan sendiri program-program sosial dan pembangunan untuk masyarakat. namun demikian, bila lks berperan sebagai penerima wakaf tunai saja dalam arti sebagai perantara (intermediary), maka lks tidak memiliki kewenangan untuk mengelola wakaf tunai, namun hanya fungsi peneriman dan memberikan skema pengamanannya saja. oleh karena itu namanya disebut lks-pwu. sedangkan untuk pengelolaannya diserahkan kepada nadzir secara langsung untuk dikelola, dan dengan demikian lks tidak berhak mengelola dana wakaf. menurut peraturan yang telah ditetapkan bwi, lks-pwu hanya berperan menerima dan menyimpan dana wakaf saja, sedangkan untuk penggunaannya dilakukan oleh nadzir. di dalam praktiknya, tidak semua konsep ideal wakaf ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8787878787vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dapat dilaksanakan dengan baik sesuai dengan mekanisme yang ditetapkan. proses pembayaran wakaf tunai di lks-pwu menjadi lebih sederhana lagi. seperti saat pembayaran wakaf tunai, nazdir tidak dipersyaratkan hadir pada saat transaksi dan pembacaan akad wakaf di lks-pwu, dan cukup diwakilkan kepada lks-pwu. hal ini dilakukan karena khawatir akan “merepotkan” nadzir. dalam konteks inilah konsistensi pelaksanaan konsep wakaf bisa dilihat apakah sesuai dengan mekanisme wakaf normatif ataukah sudah terjadi proses modifikasi.49 meski demikian, di dalam pelaksaannya, lembaga-lembaga keuangan syariah (lks), termasuk bmt, juga ikut terjun menggeluti kegiatan filantropi seperti dengan menyediakan fitur-fitur pembayaran zakat. hampir semua bankbank syariah memiliki mekanisme pembayaran zakat, terutama melalui mekanisme transfer atm, sedangkan untuk wakaf tunai belum ada fitur-fitur khusus untuk pembayaran wakaf tunai, kecuali transfer yang dilakukan oleh wakif terhadap rekening nadzir atau pengelola wakaf. kesimpulan dari pembahasan di atas tentang pelaksanaan wakaf tunai di indonesia yang dilakukan oleh lembaga keuangan dan filantropi islam, dapat disimpulkan beberapa hal berikut: pertama, maraknya pelasanaan wakaf tunai di indonesia tidak bisa dilepaskan dari struktur atau kondisi sosial-ekonomi masyarakat indonesia yang mulai membaik, khususnya dengan menguatnya kelas menengah muslim di indonesia. muslim kelas menengah, baik yang berada di dunia kampus, birokrasi pemerintahan, di lembaga-lembaga bisnis, maupun dalam partai-partai politik. indonesia sebagai negara muslim terbesar di dunia telah menyaksikan perkembangan filantropi islam yang kuat sejak dua puluh tahun terkahir. menguatnya kelas menengah muslim perkotaan telah menjadi salah satu faktor penting yang seiring sejalan dengan praktik wakaf tunai. secara ekonomi, masyarakat muslim kelas menengah dengan jumlah penghasilan yang juga menengah telah mencoba memberikan ruang dalam melaksanakan ajaran agama secara lebih fleksibel dan sesuai dengan kondisi perekonomian mereka, salah satunya dengan pelaksanaan wakaf tunai. dalam konteks politik, konsep wakaf tunai juga diakomodasi dalam undang-undang wakaf dengan tanpa batasan aturan yang terlalu ketat, sehingga lembaga pengelola wakaf tunai bisa tumbuh subur di indonesia. kedua, implementasi wakaf tunai di indonesia tidaklah monolitik. artinya, wakaf tunai telah dimodifikasi sedemikian rupa di pelbagai lapisan masyarakat, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8888888888 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna termasuk dalam lembaga keuangan, lembaga filantropi, dan yayasan-yayasan islam. oleh karena itu, meskipun terdapat undang-undang wakaf, peraturan presiden, dan juga peraturan yang dikeluarkan badan wakaf indonesia, itu tidak berarti bahwa pelaksanaan wakaf tunai bersifat kaku dan dilaksanakan secara rigid atau kaku. faktanya, sebagaimana yang digambarkan dalam penelitian ini, lembaga-lembaga filantropi islam tidak memiliki pola yang seragam dalam melaksanakan tata kelola wakaf tunai, mulai dari mekanisme penggalangan, peruntukan, maupun transaksinya (akad). tidak hanya itu, konsep pelaksanaan wakaf tunai menjadi lebih pragmatis dan dalam konteks tertentu tidak bisa dibedakan dengan sedekah atau infak yang biasa dilakukan. lembaga filantropi islam besar seperti twi-dd barangkali salah satu lembaga yang mencoba melaksanakan wakaf tunai sesuai dengan aturan yang ada. namun lembaga filantropi islam dan juga ormas islam bersikap lebih fleksibel sesuai dengan kapasitas dan potensi yang mereka. ketiga, dari studi kasus tentang pelaksanaan dalam lembaga filantropi islam dapat pula disimpulkan bahwa langkah inovatif-pragmatis mewarnai pelaksanan hukum islam di indoensia. kondisi sosial-ekonomi masyarakat setidaknya sangat berpengaruh dalam mendorong kaum muslim untuk lebih fleksibel atau lentur dalam melaksanakan hukum-ukum islam yang terkait dengan muamalah, khususnya lagi masalah sosial ekonomi. dalam konteks tertentu bahkan dapat dikatakan bahwa konsep kemaslahatan menjadi salah konsep yang digunakan para pengelola filantropi islam dalam melaksanakan hukum-hukum islam di bidang muamalah. fatwa-fatwa ulama baik yang tergabung di mui tingkat pusat, maupun kajian-kajian hukum islam yang dilakukan oleh para ulama di pelbagai daerah menjadi fakta yang menunjukkan bahwa hukum islam di indonesia berkembang secara sangat dinamis dan dalam konteks tertentu sangat pragmatis. oleh karena, dilihat dari sisi perkembangan hukum islam, “ijtihad-ijithad” baru mulai bermunculan yang mengindikasikan bahwa otoritas keagamaan di indonesia tidak lagi ditentukan oleh figur sentral. sebaliknya, otoritas ekagamaan telah terdistribusikan melalui ormas-ormas dan tokoh-tokoh lokal di masyarakat yang dianggap mampu memberikan legitimasi bagi pelaksanaan sebuah hukum islam, terutama dalam wakaf tunai. catatan akhir 1 beberapa literatur tentang aktivisme filantropi islam di indonesia, lihat misalnya hilman latief, melayani umat: filantropi islam dan ideologi kesejahteraan kaum ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8989898989vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 modernis (jakarta: gramedia, 2010); amelia fauzia, “faith and the state: the history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia”, phd dissertation, the university of melbourne, (melbourne-australia, 2009). 2 lihat chaider s. bamualim islamic philanthropy & social development in contemporary indonesia (jakarta: crcs uin syarif hidayatullah, 2006); juga studi kasus dan lembaga wakaf dan zakat di indonesia (jakarta: center for the study of religion and culture (csrc), uin syarif hidayatullah), 2005; chaider s. bamualim dan irfan abubakar (eds.), revitalisasi filantropi islam: studi kasus lembaga wakaf dan zakat di indoensia (jakarta: center for the study of religion and culture (csrc), uin syarif hidayatullah, 2005). 3 pirac, muslim philanthropy: potential ad reality of zakat in indonesia (depok: piramedia, 2005), 61-64. 4 lihat pirac, investing in our selves: giving and fundraising in indonesia (jakarta: asian development bank, 2002); saidi, zaim et al. (eds.). pola penggalangan dana sosial di indonesia: pengalaman delapan belas lembaga sosial (jakarta: piramedia, pirac & ford foundation, 2003). 5 lihat hilman latief “health provision for the poor: islamic aid and the rise of charitable clinics in indonesia,” journal of southeast asia research, vol. 18, no. 3 (september 2010), 503-553; “symbolic and ideological contestation over humanitarian emblems: the red crescent movement in islamizing indonesia, studia islamika vol. 18, no. 2 (2011), h. 249-286. 6 hilman latief, “contesting almsgiving post new order indonesia,” american journal of islamic social sciences, vol. 31, no. 1 (winter 2014), h. 16-50. 7 lihat hasil ijtima’ ulama komisi fatwa se-indonesia iii, 1430 h/2009 m. 8 selain melakukan perbandingan padangan para ulama klasik, artikel ini secara konseptual menggambarkan beberapa produk yang mungkin bisa dihasilkan oleh praktik wakaf tunai, seperti 1) komobinasi antara qard al-hasan (benevolent loan) dan investasi produktif; 2) investasi mudarabah; 3) tabungan wakaf; dan 4) penggunaan hasil usaha dana wakaf. lihat irfan abu bakar, “cash waqf in classical and present-day fiqh discourse,” kultur, vol. 4, number 1, (2009), h.121-134. 9 departemen agama ri, strategy pengembangan wakaf tunai di indonesia (jakarta: direktorat pemberdayaan wakaf, 2008). 10 lihat mustafa edwin nasution and uswatun hasanah (eds.), wakaf tunai, inovasi finansial islam: peluang dan tantangan dalam mewujudkan kesejahteraan ummat (jakarta: pktti-ui, 2005), h. 51-78. 11 muhyar fanani, “pengelolaan wakaf tunai,” walisongo, volume 19, nomo2 1 (mei 2011), h. 179-195. 12 maya maimunah, “peran wakaf tunai dalam pemberdayaan usaha kecil dan menengah di tabung wakaf indonesia, skripsi, uin syarif hidayatullah, 2011. 13 lihat rakhmat djatnika, “les wakaf ou ‘bien de mainmorte’ aì java-est: eìtude diachronique,” archipel (1985), h. 121-136 14 dalam konteks sosial-politik di indonesia, sejak tahun 1960an dan 1970an pemerintah mengatur perihal wakaf ini melalui pelbagai perundangan-undangan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9090909090 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang ada. undang-undang pokok agraria no. 5 tahun 1960, yang mengatur tentang wakaf benda tidak bergerak lihat uu no 5 tahun 1960 tentang undangundang pokok agraria, bab xi tentang hak-hak tanah untuk keperluan sosial dan keagamaan, pasal 49, dan peraturan pemerintah nomor 28 tahun 1977 tentang perwakafan tanah milik. 15 http://tabungwakaf.com/profil-tabung-wakaf-indonesia/ 16 murad cizakca, “ottoman cash waqfs revisited: the case of bursa 15551823,” working paper, foundation for science, technology and civilization, fstc, 2004; versi lain dari artikel ini lihat journal of the economic and the social history of the orient, 38, 3 (1995); dan an history of islamic foundations in the islamic world from the seventh century to the present (istanbul: bogazici university press, 2000). 17 jon e. mandaville, “usurious piety: the cash waqf controversy in the ottoman empire,” international journal of middle east studies, no. 10 (1979), h. 289. 18 amy singer, constructing ottoman beneficence: an imperial soup kitchen in jerusalem (albany: a state university of new york press, 2002), 18. 19 arif ali khan at al. (eds.), encyclopaedia of islamic law: law of waqf in islam (new delhi: pentagos press, 2006), h. 5. 20 jon e. mandaville, “usurious piety”, 293-4; singer, constructing ottoman beneficence, h. 18. 21 dalam tulisan ini, peneliti menggunakan edisi terjemahan, yaitu muhammad abid abdullah al-kabisi, hukum wakaf (jakarta dompet dhuafa & iiman, 2004). 22 muhammad abid abdullah al-kabisi, hukum wakaf, h. 263-264. 23 muhammad abid abdullah al-kabisi, hukum wakaf, h. 266-267. 24 muhammad abid abdullah al-kabisi, hukum wakaf, h. 268. 25 dikutip dalam kementrian agama, pedoman pengelolaan wakaf tunai (jakarta: direktorat pemberdayaan wakaf, direktorat jenderal bimas islam, kementerian agama, 2014), h. 16. 26 lihat robert w. hefner, “islam, state, and civil society: icmi and the struggle for the indonesian middle class”, indonesia, no. 56 (oct., 1993), h. 1-35. 27 lihat misalnya gregory c. kozlowski, muslim endowment and society in india (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1985). 28 siti mashitoh mahamood, waqf in malaysia: legal and administrative perspective (kuala lumpur: university of malaya press, 2006); compare with abdul azis bin muhammad, zakat and rural development in malaysia (kuala lumpur: berita publishing, 1993). 29 arskal salim, “the influential legacy of dutch islamic policy on the formation of zakat (alms) law in modern indonesia,” pacific rim law & policy journal association, vol. 15, no. 3 (2006), 683-701; amelia fauzia, faith and the state: the history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia, a ph.d. thesis at the asia institute, the university of melbourne, 2009. 30 norbert oberauer, “fantastic charities”: the transformation of waqf practice in colonial zanzibar,” islamic law and society, 15, (2008), h. 315. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9191919191vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 31 amelia fauzia, faith and the state, h. 102-4. 32 untuk diskusi lebih jauh baca rakhmat djatnika, “les wakaf ou ‘bien de mainmorte’ aì java-est: eìtude diachronique,” archipel (1985), h. 121-136. 33 abdurrahman, masalah perwakafan tanah milik dan kedudukan tanah wakaf di negara kita (jakarta: pt citra aditya bakti, 1990), h. 18-20. 34 lihat undang-undang no 5 tahun 1960 tentang undang-undang pokok agraria, bab xi pasal 49. 35 uu no 41 tahun 2004. 36 lihat uu no 41 tahun 2004 tentang wakf dan jug abaca jaih mubarok, wakaf produktif (bandung: simbiosa rekatama media, 2008), h. 57-9. 37 untuk dapat dilaksanakan secaea operasional, pemerintah juga mengeluarkan perpu (peraturan pemerintah) no 42 tahun 2006 tentang pelaksanaan wakaf. 38 hari chandra & asmak a. b. rahman, “waqf investment: a case study of dompet dhuafa,” shariah journal, vol. 18, no. 1 (2010), h. 163-190. 39 hari chandra & asmak a. b. rahman, “waqf investment: a case study of dompet dhuafa,” 183. 40 muhyar fanani, “pengelolaan wakaf tunai,” h. 181. 41 http://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islam-nusantara/09/11/24/ 91209-waqf-fund-canangkan-program-sejuta-wakif 42 wawancara dengan guntur s. mahardika, oktober 2010. 43 lihat hilman latief, politik filantropi islam: negara, pasar dan masyarakat sipil (yogyakarta: ombak, 2013), khususnya bab 4. 44 http://hizbut-tahrir.or.id/2014/02/04/hukum-wakaf-tunai/ 45 perbincangan dengan peneliti bulan maret 2015. 46 http://www.fujamas.net/index.php/berita/berita-islam-solo-raya/209-pdmmuhammadiyah-karanganyar-luncurkan-wakaf-tunai.html (diakses 1 febrauri 2015) 47 http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/muhfile/download/10_bambang%20setiaji.pdf 48 http://lumbungwakaf.blogspot.com/p/profile-lumbung-wakaf-nahdlatululama.html 49 ahmad furqon, “analisis praktek perwakafan uang pada lembaga keuangan syariah,” walisongo, volume 19, nomor 1 (mei 2011), h. 169-170. daftar pustaka abdurrahman. 1990. masalah perwakafan tanah milik dan kedudukan tanah wakaf di negara kita (jakarta: pt citra aditya bakti). abu bakar, irfan.2009. “cash waqf in classical and present-day fiqh discourse,” kultur, vol. 4, number 1, 2009, 121-134. al-kabisi, muhammad abid abdullah. hukum wakaf (jakarta dompet dhuafa & iiman, 2004) chaider s. bamualim (ed.). 2006. islamic philanthropy & social development in contemporary indonesia (jakarta: crcs uin syarif hidayatullah). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9292929292 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna ————— .2005. studi kasus dan lembaga wakaf dan zakat di indonesia (jakarta: center for the study of religion and culture (csrc), uin syarif hidayatullah) ————— . 2005. dan irfan abubakar (eds.), revitalisasi filantropi islam: studi kasus lembaga wakaf dan zakat di indoensia (jakarta: center for the study of religion and culture (csrc), uin syarif hidayatullah). —————(eds.). 2006. filantropi islam dan keadilan sosial (jakarta: csrc). chandra, hari & rahman, asmak a. b. 2010. “waqf investment: a case study of dompet dhuafa,” shariah journal, vol. 18, no. 1 (2010) 163-190. cizakca, murad. 1995. “ottoman cash waqfs revisited: the case of bursa 15551823,” journal of the economic and the social history of the orient, 38, 3. —————.2000. an history of islamic foundations in the islamic world from the seventh century to the present (istanbul: bogazici university press). departemen agama ri. 2008. strategy pengembangan wakaf tunai di indonesia (jakarta: direktorat pemberdayaan wakaf) djatnika, rakhmat. 1985. “les wakaf ou ‘bien de mainmorte’ aì java-est: eìtude diachronique,” archipel, 121-136 fanani, muhyar. 2010. “pengelolaan wakaf tunai,” walisongo, volume 19, nomo 1, mei, 179-195 fauzia, amelia. 2009. “faith and the state: the history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia”, phd dissertation, the university of melbourne, melbourne-australia. furqon, ahmad. 2011. “analisis praktek perwakafan uang pada lembaga keuangan syariah,” walisongo, volume 19, nomor 1, mei, 157-178. hefner, robert w. 1993. “islam, state, and civil society: icmi and the struggle for the indonesian middle class”, indonesia, no. 56 (oct., 1993), pp. 1-35 khan, arif ali at al. (eds.). 2006. encyclopaedia of islamic law: law of waqf in islam (new delhi: pentagos press). kozlowski, gregory c.1985. muslim endowment and society in india (cambridge: cambridge university press). latief, hilman. 2010. melayani umat: filantropi islam dan ideologi kesejahteraan kaum modernis (jakarta: gramedia). ——————. 2013. politik filantropi islam: negara, pasar dan masyarakat sipil (yogyakarta: ombak). —————. 2010. “health provision for the poor: islamic aid and the rise of charitable clinics in indonesia,” journal of southeast asia research, 18, 3 (september 2010), 503-553 —————.2011. “symbolic and ideological contestation over humanitarian emblems: the red crescent movement in islamizing indonesia, studia islamika vol. 18, no. 2 (2011), 249-286. mahamood, siti mashitoh. 2006. waqf in malaysia: legal and administrative perspective (kuala lumpur: university of malaya press). muhammad, abdul azis bin. 1993. zakat and rural development in malaysia (kuala lumpur: berita publishing). majelis ulama indonesia. hasil ijtima’ ulama komisi fatwa se-indonesia iii, 1430 h/ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9393939393vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 2009 m. mandaville, jon e. 2005. “usurious piety: the cash waqf controversy in the ottoman empire,” international journal of middle east studies, no. 10 (1979).pirac, muslim philanthropy: potential ad reality of zakat in indonesia (depok: piramedia). —————. 2002. investing in our selves: giving and fundraising in indonesia (jakarta: asian development bank). maimunah, maya. 2011. “peran wakaf tunai dalam pemberdayaan usaha kecil dan menengah di tabung wakaf indonesia, skripsi, uin syarif hidayatullah. nasution, mustafa edwin dan uswatun hasanah (eds.). 2005. wakaf tunai, inovasi finansial islam: peluang dan tantangan dalam mewujudkan kesejahteraan ummat (jakarta: pktti-ui, 2005), 51-78. ncrp (national committee for responsive philanthropy). 2003. “understanding social justice philanthropy,” april 2. oberauer, norbert. 2008. “fantastic charities”: the transformation of waqf practice in colonial zanzibar,” islamic law and society, 15, (2008), 315-370. payton, robert l. and michael p. moody. 2008. understanding philanthropy: its meaning and mission (bloomington and indianapolis). rozalinda. 2012. “manajemen risiko investasi wakaf uang,” islamica, vol. 6, no. 2, maret 2012, 300-315. saidi, zaim et al. (eds.). 2003. pola penggalangan dana sosial di indonesia: pengalaman delapan belas lembaga sosial (jakarta: piramedia, pirac & ford foundation). salim, arskal.2006. “the influential legacy of dutch islamic policy on the formation of zakat (alms) law in modern indonesia,” pacific rim law & policy journal association, vol. 15, no. 3 (2006), 683-701. shaw, aileen. 2002. “social justice philanthropy: an overview,” the synergos institute, august 5. singer, amy. 2002. constructing ottoman beneficence: an imperial soup kitchen in jerusalem (albany: a state university of new york press). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9494949494 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna contoh sertfikat wakaf tunai ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9595959595vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 layout juni 2016 peace and violence in islam: an overview of some muslim perspectives mega hidayati universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: mega.hidayati@umy.ac.id abstract the issue of violence has always been existent in world religions including islam. the image of islam as a violent religion has been described in various media especially in the case of terrorism. this phenomenon leads to questions on how issues of violence are conveyed in islamic teachings and how they have been understood differently by muslims. this article aims to answer such questions by discussing the duty of muslims, jihad, spirit of the qur’an, and interpretation issues. the writing found that overgeneralization of a particular case in qur’anic stories occurred; differences in interpretation are caused by the limitation of human beings in viewing their present reality and the reality of the past; issues of violence in the qur’an are inevitable since the qur’an was revealed at a time of extensive violence throughout human life, while the spirit of islam is in creating peace among fellow human being; and a number of muslims regard the prophet muhammad’s life time as the pinnacle of islamic civilization. these findings lead to the conclusion that issues of violence in islamic teachings are always interpreted differently in a variety of manners. keywords: duty, interpretation, jihad, spirit of the qur’an, issue of violence abstrak isu kekerasan selalu ada dalam agama-agama dunia termasuk islam. kesan islam sebagai agama kekerasan telah digambarkan dalam beragam media khususnya dalam kasus terorisme. fenomena ini menimbulkan pertanyaan terkait bagaimana isu kekerasan disampaikan dalam ajaran-ajaran islam dan bagaimana ajaran-ajaran ini dipahami secara berbeda oleh muslim. tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebutdengan mendiskusikan kewajiban muslim, jihad, spirit qur’an, dan persoalan-persoalan interpretasi. temuan yang diperoleh dari diskusi tema di atas adalah adanya overgeneralisasi terhadap kasus tertentu dalam cerita-cerita al qur’an; perbedaan-perbedaan dalam interpretasi disebabkan oleh keterbatasan manusia dalam memandang realitas mereka saat ini dan realitas di masa lalu; isu kekerasan dalam al qur’an tidak dapat dihindari karena al qur’an ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0056.95-113 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9696969696 afkaruna diwahyukan pada saat kekerasan yang meluas sepanjang kehidupan manusia, sementara spirit islam adalah menciptakan perdamaian antara sesama manusia; dan sebagian muslim memandang masa kehidupan nabi muhammad sebagai puncak dari peradaban islam. temuan-temuan ini mengarah pada kesimpulan bahwa isu kekerasan dalam ajaran-ajaran islam selalu diinterpretasikan secara berbeda dengan cara yang beragam. kata kunci: kewajiban, interpretasi, jihad, spirit al qur’an, kekerasan introduction as other religions, islam and violence have a complex relationship. throughout human history, much violence occurred in the name of religions, including islam. numerous islamic personalities (scholars) have often emphasized that violence in the name of islam does not derive from islamic teachings, yet a number of people use islam to pursue individual or group opportunities. they emphasized that the name of islam in itself literally means peace. many qur’anic verses and muhammad’s words in the hadith focus on peacebuilding and reconciliation. nevertheless, we cannot ignore another phenomenon that arises along with human religiosity: religions including islam increase tensions and violence in human life. in the islamic world, several themes relate to issues of violence, such as issues of terrorism and jihad, violence against woman, and violence in law. the image of islam as a violent religion can be observed in various media especially the western media in the aftermath of the september 11. studies focusing on violence in islamic teachings were undertaken. patrick sookhdeo, the director of the institute for the study of islam and christianity, for instance, states that strong support regarding fighting/combat in qur’an emphasizes that islam justifies all forms of violence and he believes that qur’anic verses such as 9:5 do not refer to certain time and place1. is it true that verses of fighting in qur’an pertain to violence? if not, why do several muslims incite terror and state it to be based on islamic teachings? is this simply a matter of misinterpretation? finally, under what circumstances is violence allowed in islam? this writing tries to provide answers to these questions with focus on issues of violence and jihad. the principal duty of muslims throughout their lifetime, muslims are obligated to fulfill their duties. there are two principal duties for a muslim: the duty to god (hablumminallah) and to humans (hablumminannas). the former is described in qur’an, such ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9797979797vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 as sholat (prayer), fasting, hajj (pilgrimage to mecca), zakat (charity). although the duty is aimed to worship god, muslims believe, it bears implications concerning righteousness of human relation. the latter focuses on enjoining all that is right (amar ma’ruf ) and prohibiting all that is wrong (nahi mungkar). ye are the best of people, evolved for mankind, enjoining what is right, forbidding what is wrong and believe in god… (ali ‘imran/3: 110) the believer, man and women, are protectors, one of another: they enjoin what is just, and forbid what is evil…(at taubah/9: 71) let there arise out of you a band of people inviting to all that is good enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong. they are the ones to attain felicity (ali imran/3: 104) the word ma’ruf (what is right) means all right deeds and all that god bestows. qur’an provides examples of righteous things such as being just, being patient, having the capacity to view matters equally, to forgive others, to be tolerant and to foster peace. meanwhile, the word munkar (what is wrong) is all evil deeds and all that god does not justify such as killing, stealing, and being unjust. how then do we recognize things that are right and things that are wrong unstated in the qur’an? throughout human history, philosophers, theologian, and scholars deal with such issues in relation to the position of reason and its ability in determining the right things in human life. in islam, there has been a debate whether human reason has the ability to know and realize what things are right and wrong. however, we can find that certain phenomenon may be judged as a good thing as well as a wrong one. in islam, beside the qur’an, muhammad’s attitudes, deeds and words, are the second source in perceiving how to enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong. in hadith, we can observe how muhammad made reconciliations for daily matters among the followers. when a person asked him what the best muslim is, for instance, muhammad said, “muslim is one with whom one can trust his/her own life and his/her property.” concerning prohibition of all things wrong, muhammad said, “whoever sees a wrong, and is able to put it with his hand, let him do so; if he cannot, then with his tongue; if he cannot, then with his heart.” although in the qur’an the means of prohibiting the wrong has been stated and described, it remains problematic and debatable. as wood2 says, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9898989898 afkaruna “as commanding the right can be a dangerous exercise, muslim scholars have long debated how far the believer should go in performing this duty.” muslim scholars agree that a martyrdom is not the aim of the duty3, but the reality seems to demonstrate a contradictory phenomenon. countries where muslims are the majority show violent tendencies such as pakistan, iran, iraq, sudan, afghanistan, and indonesia. the western media, in particular, often describe that islam and islamic movements are intolerant to plurality and differing opinions in politics.4 however, for a number of muslims, prohibiting the wrong means a call to jihad in terms of fighting and war. they base this belief on the following qur’anic verses: only those are believers who have believed in god and his apostle, and have never since doubted, but have striven with their belongings and their persons in the cause of god: such are the sincere ones (al hujurat/49:15). fight those who believe not in god nor the last day, nor hold that forbidden which hath been forbidden by god and his apostle, nor acknowledge the religion of truth (even if they are) of the people of the book. until they pay the jizya5 with willing submission. and feel themselves subdued (at taubah/9:29). the number of months, in the sight of god is twelve (in a year)—so ordained by him the day he create the heavens and the earth; of them four are sacred: that is the straight usage so wrong not yourselves there in, and fight the pagans all together as they fight you all together. but know that god is with those which restrain themselves (at taubah/9:36). go ye forth (whether equipped) lightly or heavily, and strive and struggle with your goods and your persons, in the cause of god. that the best for you, if ye (but) knew (at taubah/9:41). permission is given to those who fight because they are wronged. surely allah is capable of giving them victory (al hajj 22: 39) fight in the cause of god those who fight you, but do not transgress limits; for god loveth not transgressors. and slay them wherever ye catch them out from where they have turned you out; for tumult and oppression are worse than slaughter: but fight them not at the sacred mosque unless they (first) fight you there; but if they fight you, slay them. such is the reward of those who suppress faith (al baqarah/2: 190-191). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9999999999vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 and fight them on until there is no more tumult or oppression and there prevail justice and faith in god; but if they cease, let there be no hostility except to those who practice oppression (al baqarah/2:193). from the verses above, can we say simply that oppression, injustice, disbelief in god, and attacking from threat of the others, are circumstances for islam’s use of violence? would it be considered as jihad if the use of violence is employed under those circumstances? why do many scholars believe that forbidding the wrong is not a call for martyrdom, as it seems to be contradictory to the verses above? clear command all muslims believe that jihad is the command of god, but different actions are taken in performing this obligation. there is a group called jihad is who view jihad in terms of fighting as a clear command. they base their ideology in particular on the thoughts of al banna, mawdudi, and qutb. jihadis stress that islam is the one and only true religion and they aim to apply their aqida (theology) in all aspects of human life for religion and other aspects of human life are united and inseparable6. they believe that only god’s laws can liberate this world from oppression, tyranny, and other deficiencies resulted by man-made laws. they delineated a clear position, as mentioned in the muslim unification council of 1999, regarding the global jihad network: . …whoever has put his own laws, instead of sharia, into the governing of man; they are committing shirk (polytheism) and kufr (unbelief) and have left islam… they are at war with allah and must be fought and killed until all din (religion) is for allah alone7 based on this reasoning, they call for all muslims to participate in the fight against evildoers and to pursue their way of life8. in addition, jihad in their view does not translate into a defensive war as many other thinkers wrote. according to qutb, defeatist and apologetic writers try to remove this ‘blot’ jihad in islam by mixturing two things: islam forbids the imposition of its belief by force: there is no compulsion in religion. and try to annihilate all those political and material powers which stand between people and islam. jihad has no relation to modern warfare. to establish god’s rule means that his laws be enforced ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 100100100100100 afkaruna and that the final decision in all affairs be according to these laws. establishing of the dominion of god on earth, the abolishing of the dominion of man.9 to establish god’s laws, qutb10 states that muslims not only need preaching but movement as well. these aim to annihilate tyrannical forces and only once this is achieved, can muslims establish an islamic system in which the concept of freedom of man applies. based on this idea, jihadis view that fighting and killing unbelievers and any muslim who do not agree with this particular vision of islam are legally justified11. in addition, as qutb wrote, people who view jihad as a defensive movement provide a confined meaning and have a lack of understanding on the nature of islam and its primary aim. he believes that this narrowed meaning is due to the influence of orientalists who put these writers under pressure. qutb shows that abu bakr and othman’s actions in spreading islam outside of the arabian peninsula have proven that jihad is not a defensive movement. qutb views the writers to have sought and based their arguments from various literature, while an islamic movement is established on the clear verses of the qur’an.12 beside the issue above, jihadis do not believe in religious equality, abrahamic faith, and interreligious dialogue.13 their rejection of dialogue, compromise or discussion with other religious groups is based on qur’anic verses that discuss the betrayals and evils of people of the book. qutb14 concludes that these verses are to be observed at all times whereas verses that pertain to tolerance are merely to be carried out under certain circumstances in muhammad’s ministry without any long lasting effect. the same tone comes from al faraq who asserts that jihad is not only a defensive matter as stipulated in 9:5 and 47:4. muslims are legally allowed to fight for truth under the banner of islam and islamic leadership. for al faraq, muslims must be in a strong condition when they intend to fight and muslims cannot attain that strength if they neglect and abolish the duty of jihad. this means that muslims can utilize all means for a just end wherein under certain conditions jihad becomes an individual’s obligation. 15 according to al farag, jihad becomes an individual obligation under three conditions: 1. when two soldiers meet in war (8:45&15), 2. when infidel dominates the state, and 3. when the leader commands to fight (9: 38-39). he continues that when jihad becomes an individual obligation, the permission of one’s parents to engage in it is no longer necessary. al faraq reminds muslims that jihad is for the sake of building an islamic state thus muslims ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 101101101101101vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 must take the matter seriously.16 the position of jihad as an individual obligation, according to al azzam, has been acquiesced by salaf and khallaf ulama when spreading and proselytizing islam. in the present time, afghanistan is one such example. al azzam provides the requirements of jihad, such as being fit and sound according to one’s individual ability concerning one’s financial and physical conditions; availability of other income for one’s wife; visa; the state permission to have a passport; availability of another person to care for one’s parents, and a financial guarantee for the family. 17 based on the description above, several circumstances such as oppression, injustice, attacking of others, and colonization are reasons to fight in order to establish an islamic state. in the present time, the united states is considered by jihadis to be colonizing neighboring muslims and causing several horrific massacres as in iraq. this fact lead bin laden to issue the fatwa that muslims possess qur’anic legitimacy to kill americans and their allies, and this is an individual obligation of jihad that can carried out in any country.18 another fatwa can be found in the covenant of the islamic resistance movement hamas. jihad is the path and death for the sake of allah wherein muslims must fight against the wrong for the sake of justice and the establishment of an islamic state.19 in addition, hamas is convinced that their actions are true examples of qur’anic teachings, al a’raf: 89.20 therefore, according to rantisi, the leader of hamas simply gives permission (fatwa) to carry outjihad in terms of fighting at certain time. the suicide bombings, in rantisi’s point of view, are not suicide bombings but istihhadi (self-chosen martyrdom).21 omar abdul rahman supports the idea above. he emphasizes that based on qur’anic teachings muslims never call for violence except for the sake of love, forgiveness, and tolerance. in the case of colonization, for instance, people who find the aggressors of their land should make a call to fighting the aggressors in order to end their aggression. abou halima said that to be a martyr is a job as a muslim. “he felt that he had a mission to go wherever there is oppression and injustice and fight it.” therefore, he went to afghanistan.22 finding the spirit of qur’an contrary to the conviction above, some muslim scholars emphasize that islam is not a violent religion, as islam even promotes peace building, recon○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 102102102102102 afkaruna ciliation and mutual understanding among human beings. they suggest muslims to search the spirit of qur’an by understanding qur’anic verses comprehensively, not by looking at it verse by verse. in addition, the social, economic, political conditions in the period post and prior muhammad’s birth must be given more attention. muhammad lived in mecca for 13 years and in madinah for ten years. throughout his life in both places, we can observe how muhammad had continually searched for reconciliation and mutual understanding in which peace was considered as the priority.23 during his first lifetime in mecca, muhammad experienced numerous repudiation and violence against him. the people of mecca could not accept muhammad as god’s messenger. some people of mecca were amicable and accepting which led them to become followers of islam. at the time, muhammad did nothing to others who really intended to kill him, even for self-defense. he adopted the way of pacifism by avoiding issues that cause clash and confrontation.24 this fact becomes the foundation of muslims who support nonviolence in islam wherein the prophet does not use force in any form, even for self-defense.25 in madina, muhammad lived in a different society. many people of madina became followers of islam, enabling him to develop an “islamic society.” under his leadership, minority rights were guaranteed by considering them as the people of the book (60:7 and 8:61). during this period of madina, muhammad was not only a messenger but also a practical politician who focused on religious renewal, social justice, and the implementation of his religious and political ideas through peaceful means. dhimmi, a term used for people of the book, had a notion of security and guarantee in madina. nevertheless, the question of inequality still had the possibility to surface here. to find a clearer vision, troger suggests viewing two things: 1. the actual political and economic situation of muhammad’s followers as well as old arabic tradition, and 2. the point that muhammad was not a pacifist and qur’an, sunnah and islam do not champion the cause of pacifism. how did muhammad apply the teaching of jihad? as troger states, armed struggle and war were not a part of muhammad’s original plan because god forbids muslims to become the initiator of war as well as to be the attacker (22:39). contrary to the thought of many, jihad does not really focus on weapon. muhammad stated that the best jihad is for a person to have the ability to control his/her emotions. in his efforts on peace, muhammad called for a “reconciliation of hearts” meaning not to bear vengeful desire (9:60). 26 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 103103103103103vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 although muhammad is not included in the list of religious leaders who effectively practiced nonviolence throughout their life (such as buddha and jesus), there is no question that he practiced nonviolence vis a vis persecution he faced.27 supporters of nonviolence in islam emphasize that qur’an does not aim to introduce violence, but it is merely the reaction of the existing condition of arab as a “state of war.” many verses (e.g. 2:216, 58:22, and 60:8) are focused on unwilling fighting (jackson, 2007:396). in the state of war, qur’an (e.g. 8:61, 2:139) shows how to react towards an aggression of non-muslim and hostile forces.28 in classical juristic tradition, the discussion of jihad pertains to defensive and aggressive terms. jihad is regarded as a mean to maintain security and freedom of the muslim world.29 classical muslim scholars conclude that god wants human beings to know each other (hujurat 13), and war is not the meansdesired to attain this particular will of god. nevertheless, most classical jurists regard war as purely defensive, as the last means for war that is not a superior moral virtue.30 however, the debate among classical muslim jurists about a sufficient and just cause for fighting non-muslim exists.31 according to el fadl, in the modern world, there is a constant shift of states condition in the world, from a state of war to a state of peace. this shift leads to different interpretations: 1. the shift from a state of war to a state of peace cannot simply assert but must be confirmed on the ground and 2. the major power, us, has the capacity to confirm or undermine the newly established and admittedly fragile “state of war”. el fadl views that modern revivalists, such as qutb, ignore the classical tradition of the madhhabs. they depend almost exclusively on the qur’an so that he insists that waging jihad against the people of the book (9:29) is a permanent, communal obligation upon muslims which consequently ignores verses (5:82 and 3:113114) commanding to respect the others’ religious figures. through this reasoning, el fadl believes that viewing islam as a peaceful religion depends on non-muslim and religious understanding of muslim.32 as al din reminds us, it is important to contemplate the fact that throughout human history, violence never leads to true political victory. armed violence failed in providing victory to islam. al din emphasizes that the fighting between muslims, jews, and christians is aimed to display the problems among them at the time.33 besides the fighting, in regard to that matter, faddlalah emphasizes that qur’an provides the example of reconciliation. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 104104104104104 afkaruna thus, qur’an seeks to change what we see as an enemy to be a friend. however, “god loves kindness, not violence” therefore, violence is not an islamic fiqh. much violence that occurred in islamic lands, according to faddlalah is caused by different areas of muslims the world over. many muslims were born in the period of violence, lack education and have a history of anarchy. these facts lead muslims to have different understandings concerning islamic teachings and the fact of their life. furthermore, faddhalah asserts that qur’an itself is full of dialogues between polytheists, jews, christians, and hypocrites. thus, qur’an is indeed a book of dialogue. 34 aside from the many verses focusing on peace35, most hadiths are truly concerned about peace. when a companion asked the prophet muhammad about a real muslim, for instance, he stated that ‘a muslim is one whose fellow brothers are safe from the harm of his tongue and hands’ (bukhari). another hadith describes that a companion asked ‘what should i do in the times of such great trials? the prophet suggested, “keep to your house and control your tongue’ (abu daud). in addition, qur’an also provides the guidance for muslims in forbidding the wrong, as mentioned in the following verses: invite (all) to the way of thy lord with wisdom and beautiful preaching; and argue with them in ways that are best and most gracious. for thy lord knoweth best who have strayed from his path and who receive guidance (an nahl/16:125). “go, both of you, to pharaoh, for he has indeed transgressed all bounds. “but speak to him mildly; perchance he may take warning or fear (god) (thaha/20:43-44). say to my servants that they should (only) say those things that are best; for satan doth sow dissensions among them: for satan is to man as avowed enemy (al isra/17:53). in addition to the verses above, we also cannot ignore other islamic principles and values relating to nonviolence in islam as described by abu-nimer. abu-nimer shows at least twelve islamic principles and values supporting peace building in human life, namely: pursuit of justice,36 social empowerment through doing good,37 universality and human dignity,38 equality39, sacredness of human life,40 peacemaking,41 forgiveness,42 deeds action and individual responsibility and choice,43 patience,44 ummah, collaborative action and solidarity,45 inclusivity and participatory processes,46 pluralism and diver○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 105105105105105vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 sity.47 based on this exploration, abu-nimer stresses that islam is conducive in promoting nonviolence and peacebuilding methods through its various rituals and traditions. 48 the practice of nonviolence in islam can be observed through several muslim figures. said nursi, an islamic contemporary figure in turkey who stood up against oppressors, for instance, emphasizes that a ‘victory is not through the use of force, but convincing others about one’s own ideas,’ what he calls as “musbet hareket,” positive action. he asserts that people who consider an individual as a criminal just because of one’s ethnicity, family background, nationality, or kinship to a criminal are truly mistaken as modern day terrorists who ignore the major principle of the qur’an. from 1926 to 1960s, when religious ideas were suppressed in turkey, nursi had been poisoned seventeen times by his oppressor, he and his disciples were finally imprisoned and persecuted. nevertheless, during his lifetime, nursi often reminded his disciples not to seek revenge for his death.49 another example of a lifelong champion of nonviolence is fethullah gulen, an influential islamic scholar and thinker in turkey (1970’s). for the sake of preventing future clashes and violence between the adherents of differing religions, he utilizes interfaith cooperation and dialogue. he believes that theology of dialogue is indeed grounded in islamic principles. he is not dissimilar to nursi, as throughout his struggles for peace, he forbids his followers to become involved in the conflict even if he were killed.50 issues in interpreting text from the description above, we will not obtain a single answer for the question: under what circumstances is violence permissible in islam? the answers even oppose each other. some muslims believe that oppression, injustice, disbelief in god, and attacking from others are circumstances in which muslims are allowed the use of force. muslims have to fight under those circumstances wherever they find them to be and carry out jihad in terms of fighting. on the contrary, a number of muslims emphasize that the use of violence is not the spirit of islam, the description of using violence in qur’an is only to show several cases observed at certain time, place and cultures. muslims have to focus on the numerous verses that ask human to conduct peaceful actions as the spirit of islam. according to abu-nimer, a discussion of violence and nonviolence in islam expresses ‘a major gap between the islamic basis for a peace building ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 106106106106106 afkaruna approach to life in general and the interpretation of islam as a warlike religion’. from this fact, he encourages muslims to become a more solid “community of interpreters” in order to study islam and peace building. interpreters should ‘attempt to contextualize islamic religious and traditional values within peace building and nonviolent frameworks, rather than in war and conflict framework.’ 51 albeit with a different emphasis, mostafa shares the same objective as abu-nimer. mostafa invites muslims to understand and contemplate on muslim reality and its main decision concerning the issue of sound legal rulings, particularly concerningfatwadue to its capability of crossing national borders. mostafa views that an under pressure reality causes a gap at the scholarship level. as a result, uncommitted and unbalanced fatwa occurs. therefore, muslims are truly in need of a renewed fiqh that presents the middle way of islam. moreover, the basic principles and tenets of islam are needed when dealing with those challenges in the ever-changing world. this fiqh ‘does not kneel down under the pressure reality’.52 thus, sharia has been changed from time to time. as an naim said, sharia has always been evolving. thus, sharia is humans’ product of intellectual development during 200300 years. for an naim, we are indeed guided by the holy, but qur’an comes to us, humans, not an angel. islam is about this world not the afterlife. thus, intellectuals have to learn history and the development of sharia within history. this is the human construction: we can construct or deconstruct.53 this thought is in line with rahman’s idea of qur’anic interpretation. rahman reminds us that qur’an was revealed gradually and if we observe carefully, we will find that the major contents of qur’anic verses do not pertain to general principles, as it is rather in the form of answers and responses to certain legal cases and within concrete historical contexts. rahman believes that there are rationales behind the answers, which lead to general principles. 54 in other words, we who live in different eras face qur’anic messages through a historical mirror. for moosa, this concept is beneficial and helpful in legitimizing and delegitimizing certain aspects of the past and the present by presenting absolute qur’anic hermeneutics as the source of the most special islamic teachings. 55 in order to find integrative and coherent meanings of qur’an, rahmanoffers his hermeneutical theory called the “double movements.” the first movement is that one has to start from a concrete case in the qur’an and subsequently consider social condition of that time, then find a general principle ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 107107107107107vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 from the teaching. the second movement is based on the first movement. one has to move it back to a certain case in the present by viewing social conditions of the present. the first step is the understanding of qur’an case by case and as a whole. the second step is generalizing a particular answer to a general moral purpose. in other words, one has to understand cultural, political, social, and historical situations that were evident during the era of the qur’anic revelation. in addition, the background of muhammad and the life of the people of arab before and after the advent of islam must be understood. 56 the two steps offered by rahman are aimed to avoid a mistake in interpretation. however, as na’im also stresses, we often make mistakes in our interpretation of qur’anic verses and events in muhammad’s life. hijrah, for instance, is not the symbol of islamic victory. hijrah is the freedom to leave the oppressive country. for na’im, freedom is important and sufism tradition of tolerance is more representative than legalistic or formal tradition. sufism is more introspective and critical towards ourselves, and does not underestimate other’s value. 57 from the description above, it is clear that the problem of interpretation or hermeneutical circle takes place. the questions that arise are as follows: are the different convictions on the issue of violence and nonviolence in islam merely a problem of interpretations? if they are, what is the proper answer for the question “under what circumstances is it permissible to use violence in islam”? if it is the problem of interpretation, does it mean that violent act is truly based on islamic teaching, as juergensmeyer states that “to say that violence is the interpretation problem means that violent act is truly based on religious teaching”? what is the solution for this case? can abu-nimer’s suggestion on creating a “community of interpreters” become a solution? concluding remarks inclosing this discussion, i provide several concluding remarks. first, the use of force as a solution, as shown in the qur’an, cannot be ignored as a fact that under oppressive and unjust circumstances islam allows the use of violence, but this is not the aim of qur’anic verses. qur’an simply provides an example of a solution model related to a particular problem in a particular reality, time and place. people should not make overgeneralization of a particular case in qur’anic story. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 108108108108108 afkaruna second, as a common problem of past texts, qur’an is interpretable differently. the problem is not in the qur’an but in the limitation of human beings in viewing their present reality and the reality of the past. thus, it is reasonable that cases in the qur’an are understood differently among muslims. under pressure is a closed issue to the interpretation of qur’anic verses. from the description above, the supporters of the use of force under unjust and oppressive circumstances claim that the supporters of ‘apologized intellectuals’ provide a narrow insight of jihad as purely defensive due to being under the pressure of orientalists. meanwhile, the supporters of nonviolence view the jihadis are under the pressure of their daily life reality. they were born in a period of clash and anarchic tradition and lack education. abu-nimer’s suggestion on developing a community of interpreters is a good step since the position of fatwa is significant for the followers of islam. therefore, islamic leaders have to be cautious in announcing their fatwa. the problem of interpretation on the issue of violence in islam does not lead to say that violent acts are truly based on islamic teachings because the problem does not lie in the qur’an, but in the individuals. qur’an functions throughout all aspects of human life, and as a scripture that was revealed gradually during a time of war and terror, the discussion on violence is inevitable. in addition, people must not view islamic teachings by exploring certain verses because the spirit of qur’an is in the whole of the inseparable verses. thus, individuals should be prudent and conscientious in viewing their reality in relation to historical precedents. frequently, people claim the truth by merely seeing the “same case” of a present reality with a historical precedent without seeking deep observations and understanding on the different realities between the past and the present. as such, human limitation leads to the variety of the interpretation of past texts. third, muslims must keep in mind that the use of violence throughout human history never leads to the victory of islam. thus, why do we take the path that has been proven unsuccessful? why don’t we learn from history, even a donkey is capable of not being trapped in the same hole? why do we push on an unsuccessful path? why don’t we try to find and apply other real and effective paths in providing solutions in our life? why do we talk much on violence that is just a few verses of certain cases and ignore many verses that focus on nonviolence? fourth, based on the explanation above, the spirit of qur’an is nonviolence, thus under whatever circumstances, the use of violence has to be ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 109109109109109vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 avoided. this action is possible for the present time because as khoury said, nowadays, peace should be the normal state of affairs in relations between men and communities, and it is not only the final condition after the victory of islam.therefore, in this age, there is no possible or justification of a “just war.”58 fifth, muslims have to keep in mind that the time of the prophet muhammad was not the pinnacle of islamic civilization, on the contrary, it was indeed the beginning, and we are in a continual process of abolishing barbaric traditions. as is the case for other religions, the changing world is a challenge for islam. however, as raufstates, the biggest challenge is to conduct dialogues among muslims themselves because most muslims think they know more while they actually do not. they have more spirit and passion toward their religion than they have understanding. they are more emotional to their religion and are lacking in understanding the meanings inherent within. this may indeed lead them to make mistakes in their actions. 59 endnotes 1 timothy j. woods “islam, peace and the quest for justice” in theology, vol. 109 (2006), p.413. 2 ibid. 3 ibid, p.414. 4 john l. esposito, in media dan citra muslim: dari spiritualitas untuk berperang menuju spiritualitas untuk berdialog. idi subandy ibrahim (ed.) (yogyakarta: jalasutra, 2005), p. 13. 5 compensation in the middle ages, jizyahfunctions as a payment made by nonmuslims who do not engage in military duty because non-muslims were not acknowledged as nation soldiers (al asymawy, 2004:111). 6 mary r. habeck, knowing the enemy: jihadist ideology and the war on terror, (new haven & london: yale university press, 2006), p. 58. 7 ibid, p.68. 8 ibid, p.163. 9 sayyid qutb, “jihad in the cause of god” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), p. 409. 10 ibid, p. 410. 11 mary r. habeck, knowing the enemy: jihadist ideology and the war on terror, (new haven & london: yale university press, 2006), p. 64 12 sayyid qutb, “jihad in the cause of god” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), pp. 410-415. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 110110110110110 afkaruna 13 mary r. habeck, knowing the enemy: jihadist ideology and the war on terror, (new haven & london: yale university press, 2006), p. 79. 14 sayyid qutb, “jihad in the cause of god” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), p. 80) 15 muhammad abdel salam al faraq, “the forgotten duty” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective. (oxford: oxford university press), p.417-418 16 ibid, p. 422-426, see also al abdullah azzam, “join the caravan” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.). islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007) 17 abdullah azzam, “join the caravan” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.). islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), pp. 425-429. 18 osama bin laden, “text of fatwa urging jihad against americans (1998)” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), pp. 430-432. 19 ibid, p. 436. 20 ibid, p. 443. 21 mark juergensmeyer, terror in the mind of god: the global rise of religious violence, (barkerly/los angeles/london: university of california press, 2000), p. 71-72 and 77. 22 ibid, p. 79 dan 66. 23 karl-wolfgang troger, “peace and islam: in theory and practice” in i.c.m.r vol.1 no.1 (1990), p. 12 24 zeki saritoprak, “an islamic approach to peace and nonviolence: a turkish experience” in the muslim world vol. 95 (july 2005), p. 140 25 mohammad abu-nimer, “framework for nonviolence and peacebuilding in islam”in contemporary islam: dynamic, not static, (london and new york: routledge, 2006), p. 140. 26 karl-wolfgang troger, “peace and islam: in theory and practice” in i.c.m.r vol.1 no.1 (1990), p. 17-18. 27 zeki saritoprak, “an islamic approach to peace and nonviolence: a turkish experience” in the muslim world vol. 95 (july 2005), p. 415. 28 sherman jackson, “jihad and the modern world” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), pp. 398-399. 29 ibid, pp.399-400. 30 khaled abou el fadl, “islam and violence: our forgotten legacy” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), p. 461. 31 ibid, p. 464. 32 ibid, p. 403-405 33 shaikh muhammad mahdi shams al din, “on the political utility of using ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 111111111111111vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 armed violence” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (eds.). islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), p. 444. 34 sayyid muhammad husain fadlalah, “we must think before we act; september 11 was a gift to the u.s administration” in john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.), islam in transition: muslim persepective, (oxford: oxford university press, 2007), p. 452, 455-457, 545. 35 e.g. 8:61, 8:1, 10:25, 10:10, 13:24, 15:46, 56:26, 5:28, 23:96, 42:40, 5:32. 36 e.g. 16:90, 4:58, 4:135, 5:9, 60:8, 4:135. 37 e.g. 3: 104, 2:62, 2:177, 16:90, 28:77. 38 e.g. 95:4, 7:11, 2:30. 39 e.g. 49:13. 40 e.g. 5:32, 17:33. 41 e.g. 49: 9-10, 5:2, 4:128, 4:114. 42 e.g. 42:40, 24:43, 7:199, 23:96, 42:37. 43 e.g. 6:160, 11:101, 16:97, 42:15. 44 e.g. 2:45, 16:126-128. 45 e.g. 4:1, 23:52. 46 e.g. 49:13, 30:22, 11:118, 119. 47 e.g. 49:13, 53:45, 30:22, 64:2, 6:165, 16:93, 3:113-114, 2:62, 5:69, 5:71-72, 17:70, 4:1, 6:98, 30:22, 10:99, 11:118, 119, 11:118, 42:13, 2:136, 42:15, 2:256, 18:29, 17:107, 109:4-6, 42:48, 16:124, 31:23, 88:25, 26, 5:9, 4:135, 60:8. 48 mohammad abu-nimer, “framework for nonviolence and peacebuilding in islam”in contemporary islam: dynamic, not static, (london and new york: routledge, 2006), pp. 142-164. 49 zeki saritoprak, “an islamic approach to peace and nonviolence: a turkish experience” in the muslim world vol. 95 (july 2005), pp. 418-421. 50 ibid, pp. 423-424. 51 mohammad abu-nimer, “framework for nonviolence and peacebuilding in islam”in contemporary islam: dynamic, not static, (london and new york: routledge, 2006), p. 165. 52 nadia mahmoud mostafa, “the missing logic in discourses of violence and peace in islam: the necessities of a middle view after the 11th of september 2001” in contemporary islam: dynamic, not static, (london and new york: routledge, 2006), p.185-186. 53 abdullahi an naim, “kita suka menyalahkan orang” in wawancara tempo (612 augustus 2007), p. 45. 54 fazlur rahman, islam and modernity: transformation of an intellectual tradition, (chicago london: university of chicago press, 1982), pp. 5-6. 55 ibid, p. 14. 56 ibid, pp. 20 and 6. 57 an naim, abdullahi. “kita suka menyalahkan orang” in wawancara tempo (612 augustus 2007), p. 45. 58 khoury in karl-wolfgang troger, “peace and islam: in theory and practice” in i.c.m.r vol. 1 no.1 (1990), p. 20. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 112112112112112 afkaruna 59 feisal abdul rauf, “pengertian terhadap islam membaik” in wawancara tempo, (31 december 2007 – 6 januari 2008, p.56. bibliography abu-nimer, mohammad. 2006. “framework for nonviolence and peacebuilding in islam”. dalam contemporary islam: dynamic, not static. london and new york: routledge. al-asymawy, muhammad sa’id. 2004. menentang islam politik. bandung: alifya. al azzam, abdullah. 2007. “join the caravan.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (eds.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. al din, shaikh muhammad mahdi shams. 2007. “on the political utility of using armed violence.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (eds.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. al faraq, muhammad abdel salam. 2007. “the forgotten duty.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (eds.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. an naim, abdullahi. 2007. “kita suka menyalahkan orang.” wawancara tempo. 6-12 augustus. al qaradhawi, yusuf. 2007. “fatwas: suicide bombings and martyrdom.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (eds). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. bin laden, osama. 2007. “text of fatwa urging jihad against americans (1998).” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. el fadl, khaled abou. 2007. “islam and violence: our forgotten legacy.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. esposito, john l. 2005. dalam idi subandy ibrahim (ed.) media dan citra muslim: dari spiritualitas untuk berperang menuju spiritualitas untuk berdialog. yogyakarta: jalasutra. fadlalah, sayyid muhammad husain. 2007. “we must think before we act; september 11 was a gift to the u.s administration.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (eds.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. fakhry, majid (trans.). 2000. an interpretation of the qur’an: english translation of the meanings a bilingual edition. new york: new york university press. “fatwa: jihad,” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.). 2007. islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. habeck, mary r. 2006. knowing the enemy: jihadist ideology and the war on terror. new haven & london: yale university press. jackson, sherman. 2007. “jihad and the modern world.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 113113113113113vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 juergensmeyer, mark. 2000. terror in the mind of god: the global rise of religious violence. barkerly/los angeles/london: university of california press. moosa, ebrahim. 2000. “preface” dalam fazlur rahman gelombang perubahan dalam islam: studi tentang fundamentalisme islam. jakarta: pt. rajagrafindo persada. mostafa, nadia mahmoud. 2006. “the missing logic in discourses of violence and peace in islam: the necessities of a middle view after the 11th of september 2001.” dalam contemporary islam: dynamic, not static. london and new york: routledge. qutb, sayyid. 2007. “jihad in the cause of god.” dalam john j. donohue and john l. esposito (ed.). islam in transition: muslim persepective. oxford: oxford university press. rahman, fazlur. 1982. islam and modernity: transformation of an intellectual tradition. chicago london: university of chicago press. rauf, feisal abdul. 2008. “pengertian terhadap islam membaik.” wawancara tempo. 31 desember 2007januari 6 2008. saritoprak, zeki. 2005. “an islamic approach to peace and nonviolence: a turkish experience,” the muslim world. vol. 95. july. troger, karl-wolfgang. 1990. “peace and islam: in theory and practice.” i.c.m.r vol.1 no.1. woods, timothy j. 2006. “islam, peace and the quest for justice.”theology. vol. 109. # layout jan jun 2011 terhadap sang pencipta yang dapat dipahami dari banyak sudut pandang menjadi studi yang menarik. salah satu issu yang menjadi perdebatan adalah konsep “ingsun” yang dicetuskan oleh syekh siti jenar. secara mendalam, studi ini bertujuan untuk menegaskan kembali gagasan dan praktek atas figur yang sangat penting. menurut penulis, pengajaran ingsun merupakan upaya serius untuk mengembalikan kesadaran manusia terutama dalam hubungannya dengan agama. konsep “ingsun” membuka kesadaran bahwa dalam setiap kehidupan selalu ada dua sisi, kebaikan dan keburukan, hidup-mati, tuhan-hamba. kebaikan, hidup dan tuhan adalah bukti akan kekekalan tuhan. sedangkan keburukan, mati, dan hamba adalah realitas yang dimiliki manusia. oleh sebab itu, pengajaran mengenai konsep “ingsun”menjadi jembatan yang memisahkan antara manusia dan tuhan. kata kunci: ingsun, realitas hakiki, antroposentrisme, syekh siti jenar. pendahuluan pada awal tahun 2004 yang lalu penulis berhasil menyelesaikan tugas akhir s-2 dengan judul “ajaran tasawuf dalam serat siti jenar: telaah kritis atas serat siti jenar karya sunan giri kedhaton.” dalam tugas akhir berupa tesis itu, penulis berusaha mengungkap ajaran syekh siti jenar sebagaimana yang tertulis di dalam serat siti jenar tersebut. meskipun tesis tersebut telah disahkan oleh para pembimbing dan sukses dalam ujian munaqasah, tetapi penulis merasa belum mampu mengungkap secara lebih komprehensif ajaran salah satu “ingsun” misteri tasawuf mistik syekh siti jenar aris fauzan universitas islam negeri (uin) sunan kalijaga yogyakarta. jl. laksda adisucipto, yogyakarta. email: aris.fauzan@uin-suka.ac.id abstract the mysticism up to now has been a debatable discourse. the notion and practice to fuse “the self” to “the creator” understood in so many meanings is an interesting study. no exception the issue also falls on the concept of “ingsun” or the i-amness solidified by syekh siti jenar. the study is deeply aimed to re-reveal the notion and practice of the prominent figure. according to the writer, the teaching of ingsun makes serious effort to turn a human consciousness back to authenticity especially in relation to religion. ingsun opens the awareness that everybody has to actually receive the life always forming a pair among goodnessbadness, life-death and god-servant. goodness, life and god are the eternal realities of the god. while badness, death and servant are the human realities. meanwhile the teaching of ingsun acts as brigde for a gap between human and god. keywords: ingsun, the ultimate reality, anthrophocentrism, syekh siti jenar abstrak diskursus mengenai mistisisme saat ini masih menjadi perdebatan. gagasan dan praktek penggabungan diri atau ke-aku-an doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 120 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna anggota wali sanga tersebut. apalagi serat siti jenar sunan giri kedhaton1 tersebut hanya merupakan salah satu sumber dari sekian banyak sumber tertulis yang dinisbahkan sebagai ajaran syekh siti jenar. serat siti jenar sunan giri kedhaton tersebut merupakan ringkasan dari himpunan mas ng. harjawijaya (1848-1918). para penghimpun ajaran siti jenar lain yang sejaman dengan m. ng. harjawijaya adalah sasrawijaya alias raden panjinatarata (18101890), dan mas ng. mangunwijaya (18471917). raden panjinatarata menulis ajaran syekh siti jenar dengan judul serat siti jenar 2. karya panjinatarata ini diterbitkan pertama kali oleh penerbit keluarga bratakesawa yogyakarta pada tahun 1958. sedangkan mangunwijaya menulis ajaran syekh siti jenar dengan judul serat sèh siti djenar.3 karya mangunwijaya ini diterbitkan oleh pakempalan widya pustaka dan dicetak oleh indonesische drukkerij di weltri preden pada tahun 1917. dalam konteks perkembangan agama islam di tanah jawa, sebagian ahli menganggap bahwa nama syekh siti jenar— dengan segala kontroversi yang melekat pada dirinya—sebagai figur yang merepresentasikan salah model keberagamaan (religiusitas) masyarakat jawa. beberapa sumber tertulis menyebutkan bahwa syekh siti jenar sejajar dengan sufi martir abu al-mughits al-husain ibn manshur ibn muhammad al-baidhawi (244-301 h) atau al-hallaj. sebutan al-hallajnya orang jawa4 pun melekat padanya. sebagaimana al-hallaj, beberapa literatur— sesuai dengan penuturan cerita babad— menyebutkan bahwa syekh siti jenar mati di tangan para algojo suruhan penguasanya. para algojo tersebut melakukan ekskusi atas kematian syekh jenar, di antaranya, dengan alasan karena perbedaan pemahaman keagamaan syekh siti dengan mainstream pemahaman agama penguasanya. syekh siti jenar—yang diperkirakan hidup pada masa pemerintahan sultan demak pertama, raden patah—sebagai tokoh yang menjadi pusat perhatian dari kalangan masyarakat awam, ulama, maupun penguasanya. syekh siti jenar merupakan salah satu anggota wali sanga yang mengajarkan paham tasawuf wujudiyah (tasawuf yang mengandung ajaran paham wahdat al-wujud) di tanah jawa. inti ajarannya tentang ke-aku-an, i amness, al-aniyyah, ingsun, pribadi, memicu perdebatan di kalangan ulama dan penguasanya. sebagian sumber menyebutkan karena sikapnya yang gegabah dalam menyebarkan doktrin ke-aku-an itulah yang mengantarkan dirinya pada pedang para algojo kerajaan. masyarakat indonesia—bagi yang memeluk tradisi islam—mengenal nama syekh siti jenar sejak abad 16 m.5 mereka mengenal, terutama masyarakat jawa, syekh siti jenar sama baiknya dengan pengenalan mereka terhadap wali songo,6 apalagi jika dikaitkan dengan ajarannya tentang manunggaling kawula gusti7 atau wahdat al-wujôd.8 meskipun banyak faktor yang bisa dikaitkan dengan tokoh syekh siti jenar, tampaknya bagi sebagian ahli cerita kehidupan tasawuffalsafinya lebih menonjol. sebagian mereka menganggap bahwa ajaran syekh siti jenar hingga sekarang masih terus menjadi rujukan sebagian masyarakat indonesia, terutama kalangan penganut kebatinan jawa. sesuai dengan hasil penelaahan, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa cerita yang diuraikan dalam babad lebih menekankan sikap politik kerajaan islam demak terhadap langkah yang ditempuh syekh siti jenar. dalam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 121vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 konteks kekuasaan—yang merambah pada model pemahaman keagamaan—tokoh syekh siti jenar dituduh sebagai pembangkang dan penganut islam yang sesat. cerita pembangkangan dan penganutan islam yang sesat itu terus disampaikan oleh sebagian masyarakat jawa secara turun temurun. sehingga sampai saat ini, masih terdapat kelompok masyarakat yang secara terang-terangan mengkafirkan syekh siti jenar tanpa disertai data yang memadai. tafsir terhadap syekh siti jenar selama kurang lebih satu abad antara abad 19 sampai dengan awal abad 20—atau sekitar 400 tahun setelah kematian tokoh syekh siti jenar—lebih dari satu buku tentang syekh siti jenar diterbitkan. para penulis menjadikan syekh siti jenar sebagai figur atau lakon utama dalam materi penceritaan. bahkan mereka menyandarkan ajaran yang terkandung dalam buku-buku tersebut kepada syekh siti jenar. secara ekplisit para penulis menyebutkan bahwa karya mereka tentang syekh siti jenar merujuk pada babad demak dan serat walisana dengan memberi judul serat siti jenar atau suluk siti jenar. selain itu, munculnya buku-buku yang berusaha mengupas dan memberi tafsiran terhadap syekh siti jenar beserta pemikirannya menginspirasi sebagian kalanagan untuk mendalami kajian terhadap ajaran syekh siti jenar. buku-buku tersebut adalah; falsafah sitidjenar: ngewrat pangrembag paham wahdatul-wudjud (pantheisme) ing tanah djawi, ingkang menggok dados paham ngaken allah tuwin ngorakaken wontenipun ingkang nitahaken (atheisme), karya bratakesawa (1954), syekh siti jenar, karya moh. hari siti jenar (+ 1985), syekh siti jenar: pergumulan islam-jawa, karya abdul munir mulkhan (2000), ajaran dan jalan kematian syekh siti jenar: konflik elite dan lahirnya mas karebet, karya abdul munir mulkhan (2001), dan syekh siti jenar: makna “kematian,” karya achmad chodjim (2002). penulis menyimpulkan bahwa dari sekian buku-buku tersebut tidak satu pun yang menggunakan rujukan seluruh karya klasik yang mengupas secara khusus tentang ajaran siti jenar. bratakesawa, dalam bukunya falsafah siti jenar,9 berusaha meluruskan ajaran syekh siti jenar yang menginspirasi gerakan dan paham kaum sarekat abangan. kaum sarekat abangan ini merupakan cikal bakal gerakan politik partai komunis indonesia. bratakesawa menjelaskan bahwa mereka telah memahami secara keliru ajaran syekh siti jenar. selain itu, bratakesawa menjelaskan secara singkat sejarah syekh siti jenar serta maksud umum ajarannya yang terdapat dalam serat sitidjenar karya raden panji natara. dalam karyanya itu, bratakesawa menjadikan serat sitidjenar karya natarata sebagai rujukan utama. penulis tidak menemukan karya m. ng. harjawiaya dan m. ng. mangunwijaya sebagai rujukan tambahan. sehingga dengan menjadikan karya natarata sebagai rujukan tunggal memungkinkan munculnya pemahaman yang tidak komprehensip tentang pemikiran syekh siti jenar. moh. hari soewarno merupakan pemerhati dan penulis ajaran syekh siti jenar yang menjadi perhatian penulis. dalam bukunya yang berjudul syekh siti jenar,10 soewarno memberi informasi yang cukup memadai tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar. beberapa bagian dari karyanya itu soewarno menyadur tulisan bratakeasawa (1954) dan menerjemahkannya ke dalam bahasa indonesia, terutama dalam bab mengungkap nama doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 122 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna siti jenar (11), isi ajaran siti jenar (15), ditunggangi oleh s.i. merah (20), karangan r (22), serta syekh lemah abang. meskipun demikian, berbeda dengan bartakesawa, soewarno menyebut sumber lain ajaran syekh siti jenar karya m. ng. harjawijaya (lih. hal. 43-70). seperti terhadap tulisan bratakesawa, soewarno pun juga melakukan penerjemahan secara bebas terhadap tulisan m. ng, harjawijaya ke dalam bahasa indonesia. penulis tidak menemukan secara kritis analisa ilmiah yang terdapat dalam tulisan soewarno, kecuali pengkuannya bahwa syekh siti jenar sebagai figur yang hadir dalam sejarah nyata dengan berbagai ajaran yang dibawanya. abdul munir mulkhan dalam bukunya syekh siti jenar: pergumulan islam-jawa,11 memberi nuansa lain seputar tokoh syekh siti jenar dan ajarannya dalam konteks indonesia baru. dalam bukunya setebal 369 halaman itu, munir mulkhan menyajikan syekh siti jenar lebih sistematis serta menggunakan bahasa ilmiah dan populer. pada bagian awal buku tersebut munir mulkhan memaparkan tentang dimensi politik tawauf dan syekh siti jenar. pada bagian awal ini, munir mulkhan mendiskusikan konflik antara institusi agama versus kesadaran beragama, yang populer dengan syari’ah versus tasawuf. dalam konteks syekh siti jenar, konflik tersebut diwakili oleh kerajaan islam demak dengan tokoh syekh siti jenar. kedua pihak tersebut terlibat konflik karena pijakan memahami dengan menggunakan pendekatan dan tinjauan yang berlainan. munir mulkhan juga memberi penilaian teologis terhadap syekh siti jenar beserta ajarannya dalam tradisi pemikiran islam. namun demikian, penilaian munir mulkhan ini hanya sepintas lalu saja, tidak menguraikan secara detail model dan tipe teologi dalam ajaran syekh siti jenar. pada bagian yang lain munir mulkhan juga melakukan penyebutan tema-tema pokok yang dibicarakan dalam serat sitidjenar. penyebutan tema-tema pokok itulah, dalam pandangan penulis merupakan sesuatu yang baru, yang tidak disebut secara detail oleh para penulis sebelumnya. sebagaimana para penulis lain, munir mulkhan tidak menggunakan karya penghimpun lain seperti r. mas ng mangunwijaya dan r. ng. harjawijaya. dengan kata lain, munir mulkhan menulis tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar dengan menjadikan karya r panji natarata sebagai rujukan utama. abdul munir mulkhan juga menulis tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar. pada bukunya yang kedua ini, munir mulkhan menyoroti ajaran syekh siti jenar terutama tentang kematian, dengan judul, ajaran dan jalan kematian syekh siti jenar: konflik elite dan lahirnya mas karebet.12 seperti pada karya sebelumnya, di bagian awal buku ini, munir mulkhan memberi uraian tentang humanisasi islam untuk semua melalui tasawuf. pada bagian berikutnya, munir mulkhan menguraikan pemahamannya atas makna kematian dalam ajaran syekh siti jenar, serta nasib tokoh-tokoh dalam serat sitidjenar yang memilih jalan kematian. pada bab akhir pada bukunya itu, sepertiga lebih dari keseluruhan halaman yang ada, merupakan terjemahan bebas dari serat syekh siti jenar karya r. panji natarata. pada bagian ini, lagi-lagi munir mulkhan tidak menjadikan serat siti jenar lainnya sebagai rujukan untuk memperkaya tulisannya. achmad chodjim adalah pemerhati ajaran syekh siti jenar yang berkesempatan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 123vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 menulis pemahamannya atas ajaran syekh siti jenar. dalam bukunya syekh siti jenar: makna kematian,13 penulis menyimpulkan bahwa chodjim hanya menjelaskan kembali apa yang telah ditulis oleh penulis sebelumnya, terutama abdul munir mulkhan. bisa dikatakan chodjim adalah penafsir (mufassir) dari pemahaman munir mulkhan terhadap ajaran syekh siti jenar. karena dari hasil pembacaan penulis terhadap karya chodjim, penulis tidak menjumpai karya lain yang membahas secara khusus ajaran syekh siti jenar kecuali karya abdul munir mulkhan yang berjudul syekh siti jenar: pergumulan islam-jawa dan ajaran dan jalan kematian syekh siti jenar: konflik elite dan lahirnya mas karebet, karya abdul munir mulkhan. namun demikian, bila dibandingkan dengan tulisan munir mulkhan, chodjim telah menyajikan gagasan ajaran syekh siti jenar lebih detail dengan menggunakan bahasa relatif lebih populer dan istilah-istilah yang lebih filosofis. berbeda dengan tulisan munir mulkhan yang menyertakan analisa teologis, dalam karyanya chodjim tidak memberi penilaian teologis. buku setebal 292 itu tidak lebih merupakan refleksi perenungan serta pembacaannya terhadap karya penafsir ajaran syekh siti jenar. satu bulan setelah karya ahmad chodjim terbit, abdul munir mulkhan menulis kembali sebuah buku yang berjudul makrifat burung surga dan ilmu kasampurnan syekh siti jenar.14 berbeda dengan buku-buku tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar yang lain, dalam karyanya kali ini munir mulkhan menggunakan rujukan buku utama yang berjudul serat bayan budiman. buku tersebut berasal dari pemberian seorang rekannya di jawa timur. dalam karyanya ini munir mulkhan mereflekskan perenungannya terhadap buku pemberian sang kawan itu. sepanjang pembacaan penulis terhadap buku tersebut, penulis tidak menemukan hubungan langsung antara syekh siti jenar dengan serat bayan budiman. penulis hanya menduga bahwa hubungan antara keduanya—meskipun tidak terdapat hubungan timbal balik secara eksplisit— berkaitan dengan ajaran syekh siti jenar dengan kandungan makna dalam serat bayan budiman. pada bulan agustus 2003, ashad kusuma djaya—pimpinan langgar padepokan syekh siti jenar kadipaten kulon yogyakarta— menulis ajaran syekh siti jenar. buku tersebut berjudul, pewaris ajaran syekh siti jenar: membuka pintu makrifat.15 dalam melengkapi tulisannya tersebut kusuma djaya mengambil rujukan utama dari babad julasutra,16 suluk malang sumirang,17 babad jaka tingkir,18 dan serat siti jenar.19 kedua buku yang pertama tersebut merupakan rujukan baru yang penulis jumpai dari serangkaian buku tentang syekh siti jenar yang sudah ada. dalam karya kusuma djaya tersebut penulis tidak menemukan sesuatu yang baru dari para penulis yang lainnya, kecuali rujukan yang baru. penulis memahami kusuma djaya berusaha mempertemukan ajaran syekh siti jenar dengan pengetahuan modern. tetapi tidak menyinggung sedikitpun tentang konsep ingsun yang menjadi salah satu ajaran syekh siti jenar. pada tahun 2004, abdul munir mulkhan kembali menulis buku yang menghubungkan dengan sekh siti jenar, dengan judul makrifat siti jenar: teologi pinggiran kehidupan wong cilik.20 penulis memahami bahwa buku setebal 389 halaman tersebut tidak lain doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 124 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna merupakan perluasan penjelasan munir mulkhan atas perenungannya terhadap ajaran syekh siti jenar yang ditulis oleh panjinatarata. selain itu, munir mulkhan berupaya membawa ajaran dan kehadiran siti jenar dalam konteks yang lebih komprehensif; politik, ekonomi, sosial budaya, sikap keberagamaan pribadi maupun kelompok, dan wilayah teologi. dalam kaitannya dengan religiusitas munir mulkhan menegaskan bahwa kehadiran cara beragama syekh siti jenar merupakan representasi dari kaum pinggiran (wong cilik, rakyat) berhadapan cara beragama kaum bangsawan dan para penguasa pada zamannya. secara ekplisit munir mulkhan menyimpulkan bahwa kehadiran syekh siti jenar beserta ajarannya merupakan realitas sejati cara beragama yang sesungguhnya. suatu cara beragama yang manusiawi, jujur (tidak berpura-pura), dan membela kaum tertindas. baik bratakesawa, moh. hari soewarno, abdul munir mulkhan, ashad kusuma djaya, maupun achmad chodjim mereka menjadikan serat siti jenar karya panjinatarata sebagai rujukan utama. karya harjawijaya dan mangunwijaya tidak mereka jadikan sebagai rujukan. penulis menyimpulkan bahwa tulisan siti jenar karya harjawijaya dan mangunwijaya—meskipun lahir beberapa tahun setelah panjinatara— disertakan sebagai rujukan dalam mengungkap ajaran syekh siti jenar. sehingga pemahaman tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar semakin lebih komprehensif. bermula dari ketidaklengkapan rujukan tersebut penulis menyimpulkan bahwa tulisan-tulisan tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar tersebut tidaklah lengkap. selain itu, dari beberapa tulisan yang penulis telaah, masing-masing buku tersebut tidak satu pun yang secara tegas menyebutkan ajaran inti siti jenar yakni tentang ingsun, prabu satmata,21 sang hyang manon, i-ness, atau ke-aku-an. ajaran tentang ingsun inilah yang menurut penulis merupakan maniverstasi puncak dari pengalaman beragama dan berspiritual. ke-aku-annya yang menjadi pertimbangan para wali untuk menjatuhi hukuman mati pada syek siti jenar. ke-aku-annya ini menjadi bukti nyata bahwa syekh siti jenar telah membocorkan rahasia tertinggi.22 berpijak dari adanya beberapa rujukan penting tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar serta konsep ke-aku-an yang diucapkan oleh syekh siti jenar itulah, membuka sejumlah pertanyaan, seperti; apakah ke-aku-an itu sama dengan ego? apakah ketika mengucapkan ingsun sebagai prabu satmata itu dalam keadaan hulul atau ittihad? ataukah ungkapan ke-aku-an itu muncul sebagai refleksi spiritual-filosofis (wahdah al-syuhud) yang terjadi dalam diri syekh siti jenar? ataukah ucapan syekh siti jenar itu hanyalah ucapan para kaum yang gila karena allah (majnunullah) yang tidak perlu harus dikenai sanksi? terlepas dari pertanyaanpertanyaan tersebut di atas, setidaknya semakin membuka munculnya pemahaman baru bahwa terdapat gagasan yang lebih penting dari sekedar sikap siti jenar berlawanan dengan penguasa. ke-aku-an sebelum syekh siti jenar sebenarnya, jauh sebelum kehadiran syekh siti jenar fenomena munculnya konsep ke-aku-an sudah ada sejak abad 3 h, yang ditampilkan oleh abu yazid al-busthami (w. 261 h). dalam suatu kesempatan secara doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 125vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 nyata abu yazid mengaku dirinya allah. “anaallah, laa ilaaha illa anaa fa’buduuni: aku allah, tiada tuhan kecuali aku, maka sembahlah aku,”23 “suatu ketika dia (yang maha benar) mengangkatku dan menundukkan aku di antara tangan-nya. maka ujar-nya padaku: abu yazid! makhlukmakhluk-ku senang melihatmu. jawabku: hiasilah aku dengan keesaanmu, pakaikanlah aku dengan keakuan-mu, dan angkatlah aku ke ketunggalan-mu. sehingga apabila makhluk-makhluk-mu melihatku, mereka akan berkata: kami telah melihatmu. dan engkau pun menjadi aku yang di sana, dan aku tidak berada di sana.”24 kehadiran abu yazid dengan ungkapannya itu pada zamannya bukan merupakan sesuatu yang ganjil. para pemerhati tasawuf baik yang hidup sezaman atau pun sesudah abu yazid memberi apresiasi yang positif terhadap ungkapannya. abu al-wafa merujuk para penulis seperti al-sulami dalam karyanya thabaqat al-shufiyyah, al-thusi dalam karyanya al-luma, dan al-qusyairi dalam karyanya alrisalah al-qusyairiyah, menyimpulkan bahwa menurut para penulis buku tersebut apa yang diungkapkan abu yazid sejalan dengan alqur’an dan al-sunnah.25 para sufi menyebut pengalaman abu yazid itu, dengan sebutan fana atau trance. al-junaid mengatakan bahwa trance seorang sufi tidak mengucapkan tentang dirinya sendiri, tetapi tentang apa yang disaksikannya, yaitu allah.26 menurut w.t. stace pengalaman al-busthami merupakan kesadaran untuk bersatu (unitary consciousness).27 dengan kata lain, bahwa apa yang diucapkan abu yazid al-busthami merupakan hal yang wajar dalam tradisi keagamaan, khususnya islam. selain abu yazid, tokoh yang menggunakan konsep ke-aku-an adalah abu al-mughisy al-husain ibn manshur ibn muhammad al-baidhawi (w. 244-301 h). tidak seperti abu yazid, al-hallaj harus mengakhiri hidupnya di tiang salib. penguasa pada zamannya menuduhnya sebagai orang sesat dari keislaman, karena ungkapan keaku-an itu. di antara pernyataan adalah, “duh, penganugerah bagi pemegang karunia. terhadap diri-mu dan diri-ku begitu aku terpana. kau buat begitu dekat diriku dengan-mu, sehingga. kau adalah aku, begitu kiraku. kini dalam wujud diriku menjadi sirna. dengan-mu aku kau buat menjadi fana.” namun demikain, para ahli tasawuf memberi penilaian yang beragam terhadap apa yang dialami al-hallaj. mayoritas menilai bahwa al-hallaj telah menyimpang dari ajaran islam. akhir kematiannya yang tragis dengan cara disalibkan dan dibakar di tengah lapangan seakan menjadi bukti bahwa alhallaj telah menganut ajaran yang sesat.28 keaku-an al-hallaj sebagai sang kebenaran tidak diterima secara wajar seperti ke-aku-an yang diucapkan oleh abu yazid al-busthami. akibat ke-aku-annya itu dia harus menemui ajalnya dengan cara yang sangat menyedihkan. komentar positif, yang berisi dukungan dan pembelaan terhadap apa yang dilakukan al-hallaj, datang dari berbagai tokoh sufi besar dalam islam. mereka29 adalah ibn suraih,30 seorang ulama fiqh dari madzhab maliki; imam ghazali, jalal al-din al-rumi,31 farid al-din al-‘aththar,32 abdulqadir aljailani,33 dan al-damiri.34 tokoh-tokoh tersebut tidak memberi penolakan terhadap apa yang dialami al-hallaj. bahkan sebagian dari mereka menjadi rujukan umat islam di seluruh dunia. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 126 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna selain abu yazid al-busthami dan al-hallaj pada abad 15 terdapat pula tokoh yang mengaku sebagai kebenaran. dia adalah ismail (w. 1524). sesuai dengan anggapan para sejarawan tentang ismail yang beranggapan bahwa dirinya merupakana inkarnasi tuhan.35 mereka menyebut kekuasaan ismail sebagai pemerintahan tuhan. ismail juga menulis puisi yang sebagian berisi dirinya yang merupakan penjelmaan dari tuhan.36 berikut pernyataan ismail yang menyatakan dirinya sebagai kebenaran; the secret of ‘i am the truth (haqq)’ is hidden in this heart of mine for i am the absolute truth and what i say is the truth.37 artinya: rahasia akan aku sang kebenaran tersembunyi dalam hati milikku karena aku kebenaran mutlak, maka apa yang aku ucapkan adalah kebenaran istilah al-haqq daam ucapan ismail tersebut secara berarti kebenaran lisan melemahkan penguasaan atas pendewaan-diri (self-deification). tetapi pernyataan tersebut dibantah oleh pernyataan lain dari ismail seperti berikut: i am the eye of god i am the eye of god the eye of god come now and see the truth o blind man who have lost your way i am that absolute doer of whom they tell i am the commander of the sun and moon my existence is the house of god know for sure prostration to me is incumbent upon you in the evening and at daybreak38 artinya: aku adalah mata tuhan aku adalah mata tuhan mata tuhan kini datang dan lihatlah sang kebenaran, wahai orang buta yang tersesat aku adalah pelaku mutlak itu yang mereka ceritakan aku adalah komandan matahari dan bulan wujudku adalah rumah allah mengetahui karena yakin sujud padaku adalah berkewajiban padamu pada saat sore dan fajar tidak jauh berbeda dengan figur syekh siti jenar. tokoh yang dalam cerita babad dianggap sebagai pembangkang para wali sanga ini pun mengalami hal yang sama dengan al-hallaj. ia harus mati dihadapan para wali sanga sebagai wujud pengakhiran atas ke-aku-annya yang dianggap menyimpang dari ajaran islam. tokoh siti jenar tidak semulus para sufi yang lainnya, seperti abu yazid al-busthami dan ismaili. bahkan sebagian masyarakat islam indonesia—yang berorientasi pada kebenaran fiqhiyah—menganggap siti jenar sebagai tokoh sesat yang menyimpang dari ajaran islam. padahal sebagian mereka menjadi pengikut aliran tarikat qadiryah. wacana ke-aku-an wacana ke-aku-an sebenarnya merupakan gagasan abadi yang akan muncul sepanjang zaman. syekh siti jenar—dalam konteks islam indonesia merupakan varian lain— meruapakn salah dari mata rantai keabadian gagasan tersebut. dia telah memperkenalkan ke-aku-annya sebagai bagian dari perjalanan hidup sejatinya. sebelum siti jenar, para nabi, rasul, wali, santo, dan orang-orang suci lainnya telah memperkenalkannya. hanya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 127vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 saja tanggapan dari masyarakat yang hidup sezaman dengan mereka memberi respon yang beragama. mereka adalah orang-orang yang mencapai pemahaman yang secara sempurna akan ke-aku-annya. sayangnya, untuk kasus siti jenar pengantar akan keaku-annya itu justru disambut dengan tuduhan atas dirinya sebagai orang yang telah keluar dari agama bahkan tidak beragama. ke-aku-an atau ingsun atau ananiyyah, atau the i-amness merupakan sesuatu yang inhern dalam kehidupan setiap manusia. karena ingsun merupakan sumber dari kisah penciptaan.39 hanya saja tidak setiap manusia mau dan atau mampu menerimanya sebagai bagian dari dirinya. siti jenar—dan siapa pun yang memahami ingsun—sudah secara tidak langsung telah menghayati dua wilayah sekaligus, yaitu; ingsun dalam konteks raga/ fisik/ badan dan ingsun dalam konteks the ultimate reality. pada konteks ingsun raga berorientasi pada pijakan tubuh fisik yang meliputi bukan hanya pada badan melainkan juga jiwa dan nyawa. pada konteks ini siti jenar melalui muridnya—ki kebokenongo— menguraikan bahwa agama seharusnya mengarahkan setiap para pemeluknya menjadi orang yang hidup menyatu dengan alam dan merdeka. yaitu hidup yang berupaya menerima realitas antara kebaikan (becik, goodness) dengan keburukan (ala, badness), kehidupan (urip, life) dengan kematian (pralaya, death), dan tuhan (gusti, god) dengan hamba (kawula, slave). berikut ajaran siti jenar, wong neng nusapada iki, mung mengku kalih prakara, ala becik loro kuwe, urip jodhone pralaya, gusti lawan kawula, nanging kyageng pengging tambuh, wong mati tan ngrasa laya.40 artinya: manusia yang berada di alam semesta ini, hanya menhadapi dua persoalan, baik buruk berpasangan dengan kamu, hidup berpasangan dengan mati, tuhan bersama hamba, tetapi kyageng pengging tidak memahaminya, orang yang mati tidak merasakan mati dalam kaitannya ingsun ragawi akan senantiasa berhadapan dengan keburukan, kematian, dan kehambaan. ketiga hal tersebut menjadi realitas wajib yang melekat pada setiap manusia, yang seharusnya disadari setiap manusia. pada tataran ini ingsun ragawi adalah ingsun yang relative. ingsun ragawi adalah yang senantiasa berubah wujud, bentuk, dan tempat. pada ingsun inilah inilah mungkin yang oleh paul f knitter disebut dengan anthropocentrism.41 pada ingsun ini pula manusia sebagai imago dei, citra ilahi yang nyata. bahkan berpijak pada ingsun ini pulalah kesadaran akan adanya pencipta (khaliq, creator), ciptaan (makhluq, creatures), dan etika (akhlaq, ethic). hubungan antara tuhan dan hamba itulah yang secara sosial dan rohani melahirkan hokum-hukum yang mendamaikan. hokum-hukum yang tidak diatur dan ditentukan oleh penguasa yang mengatasnamakan agama, melainkan hokum-hukum yang berpijak pada setiap kesadaran diri individu yang tercerahkan yang senantiasa mendamaikan diri, orang lain, dan alam sekitar. sementara itu ingsun dalam konteks ilahi adalah ingsun yang abadi. ingsun dalam hal ini adalah ingsun yang senantisa berkaiatan dengan the ultimate reality, tuhan, gusti, atau sang kebenaran.ingsun ilahi adalah ingsun sebagaimana dikatakan dan disaksikan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 128 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna oleh abu yazid al-busthami, al-hallaj, dan ismaili. ingsun dalam hal ini adalah ingsun yang hanya diperintah secara langsung oleh tuhan. proses pencapaian kesadaran akan ingsun ilahi pada diri manusia biasanya melalui perjalanan spiritual yang disebut dengan ittihad42 dan hulul.43 pada saat seseorang merasakan dirinya sebagai ingsun ilahi itu biasa disebut dengan wahdat al-syuhud atau wahdat al-wujud. biasanya pula orang yang mengalami demikian sering mengatakan sesuatu (yang disebut syathohat) yang terkadang berlawanan dengan pandangan masyarakat umum. meskipun demikian, sebagian kalangan muslim memahami bahwa orang yang mengalami demikian tidak bisa dihukum sesuai dengan hokum agama. implikasi dari ingsun ilahi ini adalah adanya pemahaman bahwa ingsun ilahi yang bersemayam dalam diri manusia adalah ingsun sang abadi, ingsun yang mutlak. ingsun inilah yang merupakan the ultimate reality yang harus disembah oleh setiap hamba. ingsun sang abadi ini juga bersemayam di dalam diri setiap manusia, hanya saja tidak semua orang menyadarinya. selain itu, tidak semua orang meneladani tuhan secara baik. oleh karena itu, meskipun setiap manusia adalah ingsun ilahi tetapi tidak setiap orang pula mengakui dirinya sebagai tuhan. untuk bisa memahami bahwa dirinya adalah tuhan yang nyata, manusia harus melewati latihan spiritual serta perjalanan rohani yang tidak gampang. manusia yang mengaku dirinya sebagai ingsun ilahi dia harus meneladani sifat-sifat tuhan dan bersifat sebagaimana sifat 20 yang ada pada tuhan. orang yang telah mampu meneladani perbuatan tuhan, maka orientasi hidupnya akan senantiasa pada bagaimana menjunjung tinggi kebaikan, tuhan, dan kehidupan, mungkin ketiga komponen itu oleh paul f knitter disebut dengan biocentrism.44 suatu paham yang berorientasi pada keabadian yaitu kebaikan abadi, tuhan, dan kehidupan itu sendiri. suatu keabadian yang tidak hanya berorientasi atas nama tuhan, melainkan juga atas nama seluruh makhluk tuhan yang diberi kesempatan hidup oleh tuhan. karena dalam diri seluruh makhluk itu tuhan menampakkan diri-nya. meskipun demikian, tidak lantas setiap makhluk tuhan adalah tuhan, karena tuhan adalah berbeda dengan seluruh makhluk-nya. kesimpulan wacana ke-aku-an (ingsun) sebenarnya bukan sesuatu yang baru dalam dunia islam. sayangnya sebagian umat islam—terutama di indonesia—memahami secara tidak komprehensif konsep ingsun tersebut. apalagi jika tulisan-tulisan yang berkaitan dengan ajaran ingsun itu lebih menitikberatkan pada uraian politik dan sikap keberagamaan yang berbeda dengan penguasa suatu zaman. sehingga hakekat ingsun itu menjadi kabur. selain syekh siti jenar, tokoh-tokoh islam seperti abu yazid albusthami, al-hallaj, dan ismaili telah mengawali ajaran ingsun tersebut. hanya saja perhatian masyarakat tidak meyeluruh, sehingga ingsun itu kehilangan makna aslinya. sebenarnya, ajaran ingsun berupaya mengembalikan kesadaran manusia pada kesejatiannya terutama berakitan dengan agama. ingsun membuka kesadaran bahwa setiap manusia harus menerima kenyataan hidup ini yang selalu berpasangan baik-buruk, kehidupan-kematian, dan tuhan-hamba. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 129vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 kebaikan, kehidupan, dan tuhan adalah realitas abadi tuhan. sedangkan, keburukan, kematian, dan hamba adalah realitas manusia. ajaran ingsun menjembatani kesenjangan antara manusia dan tuhan itu sendiri. catatan akhir 1 secara eksplisit penerbit serat ini menuturkan bahwa boekoe siti djenar ini merupakan ringkasan dari serat walisana karya harjawijaya. penerbit tan khoen swie menyebutkan bahwa apa yang ditulis oleh panjinatarata maupun mangunwijaya masih menyimpang dari ajaran syekh siti jenar yang sesungguhnya. selanjutnya penerbit tersebut menyebutkan bahwa terbitannya merupakan ajaran cerita syekh siti jenar yang bersumber dari sunan giri gajah atau sunan giri kedhaton. selanjutnya lih., tan khoen swie, boekoe siti djenar ingkang toelen, kediri, 1931 2 karya panji natarata tersebut secara khusus menceritakan kembali tentang diskusi yang dilakukan oleh syekh siti jenar dengan ki kebo kenongo. kebo kenongo nama lain dari ki handayaningrat. dia adalah keturunan langsung dari raja barawijaya v, raja dari kerajaan majapahit yang terakhir. 3 karya manugunwijaya ini pada mulanya ditulis dalam huruf dan bahasa jawa. selanjutnya ditulis kembali dan dialihaksarakan ke dalam huruf latin oleh museum radyaspustaka surakarta pada bulan januari 1970. pada tahun 1981 serat seh siti djenar ini diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa indonesia oleh sutarti. serta ini diterbitkan oleh departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan, proyek penerbitan buku sastra indonesia dan daerah. penulis mempunyai tiga macam tulisan dengan judul yang sama tetapi dari percetakan yang berlainan. 4 mohammad sobary, pengantar: kewibawaan ‘subversif’ syekh siti jenar, dalam abdul munir mulkhan, syekh siti jenar: pergumulan islam-jawa, (yogyakarta: bentang budaya, 2000), cet., ke-5, h. vi. 5 abdul munir mulkhan, syekh siti jenar: pergumulan islam-jawa, (yogyakarta: bentang budaya, 2000), cet., ke-5, h. 2. 6 abdul munir mulkhan, et. al., bisnis kaum sufi: studi tarekat dalam masyarakat industri, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1998), cet., ke-1, h. 24. lih., juga abdul munir mulkhan syekh siti jenar: pergumulan islam-jawa, h. 1-2. 7 abdul munir mulkhan, syekh siti jenar: pergumulan islam-jawa, h. 2. 8 konsep wahdat al-wujud secara ideologis dicetuskan oleh muhyiddin ibn ‘arabi (w. 638 h/ 1240m), selanjutnya sebagai istilah filsafat dan tasawuf dipopulerkan oleh sadr al-din al-qunawi (w. 673 h/ 1274m). konsep wahdat al-wujud itu sejak awal islam menjadi perdebatan yang belum berakhir di kalangan umat islam. 9 penulis menemukan buku tersebut dari perpustakaan kolese ignatius di yogyakarta dengan nomor pendaftaran ki br 78 d 5. buku yang ditulis pada tahun 1954 tersebut diterbitkan oleh penerbit yayasan penerbitan djojobojo surabaya, merupakan cetakan yang ke-6. 1 0 secara eksplisit penulis tidak menemukan tanggal dan tahun diterbitkannya buku tersebut. namun demikian berdasarkan pada buku-buku yang dijadikan sebagai rujukan yang paling tua berangka tahun 1985, besar kemungkinan buku tersebut ditulis oleh soewarno pada tahun sekitar tahun 1985-1986. buku tersebut diterbitkan oleh penerbit pt antar surya jaya, tetapi tidak menyebutkan pula tempat dan kota mana penerbitan tesebut berada. 1 1 buku—yang merupakan best seller antara tahun 19992000—tersebut diterbitkan oleh bentang budaya yogyakarta. buku—yang pertama kali dicetak pada tahun 1999—yang berada ditangan penulis merupakan cetakan ke-5 pada tahun 2000. 1 2 buku—yang dicetak pertama kali pada bukan juni 2001—tersebut diterbitkan oleh penerbit kreasi wacana yogyakarta. penulis mengoleksi buku tersebut yang terbit pada bulan juli 2001 pada penerbitan yang kedua. http://mail.yahoo.com/config/login?/ym/ compose?dmid=4846_6414200_5603_488_299_0_5376_1_0&yy=41709&y5beta=yes&y5beta=yes&inc=25&order=down&sort=date&pos=0&view=a&head=b&box=draft _ftnref14 1 3 buku—yang terbit pertama kali pada bulan juni 2002—ini diterbitkan oleh penerbit serambi ilmu semesta jakarta. buku yang ada ditangan penulis merupakan terbitan yang ke-3 pada bulan november tahun 2002. 1 4 buku ini diterbitkan pada desember 2002 oleh penerbit kreasi wacana yogyakarta. buku yang tebalnya 547 halaman itu separo bagian pertama merupakan tafsir kontekstual ajaran syekh siti jenar, sedangkan bagian kedua merupakan terjemahan bebas serat bayan budiman. 1 5 buku setebal 256 halaman itu diterbitkan oleh kreasi wacana yogyakarta. 1 6 menurut kusuma djaya babad jalasutra ini diterbitkan oleh penerbit sumodidjojo mahadewa. babad ini menceritakan perjalanan pangeran panggung sejak masa kerajaan demak sampai berdirinya kerajaan mataram yang akhirnya dipimpin sultan agung hanyakrakusuma 1 7 kusuma djaya mengungkapkan bahwa suluk malang sumirang merupakan kutipan dari serat walisana. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 130 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna penulis mempunyai naskah lengkap serat walisana yang diterbitkan oleh penerbit tan khoen swie pada tahun 1925. sementara itu versi latin yang ditulis ulang oleh r tanojo penulis telah mendaptkan salinannya dari perpustakaan kolese ignatius dengan nomer pendaftaran ki 78 c 440. 1 8 di tangan penulis babad jaka tingkir ini telah diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa indonesia oleh moelyono sastronaryatmo dan diterbitkan dalam versi terjemahan oleh departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan jakarta tahun 1981. 1 9 serat ini merupakan rujukan utama bagi sebagian besar para penulis yang mengungkap tentang ajaran syekh siti jenar. 2 0 buku ini terbit pertama kali pada september 2004, merupakan cetakan pertama yang diterbitkan oleh grafindo khazanah ilmu di jakarta. 2 1 muhsin labib dalam karyanya, mengurai tasawuf irfan dan kebatinan, (jakarta: lentera, 2004), h. 218, menjelaskan bahwa prabu satmata merupakan gelar sunan giri kedaton. penjelasan ini berbeda dengan uraian yang terdapat dalam cerita babab maupun dalam serat siti jenar yang lainnya. baik cerita babab maupun serat siti jenar menjelaskan bahwa yang bergelar prabu satmoto adalah syekh siti jenar. 2 2 d.a. rinkes, de helligen van java ii: sjeh s iti djenar voor de inquititie, terj. m. soenjata kartadarmadja, (jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan, 1986), h. 11. lihat pula dalam p.j. zoetmulder, manunggaling kawula gusti: pantheisme dan monisme sastra suluk jawa, terj. dick hartoko, (jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, 1991), cet., ke-2, h. 352-367. 2 3 abu al-wafa al-ghanimi al-taftazani, madkhal ila altashawwuf al-islam, terj. ahmad rofi’ utsmani, (bandung: pustaka, 1997), cet., ke-2, 116. selain itu abu al-wafa menuliskan ungkapan mistik abu yazid yang lain, seperti: “betapa sucinya akum betapa besarnya aku,” “aku keluar dari abu yazidku, seperti ular ke luar dari kulitnya, dan pandanganku pun terbuka, dan ternyata sang pecinta, yang dicinta, dan dicinta, adalah satu. sebab manusia itu dalam alam penyatuan adalah satu,” “maha suci aku! aku inilah tuhanku yang maha luhur.” 2 4 abu al-wafa al-ghanimi al-taftazani, madkhal ila altashawwuf al-islam. 2 5 abu al-wafa al-ghanimi al-taftazani, madkhal ila altashawwuf al-islam, h.115 2 6 abu al-wafa al-ghanimi al-taftazani, madkhal ila altashawwuf al-islam, h.117. 2 7 abu al-wafa al-ghanimi al-taftazani, madkhal ila altashawwuf al-islam, h.118. 2 8 pembicaraan tentang al-hallaj senantiasa memunculkan pro dan kontra sejak pertama kehadirannya sampai sekarang ini. mereka yang menerima ajaran al-hallaj—sebagian mereka ini— menganggap bhawa al-hallaj sebagai tuhan, sebagaimana anggapan umat kristen terhadap isa almasih. namun demikian, menurut penyelidikan penguasa kerajaan pada masanya, al-hallaj mempunyai hubungan dengan kaum karamitah. karamitah adalah sekelompok orang yang mepunyai paham seperti kaum komunis dewasa ini. kelompok ini tumbuh berkembang pada abad 3-4 hijriyah. lihat selanjutnya, hamka, tasauf perkembangan dan pemurniannya, h. 114-115. 2 9 hamka, tasauf perkembangan dan pemurniannya, h. 116. 3 0 ibn syuraih ini berkata, “ilmuku tidak mendalam tentang dirinya, sebab itu saya tidak dapat berkata apa-apa.” 3 1 baik al-ghazali maupun al-rumi keduanya sepakat dan mendukung apa yang dialami al-hallaj. berikut perkataan al-ghazali tentang ana al-haqq-nya alhallaj, “perkataan yang demikian keluar dari mulutnya adalah dari karena sangat cintanya kepada allah. apabila sudah sekian mendalamnya, tidak dirasa lagi perpisahan di antara diri dengan yang dicintai.” 3 2 dibandingkan dengan para sufi pendukung al-hallaj yang lainnya, farid al-din ini memberi gelar al-hallaj dengan sebutan syahid al-haqq, penyaksi sang kebenaran. 3 3 abdulqadir al-jailani—tokoh pendiri tarekat qadarriyah ini—berkata, “jika sekiranya saya hidup di zaman beliau (al-hallaj), sudilah saya menjadi pengiringya.” 3 4 dukungan dari al-damiri ini mengajak orang lain untuk bersikap berhati dalam memberi tuduhan orang islam sebagai orang kafir. bahkan memberi hukum pada orang karena pengalaman spiritual merupakan tindakan orang yang bodoh. penulis hayat al-hayawan ini berkata, “bukanlah perkara mudah menuduh seorang islam keluar dari dalamnya. kalau katakatanya masih dapat dita’wilkan (diartikan lain), lebih baik diartikan yang lain. karena mengeluarkan seseorang dari lingkungan islam, adalah perkara besar. dan tergesa-gesa menjatuhkan hukum begitu, hanyalah perbuatan orang jahil. 3 5 julian baldick, mystical islam: an introduction to sufism, (london: new york university press, 1992), h. 124. sebutan teokrasi pada seseorang bahwa teokrasi adalah terbaik untuk menghindari. istilah itu juga biasa digunakan umtuk mengartikan kekuasaan berdasarkan pada agama tertentu, yang secara harfiah berarti pemerintahan oleh tuhan. 3 6 julian baldick, mystical islam: an introduction to sufism, h. 124. 3 7 julian baldick, mystical islam: an introduction to sufism, h. 124. 3 8 julian baldick, mystical islam: an introduction to sufism, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0010. 119-134 131vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 h. 124. 3 9 john a. titaley, a global ethic with abrahamic religions: is it realistic?, makalah diskusi pada research seminar religion and globalization: friends or foes? religious identity and responsibility in a globalized word. dilaksanakan oleh crcs ugm pada tanggal 23-27 mei 2006, di yogyakarta. 4 0 raden sasrawijaya, serat sitidjenar, (jogjakarta: kulawarga bratakesawa, 1958), h. 5. 4 1 paul f. knitter, the “one earth”: common ground for an ecological interreligious dialogue, makalah diskusi pada research seminar religion and globalization: friends or foes? religious identity and resposibility in a globalized word. dilaksanakan oleh crcs ugm pada tanggal 23-27 mei 2006, di yogyakarta. 4 2 istilah ini sering diterjemahkan dengan unifikasionisme atau bertemunya dua hal. hal ini berkaitam dengan pengalaman bersatu dengan tuhan, setelah seorang sufi menjalani serangkaian petualangan rohani. 4 3 istilah ini disepadankan dengan inkarnasi. istilah ini melukiskan tentang tuhan mendiami dalam diri manusia. proses ini terjadi bukan sebagai upaya manusia, melainkan sebagai kehendak tuhan. tuhan untuk memasuki dalam diri seseorang memilih sesuai dengan kehendak dan kuasa-nya. 4 4 paul f. knitter, the “one earth”: common ground for an ecological interreligious dialogue. daftar pustaka abdullah, hawwash. tt. perkembangan ilmu tasawuf dan tokoh-tokohnya di nusantara. surabaya: al-ikhlas. abdullah, m amin. 1987. sejarah dan masyarakat: landasan historis islam di indonesia. jakarta: pustaka firdaus. abdullah, m. amin. 1999. studi agama: normativitas atau historisitas? yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. aceh, abubakar. tt. pengantar sejarah sufi dan tasawuf. surakarta: ramadhoni. afifi, a.e. 1995. filsafat mistis ibnu ‘arabi, terj. sjahrur mawi dan nandi rahman. jakarta: gaya media pratama. amin, m darori, drs. ma. ed. 2000. islam dan kebudayaan jawa. yogyakarta: gama media. anderson, benedict rog. 1995. mythology and tolerance of javanese. new york. ansari, abdul haq muhammad. 1997. merajut tradisi syari’ah dengan sufisme: mengkaji gagasan mujaddid syeikh ahmad sirhindi. jakarta: srigunting. ardani, h. m. 1995. sembah dan budi dalam serat-serat piwulang mangkunegara iv surakarta. makalah disampaikan dalam pengukuhan guru besar iain jakarta. armstrong, amatullah, sufi terminologi (al-qamus al-sufi): the mystical language of islam, kuala lumpur: a.s. noordeen. ashad, kusumajaya. 2003. pewaris ajaran syekh siti jenar: membuka pintu makrifat, yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. azra, azyumardi. 1994. jaringan ulama timur tengah dan kepulauam nusantara abad xvii dan xviii: melacak akar-akar pembaharuan 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achmad chodjim acquisition adat adat's administrative agama agama ageming aji agama jawa" ahmad khatib minangkabawy ahmad sukino aksiomatis alqur'an al-hallaj al-irsyad al-irsyad al-islamiyyah ali handoyo amalgation amended âmil amir syarifuddin andy agung prihatna animisme anthropology antroposentrisme ar fakhruddin ar. suprapto arnold m. rose arskal salim asef bayat ashad kusuma djaya azyumardi azra b badan amil zakat badan 'âmil zakât baheula bapak rohmat baptis behaviour bengkulu bid'ah blending bmt buah gadang buddha c canduang koto laweh center for the study of religion and culture chaidar s. bamualim children's jurai churafat citizenship clifford geertz contemporary csrc cultus publicus d damami darul ulum datuak sangguno di rajo dediknas departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan republik indonesia diachronic diana leat dinamisme dogmatism dpr-gr dr. sutomo duffy durkheim dutch dutch occupation e eklektivisme eksistensi eksistensi ekslusivisme, eksperiensial ekspresi-ekspresi emile durkheim erni budiwanti evers f farâidh fi al-asyya' al-ibahah filantrofi islam filantropi filantropi islam flexibility franz von benda-beckmann franz von benda-bergmann freedom fried fundamental furnivall furuiyyah fusion g geertz geo-politik global ethics global theology. glock gluckman gong zhui gordon w. allport gulliver gus dur h h. dawam h. kusrin h. nasih h. roziq h. salim haji dawam haji dawam roji hak hanna djumhana bastaman harato pusako harmonisasi harmonisasi helmut k. anheier hendrik hibah hilman latief hindu hizbut tahrir indonesia hj. khotijah hoebel horikoshi horizonta hudaniah i idealisme ideologis ijmaiyyah ilmu jiwa agama imran manan briefly individualistis indonesia indonesische drukkerij infak ingsun ilahi inklusif inklusivisme intelektual intellectuals intension ir. henry suwarto irvan abu bakar islam islamic activism islamic law islamic law. islamic philanthropy isrâ' mi'râj istimbath j jackson jambi jamil wahid java jehova jim schiller john hick k k.h. ar. fachrudin kaafur kamanakan kapital-modern kartopuran surakarta katolik kaum kedermawanan khas-an khazanah khurafat kiyai slamet klenteng klenteng sie hien kyong koentjaraningrat kohesivitas komaruddin hidayat konsekuensial kristen kulonprogo kulonrpogo yogyakarta kyai kyai haji ahmad dahlan l lazis lili zakiyah munir lirboyo llyod m m. dawam rahardjo m. ng. harjawijaya madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah maharaja rufus shinra majelis mujahidin indonesia majelis tafsir al-qur'an malawi malinowski mamak manfred ziemek mangkubumi mangkunegara mansoer faqih mas ng. harjawijaya mas ng. mangunwijaya masdar f. mas'udi masif max planck institute for social anthropology mazdhabiyyah memberdayakan merle c. ricklefs milik minangkabau minister of religious affairs mitologi mmi modernisasi moh. hari siti jenar moh. hari soewarno mohammad sobary monograph monograph. moore mora moralitas mta muhaimin muhammad dachlan muhammad muhsin khan muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali muhammad wildan, muhammadiyah 'multifungsi musyawarah muthohharun jinan n nagari nagari nahdhatul ulama nahdlatul ulama (nu) nico syukur dister niels mulder non-partisan nu ny. rorokidul nyai rara kidul o ohan hendrik caspar kern optimisme ota ownership-deed p pangeran cloud panglima sephiroth panjinatarata pantekosta partai amanat nasional (pan) partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) peacock penghulu permodalan nasional madani persatuan islam pesantren philanthropy pilkades pku pluralism pluralisme pluralisme pluralitas pluralitas pns politisasi tradisi pondok pesantren gontor prabu satmata president suharto priyayi protestan purifikasi purwoko q qadariyah qiyâs quran qurasih shihab r raden panji natara radio persada fm raditional society ranz von benda-beckmann rasionalisasi regulations riau rigidity ritualistik robert c. monk rusbult s saifuddin zuhri sami hasan samiul hasan scholars scientific sekolah guru agama semi-autonomous serat bayan budiman sewugalur shadaqah sholawatan sinkretisme sintetis social justice socio-political sosial-ekonomi sosial-politiknya spiritual stark state strategic-group subsidi silang suku sultan abdul hamid ii sultan agung sumatra sunan bonang sunan giri kedhaton suparman usman susilo bambang yudhoyono sustainabilitas syekh siti jenar t tahlilan takhayul takhayul takhayul, bid'ah, dan churafat teologis terorisme tersantuni timur tengah tionghoa tipologi tradisionalis tradition tri dayakisni trikotomi truth claim u uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 'ulama ulayat universalisme universalisme university of leiden university of zurich urbanisasi uswatun hasanah v vanderlinden vinogradoff, w w. allport wahhabi wakaf wali songo waqf warih wasiyat widya pustaka woodman word trade center y yasinan yesus kristus z zakat zakât zamachsyari dhofier zambia zis ziswaf # layout jan jun 2011 abstrak franz von benda-beckmann adalah sosok ternama di bidang pluralism hukum. ia adalah satu diantara sarjana yang berupaya memahami pluralitas norma dalam masyarakat. di antara sekian banyak karyanya, kajian tentang minangkabaulah yang paling terkenal dalam studi antropologi hukum (rechtsethnologie). tulisan ini menganalisis gagasan-gagasan yang tercermin dalam karyanya yang berjudul property in social continuity: continuity and change in the maintenance of property relationships through time in minangkabau, west sumatra yang diterbitkan pada tahun 1979. karya ini memiliki keselarasan dengan perkuliahan antropologi hukum islam, khususnya ketika karya tersebut berbicara tentang situasi hukum yang beragam di minangkabau, khususnya mengenai harta benda dan waris. karena buku ini lebih banyak berbicara tentang adat minangkabau, penulis memfokuskan pada hubungan adat dengan hukum islam, khususnya perihal hukum waris yang menjadi sumber “kompetisi” antara hukum islam dan hukum adat di dalam mengatur masyarakat. kata kunci: hukum islam, hukum adat, minangkabau, antropologi, pluralism hukum introduction: about franz von bendabeckmann franz von benda-beckmann is a german scholar now a honorary professor for legal pluralism at the university of halle and for ethnology at the university of leipzig since 2004. he is also joint head of project group legal pluralism at the max planck institute for social anthropology, halle. he studied in gymnasium in islamic law, adat and state law franz von benda-beckmann on systems of property and inheritance in minangkabau novelia musda work at the ministry of religious affairs at the municipal of padangpanjang, west sumatra. email: mudah_sadar@yahoo.co.id abstract franz von benda-beckmann is a famous figure in the field of legal pluralism. he is one among scholars who propose to understand the plurality of norms in a society. among his many works, those on minangkabau are well-known in the study of anthropology of law (rechtsethnologie). this article attempts to analyse his ideas in a book entitled property in social continuity: continuity and change in the maintenance of property relationships through time in minangkabau, west sumatra published in 1979. it has its relevance in the seminar anthropology of islamic law, especially when the book talked about the pluralistic situation of laws in minangkabau on problems of property and inheritance. because the book is predominantly about minangkabau adat, the author focuses on adat’s relation with islamic law and more specifically on the problem of inheritance which has been a source of much “competition” between both systems to regulate the society. keyword: islamic law, adat, minangkabau, anthropology, legal pluralism doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 189vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 kiel (1952-1961), became a law student in three universities (munich, lausanne and kiel) from 1962 until 1967. he ever taught law and ethnology in the university of zurich (1972-1977 and then 1980-1986), the university of leiden (1978-1981), and was appointed as professor for law in developing countries at wageningen agricultural university for about two decades (1981-2000). his field experiences were in zambia and malawi (1967-1968), west sumatra (minangkabau) (1974-1975 and 1999-2000), ambon, moluccas (1985-1986) and also india and nepal. he is married to another famous scholar of the same interest, keebet von benda-beckmann. together they have written many books and articles in more or less the same focus. franz von benda-beckmann is a prolific writer. his works are mainly about the concept of legal pluralism and the phenomenon of plurality of laws in certain societies. the book which i want to study in this paper is of that kind. among his other works are: gesellschaftliche wirkung von recht: rechtsethnologische perspektiven (2007); changing properties of property (2006); state, religion and legal pluralism: changing constellations in west sumatra (minangkabau) and comparative issues (paper, 2001); recreating the nagari: decentralisation in west sumatra (2001); text in context: historical documents as political commodity on islamic ambon (1994); property, politics and conflict: ambon and minangkabau compared (1991); op zoek naar het kleinere euvel in de jungle van het rechtspluralisme (1983); rechtsantropologie in nederland (1981).1 introduction to property in social continuity why minangkabau? minangkabau is the name for the people, the place and the language of the fourth largest tribe in indonesia. they inhabit nowadays west sumatra province and parts of riau, bengkulu, jambi, aceh and the state of negeri sembilan in malaysia. the geography, the adat of minangkabau and the history of islam in this place are studied by a great number of scholars, especially since the dutch occupation. franz von bendabeckmann is one among them. he hoped to contribute to the anthropological study of property, inheritance and law in this monograph. he chose minangkabau because it seems to him that this region is challenging for conducting research in the field, out of at least three reasons: pluralistic situation, variety of institutions dealing with property relationships and contemporary changes (legal and practical) in those matters. he explicitly said that to analyse the situation, he needs to attempt an approach different from that which was usually used by legal anthropologists. minangkabau is interesting for him also because historical documents on its legal pluralism are relatively well-documented.2 aim of the study the author’s aim in this monograph is to contribute to the ethnographic knowledge of minangkabau as well as to the antropological study of property, inheritance and law.3 thus, we can understand that he has both particular and general aims in his research. it is particular because it is related to a certain society (minangkabau) and general because it wants to give some ideas about legal anthropology, especially legal pluralism. there are three focuses listed by franz von bendabeckmann upon which he conducted his research with his wife, keebet: the sociodoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 190 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna political organization of a nagari; secondly, the processes of dispute-settlement in the nagari institutions and the state courts supposed to apply substantive adat law but adjusted to procedures of state law; and the last, the system of property and relationship in minangkabau. the author said, it is the third focus which is the main focus in this monograph. however, we can see that the other two focuses are also detailly discussed by him in it. the choice to study a particular nagari in minangkabau, that is nagari canduang koto laweh (ckl) was made because they came to know that the greatest number of disputes they found in the state court related to the focus of this monograph were from this particular nagari.4 methodology the combination of fieldwork and library research enabled franz von benda-beckmann to make his analysis in this study thoroughand wide-going. data used in this monograph were taken from reading materials and results of field work conducted by the author and his wife. the reading material is drawn from earlier sources.5 franz von bendabeckmann also studied dutch sources on minangkabau in libraries in the netherlands intensively before visiting west sumatra. while in the field work, they interviewed judges and staff-members of state courts in the districts of agam, 50 kota and tanah datar and also checked registers and analysed court records.6 the author also consulted adat experts and talked with common villagers in various ways to get understanding of the minangkabau adat and its actual practices.7 theoretical framework we can find the theoretical framework in this monograph mainly in the first chapter and conclusion and also in parts of other chapters. franz von benda-beckmann firstly means by society as not only a composite of individuals, but it also has inclusive social formations with group-character. borrowing from moore, he labeled these social formations “semi-autonomous” groups in the sense that they represent an entity in which the autonomy of the members is restricted and recognized, but the autonomy of the group itself is also restricted in relation to the other groups.8 he then listed four criteria to asses various forms of the restriction and the recognition.9 firstly, the degree of institutionalization, that is to what degree the members are free to build their own or new conceptions. secondly, the referent of institutionalization; whether it refers to procedural conceptions or substantive content. franz von benda-beckmann said that in many traditional societies, it is the former that mainly restricts the autonomy of the members, whereas in many western societies, the case is otherwise. thirdly, the complexity of institutionalization; here, the author mentions diachronic and synchronic patterns as two kinds of the arrangement of institutional requisites consisting of a diversity of institutions.10 by diachronic he understands that we must go through several institutional steps to deal with certain problem, e.g. in marriage. by synchronic he means that we can choose among several alternatives, e.g. in many african societies, one can choose marriage by elopement or in court. then, the last criterium to evaluate the restriction of the autonomy of a society’s members is the what he called “mandatoriness of institutionalization”; whether the conceptions through which social organization is expressed are prescripdoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 191vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 tive, facultative, optional or only options.11 concerning the concept of law, franz von benda-beckmann differentiated three approaches used by anthropologists to define law.12 in the first approach, they can consider law as a domain of social organization; thus, law is treated as social process. this trend is applied by the followers of the case-methods. gulliver and hoebel are included by him in this party. for the followers of the second approach, among them maine, durkheim and fried, law is related to forms of normative conceptions particular to a specific form of political organization. it proposes that “law” developed from “custom” and “state” from kinship-based communities. the third approach is to treat law as a dimension of social organization inherent in all social institutions. law is seen as related to all domains of social life and can be separated from the social processes. franz von bendabeckmann said that he used this approach in this monograph because, for him, it has great analytical and heuristic values for the anthropological study of law.13 other representatives of this approach are vinogradoff, malinowski, gluckman and moore. further elaborating the concept of law used in this study, franz von bendabeckmann stated that law comprises both cognitive and normative conceptions; in his own words,” law is not only concerned with the consequences following from certain situation-images, but it also contains conceptions determining the facts from which the consequences follow.”14 there are three standards to evaluate situation-images for legal relevance: permissibility, validity and an indifferent standard.15two manifestations of law are also mentioned by him: general law and concrete law (the law for “cases”). the first evaluates typified situation-images for their consequences, while concrete law evaluates a concrete situation-image for its concrete consequences.16 about the property relationships, the author of the monograph said that its social organization is manifested in both general and concrete legal conceptions. he indicated two levels on which the relationships are expressed: the level of socio-political authority and the level of use and exploitation. this distinction is really useful in studying minangkabau system of property. however, he concedes that it is not new, since leach, llyod and vanderlinden have spoken about some aspects of it.17 the problem of inheritance is considered to be the problem of maintaining the system of property relationships through time.18 it signifies the transfer of rights and obligations of the deceased to the heirs and it happens in and through law.19 franz von bendabeckmann distinguishes between diachronic and synchronic transfers. diachronic transfer has to do with inheritance which is through time, while the other with property law in general between the living within the same time.20 in relation to individual freedom in property affairs: the more diachronic thinking dominates the less individuality and individual freedom is appraised. the greater the freedom is recognized, the more will continuity decrease in importance , as is the case in contemporary western legal systems.21 as we can also see further in this monograph, property relationships in contemporary minangkabau increasingly give more space to individual freedom. structure of the monograph the book with 455 pages consists of seven doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 192 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna chapters, introduction, notes, glossaries, bibliography and maps. chapter i is entitled “basic assumptions and hypotheses” and deals with conceptions about social institutions, social functions and concepts of law. in this chapter, f.v. benda-beckmann explains views of other scholars on these themes and then proposes his own opinions. it is also interesting to study his views on the definition of law by his summarizing three approaches to define law and why he prefers the third for his own analysis, especially that which is used in the book.22 some ideas about “legal pluralism” can be seen in this difficult chapter. in chapter ii, he is more specifically concerned with minangkabau. franz von benda-beckmann delves into explaining socio-political organization in minangkabau, group formations, local terminologies like nagari, buah gadang and jurai and also authority vested in each group. the author does not forget to talk about marriage as a kind of relationship among groups and also types of residence known in minangkabau traditional society. pluralistic situation of law or legal systems in minangkabau of the past and the present is the core of the chapter iii. by pluralistic he means the existence of adat law, islamic law and written law which together deal with the problems of property and inheritance. each of the systems has its own unique history and their mutual interaction is always attractive to study. systems of property relationships in minangkabau illuminated by the approach to pluralistic situations are elaborated in chapter iv. benda-beckmann explains the definition of terms for kinds of property relationship used in adat (e.g. pagang, gadai, harato pusako) and islamic law (e.g. milk, hibah, farâidh) and proceeds to give light to the introduction of written law, firstly by the dutch in the colonial period and then by the indonesian government after independence . chapter v and vi are about the application of the systems in the reality of the minangkabau society. the former gives us stories of affairs in property relationships and inherintance in minangkabau society and the latter analyses the legal conceptions in minangkabau with changes from time to time. it must be of special interest for me to study the clash between adat and islamic law included in the sixth chapter. chapter vii is conclusion. in this last chapter he considers factors of change in the relationships of property and inheritance through time in minangkabau. it illuminates us in seeing how in the present minangkabau adat’s influence upon minangkabau people has decreased, not only apprehended by outsiders but also felt by concerned minangkabauers. notwithstanding, the conceptions of adat itself on property relationships do not significantly change. organization of minangkabau society as mentioned earlier, one of the aims of this monograph is to present some ethnographic knowledge of minangkabau, especially in relation to the system of property according to adat and its practice in society. the second chapter is devoted to give ample explanation about the socio-political organization in minangkabau. however, historical development is not given enough description. the author seems to focus on the present (i.e. in his time) situation. since the author is fully aware that there are sometimes differences in terminology among many nagari in minangkabau concerning groups, territorial division of nagari and other conceptions, he doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 193vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 always indicated that when he observed particulary those he knew in nagari canduang koto laweh. in order to understand the situation in minangkabau, one must be first fully aware that fundamental socio-political units are structured according to the conception of matrilineal descent defined as blood relationship (batali darah).23 however, it is not the only one, other inter-individual relationships established for example through marriage and political arrangements are also important.24 fundamental constituent unit in group formation in minangkabau is called paruik, buah paruik, kaum or buah gadang, according to terminology used in particular nagari.25 buah gadang is defined as “one” in term of having one panghulu-title or one panghulu (sasako or sapanghulu), one-heritage (sapusako) and one-property (saharato).26 it consists not only of persons having common matrilineal descent from one apical female ancestor, but also of strangers and descendants of former slaves given nagari “citizenship”. the latter two need to be associated with or incorporated in a certain buah gadang in order to acquire that “citizenship”. however, they assume inferior status in the buah gadang in terms of rights, especially to harato pusako.27 buah gadang is also divided into kaum; the latter is a potential sub-unit of the buah gadang. there is also another term for denoting sub-unit of the buah gadang: jurai. nevertheless, jurai can be more specific in that it can mean only a mother and her children28, but also general in that it can be identical with kaum.29 as stated by franz von bendabeckmann, the number of the sub-units in particular buah gadang vary among all buah gadang in the nagari.30 there are buah gadang having 13 kaum, and there are others that consist of only one kaum, the average being three or four. on the levels higher than buah gadang, one has to deal with suku and nagari. these all are constituted in minangkabau adat. it is stipulated that a nagari must consist at least of four suku. the relation between suku and buah gadang itself is like that of unit and its sub-unit. the association of some or many buah gadang into a suku is not really based on actual common matrilineal descent, but may be on “administrative” function. thus, suku has group character only on the nagari level.31 however, a minangkabaunese states that he belongs to this or that suku when he identifies himself also on supra-nagari level, for example when he is asked from which nagari he comes and from which suku if the person who asks happens to be interested in identifying him more. nagari is thus a socio-political organization in minangkabau consisting of at least four suku and this in turn of some or many buah gadang. for example, nagari canduang koto laweh at its founding time is said to consist of 7 suku and 60 buah gadang.32 the description above is the basic description of literatures on minangkabau society. however, in dealing with the residence rules in minangkabau, franz von bendabeckmann’s description differs from others in categorizing three aspects of residence: domestic, economic and political.33 of the three, he said the last is not given enough attention by other scholars. he describes the political residence in minangkabau as matrilocal, distinguishing between residence in adat, in buek, in pusako and in jorong. to conclude, he said that for a married minangkabau man, residence is duolocal: his domestic residence is uxorilocal and his doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 194 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna political residence matrilocal.34 the complexity of residence rules in minangkabau will determine a range of activities a minangkabau man, in particular, will do in his life as a buah gadang member, as a husband, as a member of community also. pluralistic situation in dealing with property relationships in minangkabau legal pluralism is a familiar terminology when we deal with works of franz von bendabeckmann. he said that he used the term for the first time for the title of his dissertation on legal systems in malawi, but he was not fully aware of the consequences of such a concept.35 one important point that is still now raised in discussions about legal pluralism is that whether one can really speak of “law” and legal pluralism when normative systems like adat and islamic law are not recognized as law by the state. anyhow, it is only the perspective of positive jurists, he said further, and not to be taken by social scientists.36 woodman, who defines legal pluralism as “the condition in which a population observes more than one body of law”, also said that this term is a concept only used in the social scientific study of law.37 in this monograph, franz von bendabeckmann doesn’t explicitly talk about the concept of legal pluralism itself, except some mentioning of it in few pages, e.g. page 120 and 121. he only explained the pluralistic situation in minangkabau in details, in which there are three distinctive legal systems available, i.e. adat/adat law38, islamic law and written law, which deal with property relationships, transfers of property of synchronic and diachronic characters. whereas his focus is largely on adat and adat law, his elaboration of the two other systems is really interesting because he explains the interaction between the three systems with examples of court cases and gives light to the change upon and within minangkabau adat through time, as the title of the book suggests. the brief history of the existence and the actual use of the legal systems is given. before the coming of islam in minangkabau, even before paderi war, its adat is not sufficiently known to us due to lack of data. islam indeed brought different ways of thinking about property and property relationships. its faraidh (law of inheritance) was understandbly considered a challenge to adat conception of inheritance. however, islamic terminologies like warih (waris), hibah, wasiyat, ulayat, hak and milik and adat itself were incorporated into vital adat concepts but with different meanings. it makes the assessment of preislamic adat conception much more difficult. and since minangkabau adat is manifested in many metaphorical proverbs and sayings with a poetic character used mainly to express and transmit various standards and guidelines for their everyday behaviour in social life,39 it is not easy to determine which proverbs from pre-islamic period even if the expressed words contain no arabic loans. only with the coming of the dutch and their occupation of the heart land of minangkabau did begin a clear picture of minangkabau adat come to light, especially for outsiders. the dutch had interest in studying it for practical or administrative and scholarly purposes. concerning the system of property in adat (adat pusako), the author deals with the category of property, its acquisition, its use and transfers of property relationships. material property object is called harato in minangkabau (indonesian: harta). they can doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 195vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 be divided into two kinds: harato pusako (pusako property) and harato pancaharian (selfacquired property).40 most harato pusako is land and harato pancaharian is mainly in the form of movable property objects; but, the latter also includes land having been bought (by one’s own money for example) or cultivated for the first time.41 if minangkabau man and woman marry, the total of the couple’s harato pancaharian is called harato suarang. however, each of them usually “brings” with them some harato before marriage, for man this brought harato is called harato pambaoan (brought property), for woman harato dapatan (received property). the property each brings into marriage may consist of both harato pusako and harato pancaharian, but in most cases it is harato pusako (of his or her kaum).42 the harato pancarian and harato pusako are not to be totally separated because the former can be converted into the latter (not otherwise). this is what franz von bendabeckmann call pusakoization of harato pancaharian. the mechanism is that after the death of the holder of harato pancaharian his or her heirs will inherit it. the heirs are not really individuals, but group, i.e. his jurai or buah gadang. so, it will be treated as pusako, as increasing pusako of the person’s buah gadang. the author explores its legal impacts and the problems resulting from this concept in adat, taking attention to the fact that in the present time (in the time he did research until now) this has changed considerably. i will discuss it later in this paper. one of the most striking manifestations of matrilineality in minangkabau is adat rule concerning who will be the heirs of the deceased. the distribution of a kaum’s harato pusako is conducted in three ways: ganggam bauntuak, harato dapatan and harato pambaoan.43 ganggam bauntuak (literally means: “a handful to be duely divided for use”) in principle can be understood as the way in which pusako property is “given” to the woman and her jurai to be used and explored for their own needs. the “woman” can be grandmother, mother, sister or grandsister in matrilineal descent, especially those who have family or children. in other words, females are the holders of ganggam bauntuak. ideally, it is not evenly given, for the most in need will be given greater part.44 the allocation is accomplished in a musyawarah (family meeting) in which the mamak (the leader of the jurai, usually the oldest male in the jurai) plays a significant role in leading the meeting and preparing the mufakat (unanimous decision). the important aspect in distribution of harato pusako is that it remains the property of the kaum. it is divided only for use.45 it is the strength of the rules concerning harato pusako in that it will lead to the benefits of all members of the kaum in continuity; if it is converted to own’s own property, the owner will tend to use, sell or pawn it as so much as he likes that next generations will not take benefit of it anymore.46 concerning harato dapatan and harato pambaoan, very brief explanation in previous page is enough in this occasion. to transfer harato pusako, there are some mechanisms known in minangkabau adat: selling and buying, pawning (gadai with several forms), privileged loan (sando and others); while for harato pancaharian, in addition to the three mechanisms, there are gift in several forms (hibah, umanaik, wasiyat, pemberian), and utang (debts). these mechanisms are exactly what have changed in the course of time, for example in relation to the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 196 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna degree of the freedom in disposing harato pancarian. it will be dealt later. islamic law contributes to minangkabau adat not only in providing new terminologies, but also some forms of transfer of harato not known before, such as hibah and wasiyat. in fact, both are purely new institutions brought by islam to be incorporated in minangkabau adat.47 we may consider another kind of transfer introduced by islam: waqf. rules of pawning and methods of selling and buying are also influenced by islamic law to a certain extent. as already known, adat rules concerning who will be the heirs of property of the deceased are different from those in islam. in adat, men are not given ganggam bauntuak, but they will be given the right to use and exploit harato pusako of their kaum and also control or supervise the allocation of it if they become mamak in their jurai. it is interesting to note that rules of hibah in islam are also understood differently by minangkabau people in certain forms of hibah and certain aspects of it. the author gives satisfying explanation of the matter, at least to make us understand how islamic law gets different meaning for the people. hibah in adat can be hibah of harato pusako and harato pancaharian. hibah of harato pusako usually means the transfer of harato pusako of the jurai of a father to his children. this kind of hibah is not indefinite, because it is only for their life-time or their jurai’s (until their jurai extinct). if they die, so the harato pusako will be back to their father’s jurai.48 a common form of hibah of harato pancaharian is hibah from his father to his children. the father employs this mechanism because in adat his children will not inherit their father’s property. amir syarifuddin also ascribed it to the growing consciousness of the minangkabau father to be responsible materially and morally to his family.49 while hibah in islam is valid in the lifetime of the giver, principally irrevocable and as much as the donor will give,50 in minangkabau adat, hibah of harato pancaharian is only valid after the death of the donor, revocable and must occur with the “knowledge”, even consent of the father’s jurai or ahli waris. however, from time to time (explained by the words “change” and “continuity”, the freedom to dispose harato pancaharian by minangkabau men has significantly increased.51 hibah as known in islamic law, however, may occur in other cases in the sense that it is a kind of ordinary gift or donation. one element of the plurality of legal systems in minangkabau dealing with property relationships is western law introduced by the dutch and later adopted by the indonesian state. the feature of the western law in minangkabau is its written form. in the colonial period, there were regulations which affected the system of property relationship in minangkabau. the first was the decree of 1853 (amended in 1910) concerning the pusako-eigondomsakte. pusako land in this decree could be given ownership-deed and then became subject to dutch formal law,52 though the substantive law remained that of adat law. in 1870, agrarian act (agrarische wet) was also introduced to the whole colony and in 1874 there was a special declaration of state domain in sumatra. the latter meant that tanah ulayat (a kind of common pusako of a particular nagari) would fall under the state’s domain. however, due to its sharp contrast to adat law of minangkabau, this declaration had very little or no success.53 after the independence, the indonesian state introduced undang-undang pokok doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 197vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 agraria (the basic agrarian law) in 1960 which affirmed to be based on adat law but modelled after western law. some regulations in the marriage law of 1974 also regulate marital property law.54 apart from influences in law, many changes in socio-political system and economy have contributed to the system of property relationship. with the weakening of the authority of penghulu and mamak in minangkabau and loosening of the matrilineal kinship tie within suku, buah gadang and jurai, the holding of distributed pusako property (ganggam bauntuak) tends to be regarded as individualistic and permanent.55 the monetarization (the introduction of the use of money) has significantly contributed to the individuation of property relationships and the way they are evaluated. franz von benda-bergmann argued that despite many influences outside minangkabau adat, the traditional system can absorb them; in his own words,” the notion of pusako continuity is still strong and as yet absorbs an ever expanding present…many factors which on the one hand weaken the pusako system, reinforce it again on the other”.56 one important message brought by the author in this discussion is that this plurality of norms is responsible for both the change and continuity of minangkabau adat especially in dealing with property relationships. with the coming of islam which introduced hibah and wasiyyah into adat and with the coming of the dutch contributing to a new way of thinking about property in minangkabau people, adat proves itself to be adjusted to new conditions of the time and to articulate its concepts in more relevant ways towards the needs of modernity. in encountering modern needs, minangkabau adat is really flexible in that certain development can be accommodated. for example, in his article, franz von bendabeckmann doesn’t see the reason that registration of pusako land is contrary to adat.57 when the villagers don’t want to register their land (as demanded by state laws) and use adat to justify their behaviour, it is not due to adat itself, but their own motivations which in turn depend on the contexts of their interaction with state administrative.58 thus, adat can adopt some elements of state laws as it has still done with islamic law. an interesting case: harato pancaharian in minangkabau as already known, islamic law has rules concerning inheritance as stated in the quran and developed by the ‘ulama. minangkabau adat also has its own rules concerning this matter, which are very different from islamic prescriptions but maintained by minangkabau tradition. franz von benda-beckmann59 indicated that inheritance has always been a central issue in the struggle of each side to gain supremacy in minangkabau society. even before the paderi war in the beginning of the 19-th century, there was demand to take some attention to islamic law of inheritance.60 harato pancaharian is indeed the property owned by a person, but the problem lies in who will be the heir if he or she dies. minangkabau adat with its strong emphasis on the kaum-ness of a person, the person’s autonomy in disposing his self-acquired property is restricted to the extent that other people in his kaum should have also be considered to be given some parts of it, especially his kamanakan (if the person is male). one can give certain portion doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 198 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna of his harato pancaharian to whom he likes (especially his children) only through hibah as we have seem earlier in this paper. moreover, minangkabau adat stipulates that harato pancaharian is deemed to be harato pusako once it is inherited in the new owner’s jurai61. it means that if one’s children have received his harato pancaharian, it will in turn be harato pusako in the children’s jurai (their mother’s kaum). it is also the task of all group member to increase their harato pusako, the most important way of which is via harato pancaharian.62 datuak sangguno di rajo in the beginning of this century even emphasized that if harato pancaharian is acquired with the capital from harato pusako, adat “demands” that one half of it be returned to the kaum in order to increase pusako of the kaum itself.63 there were and are always oppositions to this restriction of one’ right of his own acquired property. the coming of islam had give one impetus to nuance the opposition. franz von benda-beckmann stated that minangkabau merchants and traders in the past insisted that harato pancarian be inherited according to islamic law.64 besides that of them, opposition of ulama themselves was of great importance in this discourse. one of minangkabau ‘ulama who severely criticized minangkabau adat system in property relationships was ahmad khatib minangkabawy. he insisted that it is religiously forbidden (harâm) to follow inheritance rules of minangkabau adat. his central argument is that the rules clearly contradict islamic teachings as laid in the quran and sunnah.65 amir syarifuddin criticized ahmad khatib’s conclusion, saying that harato pusako is not to be inherited according to islamic law (farâidh) because it is not individual property of the heir(s).66 harato pusako is in the hand of the heir only for temporary time and also only for use and exploitation, but it remains the property of the group (kaum) to be inherited to the next generations. ahmad khatib in his view did not properly differentiate between the status of harato pusako and that of harato pancaharian. efforts to have greater freedom to one’ own harato pancaharian have brought many conflicts among minangkabau people. in the past, “children and kamanakan conflict” was the most famous form of these conflicts. this was a classical conflict, in which both parties disputed their father’s/mamak’s harato pancaharian. in the contemporary minangkabau society, this kind of conflict is much less common. one of the important reason is that in the formal meetings of representatives of adat leaders (penghulu) of minangkabau, ulama, intellectuals and government administratives first in 1952 and finally in 1968, it was stipulated that harato pancaharian is to be completely separated from harato pusako, and that, it should be inherited according to islamic law of inheritance (farâidh).67 thus, if the status of the disputed property has been established as harato pancaharian, no childred-kamanakan conflict will emerge.68 changes in socio-political systems and economy since two centuries ago have indeed affected minangkabau adat. with the influences from islamic law and western law, minangkabau people increasingly speak of hak milik when they refer to harato pancaharian. they insist that their harato pancaharian is their individual (hak) milik, meaning that they have full right to use and dispose it as they want. this view will no doubt lead to abolition of the concept of doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 199vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 pusakoization of harato pancaharian. if this happens, harato pusako will not increase anymore; it even decreases. franz von bendabeckmann maintained that by increasing use of money and continuing individualization of use-rights (ganggam bauntuak) more harato pusako itself will be pencaharianized.69 it will pose a serius threat to the concept of adat pusako. according to adat experts, however, adat itself has not changed. the changes happen within the adat. minangkabau adat in the past recognized certain freedom of the disposition of one’ harato pancaharian.70 what has changed in the course of time is the degree of this freedom. in contemporary minangkabau, according to the formal meeting of minangkabau penghulu and ulama in 1968, a minangkabau man is free to give his harato pancaharian to whom he likes. franz von benda-beckmann seemed to agree with the adat experts.71 the change in this matter is understood by him as a systematic development of the old adat which indeed recognized the individual’s autonomy of his harato pancaharian and not as a contradiction to it.72 conclusion imran manan briefly discussed ideas brought by franz von benda beckmann in this monograph.73 he said franz von bendabeckmann argued that most of the changes affecting minangkabau society since the end of the paderi war, as he observed, can be integrated into the traditional adat. the matrilineal key values are still maintained to a great extent, especially concerning harato pusako. anyone who predicts that matrilineal system in minangkabau would disintegrate doesn’t fully understand the flexibility and adaptability of minangkabau adat. to conclude, franz von benda-beckmann generally insisted that the changes in property and inheritance systems are in fully accordance with established adat conceptions. the plurality of legal systems in minangkabau regulating the property relationships did not and does not destroy the adat, but helps to enrich it with more possibilities and opportunities to deal with the challenges brought by the change of the time. islamic law contributed many things to minangkabau adat ; not only are the contributions in loaning words and key terminologies to denote property relationships and inheritance, new conceptions such as hibah and wasiyat are also integrated into adat system. the monograph is a highly valuable material for me to study my own minangkabau society and its adat pusako, especially that dealing with the property relationships, and its interaction with islamic teachings. there are many things which previously escaped my attention. it is a happy opportunity that i am given the task of studying this monograph for the course of anthropology of islamic law. endnotes 1 i take the curriculum vitae of the author from the website: http://www.eth.mpg.de/dynamicindex.html?http://www.eth.mpg.de/people/fbenda/ project.html 2 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism: changing constellations in west sumatra (minangkabau) and comparative issues (19-th working paper). (halle/saale: max planck institute for social anthropology, 2001), p. 8. 3 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 5. 4 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 12. 5 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 8. 6 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 9. 7 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 200 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pluralism, p. 10. 8 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p.18. 9 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 22. 1 0 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 23. 1 1 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p.24. 1 2 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p.26. 1 3 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 27. 1 4 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 28. 1 5 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 29. 1 6 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p.31. 1 7 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 43. 1 8 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p.45. 1 9 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 44. 2 0 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p.48. 2 1 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 49. 2 2 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, pp. 26-27. 2 3 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 60. 2 4 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 61. 2 5 it is somewhat confusing when we must deal with different terms for one definition, because in this book buah gadang is said to consist of one or more kaum, and paruik is only members of buah gadang of one matrilineal descent; however, since franz von bendabeckmann clearly made distinction between these terms, in which nagari it is used (i.e., in ckl) and explicitly stated that in other nagari the terminology may be very different, i will follow him in preferring his definition of buah gadang, kaum, etc, in this paper. 2 6 it is penghulu in the sense of family leader, not religious official. in minangkabau, penghulu very rarely or perhaps never refers to religious official as in java, especially in the past. 2 7 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 62. 2 8 father of the children is not a member of buah gadang or jurai; in minangkabau, he is of another group, i.e. jurai of his mother. 2 9 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 70. 3 0 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 65. 3 1 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 72. 3 2 there are other terms which are applied in the context of grouping or social formations in minangkabau, such as kampuang, buek, jorong, rumah, pariuak, etc. i will not describe them further to focus only on the most important ones. 3 3 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 107. 3 4 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 112. 3 5 franz von benda-beckmann, “rechtspluralismus: analytische begriffsbildung oder politischideologisches programm?” zeitschrift für ethnologie, 119, (1994), p. 6. 3 6 benda-beckmann, f.v. and k. v. benda-beckmann, gesellschaftliche wirkung von recht: rechtsethnologische perspektiven (berlin: dietrich reimer verlag, 2007), p. 72. 3 7 b. dupret & m. berger, et al, legal pluralism in the arab world (the hague: kluwer law international, 1999), p. 3. 3 8 adat and adat law are seen as different in that the latter is more concerned with judicial system (see p. 117 and 118 of the monograph). 3 9 imran manan, “ a traditional elite in continuity and change: the chiefs of the matrilineal lineages of the minangkabau of west sumatra, indonesia,” dissertation. michigan: university microfilms international (1984), 48. 4 0 harato pusako is a designation used to denote material property of heritage (pusako) of a group (buah gadang, suku or jurai) in minangkabau adat. immaterial pusako is called pusako kebesaran which consists of adat sayings (pepatah-petitih), adat istiadat (customs) and the titles of penghulu (sako) (see in the monograph pp 147). as far as i know, the term harato pusako is also felt as a pride for a minangkabaunese and symbol of identity in his particular suku or buah gadang. 4 1 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 149. 4 2 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 150. 4 3 note here that the harato pusako mentioned is in kaum level, which is sub-unit of buah gadang and has some jurai as its sub-units. 4 4 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 155. 4 5 dt. sangguno dirajo i., curaian adat minangkabau (bukittinggi: kristal multimedia, 2003), p. 185. 4 6 dt. sangguno dirajo i., curaian adat minangkabau, 187. 4 7 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0014. 188-201 201vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 dalam lingkungan adat minangkabau (jakarta: gunung agung, 1984), p. 175. 4 8 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 178. 4 9 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,”p. 254. 5 0 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 198. 5 1 the next theme (e) in this paper will specially deal with the problems of harato pancaharian. 5 2 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 210. 5 3 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p.211. 5 4 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 213. 5 5 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p.382. 5 6 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 383. 5 7 franz von benda-beckmann, “scapegoat and magic charm: law in development theory and practice,” in mark hobart (ed.) an anthropological critique of development: the growth of ignorance (london, routledge, 1993), p. 123. 5 8 franz von benda-beckmann, “scapegoat and magic charm,” 129. 5 9 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 15. 6 0 paderi war (early 19th century-1837) was at the beginning a civil war between adat supporters and islamic reformers before it became a great war between minangkabau people and the dutch. 6 1 it is then named harato pusako randah (literally: low pusako property). franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 151. 6 2 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 151. 6 3 dt. sangguno dirajo i., curaian adat minangkabau, p. 189. 6 4 franz von benda-beckmann, state, religion and legal pluralism, p. 16. 6 5 yasrul huda, “islamic law versus adat: debates about inheritance law and the rise of capitalism in minangkabau,” (ma thesis). leiden: university of leiden, 2003, p. 64. 6 6 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 277. 6 7 it is not clear whether in the practice, present minangkabau people really apply the results of the meeting in their everyday life. as far as i know, it is still not common that the inherited acquired property is inherited according to hukum faraidh. that it is inherited to the children, on the other hand, is very common (especially intestate inheritance, this has become more popular than in previous time). a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 265. 6 8 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 265. 6 9 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 382. 7 0 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 375. 7 1 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p.370. 7 2 a. syarifuddin, pelaksanaan hukum kewarisan islam,” p. 372. 7 3 imran manan, “a traditional elite in continuity and change,” 22. bibliography 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briefly individualistis indonesia indonesische drukkerij infak ingsun ilahi inklusif inklusivisme intelektual intellectuals intension ir. henry suwarto irvan abu bakar islam islamic activism islamic law islamic law. islamic philanthropy isrâ' mi'râj istimbath j jackson jambi jamil wahid java jehova jim schiller john hick k k.h. ar. fachrudin kaafur kamanakan kapital-modern kartopuran surakarta katolik kaum kedermawanan khas-an khazanah khurafat kiyai slamet klenteng klenteng sie hien kyong koentjaraningrat kohesivitas komaruddin hidayat konsekuensial kristen kulonprogo kulonrpogo yogyakarta kyai kyai haji ahmad dahlan l lazis lili zakiyah munir lirboyo llyod m m. dawam rahardjo m. ng. harjawijaya madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah maharaja rufus shinra majelis mujahidin indonesia majelis tafsir al-qur'an malawi malinowski mamak manfred ziemek mangkubumi mangkunegara mansoer faqih mas ng. harjawijaya mas ng. mangunwijaya masdar f. mas'udi masif max planck institute for social anthropology mazdhabiyyah memberdayakan merle c. ricklefs milik minangkabau minister of religious affairs mitologi mmi modernisasi moh. hari siti jenar moh. hari soewarno mohammad sobary monograph monograph. moore mora moralitas mta muhaimin muhammad dachlan muhammad muhsin khan muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali muhammad wildan, muhammadiyah 'multifungsi musyawarah muthohharun jinan n nagari nagari nahdhatul ulama nahdlatul ulama (nu) nico syukur dister niels mulder non-partisan nu ny. rorokidul nyai rara kidul o ohan hendrik caspar kern optimisme ota ownership-deed p pangeran cloud panglima sephiroth panjinatarata pantekosta partai amanat nasional (pan) partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) peacock penghulu permodalan nasional madani persatuan islam pesantren philanthropy pilkades pku pluralism pluralisme pluralisme pluralitas pluralitas pns politisasi tradisi pondok pesantren gontor prabu satmata president suharto priyayi protestan purifikasi purwoko q qadariyah qiyâs quran qurasih shihab r raden panji natara radio persada fm raditional society ranz von benda-beckmann rasionalisasi regulations riau rigidity ritualistik robert c. monk rusbult s saifuddin zuhri sami hasan samiul hasan scholars scientific sekolah guru agama semi-autonomous serat bayan budiman sewugalur shadaqah sholawatan sinkretisme sintetis social justice socio-political sosial-ekonomi sosial-politiknya spiritual stark state strategic-group subsidi silang suku sultan abdul hamid ii sultan agung sumatra sunan bonang sunan giri kedhaton suparman usman susilo bambang yudhoyono sustainabilitas syekh siti jenar t tahlilan takhayul takhayul takhayul, bid'ah, dan churafat teologis terorisme tersantuni timur tengah tionghoa tipologi tradisionalis tradition tri dayakisni trikotomi truth claim u uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 'ulama ulayat universalisme universalisme university of leiden university of zurich urbanisasi uswatun hasanah v vanderlinden vinogradoff, w w. allport wahhabi wakaf wali songo waqf warih wasiyat widya pustaka woodman word trade center y yasinan yesus kristus z zakat zakât zamachsyari dhofier zambia zis ziswaf layout afkaruna desember 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 islam yang dinamis di nusantara teguh suyono arifin mahasiswa pasca sarjana universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta judul : sejarah islam nusantara penulis : ustadz rizem aizid penerbit : diva press kota : yogyakarta tahun : 2016 halaman : 396 isbn : 978-602-391-299-5 dakwah islam dari makkah al mukaromah melewati rentang waktu sampai ke kepulauan nusantara telah menghasilkan kajian penelitian yang banyak, tetapi selalu menarik untuk dipelajari, dikaji, sehingga muncul lagi buku hasil kajian baru masuknya islam ke nusantara, tidak jemu-jemu mempelajari sejarah nusantara dan akan memperkaya pemahaman sejarah yang selalu menemukan hal-hal baru yang menarik yang berbeda dari buku-buku sejarah lainnya. buku sejarah islam nusantara menyajikan sudut pandang islam di nusantara, tidak hanya wilayah indonesia tetapi juga negera tetangga, malaysia, singapura, dan pilipina, perkembangan islam di nusantara tidak dapat dilepaskan dari peran negara-negara tetangga yang dalam hubungan islam selalu ada hubungan timbal balik dan saling mempengaruhi dalam dakwah islam. penyebaran islam ke berbagai tempat di seluruh penjuru bumi dibawa oleh para pedagang muslim, termasuk di nusantara. islam menyebar dengan damai, diterima dengan baik oleh pribumi melalui berbagai jalan dakwah yang menyejukkan, seperti perkawinan, akulturasi budaya, perdagangan dan lain sebagainya. buku ini menyajikan penyampaian isi yang menarik yang diawali dengan apa yang menjadi latar belakang penulisan buku dan sistematika penulisan yang terdiri dari tiga bagian, bagian 1 awal mula masuknya islam ke b o o k r e v i e w ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0076.277-282 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 278278278278278 afkaruna nusantara, bagian 2 sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, bagian 3 peninggalan-peninggalan islam di nusantara, pembagian menjadi 3 bagian ini menarik karena mengingatkan kembali bahwa awal mula islam masuk ke nusantara melalui jalan yang damai tanpa ada kekerasan, maupun tipu muslihat, islam menyebar ke nusantara diawali dari sumatera, dari sumateralah islam sampai ke kalimantan, jawa, sulawesi, nusantenggara, indonesia timur bahkan sampai ke philipina selatan. penjagaan warisan peninggalan islam dari masa lalu tetap terjaga dengan baik sampai sekarang, seperti masjid, istana, adat budaya, seni sastra. bagian satu dari buku ini adalah awal-mula masuknya islam ke nusantara, bagian ini akan mengantarkan kita pemahaman awal-mula masiknya islam ke nusantara, mulai dari pembawanya, waktu, jalur, dan media yang digunakan islam masuk ke nusantara dan menyebar ke sebagian besar nusantara hingga menjadi agama dengan penganut terbesar saat ini tentu saja tidaklah mudah, tetapi melalui proses yang sangat panjang dan militan. islam masuk ke nusantara berawal dari wilayah pesisir yang kemudian bergerak ke pedalaman ini, penyebaran islam diambil alih dan dilakukan oleh ulama. masuknya islam ke nusantara ada 4 teori yang mendasarinya yang masing-masing mempunyai pendukung dan kelemahannya, teori gujarat, teori makkah, teori persia, teori tiongkok, setiap teori tersebut saling melengkapi teori yang lain, betapa luas masuknya islam ke nusantara dari berbagai arah dan inilah yang memperkaya islam nusantara. teori awal mula masuknya islam ke nusantara ada 3 pada abad ke 7, abad ke 11, abad ke 13, pada abad ke 7 islam sudah mulai masuk ke nusantara, tetapi belum berkembang, abad 11 mulai ada pemukiman muslim di pelabuhan sebagai pusat perdagangan, abad ke 13 mulai ada kerajaan islam yang pertama yaitu di samudera pasai. bagian satu dari buku islam di nusantara bab ii membahas tentang jalur-jalur masuknya islam ke nusantara, jalur perdagangan, perkawinan, struktur sosial, pendidikan, seni dan budaya, ajaran tasawuf. dakwah islam dapat masuk ke masyarakat dari berbagai jalur yang saling melengkapi membuktikan bahwa islam merupakan agama yang mudah diterima masyarakat bagian kedua dari buku ini adalah sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, pada bab pertama tentang penyebaran islam di sumatera, menarik untuk dikaji bahwa islam masuk ke nusantara yang pertama kali ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 279279279279279vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 adalah pulau sumatera tepatnya di barus, tapanuli tengah, karena barus merupakan pusat dagang internasional walaupun islam sudah masuk ke barus tetapi tidak mengalami perkembangan yang signifikan. setelah dari barus perkembangan islam selanjutnya di sumatera bagian utara, samudra pasai pada abad ke 13 dengan adanya makam sultan malik as-saleh, penyebaran islam kemudian ke aceh, kemudian ke sumatera barat tanah minangkabau, mandailing, sumatera selatan, menariknya malaka dimasukkan ke perkembangan islam dari sumatera, termasuk tumasik (singapura). bagian kedua dari buku ini adalah sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, pada bab kedua tentang sejarah penyebaran islam di jawa, jawa adalah yang kedua memperoleh cahaya islam, sekitar abad ke 10 islam sudah ada di jawa dibuktikan dengan makam fatimah binti maemun di leran jawa timur, tetapi baru berkembang mulai abad ke 13, penyebaran islam di jawa berkembang pesat setelah berdirinya kesultanan demak bintoro oleh raden pattah dibantu oleh para wali sanga, dakwah selanjutnya dilakukan oleh ulama yang mendapat sebutan wali sanga, penyebaran islam pertama di pesisir utara jawa setelah masyarakat pesisir mengikuti islam barulah para ulama wali sanga menyebarkan islam ke ke pedalaman selatan jawa, masyarakat jawa memeluk islam tanpa ada kekerasan ataupun peperangan. bagian kedua dari buku ini adalah sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, pada bab ketiga tentang penyebaran islam di sulawesi. rakyat sulawesi mengenal islam melalui para juru dakwah dari tanah jawa peran wali sanga sangat berperan yaitu melalui sunan giri di gresik banyak para santrinya dari sulawesi dan indonesia timur dari merekalah islam menyebar ke sulawesi. juru dakwah dari tanah sumatera juga sangat berperan dalam mengislamkan sulawesi mereka adalah dato ri tiro, dato ri bandang, dato patimang, perkembangan pesat islam di sulawesi pada masa kerajaan gowa-tallo dipimpin oleh sultan alauddin yang diikuti oleh kerajaan taklukannya. bagian kedua dari buku ini adalah sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, pada bab keempat tentang penyebaran islam di kalimantan. penyebaran islam di kalimantan dapat dibagi menjadi tiga yakni dakwah islam di kalimantan barat yang dilakukan oleh ulama dari sumatera dan hadramaut, dakwah islam di kalimantan selatan oleh wali sanga dan murid wali sanga dari jawa, dakwah islam di kalimantan timur oleh dato ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 280280280280280 afkaruna ri bandang dan tuan tunggang parangan.dari sulawesi selatan, menariknya islam sampai ke kalimantan melalui 3 daerah berbeda walaupun tidak ada kerjasama diantara mereka tetapi tujuan sama yaitu sampainya dakwah islam di bumi kalimantan. bagian kedua dari buku ini adalah sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, pada bab kelima tentang penyebaran islam di maluku dan sekitarnya. dakwah islam sampai ke maluku dibawa oleh para pedagang dari malaka, sulawesi, jawa, serta dari jawa peranan pesantren sunan giri yang menjadi pusat perguruan islam, yang para santrinya dari indonesia timur setelah mereka kembali ke daerah asalnya maka ikut menyebarkan islam di daerah asalnya, ada dua kerajaan islam di maluku yang sangat besar pengaruhnya sehingga islam dapat menyebar ke seluruh maluku, kerajaan itu adalah ternate dan tidore yang sampai sekarang masih ada dan diakui oleh masyarakat. bagian kedua dari buku ini adalah sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, pada bab keenam tentang penyebaran islam di wilayah timur nusantara, yang diamaksudkan disini ialah, bali, nusa tenggara barat, dan nusa tenggara timur.bali juga menerima dakwah islam walaupun sudah lama sekitar abad 14 tetapi perkembangan islam di bali tidak menggembirakan dikarenakan penyebaran islam di bali tidak terstruktur dengan rapi antara satu ulama dengan ulama lainnya tidak terjalin komunikasi yang baik. dakwah islam di lombok dilakukan oleh sunan prapen, putra sunan ratu giri dapat dikatakan bahwa dakwah di lombok berhasil sekarang mayoritas masyarakat lombok adalah muslim. dakwah islam di nusa tenggara timur dilakukan oleh para pedagang dari palembang antara lain oleh syihabudin bin salman al-farisi atau sultan menanga di pulau solor yang kemudian menyebar ke seluruh nusa tenggra timur. bagian kedua dari buku ini adalah sejarah penyebaran islam di nusantara, pada bab ketujuh tentang sebab-sebab islam cepat diterima di nusantara. dalam dakwah ulama dan mubaligh menerapkan cara-cara yang jitu dan mudah sehingga islam mudah diterima oleh masyarakat. seperti untuk memeluk agama islam syaratnya sangat mudah dan murah, akulturasi budaya, tidak mengenal kasta, cara ibadah yang mudah, para penyebar islam dapat diteladani, peran aktif para raja, disebarkan dengan jalan damai.dengan cara-cara yang damai tersebutlah islam sampai ke nusantara dan menjadi agama bagi mayoritas penduduk nusantara. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 281281281281281vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 bagian ketiga peninggalan-peninggalan islam di nusantara pada bab pertama peninggalan islam berupa masjid. masjid merupakan bagian penting dari masyarakat muslim, setiap tempat yang menerima islam pasti akan membangun masjid sebagai tempat ibadah dan identitas keislamannya, selain itu, beberapa peninggalan islam berikut adalah masjid-masjid tertua, terbesar, dan terpopuler hingga sekarang. masjidmasjid ini adalah masjig agung peninggalan islam yang hingga kini menjadi bukti sejarah tertua dan terbesar islam di nusantara. diantaranya adalah masjid agung demak, masjid menara kudus, masjid raya baiturrahman aceh, masjid raya medan, masjid raya banten, dan masjid agung yogyakarta. dan lain sebagainya. bagian ketiga peninggalan-peninggalan islam di nusantara pada bab kedua peninggalan islam berupa istana. setiap kerajaan pastilah memiliki kompleks istana sebagai pusat pemerintahan dan tempat tinggal sultan. istana-istana tersebut sebagian sudah hilang karena perjalanan waktu tetapi masih ada beberapa yang masih utuh dan dapat kita saksikan keberadaannya sebagai bukti bahwa kerajaan-kerajaan islam tersebut ada seperti istana maimun di medan, istana siak sri inderapura di riau, keraton cirebon, keraton surakarta, keraton yogyakarta, istana-istana tersebut masih utuh. bagian ketiga peninggalan-peninggalan islam di nusantara pada bab ketiga peninggalan islam berupa budaya, masuknya islam dengan akulturasi budaya yang sampai sekarang budaya-budaya tersebut masih dilestarikan sebagai kekayaan warisan budaya bangsa, seperti upacara grebek besar di demak, pesta tabuik di pariaman, sumatera barat, budaya dhuk der di semarang, upacara tumplak wajik di yogyakarta, upacara garebeg di yogyakarta, upacara sekaten di yogyakarta, upacara tradisional juga dilakaksanakn di daerah lain di nusantara seperti cirebon, surakarta dan lain sebagainya. bagian ketiga peninggalan-peninggalan islam di nusantara pada bab keempat peninggalan islam berupa seni sastra. sastra merupakan unkapan perasaan seseorang yang dituangkan dalam bentuk tulisan yang indah. sejak zaman pra islam sampai datangnya islam, seni sastra telah menjadi salah satu media yang digunakan oleh orang-orang kuno untuk menuangkan ekspresinya ke dalam bentuk tulisan. tidak hanya itu, bahkan sastra di zaman islam juga menjadi alat atau media dakwah yang cukup efektif. berikut adalah lima jenis sastra yang menjadi warisan islam di 282282282282282 afkaruna ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nusantara. kelima jenis sastra itu terbagi dalam lima kategori, yakni, hikayat, syair, suluk, dan sastra dalam kitab. kesimpulan akhir dari buku ini adalah buku ini sangat bagus untuk pemahaman sejarah islam di nusantara, pemaparan dari awal mula islam masuk ke nusantara, berkembangnya islam, dan juga jejak peninggalan islam di nusantara yang menunjukkan, membuktikan bahwa islam secara umum berkembang di nusantara dengan jalan damai, ada beberapa kritik dan saran dalam buku ini antara lain dalam pembahasan mendalam tentang kerajaan islam di nusantara belum semuanya, mungkin terlalu luasnya cakupan maka pembahasan tiap-tiap daerah belum lengkap, perlu kajian lagi yang lebih lengkap seperti pembahasan islam di sumatera, islam di jawa, islam di kalimantan, islam di sulawesi, islam di maluku, islam di nusa tenggara, supaya kajian islam lebih lengkap. layout afkaruna desember 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 tentang sejarah surau di minangkabau ikhsan hakim universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta judul : tiga sepilin surau solusi untuk bangsa penulis : mas’aoed abidin penerbit : cv. gre publishing kota : yogyakarta tahun : 2016 halaman : 532 isbn : 978-602-7677-90-6 surau adalah suatu lembaga pendidikan islam terkenal di indonesia. berasal dari sumatera barat khas minangkabau. satu karya yang muncul dalam kajian lembaga pendidikan islam indonesia adalah ditulis oleh h. mas’oed abidin, seorang ulama minangkabau yang masih hidup. buku memaparkan surau sebagai lembaga pendidikan islam di sumatera barat yang bisa mencetak ulama-ulama besar indonesia. menggambarkan dinamika surau, dimulai dari kemunculan, tokoh-tokoh pengembangnya, kontribusi dalam pembentukan masyarakat minangkabau dan mewarnai islam di indonesia pada awal abad ke xix. secara umum buku ini menggambarkan proses pembentukan surau dan keinginan untuk kembali menjadikan surau sebagai pembentuk kemunculan ulama-ulama sebagaimana di masa kejayaannya. buku ini adalah gabungan dari tiga buku yaitu surau kito. halakah surau, suluah bendang dalam nagari dijadikan satu buku dengan judul tiga sepilin surau solusi untuk bangsa. buku ini turut menyumbang literature baru dalam jaringan ulama nusantara. penulis h. mas’oed abidin, bermaksud membangun kembali kejayaan surau dibangun di atas falsafah adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah disingkat abs-sbk. penulis juga memaparkan konsep, materi pembelajarannya dan tujuan pembelajaran menurut surau versi masa kini karena tidak dimungkinkan lagi menciptakan b o o k r e v i e w ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0077.283-287 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 284284284284284 afkaruna surau sebagaimana dulu kemunculannya disebabkan perubahan zaman dan masyarakat minangkabau yang hidup di masa abad xxi. buku pertama, dibagi menjadi 9 bagian. pada bagian pertama memaparkan makna surau sebagai tempat umat belajar mengaji, sarana pendidikan atau madrasah tarbiyah bagi anak nagari di ranah minangkabau. minangkabau memiliki dua lembaga penopang adat basandi syarak, sayarak basandi kitabullah yaitu surau dan balairung (balai ruang yang tidak memiliki kamar sama halnya dengan surau). bagian kedua, menerangkan adanya pergeseran nilai di masyarakat dan solusinya. maka perlu pembaharuan terus menerus dengan semangat baru dan kemasan baru bagian ketiga, memaparkan surau sebagai lembaga pendidikan alternative. pada awalnya eksistensi surau menemukan bentuknya di tangan syekh burhanuddin murid dari syekh abdurrauf singkil mendirikan surau ulakan, pariaman. dilanjutkan oleh muridnya tuanku mansiang nan tuo mendirikan surau paninjauan dan tuanku nan kacik yang mendirikan surau di kotagadang agam. seterusnya dua surau ini menghasilkan ulama-ulama di minangkabau. jalur keilmuan ulama minangkabau ini sangat memberikan kontribusi besar dalam penyebaran agama islam di sumatera barat. bagian keempat, penulis memaparkan ajakan untuk menjadikan kembali surau sebagai perguruan membina anak nagari. minangkabau dalam sejarah tidak terlepas dengan lembaga surau, karena nostalgia akan kejayaan masa lalu, perbedaan dengan masa sekarang kebanyakan surau hanya berfungsi sebagai tempat sholat saja. bagian kelima, memaparkan untuk menghidupkan kembali ukhuwah islamiyah. persatuan yang didengungkan dari dahulu tetap mengalami penggerusan, maka harus terus disosialisasikan. walaupun pada kenyaatannya hanya sebatas pertemuan, belum membuminya untuk kerjasama kongkrit antar ormas atau antar paham, kecuali bergerak sendirisendiri. bagian keenam, memaparkan terjadinya kemiskinan disebabkan menyusutnya penguasaan atas kepemilikan tanah untuk orang minangkabau dan solusinya. juga memaparkan falsafah pengelolaan tanah dalam budaya minang. kemiskinan akan sumber penghidupan karena akibat harga dipasaran yang rendah dan kurangnya kreativitas sering dialami daerah-daerah pelosok di indonesia. bagian ketujuh, mengajak manusia untuk mengagungkan asma allah. kepercayaan akan adanya penguasa alam semesta membawa kita kepada kesyukuran sebagaimana menjadi keyakinan agama-agama bahwa pengagungan kepada tuhan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 285285285285285vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 adalah suatu jalan peribadatan. bagian kedelapan, mengajak untuk mempersiapkan generasi yang akan datang. persiapan akan generasi yang berkualitas adalah suatu keniscayaan untuk keberlangsungan peradaban. generasi yang lemah dan tidak produktif adalah generasi menjadi beban sejarah, akhir dari semuanya adalah menciptkan penindasan oleh pihak yang lebih kuat, kalau meminjam pendekatan darwinisme. bagian kesembilan, memaparkan nilai-nilai pendidikan surau. banyak orang yang tidak mengetahui lebih mendalam tentang surau, bahkan ada yang menganggap sebatas bangunan masjid khas arsitektur sumatera barat. tapi penulis memberikan gambaran yang lumayan lengkap tentang nilainilai surau di masa lalu dan akan dihidupkan kembali diama sekarang dengan muatan baru. yang menarik dari buku pertama ini adalah transmisi keilmuan ulama minagkabau sebagai tokoh sentral surau dari bercorak tarekat di bawah tuanku sebutan untuk ulama besar. kekhasan surau juga di samping sebagai tempat mencari ilmu dan otoritas keilmuannya menggeser dominasi para penghulu adat sebagai tempat orang bertanya untuk menyelasaikan persoalan. buku kedua, terdiri dari 9 bagian. bagian pertama, memaparkan masuknya islam ke minangkabau yang dibagi menjadi dua pendapat yaitu pertama melalui pesisir timur minangkabau pada abad ke 13 pada saat kerajaan samudra pasai menguasai jalur perdagangan. kedua, melalui pantai barat sumatera pada abad ke 16 sebagai akibat kejatuhan malaka kepada portugis. dan menerangkan dua penemuan naskah masuknya islam ke minangkabau yaitu naskah muballighul islam tahun 1184 dan naskah ulakan, naskan ini memaparkan kontribusi syek burhanuddin sebagai ikut peletak dalam pembentukan falsafah adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah di istana pagaruyung. pada awal abad ke20 penulis memaparkan bahwa surau sebagi tempat gerakan pembaharuan islam di minangkabau, berbeda dengan abad ke 16 surau yang bercorak tarekat. bagian kedua, penulis melanjutkan bahwa syarak (syariat islam) dimulai dari nasehat dan akan menemukan bentuknya di dalam adat. adat yang dikenal sekarang di minagkabau adalah proses yang sudah lama berjalan dan menemukan kesempurnaanya seiring bertambahnya waktu. bagian ketiga, tauhid sebagai sumber kekuatan di minangkabau, penulis mencontohkan rapat besar majelis permusyawaratan ulama minangkabau 19 agustus 1928 yang menelorkan mosi menolak guru ordonansi 1925. menggambarkan kuatnya ikatan tungku tigo sajarangan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 286286286286286 afkaruna yaitu ninik mamak, cerdik pandai dan alim ulama, karena setiap bagian hadir menandatagani hal tersebut. bagian keempat, penulis melanjutkan perlunya tazkiyatun nafs atau pembersihan diri. hal ini adalah salah satu terma dalam khazanah keilmuan islam yaitu pembersihan batin dan kalbu dari segala penyakit-penyakitnya dan cara penyembuhannya. mengalami kristalisasi di golongan ahli tasawuf dengan disistemkan yang diwakili oleh tarekat-tarekat. bagian kelima, pentingnya tuntunan akhlak. akhlak adalah cerminan iman seseorang, penyebaran islam tidak bisa lepas dari keluhuran moral yang ditunjukkannya. menjadi penting ketika menundukkan hati para suku atau daerah-daerah yang keras perangainya. bagian keenam, sambungan dari bab sebelumnya tujuan akhlak untuk membangun peradaban, bahwa kesinambungan peradaban harus ditopang dengan akhlak. keruntuhan akan peradaban berawal dari rusaknya individu-individu, rusaknya individu berakibat rusaknya masyarakat. bagian ketujuh, pendidikan surau, penulis membuat silabus surau untuk para guru/muallim dalam penjiwaan abs-bsk. di sinilah terbosan yang ditawarkan penulis, dahulu surau tergantung kepada sosok seorang tokoh. di zaman ini metode yang bisa diduplikat dan dicopy bisa menjadi alternative bagus untuk menghidupkan surau dan meraih kejayaannya kembali. bagian kedelapan lebih mendetail, penulis memaparkan silabus halakah surau yaitu alokasi waktu dan teknis pembelajaran di lapangan. ini adalah suatu terobosan besar untuk bagian kesembilan, penjelasan mengenai kurikulum dalam pendidikan halakah surau, materi pembalajarannya. proses belajar mengajar tidak terlepas dari hal ini, penulis memaparkan urgensinya akan hal ini. yang menarik dari buku yang kedua ini adalah sudah mengkerucut gagasan penulis tentang pembentukan surau versi sekarang. baik dari segi kurikulum, alokasi waktu pembelajaran maupun materi pembelajaran. buku ketiga, terdiri dari 9 bagian. bagian pertama, memaparkan bahwa adanya perubahan prilaku masyarakat yang berorientasi kepada materi dan perlu pembentukan generasi unggul. salah satu instrument surau adalah tabuah berfungsi mengumpulkan anak nagari sudah digantikan dengan pengeras suara artinya perubahan seperti ini tidak jadi masalah. bagian kedua, menerangkan bahwa adat pepatah pepitih minang bisa seirama dengan nilai-nilai agama dan masa kini. hal ini buya hamka banyak menulis hal serupa, terkenal di buku dengan judul ayahku. bagian ketiga, penulis melanjutkan ciri utama kepribadian imam khatib adat di nagari, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 287287287287287vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 tentang jasmani maupun ruhani nya yang harus mereka miliki. sesudah itu mereka akan menjadi suluah bendang. suatu istilah khas minagkabau, yang menempatkan orang pada starta sosial yang patut dihargai dan tempat mencari ilmu. bagian keempat, penulis melanjutkan bahwa integrasi islam dengan budaya minangkabau mengalami perpaduan yang khas. sehingga adat tidak bertentangan dengan agama. bagian kelima, mamaparkan persiapan ummat menghadapi masa depan. penulis pada bagian ini lebih menekannkan mempersiapkan generasi, karena adanya kekhawatiran akan masa depan generasi minangkabau. bagian keenam, implementasi dan pelestarian abs-sbk terlihat dalam masyarakat hukum adat minangkabau. bagian ketujuh, membahas tentang tata ruang di minangkabau diambil dari pepatah adat alias cara memperlakukan alam. bagian kedelapan, pentingnya peran perempuan menurut perspektif abssbk. bagian kesembilan, filsofis hidup minang untuk sukses dunia akhirat. yang menarik dari buku ini adalah adanya tolak ukur seorang imam khatib adat di nagari dan tata ruang menurut falsafah dan budaya minangkabau, sangat diperlukan untuk dijadikan inspirasi pembentukan masyarakat sekaligus tata ruang suatu negri. menjadikan buku ini menjadi pelengkap dari seluruh tulisan tentang surau di minangkabau. memberikan solusi dan gagasan baru yang bisa dipraktekkan oleh siapapun. semangat inklusifitas terekam dalam buku ini. layout juni 2015 pandangan para ahli bahasa tentang bahasa serapan dalam al-quran mahyudin ritonga fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah sumatera barat e_mail: mahyudinritonga@gmail.com abstract this article explains some words in the qur’an which are believed to have been taken from non arabic word. whether or not the quran comprises non arabic words, and whether the qur’an has arabized some foreign an non arabic words has been stimulated debate among scholars. some ulama (islamic scholars) believe that the quran only embraces arabic word. but some others argue that there are some words in the qur’an which are not recognized in arabic language, and they also suggests that this is a kind of weakness of the qur’an. this article focuses on how arabisation process has taken place furing the formation of the qur’an as a corpus. abstrak tulisan ini menjelaskan kosa kata yang dianggap merupakan serapan dari bahasa selain bahasa arab. motivasi dalam melakukan analisis terhadap masalah ini tidak terlepas dari kontroversi pemahaman terhadap fenomena arabisasi beberapa kosakata yang terdapat di dalam al-quran, sebahagian ahli berpendapat tidak mungkin al-quran menggunakan bahasa selain bahasa arab sementara pendapat sebahagian yang lain berpendapat bahwa banyak di antara kosakata yang ada di dalam al-quran yang bukan berbahasa arab dan hal ini merupakan bukti kelemahan al-quran dan kecolongan bagi umat islam. untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang komprehensif dan mendalam terhadap permasalahan arabisasi merupakan kajian yang penting untuk dilakukan. keyword: ahli, serapan, kosa kata al-quran. pendahuluan pembahasan apakah terdapat kosa kata serapan dari bahasa asing dalam al-quran merupakan sebuah kajian penting, karena otensitas bahasa al-quran pada saat ini mulai dipertanyakan banyak orang, terutama dari kalangan orientalis. di dalam al-quran sendiri terdapat setidaknya sepuluh ayat yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0041. 1-27 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 22222 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna mengisyaratkan bahwa al-quran itu berbahasa arab.1 beberapa kitab tafsir klasik yang bercorak atsar, seperti jami’ al-bayan, maupun tafsir modern yang lebih banyak memberikan analisis pemikiran, seperti tafsir fi zilal al-quran dan tafsir al-mannar, memaknai kata ‘arabiy yang terdapat di dalam al-quran dengan “bahasa arab”.2 al-quran dan bahasa arab adalah ibarat dua sisi mata uang yang tidak dapat dipisahkan antara satu dengan yang lainnya. al-quran adalah kitab allah yang diturunkan dengan bahasa arab, sementara itu bahasa arab adalah bahasa yang selalu hidup dan berkembang, dan perkembangan bahasa arab itu tidak terlepas dari pengaruh al-quran yang berbahasa arab. dalam kaitan bahasa arab dengan al-quran tergambar ketidakkonsistenan di antara beberapa kalangan akademisi terhadap pemahaman hubungan bahasa dengan budaya, seperti halnya menghilangkan budaya arab dalam membaca al-quran sebagaimana yang terjadi belakangan ini. fokus pembahasan tulisan ini adalah untuk mencari jawaban tentang apakah di dalam al-quran ditemukan kosa kata selain bahasa arab. bila memang terdapat kosa kata lain selain bahasa arab, lantas bagaimana pandangan orientalis terhadap kosa kata tersebut, dan bagaimana pula pandangan ulama baik dari kalangan linguis, ahli tafsir, dan ahli fiqih terhadap keberadaan kata serapan di dalam al-quran. sebagai jawaban dari permasalahan di atas, maka cakupan tulisan ini adalah, a. pengertian bargaining bahasa, b. al-quran dan bahasa arab, c. kosa kata asing di dalam al-quran, d. pandangan orientalis terhadap bahasa al-quran, e. pendapat para ulama terkait persoalan penyerapan kata di dalam al-quran. dalam uraiannya, tulisan ini menggunakan analisis deskriptif dan komparatif. sementara sumber bacaan yang penulis gunakan ialah buku-buku yang mengkaji tentang penyerapan bahasa, seperti fiqh allughah, serta tafsir dan ‘ulumul quran. pembahasan pengertian bargainining bahasa bargaining bahasa merupakan fenomena penyerapan suatu bahasa kepada bahasa tertentu. menurut haugen semua tipe penyerapan meliputi dua kutub proses, yakni prosess importation dan proses substitution.3 weinreich mengatakan bahwa pengaruh bahasa lain kepada bahasa tertentu merupakan difusi dan akulturasi budaya.4 sementara itu, istilah kata serapan dalam bahasa arab lebih populer dengan istilah ta’rib. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 33333vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 adapun pemhaman terhadap fenomena ta’rib di dalam bahasa arab ialah telah banyak linguis arab yang telah memberikan interpretasi sesuai dengan bidang dan kompetensi mereka. ya’qub memuat dalam bukunya definisidefinisi yang dibuat oleh para pakar kebahasaan arab, di antaranya (manakala orang arab menyebut atau mengatakan satu kata dari bahasa asing yang berlandaskan pada cara dan sisitem bahasanya), atau (manakala orang arab menyebut atau mengatakan satu kata dari bahasa asing secara mutlak). definisi lain adalah: “artinya: transfer kata dari bahasa asing ke bahasa arab. atau juga disebut: (kosa-kata asing yang telah dirubah orang arab menjadi bahasa mereka dengan cara pengurangan, penambahan, dan pembalikan.5 secara istilah, kata-kata yang diserap dan dipinjam oleh bahasa arab dari bahasa-bahasa lain disebut dengan mu’arrob, dan tentunya melalui proses perpindahan serta perubahan yang disebut dengan ta’rib atau arabisasi.6 dengan demikian, pengertian kata serapan dan ta’rib adalah sama, yaitu fenomena suatu bahasa yang menyerap bahasa lain. biasanya, kata-kata asing satu bahasa masuk ke bahasa lain disebabkan oleh faktor-faktor berikut: kedekatan letak geografis, hubungan perdagangan, imigrasi, kekuasaan politik, kecenderungan religius, kultur, ekonomi, indrustri, dan lain-lain. intinya, faktor-faktor ini adalah faktor yang berakar dari tuntutantuntutan material dan spiritual manusia. itulah sebabnya mengapa terjadi proses serapan kata. sejalan dengan perkembangan peradaban, budaya pun melalui waktu yang cukup panjang dalam sejarah manusia dan proses serapan meningkat luar biasa sehingga dapat dikatakana bahwa tidak ada lagi bahasa hidup dunia yang masih murni. tidak ada pula bangsa yang berani mengaku bahwa bahasa mereka bersih dari unsur-unsur asing serapan atau pinjaman dari bahasa bangsa lain. sesuai dengan adanya interaksi antar bangsa, maka tidak ada satu bahasa pun yang tidak menyerap bahasa lain, baik dari segi kosa katanya, maupun dialek-dialeknya. pernyataan ini berdasarkan ungkapan gonda yang mengatakan bahkan bahasa inggris yang merupakan bahasa terkemuka, menyerap tidak kurang dari setengah kosa katanya dari bahasa latin, yunani, skandinavia dan prancis.7 bahasa arab juga tidak terhindar dari proses serapan kata. karena bangsa arab pra islam sendiri sebagaimana disinyalir oleh ramadan abduttawwab,8 juga telah melakukan interaksi dengan masyarakat di luar arab, seperti persi, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 44444 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna akhbas, romawi, suryani, nabti. pernyataan yang sama juga diungkapkan ‘abd al-wahid wafi, ia mencontohkan salah bentuk hubungan politik dan perdagangan antara arab dengan tetangganya, yaitu hubungan yang terjalin antara arab dengan ‘aramiyyin.9 kondisi ini tentu akan berdampak pada saling keterpengaruhan antar sesama bangsa yang saling berinteraksi tersebut, terutama keterpengaruhan dalam bidang bahasa.10 namun, yang lebih menjadi persoalan adalah apakah al-quran yang diwahyukan kepada muhammad dengan bahasa arab fasih yang populer di kawasan hijaz pada waktu itu juga memakai kata-kata asing? yang harus digaris bawahi adalah sesungguhnya keterbukaan sebuah bahasa untuk menerima atau menyerap kata-kata asing maupun daerah tidak berarti mempertaruhkan kesejatian bahasa atau harga diri suatu bangsa yang berbahasa. al-quran dan bahasa arab al-quran dikenal dengan kemukjizatan bahasanya (al-i’jaz al-lughawi). bahasa dimaksud adalah bahasa arab, karena al-quran diturunkan dalam bahasa arab. kemukjizatan al-quran dari segi bahasa bahkan dapat disebutkan menjadi pokok kemukjizatannya, karena melalui kemukjizatan dari segi bahasa, al-quran menantang orang-orang kafir untuk menciptakan bahasa yang indah seperti bahasa al-quran.11 keindahan bahasa al-quran, misalnya dicatat oleh abdullah darraz yang mengatakan bahwa “bila engkau membuka al-quran, lalu membukanya lagi, maka engkau akan mendapatkan makna lain dari yang sebelumnya.”12 salah satu karakteristik bahasa al-quran adalah konteks keberadaannya yang terkait erat dengan kehidupan bangsa arab dan nilai-nilai budaya yang mereka anut. al-quran hadir tidak pada ruang kosong, tetapi interaktif dengan bangsa arab. kehidupan perniagaan bangsa arab sebagai karakteristik terpenting, misalnya banyak disinggung oleh al-quran; begitu juga meyangkut nilai-nilai moral, agama, dsb. terkait contoh perniagaan, khususnya, pada penghujung abad ke-6, para pedagang besar kota makkah, telah memperoleh kontrol monopoli atas perniagaan yang lewat bolak-balik dari pinggiran pesisir barat arabia ke laut tengah. kafilah-kafilah dagang yang biasanya pergi ke selatan di musim dingin dan ke utara di musim panas, dirujuk dalam alquran (106: 2). rute ke selatan adalah ke yaman, tetapi biasanya juga diperluas ke abisinia; sementara rute ke utara adalah ke siria. di tangan kafila-kafilah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 55555vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 inilah orang-orang makkah mempertaruhkan eksistensinya yang asasi. di lembah kota makkah yang tandus, pertanian maupun peternakan adalah impian indah di siang bolong. kota ini sangat bergantung pada impor bahan makanan. karena itu, kehidupan ekonominya yang khas adalah di bidang perniagaan dan kemungkinan besar hanya bersifat moneter.13 pada kenyataannya, sisi kehidupan perniagaan bangsa arab ini terkait atau dilandasi oleh soal keyakinan. ungkapan-ungkapan dari dunai perniagaan memang menghiasi lembaran-lembaran al-quran dan digunakan untuk mengungkap ajaran-ajarannya yang asasi. hisab suatu istilah yang lazim digunakan untuk perhitungan untung rugi dalam dunia perniagaan, muncul di bebepara tempat dalam al-quran sebagai salah satu nama bagi hari kiamat (yaum al-hisab), ketika perhitungan terhadap segala perbuatan manusia dilakukan dengan dengan sangat cepat (sari’ al-hisab). sementara kata hasib (pembuat perhitungan, penghitung) dinisbatkan kepada tuhan dalam kaitnnya dengan perbuatan manusia. gagasan utama yang mendasari ‘perhitungan’ ilahi adalah kitab, yang merekam segala perbuatan baik dan buruk manusia. timbangan akan dipasang di hari perhitungan dan seluruh perbuatan manusia akan ditakar. setiap orang akan bertanggungjawab atas segala perbuatan yang telah dilakukannya. perbuatan baik dan direstui akan memperoleh imbalan atau upah; sebaliknya, perbuatan buruk dan dikutuk akan diganjar azab neraka. kata-kata kerja kasab (memperoleh keuntungan, berusaha, berbisnis), jaza (membayarkan, memberi upah, ganjaran, imbalan) ajara (memberi upah, membayar nilai kontrak, imabalan), serta bentuk konjugasinya, sering digunakan al-quran dalam konteks-konteks semacam ini.14 contoh lain dari bagaimana kata-kata al-quran merefleksikan budaya arab adalah perihal konsep ketuhanan yang dalam al-quran, misalnya, disebut dengan di antaranya kata-kata allah, al-malik, al-rahman, dan al-rahim. ilmuwan islam terkenal, isma‘il al-faruqi, sebagaimana dikutip oleh nurcholis madjid, misalnya, menulis panjang lebar sebagai berikut: inskripsi arabia selatan (ma’in, saba’ dan qathaban), begitu pula arabia utara (lihyan, tsamud, dan shafa) memberi bukti bahwa suatu dewa maha tinggi (supreme deity) yang disebut al-ilah atau allah telah disembah sejak masa dahulu kala. dewa ini mengairi tanah, membuat palawija tumbuh, rajakaya berkembang biak, dan sumber air serta sumur mengeluarkan air yang memberi hidup. di makkah, juga di seluruh jazirah arabia, “allah” diakui sebagai “pencipta dari semuanya”, “pangeran seluruh alam”, “penguasa langit bumi”, pengawas tertinggi segala○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 66666 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna galanya”. “allah” adalah nama dewa yang paling banyak disebut. tetapi, fungsinya didelegasikan atau diambil alih oleh dewa-dewa lain yang lebih kecil; dan pengaruhnya yang luar biasa dinyatakan dalam matahari dan rembulan, misalnya. kualitas-kualitasnya dijelmakan dan digantikan ke dalam dewa-dewa atau dewi-dewi selain daripadanya (allah). dengan begitu timbullah sejumlah pantheon yang setiap anggotanya memperhatikan sama juga suatu kebutuhan tertentu atau suku tertentu dan mewakili suatu ciri khusus, tempat, obyek, atau kekuatan yang menunjukkan kehadiran, perhatian, dan kekuasaannya yang bersifat ilahi. allat, sebagaseorang dewi, digambarkan sebagai anak perempuan allah dan diidentifikasikan dengan matahari oleh sebagian, dengan rembulan oleh yang lain. al-uzza adalah seorang anak perempuan ilahi yang kedua, yang dihubungkan dengan planet venus; maniat, anak perempuan ketiga, mewakili nasib. dzu al-syara’ dan dzu al-khalashah adalah dewa-dewa yang mengambil nama dari tempat-tempat ramalan nasib; dzu al-kaffayn dzu al-rijl diasosiasikan dengan anggota badan yang mempunyai makna tertentu, meskipun tidak diketahui. wudd, yaghuts, ya’uq dan suwa adalah dewa-dewa yang mengambil nama dari fungsi-fungsi ketuhanan untuk, berturut-turut, cinta, pertolongan, perlindungan, dan penerapan siksa yang pedih. dewa hubal, yang memiliki patung paling menonjol di kabah mempunyai tangan yang terbuat dari emas murni. al-malik (raja), al-rahman (pengasih), dan al-rahim (selamanya pengasih) mengidentifikasi dewa-dewa atau barangkali mewakili fungsi-fungsi ketuhanan maha tinggi dari suatu dewa dengan suatu nama yang lain.15 selain konteks keterkaitannya dengan budaya arab, karakteristik bahasa al-quran yang dapat disebutkan di sini adalah beberapa kosakatanya yang orang arab tidak langsung mengetahui maknanya (gharib), kecuali sesudah mereka mencari maknanya pada puisi atau syair arab. al-suyuthiy, misalnya mencatat kurang lebih 199 kosakata al-quran yang dinilainya gharib, dan sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh ibnu abbas hendaknya dicari pengertianya pada puisi-puisi arab karena syair merupakan khazanah bangsa arab (diwan al‘arab).16 beberapa pendapat di atas menunjukkan bahwa bahasa arab merupakan bahasa yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan al-quran. untuk melihat bagaimana hubungan bahasa arab dengan al-quran secara ilmiah berikut diungkapkan beberapa argumen yang mendasarinya: 1. bahasa arab merupakan bahasa tertua yang masih eksis ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 77777vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 secara historis bahasa arab termasuk salah satu dari rumpun bahasa semit. ada banyak tokoh dengan pernyataan yang sama; bahwa bahasa arab merupakan salah satu rumpun bahasa semit. masnal zajuli, dalam al-ishtirak fi al-lughah al-arabiyyah menyatakan al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah al-samiyyah.17 lebih jauh dari itu, ya’qub, setelah menganalisa berbagai pendapat terkait bahasa arab sebagai salah satu bahasa semit, lalu dia menyimpulkan bahwa bahasa arab adalah bahasa yang paling dekat dengan bahasa proto semit (al-umm al-samit).18 shihab dalam bukunya mukjizat al-quran juga menyatakan bahwa bahasa arab termasuk rumpun bahasa semit,19 sama dengan bahasa babilonia, ‘asuriya, aramy, ibrani, yaman lama, habshi semit dan bahasa arab itu sendiri. ketiga bahasa yang pertama telah lenyap, demikian pula sebagian dari bahasa-bahasa yaman lama. sedangkan tiga yang terakhir masih ada, tetapi bahasa arab adalah bahasa yang paling menonjol dan paling luas penyebarannya. realita inilah yang menjadi salah satu penyebab keunggulan bahasa arab dari bahasa lainnya, sampai saat ini masih “hidup” dan menjadi alat berkomunikasi resmi, setidaknya oleh masyarakat yang tinggal di kawasan jazirah arab dan asia tengah. 2. bahasa arab merupakan bahasa terkaya sebagai salah satu bahasa tertua wajarlah bila bahasa arab memiliki jumlah kosa kata yang paling banyak. selain itu, bahasa arab dikenal memiliki banyak kelebihan, di antaranya: (1) sejak dahulu hingga sekarang bahasa arab merupakan bahasa yang hidup, (2) bahasa arab adalah bahasa yang lengkap dan luas untuk menjelaskan tentang ketuhanan dan keakhiratan, (3) bentuk-bentuk kata dalam bahasa arab mempunyai tasrif yang amat luas hingga dapat mencapai 3000 bentuk perubahan,20 yang demikian itu tidak terdapat dalam bahasa lain. 3. bahasa arab sebagai penunjang kekekalan al-quran tiga kesatuan poin agama islam, risalah islam, kitab (al-quran) dan rasul (muhammad). karena islam adalah risalah yang universal dan kekal, maka mukjizatnya harus retoris dan linguistis. dan allah telah berjanji untuk memeliharanya, seperti ditegaskan-nya: “sesungguhnya kami yang menurunkan al-dhikra (al-quran) dan kami pula yang memeliharanya.” (qs. 15: 9). untuk itu diperlukan sebuah bahasa khusus yang bisa menampung informasi risalah secara abadi. sebab para pengamat sejarah bahasa sepakat bahwa setiap bahasa itu punya masa eksis yang terbatas. lewat dari masanya, maka bahasa itu tidak lagi dikenal atau bahkan hilang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 88888 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna dari sejarah sama sekali. harus ada sebuah bahasa yang bersifat abadi dan tetap digunakan oleh sejumlah umat manusia sepanjang masa. bahasa itu ternyata menurut pakar bahasa adalah bahasa arab, sebagai satu-satunya bahasa yang pernah ada di muka bumi yang sudah berusia ribuan tahun dan hingga hari ini masih digunakan oleh banyak orang. bargaining dalam al-quran dan cara mengetahuinya salah satu persoalan yang sampai sekarang masih diperdebatkan oleh para ahli bahasa dan sastra arab serta mufasir adalah apakah kosa kata serapan dari bahasa asing dipakai dalam al-quran atau tidak? dengan kata lain, apakah semua kata yang digunakan dalam al-quran adalah bahasa arab asli atau ada juga kata-kata yang telah melalui proses pengaraban? kata-kata gharib dalam al-quran ini menurut mushthafa shadiq al-rafii bukanlah berarti kata-kata tersebut tidak diketahui (munkirat), jarang (nafirat), atau janggal (syadzat) karena al-quran terhindari dari semua itu, tetapi katakata yang tidak mungkin untuk ditawilkan karena pengetahuan orang yang tidak dapat menjangkaunya: selanjutnya al-rafii mengatakan bahwa latar belakang munculnya bahasabahasa gharib dalam al-quran ini adalah bisa jadi berasal dari bahasa-bahasa yang berbeda (lughat mutafarriqat), atau bahasa non arab yang diarabkan oleh orang arab dan kemudian dipakai oleh al-quran.22 dalam wacana ilmuilmu al-quran (‘ulum al-quran), bahasa-bahasa yang berbeda di atas terkait dengan konsep penurunan al-quran dengan “tujuh huruf” (sab’atu ahruf) berdasarkan banyak riwayat hadis.23 salah satu pendapat tentang sab’atu ahruf yang perlu dikemukakan di sini adalah bahwa lafaz-lafaz yang terdapat dalam al-quran tidak lepas dari tujuh bahasa yang terkenal di kalangan bangsa arab. dalam hal ini, bahasa quraisy lebih dominan, sementara bahasa lainnya adalah huzail, saqif, hawazin, kinanat, tamim, dan yaman.24 sebagai contoh dalam dalam hal ini, adalah umar bin khatthab yang pernah bertanya tentang arti kata takhawwuf (qs, 16: 47), yang kemudian seorang pimpinan suku huzail berkata bahwa kata tersebut adalah bahasa sukunya, yang berarti pengurangan (al-tanaqqush).25 penyerapan kata dari bahasa lain adalah hal yang sangat lumrah dan pasti terjadi pada semua bahasa. karena sebenarnya menurut para ahli bahasa, antara satu bahasa dengan bahasa lain saling terkait secara historis. bahkan sebenarnya, menurut mereka, tiap-tiap bahasa punya induk dan tiap-tiap induk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 99999vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 sebenarnya berasal dari satu sumber. sebut saja bahasa arab, suryani, habshi, nabti, dan bahasa-bahasa lainnya yang serumpun, berasal dari bahasa induk yang sama, yaitu bahasa semit klasik.26 adanya fenomena unsur serapan dari bahasa lain, sebenanya sama sekali tidak mengganggu identitas suatu bahasa. al-quran tetap saja dikatakan berbahasa arab, meski ada beberapa istilah yang oleh para ahli sejarah bahasa dikatakan bukan sebagai asli dari bahasa arab. masalahnya, lagi-lagi karena orang arab saat di mana al-quran diturunkan memang sudah menganggapnya bagian dari bahasa arab. walau para ahli sejarah bahasa menyatakan bahwa kata tersebut berasal dari unsur serapan dari bahasa lain. untuk menguatkan analisa di atas, ada baiknya dikutip pernyataan quraish shihab dalam bukunya mukjizat al-quran: “tidak dapat disangkal bahwa ayatayat al-quran tersusun dengan kosa kata bahasa arab, kecuali beberapa kata yang masuk dalam perbendaharaannya akibat akulturasi.”27 yaitu, pengaruh dari percampuran kebudayaan arab dengan kebudayaan-kebudayaan lainnya, terutama sekali percampuran antara sesama bangsa yang masih berada dalam satu rumpun, yakni rumpun semit. di samping itu, perlu juga dicatat pernyataan w. wontgomery watt, dalam bukunya bell’s introduction to the qur’an,28 ungkapnya: “pandangan beberapa cendekiawan muslim yang diwakili oleh al-suyuti (w. 1505) dan ‘abd alrahman al-tha‘alabi (w. 1468), yang dengan penuh nalar menyatakan bahwa sebagai akibat hubungan orang-orang arab dengan bangsa asing, berbagai kata bukan arab masuk ke dalam bahasa arab, tetapi karena kata-kata ini sudah diarabkan, maka masih benar bahwa dikatakan al-quran ditulis dalam bahasa arab. ya’qub juga menyatakan telah ada ketetapan di kalangan ahli bahasa bahwa memang terdapat unsur serapan dari bahasa asing dalam alquran.29 ya’qub memetakan beberapa metode yang dilakukan dalam proses ta’rib atau yang disebut dengan manahij fi ta’rib al-alfaz yang biasa digunakan oleh masyarakat arab ketika akan mengambil kata yang berasal dari bahasa ‘ajam dan menjadikan kata tersebut sebagai bagian dari bahasa arab. metode yang dimaksud adalah: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1010101010 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna berdasarkan uraian-uraian di atas, tidak berlebihan kiranya jika disimpulkan bahwa tidak ada satu pun bahasa di dunia ini yang tidak punya unsur serapan dari bahasa lain. terlebih lagi jika bahasa-bahasa itu masih memiliki rumpun bahasa yang sama, seperti bahasa arab dengan bahasa-bahasa semit lainnya. jadi, wajar, logis dan masuk akal bila dalam bahasa yang digunakan oleh orang arab terdapat satu atau dua kosa kata yang merupakan serapan dari bahasa lain, bahkan ketika kosa kata tersebut menjadi bagian dari lafaz-lafaz yang digunakan al-quran. pembahasan yang paling mudah dan terjangkau bagi pembaca berbahasa inggris adalah karya arthur jeffery,31 melukiskan bagaimana usaha para cendikiawan muslim dalam menangani masalah serapan kata, arthur mencatat sekitar 275 kata selain kata nama diri yang dianggap sebagai kosa kata asing dalam al-quran.32 berdasarkan hasil analisisnya terhadap buku-buku karya tokoh islam, seperti al-itqan fi ulum al-quran dan al-muhadhdhab fima waqa’a fi al-quran min al-mu’arrab karya al-suyuti, serta buku al-mu‘arrab karya aljawaliqi, dia mengklasifikasikan kosakata asing dalam al-quran berdasarkan asal-usulnya, sebagai berikut, yaitu: a. words borrowed from ethiopic , b. words borrowed from persian , c. words borrowed from greek , d. words borrowed from indian , e. words borrowed from syriac , f. words borrowed from hebrew , g. words borrowed from nabatiean , h. words borrowed from coptic , i. words borrowed from turkish , j. words borrowed from negro , k. words borrowed from berber . klasifikasi asal-usul bahasa yang dibuat oleh arthur sebenarnya hanya copy paste dari apa yang telah dahulu dilakukan oleh tokoh-tokoh islam, seperti alsuyuti dan al-jawaliqi. sementara itu, shahin, sebagaimana dikutip oleh salman harun dalam bukunya mutiara al-quran, juga telah meneliti kata-kata yang diduga berasal dari bahasa selain arab berdasarkan informasi yang diberikan oleh abu hatim al-razi di dalam al-zinah, dan al-suyuti di dalam al-itqan. ia menemukan empat kelompok kata yang dikatakan berasal dari bahasa bukan arab, yaitu: (a). kelompok bahasa-bahasa semit; bahasa ethiopia, suryani, ibrani, dan nabti. (b). kelompok bahasa-bahasa indo-eropa; yunani dan bahasa persi. (c). kelompok bahasa-bahasa hamit, bahasa barbar dan bahasa kopti. (d). kelompok bahasa-bahasa turanik, bahasa turki dan bahasa-bahasa bukan arab lain.33 untuk mengidentifikasi keajaman suatu kata, para linguis arab menerapkan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1111111111vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 beberapa prinsip yang dengan prinsip-prinsip tersebut keajaman suatu kata dapat diketahui. prinsip-prinsip yang dimaksud adalah: al-suyuti, selain memuat pendapatnya sendiri ia juga memuat pendapat ibn al-subki dan al-khafiz ibn hajar yang mengumpulkan kosa kata bukan arab yang digunakan al-quran dalam bentuk syair berikut:35 1. menurut ibn al-subki: 2. menurut al-khafiz ibn hajar: 3. menurut al-suyuti: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1212121212 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna dari ketiga syair di atas dapat diketahui bahwa bentuk-bentuk ta’rib dalam al-quran sebagaimana terungkap di atas dapat dijelaskan secara berurut sebagai berikut:36 a. huruf hamzah kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa persi yang bisa bermakna saluran air atau menuangkan air. kata dalam firman allah , yang berarti alhissis (rumputan) dalam bahasa ahlu al-maghrib. kata dalam firman allah . ibnu hatim dalam tafsirnya, sebagaimana dikutip oleh al-suyuthi, menyatakan bahwa kata ibli’i berasal dari bahasa habsyi. sementara saikh bin hayyan menyatakan berasal dari bahasa hindi. kata dalam ayat , yang berarti rukun (sandaran) dalam bahasa ibrani. kata dalam ayat . ibn al-jauzi dalam bukunya funun al-afnan, sebagaimana dikutip oleh al-suyuti menyatakan itu adalah bahasa habsi yang berarti dipan atau ranjang. kata dalam ayat . al-kirmaniy dalam al-aja’ib, sebagaimana dikutip oleh al-suyuthi menyatakan bahwa azar dalam ayat di atas berasal dari bahasa persi yang berarti syaikh (orang yang sudah uzur). kata . menurut abu hatim dan abu ubaid, sebagaimana dikutip oleh al-suyuthi berpendapat bahwa kata tersebut berasal dari bahasa persi. kemudian kata al-wasith dalam al-irsyad menyatakan kata tersebut berasal dari bahasa suryani, sementara al-kirmaniy berpendapat bahwa kata tersebut berasal dari bahasa nabti. kata asfar, baik dalam bahasa suryani ataupun nabti sama-sama berarti al-kutub (kitab). kata . abu al-qasim dalam kitabnya lughat al-quran menyatakan kata tersebut berasal dari bahasa nabti yang berarti ‘ahdiy (perjanjian). kata , berasal dari bahasa nabti yang berarti gelas atau cangkir. kata berasal dari bahas ibrani. kata berasal dari bahasa nabti yang merupakan nama allah. kata menurut abu qasim dalam bukunya lughat al-quran, kata tersebut berasal dari bahasa barbar. kata berasal dari bahasa barbar. kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa barbar yang berarti dalam bahasa barbar. kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi. kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi yang bermakna ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1313131313vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 . kata berasal dari bahasa habsy. kata dalam firman allah dan berasal dari bahasa habsyi. sebagaimana dinyatakan al-zarkasyi dalam al-burhan, di mana orang-orang nabti menamakan al-akhirah dengan al-ula dan al-ula dengan alakhirah. b. huruf ba kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa qibti. kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa ibrani. kata berasal dari bahasa persi. c. huruf ta kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa nabti. kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa nabti dan kata kata berasal dari bahasa persi. d. huruf jim yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi dan kata kata (ìåäã) berasal dari bahasa persyi. e. huruf ha kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi. kata berasal dari bahasa zanjiy. kata berasal dari bahasa ahlu al-kitab yang tidak diketahui maknanya dalam bahasa arab. kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa habsyi yang berarti . kata berasal dari bahasa nabti. f. huruf dal yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa ibrani. kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi. kata berasal dari bahasa persi. g. huruf ra kata adalah bahasa yang digunakan orang yahudi. kata berasal dari bahasa ibrani atau suryani, pendapat ini sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh al-jawaliqi. kata berasal dari bahasa ibrani. kata berasal dari bahasa a’jamiy yang bermakna . kata berasal dari bahasa romawi. kata berasal dari bahasa ibrani. kata dalam firman allah . abu qasim dalam bukunya lughat al-quran menyatakan bahwa kata tersebut berasal dari bahasa nabti yang bermakna , sementara al-wasiti menganggapnya berasal dari bahasa suryani yang bermakna . kata berasal dari bahasa a‘jami (asing), nama salah satu bangsa anak manusia. h. huruf za, hanya ditemukan dalam kata berasal dari bahasa persi. i. huruf sin ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1414141414 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa suryani, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi. kata ada berbagai pendapat tentang asal-usul kata ; sebagian mengatakan kata itu berasal dari abysinia dan berarti (lelaki), ibnu jinni mengartikannya dengan surat dan menurutnya kata ini berasal dari bahasa parsi, khaffaji sepakat dengan pendapat yang mengatakan kata ini berasal dari abysinia dan berarti surat. sedang arthur jeffery menolak dua pendapat tersebut dan menyatakan bahwa kata ini bukan berasal dari abysinia dan juga bukan dari persi, melainkan dari bahasa yunani yang sepadan dengan kata latin “sigillum”. kata . abu hatim tidak member komentar banyak perihal kata ini, hanya mengomentarinya dengan ungkapan . kata berasal dari bahasa persi. kata berasal dari bahasa nabti. kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi. kata adalah nama a’jamiy. kata berasal dari bahasa persi. kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa qibti. kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi dan kata berasal dari bahasa nabti. j. huruf shin yaitu kata dalam firman allah berasal dari, bahasa habsyi, dan kata berasal dari bahasa suryani. k. huruf sad yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa romawi yang berarti , dan kata berasal dari bahasa nabti. l. huruf ta yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi yang berarti , kata berasal dari bahasa romawi, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi, kata berasal dari bahasa suryani yang berarti , dan kata berasal dari bahasa ibrani yang berarti . m. huruf ‘ain yaitu kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa nabti yang berarti , kata berasal dari bahasa suryani dan kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa habsyi. n. huruf ghain yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa turki, dan kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi. o. huruf fa yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa romawi yang bermakna dan kata berasal dari bahasa ibri yang berarti . p. huruf qaf yaitu kata dalam ayat . kata ini bukan bahasa arab asli dan berasal dari kata “charta” dalam bahasa yunani sedang dalam bahasa abysinia adalah kartas. sementara itu, alsuyuthi hanya mengomentarinya dengan pernyataan . ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1515151515vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 kata dan aslinya berasal dari bahasa romawi, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi, kata berasal dari bahasa nabti yang berarti , kata aslinya adalah bahasa persi. kata , berarti dalam bahasa ibri atau suryani, sementara abu umar, ketika ditanya terkait kosa-kata tersebut, menyatakan ketidak tahuannya tentang asal-usul kosakata tersebut.37 kata , ada banyak pendapat terkait asal-usul kata tersebut. setidaknya, ada empat pandangan berbeda sebagaimana dikutip oleh al-suyuti; tha‘âlabi menyatakan kata tersebut aslinya adalah romawi, al-khalil mengatakan berasal dari suryani, ibn qutaibah menyatakan berasal dari afrika, sementara yang lain menyatakan berasal dari bahasa barbar.38 adapun kata berasal dari bahasa suryani. q. huruf kaf yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa persi. terkait kata , salman harun memberi catatan khusus dengan menyatakan bahwa kata tersebut sebenarnya bukanlah berasal dari bahasa persia akan tetapi berasal dari kosa-kata bahasa indonesia, yaitu dari kata kapur barus yang diserap oleh bahasa-bahasa lain di dunia, yang kemudian diserap ke dalam bahasa arab.39 kata dalam ayat berasal dari bahasa ibrani. di samping kata tersebut, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi, kata berasal dari bahasa persi, kata dalam ayat berasal dari bahasa persi. r. huruf mim yaitu kata aslinya adalah habsyi, kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa ibri, kata berasal dari bahasa qibti, kata berasal dari bahasa persi, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi, kata dalam ayat berasal dari bahasa persi, kata berasal dari bahasa nabti, kata berasal dari bahasa nabti, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi dan kata yang berasal dari bahasa barbar. s. huruf nun yaitu kata dalam firman allah berasal dari bahasa habsyi. t. huruf ha, yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa ibrani, kata dalam ayat berasal dari bahasa suryani dan kata berasal dari bahasa nabti. u. huruf waw yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa nabti, kata dalam firman allah , tidak ada keterangan jelas terkait asal-usul kata ini tapi ada kesepakatan untuk menyatakan bahwa ia bukan bahasa arab asli , dan kata berasal dari bahasa nabti. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1616161616 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna v. huruf ya, yaitu kata berasal dari bahasa persi, kata dalam ayat berasal dari bahasa persi, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi, kata berasal dari bahasa habsyi. berangkat dari uraian di atas terlihat jelas bahwa terdapat kata-kata yang berasal dari bahasa asing di dalam al-quran. sebaliknya pendapat yang meyakini bahwa al-quran tidak mengandung kata-kata yang berasal dari bahasa asing sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh shahin adalah tidak benar karena tidak didukung oleh fakta-fakta yang ada. pandangan orientalis terhadap bahasa al-quran orientalis adalah kata majemuk yang terdiri dari kata oriental dan isme. menurut etimologi kata oriental berasal dari bahasa romawi yang asal katanya orient, yang berarti “timur”.40 secara terminologi orientalis dapat dipahami sebagai suatu paham, ajaran atau aliran yang membahas tentang sesuatu yang berkaitan dengan negara-negara dan bangsa-bangsa timur dengan segenap aspeknya, baik yang berkenaan dengan agama dan ajarannya, sejarah, geografis, bahasa dan sastra. sementara al-tunji memberikan pengertian yaitu ilmuan barat yang memfokuskan kajiannya terhadap bahasa timur atau sastranya.41 banyak di antara orientalis yang memfokuskan kajian dalam bidang bahasa arab dan al-quran, terhadap bahasa arab ilmuwan barat eropa berpendapat bahwa huruf-huruf arab dan eropa tumbuh dan berkembang dari satu asal yaitu dari bahasa finiqiyyah klasik yang telah ada sebelum masehi.42 tokoh kristen di barat yang mensibukkan diri untuk mempelajari ilmuilmu keislaman di andalusia, dan hal ini merupakan awal kejayaan orientalis, pada awalnya mereka bergerak untuk kejayaan agama mereka, syair-syair kristen, baik protestan maupun katolik dengan tujuan untuk memperluas wawasan keagamaan dan buku-buku yang menjadi dasar bagi mereka dalam mengembangkan ajaran agama kristen. dengan demikian mereka memusatkan studi bahasa arab dan studi tentang islam, dengan berkembangnya zaman, studi mereka meluas kepada agama, budaya, dan bahasa-bahasa yang ada di timur.43 adapun pendapat orientalis terhadap bahasa al-quran ialah dapat dilihat dari beberapa statemen mereka, noldeke misalkan mengatakan tidak dapat diterima secara ilmiah dan tidak masuk akal kalau dikatakan muhammad telah memakai di dalam al-quran bahasa yang sama sekali berbeda dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1717171717vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 bahasa yang sedang berkembang pada saat itu.44 dalam hal ini dia mengkritisi kemukjizatan al-quran dari segi gramatika bahasa al-quran. sementara itu arthur mengklaim bahwa tafsir al-quran yang ada sekarang tidak kritis dan belum memuaskan karena tidak memuat pengaruh bahasa asing. dalam kajian arthur dia menyimpulkan bahwa al-quran terpengaruh berbagai bahasa asing, seperti ethopia, aramaik, ibrani, yunani kuno, persia dan bahasa lainnya. jadi istilah-istilah dan kosa kata yang ada di dalam alquran mengambil dari istilah-istilah yahudi, nasrani dan lainnya.45 jika pengaruh kosa kata asing di dalam al-quran bisa dieksplorasi, arthur berharap kamus al-quran yang memuat sumber-sumber filologi, efigrafi dan analisis teks arab akan bisa diwujudkan.46 dalam mengkritisi bahasa al-quran para orientalis menggunakan kajian dengan pendekatan filologi,47 yaitu sebuah kajian yang digunakan untuk mempertanyakan orisinalitas sebuah teks, adapun ciri-ciri kajian filologi ini adalah mempertanyakan berbagai hal: a. dari mana datangnya teks, b. bagaimana cara memperoleh teks, c. bagaimana autensitas, d. sarana dan prasarana apa yang digunakan dalam penulisan teks, e. aslinya teks itu berbahasa apa dan dialek apa, f. apa hubungan penutur dengan penulis teks, g. apakah seorang penutur semasa (mu’asarah) dengan penulis, h. apakah penutur dengan penulis berjumpa, i. kalau teks itu ditranskrip siapa yang mentranskrip.48 mempertanyakan orisisnalitas al-quran dengan pendekatan filologi ada dua kemungkinan yang bisa terjadi, pertama orisinalitas al-quran ditemukan ada masalah, dengan mengungkapkan data dan fakta yang memang tidak seragam dalam penulisan al-quran sejak awal, karena penutur untuk ditulis adalah muhammad, penulis sahabat, sementara sumber asli dari allah, kedua pendekatan filologi mempunyai keterbatasan dalam dirinya sendiri karena hanya mengandalkan analisis teks, dan teks dalam konotasi tulisan terkait dengan sarana dan prasarana. contohnya, dalam manuskrip ibn mas’ud tiga surat terakhir karena populernya tidak dimuat lagi, (al-ikhlas, al-falaq dan alnas), atas dasar ini pulalah yang digunakan goldhizer sehingga dia menolak ketiga surat itu sebagai bagian dari al-quran.49 robert morey menyatakan bahwa masuknya bahasa asing dalam al-quran dikatakan “kecolongan”50 apalagi jika alasan tersebut dijadikan dasar untuk menyatakan bahwa ajaran al-quran dari bangsa asing. bahasa asing yang masuk dalam bahasa al-quran adalah bahasa asing yang sudah diadopsi bahasa arab. beradasarkan pemaparan di atas, dapat dipahami bahwa keberadaan kosa kata dan istilah dari bahasa lain selain bahasa arab dalam al-quran menurut ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1818181818 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna orientalis merupakan kelemahan al-quran yang hanya dapat mengadopsi halhal yang sudah ada sebelumnya. pendapat ulama terkait persoalan bargaining/ta’rib dalam al-quran sejak dahulu para ulama ternyata sudah banyak mendiskusikan hal ini. setidaknya ada tiga pendapat yang berkembang dengan sikap berbeda terkait persoalan kosa-kata serapan asing (ta’rib) dalam al-quran.51 sementara itu, adanya kata-kata asing dalam pengertian bahasa non arab yang diarabkan oleh masyarakat arab kemudian dipakai oleh al-quran, ulama berbeda pendapat.52 pendapat pertama mengatakan bahwa dalam al-quran tidak terdapat bahasa non bahasa arab, dengan argumentasi bahwa al-quran dijadikan allah sebagai kitab mukjizat dan bukti risalah nabi muhammad saw, sebagai tantangan bagi orang arab (untuk membuat serupa al-quran); apabila dalam al-quran terdapat bahasa selain bahasa arab, maka tujuan penurunan al-quran ini tidak ada manfaatnya (lam takun lahu faidah), karena bahasa arab dipandang lemah untuk menjadi media bahasa al-quran. pendapat ini merupakan pendapat jumhur ulama seperti al-syafii, abu ubaidah, muhammad ibnu jarir al-thabari, dan abu bakr ibn thayyib.53 sementara pendapat kedua adalah yang membenarkan adanya bahasa selain bahasa arab dalam al-quran, sebagaimana pendapat ibnu abbas dan ikrimah; bahkan imam abu hanifah membolehkan membaca al-quran dengan bahasa persia.54 untuk lebih jelasnya bagaimana pendapat ahli tentang keberadaan kosa kata selain bahasa arab di dalam al-quran berikut diungkapkan pendapat para ahli: 1. al-quran seluruhnya berbahasa arab pendapat pertama mengatakan al-quran 100% berbahasa arab, tidak ada unsur serapan dari bahasa lain. hal itu karena di dalam al-quran disebutkan secara tegas dan lebih dari satu kali tentang hal itu. maka tidak pada tempatnya kalau dikatakan bahwa di dalam al-quran ada bahasa selain bahasa arab. di antara ulama yang berpendapat seperti ini adalah, al-imam al-shafi’i, ibn jarir al-tabari, abu ‘ubaidah, al-qadi abu bakr, dan ibn faris.55 imam al-shafi’i mengatakan, “di antara point penting dalam ilmu al-quran adalah bahwa seluruh al-quran ini diturunkan dalam bahasa arab. memang ada sementara kalangan yang berpendapat bahwa ada serapan bahasa lain selain bahasa arab di dalam al-quran, namun hal itu bertentangan dengan keterangan di ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1919191919vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dalam al-quran sendiri.” imam al-shafi’i menambahkan kalau ada ahli bahasa yang mengatakan di dalam al-quran ada lafal selain arab, sebenarnya bukan demikian kejadiannya, yang benar adalah bahwa ada sebagian orang arab yang tidak tahu kalau kata itu merupakan bahasa mereka, lantas dia beranggapan lafal itu bukan bahasa arab. padahal bahasa arab sangat banyak kosa katanya dan sangat luas cakupannya. atau apa yang dianggap ahli bahasa sebagai lafal bukan bahasa arab, sebenarnya secara kebetulan memang ada di dalam bahasa lain. namun lafal itu tetap ada dalam bahasa arab. dan kesamaa lafal pada dua bahasa yang berbeda bukan hal yang aneh atau mustahil. kalau ada yang mengatakan bahwa boleh al-quran mengandung bahasa lain karena memang diturunkan bukan hanya untuk orang arab, al-shafi’i menjawab sebaliknya. justru diturunkannya al-quran dalam bahasa arab meski untuk semua manusia, tujuannya agar semua umat manusia belajar bahasa arab, bukan al-quran yang harus berisi berbagai bahasa, tetapi berbagai bangsa itulah yang harus belajar bahasa arab sebagai bahasa yang digunakan oleh alquran. imam al-shafi’i mengatakan bahwa allah menegaskan bahwa kitabnya itu berbahasa arab, di semua ayat yang dibacakannya. bahkan allah menafikan semua bahasa yang bukan arab di dalam kitab suci-nya. ibn faris mengatakan tidak ada di dalam al-quran lafaz selain bahasa arab. sebab seandainya ada pastilah akan ada tuduhan bahwa bahasa arab terlalu lemah dan tidak mampu menampung pesan yang banyak, sampai harus menggunakan bahasa lain untuk membantunya.56 dan tuduhan itu ternyata sudah dilemparkan oleh para orientalis serta sudah dijadikan jenjang untuk sampai kepada tuduhan kelemahan al-quran. ulama di zaman sekarang yang berpendapat seperti ini antara lain adalah shaikh ahmad shakir, muhaqqiq kitab al-mu’arrab min al-kalam al a’jami yang ditulis oleh al-jawaliq. ia mengatakan bahwa anggapan adanya lafaz selain arab dalam al-quran sebenarnya hanyalah perkiraan saja. hal yang sebenarnya terjadi adalah bahwa para ahli bahasa itu pun tidak mengetahui asal kata-kata tersebut.57 padahal harus diketahui bahwa bangsa arab adalah bangsa yang sudah ada sejak zaman dahulu sebelum sejarah ditulis. jauh sebelum zaman ibrahim dan ismail. sudah ada sebelum masa keberadaan bahasa kaldaniyah, bahasa ibrani, bahasa suryaniyah dan bahasa persia. jadi tidak ada istilah bahasa-bahasa yang lebih muda diserap ke dalam bahasa arab, yang ada sebenarnya lafal-lafal itu asli dari bahasa arab sejak dahulu, kemudian diserap oleh bahasa lain yang lebih muda, lalu datanglah orang○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2020202020 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna orang kemudian dan beranggapan bahwa lafal itu serapan dari bahasa lain ke bahasa arab. 2. al-quran memuat kata-kata selain bahasa arab di antara ahli yang berpendapat seperti ini adalah al-khuwayyi, ibn alnaqib dan imam al-shaukani. diriwayatkan dari ibn ‘abbas, mujahid, ibn ‘ikrimah, ata’ dan lainnya dari ahli ilmu bahwa mereka telah menyatakan terdapat banyak bahasa ajam (non-arab) di dalam al-quran.58 di antaranya lafal: taha, al-yammu, al-tur, al-rabbaniyyun, semuanya adalah bahasa suryaniyah. lafal mishkat serta qiflaini berasal dari serapan bahasa romawi. sedangkan lafal sirat, qirtas, firdaus dan sejenisnya berasal dari serapan bahasa habashah. para ahli nahw (nuhat) telah sepakat bahwa di dalam al-quran banyak lafal yang mamnu’ min al-sarf, baik karena merupakan al-’alam (nama) atau karena kenon-araban (‘ajam), seperti lafal ibrahim. jika demikian, maka tidak ada alasan untuk menolak adanya lafal yang bukan bahasa arab di dalam al-quran.59 para ahli yang mengikuti pendapat ini beranggapan bahwa di antara hikmah adanya lafal non-arab di dalam al-quran adalah bahwa al-quran mencakup ilmu terdahulu dan kemudian, serta mengabarkan segala sesuatu. di dalamnya harus ada petunjuk kepada bermacam bahasa dan ragam lidah manusia, agar cakupannya menjadi sempurna, untuk itu dipilihlah dari berbagai macam bahasa tentang beberapa kata yang paling baik, mudah serta paling banyak dilafazkan oleh orang arab. ibn al-naqib mengatakan karakteristik al-quran adalah diturunkan dengan bahasa kaum yang memang kepada mereka alquran ini diturunkan. dan al-quran memang diturunkan bukan hanya untuk orang arab saja, tetapi untuk seluruh manusia. dengan demikian tidak ada salahnya kalau di dalam al-quran ada bahasa selain bahasa arab, seperti bahasa romawi, persia, habasyah dan lainnya.60 di antara ulama zaman kontemporer yang berpendapat bahwa di dalam al-quran ada bahasa selain bahasa arab adalah ramadan abduttawwab dan muhammad al-sayyid ‘ali al-balasi. ramadan ‘abd al-thawwâb telah menuliskan pendapatnya dengan salah satu ungkapannya “merupakan sebuah kesalahan mengingkari adanya unsur serapan bahasa asing di dalam bahasa arab fushah dan juga di dalam al-quran”.61 muhammad al-sayyid ‘ali al-balasi dalam kritiknya terhadap kitab al-mudhdhab mengatakan bahwa para ulama telah sepakat mengatakan adanya kalimat ‘ajam di dalam al-quran, yang telah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2121212121vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 diarabkan oleh bangsa arab sebelumnya, sehingga biar bagaimana pun tidak ada masalah bila kalimat yang asalnya bukan arab terdapat di dalam al-quran. 3. pendapat pertengahan (al-mu’tadil) pendapat ketiga memandang bahwa hujjah yang mewakili pendapat pertama dan kedua sama-sama kuat, tidak bisa dipatahkan begitu saja. jadi pendapat ketiga ini agaknya ingin mengkompromikan kedua pendapat yang saling berbeda. di antaranya abu ‘ubaid bin qasim bin salam, dia pernah menyatakan bahwa meski suatu lafaz awalnya dianggap bukan dari bahasa arab, namun kemudian berubah menjadi bahasa arab sehingga ketika alquran turun lafaz itu sudah dikenal oleh bangsa arab dan sudah dianggap menjadi bagian dari bahasa arab. dengan demikian kedua pendapat itu tidak salah dan tidak bertentangan secara hakikatnya. ahli yang mengatakan bahwa lafaz itu bukan bahasa arab tidak bisa disalahkan karena mereka melihat dari asal muasal sejarah lafaz itu yang memang bukan arab, tetapi yang mengatakan bahwa lafaz itu adalah bahasa arab juga benar, sebab pada saat al-quran diturunkan lafaz itu sudah menjadi bagian dari bahasa arab.62 pendapat ketiga ini prinsipnya tidak menyalahkan pendapat pertama atau kedua, tetapi menggabungkan semua hujjah untuk menjadi kesimpulan yang bisa disepakati bersama. penutup dari uraian-uraian di atas dapat diketahui dengan jelas jawaban dari permasalahan penulisan yang dijelaskan sebelumnya. pertama, tentang keberadaan kata serapan di dalam al-quran dapat terjawab dari pendapat kedua dan ketiga. akan tetapi adanya arabisasi bukan untuk memperlemah bahasa al-quran, sebaliknya adanya fenomena serapan kata justru menjadi salah satu karakteristik dan kelebihan al-quran. kemudian pertayaan kedua, bagaimana pandangan orientalis terhadap kosa kata asing dalam al-quran, hal ini dapat dijawab bahwa mereka berpendapat fenomena tersebut merupakan kecolongan, dan ketidakkereatifan islam yang hanya dapat memadukan hal-hal yang lama. ketiga adalah bagaimana pendapat para ulama mengenai ta’rib dalam alquran? dalam masalah ini terdapat tiga pendapat para ulama, yang pertama: menolak keberadan serapan kata di dalam al-quran. mereka berpendapat bahwa al-quran semuanya berbahasa arab. di antara ulama yang berpendapat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2222222222 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna seperti ini adalah imam al-shafi’i, ibn jarir al-tabari, abu ‘ubaidah, al-qadi abu bakr dan ibn faris. kedua: menyatakan di dalam al-quran terdapat kosa kata selain bahasa arab. dengan alasan di dalam al-quran terdapat lafaz yang mamnu’ min al-sarf, baik karena merupakan al-‘alam atau karena ‘ajam. di antara ulama yang berpendapat seperti ini adalah al-khuwayyi, ibn al-naqib, ramadan abduttawwab, muhammad al-sayyid ‘ali al-balasi. ketiga: pertengahan, pendapat ketiga ini merupakan pendapat yang mewakili pendapat pertama dan kedua. di antara tokohnya adalah abu ‘ubaid bin qasim bin salam, ia berpendapat bahwa meski suatu lafaz awalnya dianggap bukan dari bahasa arab, namun kemudian berubah menjadi bahasa arab ketika al-quran diturunkan tuhan. catatan akhir 1 sepuluh ayat yang penulis maksud ialah qs: yusuf ayat 2, qs: al-ra’du ayat 39, qs: al-nahl ayat 103, qs: thaha ayat ayat 113, qs: al-shu’ara, ayat 195, qs: al-zumar ayat 28, qs: fussilat ayat 44, qs: al-syura ayat 7, qs: al-zukhruf ayat 3, dan qs: al-ahqaf ayat 12. 2 salman harun, mutiara al-quran, aktualisasi pesan al-quran dalam kehidupan (jakarta: kaldera, 1999), cet., ke-3, h. 162. baca juga ‘abd al-faris salim, tarikh al-‘arab qabl al-islam (al-iskandariyyah, t.tp, tt), h. 45. 3 einar haugen, billingualism, language contact, and immigrant languages in the united states (the hague: mouton, 1956), h. 198. 4 uriel weinreich, languages in contact: finding and problems (the hague: mouton, 1953), h. 5. 5 amil badi’ ya’qub, fiqh al-lughah al-arabiyyah wa khasaisuha (beirut: dar althaqafat al-islamiyyah, 1998), h. 215. 6 http://jamal-alfath.blogspot.com//tarib.html.. di akses pada tanggal 22 april 2014 7 j. gonda, sanskrit in indonesia (new delhi: international academy of india culture, 1973), cet, ke-2, h. 26. 8 ramadan ‘abduttawwab, fusull fi fiqh al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah (kairo: maktabah al-khaniji, tt), h. 358. baca juga yunus ali al-muhdar dan bey arifin, sejarah kesustraan arab (surabaya: pt. bina ilmu, 1938), h. 17-18. 9 abd al-wahid wafi, fiqh al-lughah (kairo: dar nahdah misr li al-tab’i wa alnasri, 1945), h. 200. 10 khalid muflih ‘isa, al-lughah al-‘arabiyah baina al-fushah wa al-‘amiyah (dar aljamahiriyyah li al-nashri wa al-i’lan, 1987), h. 59. lihat juga pernyataan ramadan ‘abduttawwab dalam fusul fi fiqh al-lughah, h. 358. lihat juga muhammad al-mubarak, fiqh al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah wa khasaisuha (damaskus: dar al-fikr, 1960), h. 290-301. 11 lihat misalnya tantangan (bertahap) al-quran untuk terhadap orang-orang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2323232323vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 kafir untuk mendatangkan satu buah kitab seperti al-quran (qs. al-thur: 3334), sepuluh surat al-quran (qs. hud: 13-14) dan atau satu buah surat saja (qs. al-baqarah: 23-24). lebih jauh tentang kemukizatan al-quran, lihat abd al-ghaniy muhammad said barkah, al-i’jaz al-qurani: wujuhu wa asraruhu, (kairo: maktabat wahbat, 1989). 12 muhammad abdullah darraz, al-nab al-’azhim, (kuwait: dar al-qalam, 1974), h. 112. senada dengan itu, muhammad arkoun menyatakan tentang keluasan makna bahasa al-quran yang menurutnya memberikan kemungkinankemungkinan arti yang tak terbatas. m. quraish shihab, membumikan al-quran: fungsi dan peran wahyu dalam kehidupan masyarakat (bandung: mizan, 1996), h. 72. 13 taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah al-quran (yogyakarta: fkba, 2001), h. 12. 14 taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah al-quran, (yogyakarta: fkba, 2001), h. 12. 15 nurcholish madjid, islam doktrin dan peradaban: sebuah telaah kritis tentang masalah keimanan, kemanusiaan, dan kemodernan (jakarta: paramadina, 1995), h. 76-77. keterangan yang dibuat oleh ismail al-faruqi tentang kepercayaan orang-orang arab pra islam bahwa allah mempunyai anak-anak perempuan itu juga dengan jelas diisyaratkan oleh al-quran dalam qs. 37: 149 dan qs. 52: 39. sementra keterangan tentang berhala kaum musyrk arab yang paling terkenal, yaitu allat, al-uzza dan al-manat memang disebutkan dalam al-quran dipercayai oleh orang-orang arab jahiliyah sebagai anak-anak perempuan tuhan terdapat pada qs. 53: 19-22. 16 jalaluddin al-suyuthiy, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran (beirut: dar al-fikr,t.th), h. 121-134. 17 masnal zajuli, al-ishtirak fi al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah (padang: hayfa press, 2008), h. 17. 18 amil badi’ ya’qub, fiqh al-lughah al-arabiyyah wa khasâisuhâ, h. 113. 19 m. qurais shihab, mukjizat al-quran, h. 90. 20 abu al-fath ‘uthman ibn jinni, editor ibrahim mustafa dan ‘abdullah amin, al-munsif (kairo: matba‘ah al-babi al-hilb, 1954), lihat juga abu al-fath ‘uthmam ibn jinni, editor muhammad ‘ali al-najjar, al-khasais (kairo: alhay’ah al-misriyah al-‘ammah li al-kitab, 1983 m), h. 231. 21 mushthafa shadiq al-rafii, tarikh adab al-arab (kairo: maktabat al-iman, 1998), h. 71. 22 mushthafa shadiq al-rafii, tarikh adab al-arab (kairo: maktabat al-iman, 1998), h. 72. 23 kajian cukup komprehensif tentang konsep sab’atu ahruf ini dilakukan oleh syaban muhammad ismail, ma’ al-quran al-karim, (kairo: dar al-ittihad alarabiy li al-thibaat, 1978), h. 267-390. 24 hasanuddin af, anatomi al-quran: perbedaan qiraat dan pengaruhnya terhadap istinbath hukum dalam al-quran (jakarta: pt rajagrafindo persada, 1995), h. 99. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2424242424 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna 25 lihat gharib al-quran fi syir al-arab, h. 12 26 khalid muflih ‘isa, al-lughah al-‘arabiyah baina al-fusha wa al-‘amiyyah, h. 5960. 27 m. quraish syihab, mukjizat al-quran, h. 89. 28 w. wontgomery watt, richard bell: pengantar qur’an, penerjamah: lilian d. tedjasudhana, judul asli: bell’s introduction to the qur’an (jakarta: inis, 1998), h. 74. 29 amil badi’ ya’qub, fiqh al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah wa khasaisuha, h. 219. 30 amil badi’ ya’qub, fiqhu al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah wa khasâisuhâ, h. 217. 31 arthur jeffery adalah seorang orientalis yang memperoleh profesornya di bidang semitic (bahasa-bahasa semit). ia banyak menulis tentang al-quran, di antara karyanya di bidang ini adalah: the quran as a scripture (quran sebagai kitab injil), the textual history of the quran (textual sejarah quran); the orthography of the samarqad codex (ortografi samarqad naskah kuno); materials for the history of the text of the quran (material untuk sejarah teks quran),and the foreign vocabulary of the quran (kosa kata asing dalam al-quran). 32 arthur jeffery, foreign vocabulary of the quran (oriental institute, 1938), h. 13. 33 salman harun, mutiara al-quran, h. 163-166. 34 ramadan ‘abduttawwab, fusul fi fiqh al-lughah, h. 363. bandingkan dengan amil badi’ ya’qub, fiqh al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah wa khasaisuha, h. 218. 35 jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman al-suyuti, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran (beirut: majma’ al-mulk, 1426 h), h. 200-201. 36 jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman al-suyuti, al-muhadhdhabu fima waqa’a fi al-quran min al-mu’arrab, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1987), h. 5-25. 37 komentar abu ‘umar, lengkapnya adalah (áç çúñýå ýì áûé çíï ãä çáúñè). baca al-suyuti dalam al-muhadhdhabu fima waqa’a fi al-quran min al-mu’arrab, 19. 38 al-suyuti, “al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran “, h. 199. lihat juga al-suyuti, dalam almuhadhdhab fima waqa’a fi al-quran min al-mu’arrab, h. 19. 39 argumen yang dikemukakan salman harun adalah: kapur barus, yang setelah diserap ke dalam bahasa arab menjadi (ßçýæñ) merupakan komiditi dagang internasional semenjak abad ke-2 masehi. kapur barus hanya dihasilkan di pantai barat sumatera dengan kota barus sebagai pelabuhannya. berdasarkan kapur barus sebagai komoditi dagang internasional dan pengembaraan kata itu di dalam bahasa-bahasa dunia semenjak abad-abad awal masehi, sehingga kata (ßçýæñ) adalah satu-satunya kosa kata bahasa indonesia yang terdapat di dalam al-quran. baca salman harun, mutiara al-quran, h. 168. 40 alirman hamzah, citra islam di mata barat (sejarah dan perkembangan orientalisme (padang: iain “ib” press, 2003), h. 3. 41 muhammad al-tunji, al-mu’jam al-mufassal fi al-adab (beirut: dar al-kutub al‘ilmiyyah, 1993), h. 785. 42 pendapat ini merupakan pendapat yang sangat masyhur di eropa, karena tulisan tulisan bahasa arab dan eropa merupakan dua tulisan yang sama. adapun orang-orang yunani mereka mengambil huruf finiqiyyah klasik, kemudian ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2525252525vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 memasukkannya ke dalam bahasa eropa, namun mereka terlebih dahulu melakukan perubahan terhadap bahasa finiqiyyah tersebut, perubahan yang mereka lakukan adalah a. bahasa finiqiyyah yang selama ini ditulis dari arah kanan ke kiri, mereka merubahnya dari kiri ke kanan, dan b. mereka menambah vocal dengan “a, i, u, e, o). baca: sa’id al-afghani, min hadir al-lughah al‘arabiyyah (kairo: dar al-fikr, 1971), cet. ke-2), h. 175. 43 khalid muflih ‘isa, al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah baina fushah wa al-‘ammiyah, h.110. 44 ramadan ‘abduttawwab, fusul fi fiqh al-lughah, h. 381. 45 pendapat yang menganggap islam sangat kental dengan pengaruh yahudi dan nasrani merupakan pendapat mayoritas kaum orientalis. mereka melihat islam dari kaca mata yahudi dan nasrani, sehingga hasilnya jewish heresy atau cristian heresy. arnold misalnya, mengatakan islam lahir di gurun pasir, ibunya sabean arab, ayahnya yahudi dan perawat yang mengasuhnya adalah kristen timur. zwemer juga menyimpulkan bahwa islam bukanlah sebuah kreatifitas, namun sebuah cangkokan, islam tidak memiliki kelebihan, kecuali muhammad yang genius memadukan unsure-unsur lama di dalam obat mujarab baru untuk penyakit manusia dan memaksa manusia masuk ke dalamnya dengan menghunuskan pedang. baca eva ardinal, “makalah” orientalis dan kajian terhadap bahasa arab (padang: tidak diterbitkan, 2008), h. 5. 46 adnin armas, “islamika” majalah pemikiran islam dan peradaban islam (jakarta: t.tp, 2004), h. 8. 47 nabilah lubis mengatakan filologi adalah pengetahuan tentang sastra-sastra dalam arti luas mencakup bidang bahasa, sastra dan kebudayaan. lihat: nabilah lubis, naskah, teks dan metode penelitian filologi (jakarta: yayasan media alo indonesia, 2007), cet. ke-3, h. 28. 48 http:www.kampusislami.com 49 m. m al-a’zami, the history of the quranic text from revelation to compilation (jakarta: gema insani, 2005), h. 336. 50 blogs.irenehandono.com 51 pembahasan tentang sikap yang berkembang pada kalangan ulama terkait kosakata asing dalam al-quran dapat dijumpai pada buku-buku karya ulama islam, seperti al-suyuthi dalam al-itqân fi ulûm al-quran, bahkan al-suyûthi secara khusus menulis tentang kosa-kata serapan ini dalam karyanya yang berjudul almuhazzabu fima waqa’a fi al-quran min al-mu’arrab, di samping itu bisa juga dilihat dalam buku al-mu’arrab min al-kalam al-a’jamiy karya al-jawaliqi, al-istiqâq wa al-ta’rib karya abd al-qâdir al-maghribi, atau bisa juga dilihat dalam karya tokoh non muslim, seperti jeffery dalam karyanya yang berjudul the foreign vocabulary of the quran. 52 burhan al-din al-zarkasyi, al-burhan fi ‘ulum al-quran, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1988), h. 359-360. 53 burhan al-din al-zarkasyi, al-burhan fi ‘ulum al-quran, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1988), h. 359-360. 54 burhan al-din al-zarkasyi, a al-burhan fi ‘ulum al-quran, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1988), h. 360. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2626262626 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna 55 jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman al-suyuti, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran, h. 193. 56 jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman al-suyuti, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran, h. 193-194. 57 ramadan abd al-tawwab, fusul fi fiqh al-lughah, h. 361-362. 58 ramadan ‘abduttawwab, fusul fi fiqh al-lughah, h. 360. 59 jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman al-suyuti, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran, h. 194. 60 jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman al-suyuti, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran, h. 194. 61 ramadan ‘abduttawwab, fusul fi fiqh al-lughah, h. 363. 62 jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman al-suyuti, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran, h. 195. daftar pustaka al-quran al-karim abduttawwab, ramadan, fusull fi fiqh al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah. kairo: maktabah alkhaniji, tt. al-afghani, sa’id. 1971. min hadir al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah. kairo: dar al-fikr. af, hasanuddin. 1995. anatomi al-quran: perbedaan qiraat dan pengaruhnya terhadap istinbath hukum dalam al-quran. jakarta: pt rajagrafindo persada. amal, taufik adna. 2001. rekonstruksi sejarah al-quran. yogyakarta: fkba. ardinal, eva. 2008. “makalah” orientalis dan kajian terhadap bahasa arab. padang: tidak diterbitkan. armas, adnin. 2004. “islamika” majalah pemikiran islam dan peradaban islam. jakarta: t.tp, al-a’zami, m. m. 2005. the history of the quranic text from revelation to compilation. jakarta: gema insani. barkah, abd al-ghaniy muhammad said. 1989. al-i’jaz al-quraniy: wujuhu wa asraruhu. kairo: maktabat wahbat. darraz, muhammad abdullah, al-nab al-’azhim. kuwait: dar al-qalam, 1974.gonda, j., sanskrit in indonesia. new delhi: international academy of india culture, 1973. haugen, einar. 1956. billingualism, language contact, and immigrant languages in the united states. the hague: mouton. hamzah, alirman, 2003. citra islam di mata barat (sejarah dan perkembangan orientalisme). padang: iain “ib” press. harun, salman. 1999. mutiara al-quran, aktualisasi pesan al-quran dalam kehidupan. jakarta: kaldera. ibn jinni, abu al-fath. 1954. ‘uthman, editor ibrahim mustafa dan ‘abdullah amin, al-munsif. kairo: matba‘ah al-babi al-hilb. _____. 1983 m. editor muhammad ‘ali al-najjar, al-khasais. kairo: al-hay’ah almisriyah al-‘ammah li al-kitab. ‘isa, khalid muflih. 1987.al-lughah al-‘arabiyah baina al-fushah wa al-‘amiyah. dar al-jamahiriyyah li al-nashri wa al-i’lan. ismail, syaban muhammad. 1978. ma’ al-quran al-karim. kairo: dar al-ittihad alarabiy li al-thibaat. jeffery, arthur. 1938. foreign vocabulary of the quran. oriental institute. lubis, nabilah. 2007. naskah, teks dan metode penelitian filologi. jakarta: yayasan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2727272727vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 media alo indonesia. madjid, nurcholish, 1995. islam doktrin dan peradaban: sebuah telaah kritis tentang masalah keimanan, kemanusiaan, dan kemodernan. jakarta: paramadina. al-mubarak, muhammad. 1960. fiqh al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah wa khasaisuha. damaskus: dar al-fikr. al-muhdar dan bey arifin, yunus ali. 1938. sejarah kesustraan arab. surabaya: pt. bina ilmu. al-rafii, mushthafa shadiq. 1998. tarikh adab al-arab. kairo: maktabat al-iman. salim, ‘abd al-faris. tarikh al-‘arab qabl al-islam. al-iskandariyyah, t.tp, tt. shihab, m. quraish. 1996. membumikan al-quran: fungsi dan peran wahyu dalam kehidupan masyarakat. bandung: mizan. al-suyuti, jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman. 1987. al-muhadhdhabu fima waqa’a fi al-quran min al-mu’arrab. beirut: dar al-fikr. al-suyuti, jalaluddin ‘abdurrahman. 1426 h. al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-quran. beirut: majma’ al-mulk. al-tunji, muhammad. 1993. al-mu’jam al-mufassal fi al-adab. beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiyyah. wafi, abd al-wahid. 1945. fiqh al-lughah. kairo: dar nahdah misr li al-tab’i wa al-nasri. watt, w. wontgomery. 1998. richard bell: pengantar qur’an, penerjamah: lilian d. tedjasudhana, judul asli: bell’s introduction to the qur’an. jakarta: inis. weinreich, uriel. 1953. languages in contact: finding and problems. the hague: mouton. ya’qub, amil badi’. 1998. fiqh al-lughah al-arabiyyah wa khasaisuha. beirut: dar al-thaqafat al-islamiyyah, zajuli, masnal. 2008. al-ishtirak fi al-lughah al-‘arabiyyah. padang: hayfa press. al-zarkasyi, burhan al-din. 1988. al-burhan fi ulum al-quran. beirut: dar al-fikr. internet blogs.irenehandono.com http://jamal-alfath.blogspot.com//tarib.html.. di akses pada tanggal 22 april 2014. http:www.kampusislami.com layout des 2015 aktivisme hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko di yogyakarta sebagai representasi gerakan pelayanan sosial masyarakat sipil (1920-1931) ghifari yuristiadhi universitas gadjah mada ghifariyuristiadhi@gmail.com abstract penolong kesengsaraan oemoem (pko) was one of the four first organizational divisions formed by hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah in 1920. in particular, as the name suggests, this division was expected to design, manage, and develop muhammadiyah’s social services. chaired by hadji soedjak, in the period 19201931, the pko had opened a health clinic (1923) and founded the poor house (1923) and orphanages (1931). muhammadiyah was an organization formally recognized by the dutch colonial government since 1914, and therefore, the social activities carried the pko of hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah can be seen as a movement of civil society outside the state. it can be said that muhammadiyah’s widespread social services represented by pko, became a resource for muhammadiyah to put its bargaining position in face of the dutch colonial government, and kasultanan yogyakarta and that of kadipaten pakualaman. muhammadiyah provided the social services to the society when the states absent to put on it. keywords: muhammadiyah, pko section, social services, civil society abstrak bagian penolong kesengsaraan oemoem (pko) adalah salah satu dari empat bagian pertama yang dibentuk hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah pada 1920. secara khusus, sesuai dengan namanya, bagian ini diharapkan dapat mendesain, mengelola, dan mengembangkan pelayanan sosial muhammadiyah. diketuai oleh hadji soedjak, dalam kurun 1920-1931, bagian pko telah membuka poliklinik kesehatan (1923) serta mendirikan rumah miskin (1923) dan rumah yatim (1931). muhammadiyah adalah organisasi yang secara formal diakui oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0048. 195-219 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 196196196196196 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna sejak 1914, maka aktivitas sosial yang dilakukan bagian pko hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bisa dilihat sebagai gerakan masyarakat sipil di luar negara. aktivitas pelayanan sosial bagian pko menunjukkan posisi tawar tersendiri bagi muhammadiyah di mata pemerintah kolonial belanda, kasultanan yogyakarta dan kadipaten pakualaman. muhammadiyah memiliki pelayanan sosial untuk masyarakat ketika negara absen menyediakan. kata kunci: muhammadiyah, bagian pko, pelayanan sosial, masyarakat sipil pendahuluan ada dua hal kontradiktif yang terjadi menjelang tahun 1920 yang menerpa dua organisasi islam yang cukup dinamis dalam satu dekade terakhir di yogyakarta, yakni serikat islam dan muhammadiyah. serikat islam, organisasi massa islam terbesar di hindia belanda yang berdiri pada 1913 oleh hos tjokroaminoto sebagai kelanjutan dari serikat dagang islam yang didirkan oleh haji samanhudi di solo pada 1911, semakin disibukkan dengan aktivitas propaganda untuk kalangan petani dan buruh. serikat islam mengadvokasi petani dan buruh perkebunan yang dilanda kelangkaan bahan pangan yang mulai dirasakan ketika itu. propaganda dan advokasi yang berujung dengan pemogokan buruh di banyak tempat tersebut memang menjadi gerakan utama cental serikat islam (csi), pengurus pusat serikat islam yang dideklarasikan pada 1916 di bandung, dan digerakkan di seluruh hindia belanda.1 puncak dari surutnya dukungan masyarakat hindia-belanda adalah meletusnya peristiwa “afdeeling b” yang menyeret nama-nama para petinggi serikat islam. peristiwa tersebut adalah perlawanan masyarakat cimareme, garut yang dipimpin oleh haji hasan yang menolak pembelian sepihak padi oleh wedana pada 1919, lokasi tersebut juga merupakan basis serikat islam. perlawanan tersebut berakhir dengan ditembak dan dipenggalnya haji hasan dan beberapa pengikutnya oleh pemerintah kolonial sebagai gertakan bagi orang yang berani melawan pemerintah kolonial. banyak dari para petinggi serikat islam yang ditangkap. sosrokardono, salah satu pengurus csi dihukum empat tahun, sedangkan tjokroaminoto, pendiri sekaligus ketua csi, juga ditahan karena dianggap memberikan keterangan palsu terkait peristiwa “afdeeling b”. ini menjadi antiklimaks serikat islam karena banyak anggotanya yang memilih keluar dan takut untuk berafiliasi dengan serikat islam, termasuk di yogyakarta yang juga menjadi salah satu basis serikat islam.2 hal ini berimbas pada berkurangnya loyalitas dan sokongan ataupun derma kepada organisasi dari masyarakat. dalam momentum yang lain, semenjak membentuk bagian penolong ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 197197197197197vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 kesengsaraan oemoem (pko) yang diresmikan ketika rapat anggota istimewa muhammadiyah pada 18 juni 1920, muhammadiyah, organisasi sosial yang didirikan oleh kh. ahmad dahlan pada 1912, justru semakin fokus dalam membangun pelayanan-pelayanan sosialnya. bersamaan dengan berdirinya bagian pko itu, hooftbestuur muhammadiyah juga memiliki bagian tabligh yang berkonsentrasi pada penyiaran islam, bagian pengajaran yang berfokus pada pengaturan operasional sekolah muhammadiyah termasuk memenuhi hak-hak guru, dan bagian pustaka yang bertugas menyebarkan informasi kegiatan muhammadiyah dan juga syiar dengan penerbitan majalah bulanan.33 di saat si mulai kehilangan kepercayaan dari masyarakat, justru muhammadiyah semakin mendapatkannya. haji syoedjak yang dipercaya oleh kh. ahmad dahlan, pendiri muhammadiyah sekaligus gurunya, memimpin bagian pko sejak berdiri pertama pada 1920 berfokus merealisasikan pelayanan-pelayanan sosial dengan membangun poliklinik, weeshuis (rumah yatim) dan armhuis (rumah miskin). sedangkan untuk sekolah yang menjadi wewenang dari bagian pengajaran juga terus diperbaiki penyelenggaraannya. keempat-empatnya dikembangkan dengan mengoptimalkan kedermawanan dari masyarakat yogyakarta dan anggota muhammadiyah baik di yogyakarta maupun di luar yogyakarta, salah satunya wakaf. de indische courant tertanggal 16 juni 1926 memberitakan bahwa perwakilan zending, missie dan muhammadiyah diberi kesempatan untuk berbicara pada saat penyambutan kedatangan j.e. jasper sebagai residen yogyakarta yang baru. dalam kesempatan itu zending, gerakan perkabaran injil agama kristiani, menyampaikan permohonan dukungan dalam kerja-kerja pelayanan yang mereka lakukan di yogyakarta. begitu juga perwakilan dari missie (misionaris), gerakan penyebaran agama katholik, yang berharap ada kerjasama yang terjalin dalam rangka mengembangkan otoritas sipil dan kebahagiaan penduduk yogyakarta. sedangkan muhammadiyah menjabarkan aktivisme pelayanan umum yang telah mereka lakukan selama ini yang mencakup pada empat hal: armenhuis (rumah miskin), poliklinik, weeshuis (rumah yatim) dan schoolen (sekolah).4 paparan historis mengenai aktivisme filantropi di yogyakarta, khususnya wakaf di yogyakarta pada 1920-an-1930-an memang belum ada yang secara komprehensif menulis.5 namun tidak halnya dengan kedermawanan secara umum. abdurrachman surjomihardjo (2008) dalam kota yogyakarta tempo doeloe yang menyatakan bahwa pada 1923 muhammadiyah telah memiliki ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 198198198198198 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna sebuah kweekschool dan his di notoprajan, sekolah ongko loro di bausasran, kauman dan karangkajen dengan total jumlah guru 40 orang dan murid 974 orang.6 berpijak dari data tersebut, penelitian ini memungkinkan untuk mengelaborasi lebih komprehensif hadirnya wakaf sebagai bagian dari aktivisme kedermawanan yang dilakukan oleh muhammadiyah di dekade kedua abad xx. lebih spesifik tentang aktivisme filantropi yang dilakukan pko, berdasarkan catatan bambang purwanto bahwa pko milik muhammadiyah di yogyakarta pada pertengahan 1920an yang telah mengelola sebuah rumah miskin, dua panti asuhan dan satu klinik kesehatan juga bisa ditelusur hal yang sama dalam rangka melacak perkembangan kedermawanan islam di yogyakarta.7 amelia fauzia dengan desertasinya “faith and the state: a history of islamic philantrophy in indonesia”, mengisi ruang kajian historis mengenai filantropi islam di indonesia. meksi temporal periodenya sangat panjang dan kajiannya cukup luas yakni mencakup hindia-belanda, namun secara spesifik fauzia juga menyinggung pertumbuhan kegiatan filantropi dan kedermawanan di yogyakarta, terutama yang dikelola oleh muhammadiyah. dalam salah satu bagian desertasinya, fauzia memaparkan perbandingan filantropi islam yang dikelola di masa kolonial dengan setelah kemerdekaan. di masa sebelum kemerdekaan, fauzia mencoba memetakan bagaimana peran pemerintah kolonial dalam mengatur regulasi kegiatan filantropi dan bagaimana perkembangan institusi yang bersinggungan dengan sedekah dan wakaf yakni masjid dan pesantren. pembahasan tentang kontestasi muhammadiyah dan nahdahatul ulama dalam mengelola zakat dan fitrah juga disinggung fauzia. sedangkan setelah kemerdekaan, pembahasaan fauzia mencakup perkembangan filantropi islam selama perang kemerdekaan dan juga bagaimana modernisasi pengelolaan wakaf setelah kemerdekaan.8 dibandingkan dengan disertasi fauzia, tesis ini masih mempunyai ruang untuk mengembangkan wacana khususnya pada transformasi kedermawanan pada kurun 1920-an-1930-an. berbeda dengan apa yang ditulis fauzia, hilman latief yang menulis disertasi islamic charities and social activism: welfare, dakwah and politics in indonesia lebih menyajikan secara konseptual bahwa kedermawanan islam memiliki dimensi kesejahteraan, dakwah dan politik dengan temporal yang lebih kontemporer. dari sisi kesejahteraan, latief memaparkan model berkembangnya kedermawanan melalui klinik gratis, rumah sakit, program pelayanan kesehatan dari tiga organisasi kedermawanan islam yakni dompet dhuafa, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 199199199199199vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 rumah zakat indonesia dan muhammadiyah. selain itu, dalam aspek kesejahteraan itu latief juga mengulas tentang kedermawanan dalam upaya pemberdayakan perempuan dengan salah satu isu perdagangan perempuan. dari perspektif dakwah, latief mencoba menganalisis sebuah aktivitas dakwah islam di lokasi yang muslim menjadi minoritas, yakni pulau nias. terakhir, dalam sisi politik, latief mencoba memaparkan bahwa dalam banyak kasus kedermawanan juga dibangun atas sentiment politik, sebagai contoh isu pembebasan palestina, anti-yahudi dan anti-amerika.9 tulisan yang menggunakan metode sejarah ini ingin melihat sejauh mana gerakan pelayanan sosial yang dilakukan oleh bagian pko hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah di yogyakarta pada kurun 1920-1931 dapat membangun posisi tawar masyarakat sipil di mata pemerintah kolonial belanda. di tengah ketimpangan kondisi sosial karena modernisasi perkotaan yogyakarta di awal abad xx tidak cukup dapat dinikmati oleh seluruh masyarakat, menarik untuk melihat kiprah bagian pko hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah dalam pengelolaan pelayanan sosial masyarakat. hal ini juga bisa bisa dilihat sebagai bentuk respons masyarakat sipil atas absennya negara terhadap peningkatan kesejahteraan masyarakat yang lebih luas. sumber-sumber yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah arsip resmi, surat kabar sezaman dan buku-buku sekunder. pko sebagai produk institusionalisasi pelayanan sosial muhammadiyah hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah memiliki bagian pko yang diresmikan dalam rapat anggota istimewa muhammadiyah pada 18 juni 1920.10 kh ahmad dahlan mempercayakan pko dipimpin oleh soedjak. ketika ditunjuk menjadi ketua bagian pko dan ditanya oleh kh ahmad dahlan tentang apa yang akan dilakukannya ketika memimpin bagian ini, soedjak menjawab, “hendak membangun hospital untuk menolong kepada umum yang menderita sakit.” kh ahmad dahlan bertanya lagi, “dan selain daripada itu hendak membangun apa pula?”. soedjak menjawab, “hendak membangun armhuis (rumah miskin)”. kemudian ditanya lagi pertanyaan yang sama, soedjak menjawab, “hendak mendirikan weeshuis (rumah yatim).”11 jawaban soedjak menuai tertawaan para peserta rapat anggota istimewa yang menyangsikan target-target yang dirancang soedjak. menjelang rapat usai pukul 12 malam, soedjak meminta izin kepada kh ahmad dahlan selaku pimpinan rapat untuk berbicara. soedjak mengatakan: “pimpinan yang mulia dan saudara sekalian yang terhormat. assala○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 200200200200200 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna mu’alaikum warohmatu allahi wabarokatuh. sungguh, sangat menyesal dan keciwa hati saya, ketika saya mendengar sambutan atas jawaban saya terhadap pimpinan sidang dengan gelak ketawa yang mengandung isi seolah-olah melemahkan semangat jiwa saya yang penuh keyakinan atas dasar pengetahuan (ilmu yaqin) daripada ajaran agama islam yang sumbernya kitab suci al-qur’an dan sunnah rasul muhammad saw. dalam al-qur’an dapat kita lihat masih tercantum surat al-ma’un dengan ayat dan lengkap tidak sehurufpun yang kurang sekalipun berubah, arti dan maknanya pun tetap sejak turun diwahyukan oleh allah sampai kini tetap juga. meskipun kitab suci al-qur’an sudah berabad-abad dan surat al-ma’un menjadi bacaan sehari-hari dalam sembahyang oleh umat islam indonesia pada umumnya dan di yogyakarta pada khususnya, namun sampai kini belum ada seorang dari umat islam yang mengambil perhatian akan intisarinya yang sangat penting itu untuk diamalkan dalam masyarakat. banyak orang-orang di luar islam (bukan orang islam) yang sudah berbuat menyelenggarakan rumah-rumah panti asuhan untuk memelihara mereka si fakir miskin dan kanak-kanak yatim yang terlantar dengan cara sebaikbaiknya hanya karena terdorong dari rasa kemanusiaan saja, tidak kerna merasa bertanggung jawab dalam masyarakat dan tanggung jawab di sisi allah kelak di hari kemudian. kalau mereka dapat berbuat karena berdasarkan kemanusiaan saja, maka saya heran sekali kalau umat islam tidak dapat berbuat. padahal agama islam adalah agama untuk manusia bukan untuk khalayak yang lain. apakah kita bukan manusia? kalau mereka dapat berbuat kena apakah kita tidak dapat berbuat? hum rijalu wa nahnu rijal. (mereka manusia kitapun manusia). “saudara-saudara yang terhormat dan yang tertawa, rupanya saudarasaudara itu masih belum yakin percaya kepada allah swt. dan belum yakin percaya kepada kitab-nya, sehingga saya bercita-cita akan membangun hospital, rumah miskin dan rumah yatim saja, seolah-olah mustahil akan dapat terlaksana, karena saudara pandang ketiadaan kemampuan kita diwaktu sekarang ini, sehingga cita-cita kita saudara pandang sangat melampaui batas. allah ta’ala tidak memerintahkan kepada kita hambanya sesuatu yang bukan bakatnya walau pun soal yang sekecil-kecilnya. tetapi allah ta’ala memerintahkan kepada kita sesuatu yang kita dapat meleksanakan walaupun soal yang besar dan berat. saudara-saudara, kita ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 201201201201201vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 telah membangun persyarikatan muhammadiyah untuk mentaati perintahperintah islam yang bersumber kitab al-qur’an. taatilah dengan sungguhsungguh menurut petunjuk dan sunnah rasullullah serta dengan kepercayaaan yang yakin dan penuh semangat yang giat.”12 haji soedjak yang bernama kecil danil/daniyalin adalah murid generasi pertama kh. ahmad dahlan, bersama dua saudaranya haji fachrodin (jazoeli) dan ki bagus hadikusumo (hidajat). murid generasi awal yang mendapatkan pendidikan dari kh ahmad dahlan lainnya adalah haji muhammad zain, haji muhammad mokhtar, haji ahmad badawi, dan haji hajid. soedjak dilahirkan di kauman pada 1882.13 ayahnya bernama hasyim ismail, seorang lurah keraton yogyakarta.14 sejak kecil dia bersama saudara dan rekan-rekannya berguru kepada kh ahmad dahlan. soedjaklah yang berani bertanya kepada kh ahmad dahlan mengapa pada saat itu kh ahmad dahlan tidak melanjutkan materi belajarnya. kh ahmad dahlan mengulang pembahasan surat al-maun hingga empat bulan. hingga kemudian dijawab oleh kh ahmad dahlan, “apakah kamu sudah mengamalkannya?”15 terbentuknya institusi bagian pko menjadi tonggak dimulainya kerja-kerja pelayanan muhammadiyah yang lebih luas. target pertama yang dibidik oleh pko adalah pelayanan kesehatan seiring telah berkembangnya pelayanan kesehatan yang diselenggarakan oleh zending yakni zendinghospitaal petronella atau yang biasa disebut juga petronella hospitaal yang dibangun pada 1899 (sejak 28 juni 1950 berubah nama menjadi rumah sakit bethesda). sebuah poliklinik kecil dibuka di notoprajan pada 1923. artikel soerabaijasch handelsblad tanggal 8 oktober 1931 melaporkan bahwa klinik rawat jalan tersebut di awal berdirinya dibantu operasionalnya oleh seorang gouvernements-indisch arts (dokter pemerintah) yang bernama soemowidagdo. bagian pko sangat terbantu karena dr. soemowidagdo bersedia mengabdi di sebuah klinik kecil yang baru didirikan tersebut dan gaji yang harus dia terima sepenuhnya menjadi tanggung jawab pemerintah. penggalangan dana dan pembiayaaan pko untuk memenuhi kebutuhan operasional poliklinik, bagian pko mengupayakan banyak hal. sebuah laporan tahunan klinik dan poliklinik moehammadijah bagian pko yang diterbitkan dalam soeara moehammadijah bulan oktober 1923 terdiri dari pemasukan dan pengeluaran klinik dan poliklinik pko antara 1 maret 1923 dan 31 agustus 1923. laporan ini merupakan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 202202202202202 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna laporan pertama klinik dan polikiliek setelah didirikan bagian pko pada bulan februari. laporan tersebut menunjukkan bahwa pemasukan pko didapatkan dari beberapa sumber, antara lain kas hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah, penjualan cocard dalam jaarvergadering (pertemuan tahunan) muhammadiyah, pendapatan peti derma dari jaarvergadering, penjualan kok di comite voetbal, dan derma dari comite voetbal. pemasukan lain yang didapatkan oleh klinik dan poliklinik yang dikelola bagian pko adalah dari pendapatan peti derma di poliklinik dan pembajaran klinik dari orang sakit.16 gambar 1. aktivitas pko yang tergambar dalam perangko di akhir 1930an sumber: yayasan kh ahmad dahlan dari laporan setengah tahun klinik dan poliklinik pko tersebut bisa dipetakan bahwa di setiap awal semester, bagian pko mendapatkan subsidi dari hoorfbestuur muhammadiyah rata-rata f 50. sedangkan pemasukan penjualan cocard dan peti derma dari jaarvergadering hanya bisa didapatkan sekali yakni pada paruh semester pertama karena penyelenggaraannya di awal tahun. untuk derma dari institusi di luar muhammadiyah seperti dalam hal ini comite voetbal tidak pasti didapatkan setiap semesternya. sedangkan untuk pengeluaran, jika dilihat dalam laporan, pengeluaran rutin tiap bulan adalah untuk pembelian obat dan penyediaan makan untuk pasien. selebihnya, mengingat klinik dan poliklinik ini masih baru maka membutuhkan beberapa inventaris antara lain lemari pekakas, sepeda, kasur, bantal, serta piespot. pembelian cat juga diperlukan dalam merapikan warna dinding agar lebih layak. pengeluaran lain dalam operasional enam bulan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 203203203203203vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 klinik dan poliklinik pko ini adalah untuk membayar poenggawa dokter.17 klinik dan poliklinik pko tidak perlu membayar gaji dokter karena mendapatkan bantuan tenaga dokter pemerintah gratis yakni dr. mas soemowidigdo dan tenaga medis lain yang bernama mas slamet.18 tabel 1. pemasukan dan pengeluaran bulanan klinik dan poliklinik moehammadijah bagian pko sumber: diolah dari soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923 tabel 2. pemasukan peti derma dan pembayaran orang sakit di klinik dan poliklinik moehammadijah bagian pko sumber: diolah dari soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923 terkait dengan pemasukan dari peti derma klinik dan pembayaran orang sakit, jika menilik laporan (dalam tabel 1), jumlah yang didapatkan sebagai pemasukan pko sangat tidak signifikan jumlahnya. peti derma selama setengah tahun hanya mendapatkan f 57.35 sedangkan pembayaran dari orang sakit hanya sebesar f 25 (lihat tabel 2). bisa dipastikan memang klinik dan poliklinik pko ini tidak menarik biaya dari layanan yang diberikan kepada masyarakat yang berobat dan hanya menyediakan peti derma bagi siapa yang ingin mendermakan harta yang dimilikinya tanpa tarif khusus. dengan kata lain klinik dan poliklinik pko di awal berdirinya tidak bertujuan untuk mendapatkan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 204204204204204 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna keuntungan. bahkan pada semester berikutnya, kas bagian pko yang membawahi klinik dan poliklinik semakin defisit dan tidak sehat untuk bisa membiayai kegiatan pelayanan yang lain seperti weeshuis dan armen-huis.19 di tengah kondisi keuangan moehammadijah bagian pko yang sulit, bagian pko yang dipimpin soedjak mencoba terus melaksanakan tugas-tugas pelayanan sesuai dengan proporsi yang diberikan oleh hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah. dalam rangka tetap menyokong keuangan, bagian pko terus mengupayakan terkumpulnya derma dari masyarakat maupun anggota muhammadiyah. selain itu, bagian pko juga membuka restaurant di kampung kauman pada saat bulan puasa. dalam terbitan soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923, dirjowongso selaku secretarie bagian pko meminta para pembaca soeara moehammdijah agar tidak belanja di selain restaurant itu karena berapapun keuntungan yang didapatkan akan bisa masuk untuk kas pko. namun, dirjowongso melanjutkan tulisannya “adapoen kalau restaurant itoe meroegi di pikoel sama rata oleh bestuur-bestuur semoea”. restaurant yang dibuka oleh bagian pko ini hanya dibuka sampai idul fitri karena bagian pko mempunyai tugas untuk menerima zakat fitrah dari masyarakat yogyakarta. pengumpulan zakat fitrah inilah yang menjadi cikal bakal pendirian armenhuis (rumah miskin) muhammadiyah. 20 pko mengembangkan model institusionalisasi/pelembagaan kedermawanan melalui pembentukan panitia dalam pengumpulan derma. sebagaimana dilaporkan de indische courant tertanggal 17 november 1927, setelah klinik dan poklinik yang dikelola hoorfdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko berdiri, target selanjutnya dari haji soedjak selaku penanggungjawab bagian pko adalah membangun weeshuis. haji soedjak menyampaikan rencana hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko untuk membangun inlandsch weeshuis atau rumah yatim untuk bumiputera. hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah sudah membentuk kepanitiaan dan memperkirakan biaya pembangunan rumah yatim tersebut diperkirakan sebesar f 15.000.21 pemberitaan di surat kabar baik yang diterbitkan oleh internal muhammadiyah (soeara moehammadijah) ataupun komunitas islam lainnya (adil, bintang islam, dll) bahkan juga koran kolonial (de indische courant, soerabaijasch handelsblad, dll) dimaksudkan agar banyak anggota muhamamdiyah ataupun masyarakat umum lainnya yang tergerak membantu. akhirnya, setelah selesai dibangun dan diresmikan pada 1931, bangunan weeshuis itu menghabiskan biaya f 47.000 dan jumlah tersebut berhasil dikumpulkan oleh panitia.22 pembentukan panitia dalam menggalang dana untuk pembangunan tidak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 205205205205205vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 hanya dilakukan oleh bagian pko. hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah untuk sebuah usaha yang belum dikerjakan secara spesifik oleh bagian tertentu maka akan turut mengumpulkan derma secara langsung. sebagai contoh pada saat pembangunan langgar khusus perempuan di kauman, yogyakarta. hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah membentuk panitia dan menyebarkan informasi kepada anggota muhammadiyah yang ingin berpartisipasi memberikan derma untuk kebutuhan pembangunan. panitia juga melaporkan semua derma yang diterima dari masyarakat ataupun anggota muhammadiyah.23 begitu juga ketika bagian pengajaran hendak membangun kweekschool istri di notoprajan di atas tanah wakaf haji fachrodin. dana sebesar f 90.000 akhirnya berhasil dikumpulkan oleh panitia dan direalisasikan pembangunan komplek kweekschool istri yang terdiri dari masjid, asrama dan perumahan guru.24 jika hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah mendapatkan tanah untuk dibangun bangunan tertentu seperti rumah yatim ataupun sekolah maka hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah akan mengembangkan tanah dan bangunan wakaf tersebut dimulai sesuai dengan rencana yang telah disusun oleh hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah lalu kemudian membentuk kepanitiaan dalam mengumpulkan derma dari masyarakat dan anggota muhammadiyah. pertumbuhan institusionalisasi/pelembagaan kedermawanan (termasuk di dalamnya wakaf) yang dilakukan muhammadiyah pada 1920an-1930an berkembang signifikan. di bidang pelayanan kesehatan melalui klinik dan poliklinik pko sebagaimana dilaporkan oleh soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 oktober 1931 bahwa pada 1929, pko telah menolong 470 pasien yang dirawat selama 6.357 hari. pada 1930, jumlah pasien meningkat menjadi 675 pasien yang dirawat selama 7.905 hari. surat kabar tersebut juga memberitakan pada 1931 jumlah pasien tidak berkurang. pada 1929, bagian pko sudah membuka klinik di imogiri dan kotagede, jumlah pasien yang dirawat di masing-masing tempat selama tiga bulan pertama sejak klinik ini dibuka adalah 470 pasien yang dirawat selama 2.805 hari untuk imogiri dan 367 pasien yang dirawat selama 1.276 hari.25 klinik pko yang ketika itu dipimpin oleh dr. sampoerno mempunyai keuangan yang cukup baik. di tahun 1929 misalnya, pko menerima subsidi dari pemerintah kolonial sebesar f. 5.400 dan juga dari keraton yogyakarta sebesar f. 3.023,53 serta dari pemasukan pasien (biaya perawatan) sebesar f. 2.345. selain itu pko pada tahun tersebut juga mendapatkan derma/donasi sebenar f. 500. jadi, total pendapatan pada tahun 1929 sekitar f 12.000. setiap tahunnya klinik dan poliklinik juga merancang rancangan pemasukan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 206206206206206 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna dan pengularan. sebagai contoh pada 1930, klinik dan poliklinik pko memiliki renacana pengeluaran sebesar f. 17.717 dan pendapatan sebesar f. 16.666, sehingga hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko memikirkan bagaimana menutup kekurangan pendanaan tersebut.26 selain mengandalkan subsidi dari pemerintah kolonial (baik untuk operasional klinik/poliklinik, weeshuis dan armen-huis), muhammadiyah terus menggalang kedermawanan dari anggotanya termasuk di dalamnya wakaf. akumulasi derma tersebut diinstitusonalisasi oleh hoofdbestuur maupun bagian-bagian dari hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah. hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah membangun produktifitas wakaf dan kedermawanan yang telah diterima sebelumnya. artinya, ada upaya mengakumulasi modal dari wakaf untuk kelangsungan wakaf itu sendiri untuk tujuan pengembangan kerja-kerja sosial yang telah ada, baik dari iuran “peti derma” di pko ataupun “iuran sekolah” di sekolah-sekolah, meski jumlahnya tidka signifikan dan hanya digunakan untuk operasional. di bidang pendidikan, saat congres muhammadiyah 1926 di surabaya dilaporkan bahwa muhammadiyah telah memiliki 16 his, 1 schakelschool, 40 dessaschool, 15 jatimschoolen, dan 2 kweekschoolen.27 selain itu, setahun sebelumnya, muhammadiyah tercatat telah memiliki 55 sekolah dengan 4000 murid.28 dalam pelayanan perpustakaan, muhammadiyah telah memiliki empat perpustakaan di yogyakarta, batavia, surabaya dan pekalongan dengan koleksi lebih dari 10.000 buku-buku islam berbahasa melayu.29 pelembagaan kerjakerja sosial dan kedermawanan yang dilakukan muhammadiyah membuat muhammadiyah disebut dalam de indische courant sebagai “orthodixe mohammedanen” (islam orthodoks).30 pko dan posisi tawar muhammadiyah sebagai masyarakat sipil dua hal yang tampak dari relasi hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah dengan pemerintah kolonial belanda terkait operasional klinik dan poliklinik pko muhammadiyah adalah diperbantukannya dokter pemerintah kolonial di klinik tersebut dan diberikannya subsidi untuk operasional pelayanan kesehatan di klinik dan poliklinik tersebut. diperbantukannya seorang dokter pemerintah dan diberikannya subsidi untuk operasional pelayanan klinik dan poliklinik pko bermakna bahwa hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah memiliki hubungan baik dengan pemerintah kolonial. hal tersebut menunjukkan meskipun muhammadiyah hanya merupakan perkumpulan masyarakat bumiputera ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 207207207207207vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 namun memiliki positioning yang cukup diperhitungkan oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda, terlebih ketika mulai mencoba melakukan aktivitas-aktivitas pelayanan layaknya yang sudah dilakukan zending ataupun missie. secara tidak langsung, muhammadiyah yang bercita-cita menyabarkan ajaran kanjeng nabi muhammad untuk pendoedoek bumiputera dan sejak 1923 telah memerankan peran-peran non-state actor. zending ataupun missie sebenarnya juga memerankan hal yang sama, namun kesamaan strata sosial (dikarenakan mereka adalah juga orang eropa) dengan pemerintah kolonial, menjadikan muhammadiyah lebih punya posisi tawar yang lebih tinggi. artinya, jika zending dan missie yang notabene sama-sama orang eropa dengan pemerintah kolonial menyelenggarakan aktivitas pelayanan maka tidaklah cukup menarik perhatian bagi pemerintah kolonial dibandingkan jika muhammadiyah yang merupakan organisasi bumiputera yang menyelenggarakan pelayanan sosial. faktor lain yang bisa digunakan untuk melihat positioning muhammadiyah ketika itu adalah sebagaimana diketahui zending sudah mengembangkan sekolah dan rumah sakit petronella sejak dekade kedua abad ke xx, sedangkan missie ketika itu baru mempunyai sekolah dan belum mempunyai tempattempat penyantunan kesehatan. dalam momentum seperti itu, hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah melalui bagian pko yang hanya merupakan organisasi bumiputera hadir dengan pelayanan kesehatan (klinik) pada 1923 yang disusul dengan pembangunan rumah miskin (armen-huis) beberapa saat kemudian dan juga rumah yatim (weeshuis) pada 1931. aktivitas pelayanan inilah yang mendapatkan perhatian dari pemerintah kolonial belanda yang kemudian memberikan dukungan dalam subsidi yang diberikan untuk muhammadiyah. peran-peran yang dilakukan muhammadiyah melalui bagian pko di luar struktur birokrasi pemerintah kolonial ketika itu menunjukkan bahwa kekuatan masyarakat sipil dalam masyarakat hindia belanda cukup berkembang. upaya membiayai sendiri aktivitas sosial dengan melembagakan kedermawanan dari masyarakat dan anggotanya tanpa menggantungkan bantuan dari pemerintah kolonial belanda, meski kemudian juga mendapatkan subsidi, menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat bumiputera yang notabene menempati strata sosial terendah memang cukup berdaya sebagai kekuatan sipil di luar pemerintah. sudut pandang lain yang bisa digunakan untuk melihat hal ini bahwa sangat mungkin pilihan politik muhammadiyah yang kooperatif juga semakin meyakinkan pemerintah kolonial belanda bahwa muhammadiyah tidak perlu dicurigai dan justru perlu dibantu dengan subsidi. hal itu sesuai dengan konsep ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 208208208208208 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna politik islam yang diwariskan oleh snouck hugronje, jika ummat islam melakukan kegiatna sosial, maka kewajiban pemerintah kolonial adalah mendukung. hal ini juga mulai merubah wajah politik kolonial di abad xix yang sangat islamphobia dan hadir dengan segala kecurigaan atas islam.31 bisa dikatakan juga bahwa pemerintah kolonial belanda benar-benar mempertimbangkan hadirnya islam sebagai kekuatan sosial yang semakin kuat pada kurun tersebut. secara umum, intervensi pemerintah kolonial belanda dalam urusan keagamaan khususnya bumiputera muslim memang sangat dihindari. hal ini menjadi salah satu inti nasihat snouck hurgronje, pimpinan pertama kantor adviseur voor arab en inlandsche zaken sekaligus misionaris dan antropolog yang menulis desertasi het mekkaansche feest di universitas leiden pada 1880, yang menjadi pertimbangan utama kantor adviseur voor arab en inlandsche zaken. terkait hal itu, ada yang menarik dari pembahasan anggaran biaya pemerintah kolonial oleh volksraad (dewan rakyat) tahun 1924 sebagaimana diberitakan oleh de indische courant, 5 juni 1923. dalam pembukaan rapat volskraad tersebut beberapa pidato menyoroti masalah terbatasnya anggaran yang dimiliki pemerintah dan banyaknya biaya pembangunan fasilitas umum yang akan dilaksanakan pada tahun mendatang. maka tidak ada opsi lain bagi pemerintah selain memotong banyak anggaran yang sudah direncanakan. oleh karenanya, dalam rapat volksraad itu juga diwacanakan peningkatan pajak kepada masyarakat dan menyoroti bahwa masyarakat lebih tunduk pada perintah agama untuk berzakat daripada membayar pajak.32 sorotan akan zakat muncul karena sebagian anggota volksraad melihat islam punya sistem yang memaksa dalam mengumpulan zakat. namun pendapat itu juga mendapatkan respon dari peserta yang lain yang mengatakan sebenarnya itu bagian dari mekanisme orang-orang islam untuk mengurangi kemiskinan dan secara tidak langsung juga membantu pemerintah kolonial belanda dalam tugas menyejahterakan masyarakat bumiputera yang mayoritas muslim. menurutnya zakat tak lebih dari pajak 2,5 persen dari harta sesuai yang dimiliki masyarakat (vermogen), 5-10 persen untuk zakat pendapatan/ harta benda (bezitsinkomsten) serta 20 persen dari hasil bumi (mijnbouwinkomsten). 33 dalam pertemuan volksraad tersebut muncul kecemasan bahwa ikatan ketaatan kepada agama islam dengan membayar zakat akan memunculkan gerakan-gerakan perlawanan (jihad) seperti yang pernah terjadi di akhir abad ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 209209209209209vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 xix dan awal abad xx di hindia belanda. namun ada pendapat lain yang mengatakan menghubungkan zakat dengan jihad yang menjadi ketakutan pemerintah hindia-belanda dianggap terlalu berlebihan. ketakutan pemerintah belanda hadir seiring dengan asumsi mereka tentang dijadikannya zakat sebagai modal sosial untuk memberontak seperti yang terjadi pada perang jawa dan padri. satu hal yang seharusnya dilakukan pemerintah yakni cukup melakukan pengawasan saja.34 bentuk pelayanan pko di awal berdiri35 1. poliklinik kesehatan mendirikan hospital adalah mimpi besar sudjak ketika ditanya kh ahmad dahlan tentang apa yang ingin dilakukan ketika memimpin bagian pko di depan peserta rapat anggota istimewa muhammadiyah pada 18 juni 1920.36 syoedjak bersama anggota bagian pko mencoba merealisasikan target besarnya itu dengan membuka klinik sederhana pada 15 februari 1923 di kampung jagang notoprajan yogyakarta. klinik ini dinamakan penolong kesengsaraan oemoem, sama dengan nama bagian yang dipimpinnya.37 meskipun belum membangun hospital, namun klinik ini merupakan penunaian komitmen syoedjak dan bagian pko yang dipimpinnya untuk menolong masyarakat umum yang sakit. gambar 2. suasana kliniek dan polikliniek muhammadiyah di notoprajan, 1924 sumber: yayasan kh. ahmad dahlan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 210210210210210 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna dari sebuah foto bertahun 1924, poliklinik muhammadiyah bagian pko tersebut tampak sederhana. klinik tersebut hanya terdiri dari satu ruangan yang tidak terlalu luas. di sudut ruangan terdapat lemari dan meja tempat meletakkan obat. tampak poenggawa dokter yang sedang memeriksa pasien. di sudut ruangan lain terdapat meja kursi dan alat-alat medis yang sangat sederhana. inilah gambaran awal klinik dan poliklinik muhammadiyah bagian pko di jagang notoprajan, sebelah barat kauman yogyakarta.38 pada perkembangannya, kebutuhan tempat yang semakin mendesak membuat bagian pko memindahkan ke tempat yang lebih memadai. jika sebelumnya menggunakan rumah keluarga syoedjak sehingga tidak perlu menyewa, pada 1928 bagian pko menyewa rumah di ngabean straat 12 b sebagai tempat baru klinik dan poliklinik ini. pemindahan ini tidak terlepas dari kedatangan dr. soekiman, aktivis partai serikat islam, yang menawarkan kerjasama pengelolaan klinik dan poliklinik bersama. namun dikarenakan menemukan banyak ketidakcocokan, akhirnya psi dan hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah menghentikan kerjasamanya dan klinik pko dipindahkan lagi.39 delapan tahun kemudian, pada 1936 klinik dan poliklinik ini berpindah dengan menempati tanah milik sultan di sebelah timurnya ngabeanstraat 20.40 di bidang kesehatan. zending telah memiliki rumah sakit sejak 20 mei 1899. rumah sakit tersebut bernama petronella yang memiliki misi tidak memandang apa dan siapa yang sakit tetapi harus ditolong terlebih dahulu.41 artikel dalam het nieuws van den dag voor nederlandsch-indie tertanggal 11 februari 1922 memberitakan bahwa petronella-hospitaal mengadakan pengobatan gratis untuk 2000 orang.42 baru pada 14 september 1929, missie membuka onder de bogen hospitaal atas prakasa ir. schmutzer, direktur pabrik gula di ganjuran setelah membangun kurang lebih satu tahun. sembari menunggu proses pembangunan, lima suster st. gaudentia brand, st. yudith de laat, st. ignatia lammens, sr. simonia, sr. ludolpha de groot pada januari 1929 didatangkan sebagai bagian dari gerakan missie untuk bergerak memberikan layanan kesehatan bagi masyarakat yogyakarta.43 selain muhammadiyah, zending dan missie, sebagaimana diberitakan oleh soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 januari 1930, masyarakat tionghoa di yogyakarta juga memiliki chineesche poliklinik yang terletak di belakang pemukiman orang-orang tionghoa yogyakarta “hwa kiauw”. poliklinik ini dipimpin oleh tan sien tjoan. ada tiga dokter yang akan membantu melayani pasien di sana, yakni dr. polak, dr. sie boen lian dan dr. sampoerno yang tak lain adalah dokter sekaligus pimpinan poliklinik pko milik hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah.44 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 211211211211211vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 2. weeshuis (rumah yatim) setelah klinik dan poklinik yang dikelola hoorfdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko berdiri, target selanjutnya dari haji syoedjak selaku penanggungjawab bagian pko adalah membangun weeshuis. de indische courant tertanggal 17 november 1927 memberitakan bahwa salah satu pengurus muhammadiyah, haji syoedjak menyampaikan rencana hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko untuk membangun inlandsch weeshuis atau rumah yatim untuk bumiputera. hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah sudah membentuk kepanitiaan dan memperkirakan biaya pembangunan rumah yatim tersebut diperkirakan sebesar f 15.000.45 pembanguan weeshuis muhammadiyah dilakukan bertahap. meski bangunan belum sepenuhnya jadi, pelayanan kepada anak yatim sudah diberikan. hingga pada 5 oktober 1931 diselenggarakan peresmian weeshuis muhammadiyah yang terletak di kampung lowanu, toengkak. peresmian itu dihadiri oleh gouverneur van djokja, sultan hamengkubuwana viii, pangeran ario adipati pakualaman, resident van djokja, pejabat dari binnenland bestuur, para pangeran dan penguasa kerajaan lainnya serta undangan dari berbagai kalangan masyrakat bumiputera.46 gambar 3. masjid di komplek weeahuis muhammadiyah, toengkak, 1930an sumber: masdjid dan makam doenia islam, tt, h. 28 dalam peresmian itu, setelah haji syoedjak dan gouverneur van djokja berbicara, diadakan peninjauan ke dalam kompleks weeshuis muhammadiyah yang dipandu oleh haji ibrahim. salah satu hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah, kompleks ini terdiri dari dua sayap dan kantor direktur dengan teras belakang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 212212212212212 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang terbuka di tengah. keduanya di hubungkan dengan taman. di bagian depan sayap terdapat reseptionis dan rumah instruktur dan guru. setelah ruang sekolah dan ruang makan, terdapat kamar-kamar siswa. di bagian belakang komplek tersebut terdapat gudang, dapur serta kamar perawatan bagi yang sakit. di antara dua baris kamar terdapat taman bermain. kedua baris kamar tersebut terhubung dengan kamar mandi.47 di bagian belakang komplek tersebut dibangun masjid dengan arsitektur gaya turki chen. desain masjid tersebut agak tinggi sehingga untuk mencapainya harus menaiki tangga. di bagian selatan dari kompleks weeshuis ini ada lahan tanah yang disediakan bagi para siswa binaan yang ingin mengembangkan pengetahuan tentang tanaman holtikultura. hasil panen tanaman-tanaman itu bisa dimanfaatkan untuk kebutuhan dapur mereka. komplek weeshuis muhammadiyah ini didesain oleh ir. baumgarten dan diawasi oleh ir. soeradin. biaya yang dibutuhkan dalam pembangunan komplek ini mencapai f 43.000.48 weeshuis ini mampu menampung hingga 75 anak namun karena peraturan dari directeur van justitie membatasi jumlah maksimal hanya 50 anak, maka tidak diisi dengan jumlah yang maksimal. anak-anak yang ditampung di weeshuis ini merupakan anak yatim piatu atau yatim yang berusia antara 510 tahun. namun ada juga gelandangan yang ditakutkan menjadi beban masyarakat yang ditampung di weeshuis ini. anak-anak tersebut selain menadapatkan pendidikan juga mendapatkan ketrampilan di bidang kerajinan.49 dalam menjalankan operasional weeshuis, hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah menjaring kedermawanan dari masyarakat yogyakarta dan anggota muhammadiyah. selain mengandalkan sokongan dan derma dari internal, hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko mendapat bantuan dari pemerintah kolonial dan sultan hamengkubuwana viii. pemerintah kolonial, keraton yogyakarta dan kadipaten pakualaman memberikan subsidi bulanan untuk operasional weeshuis muhamamdiyah tersebut. berdasarkan gouvernementsbesluit yang diterbitkan oleh directeur van justitie, weeshuis muhammadiyah akan mendapatkan subsidi dari pemerintah f 3.000 setiap tahun, dengan rincian f 5 untuk setiap anak yang diberikan setiap bulan. subsidi tersebut akan diserahkan kepada bagian pko pada setiap akhir tahun. selain itu, directeur van justitie juga membuat peraturan pembatasan jumlah anak yang ditampung di weeshuis tersebut tidak lebih dari 50 anak. setiap tahunnya, bagian pko juga harus melaporkan penggunaan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 213213213213213vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 uangnya dalam laporan akuntansi yang telah ditentukan oleh directeur van justitie.50 selain itu, keraton yogyakarta juga memberikan subsidi f 1.8 perbulan untuk setiap anak.51 3. armen-huis (rumah miskin) program penyantunan untuk orang-orang miskin melalui pengumpulan zakat fitrah telah dilakukan oleh hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah sebelum terbentuknya bagian pko pada 1920.52 bagian pko membuka penerimaan zakat fitrah pada malam hari raya idul fitri mulai pukul 7 petang hingga pukul 12 malam. lebih dari seribu orang menyerahkan zakat fitrahnya melalui pko. banyaknya beras yang terkumpul pada ramadhan tahun 1923 ini membuat bestuur-bestuur bagian pko harus mendistribusikan fitrah dari pukul 6 pagi hingga siang hari. pada pukul 11, ribuan orang miskin telah berkumpul di masjid gedhe untuk menerima pembagian zakat fitrah tersebut. mereka membawa karcis yang telah dibagikan oleh bestuur-bestuur bagian pko tiga hari yang lalu. setiap masyarakat penerima fitrah akan mendapatkan 3 kati (1 kati= 6,25 ons) dan ternyata jumlah beras yang terkumpul tidak mencukupi jika dibagikan kepada seluruh masyarakat. akhirnya, bagian pko mengumpukan uang untuk membeli 1 pikoel (sama dengan sekitar 60 kg, ukuran berat maksimal yang bisa diangkat manusia) beras lagi untuk menambah kekurangan tersebut.53 dirjowongso memberi gambaran kondisi orang-orang miskin di yogyakarta dalam tulisannya: “pada hari itoelah hati kaoem miskin terasa betoel atas nasibnja. sebab melihat beberaa manoesia jang sepadan djoega dengan dirinja sama klihatan makan enak, dengan berpakaian serba bagoes, dan meliat djoega beberapa manoesia sama bersalaman dengan temannja, tapi si miskin pada hari itoe kebetulan minta bekal hidoepnja kepada pko, dengan berpakaian serba sobek, dan klihatan sama koeroes-koeroes jang menambah kejakinan kita, kalau di dalam kesehari-harinja merika koerang tentang makannja. dan waktoe itoe kita wadjib merasakan betoel tentang kewadjiban kita kaoem islam, sebagi jang telah difirmankan toehan, terseboet dalam soerat ma’oen. seoedahnja kita ingat pada kewadjiban kita itoe, hendaklah teroes di djalankan, sekedar kekoewatan kita, boeat menolong orang miskin itoe. djalan boeat menjoekoepkan pertolongan kita terhadap pada fakir dan miskin itoe, jang lebih moedah, hendaklah di masing-masing perdijaman ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 214214214214214 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna toean soepaja didirkan perkoempoelan jang semata-mata sengadja menolong pada kesengsaraan oemoem, dengan menoeroet firman-firman toehan. sebab dengan djalan perkoempoelan ini, kita dapat mentjoekoepkan perintah-perintah toehan; jang kekoeatannja hanya sedikit dengan djalan ini djoega dapat menjoekoepi perintah toehan itoe lebih-lebih kaoem jang hartawan. sesoenggoehnja walau ta’ dengan djalan koempoelan bisa djoega kita menolong pada si miskin itoe, oempanaja, dengan djalan kalau ada orang datang di roemah kita (sebagai kebiasaan sekarang ini) bermaksoed mintaminta di sitoe laloe kita kasi wang 1 atau 2 cent.”54 jika tulisan dirjowongso di atas diperhatikan, ia mengatasnamakan secreatarie pko mencoba memberikan penerangan agama tentang pentingnya berderma kepada orang miskin. perlunya meningkatkan kepedulian kepada orang-orang miskin karena memang perintah agama yang tertuang dalam surat al-maun. ia juga menyarankan agar lebih banyak lagi perkumpulan yang mmebuat program-program penyantunan untuk orang miskin. ataupun setidaknya jika ada orang yang datang meminta-minta ke rumah diberi uang 1 atau 2 sen. namun, meski menyarankan untuk memberi ketika ada pemintaminta datang ke rumah, dirjowongso juga menulis harapannya jangan sampai orang-orang miskin itu selamanya hidup dengan meminta-minta saja. seharusnya yang kemudian harus dipikirkan, lanjut dirjowongso, adalah upaya untuk mendidik mereka agar gemar bekerja, kecuali jika ada bagian tubuhnya yang cacat.55 gambar 4. altivitas pembagian zakat oleh hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko kepada warga miskin sumber: yayasan kh. ahmad dahlan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 215215215215215vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 masih dalam catatannya, dirjowongso mengatakan bahwa sesungguhnya pada diri orang miskin itu terkadang juga rusak kemanoesiaan dan igamanja. dua hal itu harus diperbaiki agar mereka bisa hidup setara dengan manusia yang lainnya. dirjowongso memberikan solusi, “bagaimana djalannja akan memperbaiki itoe hal? o! ta’lain toean-toean, hanja dengan djalan ktia haroes mengadakan roemah pemeliharaan orang-orang miskin.”.56 dirjowongso mencoba menawarkan konsep rumah miskin yang dimaksudnya tersebut. menurutnya, jika kaum muslim di hindia-belanda ini mengeluarkan uangnya tiap bulan f 0,10 saja, dan di hindia-belanda ini terdapat 1 juta orang, maka setiap bulan kita bisa mengumpulkan uang sebanyak f 100.000 dan dalam satu tahun sebesar f 1.200.000. jika nominal tersebut dibuatkan rumah miskin dengan anggaran f 10.000 saja, maka kita bisa membuat 120 rumah. dirjowongso menambahkan, jika rumah-rumah tersebut disebar masing-masing afdeeling satu rumah miskin maka akan ada 120 afdeeling yang memiliki rumah miskin. jika masing-masing rumah bisa menampung 100 orang maka yang tertolong dari program rumah miskin ini sudah 12.000 orang. drijowongso menutup tulisannya, jika program ini dapat berjalan selama 10 tahun, maka dia yakin hampir semua distrik telah berdiri rumah miskin tersebut.57 muhammadiyah akhirnya merealisasikan berdirinya armen-huis sebagaimana yang dibayangkan oleh drijowongso dalam artikelnya di soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923 di serangan, tepi sungai winongo.58 namun tidak ada data yang cukup menjelaskan kapan muhammadiyah merealisasikan pembangunan “armen-huis” tersebut. dalam menyokong operasional “armenhuis” tersebut, hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko mengumpulkan derma dari masyarakat dan anggota muhammadiyah serta mendapatkan subsidi dari pemerintah kolonial dan kraton. artikel bataviaasch nieuwsblaad tertanggal 11 februari 1925 memberitakan bahwa gerakan penyantunan orang-orang miskin yang dikelola oleh hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah bagian pko ini juga pernah mendapatkan subsidi dari kasultanan yogyakarta sebesar f 1.200 dan f 300 dari kadipaten pakualaman.59 kesimpulan karakter pelayanan sosial yang dikembangkan oleh muhammadiyah melalui bagian pko pada kurun 1920 hingga 1931 memang masih terkesan bersifat reaktif. muhammadiyah tergerak untuk giat melakukan banyak kegiatan pelayanan sosial yang dikembangkan dari kedermawanan dalam rangka ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 216216216216216 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna merespon aktivitas zending dan kemudian disusul missie di yogyakarta yang terus bergeliat. namun meskipun begitu yang tidak dapat dipungkiri adalah bagian pko telah melakukan sesuatu yang belum pernah dilakukan oleh masyarakat bumiputera di yogyakarta sebelumnya. didirikannya poliklinik, rumah miskin dan rumah yatim milik muhammadiyah menunjukkan posisi tawar muhammadiyah di mata pemerintah kolonial belanda dan juga pemerintah tradisinal: kasultanan yogyakarta dan kadipaten pakualaman. muhammadiyah sebagai aktor di luar negara sekaligus masyarakat sipil telah melakukan sesuatu dalam rangka meningkatkan kesejahteraan sosial masyarakat di saat negara belum bisa memberikan hal tersebut dikarenakan diskriminasi kelas yang masih terjadi di banyak wilayah hindia belanda, termasuk yogyakarta. catatan akhir 1 abdurrachman surjomiharjo, kota yogyakarta tempo doeloe, (jakarta: komunitas bambu, 2008), h. 144. 2 ibid., h. 145. 3 muhammad syoedja’, cerita tentang kiyai haji ahmad dahlan: catatan haji muhammad syoedja’, tidak diterbitkan, h. 97. 4 de indische courant, 16 juni 1926. 5 farid wadji dan mursyid pernah menulis dalam bab iii bukunya tentang perkembangan regulasi wakaf di indonesia. dia menulis regulasi wakaf di zaman hindia-belanda. selain sumber bijblad tahun 1905 no. 6196, bijblad tahun 1931 no. 1253, bijblad tahun 1934 no. 13390, dan bijblad tahun 1935 no. 13480, sumber lain untuk menyatakan wakaf sudah mulai ada sejak abad xvi menurut saya meragukan. lihat: farid wadjdy dan mursyid, wakaf dan kesejahteraan ummat filantropi islam yang hampir terlupakan, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2007), h. 38-43. 6 abdurrachman surjomihardjo, op.cit., h. 75. 7 bambang purwanto, “capitalizing charity in indonesian muslim community: the history of pku muhammadiyah-aisyiah hospital”, international conference on “indigenous charities: historical studies of institutions across culture”, hongkong 6-7 november 2008. 8 amelia fauzia, “faith and the state: a history of islamic philantrophy in indonesia”. dissertation, (netherland: brill’s southeast asian library, 2013). 9 hilman latief, “islamic charities and social activism: welfare, dakwah and politics in indonesia”, dissertation. (netherland: leiden universiteit, 2012). lihat juga hilman latief, melayani umat: filantropi islam dan ideologi kesejahteraan kaum modernis (jakarta: gramedia, 2010) 10 muhammad syoedja’, op.cit., h. 97. 11 ibid., h. 101. 12 ibid., h. 102-104. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 217217217217217vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 13 ibid., h. i. 14 lurah hasyim ismail mempunyai depalan orang anak: jasimah, soedja’, fachrodin, hadikoesoemo, zaini sulthoni, moendjijah, barijah, dan walidah. kedelapannya menjadi pendukung muhammadiyah. lihat: mua’rif, “tujuh tokoh pendiri muhammadiyah”, dalam basis, no. 01-02, tahun ke-59, 2011, h. 51-52. 15 diskusi dengan budi setiawan (59) di wirobrajan, 24 januari 2015. 16 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923. 17 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923. 18 bataviaasch niewsblad, 11 februari 1925. 19 soeara moehammadijah, desember 1923. 20 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923. 21 de indische courant, 17 november 1927. 22 het nieuws van den dag voor nederlandsch-indie, 7 oktober 1931 23 swara moehammadijah, oktober 1923. 24 muarif, modernisasi pendidikan islam: sejarah dan perkembangan kweekschool moehammadijah 1923-1932, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2012), h. 136. 25 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 oktober 1931. 26 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 oktober 1931. 27 de indische courant, 24 april 1935. 28 mc ricklefs, sejarah indonesia modern 1200-2004, (jakarta: serambi, 2005), hlm 356. 29 het vaderland: staat-en letterkundig nieuwsblad, 31 maret 1926. 30 de indische courant, 24 april 1935. 31 sartono kartodirjo, pengantar sejarah indonesia baru: sejarah pergerakan nasional, (yogyakarta: ombak, 2014), h.138. 32 de indische courant, 5 juni 1923. 33 de indische courant, 5 juni 1923. 34 de indische courant, 5 juni 1923. 35 subchapter ini pernah ditulis dalam versi bahasa inggris dan dipresentasikan oleh penulis dalam 3rd asean international conference on islamic finance di semarang, 18-19 november 2015 dengan judul transformation of charities by islamic social movements in yogyakarta, 1912-1931: a history of islamic wealth management. 36 muhammad syoedja’, op.cit., h. 97. 37 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 oktober 1931 dan “sejarah”, dalam www.rspkujogja.com, diakses 19 januari 2015, 12.36. 38 arsip yayasan kh ahmad dahlan. 39 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 oktober 1931. 40 “sejarah”, dalam www.rspkujogja.com, diakses 19 januari 2015, 12.36. 41 “sejarah”, dalam www.bethesda.or.id, diakses pada 20 januari 2015, 19.30. 42 het nieuws van den dag voor nederlandsch-indie, 11 februari 1922. 43 “jati diri dan sejarah”, dalam www.pantirapih.or.id, diakses 20 januari 2015, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 218218218218218 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna 19.15. 44 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 januari 1930. 45 de indische courant, 17 november 1927. 46 het nieuws van de dag voor nederlandesch-indie, 7 oktober 1931. 47 het nieuws van de dag voor nederlandesch-indie, 7 oktober 1931. 48 het nieuws van de dag voor nederlandesch-indie, 7 oktober 1931. 49 het nieuws van de dag voor nederlandesch-indie, 7 oktober 1931. 50 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 26 juni 1929. 51 het nieuws van de dag voor nederlandesch-indie, 7 oktober 1931. 52 dalam laman muhammadiyah.org, terdapat kronik sejarah yang menjelaskan bahwa muhammadiyah mulai bergerak dalam pengumpulan dan pendistribusian zakat fitrah sejak 1914. tahun tersebut adalah tahun pergantian hoofd penghulu dari kiai muhammad khalil kamaludiningrat ke kiai mohammad kamaludiningrat yang simpati kepada muhammadiyah. lihat: www.muhammadiyah.org. 53 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923, h. 232. 54 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923, h. 233. 55 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923, h. 233. 56 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923, h. 233. 57 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923, h. 233. 58 wawancara dengan abunda faruq (74) di kauman, 6 februari 2015. 59 bataviaasch nieuwsblaad, 11 februari 1925. daftar pustaka arsip arsip yayasan kh ahmad dahlan bijblad 1905 no. 6196 bijblad 1931 no. 1253 bijblad 1934 no. 13390 bijblad 1935 no. 13480 bataviaasch nieuwsblaad, 11 februari 1925. de indische courant, 5 juni 1923 de indische courant, 16 juni 1926 de indische courant, 17 november 1927 de indische courant, 24 april 1935 het nieuws van den dag voor nederlandsch-indie, 11 februari 1922 het nieuws van de dag voor nederlandesch-indie, 7 oktober 1931 het vaderland: staat-en letterkundig nieuwsblad, 31 maret 1926 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 26 juni 1929 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 januari 1930 soerabaijasch handelsblad, 8 oktober 1931 soeara moehammadijah, oktober 1923 soeara moehammadijah, desember 1923 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 219219219219219vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 buku dan artikel fauzia, amelia. 2013. “faith and the state: a history of islamic philantrophy in indonesia”. dissertation. belanda: brill’s southeast asian library. kartodirjo, sartono. 2014. pengantar sejarah indonesia baru: sejarah pergerakan nasional. yogyakarta: ombak. latief, hilman. 2012. “islamic charities and social activism: welfare, dakwah and politics in indonesia”. dissertation. netherland: leiden universiteit. ----------, melayani umat: filantropi islam dan ideologi kesejahteraan kaum modernis. jakarta: gramedia, 2010. mua’rif, “tujuh tokoh pendiri muhammadiyah”, dalam basis, no. 01-02, tahun ke-59, 2011. muarif. 2012. modernisasi pendidikan islam: sejarah dan perkembangan kweekschool moehammadijah 1923-1932. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. muhammad syoedja’. cerita tentang kiyai haji ahmad dahlan: catatan haji muhammad syoedja’, tidak diterbitkan. purwanto, bambang. “capitalizing charity in indonesian muslim community: the history of pku muhammadiyah-aisyiah hospital”. paper. international conference on “indigenous charities: historical studies of institutions across culture”. hongkong 6-7 november 2008. ricklefs, mc. 2005. sejarah indonesia modern 1200-2004. jakarta: serambi. surjomiharjo, abdurrachman. 2008. kota yogyakarta tempo doeloe. jakarta: komunitas bambu. syoedja’, muhammad. cerita tentang kiyai haji ahmad dahlan: catatan haji muhammad syoedja’. tidak diterbitkan. wadjdy, farid dan mursyid. 2007. wakaf dan kesejahteraan ummat filantropi islam yang hampir terlupakan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. yuristiadhi, ghifari. “transformation of charities by islamic social movements in yogyakarta, 1912-1931: a history of islamic wealth management”. makalah. 3rd asean international conference on islamic finance di semarang, 18-19 november 2015. website “sejarah”, dalam www.rspkujogja.com. “sejarah”, dalam www.bethesda.or.id. “jati diri dan sejarah”, dalam www.pantirapih.or.id. www.muhammadiyah.org. narasumber abunda faruq, mantan direksi rs pku muhammadiyah (74) di kauman, 6 februari 2015. budi setiawan, cucu hadjid, murid langsung kh ahmad dahlan (59) di wirobrajan, 24 januari 2015. a a.a. navis a.h. johns abdul munir mulkhan abdulkahhar mazakkir, abdurrachman surjomihardjo abdurrachman surjomiharjo aceh africa ahmad hani aisyah 'aisyiyah akhlâq al-karîmah al-azhar al-azhar al-azhar university al-fawaidul 'illiyah al-irsyad al-maktabah al-islamiyah al-manar al-qaedah al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah al-tahir ibn ashur al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wuthqa al-ustadh abu raidah alawiyin albert hourani allan boesak len hansen amelia fauzia amien rais amrozi anas s al-shaikh-ali anke von kügelgen annette damayanti anton houtepen ariel heryanto asabiyyah asy-syubbanul muslimun australia ayahku b bambang purwanto bandung bangil bani abbas bantam basuki tjahaja purnama beirut belitung bengkulu bentang budaya budi setiawan bukittinggi c cairo cambridge university cambridge university press cental serikat islam cf. deliar noer chadewi abbas helmi charity charles amjad-ali china csrc d dar al-arabiyah dâr al-ma'rifah darul 'ulum de indische courant diponegoro dirjowongso djohan effendi doctoral address dutch e egypt egyptian emir shakib arslan encyclopaedia of islam english ezzat mossallenejad f f. poeradisastra farid wadjdy fatimah fazlur rahman french g garut gramedia h h. yunus anis h.o.s. cokroaminoto haedar nashir haji abdul malik karim amrullah haji samanhudi hamid algadri hamka harakah tarbiyah het vaderland hilman latief hizbul wathan hizbut tahrir indonesia hongkong hoofdbestuur husein muhammad i ibn al-qayyim ibn taimiyyah ibn taymiyya ibn taymiyyah ibnul qayyim ikhwanul muslimin ilyas ya`kub indonesia iqazun niam ir. h. juanda iraq isis islam islamic endowments in iraq j jakarta jamal abdel nasser jamal al-din al-afghani jan willen van henten jasser auda jeffrey hadler jemaah islamiyah joko widodo jw marriot k k.h.a. dahlan kabili kalimantan karel steenbrink karl mannheim kaum muda kenang-kenangan hidup kh. ahmad dahlan khamami zada killyatul adab king george v kristen kuntowijoyo kweekschool l lienau lowanu m m. c. ricklefs m. quraish shihab madam rahmah mahmud yunus majelis mujahidin indonesia majmû' fatawâ malacca malaya maninjau maqasid syari´ah ma'rifatullahi masjumi michel foucault minangkabau mitsuo nakamura mizan moeslim abdurrahman mohamad rasyidi mohammad al-ghazaly mohammad hatta mohammad isa anshary mohammad natsir moluccus muchtar luthfi mufti of egypt mufti of palestine muhammad muhammad abduh muhammad said al-asymawi muhammad syoedja' muhammad yusuf muhammad zain hassan muhammadiyah multatuli mulyadhi kartanegara munir mulkhan mutu qabla an tamutu n nahdlatul ulama nasyiatul 'aisyiyah neo-sufisme netherlands new york nus press o omar hobais oxford university press p padang padang japang pakualaman palembang palestine panji masyarakat papua parabek paris pasai pedoman masjarakat pekalongan pembela islam penolong kesengsaraan oemat penolong kesengsaraan oemoem philippine pilihan timur pko pluralitas prof dr schrieke prof. farid ma'ruf pulau pinang purwokerto r radikalisme rahmah el-junusiyah revival and reform in islam s sa'ad zaghlul sadaat salafiyah sayyid abdul aziz as-sta'alaby sayyid abdur rahman baswedan sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi sayyid amin husainy sayyid hussein nars sayyid muhammad bin aqil sayyid mustafa ghalayini sayyid okbah bin nafi' sayyid omar hobais sayyid rashid rida senegal sharbazah sheikh abdul karim amrullah sheikh abdullah ahmad sheikh abdullatief drazz sheikh abdur rahman taj sheikh ahmad dahlan sheikh ahmad hassan sheikh ahmad khatib sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur sheikh ahmad soorkati sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani sheikh athaillah affendy sheikh bachit al-muthi'iy sheikh chalil al-chalidi sheikh di tiro sheikh husein wali sheikh ibrahim bin musa sheikh jar-ul lah az-zamachsyari sheikh mohammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad abduh sheikh muhammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad thaib sheikh mustafa abdullah sheikh nawawi sheikh taher jalaluddin sheikh thaher jalaluddin sie boen lian sinar harapan singapore singapura soeara moehammadijah soerabaijasch handelsblad solo sorbonne university spanish st. ignatia lammens st. yudith de laat stamford press studia islamika suez canal sukarno sulawesi sultan sultan idris murshidu'l a'zam shah sultan of perak surabaya syed farid al-attas syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur syria t tafsir maqasidi tafsir ustazul imam tanjung sungayang tariq ramadan tasauf moderen tasawuf mistis tauhid sosial tokyo toronto tuanku imam bonjol tuhfah and nihaya u united kingdom university of chicago press university of oxford ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh usul al-fiqh w west sumatra whael b. hallaq wihdatul wujud wirobrajan wiyhatul islam y yale university yazid bin muawiyyah yogyakarta yusuf al-qardhawi z zadul ma'ad zainal abidin ahmad layout des 2015 radikalisme islam dan pergerakannya di media sosial nafi’ muthohirin uin syarif hiddayatullah jakarta nafi_m@yahoo.co.id abstract this article examines the rise of islamic radicalism expressed through the virtual network (social media. facebook, youtube, twitter, tumbler, and other free application providers such as whatsapp have become a spot for propaganda, recruitment, training, preparing, and calling for the establishment of islamic khilafa. contemporary strategy has been used by the “defenders of islam” to influence muslim society. in particular, the radical groups have actively used social media to target youth as the main users of social media. (netizen). this research focuses on islamic fundamentalism, represented by radical groups such as hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti), harakah tarbiyah dan jamaah salafi. keywords: radicalism; islam; social media; youth abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang keriuhan gerakan radikalisme islam yang menyeruak di jejaring virtual. facebook, youtube, twitter, tumbler, dan layanan aplikasi gratis seperti whatsapp telah menjadi ruang bagi cara baru untuk melakukan propaganda, perekrutan, pelatihan, perencanaan, ajakan pendirian khilafah islam. strategi kekinian yang terus dipraktikkan “para pembela islam” tersebut mempengruhi cara berfikir masyarakat muslim. mereka secara aktif menggunakan media sosial dengan menarget anak-anak muda sebagai mayoritas warga di jejaring sosial (netizen). penelitian ini fokus pada kelompok radikalisme islam, termasuk beberapa organisasi fundamentalisme islam seperti hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti), harakah tarbiyah dan jamaah salafi. kata kunci: radikalisme, islam, media sosial, dan anak muda radikalisme islam di indonesia lebih dari dua dekade terakhir, khususnya di indonesia, gerakan radikalisme islam semakin menyeruak di ruang publik. beberapa fenomena yang bisa dengan mudah menjadi tanda bagi kemunculannya, ialah; pertama, aksi-aksi terorisme, baik yang berskala kecil maupun besar, terjadi secara berulang○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0050. 240-259 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 241241241241241vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 ulang. kelompok teroris bermunculan, meski berbagai langkah pencegahan dan pemberantasan telah dilakukan pemerintah. ibarat sebuah pepatah “mati satu tumbuh seribu”, kematian ideolog teroris seperti azahari bin husin, amrozi, dan imam samudra tidak membuat pergerakan “para pejuang di jalan allah” ini berhenti, tetapi justru bertransformasi menjadi kelompokkelompok kecil yang baru, militan, aktif, dan berbahaya. kedua, munculnya kelompok yang menyuarakan dikembalikannya piagam jakarta sebagai dasar negara. fenomena ini menguat dan ditandai dengan dipraktikkannya bentuk pemerintahan daerah (perda) berbasiskan syari’ah sebagaimana yang terjadi di sulawesi selatan, nanggroe aceh darussalam, jawa barat, banten, indramayu, riau, sumatera barat, yogyakarta, pamekasan, dan sejumlah kota dan daerah lainnya.1 ketiga, dijadikannya masjid, mushallah, kampus, dan kos-kos mahasiswa sebagai basis pergerakan sejumlah organisasi fundamentalisme islam. tempattampat ini menjadi pusat kajian, indoktrinasi, perekrutan dan mobilisasi benihbenih islam radikal melalui program halaqah, usrah, atau daurah.2 keempat, hadirnya beberapa organisasi lokal (tidak ada kaitannya dengan gerakan islam transnasional) yang mengatasnamakan islam, seperti front pembela islam (fpi), majelis mujahidin indonesia (mmi), dan forum umat islam (fui) yang menginginkan diberlakukannya islamisasi ruang publik, serta menjadi “aparat keamanan” bagi masyarakat yang melanggar “norma-norma agama” dalam perspektif mereka. kelima, menguatnya gerakan radikalisme islam juga ditengarai oleh keberadaan laman, akun di media sosial, portal online, serta penerbitan-penerbitan berbasis islam yang sengaja dibuat untuk memprogandakan ideologiideologi kekerasan, ujaran kebencian, pendirian negara islam, dan hujatan terhadap produk-produk yang berasal dari barat. di era kekinian seperti sekarang ini, tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa mengemukanya gerakan radikalisme dan terorisme, lebih didominasi oleh gejala fenomena yang paling akhir. khamami zada menjelaskan, bahwa sebagian buku, majalah dan portal online islam berasimilasi dengan organisasi keagamaan atau individu dengan faham keislaman yang berorientasi radikal.3 kemunculan portal-portal online dan penerbitan-penerbitan berbau radikal menjadi tren baru bagi gejolak pemahaman keagamaan radikal di indonesia. sebut saja misalnya, al-wa’i (tabloid yang dimiliki dan dikelola hizbut tahrir indonesia), pustaka at-taqwa (dimiliki oleh abu salam, seorang salafi), dan jazeerah solo (penerbit yang menerbitkan buku imam samudra ‘aku melawan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 242242242242242 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna teroris’). majalah, buku, dan portal online islam ini tidak semata memiliki motivasi untuk kepentingan bisnis, tetapi bertujuan mendesiminasikan fahamfaham keagamaan tertentu. bahkan, untuk penerbit-penerbit buku islam menyelenggarakan islamic book fair dalam beberapa tahun ini. agenda ini memiliki maksud dan tujuan yang jelas untuk memasarkan buku-buku islam radikal. fakta-fakta tersebut memperjelas kondisi keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia yang semakin kritis. selain hampir setiap hari, publik dipertontonkan dengan aksi-aksi pemberantasan teroris oleh densus 88, masyarakat juga terus diserang kekhawatiran terhadap masa depan generasi muda yang sangat mungkin akan terinfiltrasi pemikiran-pemikiran keagamaan yang keras, konservatif, kaku, dan menakutkan. terlebih, seperti disebutkan sebelumnya, bahwa pola, strategi, dan pergerakan berbagai kelompok radikal islam dalam rangka menyebarluaskan pemahaman keagamaannya itu telah menyergap ke setiap penjuru. bahkan, tempat ibadah seperti masjid dan mushallah, terkooptasi dengan ajaran-ajaran yang keluar dari doktrin islam. jika dirunut ke belakang, sesungguhnya meningkatnya aktivitas keagamaan yang ditengarai berbau radikal islam seperti ini, mulai marak sejak tumbangnya orde baru yang ditandai dengan lengsernya rezim otoritarian soeharto (1998). orde baru jatuh, lalu diganti dengan era reformasi sebagaimana yang dicitacitakan semua elemen bangsa. babak baru ini ditandai dengan dibukanya kran demokrasi yang selebar-lebarnya. dengan harapan yang sangat kuat, indonesia akan menjadi negara yang maju, masyarakatnya hidup sejahtera, berkecukupan secara ekonomi, dan hak-hak warga dapat terpenuhi. namun, siapa yang menyangka bila babak baru itu tidak mampu dikelola secara baik dan bersih, sehingga reformasi yang semula mencita-citakan keadilan, malah memunculkan ketimpangan. di pihak lain, tidak kokohnya pedoman demokrasi yang dianut membuat negeri ini kecolongan dengan masuknya berbagai ideologi yang bersumber dari bangsa lain. ironisnya, ideologi transnasional tersebut membuat anak bangsa tercerabut dari rasa memiliki bangsa ini. reformasi menjadi babak baru bagi kemunculan gelombang radikalisme islam dan terorisme yang lebih besar. tidak kokohnya demokrasi membuat berbagai ideologi dari luar berinfiltrasi secara sistematis di indonesia. di lain pihak, berbagai kelompok radikal yang mulanya bergerak secara sembunyisembunyi, seperti hti dan harakah tarbiyah, melihat kesempatan ini lalu bergerak secara multisel dan menguatkan keberadaannya di berbagai tempat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 243243243243243vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 dan situasi, tak terkecuali di sektor politik praktis. berbagai ideologi dan gerakan islam radikal berebut pengaruh dengan melakukan indoktrinasi dan menjaring keanggotaan dalam jumlah besar. dalam hal ini, hti dan tarbiyah adalah dua organisasi islam transnasional yang paling mendapat keuntungan dari jatuhnya soeharto.4 sementara pertumbuhan jamaah salafi berjalan konstan karena pergerakannya tidak mengambil jalan politik praktis. dapat dikatakan bahwa tidak ada diskursus keagamaan yang patut menjadi perbincangan menarik pasca tumbangnya orde baru kecuali maraknya kemunculan gerakan radikalisme dan terosisme. hal ini terutama karena beberapa gerakan islam yang datang belakangan ini menunjukkan pola keberagamaan yang berbeda sebagaimana yang dipraktikkan muhammadiyah dan nahdlatul ulama. kelompok radikal islam bersimpul pada perjuangan politik islam, mendirikan khilafah islam, serta menolak demokrasi dan pancasila sebagai sistem pemerintahan nasional, sementara muhammadiyah dan nu mempopulerkan islam toleran dan terbuka terhadap pokok-pokok pikirian modern. padahal, ketika rezim orde baru berkuasa (1966-1998), kata “radikalisme” dan “terorisme” yang ditujukan kepada kelompok tertentu, hampir tidak pernah keluar ke permukaan, apalagi menjadi pembicaraan dalam waktu yang lama di media massa.5 penyebutan atas kasus kekerasan yang dimotori oleh kelompok yang berbasiskan keagamaan saat itu, lebih dikatakan sebagai gerakan pemberontakan. hal tersebut tercermin, misalnya yang terjadi pada pemberontakan di aceh dan papua. akan tetapi, ditandai dengan bangkitnya reformasi, tepatnya pasca meledaknya serangkaian aksi pengeboman oleh kelompok teroris pada tahun 2000, seperti bom kedubes filipina (1/8),6 bom kedubes malaysia (27/8),7 bom bursa efek jakarta (13/9),8 dan bom malam natal (24/12),9 kata “radikalisme” mulai banyak diperbincangkan. kemudian, dua tahun berikutnya, ledakan bom yang terjadi di kute, bali (2002) menandai abad baru “terorisme” dan “radikalisme” di indonesia. sejak saat itu, dua kata tersebut menjadi sangat populer di negeri ini. apalagi, setelah kasus bom bali, ledakan bertubi-tubi kembali terjadi, seperti bom mega kuningan (2009), bom solo (2011), teror bom buku, serta bom thamrin (2016). greag fealy menjelaskan, penggunaan istilah radikalisme islam tampaknya merupakan kekhasan untuk menyebut fenomena “kebangkitan islam” di indonesia. “ia merupakan genuine phenomena dari dalam masyarakat islam di indonesia”.10 sementara tarmizi taher mengemukakan bahwa radikalisme ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 244244244244244 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna agama adalah “gerakan dari kelompok muslimin tertentu yang menolak tatanan yang sudah ada, terutama yang dinilai berasal dari barat, dan berusaha menerapkan suatu model tatanan tersendiri yang berbasiskan nilai-nilai ajaran islam fundamental, yaitu al-qur’an, al-hadist, dan praktik kehidupan sahabat nabi generasi pertama.”11 namun pada dasarnya, radikalisme islam yang berkembang di indonesia memiliki banyak “wajah” dan cara. maksudnya adalah terdapat sebagian kelompok muslim yang tergabung dalam satu organisasi keagamaan tertentu, yang bercita-cita melakukan repolitisasi politik islam.12 gelombang politik islam ini sebagai satu dari sekian wajah radikal islam yang juga berkembang di dalam negeri. kelompok ini, sebagaimana acap diketahui, bersuara dengan lantang menginginkan berdirinya khilafah islam, dengan menghardik sistem pemerintahan demokrasi yang sudah ada. sementara kelompok yang berbeda, tetapi mencita-citakan harapan yang sama, ekspresi-ekspresi politiknya ingin menjadikan islam sebagai dasar negara, namun moral para elitnya tergerus kepentingan politik pragmatis. kemunculan berbagai bentuk radikalisme tersebut seiring dengan perkembangan konfigurasi geopolitik dan ekonomi global. kelompokkelompok radikalis tersebut tumbuh bak jamur di musim hujan dengan memperlihatkan identitasnya sebagai gerakan transnasional yang solid dan sistematis. keberadaan mereka mewujud dalam bentuk halaqah, usrah, atau daurah di masjid-masjid dan kampus-kampus, serta di kos-kos mahasiswa. sebagaimana yang dikemukakan di berbagai media massa, pemerintah amerika serikat (as) mengidentifikasi beberapa organisasi islam radikalis yang berkembang di indonesia memiliki keterkaitan dengan ideologi dan jaringan terorisme global (isis atau al-qaedah), di antaranya adalah: pertama, jemaah islamiyah (ji), yang memiliki arti “kelompok islam” atau “masyarakat islam”. dalam perspektif intelijen, ji adalah sebuah organisasi keagamaan yang mencita-citakan darul islam di kawasan asia tenggara. kelompok ini didirikan oleh abu bakar ba’asyir dan abdullah sungkar ketika dalam pelarian di malaysia. sejak 2008, pengadilan negeri jakarta selatan memutuskan bahwa ji sebagai “korporasi terlarang”13 karena dua tokohnya (abu dujana dan zarkasih) terlibat dalam peristiwa peledakan bom bali (2002) yang menewaskan sebanyak 202 orang. organisasi ini juga dianggap bertanggungjawab pada aksi teror bom bali ii (2005), bom hotel jw marriot (2003), dan peledakan di depan kedubes australia (2004). sementara itu, pada waktu sebelumnya, pemerintah as sudah menyebut bahwa ji adalah organisasi teroris. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 245245245245245vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 kedua, jamaah ansharot tauhid (jat). organisasi yang berbasiskan keagamaan ini merupakan pecahan dari majelis mujahidin indonesia (mmi) yang didirikan juga oleh abu bakar baasyir di solo pada 27 juli 2008. sebagaimana ji, jat juga dicap teroris oleh as dan pemerintahan ri. sejak awal berdiri, kelompok ini merangkul para anggota teroris yang menjadi buronan dan eks anggota ji. melalui jat, abu bakar baasyir mendaklarasikan dukungannya terhadap isis yang berada di bawah amir khilafah abu bakar al-baghdadi. akan tetapi, langkah baasyir ini tidak banyak diikuti para anggotanya. sebagian besar mereka tidak sependapat mengenai dukungan ini karena tidak cocok dengan pergerakan al-baghdadi sebagai amir khilafah. ketiga, mujahidin indonesia timur (mit). kemunculan mit dilatarbelakangi oleh konflik komunal-keagamaan yang terjadi di poso, sulawesi tengah pada 1998. gerakan “laskar jihad” menggema di kawasan tersebut, sehingga menarik banyak umat islam dari berbagai daerah untuk terlibat dalam peperangan “islam-kristen” tersebut. setelah konflik ini berakhir, para kombatannya bercokol menjadi kelompok islam garis keras yang bertanggunggjawab atas sejumlah tindak terorisme di indonesia. mit berada di bawah kepemimpinan santoso, atau abu wardah santoso asy syarqy al indunisy. pada juni 2014, sebuah video diunggah di youtube berdurasi 12.30 menit, yang isinya mengenai baiat kelompok mit kepada daulah islam atau khilafah islamiyyah atau isis. selain jaringan kelompok teroris yang bercokol di indonesia pasca reformasi 1998, beberapa kelompok keagamaan yang dapat dikategorikan sebagai organisasi radikalisme islam, yaitu: pertama, harakah tarbiyah. “tarbiyah” memiliki arti pendidikan secara etimologis, namun pada konteks fenomena gerakan keagamaan di indonesia istilah ini ditujukan untuk menyebut gerakan islam yang terinspirasi ikhwanul muslimin (im) di mesir.14 im memiliki dua ideolog terkenal yaitu hasan al-banna dan sayyid qutb. meski organisasi keislaman ini sudah berdiri sejak 1927, tetapi doktrin gerakannya tetap membumi hingga hari ini. ekspansi gerakannya menyebar hingga ke negaranegara lain termasuk di indonesia. model pembinaan di kalangan aktivis harakah tarbiyah dapat dikatakan sangat ketat. gerakannya dibangun dengan rapi dan sistematis mulai pra sekolah hingga masuk perguruan tinggi. pola pembinaannya dilakukan dengan cara asistensi. program asistensi bertujuan “merenovasi” pemahaman keagamaan umat islam. karena itu, mereka yang mengikuti program asistensi agama islam berarti menjadi aktivis tarbiyah. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 246246246246246 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna meski secara ideologi harakah tarbiyah menolak berbagai pemikiran dan produk yang bersumber dari barat, namun mereka sangat sadar bahwa untuk mendirikan negara islam di indonesia, juga beberapa negara berpenduduk mayoritas islam lainnya, perlu berlindung di bawah demokrasi dan mendirikan partai politik yang diakui pemerintah setempat. pasca tumbangnya era orde baru, hal ini dibuktikan para aktivis tarbiyah dengan membentuk partai keadilan, yang saat ini telah berganti nama dengan partai keadilan sejahtera (pks).15 selain anti demokrasi, harakah tarbiyah juga melawan pokok-pokok pikiran modern seperti hak asasi manusia, kesetaraan gender, serta sekulerisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme. kedua, hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti). dalam buku yang bertajuk manifesto hizbut tahrir untuk indonesia disebutkan, hti merupakan sebuah partai politik yang berideogikan islam. organisasi ini berdiri dengan tujuan ingin membebaskan umat manusia dari dominasi, paham, pemikiran, sistem hukum, dan negara kufur menuju paham, pemikiran, sistem hukum, dan negara islam dengan menerapkan syari’ah islam secara kaffah dan mengemban dakwah ke seluruh penjuru dunia.16 dengan harapan besar itu, hti merupakan gerakan politik yang menginginkan supaya islam menjadi sistem pemerintahan global. sementara indonesia, disuarakan untuk menjadi titik awal tegaknya citacita khilafah islamiyyah.17 bagi hti, kepentingan indonesia menjadi nukleus bagi bangkitnya kekuatan islam dunia memiliki alasan yang rasional. secara organisatoris, saat ini hti telah memiliki struktur kepengurusan yang lengkap mulai dari dewan pimpinan pusat (dpp), dewan pimpinan wilayah (dpw), hingga dewan pimpinan daerah (dpd). sejak pasca kongres internasional pertama hizbut tahrir di gelora bung karno (gbk) pada tahun 2000, hti telah berekspansi ke 31 provinsi dan mempunyai lebih dari 200 distrik di tanah air. terlebih lagi kepengurusan di dalamnya meliputi departemen politik, ekonomi, dan kemahasiswaan. di lingkungan mahasiswa hti menjelma menjadi gerakan ekstra kampus gerakan pembebasan mahasiswa (gema). sistem kepengurusan hti yang begitu komperhensif tidak dijumpai di negara-negara lain. apalagi di sejumlah negara di timur tengah seperti mesir, syiria, tunisia, libya, dan lebanon sangat tidak memungkinkan untuk dijadikan titik awal tegaknya khila<fah isla<miyyah. sejumlah negara berpenduduk mayoritas islam tersebut tengah mengalami krisis perang saudara yang belum bisa dipastikan kapan akan selesai. sementara di indonesia, eksistensi hti diuntungkan dengan keterbukaan sistem demokrasi yang mengakomodasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 247247247247247vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 semua organisasi. sehingga gerakan hti pun tumbuh dan berkembang secara cepat. upaya radikal hti yang ingin mendirikan daulah islam dipandang sebagian besar umat islam sebagai cita-cita yang ilutif.18 bahkan langkah hizbut tahirir/ hti sebagai partai politik juga dinilai sebagai sikap yang “munafik”, karena tidak mampu memainkan fungsi-fungsi kepartaian sebagaimana yang dipraktikkan partai-partai politik modern saat ini. haedar nashir melakukan kritik tegas terhadap hti dengan mengatakan bahwa gerakan ini bukan merupakan partai politik islam, melainkan sekedar organisasi kemasyarakatan biasa yang bergerak di bidang pendidikan agama dan sosial. jika mereka benar partai politik mestinya masuk dalam sistem demokrasi di indonesia. namun, sepertinya hti memiliki pengertian sendiri tentang partai politik dan demokrasi.19 strategi perjuangan islam hti sebagai partai politik dengan pengertiannya sendiri dikategorikan kasinyo harto dengan sebutan fundamentalisme islam radikal. 20 pasalnya, di dalam sebuah negara kesatuan republik indonesia (nkri) hti menantang demokrasi dan melawan pokok-pokok pikiran negara modern seperti nasionalisme, patriotisme, dan cinta tanah air. kasinyo menjelaskan, keinginan mereka untuk mendirikan negara islam terlampau kuat. mereka dapat melakukan apa saja hingga titik darah penghabisan pun akan dilakukan demi merebut cita-cita yang diimpikan. latar belakang berdirinya hizbut tahrir sebagai sebuah partai politik islam didasarkan pada perintah allah swt.21 organisasi keagamaan transnasional tersebut mempercayai bahwa kelahiran nabi muhammad dengan membawa ajaran islam adalah untuk mengatur seluruh aspek hidup manusia dan menyelesaikan berbagai permasalahan yang mereka hadapi. dan, satu-satunya jalan untuk mengatur segala aspek kehidupan itu adalah dengan berdirinya sebuah daulah islam. umat islam di seluruh dunia harus bersatu dan berlindung dalam satu pemerintahan khilafah. dengan begitu kehidupan yang sesuai dengan norma-norma keislaman akan terwujud. ketiga, jamaah salafi. kelompok ini memimpikan kehidupan masyarakat islam sebagaimana pada zaman nabi muhammad saw dan para salaf alsaleh. sejatinya, kehadiran jamaah salafi di indonesia telah ada sejak sekitar 1980-an. sayangnya, ekspansi gerakannya tidak terlalu mencolok, ditambah jumlah kadernya tidak pernah mengalami peningkatan secara signifikan. fokus perhatian gerakan ini lebih menempatkan diri sebagai kelompok belajar islam daripada menyuarakan politik islam. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 248248248248248 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna mereka sedikit pun tidak ingin terlibat dalam percaturan politik atau menyoal persoalan kebangsaan. mereka hanya cukup menginginkan kelompok belajar agar umat islam memahami dengan betul doktrin-doktrin keislaman sebagaimana yang dipahami oleh nabi muhammad saw dan para sahabatsahabatnya. dalam berbagai kajiannya, jamaah salafi menggunakan sejumlah kitab islam klasik seperti buku karangan muhammad bin abdul wahab di antaranya usuulu al-thalathah, sharah kitab al-tauhid, dan kashfu al-subhaat, buku karya ibnu taimiyah al-aqidah al-washithiyah, serta buku karya abdul halim uwais mushkilaatul al-shabaab fii dlau’il islaam. berbagai kitab tersebut mengajarkan tentang tauhid, aqidah, dan prilaku kesalehan. buku usuulu althalaathah misalnya, tulisan abdul wahab pendiri gerakan wahabi di arab saudi ini tidak lain mengajarkan ilmu tauhid, yang sumbernya berasal dari ayat-ayat al-qur’an. penyebutan usuulu al-thalaathah sendiri didasarkan pada pertanyaan-pertanyaan siapa tuhanmu (man rabbuka), siapa nabimu (man nabiyyuka), dan apa agamamu (maa diinuka). secara eksplisit, kemunculan mereka ingin menampilkan varian gerakan islam yang kaku (rigid) dibanding kelompok muslim lainnya di indonesia. performa fisik yang berbeda itu menempatkan jamaah salafi sebagai gerakan yang suka menyendiri (alienation). tidak salah jika noorhaidi hasan menyebut mereka sebagai gerakan islam yang bercorak “kesunyian apolitis”.22 pasalnya, selain mereka memperkenalkan model keislaman yang kaku, jamaah salafi juga menghindari permasalahan-permasalahan politik praktis. seperti diketahui, selama ini kelompok salafi lebih dikenal sebagai gerakan yang hanya fokus memberikan pemahaman keagamaan baik di lingkungan masyarakat secara umum, maupun di lingkup mahasiswa. mereka beralasan karena perbuatan ini sesuai dengan yang diteladakan para salafus al-shalih. sementara kasinyo harto menyebut kelompok jamaah salafi sebagai gerakan islam fundamentalis-literalis. pendapat ini kiranya tidak berlebihan karena didasarkan pada corak pemikiran, model pembelajaran, dan cara pandang mereka yang menginginkan kembalinya kehidupan umat islam seperti pada masa salafus al-saalih. dalam perspektif aktivis salafi, meski masyarakat kini dihadapkan pada era kontemporer yang sarat dengan kemajuan teknologi dan liberalisasi pemikiran, namun senyatanya bisa dibawa kembali pada masa salaafus al-shalih.23 karena itu, diperlukan pemurnian (purifikasi) pemikiran islam sebab umat islam kini semakin menyimpang dari sumber agama yang otentik yaitu al-qur’an dan al-hadist. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 249249249249249vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 perspektif keagamaan yang mengarusutamakan pandangan jamaah salafi kepada salaafus al-saalih merupakan “pemaksaan” total. para aktivisnya mengkhayalkan sebuah kehidupan yang didominasi dengan terma islam ala salaafus al-shalih, di mana generasi terbaik umat ada seperti para sahabat, tabi’in dan tabi’ut tabi’iin. gerakan romantisme islam diwujudkan dengan membuat kelompok-kelompok kecil diskusi di masjid. mereka menilai bahwa tradisi yang bersemi pada zaman salaafus al-shalih semuanya dipukul rata sebagai “yang terbaik dan yang paling benar”, sementara tradisi yang muncul belakangan (zaman modern) dianggap keburukan. akibatnya, pemahaman para aktivis salafi cenderung monolitik dalam melihat permasalahan. mereka menilai setiap problem harus dikembalikan pada tata aturan yang diteladankan umat salaf, tidak terkecuali problem yang muncul di era kontemporer sekalipun. keriuhan di media sosial isis, organisasi teroris yang paling banyak dibicarakan di era kekinian, ketika mendeklarasikan diri dapat dikatakan unik karena tidak dengan iringiringan alutsista militer, konferensi pers, atau pengumuman dengan melakukan penahanan warga sipil. akan tetapi, kelompok radikal yang dikomandani oleh abu bakar al-baghdadi ini mengumumkan pendiriannya melalui media sosial. pada 2013, isis pertama kali melakukan kicauan menggunakan akun @e3tasimo dengan nama akun i’tisamm24 untuk menunjukkan keberadannya. sejak itu, isis terus melakukan propaganda dan menebar ancaman ke sejumlah negara melalui video-video yang diunggah ke youtube. salah satu fakta yang paling mengerikan yaitu ketika isis mengeksekusi reporter asal as dengan memenggal kepalanya. kemudian, video pemenggalan tersebut disebar melalui media sosial. pada kasus lain, sebelum penembakan yang menewaskan 14 orang di san bernardino, california oleh syed rizwan farook dan tashfeen malik pada 2 desember 2015 terjadi, pasangan suami-istri tersebut menulis di akun facebook-nya masing-masing dengan mengungkapkan kesetiaannya terhadap isis. sejumlah fakta tersebut menjelaskan kepada masyarakat global bahwa sesungguhnya media sosial bukanlah semata-mata dimanfaatkan kelompok teroris untuk menebar teror, melainkan membuktikan kecanggihan dan identitas mereka sebagai bagian yang tidak buta teknologi. pemanfaatan jaringan virtual, khususnya media sosial oleh isis, adalah fenomena global yang tentu saja berkait kelindan dengan maraknya aksi terorisme di indonesia. jaringan teroris di tanah air juga tidak dapat dilepaskan dengan pemanfaatan jejaring sosial untuk melancarkan strategi dan agenda ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 250250250250250 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna mereka. apalagi pengguna internet di indonesia mengalami peningkatan yang pesat setiap tahunnya. laporan penelitian yang dikeluarkan asosiasi penyelenggara jasa internet indonesia (apjii) bersama pusat kajian komunikasi (pusakom) universitas indonesia 2014 menjelaskan, pertumbuhan jumlah pengguna internet di dalam negeri terus meningkat sejak 2005. pada tahun itu, jumlah pengguna dunia maya mencapai sebanyak 16 juta orang, namun meningkat drastis menjadi 88,1 juta netizen (34,9% dari jumlah penduduk indonesia 252,4 juta jiwa) pada 2014.25 beberapa peristiwa yang bisa diambil contoh ialah, bahwa dua bulan sebelum serangan teror bom di jalan thamrin, jakarta pusat terjadi, muncul sebuah akun facebook yang mengunggah rekaman audio yang diduga milik santoso, pemimpin mujahidin indonesia timur (mit), jaringan teroris yang beroperasi di poso, sulawesi tengah. meski rekaman berjudul “seruan sang komandan” tersebut hanya berdurasi 9 menit, namun propaganda itu bermaksud menghancurkan markas kepolisian daerah metro jaya dan istana merdeka, jakarta. selain itu, yang tidak kalah menghebohkan, kemunculan video anak-anak indonesia yang tengah dilatih perang oleh isis yang tersebar di youtube pada maret 2014. serta kasus lain, ketika kelompok rizky gunawan berhasil mengumpulkan dana sebesar rp5 milyar dari hasil meretas sejumlah situs komersil untuk membiayai pelatihan militer teroris di poso.26 kasus-kasus ini menjelaskan bahwa dunia maya telah menjadi kekuatan nyata yang menghubungkan soliditas dan militansi kelompok radikal hingga ke lintas negara. keberadaannya menawarkan kemudahan dalam berinteraksi, mengorganisasi, melakukan perekrutan, propaganda, dan mencari pendanaan. tidak mengherankan bila keberadaan jejaring sosial turut merubah strategi dan pola teror yang lebih masif dan sistematis. bahkan, pada dekade kedua abad ke-21 ini, muncul kecenderungan kelompok radikal meningkatkan interaksi dan propagandanya di dunia virtual. mereka membuat laman-laman tertentu untuk menyebarkan ide dan gagasan kebencian, pemahaman radikal, ancaman, serta cara membuat bom secara otodidak. sejumlah website tersebut disembunyikan identitasnya dengan alat teknologi enkripsi yang belum diketahui. pada akhir 2014, misalnya, twitter menemukan fakta yang mengejutkan bahwa isis telah membuat 700.000 akun twitter yang punya koneksi dengan berbagai kelompok teroris di belahan dunia. hal ini membuat manajemen perusahaan berlogo burung biru itu mengawasi secara ketat konten-konten yang dicurigai berisikan agenda terorisme. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 251251251251251vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 seiring dengan kontrol yang begitu ketat, kelompok radikal tetap tidak kehilangan akal dan terus berkicau menggunakan akun-akun beranonim. penggunaan meme-meme bergambar yang berisikan pesan radikal juga mereka buat dalam rangka menarik simpati anak-anak muda. kemudian, secara konsisten dan kreatif, berbagai gambar meme itu disebar ke facebook, twitter, instagram, dan whatsapp yang menjangkau ribuan netizen dalam waktu singkat. kaitannya dengan hal ini, united nations office on drugs and crime (unodc) pada 2011 telah mengidentifikasi tujuh bentuk penggunaan dunia maya untuk kepentingan kelompok radikal, diantaranya: propaganda, perekrutan, pendanaan, pelatihan, perencanaan, penyebaran teror, dan cyberattack. dalam banyak kasus, strategi cyberspace ini telah dipraktikkan oleh semua jaringan kelompok teroris, baik di tingkat global (al-qaedah dan isis) maupun lokal (jemaah islamiyah dan jamaah ansharut tauhid). pemanfaatan media sosial menjadi cara baru bagi kelompok radikal islam untuk menyebarkan benih-benih ekstrimisme. facebook, youtube, twitter, blog hingga aplikasi layanan pesan gratis seperti whatsapp sekarang merupakan alat yang ampuh bagi kelompok teroris dan islam transnasional untuk melakukan propaganda, mendapatkan pengaruh, dan menjaring keanggotan warga di jejaring sosial. pola perubahan strategi gerakan yang lebih canggih ini bukan hanya dilakukan oleh kelompok teroris, seperti isis, ji, dan jat, melainkan juga berbagai organisasi islam transnasional, misalnya hti, jamaah salafi, dan harakah tarbiyah.27 ada banyak akun di jejaring sosial dan blog yang dikelola hti, salafi, dan tarbiyah yang isinya mengajak mendirikan khilafah islamiyyah, menerapkan politik islam, menyingkirkan demokrasi sebagai sistem pemerintahan nasional, serta menolak produk, ide, dan pemikiran yang bersumber dari barat seperti ham, kesetaraan gender, pluralisme, sekulerisme, dan liberalisme. jalan propagandanya dilakukan dalam bentuk pembuatan video kegiatan, kicauan berkala, dan pokok-pokok keputusan internal organisasi. akun-akun tersebut berjalan secara sistematis dan disebarkan dengan sangat luas, hingga ke lingkungan perguruan tinggi.28 situs dan akun media sosial radikal terdapat banyak laman, portal online, dan akun media sosial yang diindikasi memuat konten-konten berpaham pemikiran radikal. laman yang memiliki kecenderungan dikelola dan dimiliki para aktivis harakah tarbiyah yaitu, www.pkspiyungan.org. mulai awal januari 2016, portal tersebut berganti ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 252252252252252 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna domain menjadi www.portalpiyungan.com. laman ini berdiri pertama kali pada 2008. mulanya, portal ini hanya berbentuk blog dengan alamat urlpkspiyungan.blogspot.com dan menjadi media komunikasi dewan pengurus cabang (dpc) pks di kecamatan piyungan yogyakarta. gaya pemberitaan yang provokatif dan propagandis membuat situs online ini menjadi rujukan para anggota pks. bahkan, dikatakan bahwa kepopulerannya mengalahkan situs resmi pks pusat www.pks.or.id pada waktu itu.29 portalpiyungan.com memosisikan diri sebagai representasi dari media yang memperjuangan umat islam. tema dan fokus pemberitaannya diamati hampir semuanya dengan perspektif keagamaan. akan tetapi, pilihan judul dan angle penulisan diambil dengan pilihan negasi bernada propaganda. dalam menyoroti majunya basuki tjahaja purnama (biasa dikenal ahok), misalnya, laman ini berada di posisi melawan dengan membenturkan ahok dengan umat islam. artikel dan foto pemberitaan tentang ahok dapat dipastikan bernada memojokkan dan terksan anti islam. hal ini karena ahok bukanlah dari kalangan islam, bahkan ia disebut sebagai pemimpin kafir dan lalim. terlebih sejumlah kebijakannya dianggap memprioritaskan kepentingan pemodal (bukan muslim) yang merugikan umat islam.30 contoh yang lain, seperti pada kasus aksi terorisme yang terjadi di jalan thamrin jakarta pusat, awal tahun 2016. meski portal ini tidak sepakat dengan tindakan terorisme yang terjadi di indonesia maupun di negara-negara lain, yang hal itu bisa diamati dari sejumlah pemberitaannya, namun kemunculan peristiwa peledakan bom teror dalam analisisnya dipandang sebagai pengalihan isu belaka. artikel berita tentang teror bom di sarinah dianggap pengalihan isu atas kesepakatan pemerintah dengan freeport.31 tidak cukup dengan portal online, sebagaimana yang dipraktikkan mediamedia mainstream di indonesia, portalpiyungan.com memposting dan membagikan berita-beritanya melalui media sosial. akun facebook resmi yang dimilikinya bernama “portalpiyungan”, dengan 77.864 pengunjung yang menyukai akun tersebut sejak dibuat awal tahun 2016.32 setiap satu artikel bernada provokatif yang diunggah ke facebook dibagikan dan disebar ke media sosial lain seperti wattsapp atau bbm, kisarannya ada yang mencapai di atas 50 kali shares, di atas 100 shares, bahkan lebih dari 1.000 shares. hebatnya lagi, setiap artikel yang diunggah hampir selalu mendapat komentar dari pengunjungnya dalam jumlah yang besar dan bernada membela. sementara akun twitter-nya dengan nama @portalpiyungan memiliki sebanyak 1,706 pengikut dengan 1,675 kicauan sejak dibuat awal tahun 2016. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 253253253253253vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 sedangkan yang terjadi pada hti, dalam menyuarakan aspirasinya, gerakan ini melakukan berbagai cara seperti demonstrasi, mengadakan seminar keislaman, serta aksi publikasi. untuk strategi publikasi hti menerbitkan buku,33 majalah al-wa’ie, bulletin al-islam, dan tabloid media umat.34 materi-materi rubrikasi berisi cemoohan terhadap demokrasi, nkri, dan pancasila. sementara konsep khilafah islamiyyah ditampilkan sebagai solusi setiap permasalahan. selain menggunakan strategi publikasi lewat penerbitan buku, tabloid, majalah, dan buletin, hti juga gencar mendakwahkan perjuangannya melalui media sosial. akun facebook dpp hti, misalnya, dengan alamat “hizbut tahrir indonesia”, fanpage ini telah mendapatkan tanda like dari 58.267 orang.35 jika dibanding dengan jumlah mayoritas penduduk umat islam di indonesia, angka relatif kecil mengingat akun ini sudah dibuat sejak 2010. sementara akun twitter-nya, @hizbuttahririd diikuti oleh 37,2 ribu (37.2 k) pengikut dan telah melakukan 26,5 ribu (26.5 k) kicauan. selain aktif bersuara di facebook dan twitter, hti juga bergerak di instagram, google+, dan blogblog. laman resmi dpp hti yaitu hizbut-tahrir.or.id. aktivitas hti melalui media sosial sangat terorganisir secara baik. terbukti, akun facebook dpp hti tersebut membagi postingan-postingan berita, keputusan organisasi, agenda kegiatan, serta pemikirannya setiap hari, baik berbentuk artikel berita, foto-foto, meme-meme bergambar, maupun video pendek. strategi ini juga diikuti oleh puluhan akun facebook dan twitter hti dan sayap organisasinya (muslimah hti dan gema pembebasan) di tingkat daerah dan propinsi. akun-akun ini juga aktif menanggapi berbagai persoalan kebangsaan, khususnya moral anggota legislatif, mengecam keborokan pemerintah, dan memberikan solusi setiap permasalahan dengan mendirikan daulah islam. kedua akun media sosial hti tersebut dikendalikan secara berkelanjutan oleh bidang infokom dpp hti. hti juga memanfaatkan fungsi youtube. kelompok ini senantiasa mengunggah rekaman video berbagai kegiatan penting melalui jejaring sosial berbentuk video tersebut. acara muktamar khilafah atau kongres internasional hti, misalnya, rekaman video keduanya mudah ditemukan di youtube. bahkan, di antara beberapa unggahannya itu dikunjungi oleh ribuan orang. berbagai rekaman yang mereka unggah juga diikuti dengan komentar/tanggapan, pujian, dan dukungan dari banyak aktivisnya di berbagai negara. sementara sekali waktu, video itu terkadang juga mendapat kritik yang mempertanyakan eksistensi hti sebagai partai politik yang mengatasnamakan islam. meski begitu dukungan terhadap organisasi bentukan syekh taqyuddin an-nabhani ini tetap ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 254254254254254 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna kuat. dakwah hti melalui pemanfaatan media sosial dapat dipandang sebagai satu dari sekian strategi modern yang mereka miliki. seperti lsm atau ormas islam pada umumnya, hti di era pasca orde baru telah mampu menciptakan opini publik dan berhasil memobilisasi aktivisnya dalam jumlah yang besar. mereka dimobilisasi untuk melakukan aksi demonstrasi atau sekedar bersuara di media sosial. cepatnya pemikiran dan gagasan hti yang diadopsi para aktivisnya tidak lain dikarenakan militansi dan loyalitas mereka yang terbilang solid. bahkan, jika ada yang tidak setuju (terutama orang di luar hti) terhadap ide yang didakwahkan, maka secara cepat mereka akan dibilang kafir atau kata-kata kasar lainnya. sementara itu, meski salafi dan kelompok islam fundamentalis lainnya, mengklaim anti modernitas dan produk-produk barat, namun jamaah ini tidak tertinggal dalam pemanfaatan media sosial sebagai tempat dakwah mereka di dunia maya. terdapat beberapa akun facebook dan twitter yang terindikasi berpaham salafi. namun akun-akun tersebut dikelola secara individu dan tidak sistematis. sebagai contoh adalah akun facebook “dakwah salafiyah ahlus sunnah wal jama’ah” yang dikelolah oleh seorang aktivis salafi bernama damar yustian. menurut damar, dikutip dari salah satu postingannya, akun ini berdiri sejak 31 juli 2015 untuk menggantikan grup akun (“tegar di atas sunnah”) yang sebelumnya diretas oleh pihak tidak bertanggungjawab. diamati dari konten dan konsistensi pemberitaannya, grup ini tidak dikelola secara baik. hal ini mengesankan bahwa memang salafi bukanlah organisasi yang memiliki struktur kepengurusan seperti halnya hti atau tarbiyah di kampuskampus atau partai politik. simpulan strategi berbagai kelompok radikal yang menjadikan media sosial sebagai basis propaganda dan perekrutan anggota baru sangatlah mengancam masa depan kebangsaan. apalagi, seperti dijelaskan sebelumnya, target utama mereka adalah kalangan anak muda yang jumlahnya mencapai lebih dari separuh dari total penduduk di indonesia. infiltrasi nilai-nilai kekerasan, kebencian, dan permusuhan dengan mendasarkan pada dalil-dalil keagamaan akan mudah diikuti para generasi muda, terlebih mereka tengah berada pada usia pencarian jati diri. para aktivis radikal islam tidak menerima paham-paham kebangsaan, seperti nasionalisme, cinta tanah air, patriotisme, dan demokrasi. dengan begitu, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 255255255255255vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 ideologi kelompok fundamentalis ini bukan hanya berpotensi mencabik ketentraman masyarakat beragama, melainkan juga membahayakan pada semua “keintiman” sektor nasional: pertahanan dan keamanan, stabilitas ekonomi-politik, dan peradaban bangsa. melihat kenyataan tersebut, dalam ktt as-asean di california, as, pada februari 2016, presiden joko widodo berpidato mengenai pentingnya memanfaatkan media sosial untuk membendung gerakan ekstrimis terorisme. di hadapan para pemimpin negara se-asia dan as, jokowi mengajak warga dunia untuk melawan paham-paham radikal yang menyusup di keramaian dunia maya. tidak cukup bila penanggulangan terorisme dan ideologi-ideologi radikalisme islam hanya dilakukan lewat program sosialisasi deradikasilasi agama “di bawah ruang ber-ac”. program ini hanya akan menghabiskan anggaran negara, sedangkan secara substansi tidak mampu menyelesaikan dan menghapus cara pandang sebagian orang yang mulai berpikiran menyimpang dan menebar ujaran kebencian. dalam hal ini, salah satu upaya yang bisa dilakukan untuk mengatasi masalah atau paling tidak meminimalisir terjadinya radikalisasi di ruang maya, pemerintah bersama komunitas digital hendaknya perlu menyikapi keberadaan grup-grup percakapan di media sosial yang mengarah kepada radikalisme secara serius. caranya adalah menyerang balik dengan membuat grup-grup percakapan yang berorientasi pada deradikalisasi agama sekaligus menutup akun-akun kelompok fundamentalis yang dinilai membenihkan ideologi radikal. catatan akhir 1 untuk pembahasan yang lebih lengkap tentang perda syari’ah, baca dalam haedar nashir, islam syariat; reproduksi salafiyah ideologis di indonesia (jakarta: mizan dan maarif institute, 2013), 292-379. baca juga dalam wasisto raharjo jati, “permasalahan implementasi perda syariah dalam otonomi daerah”, almanahij, vol. vii no.2 juli 2013, 305-315 2 penelitian yang dilakukan oleh center for the study of religion and culture (csrc) uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta pada tahun 2008-2009 menjelaskan tentang fenomena sebagian masjid di jakarta dan solo yang menjadi benih bagi tumbuhnya gerakan radikalisme islam di indonesia. selengkapnya baca dalam laporan risetnya, ridwan al-makassary dan ahmad gaus af, ed., benih-benih islam radikal di masjid: studi kasus jakarta dan solo (jakarta: csrc uin jakarta, 2010). 3 baca selengkapnya dalam khamami zada, “wajah radikal penerbitan islam di indonesia”, indo-islamika, vol 1, no. 1, 2011/1432, 1-19. 4 keanggotaan harakah tarbiyah tumbuh dengan sangat pesat pasca orde baru ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 256256256256256 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna lengser. hal ini tidak lain dipengaruhi oleh geliat para aktivisnya yang berada di lingkungan kampus. bahkan, organisasi tarbiyah yang menjelma menjadi lembaga dakwah kampus (ldk) di sejumlah kampus negeri di indonesia menggagas sebuah partai politik, yaitu partai keadilan, kini berganti nama menjadi partai keadilan sejahtera (pks). baca dalam ali said damanik, fenomena partai keadilan; transformasi 20 tahun gerakan tarbiyah di indonesia (jakarta: teraju, 2002), 218-261. lihat juga dalam nafi’ muthohirin, fundamentalisme islam; gerakan dan tipologi pemikiran aktivis dakwah kampus (jakarta: indostrategi, 2014), 137-145 5 sebelum era reformasi, tercatat hanya ada dua peristiwa terorisme yang terjadi di indonesia, yaitu: pertama, aksi terorisme yang terjadi pada 1981. sebuah penerbangan maskapai garuda indonesia dari palembang ke medan pada penerbangan dengan pesawat dc-9 woyla yang berangkat dari jakarta pada pukul 08:00 wib, transit di palembang, dan akan terbang ke medan dengan perkiraan sampai pada pukul 10.55 wib. dalam penerbangan, pesawat tersebut dibajak oleh 5 orang teroris yang menyamar sebagai penumpang. mereka bersenjata senapan mesin dan granat, dan mengaku sebagai anggota komando jihad; 1 kru pesawat tewas; 1 tentara komando tewas; 3 teroris tewas. kedua, bom candi borobudur 1985, 21 januari 1985. peristiwa terorisme ini adalah peristiwa terorisme bermotif “jihad” kedua yang menimpa indonesia. 6 bom meledak dari sebuah mobil yang di parkir di depan rumah duta besar filipina, menteng, jakarta pusat, pada 01 agustus 2000. tercatat 2 orang tewas dan 21 orang lainnya luka-luka, termasuk duta besar filipina leonides t caday. 7 bom kedubes malaysia, 27 agustus 2000. granat meledak di kompleks kedutaan besar malaysia di kuningan, jakarta. tidak ada korban jiwa. 8 bom bursa efek jakarta, 13 september 2000. ledakan mengguncang lantai parkir p2 gedung bursa efek jakarta. tercatat sebanyak 10 orang tewas, 90 orang lainnya luka-luka. sebanyak 104 mobil rusak berat, 57 rusak ringan. 9 bom malam natal, 24 desember 2000. serangkaian ledakan bom pada malam natal di beberapa kota di indonesia, merenggut nyawa 16 jiwa dan melukai 96 lainnya serta mengakibatkan 37 mobil rusak. 10 greag fealy, “inside the laskar jihad: an interview with the leader of a new radical and militant sect,” inside indonesia, january-march 2001: http: // www.insideindonesia.org/dit 71/fealy. dikutip dari ali muzakir, “kelompok islam radikal di indonesia: prospek dan solusinya,” dalam bahtiar effendy dan soetrisno hadi (ed), agama dan radikalisme di indonesia (jakarta: nuqtah, 2007), 227-228 11 lihat dalam tarmizi taher, “anatomi radikalisme keagamaan dalam sejarah islam,” dalam bahtiar effendy dan handro prasetyo (penyt.), radikalisme agama (jakarta: ppim-iain, 1998), 8. definisi kelompok radikal islam yang dikemukakan tarmizi taher ini diamini oleh khamami zada dalam membuat kategorisasi kelompok-kelompok radikalisme islam. untuk lebih lengkapnya baca dalam khamami zada, islam radikal: pergulatan ormas-ormas islam garis keras (jakarta: teraju, 2002), 8 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 257257257257257vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 12 untuk mengetahui mengenai tumbuhnya kelompok fundamentalisme islam sebagai akibat dari tantangan geopolitik dan ekonomi global, baca dalam bassam tibi, the challange of fundamentalism: political islam the new world disorder (london: university of california press, 1998). lihat juga, noorhaidi hasan, “ideologi, identitas dan politik kekerasan: mencari model solusi mengatasi ancaman radikalisme dan terorisme di indonesia,” prisma, vol. 29. lp3es, oktober (2010), 3-24 13 lihat dalam, http://www.theage.com.au/news/national/jemaah-islamiah-declared-forbidden/2008/04/21/1208742852708.html. dikutip pada jum’at (11 maret 2016). 14 untuk mengetahui lebih lengkap pola gerakan islam politik ikhwanul muslimin baca dalam olivier roy, the failure of political islam (london: i.b. tauris & co ltd, 1994), 75-89. 15 selengkapnya baca dalam, ali said damanik, fenomena partai keadilan; transformasi 20 tahun gerakan tarbiyah di indonesia (jakarta: teraju, 2002). 16 lihat, manifesto hizbut tahrir untuk indonesia: indonesia, khilafah dan penyatuan kembali dunia islam (tanpa penulis, hti: 2009), 67 17 wawancara aktivis hti universitas indonesia, arman surya hadi, pada 25 maret 2013. 18 baca dalam abdurrahman wahid (ed.). ilusi negara islam: ekspansi gerakan islam transnasional di indonesia (jakarta: libforall foundation, 2009), 39. disebutkan, bahwa para agen gerakan islam transnasional tersebut datang ke indonesia membawa petrodollar dalam jumlah yang fantastis untuk melakukan wahabisasi, merusak islam indonesia yang spiritual, toleran, dan santun, dan mengubah indonesia sesuai dengan ilusi mereka tentang negara islam yang di timur tengah pun tidak ada. 19 baca dalam haedar nashir, islam syariat: reproduksi salafiyah ideologis di indonesia (bandung:, mizan, 2013), 403-404 20 lihat dalam kasinyo harto. islam fundamentalis di perguruan tinggi umum: kasus gerakan keagamaan mahasiswa universitas sriwijaya palembang (jakarta: badan litbang dan diklat departemen agama ri, 2008), 167. 21 didasarkan pada qs. ali-imran (3): 104, yang berbunyi: “dan hendaklah ada di antara kamu segolongan umat yang menyeru kepada kebajikan, menyuruh kepada yang ma’ruf dan mencegah dari yang munkar; merekalah orang-orang yang beruntung.” 22 baca noorhaidi hasan, “ideologi, identitas dan ekonomi politik kekerasan: mencari model solusi mengatasi ancaman radikalisme dan terorisme di indonesia”, prisma, vol. 29 (2010), 7-8 23 wawancara aktivis salafi, ustadz sulhan jauhari lc, pada kamis, (19/9/2013). 24 i’tisamm berasal dari kata bahasa arab, yang memiliki arti mempertahankan tradisi islam tanpa penyimpangan. baca selengkapnya dalam kompas, “predator nyata di dunia maya”, kompas (kamis, 17 desember 2015). 25 dilihat dari usia netizen, riset tersebut menjelaskan, sebanyak 49% atau hampir setengahnya berusia 18 tahun hingga 25 tahun. sementara, jenjang pendidikan mereka 64,7% lulusan sma sederajat. sebanyak 87%, para netizen ini mengaku ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 258258258258258 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna menggunakan media sosial saat terkoneksi dengan internet, sedangkan 68,7% untuk searching dan browsing. 26 baca selengkapnya dalam petrus reinhard golose, invasi terorisme ke cyberspace (jakarta: yayasan pengembangan ilmu kepolisian/ypkik, 2015), v-vi 27 hti, jamaah salafi, dan tarbiyah masuk dalam kategori sebagai gerakan radikal islam sebagaimana definisi yang dikemukakan oleh khamami zada. dia menjelaskan bahwa kategori yang melekat pada kelompok islam radikal di indonesia dapat didasarkan pada empat hal. pertama, mereka memperjuangkan islam secara totalistik (kaffah); syariat islam sebagai hukum negara, islam sebagai dasar negara, sekaligus islam sebagai sistem politik sehingga bukan demokrasi yang menjadi sistem politik nasional. kedua, mereka mendasarkan praktik keagamaannya pada orientasi masa lalu (salafi). ketiga, mereka sangat memusuhi barat dengan segala produk peradabannya, seperti sekulerisasi dan modernisasi. keempat, perlawanannya dengan gerakan liberalisme islam yang tengah berkembang di kalangan muslim. dikutip dari khamami zada, islam radikal: pergulatan ormas-ormas islam garis keras (jakarta: teraju, 2002), 18. 28 untuk menggali lebih dalam tentang aktivisme kelompok radikalisme islam di lingkungan kampus, baca dalam nafi’ muthohirin, fundamentalisme islam; gerakan dan tipologi pemikiran aktivis dakwah kampus (jakarta: indostrategi, 2014) 29 lihat, http://islamedia.id/situs-pkspiyungan-org-ganti-domain/. dikutip pada sabtu, 12 maret 2016, pukul 14:45 30 beberapa judul berita yang memojokkan ahok sebagai anti-islam, di antaranya: “korban ahok semua muslimah berjilbab, apa kebetulan semata”, “panik, tim kampanye ahok ‘jualan agama’ mengaku muslim untuk cari dukungan”, sungguh keji! ahokers halalkan segala cara”, dan “sementara teman ahok bergerak di mall-mall, relawan muslim act bergerak bantu korban banjir,”. lihat dalam, http://www.portalpiyungan.com. dikutip pada sabtu, 12 maret 2016, pukul 15:07 31 lihat, http://www.portalpiyungan.com/2016/01/bertepatan-deadline-freeportbom.html. dikutip pada sabtu, 12 maret 2016, pukul 15:20 32 terakhir dikutip pada sabtu, 12 maret 2016, pukul 15:39 33 sebagian besar buku hti diterbitkan oleh penerbit hti sendiri, pustaka thariqul izzah, di bogor. dikutip dari burhanuddin muhtadi, “the quest for hizbut tahrir in indonesia”, the asian journal of social science, (nus & brill) 37 (2009), 628 34 agensi tabloid media umat berjumlah ratusan agen, yang tersebar di kota-kota besar di indonesia seperti di jakarta, jawa barat, banten, jawa timur, jawa tengah, yogyakarta, sumetra, sulawesi, dan kalimantan. 35 dikutip dari akun facebook resmi dpp hti pada minggu, (13/3/2016), pukul 06:03 wib. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 259259259259259vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 daftar pustaka al-makassary, ridwan dan ahmad gaus af, (ed). 2010. benih-benih islam radikal di masjid: studi kasus jakarta dan solo. jakarta: csrc uin jakarta. dpp hti. 2009. manifesto hizbut tahrir untuk indonesia: indonesia, khilafah dan penyatuan kembali dunia islam. tanpa penulis: hti. effendy, bahtiar dan handro prasetyo (penyt.). 1998. radikalisme agama. jakarta: ppim-iain. effendy, bahtiar dan soetrisno hadi (ed). 2007. agama dan radikalisme di indonesia. jakarta: nuqtah. fealy, greag. 2001. “inside the laskar jihad: an interview with the leader of a new radical and militant sect,” inside indonesia, january-march: http: // www.insideindonesia.org/dit 71/fealy harto, kasinyo. 2008. islam fundamentalis di perguruan tinggi umum: kasus gerakan keagamaan mahasiswa universitas sriwijaya palembang. jakarta: badan litbang dan diklat departemen agama ri. hasan, noorhaidi. 2010 “ideologi, identitas dan politik kekerasan: mencari model solusi mengatasi ancaman radikalisme dan terorisme di indonesia,” prisma, vol. 29. lp3es. jati, wasisto raharjo. 2013. “permasalahan implementasi perda syariah dalam otonomi daerah”, al-manahij, vol. vii no.2 juli. kompas, “predator nyata di dunia maya”, kompas (kamis, 17 desember 2015) muthohirin, nafi’. 2014. fundamentalisme islam; gerakan dan tipologi pemikiran aktivis dakwah kampus. jakarta: indostrategi. nashir, haedar. 2013. islam syariat; reproduksi salafiyah ideologis di indonesia. jakarta: mizan dan maarif institute. reinhard golose, petrus. 2015. invasi terorisme ke cyberspace. jakarta: yayasan pengembangan ilmu kepolisian/ypkik. roy, olivier. 1994 the failure of political islam. london: i.b. tauris & co ltd. said damanik, ali. 2002. fenomena partai keadilan; transformasi 20 tahun gerakan tarbiyah di indonesia, jakarta: teraju. tibi, bassam. 1998. the challange of fundamentalism: political islam the new world disorder. london: university of california press. wahid, abdurrahman (ed.). 2009. ilusi negara islam: ekspansi gerakan islam transnasional di indonesia. jakarta: libforall foundation. zada, khamami. 2011. “wajah radikal penerbitan islam di indonesia”, indo-islamika, vol 1, no. 1. a a.a. navis a.h. johns abdul munir mulkhan abdulkahhar mazakkir, abdurrachman surjomihardjo abdurrachman surjomiharjo aceh africa ahmad hani aisyah 'aisyiyah akhlâq al-karîmah al-azhar al-azhar al-azhar university al-fawaidul 'illiyah al-irsyad al-maktabah al-islamiyah al-manar al-qaedah al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah al-tahir ibn ashur al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wuthqa al-ustadh abu raidah alawiyin albert hourani allan boesak len hansen amelia fauzia amien rais amrozi anas s al-shaikh-ali anke von kügelgen annette damayanti anton houtepen ariel heryanto asabiyyah asy-syubbanul muslimun australia ayahku b bambang purwanto bandung bangil bani abbas bantam basuki tjahaja purnama beirut belitung bengkulu bentang budaya budi setiawan bukittinggi c cairo cambridge university cambridge university press cental serikat islam cf. deliar noer chadewi abbas helmi charity charles amjad-ali china csrc d dar al-arabiyah dâr al-ma'rifah darul 'ulum de indische courant diponegoro dirjowongso djohan effendi doctoral address dutch e egypt egyptian emir shakib arslan encyclopaedia of islam english ezzat mossallenejad f f. poeradisastra farid wadjdy fatimah fazlur rahman french g garut gramedia h h. yunus anis h.o.s. cokroaminoto haedar nashir haji abdul malik karim amrullah haji samanhudi hamid algadri hamka harakah tarbiyah het vaderland hilman latief hizbul wathan hizbut tahrir indonesia hongkong hoofdbestuur husein muhammad i ibn al-qayyim ibn taimiyyah ibn taymiyya ibn taymiyyah ibnul qayyim ikhwanul muslimin ilyas ya`kub indonesia iqazun niam ir. h. juanda iraq isis islam islamic endowments in iraq j jakarta jamal abdel nasser jamal al-din al-afghani jan willen van henten jasser auda jeffrey hadler jemaah islamiyah joko widodo jw marriot k k.h.a. dahlan kabili kalimantan karel steenbrink karl mannheim kaum muda kenang-kenangan hidup kh. ahmad dahlan khamami zada killyatul adab king george v kristen kuntowijoyo kweekschool l lienau lowanu m m. c. ricklefs m. quraish shihab madam rahmah mahmud yunus majelis mujahidin indonesia majmû' fatawâ malacca malaya maninjau maqasid syari´ah ma'rifatullahi masjumi michel foucault minangkabau mitsuo nakamura mizan moeslim abdurrahman mohamad rasyidi mohammad al-ghazaly mohammad hatta mohammad isa anshary mohammad natsir moluccus muchtar luthfi mufti of egypt mufti of palestine muhammad muhammad abduh muhammad said al-asymawi muhammad syoedja' muhammad yusuf muhammad zain hassan muhammadiyah multatuli mulyadhi kartanegara munir mulkhan mutu qabla an tamutu n nahdlatul ulama nasyiatul 'aisyiyah neo-sufisme netherlands new york nus press o omar hobais oxford university press p padang padang japang pakualaman palembang palestine panji masyarakat papua parabek paris pasai pedoman masjarakat pekalongan pembela islam penolong kesengsaraan oemat penolong kesengsaraan oemoem philippine pilihan timur pko pluralitas prof dr schrieke prof. farid ma'ruf pulau pinang purwokerto r radikalisme rahmah el-junusiyah revival and reform in islam s sa'ad zaghlul sadaat salafiyah sayyid abdul aziz as-sta'alaby sayyid abdur rahman baswedan sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi sayyid amin husainy sayyid hussein nars sayyid muhammad bin aqil sayyid mustafa ghalayini sayyid okbah bin nafi' sayyid omar hobais sayyid rashid rida senegal sharbazah sheikh abdul karim amrullah sheikh abdullah ahmad sheikh abdullatief drazz sheikh abdur rahman taj sheikh ahmad dahlan sheikh ahmad hassan sheikh ahmad khatib sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur sheikh ahmad soorkati sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani sheikh athaillah affendy sheikh bachit al-muthi'iy sheikh chalil al-chalidi sheikh di tiro sheikh husein wali sheikh ibrahim bin musa sheikh jar-ul lah az-zamachsyari sheikh mohammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad abduh sheikh muhammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad thaib sheikh mustafa abdullah sheikh nawawi sheikh taher jalaluddin sheikh thaher jalaluddin sie boen lian sinar harapan singapore singapura soeara moehammadijah soerabaijasch handelsblad solo sorbonne university spanish st. ignatia lammens st. yudith de laat stamford press studia islamika suez canal sukarno sulawesi sultan sultan idris murshidu'l a'zam shah sultan of perak surabaya syed farid al-attas syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur syria t tafsir maqasidi tafsir ustazul imam tanjung sungayang tariq ramadan tasauf moderen tasawuf mistis tauhid sosial tokyo toronto tuanku imam bonjol tuhfah and nihaya u united kingdom university of chicago press university of oxford ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh usul al-fiqh w west sumatra whael b. hallaq wihdatul wujud wirobrajan wiyhatul islam y yale university yazid bin muawiyyah yogyakarta yusuf al-qardhawi z zadul ma'ad zainal abidin ahmad layout des 2015 paradigma al-qur’an: model analisis tafsir maqasidi dalam pemikiran kuntowijoyo kusmana uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta email: kusmana@uinjkt.ac.id abstract this article assumes that kuntowijoyo’s thought can be grouped into the maqasidi thought movement, because of his treatment of the objectivication of the verses of the qur’an in search for god’s intention based on the scientific measurement. his difference from the thinkers of maqasidi in general lies on the use of epistemology. maqasidi thinkers uses in general usul al-fiqh as their epistemological tool of analysis, whereas kuntowijoyo deploys social sciences’ epistemology. this library research finds that the characteristics of kuntowijoyo’s interpretation of the qur’an can be included into the spirit of maqasidi scientific interpretation with a tendency of constructing scientific knowledge based on the qur’an. his characteristics of tafsir maqasidi can be grouped as manhaj din (religious methodology) atau in his word, (quranic paradigm.) keywords: kata kunci: tafsir maqasidi, maqasid syari´ah, epistemologi. abstrak tulisan ini mengasumsikan bahwa gagasan yang dikembangkan kuntowijoya dapat dikelompokkan ke dalam gerakan pemikiran maqasidi. dasar obyektifikasi ayat-ayat al-qur’an yang dilakukannya mencoba mengidentifikasi tujuan tuhan dalam firman-nya dengan implementasi prinsip ilmiah. bedanya dari para pemikir maqasidi terletak pada epistemologi yang digunakan. pada umumnya pemikir muslim muslim menggunakan usul al-fiqh, sementara kuntowijoyo menggunakan epistemologi ilmu sosial. tulisan yang didasarkan studi kepustakaan ini menemukan bahwa corak tafsirnya dapat dikelompokkan ke dalam semangat tafsir maqasidi ilmi dengan kecenderungan untuk mengkonstruksi ilmu pengetahuan dengan inspirasi input qur’ani. pengertian maqasidi dari tulisannya dapat dikategorikan mengambil makna sebagai manhaj din (metodologi keagamaan) atau dalam bahasa kuntowijoyo paradigma al-qur’an. kata kunci: tafsir maqasidi, maqasid syari´ah, epistemologi. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0049. 220-239 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 221221221221221vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 pendahuluan manhaj maqasidi, pada awalnya dikembangkan dalam tradisi hukum islam. dalam perkembangannya, banyak sarjana telah menggunakan pendekatan ini untuk memahami dan menafsirkan sumber ajaran islam, khususnya alqur’an, seperti rashid rida (w. 1354 h/1935 m), al-tahir ibn ashur (w. 1325 h/ 1907 m), mohammad al-ghazaly (w. 1416 h/ 1996 m), yusuf al-qaradawi (1345/1926 -), taha al-alwani (1354/ 1935 -), dll. penggunaan pendekatan tersebut dimungkinkan karena konsep al-maqasid yang memungkinkan untuk memelihara signifikansi islam bagi manusia. konsep ini meliputi wilayah hermeneutika fikih yang pada dasarnya bermakna deciphering atau memahami, seperti memahami pesan allah untuk digunakan bagi kebaikan manusia dan semesta alam. prinsip dasar pendekatan maqasidi adalah memelihara pesan universal al-qur’an untuk menjawab kekhususan dan perbedaan masalah yang dihadapi manusia. pada awalnya, konsepsi maqasid didasarkan pada tiga pertimbangan dasar, yaitu darurat (necessities/keniscayaan), hajiyyat (needs/kebutuhan), dan tahsiniyyat (luxuries/kelengkapan hidup), dimana pertimbangan dasar pertama menjadi pokok ukuran yang secara tradisional didasarkan pada pemeliharaan lima hal: keimanan (faith), jiwa (soul), kekayaan (wealth), akal (mind), dan keturunan (offspring), dan sebagian menambahkan kehormatan (honor).1 namun dalam perkembangannya, penggunaan konsep maqasidi tidak hanya didasarkan pada pertimbangan individual seperti tercermin dalam pengertiannya yang tradisional, tapi juga dimensi prisnsip dasarnya diperluas kepertimbangan nilai-nilai universal, yaitu maqasid universal, dimana proses tafsir atau ijtihad didasarkan pada dasar-dasar universal yang terdapat dalam islam khususnya dalam al-qur’an. jasser auda memformulasikan maqasid sebagai struktur multidimensi yang mempertimbangkan area makna dan target, tingkatan nilai yang dijadikan dasar, dan keumuman makna yang dikandung.2 dengan pengertian tersebut, pengertian maqasid mengalami transformasi ke arah lebih luas, umum dan universal. misalnya, al-tahir ibn asyur mengusulkan perluasan dasar pertimbangan maqasid pada menjaga dan memelihara ketertiban (orderliness), kesejajaran (equality), kebebasan (freedom), facilitation (pendasaran untuk menciptakan keadaan yang membantu), dan pemeliharaan fitrah (kualitas alamiah akal dan sifat-sifat manusia).3 dari sisi nilai universal yang diinterpolasikan ke dalam dimensi baru, maqasid adalah kebebasan, keadilan, kesetaraan, dan hak azasi manusia. dengan pertimbangan tersebut, sarjana muslim mendapat amunisi baru untuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 222222222222222 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna merespon tantangan zaman. yusuf al-qaradhawi mengelompokkan respons tersebut ke dalam tiga pendekatan tafsir maqasidi: literalis atau zhahirriyyah yang menitikberatkan pada penafsiran berdasarkan redaksi al-qur’an semata, liberalis yang menekankan pada penafsiran esensi walaupun mesti meninggalkan isyarat yang termuat secara tekstual, dan moderat yang mempertimbangkan kebaikan dari dua pendekatan sebelumnya dengan fokus menjaga pesan global al-qur’an.4 dalam konteks indonesia, penggunaan metode tafsir seperti tematik, tahlili dan ijtima’i sudah mulai ramai digunakan, termasuk corak tafsir maqasidi. walaupun belum secara tegas mengkhususkan penggunaan konsep maqasidi, banyak dari pemikir dan penafsir muslim indonesia yang menggunankan konsep maqasidi sebagai rujukan dalam merespon berbagai persoalan modern, termasuk persoalan agensi perempuan. misalnya, husein muhammad dalam merumuskan pikirannya tentang keadilan gender mendasarkan rumusannya pada prinsip-prinsip maqasidi, yaitu tujuan kemanusian univerversal dengan empat dimensi makna: kemaslahatan, keadilan, kerahmatan, dan kebijaksanaan.5 sejalan dengan muhammad, m. qurasih shihab juga mendasarkan pembahasan tentang jender dan khususnya perempuan pada prinsip-prinsip dasar yang universal. dalam satu tulisan, dia mendiskusikan perempuan dari sisi kejadian, hak, kedudukan dan peran perempuan.6 penggunaan terma-terma tersebut mengindikasikan bahwa quraish shihab sedang melakukan upaya relevansi islam dengan zaman modern dengan cara melihat dari perspektif sumber-sumber islam dan mengaitkannya pada istilahistitilah yang biasa digunakan dalam kesarjanaan modern. contoh lainnya misalnya tulisan muhammad yusuf yang mengidentifikan penggunaan pendekatan al-maslahah al-mursalah dalam proses perumusan fatwa mui tentang nikah beda agama. dalam tulisannya yusuf menempatkan konsep almaslahah al-mursalah sebagai bagian dari cara kerja maqasid syari'ah dalam pengertiannya yang klasik dimana tiga dasar –darurat, hajiyyat, dan tahsiniyyat, dijadikan ukuran aplikasi konsep.7 contoh pertama merupakan aplikasi tafsir maqasid dengan semangat untuk mencari alternatif penafsiran yang berkeadilan gender, sementara ke dua dan ke tiga merupakan contoh aplikasi yang menjaga makna relasi gender yang mapan. dari penjelasan di atas setidaknya terdapat dua cara penggunaan maqasid syari’ah. pertama, pendekatan maqasidi syari'ah dibahas dalam perspektif hukum islam. hal ini dapat dimengerti karena syari'ah itu sendiri lebih dimaknai sebagai tasyri‘, sehingga kalau disebut maqasidi syari'ah maka yang dimaksud ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 223223223223223vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 adalah deduksi hukum islam dengan mempertimbangkan maksud-maksud umum syari'ah. kedua, maqasid syari’ah dalam pengertian sebagai manhaj agama. dalam hal ini dapat dilihat bahwa baik maqasid syari’ah dalam pengertian tasyri‘ atau dalam pengertian manhaj sama-sama berpotensi dapat dimanfaatkan sebagai pendekatan pengilmuan islam. pertama, menarik untuk melihat tawaran jaser audah tentang filsafat sistimatis hukum islam yang dibangun berdasarkan maqasid syari’ah. dalam bukunya, maqasid al-shari‘ah: dalil li al-mubtadi (2011) diterjemahkan dalam bahasa inggris maqasid alshari‘ah as philosophy of islamic law: a system approach dengan meminjam tradisi filsafat barat merumuskan tawaran deduksi hukum yang menyeluruh didasarkan pada maksud-maksud syari’ah tapi dengan pendekatan sistematik untuk memelihara tujuan utama syari’ah yang dapat menjawab tantangan zaman. pertimbangan utama dalam melakukan ijtihad penafsiran kembali khasanah islam dengan cara menjadikan maqasid syari'ah sebagai common ground tasri‘ dan criteria utama ijtihad. sementara maqasid syari’ah sebagai manhaj agama dapat digunakan sebagai tawaran alternatif pengilmuan islam dalam wilayah sosial budaya. alasan yang dibangun adalah mempertimbangkan kenyataan bahwa persoalan hukum hanya menempati sebagian dari ruang yang tersedia dalam islam. alqur’an sendiri lebih banyak bicara di luar hukum, ayat-ayat hukum itu sendiri sementara kalangan menyebutnya tidak lebih dari 10 %. artinya demikian luasnya area bahasan di luar hukum, dan ini perlu mendapat perhatian. selama ini pendekatan maqasid syari'ah didedikasikan lebih banyak digunakan dalam hukum, padahal potensinya, ia dapat juga digunakan sebagai manhaj dalam konstruk keilmuan budaya misalnya. dalam hal ini, makna syari’ah bisa diambil dari makna lainnya, yaitu “tempat mengalirnya air” seperti dalam qs. almaidah/5: 48, “untuk tiap-tiap umat di antara kamu, kami berikan aturan (syir’ah) dan jalan (minhaj).” menurut muhammad said al-asymawi, ayat ini dimaksudkan bahwa “kami menjadikan jalan dan metode bagi tiap-tiap kamu, atau kami (buatkan) jalan masuk bagi kalian.”8 dengan memaknai syari’ah sebagai tempat jalannya sesuatu (jalannya air), maka makna syari'ah lebih dimaknai sebagai jalannya agama atau manhaj agama. implikasi dari makna ini besar atau lebih besar dari sekedar tasyri‘. seperti diyakini di kalangan muslim, islam hadir dalam dunia ini dengan maksud agung yaitu rahmatan li al-alamin dan inilah manhaj agama islam sebagai agama rahmat. semua konstruksi doktrin, ajaran ataupun ilmu didasarkan pada prinsip dasar manhaj ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 224224224224224 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna islam yaitu rahmatan li al-alamin. tafsir sosial kuntowijoyo mengambil makna maqasidi sebagai manhaj din, karena tafsir sosialnya tidak didasarkan pada usul al-fiqh, tapi pada prinsip ilmu sosial. sebelum mendiskusikan corak pemikirannya, terlebih dahulu hubungan tafsir maqasid dan islamimisasi ilmu pengetahuan didiskusikan. tafsir maqasidi dan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan adalah sebuah gerakan intelektual internasional yang muncul tahun 1980an untuk merespon dampak negatif perkembangan sains modern. di antara figur sentral yang menyerukan gerakan ini adalah s naquib alatas dan ismail raji-al-faruqi.9 asumsi dasar diperlukannya gerakan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan adalah adanya anggapan bahwa perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan modern yang dimotori oleh sains berkembang menjauhi agama dan membawa dampak negatif yang destruktif. islamisasi diperlukan untuk memberikan alternatif epistemologis untuk mendekatkan kembali ilmu pengetahuan pada agama dan mengurangi dampak destruktif aplikasi ilmu dan teknologi yang diciptakan manusia. di antara tawarannya adalah adanya tauhid atau kesatuan pengetahuan (menuju kebenaran yang satu), kesatuan kehidupan (hapusnya ilmu yang sarat nilai dan ilmu yang bebas nilai) dan kesatuan sejarah (pengetahuan harus mengabdi pada umat dan manusia). dengan kata lain, islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan adalah gerakan yang mengembalikan ilmu pengetahuan pada tauhid dengan arah gerak dari konteks menuju teks, agar supaya ilmu tidak lepas dari keimanan. 10 kemungkinan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan dilakukan dapat dilacak dari sisi perbedaan teori ilmunya (epistemploginya). perbedaan tersebut bagi pengusung islamisasi terletak pada kenyataan ilmu pengetahuan tidak bisa sama sekali bebas dari subyektivitas ilmuan. karena itu, ilmu pengetahuan menjadi plural dan tidak bisa diklaim hanya milik salah satu bangsa, misalnya barat. dengan demikian, islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan menjadi mungkin. mulyadhi kartanegara menganggap perlu adanya islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan karena ilmu pengetahuan modern telah menimbulkan persoalan serius baik secara teologis maupun keilmuan. secara teologis ilmu pengetahuan telah menjauhkan manusia dari tuhannya. sementara secara praktis, pembatasan sains modern atas obyek ilmunya hanya pada obyek-obyek yang dapat diindra saja bermasalah, karena membatasi obyek ilmu lainnya yang dapat ditangkap dengan akal dan intuisi.11 walaupun akal dalam tradisi keilmuan barat dihargai, dalam perkembangan tradisi sains, produksi ilmu melalui akal dikritik karena ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 225225225225225vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 unsur spekulasinya dan produksi ilmu melalui intuisi dikritik, karena bersifat halusinasi belaka.12 dalam pandangan kartanegara islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan yang dikembangkan dalam rangka merespon dikhotomi ilmu pengetahuan yang ada mesti diarahkan pada gerakan integrasi ilmu pengetahuan holistik yang didasarkan pada tauhid. mengambil konsepsi wahdat al-wujud mulla sadra, kartanegara mendasarkan basis otologi integrasi keilmuannya. mulla sadra menjelaskan bahwa “segala wujud yang ada –dengan segala bentuk dan karakternyapada hakikatnya adalah satu dan sama. yang membedakan satu dari lainnya hanyalah gradasinya (taskik al-wujud) yang disebabkan oleh perbedaan dalam esensinya. oleh karena mereka pada dasarnya satu dan sama, maka wujud apapun yang kita ketahui -yang bersifat spiritualkah atau yang materialtentunya mempunyai status ontologis yang sama-sama kuatnya dan sama-sama realnya. dan karena itu segala tingkat wujud boleh menjadi obyek yang valid bagi ilmu karena realitas ontologis mereka telah ditetapkan (fixed).”13 kartanegara menjadikan konsepsi tauhid mulla sadra sebagai basis integrasi ilmu pengetahuan dari sisi obyek, sumber, klasifikasi dan metode ilmu pengetahuan.14 dengan perspektif tauhid ilmu ini, penelitian ilmiah dapat dilakukan tidak terbatas pada obyek penelitian tajribi (experimental), tapi juga burhani (demonstratif atau aqli), dan irfani (intuitif/gnostik).15 keragaman obyek ilmu baik fisik, matematik maupun metafisik perlu jenis ilmu tertentu walau pada hakikatnya semua wujud ilmu sama. untuk obyek-obyek fisik memerlukan jenis ilmu yang cocok dengannya, contohnya minerologi untuk benda-benda mineral.16 islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan diterjemahkan kartanegara sebagai integrasi ilmu. integrasi ilmu dikonstruksi dengan meletakkan basis ilmu pengetahuan pada realitas mutlak atau tuhan sehingga semua ilmu yang ada berasal darinya. perbedaan satu ilmu dengan lainnya bukanlah pemisahan atau dikhotomi, tapi hanya merupakan penjenisan atau pemilahan saja. dalam pertimbangannya integrasi dapat dilakukan pada obyek, bidang metafisik, matematika dan fisika, sumber ilmu, pengalaman manusia, metode ilmiah, penjelasan ilmiah, serta ilmu teoritis dan ilmu praktis.17 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 226226226226226 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna sainstifikasi atau pengilmuan saintifikasi atau pengilmuan adalah kebalikkan dari gerakan intelektual sebelumnya yang berangkat dari konteks ke teks, tapi merupakan gerakan intelektual yang berangkat dari teks ke konteks. gerakan ini di indonesia salah satunya digagas oleh kuntowijoyo. dia menyebut gerakan ini sebagai “demistifikasi”. tujuan dari gerakan ini adalah untuk menghadirkan islam sebagai agama yang menjadi inspirasi pembuatan teori ilmiah, baik pada aspek fisik, sosial, simbolis, maupun sejarah. interaksi antar agama dan ilmu pengetahun di sini dilakukan dengan cara menggali teori dari sumber islam.18 dia mengkonstruksi upayanya dengan menempatkan al-qur’an sebagai paradigma atau mode of thought atau mode of inquiry, terinspirasi dari peristilahan yang dibuat oleh thomas khun. produksi dari aplikasi paradigma tertentu adalah mode of knowing atau cara mengetahui tertentu. cara tersendiri inilah yang disebut kontowijoyo sebagai proses pengilmuan. pengilmuan atau perumusan teori yang dideduksi dari al-qur’an disebutnya sebagai paradigma al-qur’an. dia merumuskannya sebagai “suatu konstruksi pengetahuan yang memungkinkan kita memahami realitas sebagaimana al-qur’an memahaminya.” kata-kata “sebagaimana al-qur’an memahaminya,” dapat diartikan sebagai cara menggali intensi dan maksud allah dengan pesannya yang terkandung dalam al-qur’an. artinya, tawaran metodologisnya bersifat maqasidi. dengan menempatkan al-qur’an sebagai paradigma, kuntowijoyo berusaha untuk memberi aksiologi dan epistemologi khas al-qur’an. dalam pandangannya al-qur’an terdiri dari konsep-konsep dan kisah-kisah sejarah atau amtsal. konsep memuat ideal-type tentang sesuatu atau nilai atau norma tertentu, sementara kisah dan amtsal memuat arche-type tentang hikmah atau kebijaksaan tertentu. perumusan paradigm al-qur’an dikaitkan dengan tugas utama muslim di dunia. dengan merujuk pada qs. ali imran: 110 yang menegaskan bahwa umat islam adala umat terbaik diturunkan untuk tugas melakukan kebaikan (amar ma’ruf dan nahi mungkar). inilah tugas propetif setiap muslim, yaitu melakukan humanisasi, emansipasi dan transendensi.19 kuntowijoyo menempatkan wahyu sebagai struktur transendental atau “ide murni,” sehingga pokok konstruksi ilmu dalam pandangannya adalah untuk mencari pesan universal atau transendental al-qur’an. dengan cara seperti ini maka pesan al-qur’an bisa diarahkan untuk “kemaslahatan umat manusia.”20 dalam kajian tafsir maqasidi konsep kemaslahatan umat manusia dimaknai sebagai pencarian makna signifikansi yang didasarkan pada ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 227227227227227vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 kemanfaatan umum, masalih, atau sering disebut masalih mursalah karena bersifat independen dari sumber pokok agama (wahyu dan sunnah). dalam tradisi barat, kemaslahatan umum sering ditermakan sebagai public interest atau kepentingan umum, yaitu suatu cara berpikir yang didasarkan pada pertimbangan-pertimbangan kebaikan umum. dalam hal ini kelihatannya kuntowijoyo mempersamakan kesemuan istilah tersebut dengan kecenderungan seperti diakuinya sendiri, yaitu konstruksi pengilmuan al-qur’an dengan meminjam perangkat analisis dari tradisi barat. peminjaman ini dianggapnya sebagai sesuatu yang biasa, karena pada dasarnya ilmu pengetahuan itu bersifat terbuka, dan tawaran paradigma al-qur’annya juga bersifat terbuka.21 dia menyebut pendekatannya ini dengan strukturalisme transendental, dengan tujuan bukan untuk memahami islam tapi untuk suatu upaya “bagaimana menerapkan ajaran-ajaran sosial yang terkandung dalam teks lama pada konteks sosial masa kini tanpa mengubah strukturnya.”22 identifikasi analisis strukturalisme transendental pada dua level: struktur permukaan dan struktur dalam dengan tujuan menyingkap makna terdalamnya atau struktur dalam. dia ilustrasikan dalam sebuah bagan yang menempatkan tauhid sebagai kekuatan pembentuk struktur: table 123 tauhid adalah kekuatan pembentuk struktur, yaitu tuhan esa itu sendiri yang merupakan realitas mutlak, hakikat atau kebenaran itu sendiri. tauhid kemudian membentuk struktur dalam yang bersifat tetap seperti akidah, ibadah, akhlak,syari’ah dan yang bersifat dapat berubah, yaitu muamalah. aspek muamalah inilah yang menjadi medan ijtihad untuk pengilmuan islam. sementara aspek lain dalam pandangannya dianggap transformasinya sudah selesai. jadi esensi dari keyakinan, sholat, zakat, dll, moral/etika, dan perilaku ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 228228228228228 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna normatif sudah dianggap utuh. yang perlu mendapat perhatian untuk penggalian kosntruksi baru adalah mua’malah. untuk melakukannya dalam pandangan kuntowijoyo, umat islam perlu memperluas kesadarannya. setidaknya dia mengusulkan enam kesadaran yang perlu dimiliki umat islam: 1. kesadaran tentang perubahan, 2. kesadaran kolektif, 3. kesadaran sejarah, 4. kesadaran tentang fakta sosial, 5. kesadaran tentang masyarakat abstrak, dan 6. kesadaran tentang perlunya obyektifikasi.24 dengan pemenuhan enam kesadaran di bangun di atasnya proses obyektifikasi yang kuntowijoyo namakan integralisasi ilmu dan atau transformasi ilmu sosial profetik. ilmu-ilmu integralistik adalah proses obyektifikasi konstruksi ilmu pengetahuan untuk memelihara keberlangsungan ilmu itu sendiri dengan memasukkan kembali pentingnya peran agama. ilmu-ilmu integralistik tidak bersikap berlawanan terhadap atau mengganti ilmu-imu sekuler, tapi sebaliknya bersikap positif secara proporsional untuk “berada bersama ilmu-ilmu sekuler (barat dan marxist).”25 dia menggambarkan hubungan ilmu-ilmu sekuler dan paradigm islam seperti table di bawah ini: paradigma islam: imu barat (modern) dan ilmu islam (pasca modern)26 sebagaimana dipetakan dalam table di atas, karakteristik ilmu-ilmu sekuler (barat) pada periode modern adalah sumbernya akal, etikanya humanis, proses sejarahnya dimulai dari pemusatan manusia sebagai pusat dan kemudian memisahkan ilmu dari agama, dan sifat ilmunya sekuler dan otonom. sementara, paradigm islam ditempatkan di periode pasca modern, dengan menempatkan wahyu dan akal sebagai sumber karena sikap teosentrismenya, dengan etika humanis dan teosentris, kemudian melakukan upaya dediferensiasi atau menggabungkan kembali ilmu-ilmu agama dan umum dengan semangat integralistiknya. di lain pihak, kuntowijoyo juga mengusulkan gerakan obyektifikasi ke dua dimana dia mengusulkan ilmu sosial profetik. obyektitifikasi dimulai dari proses internalisasi nilai-nilai, seperti meyakini baiknya perbuatan zakat. langkah selajutnya dari obyektivikasi adalah ekternalisasi, yaitu mengonkritkan apa yang diyakini, seperti ketika seorang muslim membayar zakat. membayar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 229229229229229vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 zakat merupakan obyektivikasi pada tingkat ekternalisasi dengan keyakinan bahwa hal tersebut dilakukan untuk membersihkan harta, dan sebagian dari yang kita peroleh ada hak orang lain, dan keyakinan bahwa rezeki itu mesti dinafkahkan. hal lain yang perlu diperhatikan dari obyektifikasi adalah tindakan obyektif dan dampak tindakan obyektif. tindakaan obyektif adalah adalah tindakan yang sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip universal atau umum sementara dampak dari tindakan obyektif adalah apabila dirasakan oleh orang lain termasuk bagi non muslim sebagai tindakan yang alamiah/natural atau sewajarnya. dengan cara demikian, obyektifikasi itu akan menghindarkan dari tindakan dominasi, sekularisasi dan juga terbuka bagi siapa saja27 atau islam menjadi rahmatan lil alamin. dengan obyektifikasi juga kuntowijoyo mendorong umat islam untuk memperhatikan kesinambungan agar umat islam tidak selalu mulai dari nol. sebagai seorang sejarawan, kuntowijoyo sadar betul akan pentingnya kesinambungan pemikiran islam dalam hal ini dalam konteks indonesia. di sini, dengan obyektifikasi, dia menunjukkan keterkaitan antara periode ilmu dengan periode sejarah politik umat islam. asumsi padangan ini adalah sejarah indonesia dianggap terdiri dari pragmen-pragmen terpisah antara satu dengan lainnya. sebenarnya tidak demikian karena antar fragmen sejarah, terdapat benang merah yang merajut kesinambungannya. perbedaan karakteristik yang ada dalam sejarah islam di indonesia misalnya dapat dikategorikan sebagai perbedaan karakterisktik dari satu unit atau periode ke unit atau periode lainnya. mengetahui periode-periode tersebut menjadi penting karena umat menjadi tahu apa yang mesti dilakukan untuk menjawab pertanyaan what is to be done? kuntowijoyo mengilustrasikan perkembangan periode-periode umat islam indonesia, seperti dalam table di bawah ini: periodisasi sejarah umat28 dalam periode mitos, cara berpikir umat adalah pralogis atau mistis, menghargai mitos. karakteristiknya adalah pergerakan politik banyak mengambil tempat di pedesaan, atau bersifat lokal, dengan latar belakang ekonomi agraris, masyarakat pedesaan, solidaritas mekanik, dan model kepemimpinan kharismatik, serta sasaran perjuangan adalah pemerintahan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 230230230230230 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna kolonial. sementara dalam periode ideologi, cara berpikirnya rasional tapi non-logis, “berbentuk pengetahuan apriori tentang nilai-nilai abstrak, lokasi kota, perkumpulan yang bersifat nasional, ekonomi komersial dan industri kecil, masyarakat pedagang dan ‘partikelir’, solidaritas organis, dan kepemimpinan intelektual.” periode ini ditandai dengan berdirinya organisasi politik massa atau dia menyebutnya wong cilik (rakyat kecil), yaitu si tahun 1911. kalau di periode sebelumnya, perjuangan umat diwujudkan dalam bentuk pemberontakkan, dalam periode ini diwujudkan dalam bentuk “pengerahan massa untuk tujuan-tujuan damai.” terakhir periode ilmu, terjadi sejak tahun 1985 ketika ideolgi harus berganti dengan pancasila. bagi sebagian ini kerugian yang sangat besar dan bahkan islam dianggap kehilangan segalanya. kuntowijoyo melihat bahwa mereka yang menganggap demikian menujukkan kualitas berpikir pendek. apa yang sebenarnya terjadi adalah bahwa sejarah sedang berkembang menuju periode ilmu dimana salah paham dalam berbagai hal dapat diurai. para pemikir ketika itu sudah mulai mencoba menjelaskan keadaan sebenarnya dan merumuskan apa yang mesti dikerjakan. misalnya, nurcholish madjid dengan gerakan budayanya seperti semboyan ‘islam yes dan partai islam no,’ atau quraish shihab dengan istilah membumikan al-qur’an. sementara kontowijoyo sendiri menawarkan paradigma islam dengan obyektifikasinya. periode ilmu ini ditandai dengan cara berpikir umat mulai logis dengan memperhatikan kekongkritan sesuatu dan hal-hal empiris.29 selain yang ditawarkan oleh kuntowijoyo, sebenarnya banyak sarjana lain yang juga menawarkan alternatif paradigma, pendekatan dan metodologi keilmuan dengan semangat pengilmuan islam. dalam tradisi tafsir, perkembangan penggunaan metode tafsir tematik misalnya mempunyai semangat pengilmuan islam dimana relasi teks dan konteks dianalis untuk menghadirkan perspektif al-qur’an tentang sesuatu konsep. misalnya, karya ‘aishah ‘abd al-rahman bintu shati al-qur’an wa qadaya al-insan (1982), atau fazlur rahman dengan tema pokok al-qurannya (1983) dapat juga dimasukkan dalam kategori ini karena dalam karyanya dia berusaha menghadirkan perspektif al-qur’an tentang sejumal tema bahasan. di bidang lain, misalnya karya ilyas ba-yunus dan farid ahmad sosiologi islam dan masyarakat islam kontemporer (1991, cte. 1, 1988), atau hasan hanafi dengan kajian oksidentalisme, dan thahir ibn atsur dan jase audah dengan maqasidnya, dkk. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 231231231231231vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 signifikansi pemikiran kuntowijoyo islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan adalah salah satu gerakan pemikiran sarajana muslim dalam merespon perjumpaan antara modernitas dengan islam.30 istilah islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan itu sendiri merupakan wacana yang lebih banyak didukung oleh praktik yang bersifat politis dari upaya koreksian atau “tawaran islami” intelektual muslim atas perkembangan keilmuan yang ada daripada upaya akademik yang serius dalam menghadirkan filsafat keilmuan alternatif.31 namun demikian gerakan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan terus bergulir, dan salah satunya melalui gerakan maqasid syari´ah, termasuk di dalamnya tafsir maqasidi. walaupun tafsir maqasidi merupakan wilayah hermeneutika fikih dalam memahami pesan allah, cakupan isi al-qur’an lebih luas dari hanya wilayah hukum. oleh karena itu, tafsir maqasidi berpotensi menggali pesan, norma, sistem, praktik sosial, pengetahuan, bahkan konstruksi ilmu pengetahuan. secara umum gerakan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan pertama kali muncul dalam sebuah konferensi di mekkah pada tahun 1977, dimana naquib alattas mengungkapkan pentingnya gerakan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan dalam konteks pendidikan, sementara ismail r. al-faruqi dalam konteks islamisasi ilmu-ilmu sosial.32 sebenarnya kesadaran akan pentingnya islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan dapat dirunut telah lebih awal lagi, seperti kesadaran akan penting ekonomi islam telah muncul sejak tahun 1930an,33 sementara akan pentingnya pandangan dunia islam dan mengislamkan ilmu sudah muncul sejak tahun 1950s dalam karya sayyid hussein nars misalnya.34 al-faruqi sendiri meneruskan gagasan tersebut dan mendirikan lembaga kajian di ameri serikat, yaitu the international institute of islamic thought and civilization, dikenal sebagai iiit.35 salah satu gerakan islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan yang menjadi fokus iiit saat ini adalah pengembangan wacana maqasid syari’ah. maqasid syari’ah pada awalnya digali berdasar pada tiga pertimbangan dasar, yaitu darurat (keniscayaan), hajiyyat (kebutuhan), dan tahsiniyyat (kelengkapan hidup), dimana pertimbangan dasar pertama menjadi pokok ukuran yang secara tradisional didasarkan pada pemeliharaan lima hal: keimanan (faith), jiwa (soul), kekayaan (wealth), akal (mind), dan keturunan (offspring), dan sebagian menambahkan kehormatan (honor).36 namun dalam perkembangannya pennggunaan konsep maqasidi tidak hanya didasarkan pada pertimbangan individual seperti tercermin dalam pengertiannya yang tradisional, tapi juga dimensi prinsip dasarnya diperluas pada kepertimbangan nilai-nilai universal, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 232232232232232 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yaitu maqasid universal, dimana proses tafsir atau ijtihad didasarkan pada dasar-dasar universal yang terdapat dalam islam khususnya dalam al-qur’an. jasser auda memformulasikannya sebagai struktur multidimensi yang mempertimbangkan area makna dan target, tingkatan nilai yang dijadikan dasar, dan keumuman makna yang dikandung.37 dengan pengertian tersebut, pengertian maqasid mengalami transformasi ke arah lebih luas, umum dan universal. misalnya, al-tahir ibn ashur mengusulkan perluasan dasar pertimbangan maqasid pada menjaga dan memelihara ketertiban (orderliness), kesejajaran (equality), kebebasan (freedom), facilitation (pendasaran untuk menciptakan keadaan yang membantu), dan pemeliharaan fitrah (kualitas alamiah akal dan sifat-sifat manusia),38 dan jasser audah yang menawarkan pendekatan sistem untuk merekonstruksi pemikran hukum, hak asasi manusia, keadaban, dan tatakelola berdasarkan pemikiran prinsip nilai dan hukum islam. menurut anas al-shaikh-ali, direktur akademik, iit kantor london, karya audah ini menyajikan: a systems approach to the philosophy and juridical theory (usul) of islamic law based on its purposes, principles, higher objectives, and ends (maqasid al-shari»ah). for islamic rulings to fulfil their purposes of justice, equality, human rights, development, and civility in today’s context, the author places maqasid, as the group of divine intents and moral concepts, at the heart and basis of islamic law. he introduces a novel method of analysis, classification, and critique that utilizes relevant features from systems theory such as wholeness, multidimensionality, openness, cognitive nature and especially purposefulness of systems. more broadly, this systematical methodological approach has implications for the reconstruction of the law, human rights, civil society, and governance anchored in islamic principles and juridical thought.39 (suatu pendekatan system terhadap teori filsfat dan pokok-pokok hukum (usul) dari hukum islam berdasarkan maksud-maksud, prinsi-prinsip, tujuantujuan mulia, dan goal-goalnya (maqasid al-shari»ah). untuk aturan-aturan islam memenuhi tujuan keadilan, kesetaraan, hak asasi manusia, pengembangan, dan keadabannya dalam konteks sekarang, pengarang menempatkan maqasid sebagai kelompok tujuan-tujuan ilahi, konsepkonsep moral, pada inti dan dasar dari hukum islam. dia mengenalkan suatu metode analisis, kalsifikasi dan kritik baru yang menggunakan karakteristik-karakterisk relevant dari teori system seperti prinsip keseluruhan, multidimensionalitas, keterbukaan, fitrah akal, dan khususnya kebermak○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 233233233233233vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 sudan sistem. lebih luas lagi, pendekatan metodologis sistematis ini mempunyai implikasi untuk upaya rekonstruksi hukum, hak asasi manusia, civil society, dan tatakelola yang dijangkarkan pada prinsip-prinsip dan pemikiran hukum islami.) iiit memfasilitasi penyebaran gagasan maqasidi salah satunya dengan cara menerjemahkan karya-karya pemikir islam seputar maqasid al-shari»ah, seperti karya jasser auda, maqasid syari’ah as philosophy of islamic law: a system approach, (2007), thahir ibn ashur, maqasid al-shari»ah, ahmad raysani, imam al-shamibi’s theory of the higher objectives and intents of islamic law, and gamal eldine attia towards realization of higher intents of islamic law: maqasid al-shari»ah as functional approach.40 jasser auda mengajukan pendekatan sistem untuk membangun kerangka pikir baru dalam pengembangan hukum islam. alasannya, penerapan atau aplikasi hukum islam sekarang lebih bersifat reduktif (kurang utuh) dari pada utuh, lebih menekankan makna literal dari pada moral, lebih terfokus pada satu dimensi saja dari pada multidimensi, nilai-nilai yang dijunjung tinggi lebih bercorak hitam-putih dari pada warna-warni pelangi, bercorak dekonstruktif dari pada rekonstruktif, kausalitas dari pada berorientasi pada tujuan teleologis. 41 ada enam fitur sistem yang dioptimalkan auda sebagai pendekatan atau pisau analisisnya, yaitu kognisi (cognition), kemenyeluruhan (wholeness), keterbukaan (openness), interkonektifitas (interconnectedness), multidimensi (multidimensionality) dan selalu mengacu kepada tujuan utama atau kebermaksudan (purposefulness).42 hasil teoritis dari enam fitur tersebut ingin menegaskan, bahwa metode validitas apapun dari ijtihad ditentukan berdasarkan derajat realisasi maqasid syari'ah. hasil praktisnya ialah hukum islam yang sesuai untuk nilai-nilai keadilan, perilaku moral, kemurahan hati, ko-eksistensi (hidup berdampingan), dan pembangunan manusia. dasar penting auda menulis maqashid syari‘ah sebagai sebuah sistem adalah keadilan, kasih-sayang, kebijaksanaan dan kebaikan yang menghendaki kesejahteraan manusia di dunia dan akhirat.43 esensi dari hukum islam adalah, merupakan motor penggerak untuk keadilan, produktivitas, pembangunan, perikemanusiaan, spiritual, kebersihan, persatuan, keramahan, dan masyarakat demokratis. persoalannya adalah bahwa realitas muslim saat ini dalam pengamatan audah belum mampu secara kuat mewujudkan nilai-nilai tersebut dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. tantangannya adalah bagaimanakah hukum is○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 234234234234234 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna lam berperan dalam memecahkan persoalan ini?44 meskipun tidak didasarkan pada ushul al-fiqh, tawaran metodologis kuntowijoyo dalam konteks wacana tafsir maqasid adalah relevan dan signifikan. tawaran kuntowijoyo dianggap relevan karena adanya kesamaan semangat mendasarkan pada nilai dan prinsip dasar islam, khususnya al-qur’an dalam upaya rekonstruksi pemikiran keislaman. tawaran tersebut dapat aplikasikan untuk menjawab masalah-masalah kontemporer seperti yang digagas kuntowijoyo sendiri atau dimanfaatkan sebagai frame pendekatan maqasid lainnya. pendekatan kuntowijoyo tentang strukturalisme transendental dapat diaplikasikan untuk mendiskusikan lebih lanjut wacana tafsir maqasidi. dalam hal ini prinsip dasarnya, yaitu tauhid dapat didudukan sebagai kekuatan pembentuk struktur dan dia merupakan realitas mutlak atau kebenaran itu sendiri dan menjadi sumber, dan tujuan penelitian. kemudian, dalam struktur dalam, dapat kita masukkan prinsip-prinsip maqasid syari'ah. karena penentuan karakteristik-karakteristik maqasid syari’ah bersifat ijtihadi, maka setiap pemikir terbuka kesempatan untuk merumuskan sendiri atau bersepapakat dengan pemikir lainnya. misalnya, apa yang telah dirumuskan tahir ibn atsur sebagai bahan diskusi, yaitu: ‘orderliness (ketertiban), equality (kesetaraan), freedom (kebebasan), facilitation (bersifat menyediakan), dan the preservation of pure natural disposition (fitrah),’45 atau yang ditawarkan audah: sistem keadilan, kesetaraan, hak asasi manusia, keadabannya seperti kasih-sayang, kebijaksanaan dan kebaikan yang menghendaki kesejahteraan manusia di dunia dan akhirat.46 selanjutnya, struktur permukaan, yaitu konsep, nilai, norma dan realitas dan berbagai persoalan yang terdapat dalam kehidupan, serta hubungan keduanya, yang didudukan sebagai obyek atau input dimana ijtihad atau reinterpretasi dengan pendekatan maqasisi syari’ah dapat dilakukan. secara ringkas dapat diilustrasikan seperti ini: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 235235235235235vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 atau model jasser audah seperti berikut: walaupun tawaran pendekatan kuntowijoyo tidak lekang dari kritikan para sarjana akan proyek islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan secara umum seperti disinggung di atas, dan dalam hal ini pemikirannya terkesan esensialis dan tertumpu pada pendekatan normatif atas persoalan-persoalan empiris, tidak dapat dipungkiri gagasan pengilmuan islam melalui pendekatan paradigma islam merupakan kontribusi penting dalam wacana rekontsruksi pemikiran keislaman dalam ranah yang lebih luas dari hanya seputar ranah hukum dimana wacara tafsir maqasidi selama ini dikonstruksi, yaitu sosial budaya. ranah ini merupakan ranah yang sangat luas dan penting, karena bersentuhan langsung dengan banyak aspek kehidupan manusia. tarawannya berpotensi dapat diaplikasikan secara luas dan mengangkat pendekatan tafsir maqasidi ke level lainnya, yaitu kajian sosial budaya. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 236236236236236 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna simpulan paradigma al-qur’an kuntowijoyo merupakan upaya ijtihad individual untuk merekonstruksi pemahaman keagamaan agar dapat digunakan pada konteks kekinian di indonesia. pendekatan strukturalisme transendental yang digagasnya sebenarnya bertumpu pada pentingnya tauhid sebagai landasan epistemologis konstruksi ilmu pengetahuan. penggunaan tauhid sebagai landasan tidak hanya keimanan tapi juga keilmuan merupakan common flatform semua penggagas islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan, meskipun kuntowijoyo sendiri tidak menamakan tawarannya sebagai proyek islamisasi, tapi obyektifikasi keilmuan. meski demikian, saja paradigm al-qur’an tetap tidak lepas dari semangat proyek islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan. yang menarik dari paradigm al-qur’an kuntowijoyo sebenarnya terletak pada potensi gagasan didudukkan sebagai proyek gerakan tafsir maqasidi tapi dalam konteks yang lebih luas yaitu manhaj aldin atau metodologi kajian agama (islam). dalam titik ini, gagasan kuntowijoyo dapat dikategorikan sebagai avant garde tafsir maqasidi yang mencoba menurunkan nilai dan norma keislaman dalam konteks kontemporer dunia islam umumnya, dan khususnya kontemporer indonesia. catatan akhir *) makalah ini adalah bagian dari penulisan makalah tentang integrasi keilmuan yang dipresentasikan di fakultas syari’ah dan hukum uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta tahun 2014, dan hasil penelitian individual untuk publikasi di jurnal nasional terakreditasi dengan dana bantuan dari uin syarif hidayatullah anggaran tahun 2015. sebagian materi dari makalah ini telah diterbitkan dalam bahasa inggris di jurnal islamika indonesiana volume 1 no 2 tahun 2014. 1 jasser auda. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah as philosophy of islamic law. london dan washington: the international institute of islamic thought, p. 2-8. 2 auda. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah, h. 8. 3 auda. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah, h. 6. 4 yusuf al-qardhawi. 2006. fiqh maqashid syari'ah: moderasi islam antara aliran tekstualis dan aliran liberal. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar, h. 37-40. 5 husein muhammad. 2007 (cet. ke 4). fikih perempuan: refleksi kiai atas wacana agama dan gender. yogyakarta: lkis, 186-7. 6 m. quraish shihab. 1993. “konsep wanita menurut qur’an, hadis, dan sumber-sumber ajaran islam,” dalam wanita islam indonesia dalam kajian tekstual dan kontekstual di edit oleh lies m. marcoes-natsir dan johan hendrik meuleman. jakarta: inis, h. 4. 7 muhammad yusuf. 2013. “pendekatan al-maslahah al-mursalah dalam fatwa mui tentang pernikahan beda agama,” dalam ahkam jurnal ilmu syari'ah. vol. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 237237237237237vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 xiii, no. 1 (januari 2013), h. 101-2. 8 muhammad said al-asymawi. (1983 dalam edisi aslinya, 2004 edisi terjemahnya). nalar kritis syari’ah. yogyakarta: lkis, h. 20-21. 9 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi dan etika. jakarta: teraju, h. 7-8. 10 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 8. 11 mulyadhi kartanegara. 2007. mengislamkan nalar: sebuah respon terhadap modernitas. jakarta: penerbit erlangga, h. 1-13. 12 mulyadhi kartanegara. 2003. integrasi ilmu dalam perspektif filsafat islam. jakarta: uin jakarta press, h. 5. 13 kartanegara. 2003. integrasi ilmu, h. 16. 14 kartanegara. 2003. integrasi ilmu, h. 17. 15 kartanegara. 2003. integrasi ilmu, h. 18. 16 kartanegara. 2003. integrasi ilmu, h. 20-21. 17 kartanegara. 2003. integrasi ilmu. 18 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 10-11. 19 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 11-16; kuntowijoyo. 2008. “paradigmaa al-qur’an untuk perumusan teori,” dalam paradigma islam interpretasi untuk aksi, bandung: mizan, h. 548-63. 20 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 18-26. 21 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 25. 22 kuntowijoyo. 2001. muslim tanpa masjid: esai-esai agama, budaya, dan politik dalam bingkai strukturalisme transendental. bandung: mizan, h. 10. 23 kuntowijoyo. 2001. muslim tanpa masjid, h. 15. 24 kuntowijoyo. 2001. muslim tanpa masjid, h. 21. 25 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h.251-62. 26 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 61. 27 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 64-5. 28 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 81. 29 kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu, h. 80-83. 30 john cooper, “batas-batas yang sakral: epistemologi abdul karim soroush,” dalam pemikiran islam dari sayyid ahmad khan hingga nasr hamid abu zayd, diedit oleh john cooper, ronald l. nettler dan mohamed mahmoud, jakarta: penerbit erlangga, 2000, h. 31. 31 seyyed vali reza. 1991. “islamization of knowledge: a critical review,” in islamic studies, vol. 30, no. 30 p. 387. pp. 387-400 32 syed farid al-attas, “the sacralization of the social sciences: a critique of an emerging theme in academic discourse,” dalam archives de sciences sociales des religions, 40e année, no. 91 (jul.-sep., 1995), p. 95. 33 al-attas, “the sacralization of the social sciences…,” p. 89. 34 al-attas, “the sacralization of the social sciences…,” p. 95. 35 al-attas, “the sacralization of the social sciences…,” p. 95. 36 jasser auda. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah as philosophy of islamic law. london dan washington: the international institute of islamic thought, p. 2-8. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 238238238238238 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna 37 auda. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah, h. 8. 38 auda. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah, h. 6. 39 anas s al-shaikh-ali. 2007. “foreword,” dalam jasser audah maqasid al-shari»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach, london and washington: the iiit, p. xx. 40 al-shaikh-ali. 2007. “foreword,” p. ixx. 41 auda. 2007. maqasid al-syari'ah as philosophy of islamic law: a system approach, london: the international institute of islamic thought, p. xxvii. 42 auda. 2015, membumikan hukum islam…,” h. 11. lihat juga, m. amin abdullah, “epistemologi keilmuan kalam dan fikih dalam merespon perubahan di era negarabangsa dan globalisasi (pemikiran filsafat keilmuan agama islam jasser auda)”, media syari'ah, vol. xiv no. 2 juli – desember 2012. 43 jasser auda, penj. rosidin dan ‘ali ‘abd el-mun‘im, 2015, membumikan hukum islam melalui maqasid syari'ah, bandung: mizan, h. 21-22. 44 jasser auda, penj. rosidin dan ‘ali ‘abd el-mun‘im, 2015, h. 22-23. 45 jasser auda. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah as philosophy of islamic law. london dan washington: the international institute of islamic thought, p. 6. (penggunaan model footnote tidak konsisten) 46 jasser auda, penj. rosidin dan ‘ali ‘abd el-mun‘im, 2015, membumikan hukum islam melalui maqasid syari'ah, bandung: mizan, h. 21-22. daftar pustaka abdullah, m. amin, “epistemologi keilmuan kalam dan fikih dalam merespon perubahan di era negara-bangsa dan globalisasi (pemikiran filsafat keilmuan agama islam jasser auda)”, media syari'ah, vol. xiv no. 2 juli – desember 2012. al-asymawi, muhammad said. (1983 dalam edisi aslinya, 2004 edisi terjemahnya). nalar kritis syari’ah. yogyakarta: lkis. auda, jasser. 2007. maqasid al-syari'ah as philosophy of islamic law: a system approach, london: the international institute of islamic thought. —————. 2015. penj. rosidin dan ‘ali ‘abd el-mun‘im, 2015, membumikan hukum islam melalui maqasid syari'ah, bandung: mizan. auda, jasser. 2007. maqasidi al-syari'ah as philosophy of islamic law. london dan washington: the international institute of islamic thought. kuntowijoyo. 2004. islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi dan etika. jakarta: teraju. ———————————. 2001. muslim tanpa masjid: esai-esai agama, budaya, dan politik dalam bingkai strukturalisme transendental. bandung: mizan. —————. 2008. “paradigmaa al-qur’an untuk perumusan teori,” dalam paradigma islam interpretasi untuk aksi, bandung: mizan kartanegara, mulyadhi. 2007. mengislamkan nalar: sebuah respon terhadap modernitas. jakarta: penerbit erlangga. —————. 2003. integrasi ilmu dalam perspektif filsafata islam. jakarta: uin jakarta press. al-attas, syed farid, “the sacralization of the social sciences: a critique of an ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 239239239239239vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 emerging theme in academic discourse,” dalam archives de sciences sociales des religions, 40e année, no. 91 (jul.-sep., 1995). cooper, john, 2000. “batas-batas yang sakral: epistemologi abdul karim soroush,” dalam pemikiran islam dari sayyid ahmad khan hingga nasr hamid abu zayd, diedit oleh john cooper, ronald l. nettler dan mohamed mahmoud, jakarta: penerbit erlangga. muhammad, husein. 2007. (cet. ke 4). fikih perempuan: refleksi kiai atas wacana agama dan gender. yogyakarta: lkis. al-qardhawi, yusuf. 2006. fiqh maqashid syari'ah: moderasi islam antara aliran tekstualis dan aliran liberal. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar. reza, seyyed vali. 1991. “islamization of knowledge: a critical review,” in islamic studies, vol. 30, no. 30. al-shaikh-ali, anas s. 2007. “foreword,” dalam jasser audah maqasid al-shari»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach, london and washington: the iiit. shihab, m. quraish. 1993. “konsep wanita menurut qur’an, hadis, dan sumbersumber ajaran islam,” dalam wanita islam indonesia dalam kajian tekstual dan kontekstual di edit oleh lies m. marcoes-natsir dan johan hendrik meuleman. jakarta: inis, h. 4. yusuf, muhammad. 2013. “pendekatan al-mas lah ah al-mursalah dalam fatwa mui tentang pernikahan beda agama,” dalam ahkam jurnal ilmu syari'ah. vol. xiii, no. 1 (januari 2013). a a.a. navis a.h. johns abdul munir mulkhan abdulkahhar mazakkir, abdurrachman surjomihardjo abdurrachman surjomiharjo aceh africa ahmad hani aisyah 'aisyiyah akhlâq al-karîmah al-azhar al-azhar al-azhar university al-fawaidul 'illiyah al-irsyad al-maktabah al-islamiyah al-manar al-qaedah al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah al-tahir ibn ashur al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wuthqa al-ustadh abu raidah alawiyin albert hourani allan boesak len hansen amelia fauzia amien rais amrozi anas s al-shaikh-ali anke von kügelgen annette damayanti anton houtepen ariel heryanto asabiyyah asy-syubbanul muslimun australia ayahku b bambang purwanto bandung bangil bani abbas bantam basuki tjahaja purnama beirut belitung bengkulu bentang budaya budi setiawan bukittinggi c cairo cambridge university cambridge university press cental serikat islam cf. deliar noer chadewi abbas helmi charity charles amjad-ali china csrc d dar al-arabiyah dâr al-ma'rifah darul 'ulum de indische courant diponegoro dirjowongso djohan effendi doctoral address dutch e egypt egyptian emir shakib arslan encyclopaedia of islam english ezzat mossallenejad f f. poeradisastra farid wadjdy fatimah fazlur rahman french g garut gramedia h h. yunus anis h.o.s. cokroaminoto haedar nashir haji abdul malik karim amrullah haji samanhudi hamid algadri hamka harakah tarbiyah het vaderland hilman latief hizbul wathan hizbut tahrir indonesia hongkong hoofdbestuur husein muhammad i ibn al-qayyim ibn taimiyyah ibn taymiyya ibn taymiyyah ibnul qayyim ikhwanul muslimin ilyas ya`kub indonesia iqazun niam ir. h. juanda iraq isis islam islamic endowments in iraq j jakarta jamal abdel nasser jamal al-din al-afghani jan willen van henten jasser auda jeffrey hadler jemaah islamiyah joko widodo jw marriot k k.h.a. dahlan kabili kalimantan karel steenbrink karl mannheim kaum muda kenang-kenangan hidup kh. ahmad dahlan khamami zada killyatul adab king george v kristen kuntowijoyo kweekschool l lienau lowanu m m. c. ricklefs m. quraish shihab madam rahmah mahmud yunus majelis mujahidin indonesia majmû' fatawâ malacca malaya maninjau maqasid syari´ah ma'rifatullahi masjumi michel foucault minangkabau mitsuo nakamura mizan moeslim abdurrahman mohamad rasyidi mohammad al-ghazaly mohammad hatta mohammad isa anshary mohammad natsir moluccus muchtar luthfi mufti of egypt mufti of palestine muhammad muhammad abduh muhammad said al-asymawi muhammad syoedja' muhammad yusuf muhammad zain hassan muhammadiyah multatuli mulyadhi kartanegara munir mulkhan mutu qabla an tamutu n nahdlatul ulama nasyiatul 'aisyiyah neo-sufisme netherlands new york nus press o omar hobais oxford university press p padang padang japang pakualaman palembang palestine panji masyarakat papua parabek paris pasai pedoman masjarakat pekalongan pembela islam penolong kesengsaraan oemat penolong kesengsaraan oemoem philippine pilihan timur pko pluralitas prof dr schrieke prof. farid ma'ruf pulau pinang purwokerto r radikalisme rahmah el-junusiyah revival and reform in islam s sa'ad zaghlul sadaat salafiyah sayyid abdul aziz as-sta'alaby sayyid abdur rahman baswedan sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi sayyid amin husainy sayyid hussein nars sayyid muhammad bin aqil sayyid mustafa ghalayini sayyid okbah bin nafi' sayyid omar hobais sayyid rashid rida senegal sharbazah sheikh abdul karim amrullah sheikh abdullah ahmad sheikh abdullatief drazz sheikh abdur rahman taj sheikh ahmad dahlan sheikh ahmad hassan sheikh ahmad khatib sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur sheikh ahmad soorkati sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani sheikh athaillah affendy sheikh bachit al-muthi'iy sheikh chalil al-chalidi sheikh di tiro sheikh husein wali sheikh ibrahim bin musa sheikh jar-ul lah az-zamachsyari sheikh mohammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad abduh sheikh muhammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad thaib sheikh mustafa abdullah sheikh nawawi sheikh taher jalaluddin sheikh thaher jalaluddin sie boen lian sinar harapan singapore singapura soeara moehammadijah soerabaijasch handelsblad solo sorbonne university spanish st. ignatia lammens st. yudith de laat stamford press studia islamika suez canal sukarno sulawesi sultan sultan idris murshidu'l a'zam shah sultan of perak surabaya syed farid al-attas syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur syria t tafsir maqasidi tafsir ustazul imam tanjung sungayang tariq ramadan tasauf moderen tasawuf mistis tauhid sosial tokyo toronto tuanku imam bonjol tuhfah and nihaya u united kingdom university of chicago press university of oxford ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh usul al-fiqh w west sumatra whael b. hallaq wihdatul wujud wirobrajan wiyhatul islam y yale university yazid bin muawiyyah yogyakarta yusuf al-qardhawi z zadul ma'ad zainal abidin ahmad layout juni 2015 nilai-nilai perdamaian dalam buku teks pendidikan agama islam (akhlak) di sekolah muhammadiyah1 nurwanto, muhammad azhar, marsudi, ghoffar ismail fakultas agama islam universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta abstract the article examines whether the textbooks on islamic ethics (akhlak) taught in the muhammadiyah schools promote peace. studying the content of schools’ text books is nececessary due to the increase of social conflicts and violent actions among students. in particular, this article explores the islamic teaching of peace within islamic ethics textbooks published by the board of basic and secondary education of muhammadiyah (dikdasmen) in yogyakarta special territory. by the use of content analysis, this article finds that teaching materials in the islamic ethics textbooks promote the values of peace. however, the texbooks editing quality needs to be improved so that the narrratives (story tellings) and pictures (ilustration) can fit the students’ needs.. keywords: peace; textbook; islamic ethics; muhammadiyah abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang apakah buku-buku mata pelajaran akhlaq yang diajarkan di sekolah-sekolah muhammadiyah mengandung nilai-nilai perdapaian atau tidak. menghkaji isi buku-buku akhlaq saat ini penting untuk dilakukan seiring dengan meningkatkan konflik social dan aksi-kasi kekerasan di kalangan pelajar. secara khusus, artikel ini menelaah secara mendalami ajaran-ajaran islam tentang perdamaian dalam buku-buku mata pelajaran akhlaq yang dipublikasikan oleh majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah (dikdasmen) di daerah istimewa yogyakarta. dengan menggunakan analisis isi, artikel ini menemukan bahwa materimateri pelajaran akhlaq mengandung dan mengkampanyekan nilai-nilai perdamaian. meskipun demikian, mutu penyuntingan buku-buku tersebut perlu ditingkatkan sehingga narasi (kisah-kisah) dan gambar-gambar yang terdapat dalam buku tersebut dapat memenuhi kebutuhan siswa. kata kunci: perdamaian; buku teks; akhlaq; muhammadiyah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0043. 41 65 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4242424242 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna pendahuluan berdasarkan uu no. 20 tahun 2003 tentang sistem pendidikan nasional, tujuan pendidikan nasional bukan sekedar untuk mewujudkan insan yang cerdas dan terampil namun lebih dari itu membangun pribadi yang beriman dan bertaqwa kepada tuhan yang maha esa. untuk mencapai tujuan ini ditetapkan peraturan menteri pendidikan nasional (permendiknas) no. 22 tahun 2006 tentang standar isi pendidikan yang menempatkan kelompok mata pelajaran pendidikan agama dan akhlak mulia sebagai unsur yang harus ada dalam struktur kurikulum di setiap jenjang pendidikan.2 mata pelajaran ini diadakan dalam rangka mengarahkan peserta didik untuk mencapai tujuan pendidikannya yakni menjadi pribadi yang cerdas, terampil dan berakhlak atau berperilaku yang mulia. kelompok mata pelajaran agama dan akhlak mulia pada tingkat sma/ ma misalnya, secara substantif meliputi3: 1) berperilaku sesuai dengan ajaran agama yang dianut sesuai dengan perkembangan remaja; 2) menghargai keberagaman agama, bangsa, suku, ras dan golongan sosial-ekonomi dan budaya dalam tatanan global; 3) berpartisipasi dalam menegakkan aturanaturan sosial; 4) memahami hak dan kewajiban diri dan orang lain dalam pergaulan di masyarakat; 5) menghargai adanya perbedaan pendapat dan berempati terhadap orang lain; 6) berkomunikasi dan berinteraksi secara efektif dan santun melalui berbagai cara termasuk pemanfaatan teknologi informasi yang mencerminkan harkat dan martabatnya sebagai makhluk tuhan; 7) menjaga kebersihan, kesehatan, ketahanan dan kebugaran jasmani dalam kehidupan sesuai dengan tuntutan agama; dan 8) memanfaatkan lingkungan sebagai makhluk ciptaan tuhan secara bertanggung jawab. apa yang tertuang dalam tujuan pendidikan nasional dan ketentuan di atas ternyata berseberangan dengan fakta tentang potret buram sikap dan perilaku sosial siswa yang dalam berbagai kasus terjadi di masyarakat. temuan hasballah menunjukkan bahwa kekerasan di kalangan siswa di jakarta sudah sedemikian mengkhawatirkan. lebih detil ia menemukan bahwa tindak kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh para pelajar tersebut di antaranya berkorelasi dengan kondisi tempat tinggal yang tidak mendukung, kualitas hubungan dengan orang tua yang buruk dan konsep diri yang negatif.4 lebih dari itu, salah satu catatan penting yang disampaikan hasballah adalah bahwa sekolah terutama guru memang perlu mengembangkan pembelajaran yang demokratis termasuk di dalamnya materi-materi yang menggugah untuk berperilaku positif. di antara materi yang penting tersebut adalah pandangan, ide dan nilai hidup ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4343434343vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 yang harmonis dan mencintai perdamaian. kasus-kasus faktual yang lain seperti kekerasan kolektif yang dilakukan oleh sekelompok warga belajar di stpdn (sekolah tinggi pemerintahan dalam negeri) hingga perkelahian antarsiswi yang tergabung dalam “gank nero” di daerah jawa barat serta tawuran antar-santri pesantren di jawa timur dalam dasawarsa terakhir ini merupakan bukti yang saling menguatkan tentang transfer nilai-nilai perdamaian yang lemah di masyarakat. indikasi lainnya seperti vandalisme yang diwujudkan dalam aksi corat-coret dan pengrusakan fasilitas umum pun ikut memberi ukuran bahwa sensitivitas sosial di sebagian pelajar tidak terpola secara mulus. sejumlah riset tentang bullying berupa kekerasan atau ejekan antar-siswa seperti mencubit, memukul, menyabet, mendorong, mengejek, mencolek dan menarik pakaian temannya menunjukkan gejala bahwa kebiasaan menghargai dan menyayangi orang lain masih bermasalah. tentu saja, itu semua menjadi pekerjaan rumah bagi bagi orang tua, masyarakat dan lembaga pendidikan baik yang diselenggarakan oleh pemerintah maupun masyarakat seperti muhammadiyah. sekolah yang didirikan oleh muhammadiyah, sebuah organisasi muslim modernis di indonesia, di antaranya telah menetapkan pendidikan agama yang disebut sebagai al-islam, kemuhammadiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) sebagai core dari pembinaan keimanan, ibadah dan akhlak. secara khusus, berkenaan dengan pendidikan akhlak, konseptualisasi pendidikan perdamaian (peace education) dalam buku teks yang diterbitkan perlu didiskusikan. persoalan warga belajar sebagaimana dijabarkan sebelumnya yakni berupa konflik antar warga belajar yang berakhir dengan intimidasi dan kekerasan dalam tahun-tahun terakhir ini juga terjadi dalam sekolah muhammadiyah. sehingga tantangan tersebut perlu direspons secara proaktif dalam kurikulum serta praktek pembelajaran yang sesuai dengan semangat hidup damai. pertanyaan awal yang bisa diajukan adalah apakah kurikulum atau secara spesifik bahan ajar pendidikan akhlak di sekolah muhammadiyah sebagai sebuah kasus sudah mengakomodasi pengetahuan dan nilai-nilai properdamaian? berdasarkan persoalan tersebut, tulisan ini secara sistematis menjabarkan kerangka konseptual pendidikan nilai-nilai perdamaian, telaah atas muatan pendidikan akhlak dalam buku teks yang diterbitkan oleh majelis dikdasmen pimpinan wilayah muhammadiyah di daerah istimewa yogyakarta dan sejumlah masukan untuk perbaikan muatan buku teks tersebut. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4444444444 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna tinjauan pustaka harber dan sakade5 telah menemukan bahwa sejumlah sekolah telah secara potensial maupun nyata menjadi bagian dari unit sosial yang melanggengkan kekerasan. bentuk kekerasan yang nyata itu misalnya hukuman fisik (corporal punishment) di kelas dan yang bersifat potensial misalnya model pembelajaran yang indoktrinatif yang kurang atau tidak memberi kebebasan berpendapat. pandangan harber ini sejalan dengan pandangan davies6 yang menyatakan bahwa sekolah, yang di antaranya ia sebut sejumlah madrasah di afganistan mengajarkan kekerasan dan terorisme. selanjutnya, davies merekomendasikan tentang perlunya pendidikan untuk melawan bentuk-bentuk terorisme atau apa yang ia sebut sebagai educating against extremism.7 melalui kajian kasus, harber dan sakade menunjukkan bahwa sekolah-sekolah formal yang syarat dengan intelektualisme itu kerapkali berbeda dengan upaya-upaya non-formal. keduanya mengkaji sebuah program pendidikan perdamaian di birmingham, inggris yang bertajuk west midlands quaker peace education project (wmqpep). projek ini telah secara mendasar mendidik tentang suasana dan interaksi belajar yang humanis dan non-kekerasan dibandingkan dengan sekolah formal yang penuh dengan tekanan mental untuk menguasai materi dan bayang-bayang ujian nasional serta ancaman untuk tidak naik kelas. pelanggengan mind-set kekerasan, bias gender dan ketidakadilan juga ditemukan dalam praktek pendidikan di indonesia. muthaliin8 menemukan adanya konten bias gender dan diskriminasi dalam buku-buku teks sd. beberapa buku teks pendidikan bahasa arab di sekolah atau madrasah misalnya menampilkan contoh teks yang berbunyi: “daraba ahmadu kalban” (ahmad memukul anjing). meskipun teks itu dimaksudkan untuk mengantarkan siswa agar memahami strukur kalimat dalam bahasa arab, intensitas bacaan dan pemahaman tentu berkaitan juga dengan isi kalimatnya. dikhawatirkan, pembacaan yang secara intensif tentang teks-teks serupa di atas akan mempengaruhi alam bawah sadar bahwa “memukul binatang” itu lazim untuk dilakukan. riset nurwanto9 juga menemukan bahwa sejumlah buku teks alislam yang diterbitkan oleh majelis dikdasmen pp muhammadiyah mengandung muatan ketidakadilan gender dan memuat stereotype melalui, misalnya, foto yang tersaji bahwa laki-laki menyukai tawuran, tanpa disertai dengan penjelasan yang memadai dalam teks yang ditulis. dengan demikian, penyajian tulisan yang utuh (koheren) dan terklarifikasi merupakan bahan ajar penting yang perlu disusun. pengembangan bahan ajar al-islam bermuatan perdamaian tentu memiliki ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4545454545vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dasar argumen. khan10 secara analitis melakukan kajian teks dan ajaran nabi muhammad saw bahwa kekerasan dan terorisme tidak memiliki akar keislaman (theologically baseless). senada juga dikaji oleh köylü11 bahwa ajaran tentang perdamaian sejatinya dapat ditemukan dalam esensi teks-teks keagamaan. di sini, köylü merekomendasikan tentang perlunya kontribusi sarjana muslim untuk mendidik nilai-nilai perdamaian dengan berakar pada ajaran islam itu sendiri. oleh karena itu, kekayaan ide, nilai dan praktek historis muslim merupakan bahan penting untuk konstruksi bahan ajar al-islam yang berorientasi perdamaian. lebih dari itu, pengayaan dari sumber, literatur dan pengalaman praksis tentang perjuangan menegakkan perdamaian dari manapun merupakan sumber lainnya untuk mengembangkan bahan ajar berorientasi perdamaian. atas dasar ini, tulisan ini merupakan upaya mengungkap peta kajian tentang seberapa jauh buku teks keagamaan, terutama keislaman, yang ada di sekolah muhammadiyah yang mendasarkan pada ideide dan nilai-nilai perdamaian. kerangka teori a. perdamaian kata ‘damai’ sering dimaknai sebagai situasi tanpa perang. padahal, menurut de rivera12 dan fell13, kata ini dapat ditinjau dari dua sisi. pertama adalah perdamaian negatif (negative peace). sudut pandang ini persis dengan definisi sebagai situasi tanpa perang (war), pemerkosaan (rape), pembunuhan (homicide) atau kekerasan (violence). sudut pandang kedua adalah damai positif (positive peace), yakni tumbuhnya kesamaan hak, harapan hidup yang panjang dan berbagai indikator keadilan. sebagaimana mengutip pendapat galtung (1969), de rivera juga menyebut bahwa perang dan pembunuhan merupakan bentuk-bentuk kekerasan yang bersifat langsung (direct violence) sedangkan yang kedua, seperti persamaan hak dan keadilan, dapat menjadi kekerasan tidak langsung (indirect violence) apabila tidak diperjuangkan dan diwujudkan. berpijak pada konsep ini, kemiskinan misalnya, merupakan bentuk kekerasan tidak langsung. dengan demikian, konsep ‘damai’ perlu didefinisikan secara menyeluruh, mulai dari keadaan tanpa perang hingga keberlangsungan keadilan di tengah masyarakat. b. nilai-nilai perdamaian nilai-nilai perdamaian yang dimaksud dalam kajian ini adalah prinsip-prinsip atau standar perilaku (principles or standards of behaviour) yang dianggap penting atau berguna14, berkaitan dengan perdamaian. dengan mengacu pada ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4646464646 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna definisi ‘damai’ baik negatif maupun positif, nilai-nilai yang mendasari atau berkaitan dengan pembangunan perdamaian meliputi berbagai kondisi dan karakter yang perlu diwujudkan. secara sistematis, de rivera15 menuangkan gagasannya mengenai hal-hal apa saja yang dapat dijadikan ukuran untuk menilai apakah suatu kondisi itu damai atau tidak. ada 3 (tiga) kerangka besar bagaimana perdamaian itu berada, yakni: norma-norma sosial, struktur negara atau stabilitas politik dan karakteristik lingkungan. ketiga kerangka ini dapat dijabarkan ke dalam 8 (delapan) isu penting sebagaimana diuraikan di bawah ini. 1) norma-norma sosial a) tumbuhnya pendidikan perdamaian (peace education) yang meliputi kerjasama (cooperation) serta resolusi konflik melalui dialog, negosiasi dan relasi nir-kekerasan di antara warga. b) penghargaan terhadap kaum wanita dengan segala aktivitasnya atau adanya keadilan gender. c) tumbuhnya pemahaman, toleransi, solidaritas dan kewajiban yang sama untuk mencapai ikatan sosial (social cohesion) yang lebih baik serta mengurangi tumbuhnya permusuhan. 2) konstruksi struktur negara dan stabilitas politik a) tumbuhnya partisipasi masyarakat yang lebih demokratis di antaranya dengan keberadaan masyarakat sipil yang mampu memperjuangkan kebutuhan-kebutuhan warganya. b) tumbuhnya komunikasi yang terbuka dan ditandai dengan prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas (pertanggung-jawaban). c) penjaminan terhadap hak-hak asasi manusia berikut dengan pengakuan nyata terhadap berbagai kelompok yang berbeda-beda (inclusion of all groups). 3) karakteristik lingkungan a) tumbuhnya keamanaan sosial—baik lokal maupun internasional—dari pada menyulut perebutan kekuasaan dan persaingan persenjataan. b) penguatan pembangunan berkelanjutan (sustainable development) yang mementingkan harmoni dengan lingkungan. sementara itu, fell16 menunjukkan beberapa nilai yang perlu diajarkan pada peserta didik untuk menumbuhkan karakter damai, di antaranya: a. afirmasi (affirmation) yaitu pengakuan dan penghargaan yang terbuka atas berbagai kekuatan dan potensi yang ada pada setiap pribadi atau ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4747474747vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 kelompok. b. komunikasi (communication) yaitu kemampuan untuk tidak hanya menyampaikan ide kepada orang lain secara lisan atau tulisan, tetapi termasuk di dalamnya juga keterampilan untuk mendengarkan17. c. kerjasama (cooperation) yaitu bekerja bersama untuk mencapai tujuan yang sama, berbagi wawasan dan temuan serta melangkah bersama untuk mengurangi iklim kompetisi dan hirarki dalam hubungan sosial. d. resolusi konflik (conflict resolution) yakni pemecahan atas sengketa di masyarakat melalui jalan damai; bukan kekerasan. selain yang dikemukakan de ravera dan fell di atas, keterampilan hidup bermasyarakat juga perlu didukung dengan nilai-nilai, seperti empati, kepedulian dan kemandirian sebagai wujud kebiasaan-kebiasaan positif untuk menciptakan karakter damai.18 oleh karena itu, dengan mencermati kerangka teori secara umum di atas, nilai-nilai perdamaian dapat berkaitan dengan aspek psikologisindividual seperti pemahaman (understanding) dan kemandirian; aspek sosiokultural seperti empati, komunikasi, kerjasama dan relasi tanpa kekerasan; serta aspek struktur-politik seperti penegakkan ham dan keadilan atas semua warga. penjelasan ini pada akhirnya mengasumsikan bahwa nilai-nilai dan ide-ide tentang perdamaian memerlukan kontribusi individu-individu berkarakter damai, relasi sosial yang mengutamakan perdamaian serta peran negara dalam penanganan pembangunan berbasis pada kesejahteraan dan keadilan. metode penelitian penelitian pustaka (library research) ini dimaksudkan untuk mengungkap muatan perdamaian, baik positive peace maupun negative peace, yang ada dalam buku teks resmi yang diterbitkan oleh majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah pimpinan wilayah muhammadiyah daerah istimewa yogyakarta. dengan menggunakan analisis isi (content analysis) terhadap buku-buku teks pendidikan akhlak sebagai bagian dari mata pelajaran al-islam yang diajarkan di sekolah muhammadiyah di yogyakarta, tulisan ini secara khusus mengupas buku teks pendidikan akhlak kelas 10, 11 dan 12 sma/ma/smk muhammadiyah. selanjutnya, pemaparan analisisnya disajikan berdasarkan kategori isu yang berkaitan dengan nilai-nilai perdamaian (negative atau positive) sebagaimana yang telah dikonseptualisasi dalam teori maupun temuan yang ada dalam muatan buku-buku teks tersebut. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4848484848 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna acuan kurikulum mata pelajaran pendidikan akhlak bahan ajar akhlak mengacu pada kurikulum ismuba (al-islam, kemuhammadiyahan dan bahasa arab) di sekolah dan madrasah muhammadiyah. saat ini, kurikulum yang diberlakukan merupakan produk keputusan majelis pada 2012. sekolah dan madrasah muhammadiyah di yogyakarta mengacu pada kurikulum 2012 yang diterbitkan oleh majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah pimpinan wilayah muhammadiyah daerah istimewa yogyakarta tersebut. berdasarkan telaah atas standar nasional pendidikan (snp)19, kurikulum ismuba 2012 tetap mengacu, paling tidak, pada standar kompetensi lulusan (skl) dan standar isi yang dikeluarkan oleh kementerian pendidikan nasional pada 2005 dan, selanjutnya, majelis mengembangkan standar yang telah ada berdasarkan karakteristik lembaga pendidikan muhammadiyah. produk kurikulum ismuba 2012, di samping mengacu pada kurikulum nasional 2006 atau sering disebut sebagai kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan (ktsp), juga mengacu pada framework pendidikan muhammadiyah. hal ini, di antaranya, tampak pada bagian tertentu dari visi pendidikan muhammadiyah yang menjelaskan visinya di antaranya: “... sebagai perwujudan tajdid dakwah amar maruf nahi munkar.”20 sedangkan misinya, di antaranya, adalah untuk “ ... f. membentuk kader persyarikatan, ummat dan bangsa yang ikhlas, peka, peduli dan bertanggung jawab terhadap kemanusiaan dan lingkungan.”21 kerangka misioner pendidikan di atas menunjukkan adanya upaya sinkronisasi nilai-nilai keagamaan dalam sudut pandang gerakan muhammadiyah dengan pendidikan sebagai bidang aktivitasnya. sebagaimana diketahui, di antara bidang-bidang yang lain seperti dakwah-keagamaan, sosial dan ekonomi, bidang pendidikan dianggap sebagai lahan primadona untuk penyemaian kader. pendidikan dapat dianggap sebagai medan kultural yang dikelola paling rapi di lembaga yang biasa disebut sebagai gerakan islam modernis ini. upaya menjadikan lembaga pendidikannya sebagai ‘perwujudan tajdid dakwah’ dan pembentukan ‘kader persyarikatan’ merupakan acuan penting mengenai bagaimana kreativitas lokal muhammadiyah ini disemaikan dan dikembangkan lebih jauh dari snp sebagai acuan minimal yang telah diundangkan oleh pemerintah. di samping itu, majelis menetapkan tujuan pendidikan ismuba. satu dari sekian tujuannya yang berkaitan dengan dimensi akhlak adalah: “ ... b. mewujudkan manusia indonesia yang taat beragama dan berakhlakul karimah, yaitu manusia yang berpengetahuan, rajin beribadah, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4949494949vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 cerdas, produktif, kreatif, inovatif, jujur, adil, etis, bersidiplin, bertoleransi (tasamuh), menjaga keharmonisan secara personal dan sosial serta mengembangkan budaya islami dalam komunitas sekolah/madrasah sesuai al-qur’an and as-sunnah.”22 kutipan di atas, secara eksplisit menunjukkan nilai-nilai keagamaan yang hendak diajarkan kepada peserta didik. secara kategoris, nilai-nilai seperti: berpengetahuan, rajin beribadah, cerdas, produktif, kreatif, inovatif, jujur, adil, etis dan berdisiplin merupakan kategori akhlak yang bersifat personal. sedangkan nilai-nilai seperti: bertoleransi, harmoni personal dan sosial serta budaya islami dalam komunitas merupakan contoh sikap sosial. pembedaan sikap menjadi dua seperti ini dikenal dalam kurikulum 2013 yang menyatakan bahwa dimensi sikap meliputi ‘sikap spiritual’ yang berdimensi personal dan ‘sikap sosial’ menyangkut relasi pribadi dengan orang lain, komunitas dan lingkungannya.23 nilai-nilai dalam tujuan pendidikan ismuba di atas mengindikasikan adanya potensi untuk mengarahkan siswa pada sudut pandang damai yang bersifat positif (positive peace).24 sikap jujur, adil, bertoleransi, harmoni personal dan sosial serta budaya islami dalam komunitas merupakan elemen penting bagaimana budaya damai itu dibangun. secara teoretik, kaitan antar-nilai ini menarik, misalnya damai dan kemiskinan (sebagai wujud dari ketidakadilan). dalam pandangan gandhi, perdamaian bukan sekedar karena nir-perang namun masyarakat yang bebas dari kemiskinan, sehingga keadilan sosial dapat tercipta. singkatnya, harmoni dan rasa damai mudah tercipta bila kesenjangan sosial ekonomi teratasi. itulah mengapa peraih nobel perdamaian asal bangladesh, muhammad yunus, disebabkan perannya dalam mengentaskan kemiskinan secara nyata. di tengah upaya pendidikan karakter yang digulirkan pemerintah, dokumen kurikulum majelis menyebutkan sekitar 40 nilai yang perlu dikembangkan di sekolah muhammadiyah, yakni: “ ... berpihak pada mustadl’afin dan dlu’afa, berpikiran maju, bersahaja, bertanggung jawab, bijak, damai, dinamis, disiplin, hemat, kasih sayang, kebahagiaan, kebebasan, kebersihan, keikhlasan, kejujuran, kerjasama, kesederhanaan, keseimbangan (tawasuth atau moderat), keteladanan, komitmen, kreatif, layanan, loyalitas, membaca, menghargai, nasionalisme, pembaharuan (tajdid), percaya diri, persatuan, proaktif, qanaah, rendah hati, sabar dan bersyukur, santun, sikap kritis, suka beramal saleh, teliti dan cermat, toleransi dan ulet.” ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5050505050 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna sebagian besar nilai di atas tampak sesuai dengan semangat perdamaian. hal penting selanjutnya yang perlu dikaji adalah seperti apa rumusannya dalam dokumen kurikulum terutama silabus dan penuangannya dalam bahan ajar atau buku teks. penuangan nilai-nilai perdamaian dalam buku teks, secara teoretik, dapat berupa materi tersendiri ataupun terintegrasi dengan tema atau kajian yang telah ada. setelah mengkaji, visi, misi, tujuan dan nilai-nilai yang dijadikan fondasi pendidikan ismuba, terutama yang berkaitan dengan pembelajaran akhlak, telaah terhadap skl dan standar isi dalam silabus menjadi penting. kajian terhadap hal tersebut setidaknya dapat memotret kedalaman dan keluasan bahan ajar yang berkaitan erat dengan isu perdamaian. skl merupakan kriteria mengenai kualifikasi kemampuan yang meliputi sikap, pengetahuan dan keterampilan,25 yang dicapai pada suatu jenjang pendidikan tertentu. sebagaimana telah diurakan di awal tulisan ini, skl ismuba—termasuk di dalamnya pendidikan akhlak—didasarkan pada skl dalam kurikulum 2006 versi pemerintah melalui badan standar nasional pendidikan (bsnp), yang kemudian dikembangkan dengan standar pendidikan keislaman di muhammadiyah. dari 6 (enam) skl materi al-islam, ada 1 (satu) skl yang berkenaan dengan materi akhlak. skl tersebut menunjukkan kemampuan siswa untuk “ ... 3. berperilaku terpuji seperti husnudzon, taubat, raja’, adil dan menghargai karya orang lain dan meninggalkan perilaku tercela seperti isyrof, tabzir, ghibah dan fitnah.”26 dua sikap yang ditunjukkan dalam skl di atas yang sejalan dengan pendidikan perdamaian adalah: pertama, sikap personal yang meliputi husnudzon atau berprasangka baik (positive thinking) serta, kedua, sikap sosial yang meliputi berbuat adil, mengindari ghibah (membicarakan dan mencemooh keburukan orang lain) dan menghindari fitnah (menuduh orang lain berbuat buruk tanpa bukti yang bisa dipertanggungjawabkan). dalam skl ini, sebagaimana dalam kajian de rivera dan fell,27 husnudzon dan adil dapat dikategorikan sebagai positive peace sedangkan menghindari ghibah dan fitnah merupakan kategori negative peace. kedua-duanya tetap memiliki makna penting untuk pendidikan dan pembangunan perdamaian. dengan demikian, skl yang ditunjukkan dalam materi akhlak ini berpotensi mengarahkan pada suatu budaya atau, paling tidak, situasi kelas yang berorientasi damai. secara teoretik, dengan mengacu pada desain kurikulum 2006, skl turunkan dan dijabarkan ke dalam standar kompetensi (sk). masing-masing sk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5151515151vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dijabarkan ke dalam kompetensi dasar (kd).28 selanjutnya, di bawah ini dituangkan sk berikut dengan kd yang relevan dengan semangat perdamaian berdasarkan level kelas sebagai berikut: tabel 1: standar kompetensi dan kompetensi dasar materi akhlak tabel 1 menampilkan sekian banyak konsep atau kata kunci (keyword) yang berkaitan langsung maupun berkorelasi dengan konsep perdamaian. konsep-konsep yang bersudut pandang positif (diberi tanda huruf ‘p’) untuk membangun perdamaian (positive peace) muncul lebih banyak dibandingkan dengan negative peace (diberi tanda huruf ‘n’). paling tidak ada 22 terma ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5252525252 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna positive peace dan 13 terma negative peace yang tampak dari keseluruhan kelas. kata kunci ‘meneladani rasul’ sengaja dimasukkan sebagai inspirasi sikap hidup damai dengan mendasarkan pada kajian khan bahwa rasul, terutama muhammad saw’ merupakan pembawa sikap damai.29 ini berarti bahwa muatan pendidikan perdamaian (peace education) lebih dominan dibandingkan dengan peace building yakni pembangunan perdamaian yang diarahkan pada situasi tanpa perang, kekerasan, fitnah, perampasan hak dan praktek-praktek negatif lainnya. biasanya, praktek sosial negatif seperti ini secara aktual terjadi di tengah masyarakat yang sudah tidak mengindahkan nilai-nilai dan hak-hak kemanusiaan. perang misalnya, adalah wujud ‘penghalalan’ atas darah manusia yang sangat dihormati dalam masyarakat yang beradab. sedangkan peace education diarahkan dalam rangka pencegahan dan sustainability kondisi damai yang telah tercipta di suatu masyarakat atau komunitas tertentu. dengan demikian dapat dikatakan bahwa semua kelas di level sma/ma, kecuali kelas xi semester gasal, secara eksplisit mengajarkan sikap apa saja yang perlu dihindari dan yang perlu diterapkan untuk menegakkan perdamaian. muatan perdamaian dalam buku teks apa yang tertuang dalam sk dan kd, yang biasanya menjadi dasar penyusunan silabus, tidak sepenuhnya menggambarkan buku teks. begitu juga sebaliknya, buku teks yang ada belum tentu secara komprehensif menguraikan kompetensi yang diharapkan. meski demikian, sk, kd dan silabus tersebut dapat dijadikan sebagai acuan penyusunan buku teks. oleh karena itu, dalam kajian berikut ini, akan dideskripsikan dan dianalisis muatan (content analysis) buku teks yang menjadi pegangan guru pai ketika mereka mengajarkan materi akhlak di jenjang sma/ma di yogyakarta. di samping itu, analisis terhadap isi buku teks tersebut ditelaah berdasarkan kerangka pikir de rivera dan fell tentang negative peace dan positive peace. di samping itu, pandangan mahatma gandhi bahwa kemiskinan sebagai penyubur kekerasan menjadi dimensi penting dalam pengerangkaan teori mengenai perdamaian. damai bukan sekedar kondisi nir-perang atau kekerasan namun juga kondisi yang memungkinkan kebersamaan, keadilan dan kesejahteraan itu diupayakan untuk diwujudkan. pandangan de rivera lainnya bahwa nilainilai perdamaian dapat diteropong dari aspek pendidikan perdamaian (peace education), struktur politik (intervensi negara) dan lingkungan aman (social ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5353535353vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 security) juga dijadikan landasan telaah dalam tulisan ini. selanjutnya, dalam tulisan ini, buku teks pada setiap kelas akan dikaji dan dianalisis. buku teks akhlak kelas 10 sistematika kajian dalam buku teks ini meliputi latar belakang (serambi), uraian konsep berikut dengan dalil-dalil naqli (al-qur’an dan al-hadis) dan kisah yang berkaitan dengan materi. namun demikian, secara tidak konsisten muncul berkenaan dengan gambar yang dicantumkan. ada gambar yang dicantumkan sumbernya dan ada yang tidak, padahal itu jelas berasal dari internet. selain itu, beberapa gambar yang ditampilkan tidak dikaitkan dengan penjelasan tertentu dalam suatu kalimat atau paragraf sehingga pemaknaan yang terkandung dalam gambar berpeluang menimbulkan tafsir ganda. misalnya gambar tentang dua anak yang berkelahi yang tidak disertai dengan sumber gambar dan maksud dari gambar tersebut.30 meskipun gambar tersebut terdapat dalam pembahasan tentang pengendalian diri tetapi maksud gambar perlu dijelaskan. oleh karena itu, pilihan gambar perlu diuraikan atau dikaitkan dengan penjelasan karena dapat menjadi bagian penting dari narasi/teks yang diuraikan. separuh pertama uraian dalam buku teks ini berisi tentang pengetahuan penting mengenai positive peace, baik yang bersifat personal maupun sosial. sejumlah sikap personal yang dapat mendukung perdamaian, di antaranya: pengendalian diri, husnudhon (prasangka baik), intiqad (introspeksi diri) dan ikhlas. sementara itu, sikap yang bersifat sosial adalah: ukhuwah, menghargai karya orang lain dan islah.31 sikap seperti pengendalian (self-control), berprasangka baik, introspeksi diri dan menghargai karya orang lain sebenarnya relevan dan, dalam berbagai sumber, tersurat dalam agenda peace education dalam literatur barat. selainnya, sikap seperti ikhlas yang biasa diartikan ‘berbuat hanya karena allah’; ukhuwah atau persaudaraan manusia atas nama ketaqwaan; dan islah, dalam sejumlah hal, memiliki kerangka konsep yang relatif khusus dalam khazanah keislaman. atas dasar ini, asumsi bahwa nilainilai keislaman mengandung dimensi yang khas tentang upaya penegakkan perdamaian dapat dibuktikan, paling tidak secara normatif. dalam buku teks, sikap ikhlas bermakna kejernihan hanya untuk mengabdi kepada allah.32 bagi orang yang telah mencapai ini, sebagaimana dijelaskan dalam buku tersebut, tidak akan goyah dalam berbuat kebaikan dan menolak dari segala hawa nafsu dunia yang menjerumuskan seperti halnya iblis yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5454545454 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna membangun “konfrontasi” terhadap allah untuk berbuat kemungkaran. uraian buku ini sebenarnya sangat relevan dengan pembentukan jiwa personal yang tidak mudah takluk terhadap kepentingan dunia seperti kompetisi ekonomi dan politik. dalam sejumlah kasus, penyebab konflik bukan karena perbedaan seperti agama dan etnis tetapi karena persekongkolan ekonomi dan politik. van klinken33 mensinyalir bahwa konflik antar komunitas seperti antar-etnis di kalimantan barat dan tengah serta antara kristen dan muslim di sulawesi tengah, ambon dan maluku utara terjadi karena perseteruan politik akibat dari berbagai kepentingan politik dan ekonomi yang sangat tidak terkendali pada wilayah lokal. oleh karena itu, uraian tentang makna penting ikhlas sebagai suasana batin pribadi muslim merupakan sisi penting dari kandungan buku ini. sementara itu, ulasan tentang konsep ukhuwah menempatkan sikap sosial ini dalam khas islam. terma ‘ukhuwwah’ menunjuk pada “persaudaraan antara sesama muslim di seluruh dunia tanpa melihat perbedaan warna kulit, bahasa, suku, bangsa dan kewarganegaraan”.34 uraian selanjutnya berupa penjelasan doktrinal bahwa sikap ini merupakan perintah allah dalam qs. al-hujurat ayat 10. namun demikian, di akhir tulisan ditulis sebuah kisah penaklukan nabi muhammad saw beserta pengikutnya terhadap bani mustaliq yang dinyatakan sebagai kelompok yang antipati terhadap nabi dan ajaran islam. ini berarti bahwa kisah untuk mendukung bahwa ukhuwah merupakan persaudaraan hanya di antara muslim kurang relevan karena ilustrasi dalam buku ini adalah bahwa bani mustaliq adalah kaum penentang muslim; bukan komunitas muslim itu sendiri. uraian kisah semestinya relevan dan, ini akan sangat kontekstual, jika dikaitkan dengan konflik-konflik internal umat islam sendiri di era sekarang ini. tantangan penting lainnya, sebagaimana teoretisasi kuntowijoyo35, adalah bagaimana umat islam meng-‘objektifikasi’ atau menjadikan sikap bersaudara itu menjadi sesuatu yang wajar dan tanpa tendensi negatif bagi siapapun, termasuk bagi umat beragama lain. sebagaimana dalam sumber lain, yang sering diklaim sebagai ide abdurrahman wahid, perlu dipertimbangkan konsep lainnya seperti ‘ukhuwwah wathaniyyah’ (persaudaraan se-negara) dan ‘ukhuwwah basyariyah’ (persaudaraan manusia), di samping ‘ukhuwwah islamiyah’ (persaudaraan se-muslim), untuk memperkaya buku teks ini berikut dengan kisah dan kasus yang relevan. konsep lainnya yang dikenalkan adalah ‘ishlah’. buku ini menguraikan bahwa “ishlah atau perdamaian adalah usaha mendamaikan antara dua orang atau lebih yang bertengkar atau bermusuhan atau mendamaikan dari ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5555555555vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 hal-hal yang dapat menimbulkan permusuhan atau peperangan.”36 lebih lanjut dikatakan bahwa perdamaian bukan sekedar hal-hal yang bersifat kasat mata mengenai orang bisa bersahabat dengan orang lain tetapi—lagi-lagi dijelaskan sebagai bagian dari teologi agama—perdamaian berlangsung ketika seseorang mampu dalam ‘keadaan damai dengan dirinya sendiri’ dan dia akan mampu melakukan itu jika dia mampu menjalin ‘hubungan damai dengan penciptanya’.37 sampai pada penjelasan ini, sesungguhnya, pembaca—terutama siswa—perlu memperoleh bimbingan bagaimana memahami konsep ini dan, tentu saja ini bagus, bagaimana berlatih menjadikannya sebagai amalan keseharian. konsep ‘berdamai dengan diri sendiri’, ‘berdamai dengan allah’ dan, pada akhirnya, ‘berdamai dengan orang lain’ tidak mendapat porsi penjelasan yang memadai dalam buku teks ini. sementara itu, kisah yang disajikan di akhir bahasan ini tentang mortenson, seorang pendaki asal montana-amerika, yang dapat bersahabat dengan haji ali, meskipun keduanya beragama dan berbudaya berbeda, cukup menarik. sayangnya, sumber informasi kisah ini tidak disebutkan. pada gilirannya, ungkapan bahwa setelah ‘tegukan teh’ terakhir mereka telah menjadi keluarga dan bersedia melakukan apa saja, termasuk mati, mungkin tidak dapat ditelusuri dengan baik sumber penjelasannya.38 bagi pembaca atau siswa, bagian akhir dari kajian ini yakni bahwa mereka rela mati ‘demi keluarga’ masih dapat menimbulkan makna beragam karena dalam sejumlah hal, penjelasan ini berbeda dengan konsep ikhlas misalnya, yang menjelaskan bahwa mati dalam islam hanya dikonseptualisasi sebagai wujud kepasrahan kepada sang penicipta, bukan untuk sekelompok manusia. dengan demikian, ilustrasi tentang konsep damai dalam islam masih perlu uraikan dengan jelas dan sinkron antara satu pemahaman dengan pemaknaan lainnya. buku teks akhlak kelas 11 sebagaimana dalam buku teks kelas 10, buku teks kelas 11 ini juga, dalam beberapa halaman, menampilkan gambar atau foto-foto yang tidak ada penjelasan terkait dengan bagian mana dalam suatu kalimat atau paragraf tertentu untuk gambar tersebut. hanya saja, foto-foto dan gambar-gambar yang ada telah dibubuhi sumbernya yang berasal dari situs internet.39 sistematika kajiannya secara umum sama yang meliputi: serambi (latar belakang), uraian yang disertai dengan dalil-dalil dan dilengkapi dengan kisah. dibandingkan dengan muatan kelas x, buku teks kelas xi ini relatif sedikit memiliki katakata kunci dan muatan tentang perdamaian. buku ini secara relatif berimbang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5656565656 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna menyajikan kata-kata kunci yang mengandung positive peace seperti: toleransi, kerukunan dan persatuan-kesatuan serta keteladanan rasul yang berkaitan dengan sikap damai. sedangkan konsep negative peace dituangkan berkaitan dengan isu: kekerasan, al-qatl (pembunuhan), durhaka dan takabur (sombong). sehingga ini dapat dikatakan bahwa muatan buku ini berkaitan dengan penumbuhan sikap hidup damai. dari sekian sikap sosial dalam hidup bermasyarakat yang ditunjukkan dalam buku teks ini, kajian tentang meneladani rasul barangkali bukan sekedar menjangkau contoh-contoh sikap sosial namun juga sikap personal dalam arti sesungguhnya (intrapersonal skills) tentang bagaimana hidup damai itu ditegakkan. buku ini secara cukup memadai menjelaskan tentang contohcontoh bagaimana nabi muhammad saw membangun rumah tangganya dengan kasih sayang, memimpin umat dengan kesederhanaan dan jauh dari kepentingan pribadi-duniawi serta memberi keteladanan dengan ketinggian budi pekerti. lebih lanjut, bagian ini mengungkapkan kisah yahudi buta yang selalu mengolok-olok nabi muhammad saw meskipun, tanpa sepengetahuannya, muhammad kerap memberinya makan. setelah muhammad tiada, yahudi ini pun baru tahu dari informasi abu bakar bahwa sesungguhnya yang selama ini membantunya adalah seorang muhammad yang amat dibencinya.40 kisah ini sangat inspiratif, meskipun tidak disebutkan sumber informasinya. namun demikian, kisah-kisah nabi muhammad saw sebenarnya banyak mengandung pesan moral untuk selalu berdamai. khan menyebut muhammad saw sebagai the prophet of peace. khan menjelaskan bahwa ketika perang badar, nabi muhammad membuat sebuah skema alternatif, bukan tentang perang berikutnya (next war) tetapi “making a plan to establish future peace’ (membuat rencana untuk menegakkan perdamaian di masa depan) yang didasarkan dalam qs al-baqarah (2) ayat 129 sebagaimana juga diterangkan dalam ibn katsir dalam al-bidayah wan-nihayah.41 kisah tentang perang di era nabi, sejatinya perlu dikembalikan kepada kebanggaan terhadap perlunya perdamaian, bukan permusuhan. sayangnya pula, kisah atau contoh keteladanan hidup damai nabi-nabi lainnya tidak muncul dalam buku teks tersebut. konsep penting lainnya adalah toleransi. buku teks ini menjelaskan bahwa toleransi (tasamuh) merupakan sikap ‘memudahkan dan memberi keluasan’42 dalam berinteraksi di tengah perbedaan. prinsip-prinsip yang dituangkan dalam buku tersebut adalah bahwa seorang muslim perlu menghargai perbedaan, tidak mengolok-olok orang lain dengan sebutan ‘kafir’ dan tidak alasan untuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5757575757vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 berdakwah dengan jalan kekerasan. selanjutnya, kisah yang disampaikan melalui kajian ini adalah penghormatan nabi muhammad dengan berdiri terhadap iring-iringan jenazah yahudi.43 penjelasan tersebut secara konseptual memadai meskipun memerlukan contoh-contoh aktual tentang kehidupan bermasyarakat dan bernegara dewasa ini yang, dalam sejumlah kasus, sikap toleran kurang tumbuh secara merata. sejalan dengan konsep toleransi, sebagaimana yang dituangkan dalam buku ini, konsep lainnya seperti kerukunan, persatuan dan kesatuan (unity) menjadi penting. sebagaimana dalam berbagai literatur lainnya, contoh persaudaraan antara kaum ansar dan muhajirin serta perjuangan nabi muhammad menyusun piagam madinah dengan mengajak beberapa suku dan penganut yahudi serta suku-suku lainnya, merupakan contoh historis tentang bagaimana kerukunan itu mencoba dibangun. kisah lainnya yang dinukil dalam buku teks ini adalah kisah seorang yahudi yang tinggal di kediaman nabi muhammad saw meskipun tanpa penyebutan sumber pengutipan ceritanya.44 pemaparan tersebut menunjukkan bahwa sejarah umat islam sejatinya memiliki kekayaan spiritual tentang bagaimana kerukunan itu ditegakkan. kerukunan di sini digambarkan sebagai kesediaan menerima perbedaan di sekelilingnya, tanpa larut meninggalkan identitas personal maupun komunitasnya, serta memiliki sikap bersedia untuk membangun kesepakatan (agreement) mengenai hal-hal apa saja yang bisa disepakati pada level kehidupan bersama. contoh keindonesiaan seperti halnya piagam jakarta dan pancasila sebenarnya dapat dilihat sebagai contoh kekinian tentang bagaimana antar-komunitas menjalin kesepakatan sebagaimana ketika nabi saw melakukannya. analogi seperti ini sepertinya perlu ditelaah dalam buku ini. isu spesifik terkait dengan konsep ‘kerukunan’ yang diajarkan di kelas xi dan konsep ‘ukhuwwah’ di kelas x barangkali perlu diklarifikasi. apakah secara maknawi kedua konsep itu berbeda sehingga perlu diulang kembali. pengulangan materi ini sepertinya berkaitan dengan penjelasan dari buku teks kelas x bahwa makna ‘ukhuwwah’ hanya berkaitan dengan relasi antar-muslim. sedangkan konsep ‘kerukunan’ di buku teks kelas xi meliputi dua lapis, yakni: ‘kerukunan sesama umat beragama’ dan ‘kerukunan antar-umat beragama’.45 bila ditelaah secara konsep, makna ukhuwwah sebenarnya juga ‘kerukunan’ atau ‘persaudaraan’ itu sendiri. kerukunan yang dimaksud dapat dibatasi oleh agama tertentu, termasuk muslim secara internal, maupun antaragama dan bahkan, secara luas, antar-negara. jangkauan kerukunan inilah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5858585858 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang sebenarnya perlu dibangun kembali hingga dalam level global. seorang profesor international education di universitas birmingham, inggris, davies46 misalnya menyatakan tentang perlunya wawasan global mengenai kewargaan (global citizenship) untuk mengurangi pemahaman dan relasi sosial yang tidak bersahabat antara satu bangsa dengan bangsa lainnya. penguatan misi ini sejalan dengan konsep ‘rahmatan lil’alamin’ atau spirit ‘islam untuk semua’ yang perlu diajarkan secara intensif dan aplikatif kepada para siswa. di samping itu, buku teks ini juga menuangkan konsep persatuan dan kesatuan (unity). di sana dinyatakan bahwa konsep ini diartikan sebagai ikatan kesamaan dengan menyisihkan perbedaan. kesamaan diutamakan daripada perbedaannya. di akhir kajiannya, buku teks ini mengisahkan kegagalan pasukan muslim dalam perang uhud yang disebabkan oleh ketidaktaatan sebagian pasukan pemanah untuk tetap berada di posisinya karena tergiur ingin memperoleh harta rampasan perang.47 pesan yang tampak dari muatan teks ini adalah bahwa pertama, pengarus-utamaan persamaan di tengah masyarakat menjadi penting agar kebersamaan tetap terjalin. kedua, ancaman atas praktek persatuan ini adalah kompetisi dan perebutan ekonomi dan kekuasaan. secara sosial, hefner pernah mencatat bahwa perbedaan yang bersifat vertikal yakni antara penguasa dan rakyat serta perbedaan yang bersifat horisontal seperti perbedaan agama, ras, suku, bahasa dan kebiasaan-kebiasaan sosial lainnya dapat memicu konflik.48 sekali lagi, pangarus-utamaan persatuan penting dengan tetap menjaga sikap apresiasi terhadap keragaman. di sisi yang sama, penghargaan terhadap persamaan perlu dijadikan sebagai metode atau jalan saja untuk mencapai kebersamaan, bukan dengan menjadikannya tujuan. karena apabila persamaan dijadikan sebagai tujuan maka fakta tentang pembasmian etnis yang berbeda (genocide) menjadi ancaman terburuk yang dapat saja terjadi. temuan49 mengenai adanya upaya pembasmian komunitas di indonesia dewasa ini sekiranya patut menjadi alarm (peringatan) untuk pencegahan melalui pendidikan perdamaian yang berkelanjutan mengenai penempatan identitas publik secara tepat antara identitas yang sama dan yang berbeda. buku teks akhlak kelas 12 seperti halnya buku teks di kelas lebih rendah, buku teks kelas 12 ini juga menyajikan materi dengan sistematika dimulai dari serambi (latar belakang), uraian yang disertai dengan dalil-dalil dan diakhiri dengan kisah. keseluruhan gambar yang ditampilkan memiliki referensi meskipun, lagi-lagi, tidak diikuti ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5959595959vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 dengan penjelasan dalam kalimat atau paragraf berkenaan dengan gambargambar yang ditampilkan. hal lainnya adalah munculnya ketidak-hati-hatian penulis dengan menampilkan gambar yang sama sebagaimana ada dalam halaman 1650 dengan buku teks kelas x di halaman 64. di antara isu-isu penting yang akan diulas dalam kajian ini adalah menumbuhkan sikap kritis, musyawarah dan sikap positif terhadap lingkungan, yang di antaranya telah tertulis dalam buku teks kelas 12 ini. tidak ada penjelasan tentang mengapa berfikir kritis dituangkan dalam buku teks akhlak kelas 12 ini. namun jika dibaca dari definisi, berfikir kritis yang dimaksud adalah sikap ‘tidak lekas percaya’ serta ‘sifat yang selalu bersusaha menemukan kesalahan, kekeliruan atau kekurangan’. buku teks ini menyatakan bahwa: “kritik yang diperbolehkan oleh agama islam adalah kritik yang sehat, yang didasari dengan niat ikhlas karena allah swt, tidak menggunakan kata-kata yang pedas yang menyakiti hati, dan dengan maksud untuk memberikan bantuan atau pertolongan kepada orang yang dikritik agar menyadari kesalahannya dan kekurangannya, dengan memberikan petunjuk tentang jalan keluar dari kesalahan ...”51 berdasarkan kutipan di atas, makna penting sikap kritis adalah untuk membentuk sikap personal yang hati-hati terhadap berbagai informasi dan, pada saat yang berbeda, dapat pula memberikan masukan terhadap orang lain mengenai berbagai informasi dan perilaku yang telah dipercayainya bahwa terdapat sumber pengetahuan yang belum tentu benar. meskipun kajian dalam buku teks tersebut tidak dijelaskan secara memadai apa kegunakan praktis dari berfikir kritis, konsep berfikir kritis sejatinya telah di-endorse untuk menjadi jalan bagi seseorang agar tidak mudah terombang-ambing terhadap berbagai pengetahuan yang berpotensi menyimpang. karya davies, educating against extremism,52 telah menekankan betapa pentingnya konsep dan praktek berfikir kritis untuk mengimbangi kebiasaan berfikir tanpa dasar argumen yang jelas, seperti perilaku kekerasan yang mencoba dicarikan pembenarannya secara serampangan melalui tafsir atas doktrin keagamaan atau argumen personal serta kelompok tertentu. berfikir kritis pada dasarnya merekomendasikan bahwa dalam mengambil informasi dan keputusan, siswa dididik untuk menelaah berbagai sumber informasi terlebih dahulu sebelum menentukan sikap dan pandangan. sikap hati-hati seperti ini merupakan sikap personal yang perlu ditumbuhkan pada setiap pribadi muslim. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6060606060 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna konsep penting lainnya dalam mencegah konflik dengan kekerasan dan menjaga kelangsungan perdamaian adalah musyawarah. buku teks ini menguraikan bahwa musyawarah merupakan jalan untuk ‘saling menjelaskan dan merundingkan, serta saling tukar-pendapat tentang suatu persoalan’.53 dengan mendasarkan pada pandangan ilyas (2009), buku teks ini menjelaskan bahwa wilayah yang bisa dimusyawarahkan di kalangan muslim adalah halhal yang tidak secara rinci diatur atau di luar ibadah khusus seperti shalat, zakat, puasa, haji yang sebenarnya juga termasuk bab keimanan (belief). di luar wilayah itu, sebagaimana ditekankan pada muatan buku ini, terbuka peluang dilakukan musyawarah. sebagai sebuah buku ajar, buku ini sebenarnya bisa dikembangkan dengan contoh-contoh keseharian siswa tentang praktek bermusyawarah, penyelesaian sengketa siswa melalui musyawarah, dan berbagai perilaku kolektif yang positif lainnya. satu sikap sosial lainnya yang penting, sebagaimana diarahkan de rivera54, adalah peduli terhadap lingkungan. dalam buku teks ini, lingkungan didefinsikan sebagai ‘segala sesuatu yang berada di sekitar manusia, baik tumbuh-tumbuhan, binatang maupun benda-benda tak bernyawa.’55 sebagai bagian dari akhlak terhadap lingkungan, buku teks ini menguraikan bahwa manusia semestinya melakukan konservasi ekologis dan mencegah kerusakan lingkungan serta melakukan upaya penegakkan kebaikan dan mencegah kemungkaran atas praktek-praktek keserakahan dan kebijakan yang mengabaikan kelangsungan lingkungan.56 uraian teoretik dalam buku tersebut sudah cukup memadai yang di antaranya dengan mengacu pada dalil-dalil al-qur’an dan kompilasi substansi ajaran dalam pedoman hidup islami warga muhammadiyah (phiwm). hanya saja, contoh-contoh gamblang tentang praktek perusakan lingkungan, baik secara personal dilakukan oleh oknum maupun kelembagaan yang dilakukan oleh izin terhadap perusahaan swasta melakukan pemanfaatan lingkungan tanpa terkendali, sekiranya perlu ditulis dengan memadai. pemahaman yang utuh seperti ini diharapkan akan menjadi upaya penyadaran kontekstual. dalam pandangan de rivera, relasi yang harmoni dengan lingkungan merupakan bagian penting pendidikan perdamaian dewasa ini. lingkungan merupakan penyedia modal sosial, ekonomi dan fisik yang penting. jika tindakan dan kesepakatan atas pengelolaan alam untuk kelangsungan hidup di masa kini dan masa depan yang lebih harmonis tidak dilakukan maka manusia dengan sendirinya tengah berada di ambang kehancuran. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6161616161vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 kesimpulan kebutuhan untuk mentransformasikan nilai-nilai atau sikap hidup damai di lingkungan pendidikan cukup penting dalam kerangka untuk meng-counter paham dan perilaku pro-kekerasan serta untuk menegakkan perdamaian dalam payung keadilan. dengan menganalisis buku teks akhlak di sekolah muhammadiyah, buku teks seperti ini dapat menjadi medium untuk penyemaiam nilai-nilai perdamaian. tulisan ini menemukan bahwa buku teks pendidikan akhlak—sebagai bagian dari pendidikan agama islam—secara umum menyajikan berbagai nilai positif untuk menumbuhkan dan melanggengkan perdamaian. sementara itu, pengetahuan untuk mencegah dan mengatasi potensi dan aktualisasi konflik dan kekerasan juga ditulis secara hampir merata di semua level kelas/semester. namun demikian, secara konten, buku teks ini mengandung sejumlah keterbatasan antara lain: pertama, aspek kedalaman materi, yakni berkenaan dengan keterbatasan wawasan kontekstual atau contohcontoh yang memadai yang diambilkan dari keseharian. kedua, penyajian beberapa gambar atau foto yang tidak dikaitkan dengan penjelasan dalam kalimat atau paragraf yang sesuai. ketiga, sistem pengutipan (referencing) yang belum memadai berkaitan dengan konten maupun gambar yang dipilih. keempat, aspek koherensi yakni konsistensi dan kemenyeluruhan konsep dan analisis tentang nilai-nilai yang berkaitan dengan sikap hidup damai yang kurang memadai. atas dasar ini, maka perbaikan dan pendalaman telaah atas konten yang berkaitan dengan ide-ide dan nilai-nilai perdamaian dalam buku teks ini menjadi penting agar siswa diharapkan dapat memperoleh wawasan yang komprehensif. wawasan yang lengkap atas ide dan sikap hidup damai tersebut merupakan modal penting baginya untuk menjadi subjek yang positif dan aktif dalam menegakkan perdamaian. catatan akhir 1 tulisan ini merupakan bagian dari penelitian unggulan program studi yang dibiayai oleh lp3m universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. alamat korespondensi: nurwanto@umy.ac.id 2 khaeruddin, dkk, kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan pendidikan: konsep dan implementasinya di madrasah (yogyakarta: madrasah development center jawa tengah dan pilar media, 2007), h. 329-359. 3 lihat lebih lanjut dalam permendiknas no. 23 tahun 2003 yang terutama berkaitan dengan 6 (enam) standar kompetensi kelompok mata pelajaran (sk-kmp). 4 hasballah, perkelahian pelajar: potret siswa smu di dki jakarta (jakarta: galang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6262626262 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna press, 2003), h. 114. 5 harber c dan sakade n, schooling for violence and peace: how does peace education differ from ‘normal’ schooling? journal of peace education, vol. 6. no. 2. september (2009), p. 171–187. 6 davies l, “schools and war: urgent agendas for comparative and international education”, compare, vol. 35. no. 4. december (2005), p. 57–371. 7 davies lynn, educating against extremism (usa: trentham books limited, 2008) 8 muthali’in a, bias gender dalam pendidikan (surakarta: muhammadiyah university press, 2001). 9 nurwanto, “the portrait of gender justice and injustice in the islamic teaching teaxtbook and muhammadiyah teachers’ responses”, indonesian journal of islam and muslim societies, vol. 3, no. 1. june (2013), h. 149-173. 10 khan m. w, the prophet of peace: teachings of the prophet muhammad (india: penguin books, 2009). 11 köylü m, “peace education: an islamic approach”, journal of peace education, vol.1. no.1. (2004), p. 59 — 76. 12 de rivera, j. “assessing the peacefulness of cultures” dalam de rivera, j. (ed.). handbook on building cultures of peace. usa: springer, 2009, hal. 89. 13 fell, g. “peace” dalam hicks, d. education for peace: issues, principles and practice in the classroom. london: routledge, 1998, hal. 72 14 concise oxford english dictionary, eleventh edition. oxford: oxford university press, 2004 (format cd). 15 de rivera j., “assessing the peacefulness of cultures” dalam de rivera j. (ed.) handbook on building cultures of peace (usa: springer, 2009), h. 89. 16 fell g, “peace” dalam hicks d, education for peace: issues, principles and practice in the classroom (london: routledge, 1998), h. 72. 17 teori dan praktek mengenai bagaimana perdamaian dapat dibangun dari proses komunikasi, misalnya melalui non-violence communication (nvc). rosenberg m b., speak peace in a world of conflict (usa: puddledancer press book, 2005). 18 misalnya dapat dilihat dalam musfiroh et.al., afiliasi dan resolusi konflik (yogyakarta: pusat studi paud uny, 2007). 19 wawancara dengan tim pengembang kurikulum ismuba majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 20/2/2015. 20 tim pengembang kurikulum, kurikulum pendidikan al-islam, kemuhammadiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2012), h. 2. 21 tim pengembang kurikulum, kurikulum pendidikan al-islam, kemuhammadiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2012), h. 2. 22 tim pengembang kurikulum, kurikulum pendidikan al-islam, kemuhammadiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2012), h. 4. 23 lihat sairin w., referensi yuridis (peraturan perundang-undangan) kurikulum 2013 (bandung: yrama widya, 2014). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6363636363vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 24 de rivera j., “assessing the peacefulness of cultures” dalam de rivera, j. (ed.). handbook on building cultures of peace (usa: springer, 2009), h. 89.; fell g., “peace” dalam hicks d., education for peace: issues, principles and practice in the classroom (london: routledge, 1998), p. 72. 25 lihat: permendikbud no. 54 tahun 2013 tentang standar kompetensi lulusan pendidikan dasar dan menengah. 26 tim pengembang kurikulum, kurikulum pendidikan al-islam, kemuhammadiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2012), h. 11. 27 de rivera j., “assessing the peacefulness of cultures” dalam de rivera, j. (ed.). handbook on building cultures of peace, (usa: springer, 2009), h. 89.; fell g., “peace” dalam hicks d., education for peace: issues, principles and practice in the classroom (london: routledge, 1998), h.72. 28 penjelasan tentang hirarki kompetensi dalam kurikulum 2006 ini misalnya dapat dilihat dalam khaeruddin dan junaedi m., kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan: konsep dan implementasinya di madrasah (yogyakarta: mdc jateng dan pilar media, 2007) ; muslich m., ktsp: dasar pemahaman dan pengembangan cetakan kelima (jakarta: bumi aksara, 2009). 29 khan m. w., the prophet of peace: teachings of the prophet muhammad (india: penguin books, 2009). 30 lihat jannah a.n., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 2. gambar-gambar lain yang tidak dituliskan sumbernya dan penjelasannya misalnya di halaman 14, 18, 20, 26, 28, dan seterusnya. 31 lihat jannah a.n., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 1-83. 32 lihat jannah a.n., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 50. 33 van klinken g., perang kota kecil: kekerasan komunal dan demokratisasi di indonesia (jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia dan kitlv-jakarta, 2007). 34 jannah a.n., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 20. 35 kuntowijoyo, muslim tanpa masjid (bandung: mizan, 1997). 36 jannah a.n., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 76 37 jannah a.n., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014, h. 78. 38 jannah a.n., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 80-82. 39 abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 2. gambar-gambar yang disajikan misalnya dapat dilihat di halaman 3, 10, 62, 68, 70, 76, 81, dan seterusnya. 40 abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6464646464 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 66-67. 41 khan m.w., the prophet of peace: teachings of the prophet muhammad (india: penguin books, 2009), h. 28. 42 abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 70. 43 abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 71-73. 44 abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 79-80. 45 abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 76-78. 46 davies l., global citizenship: abstraction or framework for action?, educational review, 58 (1), (2006), h. 5-25. 47 abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 84-88. 48 lihat asykuri (ed.), civic education, pendidikan kewarganegaraan, menuju kehidupan yang demkratis dan berkeadaban (yogyakarta: lp3m umy dan the asia foundation, 2003). 49 bisa ditelusuri dalam van klinken, g., (2007) ; soeharto b., menangani konflik di indonesia (jakarta: kasta hasta pustaka, 2013). 50 margito dan abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 12 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014). 51 margito dan abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 12 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 2. 52 lihat detail dalam buku davies l., educating against extremism (england: trentham books limited, 2008), h. 173. 53 margito dan abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 12 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 134. 54 de rivera, “assessing the peacefulness of cultures” dalam de rivera, j. (ed.), handbook on building cultures of peace (usa: springer, 2009), h. 89. 55 margito dan abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 12 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 60. 56 margito dan abdur rozaq m., pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 12 (yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy, 2014), h. 65-67. daftar pustaka abdur rozaq, muhammad. 2014. pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 11, yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy. davies, l. 2006. global citizenship: abstraction or framework for action?, educational review, 58 (1), hal. 5-25. davies, l. 2005. “schools and war: urgent agendas for comparative and international education”, compare, vol. 35, no. 4, december, hal. 57–371. davies, l. 2008. educating against extremism, usa: trentham books limited. de rivera, j. 2009. “assessing the peacefulness of cultures” dalam de rivera, j. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6565656565vol. 11 no. 1 juni 2015 (ed.). handbook on building cultures of peace, usa: springer. fell, g. 1998. “peace” dalam hicks, d. education for peace: issues, principles and practice in the classroom, london: routledge. harber, c dan sakade, n. 2009. schooling for violence and peace: how does peace education differ from ‘normal’ schooling? journal of peace education, vol. 6 (2), september, h. 171–187. hasballah, 2003. perkelahian pelajar: potret siswa smu di dki jakarta, jakarta: galang press. jannah, a.n. 2014. pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 10, yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy. khaeruddin dan junaedi, m. 2007. kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan: konsep dan implementasinya di madrasah, ygyakarta: mdc jateng dan pilar media. khan, m. w. 2009. the prophet of peace: teachings of the prophet muhammad, india: penguin books. margito dan abdur rozaq, m. 2014. pendidikan akhlak sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah kelas 12, yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy. muslich, m. 2009. ktsp: dasar pemahaman dan pengembangan cetakan kelima, jakarta: bumi aksara. muthali’in, a. 2001. bias gender dalam pendidikan, surakarta: muhammadiyah university press. nurwanto. 2013. “the portrait of gender justice and injustice in the islamic teaching teaxtbook and muhammadiyah teachers’ responses”, indonesian journal of islam and muslim societies, vol. 3 (1), june, hal. 149-173. sairin, w. 2014. referensi yuridis (peraturan perundang-undangan) kurikulum 2013, bandung: yrama widya. soeharto, b. 2013. menangani konflik di indonesia, jakarta: kasta hasta pustaka. tim pengembang kurikulum. 2012. kurikulum pendidikan al-islam, kemuhammadiyahan dan bahasa arab (ismuba) sma/smk/ma muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: majelis dikdasmen pwm diy. van klinken, g. 2007. perang kota kecil: kekerasan komunal dan demokratisasi di indonesia, jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia dan kitlv-jakarta. jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 keabadian air: telaah teologi energi dalam islam dan hukum termodinamika doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0089.242-261 ija suntana ijasuntana@uinsgd.ac.id (fakultas syariah dan hukum universitas islam negeri sunan gunung djati bandung) abstract this paper aims to compare concepts of energy theology in islam with thermodynamic theory, especially concerning water immortality. the research question discussed in this paper is whether the views of islamic theology, represented by the mu’tazilite and asharite schools regarding natural substances have a correlation with energy theology among ecologists, especially with the laws of thermodynamics? the results of the study found that the mu’tazilite theological school saw that water energy has an eternal character, so it would not run out if people exploit it. this view is in line with the law of thermodynamics i, which confirms that energy has the character of immortality. meanwhile, asharite states that natural substances do not have a character of eternality, including water energy. the theological views of asharite are in line with the law of thermodynamics ii, which states that energy experiences a shrinkage. the analysis of this different stances on energy theology can be used as a concept for environmental exploitation or preservation. according to the mu‘tazilite view, the exploitation of the environment can be carried out indefinitely, because the substance of nature has no limit (eternal). meanwhile, based on asharite view, the exploitation of nature must must be limited, because natural substances have limited time and volume, which need to be preserved. keyword: thermodynamic, mu’tazilite, asharite abstrak: artikel ini membahas tentang perbandingan konsep teologi energi dalam islam dengan teori termodinamika, terutama menyangkut tentang keabadian air. pertanyaan riset yang dibahas dalam artikel ini adalah apakah pandangan teologi islam, yang diwakili oleh aliran mu’tazilah dan al-as’ariyah perihal substansi alam memiliki korelasi dengan teologi energi di kalangan para ekolog, terutama dengan hukum termodinamika? hasil pembacaan penulis ditemukan bahwa aliran kalam mu’tazilah memandang bahwa energi air memiliki karakter kekal, mailto:ijasuntana@uinsgd.ac.id 243vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 sehingga tidak akan habis dieksploitasi oleh manusia. pandangan ini senada dengan hukum termodinamika i, yang menegaskan bahwa energi memiliki karakter keabadian. sedangkan, aliran al-as’yariyah menyatakan bahwa substansi alam tidak memiliki karakter abadi, termasuk energi air. pandangan teologi ala’asyariyah sehaluan dan satu prinsip dengan hukum termodinamika ii, yang menyatakan bahwa energi mengalami penyusutan. telaah atas pendirian yang berbeda dalam teologi energi ini dapat dijadikan sebagai konsep eksploitasi atau pelestarian lingkungan. berdasarkan teori mu’tazilah, eksploitasi lingkungan dapat dilakukan tanpa batas, karena substansi alam tidak memiliki batas (abadi). adapun didasarkan pada pandangan al-as’ariyah, eksploitasi alam harus memertimbangkan sisi keterbatasannya, karena substansi alam berbatas waktu dan volume, yang nota bene perlu untuk dijaga kelestariannya. kata kunci: termodinamika, mu’tazilah, al-asya’ariyah. pendahuluan para peneliti lingkungan meyakini bahwa agama memainkan peran penting dalam persepsi publik mengenai rekayasa lingkungan serta menangani perubahan iklim. konsep-konsep agama dapat berkontribusi penting bagi wacana rekaysa lingkungan (geoengineering), sebagaimana konsepkonsep yang datang dari kalangan saintis, insinyur, dan pembuat kebijakan.1 forrest clingerman dan kevin o’brien menyebutkan, pelibatan agama dalam diskursus lingkungan terkait dengan empat alasan, yaitu (1) agama sangat berpengaruh terhadap kebanyakan cara pandang masyarakat dalam memahami diri mereka dan lingkungannya, (2) agama dapat menguatkan otoritas ilmiah, (3) narasi dan simbol religius bisa memberi bingkai untuk memahami perihal rekayasa lingkungan (geoengineering), dan (4) agama menawarkan sejumlah kosakata dan retorika moral. para sarjana teologi, etikawan, dan para pengkaji agama dapat bertindak sebagai mediator antara komunitas sains dan religi, memberikan suara kritis dalam memahami dan menyikapi lingkungan, dan dalam melibatkan masyarakat luas.2 dalam kajian sains islam, teologi lingkungan merupakan kajian teologi tematik yang berkorelasi dengan pembahasan teologi islam (kalam) secara umum. jb. banawiratma sj., j. muller sj,3dan mujiyono abdillah4 merupakan di antara para peneliti yang memiliki perhatian khusus pada masalah teologi lingkungan, dengan perspektif keagamaan. seyyed hosseen nasr memopularkan telaah teologi lingkungan dengan a religious nature, dengan inti dasar konsep bahwa fungsi utama manusia dicipta tuhan di alam ini adalah sebagai penjaga lingkungan (alam).244 afkaruna 5adapun al-damkhi memopularkan telaahnya atas teologi lingkungan dalam islam dengan istilah environmental ethics. penelitian al-damkhi menyoroti kerusakan lingkungan di kuwait dan penghancuran rawa-rawa di irak bagian selatan, yang disebut olehnya dengan istilah “manipulasi agresif sumberdaya alam.” ditengarai oleh al-damkhi bahwa telah terjadi pengabaian dan pelanggaran terhadap prinsip-prinsip lingkungan dalam islam.6 kajian teologi lingkungan dalam islam belakangan ini muncul sebagai penyikapan positif akademisi teologi muslim mutakhir terhadap persoalan lingkungan.7para teolog muslim klasik tidak mengembangkan kajian teologi lingkungan secara eksplisit.walaupun demikian, secara implisit kajian tentang teologi lingkungan sudah tersirat dalam pandangan-pandangan kalam para teolog muslim masa lalu dari berbagai sekte, terutama dalam pembahasan dan perdebatan mereka mengenai qadîm8 atau hâdits9 tentang jagat raya. salah satu energi yang tersedia di alam ini dan bagian dari fakta lingkungan adalah air. belakangan ini air mendapatkan perhatian dari para peneliti, yang dihubungkan dengan teologi. terry maksymowych salah satu di antara sekian peneliti yang memiliki perhatian fokus pada hubungan air dengan teologi.10 secara eksplisit, para ulama muslim masa lalu tidak menaruh perhatian khusus terhadap air dari sudut pandang teologis. telaah air oleh mereka lebih banyak terarah pada kedudukan air sebagai benda ritual yang memiliki kekuatan spiritual untuk menghasilkan kesucian kepada makhluk. padahal, al-quran menyebutkan air sebagai benda yang istimewa, karena dijadikan sebagai media terbentuknya kehidupan di jagat raya.11 secara umum, pembahasan tentang air dalam buku-buku yang ditulis oleh para ulama islam klasik lebih diarahkan pada hukum pengelolaannya, bukan pada substansi dan karakter air sebagai benda tercipta (makhluk). materi dan konsep pengelolaan air yang dikembangkan merupakan interpretasi teks syariat, praktik sejarah, dan pemikiran mazhab hukum yang dianut. berdasarkan corak kajian, penulisan konsep air dalam ranah pengelolaan terbagi kepada tiga, yaitu (1) panduan. tulisan bercorak ini seperti dilakukan oleh al-mawardi dalam buku hukum-hukum pemerintahan (alahkam al-sulthaniyyah). buku ini ditulis oleh al-mawardi dengan kapasitas sebagai penasihat khalifah saljuk awal, al-qaim, di baghdad. pemerintahan al-qaim meminta kepada al-mawardi untuk merumuskan aturan-aturan 245vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 sebagai rujukan dirinya dalam membuat kebijakan negara, salah satunya dalam bidang pengelolaan air, (2) wacana hukum. penulisan corak ini lebih cenderung sebagai kajian hukum air dalam ranah wacana akademik, seperti dilakukan oleh muhammad syarbini khatib dalam al-iqna fi hall alfazh abi syuja dengan fokus analisis pada mazhab syafi’i dan abu ya‘la dalam al-ahkam al-sulthaniyyah dengan fokus analisis pada mazhab hanbali, (3) fatwa. penulisan corak ini berupa opini-opini hukum yang disampaikan kepada pihak yang mengajukan pertanyaan, seperti dilakukan oleh abu yusuf dalam buku al-kharaj. dalam buku tersebut abu yusuf menjelaskan perihal hukum pengairan sebagai jawaban atas pertanyaan yang diajukan oleh khalifah harun al-rasyid kepadanya. sebagai benda yang krusial dan memiliki dimensi ketuhanan (karena dijadikan media oleh tuhan sebagai asal mula kehidupan), mesti memiliki informasi ilmiah yang menyangkut ketuhanan (ontologi teologis) kealaman. oleh sebab itu, sangat beralasan apabila air mendapat telaah dalam ranah teologis. berdasarkan asumsi sementara, terdapat pertalian konsep dan premis antara konsep teologi dalam islam, terutama dengan dua aliran kalammeanstream, yaitu mu’tazilah dan asy’ariyyah, dengan teori termodinamika, yaitu sebuah pandangan ilmiah mengenai kekekalan energi. teori termodinamika mengalami kenaikan derajat, ketika teori ini berubah menjadi hukum, karena sangat kuat dan tidak terbantahkan. sampai saat ini belum ditemukan teori yang lebih kuat tentang kekekalan energi dibanding dengan teori termodinamika, sehingga di kalangan para ahli lingkungan teori ini berubah dari sekadar teori menjadi hukum. persinggungan konsep teologi dalam islam, yang diwakili oleh mu’tazilah dan al-asy‘ariyah, dengan hukum termodinamika terdapat dalam hal memahami keabadian dan ketidakabadian alam, salah satunya tentang energi air. apakah substansi alam ini kekal (a’badi) atau berbatas waktu (mua’jjal)? dua kutub pemikiran teologi tersebut perlu mendapat telaah untuk ditakar kekuatannya, sehingga dapat ditarik sebagai basis teologi dalam melakukan pengelolaan sumber daya air. substansi fisik dan kimiawi air unsur fisik dan kimiawi air adalah gabungan dua atom hidrogen dengan satu atom oksigen, yang disimbolkan dengan rumus kimia h 2 o.12 gabungan dua atom tersebut merupakan cairan yang menjadi penopang utama kehidupan di muka bumi. dalam keadaan bening, air tidak memiliki 246 afkaruna warna, rasa, dan bau.13 di kalangan para ulama islam terjadi perbedaan pendapat dalam hal apakah air itu berawarna atau tidak. mayoritas ulama islam menyatakan bahwa air memiliki warna, sebagaimana tertuang dalam sabda nabi muhammad yang menyatakan, air itu suci. tidak ada sesuatu pun yang menjadikannya najis kecuali (karena tercampuri) benda yang mengubah warnanya. hadis ini, (terutama dalam kata, mengubah warnanya), menurut sebagian ulama islam merupakan dalil bahwa air itu memiliki warna, karena nabi muhammad menyebutkan bahwa air itu berwarna. selain itu, air adalah benda fisik yang dapat terlihat oleh mata. sebagai benda yang terlihat oleh mata dipastikan bahwa air adalah benda berwarna, dikarenakan mata hanya bisa memandang benda-benda yang memiliki warna. sementara itu, sebagian ulama yang menyatakan bahwa air tidak memiliki warna berasumsi bahwa air adalah benda yang pertama kali tersedia dia alam dan yang memberi warna kepada benda-benda lainnya. 14 perdebatan perihal kewarnaan air mengimbas kepada sebutan bentuk warna air. di antara ahli hukum islam menyebutkan bahwa warna air adalah putih (al-bayadh). pandangan ini didasarkan secara normatif kepada sebuah pernyataan nabi muhammad yang menyebutkan bahwa air lebih putih dari warna susu. sebagian ahli hukum islam menyebutkan bahwa warna air tergantung kepada warna wadah atau tempat di mana ia berada. apabila wadah air berwarna merah, air pun mengikuti warna tersebut. bila wadahnya berwarna hijau, air pun mengikuti warna tersebut. hal ini terkait dengan kebradaan air yang tembus pandang, sehingga tetap bisa menampakkan warna tempatnya.15 sifat air digolongkan ke dalam tiga bagian, yaitu sifat fisis, kimiawi, dan biologis. secara fisis, wujud air di bumi berbentuk padat sebagai es, berbentuk cair sebagai air, dan berbentuk gas sebagai uap air. bentuk fisis ini tergantung keadaan cuaca yang ada di tempat air itu berada. kepadatan (density) air, seperti wujudnya, tergantung dari temperatur dan tekanan barometris.16 pada umumnya, densitas meningkat dengan menurunnya temperatur, sampai tercapai maksimum pada 4° celcius. apabila temperatur turun lagi, maka densitas akan turun pula.secara kimiawi, air bersih mempunyai ph=7, dan oxigen terlarut (=do) jenuh pada 9 mg/l.17 air merupakan pelarut universal, hampir semua jenis zat dapat larut di alam air. air juga merupakan cairan biologis, yakni didapat di dalam tubuh semua organisme. dengan demikian, spesies kimiawi yang terkandung di 247vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dalam air berjumlah sangat besar.18 hal ini memiliki korelasi dengan pernyataan al-quran yang menyatakan bahwa allah menjadikan segala makhluk hidup dari air.19 beberapa data menunjukkan bahwa unsur cairan dalam tubuh setiap makhluk hidup selalu mencapai 80% dari total isi yang terkandung. secara biologis di dalam air selalu terdapat kehidupan, baik fauna maupun flora. benda-benda yang hidup dalam air berpengaruh timbal balik terhadap kualitas air. di dalam suatu lingkungan air, terdapat berbagai benda hidup yang khas bagi lingkungan tersebut. benda hidup di perairan dibagi ke dalam organisme yang native dan yang tidak native bagi organisme dan tidak patogen terhadap manusia. organisme yang tidak native bisa berasal dari air limbah, air hujan, debu, dan pengotoran lainnya. organisme ini dapat hidup di dalam air yang mengandung zat hara/ makanan baginya. sebagaimana halnya semua organisme, setiap organisme di dalam perairan mempunyai fungsi yang sangat khusus dalam lingkungan tersebut dan membentuk ekosistem aquatik yang khas pula.20 al-mishri,21 ahli pengairan islam kontemporer dari kairo, membagi air kepada beberapa jenis. pertama, air tawar, yaitu air yang tak mengandung banyak garam di dalamnya, sehingga terasa menyegarkan bila diminum. kedua, air asin adalah air yang mengandung banyak garam di dalamnya (bila dibandingkan dengan kandungan garam yang terdapat dalam air tawar, air tersebut memiliki kadar garam lebih). ketiga, air mineral, yaitu air alami yang keluar dari perut bumi yang mengandung garam dalam kadar tertentu sehingga menimbulkan rasa khusus, yang terkadang memiliki khasiat medis. keempat, air hujan (air angkasa), yaitu air yang turun dari langit dan tidak mengandung garam,22 namun memiliki unsurunsur tertentu, seperti hf, cl, dan no 3. air adalah substansi kimiawi dengan rumus kimia h 2 o: satu molekul air tersusun atas dua atom hidrogen yang terikat secara kovalen pada satu atom oksigen. air bersifat tidak berwarna, tidak berasa dan tidak berbau pada kondisi standar, yaitu pada tekanan 100 kpa (1 bar) dan temperatur 273,15 k (0 °c). zat kimia ini merupakan suatu pelarut yang penting, yang memiliki kemampuan untuk melarutkan banyak zat kimia lainnya, seperti garam, gula, asam, beberapa jenis gas, dan banyak macam molekul organik.23 air sering disebut sebagai pelarut universal karena air melarutkan banyak zat kimia. air berada dalam keseimbangan dinamis antara fase 248 afkaruna cair dan padat di bawah tekanan dan temperatur standar. dalam bentuk ion, air dapat dideskripsikan sebagai sebuah ion hidrogen (h+) yang berasosiasi (berikatan) dengan sebuah ion hidroksida (oh-).24 molekul air dapat diuraikan menjadi unsur-unsur asalnya dengan mengalirinya arus listrik. proses ini disebut elektrolisis air. pada katoda, dua molekul air bereaksi dengan menangkap dua elektron, tereduksi menjadi gas h 2 dan ion hidrokida (oh-). sementara itu, pada anoda, dua molekul air lain terurai menjadi gas oksigen (o 2 ), melepaskan 4 ion h+ serta mengalirkan elektron ke katoda. ion h+ dan ohmengalami netralisasi sehingga terbentuk kembali beberapa molekul air.25 air adalah pelarut yang kuat, melarutkan banyak jenis zat kimia. zatzat yang bercampur dan larut dengan baik dalam air (misalnya garamgaram) disebut sebagai zat-zat “hidrofilik” (pencinta air). zat-zat yang tidak mudah tercampur dengan air (misalnya lemak dan minyak) disebut sebagai zat-zat “hidrofobik” (takut air). kelarutan suatu zat dalam air ditentukan oleh dapat tidaknya zat tersebut menandingi kekuatan gaya tarik-menarik listrik (gaya intermolekul dipol-dipol) antara molekul-molekul air. jika suatu zat tidak mampu menandingi gaya tarik-menarik antar molekul air, molekul-molekul zat tersebut tidak larut dan akan mengendap dalam air.26 air memiliki tegangan permukaan yang besar yang disebabkan oleh kuatnya sifat kohesi antar molekul-molekul air. hal ini dapat diamati saat sejumlah kecil air ditempatkan dalam sebuah permukaan yang tak dapat terbasahi atau terlarutkan (non-soluble); air tersebut akan berkumpul sebagai sebuah tetesan. di atas sebuah permukaan gelas yang amat bersih atau bepermukaan amat halus air dapat membentuk suatu lapisan tipis (thin film) karena gaya tarik molekular antara gelas dan molekul air (gaya adhesi) lebih kuat ketimbang gaya kohesi antar molekul air.27 menurut para ulama islam, sebagai benda istimewa air memiliki sifat rumit dan istimewa terkait dengan molekul-molekulnya. sifat-sifat istimewa tersebut tidak dimiliki oleh benda lain di muka bumi, sehingga air bukan benda yang tercipta melalui proses kimiawi pada permukaan bumi melainkan terproses di tempat lain. terkait dengan itu, al-quran menggunakan kata untuk menyebut proses turun air ke muka bumi. sebagian (anzala) انزل ahli tafsir menyebutkan bahwa kata انزل mengandung arti pemindahan benda dari tempat tertentu ke tempat lain yang bahannya tidak tersedia di tempat tujuan.28 249vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 asal mula air di dunia air tidak diam melainkan bersirkulasi yang diakibatkan oleh faktor cahaya. sirkulasi tersebut membentuk sebuah siklus yang dikenal dengan istilah siklus hidrologis (al-dawrah al-mâiyyah).29 siklus hidrologis menunjukkan bahwa sumber air adalah air itu sendiri, melalui daur hidrologisnya yang bersifat alami.30 air menguap akibat panas matahari. penguapan ini terjadi pada permukaan air, air yang berada di dalam lapisan tanah bagian atas, air yang ada di dalam tumbuhan, hewan, dan manusia. uap ini memasuki atmosfir. di dalam atmosfir uap ini akan menjadi awan, dan dalam kondisi cuaca tertentu dapat mendingin dan berubah bentuk menjadi tetesantetesan air dan jatuh kembali ke permukaan bumi sebagai hujan.31 air hujan yang jatuh ke permukaan bumi ada yang mengalir langsung masuk ke dalam air permukaan (jiryân sathhiy [runoff]), ada yang meresap ke dalam tanah (irtisyâh [percolate]) dan menjadi air tanah (miyâh jawfiyyah),32 baik yang dangkal maupun yang dalam, dan ada yang diserap oleh tumbuhan. air tanah dalam akan timbul ke permukaan sebagai mata air dan menjadi air permukaan. air permukaan bersama-sama dengan air tanah dangkal, dan air yang berada di dalam tubuh akan menguap kembali untuk menjadi awan. siklus hidrologis tersebut terus berulang.33 siklus hidrologis termasuk salah satu proses alami air untuk membersihkan dirinya sendiri, dengan syarat kualitas udara dalam keadaan bersih. apabila udara tercemar, air hujan pun akan tercemar. abd al-fatah alhusaini, peneliti dan konsultan pada badan kesehatan dunia (who) perwakilan timur tengah, menyebutkan bahwa air hujan adalah air yang paling bersih dibanding air-air yang keluar dari sumber lain. namun, kebersihan air tersebut terkait dengan kondisi udara yang dilewati oleh air hujan yang bersangkutan. apabila udara sudah tercemari, pencemaran tersebut berpengaruh terhadap kualitas air yang melewatinya.34 siklus hidrologis merupakan proses alami air tawar dalam memelihara kelestariannya. ketika faktor pendukung siklus hidrologis masih tetap terlestarikan, air tawar tidak akan mengalami kekurangan. akan tetapi, ketika faktor pendukung siklus hidrologis sudah tidak bisa dilestarikan (rusak), seperti telah banyak hutan yang gundul dan tumbuh-tumbuhan yang binasa, akan terjadi kelangkaan air tawar.35 teori tentang siklus hidrologi air tidak menyentuh tentang asal mula air. siklus ini hanya menjelaskan tentang proses alami air dalam menye250 afkaruna diakan dan melestarikan dirinya, setelah air tersedia di muka bumi. teori siklus hidrologis bukan penjelasan dari mana asal air datang. bahkan, ketika muncul pertanyaan, dari mana air yang membentuk lautan di bumi berasal, tidak terdapat penjelasan yang diterima secara umum oleh semua ilmuwan air.36 muhammad khamis al-zaukah, peneliti lingkungan dari cairo university, menjelaskan tentang asal muasal air di muka bumi. dia membagi sumber air menjadi dua: pertama, sumber air asal (al-miyah al-fithriyyah) di muka bumi. air asal adalah air yang pertama kali ada di muka, perut, dan cekungan-cekungan bumi, seperti laut dan samudera. menurutnya, sumber air asal ada dua, yaitu (1) semburan air dari perut bumi pada masa pertama kali bumi tercipta dan kerak bumi tersusun menjadi keras. pada masa itu air mulai keluar dari dalam bumi dalam bentuk uap bersama lava yang disemburkan gunung-gunung berapi dari dalam bumi ke permukaan bumi, (2) pendinginan bumi akibat berkurangnya aktivitas vulkanik yang mengakibatkan bumi diselimuti uap air. uap air tersebut mulai terkondensasi dan turunlah menjadi hujan. hujan-hujan inilah yang mengisi cekungan-cekungan di bumi yang kemudian menjadi laut dan menyerap ke dalam perut bumi dan masuk ke dalam aquifer. kedua, sumber air di atmosfir. lapisan atmosfir terbentuk seiring dengan perkembangan yang terjadi di bumi. jutaan kubik uap yang membumbung dari laut yang terdapat di bumi membentuk sumber air di atmosfir dan turun lagi ke bumi dalam bentuk hujan.37 kekekalan air: pandangan mu’tazilah dan alasy‘ariyah berdasarkan ayat 29 surah al-baqarah air adalah benda yang diturunkan dari langit, bukan benda yang muncul secara dengan sendirinya, sebagaimana karakteristik alam secara umum. ia sengaja diciptakan oleh tuhan melalui proses alami, yaitu pelibatan awan dan angin dalam pembentukannya, seperti disebutkan dalam ayat 2 surah al-dzariyyat. dalam surah al-dzariyah tersebut allah bersumpah dengan awan (al-hâmilât) yang mengandung hujan sebagai bahan baku air di muka bumi.38 sebagai benda tercipta air merupakan benda alami yang memiliki karakter kealaman secara keseluruhan. jumlahnya yang terbatas, berubah dari satu keadaan kepada keadaan lain, mengalami kerusakan bentuk, 251vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dan mengalami kemusnahan adalah sederetan sifat alamiah air. pandangan ini dipegang oleh para teolog asya’ariyyah dan oleh sebagian penganut maturidiyyah, namun ditolak oleh para teolog mu’tazilah yang menyatakan bahwa alam (termasuk air di dalamnya) memiliki karakter keabadian. menurut mu’tazilah, dikarenakan unsur air adalah atom dan atom tidak bisa dibagi-bagi lagi dan abadi, maka ia memiliki karakter abadi. seyyed waqar ahmed hosein, direktur institute of islamic science, technology and development (iistd), california,39 menyebutkan bahwa perdebatan para teolog di seputar alam terkait secara erat dengan perbincangan mengenai energi. sebagai benda yang diciptakan oleh allah, menurut kebanyakan teolog asy’ariyyah, energi adalah terbatas life time (ajal) dan kegunaannya serta akan mengalami kesirnaan. sedangkan, menurut para teolog mu’tazilah ( di antaranya adalah al-jubai dan alnizham), energi itu tidak bermula (berasal dari ketiadaan [‘adam]) dan tidak terhingga, sehingga bersifat kekal dan lestari (qadim). energi tidak mengalami sirna tapi sekadar berubah dari satu bentuk ke bentuk lain.40 tidak semua teolog asy‘ariyyah sepakat bahwa alam mengalami kesirnaan. al-baqilani, salah seorang ahli teologi islam dari kalangan asy‘ariyyah, berbeda pandangan dengan kebanyakan koleganya di aliran tersebut. ia mengambil teori atom mu’tazilah dalam menetapkan adanya kekuasaan tuhan yang tanpa batas. bagi al-baqilani alam ini adalah kumpulan jawhar, yaitu unsur tunggal yang tidak bisa dibagi-bagi lagi. unsur tunggal tersebut tidak bisa berbentuk wujud kecuali sesudah menerima ‘arad, yaitu unsur tersusun yang timbul dari gabungan jawhar dan membentuk dua kutub yang berlawanan. kutub yang berlawanan tersebut membentuk satu unsur utama yang tidak bisa dibagi-bagi lagi dan disebut dengan jawhar fard.41 teori yang dikemukakan oleh al-baqillani menguatkan pandangan aliran mu’tazilah yang meyakini keabadian alam secara substansial. bagi manusia, sebagai bagian dalam alam, esensi tunggal (jawhar fard) adalah substansi ruhani yang akan mengalami keabadian ruhani. keabadian ruhani inilah yang nanti akan menjadi fenomena di akhirat. teori yang dikembangkan oleh al-baqillani, dan juga mu’tazilah secara keseluruhan, mendukung kuat adanya fenomena ukhrawi (ruhani) yang berkesinambungan dengan fenomena duniawi (materi). berdasarkan teori al-baqillani dan mu’tazilah, substansi yang akan menjadi fenomena ruhani di alam akhirat adalah substansi materi yang pernah menjadi fenomena di alam ini. 252 afkaruna kekekalan energi teori termodinamika di kalangan ahli ekologi terdapat perbincangan prinsip energi yang dapat disandingkan dan dibandingkan dengan perbincangan masalah sifat alam di kalangan para ahli teologi islam. dapat dikatakan bahwa prinsipprinsip energi yang diyakini dan dibahas oleh para ekolog sebagai formulasi teologi energi di kalangan para ilmuwan lingkungan modern. terdapat dua pilar teologi energi di kalangan para ekolog, yaitu hukum termodinamika i dan hukum termodinamika ii. dua hukum termodinamika ini diambil oleh para ekolog sebagai basis pola pandang mereka tentang transformasi energi, perubahan keadaan dan keseimbangan sekumpulan partikel yang membentuk gas, zat cair dan padat terutama yang berhubungan dengan sifat termal atau panas.42 kedua hukum termodinamika tersebut di atas pertama kali dikemukakan oleh rudolf julius pada tahun 1850 masehi. selanjutnya, hukum termodinamika dikembangkan oleh berbagai pihak dalam berbagai disiplin, sehingga berkembang teori-teori yang merupakan derivasian dari teori termodinamika tersebut. sebagai contoh adalah teori kinetik james clerk maxwell dan teori mekanika statistik josial wilard gibs. saat ini, termodinamika dikembangkan oleh berbagai masyarakat sains, seperti masyarakat teknik mesin, teknik kimia, fisika, dan ekologi.43 hukum termodinamika i biasa disebut dengan hukum kekekalan energi. prinsip hukum termodinamika i, sebagaimana dikatakan oleh eugene p. odum,44 adalah bahwa energi dapat berubah dari satu bentuk ke bentuk lain, namun energi tidak dapat diciptakan dan tidak dapat dimusnahkan. pandangan ini semakna dengan teologi kaum mu’tazilah mengenai keberadaan alam.45 teologi mu’tazilah meyakini bahwa unsur-unsur alam tidak musnah, melainkan hanya mengalami perubahan bentuk. istilah teknis yang digunakan oleh mu’tazilah untuk penyebutan perubahan unsur alam dari satu bentuk kepada bentuk lain disebut inhilâl. teori inhilâl ini dikembangkan oleh al-nizham yang asumsi dasarnya adalah bahwa dalam suatu benda terdapat unsur yang terus berubah dan masih bisa dibagi-bagi dan tidak berhenti. istilah lain yang digunakan oleh al-nizham dalam menyebut teori unsur tanpa batas adalah tafrah, yang arti aslinya loncatan.46 kajian lain yang berkembang di kalangan mu’tazilah adalah tentang entitas yang abadi dengan sendirinya (qadîm lidzatihi) dan entitas yang abadi karena dibuat abadi oleh yang lain (qadîm lighairihi).47 253vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 menurut hukum termodinamika i dikatakan bahwa secara keseluruhan energi itu kekal, tidak dapat diciptakan dan tidak dapat pula dimusnahkan (konstan). artinya, energi itu tidak dapat bertambah atau berkurang.48 secara realitas, menurut hukum termodinamika i, memang energi itu hanya berubah dari satu bentuk kepada bentuk lain. sebagai contoh energi air berubah menjadi energi nabati setelah diserap oleh tumbuh-tumbuhan, energi nabati berubah menjadi energi kalori dan dengan energi kalori manusia memiliki tenaga (energi) hingga mampu beraktivitas. realitas ini menunjukkan bahwa energi itu tidak musnah dan tetap kekal.49 berbeda dengan hukum termodinamika ii yang menyatakan bahwa energi mengalami penyusutan, sehingga akan mengalami kesirnaan.50 berdasarkan hukum termodinamika ii, alam tidak memiliki karakter keabadian. hukum ini sejalan dengan pandangan teologi aliran al-as’yariyah, yang menyatakan bahwa substansi alam tidak memiliki karakter abadi. sebagai benda tercipta (makhluk), alam ini adalah perkara baru (al-hadîth), akan mengalami kesirnaan, dan tidak memiliki karakter keabadian. tidak terdapat esensi abadi yang terkandung di dalamnya, sebagaimana makhluk pada umumnya. aliran al-asy‘ariyah tidak memandang bahwa energi akan abadi, karena bertentangan dengan fitrah alami makhluk tercipta, sehingga berbatas jumlah dan volume. developmentalisme: teologi eksploitasi energi hukum termodinamika i (hukum kekekalan energi) merupakan landasan pemikiran masyarakat pembangunan (developmentalist society) dalam mengembangkan teologi energi berkelimpahan,51 yaitu sebuah pola pandang yang mengonsepkan eksploitasi energi tanpa batas. masyarakat pembangunan berkeyakinan bahwa energi, di antaranya adalah air, adalah kekal, sehingga tidak akan habis, selain tidak terbatas jumlahnya. teologi energi berkelimpahan dapat pula disebut sebagai teologi energi antroposentris. teologi energi antroposentris berkeyakinan bahwa sumber daya alam dan lingkungan yang tidak terbatas dan melimpah ruah itu harus dieksploitasi semaksimal mungkin untuk kemaslahatan dan kemanfaatan manusia. sebagaimana dikatakan oleh para penganut aliran filsafat sosial fenomenologi52 bahwa sistem keyakinan suatu masyarakat berpengaruh terhadap perilakunya, maka teologi energi antroposentris menjadi landasan perilaku masyarakat yang boros energi. mereka melakukan eksploitasi terhadap sumber daya alam tanpa batas dan menggunakannya 254 afkaruna secara tidak hemat. selain itu, mereka berkeyakinan bahwa ukuran masyarakat maju adalah apabila tingkat konsumsi energinya tinggi dan masyarakat terbelakang adalah mereka yang tingkat konsumsi energinya rendah. lain halnya dengan prinsip hukum termodinamika ii, yang menyebutkan bahwa proses transformasi energi tidak ada yang berlangsung secara utuh.53 artinya, perubahan energi dari satu bentuk ke bentuk lain pasti mengalami penyusutan dan menimbulkan limbah. hukum termodinamika ii biasa disebut dengan hukum entropi. hukum entropi dikembangkan petama kali oleh rodolf clausius tahun 1868.54 menurut hukum termodinamika ii energi yang ada tidak seluruhnya dapat dipakai untuk melakukan aktivitas. karena itu, penggunaan energi untuk kerja tidak mungkin mencapai efisiensi 100%. sebagai contoh, kalau kita menggunakan bensin sebanyak 1.000 satuan energi untuk memutar mesin, hasil kerja mesin itu selalu kurang dari 1.000 satuan energi.55 hukum termodinamika ii mengungkap perihal hukum alam yang bersifat universal, yaitu naiknya entropi dalam transformasi energi pada penggunaan sumber daya alam. entropi adalah bagian energi total yang tidak dapat digunakan untuk melakukan kerja.56 pada proses penggunaan energi yang bersifat tidak terbalikkan, entropi alam raya bertambah. dalam rantai makanan, materi dan energi mengalir dari makhluk yang dimakan ke makhluk yang memakan. tetapi, berbeda dengan materi yang mempunyai aliran berupa daur, arus energi bersifat satu arah.57 menurut jeremi rifkin, sebagaimana disebutkan oleh mujiyono abdillah, dari hukum termodinamika i—hukum kekekalan energi—dan termodinamika ii—hukum penyusutan energi—dapat dibuat sebuah pernyataan ekologis, yaitu: masyarakat ekologi percaya bahwa secara keseluruhan energi di dunia ini adalah kekal dan secara keseluruhan entropi selalu meningkat.58 apabila menggunakan teori mu’tazilah yang menyatakan bahwa alam ini bermula dari ketiadaan dan abadi (qadim), serta digabungkan dengan teori termodinamika i, maka air adalah akan tetap lestari.59 hukum kelestarian energi air didasarkan pada kenyataan bahwa energi air itu tidak dapat dimusnahkan. siklus hidrologi membuktikan fakta ini. ketika air diserap oleh tumbuhan, ia akan kembali menjadi uap melalui sinar matahari (transpirasi), begitu juga air yang dikonsumsi oleh manusia akan mengalami penguapan yang pada akhirnya akan kembali menjadi air. manusia hanya 255vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 mengubahnya dari satu bentuk kepada bentuk lain. kemudian, bila ditimbang dengan teori termodinamika ii atau hukum entropi, proses terjadinya transformasi energi air dari satu bentuk ke bentuk lain dipastikan menimbulkan limbah, termasuk menimbulkan pencemaran lingkungan karena sudah merupakan hukum alam (sunatullah). hukum alam ini membentuk sebuah sistem keyakinan deterministis di kalangan masyarakat pengguna energi bahwa limbah dan pencemaran tidak bisa dihindari, apapun cara yang dilakukan oleh manusia untuk menghindarinya. pencemaran lingkungan yang ditimbulkan oleh proses transformasi tersebut selalu meningkat, sejalan dengan peningkatan jumlah penduduk. penambahan jumlah penduduk selalu ekuivalen dengan peningkatan konsumsi energi air, juga dengan jumlah limbah yang dihasilkan. para penganut keyakinan deterministis, salah satu di antara mereka adalah l. ortolanto, meyakini bahwa lingkungan telah ditakdirkan secara pasti untuk menampung limbah. ortolanto menyebutkan bahwa fungsi lingkungan adalah (1) sebagai ruang kehidupan, (2) pendukung kehidupan, (3) penyedia sumber daya alam, dan (4) sebagai penerima limbah.60 kalangan deterministis mengonsepsikan bahwa lingkungan memiliki kewajiban menerima limbah secara alamiah. lingkungan sebagai penerima limbah dan pengolahnya, menurut mereka, merupakan bentuk dari tugas utamanya. oleh sebab itu, produksi limbah yang dilakukan oleh manusia tidak bertentangan dengan hukum dan fungsi alam. manusia memiliki landasan alamiah untuk memproduksi limbah. keyakinan ini menjadi teologi energi masyarakat teknologi modern yang cenderung berpandangan eksploitatif terhadap sumber daya alam dan menjadi landasan operasional mereka dalam mengeksploitasi sumber daya alam. mereka mengembangkan keyakinan ini dari hukum termodinamika ii, yang menegaskan bahwa secara alami entropi selalu muncul dari proses transformasi energi dari satu bentuk kepada bentuk lain, ditambah sebuah keyakinan bahwa menerima limbah adalah kewajiban alami lingkungan.61 kebanyakan teolog asy‘ariyyahmemandang bahwa energi itu terbatas, seiring dengan karakter alam yang diciptakan (makhluk). energi, secara khusus dan alam secara umum, memiliki batas waktu, baik adanya maupun masa habisnya. para teolog asy‘ariyyah meyakini bahwa alam ini tidak abadi; memiliki batas awal dan akhir serta akan sirna. mereka mendasarkan pandangannya pada salah satu pernyataan allah dalam al-quran,tidaklah kami ciptakan langit dan bumi, serta apa yang ada antara keduanya, 256 afkaruna melainkan dengan (tujuan) yang benar dan sampai waktu yang ditentukan, (qs al-ahqaf [46]: 3) dan semua yang ada di bumi itu akan sirna, (qs alrahman [55]: 26). teologi asy‘ariyyah menegaskan bahwa meyakini alam sebagai sesuatu yang terbatas adalah bagian dari pangkal keyakinan. seorang muslim tidak beriman sempurna kecuali memegang keyakinan bahwa alam ini (termasuk energi di dalamnya) adalah terbatas waktu (muajjal). keyakinan bahwa alam ini akan abadi dan tidak memiliki masa awal (qadim) menimbulkan kerancuan teologi, yang dikenal dengan istilah multi eksistensi abadi (ta‘addud al-qudama). keyakinan multi eksistensi abadi adalah bentuk kemusyrikan.62 belakangan di kalangan para ekolog berkembang pandangan mengenai keterbatasan energi oleh waktu.63para ekolog tersebut meyakini bahwa energi itu memiliki masa akhir. keyakinan ini muncul setelah manusia mampu menjelajahi ruang angkasa. sejak saat itu diketahui bahwa bumi ini merupakan planet kecil yang terbatas ukurannya. keyakinan bahwa energi itu terbatas didasarkan pada fakta bahwa luas, volume, dan massa bumi adalah terbatas, tempat energi itu berada.64 penulis memandang bahwa apabila ditakar berdasarkan realita dan fakta kosmik, pada dasarnya alam memiliki kemampuan recovery otomatis untuk menjaga kelestariannya. substansi alam terus mengalami peremajaan dan berusaha memertahankan dirinya sendiri. realita ini memerkuat pandangan teologi mu’tazilah yang menyatakan bahwa substansi alam tidak mengalami kepunahan, melainkan terus berubah dan bertahan pada susunan atomiknya. substansi air tidak mengalami kesirnaan, melainkan hanya berubah bentuk. materi di alam ini tidak mengalami kesirnaan, melainkan berubah dan berpindah tempat, sehingga sangat memungkinkan untuk dikembalikan, seperti suara yang bisa direkam atau cahaya yang bisa pantulkan ulang. bahkan, substansi ruh manusia memiliki keabadian, karena ia akan masuk pada keabadian di akhirat, padahal dia pernah berada di arena materi, yaitu tubuh manusia. penutup berdasarkan uraian di atas dapat disimpulkan bahwa terdapat keterhubungan konsep dan premis antara konsep teologi dalam islam, terutama terwakili oleh dua aliran kalam, yaitu mu’tazilah dan alasy’ariyyah, dengan teori termodinamika. aliran mu’tazilah memiliki 257vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kesamaan konsep dan prinsip dengan hukum termodinamika i, yang memandang bahwa energi memiliki karakter kekal, sehingga tidak akan habis. sedangkan, aliran al-as’yariyah sehaluan dan satu prinsip dengan hukum termodinamika ii, yang menyatakan bahwa energi mengalami penyusutan, seiring dengan karakter alam yang terbatas ruang dan waktu. telaah teologi energi ini dapat dijadikan sebagai dasar pertimbangan dalam melakukan eksploitasi lingkungan. berdasarkan teori mu’tazilah, eksploitasi lingkungan dapat dilakukan tanpa batas, karena sifat alam yang tidak berbatas. adapun didasarkan pada pandangan aliran al-asy’ariyah eksploitasi harus memertimbangkan sisi keterbatasannya. pandangan teologi alam yang berkembang di kalangan mu’tazilah tidak relevan dengan pandangan keumuman para ahli energi moderen yang menyatakan bahwa energi akan habis pada waktu tertentu. adapun teologi alam yang dikembangkan para penganut asya’ariyah memiliki persambungan dengan pandangan keumuman para ahli energi modern yang menyatakan bahwa energi di alam ini akan habis dan terbatas jumlah. walaupun begitu, kelemahan pandangan penganut asy’ariyah adalah terdapat dalam hal meniadakan substansi abadi yang menjadi materi ukhrawi, sehingga teologi asy’ariyah tentang alam dapat menegasikan (menafikan) kehidupan akhirat. adapun pandangan keabadian energi yang dikembangkan oleh para penganut mu’tazilah memiliki kelebihan dalam hal memerkuat adanya alam akhirat sebagai wadah substansi abadi. catatan akhir 1 forrest clingerman dan kevin o’brien, “playing god: why religion belongs in the climate engineering debate,” bulletin of the atomic scientists [serial online], 70 (mei 2014), hlm. 27. 2 ibid. 3 jb. banawiratma dan j. muller, berteologi sosial lintas ilmu,(jogyakarta: kanisius, 1993), 214. 4 mujiyono abdillah, agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran, (jakarta: paramadina, 2001), hlm. 23-24. 5 a religious nature: philosopher seyyed hossein nasr on islam and the environment. bulletin of the atomic scientists [serial online] 15 (september 2015), hlm. 13-18. 6 ali mohamed al-damkhi, “environmental ethics in islam: principles, violations, and future perspectives,” international journal of environmental studies [serial online], 65 (februari 2008), hlm. 11-31. 7 abdillah,agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran, hlm. 24. 258 afkaruna 8 qadîm: berwujud tanpa waktu. 9 hâdits: berwujud di waktu tertentu 10 terry maksymowych, “just water: theology, ethics, and the global water crisis,” catholic library world [serial online], 85 (september 2014), hlm. 38. 11 dalam surah al-anbiya ayat 30 dikatakan bahwa allah menjadikan segala yang hidup dari air. 12 abdul aziz mahmud al-mishri, qanun al-miyah fi al-islam, (suriah: dar alfikr, 2011), hlm. 55. 13 ibid. 14 ibid., hlm. 69-70. 15 ibid., hlm.70. 16 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam (siyasah maliyah), (bandung: pustaka setia, 2010), 94. 17 juli soemirat slamet, kesehatan lingkungan,(jogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 2004), hlm. 83. 18 ibid. 19 q.s. al-anbiya:30. 20 ibid.,hlm.84. 21 nama lengkap al-mishri adalah abd al-aziz mahmud al-mishri. karya penting beliau dalam bidang pengairan islam adalah kitab yang berjudul, qanun al-miyah fi al-islam (hukum air dalam islam). kitab ini mengupas secara mendalam tentang hukum pengairan islam yang dikomparasikan dengan hukum pengairan internasional. 22 al-mishri, qanun al-miyah fi al-islam, hlm. 55-56. 23 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam (siyasah maliyah), hlm. 95. 24 ibid, hlm.96. 25 ibid. 26 ibid., hlm.97 27 ibid. 28 muhammad ibn yusuf al-andalusi al-gharanathi, tafsir al-bahr al-muhith, (lebanon: dar al-fikr, 1978), juz 1, hlm. 98. 29 shaleh mahmud wahbi, al-bi’ah min manzhurin islamiyyin, (damaskus: dar al-fikr, 2010), hlm. 25. 30 ibid. 31 ibid. 32 ibid., hlm. 27. 33 slamet, kesehatan lingkungan, hlm. 80. 34 abdulfatah al-husaini, al-ma’ wa al-ishah fi al-islam, (who: perwakilantimur tengah, 2009), hlm. 2. 35 teori tentang siklus hidrologi air tidak menyentuh tentang asal mula air. siklus ini hanya menjelaskan tentang proses alami air dalam menyediakan dan melestarikan dirinya, setelah air itu tersedia di muka bumi. teori siklus hidrologis bukan penjelasan dari mana asal air datang. bahkan, ketika muncul pertanyaan, dari mana air yang membentuk lautan di bumi itu berasal, tidak 259vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 terdapat penjelasan yang diterima secara umum oleh semua ilmuwan air. 36 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam(siyasah maliyah), hlm. 99. 37 muhammad khamis al-zaukah, al-bi’ah wa mahawir tadahhawuriha wa atsariha ‘ala shihhah al-insan, (iskandariyah: dar al-ma’rifah al-jami’aiyyah, 2013,), hlm. 397-400. 38 setiap sumpah yang dilakukan oleh allah diperkirakan memiliki relevansi makna dengan benda yang dijadikan sumpahnya. ketika allah bersumpah dengan awan, terbukti bahwa awan memiliki makna penting dalam terbentuknya air sebagai sumber kehidupan manusia. 39 lihat: s. waqar ahmad husaini, al-fikr al-islami fi tathwir mashadir al-miyah wa al-thaqah (terjemahan samiya zakariya zaituni), genuine publicatons dan media: new dehi, 2009, hlm.: 263-267. 40 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam (siyasah maliyah), hlm. 117. 41 ibid. 42 mujiyono abdillah, agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran, hlm. 54. 43 ibid. bandingkan juga dengan: hasan sadali dkk., ensiklopedi indonesia,(jakarta: ikhtiar baru-van hove, 1988), jilid vi, hlm. 3514-3515. 44 eugene. p. odum, basic ecology, (jepang: saonders collec publishing, 2007), hlm.86. 45 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam (siyasah maliyah), hlm.118 46 bandingkan: hanafi, op. cit. hlm. 51. 47 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam (siyasah maliyah), hlm. 118. 48 otto soemarwoto, ekologi, lingkungan hidup, dan pembangunan, (jakarta: djambatan, 2004), hlm. 40-41. 49 ibid. 50 bill mckelvey, “toward a 0th law of thermodynamics: order-creation complexity dynamics from physics and biology to bioeconomics,” journal of bioeconomics (serial online), 6 (januari 2004 ), 65. 51 abdillah, agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran, hlm. 55. 52 filsafat fenomenologi dikembangkan oleg alfred schutz (1899-1959) dari pemikiran max weber dalam buku the ethic of protestan. aliran filsafat sosial ini memusatkan perhatiannya pada kesadaran dan perilaku masyarakat. pengembangan secara lebih lanjut aliran ini dilakukan pada 1932 di jerman oleh schuzt ketika dia menulis sebuah buku yang berjudul the phenomenology of social world. schuzt memusatkan pada cara orang memahami kesadaran orang lain sementara mereka hidup dalam aliran kesadaran mereka sendiri. schutz juga menggunakan perspektif intersubjektivitas dalam pengertian lebih luas untuk memahami kehidupan sosial, terutama mengenai ciri sosial pengetahuan. banyak pemikiran schutz yang dipusatkan terhadap aspek dunia sosial yang kehidupan-dunia (life-world) atau dunia kehidupan sehari-hari. inilah yang dimaksud dunia intersubjektif. dalam dunia intersubjektif orang menciptakan realitas sosial dan dipaksa oleh kehidupan sosial yang telah ada dan oleh struktur kultural ciptaan leluhur mereka. di dalam dunia kehidupan itu banyak aspek kolektifnya, tetapi juga ada aspek pribadinya. schutz 260 afkaruna membedakan dunia kehidupan antara hubungan tatap muka yang akrab (relasi-kami) dan hubungan impersonal dan renggang (relasi-mereka). sementara hubungan tatap muka yang intim sangat penting dalam kehidupan, adalah jauh lebih mudah bagi sosiolog untuk meneliti hubungan impersonal secara ilmiah. meski schutz beralih perhatianya dari kesadaran ke dunia kehidupan intersubjektif, namun ia masih mengemukakan hasil pemikirannya tentang kesadaran, terutama pemikirannya tentang makna dan motif tindakan individual. secara keseluruhan schutz memusatkan perhatian pada hubungan dialektika antara cara individu membangun realitas sosial dan realitas kultural (termasuk sistem keyakinan) yang mereka warisi dari para pendahulunya (lihat: goerge ritzer-douglas j. goodman, teori sosiologi modern, (jakarta: kencana, 2004), hlm. 94-95. 53 odum, basic ecology, hlm. 86. 54 abdillah, agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran, hlm. 57. 55 soemarwoto, ekologi, lingkungan hidup, dan pembangunan, hlm. 41. 56 ibid, hlm. 376. 57 ibid., hlm. 41. 58 abdillah, agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran, hlm. 57-58. 59 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam (siyasah maliyah), hlm. 120. 60 l. ortolanto, environmental planning and decicion making, (toronto: john wile and sons, 2002), hlm. 431. 61 ija suntana, politik ekonomi islam, hlm. 123. 62 abu hamid al-ghazali, akidah tanpa bid’ah, terj. ija suntana, (bandung: pustaka hidayah, 2005), hlm. 103-106 63 abdillah, agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran, hlm. 60. 64 ibid., hlm. 60-61. daftar pustaka abdillah, mujiyono. 2001. agama ramah lingkungan perspektif al-quran. jakarta: paramadina. al-damkhi, ali mohamed. 2008. environmental ethics in islam: principles, violations, and future perspectives. international journal of environmental studies. serial online. no.65. al-husaini, abdulfatah. 1999. al-ma’ wa al-ishah fi al-islam. who: perwakilan timur tengah. al-ghazali, abu hamid muhammad. 2005. akidah tanpa bid’ah, (terj. ija suntana). bandung: pustaka hidayah. al-gharanathi, muhammad ibn yusuf al-andalusi. 1978. tafsir al-bahr al-muhith. lebanon: dar al-fikr. al-mishri, abdul aziz mahmud. 1999. qanun al-miyah fi al-islam. suriah: dar al-fikr. al-zaukah, muhammad khamis. 1996. al-bi’ah wa mahawir tadahhawuriha wa atsariha ‘ala shihhah al-insan. iskandariyah: dar al-ma’rifah al-jami’aiyyah. banawiratma, jb. dan muller. j. 1993. berteologi sosial lintas ilmu. jogyakarta: 261vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kanisius. clingerman, forrest dan o’brien, kevin. 2014. playing god: why religion belongs in the climate engineering debate. bulletin of the atomic scientists. serial online. no. 70. husaini, s. waqar ahmad..1998. al-fikr al-islami fi tathwir mashadir al-miyah wa al-thaqah. new delhi: genuine publicatons dan media. maksymowych, terry. 2014. just water: theology, ethics, and the global water crisis,” catholic library world. serial online. no. 85. mckelvey, bill. 2004. toward a 0th law of thermodynamics: order-creation complexity dynamics from physics and biology to bioeconomics. journal of bioeconomics. serial online. no.6. odum, eugene. p. 1983. basic ecology. jepang: saonders collec publishing. ortolanto, l. 1983. environmental planning and decicion making. toronto: john wile and sons. ritzer, goerge dan goodman, douglas j. 2004. teori sosiologi modern. jakarta: kencana. sadali, hasan. (et.al). 1988. ensiklopedi indonesia. jakarta: ikhtiar baru-van hove. slamet, juli soemirat. 2004. kesehatan lingkungan. jogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. soemarwoto, otto. 2004. ekologi, lingkungan hidup, dan pembangunan. jakarta: djambatan. suntana, ija. 2010. politik ekonomi islam (siyasah maliyah). bandung: pustaka setia. wahbi, shaleh mahmud. 2004. al-bi’ah min manzhurin islamiyyin. damaskus: dar al-fikr. a religious nature: philosopher seyyed hossein nasr on islam and the environment. 2015. bulletin of the atomic scientists. serial online. no.15. layout afkaruna juni 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 developing yogyakarta’s halal tourism potential for strengthening islamic economy in indonesia fatkurrohman gadjah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia. fatkur@ugm.ac.id abstract yogyakarta is one of famed tourism cities in indonesia. this city offers various cultures, natural uniqueness and culture heritage which is extremely valuable. yogyakarta’s uniqueness and beauty boosts domestic and foreign tourists come to this city to relish yogyakarta’s raciness. foreign tourist from malaysia gives high contribution in yogyakarta tourism. in 2014, malaysia tourist arrived to yogyakarta approximately 25,280 which became the third largest foreign tourist after netherlands and japan. the aim of this research is to develop yogyakarta’s big potential as halal tourism destination for strengthening islamic economy in indonesia. the big potential of yogyakarta as halal tourism destination can be seen from two aspects. firstly, sum of big malaysia tourist to yogyakarta is chance to implement halal tourism. secondly, in general, halal tourism will encourage islamic economy growth in indonesia. i use method of analysis of documents to do this research. the result of research is yogyakarta has chance to be developed as one of halal tourism destinations in indonesia. to sum up, yogyakarta’s big potential as halal tourism destination must be developed to actualize sustainable halal tourism in yogyakarta. keywords: halal tourism; islamic economic; culture abstrak yogyakarta merupakan salah satu kota yang terkenal di indonesia. kota yogyakarta menawarkan beragam keunikan alam dan warisan budaya yang sangat bernilai baik dari sisi sejarah maupun wisata. keunikan dan beragam destinasi wisata yang beragam di yogyakarta telah menjadi daya pikat bagi para wisatwan baik wisatawan domestik maupun wisatwan dari mancanegara. wisatawan mancanegara khususnya dari malaysia telah banyak memberikan kontribusi secara ekonomi terhadap pariwisata di yogyakarta. pada tahun 2014, wisatawan dari malaysia telah berkunjung ke yogyakarta mencapai angka 25,280 wisatawan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0065.1-16 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 22222 afkaruna kunjungan wisatwan malaysia menempati posisi ketiga terbesar setelah wisatawan dari belanda dan wisatwan dari jepang. tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengembangkan potensi besar wisata halal di yogyakarta dalam memperkuat ekonomi islam di indonesia. potensi besar kota yogyakarta sebagai destinasi wisata halal dapat dilihat dari hal. pertama, jumlah kunjungan wisatawan dari malaysia merupakan sebuah potensi untuk mengembangkan konsep wisata halal secara serius di yogyakarta. kedua, secara umum, wisata halal memiliki kontribusi yang cukup signifikan dalam memperkuat ekonomi islam di indonesia. penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis dokumen. hasil penelitian ini adalah yogyakarta memiliki peluang yang besar untuk dikembangkan sebagai salah satu destinasi wsiata halal di indonesia. kata kunci: wisata halal; ekonomi islam; budaya introduction halal tourism is a hot topic in every conversation related to tourism in indonesia. this cannot be separated from the position of indonesia as a country that has the largest number of muslims in the world. this largest number of muslims has become a magnet for the tourism industry players to make the market share of the economy in growing the halal tourism industry in indonesia. in short, halal tourism has nothing to do directly with the dominance of islam in the tourism industry, but rather toward harnessing the economic potential in tourism development today. the trend of halal tourism in indonesia from year to year has experienced significant growth in terms of quality and quantity related to the importance of the halal tourism industry. if viewed in terms of quality then the halal tourism industry of indonesia has been proven by the improvement of quality both in terms of attractions, accommodation and access to tourist destinations. meanwhile, in terms of quantity, the development of halal tourism in indonesia showed a significant development with the acquisition of 12 nominations in the event world halal tourism awards in 2016 in dubai, united arab emirates.1 this fact indicates that the development of halal tourism in indonesia is an economic potential that should be developed with the best that will give a good impact for economic growth of indonesia. the tourism sector has a large contribution in contributing economic growth figures in indonesia, even the tourism industry is able to absorb the fourth largest workforce with the number reaching 10.18 million workers.2 the potential for the absorption of large manpower is certainly a great hope associated with the reduction of the number of poverty ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 33333vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 figures in indonesia. as the number of poverty decreases, indonesia’s prosperity can be realized by the indonesian government. therefore, in order to spur economic growth in indonesia, the minister of tourism, arief yahya, targets six things to spur the spirit of indonesian tourism so that tourism can progress and grow rapidly. these are firstly, tourism contribution to gross domestic product (gdp) increased from 9 percent in 2014 to 15 percent in 2019. as of november 2015, tourism contribution to gdp is 9.5 percent. second, foreign exchange increased from idr 140 trillion in 2014 to idr 280 trillion in 2019. currently, tourism contribution to national gdp is estimated to reach 4 percent with foreign exchange of idr 155 trillion. third, the contribution to employment increased from 11 million in 2014 to 13 million by 2019. fourth, the tourism competitiveness index increased from 70th rank in 2014 to 30 in 2019. fifth, the number of foreign tourist arrivals (tourists) increased from 9.4 million in 2014 to 20 million by 2019. as of september 2015, the number of foreign tourists is 8.69 million. sixth, the number of tourists travel nationwide increased from 250 million in 2014 to 275 million in 2019. the six targets of the ministry of tourism will work well if taken seriously. for that, to realize it requires a strong effort so that from all circles can work with 3s. three s is the smart, speed and solid of all parties for the six targets can be realized well achieve target number five and number six, namely the effort to boost foreign tourists and tourist tourism archipelago then the utilization of the potential of halal tourism to be one solution must be done well. the city of yogyakarta as a tourist city, cultural city, city of education and city of struggle. the city of yogyakarta is geographically located at 7 33'-8 12 ‘south latitude and 110 00’-110 50' east longitude, with an area of 2 3,185.80 km. administratively consists of 1 city and 4 districts, 78 sub-districts and 438 urban villages, namely yogyakarta, bantul, kulon progo, gunung kidul and sleman. the city of yogyakarta has an area of 32.50 square kilometers, has 14 districts and 45 villages. bantul regency has an area of 506.85 square kilometers, has 17 sub-districts and 75 villages. kulon progo regency has an area of 586.27 square kilometers, has 12 districts and 88 villages. gunung kidul regency has an area of 1485.36 square kilometers, has 18 districts and 144 villages and sleman district has an area of 574, 82 square kilometers, has 17 districts and 86 villages. meanwhile, yogyakarta in the south is bordered by the indonesian ocean, while in the east is bordered by klaten, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 44444 afkaruna the south is bordered by wonogiri, the west is bordered by purworejo and north west bordering magelang.3 the growth of global islamic finance contributes to the emergence of world halal tourism. according to ibrahim wardi in his book entitled “islamic finance in the global economy” explains that islamic finance can be understood from two things namely narrow perspective and large perspective. in the narrow perspective, islamic finance is interest free banking, and in the large perspective, islamic finance is financial operations conducted by muslims.4 in general, islamic finance institution is defined as are those that are based, in their objectives and operations, on koranic principles. the rise of islamic finance provides opportunities for the development of halal tourism, especially the development of halal tourism in yogyakarta. the number of yogyakarta’s muslim population is 91.4% of 3,594,290 population total.5 this makes yogyakarta very potential to become a halal tourism market. halal tourism is not monolithic speaking alcohol and nonalcohol, but halal tourism is business. even in european countries, many halal and halal restaurants are hygienic, safe and friendly. the city of yogyakarta is one of 10 provinces designed by the ministry of tourism as a province that has the potential to develop halal tourism. the ten provinces are aceh, west sumatra, ntb (lombok), dki jakarta, west java, riau islands, central java, yogyakarta, east java and south sulawesi.6 yogyakarta has the potential for the development of halal tourism because yogyakarta which inherits the islamic mataram kingdom has a culture attached to islam, but also natural and artificial tourism also has the potential to be developed as a halal tourist destination. visits of foreign tourists to indonesia, especially malaysia occupy the third largest tourist visit to indonesia after the netherlands and japan. the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth visits are france, australia, germany, china and korea. while the slightest obstacle to the development of halal tourism in yogyakarta is at the level of accommodation, the number of star hotels in yogyakarta per 2015 is about 64 hotels with the following details of 5 star hotels with 7 hotels with 1518 rooms, 4 star hotels as many as 16 hotels with 1178 rooms, 3 star hotel as many as 19 hotels with number of 1737 rooms, 2 star hotels as many as 13 hotels with number of 648 rooms and 1 star hotel as many as 9 hotels with 397 rooms. while the number of non-star hotels in yogyakarta in 2015 is 561 hotels with num○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 55555vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 ber of rooms as many as 10,963, not including cottage tourism.7 he is among 625 hotels in yogyakarta, but there is only one hotel that is certified halal from the majelis ulama indonesia (mui), namely hotel cakra kusuma located on jalan kaliurang. halal certification at hotel cakra kusuma involves the presentation of food and religious facilities.8 another challenge related to the development of halal tourism in yogyakarta is the lack of an islamic business certification institute (lsu) conductor. the purpose of this study is to develop yogyakarta’s potential as halal tourism destination to encourage islamic economy in indonesia. this research method using qualitative method. in the view of gary king, robert d. keohane and sidney verba, qualitative research is a study that uses one or more case studies using in-depth interviews or depth analysis of historical materials against a number of comprehensive events. for sampling technique, researcher uses deliberate sampling technique. this technique is used because it is able to obtain complete data with diverse data forms. according to c.r. kothari9, states that deliberate sampling are a special unit that represents a large unit. the data collection of this research is using documentation technique. this technique considers some of the diversity of documents including letters, memoranda, official announcements, agendas, meeting conclusions and written reports. in addition, administrative documents, progress reports and other internal documents. there are several books, journals and research discussing related to tourism and terrorism. firstly, battour’s writing related the challenges and future of halal tourism describes halal tourism is not an easy task because of the variance between the demands of non-muslim tourists and muslim tourists.10 secondly, samori et.al in his writing entitled current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries explains comparison between malaysia and japan.11 finding and discussion currently, halal tourism is a prima donna in every seminar or discussion related to indonesian tourism. halal tourism began to grow rapidly in line with the growth of world islamic economy. the dynamic growth of the economy at the international level has contributed to the development of halal tourism not only in the predominantly muslim country, but also the few muslim countries. islamic minority countries that implement halal tourism for example are singapore, thailand, philippines, brazil, china, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 66666 afkaruna taiwan, vietnam, japan, south korea and even russia. then countries that have great attention to halal tourism are indonesia, malaysia, turkey and countries in the middle east. term of halal cannot be separated from the five islamic laws that exist in islamic sharia such as obliged, haram, makruh, mubah and sunnah. according to yusuf al-qaradawi is halal is that which is permitted, with respect to which the law-giver, allah, is allowed.12 another definition, halal can be defined as permissible or lawful in islam. in reference to food, it is the islamic dietary standard, as prescribed in the shari’ah (islamic law).13 while islamic tourism is “as tourism in accordance with islam, those who are interested in keeping with their personal religious habits whilst traveling. zamani-farahani and henderson explain that tourism in islam is permitted as long as stipulations about conduct, dress, food and prayer are done well.14 the word “halal” is not a strange thing in the islamic world. the word tourism has been mentioned both in al-quran and hadith. some arguments from al-quran and hadith the author of the quotation of the writings of samori et.al in his writing entitled current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries. allah swt says: “do they not travel through the land, so that their hearts (and minds) may thus learn wisdom and their ears may thus learn to hear? truly it is not their eyes that are blind, but their hearts which are in their breasts.” (surah al-hajj: 46). in the another verse, he who forsakes his home in the cause of allah, finds in the earth many a refuge, wide and spacious: should he die as a refugee from home for allah and his messenger, his reward becomes due and sure with allah: and allah is oft-forgiving, most merciful.” (surah alnisa’: 100). meanwhile, allah swt put his words: “travel through the earth and see how allah did originate creation; so will allah produce a later creation: for allah has power over all things.” (surah al-ankabut: 20). another reference about halal tourism is in hadists. there are many hadiths such as that ibrahim abu isma’il as-saksaki narrated where rasulullah, reported to have said: i heard abu burda who accompanied yazid bin abi kabsha on a journey. yazid used to observe fasting on journeys. abu burda said to him, “i heard abu musa several times saying that allah’s apostle said, when a slave falls ill or travels, then he will get reward similar to that he gets for good deeds practiced at home when in good health.” (sahih al-bukhari: vol. 4, book 52, hadith 239). then in another hadist, described that this has been recorded where it was nar○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 77777vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 rated by abu said, rasulullah says: “some of the companion of rasulullah went on a journey till they reached some of the arab tribes (at night). they asked the latter to treat them as guests, but they were refused. the chief was then bitten by a snake. when asked for help to cure the bite, the traveler refused, saying that since they were earlier on denied of hospitality, the travelers would only recite the ruqyu for some payment.” (sahih al-bukhari: vol. 7, book 71, hadith 632). in another hadith narrated by ibn `abbas: (as regards the verse): “you shall surely travel from stage to stage (in this life and in the hereafter). (it means) from one state to another. that concerns your prophet.” sahih al-bukhari: vol. 6, book 60, hadith 4.15 if we explore more deeply that the emergence of halal tourism or islamic tourism is the development of islamic travel and sharia tourism developed from religious tourism. religious tourism means tourist wandering, with the religious element as one of its leading objectives.16 this means that the foundation halal tourism is from religious tourism which later developed into a sharia tour. religious tourism appears to the surface because this tour departs from religious factors and religious tourism is the oldest form of tourism. religious tourism emerges from the rapid development of global islamic economy in recent decades. the relationship between religious tourism development process, sharia tourism and halal tourism can be described as the picture below.17 figure.1. developing of halal tourism source: jaelani, aan.2017. halal tourism industry in indonesia: potential and prospects. https://mpra.ub.unimuenchen.de/76237/ in the context of halal tourism, there are some terms that have the same substance with halal tourism, such terms are islamic tourism, sharia tourism, halal travel, halal friendly tourism destination, muslim-friendly travel destination and halal lifestyle. in relation to religious tourism, religious tourism is often associated with travel activities with religious intentions performed by religious communities of islam, christianity, hinduism and buddhism, usually by visiting holy places and religious figures (pil○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 88888 afkaruna grimages). sharia tourism has a broader meaning of religious tourism. sharia tourism has seven main criteria that must be known well. (3) sharia tourism avoids idolatry and khurafat (4) sharia free tourism (5) sharia tourism maintains security and convenience (6) sharia tourism must preserve the environment (7) sharia tourism must respect the values of social culture and local wisdom.18 according to heri sucipto and fitria andayani, there are several characteristic syariah tour:19 1. sharia tourism destination a. destinations include nature, cultural and artificial tours b. good and holy worship facilities are available c. halal food and beverage are available d. art and cultural performances and attractions that are not in conflict with the general criteria of sharia tourism e. cleaned sanitation and environment 2. accommodation a. available decent and sacred facilities b. there are facilities that make it easy for worship c. halal food and beverages are available d. the facilities and atmosphere are safe, comfortable and conducive to family and business e. clean and sanitary environment 3. sharia travel bureau a. organize travel or tour packages that fit the general criteria of sharia tourism b. have a list of accommodation that complies with the general guidelines of syariah tourism accommodation c. have a list of food and beverage business that is in accordance with the guide of food provider and minister of sharia tourism 4. criteria of guide syariah a. understand and be able to implement syariah values in performing their duties b. good, communicative, friendly and honest and responsible habit c. be courteous and attractive in accordance with islamic values and ethics d. have work competence according to applicable profession standard ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 99999vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 5. sharia flight a. provides flights to a number of islamic countries b. providing halal food during the trip c. providing maximum service and friendly in accordance with islamic principles d. the stewardesses were well-dressed 6. shopping center and stopover place a. providing a decent mosque / mosque b. the location of the mosque is not in a hidden place c. keep the building clean. table.1. differences among conventional, religious and syariah or halal tourism aspect conventional tourism religious tourism syariah/halal tourism object nature, culture, heritage and cuisine worship place and historical place all aim entertaining increasing spirituality increasing spirituality entertainingly target entertaining only spiritual aspect religious awareness guide guide’s expertise in explaining tourist understanding figure and place syariah role in daily life worship facility complementary complementary worship as part of entertaining package culinary general general halal community and environment relations complementary complementary integrated in syariah itinerary whenever certain time keep prayer time source: jaelani, aan.2017. halal tourism industry in indonesia: potential and prospects. https://mpra.ub.unimuenchen.de/76237/ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1010101010 afkaruna indicators related to sharia tourism will be a good guide not only for tourists but also actors of tourism. to carry out these indicators are expected to contribute well to the realization of islamic tourism in indonesia. a very clear guide related to sharia tourism will provide many conveniences for the realization of islamic tourism in the future. when the actors of sharia tourism have to know and understand related to the indicators of sharia tourism then the actors of sharia tourism will be easy to implement it. this will certainly develop syariah tourism not only in the city of jakarta, but also other cities that have the potential for developing islamic tourism. to realize related to the development of islamic tourism should get support from five main components called pentahelix namely scholars, businesspeople, community, government, and media.20 the word shariah has been used in the banking industry since 1992, which then shifted to the insurance shariah, sharia pawnshops, sharia hotels and sharia tourism. if we explore further, islamic tours of the type of pilgrimage tours and religious tourism. in 1967, the unwto (united nations world tourism organization) organized a conference in cordoba aimed at bridging the dialogue space of culture, religion and civilization. associated with the dynamics in conventional tourism, religious tourism and sharia tourism or halal tourism. here the authors show the differences that exist in conventional tours, tours and sharia tours or halal tours. based on the differences associated with conventional tourism, religious tourism and halal or sharia tours, then we can be clearer in distinguishing the three forms of tourism. identifying halal tourism to conventional tourism we can recognize from the tour package. the special feature of halal tour packages is that the tour package which includes the destination of islam-friendly tourists, hotels, restaurants and halal spas. halal is a food product that has the properties of cleanliness, safety and quality. in developing halal tourism or sharia tourism there are seven sectors that must be considered for halal tourism can really grow rapidly in the future. the seven sectors are culinary, islamic finance, insurance industry, fashion, cosmetics, pharmacy and tourism. if this is developed seriously then the development of indonesian halal tourism will be developed and become a reference for the countries of the international world. the potential of halal tourism in indonesia is very large giving hope that halal tourism will contribute to economic growth in indonesia. this should be done by indonesia because indonesia has a lot of potential ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1111111111vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 related to the development of halal tourism. one of them is the understanding related to islam in indonesian society is good enough, that is to live give a broader understanding about the world of halal tourism industry. if we talk related to the halal tourism industry, then the trendsetter of world halal tourism is malaysia, turkey, brunei darussalam and middle east. therefore, indonesia’s position is very strategic to be able to compete with countries outside indonesia. this has been proven by the victory of indonesia in the arena of world halal tourism awards 2016 di abu dhabi, uni emirat arab. indonesia won 12 nominations from 16 nominations, these are the 12 winners of the world halal tourism awards 2016:21 1. world’s best airline for halal travellers garuda indonesia. 2. world’s best airport for halal travellers sultan iskandar muda international airport, aceh indonesia. 3. world’s best family friendly hotel the rhadana hotel, kuta, bali, indonesia. 4. world’s most luxurious family friendly hotel trans luxury hotel bandung indonesia. 5. world’s best halal beach resort novotel lombok resort & villas, lombok, ntb. 6. world’s best halal tour operator ero tour, west sumatera indonesia 7. world’s best halal tourism website www.wonderfullomboksumbawa.com, indonesia. 8. world’s best halal honeymoon destination sembalun village region, lombok, nusa tenggara barat, indonesia 9. world’s best hajj & umrah operator esq tours & travel, jakarta, indonesia. 10.world’s best halal destination west sumatera, indonesia. 11.world’s best halal culinary destination west sumatera, indonesia 12.world’s best halal cultural destination aceh indonesia. while in 2015, in the event what, indonesia indonesia managed to occupy five nominations namely world best family friendly hotel, world best cultural destination, world’s best culinary destination, world’s best halal honeymoon destination, and world’s best halal tourism destination.22 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1212121212 afkaruna figure 2: indonesia wins world halal travel awards 2015 source: http://www.islamiceconomic.org/indonesia-wins-world-halal-travel-awards-2015.html indonesia’s victory at the what event in 2015 and 2016 proves that indonesia has considerable potential to shift countries such as malaysia, turkey, brunei darussalam and middle eastern countries in terms of world halal tourism. this potential must be maintained and properly maintained so that indonesian halal tourism can contribute to the development of indonesia in the future. yogyakarta is one of the provinces set by the ministry of tourism as one of halal tourism destinations along with 9 other regions in indonesia. the nine areas are lombok, jakarta, batam, aceh, west java, west sumatra, east java, central java and south sulawesi.23 the position of yogyakarta as one of the halal tourism destinations is the right thing because the first two main things are the number of tourist visits from malaysia visiting yogyakarta and the second reason is the presence of domestic tourists more comfortable with halal tourism. the number of malaysian tourists ranked third largest after the netherlands and japan. this shows that the potential for increasing malaysian tourists to come to yogyakarta becomes the homework of the yogyakarta government. the number of malaysian tourists coming to yogyakarta in 2013, 2014 and 2015 are 22,277, 25,280 and 27,000 tourists. to increase the number of malaysian tourist to visit yogyakarta, yogyakarta government should clean up related to the supporting facilities of sharia tourism be it accommodation sector, attractions, accessibility and ancillary tours. tourism destinations both based on ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1313131313vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 nature, culture and artificial must be optimized by the government of yogyakarta. while at the level of domestic tourists, with the number of muslims who reach the majority in indonesia, halal tourism becomes a necessity. this means that if in 2015, the national archipelago that came to yogyakarta 3.4 million then with the many halal destinations in yogyakarta, it will be a tower of the domestic tourists to vacation to yogyakarta. table 2. domestic and foreign tourist visiting in yogyakarta 2011-2015 year foreign tourist growth (%) domestic tourist growth (%) foreign and domestic tourists growth (%) 2011 169,565 9.57 1,438,129 1.37 1,607,694 2.17 2012 197,751 16.62 2,162,422 50.36 2,360,173 46.80 2013 235,893 19.29 2,602,074 20.33 2,837,967 20.24 2014 254,213 7.77 3,091,967 18.83 3,346,180 17.91 2015 308,485 21.35 3,813,720 23.34 4,122,205 23.19 2016 355,313 15.18 4,194,261 9.98 4,549,574 10.37 source: tourism statistic of yogyakarta, 2015 and tourism statistic of yogyakarta, 2016. table 3. top three foreign tourist visiting in yogyakarta tourists 2013 2014 2015 2016 netherlands 11% 11% 11% 13% japanese 10% 10% 10% 7% malaysian 10% 10% 9% 10% source: tourism statistic of yogyakarta, 2016. based on the above data, we can conclude that the range of 2011 to 2016, the data of foreign tourist visits to yogyakarta has increased significantly from the number of visits 169,565 to 355.313 in 2016. while domestic tourist arrivals in 2011 amounted to 1.438.129 increased to 4,194,261 on year 2016. the number of foreign tourists visiting yogyakarta is dominated by the netherlands, japan and malaysia. the number of malaysian tourists who are relatively stable at 10% rate during the year 2013-2016 is a great potential in the development of halal tourism in yogyakarta. this of course also affects the increasing islamic economic activity in yogyakarta. conclusion halal tourism is a kind of tourism that is currently becoming an inter○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1414141414 afkaruna esting thing to be developed by the government of indonesia. yogyakarta as one of the areas appointed by the ministry of tourism as a destitution of halal tourism in general is ready to organize halal tourism. yogyakarta has a lot of potential for both nature-based tourism, culture and artificial to be developed into a halal tourism. implementation of halal tourism will provide a significant economic impact for the people of yogyakarta because tourists both foreign and national tourists will visit yogyakarta. foreign tourists, especially tourists from malaysia and domestic tourists will be pampered with halal tourist destinations. to prepare halal tourism destinations, the government of yogyakarta should also be able to guard halal tours can be comfortable for everyone. in addition, the government of yogyakarta should also provide education to the public that halal tourism is not a certain religious autonomy, but halal tourism purely because of business interests. endnotes 1 http://www.thejakartapost.com/travel/2016/10/12/12-indonesian-entitiesvie-for-world-halal-tourism-award.html 2 kurniawan gilang widagdyo, “analisis pasar pariwisata halal indonesia” in the journal of tauhidinomics vol. 1 no. 1 (2015), p. 73 3 dinas priwisata daerah istimewa yogyakarta, statistik kepariwisataan 2015 (yogyakarta: tidak diketahui penerbit, 2016), p.iii 4 ibrahim warde, islamic finance in the global economy (edinburg: edinburgh university press, 2000), p. 20. 5 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/special_region_of_yogyakarta 6 http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/104074/indonesia-developing-halaltourism 7 dinas priwisata daerah istimewa yogyakarta, statistik kepariwisataan 2015 (yogyakarta: tidak diketahui penerbit, 2016), pp.xvii-xviii 8 http://rumahtin.com/jogja-destinasi-wisata-halal/. 9 c.r. kothari, research methodology: methods and techniques (new delhi: new age international publisher, 2004), p.3 10 mohamed battour and mohd nazari ismail, “halal tourism: concepts, practises, challenges and future” in tourism management perspectives 19 (2016),pp 150-154. 11 zakiah samori, nor zafir md salleh and mohammad mahyuddin khalid, “current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries” in tourism management perspectives 19 (2016) pp 131-136. 12 sheikh yusuf al-qaradawi, the lawful and the prohibited in islam (cairo:alfalah foundation for translation, publication&distribution, 2001), p. xxv 13 http://www.halalhmc.org/defintionofhalal.htm ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1515151515vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 14 hamira zamani-farahani and joan c. henderson, “islamic tourism and managing tourism development in islamic societies: the cases of iran and saudi arabia”, in international journal of tourism research, 12, (2010), pp. 7989. 15 zakiah samori, nor zafir md salleh and mohammad mahyuddin khalid, “current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries”, in tourism management perspectives 19 (2016), pp. 131–136 16 maciej ostrowski, pilgrimages or religious tourism (2010), p.53. 17 aan jaelani, “halal tourism industry in indonesia: potential and prospects”, in munich personal repec archive (2017) pp 9-12. 18 aan jaelani, “halal tourism industry in indonesia: potential and prospects”, in munich personal repec archive (2017) p. 8. 19 ade ela pratiwi, “analisis pasar wisata syariah di kota yogyakarta” in jurnal media wisata, vol 14, no.1 (2016), p.350. 20 http://www.thejakartapost.com/travel/2017/09/15/airasia-unveils-indonesiainspired-aircraft-liver y-design.html?fb_comment_id=1540961702633666_1541851279211375 21 http://www.indonesia.travel/en/post/indonesia-dominates-world-halal-tourism-awards-2016-winning-12-top-categories. 22 https://lifestyle.sindonews.com/read/1056127/156/lombok-berhasilmenangkan-world-halal-travel-awards-2015-1445815728. 23 http://www.cheria-travel.com/2017/05/10-wilayah-indonesia-yangmenjadi.html. bibliography battour, mohamed and ismail,nazari, mohd. 2016. “halal tourism: concepts, practises, challenges and future” in tourism management perspectives 19, pp 150-154 dinas priwisata daerah istimewa yogyakarta, statistik kepariwisataan 2015 (yogyakarta: tidak diketahui penerbit, 2016). ——————————————————————————————, statistik kepariwisataan 2016 (yogyakarta: tidak diketahui penerbit, 2017). farahani, zamani, hamira and henderson,c, joan. 2010 “islamic tourism and managing tourism development in islamic societies: the cases of iran and saudi arabia”, in international journal of tourism research, 12, pp. 79-89. jaelani, aan. 2017. “halal tourism industry in indonesia: potential and prospects”, in munich personal repec archive, pp 9-12. kothari. c.r, 2004. research methodology: methods and techniques. new delhi: new age international publisher. ostrowski, maciej. 2010. “pilgrimages or religious tourism”, in peregrinus cracoviensis. pp. 53-61 pratiwi, ela, ade. 2016. “analisis pasar wisata syariah di kota yogyakarta” in jurnal media wisata, vol 14. no.1, p.345-364. samori, zakiah, salleh, md, zafir, nor and khalid, mahyudian, mohammad. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1616161616 afkaruna 2016, “current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries”, in tourism management perspectives 19, pp. 131–136 warde,ibrahim. 2000. islamic finance in the global economy. edinburgh: edinburgh university press. widagdyo, gilang, kurniawan. 2015.”analisis pasar pariwisata halal indonesia” in the journal of tauhidinomics vol. 1 no. 1, p. 73-80 zakiah samori, nor zafir md salleh and mohammad mahyuddin khalid. 2016, “current trends on halal tourism: cases on selected asian countries” in tourism management perspectives 19, pp. 131-136. internet access http://www.thejakartapost.com/travel/2016/10/12/12-indonesian-entities-viefor-world-halal-tourism-award.html https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/special_region_of_yogyakarta http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/104074/indonesia-developing-halal-tourism http://www.thejakartapost.com/travel/2017/09/15/airasia-unveils-indonesiainspired-aircraft-livery-design.html?fb_comment_id=1540961702633666_1541851279211375 http://www.indonesia.travel/en/post/indonesia-dominates-world-halal-tourismawards-2016-winning-12-top-categories. https://lifestyle.sindonews.com/read/1056127/156/lombok-berhasil-menangkanworld-halal-travel-awards-2015-1445815728. http://rumahtin.com/jogja-destinasi-wisata-halal/. http://www.cheria-travel.com/2017/05/10-wilayah-indonesia-yang-menjadi.html. http://www.halalhmc.org/defintionofhalal.htm layout juni 2016 antara ziarah religius dan kapitalisasi di era globalisasi: catatan etnografis umrah al makin universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta indonesia email: almakin3@gmail.com abstract this article is written based on ethnographical notes, through observation, interviews, and direct involvement in the lesser pilgrimage (umroh) to medina on march 12-20, 2016. the writing focuses on the performance of the ritual and other factors which have influenced the development of the holy city from social, economic, and cultural perspectives making the modern city of medina. this article reveals that medina as a holy city of pilgrimage destination grows with modern capitalism with the mushrooming business in accommodation and world products. not only does the religion of islam mix with capitalism, but the combination of the two does not decrease the sacrality of the city and the performance of the rituals in the city. in fact, the sacrality and holiness remain intact amidst commercialization of the city in the forms of luxuriouos hotels, malls, and modern kiosks. what is more, modern medina is a symbol of plurality with the muslim visitors for pilgrimage coming from different countries who bring their own local cultures and various religious traditions seen in their diverse fashions, traditions, and religious rites. keywords: religiosity, religious commodifications, umrah abstrak tulisan ini berasal dari data etnografi, catatan, observasi, wawancara dan pengalaman langsung ziarah umroh ke madinah pada tanggal 12-20 maret, 2016. catatan yang berfokus pada ritual dan faktor yang mempengaruhi madinah modern dari sisi sosial, ekonomi, dan budaya untuk berusaha memotret madinah dari berbagai sudut. dalam artikel ini ditemukan potret madinah sebagai kota tujuan ibadah ziarah dan juga sekaligus kapitalisasi modern dengan menjamurmnya bisnis akomodasi dan produk-produk dunia. tidak hanya fenomena agama berbaur dan akrab dengan dunia kapitalisme, namun juga penyatuan keduanya tidak menyurutkan ritualitas keagamaan. kenyataannya, kesucian kota itu tetap terjaga ditengah komersialisasi madinah dengan maraknya kemegahan hotel, mall, dan kios-kios. madinah modern juga sekaligus menjadi penanda pluralnya kaum mus○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016. 0057.114-134 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 115115115115115vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 lim dunia dengan membawa budaya dan tradisi keislaman yang berbeda-beda terlihat dari mode pakaian, tradisi, dan praktek keagamaan dalam ziarah di kota itu. kata kunci: relijiusitas, komodifikasi agama, umrah pendahuluan artikel ini didasari data penelitian etnografis pada tanggal 12-20 maret, 2016 dalam ibadah umrah yang diselenggarakan oleh darul hijrah tour dan travel, cilacap, jawa tengah bekerjasama dengan pt. marco jakarta dengan izin kementerian agama no. 344/2015. penelitian dan observasi ini tentu juga sekaligus pelibatan langsung peneliti dalam ibadah umrah tersebut dan dengan begitu memberikan nuansa data dan interpretasi yang didasarkan pada pengalaman, wawancara, observasi dengan interpretasi etnografis.1 selain itu, makalah ini dilengkapi dengan data sejarah dari literatur yang memadai dalam melacak kota madinah. ibadah umrah tersebut dipimpin oleh abu syauqi, direktur darul hijrah tour dan mutawwif (pemandu) oleh arifin yang sudah bermukim di mekah selama tujuh tahun. rombongan itu terdiri dari tiga puluh orang dari berbagai profesi, mulai dari pegawai bank, nelayan, petani, guru, kiai, pedagang, pensiunan pegawai negeri sipil dan lain-lain. asal muasal kota para peserta ibadah juga berbeda-beda: jakarta, yogyakarta, pati, banyumas, cilacap, dan bandung.2 data didapat dari observasi, wawancara dengan peserta dan pelibatan langsung, juga mendapatkan data dari peserta umrah selama di madinah yang berasal dari negara lain, di antaranya: pakistan, india, mesir, dan uzbekistan. data yang terekam dan tercatat kemudian diolah sedemikian rupa dan diceritakan secara naratif untuk sampai pada kesimpulan penggambaran madinah dari berbagai segi. observasi di sekitar kota madinah juga dijalani langsung. untuk pembahasan dalam tulisan ini dibagi ke dalam beberapa bagian yaitu: tentang unsur kesejarahan madinah itu sendiri dengan dukungan literatur yang memadai, juga fungsi dan perubahan kota itu dari waktu ke waktu disinggung secara singkat, kemudian langsung memaparkan hasil observasi lapangan. hasil observasi dibagi ke dalam beberapa tema yang meliputi perkembangan terkini kota itu dari segi fasilitas struktur dan infrastruktur, keadaan ekonomi dan kegiatan bisnis, ibadah para peziarah, suasana di masjid al-haram nabawi yang meliputi juga raudah dan museum. artikel ini bermaksud memberikan paparan tentang situasi dan kondisi madinah saat ini ketika ibadah umrah itu dilaksanakan dan dengan begitu memaparkan bahwa madinah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 116116116116116 afkaruna sebagai tujuan ziarah dan ritual kaum muslim tidak sesederhana yang dibayangkan hanya sebagai kota ibadah, tetapi madinah merupakan kota yang sudah berkembang karena modernisasi dan globalisasi sehingga aktivitas tidak hanya terbatas ibadah. aktivitas ekonomi dan bisnis, perhotelan, pertokoan, dan jual-beli, sangat dominan. ibadah terkait erat dengan hal-hal duniawi dan tidak bisa dihindari dalam membahas ritual keagamaan mengaitkannya dengan kondisi sosial.3 madinah dalam sejarah madinah adalah kota perdana dalam sejarah islam yang dibangun langsung oleh nabi muhammad, setelah beliau hijrah (migrasi) dari makkah, tempat kelahiran yang berstatus haram (suci). pembangunan kota di abad tujuh masehi dan pertama hijriyah ini meliputi pembangunan politik dan agama; dalam hal ini, islam berarti juga ritual, sosial, dan kekuatan politik.4 di madinah, masyarakat muslim awal berkembang dan juga secara politik menguat, terutama setelah kemenangan demi kemenangan diraih dalam berbagai konflik dan peperangan melawan orang-orang mekah dan non-muslim sekitar. sampai era empat khalifah pengganti pemimpin nabi muhammad (abu bakar, umar, utsman, dan ali) yang tetap beribukota di madinah, pusat politik lalu pindah ke damaskus, lalu baghdad, dari dinasti umayyah dan abbasiyah. secara politik, perpindahan kekuasaan selanjutnya dalam sejarah islam terjadi berkalikali dan berlainan negara, benua, dan belahan dunia. namun, madinah sebagai kota suci (haram) tetap penting dalam kehidupan keagamaan muslim di seluruh dunia hingga kini. madinah penting karena masjid nabawi yang dibangun nabi dan sudah diperluas meliputi rumah, makam, dan halaman, raudhah (tempat imam dan makam nabi), makam baqi (para sahabat dan muslim awal), bukit uhud, masjid quba, dan masjid bain qiblatain (antara dua kiblat), dan sekarang terdapat museum di samping masjid nabawi yang megah.5 membayangkan madinah pada era nabi, dan sesudahnya pada masa kekhalifahan dan klasik tentu berbeda dengan madinah modern saat ini. tetapi letak sebagai sebuah haram dalam relijiusitas muslim tidak banyak berubah, walaupun sesudah menghadapi berbagai perubahan sejarah dan politik. tepatnya, madinah terletak di propinsi hijaz, kerajaan saudi arabia dengan letak geografis 24° 28’ n, longitudinal 39° 36’ e, 160 km dari laut merah, dan sekitar 350 km dari kota mekah, arah utara.6 konon sebelum zaman nabi bermigrasi, madinah bernama yatsrib dan nama itu masih banyak juga disebut dalam dokumen-dokumen sesudahnya. penduduk sebelum masa is○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 117117117117117vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 lam, didominasi suku-suku arab berbagai klan dan juga sebagian penduduk menganut yahudi, dan terjadi percampuran antara yahudi dan arab dalam hal budaya, tradisi, dan perkawinan.7 beberapa suku yahudi yang disebut dalam kitab sirah, tabaqat, dan tarikh, masih berafiliasi yahudi dan berhadapan dengan islam awal yang pesat dan terjadi konflik dan perjanjian dengan masyarakat muslim awal, yang terekam dalam dokumen yang dikenal dengan nama madinah charter (perjanjian madinah). madinah sudah mengalami transformasi berkali-kali dari satu era ke era yang lain, satu dinasti ke dinasti yang lain, dan satu perubahan politik ke perubahan politik yang lain. dari sisi fisik dan arsitektur tampaknya madinah tidak meninggalkan satu bangunan kuno era nabi pun, dan peninggalan yang signifikan, karena perubahan yang sangat mendasar terjadi era wahabi modern awal, peralihan dari turki utsmani dan wangsa saudi, di awal abad dua puluh. konon tahun 1916, syarif husain b. ali memberontak kekuasaan turki di provinsi hijaz, namun pemberontakan gagal, dan hijaz tetap termasuk madinah di tangan turki. namun setelah perang, hijaz menjadi daerah kekuasaan syarif husain hingga tahun 1925. rival utama syarif husain adalah ibn saud yang mengambil hijaz tahun 1925 termasuk madinah.8 pada awal abad dua puluh raja abd. al-aziz mengawali perubahan itu dan mengubah seluruh bangunan dan tempat-tempat sakral. wahabi sangat mencurigai segala bentuk kesyirikan dan menghabisi seluruh situs sekitar rumah nabi, makam nabi dan para khalifah dan keluarganya yang saat ini dikenal dengan nama raudah, dan makam-makam yang sekarang dikenal sebagai baqi.9 namun, sebagai kota tujuan ziarah dan ibadah, status suci madinah tetap dipertahankan dengan alasan persaudaraan dan tentu saja ekonomi, karena kehidupan agrikultur tempo dulu sudah tidak dapat lagi menopang kota ini. sejak berkembangnya industri minyak di saudi, madinah sudah resmi meninggalkan era agrikultur yang sejak masa nabi masih dikenal dengan berbagai tanaman seperti kurma (phoenix dactylifera) dengan berbagai jenisnya, anggur (vitis vinifera), delima (punica granatum), tin (ficus carica), dan zaitun (olea europaea). semua produk itu masih bisa dilihat di madinah kini, namun sebagai penghasil utama dan penopang ekonomi madinah, tidak lagi bisa diandalkan. banyak produk itu dijual ditempat-tempat tertentu dan pasar, baik tradisional maupun mall-mall modern, namun hanya sebagai oleh-oleh peziarah. pemerintah modern saudi berinvestasi besar sekali dalam ekonomi infrastruktur dan superstruktur untuk keperluan ziarah ke dua kota suci (mekah dan madinah), dan itu terasa sekali hingga kini, bahwa ziarah telah dan akan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 118118118118118 afkaruna menghidupi sekian banyak penduduk dua kota itu dalam jasa akomodasi, dagang, dan wisata religi.10 pada masa awalnya, madinah sebagai pusat pemerintahan nabi dan juga pusat masyarakat islam awal, madinah penting dari berbagai segi sosial, politik, agama, dan budaya. namun, sejak pemerintah mu’awiyah b. abi sufyan pindah ke damaskus dan dimulainya dinasti umaiyah, madinah menjadi kota yang sedikit netral dalam urusan politik, walaupun bukan berarti selamat dari konflik umat islam yang berkepanjangan dan terus menerus. sewaktu mu’awiyah menunjuk anaknya, yazid b. mu’awiyah sebagai khalifah, banyak yang tidak setuju dan berlindung di madinah. mereka yang tidak ingin terlibat pertikaian demi pertikaian juga berada di madinah seperti abdullah b. umar. namun, masa itu juga sekaligus madinah sebagai kota yang sedikit terisolasi dan terpisah dari hiruk-pikuk politik damaskus dan baghdad selanjutnya pada era abbasiyah. sampai pada masa turki utsmani, madinah sepertinya hanya tempat beribadah, pengkajian dan diskusi keagamaan. imam malik menjadikan tradisi penduduk kota ini sebagai sumber hukum dan masuk dalam kategori “sunnah”. imam syafi’i tidak menganggap ini penting dalam hal hukum islam, dan lebih memilih hadis, ijmak dan qiyas. banyak ilmuwan, ulama, dan para ahli islam awal tinggal di kota madinah. namun madinah modern saat ini bukanlah madinah ratusan tahun yang lalu. madinah modern merupakan jawaban dan reaksi atas berkembangnya politik di saudi yang dikuasai ideologi wahabi dengan relijiusitas muslim dunia serta keterikatan emosi orang beriman pada kota yang dibangun oleh nabi ini. serjeant, 11 salah satu pemerhati sejarah islam awal, berasumsi bahwa status haram madinah itu tidak sejak awal pra-islam telah ada, tidak seperti mekah yang memang sudah berstatus haram jauh hari sebelum islam dan qur’an diwahyukan. haram pada dasarnya merujuk pada larangan bagi penduduk sekitar untuk melakukan perang antar suku, membunuh, menyakiti makhluk hidup, bahkan memotong rambut. haram berhubungan dengan kedamaian dan aliansi antar suku. suku dan kesukuan di arab melibatkan banyak hal tentang kerjasama, perserikatan, pernikahan, dan perjanjian.12 misalnya, suku yang lemah akan berlindung di ka’bah di mekah karena status haram itu, dan suku yang kuat melindunginya.13 di madinah, haram bermula dari perjanjian madinah yang memuat pemberian kesalamatan bagi orang muslim dan non-muslim, maka status kota madinah itu meningkat dari tempat migrasi dan tempat tinggal nabi menjadi haram dan suci pada era itu dan sesudahnya. patut dicatat pula, bahwa status haram sebetulnya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 119119119119119vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 terdapat pada banyak tempat, tidak hanya milik eksklusif kota makkah, tetapi misalnya yamamah juga berstatus haram, bagi pemimpin agama dan politik lain, yakni musaylimah.14 begitu juga beberapa suku pra-islam mempunyai tempat suci yang diharamkan, dimuliakan, berfungsi sebagai tempat perdamaian, dan tempat ibadah. non-muslim tidak diperkenankan berkunjung ke dua kota haram (mekah dan madinah).15 peters bahkan berteori bahwa status haram madinah justru terbentuk setelah nabi wafat, karena ada makam nabi di sana, maka madinah dimuliakan oleh umat islam. 16 sebelum nabi wafat, tidak ada tempat istimewa yang dimuliakan dan bisa mengangkat status haram madinah. status ini yang akhirnya menjadi daya tawar madinah pada era-era selanjutnya setelah nabi. hotel dan mall setelah penulis tiba di kota madinah pada tanggal 12 maret 2016, berikut narasi yang bisa disusun berdasarkan observasi, pengalaman, dan wawancara. madinah yang saat ini terlihat adalah kota metropolitan, yang penuh warna tidak hanya tentang religiusitas atau keislaman, tetapi juga menyangkut peran sosial dan ekonomi. yang jelas melihat madinah saat ini sudah menyangkut persoalan kapitalisme dan relijiusitas yang menyatu. kota ini tidak hanya dihiasi masjid agung dan megah, masjid peninggalan nabi muhammad yang dibangun masa beliau masih memimpin masyarakat terbatas city-state madinah, namun kini dihiasi oleh mall-mall dan hotel-hotel berbintang mengelilingi kota ini. yang jelas mall terbesar tepat di sebelah masjid adalah al-noor mall17 dan tempat belanja ben dawood,18 yang sangat lengkap seperti carrefour di indonesia yang menjamur; tempat belanja lengkap yang megah dan menjanjikan secara komersial yang mengundang banyak pengunjung dari masjid madinah itu sendiri. mall dan tempat belanja tersebut modern dan lengkap dari mode sampai jam tangan dengan produk-produk barat dan china. mall adalah entitas yang bisa diukur dengan kacamata ekonomi dan sosial, begitu juga mall di madinah. di sekeliling masjid nabawi adalah hotel-hotel megah dan berbintang, tempat para peziarah menginap, lengkap dengan fasilitas yang memadai. di antara yang megah dan berbintang lima dan empat: crowne plaza madinah, intercontinental dar al-iman, intercontinental dar al-hijrah19, madinah hilton, anwar al-madinah movenpick hotel.20 ada banyak website yang berisi informasi termasuk harga hotel di madinah.21 penulis sendiri sebagai peziarah pada rombongan umrah tinggal di salah satu hotel yang dekat dengan masjid ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 120120120120120 afkaruna nabawi, safoora al-huda yang berbintang empat dengan pelayanan yang baik.22 teman saya sumanto al qurtubi, yang bekerja sebagai professor di dekat kota riyadh, yang kebetulan bertemu di madinah, memilih tinggal di hotel nozol, yang kurang lebih sama bintangnya dengan hotel saya.23 hotel kami berdua dikelilingi hotel-hotel mewah menjulang dan berwibawa. kami sebagai anggota peziarah umrah tidak memesan hotel sendiri karena disediakan oleh biro travel. pemimpin rombongan abu syauqi, mempunyai hubungan dengan orang indonesia yang menjadi pemukim di sana, dan disitulah peran orang ini menghubungkan biro travel di indonesia dengan hotel dan segala persiapannya di tanah suci. jelasnya, abu syauqi tidak membuka website hotel untuk memesan hotel secara mandiri, tetapi bertumpu pada kenalan orang indonesia yang bermukim di saudi. mereka yang bermukim rata-rata berprofesi sebagai mediator dan terutama sebagai mutawwif, semacam tour guide, tetapi untuk umrah dan haji. walaupun identik dengan pemandangan hotel dan mall, tidak semua peziarah selalu berbelanja. beberapa peziarah selalu berusaha tinggal di masjid nabawi, tidak pernah, atau jarang sekali menengok kamar hotel. dari kegiatan hotel bisa kita mengintip: setiap pagi sarapan dengan model arab: khubz, buah zaitun olive, tahinah, susu dan keju arab. menu nasi ada dua: nasi putih dan nasi asin. para peziarah yang tinggal di sofara al-huda berasal dari malaysia, singapura dan indonesia yang selara makannya sama. mereka memilih tahu, ikan bandeng dan rendang. siang dan malam selera nusantara, lengkap dengan sambal, kerupuk, dan sayur lodeh. makan di madinah, walaupun terlihat seperti masakan indonesia, tidak seperti di indonesia, rasanya masih kurang berbumbu dan terasa seperti rasa melayu, tetapi dipaksakan. pasar tradisional yang menarik dari pemandangan madinah dan sekitarnya di samping pasar tradisional tidak kurang dari 200 meter dari masjid adalah banyaknya burung dara yang beterbangan. para penjaja makanan burung dara juga bersemangat menawarkan pada para peziarah untuk memberi makan. burung dara beterbangan di pasar tradisional tepat di muka masjid nabawi lurus. patut dicatat, bahwa pasar tradisional ini semakin sedikit peminatnya, jika dibanding dengan toko-toko yang sudah modern di sekitar hotel dan masjid, tentu fasilitas dan kenyamanan mengalahkan yang lebih kuno dan tradisional. madinah adalah kota komersial, sepertin masa lalunya. pusat perdagangan dan transit para jamaah umrah menjanjikan keuntungan yang tidak sedikit, maka para ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 121121121121121vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 pedagang dan pemodal, baik itu tradisional maupun internasional sangat bersemangat untuk bersaing dan mengadu untung dengan menanam modal di kota suci ini. pasar tradisional masih menjual kurma kering, tasbih, turban, akar siwak (salvadora persica), dan produk-produk klasik yang biasa menjadi oleh-oleh peziarah ketika pulang. yang unik dan patut dicatat adalah para penjaja menjual dengan mengucapkan beberapa bahasa indonesia. begitu saya dan istri datang menghampiri penjual itu, mereka menyapa dengan bahasa indonesia, terutama tentang angka dan kosa kata kunci dalam perdagangan itu, “cukup dua puluh real saja.” dilanjut dengan kata-kata lain, “ini tiga puluh real. itu seratus real saja. murah, ini dijual murah.” juga di restoran arab yang sangat laris dan berjubel pun menjual dengan bahasa indonesia. makanan khas arab: ayam panggang, domba, dan terong, juga melayani bahasa indonesia. beberapa menerangkan dagangannya dengan bahasa indonesia. bahkan sedikit ada sentimen atau ikatan emosional, karena antri memakai bahasa indonesia, yang antri lainnya dilewati. pengaruh melayu atau nusantara tempo dulu dalam sejarah24 masih terasa di madinah, apalagi di mekah yang nantinya akan ditulis dalam artikel terpisah. bahasa indonesia atau melayu cukup populer, para pedagang buah, emas, dan pakaian cukup fasih mengucapkan beberapa kata dasar seperti “murah, dua puluh, empat puluh, sampai seratus.” salah satu toko kebun kurma di pinggiran madinah, penjualnya memang orang indonesia menggunakan bahasa indonesia dengan pengeras suara. penjual ini melengkapi iklannya untuk buah kering dari tin, kurma, plum (prunus), zaitun, dan lain-lain dengan menjanjikan bahwa itu tidak hanya makanan kesukaan nabi, juga makanan di surga. kios-kios di samping mall dan hotel, sekitar masjid nabawi terdapat banyak kios beraneka rupa, mulai dari mainan anak-anak, parfum, pakaian, buah-buahan, hingga jam tangan. yang patut dicatat adalah keragaman dari suasana perdagangan dan toko-toko modern dan semi-modern yang buka di sepanjang jalan sekitar hotel, dan kadang seperti pasar “kaget” di sekitar masjid, adalah produk yang cukup “barat.” barang produk eropa seperti jam tangan merk swatch, tag hauer, festina, tissot, rolex, dan merek-merek terkenal lainnya menjadi favorit.25 tentu ini jauh dari unsur sekedar ibadah dalam mengunjungi masjid nabawi dan madinah kota nabi membangun umat, namun ini hendaknya harus dilihat dari sisi etnografis yang melibatkan unsur sosial, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 122122122122122 afkaruna ekonomi, politik, dan dalam konteks globalisasi masa kini. salah satu bukti dari globalisasi dan pengaruh era ekonomi di luar kendali dan batas negara adalah produk-produk modern dari berbagai negara yang banyak mewarnai toko-toko di madinah. madinah tidak lagi tradisional dan hanya tempat ziarah dan ibadah untuk umrah ataupun haji, namun kota itu adalah kota perdagangan dan tempat produk-produk bersaing satu dengan lainnya, dengan begitu para peziarah tidak dianggap lagi hanya sebagai orang yang sekedar beribadah, tetapi sebagai konsumen yang menjanjikan potensi pasar dan profit. pola pikir dan faktor seperti ini akan menempatkan madinah tidak hanya sebagai tempat tujuan ziarah ibadah, namun juga sebagai pasar potensial, kapitalisasi; dan bahkan dengan tradisi oleh-oleh yang banyak dijumpai ketika haji dan umrah adalah jam tangan merek terkenal. pemimpin rombongan umrah, abu syauqi, dengan bangga menunjukkan hadiah dari salah satu temannya dari indonesia yang bermukim di madinah, berupa jam tangan asli tissot dari swiss. toko-toko buah berjejeran, dan terutama kios semi modern lebih ramai. para peziarah lebih nyaman mengunjungi yang semi modern dengan harga tertera di tag daripada yang tradisional dengan harga yang masih tawarmenawar. di pasar tradisional, ditemui penjaga toko surban, sajadah, dan topi haji yang mengaku bolak-balik jakarta-madinah. buah-buahan yang umum bisa dijumpai adalah izmir pig (tin) yang konon di suatu pasar tradisional, para peziarah menyatakan itu buah surga. seorang peziarah dari rombongan umrah, bergumam kepada temannya, “di surga nanti hidangannya adalah buah tin”. tidak tahu kebenarannya apakah di surga nanti akan menikmati buah tin, namun membeli barang di madinah juga didasari keyakinan teologis akan berkah, bahwa tin adalah buah surga, kurma adalah makanan nabi dan sahabatnya, makanan yang lebih berkah dan lebih salafi daripada makanan keseharian orang indonesia: beras dan umbi-umbian. terdapat peziarah di rombongan kami yang sudah berulang-ulang datang ke madinah dengan sengaja mencari jenis kurma tertentu. pemimpin rombongan, abu syauqi mencari kurma jenis sukkari: hitam bulat dan dengan harga terjangkau. hematnya, kurma itu cukup manis dan berkualitas, dengan khasiatnya tidak hanya sebagai obat segala macam penyakit, juga sebagai obat kuat dalam aktivitas seksual. abu syauqi menerangkan itu kepada penulis sembari tersenyum yang disambut gelak tawa seluruh peserta umrah di bus yang disopiri oleh orang indonesia yagn sudah lama bekerja di madinah. kebiasaan umrah berkali-kali merupakan tradisi baru masyarakat indonesia, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 123123123123123vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 karena ekonomi meningkat, dan transportasi pesawat yang terjangkau. biro umrah juga bermunculan bak cendana di musim hujan. mereka meraup untung dan terus menjalankan bisnis dengan persaingan yang ketat. konon masyarakat madura kelas atas, yaitu kelas kiai, menjalankan umrah berkalikali dengan tujuan untuk berbulan madu. dalam tradisi madura, banyak kiai, atau minimal keluarga kiai, yang berpoligami berkali-kali dan berbulan madu di tanah suci dengan melaksanakan umrah. salah satu informan adalah emma, berasal dan masih keluarga kiai di madura yang menyaksikan para saudara dan tetangga sesama kiai melakukan poligami dan berbulan madu dengan menjalankan umrah. dalam melaksanakan umrah untuk berbulan madu, kemungkinan kurma jenis sukkari yang dipercaya meningkatkan libido seksual, menunjang kelas elit itu untuk menikmati ibadah dan istri baru sekaligus. masjid nabawi madinah saat ini, pada abad 21, adalah kota metropolitan dan modern. jalanan rapi dan hotel-hotel mendominasi pemandangan kota. hotel-hotel menjulang tinggi dengan arsitektur terkini dengan fasilitas lengkap dan berbintang. jauh dari kesan padang pasir dan kuno tempat perang antar suku, madinah kini tidak hanya kota tradisional tujuan ziarah dan ibadah. memang selama dua puluh empat jam, masjid nabawi yang megah selalu ramai dengan para pengunjung yang beribadah, berfoto selfie, dan beraktivitas jual beli. para peziarah biasanya menenteng tas kecil untuk membawa sandalnya ke dalam masjid, karena kalau diletakkan di depan masjid kemungkinan akan hilang. masjid nabawi sejak dari pelataran sampai area dalam memang luas dan mewah, dengan tiang-tiang berjajar, penuh ukiran kaligrafi indah menawan. lantai marmer dari bebagai benua mengkilap tertutupi karpet rapi dan bersih, dengan warna mencolok licin. tiang-tiang membentuk batang kurma dan pelepahnya mengembang, seperti di kebun kurma era nabi yang duduk dengan para sahabatnya seribu empat ratus tahun lalu. sekilas tiangtiang kuno di dalamnya terlihat seperti tiang-tiang terkenal masjid granada di spanyol eropa di masa kejayaan islam dinasti umaiyah. bedanya, masjid nabawi masih aktif dan terus menerima tamu dari para peziarah seluruh dunia dengan berbagai macam pakaian, gaya, ritual, niat, dan aktivitas. masjid nabawi dipenuhi para peziarah tidak pernah berhenti dan selalu ramai: duduk berdoa, berdiri shalat, minum air zamzam di sepanjang tiang, dan membaca qur’an. setiap waktu shalat, para jamaah berebut untuk maju dan duduk di shaf terdepan. di sekitar tiang masjid, air zamzam ditempatkan di wadah○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 124124124124124 afkaruna wadah dengan pancuran gratis diminum. bentuk arsitek masjid nabawi pada dasarnya mengambil inspirasi dari pohon kurma, yang sudah terkenal sejak masa nabi. madinah memang lebih subur dari mekah, karena banyak sekali kebun kurma sampai kini. tiangtiang megah mengitari seluruh kompleks masjid nabawi dengan mengambil motif kurma, mengembang, menyangga atap yang kokoh. petugas kebersihan berkeliling dengan membawa sapu, juga petugas shaf dan seperti polisi yang memakai turban khas arab, putih dengan kotak-kotak merah kecil. setiap sudut terdapat alqur’an yang dipajang di dekat tiang-tiang rapat, juga air zamzam gratis. para jamaah yang berjubelan dapat meminumnya, sebagian berkonsentrasi membaca qur’an atau sedang berdoa berkomat-kamit. di luar masjid, lebih tampak motif kurmanya. pelataran masjid nabawi dihiasi payungpayung yang mengembang saat diperlukan, siang dan hujan. payung menutup saat siang. pelataran masjid menegaskan kembali, bahwa kurma merupakan ide dasarnya. payung menutup bermotif pohon kurma sangat jelas; jika mengembang berubah seperti payung besar melindungai para peziarah yang sedang berdoa, seperti zaman kuno dahulu, ketika para sahabat nabi berkumpul di area itu, di bawah pohon kurma. para peziarah para jamaah yang sekaligus peziarah ke kota madinah sangat beragam. berbagai rasa dan tradisi keagamaan bisa dilihatnya, dari cara beribadah dan jenis pakaian yang tampak.26 yang asli dari tanah arab berpakaian ala saudi menggunakan turban putih bermotif merah dan berbaju putih. namun kebanyakan para peziarah yang berasal dari belahan dunia lain menggunakan pakaian tradisional masing-masing, yang berbeda dan kadang mencolok. peziarah pakistan menggunakan pakaian pakistan yang lain sama sekali dengan tradisi berpakaian arab. peziarah india menggunakan pakaian india yang menjuntai. dari eropa timur bekas daerah soviet juga banyak sekali menampilkan pakaiannya yang khas. dari indonesia, singapura dan malaysia menggunakan pakaian asia yang khas dengan sarung dan songkok hitam, dan kadang dikombinasi dengan topi bulat putih, atau dikenal dengan istilah topi haji. madinah adalah kota beragam yang sama sekali tidak seragam. dari sisi peziarah, ini meliputi orang-orang muslim dunia yang plural. dari etnis dan tradisi keagamaan, islam tidak satu, tapi kompleks dan jumlahnya beraneka rupa. banyak kebiasaan yang tidak kita ketahui. dari segi tutup kepala banyak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 125125125125125vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 yang memakai topi beragam, indonesia sendiri mempunyai banyak ragam topi, dari kopiah tradisional hitam, sampai putih bulat yang sekarang umum dipakai. songkok putih pun dengan hiasan bunga-bunga atau motif indah lainnya yang menjadikannya berbeda dengan topi bentuk lain. banyak muslim dari india, afrika, pakistan atau eropa timur yang memakai topi model lain dan bertambah beraneka rupa bagaimana para jamaah berbeda antara satu dan lainnya. topi kecil seperti topi yahudi dipakai oleh orang eropa timur, dengan lobang di depannya untuk sujud. surban dilipat-lipat dilingkarkan di kepala, bahkan bagaimana melipatkannya bermacam-macam cara, belum juga menyebut jenis surban, warna, dan model yang digunakan oleh orang dari berbagai tradisi dan budaya. kreatifitas orang beriman dalam memakai pakaian menunjukkan bahwa agama islam yang telah menyatu dengan budaya selalu hidup dan tidak mati. interpretasi pakaian selalu seiring dengan budaya dan tradisi setempat, dan kini berkumpul di madinah untuk tujuan ziarah dan mengenang bagaimana madinah seribu lima ratus tahun yang lalu. ada upaya homogenisasi misalnya dengan pakaian ala arab, dan ini terlihat di indonesia itu sendiri, yang mungkin lebih terasa lebih islami dengan adopsi budaya arab yang serba menjuntai dan bersurban. tetapi sentuhan dari masingmasing baju arab dari berbagai belahan dunia menampakkan perbedaan yang menyolok dan tidak mengarah pada penyeragaman. kreatifitas menggabungkan berbagai tradisi dan saling menginspirasi atau saling meniru dan mempengaruhi, menambah heterogennya islam dilihat dari sisi mode dan gaya. fenomena para peziarah di madinah menunjukkan, bahwa islam tidak satu dan homogen. sejak awal tidak mungkin islam disamaratakan dalam tradisi dan budaya. islam memang mengajarkan persamaan, ekualisisasi dan egalitarianism, namun bukan berarti homogenisasi. tradisi islam awal agama ini mengajarkan persamaan pada manusia karena semua ras berkedudukan sama di mata tuhan, tetapi tidak menyeragamkan budaya (q.s. 49: 13). ras dan kultur yang berbeda memberikan sentuhan berbeda dan beragam pada islam itu sendiri. ini terlihat di madinah, tempat penting berkumpulnya umat muslim dari seluruh dunia. jauh sekali dari kesan seragam pada para peziarah, tetapi berbeda-beda dan satu; dan ini semua memperkaya unsur islam global saat ini. para peziarah kota madinah tetap rapi. mereka tinggal di hotel-hotel mewah di sekitar masjid nabawi, makan dan bertempat tinggal dengan jadwal yang teratur dibimbing mutawwif. setiap waktu shalat, mereka pergi ke masjid nabawi dengan berjalan. mobil-mobil berhenti memberi jalan para peziarah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 126126126126126 afkaruna menuju masjid nabawi. shalat subuh dengan azan dua kali; yang pertama sebagai penanda untuk pergi ke masjid, yang kedua penanda waktu shalat subuh. jamaah sudah mulai berdatangan sekitar jam tiga malam, bahkan ada yang sengaja bermalam di masjid itu untuk i’tikaf. para peziarah dari travel dibangunkan pada hari pertama untuk mengikuti shalat pertama qiyamul lail di masjid nabawi. museum di samping masjid nabawi dibangun museum, namun akan sedikit mengecewakan karena tidak secuil barang kuno era masa lalu pun yang tersimpan di museum itu. pameran dalam museum itu lebih menyerupai rekaan maket dan rekayasa masa lalu daripada museum untuk menghadirkan masa lalu itu sendiri. museum itu memperlihatkan biografi nabi muhammad yang tidak dilihat dari sumber-sumber terkuno yang mendekati era nabi, tetapi dari buku-buku modern yang terbit di arab era kini. museum itu jelasnya merakayasa biografi era masa lampau, tetapi tidak berdasarkan data primer, temuan arkeologi, atau pun penelitian serius. tapi lebih mencerminkan pada makna biografi demi religiusitas umat muslim saat ini, berupa legitimasi keyakinan orang masa kini pada nabi; citra yang dibentuk berdasarkan keimanan, bukan berdasarkan penelitian atau benda kuno. bentuk rumah nabi, bagan keturunan (nasab atau genealogi), kota madinah masa itu, hanya berupa rekaan, tidak didukung barang-barang kuno yang pernah ditemukan: perisai, pedang, teks, atau barang-barang peninggalan. citra nabi diambil dari buku-buku terkini dan mungkin pembentukan baru siapa itu nabi dan makna apa yang terkandung dalam islam tempo ini. maket kuno tentang rumah nabi dan masjid nabawi juga tidak dilengkapi dengan data dan penelitian historis yang memadahi. tetapi museum merupakan rekayasa keimanan dan apologetis. museum madinah itu lebih bisa disebut sebagai sarana dakwah dan propaganda, daripada sarana sejarah dan tidak untuk menjawab bagaimana menghadirkan masa lalu sebenarnya. semua yang dipamerkan sudah bernada teologis dan apologetis, untuk mengagungkan dan menarik minat para peziarah yang sudah dipenuhi dengan niat ibadah menggebu dan guna mencari berkah. kota kedua tanda yang paling nyata di masjid nabawi madinah adalah tulisan besar di pintu, “al-shalat fi hadha al-masjid afdhalu min alfi shalat illa fi masjid al○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 127127127127127vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 haram” (salat di masjid ini lebih mulia dari seribu kali [di masjid lain] kecuali di masjid al-haram). deklarasi yang sekaligus pernyataan, bahwa status madinah sebagai kota nabi, pembangun kota ini dan peletak dasar masyarakat madinah, kota tempat nabi membangun umat islam, komunitas pertama yang menjadi pusat dua hal: pemerintahan berupa kota madinah itu sendiri yang diteruskan sampai empat khalifah (abu bakar, umar, utsman dan ali), berupa city-state, sebagaimana disebutkan dalam republic-nya plato seribu tahun sebelumnya,27 juga sebagai pusat agama, yaitu vatikan romawi yang telah ada paling tidak tiga ratus tahun sebelumnya. madinah adalah dua hal, dimana politik dan agama menyatu saat zaman nabi itu sendiri. namun, dari sisi kutipan kaligrafi di masjid nabi di atas, jelas bahwa awalnya nabi tidak membangun sanctuary-shrine (tempat suci) di madinah, jika itu masih relevan adanya, tidak ada perubahan pada masamasa selanjutnya. madinah tetap di bawah mekah dengan statusnya secara keagamaan dan kesakralan, sebagai tempat dimana nabi dan kaum quraisy berasal dan menjaga ka’bah. suku quraisy adalah penanggung jawab atas ka’bah sebagai tempat yang dimuliakan, bahkan sebelum islam.28 ka’bah merupakan simbol utama dari umat islam hingga kini. madinah kota kedua, setelah mekah, dalam arti relijiusitas bagi muslim seluruh dunia. nabi yang sudah pindah ke madinah karena menerima tantangan dan perlawanan kaum status quo di mekah masih saja menempatkan ritual utama mengarah ke mekah, arah kiblat shalat. kiblat madinah dari dahulu hingga kini tetap saja mekah. walaupun dulu kala masyarakat madinah pernah berkiblat ke jerusalem, bait al-maqdis,29 yang pada masa umar khalifah kedua dibangun al-aqsa. hal itu dibuktikan dengan masjid bain qiblatain yang masih berdiri dan shalat pernah dilakukan dengan menghadap ke dua arah kiblat, bait al-maqdis dan ka’bah. nabi lalu diperintahkan tuhan untuk memilih mekah sebagai awal dan penanda identitas islam yang berbeda dengan yahudi dan kristiani, yang sama sekali tidak ada relasinya secara teologis dengan mekah. madinah sebagai kota hijrah mempunyai status yang unik, pusat pemerintahan dan pusat agama, dimana nabi diturunkan padanya banyak ayat qur’an. raudhah tempat yang paling suci di madinah selain masjid sebagai magnet yang menarik kaum muslim adalah raudhah: tempat imam dan makam nabi, umar dan abu bakar. juga sekaligus rumah nabi dalu, yang tidak terlihat lagi, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 128128128128128 afkaruna karena konon dihancurkan demi pembangunan dan perluasan masjid yang hingga kini tidak pernah berhenti. untuk ke raudhah, peziarah harus masuk masjid nabawi melewati tempat imam. antrian padat dan sangat kompetitif, penuh dengan orang-orang dari berbagai penjuru dan terlihat dari pakaian dan bahasa yang digunakan. antrian panjang dari subuh hingga subuh berikutnya menandakan kekeramatan tempat ini. masjid nabawi tidak pernah mati dan istirahat, juga karena faktor raudhah. untuk masuk di dalamnya yang banyak dipenuhi oleh ayat qur’an dan keutamaaan nabi, peziarah bersaing dan berdesakan dengan bersemangat satu dengan lainnya. shaf (barisan) demi shaf terlalui dengan kesabaran dan himpitan peziarah, akhirnya penulis berhasil masuk di raudhah. tulisan arab indah mengantung di sana sini, tembok dan ukiran, dengan berbagai ayat qur’an. setelah mencapainya, para peziarah bersemangat untuk salat beberapa rakaat. waktu penulis berhasil mencapai raudhah dengan perjuangan adalah dhuha, segera penulis melaksanakan salat beberapa rakaat, sebagaimana pemimpin rombongan abu syauqi mencontohkannya. shalat dhuha itu dilaksanakan berkali-kali dan setelah usai harus segera pergi karena bergiliran dengan peziarah lainnya. petugas askar (polisi) akan mengusir peziarah yang sudah terlalu lama. selanjutnya para peziarah berjalan menyusuri makam nabi dan dua sahabat utama yang terlihat dari lubang kecil, itupun dijaga ketat oleh askar. seorang peziarah dari india dengan bahasa inggris khas logat india berdiri antri di belakang penulis. ia bersemangat, tersenyum dan menyapa, “you are from indonesia, right?”. penulis balik bertanya, “how do you know?”. ia tersenyum dan menunjuk, “your black hat is typical dan indeed pretty”. peziarah ini terus membaca qura’n diiringi zikir sepanjang antrian. ia sangat berharap agar bisa masuk raudah, sebagaimana juga jamaah di samping penulis, dari pakistan, afrika, eropa timur, dan lain-lain. di samping penulis juga terdapat tiga anak muda dari mesir berbahasa arab, kemudian penulis sapa dengan arab fusha (resmi), “min ain?”. tiga orang mesir ini tersenyum sambil berdesakan, “min indonesia tahki bi al-fusha.” dalam antrian berdesakan dan berhimpitan dengan kaki tetangga, penulis berusaha ramah dengan para pesaing. berbincang soal logat fusha dan syuqiah (keseharian) dengan tiga pemuda mesir untuk menghibur waktu. untuk beberapa lama, penulis beradaptasi bahasa, agar tidak terlalu fusha. seperti laisa diganti ma fi dan ghairu maujud juga dengan ma fi. begitu juga di luar masjid ketika berjalanjalan, penulis bertanya pada para pedagang dengan bahasa yang sedikit gaya syauqi walaupun masih formal: “kam tsaman!”. dia malah menjawab dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 129129129129129vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 bahasa indonesia melayu, “dua puluh riyal saja, murah!”. penjagaan ketat bertujuan agar para pezirah tidak terlalu mendekat, mengusap pun tidak sempat. hanya lewat sebentar dan memegang pintu dan lubang kecil untuk mengintip makam nabi. tapi banyak dari para peziarah yang sudah terharu luar biasa dan menangis sesenggukan. seorang peziarah dari surabaya, bertanya kepada penulis, “apakah itu makam nabi muhammad.” penulis jawab: “ya, betul.” langsung peziarah itu menangis, terharu, dan bergumam terbata-bata, “ya allah, saya akhirnya melihat makam nabi muhammad.” kesimpulan madinah sebagai kota nabi dan tujuan ziarah kaum muslim dunia hingga kini bukanlah semata-mata kota tempat ibadah dan ritual kekhusukan. madinah sebagai kota yang berkembang terutama dalam menyambut para peziarah dunia yang tidak pernah sepi berkembang menjadi kota yang didominasi dengan aktivitas ekonomi dan sosial. dan para peziarah dengan motivasi ibadah terus-menerus melakukan ritual. namun di sekitar madinah sebagai tempat bisnis dan penanaman modal meliputi hotel, mall, pertokoan, kios, dan pasar tradisional, merupakan tempat aktivitas ekonomi dan menjanjikan keuntungan. dari sinilah nafas kapitalisasi kota itu muncul dan berkembang. hotel mewah, mall, toko modern, sedang menggeser pasar tradisional dan toko kuno. madinah yang sejak awal menjadi pusat ibadah dan negara islam, telah bergeser dan berganti, terutama saat ini, peran ekonomi diwakili perhotelan dan mall sangatlah penting. singkatnya, semangat keagamaan menyatu dengan semangat kapitalisme, beribadah dan berbisnis bagi mereka yang menanam modal. kesimpulan lain ialah, bahwa ibadah di madinah dengan berziarah sekaligus, menunjukkan keragaman pengunjung dengan berbagai mode, busana, gaya, budaya dan tradisi. madinah adalah simbol keragaman karena banyaknya peziarah dari belahan dunia dengan praktik islam yang berbeda. di sisi lain, perkembangan kapitalisasi kota modern ternyata juga tidak menggeser semangat relijiusitas peziarah madinah. tampaknya, keagamaan saat ini menyatu dengan kapitalisme dan terlihat di kota nabi. catatan akhir 1 lihat contoh penelitian etnografis, misalnya: clifford geertz, the interpretation of cultures: selected essays (new york: basic books, 1973); robert w. hefner, hindu javanese: tengger tradition and islam (princeton, n.j.: princeton univer○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 130130130130130 afkaruna sity press, 1985); al makin, challenging islamic orthodoxy: accounts of lia eden and other prophets in indonesia (dordrecht, holland; cinnaminson [n.j.], u.s.a.: springer, 2016). 2 biro haji dan umrah darul hijrah tour and travel, “album kenangan umrah 12 21 maret 2016” (darul hijrah tour and travel, 2016). 3 al makin, anti-kesempurnaan: membaca, melihat, dan bertutur tentang islam (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2002). 4 w. montgomery watt, muhammad: prophet and statesman (london: oxford university press, 1961); w. montgomery watt, muhammad at medina (oxford: clarendon press, 1956); hugh kennedy, the prophet and the age of the caliphates: the islamic near east from the sixth to the eleventh century (london; new york: longman, 1986); patricia crone and michael cook, hagarism: the making of the islamic world (cambridge; new york: cambridge university press, 1977). 5 muhòammad farid wajdi, da’irah al-ma»arif al-qarn al-»isyrin., vol. 8 (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1996), pp. 542–552. 6 w. montgomery watt, “al-madinah,” in the encyclopaedia of islam, ed. c edmund bosworth et al., vol. v (leiden: brill, 1986), pp. 994–98. 7 wajdi, da’irah al-ma»arif al-qarn al-»isyrin., vol 8: pp. 529–542. 8 f e peters, “medina,” in the oxford encyclopedia of the modern islamic world, ed. john l esposito, vol. 3 (new york: oxford university press, 1995), pp. 92–93. 9 r. b. winder, “al-madinah: modern city,” in the encyclopaedia of islam, ed. c edmund bosworth et al., vol. v (leiden: brill, 1986), pp. 998–1007. 10 russel king, “the pilgrimage to mecca: some geographical and historical aspects,” erd erdkunde 26, no. 1 (1972): pp. 6 1–73. 11 r. b. serjeant, “haram and hawtah,” in the encyclopedia of religion, ed. mircea eliade, vol. 6 (new york: macmillan, 1987), pp. 196–98. 12 ella landau-tasseron, “the status of allies in pre-islamic and early islamic arabian society,” islamic law and society 13, no. 1 (2006): 6–32; uri rubin, “the ilaf of quraysh: a study of sura cvi,” arabica 31, no. 2 (1984): pp. 165– 88. 13 lihat, misalnya, m. j. kister, “mecca and tamim (aspects of their relations),” journal of the economic and social history of the orient 8, no. 2 (1965): 113–63, doi:10.2307/3595962; m. j. kister, “some reports concerning mecca from jahiliyya to islam,” journal of the economic and social history of the orient 15, no. 1/2 (1972): 61–93, doi:10.2307/3596312. 14 al makin, representing the enemy: musaylima in muslim literature (frankfurt am main; new york: peter lang, 2010); al makin, “from musaylima to the kharijite najdiyya,” al-jami’ah 51, no. 1 (2013): pp. 33–60. 15 zachary karabell, “medina,” in encyclopedia of the modern middle east, ed. reeva s simon, philip mattar, and richard w bulliet, vol. 3 (new york: macmillan reference usa, 1996), p. 1192. 16 peters, “medina”; soad maher muhammed, “the kingdom of saudi arabia, center of islamic civilization,” in saudi arabia and its place in the world., ed. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 131131131131131vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 ministry of information, kingdom of saudi arabia (lausanne, switzerland: three continents publishers, 1979), pp. 77–100. 17 “al noor mall,” diakses 6 mei 2016, http://www.alnoormall.com/. 18 “weekly promotion madinah,” diakses 6 mei 2016, http://www.bindawood.com/en/pro_madinah.html. 19 “hotels near al-masjid al-nabawi,” ihg, akses 28 april 2016, http:// www.ihg.com/destinations/us/en/attractions/843-al-masjid-al-nabawimadinah-hotels. 20 “good hotel close to the prophet’s mosque review of elaf taiba hotel, medina, saudi arabia tripadvisor,” akses 28 april 2016, https:// www.tripadvisor.com/showuserreviews-g298551-d306560-r105249399elaf_taiba_hotel-medina_al_madinah_province.html. 21 “medina hotels,” akses 28 april 2016, https://www.expedia.co.id/prophetsmosque-hotels.0-l6118152-0.travel-guide-filter-hotels?rfrr=redirect.from.www.expedia.com%2fprophets-mosque-hotels.0-l6118152-0.travelguide-filter-hotels&; “hotels.com,” akses 28 april 2016, http:// www.hotels.com/de1684985/hotels-near-prophet-s-mosque-medina-saudiarabia/; “hotel dekat al-masjid al-nabawi tarif hotel terbaik yang berada di sekitar tempat ibadah di medina, arab saudi,” agoda, akses 28 april 2016, http://www.agoda.com/id-id/hotels-near-al-masjid-al-nabawi/attractions/medina-sa.html; “hotels near the prophet’s mosque, saudi arabia.,” booking.com, akses 28 april 2016, http://www.booking.com/landmark/sa/themosque-of-the-prophet-mohammad.en-gb.html. 22 “help! which hotel is best?,” booking.com, akses 30 april 2016, http:// www.booking.com/searchresults.en-gb.html?dest_id=-3092186;dest_type=city. 23 “nozol royal inn hotel, al madinah, saudi arabia,” booking.com, akses 30 april 2016, http://www.booking.com/hotel/sa/royal-inn.en-gb.html. 24 michael francis laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds (london; new york: routledge curzon, 2003). 25 “omega watches: al-hussaini trading co, medinah, saudi arabia,” akses 6 mei 2016, http://www.omegawatches.com/stores/storedetails/1407/; “raymond weil genève > search > swiss luxury watches,” akses 6 mei 2016, http://www.raymond-weil.com/en/stores/search; “tag heuer store madina luxury watches in madina paris gallery rashid madina,” akses 6 mei 2016, http://store.tagheuer.com/143329-paris-gallery-rashid-madina. 26 untuk argumen keragaman, lihat, misalnya al makin, keragaman dan perbedaan, budaya dan agama dalam lintas sejarah manusia (yogyakarta: suka press, 2016). 27 plato, the republic, ed. g. r. f ferrari, trans. tom griffith (cambridge: new york: cambridge university press, 2000). 28 kister, “mecca and tamim (aspects of their relations)”; kister, “some reports concerning mecca from jahiliyya to islam”; rubin, “the ilaf of quraysh”; landau-tasseron, “the status of allies in pre-islamic and early islamic arabian society.” 29 al-tabari, the history of al-tabari: the foundation of the community, ed. w. mont○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 132132132132132 afkaruna gomery watt, trans. m. v mcdonald (albany, n.y.: state university of new york press, 1987), pp. 24-25, http://search.ebscohost.com/ login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlabk&an=14037. daftar pustaka crone, patricia, and cook, michael. 1977. hagarism: the making of the islamic world. cambridge-new york: cambridge university press. geertz, clifford. 1973. the interpretation of cultures: selected essays. new york: basic books. hefner, robert w. 1985. hindu javanese: tengger tradition and islam. princeton, n.j.: princeton university press. karabell, zachary. 1996. “medina.” in encyclopedia of the modern middle east, edited by reeva s simon, philip mattar, and richard w bulliet, 3:1192. new york: macmillan reference usa. kennedy, hugh. 1986. the prophet and the age of the caliphates: the islamic near east from the sixth to the eleventh century. london-new york: longman. king, russel. 1972. “the pilgrimage to mecca: some geographical and historical aspects.” erd erdkunde 26, no. 1: 61–73. kister, m. j. 1965. “mecca and tamim (aspects of their relations).” journal of the economic and social history of the orient8, no. 2. h. 113–63. doi:10.2307/ 3595962. kister, m. j. 1972. “some reports concerning mecca from jahiliyya to islam.” journal of the economic and social history of the orient 15, no. 1/2: 61–93. doi:10.2307/3596312. laffan, michael francis. 2003. islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds. london: new york: routledgecurzon. landau-tasseron, ella. 2006. “the status ofallies in pre-islamic and early islamic arabian society.” islamic law and society 13, no. 1: 6–32. makin, al. 2002. anti-kesempurnaan: membaca, melihat, danbertutur tentang islam. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. makin, al. 2016. challenging islamic orthodoxy: accounts ofliaeden and other prophets in indonesia. dordrecht, holland: cinnaminson [n.j.], u.s.a.: springer, makin, al. 2013. “from musaylima to the kharijitenajdiyya.” al-jami’ah 51, no. 1. h. 33–60. makin, al. 2016. keragaman dan perbedaan, budaya dan agama dalam lintas sejarah manusia. yogyakarta: suka press. makin, al. 2010. representing the enemy: musaylama in muslim literature. frankfurt am main. new york: peter lang. muhammed, soad maher. 1979. “the kingdom of saudi arabia, center of islamic civilization.” in saudi arabia and its place in the world., edited by ministry of information, kingdom of saudi arabia, 77–100. lausanne, switzerland: three continents publishers. peters, f e. 1995. “medina.” in the oxford encyclopedia of the modern islamic world, edited by john l esposito, 3:92–93. new york: oxford university press. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 133133133133133vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 plato. 2000. the republic. edited by g. r. f ferrari. translated by tom griffith. cambridge, new york: cambridge university press. rubin, uri. 1984. “the ilafof quraysh: a study of sura cvi.” arabica 31, no 2: 165–88. serjeant, r b. 1987. “haram and hawtah.” in the encyclopedia of religion, edited by mirceaeliade, 6:196–98. new york: macmillan. tabari. 1987. the history of al-tabari: the foundation of the community. edited by w. montgomery watt. translated by m, v mcdonald. albany, n.y.: state university of new york press. wajdi, muhammad farid. 1996. da»irahma»arif al-qarn al-»ishrin. vol, 8. beirut: dar al-fikr. watt, w. montgomery. 1986. “al-madinah.” in the encyclopaedia of islam, edited by c. edmund bosworth, van donzel, bernard lewis, and ch. pellat, v:994– 98. leiden: brill. watt, w. montgomery. 1956. muhammad at medina. oxford: clarendon press. watt, w. montgomery. 1961. muhammad: prophet andstatesman. london: oxford university press. biro haji dan umrah darul hijrah tour and travel. album kenangan umrah 1221 maret 2016. darul hijrah tour and travel. “good hotel close to the prophet’s mosque review of elaftaiba hotel, medina, saudi arabia tripadvisor.” akses28 april 2016. https://www.tripadvisor.com/ showuserreviews-g298551-d306560-r105249399-elaf_taiba_hotelmedina_al_madinah_province.html. “help! which hotel is best?” booking.com. akses 30 april 2016. http:// www.booking.com/searchresults.en-gb.html?dest_id=-3092186;dest_type=city. “hotel dekat al-masjid al-nabawi tarif hotel terbaik yang berada di sekitartempatibadahdi medina, arab saudi.” agoda. 28april 2016. http:// www.agoda.com/id-id/hotels-near-al-masjid-al-nabawi/attractions/medinasa.html. “hotels nearal-masjid al-nabawi.” ihg. akses28 april 2016. http://www.ihg.com/ destinations/us/en/attractions/843-al-masjid-al-nabawi-madinah-hotels. “hotels nearthe prophet’s mosque, saudi arabia.” booking.com. akses28 april 2016. http://www.booking.com/landmark/sa/the-mosque-of-the-prophetmohammad.en-gb.html. “hotels.com.” akses28 april 2016. http://www.hotels.com/de1684985/hotels-nearprophet-s-mosque-medina-saudi-arabia/. “medina hotels.” akses 28 april, 2016. https://www.expedia.co.id/prophetsmosque-hotels.0-l6118152-0.travel-guide-filter-hotels?rfrr=redirect.from.www.expedia.com%2fprophets-mosque-hotels.0-l6118152-0.travelguide-filter-hotels&. “omega watches: al-hussaini trading co, medinah, saudi arabia.” accessed may 6, 2016. http://www.omegawatches.com/stores/storedetails/1407/. “raymond weil genève > search > swiss luxury watches.” akses 6mai, 2016. http://www.raymond-weil.com/en/stores/search. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 134134134134134 afkaruna http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx? direct=true&scope= site&db=nlebk&db= nlabk&an= 14037. “tag heuer store madina luxury watches in madina paris gallery rashid madina.” accessed may 6, 2016. http://store.tagheuer.com/143329-paris-gallery-rashid-madina. “weekly promotion madinah.” akses6 mei, 2016. http://www.bindawood.com/ en/pro_madinah.html. winder, r. b. 1986. “al-madinah: modern city.” in the encyclopaedia ofislam, edited by c edmund bosworth, van donzel, bernard lewis, and ch. pellat, v:998–1007. leiden: brill. nozol royal inn hotel, al madinah, saudi arabia.” booking.com. akses 30 april 2016. http://www.booking.com/hotel/sa/royal-inn.en-gb.html. “al noor mall.” akses 26 mei 2016. http://www.alnoormall.com/. layout desember 2016 oke model pelaksanaan mediasi melalui pranata tutur pada masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli selatan anwar sadat dan ahmad laut hasibuan (universitas muslim nusantara (umn) al washliyah, medan sumatera utara email: anwarsadathrp@umnaw.ac.id abstract this article examines the contribution of local culture or costum (adat) in family conflict management among batak muslims in southern tapanuli. it is very common that marital conflicts ended up in the court. to avoid engaging court to judge a marital conflict within a family, batak muslim in southern tapanuli utilized dalihan na tolu custom to resolve the problem. batak muslims in southern tapanuli often mediated the conflicting couples through a process, which is referred to as tutur. by utilizing anthropological and socio-legal approach, the authors analyze the effectiveness in utilizing tutur tradition among batak muslim family and argue that local costum such as tutur has still played an effective role in preventing divorce as well as in reconciling conflicting family members. key words: 1) mediation process, 2) regulation of tutur, 3. batak muslim society abstrak artikel ini mengkaji kontribusi budaya lokal atau adat dalam management konflik keluarga di kalangan masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli selatan. pada umumnya konf lik keluarga akan berakhir di pengadilan. dalam rangka mengurangi keterlibatan pengadilan dalam konflik keluarga, masyarakat batak muslim melibatkan budaya dalihan na tolu dalam menyelesaikan persoalan konflik keluarga. batak muslim di tapanuli selatan juga menggunakan sebuah proses yang disebut tradisi tutur. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan antropologis dan yuridis sosiologis (sosio legal approach) atau pendekatan hukum sosiologis/empiris. penulis juga berpendapat bahwa tradisi tutur masih memliki peran efektif dalam menanggulangi konflik perceraian maupun merekonsiliasi anggota keluarga yang berseteru. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0064.253-278 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 254254254254254 afkaruna kata kunci: 1) pelasanaan mediasi, 2) pranata tutur, 3. masyarakat batak muslim pendahuluan sudah puluhan tahun peraturan perundang-undangan tentang perkawinan, seperti undang-undang nomor 1 tahun 1974, kompilasi hukum islam (khi), kitab undang-undang hukum perdata (kuh.prdt) dijadikan sebagai pedoman pelaksanaan perkawinan dan pelaksanaan mediasi dalam upaya pencegahan perceraian di indonesia. namun demikian, kasus perceraian terus saja terjadi, bahkan jumlahnya terus meningkat dari tahun ke tahun. berdasarkan data pengadilan agama kelas i a, sepanjang tahun 2014 ada 1.960 wanita di medan menggugat cerai. kemudian dari jumlah itu, sebanyak 1.660 wanita resmi bercerai dan 300 gugatan masih dalam proses sidang. sementara, sebanyak 13 perkara tidak sempat masuk karena ditolak. sementara suami yang menggugat cerai isteri selama tahun 2014, berjumlah 653 perkara. sebanyak 523 perkara sudah diputus, sehingga bersisa 130 perkara. sementara 11 perkara, tidak diterima.1 hasil penelitian m. syaifuddin dan sri turatmiah mengemukakan bahwa kasus gugatan cerai di pengadilan agama palembang menempati urutan teratas, sepanjang tahun 2009 (72%), 2010 (72%), dan 2011 (bulan juni) sebanyak 70%. 2 muhammad julijanto, masrukhin, ahmad kholis hayatuddin mengemukakan bahwa kasus perceraian secara nasional dalam beberapa tahun terakhir ini mengalami peningkatan, namun fenomena ini tidak bisa digeneralisir karena setiap daerah mempunyai latar belakang dan budaya yang berbeda. berdasarkan catatan kantor kemeterian agama (kemenag) diwonogiri dalam setahun rata-rata ada 10.000-11.000 pernikahan. dari jumlah tersebut angka perceraiannya berkisar 8-9 persen.3 sebagian besar terjadinya perceraian selama ini, disebabkan oleh selain kurang dilibatkannya masyarakat adat dalam melaksanakan mediasi sebagai upaya pencegahan perceraian, juga materi pengaturan hukum tentang pelaksanaan mediasi masih dirasa kurang tegas, adil dan bermanfaat, terutama menyangkut 4 (empat) faktor berikut: 1) alasan yang membolehkan perceraian, 2) persyaratan orang yang kompeten menjadi mediator, 3) pihak yang berhak mengangkat mediator, 4) prosedur pelaksanaan mediasi dalam pencegahan perceraian. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 255255255255255vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 akibat dari adanya beberapa alasan yang tidak pantas dijadikan sebagai alasan yang membolehkan perceraian selama ini, maka secara otomatis terjadi kemudahan bagi suami maupun isteri untuk mengajukan gugatan perceraian ke pengadilan. memang perceraian dibolehkan jika memang telah memenuhi persyaratan sebagaimana diatur dalam pasal 39 ayat (1-3) undang-undang nomor 1 tahun 1974 tentang perkawinan, jo pasal 19 peraturan pemerintah ri nomor 9 tahun 1975 tentang pelaksanaan undang-undang nomor 1 tahun 1974. kemudian perceraian juga dibolehkan menurut pasal 116 ayat (1-8) kompilasi hukum islam (khi), dan juga menurut kitab hukum perdata (kuh. pdt) bab x tentang pembubaran perkawinan bagian 3 pasal 209. miftahul jannah4 mengemukakan bahwa pada dasarnya ajaran agama islam tidak menghendaki adanya suatu perceraian, namun jika rumah tangga sudah tidak mungkin lagi bisa dipertahankan, islam memberikan jalan keluar yaitu melalui lembaga perceraian, dan itu merupakan pilihan terakhir dalam menghadapi kehidupan rumah tangga yang sedang dalam ketidak harmonisan, dalam arti upaya damai yang ditempuh mengalami kegagalan. sekalipun perceraian dibolehkan sebagaimana diatur dalam peraturan perundang-undangan di atas, bukan berarti perceraian dapat begitu saja dilaksanakan dengan mudah, tetapi harus terlebih dahulu melalui proses mediasi sesuai dengan prosedur yang benar, dilakukan oleh mediator yang kompeten, dan harus memenuhi alasan perceraian yang layak, sehingga tidak ada pihak yang merasa dirugikan dalam setiap kali terjadi perceraian di indonesia. tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa percekcokan rumahtangga yang mengarah kepada tuntutan perceraian juga sering terjadi di kalangan masyarakat adat batak muslim tapabuli bagian selatan. namun mayoritas percekcokan rumah tangganya dapat diselesaikan secara bijaksana setelah terlebih dahulu diadakan mediasi melalui pranata tutur, tanpa harus menempuh jalur pengadilan. karena dalam pranata tutur telah di atur di dalamnya tentang prosedur pelaksanaan mediasi, alasan yang dolehkan dan dilarang melakukan perceraian, orang yang layak menjadi mediator dan orang yang berhak mengangkat mediator. potensi masyarakat adat yang begitu besar haruslah dikelola dengan benar, supaya pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian gugatan perceraian tidak hanya bertumpu pada aparat penegak hukum dan pemerintah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 256256256256256 afkaruna semata, namun harus juga dilibatkan seluruh lapisan masyarakat, termasuk masyarakat adat dengan berbagai perangkat hukum adat dan kearifan lokal yang dimilikinya. pelaksanaan mediasi secara adil, arif dan bijaksana bukanlah barang jadi yang datang begitu saja, tetapi ia merupakan proyek sosial yang mesti dibina dan diarahkan sehingga perceraian dapat dicegah, setidaknya dapat diminimalisir jumlahnya di tengah-tengah masyarakat. berdasarkan latar belakang yang dikemukakan di atas, maka dapat diambil beberapa masalah yang akan diangkat dalam penelitian ini, yakni: 1. bagaimana model pelaksanaan mediasi dalam pencegahan perceraian melalui pranata tutur pada masyarakat adat dalihan na tolu? 2. bagaimana persyaratan sebagai mediator dalam upaya pencegahan perceraian melalui pranata tutur pada masyarakat adat dalihan na tolu? 3. bagaimana prosedur dan sistem musyawarah pelaksanaan mediasi dalam pencegahan perceraian melalui pranata tutur pada masyarakat adat dalihan na tolu? metode penelitian metode penelitian yang dipakai adalah metode penelitian hukum empiris,5 karena penelitian empiris merupakan penelitian tentang hukum yang hidup di masyarakat, yang diterapkan atau dilaksanakan oleh anggota masyarakat.6 permasalahan yang diteliti menyangkut praktek nyata yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan terhadap penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan. sedangkan pendekatan yang dipakai adalah dengan menggunakan pendekatan antropologis (suatu ilmu yang mempelajari pola-pola sengketa dan penyelesaiannya pada masyarakat-masyarakat sederhana, maupun masyarakat yang sedang mengalami proses perkembangan dan pembangunan)7 dan yuridis sosiologis (sosio legal approach) atau pendekatan yuridis empiris, yakni pendekatan kenyataan hukum masyarakat dengan mempelajari fenomena sosial dalam masyarakat yang tampak aspek hukumnya, mengingat permasalahan utama yang diteliti dan dikaji dalam penelitian ini adalah: 1) identifikasi terhadap hukum adat yang berkaitan dengan penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat muslim batak di tapanuli bagian selatan, 2) efektivitas hukum adat yang berkaitan dengan penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat muslim batak di tapanuli bagian selatan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 257257257257257vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 lokasi penelitian berdasarkan pertimbangan keadaan wilayah, terutama menyangkut pola pernikahan masyarakat adat batak beserta cara-cara penyelesaian sengketa yang timbul akibat pernikahan, kondisi geografis, potensi alam serta pola kebudayaannya, maka lokasi penelitian dipilih di kabupaten tapanuli bagian selatan yang tersebar dalam 3 (tiga) desa pada 3 (tiga) kecamatan, yakni: a) desa portibi julu kecamatan portibi, b) desa aek bayur kecamatan batunadua, c) desa padang garugur kecamatan padang bolak. penentuan lokasi tersebut didasarkan atas beberapa pertimbangan berikut: a. daerah tersebut merupakan wilayah tempat tinggal suku-suku batak yang masih mengamalkan dan mempergunakan pranata tutur yang termuat dalam adat dalihan na tolu sebagai landasan dan pedoman dalam melaksanakan mediasi; b. masyarakat yang tinggal pada daerah tersebut selalu melaksanakan mediasi melalui pranata tutur dalam menyelesaikan setiap sengketa perkawinan; c. daerah tersebut merupakan wilayah yang memiliki penduduk yang jarang menggunakan pengadilan sebagai tempat penyelesaian sengketa yang timbul dari pernikahan. sampel penelitian sampel ditentukan berdasarkan purposive sampling, karena penelitian ini dikelompokkan berdasarkan keterlibatan pihak-pihak atas pelaksanaan mediasi melalui pranata tutur dalam pencegahan perceraian di masingmasing daerah penelitian. jumlah sampel ditetapkan sebanyak 120 orang dari seluruh daerah yang diteliti, seperti tergambar dalam tabel di bawah ini: tabel 1. daftar jumlah dan klasifikasi sampel pada masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli selatan no lokasi klasifikasi responden jumlah instansi pemerintah masyarakat batak tokoh adat tokoh agama 1 desa portibi julu kec. portibi 2 18 10 10 40 2 desa aek bayur kec. batunadua 2 18 10 10 40 3 desa padang garugur kec. padang bolak 2 18 10 10 40 6 54 30 30 120 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 258258258258258 afkaruna hasil penelitian dan pembahasan prosedur pelaksanaan mediasi melalui pranata tutur dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim keberadaan tutur ini dalam masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan adalah amat penting sekali terutama dalam bidang penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan. jika terjadi sengketa perkawinan di tengah-tengah masyarakat, maka penyelesaiannya dilakukan mediasi melalui pranata tutur yang terkandung dalam masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli selatan. adapun model pelaksanaan mediasi dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan sebagai berikut:8 pertama, jika terjadi sengketa perkawinan yang berasal dan bersumber dari seorang suami, maka pelaksaaan mediasinya dilakukan oleh tutur yang terkandung dalam anak boru (sejalan dengan q.s. an nisa/4: 35 yang artinya:”jika kamu kuatir terdapat perselisihan/perbeda’an antara istri dengan suami, makahendaknya suami istri tersebut mencari hakim yaitu laki-laki yang adil yang mereka ridloi/hendaki, yaitu dari kerabat/keluarga laki-laki dan dari kerabat/keluarga perempuan tersebut) sebagaimana tertera dalam tabel berikut: tabel 2. jenis tutur yang terkandung dalam anak boru no tutur suami (pihak anak boru) tutur istri (pihak mora) 1 aya (ayah) amang boru (mertua laki-laki isteri) 2 uma (ibu) ambou (mertua perempuan istri) 3 ompung halaklai (kakek) ompung halaklai (kakek) 4 ompung daboru (nenek) ompung daboru (nenek) 5 abang (abang) halak bayo (abang ipar) 6 angkang (kakak) eda (kakak ipar perempuan) 7 anggi halaklai (adek laki-laki) halak bayo (adek ipar laki-laki) 8 anggi daboru (adek perempuan) eda (adek ipar perempuan) 9 uda (paman) amang (keponakan) 10 nanguda (bibi) inang (keponakan perempuan) 11 pahoppu halaklai dan keturunannya ke bawah (cucu laki-laki) kahanggi keluarga sedarah) 12 pahoppu daboru cucu perempuan) 13 perwakilan masyarakat yang se-marga dengan suami kedua, sebaliknya, jika terjadi sengketa perkawinan yang bersumber dari pihak istri, maka pelaksanaan mediasinya dilakukan oleh tutur yang terkandung dalam mora (sejalan dengan q.s. an nisa/4: 35) sebagaimana tertera dalam tabel berikut: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 259259259259259vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 tabel 3. jenis tutur yang terkandung dalam mora no tutur istri (pihak mora) tutur suami (pihak anak boru) 1 aya tulang 2 uma nantulang 3 ompung halaklai ompung halaklai 4 ompung daboru ompung daboru 5 abang tunggane 6 angkang ompung bayo 7 anggi halaklai tunggane 8 anggi daboru ompung bayo 9 uda tulang 10 nanguda nantulang 11 pahoppu halaklai dan keturunannya ke bawah amang 12 pahoppu daboru inang 13 seluruh masyarakat yang se-marga dengan istri mora model pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa sebagaimana diatur dalam poin 1 dan 2 adalah sejalan dengan firman allah sebagaimana tertuang dalam q.s. an nisa/4: 35. setiap kehidupan rumah tangga, tidak selamanya berjalan dengan mulus. ada saatnya mengalami kebahagiaan dan ada saatnya pula menemukan berbagai masalah, baik yang bersifat kecil maupun yang bersifat besar. ada pula masalah rumah tangga muncul disebabkan oleh tingkah laku istri dan ada pula saatnya masalah disebabkan oleh tingkah laku suami. kalau seandainya masalah rumah tangga muncul dikarenakan oleh perlakuan istri melalukan nusyuz (nusyuz adalah meninggalkan kewajiban bersuami istri, nusyuz dari pihak istri seperti meninggalkan rumah tanpa izin suaminya), maka al-qur'an q.s. an nisa/4: 34 memberikan 3 (tiga) langkah yang harus dilakukan, yakni: memberi nasihat dengan penuh kebijaksanaan. memberikan nasihat merupakan langkah pertama dalam upaya menyelesaikan sengketa dalam perkawinan sebagaimna yang difirmankan allah dalam al-qur'an:”wanita-wanita yang kamu khawatirkan nusyuznya, maka nasihatilah mereka...”. (q.s. an-nisa/4: 34). kata nasihat diambil dari kata kerja “nashaha (bahasa arab)” yang berarti membimbing atau mengarahkan.9 sedangkan pengertian nasihat secara istilah adalah usaha memberikan arahan pada orang lain dengan menggunakan bahasa lisan agar ia dapat berbuat sesuai dengan kehendak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 260260260260260 afkaruna yang memberi nasihat. sedangkan imam as syayuti berpendapat bahwa nasihat merupakan suatu upaya memberikan bimbingan kepada sesorang agar ia berjalan di jalan yang lurus sesuai dengan ketentuan syariat islam. setiap orang mempunyai potensi untuk berbuat salah, oleh karenanya nasihat sangat dibutuhkan dalam kehidupan manusia terutama sekali dalam kehidupan suami istri. imam syafi‘i berpendapat bahwa nasihat pada manusia mempunyai 2 (dua) fungsi, yakni: a) fungsi ijtinab (preventif), artinya nasihat berperan besar dalam mencegah orang dari berbuat kesalahan, b) fungsi amer (perintah), artinya nasihat berperan menyuruh dan memerintahkan orang untuk mengerjakan perintah allah dan meninggalkan laragan-nya. kehadiran nasihat dalam kehidupan rumah tangga sangat penting sekali, karena akan dapat mempersatukan dua hati yang mulai retak dan juga dapat mengeratkan dua hati yang saling mencintai. pisah ranjang untuk sementara waktu. pisah ranjang merupakan salah satu alternatif dalam menyelesaikan sengketa dalam perkawinan sebagaimana yang difirmankan allah swt:”..dan pisahkanlah mereka di tempat tidur mereka....(q.s. an nisa/ 4: 34). perintah pisah ranjang dalam ayat ini menunjukkan kata nasihat seorang suami kepada istrinya dalam bentuk isyarat. isyarat dalam islam dapat dipergunakan sebagai alat menjelaskan maksud seseorang kepada orang lain. nasihat yang dilakukan melalui isyarat dipandang sama nilainya dengan nasihat yang dilakukan melalui lisan. sebab kedua cara ini memiliki maksud yang sama, yakni untuk menasihati orang lain agar selalu berada pada jalan yang benar sesuai syariat islam dan undang-undang perkawinan. sebagian ahli fiqh berpendapat bahwa nasihat berdasarkan isyarat sangat diperlukan apabila ia merasa gagal memberi nasihat melalui lisan. memukul yang tidak menyakitkan. adapun yang dimaksud adalah melakukan pemukulan yang sekiranya tidak menyakitkan dan tidak membahayakan dengan tujuan untuk menyadarkan istri sebagaimana firman allah:”...dan pukullah mereka...”(q.s. an nisa/4: 34). al-qur'an memang membolehkan suami memukul istri yang berbuat salah dalam pergaulan dengan suaminya dan berjalan pada jalan yang sesat, sehingga dia tidak mau berhenti dari ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 261261261261261vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 kesesatannya. tawaran pemukulan yang dimaksudkan al-qur'an ini adalah pemukulan yang bersifat pengobatan, sedangkan pengobatan ini hanya diperlukan dalam keadaan darurat. memukul istri dengan sesuatu yang tidak membahayakannya jauh lebih baik daripada perceraian. sebab perceraian itu dapat meruntuhkan eksistensi rumah tangga dan merobek-robek ikatan rumah keluarga. kalu boleh dibandingkan antara bahaya yang ringan dengan bahaya yang besar, maka melakukan bahaya yang ringan akan lebih baik daripada melakukan bahaya yang lebih besar. pukulan bukanlah merendahkan derajat wanita, tetapi pukulan adalah salah satu metode pengobatan kejahatan dalam islam dimana pada satu saat sangat bermanfaat bagi jiwa yang kurang lurus sebagaimana yang disebutkan dalam pepatah:”seorang yang bodoh perlu diketuk dengan tongkat, tetapi seorang yang pintar cukup diketuk dengan isyarat”. kebolehan laki-laki memukul istrinya bukan bertentangan dengan fitrah manusia atau tindakan itu bukan termasuk kategori pelanggaran ham seperti yang digembar-gemborkan sekarang ini. sesungguhnya pemukulan itu hanya diperlukan ketika situasi rumah tangga terancam hancur. itupun hanya dibenarkan terhadap suami yang sudah membuat perhitungan baik, bukan dengan emosi semata. kemudian jika seorang suami berbuat nusyuz kepada isterinya, maka langkah yang dilakukan sebagaimana yang difirmankan allah dalam q.s. an nisa/4: 128:” dan jika seorang wanita khawatir akan nusyuz atau sikap tidak acuh dari suaminya, maka tidak mengapa bagi keduanya mengadakan perdamaian yang sebenar-benarnya, dan perdamaian itu lebih baik (bagi mereka) walaupun manusia itu menurut tabiatnya kikir. dan jika kamu bergaul dengan isterimu secara baik dan memelihara dirimu (dari nusyuz dan sikap tak acuh), maka sesungguhnya allah adalah maha mengetahui apa yang kamu kerjakan”. apabila belum dapat diselesaikan melalui model mediasi seperti di atas, maka dilakukan mediasi dengan melibatkan tutur yang terkandung di dalam mora dengan tutur yang terkandung di dalam anak boru secara bersamaan dengan melibatkan kahanggi dari kedua belah pihak (sejalan dengan q.s. an nisa/4: 34); model mediasi dalam poin 3 di atas adalah sejalan dengan q.s. an nisa/4: 35 dimana allah swt telah memerintahkan bahwa jika dikhawatirkan ada persengketaan antara keduanya (suami isteri), maka kirimlah seorang hakam (mediator) dari keluarga laki-laki dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 262262262262262 afkaruna seorang hakam (mediator) dari keluarga perempuan. jika dengan model pelaksanaan mediasi ketiga ini juga sengketanya belum bisa diselesaikan, maka dilakukan lagi mediasi dengan melibatkan: 1. tutur yang terkandung dalam mora; 2. tutur yang terkandung dalam anak boru; 3. tutur yang terkandung dalam kahanggi; 4. harajaon (satu orang mewakili keturunan raja atau disebut dengan bona bulu); 5. hatobangon (salah seorang dari tokoh adat/tokoh masyarakat); 6. orang kaya (orang yang pandai dalam bidang adat dalihan na tolu); 7. ompu ni kotuk; 8. goruk-goruk hapinis. apabila juga belum dapat diselesaikan melalui model mediasi yang keempat di atas, maka mediasi dilaksanakan di pengadilan agama sebagai alternatif terakhir dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan. berdasarkan arahan mahkamah agung no. 1/2008 yang menyebutkan bahwa selain hakim, ada 10 mediator dari luar, termasuk dari kalangan perguruan tinggi dalam melakukan mediasi supaya terjadi perdamaian antara kedua belah pihak, sehingga perceraian tidak sampai terjadi. lain halnya dengan model mediasi yang dilakukan dalam masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan bahwa prosedur mediasi dan pihak yang menjadi mediator adalah berbeda dengan apa yang telah diatur dalam perundang-undangan perkawinan. lebih jelasnya dapat dilihat dalam tabel 4: tabel di atas menunjukkan bahwa model pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli bagian selatan adalah berbeda dengan model pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa yang berlaku dalam perundang-undangan yang mengatur tentang penyelesaian sengketa di indonesia. beberapa perbedaannya dapat dilihat dalam tabel 5: keberadaan masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan sangat besar peranannya dalam menciptakan suasana kehidupan yang cukup baik, kondusif, saling menghargai dan hormat menghormati antara sesama suami isteri, keluarga dan masyarakat, sekalipun penduduknya menganut berbagai agama. kentalnya rasa kekeluargaan dan persaudaraan yang terdapat dalam masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 263263263263263vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 menjadikan salah satu faktor terciptanya persaudaraan dan keakraban. pasalnya, jika terjadi perselihan di antara dua orang atau lebih, sekalipun menyangkut sengketa rumah tangga, biasanya akan cepat terselesaikan disebabkan oleh adanya hubungan kekeluargaan di antara mereka menurut konsep tutur. bagaimana mungkin bisa terjadi permusuhan kalau lawan perselisihannya adalah kahangginya, anak borunya atau moranya. mora tidak akan mungkin tega memusuhi apalagi mencelakakan anak borunya. sebab, ia adalah bagian dari keluarga menantunya. masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli selatan umumnya melaksanakan mediasi dengan menggunakan pranata tutur dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan karena mereka menganggap bahwa pelaksanaan mediasi dengan menggunakan pranata tutur jauh lebih membawa keadilan, kepastian dan kemanfaatan bagi mereka. lebih jelasnya dapat dilihat dalam keterangan tabel berikut: tabel 6. jawaban responden tentang pelaksanaan mediasi melalui pranata tutur dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan no jawaban responden jumlah (%) 1 melalui pranata tutur 69 57.5 2 melalui pengadilan 35 29.7 3 melalui perangkat desa 16 13.3 jumlah 120 100 sumber: data primer 2010 berdasarkan keterangan tabel di atas menunjukkan bahwa terdapat 57.5% responden menjawab bahwa sengketa perkawinan diselesaikan melalui mediasi dengan menggunakan pranata tutur, 29.7% menjawab diselesaikan melalui pengadilan dan sebanyak 13.3% menjawab diselesaikan melalui perangkat desa. data di atas membuktikan bahwa mayoritas sengketa perkawinan lebih sering dimediasi melalui pranata tutur dengan segala prosedur dan instrumen yang harus dilalui dan dipenuhi daripada melalu jalur pengadilan. seklain itu, pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan melalui pranata tutur ini, justru lebih diminati oleh masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan sejak jaman dahulu hingga sekarang. kondisi ini terjadi disebabkan oleh beberapa hal sebagaimana dipaparkan dalam tabel berikut: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 264264264264264 afkaruna tabel 4. model penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan aturan penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan tahapan penyelesaian sengketa model penyelesaian sengketa pihak yang menjadi mediator pihak yang berwenang mengangkat mediator tutur yang terkandung dalam adat dalihan na tolu 1. sengketa perkawinan yang bersumber dari seorang suami tahi ungutungut tutur yang terkandung dalam anak boru (a. paham adat, b. paham masalah) keluarga suami 2. sengketa perkawinan yang bersumber dari pihak istri tahi ungutungut tutur yang terkandung dalam mora (a. paham adat, b. paham masalah) keluarga isteri 3. jika sengketa belum selesai pada model ke-1 dan 2 tahi dalihan na tolu tutur yang terkandung di dalam anak boru dan mora (a. paham adat, b. paham masalah) keluarga suami dan isteri 4. jika sengketa belum selesai pada model ke-3 tahi haruaya mardomu bulung 1. tutur yang terkandung dalam anak boru; 2. tutur yang terkandung dalam mora; 3. tutur yang terkandung dalam kahanggi; 4. pihak harajaon; 5. pihak hatobangon selain keluarga suami dan isteri, juga dilibatkan pihak harajaon dan hatobangon tabel 5. perbedaan model pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan menurut hukum adat masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan dan undang-undang perkawinan aturan penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan model penyelesaian sengketa pihak yang menjadi mediator pihak yang berwenang mengangkat mediator tutur yang terkandung dalam adat dalihan na tolu 1. tahi ungut-ungut 2. tahi dalihan na tolu 3. tahi haruaya mardomu bulung 1. tutur yang terkandung dalam anak boru; 2. tutur yang terkandung dalam mora; 3. tutur yang terkandung dalam kahanggi; 4. pihak harajaon; 5. pihak hatobangon selain keluarga suami dan isteri, juga dilibatkan pihak harajaon dan hatobangon khi musyawarah antara sesama mediator utusan dari keluarga suami dan isteri dengan pengawasan hakim hakim kuh. prdt musyawarah antara sesama mediator hakim yang telah ditunjuk hakim arahan ma no. 1/2008 musyawarah antara sesama mediator selain hakim ada 10 dari luar hakim ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 265265265265265vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 tabel 7. jawaban responden tentang penyebab dijadikannya pranata tutur sebagai landasan pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan no jawaban responden jumlah (%) 1 lebih membawa keadilan, kemanfaatan dan kepastian hukum 51 42.5 2 pelaksanaan hasil putusannya diawasi oleh seluruh masysarakat secara bersamaan 27 22.5 3 mengikuti tradisi dan kebiasaan nenek moyang yang selalu menyelesaiakan sengketa perkawinan melalui tutur 42 35 jumlah 120 100 sumber: data primer 2010 data di atas menunjukkan bahwa terdapat 42.5% responden menjawab bahwa penyebab dipergunakannya pranata tutur dalam pelaksanaan mediasi dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan dikarenakan oleh putusannya lebih membawa keadilan, kemanfaatan dan kepastian hukum, terdapat 22.5% yang menjawab bahwa hasil putusan yang diproduk oleh pranata tutur adalah mendapat pengawasan yang ketat dari seluruh masyarakat adat batak setempat, terdapat 35% menjawab bahwa masyarakat lebih condong menggunakan pranata tutur dalam menyelesaikan sengketa yang didasari oleh faktor mencontoh dan mengikuti tradisi dan kebiasaan nenek moyang. hasil tabel di atas menunjukkan bahwa sekalipun negara menyediakan pengadilan sebagai lembaga penyelesaian berbagai sengketa yang resmi, termasuk sengketa dalam perkawinan, ternyata masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan tetap saja melaksanakan mediasi melalui pranata tutur dalam menyelesaikan setiap sengketa perkawinan. mereka lebih percaya bahwa pelaksanaan mediasi melalui pranata tutur dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan, jika dibandingkan dengan pelaksanaan mediasi dengan melalui perantaraan pengadilan sebagai tempat penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan. karena, setiap hasil putusan yang dikeluarkan melalui pranata tutur ini dianggap lebih adil, manfaat dan lebih pasti karena hasil putusannya sesuai dengan cita-cita hukum dan perasaan hukum masyarakat. tingginya rasa kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap proses mediasi melalui pranata tutur ini adalah didasari oleh hal berikut: a. hasil putusan yang dikeluarkan berdasarkan hasil mediasi melalui pranata tutur ini dianggap lebih adil, manfaat dan lebih pasti karena ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 266266266266266 afkaruna hasil putusannya sesuai dengan cita-cita hukum dan perasaan hukum masyarakat; b. pelaksanaan putusannya diawasi oleh seluruh masyarakat adat; c. para pihak yang bertindak sebagai hakim/pemutus dalam pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan itu adalah selain ada unsur harajaon, hatobangon sebagai orang yang dihormati dan disegani, juga ada unsur perwakilan masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli selatan yang bertindak mewakili keluarga yang bersengketa. keterangan di atas menunjukkan bahwa mayoritas sengketa perkawinan yang terjadi di tengah-tengah masyarakat umumnya diselesaikan secara internal dalam masyarakat adat melalui tutur, karena dianggap hasil putusannya lebih membawa keadilan, kepastian dan kemanfaatan bagi masyarakat. sedangkan pelaksanaan mediasi melalui pengadilan kurang memuaskan bagi pihak yang kalah dengan alasan: a. para hakim yang bertindak sebagai mediator merupakan orang yang tidak mereka kenal, sehingga menimbulkan rasa tidak simpati dan tidak percaya; b. mediator yang terlibat dalam persidangan di pengadilan adalah semuanya dari pihak di luar lingkungan masyarakat adat dan tidak melibatkan perwakilan dari masyarakat adat dalihan na tolu, sehingga semua produk putusan yang lahir dari pengadilan tersebut dianggap tidak adil; c. tidak ada rasa tanggung jawab bagi masyarakat adat, termasuk pihak harajaon, tokoh adat, hatobangon untuk mengawal dan mengawasi atas dilakasanakannya hasil putusan itu sendiri di tengah-tengah masyarakat. lain halnya dengan hasil putusan yang lahir dari majelis adat, semua masyarakat ikut bertanggung jawab dalam mengawasi dan mengontrol jalannya hasil putusan itu sendiri. andaikan tidak dijalankan putusannya, niscaya masyarakat secara umum akan menegor dan menghukum kembali para pihak yang tidak mau menjalankan hasil putusannya; d. hasil putusan yang diproduk oleh pengadilan biasanya melahirkan sebuah dendam baru bagi pihak yang kalah, sehingga memicu munculnya sengketa baru yang diwariskan kepada saudara dan generasi lainnya. paparan di atas menunjukkan bahwa mayoritas masyarakat adat enggan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 267267267267267vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 mempergunakan pengadilan sebagai tempat pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa yang berkaian dengan perkawinan. sebaliknya mayoritas dari mereka lebih cenderung melaksanakan mediasi dengan mempergunakan pranata tutur dalam menyelesaikan sengketa. sekalipun demikian sakral dan agungnya pengaturan hukum tentang pelaksanaan mediasi dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan yang terkandung dalam masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli bagian selatan itu, ternyata masih terdapat sebagaian kecil dari masyarakat adat batak muslim tapanuli selatan yang mempergunakan jasa pengadilan dalam menyelesaikan sengketanya, termasuk penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan. keadaan ini terjadi dilatar belakangi oleh beberapa faktor berikut:1 a. salah satu pihak atau kedua belah pihak sejak awal memiliki kesepakatan dan pilihan yang sama agar sengketanya diselesaikan melalui pengadilan negeri; b. salah satu pihak tidak mau menerima hasil putusan yang ditetapkan oleh majlis adat dalihan na tolu; c. adanya saran dari pihak ketiga supaya sengketa perkawinan yang ada diselesaikan melalui pengadilan, karena dianggap memiliki kekuatan hukum yang tetap dalam pandangan negara dan masyarakat. masyarakat adat batak memang sangat menghargai dan menghormati keberadaan tutur, terutama dalam pelaksanaan mediasi untuk penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan. sebab dalam masyarakat adat batak tersebut telah diatur bagaimana cara menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan dengan penuh keadilan dan kemanfaatan bagi masyarakat. mahkamah agung menyadari bahwa selama ini terjadi penumpukan perkara di setiap tingkat peradilan, baik di tingkat pn, pt maupun ma. untuk mengatasi penumpukan perkara tersebut mahkamah agung membuat peraturan perma yang mengatur tentang prosedur mediasi yang terintegarasi dengan proses peradilan, dengan harapan para pihak yang bersengketa di pengadilan dapat mencapai kesepakatan perdamaian melalui proses mediasi, tidak dengan cara menempuh penyelesaian perkara yang bersifat ajudikatif(menghasilakan putusan pengadilan). pada awalnya dikeluarkan perma no.2 tahun 2003 yang ternyata pelaksanaan mediasi di pengadilan tidak efektif. oleh karena itu perma tersebut dirubah dengan perma no.1 tahun 2008.2 kriteria mediator dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli bagian selatan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 268268268268268 afkaruna masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli bagian selatan memiliki kriteria tersendiri dalam menentukan mediotor dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan sebagaimana telah tertuang pada pranata tutur. orang yang berhak menjadi mediotor dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan harus memenuhi beberapa syarat berikut: a. kompetensi, kemampuan, wawasan yang luas dalam bidang: 1. pengetahuan tentang hukum adat yang berlaku dalam masyarakat, khususnya menyangkut proses penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan; 2. akar permasalahan yang sedang dihadapi oleh kedua belah pihak. b. kebijaksanaan, kewibawaan dan ketokohan seseorang di tengahtengah masyarakat. kedua dasar di atas harus menjadi pertimbangan utama bagi keluarga, masyarakat dan aparat penegak hukum dalam menunjuk seseorang untuk menjadi hakam. jika kedua syarat di atas ada pada keluarga, maka mereka yang harus diutamakan sebagai hakam dan bukan orang lain di luar silsilah keluarganya. pendapat di atas didukung oleh firman allah dalam al-qur'an q.s. an nisa/4: 35 berikut ini:”sesungguhnya allah menyuruh kamu menyampaikan amanat kepada yang berhak menerimanya, dan (menyuruh kamu) apabila menetapkan hukum di antara manusia supaya kamu menetapkan dengan adil. sesungguhnya allah memberi pengajaran yang sebaik-baiknya kepadamu. sesungguhnya allah adalah maha mendengar lagi maha melihat’. ayat di atas secara tegas menggunakan kata”ahlun” yang berarti kelompok yang berhak menerimanya, yakni kelompok yang memiliki kompetensi dan kemampuan dalam memegang amanat. oleh karenanya penekanan dari “ahlun” adalah terletak pada kemampuan dan kopetensinya. dalam kamus al munawwir ditemukan kata “ahlun” yang berarti: berhak, patut menerimanya. sedangkan pengertian lain dari kata “ahlun” adalah famili, keluarga dan kerabat.3 keterangan tersebut menenjukkan bahwa pengertian “ahlun” jika ditinjau dari terminologi memiliki dua pengertian, yakni: a) keahlian, b) keluarga atau kerabat dalam lingkungan masyarakat. jadi sebenarnya, pertimbangan utama yang menjadi diangkatnya seseorang menjadi hakam adalah pertimbangan kemampuan dalam menguasai dan mengetahu prosedur penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan dengan menggunakan hukum adat dimana kedua mempelai berasal. jika kompetensi semacam ini ada sama keluarga, maka mereka yang harus ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 269269269269269vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 diutamakan sebagai hakam dalam menyelesaikan sengketa keluarganya, karena mereka lebih mengerti sifat, karakter dan tingkah laku dari keluarganya yang bersengketa. selain itu hakam tidak hanya sekedar cakap dan kompeten dalam memahami hukum adat setempat semata, namun ia juga merupakan salah satu pihak yang terlibat dalam prosesi pelaksanaan pernikahan kedua mempelai yang sedang bersengketa pada masa lalu. konsep ini harus dibuat secara tertulis dalam sebuah perjanjian pernikahan sebagaimana pembuatan dan penulisan ta‘lik talak, ketika pelaksanaan akad nikah dilangsungkan dan dibacakan bersamaan dihadapan wali, saksi dan para undangan. sehingga, ketika sengketa perkawinan muncul, secara otomatis dilakukan mediasi berdasarkan hukum adat dimana pernikahan mereka dilangsungkan. kalau proses pelaksanaan pernikahan dilangsungkan dengan menggunakan hukum adat tertentu, maka proses pelaksanaan penyelesaian sengketanya juga harus dilakukan melalui proses hukum adat yang sama. frekuensi penggunaan hukum adat dalam pelaksanaan pernikahan, harus seimbang dengan prekuensi penggunaan hukum adat ketika melaksanakan penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan yang ada. karena dengan cara ini, akan sulit bagi seseorang untuk melakukan kejahatan dalam rumah tangga, apalagi melakukan perceraian. sebab, banyak hal dan jalan yang harus dilalui jika tetap menggunakan jalur adat dalam setiap penyelesaian sengketa pernikahan. dari ayat tersebut, dapat dipahami bahwa salah satu cara menyelesaikan perselisihan/persengketaan antara suami isteri, yaitu dengan jalan mengirim seorang hakam selaku “mediator” dari kedua belah pihak untuk membantu menyelesaikan perselisihan tersebut. hakam yang dimaksudkan dalam al-qur'an terdiri dari dua orang yang diambil atau dipilih masing-masing satu orang dari keluarga pihak suami isteri. sedang hakam yang dirumuskan dalam penjelasan pasal 76 ayat (2) boleh dari pihak keluarga suami saja, atau dari pihak keluarga isteri saja, bahkan diperbolehkan hakam yang terdiri dari pihak lain. namun demikian, maksud dan tujuan pembuat undang-undang bukanlah untuk menyingkirkan ketentuan q.s an-nisaa/4: 35, tetapi tujuannya agar rumusan ayat itu dapat dikembangkan menampung problema yang berkembang dalam kehidupan masyarakat dalam batas-batas acuan jiwa dan semangat yang terkandung di dalamnya. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 270270270270270 afkaruna menyikapi dua macam pendapat di atas, peneliti mengambil pendapat jalan tengah bahwa hakam harus diangkat dari pihak masyarakat adat yang mengetahui seluk-beluk hukum adat setempat dimana keduanya melangsungkan pernikahan. pendapat ini didasarkan pada q.s. an nisa/ 4: 35. dalam ayat ini allah swt swt telah memerintahkan bahwa jika dikhawatirkan ada persengketaan antara keduanya (suami isteri), maka kirimlah seorang hakam (mediator) dari keluarga laki-laki (min ahlihi) dan seorang hakam (mediator) dari keluarga perempuan (min ahliha). istilah “ahlun” dalam bahasa arab adalah bisa diartikan sebagai penduduk yang memiliki aturan dan adat istiadat sendiri-sendiri sesuai kondisi, kebiasaan dan adat budaya yang berlaku di dalamnya. oleh karenanya, utusan yang dikirim sebagai hakam dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan adalah orang yang memiliki keahlian dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan sesuai hukum adat yang berlaku di tengah-tengah masyarakat dimana penganten itu melangsungkan pernikahan atau adat istiadat dimana penganten itu berada. jika memang keahlian dalam penguasaan adat terdapat pada keluarga dari suami dan isteri, maka yang menjadi hakan adalah harus dari pihak keluarga mereka, karena akan lebih disegani, dihormati dan dipatuhi oleh kedua belah pihak yang bersengketa. sebaliknya, jika memang di antara kedua keluarga mereka tidak terdapat orang yang mampu memahami, mengetahui dan melaksanakan proses penyelesaian sengketa sesuai hukum adat yang berlaku, maka boleh diangkat pihak tokoh adat yang lain sebagai hakam dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan di antara mereka. rina yulfandi dan sri maharani mtv mengemukakan dalam bahwa melalui kodifikasi hukum adat dan formulasi mekanisme adat ke dalam struktur pemerintahan desa dapat memberikan payung hukum bagi penyelesaian sengketa secara informal.4 sistem musyawarah dalam pelaksanaan mediasi melalui pranata tutur dalam penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim tapanuli bagian selatan dalam prinsip masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan, untuk melaksanakan suatu pekerjaan atau untuk memutuskan suatu perkara dan permasalahan di tengah-tengah masyarakat, baik besar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 271271271271271vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 maupun kecil, apalagi yang menyangkut adat dan agama, dapat diselesaikan melalui musyawarah. tidak semua sengketa yang timbul dalam masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan, harus diselesaikan dalam musyawarah adat. melainlan hanya sengketa yang sudah mengganggu kepentingan adatlah yang mesti diselesaikan lewat musyawarah adat. banyak jenis sengketa yang timbul dalam masyarakat yang membutuhkan penyelesaiannya melalui musyawarah adat. namun di antara sekian banyak sengketa yang ada, ternyata sengketa dalam bidang perkawinan juga sering diselesaikan melalui musyawarah adat. masalah perkawinan dalam masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan adalah sesuatu yang sangat sakral dan sangat diagungkan. oleh karenanya, masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan sangat serius menanggapi dan menyelesaikan setiap sengketa yang muncul dalam bidang perkawinan. karena bila sengketa perkawinan dibiarkan tanpa diselesaikan dengan serius, maka masalah yang muncul adalah bukan hanya menyangkut masalah antara suami dan istri semata, melainkan bisa merambat kepada masalah keluarga kedua belah pihak, bahkan bisa melebar menjadi konflik antara suku dan desa. sebagai bukti bahwa setiap sengketa perkawinan yang ada, walau sekecil apapun, selalu diselesaikan melalui musyawarah adat sebagai mana diatur dalam pranata tutur yang terkandung dalam adat dalihan na tolu. musyawarah dalam menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan pada masyarakat batak muslim di tapanuli bagian selatan memiliki beberapa tingkatan sesuai dengan status orang-orang yang ikut dalam sebuah musyawarah: a. tahi ungut-ungut (musyawarah keluarga). tahi ungut-ungut ini juga dinamakan dengan istilah martahi tot atau tahi unung-unung ni sibahue. dalam tingkatan ini musyawarah dilaksanakan antara suami dan istri. kalau masalah belum bisa diselesaikan antara suami dan istri, maka musyawarah dihadiri oleh orang tua dan saudara kandung dari pihak suami, jika masalah bersumberdari suami. dan jika masalah bersumber dari istri, maka musyawarah akan dihadiri oleh orang tua dan saudara kandung dari pihak istri. dan kalau masalah juga belum selesai dengan cara seperti ini, maka musyawarah dilanjutkan dengan dihadiri oleh orang tua dan saudara kandung kedua belah pihak secara bersamaan. kesemua cara ini dinamakan dengan tahi ungut-ungut. kehadiran orang tua dalam mengikuti musyawarah ungut-ungut ini ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 272272272272272 afkaruna adalah ditentukan oleh jenis sengketa dan sumber munculnya sengketa; b. tahi dalihan na tolu atau dikenal juga dengan istilah martahi sabagas. dalam tingkatan ini, musyawarah dilaksanakan antara mora, kahanggi, dan anak boru. musyawarah ini dilaksanakan, jika sengketa yang dimusyawarahkan dalam tingkatan pertama belum selesai, maka penyelesainnya dilanjutkan dalam musyawarah dalam tingkatan kedua ini. umumnya sengketa yang dimusyawarahkan dalam tingkatan ini sudah bisa diselesaikan dengan baik. adapun jenis sengketa perkawinan dan jenis tutur yang menghadiri penyelesaiannya adalah dpat dilihat dalam tabel 8: c. tahi godang parsahutaon (musyawarah besar dalam sebuah perkampungan). musyawarah dalam tingkatan ini dihadiri oleh selain suami/istri, perwakilan dari kelompok dalihan na tolu, juga dihadiri oleh: raja pamusuk atau raja panusunan bulung, tokoh adat, harajaon, hatobangon, pisang rahut, ompu ni kotuk, orang kaya; d. tahi godang haruaya mardomu bulung (musyawarah besar antara desa atau luat yang berbatasan langsung). musyawarah dalam tingkatan ini dihadiri oleh selain suami/istri, perwakilan dari kelompok dalihan na tolu, tokoh adat, harajaon, hatobangon, pisang rahut, orang kaya, juga dihadiri oleh ompu nikotuk, hatobangon, raja panusunan bulung dan raja torbing balok. keempat tingkatan musyawarah di atas merupakan tingkatan berjenjang dan bersifat hirarkis yang harus dilalui secara berurutan. jika terjadi persengketaan dalam bidang perkawinan, terlebih dahulu diselesaikan dalam musyawarah tingkatan pertama. jika musyawarah dalam tingkatan ini dianggap masalah sudah selesai, maka tidak perlu lagi musyawarah dilanjutkan dalam tingkatan selanjutnya. tetapi jika masalah atau sengketa belum selesai dalam musyawarah pada tingkatan yang pertama, maka dilanjutkan pada musyawarah tingkatan kedua, dan jika masalah atau sengketa belum juga bisa diselesaikan, maka dilanjutkan pada musyawarah dalam tingkatan yang keempat. lebih jelasnya dapat dilihat dalam table 9. biasanya hasil keputusan yang dikeluarkan berdasarkan hasil musyawarah masyarakat batak dengan hasil keputusan yang dikeluarkan oleh pengadilan agama atau pengadilan negeri adalah sangat berbeda di tengah-tengah masyarakat. lebih jelasnya dapat dilihat dalam tabel 10: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 273273273273273vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 tabel 10. jawaban responden tentang persepsi masyarakat terhadap penyelesaian sengketa perkawinan dari hasil musyawarah yang diselenggarakan masyarakat batak no jawaban responden jumlah (%) 1 sangat berterima 102 85 2 biasa saja 13 10.83 3 kurang berterima 5 4.17 4 tidak berterima jumlah 120 100 sumber: data primer 2009 data di atas menunjukkan bahwa terdapat 85% responden menjawab bahwa hasil keputusan yang dikeluarkan berdasarkan hasil musyawarah dari masyarakat batak adalah sangat berterima, dan terdapat 10.83% menjawab biasa saja dan 4.17% menjawab kurang berterima. mayoritas masyarakat batak lebih mempercayai penyelesaian sengketa perkawinannya melalui konsep tutur daripada diselesaikan melalui pengadilan, karena mereka menganggap putusan yang dilahirkan berdasarkan hasil musyawarah adalah lebih membawa keadilan, kemanfaatan dan kepastian hukum. kondisi ini dipengaruhi oleh beberapa hal: a. penyelesaian sengketa melalui musyawarah adalah penyelesaian yang sudah lama dipertahankan sejak jaman nenek moyang dahulu; b. para pihak yang bertindak sebagai pemutus adalah orang yang dihormati dan disegani karena mereka berasal dari keturunan raja, tokoh adat dan perwakilan dari keluarga daliahan na tolu; c. penyelesaian sengketa berdasarkan musyawarah memiliki persyaratan dan prosedur yang sangat ketat, sehingga akar permasalahan bisa diketahui. setelah itu baru diberikan putusan yang pantas kepada para pihak dengan disaksikan oleh seluruh masyarakat; d. sanksi yang dijatuhkan atas hasil musyawarah adalah sanksi yang bersifat moral dengan tidak mengesampingkan sanksi perdata seperti ganti rugi, denda, pencabutan hak, pemutusan hubungan perkawinan dan lainnya. pelaksanaan mediasi dengan menggunakan hukum adat telah banyak dilakukan di beberapa daerah lain di indonesia diantaranya adalah disertasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 274274274274274 afkaruna no jenis sengketa jenis tutur yang menyelesaikan tempat martahi 1. kawin sumbang 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. tulang 4. nantulang 5. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru dari kedua belah pihak bagas ni tulang (rumah orang tua calon mempelai perempuan) 2 kawin sopar 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. tulang 4. nantulang 5. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru dari kedua belah pihak bagas ni tulang (rumah orang tua calon mempelai perempuan) 3 kawin mangalakkai 1. aya 2. uma 3. ompung (laki-laki/perempuan) 4. abang 5. angkang 6. anggi/iboto bagas ni aya/uma 4 kawin marlojong 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. tulang 4. nantulang 5. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru dari kedua belah pihak bagas ni tulang (rumah orang tua calon mempelai perempuan) 5 kawin na ditinggalkon 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. tulang 4. nantulang 5. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru dari kedua belah pihak bagas ni tulang (rumah orang tua calon mempelai perempuan) 6 kawin paoli tangga na buruk 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. tulang 4. nantulang 5. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru dari kedua belah pihak bagas ni tulang (rumah orang tua istri yang telah meninggal) 7 kawin maninian 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. tulang 4. nantulang bagas ni tulang (rumah orang tua calon mempelai perempuan) 8 kawin mangirit 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. tulang 4. nantulang bagas ni tulang (rumah orang tua calon mempelai perempuan) 9 suami melakukan tindakan yang menimbulkan sengketa yang bersifat umum 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. eda 4. halak bayo bagas ni amang boru tabel 8. jenis sengketa dan jenis tutur yang menyelesaikan sengketa perkawinan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 275275275275275vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 10 istri melakukan tindakan yang menimbulkan sengketa yang bersifat umum 1. tulang 2. nantulang 3. tunggane 4. halak bayo bagas ni tulang 11 suami/istri samasama bersalah 1. amang boru 2. ambou 3. eda 4. halak bayo 5. tulang 6. nantulang 7. tunggane 8. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru sopo godang 12 pembagian harta gono gini 1. tulang 2. nantulang 3. amang boru 4. ambou 5. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru dari kedua belah pihak 6. harajaon 7.hatobangon sopo godang 13 pengasuhan anak 1. tulang 2. nantulang 3. amang boru 4. ambou 5. mora, kahanggi dan anak boru dari kedua belah pihak 6. harajaon 7.hatobangon sopo godang tabel 9. tingkatan musyawarah dan pesertanya no tingkatan musyawarah peserta musyawarah keterangan 1 tahi ungut-ungut (musyawarah keluarga). tahi ungut-ungut ini juga dinamakan dengan istilah martahi tot atau tahi unung-unung ni sibahue 1. suami isteri 2. suami isteri dihadiri oleh orang tua dan saudara kandung dari pihak suami, jika masalah bersumber dari suami 3. suami isteri dihadiri oleh orang tua dan saudara kandung dari pihak isteri, jika masalah bersumber dari isteri 4. suami isteri dihadiri oleh orang tua dan saudara kandung kedua belah pihak secara bersamaan 2 tahi dalihan na tolu atau dikenal juga dengan istilah martahi sabagas suami isteri dihadiri mora, kahanggi, dan anak boru 3 tahi godang parsahutaon suami istri, perwakilan dari kelompok dalihan na tolu, juga dihadiri oleh: harajaon (raja pamusuk atau raja panusunan bulung), hatobangon (pisang rahut, ompu ni kotuk, orang kaya) 4 tahi godang haruaya mardomu bulung suami istri, perwakilan dari kelompok dalihan na tolu, juga dihadiri oleh: harajaon (raja pamusuk atau raja panusunan bulung), hatobangon (pisang rahut, ompu ni kotuk, orang kaya) dan raja torbing balok ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 276276276276276 afkaruna yang ditulis oleh lalu subardi bahwa perkawinan merarik berpotensi menimbulkan bentuk-bentuk pelanggaran dalam norma adat sekaligus sengketa antara kedua belah pihak keluarga. pelanggaran norma adat yang berpotensi muncul disebabkan oleh karena perbedaan pendapat menyangkut wali nikah, sudut pandang tentang proses pelaksanaannya, karena ketidaksepadanan, dan lain-lain. cara-cara penyelesaian sengketa yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat hukum adat sasak salah satunya adalah melalui mekanisme di luar pengadilan. mufakat karma waris, setiap peristiwa perkawinan merarik pertama kali yang dilakukan adalah dengan memaklumkan peristiwa tersebut kepada keluarga. ada pula melalui krama adat kampung penghulu kampung dimana kepala kampung mendatangi pihak-pihak yang bersengketa secara terpisah untuk mendengarkan kehendak masing-masing. sedangkan penyelesaian melalui kepala desa (pemusungan) dimana ia memimpin acara pertemuan dan meminta para pihak yang bersengketa untuk menyampaikan kehendaknya.5 hal yang sama juga dikemukakan oleh marija dalimunte bahwa tutur masyarakat adat batak angkola mengandung nilai-nilai ajaran islam, di antaranya tentang pembinaan akhlak, keharusan menjaga hubungan yang harmonis antara anggota masyarakat, kewajiban saling menolong pada saat suka maupun duka, membina rasa kekeluargaan, mewujudkan persatuan, kebiasaan musyawarah dan tentang nilai perkawinan. 6 kesimpulan artikel ilmiah ini memiliki kontibusi dalam pengembangan hukum perkawinan di indonesia terutama dalam bidang pelaksanaan mediasi yang benar, mulai dari: a) prosedur pelaksanaan mediasi, b) orang yang layak menjadi mediator, c) jenis-jenis sengketa yang layak dimediasi dan d) waktu yang tepat dalam melaksanakan mediasi. jika keempat poin ini dapat dilaksanakan dengan benar akan dapat memberikan kontribusi dalam melakukan pencegahan perceraian di tengah-tengah masyarakat. prosedur dan sistem pelaksanaan mediasi yang benar adalah tidak hanya sematamata dengan menggunakan pendekatan legal formal semata, namun juga harus menggunakan beberapa disiplin ilmu lainnya, seperti hukum islam, hukum adat setempat, sehingga hasil mediasi dapat diterima oleh para pihak yang bersengketa karena dirasa sesuai dengan cita-cita hukum dan perasaan hukum masyarakat. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 277277277277277vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 catatan akhir 1. antara sumut. 2012. “kasus perceraian di medan didominasi gugatan istri.” http://www.antarasumut.com/kasus-perceraian-di-medan-di-dominasigugatan-istri/. diakses pada tanggal, 24 juli 2012; 2. julianto, muhammad, masrukhin, dan kholis hayatuddin, ahmad. 2016. “dampak perceraian dan pemberdayaan keluarga studi kasus di kabupaten wonogiri.” buana gender. vol. 1. (1). surakarta: lp2m iain surakarta, pp. 56. 3. m. syaifuddin dan turatmiah, sri. 2012. “perlindungan hukum terhadap perempuan dalam gugat cerai (khulu`) di pengadilan agama palembang.” jurnal dinamika hukum, vol. 12, (2). purwokwrto: fakultas hukum universitas jenderal soedirman. 4. jannah, miftahul. 2013). “mediasi dalam perkara erceraian yang dilakukan oleh hakim pengadilan agama.” jurnal gloria yuris, vol. 1 (3). pontianak: universitas tanjung pura (untan); 5. alur penelitian yang menggunakan analisis dan deskripsi periksa sunggono, bambang. metodologi penelitian hukum. jakarta: pt.raja grafindo persada, p. 36. periksa juga waluyo, bambang. 1996. penelitian hukum dalam praktek. jakarta: sinar grafika, p. 39. 6. wijayanti, asri dan sofyan achmad, lilik. 2011. strategi penulisan hukum, cet.1. bandung: cv. lubuk agung; 7. sudarsono. 2001. pengantar ilmu hukum. cet. 3. jakarta: pt rineka cipta, h. 267. kalau euber berpendapat bahwa pendekatan antropologias adalah suatu pendekatan secara menyeluruh yang dilakukan terhadap manusia., seperti penulisan tentang bagian dari sejarah manusia, lingkungan hidup dan kehidupan keluarga, pemukiman, segi ekonomi, politik, agama, gaya kesenian, bahasa dan lainnya; 8. sadat harahap, anwar. 2013, “eksistensi tutur dalam pelaksanaan pernikahan masyarakat batak angkola.” jurnal kultura. vol. 3. (2). medan: umn al washliyah, p. 1367; 9. warson munawwir, ahmad. 1997. al munawwir kamus arab – indonesia. cet. 14. suarabaya: pustaka progressif; 10. hasil wawancara mendalam (fgd) dengan tokoh adat, tokoh agama dan perwakilan masyarakat adat dalihan na tolu di 3 (tiga) desa di kabupaten tapanuli bagian selatan, 15 oktober 2015; 11. mrs komariah. 2012. “analisis yuridis perma no.1 tahun 2008 tentang pelaksanaan mediasi di pengadilan sebagai faktor yang mempengaruhi efektifitas proses mediasi.” legality: jurnal ilmiah hukum. vol. 20. (2). malang: universitas muhammadiyah malang; 12. warson munawwir, ahmad, op.cit, al munawwir kamus arab – indonesia; 13. yulfandi, rina dan maharani mtv, sri. 2012. “penyelesaian sengketa informal, akses keadilan, keadilan formal.” jurnal dinamika hukum, vol. 12. (2). purwokerto: universitas jenderal soedirman; 14. subardi, lalu. 2011. “penyelesaian sengketa pelanggaran norma perkawinan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 278278278278278 afkaruna adat merarik dalam masyarakat hukum adat sasak.”disertasi doktor, malang: universitas brawijaya; 15. dalimunthe, marija. 2010. “nilai-nilai islam dalam tutur masyarakat adat batak angkola tapanuli bagian selatan.” tesis. medan: iain sumatera utara, p. 13. 16. julijanto, muhammad, masrukhin, kholis hayatuddin, ahmad. 2016. “dampak perceraian dan pemberdayaan keluarga studi kasus di kabupaten wonogiri.” buana gender, vol. 1, (1). surabaya: lp2m iain surakarta, pp. 56;. daftar pustaka dalimunthe, marija. 2010. “nilai-nilai islam dalam tutur masyarakat adat batak angkola tapanuli bagian selatan.” tesis, iain sumatera utara. jannah, miftahul. 2013. “mediasi dalam perkara erceraian yang dilakukan oleh hakim pengadilan agama.” jurnal gloria yuris, vol. 1 (3). pontianak: universitas tanjung pura (untan); julijanto, muhammad, masrukhin, kholis hayatuddin, ahmad. 2016. “dampak perceraian dan pemberdayaan keluarga studi kasus di kabupaten wonogiri.” buana gender, vol. 1, (1). surakarta: lp2m iain surakarta. wijayanti, asri dan sofyan achmad, lilik. 2011. strategi penulisan hukum, cet.1. bandung: cv. lubuk agung; warson munawwir, ahmad. 1997. al munawwir kamus arab – indonesia. cet. 14. suarabaya: pustaka progressif; mrs komariah. 2012. “analisis yuridis perma no.1 tahun 2008 tentang pelaksanaan mediasi di pengadilan sebagai faktor yang mempengaruhi efektifitas proses mediasi.” legality: jurnal ilmiah hukum. vol. 20. (2). malang: universitas muhammadiyah malang; m. syaifuddin dan turatmiah, sri. 2012. “perlindungan hukum terhadap perempuan dalam gugat cerai (khulu`) di pengadilan agama palembang.” jurnal dinamika hukum, vol. 12, (2). purwokwrto: fakultas hukum universitas jenderal soedirman. sadat harahap, anwar. 2013, “eksistensi tutur dalam pelaksanaan pernikahan masyarakat batak angkola.” jurnal kultura. vol. 3. (2). medan: umn al washliyah; subardi, lalu. 2011. “penyelesaian sengketa pelanggaran norma perkawinan adat merarik dalam masyarakat hukum adat sasak.”disertasi doktor, universitas brawijaya sunggono, bambang. 2006. metodologi penelitian hukum. jakarta: pt.raja grafindo persada. yulfandi, rina dan maharani mtv, sri. 2012. “penyelesaian sengketa informal, akses keadilan, keadilan formal.” jurnal dinamika hukum, vol. 12. (2). purwokerto: universitas jenderal soedirman. # layout jan jun 2011 metode perumusan tujuan keagamaan, perbedaan sistem ritual khususnya dalam menginterpretasikan hukum-ukum (fikih) islam, dan perbedaan sikap dalam memahami sistem budaya lokal. kedua organisasi ini juga memiliki perbedaan tidak hanya pada aspek ritual, melainkan juga dalam banyak aspek lain seperti aspek sosial, budaya dan politik. artikel ini mencermati secara khusus dinamika hubungan politik, keagamaan dan budaya antara muhammadiyah dan nu pada skala mikro, khususnya di sebuah desa di jepara. penulis berkesimpulan bahwa ketegangan atau konflik antara muhammadiyah dan nu di jepara merupakan konflik karena kepentingan-kepentingan politik. kata kunci: muhammadiyah, nahdlatul ulama, politik, konflik. pendahuluan nahdlatul ulama (nu) dan muhammadiyah merupakan dua organisasi sosial-keagamaan yang dipandang cukup besar untuk indonesia. kedua organisasi itu sering dibedakan menurut rujukan sistem pengambilan hukum (istinbath hukum), tata cara ibadah (interpretasi fiqhiyyah dan syari’iyyah) serta sikapnya terhadap sistem tradisi. ketiga faktor di atas merupakan beberapa persoalan yang membedakan sikap dan perilaku sosial, budaya dan keagamaan kedua organisasi sosial-keagamaan itu. persoalan rujukan pengambilan hukum di kalangan nu ditandai dengan pengakuan terhadap sistem madzhabiyyah dan berteologi asy’ariyyah, reinterpretasi konflik numuhammadiyah di pedesaan jepara jawa tengah arief akhyat fakultas ilmu budaya universitas gadjah mada (ugm) yogyakarta. email: akhyatarief@yahoo.com abstract muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama (nu) are the biggest social and religious organization in indonesia that have different types whether in the sense of the method of concluding the religious objectives, different ritual system especially in interpreting islamic jurisprudence, and different attitudes in understanding a local tradition system. moreover, both organizations have differences not only in ritual manner, but also impacted to many aspects such as in legitimating the social, cultural and political aspects. therefore, the article is concentrated on the dynamics relation politically, religiously, and culturally between muhammadiyah and nu in micro scale, particularly at certain village in jepara. in conclusion, the writer assumes that a tension or conflict between muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama in jepara was a conflict concerning political interest. keywords: muhammadiyah, nahdlatul ulama, politics, conflict. abstrak muhammadiyah dan nahdlatul ulama adalah dua organisasi sosial dan keagamaan terbesar di indonesia yang memiliki memiliki perbedaan tipe dalam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 136 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dengan yurisprudensi syafiiyyah dan bertareqat gzozaliyyah. pengakuan sistem ini menurut nu merupakan pemeliharaan, pelestarian, pengembangan dan pengamalan ajaran islam dengan menggunakan diktum ahlu-sunnah waljama’ah, sedangkan muhammadiyah lebih memberikan kekuatan rasional untuk menginterpretasikan alquran dan hadis dalam mengambil hukum. dalam perkembangannya, perbedaan cara pengambilan hukum dan aturan praktis dalam urusan ibadah dan muamalah melahirkan tata cara ibadah furuiyyah yang berbeda sesuai dengan kekuatan interpretasi fiqhiyyah dan syariah yang dikembangkan. hal ini juga dalam tataran relasi sosial-budaya mengakibatkan perbedaan pula dalam memandang tradisi. berdasarkan hasil beberapa pengamatan dan penelitian, nu dianggap lebih dapat menerima tradisi– tradisi lokal untuk pengkayaan terhadap tradisi ritual. hal ini selama tidak mengganggu dan bertentangan dengan “ideologi madzhabiyyah”1 yang dikembangkan. upacara mauludan (upacara peringatan kelahiran nabi saw) dengan model marhabanan (sekelompok orang berkumpul di langgar, mushola atau masjid bahkan tempat tinggal penduduk dengan membaca satu persatu kitab barjanzi secara bergantian serta diselingi membaca shalawat dan pujian nabi), sistem ziarah kubur, peringatan kelahiran, kematian (haul) adalah beberapa “tradisi ritual” yang dipelihara oleh nu.2 oleh muhammadiyah, tradisi ritual itu dianggap sebagai “tradisi bid’ah, takhayul dan khurafat”, alasannya karena tidak ada dalam alquran dan hadis3. hal ini memang perlu penelitian lebih dalam guna memberikan penjelasan yang benar apakah muhammadiyah pada awal berdirinya memang memfokuskan pada “penyimpangan” tradisi yang terjadi? bagaimana dengan proses ‘sakralisasi” tradisi kraton yang notebene merupakan elemen yang tak terpisahkan dengan muhammadiyah? perbedaan di atas apabila diangkat lebih tinggi lagi, dapat dilihat tidak hanya terletak pada praktik-praktik keagamaan, tetapi juga memiliki implikasi sosial yang lebih tajam. terbentuknya beberapa organisasi sosial di bawahnya seperti gerakan pemuda muhammadiyah, ikatan mahasiswa muhammadiyah di satu sisi dan gerakan pemuda anshor serta ikatan putra nahdlatrul ulama (ipnu), didirikannya ssistem sekolah dari tingkat taman kanakkanak sampai tingkat menengah atas (smu) serta munculnya beberapa mushola atau langgar di hampir semua desa dengan ciri-ciri ke-muhammadiyah-an dan ke-nu-an serta didirikannya dua masjid, yang berorientasi ke-nu-an dan kemuhammadiyah-an pada hampir setiap desa di jepara mengidentifikasikan fenomena “konflik” dari kedua tradisi keagamaan. selanjutnya, kedua organisasi itu berbeda tidak hanya pada tingkat “tradisi ritual”, tetapi juga segala bentuk legitimasi sosial, budaya dan bahkan politik juga mengalami penajaman perbedaan. pada aspek yang lebih general, penjagaan keutuhan sebuah tradisi oleh nu dianggap penting terutama dalam mengembangkan sikap-sikap tawassuth (bersikap tengah-tengah), i’tidal (bersikap adil), tasâmuh (lapang dada) dan tawâzun (keseimbangan, mempertimbangkan berbagai faktor dan berusaha memadukan secara proporsional).4 bagi muhammadiyah penjagaan keutuhan tradisi sebagaimana nu kurang mendapat tempat bagi program doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 137vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 gerakannya. tradisi yang dikembangkan nu maupun muhammadiyah dalam sekala tertentu mengalami pengembangan dan penyempitan. kegagalan nu dalam menyikapi persoalan sosial-ekonomi pedesaan merupakan bukti kelemahan model pengembangan tradisi nu, begitu juga semakin kokohnya gerakan-gerakan kebatinan, kejawenan, munculnya berbagai organisasi meditasi, pengobatan alternatif, tradisionalisasi kraton merupakan bentuk kegagalan muhammadiyah dalam mendefinisikan bid’ah, takhayul, dan khurafat. suatu hal yang menarik dari dua tradisi kenu-an dan ke-muhamaddiyah-an itu adalah ketika kedua tradisi itu mengalami counter tradisi, maka tidak jarang aspek politik dipakai sebagai pelindung tradisi. benturan politik yang berdampak pada kedua tradisi semakin legitimated karena masing-masing merasa terabsahkan oleh masing elit kedua tradisi5 tulisan ini mencoba melihat perkembangan nu dan muhammadiyah dalam sekala mikro pedesaan jepara, jawa tengah dengan mengakomodasi persoalan yang terkait dengan perkembangan politik desa. kerangka teoritis dan problem desa tulisan ini merupakan suatu cara untuk melihat dinamika sosial-keagamaan di pedesaan jepara. untuk alasan metodologis, tulisan ini hanya ingin memfokuskan pada analisa konflik yang digunakan untuk menginterpretasikan kembali konflik-konflik “ideologis” yang selama ini dipahami oleh nu maupun muhammadiyah.6 dengan menggunakan batasan dan faktor-faktor tertentu diharapkan akan memberikan perspektif lain dari konflik ideologis tersebut. tiga faktor yaitu basis sosial, elit desa dan modernisasi merupakan sudut pandang metodologis guna melihat secara tegas problem konflik keagamaan di pedesaan. penggunaan tiga faktor itu dimaksudkan untuk melihat bagaimana penggunaan otoritas dan kewibawaan oleh elit desa, meminjam konsep karl d. jackson7, dalam membangun bentuk-bentuk hegemoni. begitu juga modernisasi digunakan sebagai suatu cara untuk mengidentfikasi proses rasionalisasi dan urbanisasi dari masyarakat pedesaan. untuk mempermudah analisa terhadap gejala keagamaan pedesaan, nu dan muhammadiyah dapat dipakai sebagai ukuran dimensi sosial dari gejala keagamaan. tujuannya adalah untuk menerjemahkan segi normatif-dogmatis ke dalam segi sosiologis-historis. keberagamaan dalam hal ini, baik yang bersifat ekstern (berdialog dengan politik, ideologi, tradisi dsb) maupun yang bersifat intern (sunni-syiah, ahlussunnah wal-jamaah-jabariyah, qadariyah dsb.), merupakan perwujudan eksplisit dari “bahasa” sosiologis-historis agama. oleh karena itu, keberagamaan numuhammadiyah dalam tinjauan konflik bukanlah merupakan argumentasi konflik ideologis semata, tetapi lebih merupakan pemekaran konflik-konflik ekstern yang lebih politis. subjektivikasi politik dan objektivikasi agama telah mengalami perbenturan yang luar biasa dalam sekala mikro maupun makro. oleh karena itu, persoalan konflik ideologis bukanlah sematamata terkait dengan persoalan struktural yang menghasilkan struktur kelas, sosial, politik, kepentingan dan ekonomi, tetapi lebih dalam menyoroti tentang norma, ide, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 138 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna nilai, sikap, ideologi, keyakinan, simbol dan orientasi. pendekatan yang menunjuk pada aspek sosio-historis daripada normatifdogmatis terhadap perilaku keagamaan dihadapkan pada pertimbangan bahwa untuk melihat pola dan bentuk orienatsi keagamaan sreingkali melibatkan cara berfikir yang politis, institusional dan struktural.8 kunci persoalan yang dipakai untuk melihat posisi ideologis nu-muhammadiyah adalah kaitan antara status sosial9 dan perwujudan ideologis sebagai kepentingan, pilihan atau nilai-nilai (menurut istilah arnold m. rose) yang dikutip oleh david apter. berbeda dengan rose maupun apter, hans-dieter evers justru mengajukan persoalan pada pemunculan “kelas sosial” yang ia sebut sebagai kelompok strategis ( strategic-group).10 oleh evers, kelompok strategis ini dianggap mampu untuk mengakumulasi permasalahan secara politis (political development) untuk mengatur situasi konflik. berbeda dengan evers, horikoshi lebih tertarik pada persoalan kemampuan otoritas para elit kharismatik dalam melakukan revolusi budaya dalam batasan geo-politik desa. bahkan lebih jauh, horikoshi lebih yakin dengan keberdanaan elit ini karena dianggap memiliki kekuatan sebagai “mediator” dalam melakukan filterisasi budaya eksternal, dan revolusi internal. horikoshi menyodorkan konsep mediating cultural broker dalam melihat peran elit tradisional ini adalah clifford geertz yang dalam suatu tesisnya tentang sistem-sistem kepercayaan dan keyakinan dengan struktur sosial budaya, yang dikutip oleh jackson pernah mengatakan bahwa perpecah-belahan sosialbudaya lebih menjadi lambang identitas sosialnya ketimbang sekedar perbedaan mencolok di dalam kepercayaan itu. berbeda dengan geertz, jackson justru menyarankan logika terbalik dimana perpecah-belahan agama dan kepercayaan akan menentukan pembagian wilayah politik, sosial dan budaya. hal ini lebih jauh oleh jackson sangat dipengaruhi oleh bidang kepercayaan keagamaan yang berbelah antara ortodoksi, tradisional, pra-modern dan modern di satu sisi, serta sinkretisma di pihak lain. beberapa penelitian yang sudah dilakukan juga tidak jauh berbeda dengan dua analisa di atas.11 mereka secara implisit memberikan catatan bahwa: pertama, perpecah-belahan sosialbudaya lebih merupakan refleksi dari pembelahan dari kepercayaan dan keyakinan terhadap agama; kedua, perpecah-belahan kepercayaan dan keyakinan terhadap agama merupakan reaksi dari argumentasi pembelahan sosial-budaya yang secraa historis sudah berlangsung sangat lama. suatu studi yang menarik tentang pergumulan nu dan muhammadiyah dalam merespon politik kebijakan orde baru di daerah (jepara) adalah karya jim schiller.12 meskipun dengan menggunakan pendekatan strukturalis klasik, yaitu dengan mengembangkan analisas melalui dimensi hegemoni negara, justru schiller berhasil memetakan pergumulan dan kompetisi nu dan muhammadiyah di jepara. dinamika desa: islam dan basis sosial-ekonomi yang berubah proses perkembangan politik desa, bukanlah merupakan akibat tunggal dari faktor keagamaan. ada beberapa faktor yang menyebabkan faktor politik sering menjadi issue sentral, yaitu basis sosial dan struktur ekonomi. laporan dari departemen perindustrian dan perdagangan kabupaten doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 139vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 jepara pada tahun 1997 menunjukkan beberapa desa di jepara yang memiliki potensi industri. industri dominan untuk pedesaan jepara justru merupakan industri mebel yang secara historis memiliki kaitan dengan proses pemekaran kota jepara. hal ini sangat penting yang tidak hanya alam penyerapan tenaga kerja, tetapi juga menajdi media komunikasi kota-desa yang sempurna. untuk beberapa desa di wilayah kalinyamat misalnya, rata-rata memiliki lebih dari 50 jenis industri dengan rata-rata 5 sampai 7 jenis industri. hal ini sangat terkait dengan letak yang strategis dengan menghubungkan antara kota jepara dengan kota-kota besar (semarang-jakarta) dan (kudus-surabaya), di samping juga beberapa pasar yang hampir semua terletak di sepanjang jalur transportasi ini. beberapa jenis industri yang berkembang misalnya industri besi, gerabah, handicraft, konveksi, industri monel, emas dan sebagainya. meskipun wilayah pedesaan jepara sebagian besar didominasi ekonomi pertanian, namun masyarakat desa jepara sudah mulai memasuki sektor-sektor industri dan perdagangan sejak lama. banyak pedagang muslim yang tersebar di beberapa pasar dan membuka toko kelontong. meskipun secara kualitatif sejak tahun 1970an pedagang cina pernah mendominasi sektor perdagangan, namun sejak tahun 1980-an banyak pedagang cina mulai pindah ke luar kota, misalnya bandung, semarang dan sebagian ke luar jawa. penyerapan tenaga kerja di sektor perdagangan dan industri cukup memberi contoh bagaimana pola industrialisasi sudah dikenal oleh masyarakat desa. dasar-dasar ekonomi perdagangan dan industri sudah menjadi trend ekonomi masyarakat desa yang kemudian dikembangkan melalui perdagangan. jaringan perdagangan yang dikembangkan tidak hanya dalam pasar desa, pasar kecamatan dan kabupaten, lebih jauh pengembangan sektor ini sudah mencapai daerah-daerah hampir seluruh jawa tengah, jawa timur, jawa barat dan jakarta. bahkan jenis industri tertentu telah mencapai luar jawa dan pasar dunia (eropa, amerika, australia dan beberapa negara asia). laporan departemen perindustrian dan perdagangan tahun 1999 menunjukkan bahwa ada sekitar 103 desa yang tersebar di 10 kecamatan yang memiliki potensi industri mebel. apabila ditinjau secara geografis, pengembangan desa industri ini justru melebar ke arah utara dan selatan. hal ini ada yang mengaitkan dengan struktur sosialkeagamaan. artinya bahwa persoalan muncul dan tumbuhnya desa-desa potensi industri mebel dapat dikaitkan dengan tumbuhnya penguatan tradisi ke-nu-an. hal ini dikarenakan daerah kota “didominasi” muhammadiyah. tanpa mempertimbangkan seberapa besar jenis industri mebel, semakin tinggi potensi sosial di suatu daerah memegang tradisi nu, maka pemunculan industri mebel dan beberapa industri lain seperti konveksi dan industri monel semakin tinggi. ada memang yang mengaitkan dengan revivalisasi ke-nu-an di bidang sosialekonomi setelah beberapa lama hanya bergerak di bidang sosial-keagamaan, tetapi ada yang mengaitkan dengan prasarana dan sarana modal, transportasi. hubungan relasional dengan pedagang-pedagang asing, dan semakin luasnya jangkauan pemasaran. apabila analisa yang pertama benar, maka sebenarnya pada tingkat lokalitas tertentu, nu sudah mulai mencoba medekonstruksi wacana-wacana lama dimana nu selalu berhubungan dengan kekolotan, ortodoksi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 140 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dan ritualistik bahkan nu sudah mulai memasuki dunia kapital dan politik dimana suatu kesempatan yang pernah ditinggalkan oleh kaum nahdliyyin akibat politik proteksionis orde baru. kebalikannya, muhammadiyah yang sebelumnya sudah akrab dengan perdagangan, transaksi finansial, perbankan pada dua dekade ini justru mengalami pergeseran. pada tahun 1970-an, di beberapa daerah di jepara para pedagang dan pelaku ekonomi lainnya banyak dipegang oleh muhammadiyah, disamping para pegawai negeri. muhammadiyah banyak berkecimpung dalam dunia realistik. hal ini guna memberikan penjelasan tentang keterkaitan muhammadiyah dengan kesejahteraan sosial yang dikembangkan. pembangunan prasarana dan sarana pendidikan modern (dari tk sampai smu), tempat ibadah, poliklinik dan rumah sakit, panti asuhan dsb merupakan program-program yang menjadi fokus utama muhammadiyah. pada masa era 1990-an, berdasarkan data eksportir muslim jepara, tokoh-tokoh muhammadiyah yang begerak di bidang eksport secara kuantitas tidak sebanyak dari kalangan nu. kecenderungan semakin meningginya minat penanam modal di beberapa desa potensi industri (mebel, konveksi dan monel) semakin membuka jaringan sistemikmekanik terutama dalam proses rekapitalisasi pedesaan, suatu proses yang hampir tidak mungkin terjadi pada masa orde baru.13 bahkan peningkatan kuota produk ekspor yang secara tajam dimulai sejak tahun 1997 itu telah mengubah struktur ekonomi desa, dari ekonomi “semi-subsisten” ke ekonomi “kapital-modern”. dampak yang sangat jelas adalah semakin tingginya mobilitas tenaga kerja, kapital, modal, pergerakan moneter, perluasan areal, transportasi dan sosial. tensi mobilitas ini sangat tinggi, sehingga para pengamat sangat beragam dalam menilai gejala desa-desa jepara ini. secara kuantitatif, peningkatan jumlah area industri di pedesaan ini merupakan platform semua aktivitas kegiatan industri di jepara. hal ini memberikan dampak positif bagi pengembangan desa guna merespon dinamika ekonomi global. dari 192 desa di jepara dilaporkan sudah 42 desa yang yang sudah dinyatakan sebagai urbanized villages, lebih dari 75 desa sudah masuk semi-urbanized villages dan sisanya merupakan desa-desa pertanian dan nelayan. hal itu cukup penting dalam pengembangan geografis sentra industri desa dan proses modernisasi desa. bersamaan dengan itu, jumlah karya siswa yang melanjutkan kuliah di perguruan tinggi pun meningkat. kemudian dari para sarjana ini dalam proses politik desa pada periode berikutnya sangat penting terutama dalam konflik politik nu-muhammadiyah di daerah ini. paling tidak, keterlibatan mereka telah memberikan pemikiran lain di pedesaan jepara pada masa konflik nanti. percaturan nu-muhammadiyah di pedesaan: konflik elite beberapa peristiwa yang dapat dijadikan dasar pemikiran pembelahan tradisi dan konflik keagamaan adalah kasus proses pemakaman yang terjadi di beberapa desa. seringkali konflik terjadi berawal dari kasus ini. kasus ini tidak hanya memunculkan konflik intern dalam keluarga, terutama berkenaan dengan acara prosesi pemakaman dan tahlilan. sebagai contoh, ketika meninggalnya h. salim (1981/2), hj. khotijah (1987) dan h. kusrin (1995) di desa purwogondo, kecamatan kalinyamatan. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 141vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 kasus meninggalnya ketiga orang itu, tidak hanya memunculkan silang pendapat keluarga antara yang menganjurkan pakai doa talqin atau tidak, juga pakai tahlilan atau tidak, tetapi dalam perkembangannya telah mengakibatkan semakin jelasnya peta numuhammadiyah di desa. artinya, ke-nu-an dan ke-muhammadiyah-an tidak hanya memiliki kohesivitas kelompok yang kuat pada dataran sosial-budaya, tetapi sebaliknya justru pada tingkat domestik, telah memberikan warna konflik keluarga yang tidak dapat dielakkan. domestifikasi konflik nu-muhammadiyah pada level keluarga perlu mendapatkan perhatian serius guna mereevaluasi dan mereformulasi tatanan sosial-politik nu dan muhammadiyah14. dari konflik domestik keluarga tersebut, kemudian muncullah reaksi-reaksi baik dari nu maupun muhammadiyah. reaksi-reaksi itu semakin lama semakin menguat bahkan mulailah muncul konflik-konflik antarkeluarga. konflik antara h. nasih dan h. roziq15 dan kemudian berkembang konflik antarkelompok keluarga dan antara nu-muhammadiyah di hampir seluruh pedesaan kecamatan kalinyamatan adalah contoh terbaik bagaimana peta politik numuhammadiyah justru berangkat dari pembelahan tradisi yang rigid di antara keduanya. dari sini peneguhan konflik semakin diperjelas dengan didirikannya beberapa masjid di hampir seluruh desa di kalinyatan ini yang berorienatsi muhammadiyah. seperti yang dijelaskan sebelumnya, hampir semua desa di pedesaan jepara, masing-masing memiliki dua masjid yang berbeda orientasi keagamaannya. di samping itu, dimulailah setiap sholat i’ed (i’edul adha maupun i’edul fitri) dilaksanakan di lapangan kenari, dimana sebelumnya tidak pernah dikerjakan. di masjid-masjid yang berorientasi nu mulai menggunakan bahasa indonesia dalam setiap ceramah dan khotbah jum’at. bahkan pengajian semakin gencar dilaksanakan terutama kelompok-kelompok majlis taklim. apalagi ketika partai politik masuk di daerah jepara, pembelahan tradisi yang sebelumnya lebih kental pada pembelahan furuiyyah berubah menjadi ijmaiyyah. partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp), partai amanat nasional (pan) dan partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) sangat jeli membaca situasi ini dan kadangkala ketiga partai politik ini ikut terlibat dalamnya.16 keterlibatan partai politik dalam mendinamisir politik desa telah membentuk batasan-batasan geo-politik yang memperkuat antara batas geo-politik ke-nu-an dan kemuhammadiyah-an. daerah-daerah tertentu di beberapa desa telah terbentu daerah santri dan non-santri. hal ini terkait dengan aktivitas dan orientasi sosial masyarakat pendukungnya. ciri dari daerah non-santri ini dapat terlihat bentuk-bentuk komunikasi sosial yang sering dikaitkan dengan kegiatankegiatan yang dilarang oleh agama, baik dari prspektif nu maupun muhammadiyah. begitu juga daerah ini sering pula bersifat isolatif dengan tingkat solidaritas sosialnya yang komunalistik. hal ini terkait dengan jenius mata pencarian mereka yang sering lebih teridentifikasi dengan petani, nelayan dan buruh. berbeda dengan daerah santri, yang lebih bersifat kompetitif, inklusif dengan tingkat mobilitas yang cukup tinggi. hal ini karena mayoritas masyarakatnya adalah para pedagang dan pegawai negeri. pedagang lebih berorientasi dengan ke-nuan, sedangkan pegawai negeri lebih berorientasi pada muhammadiyah. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 142 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dengan tiga tipologi desa di atas sekedar untuk memberikan latar sosial-ekonomi desa dalam membaca perkembangan politik desa. meskipun secara intensif perbedaan tipologi yang sederhana di atas tidak begitu menonjol dalam mendorong konflik di desa, namun juga tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa hasil dari tipologi itu juga sangat terlihat ketika peta politik mulai dibaca. jauh sebelum diadakan pemilihan kepala desa (pilkades) di beberapa desa di jepara, pembelahan sosial-budaya di pedesaan sangat di pengaruh oleh dikotomi santri dan non-santri. namun ketika beberapa desa diadakan pemilihan kepala desa, dikotomi sosial-budaya itu berubah menjadi trikotomi dengan mengatasnamakan “daerah nu” dan “daerah muhammadiyah” di satu sisi, ditambah dengan daerah non-santri, di sisi lain. peta politik ini sangat kompetitif dalam beberapa kasus di pedesaan jepara, misalnya desa purwogondo, kriyan, margoyoso untuk beberapa contoh. sifat kompetitif ini tidak hanya bebasis pada akar-akar ideologi mazdhabiyyah, tetapi juga karena dorongandorongan politik emosional sering mengarah pada konflik fisik. meskipun penguatan politik lebih ditentukan oleh model trikotomi di atas, tetapi hal itu tidak menjadi tolak ukur dalam melihat politik massa di pedesaan jepara. ada beberapa desa yang mayoritas orientasi masyarakatnya ke-nu-an, justru kemenangan dalam pilkades dipihak muhammadiyah, tetapi juga ada mayoritas orientasi keagamaan ke-muhammadiyah-an, tetapi justru kemenangan calon dipihak nu. tentu saja hal ini terkait dengan berbagai faktor politis yang memberikan andil besar dalam proses politik di pedesaan jepara, pertama, adalah tokoh ulama desa atau kyai, kedua, adalah elit birokrasi, ketiga, adalah munculnya para intelektual desa, keempat adalah basis massa. keempat faktor yang bermain dalam proses politik desa di atas yang utama adalah kyai (ulama) desa. para tokoh ini sangat berperan dalam segala aktivitas politik desa. mereka masih memegang otoritas dalam penentuan kebijakan desa. apalagi sepakterjang para tokoh ini banyak mendapatkan dukungan material dari para elit ekonomi desa17. apabila dilihat dari persepsi politik, justifikasi mereka sebagai decison-maker mulai dipertanyakan. hal ini dengan pembuktian bahwa, banyak untuk desa-desa santri yang mayoritas masyarakatnya berorientasi ke-nuan, justru secara politis muhammadiyah lebih kuat. hal ini terbukti banyak calon-calon dari nu tidak berhasil dalam pilkades. kedua adalah para elit birokrasi desa. mereka merupakan tokoh-tokoh yang memiliki jaringan yang tidak hanya dibangun berdasarkan pada hubungan-hubungan horisontal, tetapi sebenarnya merupakan jaringan vertikal sampai ke kabupaten. baik nu maupun muhammadiyah sebenarnya sejak tahun 1980-an, sama-sama memiliki potensi jaringan vertikal sampai ke kabupaten dan dalam hal ini sering pula dimanfaatkan dalam proses awal calon dalam pilkades.18 suatu hal yang sangat terkait dengan proses politik desa adalah peran kaum intelektual desa yang setelah belajar di beberapa kota seperti semarang, surakarta, yogyakarta, malang, bandung dan bahkan beberapa lulusan luar negeri (belanda, jepang, australia dan jerman) yang menentukan perubahan politik emosional ke politik rasional. meskipun mayoritas mereka berperan di balik proses politik desa, namun doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 143vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 mereka merupakan “pengatur” segregasi politik melalui justifikasi moral dan rasional dalam proses politik desa. kiprah politik mereka hampir sempurna ketika pembuktian politis menunjukkan bahwa beberapa pilkades serimg dimenangkan oleh calon yang secara rasional dianggap memiliki kapabilitas. pertimbangan ideologis kemudian dikesampingkan ketika ukuran-ukuran rasional calon menjadi efektif untuk memenangkan sebuah proses politik. artinya bahwa secara ekonomis, golongan intelektual desa tidak memilki legitimasi, tetapi sangat efektif untuk suatu pertimbangan politis. pola jaringan kepemimpinan yang mengarah pada bentuk-bentuk sentrifugal telah menggagalkan proses politik elit nu di desa, justru kelemahan ini dimanfaatkan oleh elit muhammadiyah dengan mengembangkan pola jaringan kepemimpinan koalisi baik yang bersifat vertikal maupun horisontal. pola jaringan politik muhammadiyah yang demikian ternyata lebih diterima oleh massa desa dimana segala aturan dan nilai-nilai telah berubah karena proses-proses urbanisasi dan modernisasi yang digulirkan. artinya kaum intelektual desa (baik nu maupun muhammadiyah) telah berhasil mengasingkan perdebatan ideologis dalam politik. basis massa yang selama ini menjadi faktor penentu dalam meligitimasi suatu ideologi, kurang menjadi andalan dalam proses politik desa yang sudah mulai terurbanized. pembentukan hegemoni politik dengan menggunakan “politik mazdhabiyyah” sudah tidak mampu lagi dalam menjelaskan proses politik dengan basis massa yang rasional (rational community). meskipun hal ini hanya merupakan sebuah contoh kecil dari konteks pedesaan jepara, dapat diartikan bahwa penjelasan koflik nu dan muhammadiyah lebih baik apabila ditempatkan pada konteks sosial-budayanya daripada jargon-jargon ideologinya. sehingga hal ini akan dapat dipertanyakan ulang kausalitas konflik antara nu dan muhammadiyah yang selama ini dipahami. elite keagamaan memang tidak dapat di jelaskan hanya dengan me nunjuk proses politik desa, namun akan menjadi mustahil juga kalau konflik keagamaan tidak melibatkan peran elit ini. bahkan elit birokrasi desa yang menjadi mediator justru ikut bermain dalam konflik. rentetan peristiwa politik pedesaan yang melibatkan kembali tradisi keagamaan bukan merupakan permasalahan baru dalam sejarah islam di indonesia. apabila ditelusuri sejarah politik keagamaan di indonesia, beberapa hasil studi telah membuktikan persoalan yang menyangkut problematika pedesaan selalu menghadirkan isu-isu keagamaan19 tetapi lebih dari sekedar persoalan keagamaan, peristiwa di pedesaan sering memunculkan konflik-konflik yang memeiliki latar-belakang yang berbeda antara daerah pedesaan satu dengan pedesaaan yang lain, hal ini tergantung pada problematika geografis, sosiologis, historis, sehingga peristiwa keagamaan merupakan juga dapat menjadi isu sekunder. dasar-dasar pembentukan tradisi dengan melalui proses “rasionalisasi” dan “modernisasi” membawa akibat semakin terbukanya budaya dialogis. pada proses selanjutnya muncullah pemaknaan baru terhadap sistem-sistem tradisi yang selama ini dipahami secara kaku dan eksklusif. tradisi nu yang selama ini dipegang kuat secara kultural telah diberi makna lain, ketika diterjemahkan secara politis. begitu juga doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 144 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna muhammadiyah, pembentukan tradisi yang selama ini lemah telah dialihfungsikan dengan menggunakan pembentukan sistemsistem ideologi rasional melalui reinterpretasi baru oleh kalangan intelektual muda desa. menggunakan istilah peacock, pembentukan tradisi di kalangan muhammadiyah ini merupakan usaha untuk melakukan proses purifikasi terhadap budaya sinkretik menuju arah menjadi budaya santri. sebuah budaya yang penuh dengan dinamika, dialog dan sistem keterbukaan. bahkan gerakan-gerakan purifikasi di pedesaan disinyalir lebih berhasil daripada di daerah asal dimana muhammadiyah berdiri, yaitu kota yogyakarta. tentu saja gerakan purifikasi yang selama ini di tujukan pada gerakan pemurnian atas perilaku takhayul, bid’ah dan churafat (tbc) di kalangan intelektual muda muhammadiyah dipahami sebagai gerakan modernisma. hal ini karena ada pembuktian bahwa selama ini muhammadiyah di yogyakarta dinilai gagal melakukan purifikasi terhadap model-model sinskretisme, akibat dari kuatnya tradisi keraton. konsep mitologi ny. rorokidul, munculnya sistem-sistem pengobatan alternatif, mitologi gunung merapi, pelaksanaan sekaten yang penuh magis dan sinkretis tidak mampu dipurifikasikan oleh muhammadiyah. bahkan pelaksanaan upacara tahlilan, bacaan sholawatan dan bentuk-bentuk mujahadah yang diselenggarakan oleh keraton justru memperkuat dugaan tumpulnya gerakan purifikasi muhammadiyah. konflik keagamaan yang melibatkan nu dan muhammadiyah dari perbedaan cara ibadah sampai memunculkan konflik politik adalah cara lain untuk melihat politik keagamaan di pedesaan. bagi nu, kecenderungan politik nu yang mengarah pada pembentukan tradisi keagamaan lebih diilhami dengan konsep agama sebagai cultus publicus (agama sebagai bagian utuh masyarakat) bukan sebagai cultus privatus (agama sebagai hak individu). oleh karena itu, perubahan dan dinamika sosial akibat pendidikan justru merupakan bumerang bagi politik nu yang konvensional, dimana masih menempatkan elit agama (kyai) sebagai pemegang otoritas pola polyadic20. meskipun tidak terjadi di semua desa di jepara, namun kasus-kasus di atas dapat menjadi sufficient conditions untuk proses politik keagamaan yang lebih luas. basis massa, elit desa dan modernisasi tampaknya merupakan gambaran sekilas yang cara melihatnya harus dilakukan penelitian lebih dalam ketika ingin melihat ketiga faktor itu berada dalam batasan konflik keagamaan di pedesaan. elite desa tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan basis massa, basis massa tidak dapat dilepaskan dari proses urbanisasi dan modernisasi desa. tidak sebagaimana yang dideskripsikan oleh erni budiwanti21, dimana aspek keutuhan tradisi dalam budaya islam bali telah mengalami disintegrasi ketika para elit dalam tradisi itu melakukan move-move politik dengan mengatasnamakan tradisi. karena perilaku elit, menurut erni, lebih menggunakan tradisi sebagai tujuan politik daripada difungsikan sebagai socio-political sharing system. sebenarnya perilaku itu sah-sah saja dalam kaca mata pelras22, namun karena kemunculan elit desa tidak dibangun dari basis lokal, maka penguatan kohesivitas intern golongan keagamaan itu kurang berhasil. itulah sebabnya, gerakan politik yang mengatasnamakan agama di pedesaan jepara akhirnya terjebak dalam pandangan yang apolitis ketika rumusan-rumusan politik keagamaan yang dikembangkan para tokoh doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 145vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 keagamaan pedesaan (nu dan muhammadiyah) cenderung irrasional, kompetitif dan konfliktual. berdasarkan hasil penemuan di lapangan menunjukkan bahwa konflik keagamaan seperti nu dan muhammadiyah dalam sekala geo-politik tertentu hanya dilihat sebagai penguatan bentuk-bentuk dominasi dari suatu tradisi keagamaan, meskipun pandangan ideatif tentang fungsi agama dalam perilaku politik harus dilihat sebagai aspirasi yang inheren dalam proses politik. kesimpulan pandangan ideatif sebuah tradisi keagamaan sering membawa konsekuensi ideologis dan politis. hal ini menjadi konsekuensi logis kuatnya tradisi pemikiran keilmu-agamaan di kalangan pemeluk agama. nu dan muhammadiyah mencoba merumuskan kembali sebuah tradisi yang selama ini hanya dipahami sebagai penafsiran terhadap teks-teks. penafsiran kembali trehadap teks itu ternyata bersinggungan dengan realitas sosio-historis yang seringkali mempertaruhkan tradisi itu sendiri. konflik nu dan muhammadiyah, paling tidak dalam wilayah pedesaan, apabila dilihat dalam konteks ini merupakan contoh bagaimana sebuah tradisi keagamaan dipertaruhkan untuk tujuan politik. peralihan dari sebuah tradisi menjadi ideologi telah dikembangkan sedemikian rupa, sehingga konsensus politik diharapkan dapat muncul dari proses penguatan tradisi ini. politisasi tradisi keagamaan dengan mengangkat isu pilkades menjadi tema yang menarik dalam setiap perubahan politik pedesaan. paling tidak kasus pedesaan jepara telah menjadi contoh yang menarik dari gejala politisasi keagamaan. hal ini menjadi penting, ketika urgensi keagamaan diperdebatkan ulang dalam membaca realitas politik pedesaan. mungkin geertz benar, ketika peta kekuatan trikotomi (abangan, santri dan priyayi) menjadi isu utama dalam setiap proses dan perubahan politik pedesaan mojokuto, namun apabila dilihat dalam konteks jepara, abangan justru merupakan basis massa pendukung golongan santri dalam setiap proses politik. jadi bukan langsung berhadapan santri vis a vis abangan. proses aliansi abangan-santri untuk memperkuat konflik horisontal numuhammadiyah semakin menjadi jelas ketika otoritas kyai (elit keagmaan) dipertanyakan. hadirnya gejala modernisasi dan elit baru non-pesantren menjadi pemicu utama perumusan kembali tradisi keagamaan di desa. hasil dari beberapa penelitian menunjukkan bahwa hadirnya elit baru akibat hasil pendidikan universitas, baik dari nu maupun muhammadiyah memberikan suasana sosial-keagamaan baru dalam merumuskan tradisi, disamping adanya berbagai perubahan sosial-ekonomi yang ikut dalam proses modernisasi desa. memang dalam proses itu tidak berarti peran dan posisi kyai (tokoh agama) mengalami penurunan, tetapi lebih merupakan pembalikan persepsi bahwa demokrasi dan modernisasi tidak lagi bersifat personal. hal ini ditunjukkan dari beberapa kasus pilkades yang tidak hanya mempertaruhkan sebuah tradisi yang pernah dibangun sangat lama, tetapi menjadi media perdebatan politik dalam mengukur otoritas elit desa beserta tradisinya. dalam hal ini geertz benar dalam memetakan tradisi “agama” mojokuto tahun 1950-an, tetapi mungkin masih perlu dicari doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 146 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna relevansinya ketika trikotomi itu dalam proses kesejarahan desa telah mengalami pencairan dan membentuk aliansi-aliansi baru. bahkan untuk kasus islam (santri) sebagaimana yang dideskripsikan geertz, tidak lagi terpisah secara frontal sebagaimana gambaran geertz, tetapi secara historis mengalami aliansi silang antara tradisionalis dan modernis, bahkan pada tingkat tertentu terjadi konvergensi tradisi ketika mereka menghadapi saat yang kritis. “politisasi tradisi” lebih merupakan pokok persoalan keagamaan desa daripada “politisasi santri” sebagaimana geertz asumsikan. dari sini kemudian terlihat bagaimana proses-proses politik keagamaan pada tingkat desa tidak hanya bersifat kompleks, tetapi perlu perumusan kembali tentang berbagai ragam konflik yang terjadi di pedesaan. hal ini untuk menjelaskan kembali pembelahan secara signifikan antara nu dengan muhammadiyah beserta elemen-elemen konfliknya seperti proses istinbath hukum, interpretasi fiqhiyyah dan syar’iyyah serta perilaku ketradisian. hal ini untuk mempertanyakan kembali proses kesejarahan munculnya kedua organisasi keagamaan tersebut untuk melihat esensi pembelahan tradisi dan perbedaan sikap sosialkeagamaannya. penilaian, persepsi dan bahkan kepentingan politis, mungkin menjadi dasar pembelahan numuhammadiyah daripada perbedaan perumusan keilmu-agamaan. apabila hal ini benar, maka konflik nu-muhammadiyah adalah konflik kepentingan politik. catatan akhir 1 materi musyawarah nasional alim ulama nahdlatul ulama, penjelasan khitthah nahdlatul ulama, bandar lampung 21-25 januari 1992. lihat juga sidney jones, “the contraction and expansion of “umat” and the role of the nahdlatul ulama “, indonesia, cornell southeast asia programm no. 38 (oct.) 1984 2 beberapa argumentasi teologis yang berhubungan dengan keabsahan pemeliharaan tradisi madzhabiyah dapat dilihat dalam as-syaikh al-alamah kh. ali ma’shum, hujjah ahlus-sunnah wal-jama’ah (pekalongan: ibnu masyhudi, tth) 3 kalangan muhammadiyah memandang bahwa pemeliharaan tradisi madzhabiyyah dianggap sebagai sebab kejumudan umat islam, di samping sebagai tradisi yang bid’ah. oleh karena itu, pemecahannya harus melalui gerakan jihad yang dalam tradisi teologi dipakai istilah metode ijtihad. lihat alfian, muhammadiyah: the political behavior of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism (yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1989). untuk perbandingan lihat juga james. l. peacock, purifying the faith: the muhammadiyah movement in indonesian islam (california: the benjamin/cumings, 1978) dan mitsuo nakamura, the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central javanese town (yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1993) 4 untuk meloihat keterlibatan tradisi sebagai kekuatan politik dan peneguhan budaya dapat dilihat benedict r. o’g anderson, language and power: exploring political cultures in indonesia (ithaca: cornell university press, 1990). tradisi muhammadiyah sebenarnya oleh kuntowijoyo di bangun dalam tradisi “kampung” bukan “kota”, karena tradisi kota saat itu dipegang dan dikuasai oleh golongan cina dan kulit putih. lihat kuntowijoyo, “gerakan sosial muhammadiyah: adaptasi atau reformasi”, dalam kuntowijoyo, paradigma islam:interpretasi untuk aksi (bandung: mizan, 1991), hlm. 265-275 5 hans-dieter evers, “group conflict and class formation in southeast asia” dalam hans-dieter ever, eds., modernization south-east asia (london: oxford university press, 1975), hlm. 109-131 6 konflik menurut evers, terjadi ketika polarisasi dan fragmentasi sosial maupun kultural sudah dalam tingkat ketat. artinya, bahwa semakin ketat struktur masyarakat berdasarkan kelas, maka konflik akan mudah terjadi. kemudian konflik itu merambah pada kompetisi antarpersonal (interpersonal competition) yang dibarengi dengan mobilitas sosial, propaganda ideologi, etnik, loyalitas kekeluargaan dll., lihat hansever dieters, “group conflict…, hlm.117. bedakan dengan pendapat lewis a coser, the functions of social conflict (london: the free press, 1956) 7 karl d. jackson, kewibawaan tradisional, islam dan pemberontakan: kasus darul islam jawa barat, terjemahan ( jakarta: grafiti, 1990) 8 penggunaan teori dalam penelitian sosial-keagmaan menurut mattulada paling tidak ada empat fungsi: a. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 147vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 menyimpulkan generalisasi fakta-fakta, b., memberikan kerangka orientasi untuk analisa dan klasifikasi faktafakta, c, meramalkan gejala-gejala baru dan, d. mengisi kekosongan pengetahuan tentang gejala-gejala yang telah ada atau sedang terjadi. lihat mattulada, “studi islam kontemporer: sintesis pendekatan sejarah, sosiologi dan antropologi dalam kajian fenomena agama” dalam taufik abdullah, ed., metodologi penelitian agama:sebuah pengantar (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 1989), hlm. 4 9 untuk melihat peran dan fungsi status sosial,,khususnya jawa lihat leslie h. palmier, social status and power in java (new york: the athlone press, 1969). menurut palmier, apabila terjadi dua sistem nilai status dalam satu daerah, maka akan menghasilkan kompetisi di antara pemegang status itu untuk mencapai kekuasaan atau otoritas, kemudian mengendalikannya. 1 0 hans-dieter evers, group conflict…, hlm. 108-131. menurut pengamat lain, istilah kelompok strategis ini sering digunakan istilah lain yaitu quasi-group (dahrendorf). oleh dahrendorf istilah quasi-group sering digunakan untuk kasus peristiwa yang bersifat dramatis. 1 1 clifford geertz, the religion of java (chicago and london: chicago university press, 1976). lihat juga donald hindley, the communist party in indonesia, 1951-1963 (berkely and los angles: university of california press, 1964), donald k. emmerson, indonesia’s elite: political culture and cultural politics (ithaca: cornell university press, 1976). 1 2 jim schiller,”state formation and rural transformation: adapting to the “new order” in jepara”, in arief budiman, ed., state and civil society in indonesia (clayton: monash papers on southeast asia, no. 22, 1990) 1 3 jim schiller, developing jepara; state and sosciety in new order indonesia (clayton: monash asia institutes, 1996) 1 4 pada beberapa kasus di kecamatan kalinyamatan dan pecangaan, ditemukan beberapa peristiwa yang dapat dijadikan bahan reinterpretasi ke-nu-an dan kemuhammadiyah-an. misalnya, akibat konflik numuhammadiyah semakin intensif, ada beberapa keluarga yang lebih dapat menerima anggota keluarga baru (menantu) dari golongan agama non-muslim daripada dari golongan di luar ke-nu-an atau kemuhammadiyah-an. 1 5 untuk kepentingan penelitian dan publikasi ini, sengaja penulis tidak menggunakan nama asli dari pelaku konflik. 1 6 arief akhyat,”retradisionalisasi politik di pedesaan jepara: sebuah interpretasi”, laporan penelitian lapangan, 1999 1 7 beberapa informasi yang dapat diterima selama observasi menunjukkan bahwa beberapa sabet (istilah yang sering dipakai untuk orang-orang yang berfungsi sebagai votegetter) merupakan tokoh-tokoh yang mendapatkan dukungan finansial dari para elit ekonomi desa terutama dari kalangan nu. 1 8 jim schiller, developing jepara: state and society in new order, (clayton: monash asian institute, 1996) 1 9 lance castle, religion, politics and economic behaviour in java: the kudus cigarette industry (new haven: yale university southeast asia studies cultural report series no. 15, 1967), donald k. emmerson indonesia’elite: political culture and cultural politics (ithaca: cornell university press, 1976), margo l., lyon, “dasar-dasar konflik di daerah pedesaan jawa”, dalam sediono m.p. tjondronegoro, gunawan wiradi, eds., dua abad penguasaan tanah (jakarta: yayasan obor. 1984), sartono kartodirdjo, protest movement in rural java, a study of agrarian unrest in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (singapore, london: oxford university press, 1973), kuntowijoyo,’social change in an agrarian society: madura 1850-1940", disertasi, columbia university, 1980. 2 0 untuk melihat contoh bagaimana pola ini muncul dapat dilihat dalam iik arifin mansur noor, islam in an indonesian world: ulama of madura (yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1990) 2 1 erni budiwanti, the crescent behind the thousand temples: an ethnographic study of the minority muslims of pegayaman, north bali (yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1995) 2 2 christian pelras,”religion, traditions and the dynamics of islamization in south sulawesi” indonesia, no. 57 (april) 1994 daftar pustaka abdullah, taufik (ed.). 1989. metodologi penelitian agama: sebuah pengantar. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. alfian. 1989..muhammadiyah: the political behavior of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism.yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. anderson, benedict r. o’g. 1990. language and power: exploring political cultures in indonesia ithaca: cornell university press. budiman, arief (ed). 1990. state and civil society in indonesia. clayton: monash papers on southeast asia, no. 22. castle, lance. 1967. religion, politics and economic behaviour in java: the kudus cigarette industry. new haven: yale university southeast asia studies cultural report series no. 15. coser, lewis a. 1956. the functions of social conflict. london: the free press. evers, hans-dieter. 1975. “group conflict and class formation in southeast asia” dalam hans-dieter ever (ed). modernization south-east asia. london: oxford doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 148 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna university press. emmerson, donald k. 1976. indonesia’s elite: political culture and cultural politics. ithaca: cornell university press. geertz, clifford. 1976. the religion of java. chicago and london: chicago university press. hindley, donald. 1964. the communist party in indonesia, 1951-1963. berkely and los angles: university of california press. jackson, karl d. 1990. kewibawaan tradisional, islam dan pemberontakan: kasus darul islam jawa barat, terjemahan. jakarta: grafiti. jones, sidney. 1984. “the contraction and expansion of “umat” and the role of the nahdlatul ulama,” indonesia, cornell southeast asia programm no. 38 (oct.) kartodirdjo, sartono. 1973. protest movement in rural java, a study of agrarian unrest in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. singapore, london: oxford university press. kuntowijoyo. 1991. paradigma islam:interpretasi untuk aksi. bandung: mizan. ——————————. 1980. “social change in an agrarian society: madura 1850-1940”, disertasi, columbia university ma’shum, as-syaikh al-alamah kh. tth. ali. hujjah ahlussunnah wal-jama’ah. pekalongan: ibnu masyhudi, nakamura, mitsuo. 1993. the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central javanese town. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. palmier, leslie h. 1969. social status and power in java. new york: the athlone press. peacock, james. l. 1978. purifying the faith: the muhammadiyah movement in indonesian islam. california: the benjamin/cumings. pelras, christian. 1994. “religion, traditions and the dynamics of islamization in south sulawesi” indonesia, no. 57 (april). schiller, jim. 1996. developing jepara; state and sosciety in new order indonesia. clayton: monash asia institutes. tjondronegoro, sediono m.p. & gunawan wiradi (ed). 1984. dua abad penguasaan tanah. jakarta: yayasan obor. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0011. 135-148 index a abdul munir mulkhan abdullah thufail saputra abu al-mughisy al-husain abu yazid al-busthami aceh achmad chodjim acquisition adat adat's administrative agama agama ageming aji agama jawa" ahmad khatib minangkabawy ahmad sukino aksiomatis alqur'an al-hallaj al-irsyad al-irsyad al-islamiyyah ali handoyo amalgation amended âmil amir syarifuddin andy agung prihatna animisme anthropology antroposentrisme ar fakhruddin ar. suprapto arnold m. rose arskal salim asef bayat ashad kusuma djaya azyumardi azra b badan amil zakat badan 'âmil zakât baheula bapak rohmat baptis behaviour bengkulu bid'ah blending bmt buah gadang buddha c canduang koto laweh center for the study of religion and culture chaidar s. bamualim children's jurai churafat citizenship clifford geertz contemporary csrc cultus publicus d damami darul ulum datuak sangguno di rajo dediknas departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan republik indonesia diachronic diana leat dinamisme dogmatism dpr-gr dr. sutomo duffy durkheim dutch dutch occupation e eklektivisme eksistensi eksistensi ekslusivisme, eksperiensial ekspresi-ekspresi emile durkheim erni budiwanti evers f farâidh fi al-asyya' al-ibahah filantrofi islam filantropi filantropi islam flexibility franz von benda-beckmann franz von benda-bergmann freedom fried fundamental furnivall furuiyyah fusion g geertz geo-politik global ethics global theology. glock gluckman gong zhui gordon w. allport gulliver gus dur h h. dawam h. kusrin h. nasih h. roziq h. salim haji dawam haji dawam roji hak hanna djumhana bastaman harato pusako harmonisasi harmonisasi helmut k. anheier hendrik hibah hilman latief hindu hizbut tahrir indonesia hj. khotijah hoebel horikoshi horizonta hudaniah i idealisme ideologis ijmaiyyah ilmu jiwa agama imran manan briefly individualistis indonesia indonesische drukkerij infak ingsun ilahi inklusif inklusivisme intelektual intellectuals intension ir. henry suwarto irvan abu bakar islam islamic activism islamic law islamic law. islamic philanthropy isrâ' mi'râj istimbath j jackson jambi jamil wahid java jehova jim schiller john hick k k.h. ar. fachrudin kaafur kamanakan kapital-modern kartopuran surakarta katolik kaum kedermawanan khas-an khazanah khurafat kiyai slamet klenteng klenteng sie hien kyong koentjaraningrat kohesivitas komaruddin hidayat konsekuensial kristen kulonprogo kulonrpogo yogyakarta kyai kyai haji ahmad dahlan l lazis lili zakiyah munir lirboyo llyod m m. dawam rahardjo m. ng. harjawijaya madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah maharaja rufus shinra majelis mujahidin indonesia majelis tafsir al-qur'an malawi malinowski mamak manfred ziemek mangkubumi mangkunegara mansoer faqih mas ng. harjawijaya mas ng. mangunwijaya masdar f. mas'udi masif max planck institute for social anthropology mazdhabiyyah memberdayakan merle c. ricklefs milik minangkabau minister of religious affairs mitologi mmi modernisasi moh. hari siti jenar moh. hari soewarno mohammad sobary monograph monograph. moore mora moralitas mta muhaimin muhammad dachlan muhammad muhsin khan muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali muhammad wildan, muhammadiyah 'multifungsi musyawarah muthohharun jinan n nagari nagari nahdhatul ulama nahdlatul ulama (nu) nico syukur dister niels mulder non-partisan nu ny. rorokidul nyai rara kidul o ohan hendrik caspar kern optimisme ota ownership-deed p pangeran cloud panglima sephiroth panjinatarata pantekosta partai amanat nasional (pan) partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) peacock penghulu permodalan nasional madani persatuan islam pesantren philanthropy pilkades pku pluralism pluralisme pluralisme pluralitas pluralitas pns politisasi tradisi pondok pesantren gontor prabu satmata president suharto priyayi protestan purifikasi purwoko q qadariyah qiyâs quran qurasih shihab r raden panji natara radio persada fm raditional society ranz von benda-beckmann rasionalisasi regulations riau rigidity ritualistik robert c. monk rusbult s saifuddin zuhri sami hasan samiul hasan scholars scientific sekolah guru agama semi-autonomous serat bayan budiman sewugalur shadaqah sholawatan sinkretisme sintetis social justice socio-political sosial-ekonomi sosial-politiknya spiritual stark state strategic-group subsidi silang suku sultan abdul hamid ii sultan agung sumatra sunan bonang sunan giri kedhaton suparman usman susilo bambang yudhoyono sustainabilitas syekh siti jenar t tahlilan takhayul takhayul takhayul, bid'ah, dan churafat teologis terorisme tersantuni timur tengah tionghoa tipologi tradisionalis tradition tri dayakisni trikotomi truth claim u uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 'ulama ulayat universalisme universalisme university of leiden university of zurich urbanisasi uswatun hasanah v vanderlinden vinogradoff, w w. allport wahhabi wakaf wali songo waqf warih wasiyat widya pustaka woodman word trade center y yasinan yesus kristus z zakat zakât zamachsyari dhofier zambia zis ziswaf # layout jan jun 2011 hermeneutika al-qur’an kontekstual: metode menafsirkan al-qur’an abdullah saeed hatib rachmawan universitas ahmad dahlan, yogyakarta. email: khatib_rachmawan@yahoo.com abstract quranic exegesis has a special place in the development of islamic intellectual tradition and civilization at large. as the main source of islamic teaching, for centuries muslims have attempted to understand the various meanings of the qur’an in order to be in line with the current needs of the society through the process of contextualization. in this article, the author presents and explains the way in which abdullah saeed, a professor in islamic studies from the the university of melbourne, australia, contextualize the meaning of the quran. in particular, this article analyzes some methodological aspects proposed by saeed in the qontextualization of the qur’an: 1) identifying the world of the text; 2) analyzing text critically; 3) connecting the text to the early islamic community as the first receivers; and 4) relating the text to the current needs of society. keywords: quranic exegesis, abdullah saeed, tafsir methodology, contextualization. abstrak tafsir al-quran memiliki tempat yang penting dalam perkembangan tradisi intelektual muslim dan peradaban islam secara umum. sebagai sebuah sumber utama ajaran islam, kaum muslim selama berabab-abad mencoba memahami makna al-quran agar sesuai dengan kebutuhan zaman, salah satunya dengan cara kontekstualisasi. dalam tulisan ini, penulis membahas gagasan kontekstualisasi penafsiran al-qur’an yang dilakukan abdullah saeed seorang guru besar bidang studi islam di australia. secara khusus penulis menganalisis aspek-aspek metodologis dari pandangan abdullah saeed dalam melakukan kontekstualisasi tafsir al-qur’an. penulis berkesimpulan bahwa abdullah saeed menawarkan empat langkah operasional penafsiran kontekstual yaitu, 1) mengidentifikasi dunia teks; 2) menganalisis teks secara kritis; 3) menganalisis teks dikaitkan dengan komunitas awal penerima wahyu dan 4) menganalisis teks dengan kondisi saat ini. kata kunci: tafsir al-quran, abdullah saeed, metodologi tafsir, kontekstualisasi pendahuluan al-qur’an adalah petunjuk untuk semua manusia (hudan linnas). al-qur’an adalah rahmat bagi alam semesta. dua kalimat tersebut menunjukan bukti bahwa al-qur’an yang turun 15 abad yang lalu di hijaz bukan untuk bangsa arab saja, melainkan untuk seluruh umat manusia di seluruh belahan dunia. semua intelektual muslim sangat sepakat dengan pernyataan tersebut. alqur’an diwahyukan dengan bahasa arab oleh allah agar mudah dipahami.1 sehingga tidak ada alasan bagi orangdoi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 149vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 orang arab pada waktu itu untuk membantahnya. al-qur’an diturunkan secara berangsur-angsur untuk merespon kondisi sosial dan masalah yang dihadapi rasulullah di mekah, madinah dan beberapa tempat yang disinggahinya. dari fakta-fakta tersebut menunjukkan bahwa al-qur’an benar-benar hadir untuk merespon kondisi arab. maka, jika seseorang hendak memahami al-qur’an, ia harus paham bahasa arab,2 dan paham kondisi sosio kultur masyarakat arab. pertanyaannya adalah bagaimana membawa makna lokal al-qur’an yang memiliki setting historis arab ke dunia luar yang memiliki kondisi sangat berbeda? pertanyaan inilah di era sekarang menjadi masalah. setidaknya ada dua karakter umat islam dalam merespon pertanyaan tersebut. pertama, yang berpandangan bahwa makna alqur’an dan budaya arab tidak dapat dipisahkan, sehingga dalam penyebarannya kedua hal tersebut harus dibawa beriringan. kedua, yang berpandangan bahwa nilai-nilai al-qur’an saja yang dibawa, sementara budaya arabnya ditinggalkan, mengikuti budaya setempat atau lokal baru yang disinggahinya. pendapat pertama akan menghasilkan islamisasi dan arabisasi, sementara yang kedua akan menghasilkan islamisasi dan kontekstualisasi. pertanyaannya kemudian, bagaimanakah melakukan proses kontekstualisasi tersebut? bagaimana agar nilai-nilai al-qur’an dapat hidup di daerah baru di zaman yang baru seperti sekarang? tulisan ini berupaya menjawab pertanyaan tersebut. sesungguhnya konsep kontekstualisasi alqur’an di awal abad 19 sudah bermunculan, seiring kuatnya dorongan untuk membuka pintu ijtihad yang selama beberapa abad sempat tertutup. gagasan kontekstulisasi ini baru benar-benar nampak dan dikukuhkan oleh fazlur rahman dengan metode hermeneutik gerak ganda (double movement). pemikiran rahman ini kemudian menyebar ke berbagai belahan dunia bersama para pemikir islam progresif lainnya. abdullah saeed adalah salah seorang intelektual kebangsaan oman yang tertarik mensistematisasikan pemikiran rahman. konsep kontekstualisasi rahman dengan double movement-nya masih menyisakan kekurangan, meskipun sukses menanamkan dasar dan pondasi dalam hal pembaharuan model penafsiran, khususnya gagasan kontekstualisasi. rahman tidak begitu menjelaskan mengenai langkah-langkah kontekstualisasi secara terperinci. rahman juga tidak mengaitkan masalah kontekstualisasi dengan perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan. kekurangan tersebut kemudian disikapi secara cerdas oleh saeed. sehingga nampaklah sebuah metode kontekstualisasi al-qur’an yang utuh. tulisan ini akan membahas bagaimana gagasan kontekstualisasi penafsiran al-qur’an saeed yang secara implisit terpengaruh hermeneutika gadamer. kemudian juga akan dibahas bagaimana langkah-langkah saeed dalam melakukan kontekstualisasi? dua masalah inilah yang akan dipaparkan panjang lebar berikut ini. biografi abdullah saeed abdullah saeed adalah intelektual muslim progresif ternama berkebangsaan oman, yang terbilang relatif muda. ia lahir di kota maldives, dan menjadi imigran di australia. sebagai pendatang ia tidak berkecil hati, justru sebaliknya hal tersebut malah memberikan dorongan kuat untuk terus belajar. ia akhirnya menggapai puncak doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 150 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna karirnya di australia, sebuah daerah multi etnis sekuler, sebagai profesor di bidang islamic studies di university of melbourne.3 karir pendidikannya diawali ketika saeed mengambil jurusan bahasa arab pada institute of arabic language di saudi arabia, dan pada tahun 1977 ia mendapatkan gelar ba. kemudian melanjutkan program magister (ma) dalam bidang applied linguistic (linguistik terapan) dan doktoral (ph.d) dalam bidang islamic studies di university of melbourne. tahun 1993, ia bergabung di department of asian languages and anthropology pada university of melbourne sebagai dosen, kemudian meningkat menjadi dosen senior tahun 1996, serta menjadi anggota asosiasi professor pada tahun 2000. saat ini ia menjadi direktur national center of excelence for islamic studies dari university of melbourne. ia juga pernah mendapatkan penghargaan dari sultan oman sebagai professor bidang bahasa arab dan islamic studies tahun 2003.4 saeed mengajarkan bahasa arab dan islamic studies untuk mahasiswa s1, s2, dan s3. materi-materi yang diajarkannya antara lain: great texts of islam: qur’an (al-qur’an: kitab suci umat islam); muslim intellectuals and modernity (intelektual muslim dan modernitas); great empires of islamic civilization (sejarah kerajaan besar islam); islamic banking and finance (perbankan syari’ah); qur’anic hermeneutics (hermeneutika alqur’an); methodologies of hadith (metodologi hadis); methods of islamic law (metodemetode hukum islam); religious freedom in asia (kebebasan beragama di asia); islam and human rights (islam dan hak asasi manusia); dan islam and muslims in australia (islam dan muslim di australia). saeed juga terlibat dalam dialog antar iman, antara umat kristiani dan muslim, antara umat yahudi dan muslims. ia juga sering melakukan lawatan dan kunjungan ke berbagai daerah, misal ke amerika utara, eropa, timur tengah, asia selatan dan asia tenggara. ia memiliki radius pergaulan yang luas di kalangan profesional dan hubungan research di berbagai belahan dunia. karya-karya saeed cukup beragam. diantara yang dipublikasikan antara lain: islamic banking and interest: a study of the prohibition of riba and its contemporary interpretation (1997), yang merupakan disertasi abdullah saeed. essential dictionary of islamic thought (2001), muslim communities in australia (2002), freedom of religion, apostasy and islam (2003), islam in australia (2003), islam and political legitimacy (2003), interpreting the quran: towards a contemporary approach (2006), ‘contextualizing’ sebuah artikel yang ditulis dalam the blackwell companion to the qu’ran (2006) yang dieditori oleh andrew. rippin, ‘muslims in australia’ in australia and the middle east: a front line relationship (2006), islamic thought: an introduction (2006). muslims in the west choose between isolationism and participation (2006), creating a culture of human rights from a muslim perspective (tulisan yang dipublikasikan pada jurnal cultivating wisdom, harvesting peace, edisi 10aug-2006 sampe 13-aug-2006), approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesia (2006) abdullah saeed sebagai editor, the qur’an: an introduction (2008), islamic political thought and governance: critical concepts in political science (2010), reading the qur’an in the twenty-first century (2012) yang tahun depan akan diterbitkan.5 peta hermenutika al-qur’an jika sejarah hermeneutika dipotret maka doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 151vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 dapat dibagi menjadi tiga bentuk, pertama, hermeneutika sebagai alat untuk menafsirkan teks mitos sebagaimana yang berkembangan di zaman yunani kuno. kedua, hermeneutika sebagai alat untuk menafsirkan teks kitab suci (khususnya bible).6 dan ketiga, adalah hermeneutika umum, yang berkembang dan banyak digunakan untuk mencari objektifitas makna (otentisitas makna).7 jika melihat perkembangan sekarang, umat islam banyak mengambil model yang terakhir. misal pemikiran gadamer dan paul ricoeur. jadi sangat tidak tepat jika umat islam anti pati terhadap hermeneutik, dan terburu-buru menyimpulkan bahwa hermeneutik sangat cocok untuk bible namun tidak cocok untuk al-qur’an. alasan yang sering digunakan adalah karena bible bermasalah dalam kodifikasinya (sejarah pembukuannya) maka untuk mendapatkan makna yang objektif dari teks aslinya dibutuhkan hermeneutik. sementara al-qur’an secara historis tidak bermasalah, maka untuk apa hermeneutik? ketika hermeneutik digunakan, seolah-olah pengguna dituduh sebagai orang yang mencurigai al-qur’an tidak otentik lagi. argumen tersebut terlalu menyederhanakan persoalan. padahal al-qur’an telah memancing para ulama untuk berkarya. ratusan tafsir telah dihasilkan dari zaman ke zaman. pertanyaannya adalah manakah dari sekian tafsir tersebut yang paling benar? manakah dari sekian tafsir tersebut yang paling sesusai dengan zaman sekarang? manakah dari sekian tafsir yang paling sesuai dengan ilmu pengetahuan? mulai dari rahman hingga saeed sesungguhnya fokus pada wilayah ini. mereka fokus pada upaya pencarian makna yang relevan terhadap zamannya. bukanya mempertanyakan keotentikan al-qur’an. hermeneutik berasal dari bahasa yunani ‘hermeneuin’, yang artinya menafsirkan (to interpret). hermeneutik dapat didefinisikan sebagai disiplin ilmu yang concern terhadap sifat dan karakteristik penafsiran. objek dari proses ini adalah teks. maka hermeneutik dapat juga disebut sebagai langkah-langkah operasional memahami hal-hal yang berhubungan dengan teks.8 dari definisi tersebut maka hermeneutika al-qur’an dapat disebut dengan langkah-langkah operasional dalam memahami teks al-qur’an dan hal-hal yang terkait. sebagaimana layaknya sebuah teks, alqur’an lahir tidak dengan sendirinya. ada faktor-faktor yang melatarbelakangi kemunculannya. dalam ulumul qur’an hal ini disebut dengan asbab an-nuzul.9 dalam mengoperasikan hermeneutik, asbab an-nuzul hanya menjadi salah satu sumber informasi. maksudnya hermeneutik masih membutuhkan banyak sumber informasi lainnya. maka dari itu esack menjelaskan bahwa hermeneutik merupakan cara menafsirkan teks yang melibatkan berbagai keterangan—dapat berupa: bahasa (language), budaya (culture), sejarah (histories), dan sebagainya—yang terkait dengan teks tersebut.10 selaras dengan hal di atas, berarti alqur’an yang diwahyukan 15 abad yang lalu dalam bahasa arab di daerah hijaz, secara otomatis menjadi objek kajian hermeneutik. sehingga jika ada seseorang yang ingin memahami al-qur’an, maka ia semestinya juga memahami setting historis hijaz,11 selain sudah tentu memahami bahasa arab.12 dengan meniru hermeneutika gadamer, essack menyimpulkan ruang lingkup doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 152 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pembahasan hermeneutik al-qur’an dalam tiga bentuk, yakni; 1) pada ranah sifat dan karakteristik teks (nature of text); 2) pada ranah proses memahami teks (understanding text); 3) pada ranah metode memahami dan menafsirkan teks yang mana antara penafsir (interpreter) dan pendengar (audience) memiliki asumsi dan horizon sendiri-sendiri (fusion of horizon). isu yang terakhir ini menuntut sebuah metodologi yang dapat menggabungkan horizon penafsir dan pendengar.13 ranah tersebut kalau disederhanakan urutannya berikut: ontologis, historis, dan metodologis. jika ranah ini diterapkan pada wilayah al-qur’an maka pada wilayah ontologis yang menjadi titik sentral pembahasannya adalah bahasa. pada ranah historis pembahasannya sangat luas. masuk di dalamnya sosial, ekonomi, politik, dan sebagainya. pada wilayah metodologi masuk di dalamnya berbagai ilmu pengetahuan, termasuk di dalamnya social sciences, nature sciences, dan humanities contemporer, yang mana ketiga ilmu tersebut berperan sebagai pendekatan untuk menjawab permasalahanpermasalahan yang ada. jika digambarkan dalam tabel sebagai berikut: pertanyaannya kemudian, mengapa hermeneutik begitu dianggap perlu dalam penafsiran al-qur’an? esack meyakini bahwa hermeneutik dapat digunakan untuk memberikan makna yang objektif terhadap al-qur’an. selama ini metode penafsiran alqur’an terjebak pada kepentingankepentingan ideologis, sunni-syiah, mu’tazilah-asy’ari, dan sebagainya.14 menjawab pertanyaan tersebut saeed memandang agak berbeda. penggunaan hermeneutik menurutnya memberikan celah bagi hadirnya makna baru yang tidak tunggal. sehingga audiens dihadapkan pada variasi penafsiran dan penafsiran tidak terjebak otoritarianisme, sebab yang layak otoriter hanyalah al-qur’an. hermeneutik mencoba memberikan makna baru yang relevan dengan zamannya. sebab selama ini penafsiran klasik menuju pada makna tunggal yang otoritatif.15 akibatnya karya tafsir mengalami kesenjangan dengan kondisi sekarang. sub bab berikutnya akan membahas pemikiran hermeneutik al-qur’an menurut saeed. hermeneutika kontekstual abdullah saeed gagasan saeed dalam studi al-qur’an yang paling populer adalah metode penafsiran kontekstual, penulis menyebutnya hermeneutika al-qur’an kontekstual. kata context (konteks) dalam kamus digital encarta berarti surrounding condition (lingkungan sekitar). sementara itu contextualize (konteksualisasi) bermakna to place a word, phrase, or idea within a suitable context (menempatkan kata, frase atau ide dalam konteks yang sesuai). jadi kontekstualiasi alqur’an adalah menempatkan makna alqur’an sesuai dengan kondisinya atau dalam bahasa lainnya menafsirkan al-qur’an sesuai dengan kondisi zamannya. saeed menyebut dirinya sebagai seorang ‘contextualist’. ia memaknai kontekstualisasi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 153vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 sebagai proses menjadikan wahyu yang diturunkan 15 abad yang lalu dapat menghasilkan makna yang dibutuhkan umat islam saat ini. pernyataan lengkapnya sebagai berikut: i will refer to this approach as ‘contextualist. the thrust of my argument, therefore, is towards a more flexible approach to interpretation of these texts by taking into consideration both the socio-historical context of the qur’an at the time of revelation in the first/seventh century and the contemporary concerns and needs of muslims today.16 memang tepat ketika saeed mengaku sebagai kontekstulis. sebab metode tersebut digunakan secara konsisten di beberapa karyanya, antara lain islamic banking and interest: a study of the prohibition of riba and its contemporary interpretation (1997). dalam buku tersebut, ketika menjelaskan riba, ia selalu mengaitkan kondisi sosial ekonomi hijaz. hal ini nampak dalam penafsirannya terhadap surah ali imran ayat 130: ayat ini berada dalam konteks sebagai pengingat kepada orang-orang muslim mengenai apa yang salah di perang uhud, saat sebuah kemenangan yang potensial berubah menjadi kekalahan mematikan, berakibat gugurnya tujuh puluh pria muslim…situasi semacam ini mempersyaratkan agar bantuan yang diberikan kepada orang-orang yang memerlukan itu berdasarkan derma, bukan berdasarkan riba. jadi, segera setelah menyatakan bahwa umat islam tidak boleh terlibat dalam transaksi riba, al-qur’an memerintahkan mereka untuk segera bertaqwa kepada allah, takut terhdap neraka, mematuhi allah dan rasulullah, dan bersegera kepada ampunan dari tuhan, dengan menggambarkan orang yang bertaqwa sebagai “orang-orang yang menafkahkan (hartanya) di saat kelapangan dan kesempitan” demi menghilangkan penderitaan orang-orang yang memerlukan.17 contoh lainnya nampak dalam karyanya muslim communities in australia (2002). dalam bukunya tersebut, ia mengharapkan bahwa seorang muslim australia harus dapat menyesuaikan diri dengan kondisi di australia—proses penyesuaian diri butuh proses kontekstualisasi. ia juga ingin menegaskan bahwa muslim australia berbeda dengan muslim di tempat lainnya. hal ini nampak dalam kutipan berikut: muslim had to explain what islam meant to them, particularly in the context of australian life. they had to demystify concept like jihad and hijab and to convince an increasingly skeptical audience that islam itself is not to blame for the atrocities committed by extremists and radicals among them.18 gagasan kontekstualisasi penafsiran tersebut lebih disistematisasikan oleh saeed dalam bukunya interpreting the qur’an: towards a contemporary approach (2006). menurutnya kontekstualisasi adalah kebutuhan zaman. sebab, selama 150 tahun, dunia sudah mengalami kejadian-kejadian luar biasa, yang mana hal tersebut membawa perubahan cara pandang (world view) dan cara beragama penduduk dunia, muslim atau non muslim. kejadian-kejadian tersebut antara lain: globalisasi, migrasi, revolusi teknologi dan ilmu pengetahuan, penjelajahan luar angkasa, penemuan-penemuan arkeologi, evolusi dan genetik, pendidikan dan tulisan, dan lain sebagainya.19 jadi konteksualiasi secara tidak langsung ingin mengatakan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 154 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna bahwa agama harus mengikuti perubahan zaman, bukan zaman yang harus mengikuti al-qur’an. gagasan kontekstualisasi al-qur’an sebenarnya sudah lama dicetuskan oleh fazlur rahman, intelektual pakistan, dengan teorinya double movement (gerak ganda). fazlur rahman berpandangan bahwa dalam membaca al-qur’an seseorang harus kembali ke masa lalu, memahami konteks dimana alqur’an diturunkan, kemudian membawa nilai-nilai masa lalu tersebut pada saat ini. hal ini berbeda dengan qiyas, yang hanya melihat kesamaan peristiwa, namun bukan konteks.20 saeed sangat terinspirasi dengan gagasan tersebut. keunggulan dari pemikiran saeed, adalah ia mampu memberi sistematika dan langkah-langkah operasional dalam melakukan kontekstualisasi al-qur’an. hal ini akan dibahas dalam sub bab tersendiri. prinsip-prinsip hermeneutika kontekstual abdullah saeed setidaknya ada beberapa prinsip hermeneutika kontekstual abdullah saeed yang harus dipahami. prinsip-prinsip ini penulis simpulkan untuk memudahkan pembaca memahami saeed lebih dalam, bukan untuk mensimplifikasi pemikirannya. beberapa prinsip tersebut antara lain; 1) alqur’an lahir dalam setting socio-historical context tertentu; 2) kontekstualisasi merupakan berakar dari tradisi islam; 3) kontekstualisasi muncul dari penafsiran bil arra’yi; dan 4) karakteristik teks al-qur’an berimplikasi pada makna. al-qur’an terikat socio-historical context what is the qur’an? where did it come from? how have muslims interacted with the quran in the past, and how do they view it today? how does the qur’an interact with the scriptures of the other major abrahamic religions – judaism and christianity?21 pertanyaan-pertanyaan saeed di atas menghantarkan pembaca pada sebuah kesadaran sejarah. bahwa al-qur’an tidak lahir dengan sendirinya, meskipun hanya allah yang paling tahu motif-motif mengapa harus menurunkan al-qur’an. sebagai seorang ilmuan mempertanyakan konteks (history) al-qur’an sangatlah penting. karena dengan mengetahui konteks dimana alqur’an lahir akan memudahkan seorang muslim berinteraksi dengan masa lalu, dan dengan agama-agama lainnya, khususnya abrahamic religion, yahudi dan kristen. dengan mengetahui konteks seorang muslim juga dapat mengetahui alasan-alasan apa yang menyebabkan sebuah hukum-etis (syari’ah) diputuskan dan diproduksi.22 jadi memahami konsteks sosial-historis al-qur’an menjadi semacam syarat penafsiran. tanpa pemahaman ini sebuah penafsiran akan terlihat sangat janggal, bahkan cenderung tidak berguna apa-apa, ibarat seseorang berbicara di ruang hampa. saeed membagi konteks al-qur’an menjadi dua bentuk, yakni konteks yang luas (broad context) dan konteks yang sempit (narrow context). konteks yang luas adalah the overall content of the qur’an, as well as the broader framework of the prophet’s life and the first muslim community. it includes worldview presented by the qur’an, the values it emphasizes and the overall guidance (which by definition varies depending on how one approaches the qur’an) it provides.23 jadi jelas yang dimaksud konteks luas adalah asbabun nuzul makro. ia juga memperinci konteks-konteks yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 155vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 dimaksud apa saja, sebagai berikut; 1. konteks sosial, lingkungan dan politik yang mempengaruhi bangsa arab. 2. pesan-pesan yang diterima dan yang direfleksikan al-qur’an terhadap konteks pada waktu itu. 3. praktek-praktek budaya dan nilai-nilai yang berhubungan dengan al-qur’an pada waktu itu. 4. bahasa-bahasa yang digunakan al-qur’an untuk mengekspresikan pesan-pesan moral dan cara menafsirkan setiap pesan yang dipengaruhi oleh budaya pada waktu itu.24 adapun konteks sempit (narrow context) yang dimaksud saeed adalah a sentence and word that signal an idea in a given part of the qur’an.25 pendapat saeed mengenai hal ini sama dengan konsep asbabun nuzul ulama klasik, atau dalam bahasa lainnya disebut dengan asbabun nuzul mikro. dari sini dapat disimpulkan kontekstualisasi yang diinginkan saeed adalah meramu kondisi mikro dan kondisi makro dimana sebuah teks lahir, dan yang terpenting adalah sejauh mana kedua hal tersebut mempengaruhi pembentukan sebuah hukum. kontekstualisasi merupakan tradisi islam munculnya wacana kontekstualisasi sering dianggap hal baru yang merupakan dampak dari infiltrasi pemikiran barat. padahal kontekstualisasi sesungguhnya sama sekali bukan hal baru, melainkan tradisi yang sudah berkembang sejak zaman para sahabat (companion). beberapa sahabat, ada yang nampak sangat tekstual, terpaku pada teksteks dan pesan yang ditinggalkan nabi, sementara ada yang progresif, mecoba melakukan pemaknaan ulang terhadap pesan yang ditinggalkan nabi. salah satu contoh sahabat yang sangat tekstual adalah abu bakar. kelembutan hati abu bakar, membuatnya tidak berani jika harus bertentangan dengan pendapat rasulullah. pada waktu itu abu bakar diminta oleh umar untuk mengeluarkan kebijakan mengenai qodifikasi al-qur’an. namun abu bakar menolaknya dengan alasan rasulullah pernah melarang pencatatan al-qur’an. meskipun, setelah didesak, akhirnya abu bakar mau menerima usulan tersebut. cara berpikir abu bakar ini mencerminkan ketaatan seorang tekstualis, dan hal ini bukanlah hal negatif. adapun contoh sahabat yang kontekstual adalah umar bin khattab. tokoh ini banyak memutuskan perkara yang dianggap kontroversial. karena keputusan-keputusannya tidak merujuk pada pendapat rasulullah, bahkan dalam beberapa hal sangat bertentangan. sebagai contoh ketika umar dan pasukannya berhasil menaklukan iraq, ia tidak membagibagikan tanah kepada para pasukannya, melainkan tetap milik penduduk setempat.26 kebijakannya itu memunculkan banyak kecaman di internal sahabat. namun umar, bukan tanpa alasan, dia khawatir dengan dibagi-bagikannya tanah kepada para sahabat justru akan menimbulkan masalah baru, yakni kemiskinan dan kelaparan di daerah yang baru saja ditaklukkan. karena alasan itulah umar, tidak menggunakan apa yang sudah dijalani umat islam bersama rasulullah. gambaran bahwa kontekstualisasi merupakan tradisi yang sudah berkembang sejak masa lalu digambarkan saeed sebagai berikut: many textualists argue that muslims of the twenty-first century have no authority to change anything in the shari’ah or even to reinterpret doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 156 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna it. this argument appears unsustainable on several fronts. first, reinterpretation and change are not new in islam. it occurred in the qur’an and sunnah during the formative period and at the time of the companions. it was practiced by many leading jurists and theologians. for example, umar b. al-khattab changed a number of rulings clearly stated in the qur’an and sunnah. an example is umar’s refusal to distribute the land of iraq as booty to the muslim army after its conquest, even though there is an instruction in the qur’an that appears to command muslims to distribute such booty. but when circumstances changed and the ‘public interest’ demanded it, umar believed he could choose a different way. in other words, if a practice or ruling fulfilled a specific social function, reinterpretation was possible if the context of the ruling changed.27 kontekstualisasi membutuhkan penafsiran bi ar-ra’yi kuntowijoyo membagi sejarah umat islam indonesia dalam beberapa fase, yakni mitos, ideologi dan ilmu.28 kategorisasi ini jika diangkat dan pada wilayah global sangat cocok. sebab perkembangan sejarah bangsa hampir memiliki kesamaan. kondisi umat islam saat ini masuk fase ilmu. dimana industrialisasi sangat mempengaruhi cara berpikir. rasionalisme mewarnai semua sendi kehidupan. trend pemikiran yang dominan adalah yang ilmiah (rasional). gagasan kuntowijoyo di atas meninggalkan sebuah pertanyaan. bagaimana tipikal masyarakat islam yang berkembang dalam fase ilmu? dalam menjawab pertanyaan tersebut saeed memberikan gambaran continuity and changes pada fase tersbeut. masyarakat islam pada fase ini diawali dari modernis, kemudian berkembang menjadi neo-modernis, saat ini yang paling mutakhir menjadi progresif (muslim progressive). salah satu ciri dari pemikiran muslim progresif adalah digunakannya metodologi ijithad baru,29 yakni kontekstualisasi sebagaimana yang topik pembahasan. dengan narasi di atas, maka sesungguhnya tafsir bil ra’yi (based-reason exegesis) merupakan metode penafsiran yang sangat sesuai dengan kondisi zaman umat islam saat ini, selain sebagai misi dari muslim progresif. dimana kemajuan ilmu pengetahuan sudah merubah banyak cara beragama umat islam. selain itu, metode kontekstualisasi banyak dipengaruhi oleh hermeneutik modern,30 yang mana salah satu cirinya adalah menggunakan social sciences dan natural sciences dalam analisis. jadi tafsir bil ra’yi merupakan kebutuhan metodis dari kontekstualisasi. tafsir bil ra’yi (based-reason exegesis) merupakan kelanjutan dari tafsir ilmi. para ulama klasik sudah mengindikasikan hal ini. saeed dengan mengutip pendapat qurtubi menyatakan bahwa ijtihad (independent reason) merupakan hal penting untuk mengembangkan sebuah penafsiran alqur’an yang sangat memadai. qurtubi, juga menyatakan bahwa ijtihad harus bersandar kepada tradisi (riwayat).31 dari pendapat tersebut dapat ditarik sebuah kesimpulan bahwa penggunaan reason dalam penafsiran sangatlah penting. maka tidak salah jika ibn rusyd mengatakan bahwa cara efektif untuk berkomunikasi dengan qur’an adalah dengan menggunakan tafsir bil ra’yi.32 menurut saeed tafsir bil ra’yi (based-reason exegesis) memiliki ciri sebagai berikut: a. sangat menggantung pada analisis linguistik dan eksplorasi dampak dari penggunaan bahasa dalam sebuah ayat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 157vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 b. menggunakan pembacaan metafora pada ayat-ayat tertentu c. menggunakan penafsiran alegoris terhadap ayat-ayat yang secara tekstual bertentangan dengan ra’yu (reason) d. menggunakan ijtihad (independent reasoning).33 karakteristik teks al-qur’an berimplikasi pada makna dalam menjelaskan bentuk-bentuk ayat di atas, saeed mengutip pendapat thabari yang mengkategorisasikan siapa saja yang dapat menafsirkan ayat-ayat dalam al-qur’an. pertama, yang dapat memahami dan tahu persis arti sebuah ayat hanyalah rasulullah. ayat-ayat yang termasuk pada bagian ini adalah ayat perintah dan larangan. kedua, yang dapat mengetahui arti dari sebuah ayat hanyalah allah. yang termasuk dari ayat ini adalah perkara ghaib seperti hari akhir, surga, neraka dan sebagainya. ketiga, orang yang akbar dengan bahasa arab.34 pendapat di atas selaras dengan argumentasi ibn abbas yang membagi ayat alqur’an dalam empat kategori: pertama, ayat yang dapat dipahami oleh orang awam dengan berbagai keterbatasan ilmunya. kedua, ayat yang hanya dapat dipahami oleh orang-orang arab, karena al-qur’an berbahasa arab, tentu ada hal-hal khusus yang tidak diketahui oleh orang di luar arab, misal saja masalah budaya. ketiga, ayat alqur’an yang hanya dipahami oleh ulama karena ilmunya. keempat, ayat yang hanya allah yang tahu persis artinya.35 pendapat di atas jelas sekali memberikan peluang kepada para ulama untuk menafsirkan al-qur’an dengan berbagai ilmunya. sebab rasulullah, selama hidupnya, tidak memberikan penafsiran al-qur’an secara utuh. artinya, dari 623636 ayat masih banyak yang perlu ditafsirkan, dan hal tersebut merupakan tugas ulama muta’akhirin. pendapat di atas juga memberikan penjelasan bahwa teks al-qur’an mememiliki karakteristik tersendiri, dan setiap kareakter tentu membawa implikasi penafsiran. saeed membagi teks al-qur’an menjadi beberapa empat jenis; pertama, teks yang terkait dengan perkara teologis, memuat di dalamnya perkara ghaib; kedua, teks yang berorientasi pada sejarah; ketiga, teks yang terkait dengan perumpamaan-perumpamaan dan kisah-kisah;37 keempat, adalah teks yang bicara mengenai hukum. dari keempat bentuk teks tersebut, saeed berpandangan bahwa untuk teks yang terkait dengan masalah teologi/ghaib seperti surga, neraka dan kiamat, termasuk teks yang tidak perlu ditafsirkan, atau maknanya dikembalikan pada literalnya saja. sementara untuk jenis teks yang kedua yang berorientasi pada sejarah masih membutuhkan data tambahan, fakta dan berbagai informasi sejarah lainnya. untuk jenis ayat yang terakhir, tidak semuanya harus ditafsirkan secara literal.38 sebab beberapa cerita bisa memuat metafora. sedangkan yang terakhir ayat hukum, dapat ditafsirkan dengan merujuk pada kondisi mekah dan madinah pada waktu tersebut.39 saeed juga berpandangan dalam penerapan socio-historical context tidak dapat diterapkan pada semua ayat. maka ia, sebagaimana ulama klasik lainnya, setuju dengan pembagian dua karakteristik ayat hukum, yakni mutable (dapat berubah) dan immutable (ajeg, tidak berubah). ayat-ayat yang memuat hukum-etis (syari’at), dan mu’amalah biasanya masuk dalam mutable. sementara itu untuk urusan ibadah termasuk yang immutable.40 selanjutnya ia juga doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 158 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna berpandangan bahwa ayat yang dapat ditafsirkan dengan pendekatan ini juga tidak semuanya. ulama membagi dua bentuk ayat terkait kriteria dapat dan tidak ditafsirkan, yakni muhkamat dan mutasyabihat. menurutnya ayat muhkam adalah ayat yang clear, jelas, tidak memuat berbagai makna yang ambigu (musyatarak). sementara yang mutasyabih menurutnya adalah ayat yang unclear, tidak jelas, mengandung konotasi, dan berbagai metafora. ayat mutasyabih inilah yang membutuhkan penafsiran, demikian pendapatnya.41 langkah-langkah kontekstualisasi al-qur’an dari uraian panjang lebar di atas, akhirnya memunculkan pertanyaan, bagaimana mengaplikasikan gagasan tersebut dalam bentuk yang lebih operasional? saeed telah mengantisipasi perntanyaan tesebut dengan baik. ia membuat langkah-langkah operasional tafsir kontekstual sebagai berikut: langkah i menemukan dunia teks langkah ii analisis kritis, maksudnya mengkaji apa yang diinginkan al-qur’an tanpa dikaitkan dengan penerima wahyu dan kondisi saat ini. adapun beberapa aspek yang dibahas antara lain: linguistik (mecakup makna kata, frase, syntax, gramatikal, dan qira’at). 1) literary context (konteks teks), maksudnya menjelaskan konteks ayat atau surah, misalnya menjelaskan mana yang datang duluan dan belakangan. 2) literary form (bentuk teks), maksudnya mengindentifikasi jenis teks, apakah ini termasuk teks sejarah, teologi, hukum, dan sebagainya. 3) parallel texts (keterkaitan teks), yakni mengeksplorasi dan mengumpulkan ayatayat terkait dengan tema. 4) presecedents, maksudnya mengindentifikasi teks yang memiliki kesamaan isi dan maksud. langkah iii mengaitkan teks pada penerima wahyu pertama al-qur’an atau makna teks bagi penerima wahyu pertama. ada beberapa hal yang perlu diperhatikan: 1) contextual analysis (analisis kontekstual), menganalisis teks dengan mempertimbangkan berbagai bentuk sumber sejarah, social, politik, dan sebagainya yang terjadi di hijaz. 2) mengidentifikasi sifat dari teks, termasuk hukum, etika dan sebagainya. 3) menggaris bawahi teks-teks yang menjadi focus pembahasan. 4) menemukan garis merah teks yang digaris bawahi tadi dengan tujuan-tujuan alqur’an. 5) mengevaluasi bagaimana teks diterima oleh komunitas pertama dan bagaimana menafsirkan, memahami dan menerapkannya. langkah iv mengaitkan teks dengan konteks saat ini. hal-hal yang perlu diperhatikan antara lain: 1) menentukan masalah-masalah dan kebutuhan-kebutuhan yang relevan dengan pesan-pesan dalam teks. 2) mengeksplorasi nilai-nilai sosial, politik, ekonomi dan konteks budaya yang relevan dengan teks. 3) mengeksplorasi nilai-nilai dan normanorma saat ini, yang sesuai dengan pesan teks. 4) mengkomparasikan konteks saat ini dengan konteks teks, khususnya persamaan dan perbedaannya. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 159vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 5) membuat keterkaitan makna teks yang dipahami saat ini dengan makna teks, dengan mengambil persamaan dan perbedaannya. 6) mengidentifikasi universalias dan lokalitas (kekhususan) pesan apakah terkait dan tidak dengan tujuan-tujuan teks.42 adapun contoh dari penafsiran saeed sebagai berikut: today, in many muslim communities, women are economically independent thanks to educational and employment opportunities. they attend school and university like their male counterparts, and equip themselves to play important roles in society. early ideas about the intellectual inferiority of women have been proved to be baseless; in fact, women are ahead of men on many fronts in educational achievement. in many countries, women can become heads of state or assume other senior positions and this is despite the arguments put forward by some muslims, who argue that women should not assume such positions. in the light of the transformation of the roles and status of women, should we still argue for maintaining the only reading of the inheritance verse entertained by muslim scholars over the past 1,400 years, or should we attempt to explore other possible readings? my argument is that we have no reason not to.43 menurut saeed, saat ini perempuan sudah lebih mandiri dalam ekonomi. para wanita saat ini juga lebih terpelajar. bahkan di beberapa daerah perempuan menjadi pemimpin, baik dalam negara maupun perusahaan. dengan kondisi seperti itu apakah cara pandangan 1400 tahun terhadap wanita tidak berubah? kesimpulan dari uraian panjang lebar di atas, ada beberapa poin penting yang dapat disimpulkan pada sub bab berikut: metode kontekstual merujuk pada beberapa prinsip, yakni teks terikat dengan teks, metode kontekstual sudah ada sejak periode awal, penafsiran kontekstual membutuh tafsir bil ra’yi, dan karakteristik teks mempengaruhi penafsiran. adapun langkah-langkah operasional penafsiran kontekstual saeed secara singkat dapat digambarkan sebagai berikut: langkah pertama mengidentifikasi dunia teks. kedua menganalisis teks secara kritis, mulai dari bentuk, sifat, gramatikal sampai qira’at. ketiga, menganalisis teks dikaitkan dengan komunitas awal penerima wahyu. keempat, menganalisis tekst dengan kondisi saat ini dan memberikan penafsiran. catatan akhir 1 q.s. az-zukhruf/43: 3 2 abdullah saeed, interpreting qur’an: towards a contemporary approach (london dan new york: routledge publishing, 2006), hlm. 112-113. 3 http://www.law.unimelb.edu.au/ index.cfm?objectid=04687b30-d43b-11e093d10050568d0140 &username=abdullah%20saeed diakses 17 desember 2011. alamat web ini merupakan situs resmi melbourne university. 4 http://www.law.unimelb.edu.au/ index.cfm?objectid=04687b30-d43b-11e093d10050568d0140 &username=abdullah%20saeed diakses 17 desember 2011. alamat web ini merupakan situs resmi melbourne university. 5 http://www.allbookstores.com/abdullah-saeed/author/ 1 diakses tanggal 17 desember 2011 6 hermeneutika dalam fase inilah yang sering diserang oleh ulama konservatif, karena mereka menganggap bahwa hermeneutika lebih cocok untuk bible yang kebenarannya dipertanyakan. sedangkan al-qur’an kebenarannya dianggap final, maka tidak perlu hermeneutik. 7 syahiron syamsudin, hermeneutika dan pengembangan ulumul qur’an (yogyakarta: nawasea, 2011), hlm. 1120. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 160 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 8 farid essack, the qur’an: a user’s guide (england: oneworld publications, 2007), hlm. 142. 9 saad abdul wahid, mengkaji ulang ulumul qur’an (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2011), hlm. 1 0 farid essack, the qur’an…, hlm. 143. 1 1 dalam salah satu artikelnya, abdullah saeed menjelaskan dengan gamblang bahwa seseorang dalam memahami al-qur’an harus menjadikan setting historis sebagai pendekatannya. ‘contextualizing’ dalam a. rippin (ed), the blackwell companion to the qu’ran, 2006, hlm. 38. 1 2 abdullah saeed juga menegaskan secara tidak langsung, bahwa bahasa adalah alat penting untuk mengetahui arti al-qur’an. sebab al-qur’an diwahyukan dengan bahasa . namun seseorang jangan terjebak pada bahasa saja. ia harus keluar melihat historisitas dari ayat tersebut. abdullah saeed, the qur’an: an introduction (london dan new york, raoutledge, 2008), hlm. 13-14 1 3 farid esack, al-qur’an…., hlm. 142. sepertinya esack terpengaruh dengan ide dari hermeneutikanya gadamer. dalam truth and method, ia juga menjelaskan hal serupa. baginya pemahaman baru dapat tercapai bila ada peleburan horizon antara penafsir dan audience. lihat hans georg gadamer, truth and method, (london-new york: continum, 2006), hlm. 385387. 1 4 farid esack, the al-qur’an…, hlm. 143. 1 5 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 25 1 6 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 1. 1 7 abdullah saeed, menyoal bank syari’ah: kritik atas interpretasi bunga bank kaum neo revivalis (jakarta: paramadina, 1996), hlm. 27. 1 8 abdullah saeed, islam in australia, (south australia: griffin press, 2003), hlm. v. 1 9 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 2. 2 0 asbab an-nuzul adalah peristiwa-peristiwa dan pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang menyebabkan sebuah ayat diturunkan. lihat saad abdul wahid, mengkaji ulang ilmu al-qur’an dan ilmu tafsir, yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2011, hlm. 178. sementara qiyas berarti mencari kesamaan peristiwa yang terjadi di masa lalu dengan sekarang, tanpa memperhatikan konteks masa lalu. 2 1 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, 2008, hlm. i 2 2 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 2. 2 3 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 105. 2 4 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 3. 2 5 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 105. 2 6 muhammad abid al-jabiri, agama, negara dan penerapan syari’ah, (yogyakarta: fajar pustaka, 2001), hlm. 45. 2 7 abdullah saeed, interpreting...hlm. 91. 2 8 kuntowijoyo, paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi (bandung: mizan, 1999), hlm. 185-194. 2 9 abdullah saeed, islamic thought: an introduction (london dan new york: routledge, 2006), hlm. 150. 3 0 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 221. 3 1 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 181. 3 2 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 181. 3 3 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 182. 3 4 abdullah saeed, , interpreting…hlm. 90. 3 5 ar-razi, mafatih al-ghaib vol. iv, tt., tp., hlm. 116 dalam maktabah syamilah. 3 6 perhitungan ini menggunakan mushaf usmani yang umum beredar di masyarakat. dalam hitungan ini tidak memasukkan basmalah dalam surah. kalau basmalah dimasukkan berjumlah maka jumlah ayatnya 6348. 3 7 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 91-100. bandingkan dengan pandangan abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm.75-78. dalam buku ini ia menambahkan satu jenis teks, yakni teks yang bicara tentang hukum. 3 8 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 100-101. 3 9 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 78. 4 0 abdullah saeed, interpreting…hlm. 123. lihat juga abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 188-189. 4 1 abdullah saeed, the qur’an…, hlm. 183-184. 4 2 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 149-153. 4 3 abdullah saeed, interpreting…, hlm. 121-122. daftar pustaka al-jabiri, muhammad abid. 2001. agama, negara dan penerapan syari’ah, yogyakarta: fajar pustaka. ar-razi, fakrudin. tanpa tahun. mafatih al-ghaib vol. iv, tt., tp., dalam maktabah syamilah. esack, farid. 2007. the qur’an: a user’s guide, england: oneworld publications. gadamer, hans georg. 2006. truth and method, london dan new york: continum. kuntowijoyo 1999. paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi, bandung: mizan. rippin, andrew (ed). 2006. the blackwell companion to the qu’ran, us, uk, dan australia: blackwell publishing. saeed, abdullah. 2006. interpreting qur’an: towards a contemporary approach, london dan new york: routledge publishing. _____________. 2003. islam in australia, south australia: griffin press. _____________. 2006. islamic thought: an introduction, london dan new york: routledge. _____________. 1996. menyoal bank syari’ah: kritik atas interpretasi bunga bank kaum neo revivalis, jakarta: paramadina. _____________. 2008. the qur’an: an introduction, london dan new york, raoutledge. samsudin, syahiron. 2009. hermeneutika dan pengembangan ulumul qur’an, yogyakarta: nawasea. wahid, saad abdul. 2011. mengkaji ulang ulumul qur’an, yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 161vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 sumber website: http://www.allbookstores.com/abdullah-saeed/author/1 diakses tanggal 17 desember 2011 http://www.law.unimelb.edu.au/ index.cfm?objectid=04687b30-d43b-11e093d10050568d0140 &username=abdullah%20saeed diakses 17 desember 2011. alamat web ini merupakan situs resmi melbourne university. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0025. 148-161 index a a. wahid hasyim abdul kahar muzakkir abdul moeis abdullah rifa'i abdullah saeed abikusno tjokrosujoso abu abdillah muhammad al-hadi ibn baquni agus salim ahmad bafaqih ba'lawi ahmad dahlan ahmad hasan ahmadiyya al-ghazali al-irsyad ali ahmed ziauddin aman asghar ali engineer ashgar ali engineer asian muslim action network (aman) asian resource foundation (arf) azimah soebagijo b baidhawi bisri musthofa bisri mustofa bpupki c chandra muzaffar cheng ho christian peacemaker teams (cpt) cok budi suryawan d dalhar depati agung depati rencong telang f fred r. von der mahden g goerge kahin h h. samanhoedi hidayat nur wahid i idris imam jalal al-mahalli imam jalaluddin as-suyuthi ishaq damaran k khan abdul ghaffar ki bagus hadikusumo kiai saleh darat komnas ham (national committee for human rights) komnas perempuan (national committee for women) m m. syahid mahfudh salam melayu miai mohamad abdus sabur mubarak ali muhammad muhammad iqbal muhammad natsir muhammad sa'id al-busyiri muhammad shalih bin umar as-samarani muhammadiyah muhibbi mui mutamakkin n nahdlatul ulama (nu) neng djubaedah o omar asghar khan p pam allen partai islam indonesia (pii) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) persatuan islam persis persyarikatan ulama pgi (the association of indonesian christian churc psii r ra. kartini raden haji muhammad salih ibn asnami kudus raisuddin raudhatut thalibin rifa'i nasuha ruu anti-pornografi ruu app ruu-app s sahal mahfudh saleh darat salih darat serat cebolek shabry chik sheikh ahmad kutty sheikh muhammad nur abdullah soekarno sya'ban syaikh abdul ghani bima syekh ali abd al-raziq t the catholic agency for overseas development (ca tjokroaminoto u uu anti-pornografi z zamakhsyari jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 rekonstruksi nalar keagamaan; ikhtiar menemukan konteks agama bagi pengembangan sains doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0087.190-218 mohammad muslih universitas darussalam gontor email: muslih@unida.gontor.ac.id abstract the development of religion-based science was not only a scientific problem, but also a social and islamic problem. the problem is not merely related to efforts of finding a basis of philosophy of science and methodology support, but also an attempt to reconstruct public mind set and understanding of islam. this article will look at some of the key concepts of islam, which provide a fertile ground for the development of science, although some might view these concepts as barriers for the growth and development of science. the fundamental solution to this problem is urgent to be given to find a wider space for a negotiation between religion (islam) and science. in the end of the day, a higher effort to develop islamic science with its religious and scientific ground can be exerted and achieved. keyword: ethics, religious mission, epistemology, act of worship, paradigm abstrak pengembangan sains berbasis agama, ternyata bukan hanya problem keilmuan semata, tetapi sekaligus merupakan problem kemasyarakatan dan keislaman. sehingga persoalannya bukan hanya terkait upaya menemukan basis filsafat ilmu dan dukungan metodologi, tetapi juga upaya melakukan rekonstruksi pola pikir masyarakat dan pemahaman keislaman. artikel ini akan melihat beberapa konsep kunci keislaman, yang mestinya merupakan “tempat” yang subur bagi pengembangan sains, namun kenyat aannya banyak dimenger ti sebagai penghambat, kalau tidak malah sebagai penghalang, bagi tumbuh-kembangnya sains dalam islam. penyelesaian secara mendasar terhadap problem tersebut mendesak untuk segera diberikan, untuk menemukan kemungkinan irisan dan area negosiasi dengan sains, agar upaya besar pengembangan sains islam dapat landing dengan landai. keyword: akhlak, dakwah, epistemologi, ibadah, paradigma mailto:muslih@unida.gontor.ac.id 191vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 pendahuluan gagasan untuk mempertemukan antara sains dan agama telah berkembang menjadi suatu wacana keilmuan, seperti islamisasi ilmu, pengilmuan islam, integrasi-interkoneksi, integrasi ilmu dan agama, dan lain-lain. dalam perspektif filsafat ilmu, wacana keilmuan terkait integrasi agama dan sains itu baru mempunyai signifikansi yang sangat tinggi,jika berlanjut dengan lahirnya ‘produk’ sains baru yang menempatkan agama sebagai bagian tak terpisahkan dari bangunan keilmuannya (scientific building). untuk itu wacana keilmuan juga mesti memperkokoh diri dan melangkah ke tahap berikutnya yaitu menjadi paradigma keilmuan (scientific paradigm). namun harus diakui, hingga hari ini, nyatanya ada banyak nada pesimistis terhadap kemungkinan lahirnya sains baru berbasis agama. alasan yang paling sederhana adalah bahwa sains itu bersifat sainstifik, sedangkan agama adalah ajaran yang normatif-teologis, bahkan lebih tradisional lagi, agama itu tidak lebih dari soal doa, membentengi iman, meratapi dosa, dan menjaga akhlak, terdepan membenci barat, dan menolak keras teori evolusi dan sains modern pada umumnya. dengan pandangan seperti itu, sudah bisa dipastikan penyatuan keduanya tidak akan terjadi, dan apa yang disebut dengan sains islam juga tidak akan pernah terwujud. beberapa hal ini sekaligus menandakan bahwa pengembangan sains berbasis agama, bukanlah problem keilmuan semata, tetapi sekaligus merupakan problem kemasyarakatan dan keislaman. sehingga persoalannya bukan hanya terkait upaya menemukan basis filsafat ilmu dan dukungan metodologi ilmiah, tetapi juga upaya melakukan rekonstruksi pola pikir masyarakat dan pemahaman keislaman. artikel ini akan melihat beberapa konsep kunci keislaman, yang mestinya merupakan “tempat” yang subur bagi pengembangan sains, namun kenyataannya banyak dimengerti sebagai penghambat, kalau tidak malah sebagai penghalang, bagi tumbuh-kembangnya sains dalam islam. penyelesaian secara mendasar terhadap problem tersebut mendesak untuk segera diberikan, untuk menemukan kemungkinan irisan dan area negosiasi dengan sains, agar upaya besar pengembangan sains islam dapat landing dengan landai. sains, bukan soal keyakinan? kata “sains” diadaptasi dari kata inggris “science” yang sebenarnya berasal dari bahasa latin “scientia” yang berarti mengetahui atau pengeta192 afkaruna huan (to know, knowledge) dan perkataan latin juga “scire” yang berarti belajar (to learn).1 dua istilah itu identik atau bisa diidentikkan dengan istilah arab, ‘alima, ‘ilm (mengetahui, pengetahuan)2 dan thalab al’-ilm (belajar atau mencari ilmu), yang dalam tradisi islam, masih dibedakan dengan istilah idrak (persepsi), yang bertumpu pada pencerapan inderawi dan ‘irfan (pengenalan), yang bertumpu pada pengalaman spiritual, sebagaimana dalam tradisi sufi,3 sementara ‘ilm disebut sebagai pengetahuan yang bertumpu pada akal atau gabungan antara akal dengan sensibilitas. pengertian sains sebagai pengetahuan atau sebagai bagian dari pengetahuan ini tampaknya merupakan pengertian paling dasar, sehingga ciri-ciri dasar dari apa yang disebut pengetahuan melekat pada sains, meski begitu sains mempunyai ciri-ciri khusus yang berbeda dengan pengetahuan jenis yang lain.4 selain itu pengertian sains sering dikaitkan dengan ruang lingkup atau isu yang juga menjadi ciri khasnya, yaitu sebagai aktivitas ilmiah, sebagai metodologi, dan sebagai disiplin ilmu. secara konseptual, apa yang disebut pengetahuan merupakan hasil akhir dari proses penyimpulan yang masuk akal dari berbagai bahan informasi dan pengalaman,5 sebagai keputusan ‘pikiran’ dan mempengaruhi sikap perilaku, di mana proses dan bahan-bahannya bisa dipertanggungjawabkan, dan dapat diuji ulang. pengetahuan, dengan demikian, berbeda dengan sekedar informasi atau pengalaman itu sendiri, dan jauh sekali bedanya dengan keyakinan apalagi keimanan. keimanan itu pengakuan hati yang sudah terang benderang bagi akal, sehingga bagi akal, tidak perlu ada pengujian, akali dan indrawi, atau mengujinya adalah sebuah kemubadziran. dalam banyak hal, orang mendapatnya barulah berupa informasi, tapi sudah merasa di tingkat punya pengetahuan dan sikapnya sudah seperti banyak tahu. ada juga, orang mendapatnya barulah berupa pengetahuan, sudah merasa dirinya telah sampai ke tingkat yang kaya pengalaman dan sikapnya itu sudah seperti orang “bijak” yang hidupnya paling matang. dan, banyak yang merasa punya pengetahuan (ilmu), lalu menularkannya (sharing, berbagi), padahal itu barulah berupa informasi, atau justru malah berupa keimanan. secara epistemologis, proses terbentuknya pengetahuan karena manusia mempunyai “pengetahuan” apriori yang dengannya pengetahuan apapun lalu dideduksikan. “pengetahuan” apriori itu merupakan ide bawaan “innate ideas” (descartes) yang clear and distinct,6 substansi 193vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 ilahiyah (spinoza),7 merupakan principles of nature and the grace founded on reason (leibniz),8 dan prinsip-prinsip dasar rasio itu sebagai bawaan untuk pikiran manusia (christian wolff).9 beberapa pemikiran demikian, dalam kajian filsafat disebut dengan aliran rasionalisme, yaitu aliran filsafat yang melihat pentingnya peran ‘akal’, ‘kesadaran’, ‘idea’, ‘substansi’, ‘form’, dalam proses terbentuknya pengetahuan. berbeda dengan rasionalisme yang memposisikan rasio sebagai sarana utama bagi terbangunnya pengetahuan, empirisisme justru memilih pengalaman inderawi sebagai sumber utama pengenalan. di sini, pengalaman inderawi dinilai sebagai awal dari segala pengenalan, sementara pengenalan intelektual merupakan tahap lanjutan sebagi semacam penggabungan data-data inderawi yang sama, dengan cara yang berbeda.10 filsuf yang paling terkenal menawarkan gagasan empirisisme adalah david hume. bagi hume, isi pemikiran itu seluruhnya berasal dari “persepsi.” persepsi itu terdiri dari dua tingkatan, yaitu kesan-kesan (impressions) dan gagasan (ideas). yang pertama bisa disebut ‘pengalaman indrawi’ dan yang kedua merupakan konsep atau ‘makna’. hume membedakan dua jenis kesan (impressions), yaitu sensasi dan refleksi, serta dua jenis gagasan (ideas), yaitu memory dan imaginasi. kesan sensasi muncul dari jiwa yang tidak diketahui sebab musababnya, sedang kesan refleksi diturunkan gagasan-gagasan. memory memiliki posisi yang teratur. adapun imajinasi adalah jenis gagasan yang mengkombinasikan ide (gagasan) yang berasal dari kesan-kesan secara asosiatif, dengan mengikuti hukum asosiasi. menurut hume, manusia memiliki kecenderungan intern untuk menghubunghubungkan gagasan-gagasan yang ada menurut “keserupaan”, “kedekatan”, atau hubungan “efek”. tiga hal inilah yang disebut “relasi natural”. dengan dasar epistemologinya ini, hume menolak konsep substansi dan konsep kausalitas, dari pengikut rasionalisme11. seperti sering terjadi, kesalahan memahami hume dan pemikiran empirisisme pada umumnya adalah karena menganggap hume hanya berhenti di pengalaman inderawi, tanpa melihat kekompleksan proses selanjutnya. selain itu jika pemikiran empirisisme ini memang lemah atau ditemukan banyak kelemahan, tidak semestinya berlanjut dengan menafikan dan mencurigai kerja indrawi sebagai sarana ilmiah. penglihatan manusia sudah tentu terbatas, demikian pula pendengaran, penciuman, perabaan, dan perasaannya, sementara pemikiran manusia itu luas atau lebih luas. maka merenungkan pengalaman indrawi, berarti membawanya 194 afkaruna kepada pengetahuan dan pelajaran yang sangat luas, dan akan membuatnya lebih berarti bagi kehidupan.12 namun demikian, hanya karena ada percobaan, pensil ditaruh di gelas berisi air putih, yang tampak seperti bengkok, orang lalu begitu menyepelekan panca indra, mencurigai cerapan indrawi, dan memusuhinya, karena dianggap biang kebohongan, dan tidak bisa mengantarkan ke pengenalan terhadap tuhan. termasuk pandangan-pandangan yang mencoba menunjukkan kekhasan dan kebermaknaan panca indra13 dianggap merusak iman, dan dianggap bertentangan dengan agama. padahal pancaindra merupakan anugrah ilahiyah, yang luar biasa, yang mesti dimaksimalkan perannya, bahkan hingga sampai ke pengenalan terhadap kebesaran tuhan. mata atau lebih tepatnya indra penglihatan, sudah tentu, adalah hal pokok yang membuat manusia menjadi makhluk yang melihat, yang punya daya melihat. telinga (indra pendengaran) adalah hal pokok yang membuat manusia sebagai makhluk yang mendengar, yang punya daya mendengar. maka, indra penglihatan dan indra pendengaran itu bukanlah sekedar ‘bagian’ dari manusia, tapi manusia itu sendiri atau diri manusia itu sendiri. rasio adalah hal pokok yang membuat manusia menjadi makhluk yang berpikir, yang punya daya berpikir, maka rasio adalah diri manusia itu sendiri, dan berpikir adalah aktivitas wajar manusia yang manusiawi.14 jika ada pemerhati ilmu, meremehkan mata, telinga, dan rasio sebagai sarana ilmiah, berarti meremahkan dirinya sendiri. jika mereka mencurigai mata, telinga, dan rasio, bararti mencurigai dirinya sendiri, jika mereka menolaknya karena dianggap hanya akan menghasilkan pengetahuan yang salah, yang menjerumuskan pada kesalahan, berarti telah menolak dirinya sendiri. diri manusia yang meremehkan, mencurigai, dan menolak dirinya sendiri, tentu itu bukan hanya sebagai diri yang terkandung salah, tetapi benar-benar diri yang salah, benar-benar diri yang telah error. pada pemerhati ilmu yang “religius”, bisa lebih jauh lagi, mereka tidak hanya berhenti dengan meremehkan, mencurigai, dan menolak mata, telinga, dan rasio sebagai sarana ilmiah, tapi mereka bersikap seperti itu, karena lebih memilih kabar agama, dan ajaran agama, sebagai sarana ilmiah, yang memang merupakan kebenaran itu, dan yang pasti benar. yang mereka lupa adalah, bisakah kabar dan ajaran kebenaran yang benar itu dapat sambung, ketemu, kompetabel, apalagi disebut menyatu, dengan diri yang salah dan error itu. mestinya benarnya diri, atau hilangnya keerror-an diri, sebagai prasyarat untuk menyambungnya dan menyatunya 195vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kabar dan ajaran agama yang benar itu dengan dirinya. pengetahuan atau ilmu pengetahuan itu bukan soal yakin apa tidak yakin, juga bukan soal paham apa tidak paham, tapi soal meyakinkan apa tidak, dan soal memahamkan apa tidak, tentu pada orang-orang yang waras akalnya. untuk maksud itu diperlukan bukti-bukti empiris dan penjelasan-penjelasan rasional. meskipun perlu dicatat, bagaimana bisa yakin dan meyakinkan dan bagaimana bisa paham dan memahamkan jika tidak melalui proses yang bertanggungjawab. problematika nalar keagamaan, konteks agama bagi pengembangan sains seperti diuraikan sebelumnya, bahwa sains seringnya diposisikan secara berhadap-hadapan dengan agama. oleh karena itu, semangat mempertemukan sains dengan agama, mesti dibarengi dengan berjalannya nalar agama dan sekaligus nalar sains, agar pengembangan sains tidak jatuh kepada “agamaisasi” sains atau malah terjadi “sainisasi” agama, yang menganggap agama dan sains dapat saling mengisi sebab berada pada posisi setara. imre lakatos, dalam salah satu karyanya, ada satu sub bab khusus, yaitu “science: reason or religion?”,15 bahwa sains tidak akan pernah menghindar dari upaya kritik, sebab sifatnya yang syarat penyangkalan (refutability), penyalahan (falsifiability), bahkan dapat terjadi revolusi sains. namun pada saat yang sama, sains dapat saja mempertahankan diri dari berbagai bentuk kritik itu, atau karena memang sengaja dipertahankan ‘mati-matian’. jika memang demikian kondisinya, disadari atau tidak, sains akan hilang karakter keilmiahannya dan lalu “naik” derajatnya menjadi “agama”.oleh karena itu, posisi agama bukanlah sebagai alat pembenaran bagi sains. “the religion that is married to science today will be a widow tomorrow”, demikian holmes rolston iii16. agama yang menyatu dengan sains, pada saatnya nanti keduanya akan ‘bercerai’ sehingga menjadi mantan,oleh karena itu, antara agama dan sains, mestinya harus tetap menjaga keotonomian integritas dan ketahanan masing-masing, bukan disatukannya.17 sebagai bagian dari aktivitas kemanusiaan atau bahkan kehidupan manusia, pengembangan sains, bagaimanapun, tetap harus berada dalam konteks sosial, dan sebisa mungkin diletakkan pada konteks agama, di satu sisi agar tidak terlepas dari akar sosial budaya sebagai basis etis, dan agar tetap bergelimang makna dalam ruang religiusitas, pada sisi yang 196 afkaruna lain. meski demikian, perlu sekali lagi ditegaskan bahwa problem disintegrasi antara sains dan agama, jelas merupakan problem kemanusiaan, terkait sikap, pola pikir, dan subjektivitas manusia.sebab, dalam konteks islam, antara ilmu dan agama, termasuk antara ilmu agama dan ilmu umum, bukanlah telah benar-benar terpisah, baik pada wilayah doktrin maupun secara historisitas-peradaban, nyatanya menunjukkan bahwa. dalam tradisi islam, bahkan ilmu itu satu sisi dari agama, maka berilmu itu juga merupakan ujud dari beragama. jikalau keduanya tampak terjadi keterpisahan tidak lain karena pandangan agamawan, perspektif ilmuwan, dan persepsi masyarakat muslim telah memisahkan, bahkan telah mempertentangkan keduanya, namun sekarang, pandangan, perspektif, dan persepsi mereka itu sudah mulai mereka koreksi sendiri. sebagai upaya menemukan konteks bagi pengembangan sains, di bawah ini akan dibahas beberapa isu keislaman, yang pada dasarnya merupakan isu populer, bahkan isu awam, dan sangat boleh jadi tidak merupakan masalah serius bagi kalangan ilmuwan, tetapi jika diabaikan, dapat saja menjadi semacam ‘duri dalam daging’ bagi pengembangan sains dalam masyarakat muslim. 1. nalar teks pembahasan ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji bagaimana proses terbangunnya kesadaran teks dalam kehidupan masyarakat muslim, akan tetapi lebih menunjukkan kepada pengakuan bahwa nalar teks telah begitu kokoh sehingga mempengaruhi pola pikir, sikap,dan perilaku umat islam, bahkan pola hidup mereka, baik sebagai individu, masyarakat sosial, maupun dalam bentuk tradisi dan budaya. alasan yang paling mendasar adalah bahwa di dalam islam ada ajaran iman terhadap kitab suci, kemudian ada ajaran bahwa al-qur’an dan hadits itu sumber hukum dan ajaran islam,pedoman hidup manusia sekaligus sebagai sumber ilmu pengetahuan. semua ini menjadikan al-qur’an dan hadits memiliki posisi sentral dalam kehidupan umat islam. terhadap kedua sumber agama itu sudah tentu ada beragam sikap dan ‘perlakuan’ dari umat islam, mulai dari sikap yang harfiah, dzahiriyah, hingga yang ma’nawiyah; dari yang menggunakan jalur tafsir, hingga yang memasuki jalur ta’wil ilmu; dari yang menjustifikasi temuan teori ilmiah dengan ayat al-qur’an, yang menggali konsep-konsep embrional dari al-qur’an, hingga yang lanjut mengembangkan kajian ilmu-ilmu keislaman (islamic studies). pola 197vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kehidupan seperti ini yang kemudian dikenal dengan istilah hadarat alnash.18 dalam pola kehidupan seperti itu, menjadi wajar jikalau umat islam meniscayakan dirinya untuk selalu berpikir dalam kerangka teks;19 memulangkan segala persoalan kepada teks dan dalam kerangka teks. begitu pula dalam kaitannya dengan pengembangan ilmu, dan aktivitas ilmiah pada umumnya, umat islam akan selalu mengaitkannya dengan nash alquran dan atau al-hadits, bahkan kerja saintifik harus berbasiskan pada kedua sumber pokok itu. persoalannya, ilmu adalah aktivitas manusiawi yang tidak kebal terhadap upaya kritik, falsifikasi, dan refutasi, sedangkan nash tidaklah demikian. oleh karena itu pola hubungan antara keduanya mesti ditemukan, agar pengembangan sains tidak semakin jauh meninggalkan konteks agama, dan sebaliknya agama juga terbuka terhadap pengembangan dan perkembangan sains. persoalan selanjutnya, bagaimana seharusnya mengembangkan sains berbasis nash, atau bagaimana memposisikan nash dalam rancang bangun pengembangan sains. selama ini, upaya mengintegrasi al-qur’an dengan sains dilakukan dengan mengakarkan temuan-temuan ilmiah terhadap ayat-ayat kitab suci, atau dengan menafsirkan ayat kitab suci secara ilmiah (tafsir alilmu) dengan temuan teori ilmiah. pola hubungan seperti ini, meski banyak dilakukan, umumnya masih bersifat individu atau bahkan secara sepihak, mufassir di satu sisi atau ilmuwan di sisi yang lain. sudah tentu kondisi seperti begitu memiliki sejumlah kelemahan, terutama terkait kompetensi dan otoritas keilmuan masing-masing yang sebenarnya berbeda. oleh karena itu dalam kerangka pengembangan ilmu berbasis al-qur’an, mestinya bisa diupayakan dalam bentuk proyek institusional-kolektifkultural. dalam arti, di situ ada kerangka kerja yang disepakati bersama, ada budaya ilmiah yang kokoh, dan merupakan kerja kolaborasi dari banyak ahli (mufassir dan ilmuwan). dengan kata lain, upaya itu bukan proyek sepihak ilmuwan saja, apalagi jika kerja seorang diri secara pribadi, dan bisa dikatakan suatu pemaksaan jika secara pribadi harus mengakarkan temuan ilmiahnya pada ayat-ayat kitab suci, sementara tidak mempertimbangkan keterbatasan kompetensi dan otoritasnya terkait al-qur’an dan ulum al-quran. hal yang sama, jika ada mufassir, apalagi jika hanya seorang diri, sementara ia harus menafsirkan ayat secara ilmiah menggunakan teori-teori ilmiah, padahal tidak memiliki kemampuan untuk menguji terkait rancang bangun teori yang digunakannya itu. terkecuali 198 afkaruna mereka memiliki kemampuan luar biasa, menguasai al-quran dengan segala makna kandungannya, sekaligus menguasai teori-teori ilmiah. oleh karena itu, pola institusional-kolektif-kultural layak dipertimbangkan. dengan pola ini proyek kerja ilmiah demulai dengan terlebih dulu merumuskan basis nash,membangun konsep-konsep embrional (embryonal concepts) berdasar nash dengan memperhatikan ayat-ayat yang berkaitan dan pola-pola hubungannya, sehingga terbangun pemahaman komprehensip tentang isu tertentu, atau paling tidak dapat terhindar dari salah pengertian, karena ditinggalkannya ayat tertentu yang semestinya berkaitan. setelah itu program kerja ilmiah dapat disusun, mulai jangka pendek, jangka menengah, sampai jangka panjang. dalam praktiknya suatu kerja ilmiah, sudah tentu harus dijalankan dengan standar dan etika ilmiah dalam kerangka menjalankan grand project (al-masyru’ al-kabir) yang telah disepakati dan ditetapkan bersama. dengan pola seperti ini, apa yang kemudian disebut “sains berbasis al-quran” atau sains yang dikembangkan dalam kerangka teks, menjadi mungkin terwujud, bahkan sains qur’ani yang tetap saintifik akan dapat dilahirkan. 2. nalar iman barangkali tidak berlebihan jika dikatakan bahwa hal pokok yang membedakan orang beragama dengan yang tidak beragama adalah iman. meski demikian, orang yang mengatakan bahwa dirinya beriman, tetap tidak bisa dijadikan ukuran apalagi jaminan bahwa yang bersangkutan benar-benar beriman. sebagai tanda dan ukurannya, iman mesti diwujudkan dalam sikap dan perbuatan baik dan benar,20 kerja produktif, ilmu yang berkembang, dan kebijaksanaan yang semakin indah.21 iman itu mempercayai atau meyakini hal-hal pokok/mendasar, yang mana kemaslahatan hidup manusia bergantung padanya, dan akal mewajibkan keberadannya, sekalipun akal tidak meminta membuktikannya.dalam ajaran islam, iman itu masuk dalam wilayah ushul al-din (pokok-pokok agama), sehingga iman menjadi dasar dari pelaksanaan ajaran agama, dan hidup umat beragama, yang hakikat sebenarnya juga merupakan sendi-sendi kehidupan. agama akan tegak kokoh jika iman kuat, begitu pula hidup dan kehidupan ini, sebaliknya, agama akan hancur berantakan dan roboh jika tidak ada iman, demikian juga dengan kehidupan ini. umat beragama tidak mungkin meninggalkan iman, seberapa pun intensitasnya. semakin hidupnya dalam kerangka iman, berarti imannya 199vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 semakin kokoh. bahkan yang terjadi di tengah masyarakat, pembicaraan apapun, atau pertemuan apapun, termasuk ceramah yang disebut ceramah agama, akan terasa begitu ‘agama’ jika menyinggung isu iman. meskipun ada juga yang lantas begitu mudahnya orang menyebut sebagai tidak agama, kadang dengan sebutan sekuler, humanis, bahkan ateis, jika di situ tidak disebut kata iman. persoalannya, iman itu percaya, bahkan tinggal mempercayai, lalu di mana posisi usaha manusia, benarkah usaha itu tanda tidak iman, atau apakah dengan semakin berusaha keras itu berarti semakin jauh meninggalkan iman. persoalan tersebut sebenarnya persoalan klasik, tetapi harus diakui, hingga kini masih merupakan persoalan umum di masyarakat. umat beragama, bagaimanapun, hidup di dua “alam” antara alam iman dan alam usaha, antara “hanya tinggal” mempercayai dan harus berpikir dalamdalam, dan usaha keras-keras. memang logika sederhananya, jika lebih banyak yang “hanya tinggal” diimani, tentu lebih sedikit atau berkurang yang dipikirkan atau diusahakan. dan sebaliknya, jika semakin banyak yang masuk dalam wilayah perenungan, akan berkurang yang ada dalam wilayah kepercayaan/keimanan. sudah tentu itu logika sederhana atau logika awam, yang sangat perlu untuk dikoreksi, sebab itu bukan merupakan maksud dari adanya ajaran iman. mestinya semakin kuat iman, semakin berpikir keras, kerja keras, dan berprestasi.pohon yang buahnya lebat, itu bukti akar-akarnya sehat dan kokoh. jika ibarat ini digunakan, maka iman yang benar dan sehat, pasti lebat buahnya, dan buah iman itu adalah perbuatan baik (amal shalih) dan sikap yang mulia lagi memuliakan (akhlak karimah), serta tumbuhnya kreativitas dan produktivitas. dengan pemahaman seperti itu, antara iman dan usaha, bukan hanya bisa berdamai dan berjalan seiring, tetapi bahkan keduanya adalah menyatu. maka penyakit iman yang paling pokok adalah sikap malas, apalagi jika sikap itu diambil dengan dalih iman. jika problem iman dibawa ke wilayah pengembangan ilmu, maka persoalan dasar yang muncul kemudian, apa mungkin ‘ajaran agama’ yang berangkat dari keimanan, bisa disatukan dengan ilmu pengetahuan (dan filsafat) yang mendekatinya atau menyikapinya, mesti dimulai dengan mempertanyakannya atau meragukannya. atas pertanyaan ini, di sini perlu ditegaskan, tidak bisa dibenarkan, karena sifat ilmu pengetahuan yang mesti dipertanyakan, atau dengan alasan ‘keimanan’ agama, lalu bersikap tidak mau ilmu pengetahuan atau malah menolaknya. atau, karena sifat 200 afkaruna agama yang dimulai dengan iman itu, lalu apapun didekati dengan iman, hingga hal-hal yang mestinya perlu terlebih dulu dipertanyakan dari mana asal muasalnya. seperti telah dimaklumi bahwa sains adalah aktivitas manusiawi, usaha manusia yang dalam hal ini adalah ilmuwan. maka sama seperti usaha manusia pada umumnya, kerja sains dapat menyatu dengan iman, dapat sebagai ujud dari keimanan. jika sains menitikberatkan, bahkan menekankan hanya pada hal-hal yang ada, yang real, yang terbukti, yang observable, yang repeatable, yang measurable, dan yang predictable, sudah tentu itu bukan karena menolak adanya hal metafisik, dan bukan soal tidak iman terhadap adanya tuhan dan hal-hal yang ghaib, tetapi soal, hal-hal apa yang mungkin ilmuwan bisa pertanggungjawabkan, atau lebih tepatnya, hal-hal apa yang ilmuwan tidak lagi bisa bohong, main-main, atau menyalahgunakan, dalam upaya meyakinkan dan memahamkan temuan ilmiahnya kepada masyarakat manusia di dunia ini. maka, bahkan ahli metafisika dan kaum beriman, dalam rangka meyakinkan dan memahamkan apa yang diakuinya atau apa yang diimaninya, kalau itu memang harus dilakukan, juga memerlukan hal-hal apa yang sains lakukan, atau jika tidak, meski seandainya tidak ada maksud, tapi bisa saja dinilai sebagai bohong, main-main, dan modus.top of form. meskipun sains sejalan dan menyatu dengan iman, kerja sains itu bukan dimaksudkan untuk membuktikan keimanan, tertentu, karena keimanan bukan untuk dibuktikan, tapi justru menjadi orientasi dan alasan kuat untuk terlaksananya kerja-kerja sains, sekaligus sebagai kebulatan sikap yang mesti diambil oleh manusia sebagai ilmuwan. sains itu ‘bekerja’ untuk mengungkap misteri ilmiah dan bahkan misteri kehidupan, untuk mengerti dan memahami hukum-hukum (alam dan sosial) sebagai pelajaran hidup, untuk memberi kemanfaatan sebesar-besarnya bagi kehidupan, bagi manusia dan kemanusiaan, serta kelestarianalam ini. maka, secara singkat bisa dinyatakan, iman menjadi alasan kuat yang ‘menggerakkan’ aktivitas illmiah. sebagai konsekuensinya, ilmuwan yang beriman, akan tinggi produktivitasnya. jika melihat kenyataan yang berkembang di masyarakat, nyatanya orang yang berpolapikir ilmiah tidak sulit menerima ajaran iman. umumnya mereka lebih mudah mengerti dan menerima penjelasan-penjelasan tentang pentingnya beriman, setidaknya tidak sesulit orang yang katanya beriman jika diajak untuk berpola pikir ilmiah, malah ada yang meng201vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 anggap pola pikir ilmiah itu bertentangan dengan iman, musuh iman, dan merusak iman, padahal seperti diuraikan di atas, mestinya antara beriman dan berpolapikir ilmiah itu berkaitan erat. inilah sebenarnya maksud dari pernyataan bahwa keimanan islam itu bukan buta, tetapi dengan ilmu, tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan ilmu, bahkan dengan amal. pengembangan sains yang dibangun di atas kerangka pikir seperti itu, itulah sains islam. 3. nalar ibadah dalam nash al-qur’an sudah sangat jelas disebutkan, bahwa maksud dan tujuan penciptaan manusia adalah untuk beribadah kepada allah.22 ajaran ini mengharuskan umat islam untuk hidup dengan seluruh aspek kehidupannya dalam kerangka ibadah. namun pada tataran ‘struktur’ kesadaran, yang berkembang di masyarakat, apa yang dimaksud dengan ibadah itu menjadi begitu sempit pada hal-hal yang merupakan ibadah ritual, bahkan sebagai menyembah. dengan kesadaran seperti itu, maka dengan mudahnya meletakkan banyak aspek kehidupan sebagai di luar ranah ibadah. lebih jauh dari itu, umat islam lalu terjebak pada sikap menyepelekan dan meninggalkan banyak bidang kehidupan yang sebenarnya justru merupakan area kehidupan yang sebenarnya, seperti bidang sosial, seni dan budaya, transportasi, teknologi informatika dan komunikasi, dll. dalam kerangka pikir semacam ini, akan sulit agama menerima sains, dan sebaliknya sains juga akan sulit berdamai dengan agama, atau dalam hal ini, sains dalam konteks ibadah menjadi sesuatu yang mustahil. sudah tentu, paham keagamaan hingga menstruktur di kesadaran umat beragama terbentuk tidak dalam waktu singkat, tetapi melalui proses dan praktik kehidupan yang sangat panjang, dan ada banyak hal yang menjadi faktor pembentuknya, mulai yang terdekat misalnya ceramah-ceramah agama, nama mata pelajaran di sekolah, tata letak rak di toko buku, penamaan dan penyelenggaraan program studi dan fakultas, hingga pembidangan ilmu. beberapa hal ini, sampai hari ini tetap menjadi semacam debu, yang meskipun lembut, dan mungkin sepele, tetapi dapat membuat ‘pesawat’ sains islam yang telah terbang kemana-mana menjadi gagal landing, juga dapat membatalkan jadwal penerbangan karena debu itu akan merusak mesin. maka mesti ada upaya pemaknaan baru terhadap apa itu ibadah. secara konseptual, apa yang dimaksud dengan ibadah pada dasarnya 202 afkaruna amal perbuatan manusia yang diabdikan hanya untuk allah.23 sudah tentu ada syarat-syarat, baik dari sisi pelakunya, maupun pada sisi amal perbuatan itu sendiri, yang beberapa hal ini tidak dibahas di sini. namun, kata kunci yang sangat pokok adalah diabdikan hanya untuk allah. kata kunci ini yang kemudian menjadi garis pembeda dari apa yang disebut ibadah dan yang bukan ibadah. sebab pada kenyataanya, perbuatan manusia itu setidaknya ada tiga orientasi, yaitu orientasi pribadi, orientasi sosial (golongan, budaya, bangsa, dll), dan orientasi ketuhanan.tiga orientasi ini mengambil pola berlapis, maka harus dimengerti, ini bukan soal bentuk perbuatan, tetapi soal derajat dan kualitas perbuatan. jika suatu perbuatan, apapun, berorientasi pribadi, maka perbuatan itu akan terhalang untuk untuk dinilai sebagai perbuatan sosial, dan masih jauh untuk disebut sebagai bernilai ketuhanan. selanjutnya, jika perbuatan dilakukan dengan berorientasi sosial, kemungkinan besar akan sekaligus bernilai pribadi, dalam arti ada pengaruh pribadi, ada kepuasan, kebahagiaan, dan kenikmatan pribadi, akan tetapi sangat jelas, itu belum sampai pada nilai ketuhanan. dua lapis ini, jika mampu terlewati, suatu perbuatan akan memperoleh derajat dan kualitas tertinggi, sebab hanya diabdikan hanya pada tuhan, inilah ibadah itu. namun jika tidak terlewati, dua lapis itulah yang menjadi sekutu-nya, yang menjadi penghalang untuk berserah diri. dengan kerangka pikir ini, maka perbuatan apapun dapat dinilai sebagai ibadah jika diabdikan hanya kepada allah, tanpa pamrih pribadi, tanpa sekat kepentingan golongan, dan tanpa berharap ada keuntungan sosial. sebaliknya, hingga shalat, puasa, haji, zakat, ibadah ritual lain, belum dapat dikatakan sebagai ibadah atau belum mencapai derajat sebagai ibadah jika belum dapat melewati sekat pribadi, golongan, dan sosial, makanya sering terdengar kata-kata ‘haji politik’, ‘haji bisnis’ dll. tentu saja, dibanding berdagang, berbisnis, bertani, atau profesi lainnya, amalan seperti puasa, shalat, haji, zakat, membaca al-quran, lebih dimungkinkan sampai ke derajat lillahi ta’ala, makanya beberapa amalan ini yang disematkan kata ibadah, meskipun baru benar-benar merupakan ibadah setelah melewati dua lapis di bawahnya. lebih dangkal lagi, beberapa amalan ‘ibadah’ itu dilakukan hanya dengan pura-pura, akting, dan sandiwara, serta serius bagaikan upacara bendera. jika kerangka pikir ini dipertimbangkan, maka kawasan ibadah menjadi luas, dan bahkan ke seluruh aspek kehidupan manusia. dalam arti, seluruh 203vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 aspek kehidupan ini berkemungkinan sebagai ibadah, dan besar kemungkinan juga seluruh aspek kehidupan ini tidak sebagai ibadah, termasuk apa yang secara awam disebut sebagai ibadah. dengan demikian, tidak berlebihan jika dikatakan, bahwa kerja sains yang selama mengindahkan tata kaidah ilmiah, mewarnainya dengan etika, menjiwainya dengan nilai ketuhanan, juga dapat diletakkan dalam kerangka ibadah dan sebagai ibadah pula. 4. nalar akhlak akhlak menempati posisi sentral dalam agama islam, di samping ibadah dan iman (aqidah). akhlak adalah medan bersikap dan berkarakter benar sekaligus baik, ibadah adalah medan berbuat dan berperilaku benar sekaligus baik, dan iman adalah medan berpikir dan berrefleksi benar sekaligus baik, sedangkan agama adalah medan berhidup dan menjalani kehidupan benar sekaligus baik. oleh sebab itu, dalam iman ada akhlak dan ibadah, dalam akhlak ada iman dan ibadah, dan dalam ibadah ada iman dan akhlak, sebagaimana berpikir, bersikap, dan berperilaku itu singkron dan satu. akhlak adalah missi utama dari risalah islamiyah, kerasulan muhammad saw.24 maka selaku umat muhammad, umat islam melihat, memang semestinya jika akhlak menjadi kesadaran hidup beragama.sebagaimana halnya iman dan ibadah, umat islam melihat akhlak juga mesti ditanamkan sejak dini. meski demikian, pada kenyatannya, perhatian mengenai akhlak barulah secara awam, sehingga kedalaman, keluasan, dan ketinggian dari apa yang disebut akhlak sebenarnya masih menjadi misteri di kalangan umat muhammad hingga kini. sebagai ‘ajaran’ dari agama, akhlak sudah tentu ‘harus’ diamalkan bagi yang mengakui agamanya, atau jika tidak, pasti akan dinilai tidak berakhlak, bahkan menyalahi agamanya. akhlak itu kualitas perbuatan manusia, maka bisa jadi orang telah berbuat, atau bahkan telah berbuat banyak, namun secara kualitas, akan ditentukan oleh akhlaknya, dalam arti, akan dinilai berkualitas jika didasari dengan akhlak. banyak orang menjalani hidup, bahkan melayarinya sampai jauh entah kemana, tapi tidak sedikit yang tidak merasakan makna hidup, hanya karena tidak mendasari hidupnya dengan akhlak. maka akhlak juga bisa dimengerti sebagai “makna” dari kehidupan ini, yang menjadi tangga untuk peningkatan kedewasaan hidup. lebih dalam lagi, akhlak itu adalah wujud eksistensi manusia, sebab dengan akhlak, 204 afkaruna manusia menjadi berada, menjadi wujud, dan sebaliknya tanpa akhlak, adanya dianggap tidak ada, wujuduhu ka ‘adamihi, baik di hadapan manusia, maupun lebih-lebih di hadapan tuhan.25 secara lebih praktis, akhlak itu berbuat berdasarkan aturan, atau bahkan peraturan (termasuk pasal-pasal, undang-undang, dst.), atau jika dilihat dari sisi pelaku, berarti berbuat berdasarkan pertimbangan logis dan realistis. maka perbuatan yang dilakukan tanpa pertimbangan logis dan realistis, dan tanpa aturan, meskipun secara maksud dan tujuan dinilai baik, tetap tidak masuk dalam kategori akhlak, apalagi jika maksud dan tujuannya memang salah. sebaliknya bahkan perbuatan memperturut keinginan nafsu, jika dengan pertimbangan logis dan realistis, dan pakai aturan, itu menjadi sah dan terhormat. meski demikian perlu dicatat, bahwa peraturan ‘yang logis dan realistis’ itu mesti dibangun di atas nilainilai etis dan mengandung pesan moral, sehingga melaksanakan peraturan, belum dinilai sebagai perbuatan berakhlak sebelum ditemukan nilai etis dan pesan moralnya. selanjutnya jika dalam pelaksanaan peraturan ditemukan hal-hal yang bertentangan dengan nilai etis dan moral, maka peraturan harus disesuaikan, sudah tentu, juga dengan cara-cara yang etis, jadi bukan nilai etisnya yang diubah. nilai-nilai etis dalam akhlak itu dibangun bukan tanpa orientasi, sebab bagaimanapun nilai-nilai etis itu bersumber pada tata nilai yang lebih tinggi yaitu tatanilai ketuhanan.26 maka kesadaran etis dalam menjalani hidup beraturan, juga dalam kerangka taat dan taqwa pada tuhan.inilah bangunan akhlak secara sistemik.jika pemikiran itu dibalik, maka wujud taat dan taqwa pada tuhan itu adalah hidupnya kesadaran menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai etis dan diwujudkan dengan perbuatan berdasarkan hukum dan mengikuti tataaturan. pola kesadaran akhlak secara skematik bisa dilihat pada gambar 1. keterpisahan atau apalagi kekaburan mengenai ‘lapis-lapis’ kesadaran akhlak ini menimbulkan perbuatan umat beragama menjadi sempit dan kabur juga. ada sebagian yang sibuk bertanya persoalan hukum, menjalani dan menerapkan hukum-hukum, tetapi jusru abai terhadap nilai-nilai etis dan pesan-pesan moral yang mendasarinya, bahkan hingga tidak ditemukan sambungannya dengan tata nilai ketuhanan seperti ketakwaan dan ketaatan.27 pada sisi yang lain, ada yang merasa taat dan takwa pada tuhan, tetapi abai terhadap peraturan dan hukum-hukum, dan tidak menyadari apa nilai etis dan pesan moral yang dapat digali dari ketaatan dan ketakwaannya. 205vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 persoalan lain yang sering berkembang di masyarakat, mengapa harus mengikuti peraturan dan hukum-perundangan yang nyata-nyata bikinan manusia, bukankah selaku hamba allah, manusia harus menjalani hanya aturan-nya. di sini, dapat disampaikan, aturan memang harus darinya, tapi peraturan boleh dari ‘anda’ atau dari ‘mereka’, atau dari ‘kita’. peraturan itu pem-bahasa-an, atau lebih tepatnya perumusan tataaturan dalam bentuk bahasa dari aturan tuhan, yang mungkin bisa diterima oleh masyarakat manusia, mulai dari kelompok kecil, hingga kelompok besar.disebut bahwa aturan itu dari tuhan, pengertiannya adalah bahwa aturan itu benar-benar steril dari ego pribadi, mau-mau golongan, kepentingan pragmatis, terlebih lagi yang dipaksakan atas namanya. karena memang hanya sekedar dari ‘anda’, ‘mereka’ atau dari ‘kita’, bisa jadi peraturan itu tidak sejalan atau malah bertentangan dengan aturanaturannya, meskipun juga tidak selamanya atau tidak harus terus seperti itu. maka sudah semestinya yang namanya peraturan itu diterima, selama sejalan dengan aturannya, atau selama tidak bertentangan dengan aturannya. pemandangan yang sangat ganjil di masyarakat, orang yang merasa agamis, rata-rata malah sengaja tidak mengindahkan hukum (— perundang-undangan), dan malah hidup dan berjalan dengan hukum sendiri yang katanya hukum agama itu. padahal dunia ini sedang menunggu, keteladanan mereka dalam hal mentaati hukum, dan dalam hal mengembangkan bangsa dan negara menjadi beradab. dengan kerangka berpikir seperti ini, membawa pembicaraan akhlak tidak saja dalam konteks perbuatan baik oleh individu-individu, tetapi dalam konteks hidup bersama, secara sistemik, kolektif, kultural. dalam 206 afkaruna arti, membawa manusia untuk hidup berdasarkan sistem yang berlaku di lingkungan dan masyarakatnya, menahan kediriannya, mengedepankan keamanan dan kenyamanan bersama dalam keindahan budaya. jika ambisi, egoisme, fanatisme, sentimen kesukuan, kedaerahan, kemadzhaban, masih dominan memenuhi ruang publik, berarti terjadi perbuatan unsystem, maka menjadi mustahil terbangun masyarakat etis, agama etis, kampus etis, ilmuwan etis, dst. maka agar akhlak dapat diaplikasikan atau agar kehidupan etis dapat dijalani, sistem harus ada dan dibangun. meski begitu tetap dengan kesadaran bahwa sistem masih mungkin bisa dikembangkan, bahkan harus dikembangkan, tapi mesti secara landai dan berkala, agar tidak timbul kegaduhan, agar tidak terjadi instabilitas sosial. sistem, dengan demikian, merupakan sisi luar dari akhlak, maka keduanya mesti selaras. jika ternyata ditemukan ketidakselarasan, sistem mesti bisa diperbaiki, bukan sebaliknya.selain itu, sistem juga bisa dimengerti sebagai wujud terlaksananya akhlak, sebab kemuliaan akhlak terlihat dari keberjalanan sistem. terkait dengan pengembangan ilmu, sudah tentu etos kerja (ilmiah) dari individu-individu memiliki peran yang sangat penting, tetapi tidak bisa diharapkan bisa bertahan, jika tidak didukung oleh sistem, tradisi, dan budaya ilmiah.bahkan kerja ilmiah itu sangat dapat berkontribusi terhadap pengembangan sistem, tradisi, dan budaya ilmiah itu sendiri, sebaliknya, sistem juga bisa membangkitkan etos kerja (ilmiah) individuindividu sebagai bagian dari komunitas ilmiah. itu artinya, pengembangan ilmu bukan hanya singkron dengan akhlak, tetapi bahkan pengembangan ilmu baru dapat berkembang hanya dengan dukungan akhlak dalam bentuk sistem, tradisi, dan budaya ilmiah. sebagai konsekuensi dari pandangan demikian, maka jika kerja ilmiah sudah dilakukan dengan tingkat keilmiahan yang tinggi, profesional, dan penuh tanggungjawab, maka tidak perlu dipertanyakan di mana akhlak, sebab itu sudah merupakan bentuk pelaksanaan akhlak dalam kaitannya dengan kerja ilmiah. 5. nalar dakwah cukup kuat pandangan masyarakat muslim bahwa islam adalah agama dakwah.kesimpulan semacam itu sudah tentu dapat dengan mudah ditemukan dasar normatif berupa dalil al-qur’an dan hadits, maupun dasar historisnya sepanjang perjalanan dakwah rasul dan shahabat, sehingga sangat wajar jika kemudian menjadi kesadaran umum masyarakat mu207vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 slim.28namun, tidak dapat dipungkiri beberapa persoalan kemudian muncul menyertai pandangan umum itu, yaitu ketika aktivitas dakwah dinilai tidak sejalan dengan aktivitas ilmiah, begitu juga,dengan pandangan bahwa kerja ilmiah itu tidak memiliki unsur dakwah. panda-ngan demikian, pada awalnya terjadi dan mengental pada masyarakat kampus, dan ini yang istimewa.namun karena terus disuarakan dan suaranya terdengar cukup keras, bahkan terus digulirkan, sudah tentu persoalannya lalu menjadi begitu menggelisahkan dan tidak mudah untuk diluruskan. dalam masyarakat muslim dan tradisi islam pada umumnya, kata dakwah, baik sebagai konsep maupun aktivitas, sering diidentikkan dengan pendidikan (tarbiyah), dengan alasan di dalam dakwah ada unsur pendidikan, dan di dalam pendidikan ada unsur dakwah, apalagi dalam praktiknya kedua aktivitas itu memang tidak mengenal usia. antara dakwah dan pendidikan sudah tentu merupakan aktivitas penting bagi kehidupan, sekaligus sama-sama merupakan ajaran penting dalam agama islam.meski demikian, karena yang satu dengan yang lain tidak ada pemilahan wilayah yang jelas, terutama pada konsepnya, maka aktivitas keduanya pada kenyataannya menjadi tidak maksimal. secara konseptual, dakwah dan tarbiyah itu mestinya tidak terpisah, keduanya mestinya dapat berjalan seiring, meskipun tetap harus dibedakan, karena memiliki wilayah ‘garapan’ masing-masing. secara sederhana, dapat disebut bahwa tarbiyah itu garapannya pada wilayah “basic”, sementara dakwah, garapannya pada wilayah lanjutan. sejalan dengan garapannya yang berada pada wilayah “basic”, tarbiyah pada intinya, menyiapkan manusia, atau membuat manusia menjadi siap, baik secara fisik, psikis, mental, dan akal pikirannya, untuk memasuki masa-masa produktif. maka sebenarnya belum dianggap selesai proses pendidikan, jika orang dinilai belum cukup siap memasuki masa-masa produktifnya. demikian pula, pendidikan belum dapat dinilai berhasil jika orang ternyata tidak siap memasuki masa-masa produktif. di sini disebut masa, bukan usia, sebab pendidikan memang tidak mengenal usia, makanya ada adult education.29 meskipun, tetap akan menjadi salah kaprah, jika ada orang yang semestinya sudah cukup siap memasuki masa produktif, tetapi kondisinya masih belum beranjak dari pendidikan.sudah tentu ini merupakan kesalahan hidup. jika dapat diibaratkan dengan sebuah anak tangga misalnya, maka pendidikan itu berada pada anak tangga yang paling bawah. meskipun 208 afkaruna perlu ditegaskan, berada pada wilayah ‘basic’ atau pada anak tangga dasar, bukan berarti pendidikan merupakan persoalan sepele, simpel, atau sederhana.sebaliknya pendidikan merupakan bagian dari hidup manusia yang penting, dan pada tahap ini potensi ‘terpendam’ manusia mesti digali dan ditumbuh-kembangkannya untuk menjadi karakter yang kuat. maka di situlah arti penting dan peran strategis pendidikan dapat diposisikan. setelah pendidikan menyelesaikan perannya pada tahapan perkembangan manusia, mestinya untuk selanjutnya dakwah mulai berperan.wilayah garapan dakwah adalah manusia yang telah siap memasuki masa-masa produktif, dan tentu saja mereka sudah selesai dengan masa persiapannya. dengan begitu, tidak salah jika disimpulkan, bahwa dakwah itu sasarannya adalah orang-orang yang secara usia lebih dewasa. berbeda dengan pendidikan yang segala potensi, kemampuan, dan talenta, masih dalam proses dilatih, ditumbuh-kembangkan, pada dakwah, segala talenta, kreativitas, dan kemampuan (bertahan, menjelajah, beradaptasi, dan lainnya) itu sudah harus siap jalan dan beraksi. dalam praktiknya, dakwah itu dapat berupa aktivitas tertentu, program tertentu, dapat juga dalam bentuk yang sebenarnya atau yang artifisial, dapat berupa ucapan atau tulisan, perbuatan atau sikap, dan lain-lain, yang dapat mengantarkan seseorang, komunitas, masyarakat, tradisi dan budaya, bahkan suatu bangsa, untuk mencapai kesuksesan hidup.30 semua bentuk-bentuk aktivitas dakwah itu dilakukan sesuai dengan posisi, keahlian, kemampuan (subyektif dan obyektif), profesi, dan sarana yang ada. maka orang tua, teman, saudara, tokoh agama, tokoh masyarakat, kolega, pemimpin, segenap profesional, atau siapapun, dapat dinilai menjalankan aktivitas dakwah jika dengan aktivitasnya itu membantu mengantarkan siapapun (sasaran dakwah) mencapai kesuksesan hidup atau membuat hidup sukses lebih sukses lagi. dengan kerangka pikir seperti itu, menjadi sangat jelas bahwa mestinya tidak tepat da’i disebut sebagai suatu profesi, begitu pula sebutan lembaga dakwah mestinya juga tidak ada, dan sudah menjadi salah kaprah juga, sebutan (laqab) da’i untuk para “penceramah agama”. sebab, dari sisi profesi, aktivitas dakwah tidak lain adalah aktivitas profesional dari profesi apapun. jika seorang profesional diharapkan untuk bisa sambil berdakwah, berarti dengan posisi dan kapasitasnya, dia diharapkan perannya dalam ikut membantu orang lain dalam meraih kesuksesan atau meningkatkan kesuksesan hidupnya menjadi lebih sukses lagi. 209vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dengan tetap menyadari banya cukup banyak teori, model, dan strategi dakwah, namun dalam kajian ini hanya akan mengungkap satu hal, yang sebenarnya merupakan elemen penting, namun sering terlewat dari aktivitas dakwah, yaitu terkait hajat dasar hidup manusia. secara sederhana apa yang disebut hajat dasar terdiri dari tiga tahapan, yaitu: pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar hidup, pemantapan eksistensi, dan perwujudan kesadaran partisipatif.31 berkaitan dengan tiga tahapan hajat dasar tersebut, maka secara konseptual, dakwah juga dapat wujudkan dalam tiga tahapan, yaitu dapat disebut: 1). sukses pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar, 2). sukses pemantapan eksistensi, dan 3). sukses perwujudan kesadaran partisipatif. pertama, sukses pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar, yang meliputi kebutuhan pakaian, makan, tempat tinggal, dan pasangan (baca: menikah).32 pada tahap pertama ini dakwah merupakan usaha untuk membuka “ruang gerak” untuk berkembangnya kreativitas dan produktivitas, juga menumbuhkan kemampuan bertahan atas segala rintangan hidup, dan menghindari kegagalan dalam menjalani ujian hidup.33 pada masa-masa pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar ini, menjadi wajar, makanya dapat dimaklumi, jika pada diri seseorang atau komunitas, organisasi, tradisi dan budaya, bahkan suatu bangsa (dalam hal ini, subjek dakwah), ada sikap individualis, agresif, berani, tidak memikir yang lain (the other), dan lain-lain. sikapsikap seperti ini, pada taraf tertentu, tetap penting dipertahankan dan bahkan perlu untuk ditumbuh-kembangkan, sebab tidak mungkin ada upaya memenuhi kebutuhan dasar, jika yang ada hanya sikap pasrah, takut, dan pesimis, umpamanya. meskipun tetap dengan catatan, jangan sampai berlajut menimbulkan sikap resisten, dusta, curang, persaingan tidak fair, permusuhan, dan apalagi pertengkaran. dengan adanya sikap-sikap yang menyertai masa pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar seperti disebutkan itu, maka akan sulit diharapkan dapat tumbuh sikap empati, tenggang rasa, dan kepekaan sosial. oleh karena itu, jika aktivitas yang disebut dakwah itu mengusung tema-tema ini, dijamin tidak akan berhasil, karena memang kondisi subjek dakwah masih belum selesai dengan pemenuhan kebutuhan dasarnya. kedua, sukses proses pemantapan eksistensi.secara sederhana, dakwah pada tahap kedua ini lebih sebagi usaha menumbuhkan sikap empati, simpati, kepekaan sosial, trust, berpikir kebaikan bersama, berpikir kebaikan lingkungan, orientasi jangka panjang, dan seterusnya. beberapa hal itu, terkait hajat dasar manusia dalam hal eksistensi. hajat dasar ini yang 210 afkaruna meniscayakan manusia untuk menemukan kebermaknaan dirinya di tengah-tengah kehidupan masyarakat, lingkungan sosial, serta tradisi dan budayanya.34 tingkat keberhasilan dakwah pada tahap ini, ditandai dengan tumbuhnya sikap berkorban tanpa pamrih, bukan hanya menjadi orang baik tetapi membaikkan lingkungan masyarakatnya, bukan hanya lingkungannya merasakan kebaikannya, tetapi lingkungannya menjadi baik sebab keberadaannya. inilah yang dimaksud dengan eksistensi, yang mana lingkungan dan masyarakatnya telah menempatkan keberadaannya sebagai sosok yang penting karena kebaikan-kebaikannya. pencapaian seperti ini dimungkinkan dapat terwujud karena subjek dakwah sudah “selesai” dengan kebutuhan dasarnya. sebaliknya, jika kebutuhan dasar memang belum terpenuhi, apalagi masih kekurangan, maka kerja sosial, kerja lingkungan, akan sulit diharapkan dapat dilakukan dengan tanpa pamrih atau tanpa maksud pribadi terselubung. maka yang tepat,untuk subjek dakwah yang masih belum selesai dengan pemenuhan kebutuhan dasarnya, sebenarnya tidak perlu sampai diharap seperti itu, bahkan mestinya, pamrih-pamrih dan maksud-maksud terselubung itu aktivitas dakwah berhasil menemukan jalan pemenuhannya. ketiga, tahap sukses perwujudan kesadaran partisipatif. pada tahap ini, aktivitas dakwah diselenggarakan dengan asumsi bahwa subjek dakwah sudah selesai dengan kebutuhan sandang, pangan, papan, dan pasangan, dan sudah tidak butuh pengakuan, apalagi sampai gila hormat, sebab eksistensinya memang sudah begitu terasa. oleh karena itu tema dakwah sudah tidak lagi berkenaan dengan kepekaan sosial, apalagi kerja untuk pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar, tetapi lebih kepada menumbuhkan 211vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 “kesadaran kritis” sasaran dakwah. tujuan akhirnya adalah lahir hasrat kuat dalam bentuk program-program kreatif dalam ikut serta mengangkat harkat martabat kemanusiaan, terlibat aktif dalam mewujudkan nilai kemanusiaan, mengutamakan kemaslahatan universal dan perdamaian dunia.ini semua dilakukan dengan tingkat kearifan dan kebijaksanaan yang tinggi. tiga tahapan dakwah dan kaitannya dengan pendidikan itu dapat ditunjukkan secara lebih sederhana pada gambar 2. antara tarbiyah dan dakwah berikut tahapan-tahapannya seperti diuraikan di atas, sudah tentu tidak bersifat clear cut, dalam arti secara realitasnya benar terpisah antara satu tahapan ke tahapan berikutnya, akan tetapi dengan tidak mempertimbangkan tahapan-tahapannya, aktivitas yang kemudian disebut dakwah itu akan sulit untuk berhasil, atau akan mengalami kegagalan, dan sangat mungkin malah kontraproduktif. dengan karangka pemikiran (conceptual framework) seperti diuraikan di atas, maka peneliti dan ilmuwan, guru dan dosen, termasuk pelajar dan mahasiswa, justru dimungkinkan dapat mengambil peran lebih banyak, dengan ilmu pengetahuan yang dimiliki, juga pelajaran dan pengalamannya. dalam konteks pengembangan sains, sukses pemenuhan hajat dasar manusia yang dilakukan dalam bentuk tiga tahapan dakwah pada dasarnya merupakan orientasi dan tujuan utama dari sains, bahkan secara keseluruhan aktivitas ilmiah adalah dakwah. sedangkan dalam konteks dakwah, aktivitas ilmiah sudah dengan sendirinya akan mengantarkan manusia untuk meraih sukses hidup sebagaimana dimaksudkan oleh dakwah. dengan demikian, antara aktivitas ilmiah dan dakwah ternyata dapat bertemu, bahkan kerja sains sekaligus merupakan aktivitas dakwah juga. pengembangan sains dalam konteks integrasi ilmu agama dan ilmu umum istilah “ilmu agama” adalah gabungan kata “ilmu” dan kata “agama”. meski istilah ilmu agama sudah sedemikian populer, tetapi tetap terkesan sebagai dua kata yang dipaksa dijodohkan, atau bahkan terkesan tidak berjodoh. sebab, sejauh ini, kata agama lebih cocok dengan kata ajaran, yaitu “ajaran agama”, sementara kata ilmu serasinya dengan kata alam, sosial, bahasa, kesehatan, dan lain-lain, sehingga ada ilmu alam, ilmu sosial, ilmu bahasa, ilmu kesehatan, dan lain-lain. jikalau ada proses transisi atau transformasi berupa pengembangan dari agama sebagai ajaran ke agama sebagai ilmu, nyatanya sampai hari ini berjalan lambat, untuk tidak 212 afkaruna mengatakan tidak beranjak, atau malah tidak berhasil, sehingga sekalipun sudah disebut “ilmu agama” masih sangat berasa “ajaran agama”. hal ini menjadi semakin jelas jika melihat pada sosok mereka yang menggeluti bidang ilmu agama (sarjana agama, dan semacamnya), mereka lebih comfy, lebih enjoyable sebagai sosok ‘pengajar agama’ daripada sebagai ‘ilmuwan agama’.demikian juga institusi di segala tingkatan, bahkan lembaga riset, kalau berbasis ilmu agama, atau di lingkungan lembaga keagamaan, semuanya masih belum bisa keluar dari bayang-bayang agama sebagai ajaran.35 dalam tradisi keilmuan islam, apa yang disebut ilmu agama (‘ulum aldin) adalah ilmu yang menjadikan sumber-sumber keagamaan sebagai ‘objek’ kajiannya, yaitu nash al-qur’an dan sunnah rasul. hal ini sudah tentu berbeda dengan sains yang mempelajari fenomena empiris. dalam prosesnya, sumber-sumber keagamaan itu dikaji dalam berbagai aspeknya. upaya ini dalam rangka menggapai maksud dari sumber tersebut. sejauh ini, perangkat metode pengambilan hukum (istinbath) dari kedua sumber tersebut, bisa disebut sejumlah istilah, yaitu ijtihad, qiyas, istidlal, istintaj, tafsir dan ta’wil.sudah tentu beberapa perangkat metode ini memiliki kekhasannya masing-masing, dan karenanya ilmu yang dihasilkannya berbeda-beda pula. karena metodenya yang khas dan objeknya yang istimewa, memang tidak sembarang orang mempunyai kemampuan, bahkan mempunyai hak untuk mengkajinya. ada sejumlah syarat yang harus dimiliki seseorang untuk dapat melakukan kajian terhadap objek ini, apalagi untuk dapat menghasilkan suatu produk ‘hukum’ ilmu agama. maka dalam hal ini, ada dibenarkan seseorang sekedar mengikuti (ittiba’ atau taqlid) pendapat yang sudah ada. sepanjang sejarah islam, ada banyak ragam khazanah keilmuan, baik dalam kelompok ushul maupun furu’, misalnya ilmu fiqh, ilmu kalam, filsafat islam, ilmu tasawuf, ‘ulum al-quran, ‘ulum al-hadits, dll. beberapa ilmu yang termasuk dalam rumpun dirasah islamiyah atau islamic studies ini juga terus dikembangkan hingga hari ini. di kalangan ahli ilmu-ilmu keislaman, belakangan ini muncul trend, dan semangat kuat untuk mengembangkan integrasi ilmu sebagai ‘proyek’ besar keilmuan. untuk proyek ini, memang ada dua trend, yang pertama, memanfaatkan temuan-temuan sains dan metodologi saintifik untuk pengembangan ilmu-ilmu keislaman, dan kedua, mengintegrasikan ilmu keislaman yang masuk dalam rumpun dirasah islamiyah itu dengan apa 213vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 yang disebut dengan ilmu ‘umum’, yang secara lebih riel, aplikasinya adalah mendasarkan, memasukkan, dan mewarnakan ilmu-keislaman kepada ilmu-ilmu ‘umum’. upaya ini dimaksudkan sebagai tahapan awal dari proyek islamisasi ilmu.36 pembahasan ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji tentang apa alasan, dan bagaimana program pengembangan dari dua trend itu. poin kajian ini adalah bahwa prinsip dasar mempertemukan dua atau lebih entitas adalah perhatian tertuju pada segi positifnya, dan dilakukan tidak untuk menang-kalah, artinya jika perhatian pada sebaliknya, misalnya hanya negatifnya yang dilihat, atau agar yang lain kalah, untuk apa ada pertemuan, dan untuk apa dipertemukan, karena pada dasarnya sudah jelas tidak akan bisa ketemu. integrasi keilmuan, pada kenyataannya (penulis tidak tahu pada konsepnya) masih belum berpegangan pada prinsip dasar itu, maka itu suatu ‘proyek’ berat, kecuali yang satu dapat mengalah legowo karena lebih dewasa. kalau yang jadi perhatian hanya sisi negatifnya dan untuk menundukkannya, bahkan persahabatan dan perkawinanpun, mustahil terjadi. sebenarnya setiap ilmu itu mempunyai corak, karakteristik, dan logika sendiri-sendiri, namun meski begitu, masing-masing ilmu tidak sulit untuk bertemu atau dipertemukan jalinannya, maka pertemuan antar ilmu, atau ilmu-ilmu sangat mungkin terjadi, selama itu memang benar-benar ilmu, apapun nama ilmunya. pertemuan ilmu-ilmu itu kemudian disebut interdisipliner dan multidisipliner. maka ini hal biasa bagi ilmu dan ilmuwan, sehingga harus diakui itu sebenarnya bukan ‘proyek’ luarbiasa sebagaimana dihebohkan belakangan ini. mestinya juga tidak perlu muncul kekhawatiran, apalagi penolakan, sebagaimana selama ini sering dialamatkan pada proyek integrasi keilmuan. ilmu-ilmu, seperti sosiologi, antropologi, psikologi, sejarah, memang ilmu-ilmu yang tergolong modern, sudah tentu para mutakallim, para fuqaha, para mufassir tempo doeloe belum mengenal ilmu-ilmu itu, tapi tidak betul jika dikatakan bahwa mereka itu tidak memiliki, dan tidak memakai nalar (termasuk sensitivitas dan taste) sosiologis, antropologis, psikologis, historis dalam kerja ilmiah mereka. kalau ilmu-ilmu tersebut, dan ilmu-ilmu yang tergolong natural siciences, dewasa ini kemudian diupayakan diintegrasikan dengan ilmu-ilmu keislaman, itu berarti untuk membangunkan nalar-nalar itu atau untuk memanfaat temuan-temuannya, bukan sebagai upaya liberalisasi ilmu-ilmu keislaman, apalagi disebut sebagai bentuk infiltrasi ilmu ‘umum’ ke dalam ilmu-ilmu keislaman. 214 afkaruna dengan integrasi keilmuan, bisa jadi, ilmu-ilmu yang disebut ilmu umum itu akan mengalami kemajuan juga, meski awalnya merasa dipaksa kawin paksa dengan ilmu agama, tapi juga bisa sebaliknya, ilmu-ilmu yang disebut ilmu agama itu akan stagnan tidak ada perkembangan, dan cenderung ketinggalan jaman, kalau engganmemberi tempat yang layak untuk ilmuilmu umum di sisinya, apalagi kalau selalu mencurigai hadirnya. penutup ketertinggalan di bidang sains dan teknologi memang suatu persoalan besar dalam hidup, tetapi jika ketertinggalan itu disebut bukan urusan agama, apalagi jika dipahami agama tidak berururan dengan pengembangan sains dan teknologi, maka itu kesalahan terbesar dalam menjalani agama. akan tetapi, tidak hanya kalangan agamawan dan umat beragama pada umumnya, tetapi hingga para sainstis, melihat bahwa pengembangan sains itu hanyalah urusan keilmuan semata, yang hanya berkaitan dengan persoalan teori, metodologi, atau paling tidak urusan fisafat ilmu dan epistemologi, padahal pengembangan ilmu itu tidak dilepaskan dari konteks sosial dan bahkan konteks agama. sehingga pengembangan ilmu bukan hanya problem keilmuan semata, tetapi juga problem kemasyarakatan dan problem keislaman, terkait pola pemahaman masyarakat dan umat beragama mengenai apa itu ilmu dan apa itu agama. maka membangun pola kesadaran keislaman baru mesti terus dilakukan, agar pengembangan ilmu berjalan maksimal dengan tanpa menimbulkan masalah sosial, sebab sudah dapat diletakkan pada konteksnya yang benar, yaitu konteks agama. catatan akhir 1 lihat webster’s new world dictionary of the american language, (cleveland and new york: the world publishing company, 1962), h.1305. 2 mulyadhi kartanegara, menyibak tirai kejahilan, pengantar epistemologi islam, (bandung: mizan, 2003), h. 1. 3 lihat mohammad muslih, logika ketuhanan dalam epistemologi illuminasi suhrawardi, (yogyakarta: lesfi, 2014). 4 menurut jujun s. suriasumantri, knowledge merupakan terminology generic, dan science adalah anggota (species) dari kelompok (genus) tersebut. jujun s. suriasumantri, filsafat ilmu sebuah pengantar populer. (jakarta: sinar harapan, 1990), h. 294. 5 yang dalam terminologi ilmu logika disebut abstraksi (al-tajrid) atau proses immaterialisasi. lihat w. poespoprojo, logika scientifika, pengantar dialektika 215vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dan ilmu, (bandung: pustaka grafika, 1999), h. 69. 6 steven burgess, “nietzsche and heidegger on the cartesian atomism of thought” dissertation (usa: university of south florida, 2013), h. 66. 7 simon petrus l tjahjadi, tuhan para filsuf dan ilmuwan, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 2007), h. 28-36. 8 g.w.f. leibniz, “the monadology,” in the rationalists, trans. george montgomery, (new york: doubleday, 1960), h. 455-71. 9 disebutkan: “ultimately, wolff believes that the principle of contradiction, the principle of sufficient reason, and the principle of conceptual implication (or principle of the syllogism) are all innate to the human mind.” lihat http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/wolff-christian/ diakses pada selasa 26 juli 2016 jam 03.35. 10 harun hadiwiyono, sari sejarah filsafat barat 2, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 1980), h. 33 11 henry e. allison, custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise, (oxford: oxford university press, 2008). buku ini telah direview oleh paul guyer, book reviews “custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise” dalam hume studies, volume 35, number 1,2 (2009), pp. 236-239. 12 ini maksud david hume dengan idea. lihat shane drefcinski, “a very brief summary of david hume”, dalam http://people.uwplatt.edu/~drefcins/ humeencyclopediaentry.html diakses selasa, 26 juli 2016 jam 05.00. 13 yang dalam kajian filsafat, diajukan oleh aliran empirisisme, sebagaimana disebutkan: “empiricism is a theory that states that knowledge comes only or primarily from sensory experience”. lihat stathis psillos and martin curd, the routledge companion to philosophy of science (1. publ. in paperback ed.), (london: routledge, 2010), h. 129-138. 14 aktivitas berpikir inilah yang secara tradisional dibahas panjang lebar dalam ilmu logika, dan secara lebih khusus dalam kaitannya dengan proses terbentuknya pengetahuan, kajian filsafat modern mengupasnya dalam aliranaliran epistemologi sebagai cabang filsafat yang membicarakan teori pengetahuan. lihat noah porter, ed., “epistemology”. webster’s revised unabridged dictionary, (g & c. merriam co 1913), h. 501. 15 lihat imre lakatos, the methodology of scientific research programmes, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1995),h. 8-9 16 holmes rolston, iii, science and religion: a critical survey, (new york: random house, inc., 1987), h. vii 17 dalam hal ini, rolston menulis: “it needs to keep its autonomous integrity and resilience.” lihat ibid. 18 lihat: m. amin abdullah, islamic studies di perguruan tinggi: pendekatan integratif-interkonektif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2006), h. 399-405. 19 dalam satu artikelnya, prof. amin abdullah menulis: “ciri fundamental budaya islam adalah ketergantungannya yang sangat kuat terhadap nash atau text,” lihat m. amin abdullah, “kontribusi ilmu kalam/filsafat islam dalam http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/wolff-christian/ http://people.uwplatt.edu/~drefcins/ 216 afkaruna pembangunan karakter bangsa”, ilmu ushuluddin, volume 13, nomor 2, juli 2014, h. 99. 20 dari ibnu mas’ud ra. berkata, rasulullah saw bersabda, “bukanlah seorang mukmin orang yang suka mencela, orang yang gemar melaknat, orang yang suka berbuat/ berkata-kata keji dan orang yang berkata-kata kotor/ jorok”. (hr at-turmudziy, al-bukhariy, ahmad, dan al-hakim). lihat shahih sunan at-turmudziy: 1610, shahih al-adab al-mufrad: 237, shahih al-jami’ ashshaghir: 5381 dan silsilah al-ahadits ash-shahihah: 320 21 lihat qs. al-mujadilah [58]: 11. 22 lihat qs. al-dzariyat [51]: 56 (dan tidaklah aku ciptakan jin dan manusia kecuali untuk beribadah kepada-ku”) 23 ini dapat digali dari ayat:”katakan, sesungguhnya shalatku, manasikku, hidupku dan matiku hanya demi allah tuhan semesta alam. tidak ada sekutu bagi-nya, dan demikianlah yang diperintahkan kepadaku dan aku adalah orang yang pertama-tama berserah diri.” (qs. al-an‘am [6]: 162-163). 24 hadits tentang akhlak yang paling terkenal; “innama buitstu liutammima makarimal akhlaq” diriwayatkan al-baihaqi oleh abu hurairah dalam sunan baihaqi nomor 20571 25 sebagaimana petunjuk qs.al-baqarah [2]: 112 ((tidak demikian) bahkan barangsiapa yang menyerahkan diri kepada allah, sedang ia berbuat kebajikan, maka baginya pahala pada sisi tuhannya dan tidak ada kekhawatiran terhadap mereka dan tidak (pula) mereka bersedih hati). 26 itulah sebabnya dalam hukum islam, dalam melakukan perbuatan hukum, mukallaf disyarakatkan mengerti hukum taklif, sekaligus mashlahah yang menjadi tujuan dilakukannya. dalam kajian maqâsîd al-sharî‘ah dari sisi shâri‘ (pembuat hukum) disebutkan ada empat aspek, yaitu tujuan syariah adalah untuk kemaslahatan, syariah sebagai sesuatu yang harus dipahami, syariah sebagai hukum taklîf yang harus dilakukan, dan tujuan syariah adalah untuk membawa manusia ke bawah naungan hukum, maka perbuatan etis atau berakhlak itu adalah berbuat berdasarkan hukum. lihat abû ishâq al-shâthiby, al-muwâfaqât min usûl al-sharî‘ah, (kairo: musthafâ muhammad, tth), h. 5 27 sekedar untuk perbandingan, dalam konteks barat, apa yang menjadi kegelisahan friedrich nietzsche tentang matinya tuhan dalam keberagamaan kristiani, adalah karena beragama hanya berhenti pada lapis hukum dan peraturan, tapi tidak menyentuh soal nilai etis dan tatanilai ketuhanan. lihat st. sunardi, nietzsche, (yogyakarta: lkis, 2011), h. 143-147 28 misalnya seperti ditunjukkan dalam qs. ali imran [3]: 104 (“dan hendaklah ada di antara kamu segolongan umat yang menyeru kepada kebajikan, menyuruh kepada yang ma’ruf, dan mencegah dari yang munkar; merekalah orang-orang yang beruntung.”), dan beberapa ayat yang lain: qs. ali imran [3]: 110, qs. al-nahl [16]:125, qs. al-mu’minun [23]: 73, dan lain-lain. 29 sharan, b. merriam & brockett, ralph, g. the profession and practice of adult education: an introduction, (san francisco, ca: jossey-bass, 2007), h. 7 30 lihat asep shodiqin, “membingkai ‘episteme’ ilmu dakwah”, jurnal ilmu dakwah, volume 5 nomor 2, 2011, h. 450 217vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 31 bandingkan dengan m. amin abdullah yang menyitir hajat dasar manusia dalam konteks keilmuan, yaitu work (kerja), komunikasi, dan etika. lihat m. amin abdullah, islamic studies...,h. 389-398; bandingkan juga dengan “type of human interest” yang terdiri dari kepentingan teknis, praktis, dan emansipatori, model habermas. lihat f. budi hardiman, kritik ideologi: pertautan pengetahuan dan kepentingan, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 1990). 32 dalam pepatah bahasa orang-orang tua, sering disebut: kebutuhan sandang, pangan, papan, dan ditambah satu lagi, pasangan. 33 lihat aliyudin, “prinsip-prinsip metode dakwah menurut al-qur’an”, jurnal ilmu dakwah volume 4, nomor 15, 2010, h. 1007-1022 34 bandingkan dengan aris risdiana, “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan”, jurnal dakwah, volume xv, nomor 2, 2014, h. 433451. 35 ilmu dan ilmu agama seolah dua entitas yang berlainan dan terpisah satu sama lain, mempunyai wilayah masing-masing, baik objek formal–material keilmuan, metode penelitian, kriteria kebenaran, peran yang dimainkan oleh ilmuwan, bahkan ke tingkat institusi penyelenggaranya. lihat amin abdullah, islamic studies..., h. 92. 36 wan mohd nor wan daud, filsafat dan praktik pendidikan islam, terj. hamid fahmy dkk. (bandung: mizan, 1998), h. 336 daftar pustaka abdullah, m. amin. 2006. islamic studies di perguruan tinggi: pendekatan integratifinterkonektif. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. abdullah, m. amin, 2014.”kontribusi ilmu kalam/filsafat islam dalam pembangunan karakter bangsa”, ilmu ushuluddin, volume 13, nomor 2. aliyudin, 2010.”prinsip-prinsip metode dakwah menurut al-qur’an”, jurnal ilmu dakwah volume 4, nomor 15. allison, henry e, 2008. custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise, oxford: oxford university press. al-shâthiby, abû ishâq, al-muwâfaqât min usûl al-sharî‘ah, kairo: musthafâ muhammad, tth. burgess, steven, 2013.”nietzsche and heidegger on the cartesian atomism of thought” dissertation usa: university of south florida. daud, wan mohd nor wan, 1998. filsafat dan praktik pendidikan islam, terj. hamid fahmy dkk. bandung: mizan. drefcinski, shane, “a very brief summary of david hume”, dalam http:// people.uwplatt.edu/~drefcins/humeencyclopediaentry.html diakses selasa, 26 juli 2016 jam 05.00. guyer, paul, 2009. book reviews “custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise” dalam hume studies, volume 35, number 1,2. hadiwiyono, harun, 1980. sari sejarah filsafat barat 2, yogyakarta: kanisius. hardiman, f. budi, 1990. kritik ideologi: pertautan pengetahuan dan kepentingan, yogyakarta: kanisius. http:// 218 afkaruna kartanegara, mulyadhi, 2003. menyibak tirai kejahilan, pengantar epistemologi islam, bandung: mizan. lakatos, imre, 1995. the methodology of scientific research programmes, cambridge: cambridge university press. leibniz, g.w.f.,1960. “the monadology,” in the rationalists, trans. george montgomery, new york: doubleday. merriam, sharan, b. & brockett, ralph, g. 2007. the profession and practice of adult education: an introduction, san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. muslih, mohammad, 2014. logika ketuhanan dalam epistemologi illuminasi suhrawardi, yogyakarta: lesfi. poespoprojo, w., 1999. logika scientifika, pengantar dialektika dan ilmu, bandung: pustaka grafika. porter, noah, ed., 1913. “epistemology”. webster’s revised unabridged dictionary, g & c. merriam co. psillos, stathis, and martin curd, 2010. the routledge companion to philosophy of science 1. publ. in paperback ed., london: routledge. risdiana, aris, 2014. “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan”, jurnal dakwah, vol. xv, no. 2. rolston, iii, holmes, 1987. science and religion: a critical survey, new york: random house, inc. shodiqin, asep, 2011. “membingkai ‘episteme’ ilmu dakwah”, jurnal ilmu dakwah, volume 5, nomor 2. sunardi, st., 2011. nietzsche, yogyakarta: lkis. suriasumantri, jujun s. 1990. filsafat ilmu sebuah pengantar populer. jakarta: sinar harapan. tjahjadi, simon petrus l,2007. tuhan para filsuf dan ilmuwan, yogyakarta: kanisius. webster’s new world dictionary of the american language, 1962. (cleveland and new york: the world publishing company. qs. ali imran [3]: 110. qs. al-nahl [16]:125. qs. al-mu’minun [23]: 73. qs. al-an‘am [6]: 162-163. qs. al-baqarah [2]: 112, qs. al-dzariyat [51]: 56, qs. al-mujadilah [58]: 11. shahih sunan al-turmudziy: 1610. shahih al-adab al-mufrad: 237. shahih al-jami’ al-shaghir: 5381. silsilah al-ahadits al-shahihah: 320. sunan baihaqi: 20571. # layout jan jun 2011 abstrak sejak didirikan pad atahun 1990, asian muslim action network (aman) berupayamembawa dan menghubungkan muslim dan nonmuslim, baik secara individual maupun kelompok, di asia untuk merespons pelbagai tantangan yang dihadapi masyarakat di wilayah asia. sebagai sebuah organisasi muslim, aman mendasarkan diri pada ajaran dasar islam yang berasal dari qur’an, dan elemen hubungan intra dan antar keyakinan sangat penting bagi aktivitas aman dalam 20 tahun terkahir ini. dalam tulisan ini, penulis mencoba menjawab mengkaji pengalaman aman dalam tiga hal pokok. pertama, pentingnya islam bagi organisasi ini dalam melihat dan mengkaampanyekan perdamaian untuk semua. kedua, makna perdamaian. ketiga tantangan-tantangan yang dihadapi oleh organisasi keagamaan untuk melakukan kerjasama antaragama guna mencapai situasi yang diinginkan semua pihak serta memungkinkan untuk mendorong terjadinya perdamaian. kata kunci: organisasi keagamaan, perdamaian, conflik, kerjasama antaragama. introduction the special report of united states institute of peace in august 2012 covers three important points.1 one, the field of religious peace building has grown significantly in recent decades both in quantity and quality. second, faith based organizations (fbos) involved in the peace building process as a religious expression. thus, the religious values and principles are essential in the process. third, there is a need to evaluate the performance networking for peace: a case study of the asian muslim action network (aman)* mohamad fikri pido asian muslim action network (aman), bangkok-thailand. email: fikri.fido@yahoo.com abstract since its inception in 1990, asian muslim action network (aman) was an endeavor to bring and link all muslim and non muslim as well, both individual and groups, in asia to respond and meet the challenges faced by the community in the region. as a muslim organization, aman bases itself on fundamental islamic teachings based on the quran and intra and inter-faith element has been essential in aman’s activities for the past 20 years. with this paper, the author examines aman’s experience on 3 issues. first, the importance of islam through its faith based organization to look and work for peace of all mankind. in this part, islam ‘seems’ universal for peace. second, meaning of peace. there can be different faces of peace depending on the context we face. thus, question of ‘what is peace’ needs a modification to be “what does it mean to be peaceful?” lastly, the challenges for faith based organization to set up inter-faith cooperation in working toward the mutually desired situation that enables peace to foster. keywords: faith based organization, peace, conflict, inter-faith cooperation. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 84 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna of fbos to meet the future challenges in peace building. in general, there are number of articles and papers that discuss both peace building in asia and the role of faith-based organization in conflict transformation or peace building. however, there are only few numbers of studies to see the role of asian faith-based organization especially muslim organization in peace-building or conflict transformation. this paper aims to fill the gap of information and enrich the discussion of muslim initiatives in peace building in asia particularly. asian muslim action network (aman) was established in 1990 by a group of muslim scholars and social activist from asia (dr. ashgar ali engineer, dr. chandra muzaffar, dr. mubarak ali, dr. raisuddin, ali ahmed ziauddin, the late omar asghar khan, shabry chik, wiriya and mohamad abdus sabur) during an asian consultation in chiang mai. aman was formed from the process of realization that muslim community in asia was left behind. in the late 1980’s muslim population is large in number but there was no forum that muslim scholars, philanthropist and social workers in asia could come together and shared experience, ideas and express common concerns.2 at the same time, christian community has been active through christian conference for asia (cca) and bishop’s conference of asia. aman started with the modest initial program such as islamic resource development, youth leadership training and networking-linking with muslim scholars, institutions and ngos. after 23 years, experiencing ups and downs, it is now growing as a network that brings together individuals, groups and associations of muslims in asia subscribing to a progressive and enlightened approach to islam. aman is also open to work with other faith communities as it aims to build understanding and solidarity among muslims and other faith communities and develop programs that lead to people’s empowerment, upholding human rights, justice and peace in the light of the qur’anic teachings. starting from nine people, aman has members now in 20 countries: covering indonesia to jordan, china to sri lanka. it begins as the muslim initiatives, aman now is growing to go beyond muslim organizations to be the interfaith cooperation for peace and justice. this paper highlights the efforts of aman as faith-based organization in the peace building process throughout region. conflict transformation in multicultural asia to understand the conflict in asia, it is imperative to understand that asia is a multicultural society. historically, it is a home of many religions and traditions which has built many civilizations in the human history. on the present day, it has been the fastest changing region in the last century and the beginning of this century. the asian people are deeply cultural in the mind set. thus this rapid change has affected the people of asia in many different ways. like in other part of the world, one can learn the conflict in asia by looking at the history of colonization in the region. many nations in asia were colonized by the europeans in one form or the other. india, pakistan, malaysia, indonesia, vietnam, cambodia, the middle east and many more were colonized. some countries were even creation of the colonial masters such a palestine, indiapakistan and so on. these colonial masters who practiced the divide and rule method doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 85vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 have had a lasting effect on the thinking of many nations in asia. this colonial legacy has played a major role in the philosophy of modern day asia and its nation state and has played a major role in some of the worst conflicts in asia such as india-pakistanbangladesh-kashmir issue, the southern thailand issue, the aceh issue, and the list goes on. these also result in an ill-defined concept of identity which have played havoc to the social harmony for a healthy and peaceful life among its people. for example, although the people of southern thailand and northern malaysia share the similar language, religion, culture, identity and even family tree they are separated by a border that they did not draw. furthermore the people of southern thailand do not share any of these similarities with people of people in the north. therefore, it is natural for them to have problems of integration which has been made worst with the current conflict in the area. so the formation of a national identity becomes difficult in an unnatural demarcation put there by colonial powers. the same situation can be seen in the people of papua in indonesia and mindanao in philippines. all these factors contribute to the vulnerability of conflict in asia with the current economic turmoil, the incidence of conflicts is on the rise. religious discourse can be another important point to see the conflict. many have fueled both intra and inter-religious hatred. thus a lot of the conflict in the region are also fueled by religious fervor of some people who may have certain interpretation of religion. this is very prevalent in islam. an example of this is the violence using the banner of jihad fueled by the religious teaching of some of the people who believe in their god-given rights to govern in certain ways. some opportunists people also try to use religion to gain power over their people or to fuel insurgency. asia has been the battle ground for most of the conflicts the world has been witnessing. most of the conflicts are intra-state with the wide range of types from horizontal ethno religious conflict to self-determination conflict. conflicts are not always bad only those with violent that are destructive. lederach explains that “conflict happens. it is normal and it continuously present in human relationship. change happens as well. human community and relationship are not static but ever dynamic, adapting and changing. conflict is normal in human relationship, and conflict is a motor of change.” having explained all above, there is a huge need to address and transform conflicts to be constructive to bring development. the notion of conflict transformation is to look at and understand the conflict comprehensively. this concept was firstly introduced by john paul lederach after he was challenged on his firsthand experience in latin america conflict, he re-questioned the concept of conflict resolution to address the reason why conflict exist. thus he defines conflict transformation as the concept to envision and respond to the ebb and flow of social conflict as life-giving opportunities for creating constructive change process that reduce violence, increase justice in direct interaction and social structures, and respond to real life problems in human relationships. he also speaks of conflict transformation as a holistic and multi-faceted approach to managing violent conflict in all its phases. the term signifies an ongoing process of change from negative to positive relations; behavior, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 86 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna attitudes and structures.3 the integrated approach to peace building must take into account the complex and multi-dimensional nature of the human experience and rely on broad social participation. “a sustainable transformative approach suggests that the key lies in the relationship of the involved parties, with all that the term encompasses at the psychological, spiritual, social, economic, political and military levels.”4 cultivating an “infrastructure for peace building” means that “we are not merely interested in ‘ending’ something that is not desired. we are oriented toward the building of relationships that in their totality form new patterns, processes, and structures.” many scholars use the term peace building as an equal to conflict transformation like others use the term peace-making for conflict resolution. religious engagement in the promotion of peace can be seen in two things, activities which are an ‘ad hoc and sporadic’ basis and program that part of the strategic process. i shall not limit the discussion to any of those rather i shall try to see both in the form of programs undertaken by aman in the peace building process which covers broader spectrum and aims to bring change in the personal, relational, structural and cultural levels. scrutinizing the role of aman in the process of peace building in asia, i come not only to see the intersection of islam and peace but also to realize that the socio-religious interpretation plays critical role in producing ideas and strategies to bring peace. this interpretation forms the value of the foundation to bring and sustain the efforts. drawing inspiration from islam islam has been the greatest inspiration for aman in its mission. al quran and the life of prophet muhammad bring various inspirations to work for peace and justice. al quran as the holy book in islam has numbers of verse which promotes peace and justice. it is important to note that as the main reference of the muslim, al quran ideally serves as the basic guidance for all their undertakings. therefore, all muslim should act and behave peacefully in their life. in the relation with islam and its source, aman labels themselves as the progressive muslim who read ‘critically’ to the interpretation of the text of sources in islam. in this part, i am looking at the progressive muslim as the social interpretation to portray the relation between islam and the call for peace. through the glass of progressive muslim we can find two things: first, the argument to explain that islam advocates peace for all mankind regardless their sex, faith, race, etc. in other word, peace is universal. second, the idea about action to bring peace is equally important to any talks about peace. i still reserve a room for doubt to a statement that islam really advocates peace for all. this is due to the fact that many groups within islam have ‘unofficially’ limited the scope of peace due to the theological barrier. the intra-faith conflict of syiah and sunni is an example. when the conflict occurs and takes many lives away (in the case of indonesia, mostly syiah people), seems that muslim group are hesitant to guarantee the right of victim to access peace and justice. peace shall be given to all human being. it is at the heart of a progressive muslim interpretation that every human is equal regardless their faith, sex, nationality, social status and every social attributes they have. muslim or non-muslim, rich and poor, has exactly the same intrinsic value. the essential value of human life is doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 87vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 equally given by god. omid safi explains that many of those who advocate such a humanistic framework within the context of islam have labeled themselves as progressive muslims. “a progressive muslim agenda is concerned with the ramifications of the premise that all members of the human race have this same intrinsic worth because each of us has the breath of god breathed into our being: wa nafakhtu fihi min ruhi (quran 15:29 and 38:72). this identification with the full humanity of all human beings amounts to nothing short of an islamic humanism” 5 al quran has laid the basic tenet of peace in islam and those can be seen through an understanding and interpretation of its verses. among many verses, chapter al hujurat verses 13 bring solid foundation to see the seeds of peace in a multicultural society such as asia. it explains that the existing differences among human being are ‘by design’ not ‘by accident’ that god gave to be accepted. [49:13] “o mankind, indeed we have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of allah is the most righteous of you. indeed, allah is knowing and acquainted.” 6 this verse asserts that the most pious person is the one who prioritize cooperation over hostility. despite the fact that humans are born with many differences in color, race and sex, god command all people to know each other to understand the difference. pluralistic society of asia can lead to conflict which often assumes violent forms. in this regard, aman started as muslim initiatives to accept pluralism and to promote it in the interest of peace and harmony. through the lens of progressive muslim, i also argue that practices are equally important to thoughts. both vision and activism are necessary to walk hand in hand. a reflection of being muslim has to be manifested in striving peace and a just society. there are two elements for a muslim to be called progressive according to dr. asghar ali engineer. first, grounded in the quranic values of truth (haq), justice (adl), compassion (rahman), wisdom (hikmah). second, does service to others rather being served by others.7 safi, in his article, reaffirm that the defining characteristic of progressive islam today is the engagement with the variety of islam and modernity, plus an emphasis on concrete social action and transformation. to me, the word ‘action’ in the aman names stands as reminder that the network does exist to create actions. islam brings inspirations through the process of interpretation. this process of interpreting religious text like al quran to draw inspirations to bring peace is one among the key strategy how aman keep its identity as muslim initiatives. a roadmap to peace: ideas and strategies in this part, i shall discuss the key concept of peace and its relations with justice and the strategies in aman’s involvement in the peace building. aman was established in 1990 to fill the vacuum of common forum for muslim community in asia. but in 2001, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 88 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna aman was ‘reborn’ from the situation of xenophobia especially islamophobia. this can help us to see the different context aman has been facing since its inception. it is also imperative to see how the dynamic of the understanding of peace itself. peace is the center of aman’s activities and that has been reflected in the themes of the four aman assemblies: culture of peace in 2000, the new vision for peace in 2003, reform and resistance in the quest for peace in 2006, and multi-culturalism and global peace in 2011 aman does not view peace as the goal alone but rather the journey itself. peace is an important point to be achieved despite the journey toward peace can be misleading. as johan galtung classified peace into negative and positive peace, i see how the implication of this classification has led to an important question that is it peace or to be peaceful that matters? some people justify taking a violent action to bring peace. to be peaceful is to maximize the effort of using non-violent actions for peace. among few other elements, non violent and inter-faith has been the strong characteristic of aman’s activities. acting as non violent movement “non violent action is a technique by which people who reject passivity and submission, and who see struggle as essential, can wage their conflict without violence. non violent action is not an attempt to avoid or ignore conflict. it is one response to the problem of how to act effectively in politics, especially how to wield powers effectively.”8 gene sharp many scholars have discussed the nonviolence in islam both theoretically and practically. mohammed abu nimer in his book nonviolence and peace building in islam: theory and practice explains that nonviolence is strongly embedded in islamic values and traditions. the interesting point about his classification of muslim scholars/ actors in the conflict was the strong emphasis that not only there is a good and solid foundation for a non-violent movement in islam but a relatively high possibility to undertake the movement. the example of abdul ghaffar khan and his ‘army of god” in the struggle against british occupation is a clear example how the core values of islam such as amal, yakeen and mahabbat are essentials in the non violent movement. khan abdul ghaffar khan once said: “i am going to give you such weapon that the police and the army will not be able to stand against it. it is the weapon of the prophet, but you are not aware of it. that weapon is patience and righteousness. no power on earth can stand against it. “9 we often see the violent and non violent elements in situation where injustice and oppression do exist. in such situation both can serve either a form of self defense or strategy to address the existing oppression or injustice. in this regard, aman believes that peace can not be separated from justice. the existence of unjust system and inequalities in the society contributes to the eruption of many violent conflicts. there will be no peace without justice. chandra muzaffar uses the term global justice to endorse the removal of unjust system which operates through aggression, oppression and hegemony in order to create a global peace. the strategies to bring justice have to be consistent with the basic intention to create peace. the need to address and oppose the unjust doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 89vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 system or oppressive situation is equally important to the need to be non-violent. non violent is not only a strategy but a basic need for every one because to be human is to be non-violent.10 dr. engineer has considered both as the essential elements in islamic ethic. on the establishment of just society, he explains: the emphasis of islamic teachings is not personal salvation but establishment of a society that is just and free of zulm (oppression). here we will like to deal with this aspect of islamic ethic in greater detail, as it is most central to islam. the qur’an lays great emphasis on ‘adl (justice). it is the central value in the islamic ethic. the qur’an says that “be just; it is closest to being pious.” (5:8). thus in islam there is no concept of piety without being just. 11 affirming the using of non-violent means in the process of achieving just-society, he later argues: ... this is further reinforced by allah’s own attributes of being merciful and compassionate on the one hand, and repeated assertion by the qur’an of the concept of ihsan (doing good to others). thus it will be seen that the islamic scripture does not morally approve even retaliatory violence which has at least some justification … at the level of the value qur’an upholds non-violence and exhorts muslims to use wisdom and benevolence (hikmah and ihsan) while dealing with others. inter-faith element has been very essential in the peace building activities carried out by faith-based organization like aman. this is not only to show that all religions share the same values to create peace but also a serious need to have a common platform that all faiths can join hands to bring peace. aman has been very active in organizing series of inter-faith dialogue or consultation related to peace issues regionally or internationally. in the year of 2000, aman initiated the international inter-faith peace forum prior to aman assembly to enrich one another with a wider vision and unique experience in responding to any threat to global peace. interreligious dialogue builds respect for other religious traditions. based on knowledge it leads to friendship and cooperation. leading to dialogue of life or action for addressing common problems such as poverty, war and national disasters etc. thus dialogue is an essential strategy for meeting, understanding, valuing, learning and living together in peace.12 since 2005, aman with the support of other faith organizations such as the catholic agency for overseas development (cafod), american friends service committee (afsc) of religious society of friends (quaker) and diakonia, an international development organization with christian values, has been organizing capacity building training as part of peace educations program of aman. peace education aims to offer short courses on peace studies and conflict transformation, action research, advocacy and networking skills. in the long journey to bring peace, peace education is seen as a potential venue for collective selfreflection, self-actualization and human and social development. the pedagogical mission of peace education is the movement from a culture of distrust and violence toward a culture of peace. the involvement of other faith in peace education can be seen in the number of participants who attended the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 90 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna course. since 2005-2013, two annual programs consists of the three weeks course of peace studies and conflict transformation and youth for peace program were attended by 43% of non muslim participants coming from various asian countries and beyond. in 2013, a former christian peacemaker teams (cpt), lorin peters, has voluntarily assisted the peace studies and conflict transformation program. during the three weeks course, he has shown that it is imperative to ‘walk’ the ‘talk’ of being ‘children of god’, christian and muslim can live and work hand in hand for the common goal of peace. this form of collaboration serves two important points. first, interfaith initiatives in peace building have shifted from the theoretical to practical and real cooperation. second, interfaith initiatives can be undertaken by individuals and ordinary people. the interfaith initiatives can serve both direct and indirect intervention to a particular conflict as lederach explains that interreligious dialogue creates possibilities to enhance cooperation between groups and communities divided by conflict. it could rebuild the emotional and structural relationships between parties through three ways:13 1) building long-term relationships by addressing causes underlying the conflict. 2) establishing “infrastructure for peace” i.e. creation of peace processes and mechanisms for joint peace building at various levels from state house to the schools. 3) building “peace constituency” employing local/indigenous processes and cultural methods and initiatives relevant to local contexts. this process of collaboration as an interfaith initiative has strengthened aman capacity not only to see but also to practice the role of religion in the peace-building and more importantly to be more systematic than ever. katrien hertog affirms this situation in her book of in the complex reality of religious peace-building: “since 2000... one has observed the emergence of a distinct field of study known as “religious peace-building.”... at the same time, religious peace-building is also gaining international momentum as a movement from the local level to the global level. in recent years, religious peace-building initiatives have become more visible, more urgent, more numerous, and more recognized. … they increasingly develop an intentional, systematic, and proactive approach to peace-building, often in cooperation with other religious or confessional organizations.”14 although aman has formed numbers of cooperation with other faith and non-faith based institution in promoting peace it does not eliminate the identity of aman as the muslim peace groups with the reflection of islamic traditions. regarding the increasing number of muslim peace groups working in conflict zone, us institute wrote in the special report: many muslim peace groups have emerged in conflict zones to promote islamic principles of nonviolence and peace building, emphasizing the pursuit of justice; doing good; the universality and dignity of humanity; the sacredness of human life; equality; the quest for peace (individual, interpersonal, communal, regional, and international); peacemaking through reason, knowledge, and understanding; creativity; forgiveness; proper deeds and actions; responsibility; patience; collaborative actions and solidarity; inclusivity; diversity; pluralism; and tolerance15 this report also validates aman’s works doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 91vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 to portray the role of religion in peace building: … and the asian muslim action network in thailand demonstrates that muslim civil society actors are important agents of change operating within an islamic paradigm in their communities.16 besides the above two major defining characteristics of aman in the peace building there are also few minor characteristic that can be identified crossing the line of ‘friend’ and ‘enemy’: the issue is originally coined by prof. chaiwat satha anand in his article ‘crossing the enemy’s line: helping others in violent situation through non-violent action’ to explain the importance of removing the power of hatred which fuels the fire of violence.17 the concept of ‘friend’ and ‘enemy’ in this context was introduced by carl schmitt in his book of the concept of the political. the concept of ‘line’ originally is to draw a separation between ‘friend’ and ‘enemy’ that can be on the basis of religion. violent conflict often inherits the ‘imaginary line’ between the two opposing groups ‘friend’ and ‘enemy’, this line will also affect to the process of association and disassociation.18 the conflict in rakhine state of myanmar which was originally between rakhine and rohingya has transformed to a buddhist versus muslim conflict. many people have seen the same case in the conflict of southern thailand although there are various different characteristic. although the root cause of conflict in southern thailand is not religion, it has been used as a dividing factor between buddhist and muslims. as a result, belief takes precedence over the truth which leads to prejudice and hatred and subsequently the polarization and collapse of communities.19 in many programs for such related conflict, aman has tried to break the line in order to bring together the ‘friend’ and the ‘enemy’. this requires huge effort and full strategy to undergo this path. in line with chaiwat’s point of the lesson learnt from this strategy, i see that the ‘line’, ‘friend’ and ‘enemy’ are socially constructed to prolong the conflict by the institution, memories, perception or interpretation. the line is used the keep both sides separately and provide a single perspective to see conflict and the ‘other’. there is no alternative to see from different angle as they are conditioned to be treated as ‘enemy’ and treat others as ‘enemy’. the language of violence is often spoken to the ‘enemy’ not ‘others’.20 crossing the ‘line’ will open the space for both to see, understand and experience the context of each other from their own original perspective. avoid the imperialist nature of peace building there is a hypothesis that peace building has the nature of imperialistic.21 when a violent conflict occurs, many actors intervened with the prescription in their hand. we often find that there is such ‘universal prescription’ to all type of conflicts. aman works to nurture the seeds for peace initiatives to grow from within. peace building works to overcome the broken relation and feelings which requires the deep understanding of different context and situation people are facing. “peace building is an art. any attempt to build peace or overcome a broken relationship, it requires a certain act at a doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 92 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna certain moment. this supports the idea that peace building is a normative. an ethical and normative approach is necessary.”22 aman works to train and empower this people through the training such as the three weeks school of peace studies and youth for peace so they could develop new ideas and start to involve with the peace building process in their respective context. empower the most vulnerable children and women have been the most vulnerable victims in many conflicts. within the limitation of capacity, it is necessary to make the priority of the target group. in 2004, a specific consultation process for peace led by youth community in southern thailand was organized by aman through its umbrella organization asian resource foundation (arf) in cooperation with unicef. this consultation was held in two levels: local schools and community throughout five provinces namely pattani, yala, naratiwat, songkhla and satun. this program allow both young people from both community, buddhist and muslim to listen to each other’s stories, understand their feelings and most importantly they could voice their rights as children and youth regardless their religion and race. the example shows that there is always a way to find the common thing in the differences. women’s experience of armed conflict is different from men. we often to see the vulnerability of the women during those conditions because they not only have to overcome trauma and care for their families and communities but also provide a livelihood for their families as they are often left ‘half widowed’. their stories need to be heard. in april 2012, aman brought together eight women, two from southern thailand and three from mindanao and aceh who are either affected by armed conflict and/or work for women and children affected by the same in a workshop. during two weeks program, they have visited and met victims of the conflict in aceh and southern thailand. this workshop enabled them to share their stories and synthesize a learning experience in order to gain knowledge and strengthen their selves, communities and beyond for peace building and sustained harmony. despite many challenges such as language barrier, the program has clearly sent the message to all of the participants and beneficiaries that they are not alone. they have gained their spirit to look at to the future with a confident. conclusion for the last 23 years, aman has sustained its effort not only to address but also to respond the numerous issues faced by the people in asia. reflecting from the past, aman as muslim initiatives needs to see the future challenges which i have mentioned some in the following conclusion. first is collaboration. in peace work there is no scope of competition except the competition of excellent. collaboration is essential in the journey toward peace. what we have reached is still far away from the ideal situation. cooperation for peace needs to have two elements: inter and intra-faith element. while the first has been well addressed and practiced, the latter needs to have special attention as the trend of violent conflict within a single faith increases drastically. aman and other muslim organizations bears moral obligation to bring all element within islam to address the sectarianism doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 93vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 within islam. there is also a need to have strategic collaboration with other related sectors like human rights, economic, military and others both in the government or non governmental bodies. second is institution. despite the success to survive as a network, aman needs to reevaluate and rethink its self as an institution. two important home works in this area. one is to empower the network. building the network is not enough, empowering the network is highly needed for aman. this requires strong commitment from both, aman and its networks. and there should be great designs which enable the empowerment to be part of the strategic process. two is to prepare for the future. regeneration is essential for aman to ensure the participation of larger community. this is also to enable the completion of the unfinished task toward peace. third is evolution. aman has evolved from the network of people and institution to the network of ideas, hopes and dreams. there are two contradictory points as the result of being the ‘loose’ institution. in one hand, aman has been the effective forum for many young people to express what they think about the world. through this network, this young people try to reach out their friends who have common thoughts and ideas for the better world even it is just a hope or dream. on the other hand, the networks seems vulnerable and reluctant with the absent of constant coordination to maintain a specific idea to be manifested in a program. endnotes 1 hayward, susan. religion and peacebuilding: reflections on current challenges and future prospects. united states institute of peace special report. online publication available on http://www.usip.org/files/ resources/sr313.pdf. p.4. retrieved on may 24, 2013. 17.01. 2 sabur, m. abdus. personal reflections on aman since it’s inception in 1990. amana. (2011). 3 lederach, john paul. conflict transformation in protected internal conflicts: the case for a comprehensive framework. in kumar rupesinghe (ed), conflict transformation. (new york: macmillan, 1995), pp. 201222. 4 lederach, john paul. building peace: sustainable reconciliation in divided societies. (washington, 1997) p.75. 5 safi, omar. ‘what is progressive islam?’, online isim newsletter. accessed from http://omidsafi.com/images/ stories/what_is_progressive_islam.pdf. retrieved on may 18, 2013. 6 sahih international english translation of al quran. accessed from http://quran.com. retrieved on may 1, 2013. 7 engineer, asghar ali. “who is a progressive muslim”. amana. (april 2011). 8 sharp, gene. the methods of non violent action, (boston: porter sargent publishers 1973), p. 64. 9 easwaran, eknath, a man to match his mountain badshah khan: non violent soldier of islam. (usa: blue mountain center of meditation, 1984) p. 117. 1 0 the lecture delivered by prof. joseph fernando of assumption university of thailand in the session of non violent movement during aman school of peace studies and conflict transformation, bangkok, thailand, february, 22. (2012). 1 1 engineer, asghar ali. islamic ethic. online article from http://andromeda.rutgers.edu/~rtavakol/engineer/ ethics.htm. retrieved on may, 23 (2013). 1 2 the lecture delivered by dr. imtiyaz yusuf in the session of religion, conflict and peace: interreligious and intrareligious dialogue dimension during aman school of peace studies and conflict transformation. bangkok thailand. february, 22 (2012). 1 3 lederach, john paul. “conflict transformation in protracted internal conflicts.” p. 270. 1 4 katrien hertog, the complex reality of religious peace building: conceptual contributions and analysis. (lanham md: lexington books, 2010) p.15. 1 5 hayward, susan. religion and peace building: reflections on current challenges and future prospects..., p. 4. 1 6 hayward, susan. religion and peace building: reflections on current challenges and future prospects..., p.5. 1 7 anand, chaiwat satha. “crossing the enemy’s line: helping others in violent situation through nonviolent action” in abdus sabur and lisa schenk (ed), new visions for peace. (bangkok: asian muslim action network) p. 33. 1 8 schmitt, carl. the concept of the political. (chicago and doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 94 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna london: the university of chicago press, 1976) p. 21. 1 9 sabur, ekraj. nurturing the seed of peace through peace education: an experience from southern thailand. amana magazine, agustus (2012). 2 0 carl schmitt once mentioned that war is the existential negation of the enemy. for details read the concept of the political. (chicago and london: the university of chicago press, 1976) 2 1 read peacebuilding: imperialism’s new disguise? by constanze schellhaas and annette seegers. african security review. institute for security studies 2 2 tamthai, mark. “conflict transformation and peace building’ in aman/arf staff (ed), peace and conflict transformation in the age of hegemony and extremism. (bangkok: asian muslim action network and asian resource foundation, (2007) p. 42. bibliography aman/arf staff (eds). 2007. conflict transformation and peace building, peace and conflict tranformation in the age of hegemony and extremism. bangkok: asian muslim action network and asian resource foundation easwaran, eknath. 1984. a man to match his mountain badshah khan, nonviolent soldier of islam. usa. blue mountain center of meditation. engineer, asghar ali. 2011. “who is progressive muslim?”, amana vol. 5 no. i april _________________.. 2013. islamic ethic (online), <http:// andromeda.rutgers.edu/~rtavakol/engineer/ ethics.htm>, may 23, _________________. 2013. on the concept of compassion in islam, <http://andromeda.rutgers.edu/~rtavakol/ engineer/compassion.htm>, may 17 _________________. 2013. on developing theology of peace in islam (online), < http://andromeda.rutgers.edu/ ~rtavakol/engineer/theology.htm>, may 17 hertog, katrien. 2010. the complex reality of religious peacebuilding: conceptual contributions and analysis. lanham, maryland: lexington books. lederach, john paul. 2003. the little book of conflict transformation. pennsylvania: good books __________________ 1995. conflict transformation in protracted internal conflicts: the case for a comprehensive framework. in conflict transformation, ed. kumar rupesinghe, new york: macmillan. __________________ 1997. building peace: sustainable reconciliation in divided societies. washington d.c:. united states institute of peace. nimer, mohammed abu. 2003. nonviolence and peacebuilding in islamic: theory and practice. gainesville florida: florida university press. paige, glenn d., chaiwat satha-anand (qadeer muheideen) and sarah gilliat (eds). 1993. islam and nonviolence. honolulu: center for global nonviolence planning project matsunaga institute for peace. sabur, m. abdus., schenk, lisa (ed). 2003. new visions for peace. bangkok. asian muslim action network. schmitt, carl. 1976. the concept of the political. chicago and london: the university of chicago press. sharp, gene. 1973. the methods of nonviolent action. boston: porter sargent publishers. yusuf, imtiyaz and campion, james. 2008. reform and resistance in the quest for peace. bangkok: asian muslim action network hiariej, erik. 2008. “terorisme dan individualisasi perang.” kompas. november 6 muzaffar, chandra. 2011. “fostering intra-faith and interfaith understanding in pursuit of world peace,” amana vol. 5 no. i april. prateek, satya. 2012. “the phantom of progressive islam: what is at stake?” amana vol. 5 no. 3. april sabur, ekraj. 2012. “nurturing the seed of peace through peace education: an experience from southern thailand”, amana magazine vol. 6 no. ii. agustus safi, omid. 2013. what is progressive islam? in isim newsletter (online), <http://omidsafi.com/images/ stories/what_is_progressive_islam.pdf>, may 18 schellhaas, constanze,. seegers, annette. 2009. ‘peacebuilding: imperialism’s new disguise?’ african security review. vol. 18 no. 2. pretoria (south africa): institute for security studies. zakaria, fareed. 2001. “the politics of rage: why do they hate us?” newsweek. october 15. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0021. 83-94 index a a. wahid hasyim abdul kahar muzakkir abdul moeis abdullah rifa'i abdullah saeed abikusno tjokrosujoso abu abdillah muhammad al-hadi ibn baquni agus salim ahmad bafaqih ba'lawi ahmad dahlan ahmad hasan ahmadiyya al-ghazali al-irsyad ali ahmed ziauddin aman asghar ali engineer ashgar ali engineer asian muslim action network (aman) asian resource foundation (arf) azimah soebagijo b baidhawi bisri musthofa bisri mustofa bpupki c chandra muzaffar cheng ho christian peacemaker teams (cpt) cok budi suryawan d dalhar depati agung depati rencong telang f fred r. von der mahden g goerge kahin h h. samanhoedi hidayat nur wahid i idris imam jalal al-mahalli imam jalaluddin as-suyuthi ishaq damaran k khan abdul ghaffar ki bagus hadikusumo kiai saleh darat komnas ham (national committee for human rights) komnas perempuan (national committee for women) m m. syahid mahfudh salam melayu miai mohamad abdus sabur mubarak ali muhammad muhammad iqbal muhammad natsir muhammad sa'id al-busyiri muhammad shalih bin umar as-samarani muhammadiyah muhibbi mui mutamakkin n nahdlatul ulama (nu) neng djubaedah o omar asghar khan p pam allen partai islam indonesia (pii) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) persatuan islam persis persyarikatan ulama pgi (the association of indonesian christian churc psii r ra. kartini raden haji muhammad salih ibn asnami kudus raisuddin raudhatut thalibin rifa'i nasuha ruu anti-pornografi ruu app ruu-app s sahal mahfudh saleh darat salih darat serat cebolek shabry chik sheikh ahmad kutty sheikh muhammad nur abdullah soekarno sya'ban syaikh abdul ghani bima syekh ali abd al-raziq t the catholic agency for overseas development (ca tjokroaminoto u uu anti-pornografi z zamakhsyari # layout jan jun 2011 abstrak artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana pesantren yang berlokasi di daerah pedesaan membiayai aktivitas-aktivitas dan melakukan program-program sosial dengan merevitalisasi skema filantropi islam. dengan mengambil kasus di sebuah desa di wilayah kabupaten kulonrpogo yogyakarta, dimana sebuah pesantren kecil milik muhammadiyah berdiri sejak tahun 1930an, artikel ini menyatakan bahwa kemampuan pesantren dalam melibatkan masyarakat setempat di mana pesantren itu berada dalam kegiatan-kegiatan sosial keagamaan menjadi salah satu peneybab mengapa pesantren inimasih bisa bertahan hingga kini. tidak seperti pesantrenpesantren lainnya, terutama yang berada di daerah perkotaan, pesantren darul ulum berfungsi sebagai sebuah lembaga pendidikan yag menyediakan kesempatan kepada para santri yang berasal dari kalangan tidak mampu, termasuk yatim piatu untuk mendapatkan akses pembelajaran. artikel ini merumuskan dalam konteks seperti apakah sebuah pesantren kecil di pedesaan dapat menyelesaikan kendala finansialnya, bagaimana dukungan masayrakat dan tradisi memberi dapat, atau tidak dapat, menjadi penyangga aktivitas sosial dan keagamaan pesantren, dan tantangan seperti apakah yang dihadapi pesantren dalam meningkatkan kapasitas institusinya? kata kunci: pesantren, filantropi islam, initiatif masyarakat pendahuluan pesantren merupakan institusi sosial dan pendidikan indonesia yang eksis jauh sebelum institusi pendidikan modern lainnya berdiri. di indonesia, pendidikan modern bergaya eropa mulai diperkenalkan pada masa filantropi islam dan aktivisme sosial berbasis pesantren di pedesaan hilman latief jurusan muamalah, fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta (umy). email: h_latief@umy.ac.id abstract this article discusses the extent to which pesantren in a rural area finances its activities and operates social programs by revitalizing islamic philantropic scheme. by way of a case study in a village at kulonprogo district-yogyakarta, where a small muhammadiyah pesantren, which is darul ‘ulum, has been operating since the 1930s, this article suggests that the ability of this pesantren in engaging the villagers in religious and social activities has made this pesantren survives until now. unlike other pesantrens, notably in urban areas, pesantren darul ‘ulum functions as an educational institution that provides an opportunity to thus students coming from low-income households, including orphanages to study. this paper asks to what extent a small pesantren in a rural area can resolve its budget constrains, how community supports and the culture of giving can, or cannot, underpine pesantren’s social and educational activities, and what sort of challenges for this pesantren to incease its institutional capacity? keywords: pesantren, philantrophy, community innitiatives doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 168 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kolonial, khususnya ketika pemerintah hindia belanda menguasai wilayah nusantara dalam kurun waktu yang cukup lama, sejak abad awal ke-17 sampai pertengahan abad ke-20. pesantren, seiring dengan pertumbuhan dan perkembang institusi pendidikan modern, hingga saat ini masih menjadi institusi pendidikan alternatif yang sebagian masih mempertahankan ciri tradisionalnya, sementara sebagian lain sudah termodernisasi dan terintegrasikan dengan sistem dan kebijakan pendidikan modern.1 dewasa ini, fungsi dan peran pesantren telah membawa dampak perubahan sosial dan budaya yang tidak sedikit di masyarakat.2 selain perannya sebagai institusi pendidikan, banyak pesantren yang juga melakukan diversifikasi program dengan membentuk sentra-sentra produktif dan institusi yang bervisi profit centers untuk membangun dan menguatkan peran sosial dan ekonomi yang diembannya, seperti pendirian koperasi, bmt, perdagangan, pertanian, perkebunan, peternakan dan sebagainya. di indonesia pesantren memiliki bentuk yang beragam dilihat dari ukuran dan kapasitasnya, afiliasi keagamaannya, maupun visi sosial-politiknya. pertama, bila menggunakan pembagian yang dilakukan oleh zamachsyari dhofier, terdapat setidaknya tiga kriteria pesantren dari segi kapasitasnya. kriteria pesantren besar yang dilansir dhofier adalah pesantren yang memiliki banyak santri, sampai mencapai ribuan, misalnya pondok pesantren gontor atau lirboyo. di seluruh jawa, begitu menurut dhofier, orang biasanya membedakan kelas-kelas pesantren dalam tiga kelompok, yaitu pesantren kecil, menengah, dan pesantren besar. pesantren yang tergolong kecil biasanya mempunyai santri di bawah 1000 dan pengaruhnya terbatas pada tingkatan kabupaten. pesantren menengah biasanya mempunyai santri antara 1000 sampai dengan 2000 orang, memiliki pengaruh dan menarik santri-santri dari beberapa kabupaten. pesantren besar biasanya memiliki santri lebih dari 2000 orang yang berasal dari berbagai kabupaten dan provinsi.3 kedua, seiring dengan eksistensi dan menguatnya organisasi-organisasi keagamaan di indonesia yang juga mendorong perkembangan pesantren, maka pesantren dapat dibagi menjadi beberapa jenis: pesantren yang berafiliasi kepada ormasormas keislaman, seperti muhammadiyah, nahdhatul ulama, persatuan islam, al-irsyad al-islamiyyah, dan sebagainya. pesantrenpesantren yang berafiliasi pada ormas biasanya memiliki misi, visi, karakter dan corak ajaran yang sesuai dengan ormas-ormas tersebut. sementara itu, saat ini juga berkembang pesantren-pesantren yang secara kasat mata tidak berafiliasi kepada ormasormas yang dikenal di indonesia dan corak keagamaannya relatif berada di ‘jalan tengah’ yang mengadopsi dan tidak memformalkan sebuah mazhab tertentu. selain dua jenis pesantren sebelumnya, pesantren salafi adalah corak lain yang secara ideologis memiliki karakteristik tersendiri. ketiga, visi sosial-politik pesantren adalah sisi lain yang dapat diungkap di sini. meskipun fungsi inti dari sebuah pesantren adalah pendidikan, namun ekspansi dan perannya di masyarakat kadang lebih dari sekedar itu. bagi pesantren-pesantren tertentu, visi sosial dibangun seiring dengan kebutuhan pesantren itu sendiri dan masyarakat di sekitar pesantren. dari segi ekonomi misalnya, beberapa pesantren doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 169vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 modern mulai mengembangkan diri dengan membentuk sentra ekonomi yang melibatkan banyak pihak, yakni santri, masyarakat sekitar, dan juga pengusaha dan pemerintah. tentu saja, pembagian jenis atau karakter pesantren seperti di atas tidak dipahami secara rigid sebab kadang terjadi interseksi dari klasifikasi tersebut. eksistensi dan sustainabilitas perekonomian sebuah pesantren ditentukan oleh beberapa faktor, antara lain: respons dan minat masyarakat terhadap pesantren tersebut yang dapat dilihat dari jumlah santrinya, besarnya kontribusi finansial mayarakat melalui berbagai bentuk donasi yang diberikan kepada pesantren, dan peran pesantren itu sendiri dalam menjaga dan mengembangkan dimensi profit centers-nya. yang selanjutnya akan ditekankan pada buku ini adalah bahwa sebagai institusi keagamaan, hampir seluruh pesantren melibatkan peran umat baik langsung maupun tidak, seperti masyarakat, pengusaha, dan pemerintah dalam melakukan penguatan kapasitas institusinya. manfred ziemek dalam pesantren dalam perubahan sosial menegaskan bahwa nama dan pengaruh sebuah pesantren berkaitan erat dengan masing-masing kiai. hal itu telah menunjukkan betapa kuatnya kecakapan dan pancaran kepribadian seorang pemimpin pesantren menentukan kedudukan dan tingkat suatu pesantren. bila pada saat pendirian sebuah pesantren, kepemimpinan dan kecakapan seorang kiai menggerakkan massa merupakan faktor menentukan, untuk mengajak penduduk sekitarnya bekerja dan turut serta dalam pembiayaan, selanjutnya seorang kiai sering dapat membangun peran strategisnya sebagai pimpinan masyarakat yang non formal melalui suatu komunikasi yang intensif dengan penduduk.4 dalam taraf tertentu, seorang kiai mampu melakukan mobilitas sosial di lingkungannya sehingga menarik simpati jemaah dan ummat guna menyumbangkan sebagian harta benda mereka dalam bentuk infak, shadaqah, dan wakaf kepada pihak pesantren. buku ini mengekplorasi visi dan kebijakan filantropi di beberapa pesantren yang dianggap mewakili pesantren lainnya dalam konteks kemampuan memetakan sumber daya derma, merumuskan model fundraising, dan mengelola harta derma tersebut untuk sustainabilitas pesantren dan sekaligus mengembangkan program kemasyarakatan. dalam sebuah acara bertajuk “lokakarya desain kelompok usaha kecil bersama” yang dihadiri oleh perwakilan pesantren, dediknas, dan permodalan nasional madani tentang pengembangan usaha kecil dan menengah pada tahun 2004, tercermin bahwa pesantren sesungguhnya memiliki potensi besar untuk berperan dalam pengembangan ekonomi masyarakat. sebagaimana diliput kompas, 29 september 2004, bahwa “sebagai pranata sosial yang berakar di masyarakat lapisan bawah, pesantren sangat potensial digerakkan sebagai gerbong perekonomian bangsa.” namun demikian, “pertautan antara pesantren dan masyarakat sekitarnya secara ekonomi belum memberikan pengaruh berarti.” hal itu disebabkan karena kebanyakan pesantren belum memiliki visi untuk mengarahkan lulusannya di bidang kewiraswastaan. dalam konteks ini, konsep tentang derma dan kedermawanan tidak bisa dilepaskan dari tradisi islam. masyarakat atau umat memiliki relasi yang bersifat dialektis dengan sebuah pesantren. pesantren didirikan mengandalkan kontribusi ummat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 170 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna di satu sisi, dan ummat pun berharap bahwa pesantren dapat memberikan kontribusi bagi kemajuan masyarakat, bukan hanya dalam bentuk bimbingan moral semata, melainkan dalam hal-hal lain yang bersifat produktif. ketika bangsa indonesia ini memasuki saatsaat krisis, maka peran pemberdayaan masyarakat berbasis pesantren bukan saja mungkin, tetapi juga sudah tidak bisa diabaikan lagi. tulisan ini menelaah wacana dan praktik filantrofi islam berbasis pesantren, dengan mengkaji pesantren yang berada di pedesaan. tema ini tidak dikhususkan pada pengembangan ekonomi pesantren, tetapi kepada bagaimana pesantren mengelola dan melibatkan masyarakat sekitar dalam pengembangan pesantren. beberapa hal pokok yang menjadi fokus tulisan ini antara lain: bagaimanakah wacana dan praktik filantropi islam dikembangkan dalam pesantren? bagaimanakah pesantren di pedesaan membangun jaringan dengan institusi luar dalam rangka memperkuat kapasitas institusinya dan sumber finansialnya? bagaimana pula pesantren menjaga hubungan timbal-balik dengan masyarakat sekitar dan institusi swasta lainnya dalam konteks penguatan masyarakat sipil di indonesia? pesantren: masalah pengabdian dan pembiayaan harapan bahwa pesantren dapat memberikan kontribusi kepada masyarakat sekitar nampaknya tidak pernah surut. hal itu muncul karena secara historis, seperti dikemukakan pada bagian berikutnya, pesantren sesungguhnya mewakili salah satu bentuk lembaga pendidikan berbasis komunitas. banyak lahan yang ditempati pesantren juga berasal dari tanah wakaf, begitupun bangunan pondoknya, juga melibatkan banyak donatur yang bersimpati terhadap lembaga pendidikan ini. oleh karena itu, bagi sebagian kalangan, pesantren memiliki pula tanggung jawab sosial yang cukup besar bagi sekitarnya. apalagi biaya pendidikan di pesantren dewasa ini kadang tidak jauh lebih murah dibanding sekolahsekolah lainnya. lili zakiyah munir, direktur center for pesantren and democracy studies, memetakan beberapa persoalan dan langkah normatif yang terkait antara pesantren dan pemberdayaan masyarakat, khususnya dalam proyek pengentasan kemiskinan. pertama, pesantren sejatinya dapat meningkatkan ‘ghirah kemanusiaan’. masalah kesederhanaan, keikhlasan, konsep egalitarian, sikap saling tolong menolong, bukan saja dipraktikkan di lingkungan sendiri, tetapi juga bisa di bawa keluarga institusi pesantren. kedua, kiai dan pengasuh pesantren harus dapat berperan ganda, bukan saja sebagai panutan dan pembina santri, tetapi juga panutan dan pembina masyarakat sekitar. ketiga, perlunya penggeloraan semangat keikhlasan dengan tidak terlalu silau dengan iming-iming material atau finansial yang bisa membelokkan idealisme pesantren. keempat, ‘mengembalikan semangat non-partisan’ dalam melayani masyarakat. keterlibatan banyak kiai dalam ‘politik praktis’ bukan saja telah menciptakan polarisasi di kalangan par a kiai, tetapi juga mereduksi semangat untuk membantu masyarakat sekitar. kelima, perlunya peningkatan wawasan tentang ekonomi makro (kapitalisme) yang juga mengakibatkan kemiskinan di masyarakat akibat lemahnya kebijakan ekonomi yang pro-rakyat. sehingga, kiai dan lembaga serta doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 171vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 jaringannya dapat memberikan alternatif bagi pemberdayaan masayrakat sekitar yang menjadi korban kebijakan tersebut. terakhir, perlunya kesadaran kritis agar pesantren dapat memanfaatkan potensi yang dimilikinya, termasuk kemampuan yang dimiliki pesantren dalam mengelola hartaharta derma yang berasal dari masyarakat, seperti zakat, infak shadaqah dan wakaf (ziswaf).5 langkah-langkah normatif tersebut nampaknya sebuah formula yang ideal bagi pesantren untuk dapat berperan lebih jauh di masyarakat, baik dalam agenda pemberdayaan maupun pengentasan kemiskinan. namun, persoalan di lapangan lebih kompleks. jangankan menyentuh gerakan pemberdayaan, persoalan komunikasi antara pesantren dengan warga sekitar kaang atau sering tidak selalu harmonis. hal itu jelas berdampak pada sendi finansial pesantren yang berasal dari masyarakat. kekhawatiran semacam itu bukan hanya milik zakiyah munir, sejak beberapa tahun silam beberapa tokoh seperti gus dur, m. dawam rahardjo, mansoer faqih, masdar f. mas’udi dan lain-lain sudah menunjukkan keprihatinan yang sama. karena itulah pada tahun 1980an, sosok-sosok tersebut menggagas berdirinya p3m, yang khusus mengangkat isu pemberdayaan pesantren dan yang terkait dengannya. gus dur mensinyalir bahwa sejak beberapa dasawarsa ke belakang telah terjadi apa yang disebut dengan ‘erosi nilai’ dari pesantren-pesantren yang ada yang kini lebih berorientasi pada ijazah. hal ini disebabkan bahwa sendi finansial yang berasal dari masyarakat semakin menipis dan karena itu mereka juga bisa menghindari sikap yang menjadikan pendidikan sebagai sebuah komoditas guna memenuhi tuntutan kebutuhan operasional pesantren. oleh karena itu, banyak pesantren kemudian yang ‘banting setir’ dari upaya mencetak kiai atau ulama dengan menawarkan program-program keterampilan lain yang dapat mengancam eksistensi kiai sendiri. tentunya, sebagaimana ditekankan gus dur, mengajarkan materi-materi pelajaran diluar materi palajaran agama adalah sesuatu hal sangat positif, meski demikian, hal itu juga memiliki konsekuensi tersendiri, yaitu pesantren tidak ubahnya seperti lembaga pendidikan formal lainnya yang tidak memiliki ke khas-an. hal itu bisa dilihat dari beberapa segi, mislanya dari segi, ekonomi yang tidak lagi mengoptimalkan kontribusi masyarakat, melainkan mengoptimalkan iuran bulanan santri; dari segi pendidikan juga tidak jauh berbeda dengan sekolah formal konvensional hanya ditambah dengan asrama. terkait dengan pelajaran keterampilan di pesantren, gus dur menulis: pendekatan semacam ini bagi saya hanya bersifat parsial bahkan mungkin manipulatif. samar-samar terlihat bahwa hasrat pesantren untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat bercampur dengan pamrih agar mereka pada gilirannya akan menyediakan landasan ekonomi bagi pesantren sendiri. atau jika hendak dipertegas pesantren bergelagat hendak memanfaatkan kesulitan masyarakat demi kepentingannya sendiri.6 dalam pernyataan tersebut gus dur bukanlah merepresentasikan sebagai sosok yang menolak masuknya ilmu-ilmu umum dan keterampilan ke dalam pesantren. sebab dalam beberapa tulisan lain ia menyadari bahwa pesantren harus berhadapan dengan modernitas dan melakukan penyesuaiandoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 172 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna penyesuaian. pergeseran dari masyarakat agraris/feodal ke masyarakat industri/ modern telah meniscayakan pergeseranpergeseran dalam pesantren terjadi. gus dur juga misalnya menyatakan bahwa salah satu parasyarat utama bagi proses dinamisasi pesantren adalah adanya “rekonstruksi bahan-bahan pengajaran ilmu-ilmu agama dalam skala besar-besaran…dengan tetap tidak meninggalkan pokok-pokok ajaran keagamaan yang kita warisi selama ini.”7 ketika merumuskan tanggung jawab sosial pendidikan, para pengamat nampaknya membangun asumsi dan harapan berbeda dibanding dengan asumsi dan harapan mereka terhadap sekolah formal lainnya, seperti sltp/tsanawiyah atau slta/smu/ aliyah. harapan lebih besar dibebankan di pundak pesantren, agar institusi keislaman tersebut dapat menunjukkan tanggung jawab sosialnya secara lebih kongkret di masyarakat. tanggungjawab sosial disini dimaknai oleh beberapa pemerhati sebagai upaya memenuhi kebutuhan santri dan masyarakat sekaligus, baik pada aspek edukasi, keagamaan, maupun sosial dan ekonomi. namun lagi-lagi manifestasi tanggungjawab sosial pesantren seringkali dihadapkan pada—atau berbenturan dengan—kapasitas finasial yang dimiliki oleh pesantren. mungkin muncul pertanyaan, mengapa orang-orang menaruh ‘beban’ tanggungjawab sosial pesantren lebih besar dari sekolah lainnya? sebagaimana telah diutarakan pada bagian sebelumnya, pesantren maupun lembaga pendidikan lainnya memiliki beberapa fungsi selain dari fungsi edukasi, yaitu fungsi sosial. tentu, pemaknaan fungsi sosial bagi sebuah pesantren harus didefinisikan secara lebih luas, yang tidak semata pemberdayaan di bidang ekonomi atau terbatas pada aspek material. kesuksesan melakukan fungsi tersebut sangat tergantung kepada kondisi internal pesantren itu sendiri. bila sebuah pesantren ditopang oleh sendi perekonomian yang kuat, baik yang berasal dari usaha mandiri maupun kontribusi dari institusi luar, maka sudah sewajarnya pesantren mampu melakukan penguatan ekonomi di sekitarnya. sebaliknya, bila pesantren tersebut tidak kuat secara ekonomi, maka ekspresi tanggung jawab sosialnyapun bisa lebih luas, misalnya, melakukan pembinaan keagamaan kepada masyarakat sekitar dan mendukung kegiatankegiatan sosial kemasyarakatan. dalam konteks seperti itulah, diskusi filantropi islam berbasis pesantren menjadi relevan. filantropi biasanya dimaknai sebagai bentuk ‘kedermawanan’ yang bertali temali dengan tradisi memberi. pada umumnya, pesantren adalah sebuah institusi yang berasal dari ‘pemberian’ seorang kiai bersama warga masyarakat, baik itu tanah yang digunakannya maupun dana pembangunannya. dulu, masyarakat memberikan dermanya, baik yang berasal dari infak, zakat dan shadaqah, kepada tokoh-tokoh agama, modin, penghulu dan kiai. di beberapa tempat, tradisi ‘memberi’ semacam itu masih berlangsung. di indonesia sendiri pemanfaatan dana zakat, sadakah, infak, dan wakaf (ziswaf) juga semakin beragam. sebagian institusi pengelola dana zakat dan sadaqah atau lembaga amil zakat (laz) sudah mencoba pemanfaatan dana dari masyarakat melalui program-program yang lebih memperhatikan unsur sustainibilitasnya. pesantren sendiri adalah sebuah lembaga pendidikan yang multifungsi. beberapa pesantren ikut berperan sebagai pengelola (‘amil) dana zakat dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 173vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 sadaqah, tetapi pesantren-pesantren lainnya justru menjadi ‘penerima’. di kalangan masyarakat pedesaan, tradisi berderma dengan memberikannya kepada tokoh tertentu masih ada, hal itu dilakukan untuk menghormati kerja keras dan pengabdian para kiai, dan juga sebagai kepedulian mereka untuk menyokong lembaga pendidikan keagaman seperti pesantren. kedua bentuk peran yang dapat dimainkan pesantren, baik sebagai amil (pengelola) ataupun penerima dana ziswaf, juga tidak mudah. sebab semua itu tergantung juga bagaimana pola kedekatan sebuah pesantren dan orang-orang di dalamnya dengan masyarakat sekitarnya. dalam studi filantropi berbasis pesantren, ada beberapa hal yang bisa dicermati. pertama mengenai sumber daya derma yang berasal dari masyarakat. tak pesantren pada mulanya merupakan pendidikan pendidikan berbasis komunitas. masyarakat memberikan kontribusi besar kepada pembangunan pesantren melalui berbagai cara, seperti, memberikan sumbangan berupa material dan non-material, membantu dan menyemarakkan kegiatan-kegiatan pesantren. kedua adalah model penggalian sumber daya dana. pesantren bagaimanapun membutuhkan sumber-sumber pendanaan yang tidak sedikit untuk menutupi kebutuhan operasionalnya. selain memperoleh dana dari dari iuran wajib santri, pesantren juga melakukan berbagai upaya, mencari sumbangan dari berbagai pihak, swasta maupun pemerintah, melakukan bisnis yang hasilnya dialokasikan untuk meningkatkan kegiatan belajar mengajar, serta memanfaatkan sumber dana lain yang berasal dari dana ziswaf. ketiga terkait dengan manajemen pengelolaannya. saat ini beberapa lembaga telah mengelola harta derma yang berasal dari masyarakat untuk dapat kembali dinikmati secara optimal oleh masyarakat lain yang membutuhkan.8 pesantren, filantropi islam, dan masyarakat pedesaan kegiatan perekonomian dan pendidikan di daerah pedesaan tidaklah semeriah di wilayah perkotaan. kehidupan masyarakat pedesaan relatif lebih sederhana. tingkat pendidikan masyarakat yang tinggal di pedesaan umumnya tidak lebih tinggi dari orang-orang kota. lembaga-lembaga pendidikannya terbatas sampai pada tingkat menengah atas, dan tidak banyak perguruan tinggi yang didirikan di desa-desa. profesi atau pekerjaan sehari-hari masyarakat pedesaan lebih banyak bercocok tanam/bertani, meski sebagian dari mereka juga bekerja di kota. kendatipun tingkat pendidikan mereka yang hidup didesa secara umum relatif lebih rendah di banding mereka yang hidup di wilayah perkotaan, penyelenggaraan kegiatan pendidikan keagamaan di pedesaan cukup baik dan antusias. madrasah-madrasah dan masjid-majid menjadi pusat kegiatan pendidikan keagamaan. bila dilihat dari pertumbuhan lembaga-lembaga pendidikan berbasis keagamaan islam, bukan suatu hal yang baru bahwa kebanyakan lembaga tersebut, khususnya pesantren, justru pada mulanya berkembang di wilayah pedesaan. beberapa pesantren besar, menengah maupun kecil justru juga lahir di wilayah pedesaan, dan pesantren itulah yang di kemudian hari memberikan andil dalam membesarkan nama desa-desa kecil itu. keterlibatan masyarakat dalam mendorong eksistensi institusi-institusi sosial di pedesaan juga cukup besar karena kohesi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 174 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sosialnya relatif lebih lekat ketimbang masyarakat kota yang cenderung lebih ‘individualistis’. namun, itu tidak selalu berarti bahwa masyarakat pedesaan dan institusi-institusi sosial di pedesaan selalu memiliki kemudahan dalam mengembangkan institusi pendidikan, termasuk institusi pendidikan keagamaan. salah satu alasanya adalah karena adanya keterbatasan-keterbatasan dari segi perekonomian berikut jaringan-jaringan pendukungnya. sehingga daya tumbuh institusi pendidikan di pedesaan juga relatif lebih lambat dari lembaga yang sama yang berada di perkotaan. bagian ini, akan mengungkap kegiatan filantropi yang berbasis pesantren di sebuah desa yang terletak di kabupaten kulonprogo yogyakarta, dan melihat bagaimana kegiatan filantropi tersebut diorganisasikan oleh masyarakat sekitar maupun di lingkungan pesantren itu sendiri, apa saja keterbatasan dan tantangan yang dihadapi pesantren di pedesaan, dan apakah zakat dan sadaqah memberikan kontribusi dalam penguatan institusi pesantren dan masyarakat. pesantren darul ulum: berawal dari inisiatif kepala desa dan masyarakat pesantren darul ulum bukanlah pesantren besar, meski dilihat dari usianya, pesantren yang awalnya bernama madrasah darul ulum ini cukup ‘berumur’, didirikan pada 5 juli 1932. artinya berusia lebih dari setengah abad. dulu, pesantren ini adalah sebuah madrasah biasa yang hanya menyelenggarakan pendidikan formal keagamaan di tingkat menengah pertama dan menengah atas. saat ini, secara institusi, telah dibentuk sebuah yayasan bernama yayasan darul ulum yang membawahi pesantren dan sekolah-sekolah. ada sekitar 400-an ‘santri’ atau siswa yang menuntut ilmu di tingkat tsanawiyah (sltp) maupun aliyah (smu). jumlah ini dapat dikatakan lebih sedikit dibanding beberapa dekade sebelumnya, terutama di masa ‘kejayaan’ madrasah ini pada tahun 1970-an. menurut salah seorang pengurus pondok, pada tahun 1970an siswa-siswi yang belajar di madrasah darul ulum dapat mencapai ribuan orang. seiring dengan perkembangan institusiinstitusi pendidikan yang baru dan sekolahsekolah negeri, jumlah siswa yang belajar darul ulum pun semakin surut. tidak seperti halnya pesantren-pesantren lain terutama yang berada di jawa timur dimana kebanyakan santri mondok/tinggal di asrama pesantren, para siswa pesantren darul ulum tidak seluruhnya mondok di asrama pesantren. sebagian besar siswa, terutama mereka yang rumahnya dekat dengan pesantren, tidak tinggal di pondok, tetapi “dilaju” alias pulang-pergi dari rumah ke pondok setiap hari. mereka tinggal di rumah keluarga masing-masing ketika malam hari, dan belajar di lembaga pendidikan darul ulum di siang hari. jadi, para siswa yang tinggal di asrama milik pesantren adalah mereka yang tempat tinggalnya agak jauh dari pesantren. secara geografis, pesantren ini terletak di wilayah barat-daya yogyakarta. tepatnya di pedukuhan xii sewugalur, desa karang sewu, kecamatan galur, kabupaten kulonprogo, yogyakarta. terletak di arah barat daya yogyakarta, pesantren ini dapat ditempuh 1 jam dari atau berjarak sekitar 45 km dari kota yogyakarta. kabupaten kulonprogo adalah kabupaten yang cukup besar secara geografis di provinsi daerah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 175vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 istimewa yogyakarta, meskipun pada tingkat perekonomian tidak semaju kota madya dan kabupaten sleman yogyakarta. tetapi kulonprogo secara ekonomi relatif berada di atas kabupaten gunung kidul dan setara dengan kabupaten bantul. kebanyakan penduduk pedukuhan xii sewugalur berkerja sebagai petani atau bercocok tanam. sebagian kecil anggota masyarakat berdagang atau bekerja di pasar untuk berjualan, sementara sebagian lain bekerja di kantor pemerintahan dan sebagai pegawai negeri sipil atau guru. pekerjaaan bercocok tanam tentunya telah dilakukan secara turun temurun selama puluhan atau mungkin ratusan tahun. jalan menuju madrasah ini diwarnai oleh areal pesawahan. tekstur di daerah kulonprogo pada umumnya naik turun, dan sebagian berbukit, tapi pendukuhan sewugalur ini terletak di daerah yang berdataran rendah, bukan perbukitan. sehingga tanah di wilayah tersebut lebih subur dan cocok untuk ditanami padi atau palawija dengan mendapat pengairan yang cukup dari kali progo, sebuah sungai yang terbujur membelah kabupaten kulonprogo dan kabupaten bantul. saat ini pesantren darul ulum berada dalam naungan organisasi sosial keagamaan muhammadiyah. secara historis pendiri pesantren darul ulum memang memiliki keterkaitan historis dengan organisasi modernis ini. pasalnya, sang pendiri, haji dawam roji adalah alumni pesantren atau madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta, sekolah pertama yang didirikan muhammadiyah pada awal abad ke-20 oleh kyai haji ahmad dahlan. saat ini madrasah mualimin masih merupakan salah satu lembaga pendidikan keagamaan cukup besar dan maju di dalam organisasi muhammadiyah. namun, berbeda dengan madrasah mualimin yang saat ini berada di tengah pusat kota yogyakarta, darul ulum terletak di pedesaan. beberapa penelitian menunjukkan bahwa genealogi pesantren memiliki pattern tersendiri yaitu hubungan santri-kyai yang masih terpelihara. sudah merupakan fenomena umum bahwa sebuah pesantren didirikan oleh mantan santri dari sebuah pesantren lain. dan pesantren baru tersebut biasanya memiliki hubungan khusus dengan pesantren tempat mantan kyai (pendirinya) nyantri. selain itu, pendirian pesantren darul ulum memang tidak terlepas dari aktivitas organisasi muhammadiyah yang diantaranya difokuskan pada pendirian lembaga pendidikan. pada tahun 1926, di daerah ini didirikan sekolah dasar muhammadiyah sebagai prasyarat bagi pendirian cabang muhammadiyah. setelah berdirinya sekolah dasar (sd wonopeti), masyarakat dan pimpinan muhammadiyah berfikir untuk mendirikan sekolah lanjutan. kemudian muncullah insiatif untuk mendirikan madrasah di tingkat tsanawiyah dan aliyah. muhammadiyah juga memiliki hubungan emosional dengan pesantren darul ulum karena salah satu tokoh muhammadiyah pada tahun 1970-an sampai awal 1990-an, k.h. ar. fachrudin yang juga menjabat sebagai ketua umum pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah selama beberapa periode, adalah salah satu alumni madrasah darul ulum dan bahkan dikenal sebagai siswa yang pertama mendapatkan nomor induk siswa di sekolah tersebut. pada paruh ketiga abad ke-20, haji dawam roji yang saat itu menjabat sebagai kepala desa berinisiatif untuk mendirikan sebuah pesantren yang dapat mendukung dinamika kehidupan bermasyarakat di doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 176 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna daerah tersebut. ide tersebut kemudian mendapat dukungan dan dari sebagian anggota masyarakat. posisi haji dawam sebagai kepala desa tentu saja memberikan pengaruh yang cukup besar dalam pendirian pesantren ini, bukan saja secara politis tetapi juga secara ekonomis. pertama, dia adalah figur yang memegang pengaruh di tingkat lokal. sehingga, relatif lebih mudah baginya untuk mengkondolidasikan dan mengorganisasikan agenda pendirian darul ulum dengan masyarakat setempat. kedua, secara keagamaan dia juga seorang figur yang dihormati, karena merupakan alumni pondok pesantren mualimin dan juga tokoh muhammadiyah di kulonprogo. ketiga, dia memiliki jaringan yang pada saat itu cukup besar dalam merealisasikan programnya untuk mendirikan pesantren, setidaknya di tingkat lokal. memang, secara organisatoris madrasah atau pesantren darul ulum dibawah pimpinan daerah muhammadiyah, majelis dikdasmen, kulonprogo, tetapi secara historis tidak tumbuh dari muhammadiyah. hanya saja, sang pendiri yang memang tokoh muhammadiyah setempat berfikir bahwa untuk menjaga sustainibilitas lembaga ini perlu ada sebuah organisasi yang lebih paten. dia khawatir anaknya belum tentu mau mengurusi pesantren di suatu saat nanti. karena itulah ia memutuskan pesantren ini ‘diberikan’ kepada muhammadiyah. secara kelembagaan, madrasah darul ulum juga tidak mengecewakan karena beberapa prestasinya dan kontribusinya baik kepada muhammadiyah maupun kepada insan pendidikan di daerah tersebut. bagi muhammadiyah sendiri, madrasah darul ulum dipersiapkan sebagai arena untuk mendidik kader-kader mubaligh dan guru agama. karena itu pada tahun 1937, madrasah ini disebut juga sekolah guru agama (sga) darul ulum yang massa belajarnya 3 tahun. selanjutnya pada tahun 1951, masa belajar di sga ini adalah 4 tahun (pendidikan guru agama pertama/pgap), dan pada masa berikutnya menjadi 5 dan 6 tahun (pendidikan guru agama atas). pada tahun 1951 itulah madrsah ini juga mendapatkan status penyetaraan dari department pendidikan dan kebudayaan republik indonesia. baru pada tahun 1977, statusnya berubah menjadi tsanawiyah dan aliyah. sejak 3 tahun lalu, madrasah darul ulum ditunjuk oleh pemerintah untuk menyelenggarakan ‘kelas jauh’ sekolah menengah kejuruan negeri/smk. hal itu dilakukan karena di daerah tersebut belum ada smk, sementara minat siswa untuk belajar di lembaga kejuruan relatif tinggi dibanding sekolah di madrasah. untuk memnfasilitasi minat siswa di daerah tersebut maka dilakukan kerjasama antara dinas pendidikan setempat dengan yayasan darul ulum untuk menyelenggaran pendidikan kejuruan. untuk mata pelajaran umum, gurunya diambil dari sekolah setempat, sementara untuk mata pelajaran kejuruan, didatangkan dari sekolah-sekolah negeri. seperti juga pesantren di pedesaan lain pada umumnya, tanah tempat berdirinya pesantren berawal dari tanah wakaf, sebagian anggota masyarakat mewakafkan tanah pekarangan mereka, sebagian yang lain mewakafkan tanah pesawahan. luas area pesantren darul ulum saat ini mencapat 2 hektar, namun lokasinya terpisah-pisah. tanah-tanah wakaf yang dimiliki pesantren tidak seluruhnya dipergunakan untuk bangunan pesantren atau dijadikan sebagai sarana dan prasanara belajar mengajar. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 177vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 melainkan juga digunakan untuk usaha yang mendukung kelangsungan kegiatan pesantren, misalnya dengan ditanami pohon jati agar hasilnya suatu saat bisa digunakan untuk berbagai keperluan. madrasah darul ulum yang terdiri dari tingkat tsanawiyah dan aliyah berada di lokasi yang berdekatan, hanya dipisahkan oleh sebuah lapangan sepak bola milik desa setempat. pada mulanya, area lapangan sepakbola tersebut milik seorang warga. namun karena banyak difungsikan untuk kegiatan kemasyarakatan, termasuk olah raga, dan posisinya diapit oleh dua sekolah (tsanawiyah dan aliyah darul ulum), masyarakat menghendaki agar dilahan tersebut tidak didirikan bangunan. saat ini, madrasah darul ulum menjadi semacam kompleks perguruan muhammadiyah, ada taman kanak-kanak, sekolah dasar, sekolah tsanawiyah dan aliyah. di sebelah utara sekolah terdapat pku muhammadiyah, sebuah klinik kesehatan yang menjadi rujukan masyarakat setempat. jadi, seluruh institusi sosial baik di bidang pendidikan dan kesehatan di kompleks tersebut berada di bawah muhammadiyah. pku muhammadiyah secara organisatoris tidak terkait langsung dengan madrasah, tetapi keduanya, baik sekolah maupun klinik tersebut, adalah milik muhammadiyah. ada konsekuensi yang menarik dari fenomena tersebut yaitu bahwa para guru, siswa dan pengurus pondok pesantren mendapatkan potongan atau harga khusus ketika mereka berobat ke pku muhammadiyah. hal ini dimaksudkan sebagai salah satu bentuk kontribusi muhammadiyah dalam membangun sistem ‘kesejahteraan’ bagi para pengajarnya. pku muhammadiyah tersebut bukanlah satu-satunya klinik kesehatan di desa tersebut, tetapi sarana dan prasarana yang disediakan pku muhammadiyah di sewugalur ini lebih lengkap daro puskesmas (pusat kesehatan masyarakat milik pemerintah). ketersediaan dokter juga relatif baik, dan para perawat jumlahnya juga cukup banyak sebab banyak calon-calon perawat dari akademi keperawatan, khususnya yang didirikan oleh muhammadiyah, ikut magang di pku ini. meski demikian, sebagai sebuah klinik kesehatan pku muhammadiyah tersebut hanya menangani penyakit-penyakit yang ringan saja, dan berperan memberikan rujukan ke rumah sakit lain bila mendapatkan pasien yang menderita penyakit agak berat, seperti patah tulang yang memang memerlukan penanganan khusus. antara pesantren, madrasah, sekolah dan panti asuhan sejak tahun 2003, madrasah ini merintis pendirian pondok pesantren. ada puluhan siswa yang ikut nyantri di pesantren. dari ratusan santri yang belajar di lembaga pendidikan yang berada di banwah naungan yayasan darul ulum, hanya puluhan saja yang tinggal di asrama. sejak tahun 20032007, mereka yang tinggal di asrama berkisar 30-50 santri. terutama mereka yang tinggal agak jauh dari lokasi dan juga sebagian orangorang yang tidak mampu. karena itu pesantren tersebut juga menjadi panti asuhan sekaligus, yang bernama darul marhum. jadi, pesantren darul ulum memerankan dua fungsi sekaligus: pertama sebagai pondok pesantren tempat para santri belajar mata pelajaran keagamaan di luar sekolah di siang hari, kedua berperan sebagai panti asuhan yang menampung anak-anak yang berasal dari keluarga tidak mampu. latar belakang ekonomi siswa yang belajar di darul ulum doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 178 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna bermacam-macam. tidak semua berasal dari keluarga orang berada. sebagian berasal dari keluarga biasa saja yang setidaknya mampu membayar biaya sekolah anak-anak mereka, tetapi sebagian lain berasal dari keluarga tidak mampu. menurut keterangan salah seorang guru, hampir 60% dari siswa mereka berasal dari keluarga tidak mampu alias tidak sanggup membayar penuh biaya pendidikan mereka. beberapa keluarga siswa mengajukan permohonan keringanan untuk dapat membayar secara ‘tidak penuh’, dan karena itu kalaupun mereka membayar iauran, jumlahnya tidak sama antara satu sama lain. ada yang 100% sampai 50 %. semua kontrak pembayaran tersebut hanya dihitung untuk biaya makan selama satu bulan saja. sebagai sebuah sekolah yang berdiri di pedesaan sistem ‘subsidi silang’ sudah diberlakukan. artinya kesadaran akan adanya disparitas sosial ekonomi sudah ada di benak pengurus pondok tersebut. lokasi asama pondok pesantren darul ulum terpisah dari madrasah tsanawiyah dan aliyah, berjarak sekitar 500 meter dari. pada saat penelitian ini dilakukan, kondisi pondok pesantren darul ulum atau panti asuhan marhumah itu belum sepenuhnya selesai dibangun. kondisinya masih belum sempurna dan bangunannya sangat sederhana. belum ada papan nama permanen yang menunjukkan bahwa itu adalah sebuah pondok pesantren. di bagian depan terdapat sebuah rangka bangunan yang rencananya akan dijadikan masjid. rangka tersebut berdiri tanpa atap dan belum dapat difungsikan sama sekali, karena masih menunggu donatur.’ memang, pembangunan masjid tersebut, seperti halnya pembangunan masjid di beberapa tempat yang lain di pelosok indonesia, banyak yang ‘istirahat’ dahulu alias dihentikan sementara karena tidak cukup dana. tanahnya berasal dari wakaf warga atau sebuah keluarga di daerah setempat yang sudah pada bekerja di kota. kegiatan peribadatan pun dilakukan di sebuah ruang kosong di belakang kantor administrasi pondok yang sejatinya berfungsi sebagai gudang peralatan marching band zaman baheula. pondokan untuk putra dan putri terpisah. pondokan untuk santri putri berada di lokasi dekat madrasah tsanawiyah, sementara untuk putra berdiri sendiri sekitar beberapa ratus meter. inti dari pesantren adalah kyai, masjid, dan pondok. namun, di pondok pesantren darul ulum ini, masjid belum dapat difungsikan dan hanya ‘menyulap’ ruang kosong berukuran sekitar 4x6 sebagai tempat solat berjamaah sementara. ruang asrama pun belum begitu permanen dan penataan lokasi bangunan juga minimalis. penataan ruangan belum dilakukan dengan baik, karena adanya keterbatasan bangunan dan belum didirikannya sarana pendukung yang lain. para santri belajar pada sore dan malam hari di pelataran atau teras asrama dengan menggelar tikar. dinding asrama bagian luar juga dipasangi sebuah whiteboard kecil untuk belajar para santri. pengurus pondok mengilustrasikan bahwa ini dilakukan karnea kondisi ‘darurat’. di musim panas/kemarau, kondisi semacam ini tidak menjadi masalah besar baik bagi santri maupun pengasuh, tetapi bila musim hujan tiba kadang belajar di teras asrama menjadi masalah juga karena suasananya menjadi tidak kondusif untuk belajar. pada pagi hari, sore dan malam santri belajar di pondok, sementara siang harinya mereka belajar di madrasah (aliyah, smkn, atau tsanawiyah). beberapa lokal bangunan difungsikan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 179vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 untuk praktik sekolah smkn kelas jauh. hal itu dilakukan karena di madrasah yang salah satu ruangnya digunakan untuk smkn kelas jauh itu belum tersedia bangunan yang dapat digunakan untuk ruang praktik siswa yang belajar teknik otomotif. alhasil, pihak yayasan menggunakan salah satu ruangan di pondok tersebut untuk ruang praktik siswa. pesantren ini dijanjikan oleh pemerintah untuk dibangunkan gedung sebagai konsekuensi dari kerjasama yang mereka lakukan dalam menyelenggarakan smkn kelas jauh, namun karena realisasinya belum juga terlihat, akhirnya ruang praktik atau bengkel otomotif itu menggunakan fasilitas asrama pondok. padahal, pihak pondok pesantren sendiri sudah menyediakan lahan khusus untuk pembangunan gedung yang dijanjikan pemerintah dari 3500 meter lahan yang yang mereka miliki. smkn kelas jauh ini merupakan hasil dari kerjasama antara pihak sekolah dan dinas pendidikan setempat dan smk pengasih. beberapa mata pelajaran umum dan dasar diampu oleh guru di sekolah setempat, sementara untuk memenuhi standar kompetensi yang dibutuhkan, guru-guru didatangkan dari sekolah negeri. penyelenggaraan sekolah kejuruan oleh madrasah atau pesantren tersebut memang bukan tanpa alasan strategis. kecenderungan yang berkembang dikalangan remaja dan anak sekolah di desa tersebut adalah melanjutkan studi ke jenjang lebih tinggi di sekolah kejuruan. menurut salah seorang guru, pada tahun-tahun sebelumnya madrasah tsanawiyah darul ulum dapat meluluskan sekitar 40 sampai 50 siswa. namun hanya sekitar empat orang saja atau lima yang melanjutkan studi di madrasah aliyah. ada beberapa sebab, antara lain: masalah motivasi siswa yang lebih cenderung memilih sekolah kejuruan ketimbang sekolah aliyah; kedua, lulusan madrasah tsanawiyah darul ulum juga lebih memilih sekolah negeri. kerjasama yang dibangun oleh yayasan dan dinas atau smu pengasih diharapkan dapat menguntungkan dua pihak: pihak sekolah dapat menampung lebih banyak siswa dan suasana sekolah lebih meriah; kehadiran siswa-siswa smk tersebut juga menambah jumlah santri karena sebagian siswa smk tersebut mondok di pesantre darul ulum. bangunan pondok pesantren yang belum sempurna itu dibangun dengan melibatkan partisipasi warga. keterbatasan pihak pondok dalam menyediakan dana yang cukup telah terbantu oleh partisipasi warga setempat. untuk membangun pondok darul ulum, warga berbondong-bondong ikut menyumbangkan tenaga. beberapa bahan bangunan juga berasal dari warga, ada yang menyumbangkan batang pohon kelapa untuk dijadikan sebagai usuk atap bangunan, menyumbang tenaga untuk mengumpulkan batu-batu, dan juga menyumbang pasir. kohesi sosial yang lebih lekat dalam masyarakat pedesaan memang sangat memungkinkan adanya partisipasi warga lebih banyak, setidaknya dalam menyumbangkan tenaga. meski memiliki banyak keterbatasan dari segi pendanaan, pondok pesantren ini hanya menarik biaya dari keluarga yang mampu saja. total biaya per orang yang dibutuhkan untuk menyediakan konsumsi perbulan para santri adalah rp. 150 ribu/orang, sementara untuk tinggal di asrama para santri tidak dipungut biaya apapun alias gratis. meski demikian, dalam faktanya, hanya sebagian santri saja yang dapat membayar penuh, sebagian lain doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 180 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna membayar semampunya, dan sebagian lain tidak dipungut biaya. menurut pengasuh pondok ini, sebagaimana diutarakan sebelumnya, sebagian santri yang tinggal ini adalah anak yatim atau yatim piatu. persoalan yang sama tidak hanya dihadapi oleh pihak pondok, tetapi juga oleh sekolahsekolah yang dibawahi oleh yayasan tersebut. banyak siswa berasal dari kalangan tidak mampu. salah satu fenomena yang menarik adalah bahwa selain melakukan pencarian dana dari pihak lain, baik pemerintah, donatur yang berasal dari tokoh masyarakat setempat maupun alumni, para guru juga berpartisipasi ikut menyumbang. para guru yang sudah diangkat menjadi pegawai negeri sipil (pns) dianjurkan untuk menyisihkan gaji mereka bagi siswa-siswa yang mereka didik. setiap bulan, gaji mereka dipotong sekedarnya sesuai dengan kemampuan dan besaran gaji yang mereka terima. mereka membuat kesepakatan sendiri bahwa mereka menyumbangkan sebagian gaji mereka setiap bulan, berkisar rp. 25.000 sampai rp. 100.000. salah satu guru menyatakan: “meskipun ini (sumbangan) sifatnya anjuran, namun kami tidak tega juga melihat nasib anak-anak didik kami. karena itulah kami membuat kesepakatan seperti ini agar mereka tetap dapat belajar di sekolah ini.” sumbangan itu, dinamakan sumbangan ota atau orang tua asuh. gerakan seperti ini merupakan komitmen para guru agar lebih banyak siswa yang belajar disini. bukan hanya para guru, mantan guru yang pernah mengajar di sekolah ini dan alumnus yang pernah belajar di sekolah ini juga ikut menyumbang. jumlah yang diperoleh dari guru tidak terlalu besar. dari 42 staff pengajar atau guru yang mendidik siswa di sekolah ini, hanya belasan guru saja yang sudah diangkat sebagai pegawai negeri. guru yang mengajar di madrasah ini dikalsifikasikan menjadi 4 tipe: guru yayasan, guru bantu, guru kontrak, dan guru sekarelawan. pondok pesantren ini dikelola oleh dua orang pengasuh yang intensif mendampingi para santri, sebut saja pak soleh dan pak iskandar. mereka adalah warga setempat yang mengabdikan dirinya untuk pesantren. salah satu pengasuhnya adalah lulusan sebuah perguruaan tinggi muhammadiyah di yogyakarta. dia belajar studi islam atas beasiswa dari universitas tersebut untuk mendalami bidang tafsir dan hadis, dan mengambil akta iv di perguturuan tinggi muhammadiyah lain di yogyakarta. salah satu kampus muhammadiyah di yogyakarta memiliki relasi yang cukup baik dengan pihak pondok pesantren, karena kerap menyalurkan sebagian dana zakat, infak dan shadaqah melalui pondok ini. lazis kampus tersebut rutin menyalurkan dana mereka dengan cara memberikan beasiswa kepada alumni dan santri pondok pesantren ini yang mau melanjutkan pe perguruan tinggi. jumlahnya sekitar 10 orang. mereka bukan saja dapat belajar gratis di tingkat perguruan tinggi, tetapi juga mendapatkan insentif bulanan untuk kebutuhan sehari-hari. merangkul donatur dan problematikanya bagi sebuah pesantren di pedesaan, melakukan penggalangan dana bukanlah perkara mudah. hal itu dirasakan oleh pula oleh pesantren yang berada di bawah naungan organisasi sebesar muhammadiyah. apalagi bila pesantren tersebut belum memiliki jaringan yang kuat yang dapat mengakses sumber-sumber prekonomian doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 181vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 yang berbasis di perkotaan. pesantren darul ulum pun mengalami hal serupa, memiliki keterbatasan dana dan juga akses terhadap sumber perekonomian yang dapat menunjang proses belajar mengajar dan proses pendidikan secara lebih baik. namun demikian, itu tidak berarti bahwa upayaupaya untuk untuk menggalang dana tidak dilakukan. faktanya, yayasan dan pesantren ini memiliki kiat-kiat tersendiri. pesantren ini, sebagaimana diutarakan sebelumnya, memperoleh sumbangan yang berasal dari iuran bulanan santri, sumbangan masyarakat, dan hasil usaha mandiri untuk menunjang biaya operasional yang dibutuhkan. untuk sebuah pesantren di pedesaan yang pendanaannya disandarkan kepada kontribusi para donatur tentu memerlukan strategi khusus, terutama dalam menjaga sustainibilitas kontribusi para donatur. sejak tahun 1980-an pesantren darul ulum menyelenggakaran pengajian rutin, yang dimaksudkan untuk menjaga hubungan harmonis, intensif dan berkelanjutan antara institusi tersebut dengan jamaah muslim, simpatisan muhammadiyah dan donator umum lainnya. salah satu kegiatan yang sampai saat ini masih berjalan adalah pengajian ahad pagi. masyarakat cukup antusias dalam merespons kegiatan pengajian tersebut. hal itu terlihat dari jumlah jamaah yang hadir, yang ternyata tidak hanya dari masyarakat sekitar sewugalur, tetapi juga dari desa-desa lain di kabupaten kulonprogo, dan bahkan ada pula yang berasal dari luar kabupaten kulonprogo.9 pengajian adalah media sangat penting bagi pondok pesantren ini untuk memelihara jaringan dengan donatur. jumlah pesertanya cukup banyak, meskipun tidak selalu konsisten. di bulan ramadhan jamaah pengajian ini dapat mencapai 400-700 orang. pengajian ahad pagi ini biasanya dimulai pada pukul 06.00-07.00 pagi wib. biasanya isi dari pengajian tersebut membahas tafsir alqur’an. pada setiap pengajian, pihak pondok mengedarkanm “kotak amal” atau “kencleng”. kotak amal tersebut tidak satu jenis, tetapi terdiri dari beberapa kotak yang menunjukkan peruntukan dana yang diterima sehingga jamaah pengajian dapat menyumbang sesuai dengan hasrat mereka. misalnya, ada kotak khusus untuk infak untuk kegiatan pengajian tersebut, kotak khusus untuk pembangunan, dan kotak khusus untuk yatim dan dhu’afa. dengan cara-cara seperti itulah pesantren ini dapat bertahan. karena itu pula pesantren ini mau menerima santri bagaimanapun kondisi sosial dan ekonominya. jamil wahid, direktur pesantren darul ulum, menceritakan bahwa pesantrennya tidak serta merta menerima wakaf dari masyarakat tanpa mempertimbangkan aspekaspek lainnya, terutama latar belakang dari pewakaf. ada sebuah keluarga yang mewakafkan harta milik mereka dan mereka memang berasal dari keluarga berada. i amengisahkan, pernah pula suatu kali seseorang menyerahkan lahan atau barang milikinya untuk digunakan demi kepentingan darul ulum, namun karena pihak pesantren menyadari bahwa kondisi sekonomi orang tersebut tidak sebagik waktuwaktu sebelumnya, maka pihak pondok pun menggantinya (dengan barang lain). selain wakaf barang atau lahan, beberapa keluarga secara kolektif lebih cenderung memberikan wakaf tunai, misalnya ada seseorang yang menitipkan uang sebesar rp. 25 juta lebih untuk keperluan pondok, dan beberapa waktu sebelum itu, ada pula yang menitipkan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 182 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna unang lebih dari rp. 30 juta rupiah untuk tujuan yang sama.10 selain bantuan dari masyarakat setempat, pesantren ini juga mendapat sumbangan dari beberapa donatur luar negeri. paska tragedi 11 september dimana serangan teroris mengguncang dunia, terutama setelah penghancuran gedung word trade center di new york, masalah derma berbasis agama di kalangan muslim mendapat perhatian negara-negara barat, terutama amerika. aktivitas-aktivitas kedermawanan di negara-negara muslim, baik di negara-negara timur tengah maupun si asia tenggara, sering dicurigai terkait dengan isu-isu terorisme. hal itu merupakan fenomena global yang tidak hanya dirasakan oleh organisasi keagamaan di indonesia yang biasa mendapatkan bantuan dari tuimur tengah, tetapi juga oleh organisasi-organisasi islam yang berada di seluruh dunia.11 bahkan, harta yang berasal dari zakat, infak dan shadaqah tidak jarang menjadi bahan kecurigaan. yayasan-yayasan dari timur tengah yang sering mengucurkan dana ke indonesia baik untuk mengembangkan pendidikan keagamaan, pembangunan masjid atau kegiatan-kegiatan sosial lainnya, tak pelak kena imbasnya. fenomena tersebut nampaknya dialami oleh pesantren darul ulum. beberapa tahun sebelumnya, umpamanya, pesantren ini dijanjikan untuk mendapatkan sumbangan dari sebuah yayasan dari timur tengah. yayasan tersebut sudah terbiasa mengirimkan bantuan kepada lembaga-lembaga pendidikan keagamaan di indonesia, utamanya pesantren. bantuan diberikan secara bertahap. pada awalnya, darul ulum dijanjikan akan mendapatkan bantuan sebesar rp 110 juta. namun seiring dengan isu-isu terorisme, dan pengiriman yang dilakukan menjadi lebih sulit dari biasanya, baru direalisasikan sekitar rp 70 juta saja. persoalan tidak berhenti sampai di situ karena selama isu terorisme terus menghiasi media massa nasional dan internasional, selama itu pula ketidakpastian bantuan dari donatur negera-negara timur tengah terus berkurang. cara lain yang digunakan pesantren untuk mendapatkan dana adalah dengan menyewakan sawah atau lahan pertanian lainnya. pesantren ini memiliki beberapa tanah wakaf dan tanah hasil pembelian di beberapa tempat. sebagian lahan tersebut disewakan kepada para petani setempat. lahan lainnya hanya ditanami kelapa dan pohon jati yang memang hasilnya tidak bisa secara rutin atau langsung dirasakan saat ini, tetapi jangka panjang. saat ini, pesantren ini masih bersandarkan pada penghasilan rutin dari warung dan pemanfaatan sawah atau tanah yang keuntungannya belum bisa menutupi kegiatan operasional pesantren. salah satu kelemahan dari sebuah pondok pesantren di pedesaan adalah lemahnya jaringan terhadap sendiri-sendi perekonomian yang berada di perkotaan. misalnya membangun jaringan dengan perusahaan-perusahaan atau institusi tertentu yang memiliki komitmen terhadap dunia pendidikan. bukan hanya itu, kemampuan untuk mengelola atau mengembangkan jenis usaha yang dapat membantu perekonomian pesantren juga sangat terbatas seiring dengan keterbatasan modal dan sumber daya manusia serta keterbatasan akses. mempertanggng jawabkan dana masyarakat: sebuah timbal balik lembaga pendidikan darul ulum ini doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 183vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 merupakan inisiatif masyarakat lokal, terutama beberapa aktivis muhammadiyah. meskipun inisiatif pendiriannya berasal dari pribadi seseorang, yaitu haji dawam roji, namun kini sudah berbentuk yayasan, dan merupakan bagian dari amal usaha muhammadiyah. haji dawam roji, sang pendiri, menyadari bahwa bilamana suatu sata ia meninggal, ia tidak menginginkan lembaga yang didirikannya ikut berhenti beroperasi. ia menyadari bahwa tidak semua anak-anaknya akan mau melanjutkan kepemimpinannya untuk menjaga sustainibiltas madrasah dan pesantren yang ia dirikan. oleh karena itu, akhirnya ia memutuskan untuk menggabungkan institusi ini dengan muhammadiyah. ternyata, langkah yang dilakukan haji dawam roji, tidak sia-sia, karena dengan berafiliasi kepada organisasi keislaman seperti muhammadiyah, lembaga ini dapat mencari ‘dana talangan’ melalui pimpinan wilayah muhammadiyah untuk keperluan-keperluan yang mendesak. belakangan ini, pesantren darul ulum mampu mengumpulkan sejumlah dana dari warga dan donatur, yang sebagian dari dana itu akan digunakan untuk melunasi ‘pinjaman’ kepada pimpinan wilayah muhammadiyah yogyakarta. meski kemampuan melakukan penggalangan dana yang dilakukan oleh pesantren yang berada di pedesaan seeperti darul ulum relatif baik, meski tidak terlalu istimewa, para pengurus menyadari bahwa ‘ketergantungan’ kepada masyarakat ini juga menyebabkan institusi ini belum dapat memberikan kontribusi bagi masyarakat. kendati demikian, mereka mencoba terbuka dan memegang prinsip accountabilitas dengan mempertanggungjawabkan apa yang telah diperoleh dari masayakat kepada masyarakat. dikatakan demikian oleh seornag pengurus: selama ini kami melihat pesantren masih tergantung pada masyarakat. (kita) belum mampu untuk menghidupi masyarakat. ketika kita butuh apa-apa selalu minta pada masyarakat. ini yang menjadi persoalan utama disini. kedua, karena masih tergantung pada masyarakat maka ketika ada kasus-kasus yang melibatkan personalia tertentu maka masyarakat menjadi turun keyakinan dan kepercayaannya kepada pesantren. sekecil apapun harus kita pertanggungjawabkan. infaq shadaqoh dan sebagainya kita laporkan semuanya kepada masyarakat termasuk nama-nama pendermanya sekalian mereka mengecek nama mereka sudah masuk apa belum disitu. jelas unsur trust atau kepercayaan begitu penting di sini. apalagi di pedesaan yang masyarakatnya masih peduli dan jumlahnya masih kecil. sehingga, bila ada penyimpangan akan berakibat fatal. upaya untuk menjaga kepercayaan dari masyarakat dilakukan sedemikian rupa, bukan hanya mencoba terbuka dari segi keuangan, tapi juga dalam hal-hal lain yang dapat mengakibatkan munculnya resistensi dari warga sekitar, misalnya politik. tak dipungkiri dalam dua dasawarsa terakhir pasca reformasi, berdirinya partai-partai politik telah merambah ke pedesaan dan memunculkan dinamika tersendiri di kalangan pesantren.12 alih-alih memberikan kontribusi yang berarti, masuknya partai politik ke pesantren juga lebih banyak kontraproduktif sebab pilihan politik masyarakat sangat beragam. hal ini juga sempat dialami oleh pesantren darul ulum ketika ada salah satu pengurusnya masuk dan aktif di partai tertentu. hal itu kemudian doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 184 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna coba diantisipasi oleh pengrus lainnya dengan mengingatkan pengurus yang aktif di partai politik untuk tidak membawa simbol-simbol dan misi partai ke pesantren. sikap saling percaya yang tumbuh dianatar pesantren dan lingkungan sekitarnya akan meningkatkan efektifitas komunikasi yang dibangun oleh keduanya, dan pada gilirannya proses timbalbalik antara pesantren dan warga dapat berjalan. sudarta, lurah karang sewu, menunjukkan apresiasi yang baik terhadap keberadaan pesantren ini. ia menyatakan bahwa warga di sekitar pesantren merasa sangat terbantu, apalagi pesantren ini bukan ditujukan bukan bagi kalangan orang-orang berpunya, melainkan bagi mereka yang latar belakang sosial dan ekonominya kurang. sudarta bahkan menyebut pesantren ‘lebih berlatarbelakang sosial’, artinya bukan sekedar sekolah komersial. “mereka yang tidak mampu dan tidak memiliki biaya melanjutkan sekolahnya ke darul ulum”, ujarnya. harapan warga karang sewu terhadap keberadaan pesantren ini pun tidak terlalu muluk. keterlibatan pesantren dalam pembinaan keagamaan warga setempat saja merupakan sebuah kontribusi yang sangat berharga. begitu pula dengan pengajian rutin mingguan seperti yang telah dibahas di bagian sebelumnya, mendapat penghargaan yang baik karena dipandang memberikan manfaat yang banyak. …mereka kan memiliki pondok-pondok pesantren dan yatim piatu. ini menjadi salah satu wadah untuk membantu masyarakat yang tidak memiliki kemampuan untuk membiayai pendidikan anaknya. khusus dalam meningkatkan dalam bidang agama, setiap ahad pagi secara rutin diadakan pengajian dari jam 06.00 – 07.00 wib dan disitu juga para peserta pengajian dengan kesadaran sendiri-sendiri memberikan infaq. infaq itu kemudian disalurkan ke, tk, sd, smp, masjid dan tempat lain secara bergiliran. juga perayaan hari idul fitri dan idul adha, ada pengumpulan dana infaq yang kemudian dihitung dan disampaikan berapa jumlahnya dan langsung dibagi dan disalurkan berapa yang akan diberikan dan ke siapa saja. hal ini sudah terjadi sejak dulu sekali bahkan ketika saya masih kecil. disini juga terkenal karena kompleknya tokoh-tokoh besar agama seperti bapak h. dawam pak ar fakhruddin dan sebagainya.13 pengajian mingguan yang diselenggarakan oleh pondok pesantren darul ulum mampu menghadirkan berbagai kalangan masyarakat yang berada di luar daerah karangsewu. para peserta pengajian datang tidak hanya secara individu, tetapi banyak dari mereka yang datang secara rombongan dengan menggunakan bis ataupun kendaraan pribadi, mobil dan sepeda motor. mereka datang tidak hanya berniat untuk mendengarkan isi materi pengajian yang disampaikan oleh ustadz dari pesantren darul ulum, melainkan juga untuk berinfak. sebagaimana diungkapkan sebelumnya, pesantren ini juga menjadi ‘amil pengelola dan sekaligus penerima dana ziswaf. menurut sudarta, masyarakat menyalurkan dana ziswaf mereka melalui pondok ini, dan tidak mengelola sendiri melalui panitian tertentu. tidak hanya sudarta, seorang ibu warga setempat, juga menyampaikan hal yang sama, merasakan manfaat dari kehadiran pesantren ini, terutama dari sisi keagamaan dan sosial. secara keagamaan, masyarakat ‘tersantuni’ karena pengajian-pengajian yang diselenggarakan pesantren. secara sosial, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 185vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 pengajian tersebut juga menumbuhkan relasi yang lebih harmonis antara pesantren dan masyarakat. apalagi, pesantren juga kerap menyalurkan bantuan kepada anak-anak yatim yang tidak hanya mondok di pesantren tersebut, tetapi juga di kalangan warga sekitar.14 dengan pola yang digunakan, pesantren darul ulum, setidaknya dimata warga, telah menunjukkan sebuah tanggung jawab sosial yang sesuai dengan kemampuannya. keterbatasan yang dimiliki pesantren dari segi penguatan ekonomi diimbangi dengan komitmen yang cukup kuat untuk tetap dapat berintegrasi dengan masyarakat. yang menarik adalah bahwa ciri atau tipikal pondok pesantren di pedesaan relatif berbeda dengan pesantren modern di perkotaan seperti dibahas pada bagian berikutnya. dengan demikian, dapat disimpulkan pula bahwa filantropi islam berbasis pesantren adalah sebuah hal yang niscaya. sesuai dengan definisi-definisi filantropi yang ada, sebuah pesantren dapat mengekspresikan kegiatan filantropinya pertama-tema melalui komitmen sosial yang dimilikinya. komitmen sosial adalah unsur terpenting dari filantropi, baik itu dimotivasi oleh faktor keagamaan ataupun non keagamaan. dari momitmen sosial tersebut baru dapat dilihat apakah dampak yang diperoleh dimasyarakat, baik secara sosial maupun ekonomi. sebagai pesantren yang ‘multifungsi’ seperti darul ulum, gerakan filantropi yang dilakukan memang tidak memiliki dampak besar secara ekonomi, namun justru karena itu pula pihak pesantren menginisiasi cara lain, yaitu berbagi hasil kegiatan fundraisingnya dengan warga sekitar, meski secara nominal jumlahnya tidak besar. prinsip “small is beautiful” nampaknya berlaku di sini. kesimpulan di indonesia, semenjak dulu, pesantren merupakan lembaga pendidikan islam yang mempunyai fungsi ganda ; menyelenggarakan pendidikan sekaligus menjadi pengayom masyarakat. sebagai lembaga pendidikan islam, pesantren berfungsi mentransformasikan pengetahuan islam kepada peserta didik baik secara formal maupun informal. di kompleks pesantren, figur kyai, pengasuh, ustadz adalah sentral dalam memberikan keteladanan hidup. di kelas-kelas formal, transformasi pengetahuan dan keilmuan itu berlangsung. sebagai pengayom masyarakat, pesantren mempunyai tanggung jawab sosial dan keagamaan. pesantren menjadi tempat rujukan bagi persoalan-persoalan yang dihadapi masyarakat, terutama dalam masalah-masalah keagamaan. oleh masyarakat, pesantren dianggap sebagai spiritual guide sekaligus cultural broker, lembaga pencerah bagi masyarakat. seiring dengan perkembangan masyarakat dan persoalanpersoalan ekonomi di masyarakat, pesantren juga dituntut berperan sebagai lembaga pemberdaya dan penguat ekonomi masyarakat. tanggung jawab sosial, keagamaan, budaya dan ekonomi yang harus diemban sebuah pesantren tidak bisa dilepaskan dari konsep bahwa pesantren adalah sebuah lembaga penyelenggara pendidikan berbasis komunitas. artinya, pesantren dari rakyat dan untuk rakyat. pesantren di pedesaan masih mempertahankan karakter populisnya: berdiri di tengah-tengah perkampungan penduduk tanpa pagar beton yang memisahkan “denyut nadi pesantren” dengan masyarakat. hubungan pesantren dengan penduduk setempat berjalan dengan harmonis, karena kedua belah pihak merasa doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 186 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna menjadi bagian satu sama lain. pesantren menyediakan dirinya menjadi rujukan spiritual masyarakat. masyarakatpun berpartisipasi dan mendukung semua kegiatan yang diselenggarakan oleh pesantren dengan menyumbangkan harta dan tenaga. kepedulian dan partisipasi masyarakat pada pesantren diwujudkan, antara lain, dalam bentuk penyaluran dana zis dan wakaf yang pengelolaannya dipercayakan kepada pesantren. pesantren memiliki kebebasan penuh untuk menyalurkan ziswaf tersebut kepada yang membutuhkan, misalnya peserta anak-anak kurang mampu yang sekolah di lembaga tersebut atau untuk pengembangan sarana dan prasarana pesantren. dengan demikian, pesantren yang berada di pedesaan sebagaimana pesantren darul ulum galur memiliki tingkat kohesivitas yang kuat dengan masyarakat. di pesantren ini, kegiatan filantropi dari dan untuk masyarakat yang dikelola pesantren berjalan dengan baik dan berkembang menjadi kegiatan yang memberdayakan kelompok yang membutuhkan. disebut “memberdayakan”, karena dana ziswaf dikelola dan disalurkan untuk proyek-proyek filantropi yang bersifat produktif, bukan bersifat konsumtif karitatif, seperti beasiswa atau santunan pendidikan bagi anak fakir, miskin, dan yatim piatu, dan pengelolaan tanah wakaf untuk kegiatan pertanian yang diserahkan kepada petani kurang mampu. sebenarnya, pesantren bukan hanya berfungsi sebagai lembaga edukatif, tetapi juga sebagai pilar kekuatan sosial dan ekonomi umat melalui kegiatan pembinaan atau pendampingan sosial dan ekonomi. dengan kata lain, pesantren mempunyai tanggung jawab moral, sosial dan ekonomi pada masyarakat. pesantren yang memiliki semangat pemberdayaannya merupakan salah satu contoh konkret dari sebuah lembaga pendidikan yang tidak hanya berkonsentrasi dalam pengembangan keilmuan islam, tetapi juga merupakan lembaga yang mempunyai kepedulian terhadap kondisi masyarakat. pesantren bukan hanya ditantang untuk mereproduksi manusia-manusia bermoral yang cerdas serta patriotik sebagai pengejawantahan iman dan takwa, tetapi juga menciptakan manusia yang mandiri dan peduli kepada kebutuhan dan problem masyarakat. idealitas inilah yang hendak diwujudkan oleh pondok pesantren darul ulum galur kulonprogo. meskipun secara finansial, pesantren di pedesaan ini memiliki berbagai macam kendala dan keterbatasan, tetapi semangat pengabdian dan pemberdayaan pada masyarakat begitu tinggi. pesantren membangun hubungan yang harmonis dengan masyarakat dan sebaliknya masyarakatpun merasa mendapatkan ‘ pengayoman spiritual’ dari masyarakat sekitar. karena itulah, setiap kegiatan yang diinisiasi oleh pesantren ini dapat tetap berjalan dengan lancar, karena mendapatkan dukungan dari masyarakat sekitar baik secara moril maupun materil. meskipun demikian, karena dukungan dari masyarakat yang berlimpah inilah, pesantren tidak mempunyai kecakapan untuk mandiri secara keuangan (self financing). pesantren masih mengandalkan pada “manajemen saling percaya”, yang tentu saja sangat beresiko. jika misalnya, pesantren mencederai kepercayaan (trust) masyarakat, maka dukungan dana dari masyarakat akan berhenti, dan akibatnya, masalah finasial serta keberlanjutan program menjadi terganggu. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 187vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 catatan akhir 1 lebih jauh tentang dinamika pesantren sebagai sebuah lembaga pendidikan, lihat karel a. steenbrink, pesantren, madrasah, sekolah, jakarta: lp3es (1986); mastuhu, dinamika sistem pendidikan pesantren. (jakarta: inis, 1994); dawan rahardjo (ed.), pergumulan dunia pesantren. (jakarta: p3m, 1983) 2 lihat kuntowijoyo, “peranan pesantren dalam pembangunan desa,” dalam paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi. (bandung: mizan, 1993), h. 16; juga hadimulyo, “dua pesantren, dua wajah budaya,” dalam m. dawam rahardjo (ed.), pergulatan dunia pesantren: membangun dari bawah, (jakarta: lp3es (1985), h. 99; m. dawam rahardjo, “pesantren dan pembaharuan,” dalam m. dawam rahardjo (ed.), pesantren dan pembaharuan, h. 6. 3 zamachsyari dhofier, tradisi pesantren, (jakarta: lp3es, 1982), h. 44. 4 manfred ziemek, pesantren dan perubahan sosial, (jakarta : p3m, 1986), h. 138; lihat juga penjelasan martin van bruinessen tentang peta konflik kiai dalam pelbagai forum di tubuh nu, yang menunjukkan ‘independensi’ mereka maupun kharismanya, dalam nu: tradisi, relasi kuasa, pencarian wacana baru, (yogyakarta: lkis, 1994) 5 lily zakiyah munir, “pesantren dan strategi pengentasan kemiskinan,” al-wasathiyyah, vol. iii, no. 14. (2008), h. 9-13. 6 abdurrahman wahid, menggerakkan tradisi: essai-essai pesantren, (yogyakarta: lkis, 2010), h. 196-7. tulisan gus dur tersebut bisa juga dilihat dalam “paradigma pengembangan masyarakat melalui pesantren”, jurnal pesantren. vol. v. no. 3. (1998) 7 abdurrahman wahid, menggerakkan tradisi..., h. 64. 8 mengenai perkembangan filantropi islam di indonesia, lihat andi agung prihatna dkk, muslim philanthropy: potential and reality of zakat in indonesia, (jakarta: piramedia, 2005); chaeder s. bamualim dkk., islamic philanthropy & social justice, (jakarta: csrc dan ford foundation, 2006); dan zaim saidi dan hamid abidin, menjadi bangsa pemurah: wacana dan praktik kedermawanan sosial di indonesia, (jakarta: ford foundation dan pirac, 2004). 9 lihat martin abbas satria, “tanggapan jamaah terhadap pengajian ahad pagi pondok pesantren darul ulum muhammadiyah di kabupaten kulonprogo”, skripsi, fakultas dakwah, universitas negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarya, (2006), h. 39. 1 0 wawancara oleh tim peneliti dengan jamil wahid, direktur pondok pesantren darul ulum, agustus 2008. 1 1 lihat misalnya j. millard burr and robert o. collins, alms for jihad: charity and terrorism in the islamic world, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2007) 1 2 lihat misalnya hilman latief, “pergulatan politik pesantren di era multipartai: studi kasus di kampung mlangi”, afkaruna: jurnal pemikiran islam, vol. 2. no. 1. januari-juni (2004), h. 72-103. 1 3 wawancara oleh tim peneliti dengan sudarta, lurak karangsewu, agustus 2008. 1 4 wawancara oleh tim peneliti dengan ibu suhartina, warga sekitar pesantren darul ulum, agustus 2008. daftar pustaka bamualim, chaeder s. et al., 2006. islamic philanthropy & social justice, jakarta: csrc dan ford foundation bruinessen, martin van. 1994. nu: tradisi, relasi kuasa, pencarian wacana baru. yogyakarta: lkis burr, j. millard and robert o. collins. 2007. alms for jihad: charity and terrorism in the islamic world. cambridge: cambridge university pres. dhofier, zamachsyari. 1982. tradisi pesantren. jakarta: lp3es hadimulyo, “dua pesantren, dua wajah budaya,” dalam m. dawam rahardjo (ed.). 1985. pergulatan dunia pesantren: membangun dari bawah. jakarta: lp3es kuntowijoyo, 1993. “peranan pesantren dalam pembangunan desa,” dalam paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi. bandung: mizan latief, hilman. 2004. “pergulatan politik pesantren di era multipartai: studi kasus di kampung mlangi”, afkaruna: jurnal pemikiran islam, vol. 2. no. 1, januari-juni mastuhu, 1994. dinamika sistem pendidikan pesantren. jakarta: inis munir, lily zakiyah. 2008. “pesantren dan strategi pengentasan kemiskinan,” al-wasathiyyah, vol. iii, no. 1 4 prihatna, andi agung et al., 2005. muslim philanthropy: potential and reality of zakat in indonesia. jakarta: piramedia rahardjo, m. dawan. (ed.). 1983. pergumulan dunia pesantren. jakarta: p3m —————, “pesantren dan pembaharuan,” dalam m. dawam rahardjo (ed.), pergumulan dunia pesantren. jakarta: p3m saidi, zaim dan hamid abidin, 2004. menjadi bangsa pemurah: wacana dan praktik kedermawanan sosial di indonesia. jakarta: ford foundation dan pirac satria, martin abbas. 2006. “tanggapan jamaah terhadap pengajian ahad pagi pondok pesantren darul ulum muhammadiyah di kabupaten kulonprogo.” skripsi. fakultas dakwah universitas negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta steenbrink, karel a. 1986. pesantren, madrasah, sekolah. jakarta: lp3es wahid, abdurrahman. 2010. menggerakkan tradisi: essaiessai pesantren. yogyakarta: lkis ziemek, manfred. 1986. pesantren dan perubahan sosial. jakarta : p3m doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0013. 167-187 index a abdul munir mulkhan abdullah thufail saputra abu al-mughisy al-husain abu yazid al-busthami aceh achmad chodjim acquisition adat adat's administrative agama agama ageming aji agama jawa" ahmad khatib minangkabawy ahmad sukino aksiomatis alqur'an al-hallaj al-irsyad al-irsyad al-islamiyyah ali handoyo amalgation amended âmil amir syarifuddin andy agung prihatna animisme anthropology antroposentrisme ar fakhruddin ar. suprapto arnold m. rose arskal salim asef bayat ashad kusuma djaya azyumardi azra b badan amil zakat badan 'âmil zakât baheula bapak rohmat baptis behaviour bengkulu bid'ah blending bmt buah gadang buddha c canduang koto laweh center for the study of religion and culture chaidar s. bamualim children's jurai churafat citizenship clifford geertz contemporary csrc cultus publicus d damami darul ulum datuak sangguno di rajo dediknas departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan republik indonesia diachronic diana leat dinamisme dogmatism dpr-gr dr. sutomo duffy durkheim dutch dutch occupation e eklektivisme eksistensi eksistensi ekslusivisme, eksperiensial ekspresi-ekspresi emile durkheim erni budiwanti evers f farâidh fi al-asyya' al-ibahah filantrofi islam filantropi filantropi islam flexibility franz von benda-beckmann franz von benda-bergmann freedom fried fundamental furnivall furuiyyah fusion g geertz geo-politik global ethics global theology. glock gluckman gong zhui gordon w. allport gulliver gus dur h h. dawam h. kusrin h. nasih h. roziq h. salim haji dawam haji dawam roji hak hanna djumhana bastaman harato pusako harmonisasi harmonisasi helmut k. anheier hendrik hibah hilman latief hindu hizbut tahrir indonesia hj. khotijah hoebel horikoshi horizonta hudaniah i idealisme ideologis ijmaiyyah ilmu jiwa agama imran manan briefly individualistis indonesia indonesische drukkerij infak ingsun ilahi inklusif inklusivisme intelektual intellectuals intension ir. henry suwarto irvan abu bakar islam islamic activism islamic law islamic law. islamic philanthropy isrâ' mi'râj istimbath j jackson jambi jamil wahid java jehova jim schiller john hick k k.h. ar. fachrudin kaafur kamanakan kapital-modern kartopuran surakarta katolik kaum kedermawanan khas-an khazanah khurafat kiyai slamet klenteng klenteng sie hien kyong koentjaraningrat kohesivitas komaruddin hidayat konsekuensial kristen kulonprogo kulonrpogo yogyakarta kyai kyai haji ahmad dahlan l lazis lili zakiyah munir lirboyo llyod m m. dawam rahardjo m. ng. harjawijaya madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah maharaja rufus shinra majelis mujahidin indonesia majelis tafsir al-qur'an malawi malinowski mamak manfred ziemek mangkubumi mangkunegara mansoer faqih mas ng. harjawijaya mas ng. mangunwijaya masdar f. mas'udi masif max planck institute for social anthropology mazdhabiyyah memberdayakan merle c. ricklefs milik minangkabau minister of religious affairs mitologi mmi modernisasi moh. hari siti jenar moh. hari soewarno mohammad sobary monograph monograph. moore mora moralitas mta muhaimin muhammad dachlan muhammad muhsin khan muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali muhammad wildan, muhammadiyah 'multifungsi musyawarah muthohharun jinan n nagari nagari nahdhatul ulama nahdlatul ulama (nu) nico syukur dister niels mulder non-partisan nu ny. rorokidul nyai rara kidul o ohan hendrik caspar kern optimisme ota ownership-deed p pangeran cloud panglima sephiroth panjinatarata pantekosta partai amanat nasional (pan) partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) peacock penghulu permodalan nasional madani persatuan islam pesantren philanthropy pilkades pku pluralism pluralisme pluralisme pluralitas pluralitas pns politisasi tradisi pondok pesantren gontor prabu satmata president suharto priyayi protestan purifikasi purwoko q qadariyah qiyâs quran qurasih shihab r raden panji natara radio persada fm raditional society ranz von benda-beckmann rasionalisasi regulations riau rigidity ritualistik robert c. monk rusbult s saifuddin zuhri sami hasan samiul hasan scholars scientific sekolah guru agama semi-autonomous serat bayan budiman sewugalur shadaqah sholawatan sinkretisme sintetis social justice socio-political sosial-ekonomi sosial-politiknya spiritual stark state strategic-group subsidi silang suku sultan abdul hamid ii sultan agung sumatra sunan bonang sunan giri kedhaton suparman usman susilo bambang yudhoyono sustainabilitas syekh siti jenar t tahlilan takhayul takhayul takhayul, bid'ah, dan churafat teologis terorisme tersantuni timur tengah tionghoa tipologi tradisionalis tradition tri dayakisni trikotomi truth claim u uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 'ulama ulayat universalisme universalisme university of leiden university of zurich urbanisasi uswatun hasanah v vanderlinden vinogradoff, w w. allport wahhabi wakaf wali songo waqf warih wasiyat widya pustaka woodman word trade center y yasinan yesus kristus z zakat zakât zamachsyari dhofier zambia zis ziswaf # layout jan jun 2011 javanese islamic scholarship. keywords: java coastal areas, discourse production, dakwah, islamic scholars, kiai saleh darat, kiai bisri musthofa. abstrak artikel ini melihat pergeseran konsepsi dakwah yang terjadi di pesisir jawa dengan mengkaji dua tokoh bersama teks-teks yang ditulis mereka pada penghujung abad 19 (kiai saleh darat, semarang), dan pada pertengahan abad 20 (kiai bisri musthofa rembang). kedua tokoh ini, kiai saleh dan kiai bisri, menulis banyak kitab, terutama berbahasa arab pegon, yang menjadi rujukan pesantren dan komunitas santri di pesisir jawa. artikel ini berusaha mencari jejak dakwah dalam konsepsi dua kiai pesisir jawa tersebut, dengan didasarkan pada pertanyaan: (1) bagaimana konsep dakwah yang tampak dari teks-teks kiai saleh darat dan kiai bisri musthofa? (2) sejauh mana konsepsi da’wah dan strategi penerapan syari’at islam mempengaruhi cara pandang kiai, santri dan komunitas pesantren di pesisir jawa. kenapa kita harus melihat pesisir jawa sebagai instrumen? dari narasi historiografi islam di asia tenggara, pesisir jawa menjadi penting karena menjadi simpul jejaring ulama. dengan menggunakan konsepsi genealogi, artikel ini melacak muasal dan akar intelektual untuk melihat produk teks yang dihasilkan. kata kunci: pesisir jawa, produksi wacana, dakwah, ulama, kiai saleh darat, kiai bisri musthofa. pendahuluan kajian tentang konsep dakwah ulama nusantara menjadi penting di tengah gelombang arabisme yang produksi wacana syiar islam dalam kitab pegon kiai saleh darat semarang dan kiai bisri musthofa rembang munawir aziz crcs universitas gadjah mada. jl. teknika, sleman yogyakarta. email: moena.azis@gmail.com abstract this paper explores the shift in the da’wah concept taking place in the coastal area of java by examining two manuscripts written by two notable figures in the 19th and 20th centuries, kiai saleh darat from semarang and kiai bisri musthofa from rembang. these two islamic scholars are prolific writers and have penned a number of works in arabpegon. their writings have become references for islamic students (santri) studying in traditional educational institutions in coastal areas of java over decades. this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how the dakwah concept is conceived in the kyai saleh darat’s and kiai bisri musthfa’s works? how do their strategies in dakwah and the implementation shari’a influence the views of islamic students and scholars in the coastal areas of java? why do we have to see coastal areas of java as an instrument? from the narratives of islamic historiography in southeast asia, coastal area of java has an important position because it has become a node of the islamic scholar networks. by utilizing the genealogical concept, this paper traces the roots and intellectual origin of the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 113vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 melanda indonesia. konsepsi dakwah ulama nusantara dengan menggunakan negosiasi antara yang global dan lokal menunjukkan strategi penting dalam islamisasi di asia tenggara. di kawasan nusantara, ulamaulama sejak abad 16, pada zaman walisongo, hingga pada abad 20 memainkan peran penting dalam kontestasi ideologi untuk mengukuhkan karakter islam nusantara.1 dakwah para ulama lebih menggunakan pendekatan kearifan lokal, dengan menempatkan basis budaya, moralitas dan tradisi sebagai lahan untuk ditanami etik keislaman. dengan demikian, benturan antara nilai islam dan tradisi budaya setempat, senantiasa dihindari bahkan menjadi negosiasi yang harmonis. terbukti, bagaimana walisongo mengembangkan tradisi dakwah yang arif dan bijak, tanpa ada pertentangan dan permusuhan menggunakan amarah. pada konteks ini, membaca konsep dakwah organisasi-organisasi islam yang membawa ciri arabisme pada satu dekade terakhir menjadi gelombang baru dalam tradisi dakwah ulama. gelombang ini memberi tekanan tentang pentingnya kembali pada al-qur’an, tanpa memperhatikan praktif istinbath hukum pada ulama, yang menjadi gerbong dari salafus shalih. akibatnya, penafsiran terhadap ayat kitab suci ataupun teks agama hanya menjadi kajian yang beku, dan tidak ada unsur akomodasi bahkan akulturasi dan enkulturasi budaya. yang ada, hanyalah islam marah dan membawa pentungan dengan meneriakkan kalimat simbolik. tradisi pelafalan dengan menyebut tuhan kali ini menjadi amarah, karena hanya mengandalkan alat penafsiran teks keagamaan tanpa memberi ruang bagi kearifan tradisi nusantara. untuk itu, referensi tentang tradisi dakwah ulama nusantara menjadi penting untuk dilihat sebagai diskursus keagamaan. peran kiai saleh darat dan bisri musthofa sebagai referensi ulama pesisir jawa, pada abad 19 dan 20, merupakan bagian penting yang mempengaruhi nalar berpikir santri dan warga muslim. kiai saleh darat menjadi referensi bagi tradisi keilmuan islam pada akhir abad 19, serta menjadi guru bagi tokoh penting: kh. hasyim asy’ari, kh. ahmad dahlan, ra kartini, dan raden mas sosrokartono. kajian tentang kh. saleh darat dan kh. bisri musthofa perlu ditempatkan pada ruang kosmologi islam pesisiran. kajian islam pesisiran menjadi bagian dari tradisi dan identitas islam nusantara. sebab, islam pesisiran menjadi gerbong pemikiran dengan perangkat analisis ataupun diskursus yang berdampak pada nalar berpikir orang muslim di kawasan utara pulau jawa. dengan melihatnya sebagai perkembangan mental dan dinamika keilmuan, maka akan menghindari dari jebakan fanatisme geografis yang hanya melihat pesisirpedalaman dalam konteks geografis, bukan analisis-diskursif. untuk itu, penjelajahan diskusrus islam pesisiran dan islam nusantara menjadi penting untuk melihat konsepsi dan kontestasi dakwah ulama untuk melihat identitas masyarakat islam indonesia saat ini. islam pesisir dalam lanskap islam nusantara2 selama ini, kajian pesisiran belum menjadi bagian penting dari diskursus ataupun penelitian tentang jawa. riset-riset yang mengkaji jawa dari berbagai sudutnya, hanya mengelaborasi penelitian-penelitian doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 114 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dengan struktur mental dan perspektif dari pusat kekuasaan jawa, yakni di wilayah jawa pedalaman: solo dan yogyakarta. perbedaan perspektif pedalaman dan pesisiran dalam konteks kajian jawa, yakni terletak pada bagaimana cara memandang karakter manusia dan bahasanya. dalam melihat narasi tentang jawa, perspektif pedalaman berkisar pada konteks kekuasaan yang terstruktur oleh pergesekan dengan kekuasaan kolonial. ciri khasnya, peradaban pedalaman menghasilkan cara berpikir dan bersikap yang tertutup, dengan bahasa yang terformalisasi pada stigma dan strata. sedangkan, budaya pesisiran menjadi sintesa dari interaksi antara peradaban jawa dengan peradaban-peradaban dunia lainnya, akibat dari hubungan ekonomi-politik di wilayah pesisir, yang menjadi pelabuhanbandar dunia. narasi sejarah pada abad 13-19 membentuk perilaku yang berbeda antara orang jawa pesisiran dan pedalaman. di wilayah pesisir, hubungan antara penduduk jawa dengan tionghoa sangat kental, sejak zaman kubilai khan pada abad 12, muhibah cheng ho abad 153, hingga akhir abad 19. persinggungan dengan berbagai kebudayaan dunia, menjadi bagian penting dari karakter dasar orang jawa pesisiran, hingga kemudian berdampak pada arsitektur, kuliner dan tradisi keagamaan. kajian tentang jawa, dengan berbagai sudut pandangnya: islam, pesantren dan kajian etnik, hanya menyebut jawa dengan konteks pedalaman. penelitian tentang islam jawa hanya memberi gambaran interaksi islam dengan kebudayaan jawa, yang diwariskan dari kebudayaan hindu. penelitian ini memberi gambaran jelas tentang peta kebudayaan dan mental orang islam jawa pedalaman, akan tetapi akan sangat berbeda jika dilihat dalam konteks pesisiran. kajan tentang islam pesisiran dikerjakan oleh nur syam (2005) dan muhadjirin thohir (2006), meskipun tidak secara mendetail mengkaji tentang struktur mental orang jawa pesisiran.4 dalam konteks literasi, kajian tentang teks-teks dan manuskrip jawa pesisiran masih sangat jarang. padahal, narasi tentang literasi di pesisir jawa menghadirkan dinamika keilmuan dalam periode yang panjang. jejak literasi ini bisa digali dari melimpahnya kitabkitab garapan kiai-kiai yang berdiam di kawasan pesisir jawa, mulai dari kawasan cirebon di jawa barat hingga ujung galuh dan blambangan di jawa timur. kitab-kitab yang tersebar di beberapa pesantren di pesisir jawa menjadi bukti tentang jejak keilmuan dan interaksi kekuasaan yang mendukung peradaban. dari kawasan pesisir inilah, jejaring keilmuan antar ulama di jawa dapat dilihat sebagai pola interaksi yang berkelindan dengan jejaring nasab antar ulama. kitab-kitab karya ulama di pesisir jawa5 inilah yang menjadi bagian dari transfer keilmuan antar generasi selama beberapa abad. kekuatan literasi yang ditopang dengan dinamika keilmuan di pesantren dan madrasah di beberapa kawasan, menghimpun tentang sejarah keilmuan di pesisir jawa. pada periode tertentu, milieu yang terbentuk di pesantren-pesantren inilah yang kemudian menjadi kekuatan untuk melawan kekuasaan, meskipun tenggelam oleh narasi sejarah kolonial. di kajen, pati, kisah kiai mutamakkin terus hidup dan menjadi referensi keagamaan bagi santri dan masyakarat di kawasan pesisir jawa. kiai mutamakkin menjadi tokoh penting dalam historiografi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 115vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 keilmuan dan kekuasaan di jawa pada penghujung abad 17. kiai mutamakkin berani melawan hegemoni mataram dengan mengusung konsep kegamaaan dengan tradisi sufi dan nilai tradisi jawa yang kokoh. meski berhadapan dengan pengadilan mataram di surakarta, kiai mutamakkin tak gentar untuk mengabarkan prinsip dan referensi keagamaan yang beliau ajarkan. serat cebolek menghimpun prisip keilmuan dan kekuasaan yang dipegang kiai mutamakkin. selain itu, ajaran-ajaran keilmuannya juga termaktub dalam kitab ‘arsyul muwahiddin yang saat ini masih dipelajari oleh keturunan dan santri di kajen. jejak literasi yang menancap kuat di kajen menjadi bagian dari dinamika keilmuan di kawasan pesisir. sampai saat ini, puluhan kitab yang ditulis oleh kiai-kiai kajen keturunan kiai mutamakkin masih menjadi referensi penting. diantaranya kitab-kitab yang ditulis kiai mahfudh salam, kiai abdullah rifa’i, kiai rifa’i nasuha, kiai muhibbi, hingga kiai sahal mahfudh. kitabkitab yang ditulis menjadi saksi tentang dinamika keilmuan, tradisi keagamaan hingga narasi kekuasaan. selain kajen, kawasan lasem juga menjadi titik penting untuk melihat jejak literasi di pesisir jawa. di kasawan ini, sejarah kekuasaan dari majapahit hingga mataram menghadirkan warisan keilmuan dan dinamika kehidupan yang eksotis. lasem merupakan kota bandar pada masa majapahit, yang dipimpin oleh seorang bhre. jejak sejarah lasem termaktub dalam kitab santri badra, yang dianggit oleh badra santi alias tumenggung wilwatikta, yang tak lain adalah ayah dari sunan kalijaga. sampai sekarang, kitab ini masih menjadi referensi orang lasem untuk membaca sejarah dirinya. dari masa majapahit hingga tampilnya kekuasaan demak di kawasan pesisir jawa. interaksi antara orang jawa dan tionghoa di lasem juga menjadi bagian penting dalam kitab yang ditulis oleh badra santi. kemudian, jejak literasi di lasem diteruskan oleh trah pesantren. kitab-kitab yang ditulis oleh kiai-kiai lasem kemudian menjadi referensi keilmuan bagi santri dan agamawan di kawasan ini. kisah kiai ma’shum yang menjadi salah satu pusat keilmuan di jawa juga penting untuk dihadirkan dalam konteks jejaring keilmuan yang menghidupkan jejak literasi antar pesantren. pada abad 19, hadir kiai saleh darat (1820-1903), yang menjadi jangkar keilmuan bagi ulama-ulama di pesisir jawa. beliau menulis kitab dengan lafadz pegon (huruf arab berbahasa jawa), yang semuanya menggunakan bahasa jawa pesisiran atau ia istilahkan sebagai al-lughah al-jawiyyah almerikiyyah (bahasa jawa setempat). dalam kitabnya, majmu’ah asy-syari’ah al-kafiyatu lil ‘awam, kiai saleh darat menulis‘...kerono arah supoyo pahamo wong-wong amsal ingsun awam kang ora ngerti boso arab muga-muga dadi manfaat bisa ngelakoni kabeh kang sinebut ing njeroni iki tarjamah....” pernyataan ini jelas menjadi asal-usul dari visi literasi kiai saleh darat. dari teks-teks kitab yang terhimpun di berbagai titik keilmuan di pesisir jawa, terdapat kisah penting tentang narasi keilmuan yang dinamis. kajian tentang kitabkitab karya ulama pesisir perlu mendapat perhatian dari kalangan akademisi dan santri, untuk melihat proses transformasi keilmuan di jawa. jika selama ini, narasi tentang keilmuan di jawa hanya dilihat dari suluk dari pujangga-pujangga keraton, kitabkitab ulama pesisir perlu menjadi referensi. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 116 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sebab, dari kitab-kitab tersebut, termaktub cara berpikir, mental dan strategi budaya orang pesisir jawa. akan tetapi, teks-teks kitab pesantren jarang mendapat panggung publikasi. teksteks karya kiai di kajen beraksara arab dan pegon, jarang dipublikasikan dan menjadi referensi di kalangan akademisi. teks-teks kitab karya ulama pesantren di kajen, hanya dibaca, diulas dan dimaknai secara sempit di bilik-bilik pesantren. padahal, teks-teks tersebut sebenarnya berdampak luas pada pemikiran, tradisi dan ritual santri-santri di pesisir jawa, yang kemudian menyebar di berbagai kawasan di penjuru indonesia. teks kitab ‘arsyul muwahiddin karya kiai mutamakkin sebenarnya menjadi penjelasan penting tentang narasi tasawuf dan perkembangan filsafat pada abad 17.6 kiai mutamakkin juga menjadi bagian dari jejaring ulama nusantara dan timur tengah pada abad 17. sayangnya, narasi historis ini tidak menjadi bagian dari riset azyumardi azra7. narasi sejarah yang terpenggal ini, perlu dihadirkan kembali sebagai bagian dari simpul jejaring keilmuan dan kuasa ulama jawa, yang berdampak pada tradisi pesantren pesisiran sampai sekarang. tradisi intelektual ulama nusantara bersinggungan dengan ulama timur tengah, sebagai guru ataupun teman dalam mempelajari teks klasik. ulama timur tengah memiliki peran dan jejaring penting dengan ulama-ulama nusantara, yang berbenturan dengan kuasa kolonial. dengan demikian, penjelasan ini akan menguatkan dasar tradisi keilmuan pesantren di pesisir jawa. riset tentang teks-teks karya ulama kajen, akan memberi tekanan pada klasifikasi keilmuan dan dampaknya pada konteks sosiologi-religius masyarakat di kawasan pesisir pati dan sekitarnya, yang menjadi bagian dari narasi ritual warga pesisiran. padahal, teks-teks tersebut memberi peranan penting pada perkembangan tradisi keilmuan di kajen dan pesantren-pesantren lain di pesisir jawa. kisah kiai saleh darat yang belajar dengan ulama kajen, kiai murtadho dari waturoyo (sebelah cebolek) pada akhir abad 19, merupakan fakta penting tentang urgensi kajen sebagai milieu keilmuan dan keagamaan. sentuhan keilmuan kiai saleh darat inilah, yang kemudian berdampak pada integritas pribadi ra kartini dan sosrokartono. dengan demikian, teks-teks di pesisir jawa penting untuk digali dan diteliti lebih mendalam. biografi kiai saleh darat kh muhammad shalih bin umar assamarani, terkenal dan akrab dengan nama kh saleh darat, adalah ulama terkemuka di peralihan abad xx yang menjadi guru para ulama jawa terkemuka generasi berikutnya. selain itu, ia juga dikenal sebagai penulis prolifik kitab-kitab keagamaan beraksara arab dalam bahasa jawa. kiai saleh darat adalah putera kiai umar, yang seperti kiai maja, merupakan pejuang dan penasehat keagamaan pangeran diponegoro dalam perang jawa. ia dilahirkan di kedung jumbleng, mayong, jepara sekitar tahun 1820. pelajaran agamanya yang awal diperolehnya dari ayahnya sendiri, dan dilanjutkan berguru kepada beberapa ulama, antara lain: kh muhammad syahid (kajen, pati), kh raden muhammad shalih bin asnawi (kudus), kiai ishak damaran (semarang), kiai abu abdillah muhammad al-hadi bin baquni (semarang), ahmad bafaqih ba‘alwi (semarang), dan syekh abdul ghani bima (semarang).8 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 117vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 semasa kecil, k.h. saleh darat bertempat tinggal di jepara, dan seperti umumnya anak kiai, ia belajar agama kepada beberapa orang kiai, antara lain: a. k.h. m. syahid, cucu kiai mutamakkin yang hidup pada masa paku buwono ii (1727-1749). kepada beliau, k.h. salih darat belajar beberapa kitab fiqih, seperti: fath al-qarib, fath al-mu‘in, minhaj al-qawim, syarh al-khatib, fath al-wahhab. karena kitab tersebut bukan termasuk kitab fiqih pengantar dan mempelajarinya memerlukan waktu yang cukup lama, maka dapat dipahami bahwa kiai salih darat belajar di waturoyo cukup lama. sehingga, dapat dikatakan bahwa ia sudah mampu membaca kitab sebelum belajar agama di semarang. b. kiai raden haji muhammad salih ibn asnami kudus. kepadanya kiai salih darat belajar tafsir al-jalalain. c. kiai ishaq damaran, semarang. kepadanya kiai saleh darat belajar nahwu dan saraf. d. kiai abu abdillah muhammad al-hadi ibn baquni, mufti semarang. kepadanya, kiai saleh darat belajar ilmu falak. e. ahmad bafaqih ba’lawi, semarang, kepadanya kiai saleh darat belajar jauharah al-tauhid, karya syaikh ibrahim al-laqani, dan minhaj al-‘abidin karya alghazali. f. syaikh abdul ghani bima, di semarang. kepadanya kiai saleh darat belajar sittin masalah. k.h. saleh darat merupakan salah satu santri dari indonesia yang menuntut ilmu di makkah. namun, tahun berapa ia berangkat dan tahun berapa ia kembali ke tanah air, secara tepat tidak diketahui. ketika c. snouck hurgronje di saudi arabia (18841885)9 menyebut beberapa nama orang indonesia, nama k.h. salih darat tidak disebutkan. bisa jadi, saat itu k.h. salih darat sudah kembali ke tanah air dan membuka pesantren di darat semarang. hal ini mengingat bahwa sebagian karya tulisnya banyak yang ditulis pada akhir abad 19. kitab faidl al-rahman ditulis pada tahun 1892, dan al-hikam tahun 1872. kepopuleran kiai saleh darat pada awal abad 20, menjadi referensi bagi santri-santri yang ingin belajar ilmu agama. banyak santri yang belajar kepada beliau untuk memperdalam ilmu dan menjadi ulama besar yang menyebarkan ajaran islam, bahkan dua orang murid menjadi ulama terkenal yaitu kh hasyim asy’ari yang kemudian mendirikan nahdlatul ulama (nu) dan kh ahmad dahlan (pendiri muhammadiyah) selain itu ada juga kh mahfudz (pendiri pondok pesantren termas, pacitan), kh idris (pendiri pondok pesantren jamsaren, solo), kh sya’ban (ulama ahli falak dari semarang), penghulu tafsir anom dari keraton surakarta, kh dalhar (pendiri ponpes watucongol, muntilan), dan kiai moenawir (krapyak, yogyakarta). selain itu beliau juga merupakan guru spiritualitas ra. kartini. dengan demikian dapat dikatakan, kiai saleh darat merupakan guru bagi ulamaulama besar di tanah jawa.10 karya tulis kiai saleh darat menjadi teks klasik yang berpengaruh pada pembelajaran pesantren, khususnya untuk orang awam: 1) majmu‘ah al-syari‘ah al-kafiyah li al-‘awam, merupakan kitab fikih. 2) munjiyat, merupakan petikan dari ihya’ ‘ulum al-din jilid iii dan iv karya alghazali, berkaitan dengan tasawuf dan akhlak. 3) al-hikam, merupakan ringkasan sepertiga doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 118 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dari kitab al-hikam karya ahmad ibn ‘atha’illah, yang membicarakan tasawuf. 5) lata’if al-thaharah, yang membicarakan hakekat dan rahasia salat dan puasa, keutamaan bulan muharram, rajab, dan sya’ban. 5) manasik al-haji, berisi tuntunan melaksanakan ibadah haji. 6) pasolatan, berisi tuntutan salat wajib lima waktu. 7) tarjamah sabil al-‘abid ‘ala jauharah altauhid, merupakan terjemah dalam bahasa jawa terhadap karya ibrahim allaqani dan disertai uraian secukupnya, dan jika dicermati akan tampak pemikiran kiai salih darat di dalamnya. 8) minhaj al-atqiya’. 9) al-mursyid al-wajiz, yang membicarakan alqur’an dengan segala aspeknya. penulisan kitab ini berakhir pada hari selasa tanggal 26 zul qa’dah 1317 h / 1900 m dan penyalinan ulang berakhir hari selasa tanggal 28 muharram 1318 h /1900 m. 10) hadis al-mi’raj. 11) syarh al-maulid al-burdah, merupakan syarah kitab maulid al-burdah karya muhammad sa’id al-busyiri, yang membicarakan keagungan muhammad saw, kemukjizatan rasul dan keagungan al-qur’an. 12) tafsir faidl al-rahman, yang penulisannya dimulai pada hari kamis tanggal 5 rajab 1309 h / 1891 m. dalam kitab tafsir ini, diberi rujukan tafsir jalalain karangan jalaluddin al-mahalli dan jalaluddin alsuyuti, tafsir al-kabir karya al-razi dan lubab alta’wil karya al-khazin. kitab ini baru disusun sampai juz keenam, surat alnisa’. 13) syarh barzanji, berisi tentang isra’ mi’rajnya nabi muhammad saw dan datangnya perintah shalat fardhu sebanyak 5 (lima) waktu dalam sehari semalam. 14) manasik kaifiyah al-salat al-musafirin. ditulis pada tahun 1288/1870 m. kiai saleh darat hidup di pergantian abad antara abad xix dan xx, di kota semarang yang menjadi bandar penting di jawa. di kota ini, tidak hanya penduduk jawa yang bermukim, namun juga ada orang-orang tionghoa yang menjadi bagian dari dinamika kota. perkembangan penting lain yang terjadi di kota semarang sampai dengan awal abad ke-20 adalah pertumbuhan penduduk. menurut catatan resmi, kota semarang pada akhir abad ke-19 merupakan kota nomor tiga yang paling padat penduduknya di seluruh pulau jawa. pada tahun 1900 tercatat penduduk kota semarang berjumlah 89.286 jiwa, angka ini terdiri atas 70.426 jiwa bumiputera, 4.800 jiwa orang eropa, 12.372 jiwa orang cina, 724 jiwa orang arab, orang timur asing lainnya 964 jiwa. sementara itu data jumlah penduduk pada tahun 1920, jumlah populasi penduduk bumiputera tercatat menjadi 126.628, orang eropa 10.151 jiwa, orang cina 19.727 jiwa, orang timur asing lainnya 1.530 jiwa, sehingga total jumlahnya mencapai 158.036. data dari tahun 1930 menunjukkan bahwa jumlah total penduduk kota semarang adalah 217.796 jiwa. angka itu mencakup orang bumiputera yang berjumlah 175.457 jiwa, orang eropa sejumlah 12.587 jiwa, orang cina 27.423 dan orang timur asing lainnya sebanyak 2.329 jiwa.11 dari konteks inilah, persinggungan antara budaya antara orang jawa dan tionghoa di semarang, menjadi konteks ruang-waktu dalam dinamika keilmuan kiai saleh darat. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 119vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 biografi intelektual kiai bisri sebagai ulama dari kawasan pesisir, kiai bisri menjadi pioner berdirinya pesantren raudhatut thalibin rembang, jawa tengah. beliau dilahirkan di kampung sawahan gang palen rembang jawa tengah pada tahun 1915. orang tuanya, h. zainal mustofa dan chodijah memberi nama mashadi. pada tahun 1923, setelah menunaikan ibadah haji, ia menganti nama dengan bisri. ketika memasuki proses dewasa, kh. bisri mustofa belajar dan menekuni ilmu-ilmu agama di pesantren kasingan rembang yang diasuh oleh kiai cholil. selain di pesantren kasingan rembang ia juga mengaji pasanan (pengajian pada bulan puasa) di pesantren tebuireng jombang asuhan kh hasyim asy’ari. selain itu kh. bisri mustofa juga pernah mengaji untuk memperdalam ilmunya di kota suci makkah pada tahun 1936 kepada kiai bakir, syaikh umar khamdan al-magrib, syaikh maliki, sayyid amir, syaikh hasan masysyath, dan kiai abdul muhaimin. kiai bisri menganggap kiai cholil sebagai guru sekaligus mertua, karena dinikahkan dengan putrinya yang bernama ma’rufah. pernikahannya dengan ma’rufah ini, kh. bisri mustofa dikaruniai delapan orang anak, yaitu: cholil, mustofa, adieb, faridah, najichah, labib, nihayah dan atikah. setelah wafatnya kiai cholil, kh bisri mustofa ikut aktif dalam mengajar santrisantri. pesantren kasingan sempat mengalami vakum pada masa pendudukan jepang, kemudian kh. bisri mustofa meneruskan untuk mengajar santri di pesantren raudhatut thaliban, leteh, rembang. kh bisri mustofa adalah seorang kiai yang mendididik para santrinya dengan penuh kasih sayang meskipun ia adalah seorang yang sangat sibuk, akan tetapi jarang sekali ia meningalkan waktu mengajar para santrinya. selain sebagai kiai yang mengasung pesatren kh. bisri mustofa adalah seorang politikus handal yang disegani semua kalangan. sebelum nu keluar dari masyumi kh. bisri mustofa adalah seorang aktifis masyumi yang sangat gigih berjuang akan tetapi setelah nu menyatakan diri keluar dari masyumi, ia pun keluar dari masyumi dan berjuang di nu. pada pemilu 1955 kh. bisri mustofa terpilih menjadi angota konstituante yang merupakan wakil dari partai nu setelah ada dekrit presiden pada tahun 1959 yang membubarkan dewan konstituante dan dibentuk dewan perwakilan rakyat sementara (mprs), kh. bisri mustofa juga ditunjuk sebagai anggota mprs dari unsur ulama. kemudian pada pemilu 1971 iapun tetap konsisten berjuang di partai nu yang selanjutnya menghantarkan dirinya menjadi angota mpr dari daerah jawa tengah. sewaktu pemerintahan orde baru menerapkan fusi atas partai-partai yang ada waktu itu, sehinga partai nu pun harus berfusi ke dalam partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp), kh. bisri mustofa pun akhirnya bergabung di pp dan memperjuangkan partai tersebut. pada pemilu tahun 1977 ia pun masuk daftar calon legislatif (caleg) dari ppp dari daerah pemilihan jawa tengah. akan tetapi ketika masa kampanye kurang seminggu lagi tetapnya hari rabu tanggal 17 februari 1977 ( 27 shafar 1397 h) menjelang waktu ashar kh bisri mustofa dipanggil kehariban allah swt untuk selama-lamanya. dalam bidang keagamaan, kh. bisri mustofa dinilai bersifat moderat. sifat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 120 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna moderat kh. bisri mustofa merupakan sikap yang diambil dengan pendekatkan ushul fikih yang mengendapkan kemaslahatan dan kebaikan umat islam yang disesuikan dengan situasi dan kondisi zaman serta masyrakatnya. oleh karena itu, pemikirannya sangat kontektual. kh. bisri mustofa merupakan seorang ulama sunni yang gigih menperjuangkan konsep ahlus sunnah wal jama’ah. obsesinya untuk membumikan konsep ahlus sunnah wal jama’ah yang sampai tiga kali revisi untuk disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan zaman. dan masyarakat. ia juga menyerukan adanya konsep amar ma’ruf nahi munkar yang dimaknai dan didasari oleh solidaritas dan kepedulian sosial. obsesinya untuk menegakan amar ma’ruf nahi munkar ini ditujukan dengan sejajar konsep tersebut dengan rukun-rukun islam yang ada lima. ia sering mengatakan bahwa seandainya boleh maka rukun islam yang ada lima itu ditambah rukun yang keenam yaitu amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. kiai bisri juga dikenal sebagai penulis yang produktif, ada ratusan karya berbahasa arab, arab jawa (pegon) dan jawa. beliau juga menulis syair-syair atau puisi-puisi yang penuh dengan pesan-pesan moral bagi masyarakat. konsep dakwah dan kontestasi keislaman nusantara dalam tradisi islam nusantara, peran walisongo menjadi bagian penting untuk melihat penyebaran nilai, penguatan tradisi dan pengokohan syariat islam yang tidak merusak struktur sosial masyarakat asia tenggara. peran walisongo pada abad 16 tidak hanya di jawa, namun jaringan muridmuridnya sampai di makassar, lombok dan beberapa kawasan di sumatra. kemudian, tradisi keilmuan islam diteruskan oleh ulama yang memiliki jaringan pemikiran dengan ulama-ulama timur tengah. syaikh yusuf al-makassari, syaih nawawi al-bantani, syaikh samad al-palimbani dan beberapa ulama nusantara menjadi bagian penting dalam penyebaran keilmuan pada abad 17 dan 18. pada titik ini, peran kiai mutamakkin menjadi penting sebagai jejaring ulama di jawa. genealogi keilmuan kiai mutamakkin yang menembus jaringan ulama timur tengah, terutama di makkah, madinah dan hadrami, kemudian menjadi basis keilmuan bagi dirinya untuk menebarkan islam di kawasan pesisir jawa. murid dan keturunan kiai mutamakkin12, menyebar menjadi jaringan ulama pesantren di seluruh kawasan jawa dan madura. pada kurun waktu itu, corak keislaman nusantara dipengaruhi oleh tradisi tasawuf falsafi yang kemudian menjadi ruh dari tradisi keislaman islam. warisan nilai keislaman kiai mutamakkin juga mengenalkan tradisi tasawuf falsafi sebagai basis nilai dari tradisi islam yang dikembangkan di pesisir jawa. corak keislaman ini senada dengan aliran wihdatul wujud yang menjadi patokan nilai keislaman mulla sadra ataupun al-hallaj. kiai mutamakkin juga mendapatkan resistensi, terutama dari kalangan islam normatif yang ditopang oleh kekuasan mataram. kiai mutamakkin kemudian menjalani pengadilan untuk menjelaskan syariat islam yang ia yakini sebagai kebenaran, karena kontroversi yang beliau timbulkan. catatan tentang pengadilan kiai mutamakkin di keraton mataram termaktub dalam teks serat cabolek. kemudian, pada masa kolonial memasuki puncaknya, terutama pada abad 18 dan 19, corak dakwah ulama nusantara mengalami pergeseran signifikan. kolonialisme tidak doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 121vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 hanya merombak strategi dakwah ulama nusantara, akan tetapi juga menimbulkan perlawanan fisik dengan menggerakkan massa, dan bahkan menggoyahkan struktur keilmuan dengan merebut panggung sejarah kekuasaan. politik sejarah dan keilmuan kolonial menggeser paradigma tentang sejarah islam nusantara, dengan tidak memberi ruang bagi peran kiai-ulama dalam mengisi dinamika islam di seluruh pelosok asia tenggara. padahal, peran madrasah dan pesantren menjadi bagian penting dari perkembangan keislaman di wilayah asia tenggara.13 pada abad xxi, setelah momentum reformasi, kontestasi antar ideologi menjadi pertarungan kekuasaan dan simbolik antar pengikut agama. islam menjadi pertarungan simbolik dan diskursif, karena terjadi pertarungan kepentingan dengan latar belakang ideologi, ekonomi dan politik. pertarungan ideologi antara sunni dan wahabi merupakan instrumen penting untuk membaca perkembangan islam dalam konteks indonesia kontemporer. di wilayah politik, pertarungan ideologi keislaman juga nampak kentara, karena ada dorongan dan kontestasi tentang khilafah islam, yang didorong oleh organisasi politik ataupun keislaman, terutama yang berada dalam koridor ideologi wahabi: pks, hti dan organisasi lain. di tengah arus pertarungan idelogi inilah, melihat konsep dakwah yang berjejak pada tradisi lokal menjadi penting. islam nusantara sejatinya memiliki karakter keislaman yang mengakomodasi tradisi lokal. berbeda dengan ideologi islam arabisme, yang menolak tradisi dan berideologi secara kaku. tradisi islam nusantara dan dakwah yang dikembangkan oleh para ulama merupakan sandaran keilmuan yang berdampak pada tata kelolal kehidupan sosial masyarakat, khususnya bagaimana teks berperan pada mu’amalah warga muslim. konsep dakwah dan model keislaman yang dikembangkan kiai saleh darat dan kh. bisri musthofa mengakomodasi tradisi-tradisi lokal, yang bernegosiasi dengan tradisi keislaman secara utuh. konsepi dakwah ulama nusantara menjadi poin penting untuk melihat perubahan arus dakwah di indonesia masa kini. konstelasi politik global membawa dampak penting bagi keislaman dan strategi dakwah di indonesia. dalam pandangan robert w hefner, tragedi 11 september 2011 berdampak penting bagi islam internasional, tak terkecuali bagi wajah islam di asia tenggara. faktor kebencian dan stereotype menyebar menjadi ancaman terhadap simbolisme islam. akan tetapi, di sisi lain, menyebar pula pola keislaman yang menggunakan mekanisme syariah sebagai instrumen kekuasaan, dengan beragama secara formal.14 bahkan, secara teknis, panggung dakwah tidak hanya di podium dan kitab-kitab yang tersebar sebagai informasi umat muslim, namun juga melalui media dakwah menggunakan teknologi, semisal radio, televisi dan internet. dalam sejarah dakwah keislaman, radio memiliki peran penting sebagai media dakwah dalam panggung islam indonesia kontemporer; khususnya sebagai panggung dakwah majelis tafsir al-qur’an yang berpusat di solo.15 dakwah di indonesia juga berkaitan erat dengan politik-kekuasaan. tujuan utama dari da’wah sejatinya adalah menyebarkan secara agama islam secara total, dalam ruang privat maupun publik antara muslim. akan tetapi, dalam konteks islam nusatara, da’wah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 122 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna seringkali bersinggungan dengan politik. relasi antara da’wah dan politik terletak pada dua level: yakni level ormas muslim yang terkait dengan misi da’wah dan level yang disponsori oleh negara serta aktifis yang terlibat secara langsung, dalam konteks ini organisasi yang dikelola oleh pemerintah.16 nalar pesisiran dalam teks pesantren konsepi dakwah kiai saleh darat pada abad xix dan kiai bisri musthofa pada abad xx menjadi bagian penting dari wajah islam nusantara selama dua abad terakhir. model dakwah yang berakar dari tradisi dan nalar pesisiran menjadi pintu untuk membaca watak dan tradisi keislaman orang jawa pesisiran. teks-teks yang ditulis oleh kiai saleh darat dan kiai bisri musthofa sejatinya menjadi cerminan dari dakwah islam nusantara, yang merujuk pada kearifan lokal. hal ini berbeda dengan model dakwah islam garis keras yang membawa semangat arabisme, namun lupa pada tradisi lokal yang menjadi basis ritual. kiai saleh darat menulis kitab faidurrahman, atas permintaan ra kartini, ditujukan untuk pembaca awam yang ingin mengetahui tentang kajian ayat suci alqur’an. meskipun persinggungan kiai saleh darat dengan berbagai bahan bacaan dan tradisi peradaban dunia: arab, eropa, turki dan persia, akan tetapi beliau menjelaskan dengan sederhana dan mendalam. kiai saleh darat menulis faidurrahman, dari referensi teks tafsir imam jalal al-mahalli dan imam jalaluddin as-suyuthi, dan tafsir imam arrazi, serta kitab lubab at-ta’til karya imam alhazin. tegese anatha ora pada angen-angen manungso kabeh ing ma’nane qur’an. ing aningali ingsun ing ghalibe wong ‘ajam ora ana padha angen-angen ing ma’nane qur’an, kerana ora ngerti ing carane dan orang ngerti ma’nane kerana qur’an temurune kelawan basa ‘arab. (adakah tidak berangan-angan manusia semua pada makna al-quran. yang saya melihat bahwa semua orang ‘ajam tidak ada yang berangan-angan tentang maknanya alqur’an, karena tidak mengerti cara dan tidak mengerti makna al-qur’an, karena al-qur’un diturunkan dengan menggunakan bahasa arab) alasan inilah, sebagai media informasi dan pengetahuan agama bagi orang awam, yang menjadikan peran kiai saleh darat sangat urgen bagi perkembangan islam pada abad xix. kiai saleh darat juga menulis kitab majmu’ah as-syari’ah al-kaafiyah lilawam, yang ditujukan untuk memberikan pengetahuan fikih dan syariat agama bagi orang-orang awam, meskipun isinya dapat menjadi referensi bagi kaum muslim pada umumnya. mangka mengkono-mengkono iku kufur zindiq na’udzu billah min dzalika al-haasil ora ning ma’nane qur’an anging kelawan taufiq sangking kanjeng nabi muhammad saw, utawa sangking ijtihade para salafusshalihin. artine taufiq iku temurune sangking kanjeng nabi muhammad. utawa anapun haqiqate ma’nane qur’an, mangka ora ana anging weruh, anging allah subhanahu wa ta’ala. utawi anapun tafsir kelawan ta’wil iku wenang. utawi ma’nane ta’wil iku amingu’aken ayat qur’an, marang ma’na kang patut ngerti lan burine lan ora nyulayani kitab lan hadist. kerana para salafus shalihin kabeh iku padha tafsire ing qur’an lan hale padha doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 123vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 supaya ing dalem tafsire ora ana anging setengahe maring setengahe. (maka, begitulah kufur zindiq, na’udzu billah min dzalik. tidak pada makna alqur’an, akan tetapi dengan taufiq dari nabi muhammad saw, atau dari ijtihadnya para salafus-salihin. artinya, taufiq itu turunnya dari nabi muhammad. atau adapun hakikatnya makna al-qur’an, maka tidak ada yang maha tahu, selain allah subhanallahu wata’ala. adapun tafsir dengan takwil itu diperbolehkan. makna takwil itu menyandingkan ayat al-qur’an, dengan makna yang dapat dimengerti dan makna finalnya tidak menyalahi kitab al-qur’an dan hadist. karena para salafus-salihin semua itu sama tafsirnya al-qur’an, agar dalam menafsirkan tidak ada kecuali setengahnya dari setengahnya.) kiai saleh darat memberikan gambaran tentang tafsir dan takwil secara sederhana dan tidak mempertentangkan di antara keduanya. dalam pembagian tafsir, kiai saleh darat mencipta standar tentang penguasan teks dan ilmu agama. menurut kiai saleh darat, ada tiga tahapan orang mempelajari tafsir: lan weruha sira, saktemene wong kang ngaji tafsire allah iku ana telung werna: suwiji, tatkalane ma’nane ing ayate qur’an mangka miturut lan nyandha’ake barang kang den wus ibarataken para mushonefe ingdalem ma’nane ayat lan asbab turune ayat ora nganggo mikir ping 2 ingdalem ayat lan ora mikir istinbathe ayat maring ilmu liyane. mangka wong kang ngono kuwi wong mubtadi arane miturut apa unine para mushonif. lan kapindhone, wong kang biso maham ing ayat kelawan liyane lan ngelako’aken pikire maring barang kang wos paring allah subhanahu wa ta’ala lan paham ora ketungkul siro angen-angen maring pengendikan para mushonifin. kerana iku barang kang wis maujud gampang ora susah mikire malih balik angen-angen mikire maring istinbtah pirangpirang mas’alah ingkang durung maujud katulis. mangka wong kang ngono iku wong mutawassith arane. lan kaping telune. wong kang biso ngumpulaken antarane pengendikan para mushonif lan antarane istinbathe mas’alah sangking iku ayat, mangka wong ngono iku wong muntahi arane. dan ketahuilah, bahwa sesungguhnya orang yang mengaji tafsir allah itu ada tiga bagian: pertama, ketika makna dalam ayat al-qur’an maka, menurut dan menyandarkan sesuatu seperti yang sudah dijelaskan oleh mushanif (penulis kitab) dalam makna ayat dan sebab turunnya ayat dari ilmu lainnya. maka, orang yang seperti itu, dinamakan orang mubtadi (tingkat dasar), menurut pendapat para mushanif. kedua, orang yang bisa memahami ayat dengan ayat lain, dan mencair perbandignan dengan sesuatu yang dipahamkan oleh allah (kepada manusia) dan tidak terjebak pada angan-angan dari peryataan para mushanif. karena sesuatu yang sudah maujud itu gampang dan tidak susah memikirnya, kecuali kemudian berganti menjadi angan-angan pada sesuatu yang belum maujud ditulis. maka, orang yang seperti itu dinamakan orang mutawassith. ketiga, orang yang bisa mengumpulkan antara pernyataan para mushannif dan antara istinbath masalah dari ayat itu, maka orang yang seperti itu dinamakan orang muntahi (yang sudah selesai, penguasaan teks agama) tahapan-tahapan antara tingkatan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 124 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mubtadi, mutawassith, dan muntahi menjadi pedoman penting dalam penguasaan teks tafsir, dalam pandangan kiai saleh darat. pertemuan kiai saleh dan ra kartini menjadi titik penting, untuk mengetahui tentang tingkat laku spiritual dan keagamaan umat islam dan masyarakat awam, khususnya di pesisir jawa. sedangkan, dalam pandangan kiai bisri musthofa, dalam kitab tafsir al-ibriz, teks al-qur’an menjadi sepenuhnya petunjuk bagi umat manusia untuk mengetahui tentang ayat-ayat agama. kitab qur’an iku kitab kang bener, ora patut dimamangi maneh, den turunaken deneng allah ta’ala, marang kanjeng nabi muhammad shallahu alaihi wasallam. dadiya pituduh tumraping wong kang anduweni dasar taqwa. yaiku wong kang pada percaya marang perkara kang ora katon mata. kaya suwarga neraka lan liya-liyane, ngelakoni sholat lan nyodaqohaken sebagian sangka banda-bandane, lan percaya karo kitab kang ditulis sak durunge al-qur’an. serta percaya karo akhirat, ya iku mengkono mau wong kang oleh pituduh sangking pengeran. lan iya wong mengkono iku wong kang begja kemayangan. (kitab al-qur’an itu kitab yang benar, tidak patut digamangi lagi, dan diturunkan dari allah ta’ala kepada kanjeng nabi muhammad saw. menjadi petunjuk bagi orang-orang yang memiliki dasar taqwa. yaitu, orang yang percaya pada perkara yang tidak kelihatan mata. seperti surga, neraka, dan lain sebagainya, menunaikan sholat dan menyedekahkan sebagian dari harta bendanya, dan percaya pada kitab yang ditulis sebelum al-qur’an. serta percaya pada akhirat, yaitu begitulah orang yang memperoleh petunjuk dari allah. dan itulah yang memperoleh keberuntungan ) dalam menafsirkan tentang iman, kiai saleh darat memberikan penjelasan tentang tiadanya keraguan dalam hati kepada allah dan rasulnya. dengan demikian, instrumen rasul allah, nabi muhammad, menjadi bagian penting untuk melihat dakwah dengan menggunakan media rasul. karena, ayat-ayat tuhan melewati kalam dan tindakan nabi muhammad. hal ini menjadi konsepsi dakwah keagamaan yang menggunakan instrumen nabi dan shalawat sebagai strategi utama. bahwa, aliran-aliran yang menolak melakukan ritual shalawat dan menganggap bid’ah, itu berlawanan dengan konsepsi dakwah ala kiai saleh darat, yang mencerminkan wajah islam pesisiran. mulane ora iman kerana ingdalem atine ana lara syak, ingdalem khabare rasulullah saw, sedurunge khabare qur’an mangka nuli anambahi ing munafiq kabeh sapa allah subhanahu wa ta’ala kelawan syak sebab wujude qur’an. tegese padha mamang ingdalame qur’an lan ingdalem nabine mangka tetep keduwe munafiq kabeh apa siksa kang ngelara’ake sebab olehe padha guruhaken ing utusane allah. utawa olehe goroh pengucape amanna billah. (maka, tidak ada iman karena di dalam hatinya ada was-was, tentang hadist-hadist rasulillah, sebelum kabar al-qur’an, maka itu menambah munafiq kepada allah, karena curiga (tidak percaya) tentang wujud alqur’an. artinya, ada kecurigaan tentang alqur’an dan kepada nabinya, maka kepada orang munafik itu semua, siksa yang membuat sakit karena mengacuhkan rasul allah. atau sebab berbohong ucapan iman kepada allah.) anging kerana haqiqate iman iku anging kelawan nurullah kang wus den silihaken ingdalem atine kawulane. mangka bisa iman billah lan bisa iman bil yaumi al-akhir. utawi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 125vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 ngalamate atine keparengan nurullah iku aran cocok pengucape amanna billahi kelawan atine. (karena, sebenarnya hakikat iman itu karena nurullah, yang sudah memberikan kepada hati para umat. maka, dapat beriman kepada allah dan iman kepada hari akhir. atau ciriciri hatinya mendapat cahaya allah itu karena cocok pengucapnya tentang iman kepada allah dan hatinya ) kiai saleh darat, dalam teks-teks yang ia tulis, memberikan ruang dialog bagi dakwah keagamaan, khusususnya islam. serta tidak terjebak dalam sekat ideologi yang sempit. kiai saleh darat memberikan ruang negosiasi, untuk menghadirkan wajah islam yang moderat, toleran dan ramah. sedangkan, kiai bisri musthofa memberikan ruang pengetahuan bagi orang-orang mukallaf. dalam teks yang ia tulis kepada orang awam, kiai bisri musthofa memberikan penekanan hal-hal penting yang perlu diketahui oleh orang mukallaf: wajib ingatasi wong kang mukallaf kabeh arep nekani sekabihane barang kang den wajibaken deneng allah subhanahu wata’ala, sangking sholat lan puwasa lan zakat lan liyaliyane, sangking pira-pira fardhu olehe nekani, lan cukup syarat lan rukune. lan wajib ingatase mukallaf kabeh arep neja kang jazem kang mesthi arep nekani saben-saben wajib lan ngedohi sekabihane ma’shiyat sak lawase umure lan arep terima ridha apa hukume allah tegese hukum waras utawa hukum lara manis atawa pahit, utawa hukum entheng utawa abot, wallahu a’lam. (wajib atas orang mukallaf semuanya, untuk menunaikan sesuatu yang diwajibkan dari allah subhanahu wa ta’ala, dari sholat, puasa, zakat, dan lain sebagainya. dari berbagai menunaikan fardhu, dan cukup syarat dan rukunnya. dan wajib di atas orang mukallaf semua, yang menginginkan sesuatu yang diperbolehkan, menunaikan yang wajib dan menjauhi ma’shiyat dan sepanjang umur dan mau menerima ridha hukumnya allah, yakni kesehatan, atau hukum manis-pahit dan hukum ringan-berat. wallahu a’lam) wajib atase mukallaf arep nguruhi sifat madzmumah lan sifat mahmudah, lan iya iku den arani munjiyat lan muhlikat, maka wajib arep ningali kitab ihya’ ulumuddin, lilghazali, wus angendika syaikhina al-‘allamah sayyid as-syarif ahmad bin zaini dakhlan anegesi ingsun kelawan dzahir lan batin, setuhune wong kang ningali ihya’ ulumuddin, iku wong kang oleh pituduh maring dedalan kang haq, lan den kirakira’aken wong kang wus padha mati, iku lamun uripa maleh yekti padha mekas ing wong kang urip kabeh kapurih ngaji ihya’ ulumuddin. utawi rupane sifat madzmumah iku ‘ujub lan takabbur lan riya, lan hasud lan ghasab lan syahwat al-buthn lan syahwat alfarj, lan aafatul-lisan lan bakhil gumedhe, lan demen sughih lan demen harta lan ketipu kelawan ilmune utawa amale lan dawa’aken angen-angen. utawi rupane sifat mahmudah iku taubat sekabihane dosa, lan shabar kelawan hukume allah lan syukur kelawan nikmate allah, nikmat islam dan iman dan raja’-khauf, tegese ngarep-ngarep rahmate lan feqir lan tawadhu’ tegese andhap ashor maring ibadhallah kabeh lan maring allah lan sengit dudnya lan ngedohi enak-enake dunya lan tawakkal tegese pasrah ing allah lan niyat ingdalem ati, sekabihane amale lan ikhlas ingdalem niyate, lan shidiq ingdalem amale lan mahabbah tegesi asih ing allah lan rasulullah lan aring doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 126 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kelawan allah, lan sengit liyane allah lan ridha bungah apa hukume allah, lan anyedha’aken angen-angen lan dhemen mati, lan dhemen ketemu maring allah subhanahu wa ta’ala. (wajib atas orang mukallaf, untuk mengetahui sifat madzmumah (jelek) dan sifat mahmudah (baik), dan yaitu dinamakan munjiyat dan muhlikat. maka wajib melihat kitab ihya’ ulumuddin, karangan al-ghazali. syaikhina al-‘allamah sayyid as-syarif ahmad bin zaini dahlan mengatakan dengan penekanan lahir dan batin, bahwa orang yang melihat (membaca) ihya’ ulumuddin, itu orang yang mendapat petunjuk jalan yang benar, dan sekiranya orang yang sudah meninggal, kalaupun akan hidup lagi, maka akan memberi pesan kepada orang-orang yang masih hidup untuk mengaji kitab ihya’ ulumuddin. ) sifat madzmumah itu ‘ujub (tinggi hati), takabbur (sombong) dan riya’ (pamer), hasud (suka memfitnah/menghasut), ghasab (mencuri), syahwat perut, syahwat kemaluan, bahaya lisan, bakhil yang besar, suka menjadi kaya, suka harta, dan tertipu oleh imu, amal dan memanjangkan angan-angan. sifat mahmudah itu taubat sepenuh dosa, dan sabar atas hukum allah, syukur atas nikmat allah, nikmat islam, iman, dan raja’khauf, yakni mengharapkan rahmat allah, faqir-tawadhu’, merendah di hadapan allah dan tidak terlalu menyukai dunia, meninggalkan kemaksiatan dunia dan tawakkal, pasrah terhadap allah dengan niat di dalam hati, semua amal dan ikhlas tergantung niatnya, dan benar (lurus) di dalam amalnya dan senang artinya mencintai allah dan rasul, senang di hadapan allah dan membenci selain allah, serta menikmati semua ketetapan, dan mendekatkan anganangan dan suka mati, dan menyukai bertemu dengan allah subhanahu wata’ala. pengetahuan tentang sifat mahmudah dan sifat madzmumah, merupakan cara dakwah yang moderat. kiai bisri tidak langsung menghakimi bahwa orang yang tidak melaksanakan ajaran islam akan menjadi kafir. bahkan, kiai bisri memberi ruang untuk berdialog dengan orang-orang awam, dengan menuliskan kitab yang secara subtansi sangat ringan, akan tetapi sangat dibutuhkan oleh orang-orang awam. demikian juga, dengan kiai saleh darat, yang merangkum teks pegangan fikih untuk orang awam. strategi dakwah kiai bisri dan kiai saleh darat yang memberikan ruang negosiasi bagi orang awam untuk secara pelan-pelan belajar tentang syariat islam, merupakan wajah dakwah islam pesisiran, yang mengakomodasi tradisi lokal dan kearifan sosial. hal ini, sangat berbeda dengan konsep dakwah politik dan islam transnasional yang langsung menghakimi serta mencipta teror dengan mengklaim halal, haram dan secara sengaja mengkafirkan orang lain. kesimpulan strategi dakwah kiai bisri musthofa dan kiai saleh darat memberi ruang negosiasi bagi orang awam, dengan mengakomodasi kearifan lokal dan tradisi-tradisi lokal pada masyarakat jawa, khususnya kawasan pesisiran. identitas islam pesisiran yang menjadi nalar berpikir kiai saleh darat dan kiai bisri musthofa memberi ruang agar tradisi lokal dapat hadir dalam dinamika islam, melalui proses akulturasi dan inkulturasi. kiai saleh darat dan kiai bisri musthofa, merupakan dua figur ulama pesisiran, yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 127vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 menulis puluhan kitab arab-pegon, dengan ragam tema: tafsir, fikih, tasawuf dan kitab untuk orang awam. dakwah kiai saleh darat dan kiai bisri musthofa merupakan model dakwah islam pesisir, yang mengakomodasi tradisi lokal dan memberikan ruang bagi kearifan lokal: tidak untuk menghakimi dan mengkafirkan prinsip yang berbeda dengan ajaran islam, akan tetapi memberi tuntunan agar terjadi dialog antara yang orang awam dengan nilai-nilai keislaman. catatan akhir 1 untuk kajian mendalam tentang peran walisongo dan ulama nusantara, lihat agus sunyoto, atlas walisongo, (jakarta: penerbit iman, 2013); ahmad baso, pesantren studies, ( jakarta: pustaka alif, 2013) 2 untuk mengkaji tentang konteks ilmu sosial islam nusantara, tak bisa dilepaskan dari beberapa kajian pembuka: azyumardi azra, islam nusantara: jaringan global dan lokal, (bandung: mizan, 2002) dan kajian disertasinya: the origins of islamic reformism in southeast asia: network of malay indonesian and middle eastern ‘ulama in the seventeetnth and eighteenth centuries, (honolulu: university of hawaii press, 2004); kajian uka tjandrasasmita, arkeologi islam nusantara, ( jakarta: penerbit kompas, 2009); yudi latif, intelegensia muslim dan kuasa: genealogi muslim indonesia abad 20, (bandung: mizan, 2005) 3 riset tentang peran cheng ho dan islam asia tenggara, dalam tan ta sen, cheng ho and islam in southeast asia, (singapore: iseas, 2009) 4 nur syam, islam pesisir, (yogyakarta: lkis, 2005); tradisi islam lokal pesisiran; studi konstruksi sosial upacara pada masyarakat pesisir palang, tuban jawa timur, disertasi universitas airlangga (2003); muhadjirin thohir, orang islam pesisiran, (semarang: undip press, 2006). 5 untuk kajian yang mendalam tentang kitab kuning yang ditulis oleh ulama-ulama pesantren, lihat martin van bruinessen, “kitab kuning: books in arabic script used in the pesantren milieu: comments on a new collection in the kitlv library,” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde, deel 146, 2de/3de afl, (1990), h. 226-269. 6 zainul milal bizawie, perlawanan kultural agama rakyat: pemikiran dan paham keagamaan syekh ahmad almutamakkin dalam pergumulan islam dan tradisi, 1645-1740, (jakarta: keris, 2002) 7 ketika melakukan riset tentang jejaring ulama nusantara dengan ulama timur tengah, azyumardi tidak memberi ruang bagi peran ulama jawa, khususnya kawasan pesisiran. padahal, ada ulama penting yang memberi warna bagi perkembangan islam nusantara, yakni kiai ahmad mutamakkin kajen dan kiai rifa’i batang, lihat karya-karya azyumardi azra, jaringan ulama: timur tengah dan kepulauan nusantara abad xvii & xviii, akar pembaruan islam indonesia, (1994); islam, indonesia and democracy: dynamics in a global context, (2006); dan renaissans islam asia tenggara: sejarah wacana dan kekuasaan, (1999); juga karya abdul jamil, perlawanan kiai desa: pemikiran dan gerakan islam kh. ahmad rifa’i kalisalak., (yogyakarta: lkis, 2001) 8 salim, hairus. kiai saleh darat, dari pengarang hingga pejuang. nu online-ensiklopedia ulama nusantara. senin 27/8/2012. http://www.nu.or.id/a,publicm,dinamic-s,detail-ids,13-id,39447-lang,id-c,tokoht,kiai+saleh+darat++dari+pengarang+hingga+pejuang.phpx, akses pada 29 mei 2013. 9 c. snouck hurgronje masuk ke jedah agustus 1884, februari 1885 masuk ke mekah dan agustus 1888 ia diminta meninggalkan mekah. 1 0 azhar muhammad, mengenang kiai saleh darat, guru pendiri nu dan muhammadiyah. kompasiana. 9 september (2011) 1 1 mukhamad sokheh, “tradisi intelektual ulama jawa: sejarah sosial intelektual pemikiran keislaman kiai saleh darat,” jurnal paramitha unnes, vol. 21, no. 22 (2011). 1 2 zainul milal bizawie, perlawanan kultural agama rakyat: pemikiran dan paham keagamaan syekh ahmad almutamakkin dalam pergumulan islam dan tradisi, 1645-1740, (jakarta: keris 2002) 1 3 farish a. noor, yoginder sikand, martin van bruinessen (eds). the madrasa in asia: political activism and transnasional linkages, (amsterdam: amsterdam university press, 2008) 1 4 robert w. hefner, remaking muslim politics: pluralism, contestation, democratization, (princeton: princeton university press, 2005) 1 5 jajat burhanudin, kees van dijk, islam in indonesia: contrasting images and interpretations, h. 200-201. 1 6 egdunas racius, the multiple nature of the islamic da’wa, disertasi universitas helsinki. (2004), h. 11 daftar pustaka azra, azyumardi. 2010. islamic reforms in multicultural muslim southeast asia. working paper international conference on muslims in multicultural societies, 1416 july, grand hyatt singapore. azra, azyumardi. islamic thought: theory, concepts and doctrines in the context of southeast asian islam, dalam islam in southeast asia: political, social and strategic challenges. k. s. nathan (ed.), mohammad hashim kamali. institute of southeast asian studies. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 128 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna azra, azyumardi. 2004. the origins of islamic reformism in southeast asia: network of malay indonesian and middle eastern ‘ulama in the seventeetnth and eighteenth centuries. honolulu: university of hawaii press. baso, ahmad. 2013. pesantren studies. jakarta: pustaka alif. burhanudin, j. 2007. islamic knowledge, authority and political power: the ‘ulama in colonial indonesia. leiden: leiden university, unpublished phd dissertation. bruinessen, martin van. 1990. kitab kuning: books in arabic script used in the pesantren milieu: comments on a new collection in the kitlv library. bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde, deel 146, 2de/3de afl. ____________________. traditions for the future: the reconstruction of traditionalist discourse within nu. www.hum.uu.nl/medewerkers/m.vanbruinessen/ publications/bruinessen_traditions_for_the_future.pdf ___________________. 1998. saleh darat (muhammad salih b. ‘umar al-samarani), dictionnaire biographique des savants et grandes figures du monde musulman périphérique, du xixe siècle à nos jours, fasc. no 2. paris: cnrs-ehess. __________________. 1994. “pesantren and kitab kuning: maintenance and continuation of a tradition of religious learning,” in: wolfgang marschall (ed.), texts from the islands. oral and written traditions of indonesia and the malay world [ethnologica bernica, 4]. berne: university of berne. bizawie, zainul milal. 2002. perlawanan kultural agama rakyat: pemikiran dan paham keagamaan syekh ahmad al-mutamakkin dalam pergumulan islam dan tradisi, 1645-1740, jakarta: keris. darat, kh. saleh (muhammad as-samarani). faidurrahman. singapura. ______________________________________. tth. tarjamah sabilul ‘ibad ala jauharatut tauhid. singapura. ______________________________________. tth. kitab munjiyat min ihya’ ulumuddin. singapura. ______________________________________. tth. majmu’ah as-syari’ah al-kaafiyah lil awam. singapura. djamil, abdul. 2001. perlawanan kiai desa: pemikiran dan gerakan islam kh. ahmad rifa’i kalisalak, yogyakarta: lkis. huda, achmad zainal. 2005. mutiara pesantren: perjalanan khidmah kh. bisri mustofa, yogyakarta: lkis. heer, nicolas. 2011. a concise handlist of jawi authors and their works. seattle-washington. hefner, robert w., 2005. remaking muslim politics: pluralism, contestation, democratization. princeton: princeton university press. laffan, michael. 2008. the new turn to mecca: snapshots of arabic printing and sufi networks in late 19th century java, le nouveau tournant vers la mecque : aperçus sur les imprimés arabes et les réseaux soufis à java à la fin du xixe siècle. remmm, revue des mondes musulmans et de la mediterania, langues, religion et modernité dans l’espace musulman. novembre. latif, yudi. 2005. intelegensia muslim dan kuasa: genealogi muslim indonesia abad 20. bandung: mizan. madmarn, hasan. 2009. the strategy of islamic education in southern thailand: the kitab jawi and islamic heritage. the journal of sophia asian studies. no. 27. musthofa, kh. bisri. al-ibriz. kudus: maktabah menara kudus. musthofa, bisri. majmu’ah asy-syari’ah. kudus: menara kudus. muhammad, azhar, mengenang kiai saleh darat, guru pendiri nu dan muhammadiyah. kompasiana, 9 september 2011. noor, farish a, yoginder sikand, bruinessen, martin van, (eds). 2008. the madrasa in asia: political activism and transnasional linkages, amsterdam: amsterdam university press. racius, egdunas. 2004. the multiple nature of the islamic da’wa. helsinki: university of helsinki, ph.d dissertation. sen, tan ta. 2009. cheng ho and islam in southeast asia. singapore: iseas. syam, nur. 2005. islam pesisir. yogyakarta: lkis syam, nur. 2003. tradisi islam lokal pesisiran; studi konstruksi sosial upacara pada masyarakat pesisir palang, tuban jawa timur. disertasi universitas airlangga. sunyoto, agus. 2013. atlas walisongo. jakarta: penerbit iman. sokheh, mukhamad. 2011. tradisi intelektual ulama jawa: sejarah sosial intelektual pemikiran keislaman kiai shaleh darat. jurnal paramitha universitas negeri semarang, vol. 21. salim, hairus. 2012. kiai saleh darat, dari pengarang hingga pejuang. nu online-ensiklopedia ulama nusantara. senin, 27 agustus. toru, aoyama. 2005. jawi study group. islamic area studies in japan. annals of japan association for middle east studies (ajames). no. 20/2. tjandrasasmita, uka. 2009. arkeologi islam nusantara, jakarta: penerbit kompas. thohir, muhadjirin. 2006. orang islam pesisiran. semarang: undip press. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0023. 112-128 index a a. wahid hasyim abdul kahar muzakkir abdul moeis abdullah rifa'i abdullah saeed abikusno tjokrosujoso abu abdillah muhammad al-hadi ibn baquni agus salim ahmad bafaqih ba'lawi ahmad dahlan ahmad hasan ahmadiyya al-ghazali al-irsyad ali ahmed ziauddin aman asghar ali engineer ashgar ali engineer asian muslim action network (aman) asian resource foundation (arf) azimah soebagijo b baidhawi bisri musthofa bisri mustofa bpupki c chandra muzaffar cheng ho christian peacemaker teams (cpt) cok budi suryawan d dalhar depati agung depati rencong telang f fred r. von der mahden g goerge kahin h h. samanhoedi hidayat nur wahid i idris imam jalal al-mahalli imam jalaluddin as-suyuthi ishaq damaran k khan abdul ghaffar ki bagus hadikusumo kiai saleh darat komnas ham (national committee for human rights) komnas perempuan (national committee for women) m m. syahid mahfudh salam melayu miai mohamad abdus sabur mubarak ali muhammad muhammad iqbal muhammad natsir muhammad sa'id al-busyiri muhammad shalih bin umar as-samarani muhammadiyah muhibbi mui mutamakkin n nahdlatul ulama (nu) neng djubaedah o omar asghar khan p pam allen partai islam indonesia (pii) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) persatuan islam persis persyarikatan ulama pgi (the association of indonesian christian churc psii r ra. kartini raden haji muhammad salih ibn asnami kudus raisuddin raudhatut thalibin rifa'i nasuha ruu anti-pornografi ruu app ruu-app s sahal mahfudh saleh darat salih darat serat cebolek shabry chik sheikh ahmad kutty sheikh muhammad nur abdullah soekarno sya'ban syaikh abdul ghani bima syekh ali abd al-raziq t the catholic agency for overseas development (ca tjokroaminoto u uu anti-pornografi z zamakhsyari # layout jan jun 2011 pluralitas agama pada masyarakat ketanggi; kedua, mengetahui realitas yang berkembang dari pemahaman dan praktek keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi; ketiga, mengetahui komitmen keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi terhadap pluralitas agama. fokus penelitian ini adalah kelurahan ketanggi, bagian dari kecamatan ngawi yang memiliki pluralitas agama pada masyarakatnya. penelitian ini diantaranya berkesimpulan bahwa komitmen keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi dibangun atas pemahaman “tantularisme” merupakan sinergi agama dan budaya yang melahirkan produk kearifan lokal, sebagaimana dijumpai pada kelurahan ketanggi pluralitas agama dan budaya disikapi dengan “lilo legowo” (penerimaan secara suka rela) yang bermetamorfosis menjadi perilaku toleransi terhadap keberagaman. kata kunci: pluralitas agama, tantularisme dan budaya jawa pendahuluan masyarakat indonesia adalah masyarakat yang plural, hal ini dapat dilihat dari keberagaman suku bangsa, bahasa lokal, agama, adat dan budaya yang ada. bagi suatu masyarakat pluralistik seperti indonesia, potensi konflik sangat dimungkinkan terjadi. ragam konflik bisa bersumber dari berbagai hal, seperti: konflik antar agama, konflik antar etnis, konflik antar budaya, konflik antar suku ataupun konflik kepentingan antar masyarakat dari daerah atau propinsi yang berbeda. adalah sebuah keniscayaan dalam masyarakat plural bahwa klaim kebenaran (truth claim) dan watak missioner dari setiap agama dapat mendorong terjadinya benturantantularisme, pluralitas agama dan toleransi (studi kasus masyarakat ketanggi-ngawi) moh. toriqul chaer sekolah tinggi ilmu tarbiyah karya pembangunan, paron ngawi jawa timur. email: toriqul_74@yahoo.com abstract the objectives of this article are: first, to discover the background of religious pluralism in javanese society, notably among the communities in ketanggi; second, to explore religious practices in ketanggi; and third, to explore the religious attitudes of ketanggi people towards religious pluralism. this article is based on field research carried out in ketanggi sub-district of ngawi, east java, which is inhabited by the communities with different religious backgrounds. this paper argues that religious commitment among ketanggi people is partly based on ‘tantularisme’, a sort of ethical principle which emerges as a result of the encounters between religion and local wisdom. the reception of ketanggi people towards religious and cultural pluralism is partly expressed in the concept of lilo legowo (voluntary reception towards the other) which in turn become foundation of religious tolerance in that area. keywords: religious pluralism, tantularism, and javanese culture. abstrak artikel ini bertujuan untuk: pertama, mengungkap latar belakang pluralitas agama pada masyarakat jawa, khususnya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 150 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna benturan dalam kehidupan beragama dan timbulnya salah pengertian antar penganut agama menjadi terbuka lebar. setiap agama menyatakan ajarannya sebagai totalitas sistem makna yang berlaku bagi seluruh kehidupan, baik individual maupun sosial.1 pemahaman agama pada masyarakat indonesia dipahami secara umum sebagai sistem kepercayaan, tingkah laku, nilai, pengalaman dan yang terinstitusionalisasi, diorientasikan kepada masalah spiritual/ritual yang disalingtukarkan dalam sebuah komunitas dan diwariskan antar generasi dalam tradisi. penegasan yang ingin disampaikan di sini adalah bahwa konsekuensi dari pemahaman keagamaan yang kaku, tidak bersifat scientific justru akan memunculkan stigmatisasi negatif terhadap peran penting agama dalam relasi kemanusiaan. stigmatisasi tersebut berpandangan bahwa agama identik dengan dogmatism, rigidity, excessive self-blaming dan gender bias. pada masyarakat jawa, pendewaan dan pemitosan terhadap ruh nenek-moyang melahirkan penyembahan ruh nenekmoyang (ancestor worship) yang melahirkan hukum adat dan relasi-relasi pendukungnya. pelaksanaan upacara-upacara selametan ruh nenek-moyang menjadi sebentuk dewa pelindung bagi keluarga yang masih hidup. stange menyebutnya sebagai “kesetiaan spiritual” yang dikondisikan oleh adanya semangat budaya. agama bagi masyarakat jawa agama juga tidak terlalu dipermasalahkan, karena masyarakat jawa memiliki pemahaman dan pemaknaan sendiri terhadap agama: “agama ageming aji” (agama sebagai sarana kebaikan dan kebajikan), apa pun agama yang dipeluk sama saja karena semua agama mengajarkan keselamatan.2 pemaknaan dari kata “aji” yaitu dengan pengertian “ratu” yang menjelaskan bahwa agama yang dipeluk oleh raja atau ratu itulah agama yang dipeluk oleh masyarakatnya.3 tidak heran jika masyarakat jawa dahulu berubah-ubah agamanya, dan perbedaan agama ini terjadi karena mengikuti dari agama dan keyakinan raja atau ratunya. tipologi pemaknaan agama ini pada akhirnya menjadikan pluralitas, keberagaman terjadi dan banyak dijumpai pada masyarakat jawa. pemaknaan tersebut masih berlaku sampai sekarang. sehingga tidak heran dijumpai pada masyarakat jawa dalam keluarganya terdapat lebih dari satu macam agama. masyarakat jawa beranggapan bahwa “semua agama itu mengajarkan kebaikan jadi terserah mau memilih agama apa saja, karena agama hanyalah untuk sarana menuju kepada kehidupan yang kekal (surga)”. aktualisasi komitmen keagamaan dalam wujud toleransi luar biasa ini menjadi dasar semangat untuk menghormati, menghayati serta mengamalkan semua nilai kebenaran dari manapun sumbernya yang dilandasi keyakinan orang jawa, agama hanyalah untuk sarana menuju kehidupan yang kekal dan pemahaman bahwa “sadaya agami punika sami” (semua agama hakekatnya adalah sama).4 muhaimin menambahkan bahwa sisi moralitas, harmonisasi dan etis pada masyarakat jawa yang perlu digaris bawahi adalah; adanya sifat toleran, akomodatif dan kelenturan (flexibility) dari masyarakat jawa itu sendiri.5 daerah jawa adalah daerah persilangan. sebagai sebuah persilangan, kenyataan bahwa jawa telah dilalui beragam kebudayaan dengan keunikan dan kekayaan masingmasing.6 koentjaraningrat menegaskan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 151vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 bahwa dalam masyarakat jawa terdapat dua batasan yaitu batasan masyarakat jawa secara utuh atau menurut geografisnya. secara kultural masyarakat jawa adalah masyarakat yang memiliki identitas baik itu berbahasa jawa dan berkebudayaan jawa meskipun tidak tinggal di pulau jawa. dalam khazanah nilai-nilai tradisi, masyarakat jawa selalu berpegang teguh landasan dan filosofi orang jawa yang mengedepankan keselarasan sosial dan mempunyai solidaritas yang tinggi. berdasar data pada balai penelitian, pengembangan dan statistik kabupaten ngawi,7 di kabupaten ngawi secara keseluruhan tercatat terdapat 1.382 masjid, 3.960 mushola, 77 gereja, 1 kuil dan 1 klenteng. pada kecamatan ngawi didapati 87 masjid, 135 mushola, 13 gereja, 1 kuil dan 1 klenteng. jika melihat data dari balai penelitian, pengembangan dan statistik kabupaten ngawi, maka didapati pluralitas agama pada wilayah kecamatan ngawi, khususnya pada kelurahan ketanggi yang secara administratif masuk dalam wilayah kecamatan ngawi. keunikan pluralitas agama pada kelurahan ketanggi ditunjukkan dengan adanya tempat ibadah agama yang berbeda dan saling berdekatan, antara masjid, gereja dan klenteng dalam satu kelurahan, khusus bagi klenteng merupakan satu-satunya klenteng yang ada di kabupaten ngawi. keunikan lainnya adalah adanya pluralitas etnis yang tersebar pada lingkungan sido makmur. kelurahan ketanggi juga sentra bisnis dan urat nadi perekonomian di kabupaten ngawi. pluralitas pada masyarakat ketanggi inilah yang menjadi daya tarik untuk dijadikan lokasi kajian penelitian. kelurahan ketanggi dijadikan sebagai lokasi penelitian, terutama pada aspek kajian bagaimana pluralitas agama terjadi, bagaimana pemahaman dan praktek keagamaan serta komitmen keagamaan pada masyarakat ketanggi. dengan mengamati kenyataan di atas mendorong minat peneliti untuk melakukan studi penelitian tentang pluralitas agama pada masyarakat jawa (studi komitmen keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi, kecamatan ngawi, kabupaten ngawi). berdasar latar belakang di atas, artikel ini membahas beberapa persoalan pokok sebagai berikut: mengapa terjadi pluralitas dalam masyarakat jawa, khususnya keberagaman agama pada masyarakat ketanggi? bagaimana pemahaman dan praktek keagamaan pada masyarakat ketanggi? bagaimana komitmen keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi terhadap pluralitas agama? analisis teoretik: pluralitas agama pada masyarakat ketanggi kerangka teori yang peneliti gunakan merupakan konsep teori beragama unifying factor yang digagas oleh gordon w. allport dan teori collective consciousness serta religion as a societal glue–nya emile durkheim. dalam kajian allport, cara beragama yang menjadikan agama sebagai unifying factor; menjadikan agama sebagai falsafah hidup dan kehidupan yang menekankan aspek kasih sayang disebut sebagai “cara beragama intrinsik” yang dapat menciptakan lingkungan masyarakat yang harmonis, damai dan penuh kasih sayang. agama dalam kajian durkheim merupakan perwujudan dari collective consciousness (kesadaran kolektif) walau pada realitasnya dapat ditemui adanya perwujudanperwujudan lainnya. dalam analisa durkheim agama adalah sarana untuk memperkuat kesadaran kolektif seperti ritusdoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 152 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna ritus agama yang membuat pelaku yang terlibat (involved) dalam upacara keagamaan dengan harapan kesadaran mereka tentang collective consciousness semakin bertambah kuat. tesis durkheim “religion as a societal glue” merupakan antitesa pemikiran agama pada satu sisi memiliki potensi yang bersifat destruktif yang terjadi karena klaim kebenaran agama (truth claim) yang berlebihlebihan tetapi agama pada sisi yang lain juga merupakan wahana konstruktif bagi adanya interaksi dan dialog antar umat beragama, mewujudkan persatuan sosial, mempertahankan integrasi, keutuhan dan keteraturan sosial sehingga konflik, kerusuhan dan kekerasan massa dapat dihindari. berikut adalah deskripsi proses berpikir dalam kajian pluralitas agama masyarakat jawa dengan aksentuasi kajian pada pembahasan komitmen keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi, kecamatan ngawi kabupaten ngawi. gambar 1. kerangka berpikirunifying factor (gordon w. allport) secara filosofis, pluralitas dibangun dari prinsip pluralisme, yaitu sikap, pemahaman dan kesadaran terhadap kenyataan adanya kemajemukan, keragaman sebagai sebuah keniscayaan, sekaligus ikut secara aktif memberikan makna signifikannya dalam konteks pembinaan dan perwujudan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara ke arah manusiawi yang bermartabat. pluralitas adalah keragaman dalam sebuah wujud persatuan. keragaman, keunikan, dan parsial itu merupakan realitas yang tak terbantahkan, secara sosiologis, manusia terdiri dari berbagai etnis dan budaya yang saling berbeda dan mengikat dirinya antara satu dengan lainnya. salah satu yang paling penting dalam ranah pluralitas adalah sesuatu yang terkait dengan kepercayaan atau agama yang dianut oleh masyarakat. pluralitas agama sangat mewarnai sejarah kehidupan, sosial, tidak terkecuali masyarakat kontemporer, baik dalam skala kecil maupun skala besar, terutama pada negara-negara yang sangat mengedepankan religiusitas. keragaman agama, sebagaimana keragaman etnisitas suku dan bangsa, juga dipahami dalam satu perspektif kemanusiaan yang hidup berdampingan dengan kekhasannya membangun kehidupan bersama, keunikan ini bukanlah ancaman terhadap pemeluk agama yang satu terhadap eksistensi agama yang lainnya, tetapi akan lebih memperjelas keunikan sendiri. agama yang dianut oleh seorang pemeluknya menjadi identitas pribadinya sekaligus cerminan kesucian agamanya. indonesia merupakan salah satu di antara sedikit negara di dunia yang memiliki karakteristik sebagai negara multietnik. di indonesia diperkirakan terdapat 931 etnik dengan 731 bahasa. indonesia juga merupakan sebuah negara yang memiliki tradisi agama yang cukup kuat. ada lima agama besar di indonesia, yakni islam, katolik, protestan, hindu, dan buddha.8 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 153vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 struktur masyarakatnya ditandai oleh dua cirinya yang unik, yaitu: secara horizontal, ia ditandai oleh kenyataan adanya kesatuankesatuan sosial berdasarkan perbedaanperbedaan suku bangsa, agama, adat, serta perbedaan-perbedaan kedaerahan. sedangkan secara vertikal, struktur masyarakat indonesia ditandai oleh adanya perbedaanperbedaan antara lapisan atas dan lapisan bawah yang cukup tajam. perbedaan-perbedaan suku bangsa, agama, adat, dan kedaerahan seringkali disebut sebagai ciri masyarakat indonesia yang bersifat majemuk, suatu istilah yang mulamula dikenalkan oleh furnivall untuk menggambarkan masyarakat indonesia pada masa hindia belanda. konsep masyarakat majemuk sebagaimana yang digunakan oleh ahli-ahli ilmu kemasyarakatan dewasa ini memang merupakan perluasan dari konsep furnivall tersebut. masyarakat indonesia pada masa hindia belanda, menurut furnivall, merupakan suatu masyarakat majemuk (plural society), yakni suatu masyarakat yang terdiri atas dua atau lebih elemen yang hidup sendiri-sendiri tanpa ada pembauran satu sama lain di dalam kesatuan politik.9 pluralitas agama atau kebhinekaan agama merupakan kenyataan aksiomatis (tidak bisa dibantah), dan merupakan keniscayaan sejarah (historical necessary) yang bersifat universal.10 pluralitas agama harus dipandang sebagai bagian dari kehidupan manusia, yang tidak dapat dilenyapkan, tetapi harus disikapi. dalam menyikapi pluralitas agama tersebut, lahirlah konsep-konsep mengenai sikap keagamaan yang diusung oleh beberapa tokoh. misalnya, hans kung yang mempromosikan ide global ethics, john hick mengusulkan global theology. pemikiran eksklusif dari agama-agama diglobalkan dan dilebur agar dikenal dengan gagasan yang disebut teologi inklusif. teologi ini menekankan bahwa semua agama pada esensinya adalah sama, semuanya benar karena tanpa kecuali seluruhnya mengajarkan kebaikan dan ketundukan kepada yang maha kuasa dan maha benar. oleh sebab itu, tidak ada satu pun di antara agama yang ada pada saat ini lebih superior dibandingkan yang lain. menurut komaruddin hidayat, tipologi sikap keagamaan terdiri dari lima tipe, yaitu; ekslusivisme, inklusivisme, pluralisme, eklektivisme, dan universalisme. ekslusivisme adalah sikap keagamaan yang memandang bahwa ajaran yang paling benar adalah agama yang dipeluknya, yang lainnya sesat. insklusivisme adalah sikap keagamaan yang berpandangan bahwa di luar agama yang dipeluknya, juga terdapat kebenaran, meskipun tidak seutuh dan sesempurna agama yang dianutnya. pluralisme adalah sikap keagamaan yang berpandangan bahwa secara teologis, pluralitas agama dipandang sebagai realitas niscaya yang masing-masing berdiri sejajar sehingga semangat misionaris dan dakwah dianggap “tidak relevan”. eklektivisme adalah sikap keagamaan yang berusaha memilih dan mempertemukan berbagai ajaran agama yang dipandang baik dan cocok untuk dirinya sehingga format akhir dari sebuah agama menjadi semacam mozaik eklektik. universalisme adalah sikap keagamaan yang berpandangan bahwa pada dasarnya semua agama adalah satu dan sama, hanya karena faktor historis yang menyebabkan agama tampil dalam format yang plural.11 dalam konteks islam, mereka menolak interpretasi ulama atau umat islam atas surat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 154 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna ali imran: 197 yang menekankan superioritas islam atas agama lainnya. qurasih shihab menerjemahkan q.s. ali imran: 19, sebagai berikut, “sesungguhnya agama (yang disyariatkan) di sisi allah adalah islam. tidak berselisih orangorang yang telah diberi al-kitab kecuali sesudah datang pengetahuan kepada mereka karena kedengkian (yang ada) di antara mereka. barangsiapa yang kafir terhadap ayatayat allah maka sesungguhnya allah sangat cepat hisab-nya”.12 tentang masyarakat ketanggi pada masyarakat ketanggi interaksi agama dan budaya terjadi secara masif, hal ini karena potensi yang dimiliki ketanggi selain sebagai pusat bisnis di wilayah kabupaten ngawi, juga merupakan pusat pemerintahan kabupaten. dengan jarak tempuh hanya kurang dari 500 meter ke pusat pemerintahan dan adanya pusat bisnis yang menawarkan ragam dan aneka kebutuhan bagi masyarakat kabupaten ngawi menjadikan ketanggi menjadi tujuan bagi para pendatang dari luar kabupaten ngawi untuk berinvestasi dan menetap di ketanggi. pusat bisnis di kelurahan ketanggi diantaranya berada di sepanjang jalan ar. suprapto dan jalan sultan agung yang sebagian besar didominasi oleh pertokoan yang menawarkan aneka produk makanan, garment dan elektronik. pusat bisnis lainnya ada di sepanjang jalan ronggowarsito di jalan dr. sutomo banyak dijumpai toko-toko yang melayani kebutuhan sehari-hari, diantaranya alfa mart dan indomaret, pusatpusat hiburan serta toko delima sebagai pusat grosir alat-alat pendidikan di kabupaten ngawi. keberadaan pasar besar ngawi di jalan mangkubumi, ketanggi turut andil dalam meningkatkan laju pertumbuhan dan perkembangan roda perekonomian di wilayah ketanggi. keberadaan pasar besar ngawi sebagai pusat ekonomi kerakyatan menjadikan kelurahan ketanggi berkembang dinamis dari segi pertumbuhan perekonomian bila dibandingkan dengan daerah-daerah lainnya di wilayah kabupaten ngawi. selain sebagai tempat tujuan pemenuhan aneka kebutuhan hidup sehari-hari masyarakat ngawi, ketanggi juga sering dijadikan sebagai tempat pergelaran pelbagai acara yang diselenggarakan di kabupaten ngawi, terutama pada momen peringatan hari jadi kabupaten ngawi. pada beberapa perayaan yang berkenaan dengan upacara protokoler kedinasan atau pemerintahan, maka wilayah ketanggi selalu menjadi prioritas utama sebagai tempat penyelenggaraannya, hal ini bisa dimaklumi karena keberadaan alun-alun kabupaten ngawi berada di wilayah ketanggi. tingkat pertumbuhan ekonomi yang tinggi menjadikan ketanggi tujuan utama bagi para pelaku ekonomi untuk melakukan ekspansi dan investasi perdagangan. hal ini menjadikan ketanggi memiliki intensitas interaksi budaya, agama dan etnik yang pada akhirnya menjadikan ketanggi sebagai wilayah yang pluralis etnis dan agama bila dibandingkan dengan wilayah-wilayah yang lain di kabupaten ngawi. keunikan pada aspek keberagaman agama, budaya dan etnis menyebabkan kelurahan ketanggi berbeda dengan kelurahan yang lain di wilayah kabupaten ngawi. pada kelurahan ketanggi pluralitas agama dan kerukunan umat beragama tidak hanya terjadi pada tingkat masyarakat, tetapi juga terjadi pada tingkat keluarga. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 155vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 peneliti mendapati beberapa keluarga yang memiliki latar belakang agama yang berbeda, diantaranya keluarga hendrik (57 tahun) yang berdomisili di jalan mangkubumi. pada keluarga hendrik terdapat pluralitas agama, beliau sebelumnya beragama kristen lalu pindah agama buddha dan anak-anak beliau diantaranya menganut agama kristen dan katolik. meskipun terjadi perbedaan agama dalam berkeluarga peneliti tidak mendapati pertikaian atau konflik yang bersumber pada masalah agama dan etnik dalam keluarga yang terdapat pluralitas agama. beliau mengatakan bahwa komitmen untuk membangun suasana kehidupan keagamaan di tingkat keluarga yang rukun dan harmonis berdasar pada keyakinan pengamalan nilai-nilai agama yang mereka yakini untuk berbuat yang terbaik kepada sesama manusia (hasil wawancara dengan hendrik (57 tahun) pada tanggal 19 oktober 2011). pemahaman pluralitas agama pada masyarakat ketanggi melihat apa yang disampaikan oleh hendrik (57 tahun) lebih kental adanya kekuatan pemahaman keluhuran ajaran agama yang mereka anut. disamping itu pengaruh dari budaya jawa yang menekankan sikap sinkretis menjadikan potensi konflik pada pluralitas agama dapat diredam. tidak hanya sekedar bahasa retorika, tetapi memberikan contoh dalam perbuatan, bagaimana menghargai perbedaan termasuk perbedaan agama. johan hendrik caspar kern dalam karangannya “over de vermenging van civaisme en buddhisme op java, naa aanleiding van het oudjavaansch gedicht sutasoma” tidak menggunakan istilah sinkretisme tetapi menggunakan istilah vermenging; yang artinya percampuran. sementara itu gonda menyebutnya dengan istilah coalition, disamping itu ada yang menamakannya sebagai blending (pemaduan), fusion (peleburan) dan amalgation (amalgamasi; peleburan). istilah sinkretisme dan sinkretisme jawa digunakan rasers yang menggunakan istilah “agama jawa” untuk menamai produk percampuran agama yang terjadi pada masyarakat jawa.13 dari uraian diatas dapat peneliti simpulkan bahwa hubungan mesra antar agama pada masyarakat jawa, baik jawa tengah maupun jawa timur, terutama jawa tengah bukan hanya sekedar sinkretisme jawa melainkan toleransi yang luar biasa dari masyarakat jawa yang dilandasi semangat untuk menghormati dan menghayati serta mengamalkan semua nilai kebenaran, dari manapun sumbernya. semangat ini identik dengan tantularisme; jika ditarik sumbernya tersirat dari kalimat yang disampaikan oleh empu tantular bhinneka tunggal ika tan hana dharma mangrwa (berbeda-beda tetapi tetap satu). pluralitas agama yang terjadi di ketanggi bukanlah halangan untuk membangun hubungan dialogis antar umat beragama, hal ini dikarenakan semangat kebajikan (sabba danam dhamma danam svaha). semangat pembauran yang dilakukan oleh etnis tionghoa dilakukan dengan kesadaran bahwa apa yang mereka lakukan adalah upaya untuk menjadi bagian dari masyarakat ketanggi (hasil wawancara dengan ali handoyo (71 tahun), pengurus klenteng sie hien kyong, ngawi pada tanggal 26 oktober 2011). dari uraian di atas, maka dapat disimpulkan yang menjadi kekuatan dialog harmonisasi pluralitas agama dan etnis pada masyarakat ketanggi merupakan upaya pemahaman agama sebagai comprehensive commitment, dan driving integrative motive yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 156 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna mengatur seluruh aspek kehidupan manusia disamping adanya faktor budaya masyarakat jawa yang menekankan harmoni (keselarasan). agama dimengerti, dipahami dan diterima sebagai faktor pemadu (unifying factor) sebagaimana yang digagas oleh gordon w. allport, atau dengan kata lain cara beragama yang menjadikan agama sebagai panduan, falsafah dalam hidup dan kehidupan. cara beragama seperti ini aplikasi nilai ajaran-ajaran agama menghunjam ke dalam diri penganutnya dan dipraktekkan dalam hidup dan kehidupan. dalam kajian allport, cara beragama yang menjadikan agama sebagai falsafah hidup dan kehidupan yang menekankan aspek kasih sayang disebut sebagai “cara beragama intrinsik” yang mampu menciptakan lingkungan masyarakat yang harmonis, damai dan penuh kasih sayang. pemahaman ajaran agama sebagai ajaran untuk berbuat baik terhadap sesama diyakini oleh masyarakat ketanggi, dipahami dan diterapkan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. orang jawa tidak bisa lepas dari masyarakat mereka; masyarakat itu otonom serta mengatur keseluruhan hidup para pesertanya. rust en orde demikian niels mulder menyebut ketentraman dan keselarasan masyarakat jawa yang merupakan dasar moralitas; dasar itu terletak dalam hubungan yang laras antara orang dalam masyarakat mereka sendiri.14 harmonisasi suasana pluralitas agama pada masyarakat kelurahan ketanggi didukung pula adanya peran aktif dari para pemuka agama yang menekankan pada para pengikut/jamaahnya untuk selalu berbuat baik dan untuk selalu bisa menghargai perbedaan yang ada pada masyarakat ketanggi. catatan kelam bernuansa agama memang pernah terjadi pada tahun 1980 di wilayah ketanggi akan tetapi konflik tersebut dipicu oleh adanya proses dakwah internal yang dilakukan oleh agama tertentu dengan kaku, ekstrem dan cenderung anarkis. peristiwa tahun 1980 bukan merupakan konflik atas nama agama, akan tetapi merupakan persoalan internal agama berkaitan dengan cara dakwah yang dilakukan oleh golongan/organisasi tertentu (hasil wawancara dengan lurah ketanggi pada tanggal 25 oktober 2011). terciptanya kondisi keberagaman yang kondusif juga tidak terlepas dari peran andil pemerintah, dalam hal ini pemerintah kabupaten ngawi dalam menciptakan kerukunan antar umat beragama. salah satu upaya untuk menjembatani hubungan antar umat beragama pemerintah menyediakan wadah bagi para pemuka agama untuk berdialog dan mencari solusi atas permasalahan yang terjadi di masyarakat, yaitu forum kerukunan umat beragama (fkub). fkub ini bertujuan sebagai penyambung aspirasi masyarakat beragama di kabupaten dengan pemerintah. selain itu fkub bertujuan untuk memberikan pemahaman kepada masyarakat arti penting dari kesadaran hidup beragama dalam suasana pluralitas agama. terlepas dari pro dan kontra, semangat pendirian fkub pada hakekatnya merupakan bentuk apresiasi pemerintah terhadap suasana keberagaman agama di masyarakat. analisa pemahaman dan praktek keagamaan pada masyarakat ketanggi masyarakat ketanggi selain plural agama, juga plural secara etnis. penduduk yang tinggal di lingkungan ketanggi sebagian besar doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 157vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 adalah warga pendatang etnis tionghoa yang lahir dan hidup di jawa. ajaran leluhur etnis tionghoa terus diamalkan dan dipelihara secara turun-temurun, sekalipun mereka sudah menganut suatu agama atau kepercayaan yang berbeda dengan agama dan kepercayaan yang dianut oleh nenek moyang mereka. etnis tionghoa ketanggi melakukan praktek ritual di klenteng sie hien kyong, ngawi sebagaimana tradisi ritual dan kepercayaan terhadap roh, wali keramat maupun benda-benda magis pada masyarakat jawa pribumi yang masih tetap mengakar dalam kebudayaan masyarakat jawa. dalam masyarakat jawa pendewaan dan pemitosan terhadap ruh nenek moyang melahirkan penyembahan ruh nenek moyang (ancestor worship) yang pada akhirnya melahirkan hukum adat dan relasi-relasi pendukungnya. dengan upacara-upacara selamatan, ruh nenek moyang menjadi sebentuk ‘dewa pelindung’ bagi keluarga yang masih hidup.15 melakukan upacara atau ritual ditempat-tempat keramat adalah suatu tindakan religius yang merupakan bagian dari kebudayaan. kegiatan ini dilandasi dan didorong oleh adanya emosi keagamaan, sebuah getaran spiritual yang dipercaya mampu menggerakkan jiwa manusia. beberapa pakar agama menyebutkan bahwa aktifitas ritual merupakan proses dimana jiwa manusia dimasuki cahaya tuhan.16 praktek ritual dalam bahasa underhill (1992) selalu ditujukan kepada tuhan, betapapun tebalnya selubung yang digunakan untuk memahami-nya dan betapapun anehnya penyamaran yang dipakainya. ciri ibadat ini ialah adanya keseimbangan antara lahir dan batin, karena manusia tidak hanya terbuat dari akal atau spirit saja.17 ciri ibadat ini ialah adanya keseimbangan antara lahir dan batin, karena manusia tidak hanya terbuat dari akal atau spirit saja.18 ahli-ahli kebudayaan berpandangan bahwa pengenalan terhadap tradisi seperti ini berawal dari pemujaan roh dan benda-benda. pemujaan pada roh disebut dengan animisme dan pemujaan pada benda mati disebut dinamisme. animisme dan dinamisme merupakan religi jawa tertua yang mewarnai keyakinan masyarakat. keyakinan itu terwujud nyata dalam pemujaan roh dan kekuatan benda melalui permohonan berkah. ekspresi-ekspresi ritual dalam praktik sekarang ini juga tampak pada perpaduan antara unsurunsur islam dengan budaya lokal. contoh yang paling populer dan hingga saat ini masih menjadi polemik di kalangan umat islam adalah peringatan untuk mendoakan orangorang yang sudah meninggal dunia, yaitu pada hari ke 3, 7, 40, 100 dan 1000 hari dari kematiannya. acara ritual ini dalam tradisi sekarang disebut selametan, sebuah kata yang diderivasi dari bahasa arab yaitu islam, salam dan salamah yang berarti memohon keselamatan dan kedamaian, upacara ini sering dikaitkan dengan istilah tahlilan atau tahlil yaitu membaca kalimat thayyibah, la ilaha illa allah bersama-sama. bagi orang jawa, khususnya masyarakat ketanggi, pemahaman bahwa hidup ini dipenuhi dengan upacara-upacara, baik upacara yang berkaitan dengan lingkungan maupun upacara yang bersifat sakralritualistik. upacara ini mengiringi kehidupan manusia sejak dari keberadaannya dari perut ibu, lahir, anak-anak, remaja, dewasa, sampai saat kematiannya disamping itu juga upacara kegiatan sehari-hari dalam mencari nafkah. dalam hal ini secara luwes islam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 158 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna memberikan warna baru pada upacaraupacara itu, diantaranya kenduren atau selametan, mitoni, sunatan dan lain lain.19 utsman najati dalam bukunya alqur’an dan ilmu jiwa agama, mengatakan bahwa keimanan tuhan memiliki kekuatan yang luar biasa yang membekali manusia yang lebih religius dan kekuatan rohaniyah yang menopang dalam menanggung beban hidup, menghindarkannya dari keresahan yang menimpa banyak manusia modern yang dalam hidupnya didominasi oleh kehidupan materi dan persaingan keras guna mendapatkan materi, tapi pada saat tertentu manusia membutuhkan hidangan ruhaniyah. menurut djam’annuri, hal paling utama yang membedakan perbuatan-perbuatan ibadat dengan perbuatanperbuatan manusia yang lain adalah niat (intension), atau tujuannya, bukan perbuatan itu sendiri.20 di sinilah lebih terletak perbedaan penting antara agamaagama etnis dengan agamaagama universal dalam mengungkapkan pengalaman agama secara teoritis atau intelektual. agama etnis menekankan pada ketelitian dan ketepatan pelaksanaan perbuatan itu sendiri, opus operantum, sementara agama-agama universal lebih memberikan penilaian pada sikap batin dan tujuan (niat) perorangan sebagai ukuran kemurnian iman. tanpa sikap batin dan niat yang benar, pelaksanaan suatu perbuatan keagamaan tidak akan ada nilainya sama sekali. pemahaman masyarakat ketanggi akan pentingnya menjalankan ajaran agama dengan baik dan benar sebagai suatu kewajiban yang harus dipenuhi. pada sisi yang lain mereka juga memiliki kewajiban untuk menjaga tradisi yang terbungkus dalam ritual dan upacara. dalam proses selanjutnya antara agama dengan budaya pada masyarakat ketanggi saling berinteraksi, saling mengisi dan saling mempengaruhi. sinergi tradisi keagamaan dan sikap keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi terjadi saling melengkapi, pada satu sisi sikap keagamaan yang mereka miliki mendukung terbentuknya tradisi keagamaan, sedangkan tradisi keagamaan sebagai lingkungan kehidupan turut memberi nilai dan norma dari pola tingkah laku keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi itu sendiri. dengan demikian, tradisi keagamaan memberi pengaruh dalam membentuk pengalaman dan kesadaran agama sehingga terbentuk dalam sikap keagamaan masyarakat yang hidup dalam lingkungan tradisi tertentu. agama dalam bahasa durkheim merupakan perwujudan dari collective consciousness (kesadaran kolektif) sekalipun selalu ada perwujudan-perwujudan lainnya. tuhan dianggap simbol dari masyarakat itu sendiri yang sebagai collective consciouness kemudian menjelma ke dalam collective representation. tuhan merupakan idealisme dari masyarakat itu sendiri yang menganggapnya sebagai makhluk yang paling sempurna (tuhan adalah personifikasi masyarakat) dan melebihi apa yang dimiliki oleh manusia. dalam hal ini durkheim mengemukakan dua hal pokok dalam agama yaitu kepercayaan dan ritus/ upacara-upacara. keyakinan adalah pikiran dan ritus adalah tindakan. agama adalah sarana untuk memperkuat kesadaran kolektif seperti ritus-ritus agama. orang yang terlibat dalam upacara keagamaan maka kesadaran mereka tentang collective consciouness semakin bertambah kuat. keberlanjutan upacara keagamaan suasana keagamaaan dibawa dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, kemudian lambat laun doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 159vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 collective consciousness tersebut semakin lemah kembali. jadi ritual-ritual keagamaan pada masyarakat ketanggi merupakan sarana yang dianggap mampu berperan dalam menciptakan kesadaran kolektif di antara masyarakat, atau dengan kata lain ritual agama yang mereka lakukan merupakan sebuah upaya re-charge bagi manusia untuk mendekatkan diri kembali kepada tuhannya. dirk menyebutkan bahwa di dalam ritual, dia lebih menekankan pada bentuk ritual sebagai penguatan ikatan tradisi sosial dan individu dengan struktur sosial dari kelompok. integrasi ini dikuatkan dan diabadikan melalui simbolisasi ritual atau mistik. jadi ritual dilihat sebagai perwujudan esensial dari kebudayaan. lebih lanjut dinyatakan bahwa ritual adalah as dramatizing the basic myths and vision of reality, the basic values and moral truths, upon which...(t)he world rest.21 sebagaimana yang diungkapkan oleh ali handoyo (71 tahun) bahwa etnis tionghoa yang lahir dan hidup di jawa merasakan betul bahwa tradisi, budaya dan ritual jawa sarat dengan kebijaksanaan hidup dan itu saling mengisi dengan sikap atas keyakinan agama yang mereka miliki yang bersinergi menjadi suatu kekuatan kebaikan dalam menjalin hubungan yang harmonis antar sesama walau berbeda keyakinan agama dan suku bangsa. pada sisi yang lain etnis tionghoa yang tinggal dan berbaur dengan masyarakat ketanggi tetap melestarikan tradisi etnis tionghoa, salah satunya adalah gong zhui; yaitu pertemuan rutin diantara etnis tionghoa di kelurahan ketanggi, acara ini selain temu akrab juga biasanya membahas isu-isu dan topik bisnis dan pada sesi akhir acara mereka mengumpulkan sumbangan yang nantinya digunakan untuk membantu warga disekitar mereka tinggal ataupun sebagai donasi bagi kepentingan amal lainnya (wawancara dengan ali handoyo (71 tahun), tanggal tanggal 28 november 2011) berdasar uraian diatas peneliti menyimpulkan bahwa kondisi pemahaman dan praktek keagamaan pada masyarakat ketanggi memiliki kesamaan dengan konsep yang ditawarkan robert c. monk. beliau menyatakan bahwa dalam tradisi keagamaan memiliki dua fungsi utama yang mempunyai peran ganda; yang pertama, tradisi keagamaan sebagai kekuatan yang mampu membuat kestabilan, keterpaduan dan harmonisasi bagi individu dan masyarakat. yang kedua, tradisi keagamaan berfungsi sebagai agen perubahan dalam masyarakat maupun individu, bahkan dalam situasi konflik sekalipun.22 pemahaman dan praktek keagamaan yang terjadi pada masyarakat ketanggi memiliki fungsi ganda, pada satu sisi merupakan perakat kestabilan sosial pada sisi yang lain merupakan gerakan perubahan progresif untuk perbaikan kehidupan sosial. proses dialektika antara agama dengan budaya lokal jawa yang terjadi pada masyarakat ketanggi setidaknya menghasilkan produk budaya sintetis yang merupakan keniscayaan sejarah sebagai hasil dialog antara agama dengan nilai tradisi budaya lokal jawa. lahirnya ekspresi-ekspresi ritual yang nilai instrumennya merupakan produk lokal, sedangkan muatan materinya bernuansa religius keagamaan. keterkaitan antara agama dan budaya pada masyarakat ketanggi tidak serta merta menghilangkan nilainilai fundamental dari ajaran agama yang mereka yakini. begitu juga halnya dengan tradisi dan budaya etnis tionghoa, masyarakat etnis tionghoa yang tinggal di doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 160 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna ketanggi walaupun telah memeluk agama yang menjadi pilihan hidup mereka tetap menjaga dan memelihara tradisi dan budaya para leluhur mereka. analisa komitmen keagamaan masyarakat ketanggi terhadap pluralitas agama perbedaan ciptaan tuhan di tengah alam semesta adalah suatu keniscayaan yang patut diterima sebagai anugerah yang harus disyukuri. hal demikian harus menjadi lebih nyata pada hidup beragama di tengah keberagaman agama sebagai keniscayaan yang diterima dan disyukuri sebagai anugerah allah. sebagaimana pendapat ir. henry suwarto (53 tahun), beliau mengatakan bahwa dalam ajaran agama kristen (katolik) juga senada dengan agama-agama yang lain. pemuka atau tokoh agama menghimbau para jemaat agar dapat hidup berdampingan dengan umat agama yang lain, supaya terjadi kerukunan umat beragama dan lingkungan yang kondusif tanpa ada masalah antara warga yang satu dengan warga yang lainnya. karena ajaran kristen yang diajarkan oleh yesus kristus atau isa adalah ajaran kasih. jadi individu yang percaya pada yesus hidupnya harus penuh kasih untuk menunjukan bahwa di dalam orang kristen ada kasih salah satu caranya adalah dengan hidup berdampingan dan tanpa pertikaian dengan umat beragama yang lain (hasil wawancara dengan pendeta ir. henry suwarto, pimpinan jemaat gereja utusan pantekosta di indonesia ngawi pada tanggal 10 desember 2011). secara hakiki, manusia adalah manusia ciptaan allah sehingga saling berbeda tidak mengharuskan seorang untuk berlaku tak adil dengan membeda-bedakan seorang dengan dirinya sendiri atau dengan orang lain atau dengan memperlakukan sesama secara diskriminasi karena berbeda agama, etnis, atau status dan lain sebagainya. keinginan untuk hidup damai, rukun berdampingan antar umat beragama merupakan representasi keinginan untuk hidup bermakna bagi diri, keluarga dan lingkungan masyarakat. sebagai motivasi utama hasrat ini mendambakan diri agar menjadi seseorang yang bermartabat, terhormat dan berharga (being somebody) dengan kegiatan-kegiatan yang terarah pada tujuan hidup yang dan bermakna. hanna djumhana bastaman menjelaskan setidaknya ada tiga nilai yang merupakan sumber makna hidup, yaitu:23 a. creative values (nilainilai kreatif), bekerja dan berkarya serta melaksanakan tugas dengan keterlibatan dan tanggungjawab penuh pada pekerjaan yang merupakan sarana untuk menemukan dan mengembangkan makna hidup. makna hidup bukan terletak pada pekerjaan melainkan pada sikap dan cara kerja yang mencerminkan keterlibatan pribadi. berbuat kebajikan dan melakukan hal-hal yang bermanfaat bagi lingkungan termasuk usaha untuk merealisasikan nilai-nilai kreatif, b. experiental values (nilai-nilai penghayatan), menyakini dan menghayati kebenaran, kebajikan, keindahan, keadilan, keimanan dan nilai-nilai berharga lainnya. cinta kasih merupakan nilai yang sangat penting dalam mengembangkan hidup bermakna. mencintai seseorang berarti menerima sepenuhnya keadaan orang yang dicintai apa adanya, c. attitudinal values (nilai-nilai bersikap), menerima dengan tabah dan mengambil sikap yang tepat dalam pelbagai persoalan hidup dengan terus mengupayakan secara doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 161vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 optimal cara mengatasinya. persoalan yang datang dalam bentuk musibah dapat memberikan makna hidup jika mampu mengatasinya dengan baik, tentunya setelah diupayakan usahausaha untuk mengatasinya. optimisme dalam menghadapi musibah, persoalan hidup tersirat dalam ungkapan seperti; makna dalam derita (meaning in suffering) dan hikmah dalam musibah (blessing in disguise). bapak rohmat (60 tahun), tokoh agama ketanggi menyebutkan bahwa proses pembumian nilai-nilai ajaran islam dan proses dialog antar agama yang kondusif di wilayah ketanggi melalui proses perjalanan panjang dan dialog yang intens. beliau mengungkapkan bahwa daerah sekitar jalan dr. sutomo ketanggi dahulunya, pada era tahun 1980an merupakan surga bagi penggemar minuman keras. dengan intensitas kegiatan dakwah dan ditunjang komitmen para pemuka agama islam yang menginginkan perubahan dan adanya tempat ibadah bagi umat islam maka atas swadaya masyarakat muslim pada waktu itu dibantu dukungan moril dan materiil dari perangkat kelurahan ketanggi maka didirikanlah masjid darul jannah yang letaknya bersebelahan dengan gereja utusan pantekosta di indonesia. dengan adanya masjid, suasana keagamaan mulai menggeliat dan kegiatan mabuk-mabukan perlahan-lahan mulai hilang. suasana religius mulai nampak seiring dengan berdirinya masjid darul jannah yang bersebelahan dengan gereja utusan pantekosta di indonesia ngawi yang lebih dulu berdiri pada tahun 1986. proses pembangunan masjid darul jannah sendiri berjalan lancar melalui dialog yang intens diantara pemuka agama dalam memahami arti perbedaan agama diantara mereka dalam menciptakan kehidupan bermasyarakat yang harmonis (wawancara dengan rahmat (60 tahun) pada tanggal 20 november 2011). keragaman agama sebagaimana keragaman etnis, suku dan bangsa, juga dipahami dalam satu perspektif kemanusiaan yang hidup berdampingan pada masyarakat ketanggi dengan kekhasannya membangun kehidupan bersama, keunikan-unikan ini bukanlah ancaman terhadap pemeluk agama yang satu terhadap eksistensi agama yang lainnya, tetapi akan lebih memperjelas keunikan sendiri. sebagaimana yang dikemukakan oleh damami bahwa masyarakat jawa terdapat pemahaman dan pemaknaan sendiri terhadap agama. “agama ageming aji” dari ungkapan ini muncul pemaknaan-pemaknaan.24 pemaknaan pertama yaitu, bahwa agama merupakan pedoman hidup yang pokok, artinya bahwa agama apa saja mengajarkan atau mengandung ajaran yang serba baik untuk keselamatan dan kesejahteraan hidup masyarakat di dunia ini apa pun agama yang dipeluk sama saja karena semua agama mengajarkan keselamatan. persepsi tentang tuhan pada masyarakat jawa tergambar dalam ungkapan tan kena kinayangapa; yang mengandung pengakuan bahwa setiap kali orang mencoba melukiskan atau menjelaskan tentang hakekat tuhan pastilah tidak menggambarkan hakekat tuhan yang sebenarnya dan seutuhnya. dalam pemahaman masyarakat jawa upaya untuk menggapai tuhan tak lebih dari ibarat, perumpamaan orang-orang buta yang meraba gajah. ada yang memegang gading, ada yang memegang perut, ada yang memegang ekor, ada yang memegang kaki. masing-masing mempunyai penghayatan berbeda tentang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 162 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna makhluk yang bernama gajah itu. menyadari kenyataan tersebut masyarakat ketanggi tidak suka memperdebatkan pendirian atau keyakinan tentang tuhan dan agamanya. mereka tidak pernah menganggap bahwa kepercayaan atau keyakinannya adalah yang paling benar dan yang lain salah. sikap inilah yang merupakan kekuatan masyarakat jawa dalam membangun kerukunan, toleransi baik di bidang kehidupan beragama maupun di bidang-bidang yang lain. kerukunan umat beragama juga terlihat pada keharmonisan hubungan antar pemeluk agama. salah satunya membantu pembangunan tempat ibadah bagi agama lain, kegiatan tertentu, peringatan hari-hari besar keagamaan dan kegiatan lainnya tentunta dengan syarat adanya persetujuan dari dua belah pihak. partisipasi dan keikutsertaan ini bisa berwujud sumbangan dana maupun material pada acara-acara sosial dan agama yang dilakukan dengan sukarela tanpa paksaan (hasil wawancara dengan didik, kasi kesra kelurahan ketanggi, pada tanggal 25 oktober 2011). kerukunan umat beragama masyarakat ketanggi terjalin dengan harmonis merupakan kerja keras para pemuka agama masing-masing yang disosialisasikan kepada para jemaatnya. pemerintahan kabupaten dalam hal aparat kelurahan ketanggi bekerja sama dengan pemuka agama menciptakan kerukunan umat beragama dengan pemikiran pemikiran atau pemahaman masyarakat ketanggi bahwa agama atau kepercayaan itu hanyalah salah satu alat bagaimana individu atau masyarakat dapat mencapai tujuan hidup yaitu menuju alam suci atau surga. jadi dengan kata lain semua agama itu baik, semua agama mengajarkan kebaikan. pemikiran atau pemahaman ini yang digunakan aparat kelurahan ketanggi untuk menjaga kerukunan umat beragama. oleh para pemuka atau tokoh agama yaitu islam, kristen, hindu dan buddha pemahaman ini dibawa atau disosialisasikan kepada para jemaat atau pengikutnya. sosialisasi ini dilakukan setiap ada kegiatan agama. misal untuk agama islam dilakukan saat pengajian, yasinan, tahlilan di setiap masjid dan musholla. untuk agama kristen disampaikan saat kebaktian minggu atau hari-hari lain di gereja. untuk agama budha dilakukan saat ada ritual sembahyang di klenteng dan pada saat hari-hari besar agama buddha, yang mengajarkan tentang arti penting dalam membangun harmoni, menciptakan kerukunan antar umat beragama yang disampaikan pada pada saat upacara ritualnya. komitmen keagamaan pada masyarakat ketanggi dalam keragaman agama terepresentasi secara unik pada tokoh-tokoh agamanya. hal ini dapat dilihat dari komitmen keagamaan para tokoh agamanya untuk membangun suasana kehidupan keberagaman agama yang harmonis di kelurahan ketanggi. sebagaimana teori yang digagas durkheim bahwa “religion as a societal glue”, agama walau pada satu sisi bersifat destruktif akan tetapi pada sisi yang lain merupakan wahana konstruktif bagi adanya interaksi dan dialog antar umat beragama.tri dayakisni dan hudaniah (2009: 160), mengatakan bahwa komitmen adalah suatu perasaan kelekatan dan niat untuk memelihara hubungan. duffy dan rusbult (1986) menyatakan bahwa orang akan lebih komitmen pada suatu hubungan ketika: (1) mereka puas dengan hasil yang mereka peroleh; (2) tidak adanya alternatif hubungan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 163vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 lain yang dapat dimasukinya; dan (3) mereka telah menginvestasikan beberapa sumber yang cukup besar dalam hubungan seperti itu (seperti waktu, usaha, pengungkapan diri, persahabatan timbal-balik dan berbagi milik). berbicara komitmen, masyarakat ketanggi tidak bisa dilepaskan dari adanya interaksi sosial diantara mereka, dimana proses tersebut terdapat hubungan timbal-balik, saling mempengaruhi dan pada satu sisi saling menguatkan identitas mereka sebagai masyarakat jawa yang memiliki kewajiban menjaga harmoni diantara mereka. soekanto mendefinisikan interaksi sosial sebagai hubungan antar orangperorang atau dengan kelompok manusia. interaksi sosial tak akan mungkin terjadi apabila tidak memenuhi dua syarat: (1) adanya kontak sosial, dan (2) adanya komunikasi.25 menurut glock & stark ada lima macam dimensi keberagaman, yaitu dimensi keyakinan (ideologis), dimensi peribadatan atau praktek agama (ritualistik), dimensi penghayatan (eksperiensial), dimensi pengamalan (konsekuensial), dimensi pengetahuan agama (intelektual). keberagamaan atau aktifitas beragama bukan hanya terjadi ketika seseorang melakukan perilaku ritual (beribadah), tetapi juga ketika melakukan aktifitas lain yang didorong oleh kekuatan supranatural. bukan hanya yang berkaitan dengan aktifitas yang tampak dan dapat dilihat mata, juga aktifitas yang tak tampak dan terjadi dalam hati seseorang.26 pengurus klenteng sien hien kyong, ngawi ali handoyo (71 tahun) mengatakan bahwa komitmen untuk selalu menjaga kerukunan umat beragama dengan cara menghimbau kepada anggota jemaatnya untuk tidak fanatik, sebab rasa fanatik akan menimbulkan perasaan-perasaan atau tindakan yang tidak baik. pemahaman ini didasarkan pada kenyataan mayoritas pemeluk agama kristen dan kong hucu merupakan etnik tionghoa, yang secara historis merupakan warga pendatang bukan penduduk asli ketanggi. mengenai karakteristik masyarakat ketanggi sebagaimana disampaikan oleh purwoko (47 tahun), ketua takmir masjid darul jannah ketanggi, beliau mengatakan memang ada keunikan terutama pada aspek keberagaman masyarakat di ketanggi. beliau menunjukkan adanya keberadaan masjid dan gereja yang bisa berdiri saling berdekatan, bagaimana komunitas muslim mampu berdampingan, hidup bersama dengan komunitas pemeluk agama kristen dengan harmonis. beliau selanjutnya menerangkan bahwa secara historis gereja utusan pantekosta di indonesia yang terlebih dahulu berdiri pada tahun 1986, setelah itu pada tahun 1998 baru di bangun masjid darul jannah. inisiatif untuk membangun masjid darul jannah ketanggi bersebelahan dengan gereja pantekosta utusan dunia bukanlah bertujuan untuk membatasi gerak para jemaat gereja dalam beribadah akan tetapi pembangunan masjid darul jannah sematamata menjawab kebutuhan umat muslim di ketanggi berkenaan dengan tempat ibadah bagi mereka. hubungan antar umat beragama yang terjadi antara umat muslim dengan para pengurus dan jemaat gereja berjalan secara wajar, dan selama perjalanan pelaksanaan ibadah tidak pernah terjadi masalah, apalagi sampai bentrok fisik. hal itu bisa terjadi karena memang diantara tokoh agama dan pemeluk agama di wilayah ketanggi berupaya melakukan dialog dalam menyelesaikan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 164 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna permasalahan diantara mereka, terutama untuk menghindari hal-hal yang tidak diinginkan, yaitu kerusuhan atas nama agama di wilayah ketanggi. pada masa awal berdirinya masjid darul jannah sempat terjadi kesalahpahaman, kurangnya komunikasi pada saat pelaksanaan ibadah kami umat muslim dengan pelaksanaan ibadah jemaat gereja, akan tetapi setelah dilakukan upaya dialog antara pengurus masjid dengan pengurus gereja baptis ngawi dapat dicapai kesepakatan untuk bisa saling memahami dan menghargai terutama pada waktu-waktu pelaksanaan ibadah yang dilakukan diantara mereka (hasil wawancara dengan purwoko pada tanggal 25 november 2011). dari apa yang disampaikan beberapa tokoh agama dan aparat kelurahan di atas, tercermin bahwa upaya untuk menjaga stabilitas dan harmonisasi keberagaman agama dilakukan secara kontinyu dan berkesinambungan dalam bentuk komitmen dan toleransi yang dibangun diantara pemuka agama, aparat dan masyarakat ketanggi. kultur budaya dan tradisi masyarakat jawa yang mengedepankan harmoni memberikan pengaruh yang kuat pada masyarakat ketanggi. komitmen masyarakat ketanggi dalam bentuk apresiasi terhadap pluralitas mampu mencegah terjadinya konflik agama dan terbukti mampu menciptakan iklim yang harmoni dan kondusif bagi pluralitas kehidupan beragama di masyarakat ketanggi. inilah yang digambarkan oleh durkheim bahwa agama dalam bentuk pemahaman pemeluknya memiliki fungsi sebagai perekat sosial. masyarakat ketanggi menyakini bahwa ajaran agama mengharuskan pemeluknya untuk senantiasa hidup rukun dan harmonis, itulah yang menjadi kekuatan ketanggi sebagai model percontohan bagaimana komitmen keagamaan mendasari setiap aktifitas gerak dan laku para pemeluk agama untuk bisa menghadirkan suasana yang damai, aman dan tentram. budaya masyarakat ketanggi merupakan perwujudan budaya masyarakat jawa mendukung turut andil bagi terwujudnya situasi yang kondusif bagi kehidupan keagamaan. komitmen keagamaan yang dibangun masyarakat ketanggi dalam pluralitas agama tidak bisa dilepaskan begitu saja dari adanya pengaruh budaya masyarakat jawa. bagi masyarakat jawa, khususnya pada masyarakat ketanggi beranggapan bahwa agama hanyalah sebagai “kawan seiring nilai leluhur” sebagaimana yang diungkapkan oleh muhamad damami. beliau menjelaskan bahwa nilai-nilai leluhur yang berjalan seiring dengan ajaran agama. dengan kata lain nilainilai leluhur yang terbungkus dalam tradisi dan filosofi hidup melengkapi nilai-nilai ajaran agama. kesimpulan kajian dialektika agama dan budaya pada masyarakat jawa dalam analisa nico syukur dister disebutkan bahwa interaksi budaya dan agama pada sisi lain berpotensi mereduksi nilai-nilai sakral ajaran agama itu sendiri.27 ia menjelaskan bahwa ada bahaya yang mengancam ketika agama dan etika digabungkan sedemikian erat; yang pertama, agama dan etika menjadi kehilangan intensi dan kekhasan sendiri. intensi agama adalah bergaul dengan tuhan, pergaulan dengan tuhan tidaklah sama dengan hidup berperikemanusiaan. nilai-nilai moral bersifat otonom. kedua, adalah ancaman apabila orang memakai agama sebagai sarana untuk menjamin lancarnya kehidupan sosiodoi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 165vol. 8 no. 2 juli desember 2012 moral ialah disalahgunakannya agama oleh para penguasa masyarakat untuk mempertahankan status quo yang menguntungkan kedudukan penguasa yang bersangkutan. melihat argumentasi yang dikemukakan oleh nico syukur dister di atas dalam menganalisa apa yang terjadi pada proses dialog antara agama dan etika (tradisi budaya) di masyarakat ketanggi pada satu sisi memang benar adanya. sakralitas nilai ajaran agama pada masyarakat ketanggi boleh dikatakan menjadi bias, tereduksi oleh nilainilai ritualistik budaya masyarakat jawa. proses tarik ulur yang terjadi antara ritual agama dan ritual budaya pada masyarakat ketanggi sedemikian khas sebagaimana masyarakat jawa pada umumnya dengan kentalnya nuansa budaya dan tradisi dalam upacara-upacara ritual keagamaan. diperlukan kajian yang mendalam dan fokus pada interaksi budaya dan agama pada upacara keagamaan pada masyarakat jawa. hal ini dikarenakan komitmen keagamaan pada masyarakat ketanggi pada satu sisi hadir dari pengaruh yang timbul dari pemahaman berdasar ajaran-ajaran agama dan pada sisi yang lain, komitmen keagamaan yang dibangun masyarakat ketanggi memiliki nuansa budaya jawa yang sangat kental. ada kekhawatiran ketika agama dan budaya digabungkan sedemikian rupa, sebagaimana kekhawatiran yang disampaikan nico syukur, proses tersebut menghilangkan intensi, kekhasan agama sebagai sesuatu yang “taken for granted” ilahiyah dengan etika yang bertumpu pada budaya manusia. bahkan pada sisi yang lain pemaksaan atas nama agama dalam menjaga stabilitas sosial dan untuk mempertahankan status quo bagi para penguasa. berdasar analisa diatas maka dapat peneliti simpulkan bahwa proses dialog intens antara agama dan budaya pada masyarakat ketanggi dan masyarakat jawa -pada umumnyamenjadikan keadaan dimana agama pada suatu saat berfungsi sebagai landasan legal formal atas tradisi-tradisi budaya di masyarakat. keadaan seperti ini bisa menimbulkan bias dan reduksi ajaran agama oleh selubung perilaku ritual-budaya masyarakat ketanggi sebagai representasi masyarakat jawa itu sendiri. dialektika agama dan budaya pada masyarakat ketanggi lebih condong pada penguatan legalitas budaya sebagai penggerak kesadaran kolektif bila dibandingkan dengan kekuatan moralitas sosial agama. catatan akhir 1 komarudin hidayat, “ilmu perbandingan agama: ketegangan antara dialog dan dakwah”, ulumul qur’an, jurnal ilmu dan kebudayaan, no. i, vol. iv. h. 11. 2 paul stange,. politik perhatian: rasa dalam kebudayaan jawa (terj.) (yogyakarta: lkis, 1998). 3 muhamad damami, makna agama dalam masyarakat jawa (yogyakarta: lesfi, 2002) 4 sujamto, re-oreintasi dan revitalisasi: pandangan hidup masyarakat jawa (semarang: dahara prize, 1992). 5 muhaimin a.g., islam dalam bingkai budaya lokal potret di cirebon (jakarta: pt. logos wacana ilmu, 2001). 6 denys lombard, nusa jawa, silang budaya (jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, 2005), h. 1. 7 balai penelitian, pengembangan dan statistik kabupaten ngawi, ngawi dalam angka (ngawi: cv. mahardika, 2009). 8 yoseph yapi taum, “wawasan kebangsaan dari perspektif budaya flores.” makalah dialog budaya daerah “merumuskan kembali wawasan kebangsaan melalui perspektif budaya lokal” yang diselenggarakan balai kajian sejarah dan nilai tradisional yogyakarta, 18 – 19 april di wisma kinasih kaliurang, 2006, h. 32. 9 js. furnivall, netherlands india: a study of plural economy (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1967), p. 446. 1 0 hendar riyadi, melampaui pluralisme: etika al-qur’an tentang keragaman agama (jakarta: rmbooks & psap, 2006), h. 59-60. 1 1 sunardi, “dialog: cara baru beragama, sumbangan hans kung bagi dialog antar-agama,” dalam seri dian doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 166 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna i/tahun i: dialog kritik dan identitas agama (yogyakarta: dian interfidei, 1994), h. 69. 1 2 quraish shihab, tafsir al-mishbah, volume 2 (jakarta: lentera hati, 2000), h. 38-39. 1 3 sujamto, re-oreintasi dan revitalisasi: pandangan hidup masyarakat jawa (semarang: dahara prize, 1992), h. 15. 1 4 niels mulder, kepribadian jawa dan pembangunan nasional (yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1986), h. 37. 1 5 http://pujanggagagal.blogspot.com/2011/03/ makalah-budaya-dan kepercayaan html, diakses pada hari senin tanggal 31 oktober 2011 1 6 koentjaraningrat dan donald k. emmerson (eds), aspek manusia dalam penelitian masyarakat (jakarta: gramedia, 1985), h. 144 1 7 djam’annuri, ekspresi keagamaan (yogyakarta: fakultas ushuluddin iain sunan kalijaga), h. 34. 1 8 djam’annuri. ekspresi keagamaan, h. 34. 1 9 (http://siji.phpnet.us/index.php/islam-budaya-jawa/ interelasi-nilai-jawa-dan-islam-dalam-bidangkepercayaan-dan-ritual.html, diakses pada hari senin, tanggal 31 oktober 2011). 2 0 djam’annuri. ekspresi keagamaan, 35. 2 1 nur syam, islam pesisir (yogyakarta: penerbit lkis, 2005), h. 19. 2 2 jalaluddin rakhmat, psikologi agama sebuah pengantar (jakarta: penerbit mizan, 2004), h. 227. 2 3 hanna djumhana bastaman, integrasi psikologi dengan islam; menuju psikologi islami (jakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2005), cet. iv. h. 195. 2 4 muhamad damami, makna agama dalam masyarakat jawa (yogyakarta: lesfi 2002) 2 5 tri dayakisni dan hudaniah, psikologi sosial (malang: umm press, 2009), h. 160. 2 6 djamaludin ancok dan fuat nashori suroso. psikologi islami; solusi islam atas problem-problem psikologi (yogyakarta: penerbit pustaka pelajar, 2008), h. 76-77 2 7 nico syukur dister, pengalaman dan motivasi beragama, h. 102. daftar pustaka ancok, djamaludin dan fuat nashori suroso. 2008. psikologi islami; solusi islam atas problem-problem psikologi, yogyakarta: penerbit pustaka pelajar. cet. vii balai penelitian pengembangan dan statistik kabupaten ngawi. 2009. ngawi dalam angka, ngawi: cv. mahardika. bastaman, hanna djumhana. 2005. integrasi psikologi dengan islam; menuju psikologi islami, jakarta: pustaka pelajar, cet. iv. damami, muhamad. 2002. makna agama dalam masyarakat jawa, yogyakarta: lesfi. dayakisni, tri dan hudaniah. 2009. psikologi sosial, umm press, malang. dister, nico syukur. 1994. pengalaman dan motivasi beragama, yogyakarta: penerbit kanisius. djam’amnnuri. 1997. ekspresi keagamaan, yogyakarta: fakultas ushuluddin iain sunan kalijaga. furnivall, js. 1967. netherlands india: a study of plural economy, cambridge at the university press. hidayat, komarudin. 1993. ilmu perbandingan agama: ketegangan antara dialog dan dakwah, ulumul qur’an, jurnal ilmu dan kebudayaan, no. i, vol. iv. koentjaraningrat dan donald k. emmerson (eds.). 1985. aspek manusia dalam penelitian masyarakat, jakarta: penerbit pt gramedia. lombard, denys. 2005. nusa jawa, silang budaya (terj.). jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. muhaimin, a.g. 2001. islam dalam bingkai budaya lokal potret di cirebon. jakarta: pt. logos wacana ilmu. mulder, niels. 1986. kepribadian jawa dan pembangunan nasional. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. najati, utsman. 1985 alqur’an dan ilmu jiwa agama. bandung: pustaka. rakhmat, jalaluddin. 2004. psikologi agama sebuah pengantar. jakarta: penerbit mizan. riyadi, hendar. 2006. melampaui pluralisme: etika al-qur’an tentang keragaman agama, jakarta: rmbooks & psap. shihab, quraish. 2000. tafsir al-mishbah, volume 2, jakarta: lentera hati. stange, paul. 1998. politik perhatian: rasa dalam kebudayaan jawa (terj.) yogyakarta: lkis. sujamto. 1992. re-oreintasi dan revitalisasi: pandangan hidup masyarakat jawa semarang: dahara prize. suseno, franz magniz. 2003. etika jawa; sebuah analisa tentang kebijaksanaan hidup jawa. jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka umum sunardi, st. 1994 “dialog: cara baru beragama, sumbangan hans kung bagi dialog antar-agama,” dalam seri dian i/tahun i: dialog kritik dan identitas agama, yogyakarta: dian syam, nur. 2005. islam pesisir, yogyakarta: penerbit lkis. taum, yoseph yapi. 2006. “wawasan kebangsaan dari perspektif budaya flores.” makalah dialog budaya daerah “merumuskan kembali wawasan kebangsaan melalui perspektif budaya lokal” yang diselenggarakan balai kajian sejarah dan nilai tradisional yogyakarta, 18 – 19 april 2006 di wisma kinasih kaliurang. internet http://pujanggagagal.blogspot.com/2011/03/makalahbudaya-dan kepercayaan diakses pada hari senin tanggal 31 oktober 2011 http://siji.phpnet.us/index.php/islam-budaya-jawa/ interelasi-nilai-jawa-dan-islam-dalam-bidangkepercayaan-dan-ritual.html doi 10.18196/aiijis.2012. 0012. 149-166 index a abdul munir mulkhan abdullah thufail saputra abu al-mughisy al-husain abu yazid al-busthami aceh achmad chodjim acquisition adat adat's administrative agama agama ageming aji agama jawa" ahmad khatib minangkabawy ahmad sukino aksiomatis alqur'an al-hallaj al-irsyad al-irsyad al-islamiyyah ali handoyo amalgation amended âmil amir syarifuddin andy agung prihatna animisme anthropology antroposentrisme ar fakhruddin ar. suprapto arnold m. rose arskal salim asef bayat ashad kusuma djaya azyumardi azra b badan amil zakat badan 'âmil zakât baheula bapak rohmat baptis behaviour bengkulu bid'ah blending bmt buah gadang buddha c canduang koto laweh center for the study of religion and culture chaidar s. bamualim children's jurai churafat citizenship clifford geertz contemporary csrc cultus publicus d damami darul ulum datuak sangguno di rajo dediknas departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan republik indonesia diachronic diana leat dinamisme dogmatism dpr-gr dr. sutomo duffy durkheim dutch dutch occupation e eklektivisme eksistensi eksistensi ekslusivisme, eksperiensial ekspresi-ekspresi emile durkheim erni budiwanti evers f farâidh fi al-asyya' al-ibahah filantrofi islam filantropi filantropi islam flexibility franz von benda-beckmann franz von benda-bergmann freedom fried fundamental furnivall furuiyyah fusion g geertz geo-politik global ethics global theology. glock gluckman gong zhui gordon w. allport gulliver gus dur h h. dawam h. kusrin h. nasih h. roziq h. salim haji dawam haji dawam roji hak hanna djumhana bastaman harato pusako harmonisasi harmonisasi helmut k. anheier hendrik hibah hilman latief hindu hizbut tahrir indonesia hj. khotijah hoebel horikoshi horizonta hudaniah i idealisme ideologis ijmaiyyah ilmu jiwa agama imran manan briefly individualistis indonesia indonesische drukkerij infak ingsun ilahi inklusif inklusivisme intelektual intellectuals intension ir. henry suwarto irvan abu bakar islam islamic activism islamic law islamic law. islamic philanthropy isrâ' mi'râj istimbath j jackson jambi jamil wahid java jehova jim schiller john hick k k.h. ar. fachrudin kaafur kamanakan kapital-modern kartopuran surakarta katolik kaum kedermawanan khas-an khazanah khurafat kiyai slamet klenteng klenteng sie hien kyong koentjaraningrat kohesivitas komaruddin hidayat konsekuensial kristen kulonprogo kulonrpogo yogyakarta kyai kyai haji ahmad dahlan l lazis lili zakiyah munir lirboyo llyod m m. dawam rahardjo m. ng. harjawijaya madrasah mualimin muhammadiyah maharaja rufus shinra majelis mujahidin indonesia majelis tafsir al-qur'an malawi malinowski mamak manfred ziemek mangkubumi mangkunegara mansoer faqih mas ng. harjawijaya mas ng. mangunwijaya masdar f. mas'udi masif max planck institute for social anthropology mazdhabiyyah memberdayakan merle c. ricklefs milik minangkabau minister of religious affairs mitologi mmi modernisasi moh. hari siti jenar moh. hari soewarno mohammad sobary monograph monograph. moore mora moralitas mta muhaimin muhammad dachlan muhammad muhsin khan muhammad taqi-ud-din al-hilali muhammad wildan, muhammadiyah 'multifungsi musyawarah muthohharun jinan n nagari nagari nahdhatul ulama nahdlatul ulama (nu) nico syukur dister niels mulder non-partisan nu ny. rorokidul nyai rara kidul o ohan hendrik caspar kern optimisme ota ownership-deed p pangeran cloud panglima sephiroth panjinatarata pantekosta partai amanat nasional (pan) partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) peacock penghulu permodalan nasional madani persatuan islam pesantren philanthropy pilkades pku pluralism pluralisme pluralisme pluralitas pluralitas pns politisasi tradisi pondok pesantren gontor prabu satmata president suharto priyayi protestan purifikasi purwoko q qadariyah qiyâs quran qurasih shihab r raden panji natara radio persada fm raditional society ranz von benda-beckmann rasionalisasi regulations riau rigidity ritualistik robert c. monk rusbult s saifuddin zuhri sami hasan samiul hasan scholars scientific sekolah guru agama semi-autonomous serat bayan budiman sewugalur shadaqah sholawatan sinkretisme sintetis social justice socio-political sosial-ekonomi sosial-politiknya spiritual stark state strategic-group subsidi silang suku sultan abdul hamid ii sultan agung sumatra sunan bonang sunan giri kedhaton suparman usman susilo bambang yudhoyono sustainabilitas syekh siti jenar t tahlilan takhayul takhayul takhayul, bid'ah, dan churafat teologis terorisme tersantuni timur tengah tionghoa tipologi tradisionalis tradition tri dayakisni trikotomi truth claim u uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta 'ulama ulayat universalisme universalisme university of leiden university of zurich urbanisasi uswatun hasanah v vanderlinden vinogradoff, w w. allport wahhabi wakaf wali songo waqf warih wasiyat widya pustaka woodman word trade center y yasinan yesus kristus z zakat zakât zamachsyari dhofier zambia zis ziswaf layout desember 2016 oke islam dan negara: perdebatan dalam pembuatan perda syariat di kota tasikmalaya ma’mun murod al-barbasy universitas muhammadiyah jakarta email: azam_hakam@yahoo.com abstract this paper discusses the debates behind the formulation of sharia regulation in tasikmalaya. this paper argues that the initiators of sharia regulation in tasikmalaya are coming from mainstream islamic organizations such as muhammadiyah, nahdlatul ulama or persis, but social organizations or nonmainstream islamic groups, such as hizb ut-tahrir indonesia (hti), front defenders of islam (fpi) and laskar thaliban, including pkppsi and the indonesian ulema council (mui). this debate is seen in the perspective of the relationship between islam and the state. there are at least four important topics examined in this paper: the linkages between shariah regulation and islamophobia, resistance and acceptance of sharia regulation, the relationship between notion of shariah and political party ideology, and sharia regulation as a product of democracy. this paper also agues that two largest muslim organizations, muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama, both in position as jam’iyah and jamaah, less contributed to the debate of shariah regulation in tasikmalaya. keywords: sharia regulation, jam’iyah, jamaah, islamophobia, ajengan bendo abstrak tulisan ini membahas tentang perdebatan yang mengiringi pembuatan perda syariat di kota tasikmalaya. hal yang menarik dari tulisan ini adalah temuan bahwa penggagas perda syariat di kota tasikmalaya bukanlah ormas-ormas islam mainstream seperti muhammadiyah, nahdlatul ulama atau persis, tapi justru ormas-ormas atau kelompok islam non-mainstream, seperti hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti), front pembela islam (fpi), dan laskar thaliban, termasuk pkppsi. perdebatan ini dilihat dalam perspektif relasi islam dan negara juga mengiringi selama proses pembahasan perda syariat. setidaknya ada empat perdebatan penting, yaitu perdebatan dalam kaitan perda syariat dengan islamophobia, resistensi dan penerimaan terhadap perda syariat, keterkaitan perda syariat dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0063.223-252 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 224224224224224 afkaruna ideology partai politik, dan mendudukan secara proporsional perda syariat sebagai produk demokrasi. tulisan ini juga menyinggung sedikit tentang posisi muhammadiyah dan nahdlatul ulama, baik dalam posisi sebagai jam’iyah maupun jamaah dalam perdebatan tersebut. kata kunci: perda syariat, jam’iyah, jamaah, islamophobia, ajengan bendo pendahuluan jauh sebelum indonesia merdeka, umat islam selalu mengambil peran dan mewarnai kehidupan politik. hadirnya kerajaan-kerajaan islam menjadi bukti sejarah peran politik umat islam. belum lagi beberapa peperangan bersejarah seperti perang paderi (1821-1837), perang diponegoro (18251830), perang aceh (1837-1904)1 dan pertempuran 10 november,2 termasuk keluarnya resolusi jihad,3 juga menjadi bukti keterlibatan peran umat islam. begitu juga peristiwa yang terjadi jelang kemerdekaan hingga saat ini, seperti saat pembahasan ideology negara, umat islam selalu ikut mewarnai. terjadi pertarungan antara kelompok revivalistik atau roy menyebutnya kelompok islamis4 dengan kelompok sekular.5 pertarungan ini mencapai mufakat seiring disepakatinya piagam jakarta, 22 juni 1945.6 pertarungan ideologis kembali terjadi saat pembahasan ideologi negara di konstituante (1957-1959). kelompok islam kékéh menuntut berlakunya piagam jakarta.7 kelompok nasionalis bertahan dengan pancasila tanpa piagam jakarta.8 perdebatan berakhir seiring keluarnya dekrit presiden 5 juli 1959.9 memasuki era orde baru, juga terjadi pertarungan ideologis. beberapa kebijakan orde baru bahkan vis a vis kelompok islam.10 puncaknya ketika soeharto memaksakan asas tunggal pancasila.11 pasca orde baru, kembali muncul gugatan terhadap pancasila, yang ditandai dengan respon kelompok islam yang tersebar di berbagai partai islam dan ormas islam yang mencoba mengusung kembali piagam jakarta masuk dalam pembukaan dan pasal 29 uud 1945. dengan berbekal suara sebanyak 37,5% (172 kursi) hasil pemilu 199912 partai-partai islam memanfaatkan sidang tahunan mpr untuk mengusung kembali piagam jakarta. ppp dan pbb menjadi wakil partai islam yang konsisten memperjuangkannya. hasilnya, kelompok islam kembali menelan kegagalan. penyebabnya, antara lain sikap pan dan pkb yang berbeda dengan ppp dan pbb, tak bersedia memperjuangkan piagam jakarta. begitu juga pk (pks) yang semula semangat mendukung piagam jakarta, dalam perkembangannya mengusulkan piagam madinah. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 225225225225225vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 kegagalan ini tak menyurutkan niat kelompok islam untuk memperjuangkan piagam jakarta melalui penerapan apa yang kemudian disebut dengan sebutan “perda syariat.” bagi kelompok islam, transisi politik pasca orde baru dinilai telah memberi ruang politik untuk memperjuangkan apa yang diimajinasikan sebagai bentuk ideal dari politik islam. bila masa lalu, bentuk ideal itu adalah negara islam, sekarang mengalami transformasi menjadi perda syariat.13 namun terlepas kehendak di balik upaya penerapan syariat islam, euforia demokrasi pasca orde baru telah memunculkan tuntutan berupa penerapan perda syariat di banyak daerah. menariknya, kebanyakan daerah tersebut mempunyai relasi ideologis yang kuat dengan di/tii.14 misalnya di aceh yang identik dengan di/tii daud beureueh. beberapa kabupaten di sulawesi selatan juga bersemangat untuk menerapkan perda syariat. hasil jajak pendapat pemerintah sulawesi selatan awal 2002 menunjukkan 91,11% responden setuju penerapan syariat islam. begitu juga daerah di sekitar priangan yang dulu jadi basis di/tii kartosuwirjo, seperti kota tasikmalaya. kota tasikmalaya ini sempat jadi perbincangan, karena berhasil menetapkan beberapa perda syariat. upaya ini sudah dimulai sejak masih jadi bagian dari kabupaten tasikmalaya yang secara kultural dan politis mendapat dukungan dari ormas islam dan partai politik. selepas pemilu 1999, ppp tasikmalaya berhasil mengantarkan ketuanya tatang farhanul hakim menjadi bupati tahun 2001.15 pasca terpilih sebagai bupati, tatang mengeluarkan renstra tasikmalaya 2001-2005 yang tertuang dalam perda nomor 3 tahun 2001. di dalamnya tercantum visi: “tasikmalaya yang religius/islami sebagai pusat pertumbuhan di priangan timur serta mampu menempatkan diri menjadi kabupaten yang maju di jawa barat pada tahun 2010”. karena banyaknya kritik, visi ini direvisi dengan perda nomor 13 tahun 2003 tentang revisi renstra. dalam perda ini, visi diubah menjadi: “tasikmalaya yang religius/islami sebagai kabupaten yang maju dan sejahtera serta kompetitif dalam bidang agribisnis di jawa barat tahun 2010.” studi ini mengkaji perdebatan pembuatan perda syariat di kota tasikmalaya. perda dimaksud adalah perda nomor 12 tahun 2009 tentang pembangunan tata nilai kehidupan kemasyarakatan yang berlandaskan pada ajaran agama islam dan norma-norma sosial masyarakat kota tasikmalaya. perda ini disahkan tanggal 31 agustus 2009. alasan yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 226226226226226 afkaruna mendasari, selain isinya, selama proses pembuatan perda ini juga muncul banyak kontroversi, tidak saja dalam konteks lokal, tapi juga nasional. perda ini adalah inisiatif dari para ajengan dari berbagai pesantren dan ormas islam non-mainstream16 di tasikmalaya yang oleh ayubi disebut “islamisme” dalam pertemuan di kediaman kh. miftah fauzi,17 seperti hti, fpi, dan laskar thaliban serta ajengan bendo,18 seperti kh. acep mubarok, kh. miftah fauzi, kh. aman baden, kh. asep mausul, kh. nuril mubin, kh. jenjen, dan kh. mukmin. pertemuan menyepakati perlunya penegakkan syariat islam dan membentuk pkppsi yang bertugas membuat draft raperda syariat. pkppsi berhasil membuat tujuh raperda.19 perda ini mulanya copy paste dari qanun aceh. setelah mendapat masukan, termasuk dari bahtsul masail diniyah yang digelar nu serta merujuk pada perundang-undangan yang ada, nama perda berubah sebagaimana tertulis pada perda 12 tahun 2009.20 bahwa sesuai uu 32 tahun 2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah, kota tasikmalaya memang sebagai daerah otonom, namun karena bukan otonomi khusus, maka penamaan perdanya juga harus tetap dalam koridor uu di atas. meski semua ormas islam akhirnya mendukung perda tersebut, tapi dukungannya bervariatif, sebagaimana tergambar pada tabel berikut. tabel 1. varian sikap ormas islam atas perda nomor 12 tahun 2009 mendukung versi aceh mendukung dengan perubahan mendukung secara kritis menolak pkppsi persis muhammadiyah gp. ansor hti pui nahdlatul ulama pmii fpi al-washliyah mathlaul anwar lkaham laskar thaliban sumber: diolah dari hasil wawancara dengan beberapa pihak. penentuan lokasi studi adalah daerah yang telah berhasil membuat perda syariat, yaitu kota tasikmalaya. ada beberapa alasan. pertama, konteks historis politik islam. kota tasikmalaya dikenal sebagai basis masyumi dan di/tii. masyumi merupakan pemenang pemilu 1955 di jabar dan tasikmalaya. masyumi dan di/tii juga dianggap akar bagi upaya menghadirkan kembali syariat islam. kedua, kota tasikmalaya termasuk yang meresponnya secara serius tuntutan penerapan perda syariat. ketiga, kota tasikmalaya termasuk daerah yang jadi basis partai islam. hasil pemilu 2009 menunjukan dominasi partai-partai islam, dengan memperoleh 27 kursi (60%), sementara partai nasionalis hanya dapat 18 kursi (40%). juga ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 227227227227227vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 pada pemilu 2014. meski mengalami penurunan dibanding pemilu 2009, namun partai-partai islam masih mendominasi dengan perolehan kursi sebanyak 24 kursi (53,3%). sementara partai nasionalis hanya memperoleh 21 kursi (46,7%). perumusan dan kontestasi pembahasan perda syariat semarak islam syariat di level lokal keterbukaan politik di era reformasi menjadi momentum bagi bangsa indonesia. terbuka kembali pintu untuk mengekspresikan kebebasan politiknya. bagi kelompok islam, momentum ini juga digunakan dengan baik. ada dua fenomena menarik, yaitu pendirian partai-partai islam dan pendirian organisasi baru yang tumbuh subur di lingkup kelompok islam. pada pemilu 1999 tercatat ada 18 partai politik islam dan partai berbasis massa islam berhasil ikut pemilu. lahir pula ormas-ormas islam baru, seperti hti, mmi, dan fpi. di lingkup lokal, lahir kppsi di sulawesi selatan, laskar thaliban dan pkppsi, keduanya di kota tasikmalaya. hadirnya partai-partai islam dan ormas-ormas islam baru ini memiliki misi sama: menyuarakan kembalinya piagam jakarta. mereka juga menuntut positifikasi syariat islam ke dalam perundang-undangan nasional, baik di pusat maupun daerah. beberapa uu berwajah syariah yang disahkan di era soeharto menjadi alasan pembenar menuntut pemberlakuan syariat islam di daerah-daerah dalam bentuk perda. dan munculnya tuntutan ini semakin mendapat pembenaran dari tap. mpr nomor iii/mpr/2000 tentang sumber hukum dan tata urutan peraturan perundang-undangan.21 perda dibuat dengan maksud menciptakan ketertiban, kesejahteraan, dan ketentraman hidup masyarakat. bagi masyarakat dan pemda tertentu, perda syariat dinilai mampu mengembalikan ketertiban dan moral masyarakat yang saat ini telah jauh merosot. perda atau peraturan lainnya yang telah berjalan selama ini dinilai tidak mampu menjadi solusi terhadap persoalan-persoalan yang ada dan berkembang di masyarakat serta tidak mampu membawa perubahan ke arah yang lebih baik. penerapan otonomi daerah (otda) menjadi angin segar bagi daerahdaerah mayoritas muslim dan memiliki tradisi keislaman cukup kuat. aspirasi masyarakat yang sebelumnya terhalang oleh berbagai aturan negara, dengan otda terbuka peluang untuk mengekspresikan dan mengaktualisasikannya melalui pembuatan dan penerapan perda syariat. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 228228228228228 afkaruna kalau rumus sederhana demokrasi terkait suara terbanyak diterapkan, otda membuka ruang lebar-lebar bagi lahirnya kepala daerah yang dipilih secara demokratis dengan suara terbanyak. dengan logika demokrasi pula, kepala daerah memungkinkan melaksanakan pemerintahan yang responsif dan akomodatif terhadap kepentingan mayoritas, tanpa harus mengabaikan kepentingan minoritas. sejak berlakunya otda sesuai uu 22/1999, yang di antaranya berisi ketentuan bahwa pemda diberi kewenangan mengatur daerahnya sesuai aspirasi mayoritas, di banyak daerah mayoritas muslim mewujudkannya dalam bentuk penerapan syariat lewat beberapa produk perda syariat. di tingkat propinsi, aceh termasuk yang paling banyak membuat perda syariat. sementara di tingkat kabupaten/ kota, bulukumba yang terbanyak menelorkan perda syariat dengan 5 perda syariat. perda syariat merupakan upaya untuk mempengaruhi kebijakan pemda agar melakukan islamisasi produk hukum di level lokal. menariknya, menurut haedar nashir, gerakan perjuangan penerapan syariat itu paling menonjol justru tumbuh di tiga wilayah yang di masa lalu dikenal sebagai basis di/tii, masyumi, dan syarikat islam, yaitu aceh, sulawesi selatan, dan jawa barat. di luar tiga propinsi tersebut, sumatera barat menjadi provinsi penyumbang terbanyak perda syariat. dengan kultur masyarakat yang religius seperti tertuang dalam filosofi adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah, tentu bukan hal aneh bila perda syariat banyak lahir dari daerah ini. bila di tingkat wacana terjadi pro dan kontra atas penerapan perda syariat, namun tidak dengan hasil-hasil riset yang justru merespon positif terkait perda syariat. riset irham nur di bulukumba, dari 597 responden yang dimintai pendapat tentang perda peredaran minuman beralkohol, sebagian besar menyatakan sangat setuju. begitu juga perda baca tulis alquran dan berpakaian muslim22 mendapat tanggapan positif dari masyarakat. ppim uin jakarta juga pernah mempublikasikan data riset terkait perda syariat. riset 2001 menyebutkan bahwa masyarakat yang menginginkan syariah islam sebesar 61%. 2002 naik 71%,23 dan 2003 meningkat 75%.24 survei pew research center (prc) di berbagai negara muslim 2008-2012 menunjukkan mayoritas muslim ingin penerapan syariat, termasuk indonesia 72% muslim menginginkannya.25 angka ini lebih rendah dari malaysia (84%) dan thailand selatan (74%). di asia, afghanistan tertinggi 99%, pakistan 84%, dan banglades 82%. di negara○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 229229229229229vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 negara sub-sahara afrika, setengah dari muslim di sebagian besar negara juga mendukung. di niger (86%), djibouti (82%), republik demokratik kongo (74%) dan nigeria (71%).26 dukungan agar syariah menjadi hukum resmi negara juga tersebar di timur tengah dan afrika utara, terutama di irak (91%) dan wilayah palestina (89%). hanya di lebanon yang tidak pendapat dukungan significant, yaitu 29%, sementara yang menentang 66%. dukungan juga relatif lemah di asia tengah serta eropa selatan dan timur. kurang dari setengah muslim di semua negara yang disurvei di wilayah ini lebih menyukai syariah sebagai hukum resmi negara. dukungan terbesar justru di negara yang kerap disebut “atheis”, rusia dengan 42%. besarnya angka ini di dapat di wilayah-wilayah etnis-muslim. sementara di kazakhstan dan azerbaijan hanya 10% dan 8% muslim yang menghendaki syariat jadi hukum negara. euphoria demokrasi dan kebutuhan lokal kota tasikmalaya pasca orde baru, terjadi euphoria demokrasi. jagad politik memasuki babak baru, yang oleh o’donnel27 disebut “transisi politik” dari rezim otoritarianisme menuju demokrasi atau joan linz dan albert stepan28 menyebutnya “transisi demokrasi menuju tahap konsolidasi”. euphoria demokrasi ini ditandai lahirnya partai-partai politik baru. pemilu 1999, diikuti 48 partai. ini mengingatkan kepada era demokrasi parlementer di tahun 1950-an. saat itu tumbuh banyak partai-partai politik dengan karakter ideologi yang berbeda-beda.49 dan kalau ditilik ke belakang, ada beberapa rentetan peritiwa politik sebelum soeharto lengser. hanya saja di antara rentetan peristiwa politik tersebut, krisis moneter 1997 merupakan peristiwa paling penting yang bisa menjelaskan lengsernya soeharto. tarik ulur kepentingan politik pun mewarnai proses transisi politik ini. euphoria demokrasi ini ditandai lahirnya partai-partai politik baru. pemilu 1999, diikuti 48 partai. ini mengingatkan kepada era demokrasi parlementer di tahun 1950-an. saat itu tumbuh banyak partai-partai politik dengan karakter ideologi yang berbeda-beda. membanding politik era 1950-an, euphoria demokrasi pasca orde baru, menurut marcus mietzner telah terjadi pergeseran ideologi partai.30 pada pemilu 1999, polarisasi idelogi partai-partai baru hampir mirip dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 230230230230230 afkaruna 1955. bila memakai pendekatan politik aliran herbert feith,31 minus komunisme, partai politik peserta pemilu 1999 mewakili empat aliran politik. namun pada pemilu 2004 terjadi pergeseran dan corak serta polarisasi ideologi yang baru. polarisasi sistem kepartaian bergeser ke arah sentripetal. ideologi partai tak lagi pada posisi ekstrim, tapi sudah mengarah ke “tengah”, meninggalkan “kiri” dan “kanan” atau “radikal kiri” dan “radikal kanan”. kebanyakan partai mulai terpusat pada existing democratic party, seperti golkar, pkb, pd, pan, pds, pbr. posisi populis diwakili pdip dan pkpi, sedangkan islamic society diwakili ppp, pbb, dan pks. dengan sistem ini, sistem politik menjadi lebih stabil daripada tahun 1950. euphoria politik juga menjadi ekspresi ideologis, terutama oleh partaipartai islam atau berbasis massa islam dan ormas-ormas atau kelompokkelompok islam, dari tingkat pusat sampai daerah. dan ekspresi ideologis ini terlihat sekali dari isu-isu politik berwajah ideologis diangkat ke permukaan, seperti upaya mengembalikan piagam jakarta.32 di daerahdaerah, euphoria demokrasi tampak dari kecenderungan yang mencoba menawarkan penerapan syariat dalam bentuk perda syariat. munculnya geliat penegakkan syariat di kota tasikmalaya diilhami oleh geliat yang terjadi di pusat. saat itu, secara bersamaan, di pusat tengah terjadi upaya-upaya politik konstitusional melalui amandemen uud 1945 dalam sidang tahunan (st) mpr ri, yang dilakukan partai-partai islam dan kelompok-kelompok islam dengan berusaha mengembalikan piagam jakarta. namun upaya ini mengalami kegagalan. semua perwakilan partai dan dalam st mpr sepakat mempertahankan status quo atas preambule dan pasal 29. kegagalan ini tidak menyurutkan niat kelompok islam di daerah. mereka berusaha memobilisasi kekuatan politik islam untuk sebuah perjuangan baru berupa penegakkan syariat. upaya ini rasional dilakukan, karena hampir tidak mungkin untuk menawarkan kembali negara islam, sebagaimana pernah dilakukan pada sidang-sidang bpupk, panitia sembilan sampai sidang-sidang konstituante. upaya penegakan syariat tak semata dilandasi oleh kegagalan perjuangan di tingkat pusat, namun realitas sosial yang dihadapi kota tasikmalaya juga menjadi alasan untuk menuntut penerapan syariat islam. kota tasikmalaya telah menjelma sebagai salah satu kota besar di wilayah priangan timur. masalah yang dihadapinya kian kompleks. setiap tahun angka kriminalitasnya cukup tinggi. berdasarkan data dari polresta tasikmalaya, kejahatan di kota tasikamalaya tergolong tinggi. pada tahun ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 231231231231231vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 2006, kasus kejahatannya mencapai 565 kasus. tahun itu, tercatat enam kasus pemerkosaan. tahun 2007, angka kriminalitas meningkat menjadi 691 kasus. setahun kemudian, kasus kejahatan tercatat 568 kasus.33 tidak dipungkiri bahwa penetrasi budaya yang berlangsung secara massif, telah membawa perubahan atau pergeseran budaya di wilayah kota taskmalaya. pergeseran budaya ini telah mengundang keprihatinan dan mengusik para ajengan dan tokoh masyarakat di kota tasikmalaya untuk menggulirkan sebuah gagasan yang memberikan perlindungan dan perbaikan kepada masyarakat melalui upaya dan desakan penerapan syariat islam. menariknya, munculnya keprihatinan ini seiring dengan terjadinya gerakan reformasi politik, yang dalam perjalanannya telah memunculkan euphoria demokrasi di kalangan umat islam. muncullah keinginan untuk menerapkan syariat islam, yang salah satu bentuknya berupa pembuatan perda syariat. ajengan bendo dan ormas non-mainstream: penggagas perda syariat disahkannya perda nomor 12 tahun 2009 tidak dapat dilepaskan dari peran para ajengan bendo. ajengan kerap dimengerti orang yang mempunyai kedudukan terhormat di mata umat, menjadi panutan masyarakat, setiap tindakan dan ucapannya didengar dan diikuti oleh umat, dan menjadi tempat bertanya dan berkeluh kesah bagi umatnya. ajengan biasanya tinggal di suatu kompleks yang di dalamnya terdapat pesantren, masjid, dan madrasah. kesehariannya tak pernah jauh dari umat, mengajarkan ilmu agama, dan mengisi pengajian atau majlis taklim. adakalanya juga mengisi ceramah di sekitar tetangga desa, kecamatan dan bahkan lintas kabupaten atau provinsi. lazimnya, ajengan itu seorang yang sederhana, qanaah atas apa yang diterima dan dijalaninya. mereka istiqamah mendidik santri-santrinya dan umat, serta selalu menjaga muru’ah dengan mencoba menghindari halhal yang rendah dan hina, baik perkataan, perbuatan maupun akhlak. ajengan berdakwah dengan santun, penuh hikmah, dan perkataan yang baik. dari perbincangan dengan beberapa ajengan bendo, kebanyakan dari mereka menguasai pengetahuan keagamaan yang mendalam dan berbasis pesantren atau alumni pesantren. karenanya tidak heran kalau kebanyakan mereka juga mampu membaca “kitab kuning” atau “kitab arab gundul” dengan baik. kebanyakan dari mereka awalnya adalah juru ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 232232232232232 afkaruna dakwah yang laris. pada awal tahun 2000-an, ketika isu perda syariat untuk kali pertama muncul, mereka adalah kelompok yang paling nyaring mendukung perda syariat. mereka yang termasuk dalam kategori ajengan bendo adalah kh. acep mubarok, kh. miftah fauzi, kh. amang baden, kh. asep ahmad maoshul affandy, kh. nuril mubin, kh. zenzen, kh. didi, dan kh. mukmin. inisiator penerapan syariat tidak datang dari kelompok islam mainstream di kota tasikmalaya, seperti muhammadiyah, nu, dan persis, tapi justru datang dari kelompok-kelompok islam non-mainstream, seperti hti, fpi, dan laskar thaliban serta ajengan-ajengan bendo yang beberapa di antaranya juga aktif di ormas-ormas non-mainstream tersebut, dan sebagian bergabung dalam pkppsi yang dikoordinir kh. miftah fauzi. identifikasi pendukung perda nomor 12 tahun 2009 dalam melakukan identifikasi, studi ini menggunakan pendekatan yang ditawarkan oleh erwin nur rif’ah.34 dalam studinya terkait penerapan perda syariat di bulukumba dan cianjur, rif’ah melakukan identifikasi atas para pendukung perda syariat dengan memilah ke dalam dua tipologi: tipe idealis yang kemudian dibedakan menjadi dua tipe, tipe idealis-formalis dan tipe idealis-substantif. lalu yang kedua adalah tipe pragmatis. rif’ah menyebut tipe idealis adalah mereka yang memiliki wacana dan bersemangat menerapkan syariat dan prinsip-prinsip islam. mereka melakukan itu semua karena termotivasi oleh agama, komitmen, dan keyakinan untuk melaksanakan syariat islam. tabel 2. identifikasi pendukung perda syariat idealis-formalis idealis-substantif pragmatis ppp pan pdip pbb pkb partai golkar pks muhammadiyah partai demokrat pkppsi nu pbr fpi persis hti pui laskar thaliban mathlaul anwar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 233233233233233vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 perdebatan perda syariat di kota tasikmalaya perda syariat dan islamophobia: analisis simbol dan substansi rapat paripurna dprd kota tasikmalaya, 31 agustus 2009 selain mengesahkan perda 12 tahun 2009, juga mengesahkan perda 11 tahun 2009 tentang ketertiban umum. meski sama-sama berasal dari draft raperda syariat yang ditawarkan pkppsi, namun menyikapi kedua perda syariat tersebut, perhatian publik mengalami perbedaan, terutama dari sisi pemberitaan dan kontroversi. perda 12 tahun 2009 menjadi perhatian luar biasa, tidak saja dalam konteks lokal, tapi juga nasional. ada juga pengkritisan berlebihan, seperti dilakukan oleh mereka yang kontra perda syariat. sebaliknya, terhadap perda 11 tahun 2009, yang isinya lebih konservatif dan rigid, justru luput dari perhatian publik. pertama, dari sisi pengakomodasian perda syariah saja secara kuantitatif perda 12 tahun 2009 kalah jumlah dibanding perda 11 tahun 2009. perda 12 tahun 2009 hanya mengakomodir dua perda syariat. sementara perda 11 tahun 2009 mengakomodir tiga perda syariat. kedua, raperda-raperda syariat islam yang diakomodir menjadi perda 11 tahun 2009 namanya lebih berwajah syariat, yaitu terkait dengan minuman khamar dan sejenisnya; maisir (perjudian); dan khalwat (perbuatan mesum). sementara perda 12 tahun 2009 hanya mengakomodir raperda pelaksanaan syariat islam; dan raperda pelaksanaan syariat islam bidang aqidah, ibadah, dan syi’ar islam. ketiga, isi perdanya juga sangat kontras. perda 12 tahun 2009 isinya datar dan pada beberapa hal tidak terlalu penting dan karenanya sulit untuk dilaksanakan. perda ini juga tidak mencatumkan secara tegas terkait dengan ketentuan pidana. ketentuan pidananya bersifat general. sementara perda 11 tahun 2009 isinya konservatif, rigid, dan ketentuan pidananya juga sangat jelas. pertanyaannya kemudian, mengapa perda 12 tahun 2009 justru mendapat perhatian dan respon luar biasa, sementara perda 11 tahun 2009 justru lolos dari kontroversi dan perhatian publik? jawabnya sederhana, bahwa terdapat inkonsistensi sikap dan cara pandang dari para penentang perda syariat. ada sikap yang ambigu. mereka lebih meributkan “kulit” daripada “isi”. mereka lebih menyoal “simbol” daripada “substansi”. sehingga terhadap perda nomor 11 tahun 2009 yang isinya lebih berwajah syariat dapat lolos begitu saja, tidak ada kehebohan dan kontroversi, karena ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 234234234234234 afkaruna perda ini tidak menggunakan nama berbau islam. perda 11 tahun 2009 hanya memakai nama “ketertiban umum”. sebaliknya, perda 12 tahun 2009 yang sebenarnya isinya datar-datar saja, tapi mendapat reaksi yang luar biasa, karena perda ini mencantumkan nama “islam” pada nama perdanya, yaitu “perda pembangunan tata nilai kehidupan kemasyarakatan yang berlandaskan pada ajaran agama islam dan norma-norma sosial masyarakat kota tasikmalaya.” studi ini menemukan, terkait perda syariat, terdapat pengidap islamophobia.35 penolakan terhadap perda 12 tahun 2009 dan “pembiaran” begitu saja tanpa penolakan atas perda 11 tahun 2009 membuktikan adanya islamophobia. dan bagi indonesia, islamophobia bukan hal baru. kemunculannya dapat ditelisik ke belakang hingga ke masa orde lama, meski penjajah belanda sejak lama kampanye memusuhi islam. dan islamophobia ini berlangsung sistematis dan masif menjangkau semua segi kehidupan. dalam bidang politik misalnya, berupa perlakuan diskriminatif terhadap “islam ibadah” dan “islam politik”,36 di mana “islam ibadah” dimanjakan dengan pemenuhan segala fasilitas yang dibutuhkan. sementara “islam politik” gerak geriknya selalu diwaspadai secara ketat. ada marjinalisasi politik secara sistematis dan terstruktur melalui kebijakankebijakan politik yang dibuatnya. perlakuan diskriminatif ini sudah dimulai sejak penjajahan belanda,37 berlanjut selepas indonesia merdeka sampai pada era orde baru dan berlanjut hingga sekarang. perda syariat: resistensi dan penerimaan studi ini menemukan hal yang hampir serupa dengan studi salim dan amal dan pangabean,38 yaitu adanya resistensi dari kelompok kontra syariat, yang berujung pada kompromi politik. sekadar diketahui, belum juga perda 12 tahun 2009 diterapkan efektif, perda ini sudah diamandemen dan berubah menjadi perda 7 tahun 2014 tentang “tata nilai kehidupan masyarakat yang religius di kota tasikmalaya”. nama perda berubah total, kata-kata “ajaran agama islam” diubah menjadi “yang religious”. amandemen ini selain bisa dimaknai adanya islamophobia, juga sebagai kompromi antara kelompok islam dengan kelompok sekular yang dalam konteks ini ditopang pula oleh penguasa politik di tingkat pusat. menariknya, kelompok kontra syariat tidak selalu digambarkan sebagai kelompok sekular sebagaimana temuan studi salim, amal dan pangabean. dalam studi ini, kelompok kontra syariat juga mereka yang selama ini ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 235235235235235vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 diidentifikasi sebagai santri, yang berasal dari ansor, pmii, pesantren cipasung, dan aktivis mahasiswa lainnya. kelompok sekular justru tidak tampak secara terus terang sebagai penentang penerapan syariat. partaipartai sekuler atau setidaknya partai yang nasionalis religious bahkan mendukung perda syariat, terlepas apapun motifnya. sebagai solusi yang bersifat wasathiyah dan ini sejalan dengan watak dan prinsip demokrasi, yaitu dengan memberikan kebebasan dan kesempatan untuk menerapkan perda syariat selama implementasinya sejalan dengan prosedur dan tetap dalam bingkai pancasila dan nkri. jadi yang perlu dilakukan bukan “penolakan” atas perda syariat, karena itu bukan menyelesaikan masalah dan justru melanggar prinsip demokrasi, tapi melakukan “pengawalan” agar perda syariat sebagaimana dinyatakan din syamsuddin, diterapkan dengan pemahaman islam secara kaffah dan dalam konteks peradaban yang maju.39 kritik keras terhadap penerapan qanun di aceh adalah karena terlalu serius mengurusi hal-hal yang remeh temeh, seperti larangan bagi perempuan ngangkang saat naik sepeda motor di kota lhokseumawe, wajib perempuan memakai rok di aceh barat, dan hukum cambuk bagi perjudi, minuman keras, dan mesum (khalwat). semua itu hanyalah pernik-pernik kecil dalam penerapan syariat yang sangat relatif dan tidak mendasar. hukuman cambuk misalnya, selalu dipertontonkan di hadapan publik hanya yang terkait dengan kejahatan “murahan” yang bersifat privat, seperti mencuri, khalwat, dan berjudi atau mabok-mabokan atau minum-minuman keras. namun tidak pernah terlihat hukuman cambuk terhadap para koruptor atau kejahatan publik lainnya dipertontonkan di hadapan publik. sehingga ada kesan kuat terjadinya diskriminatif atau tebang pilih dalam penegakan syariat. penting juga dilakukan, untuk menghindari resistensi publik secara berlebihan, tidak perlu menonjolkan idiom-idiom islam secara berlebihan dalam rancangan produk-produk perda syariat. kasus perda 11 tahun 2009 yang lolos dan disahkan begitu saja tanpa mengundang polemik, harus menjadi strategi partai-partai islam dalam menyusun perda-perda syariat lainnya. membangun kesepahaman di internal umat islam juga penting dilakukan. dalam kasus perda syariat di banyak daerah, penolakan terhadap perda syariat justru kebanyakan berasal dari kalangan islam. ada aspirasi yang terbelah terkait perda syariat. abdillah menyebut ada tiga aspirasi. pertama, mereka yang menjadikan islam sebagai ideologi yang manifestasinya berbentuk pelaksanaan syariat sebagai hukum positif. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 236236236236236 afkaruna kedua, mereka yang hanya mendukung pelaksanaan etika-moral agama (religio-ethics) dan menolak formalisasi islam. ketiga, sebagai sistesis, mereka yang mendukung formalisasi syariat untuk hukum-hukum privat tertentu, tetapi untuk lainnya cukup menjadikan ajaran islam sebagai sumber etika-moral bagi pembangunan hukum nasional.40 menurut abdillah, tipe ketiga dinilai lebih realistis. satu sisi orientasi ini dapat menerima demokrasi dan pluralisme. di sisi lain masih memiliki idealisme untuk menjadikan islam sebagai pedoman hidup, termasuk mengakomodasi syariat, meski hanya sebagian saja yang diformalisasikan dan diakomodir untuk diterapkan.41 proses pembuatan perda syariat harus dipastikan tidak menambrak public interest, karena sering didapati perda syariat yang dibuat terlalu berwajah privat. penerapan perda syariah juga tidak boleh mengancam atau melanggar kebebasan sipil, hak-hak perempuan, dan non-muslim. harus diingat, maqasid al-syariat adalah terciptanya kemaslahatan. tentu paradoks ketika syariat diterapkan justru menimbulkan mafsadat. hal sensitif yang terjadi di banyak daerah, terlebih terkait kebebasan hak-hak sipil dan kebebasan beragama, kerap terusik ketika perda syariat diterapkan. di antaranya adalah larangan terhadap ajaran-ajaran islam yang dinilai liberal atau sekular dan tidak atau kurang terbuka terhadap pemikiran-pemikiran non-mainstream yang dinilai berbeda dengan pemikiran mainstream. semestinya, selagi pemikiran tersebut tidak keluar prinsip dasar aqidah, tak semestinya dilarang atau dikucilkan. tentu aliranaliran non-mainstream juga dituntut menghormati yang mainstream. jadi ada relasi simbiotik. tidak hanya aliran-aliran mainstream yang dituntut menghargai dan melindungi non-mainstream, tapi aliran-aliran non-mainstream juga harus menghargai dan menghormati yang mainstream. inilah relasi yang proporsional, relasi yang berkeadilan. perda syariat dan ideologi partai politik sebagaimana studi buehler,42 remy,43 dan rif’ah,44 studi ini juga menemukan hal serupa. partai golkar, pdip, dan partai demokrat yang notabene partai sekular atau setidaknya nasionalis-religius “bersedia” mendukung perda 12 tahun 2009, hal yang semestinya secara ideologis tidak mungkin dilakukan.45 menariknya, partai golkar yang saat itu kadernya menjabat ketua dprd justru yang menjadi motor pengusung perda syariat. begitu juga pdip sepakat mendukung. pdip bahkan berani ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 237237237237237vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 “melawan” titah ketua umum dpp pdip yang meminta pdip menolak perda syariat. bedanya, rif’ah menempatkan semua partai pada kelompok pragmatis. studi ini kesulitan menempatkan partai-partai islam maupun berbasis massa islam dikategorikan sepenuhnya sebagai kelompok pragmatis. studi ini menempatkan ppp, pbb dan pks sebagai kelompok idealis-formalis. sementara pan dan pkb sebagai kelompok idealis-formalis. studi ini juga memiliki kesamaan dengan buehler, ramy dan rif’ah yang menempatkan partai-partai sekular sebagai pendukung perda syariat. bedanya, bila beuhler dan rif’ah menyebut partai golkar dan pdip menjadi menyokong utama perda syariat, maka studi ini hanya menempatkan partai golkar sebagai penyokong utama. dukungan pdip lebih tepat disebut sebagai “keterpaksaan”, sekadar lips service. satu sisi, realitas politik “mengharuskan” mendukung perda syariat, namun di sisi lain terdapat “ancaman” dari dpp pdip yang tidak menghendaki pdip mendukungan perda syariat. dukungan fraksi pdip realistis, mencerminkan kemampuan dalam membaca dan melakukan agregasi kepentingan politik pemilihnya. dan inilah yang seharusnya dilakukan oleh partai-partai yang menjunjung tinggi demokrasi. melalui pemilu, masyarakat kota tasikmalaya telah menyalurkan aspirasi politiknya melalui bilik-bilik suara. mayoritas masyarakat kota tasikmalaya memilih partai-partai islam atau partai berbasis massa islam. menjatuhkan pilihan memilih partai islam atau berbasis massa islam tentu ada harapan bahwa partai-partai ini nantinya akan menjalankan kebijakan yang senafas dengan aspirasi pemilihnya. konteks saat itu, penerapan perda syariat merupakan salah satu aspirasi mainstream masyarakat kota tasikmalaya. sebagai penyalur aspirasi politik, tentu tak ada alasan bagi partai-partai politik, terlebih partai islam dan berbasis massa islam untuk menolak aspirasi masyarakat. begitu pun rasanya tidak elok ketika partaipartai sekular seperti pdip menolak kehendak politik mayoritas. di sinilah kepekaan politik partai-partai politik diuji, dan untuk konteks kota tasikmalaya, pdip termasuk berhasil melewati ujian tersebut. perda syariat produk demokrasi demokrasi kerap dimengerti sebagai sistem politik di mana semua warga negara memiliki hak yang sama untuk memilih dan dipilih dalam pemilu yang diadakan secara periodik, yang secara efektif menawarkan peluang pada masyarakat untuk mengganti elite penguasa. demokrasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 238238238238238 afkaruna juga dipahami sebagai polity di mana semua warga negara menikmati kebebasan berbicara, berserikat, sama kedudukannya di depan hukum, dan bebas menjalankan agama yang dipeluknya. meski tidak semua manifestasi-manifestasi demokrasi di atas pernah dijalankan sepenuhnya, bahkan dalam sistem yang demokratis sekalipun.46 robert dahl47 menyakini bahwa sistem demokrasi lebih unggul dibanding lainnya. fahmi huwaydi,48 melihat demokrasi dari sisi substansi, yang menghendaki masyarakat memilih pemimpin yang akan memimpinnya serta mengatur urusannya. dalam demokrasi, masyarakat juga harus memiliki hak meminta pertanggungjawaban penguasa bila melakukan kesalahan dan menurunkannya bila menyeleweng. inilah substansi demokrasi yang pelaksanaannya diinstitusionalisasikan dalam bentuk pemilu yang bebas, adanya prinsip mayoritas, sistem multi-partai, hak minoritas beroposisi, adanya kebebasan pers, independensi lembaga peradilan, dan sebagainya. sejak pasca orde baru, prinsip-prinsip demokrasi ini diterapkan. prakteknya bahkan berlangsung sangat liberal. tampak juga wajah demokrasi yang paradoks. misalnya, pilkada langsung yang dibanggakan sebagai wujud praktek demokrasi malah membawa dampak negatif. terjadi konflik vertikal maupun horizontal, karena merasa tidak puas dengan hasil pilkada langsung. meski membawa madharat, pilkada langsung tetap dipertahankan dengan alasan-alasan demokrasi. para pegiat dan pemuja demokrasi pun bahu membahu mempertahankan pilkada langsung, dengan alasan menegakkan prinsip demokrasi yang mendasarkan pada partisipasi rakyat dan suara terbanyak. di saat yang sama, sebagai buah proses demokrasi, yaitu maraknya kehendak untuk membuat perda syariat justru mendapat gugatan dan tentangan begitu rupa. ironisnya, alasan yang digunakan sama: demokrasi. perda syariat dinilai bertentangan dengan demokrasi dan mengangkangi ham. uu 22 tahun 1999, yang disempurnakan menjadi uu 32 tahun 2004 juga dijadikan pembenar bahwa perda syariat bertentangan dengan uu otda. pada pasal 7 ayat 1 dan 2 memang disebutkan: “pemerintah daerah tidak mempunyai kewenangan dalam bidang politik luar negeri, pertahanan keamanan, peradilan, moneter dan fiskal, agama serta kewenangan lain”. namun pada pasal lainnya tegas mengusung pesan substantif yang sama bahwa “otonomi daerah merupakan hak, wewenang, dan kewajiban daerah untuk mengurus urusan pemerintahannya sendiri berdasarkan aspirasi dan kepentingan masyarakat setempat”. poin ini yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 239239239239239vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 lupa dan gagal dipahami oleh kelompok-kelompok kontra perda syariat. kalau demokrasi menjadi parameter, studi ini tak menemukan proses politik yang dilanggar dalam pembuatan perda 12 tahun 2009. lazimnya pembuatan perundangan-undangan ada kajian filosofis, yuridis, dan sosiologis, maka pembuatan perda 12 tahun 2009 juga telah didahului dengan kajian atas ketiga hal tersebut. bahwa dalam proses selanjutnya muncul aspek di luar ketiga hal tersebut, seperti politik, tentu harus dianggap sebagai kelazimman. apalagi kalau merujuk pada pandangan mahfud yang menyebut perundang-undangan sebagai produk politik,49 maka munculnya aspek politik yang mengiringi pembuatan perda 12 tahun 2009 adalah niscaya. aspek politis ini biasanya terkait tarik-ulur kepentingan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat atau kelompok-kelompok kepentingan yang ada. usulan perda 12 tahun 2009 berproses dari bawah. banyak komponen masyarakat yang menginginkannya. ada tanda tangan umat islam, para ajengan bendo, kalangan pesantren, dan perwakilan masyarakat lainnya, termasuk kelompok minoritas juga diundang dalam proses pembuatan perda ini. bahwa momentum pembuatan perda 12 tahun 2009 sangat politis tentu tidak bisa dipungkiri. sebab tuntutan penerapan perda ini muncul menjelang pemilu 2009. namun mesti dipahami juga bahwa dprd adalah lembaga politik, sehingga meskipun dicurigai bahwa lahirnya perda 12 tahun 2009 politis, tetap saja prosesnya benar. berbeda bila proses politiknya dilakukan oleh institusi yang tak berwenang membuat perda. apalagi selama proses pembuatan perda ini, dprd juga memanggil ormasormas islam. mesti dipahami juga bahwa usulan penerapan perda syariat selalu hadir di daerah mayoritas muslim. nyaris tak pernah ada usulan perda syariat hadir dalam komunitas muslim yang berada pada posisi minoritas. kalau aspek mayoritas –yang selalu menjadi pembenar para pendukung dan pemuja demokrasi– dijadikan sebagai ukuran, sekali lagi, tak ada yang salah dengan perda 12 tahun 2009. dan bila mayoritas menjadi asas proporsional dalam penerapan perda syariat, maka daerah lain yang dihuni mayoritas umat agama tertentu, tak salah dan tak bisa dipersalahkan membuat perda syariat sesuai syariat agama yang dianut umat mayoritas di daerah tersebut. misalnya manokwari dan fakfak yang mayoritas beragama katholik atau kristen, yang hendak menerapkan syariat katholik atau kristen tak ada yang berhak melarang, bahkan semestinya didukung, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 240240240240240 afkaruna karena yang akan diterapkan itu “syariat agama” yang bila dijalankan dengan benar diyakini akan lebih banyak membawa maslahat bagi siapapun. begitu juga kalau beberapa kabupaten di bali hendak menerapkan perda syariat hindu, tak ada juga yang boleh menghalangi atau merasa keberatan atas upaya tersebut. dengan kata lain, tak perlu dipersoalkan selagi pembuatan perda syariat tetap dibuat dalam bingkai pancasila dan nkri, menghargai kemajemukan, serta seminimal-mungkin menghindari adanya masyarakat yang merasa dirugikan. bahwa andai pun ada yang merasa dirugikan atas terbitnya perda syariat, juga konsekuesnsi dari proses demokrasi, yang berlaku juga dalam pembuatan produk peraturan lainnya di luar perda syariat. seperti produk pilkada langsung, banyak juga masyarakat yang dirugikan dalam proses politik tersebut, namun itu harus dipandang sebagai konsekuensi. bila dalam pemilu yang mendasarkan pada prinsip one man one vote selalu dikampanyekan bahwa konsekuensi suara terbanyak akan menjadi pemenang, maka biarkan pula dalam proses pembuatan perda prinsip demokrasi ini diterapkan. biarkan dan ikhlaskan masyarakat mayoritas menguasai setiap proses politik terkait pembuatan perundang-undangan. inilah prinsip demokrasi yang selama ini telah dipuji dan dipuja oleh masyarakat dunia sebagai sistem yang terbaik di antara sistem politik lainnya. terapkan demokrasi secara istiqamah. jangan ketika praktek demokrasi justru menikam para pemuji dan pemuja demokrasi lalu yang disalahkan justru produk demokrasinya, sebagaimana yang terlihat dalam menyikapi perda syariat. perda syariat hanyalah produk demokrasi. salahkan demokrasinya sebagai instrumen yang memproduk dan jangan salahkan perda syariat yang hanya sekadar produk demokrasi. menolak perda syariat bukan saja mengangkangi demokrasi, tapi juga menista pancasila dan uud 1945. sila pertama pancasila tegas menyebut ketuhanan yang maha esa. pesan fundamental sila ini menurut notonagoro adalah kesesuaian sifat-sifat dan hakikat negara dengan hakikat tuhan, dalam arti kesesuaian sebab-akibat. maka dalam segala aspek penyelenggaraan negara, indonesia harus dijalankan sesuai dengan hakikat nila-nilai yang berasal dari tuhan (nilai-nilai agama).50 begitu juga pasal 29 ayat 1 uud 1945, merupakan penegasan sila pertama. penyebutan kata “negara” pada pasal 29 harus dipahami bahwa negaralah yang bertugas “menghadirkan” tuhan dalam kehidupan bernegara dan bermasyarakat. dengan penegasan ini, negara berkewajiban menyeleng○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 241241241241241vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 garakan pemerintahan dengan mendasarkan pada ajaran-ajaran tuhan. penyebutan secara tegas bahwa negara berdasar atas ketuhanan yang maha esa sekaligus menegasikan bentuk-bentuk negara yang diselenggarakan dengan menafikan tuhan, seperti negara atheis atau negara sekular dengan segala variannya. posisi indonesia ini semestinya didudukan secara proporsional dalam konteks berbangsa dan bernegara. perdebatan-perdebatan ideologis tak perlu terjadi ketika negara diselenggarakan dengan mengacu pada prinsip ketuhanan dan mengedepankan nilai-nilai demokrasi, di mana semua produk perundang-undangan dan pemerintahan dibuat dan dijalankan mendasarkan pada prinsip ketuhanan. karenanya, semestinya tak perlu ada wacana latah yang mencoba menabrak prinsip dasar bernegara ini, seperti wacana penghapusan uu penistaan agama, penghapusan kolom agama dalam ktp, penghapusan skb 2 menteri terkait pendirian tempat ibadah, termasuk upaya legalisasi lgbt, sesungguhnya pencerminan dari mereka yang gagal paham dalam memahami pancasila dan uud 1945. mereka merupaya menyeret indonesia ke arah negara yang sekularistik, sebuah upaya tentu yang bertentangan dengan pancasila. muhammadiyah, nu, dan perda syariat: beda jam’iyah dengan jamaah menggunakan terminologi affandi mochtar dalam kajiannya tentang nu yang membagi nu ke dalam dua model, yaitu “nu jam’iyah” (organisasi) dan “nu jamaah” (paguyuban atau kultural),51 studi ini juga menemukan hal yang sama. ditemukan peran muhammadiyah dan nu dalam kapasitas sebagai paguyuban (jamaah). studi ini di menemukan bahwa tidak selalu sama dan sejalan antara peran jam’iyah dan jamaah muhammadiyah dan nu. begitupun yang terjadi di beberapa daerah lainnya yang menerapkan perda syariat, kerap juga menunjukkan kecenderungan yang sama. secara jam’iyah, sikap muhammadiyah dan nu tak selalu sama dalam menyikapi perda syariat. ada kalanya keduanya terlibat aktif dalam proses penegakan syariat islam, namun pada beberapa kasus mengambil sikap “diam”. sikap ini jangan dipahami sebagai tidak berperan. diamnya muhammadiyah dan nu justru merupakan sikap tersendiri. apalagi yang menjadi obyek penyikapan sangat ideologis, yang tentu bagi muhammadiyah dan nu dinilai telah selesai, sehingga tak pantas menampakkan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 242242242242242 afkaruna perannya secara demonstratif. begitu pun dalam pengertian jamaah, keterlibatan muhammadiyah dan nu mengalami polarisasi. sikap jamaah muhammadiyah dan nu ada yang mendukung sepenuhnya, namun tak ada yang sepenuhnya menolak. pada beberapa kasus di daerah, bila terdapat penolakan dari jamaah muhammadiyah dan nu, maka biasanya akan didapati pula warga muhammadiyah dan nu yang mendukungnya. adanya perbedaan peran jam’iyah muhammadiyah dan nu maupun dalam pengertian jamaah di berbagai daerah menunjukan adanya model peran politik muhammadiyah dan nu dalam konteks penegakan syariat islam. dan model peran politik yang berbeda-beda ini tentu disebabkan oleh banyak faktor. realitas politik di daerah bersangkutan serta posisi politik keagamaan yang melakat pada diri pimpinan muhammadiyah dan nu adalah dua di antara banyak faktor yang mempengaruhi sikap dan peran politik muhammadiyah dan nu dalam proses penegakan syariat islam. formalisasi syariat di bulukumba berjalan lancar tanpa “gangguan” berarti, selain secara sosio-religius masyarakatnya mayoritas muslim (99%), juga karena ketua nu tjamiruddin menjabat kepala departemen agama dan ketua pd muhammadiyah kamaluddin jaya menjadi ketua dewan syura kppsi. kasus bulukumba sedikit berbeda dengan sulawesi selatan. dalam proses formalisasi syariat di sulawesi selatan, dua tokoh berpengaruh, kh. djamaluddin amien52 (muhammadiyah) dan kh. sanusi baco53 (nu), secara tegas mendukung penegakan syariat. meski sikap ketua pw muhammadiyah kh. nasruddin razak dan ketua pw nu kh. amiruddin chawidu saat itu mencoba berpikir realistis terkait penegakan syariat, namun karena dua tokoh berpengaruh tersebut sudah terlibat lebih jauh, maka ketua pw muhammadiyah dan pwnu tak bisa bersikap “terlalu” berbeda dengan dua ulama kharismatik tersebut. kasus cianjur hampir sama dengan bulukumba. sesaat setelah terpilih sebagai bupati cianjur tahun 2001 dengan perolehan suara sangat tipis,54 pada tahun yang sama, wasidi kampanye “gerbang marhamah”, akronim gerakan pembangunan masyarakat berakhlakul karimah. gagasan ini disepakati sebagai renstra cianjur dalam penegakan aturan-aturan sosial kemasyarakatan yang islami di cianjur. wasidi juga membentuk lembaga pengkajian dan pengembangan islam (lppi) lewat sk bupati nomor 34 tahun 2001. lembaga ini berwenang menerjemahkan gagasan besar gerbang marhamah ke dalam seperangkat arahan teknis yang akan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 243243243243243vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 dijadikan acuan bagi pemda dan dprd dalam proses legislasi. meski demikian, para penganjur gagasan ini mengatakan bahwa gerbang marhamah sama sekali tidak mempunyai agenda untuk menjadikan syariat islam sebagai sumber hukum yang resmi. gagasan ini hanya ingin membenahi akhlak masyarakat cianjur yang telah tercemari pengaruhpengaruh luar yang merusak. menariknya, dukungan terbesar terhadap wasidi datang dari beberapa tokoh nu, salah satunya kh r. abdul halim, sesepuh nu, pengasuh pesantren al-mutmainah, juga ketua mui cianjur. selain nu dan mui, dukungan juga datang dari tokoh ormas islam lainnya, seperti muhammadiyah, pui, dan persis. berbeda dengan garut. saat pencanangan penerapan syariat islam, posisi muhammadiyah dan nu secara organisatoris justru tidak terlibat aktif. bahkan nu secara tegas menolak penerapan syariat islam. melalui ketua tanfidziyah pcnu garut yang juga ketua mui garut kh. agus muhammad soleh, nu secara tegas menyatakan penolakannya atas upaya penerapan syariat islam di garut.55 meskipun tidak setegas nu, secara organisatoris, muhammadiyah juga menyatakan sikapnya yang hampir serupa, cenderung menolak penerapan syariat islam.56 tabel 3. model dukungan muhammadiyah dan nu terhadap perda syariat kasus yang terjadi di kota tasikmalaya berbeda lagi. dalam proses pembahasan perda syariat, dukungan dan keterlibatan muhammadiyah dan nu semata karena ingin menjaga agar produk perda yang dihasilkan berwajah moderat (tawasuth). kedua ormas ini lebih mengharapkan keluarnya perda-perda syariat islam yang bersifat substantif, tidak parsial sebagaimana perda 12 tahun 2009. dukungan atas perda syariat justru datang dari mereka yang masuk kategori jamaah, baik muhammadiyah maupun nu. ada abdullah mufti, pernah aktif di pemuda muhammadiyah dan imm, kemudian aktif di hti. beberapa nama seperti ketua mui kh. acep mubarok, kh. miftah fauzi, kh, nuril mubin (fpi) mendukung perda ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 244244244244244 afkaruna syariat. kiai-kiai ini secara kultural kebanyakan alumni pesantren berkultur nu. ketua mui kh. acep mubarok secara biologis berasal dari keluarga nu. namun sekembali dari studinya di cairo university, menjadikannya tidak tertarik duduk di jam’iyah nu dan lebih berpikir mengayomi umat islam. terkait penegakan syariat islam di tasikmalaya ada dua model muhammadiyah dan nu, yaitu model jam’iyah di mana muhammadiyah dan nu cenderung tidak tertarik melakukan formalisasi syariat islam, dan model jamaah, di mana antara muhammadiyah dan nu ada sedikit perbedaan. jamaah muhammadiyah mendukung sepenuhnya perda syariat, namun jamaah nu mengalami polarisasi, ada yang mendukung, namun terdapat juga yang menolaknya. simpulan munculnya upaya penegakan syariat islam melalui perda syariat di banyak daerah merupakan impact dari euphoria demokrasi yang terjadi pasca orde baru. kota tasikmalaya merupakan salah satu daerah yang berhasil membuat perda syariat, di mana salah satunya adalah perda nomor 12 tahun 2009. terjadi polemik dan pro kontra di masyarakat terkait dengan pembuatan perda syariat. polemik dan pro kontra ini sebenarnya tak perlu terjadi bila mampu mendudukkan perda syariat secara proporsional. ada sikap mental tak proporsional dalam memposisikan perda syariat. kalau dikaitkan dengan demokrasi, sikap mental ini jelas tidak demokratis. konteks indonesia, jelas perda syariat merupakan produk perundang-undangan yang proses pembuatannya senafas dengan demokrasi. kasus pembuatan perda 12 tahun 2009 misalnya, tak ada satu pun proses yang melabrak prinsip-prinsip dalam demokrasi. dikaitkan dengan pancasila dan uud nri tahun 1945, perda syariat juga tidak mengangkanginya. bahkan sebaliknya, perda syariat sebenarnya “tafsir substantif” atas ideologi pancasila dan uud nri tahun 1945. eksplisit dalam pancasila maupun uud nri tahun 1945 masing-masing menyebutkan bahwa indonesia adalah negara yang mendasarkan pada ketuhanan yang maha esa. artinya bahwa segala hal yang terkait dengan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara semestinya mendasarkan pada prinsip-prinsip atau nilai-nilai ketuhanan. sumber dari nilai-nilai ketuhanan tentu adanya pada diri agama-agama. maka tentu tidak salah ketika ada peraturan yang dibuat dengan mencoba mendasarkan pada prinsip-prinsip ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 245245245245245vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 atau nilai-nilai yang terdapat pada agama-agama, yang salah satu wujudnya berbentuk perda syariat. keberadaan perda syariat menjadi salah ketika dilihat dalam perspektif islamophobia, dan inilah yang terjadi di indonesia. dalam perkembangannya, wujud islamophobia mengalami perubahan. bila sebelum era reformasi, wujudnya melekat pada kalangan sekular, sekarang banyak juga kalangan yang oleh clifford geertz disebut santri sudah terjangkit islamophobia. tentu ketakutan yang tidak berdasar ketika santri mempunyai perasaan ketakutan yang luar biasa terhadap islam. catatan akhir 1 taufik abdullah, islam dan masyarakat: pantulan sejarah indonesia, jakarta: lp3es, 1987, hal. 1-53. 2 feillard, andree, nu vis a vis negara: pencarian isi, bentuk dan makna, yogyakarta: lkis, 1999, hal. 43-45. 3 tentang resolusi jihad, lihat choirul anam, pertumbuhan dan perkembangan nahdlatul ulama, solo: jatayu, 1985; martin van bruinessen, nu tradisi, relasirelasi kuasa, pencarian wacana baru, yogyakarta: lkis, 1994, hal. 303-305. 4 olivier roy, the failure of political islam, london: i.b. tauris publishers, 1999, hal. 11. 5 dalam studi ini digunakan istilah “kelompok islam”, sebutan kelompok yang bersepakat pancasila sebagai ideologi negara, tapi menghendaki berlakunya syariat islam dan “kelompok nasionalis”, sebutan kelompok yang bersepakat pancasila sebagai ideologi negara, tapi menolak upaya pemberlakuan syariat islam. 6 baca endang saifuddin anshari, piagam jakarta 22 juni 1945: sebuah konsensus nasional tentang dasar negara republik indonesia (1945-1949), jakarta: gema insani press, 1997. 7 baca st. sularto, d. rini yanarti, konflik di balik proklamasi: bpupk, ppki, dan kemerdekaan, jakarta: kompas, 2010. 8 kelompok islam didukung 230 suara (masyumi 112, nu 91, psii 16, perti 7, dan partai islam lain 4). kelompok nasionalis didukung 273 suara (pni 116, pki termasuk fraksi republik proklamasi 80, parkindo 16, partai katholik 10, psi 10, ipki 8, dan partai kecil lain 33). 9 baca endang saifuddin anshari, piagam jakarta...op. cit.; muhammad kamal hasan, modernisasi indonesia: respon cendekiawan muslim, jakarta: lsi, 1987, hal. 16. 10 lihat harold crouch, the army and politics in indonesia, ithaca dan london: cornell university press, 1988, hal. 261-267; bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara: transformasi pemikiran dan praktik politik islam di indonesia, jakarta: paramadina, 1998, hal. 113-115. 11 baca abdul aziz thaba, islam dan negara dalam politik orde baru, jakarta: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 246246246246246 afkaruna gip, 1996, hal. 134-137. 12 perolehan suara partai islam pada pemilu 1999 lebih rendah dibandingkan pemilu 1955, yaitu 44,62% (116 kursi) dan lebih rendah dari pemilu 2004 dengan 38,35% (231 kursi), namun masih lebih baik dibandingkan pemilu 2009 dengan 29, 16% (164 kursi). lihat ma’mun murod al-barbasy, “politik pasca pemilu 2009: pudarnya politik aliran?”, dalam jurnal poelitik, pascasarjana universitas nasional, volume 5 nomor 110 tahun 2009, hal. 625-635. 13 tuntutan penerapan perda syariat mendapat pembenaran tap. mpr nomor iii/mpr/2000. keluarnya uu nomor 32 tahun 2004 juga menjadi pembenaran lainnya. bahasan tentang hal ini, lihat di antaranya dalam amin mudzakkir, “islam priangan: pergulatan identitas dan politik kekuasaan” dalam jurnal tashwirul afkar, edisi nomor 26, 2008, hal. 64-85. 14 baca cornelis van dijk, darul islam: sebuah pemberontakan, jakarta: pustaka utama grafiti, 1997; karl d. jackson, kewibawaan tradisional, islam, dan pemberontakan: kasus darul islam jawa barat, jakarta: grafiti, 1990; julius pour, doorstoot naar djokja pertikaian pemimpin sipil-militer, jakarta: kompas, 2009, hal. 179-180. 15 pemilu 1999 menghasilkan komposisi kursi di dprd tasikmalaya: ppp dengan 11 kursi, diikuti partai golkar 9 kursi, pdi-p 7 kursi, dan pkb 5 kursi, pan 3 kursi, pbb 2 kursi, dan pkp 1 kursi. 16 studi ini menggunakan istilah non-mainstream sebagai lawan dari mainstream. digunakannya istilah non-mainstream karena kesulitan menemukan lawan kata yang tepat untuk mainstream. penggunakan istilah non-mainstream, lihat bilveer singh, zuly qodir, gerakan islam non-mainstream dan kebangkitan islam politik di indonesia, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2015. 17 najih ayubi, political islam: religion and politics in the arab world, london: routledge, 1991, hal. 17. 18 sebutan ajengan bendo adalah istilah lokal tasikmalaya untuk menyebut sekelompok ajengan yang dalam kesehariannya memakai bendo di kepalanya. mereka berpakaian seperti walisongo dengan memakai gamis. pemikiran keagamaannya cenderung konservatif dan cara pandang politik keagamaannya juga sangat kaku (rigid). 19 raperda minuman khamar dan sejenisnya; raperda maisir (perjudian); raperda khalwat (mesum); raperda pelaksanaan syariat islam; raperda pelaksanaan syariat islam bidang aqidah, ibadah, syi’ar islam; raperda peradilan syariat islam; dan raperda hubungan tata kerja majelis permusyawaratan ulama dengan badan eksekutif, legislatif, dan instansi lainnya. 20 wawancara dengan kh. didi hudaya di kediamannya, tanggal 20 februari 2014 dan kh. iman suparman di kantor stainu kota tasikmalaya, tanggal 19 maret 2014. 21 pada pasal 2 ayat 7 disebutkan tentang ditampungnya perda yang didasarkan pada kondisi khusus suatu daerah. perda juga dapat mengesampingkan peraturan yang bersifat nasional. keluarnya uu nomor 32 tahun 2004 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 247247247247247vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 tentang pemerintah daerah juga menjadi pembenar. 22 dari 590 reponden yang dimintai tanggapan terkait penerapan perda tentang berpakaian muslim, maka sangat setuju 73%, setuju 23%, tidak setuju 3% dan sangat tidak setuju 1% terhadap aturan tersebut. lihat irham nur, “aplikasi syariat islam di kabupaten bulukumba sulawesi selatan: studi analisis terhadap peraturan dearah tentang pengelolaan zakat, minuman keras, wajib baca al quran dan busana muslim”, dalam tesis, jakarta : pascasarjana umj, 2008 23 majalah tempo, edisi 23-29 desember 2002. 24 https://studipemikiranislam.files.wordpress.com/2014/04/hasil-riset-surveisyariah-2014.pdf 25 survei pew research center (prc) di indonesia dilakukan antara 28 oktober sampai 19 november 2011, dengan melakukan wawancara tatap muka yang melibatkan 1.880 umat muslim di 19 provinsi. mereka yang disurvei berusia 18 tahun ke atas. penelitian ini memiliki margin error sebesar 3,4 persen. 26 the pew forum on religion and public live, the world’s muslims: religion, politics and society, pew research center, 30 april 2013, hal. 46-47. 27 lebih jauh baca guillermo o’donnell, transisi menuju demokrasi, jakarta: lp3es, 1993. 28 baca lebih jauh juan j. linz, alfred stepan, problems of democratic transition and consolidation: southern europe, south america and post communist europe, baltimore dan london: the john hopkins university, 1999. 29 lihat edward aspinal, opposing soeharto: compromise, resistence, and ragime change in indoensia, stanford: stanford university press, 2005; anders uhlin, oposisi berserak: arus gelombang demokratisasi ketiga di indonesia, bandung: mizan, 1998. 30 lihat marcus mietzner, “comparing indonesia’s party systems of the 1950s and the psot-soeharto era: from centrifugal to centripetal inter-party competition”, dalam journal contemporory southeast asia, volume 39 nomor 3 tahun 2008. 31 lihat herbert feith, pengantar, dalam pemikiran politik indonesia 1945-1965, jakarta: lp3es, 1988, hal. xil-lxvii. 32 baca endang saifuddin anshari, piagam jakarta 22 juni 1945… 33 lihat http://www.psik-indonesia.org/home.php?page=fullnews&id=32. 34 lihat erwin nur rif’ah, “women under sharia: case studies in the implementation of sharia-influenced regional regulations (perda sharia) in indonesia,” dalam disertasi, college of arts victoria university australia december, 2014, khususnya chapter 4, hal. 68-96. 35 samir amghar, amel boubekeur, dkk. 2007. european islam challenges for public policy and society. brussels: centre for european policy studies, hal 144; linda edvardsson, islamophobia: features of islamophobia and strategies against it. master disertation universiti malmo. department of international migration and ethnic relations (imer), sweden, 2008; azizah hussin, dkk., “ islamophobia: it is a humanity issue?”, dalam makalah, pada international ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 248248248248248 afkaruna conference on economics, education and humanities (iceeh’14), tanggal 10-11 desember 2014 bali indonesia, hal. 247; heitmeyer, w. & a. zick, anti –semitisme, islamophobia and group-focused enmity in germany. university of bieleveld, 2004; stephen sheehi, islamophobia the ideological campaign against muslim, atlanda, ga: clarity press, inc, 2011; dan tomaz mastnak “western hostility toward muslims: a history of the present,” dalam andrew shryock (ed.), islamophobia/islamophilia beyond the politics of enemy and friend, bloomington: indiana university press, 2010, hal. 2. 36 tentang hal ini, baca kuntowijoyo, identitas politik umat islam, mizan, bandung, 1997. 37 bahasan ini, lihat lathiful khuluq, strategi belanda melumpuhkan islam biografi c. snouck hurgronje, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2002; peter carey, takdir: riwayat pangeran diponegoro (1785-1855), jakarta: kompas, 2014; james l. peacock, gerakan muhammadiyah: memurnikan ajaran islam di indonesia, jakarta: cipta kreatif, 1986; aqib suminto, politik islam hindia belanda, jakarta: lp3es, 1985. 38 lihat arskal salim, challenging the secular state: the islamization of law in modern indonesia, honolulu: university of hawai’i press, 2008 dan taufik adnan amal dan samsu rizal panggabean, politik syariat islam: dari indonesia hingga nigeria, jakarta: pustaka alvabel, 2004. 39 pernyataan din syamsuddin, baca dalam http://kompilasiriset.blogspot.com/ 2007/01/perda-syariah-nu-menentang-muhammadiyah.html, diunduh tanggal 24 agustus 2014. 40 ibid., hal. 7. 41 ibid., hal. 7. 42 hasil studi buehler, lihat di antaranya dalam michael buehler, “subnational islamization through secular parties: comparing shari’a politics in two indonesian provinces”, dalam comparative politics, volume 46, nomor 1, hal. 68. 43 studi remy lihat dalam remy madinier, “islam politik atau kemenangan instrumentalisasi politik atau islam?”, dalam ae. priyono, usman hamid, merancang arah baru demokrasi: indonesia pasca-reformasi, jakarta: kpg-public virtue institute-hivos-yayasan tifa, 2014, hal. 275-289. 44 erwin nur rif’ah, “women under sharia…op. cit., hal. 68-96. 45 lazimnya partai sekuler yang tegas menolak “bersatunya” politik dan agama, semestinya partai seperti partai golkar, pdip, dan partai demokrat menolak perda syariat, namun yang terjadi justru sebaliknya, memberikan dukungan produk perda syariat. 46 lihat misalnya dalam ulf sundaussen, “demokrasi dan kelas menengah; refleksi mengenai pembangunan politik”, prisma, nomor 2, februari 1992, hal. 64. 47 keunggulan demokrasi setidaknya pada tiga hal. pertama, demokrasi lebih mampu meningkatkan kebebasan yang dimiliki warga negara jika dibanding sistem lainnya. kebebasan di sini menyangkut kebebasan menentukan nasib ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 249249249249249vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 sendiri secara individu maupun kelompok, kebebasan dalam tingkat otonomi moral, dan dukungan terhadap kebebasan lainnya. kedua, demokrasi dapat meningk atk an pengembangan masyarak at, sekurangnya dalam mengembangkan kemampuannya untuk melaksanakan penentuan nasib sendiri, otonomi moral, dan pertanggung-jawaban terhadap pilihan yang dilakukan. dan ketiga, proses demokrasi merupakan cara yang paling pasti, meskipun bukan yang paling sempurna, yang dapat digunakan manusia untuk melindungi dan memajukan kepentingan dan kebaikkan yang sama-sama mereka miliki dengan morang-orang lain. robert a. dahl, demokrasi dan para pengritiknya, jilid ii, jakarta: yayasan obor, 1992, hal. 167-168. 48 fahmi huwaydi, demokrasi, oposisi, dan masyarakat madani: isu-isu besar politik islam, bandung: mizan, 1996, hal. 212. 49 baca moh. mahfud md., pergulatan politik dan hukum di indonesia, yogyakarta: gama media, 1999. 50 notonagoro, pancasila secara utuh populer, jakarta: pantjuran tujuh, 1975, hal. 52,57; notonagoro, beberapa hal mengenai falsafah pancasila, 1984, hal. 61. 51 lihat affandi mochtar, “dialektika jam’iyyah dan jama’ah nahdlatul ulama dalam kepemimpinan gus dur, dalam marzuki wahid,” et. al., dinamika nu: perjalanan sosial dari muktamar cipasung (1994) ke muktamar kediri (1999), jakarta, kompas – lakpesdam, 1999, hal. xiii-xix. 52 mantan ketua pw muhammadiyah sulawesi selatan periode 1985-1990, 19901995, dan 1995-2000. 53 pernah menjadi ketua tanfidziyah. sekarang menjadi rais syuriah pwnu sulawesi selatan dan ketua mui sulawesi selatan. tokoh nu yang satu ini tercatat juga beberapa kali masuk struktur kepengurusan pbnu, termasuk menjadi mustasyar pbnu periode 2015-2020. 54 wasidi swastomo akhirnya terpilih menjadi bupati cianjur 2001-2006, dengan mendapat dukungan 22 suara, mengalahkan rival terkuatnya, drs. tjetjep muhtar sholeh, yang memperoleh dukungan 21 suara, sementara dua suara lainnya dianggap abstain. komposisi anggota dprd cianjur 19992004: partai golkar 12 kursi, pdi-p 10 kursi, ppp 10 kursi, f-tni 5 kursi, pkb 2 kursi, pbb 2 kursi, pan 1 kursi, pnu 1 kursi, pkp 1 kursi, dan partai persatuan 1 kursi. 55 wawancara dengan kh. agus muhammad soleh di kediamannya, tanggal 7 desember 2012. 56 wawancara dengan h. haitami, di kantor pd muhammadiyah garut, tanggal 7 desember 2012. 57 penolakan muhammadiyah ini terkonfirmasi dari hasil wawancara dengan ketua pd muhammadiyah garut h. haitami, namun beberapa pimpinan muhammadiyah ada yang terlibat dalam proses penegakan syariat islam di garut. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 250250250250250 afkaruna daftar pustaka buku abdullah, taufik. 1987. islam dan masyarakat: pantulan sejarah indonesia, jakarta: lp3es. amal, taufik adnan, samsu rizal panggabean. 2004. politik syariat islam: dari indonesia hingga nigeria, jakarta: pustaka alvabel. amghar, samir, amel boubekeur, dkk. 2007. european islam challenges for public policy and society. brussels : centre for european policy studies. anam, choirul. 1985. pertumbuhan dan perkembangan nahdlatul ulama, solo: jatayu. anshari, endang saifuddin. 1997. piagam jakarta 22 juni 1945: sebuah konsensus nasional tentang dasar negara republik indonesia (1945-1949), jakarta: gema insani press. aspinal, edward. 2005. opposing soeharto: compromise, resistence, and ragime change in indoensia, stanford: stanford university press. ayubi, najih, 1991. political islam: religion and politics in the arab world, london: routledge. bruinessen, martin van, 1994. nu tradisi, relasi-relasi kuasa, pencarian wacana baru, yogyakarta: lkis. carey, peter. 2014. takdir: riwayat pangeran diponegoro (1785-1855), jakarta: kompas. crouch, harold. 1997. the army and politics in indonesia, ithaca dan london: cornell university press. dahl, robert a., 1992. demokrasi dan para pengritiknya, jilid ii, jakarta: yayasan obor. dijk, cornelis van. 1997. darul islam: sebuah pemberontakan, jakarta: pustaka utama grafiti. edvardsson, linda. 2008. islamophobia : features of islamophobia and strategies against it, master disertation 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strategi belanda melumpuhkan islam biografi c. snouck hurgronje, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. kppsi, 2000. “memorandum syariat islam”, dalam dokumen kppsi, makassar: kppsi, 20 oktober. kuntowijoyo. 1997. identitas politik umat islam, mizan, bandung. linz, juan j., alfred stepan. 1999. problems of democratic transition and consolidation: southern europe, south america and post communist europe, baltimore dan london: the john hopkins university. madinier, remy. 2014. “islam politik atau kemenangan instrumentalisasi politik atau islam?”, dalam ae. priyono, usman hamid, merancang arah baru demokrasi: indonesia pasca-reformasi, jakarta: kpg-public virtue institute-hivosyayasan tifa. mahfud md. 1999. moh, pergulatan politik dan hukum di indonesia, yogyakarta: gama media. mastnak, tomaz. 2010. “western hostility toward muslims: a history of the present,” dalam andrew shryock (ed.), islamophobia/islamophilia beyond the politics of enemy and friend, bloomington: indiana university press. 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secular parties: comparing shari’a politics in two indonesian provinces”, dalam comparative politics, volume 46, nomor 1. hussin, azizah, dkk. 2014. “ islamophobia: it is a humanity issue?”, dalam makalah, pada international conference on economics, education and humanities (iceeh’14), tanggal 10-11 desember, bali indonesia. mietzner, marcus. 2008. “comparing indonesia’s party systems of the 1950s and the psot-soeharto era: from centrifugal to centripetal inter-party competition”, dalam journal contemporory southeast asia, volume 39 nomor 3 tahun. mudzakkir, amin. 2008. “islam priangan: pergulatan identitas dan politik kekuasaan” dalam jurnal tashwirul afkar, edisi nomor 26. nur, irham. 2008. “aplikasi syariat islam di kabupaten bulukumba sulawesi selatan: studi analisis terhadap peraturan dearah tentang pengelolaan zakat, minuman keras, wajib baca al quran dan busana muslim”, dalam tesis, jakarta : pascasarjana umj. rif’ah, erwin nur. 2014. “women under sharia: case studies in the implementation of sharia-influenced regional regulations (perda sharia) in indonesia,” dalam disertasi, college of arts victoria university australia december, khususnya chapter 4. sundaussen, ulf. 1992. “demokrasi dan kelas menengah; refleksi mengenai pembangunan politik”, prisma, nomor 2, februar. the pew forum on religion and public live. 2013. the world’s muslims: religion, politics and society, pew research center, 30 april. media lainnya majalah tempo, edisi 23-29 desember 2002. http://www.psik-indonesia.org/home.php?page=fullnews&id=32. http://kompilasiriset.blogspot.com/2007/01/perda-syariah-nu-menentangmuhammadiyah.html https://studipemikiranislam.files.wordpress.com/2014/04/hasil-riset-surveisyariah-2014.pdf http://sumardimenulis.blogspot.com/2014/09/pemberlakuan-peraturan-daerahbernuansa.html layout desember 2016 oke persahabatan penjajah dan bangsa jajahan di hindia belanda: c. snouck hurgronje dan haji hasan mustapa jajang a rohmana uin sunan gunung djati bandung email: jajang_abata@yahoo.co.id abstract this study aims to analyze the friendship between the colonizer with the colony in the dutch east indies. the study focuses on a number of works and letters of haji hasan mustapa to c. snouck hurgronje. mustapa was the hoofd penghulu (chief-penghulu) of aceh and bandung. he is a close friend of snouck since his first met in mecca in 1885. through the social-intellectual history approach, the study tries to explain their closeness which are no longer merely a relationship between employer and employee, but has penetrated deeply into the true brotherhood and kinship ties. snouck who representated as a colonial master looked mustapa as a figure who has unique talent and character which achieve high knowledge about islamic law and sundanese customs. instead, mustapa looked snouck as his close friends who have a commitment to defend each other. mustapa shed his impression and expectation to meet him again someday in his letters. mustapa often shed tears when remembering the time of togetherness that will not be forgotten throughout his life. it is an interplay friendship that have never imagined in shaping the face of colonialism in indonesia, which its influence cannot be ignored until now. keywords: snouck, mustapa, friendship, colonizer, colony abstrak kajian ini bertujuan menganalisis tentang persahabatan antara penjajah dengan bangsa jajahan di hindia belanda. studi ini memfokuskan pada sejumlah karya dan surat-surat haji hasan mustapa pada c. snouck hurgronje. mustapa adalah penghulu aceh dan bandung yang berteman dekat dengan snouck sejak bertemu pertama kali di mekah pada 1885 hingga akhir hayatnya. melalui pendekatan sejarah sosial-intelektual, kajian ini berusaha menjelaskan kedekatan keduanya yang tidak lagi sekedar hubungan tuan dan majikan, tetapi sudah merasuk sedemikian dalam ke dalam ikatan persaudaraan sejati dan kekeluargaan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0060.144-168 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 145145145145145vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 snouck sebagai representasi tuan kolonial memandang mustapa sebagai sosok yang memiliki bakat dan watak yang langka serta mencapai pengetahuan tinggi tentang syariat islam dan adat-istiadat sunda. sebaliknya, mustapa memandang snouck sebagai sahabat dekat yang memiliki komitmen untuk saling membela di kala dekat maupun jauh. mustapa menumpahkan pandangan dan kerinduan dirinya untuk bertemu kembali dengannya dalam surat-suratnya. bahkan mustapa seringkali meneteskan air mata ketika mengingat masa-masa kebersamaannya yang tidak akan terlupakan sepanjang hidupnya. sebuah persahabatan yang tidak pernah terbayangkan dalam membentuk wajah kolonialisme di indonesia yang pengaruhnya tidak bisa diabaikan hingga sekarang. kata kunci: snouck, mustapa, persahabatan, penjajah, bangsa jajahan pendahuluan sudah banyak sarjana yang mengkaji tentang peranan christiaan snouck hurgronje (1857-1936) di indonesia. salah satu figur penting kolonial yang disebut fogg sebagai bapak kajian islam di indonesia.1 ia merupakan penasihat pemerintah belanda yang pernah tinggal di jeddah dan mekah (1884-1885), lalu menetap lama di hindia belanda (18861906).2 ia memiliki pengetahuan mendalam tentang islam indonesia dan dianggap berhasil dalam mempengaruhi kebijakan belanda.3 ia bahkan tetap melancarkan pengaruh yang tak putus-putusnya, walaupun samarsamar, lama setelah kepulangannya dari indonesia tahun 1906.4 namun, dibanding studi tentang sejarah “kesuksesan” snouck melalui nasihat, surat-surat pribadi dan karya-karyanya, tetapi hal ini tidak diimbangi dengan kajian keterlibatan teman, sahabat dan sejumlah informannya.5 dari dokter abdul ghaffar ibn ‘abdurrahman al-baghdadi yang banyak membantunya selama di mekkah, raden aboe bakar djajadiningrat (1854-1914) yang banyak membantunya selama di mekkah,6 haji hasan mustapa (1852-1930) yang menyertainya berkeliling tatar sunda dan jawa,7 teuku muhamad nurdin yang menjadi sekretaris pribadinya selama di aceh, hingga sayyid ‘uthman (1822-1913), mufti betawi keturunan arab yang cenderung akomodasionis terhadap kekuasaan pemerintah belanda.8 dibanding kekaguman pada snouck, peran informan lokal cenderung diabaikan dan dipandang secara negatif karena dianggap sebagai kolaborator kolonial.9 padahal para informan inilah yang sebetulnya ikut berperan di belakang layar dalam memudahkan snouck untuk mendapatkan pengetahuan lokal tentang islam di indonesia.10 karenanya, mereka diyakini turut berkontribusi dalam membentuk pengetahuan snouck tentang masyarakat jajahan dan pada gilirannya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 146146146146146 afkaruna menjadi bahan nasihat snouck kepada pihak pemerintah belanda. salah satu informan sekaligus sahabat dekat bagi snouck adalah haji hasan mustapa (1852-1930). ia merupakan sastrawan sunda terbesar dengan puluhan karya prosa dan belasan ribu bait puisi dangding sunda. mustapa pernah menetap di mekah selama belasan tahun (1860-1862, 1869-1873, 1880-1885). di mekah pulalah awal pertemuannya dengan snouck terjadi pada 1885 dan menyimpan kesan mendalam hingga berlanjut pada ikatan persahabatan lebih dari 40 tahun sampai akhir hayatnya pada 1930. kajian ini berusaha menjelaskan kedekatan di antara dua sosok penting di hindia belanda tersebut sepanjang peralihan abad ke-19 dan 20. snouck sebagai sosok yang merepresentasikan wajah kolonial dan mustapa yang mewakili pribadi bangsa jajahan yang masuk di lingkaran kolonial. bagaimana kedekatan hubungan persahabatan yang terjalin di antara keduanya? bagaimana pula snouck memandang sosok informan lokal seperti mustapa? dan sebaliknya, bagaimana mustapa melihat sahabat kolonialnya itu dan menumpahkan seluruh kesan-kesannya terhadap snouck? sumber utama kajian berupa surat-surat pribadi mustapa kepada snouck dan sejumlah catatan mustapa tentang sosok snouck dalam berbagai karya-karyanya. dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah sosialintelektual, studi ini berusaha memperkuat tesis bahwa kolonialisme dan orientalisme sebagaimana dikatakan said, mencerminkan persepsi penaklukan dan kekuasaan imperial bangsa barat dalam menggambarkan dunia timur.11 tetapi persepsi tersebut dalam studi ini tidak bisa sepenuhnya dilakukan tanpa keterlibatan bangsa jajahan sebagai kolaborator kolonial. pola hubungan kolonial dan koloni tidak hanya berupa relasi patron-klien, tuan-majikan, tetapi secara mendalam masuk ke dalam ikatan persahabatan, persaudaraan dan ikatan kekeluargaan. kesan tersebut tergambar dalam pandangan mustapa sebagai seorang sahabat sekaligus saudara dekat bagi snouck. snouck menjadi salah satu tokoh terpenting dalam sejumlah kajian sarjana tentang studi islam di eropa dan sejarah kebijakan atas islam di indonesia. semua seolah sepakat bahwa membahas masalah tersebut kiranya tidak absah tanpa menyebut namanya. drewes sudah memberikan pengakuan penting sejak lama bahwa apa yang bangsa eropa miliki sebagai ilmu pengetahuan islam pada dasarnya adalah karya snouck (dan goldziher).12 hal ini dikuatkan juga oleh studi pedersen tentang karya○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 147147147147147vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 karya ilmiah snouck yang dianggap sebagai guru utama (great master) dalam tradisi tersebut, salah satunya yang dikaji brugman terkait hukum islam.13 namun, sosok snouck tak hanya berpengaruh dalam pembentukan awal wajah studi islam di kalangan orientalis eropa, namanya juga tidak bisa diabaikan dalam sejarah kebijakan kolonial atas islam di indonesia, tak hanya sejak masa kolonial saja tetapi bayang-bayangnya juga masih bisa dirasakan hingga sekarang. hal ini tergambar dalam banyak sekali kajian para sarjana.14 mulai dari peran penting hasil foto jepretan snouck terhadap situasi mekah yang saat itu belum banyak diketahui,15 pengaruh besarnya terhadap kebijakan belanda dalam menangani perang aceh,16 serta peletak dasar-dasar kebijakan tentang islam di hindia belanda dari berbagai sisinya, baik dilihat dari kepentingan kolonial, keturunan arab, penghulu, debat kontemporer tentang kesesuaian islam dan modernitas yang tidak lepas dari gambaran islam sebagai agama dalam karya snouck, hingga penggunaan lensa arab oleh snouck dalam memandang hindia belanda.17 selain itu, para sarjana juga tak hanya memujinya, sejumlah suara kritis terhadap snouck juga disampaikan, misalnya oleh benda, waardenburg dan wertheim dan van dijk terkait kebijakan kolonial yang mengandung sejumlah kontradiksi.18 studi ini merupakan kelanjutan dari kajian tentang peran penting informan dan kolaboratornya yang ditarik snouck ke dalam lingkaran kolonisasi kolonial atas islam,19 tetapi signifikansi informan seperti mustapa dalam kajian ini diulas dengan menggambarkan kedekatan keduanya yang sangat intim secara personal melalui surat-surat pribadi mustapa, baik sebagai bawahan, sahabat bahkan saudara dekat. hubungan snouck dengan mustapa sebagaimana diketahui, snouck dianggap sebagai penasihat kolonial paling berpengaruh dalam sejarah kolonial di nusantara. ia dianggap salah seorang sarjana belanda yang menandai periode penting kolonisasi pengetahuan di hindia belanda yang dijadikan sebagai bagian dari alat penjajahan. di awal karirnya, snouck berhasil memasuki mekah untuk mengetahui sisi terdalam islam dan masyarakat muslim.20 ia dikirim ke mekkah sekitar selama enam bulan (1884-1885), lalu ke hindia belanda sekitar delapan belas tahun (1889-1906), tak lama setelah banyaknya upaya perlawanan ulama lokal seperti tampak pada perang jawa/diponegoro ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 148148148148148 afkaruna (1825-1830), perang aceh (1873-1912) dan pemberontakan di banten (1888).21 ini menguatkan pandangan adanya upaya kolonial untuk lebih memahami kondisi masyarakat jajahan demi menjaga kelangsungannya. sosok snouck sebagai penasihat belanda untuk urusan pribumi (adviseur voor inlandsche zaken) dianggap berhasil dalam mempengaruhi kebijakan belanda.22 ia memahami budaya indonesia dan yakin bahwa barat memiliki nilai untuk diberikan pada orang nusantara. ia berusaha memberikan pencerahan agar mereka memahami apa yang budaya barat bisa lakukan bagi mereka.23 haji hasan mustapa berada dalam lingkaran kehidupan snouck tersebut selama karirnya di hindia belanda. sejak bertemu dengan snouck di mekkah sekitar tahun 188524 dan berlanjut ketika di hindia belanda (18891906), mustapa terus-menerus menjalin kontak dengan snouck melalui surat berbahasa arab.25 keduanya diyakini mengembangkan kemampuan bahasa arab selama di mekah. kedekatan keduanya selama di mekah mulai terbangun tidak saja didasarkan pada keyakinan sebagai saudara sesama muslim,26 tetapi juga kerja keras snouck dalam melakukan studi antropologis komunitas jawi di mekah secara mendalam, tempat di mana mustapa tergabung di dalamnya. hubungan awal persahabatan tersebut menyimpan kesan mendalam bagi snouck untuk kemudian membuat janji agar bisa bertemu di hindia belanda. empat tahun kemudian tepatnya tahun 1889, snouck tiba di hindia belanda. ia kemudian bertemu kembali dengan mustapa. van koningsveld menegaskan bahwa tak lama setelah tiba di hindia belanda, snouck menikah dengan gadis sunda bernama sangkana (w. 1896) di ciamis. dari sangkana, snouck dikaruniai empat anak: salmah emah, umar, aminah dan ibrahim. setelah sangkana meninggal dunia pada tahun 1896, snouck kemudian menikahi siti sadijah (1885-1974) pada tahun 1898. ia merupakan putri r.h. muhamad su’eb yang terkenal dengan kalipah apo, wakil penghulu bandung haji hasan mustapa. darinya snouck dikaruniai seorang anak yaitu r. jusuf.27 dilihat dari kedekatannya dengan mustapa selama di priangan dan batavia ditambah jabatan mustapa sebagai hoofd penghulu bandung sejak 1896, bisa dipastikan mustapa hadir dan memiliki peran besar dalam pernikahan snouck dengan kedua gadis sunda tersebut. kedekatan snouck dan mustapa selanjutnya tergambar dalam perjalanannya berkeliling daerah sunda dan jawa selama dua kali. dalam sejumlah puisinya, mustapa menceritakan bahwa dirinya diajak oleh ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 149149149149149vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 snouck untuk berkeliling jawa. perjalanannya ke jawa menurut keterangan van ronkel terjadi tahun 1889-1891.28 keduanya berkeliling jawa dua kali dalam dua tahun, dari pertengahan juli 1889 sampai awal februari 1891. ia mengunjungi banyak tempat di ponorogo, madiun, surakarta, yogyakarta, magelang, termasuk sejumlah pesantren.29 mustapa kemudian menceritakan bahwa selepas perjalanannya ke jawa, ia banyak menyalin berbagai primbon, kitab, pusaka dari jawa yang kemudian diserahkan kepada snouck.30 ketika mendengar laporan tentang buku-buku tasawuf yang digunakan di kendal pada 1886, mustapa menyatakan karya-karya tersebut dimaksudkan untuk memelihara perilaku lahir dan batin yang baik bagi pembacanya. selama bekerja pada snouck, mustapa dibayar f50 perbulan. ia mengumpulkan daftar karya berbahasa arab di priangan kepada pemerintah pada nopember 1889. banyak di antara yang dikumpulkannya merupakan teks shattariyah.31 di sini tampak bahwa mustapa mengetahui banyak tentang ajaran shattariyah dan martabat tujuh, tidak saja dari sejumlah guru yang ditemuinya terutama di mekah, tetapi juga melalui sejumlah naskah yang ditemukannya. sepulangnya dari jawa, hubungan keduanya berlanjut ketika snouck pergi ke aceh (juli 1891-februari 1892) lalu mengusulkan pengangkatan mustapa kepada gubernur aceh tertanggal 26 oktober 1892 untuk menjadi penghulu di kutaraja aceh setelah menyisihkan calon penghulu asal pontianak. snouck tidak pernah bertemu selama mustapa menjadi penghulu di aceh sekitar dua tahun sembilan bulan pada maret 1893januari 1896. ia menjalin komunikasi dengan mustapa melalui surat. hampir setiap pekan mustapa berkirim surat kepada snouck di batavia. ketika mustapa pindah menjadi penghulu di bandung pada 1896, snouck juga tetap menjaga komunikasi dengan mustapa, boleh jadi mustapa dan snouck saling berkunjung antara bandung dan batavia. mustapa menjadi penghulu bandung tahun 1896-1917. snouck akhirnya kembali ke belanda tahun 1906. mustapa tetap menjalin komunikasi dengan snouck di belanda yang bertempat tinggal di witte singel 84 a leiden. korespondensi pun terus berlangsung sampai mustapa pensiun sebagai penghulu bandung tahun 1917 bahkan hingga beberapa tahun sebelum mustapa meninggal. berikut data dan peristiwa yang dialami snouck dan mustapa yang mencerminkan hubungan erat di antara keduanya diolah dari sejumlah sumber: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 150150150150150 afkaruna c. snouck hurgronje haji hasan mustapa lahir di belanda 1857 1852 lahir di garut pergi ke mekah 28 agustus 18841885 1860-1862, 1869-1873, 1880-1885 pergi ke mekah bekeliling jawa 1889-1891 1889-1891 berkeliling jawa menikahi sangkana (w. 1895) di ciamis 1890 1890 kemungkinan hadir bertugas di aceh juli 1891-pebruari 1892 maret 1893-januari 1896 bertugas di aceh weltevreden 1893-1906 1896-1917 penghulu bandung menikahi siti sadijah (w. 1974) di bandung 1898 1898 kemungkinan hadir kembali ke belanda 1906 1917 pensiun menikahi ida maria oort di belanda 1910 meninggal 1936 1930 meninggal kedekatan mustapa dengan snouck tidak dapat diabaikan, karena sangat berpengaruh terhadap perjalanan hidup mustapa sebagai seorang elite pribumi dengan jabatan hoofd penghulu aceh dan bandung yang pada gilirannya berpengaruh pula terhadap kedekatan keduanya seperti tergambar dalam surat-surat dan karya-karyanya. otoritas yang dimiliki mustapa sebagai penghulu dalam birokrasi administrasi kolonial memungkinkannya bisa mengakses banyak informasi dari berbagai sumber.32 bagi snouck, ia menjadi salah satu tokoh kunci yang membuka informasi untuk memperoleh pengetahuan tentang islam lokal termasuk dunia tarekat.33 kontak pribadinya sekali lagi membuka mata snouck tentang para pelaku tarekat dan memberinya alasan untuk berpikir ulang, atau paling tidak untuk memperlembut dugaan dia sebelumnya tentang ‘bahaya’ tarekat di masyarakat terutama pasca peristiwa cilegon 1888 atau yang dikenal sebagai pemberontakan ‘petani banten’.34 snouck sendiri akhirnya mengaku pernah dibaiat dalam tarekat. karyanya de atjehers (1893) seakan mengembalikan jejak silsilah tarekat shattariyah yang ditemuinya di jawa barat sampai kepada ‘abdurrauf.35 keintiman mustapa dan snouck merupakan kelanjutan dari kedekatan sosok k.f. holle (1829-1896), penasihat belanda sebelumnya dengan raden moehamad moesa (1822-1886), penghulu limbangan.36 dengan latar belakang ménak dan santri, mustapa diusulkan snouck untuk menjadi elite penghulu aceh dan priangan sekaligus masuk ke dalam lingkaran ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 151151151151151vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 kaum ménak dan pada gilirannya lingkaran kolonial.37 mustapa menjadi hoofd penghulu di kutaraja, aceh atas desakan snouck kepada gubernur militer dan sipil acéh, jenderal deykerhoff. menurut snouck dalam suratnya kepada gubernur jenderal hindia belanda tanggal 8 maret 1896, tidaklah mudah dia membujuk mustapa supaya mau menduduki jabatan tersebut. ia menjadi hoofd penghulu kutaraja selama sekitar dua tahun sembilan bulan (1893-1895). mustapa menerima karena menghargai persahabatannya dengan snouck. namun karena ketidakcocokkan dengan para pejabat belanda di aceh, mustapa akhirnya memilih pindah menjadi hoofd penghulu bandung.38 hubungan mustapa dan snouck pada dasarnya mencerminkan visi masa depan kolonial di wilayah jajahan seperti tampak dalam fatwa mustapa tentang pemerintah kolonial di aceh.39 bahkan mungkin lebih dari itu, mustapa tidak saja berperan banyak dalam pembentukan pemahaman snouck tentang kondisi aktual sosial-politik dan budaya lokal pada masanya, termasuk menyediakan banyak salinan naskah lokal yang dibawa snouck atau dikirim melalui jasa pos. bahkan mustapa boleh jadi paling banyak mengetahui kehidupan pribadi dan keluarga snouck di hindia belanda. sesuatu yang sejak lama disembunyikannya dan sempat memicu kontroversi di kalangan para sarjana.40 semua informasi dan kontak mustapa dengan snouck umumnya disampaikan mustapa melalui kiriman karangan dan surat-surat pribadi kepada snouck. sejumlah karya mustapa seperti adji wiwitan istilah dan beberapa dangding juga di beberapa bagian memuat komentar dan ungkapan mustapa tentang sosok snouck. selain itu, sejumlah surat-surat mustapa yang disimpan di ub leiden dengan kode or. 8952 dan or. 18.097 juga memuat berbagai ungkapan mustapa tentang pribadi snouck. mustapa di mata snouck untuk mengungkap pandangan mustapa tentang snouck, penting kiranya terlebih dahulu menggali pandangan snouck tentang mustapa. boleh jadi snouck turut membaca penilaian atas dirinya dan memberikan tanggapan atas sosok mustapa sebagaimana tampak dalam surat-suratnya kepada pemerintah belanda. berikut gambaran bagaimana snouck memiliki kesan baik terhadap pribadi mustapa seperti tergambar dalam nota bertanggal 22 mei 1922 yang dikirim kepada sekretaris pemerintah di buitenzorg, jelang penunjukan mustapa sebagai penghulu aceh: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 152152152152152 afkaruna haji hasan mustapa telah saya kenal dari dekat sejak kurang lebih 10 tahun dan selama waktu itu rasa hormat saya terhadap watak dan bakatnya yang benar-benar langka, semakin bertambah. pemukimannya selama 13 tahun di negara arab tempat saya berkenalan dengan dia didahului oleh telaah beberapa tahun di priangan, kampung halamannya, telah menyebabkan ia mencapai tingkat yang luar biasa tingginya mengenai syariat islam untuk daerah-daerah ini. di negara arab maupun sesudah ia pulang ke kampung halamannya pada tahun 1885, ia seorang guru yang dihormati dan dicintai. beberapa karya telah diterbitkannya dalam bahasa arab.41 snouck menyebutkan bahwa ia sudah kenal dekat dengan mustapa sekitar 10 tahun. ini boleh jadi dihitung sejak snouck tiba di hindia belanda dan pergi berkeliling jawa antara 1889-1891 lalu keduanya semakin sering bertemu hingga jelang kepulangannya ke belanda pada 1906. saat itu mustapa sudah menjadi hoofd penghulu bandung hingga 1917. ungkapan penghormatan snouck atas bakat dan watak mustapa dalam kutipan di atas tergambar jelas. snouck bahkan menyebut kemampuan mustapa sudah mencapai tingkat yang luar biasa tingginya mengenai syariat islam untuk daerah-daerah ini (sunda). boleh jadi penilaian snouck atas sosok mustapa tersebut didasarkan pada sejumlah karya-karya mustapa terutama tentang adat-istiadat sunda. karangan mustapa tentang adat-istiadat sunda terdiri dari dua macam, yang besar dan kecil, yakni bab adat2 oerang priangan djeung oerang soenda lian ti eta (bab adat-adat orang priangan dan orang sunda lainnya) dan buku leutik pertelaan adatna jalma-jalma di pasundan (buku kecil menjelaskan adatnya orang-orang di pasunda). naskah asli yang besar disimpan di ub leiden diberi kode lor. 7695.42 lalu dipublikasikan di kantor cetak pemerintah di betawi pada 1913.43 karena dianggap sangat penting, karya ini kemudian diterjemahkan ke bahasa belanda oleh sastrawan sunda r. memed sastrahadiprawira (1897-1932), tetapi keburu meninggal. penerjemahannya dilanjutkan oleh r.a. kern hingga terbit tahun 1946.44 buku ini juga diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa indonesia oleh m. maryati tahun 1985.45 sedangkan buku kecil berjudul buku leutik pertelaan adatna jalmajalma di pasundan diterbitkan sekitar tiga tahun kemudian 1916. buku yang kecil tersebut menjadi pengantar untuk buku yang besar tentang adat-istiadat sunda. buku kecil tersebut diterbitkan oleh lembana ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 153153153153153vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 wignjadisastra, anak perempuan mustapa dari istri yang ketiga, rd. ratna (iyoh), melalui penerbit tjahaja pasoendan bandung.46 baik buku besar maupun buku kecil mustapa tentang adat-istiadat sunda hingga sekarang masih digunakan sebagai rujukan karena dianggap studi etnografis budaya sunda paling lengkap dan mendalam. kekaguman snouck atas sosok mustapa juga tampak dari ungkapannya bahwa mustapa dianggap sebagai seorang guru yang dihormati dan dicintai baik di mekah maupun di kampung halamannya. penilaian snouck tentu didasarkan oleh pandangan mata kepalanya sendiri sejak bertemu dengannya pada 1885. berikut pandangan snouck tentang sosok mustapa ketika di mekah: hasan mustafa was muhammed’s pupil in java, and came first to mekka about 14 years ago, to hear the lectures of the elder jâwah divines and to attend in the haram the lectures of hasab allah, mustafa ‘afîfî, abdullah zawâwî etc. for about ten years he has taught himself, and some of the text-books written by him, (including one on arabic prosody) have been published in cairo. in his house, one always found after sunrise and in the afternoon, several dozens of javanese and sundanese, listening to his words: at other times he studies himself in the haram. a few years ago he returned to java, not meaning however to stay longer there than to put his affairs in order. artinya: hasan mustapa merupakan murid muhammad (garut) di jawa, dan datang pertama kali ke mekah sekitar 14 tahun lalu, untuk mendengar ceramah dari (ulama) jawah yang hebat dan lebih tua dan untuk hadir di (masjidil) haram mendengarkan ceramah hasab allah, mustafa ‘afîfî, abdullah zawâwî dan lainnya. sekitar sepuluh tahun, mustapa belajar dan beberapa teks buku ditulis olehnya, (termasuk satu buku tentang syair arab) sudah diterbitkan di kairo. di rumahnya, selepas matahari terbit dan di sore hari, selalu ditemui beberapa lusin orang jawa dan sunda mendengarkan kata-katanya. di saat yang lain, ia juga belajar di masjidil haram. sekitar beberapa tahun lalu, ia kembali ke jawa, tetapi bukan berarti tinggal selamanya di sana selain untuk menyelesaikan urusannya dengan baik.47 penilaian snouck tersebut selain membuktikan pertemuan dirinya dengan mustapa di mekah, juga menggambarkan kekaguman snouck atas sosok mustapa sebagai satu di antara dua orang sunda yang menarik perhatian dirinya karena dikelilingi oleh anak-anak muda yang belajar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 154154154154154 afkaruna padanya, selain dirinya juga belajar pada sejumlah ulama mekah. snouck bahkan menyebut mustapa sudah menerbitkan buku di kairo, salah satunya tentang persajakan atau syair arab. sebuah kemampuan yang tidak banyak dimiliki para ulama jawah yang berasal dari sunda. kesan snouck juga tampak ketika menceritakan pengalaman kebersamaannya dengan mustapa selama berkeliling jawa. mustapa dalam penilaian snouck sudah sangat dikenal dan memiliki nama baik di seluruh pulau jawa. secara pribadi saya harus mengakui bahwa saya merasa senang tokoh tersebut (mustapa) menjadi teman seperjalanan dalam perjalananperjalanan awal saya di pulau jawa. saya banyak berutang budi karena pengalamannya yang kaya dan banyaknya hubungan yang telah didapatnya berkat nama baiknya di seluruh pulau jawa. semua tawaran untuk dimasukkan dalam golongan ulama resmi selalu ditolaknya. alasannya sama dengan alasan yang sampai sekarang masih menjadi halangan bagi orang lain yang mendapat kedudukan tertentu di dalam masyarakat pribumi berkat kemajuannya sendiri dalam menerima pangkatpangkat seperti itu. perlakuan sebagai penghulu yang sering mereka alami dari pihak orang eropa, jelasnya banyak mengurangi kehormatan yang sebelum itu biasa mereka nikmati.48 kesan snouck terhadap mustapa di atas menggambarkan kedekatannya sebagai sahabat yang sudah mengenal kepribadiannya sejak lama. kedekatan ini semakin jelas ketika kita sebaliknya juga membaca penilaian dan ungkapan kerinduan mustapa atas snouck. snouck dan ungkapan kerinduan mustapa sebagai seorang sahabat dekat, mustapa mengungkapkan pengalaman dan penilaian dirinya tentang snouck dalam sejumlah karangannya. ia misalnya, mengungkapkan kesannya terhadap snouck yang dianggapnya sebagai sahabat dekat yang saling membela selamanya. mustapa menceritakan bagaimana kesannya terhadap sosok snouck dalam salah satu karangannya adji wiwitan istilah: “…bangsa eropah nu pangkat profesor doktor, saperti ieu nu maparin surat sértipikat dulur kaula geus 40 taun…c. snouck hurgronje, sarta kabaca kapujian kaula, ti sobat raket, nu sili bélaan salawasna keur deukeut keur jauh, sanajan papisah jauh, sabaraha anggangna ti kaum bandung tanah priangan, jawa, ka leiden, tanah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 155155155155155vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 nederland eropah, kajeun wayahna baé da geus sili bélaan, sili cekelan ditambah ku tedak dipikanyaah ku belanda. 49 artinya: “…bangsa eropa yang bertitel profesor doktor, seperti yang mengirim surat ini adalah saudara saya berjalan sudah 40 tahun…c. snouck hurgronje, serta terbaca sanjungan saya, ia sahabat dekat, yang saling bela selamanya ketika dekat dan jauh, meski terpisah jauh seberapa jauhnya dari kaum bandung tanah priangan jawa ke leiden tanah netherlands eropa. meski begitu sudah mesti saling bela, saling memegang (janji) ditambah saya aslinya memang disayangi oleh belanda.” ungkapan mustapa tersebut menggambarkan bagaimana keduanya berjanji untuk saling membela. keduanya memang pernah mengalami kejadian di mana snouck dan mustapa masing-masing merasa berhutang karena mendapatkan pembelaan. snouck misalnya, konon dikabarkan mendapatkan pembelaan mustapa saat snouck diselamatkan mustapa di mekah karena dituduh sebagai mata-mata. begitu juga mustapa mendapatkan pembelaan snouck, saat mustapa menjabat sebagai hoofd penghulu aceh dianggap “berat sebelah” dan “tidak selalu terpercaya.” snouck membela hasan mustapa dalam sebuah nota, tertanggal betawi, 22 mei 1894. nota tersebut telah disampaikannya kepada sekretaris pemerintah di buitenzorg.50 membaca nota pembelaan snouck atas mustapa, tampak jelas kepercayaan besar yang diberikan snouck kepada mustapa dalam kasus alasan kepindahan mustapa dari aceh pada 1896 setelah merasa tidak cocok dengan asisten residen aceh besar. kepercayaan dan kecintaan sahabat koloni seperti mustapa kepada tuannya juga banyak tergambar dalam surat-surat pibadi mustapa kepada snouck terutama or. 8952. kumpulan surat-surat ini berjumlah sekitar 18 surat yang ditulis dalam rentang waktu sekitar 1894-1923. dalam suratsurat mustapa tersebut, snouck sudah dianggap mustapa seperti saudaranya sendiri. kadang mustapa menunjukkan kerinduan untuk bertemu dengan saudaranya itu (min al-akh al-‘ashiq li muwajahah akhih).51 sebuah ungkapan kerinduan mustapa yang berada jauh dari sahabatnya itu ribuan kilometer jaraknya antara bandung dan belanda di eropa. tampak jelas kerinduan hati mustapa dalam surat-suratnya ini kepada snouck yang disebutnya sebagai saudara lama dan teman setia (al-akh al-qadim wa alrafiq al-qawim).52 kiranya begitu pula snouck dalam surat-surat balasannya yang tidak diketahui entah kemana setelah sampai di tangan mustapa. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 156156156156156 afkaruna berikut sebagian ungkapan kerinduan mustapa dalam surat-suratnya. dalam suratnya tanggal 1 januari 1911, mustapa mengungkapkan perasaan hatinya yang bertanya-tanya kapan dan kapan lagi dirinya dipertemukan kembali dengan snouck. surat ini ditulis sekitar lima tahun setelah kepulangan snouck ke hindia belanda tahun 1906: “kita menjalani hidup dan berpisah dalam hitungan tahun. pikiranku lelah dan pandanganku kering. kapan, kapan (lagi) kita saling menyayangi sebagaimana masa lalu dalam kehidupan yang berkecukupan dan keteraturan yang penuh hormat dalam kesehatan.”53 masih dalam surat yang sama, mustapa tampak berharap seandainya snouck yang sudah dianggap saudaranya itu datang lagi ke jawa demi hembusan keharuman, sentuhan ruhani dan kebahagiaan hatinya: “nafsu kemanusiaan sudah saya lalui, sampai-sampai saya berpikir dengan perandaian ribuan perandaian. terlintas di pikiran saya, seandainya engkau datang ke jawa dalam waktu dekat dan meski dengan sedikit paksaan, keringanan dan perubahan udara agar menghembuskan kepada saya dengan hembusan keharuman dan sentuhan ruhani dan kebahagiaan hati dan indahnya kebaikan. saya tidak tahu bagaimana kabar sahabat-sahabatmu selain saya. keselamatan atasmu dan khususnya untuk orang yang berada di rumahmu. terutama “yang segelnya dari kesturi, … maka hendaknya mereka berlomba-lomba.”54 dalam surat lainnya tanggal 23 februari 1911, mustapa kembali mengungkapkan kerinduannya tersebut. kali ini dengan bahasa kerinduan yang cukup jelas disampaikan mustapa sebagai balasan kerinduan yang juga diungkapkan snouck. “saya memahami isi surat engkau berisi suatu (ungkapan) halus. di antara pendahuluan beritanya adalah mengenai berita kerinduan. demikianlah ia sudah memenuhi hati saya selamanya karena rindu.”55 dalam surat lainnya tanggal 27 januari 1912, mustapa bahkan membayangkan dirinya dan snouck berkumpul dan berbincang bersama setelah makan di parapatan. tak diketahui daerah yang dimaksud, tetapi kiranya ia merupakan sebuah tempat yang boleh jadi pernah disinggahi keduanya dan menyimpan kenangan yang tak pernah bisa dilupakan: “di antara berita lainnya, sebagaimana biasa saya menulis surat ini dan menceritakan semua di dalamnya padamu dengan niat ikhlas meski pun tiada guna. seolah saya dan engkau berkumpul dan berbincang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 157157157157157vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 setelah makan di parapatan, kalaupun mereka menertawakan apa yang dilihatnya, demi menjaga persaudaraan sebelumnya selamanya.”56 bahkan dalam suratnya tanggal 29 maret 1912, mustapa mengenang kisah ketika untuk terakhir kalinya dirinya berpisah dengan snouck saat mengantarkannya ke pelabuhan tanjung priok pada malam hari tanggal 31 maret 1906 untuk berlayar pulang kembali ke negeri belanda: “demikianlah saya tulis semuanya, sekalipun “sia-sia” saja. karena itu semua kabar yang diminta olehmu. dan karena saya teringat di malam perpisahan di tanjung priok antara saya dan engkau pada 31 maret di kapal uap. saya kirimkan untuk menunjukkan kesehatan walafiat. saya harap tuan ada juga demikian, bahkan lebih sehat dari saya.”57 ungkapan senada disebutkan mustapa dalam surat tanggal 13 september 1912 bahwa dirinya berharap rasa cinta dan persaudaraannya tidak terputus, walau tiupan angin topan menghapus kebaikan dan bau harumnya. “karena yang diharap hanyalah supaya tidak terputusnya rasa cinta dan persaudaraan yang tidak pantas dari sisi saya menerbangkan surat ini sesuai tempatnya, walau tiupan angin dan topan menghapus kebaikan dan bau harumnya. saya senang sekali mendapat suratmu yang panjang dengan kabar sehat walafiat, walau dengan penundaan, semoga tuan membalas engkau dengan yang utama. saya membalasmu sekarang dengan sebagian yang diminta itu.”58 dalam suratnya yang lain 25 oktober 1913, mustapa mengungkapkan kekagumannya dengan rencana snouck untuk pergi ke amerika. mustapa mengungkapkan kekagumannya atas negeri itu dengan bahasa arab puitis, berharap agar snouck bisa berbagi kebahagiaan dan mendoakannya agar bisa lancar. di sini kita bisa melihat kemahiran mustapa dalam menggunakan bahasa arab yang indah. “saya juga melihat dalam surat kabar bahwa engkau hendak pergi ke amerika. sebuah negeri yang terkenal makmur, bebas dan berpengetahuan, dengan keindahan duniawi dan hati, perhiasan yaqut dan permata, simpanan kekayaan yang tampak dan hasil sentuhan yang bersinar bagi pandangan mata, padanya ada bangunan yang menakjubkan dan keluar semerbak harum dan wangi. padanya keluar tanda-tanda (ayat) surat al-rahman. inilah surat untuk saling sapa dan keramahan antara kita. saya harap engkau sukses dan beruntung. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 158158158158158 afkaruna perjalanan wisata yang baik. saya harap darimu kemurahan hati. engkau kirimkan pada saya sesuatu yang mengagumkan dari amerika yang menakjubkan. hingga saya (seperti) bisa menyaksikan bangunan yang nyata secara langsung.”59 ungkapan kerinduan mustapa untuk bertemu dengan snouck, diungkapkan juga oleh mustapa dalam surat berikutnya tanggal 12 agustus 1915. “di antaranya, jelas bagimu bahwa saya dan engkau saling bersaudara, berteman jauh atau dekat, hadir atau tidak, tersembunyi atau tampak, kemampuan dan kondisi saya berkurang dengan kemestian adanya perubahan waktu, maka tidak berubah dalam hati selain rasa rindu dan keinginan untuk bertatap muka secara sempurna dan perbincangan di antara kita dalam kesehatan sekarang ini.”60 hubungan persahabatan yang erat dan penuh kenangan itu tampak juga dari rasa sedih yang menghinggapi keduanya dalam surat 6 mei 1916. snouck di belanda mengungkapkan rasa sedih dan penyesalan. mustapa di bandung juga mengungkapkan rasa berat hati menghadapi situasi yang dihadapinya, hingga menetes air matanya ketika membaca keinginan kuat snouck untuk bercita-cita datang kembali ke jawa. sebuah keinginan yang bukan tanpa alasan bila mengingat keluarga dan sahabat yang ditinggalkannya jauh di hindia belanda. “saya membacanya secara langsung hasilnya kabar tentang sebagian kesehatanmu bercampur dengan kesedihan dan penyesalan. sebagaimana saya membacanya, di bagian akhir surat itu disertai ketetapan dan pengetahuanmu untuk mempengaruhi hati dan semangat menghadapi buruknya perkara duniawi sebagaimana adanya. ia merupakan sifat yang biasa dalam hati dan wujud saya setelah selama setahun kita tidak terpisah, khususnya ketika saya membaca kalimat kerinduan dan rasa berat hati karena kekosongan ruang (hati) dan sudut yang terlupakan. yaitu seperti halnya di goa thur atau masjid sela. hingga tidak ada lagi yang mendekat ke tempat tersebut dari orang yang menginginkan (terhindar) dari kekacauan situasi dan pikiran. jatuhlah dan menetes air mata saya ketika membaca kalimat bertambahnya kecenderungan hati dan cita-cita ke ujung jawa. setelah itu, jadilah kesungguhan itu perpisahan yang panjang. saya bergembira sekali bila engkau bermaksud mewujudkan tujuan itu seperti seharusnya.”61 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 159159159159159vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 akhirnya, ungkapan kerinduan mustapa atas sahabat dekatnya snouck diungkapkan dalam surat tanggal 21 juli 1917. ia membayangkan dudukduduk bersama snouck dan saling mengungkapkan berbagai pemikiran. bila ada yang menyapa dan bertanya maka akan dijawab mustapa dengan penuh perasaan kehilangan. mustapa berharap bisa terbang dengan ruh di keharuman taman surga bersama kembali ke tempat yang kekal. “di antara hal yang membanggakan, masih bolehnya di antara dua saudara untuk saling bermurah hati. saya membayangkan dalam hati duduk-duduk antara saya dan engkau di sebuah tempat di mana kita mengungkapkan berbagai pikiran kita. mereka bertanya pada kita, bagaimana kabarmu? saya jawab, baik. bagaimana istirahatmu? saya jawab, sesuai dengan perasaan kehilangan saudaranya. bagaimana tanah dan kebunmu? saya jawab, baik, saya tanam dan berbuah berbagai macam buah, apa yang engkau harapkan sesudah itu. saya harap kita bepergian, menyaksikan dan terbang dengan ruh dan keharuman di surga yang penuh kenikmatan. saya tidak mati kecuali setelah mencium bau harum pertemuan itu sebelum kembali ke tempat yang kekal.”62 demikian pandangan dan ungkapan kerinduan mustapa sebagai teman dan sahabat snouck yang dengan setia berkirim surat sejak pertemuan pertamanya 1885 hingga jelang akhir hayatnya. puluhan tahun persahabatannya menyimpan kesan dan kenangan yang tidak mudah terlupakan. terlebih keluarga snouck, istri dan anak-anak tercinta yang ditinggalkan di priangan, selalu menghantui ingatan snouck yang tinggal jauh ribuan kilometer di eropa. kiranya hanya mustapa yang bisa diharapkan dan dengan setia mengabarkan segala keadaan yang dialami mereka. karenanya, hubungan snouck dan mustapa di sini tidak lagi sekedar majikan dengan tuan kolonialnya atau sebagai informan dan sahabat setia, tetapi juga sudah masuk ke dalam hubungan keluarga di mana snouck sudah dianggap menjadi bagian dari keluarga besar menak priangan. dan mustapa menjadi penghubung dan pengikat ikatan kekerabatan itu. kesimpulan studi islam di indonesia era kolonial tidak bisa dilepaskan dari nama c. snouck hurgronje. namanya menandai periode kolonisasi pengetahuan yang dijadikan alat penjajah dalam membentuk wajah bangsa jajahan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 160160160160160 afkaruna namun dalam upaya kolonisasi tersebut bangsa penjajah tidak bisa melepaskan dari peran penting informan lokal yang memiliki kontribusi dalam memasok pengetahuan tentang bangsa jajahan bagi pihak kolonial. kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa haji hasan mustapa tidak sekedar berkedudukan sebagai informan bagi snouck, tetapi memiliki hubungan persahabatan yang mendalam sejak pertama kali bertemu hingga meninggal dunia. snouck memandang mustapa sebagai sosok yang memiliki watak dan bakat yang langka serta mencapai pengetahuan tinggi tentang syariat islam dan adat-istiadat sunda. sebaliknya, mustapa memandang snouck sebagai sahabat dekat yang memiliki komitmen untuk saling membela di kala dekat maupun jauh. mustapa menumpahkan pandangan dan kerinduan dirinya untuk selalu bertemu dengannya. bahkan mustapa seringkali meneteskan air mata ketika mengingat masamasa kebersamaannya yang tidak akan terlupakan sepanjang hidupnya. sebuah persahabatan yang tidak lagi sebatas relasi patron-klien, majikan dan bawahan, tetapi sudah merasuk sedemikian dalam ke dalam ikatan persaudaraan sejati dan kekeluargaan. catatan akhir 1 kevin w. fogg, “seeking arabs but looking at indonesians: snouck hurgronje’s arab lens on the dutch east indies,” journal of middle eastern and islamic studies (in asia), vol. 8, no. 1, 2014, hlm. 52. 2 jan just witkam, “christiaan snouck hurgronje,” dalam coeli fitzpatrick & dwayne a. tunstall (ed.), orientalist writers, dictionary of literary biography, vol. 366, (detroit, etc.: gale, 2012); jan just witkam, “christiaan snouck hurgronje. a tour d’horizon of his life and work’, in arnoud vrolijk & hans van de velde, christiaan snouck hurgronje (1857-1936), orientalist, (leiden: leiden university library, 2007). 3 karel steenbrink, kawan dalam pertikaian: kaum kolonial belanda dan islam di indonesia 1596-1942, terj. suryan a jamrah, (bandung: mizan, 1995); aqib suminto, politik islam hindia belanda, (jakarta: lp3es, 1996), cet. ke-3, hlm. 115-125. 4 harry j. benda, bulan sabit dan matahari terbit, terj. daniel dhakidae, jakarta: pustaka jaya, 1980, hlm. 41. 5 paul van ‘t veer, perang aceh, kisah kegagalan snouck hurgronje, terj. grafitipers, (jakarta: grafiti pers, 1985); willem frederick wertheim, “counterinsurgency research at the turn of the century: snouck hurgronje and the acheh war,” sosiologische gidz, 19 (1972): 320-328. 6 michael f. laffan, “raden aboe bakar, an introductory note concerning snouck hurgronje’s informant in jeddah (1884-1912),” bijdragen tot de taal-, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 161161161161161vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 landen volkenkunde, 155 (1999), no: 4, leiden, hlm. 524. 7 ph. s. van ronkel, “aanteekeningen over islam en folklore in west-en midden java,” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde, 101 (1942), hlm. 311-339. 8 azyumardi azra, “hadhrami scholars in the malay-indonesian diaspora: a preliminary study of sayyid uthman,” studia islamika, vol. 2, number 2, 1995, hlm. 14; nico kaptein, “sayyid uthman on the legal validity of documentary evidence,” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde 153 (1997), no: 1, leiden, p. 85-102; nico j.g. kaptein, “grateful to the dutch government, sayyid uthman and sarekat islam in 1913,” dalam anthony reid dan michael gilsenan ed., islamic legitimacy in a plural asia, (new york: routledge, 2008), hlm. 98-116. 9 p.sj. van koningsveld, “pengantar: nasihat-nasihat snouck sebagai sumber sejarah zaman penjajahan,” dalam e. gobee dan c. adriaanse, nasihat-nasihat c. snouck hurgronje semasa kepegawaiannya kepada pemerintahan hindia belanda 1889-1936, seri khusus inis jilid 1, terj. sukarsi, (jakarta: inis, 1990), hlm. lvi-lvii. 10 michael francis laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia, the umma below the winds, london-new york: routledge curzon, 2003, hlm. 82-84; jajat burhanudin, “the dutch colonial policy on islam: reading the intellectual journey of snouck hurgronje,” al-jami’ah: journal of islamic studies, vol. 52, no. 1 (2014), doi: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.25-58, hlm. 35. 11 edward said, orientalism, london: penguin, 1977, hm. 350. 12 g.w.j. drewes, snouck hurgronje en de islamwetenschap (leiden, 1957), hlm. 14, seperti dikutip aqib suminto, politik islam hindia belanda, hlm. 117; g. drewes, “snouck hurgronje and the study of islam,” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde 113 (1957), no: 1, leiden, 1-15. 13 johannes pedersen, the scientific work of snouck hurgronje, (leiden, 1957); j. brugman, “snouck hurgronje’s study of islamic law,” dalam w. otterspeer (ed.), leiden oriental collections 1850-1940, leiden: e.j. brill/universitaire pers leiden, 1989, hlm. 82-93. 14 van der maaten (1948), van ‘t veer (1969), benda (1972), koningsveld (1980), wertheim (1981), algadri (1984), suminto (1985), brugman (1989), steenbrink (1993), laffan (2003, 2011), jung (2010), van dijk (2010), burhanudin (2007, 2014), carvalho 2010, dan fogg (2014). 15 arnoud vrolijk, “appearances belie: a mecca-centred world map and a snouck hurgronje photograph from the leiden university collections,” dalam luitgard mols & marjo buitelaar eds., hajj global interactions through pilgrimage, sidestone press, 2015: 213-28. 16 k. van der maaten, snouck hurgronje en de atjeh oorlog (leiden, 1948), 2 jilid; paul van ‘t veer, perang aceh, kisah kegagalan snouck hurgronje, hlm. 151-62; antje missbach, “the aceh war (1873-1913) and the influence of christiaan snouck hurgronje,” aceh: history, politics and culture. ed. arndt graf, susanne schroter, and edwin wieringa. singapore: institute of southeast asian studies, 2010: 39-62. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 162162162162162 afkaruna 17 harry j. benda, “christiaan snouck hurgronje and the foundations of dutch islamic policy in indonesia.” the journal of modern history vol. 30 no. 4 (dec., 1958): 338-347; karel steenbrink, kawan dalam pertikaian: kaum kolonial belanda dan islam di indonesia 1596-1942. terj. suryan a jamrah. bandung: mizan, 1995; hamid algadri, islam dan keturunan arab dalam pemberontakan melawan belanda. bandung: mizan, 1996; aqib suminto, politik islam hindia belanda. jakarta: lp3es, 1996; michael f. laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia, the umma below the winds. london-new york: routledge curzon, 2003; dietrich jung, “islam as a problem: dutch religious politics in the east indies,” review of religious research, vol. 51: 3, 2010: 288-31; michael f. laffan, the making of indonesian islam: orientalism and the narration of a sufi past. princeton & london, princeton university press, 2011; jajat burhanudin, “the dutch colonial policy on islam: reading the intellectual journey of snouck hurgronje,” al-jami’ah: journal of islamic studies, vol. 52, no. 1 (2014), doi: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.25-58; kevin w. fogg, “seeking arabs but looking at indonesians: snouck hurgronje’s arab lens on the dutch east indies,” journal of middle eastern and islamic studies (in asia), vol. 8, no. 1 (2014): 5173. 18 christina carvalho, christiaan snouck hurgronje: biography and perception, ma thesis, universiteit van amsterdam, 2010, hlm. 92; kees van dijk, “the elitist premises of snouck hurgronje’s association fantasy,” studia islamika, vol. 17, no. 3, 2010: 407-40. 19 michael f. laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia, hlm.77-102; michael f. laffan, the making of indonesian islam, 147-61. 20 harry j. benda, “christiaan snouck hurgronje and the foundations of dutch islamic policy in indonesia,” the journal of modern history, vol. 30, no. 4. (dec., 1958), hlm. 340-341; deliar noer, gerakan moderen islam di indonesia 1900-1942, (jakarta: lp3es, 1996), cet. ke-8, hlm. 30-31. 21 peter carey, the power of prophecy, prince dipanagara and the end of an old order in java, 1785-1855, (leiden: kitlv press, 2008); nancy k. florida, writing the past, inscribing the future: history as prophecy in colonial java, (durham and london: duke university press, 1995); paul van ‘t veer, perang aceh, kisah kegagalan snouck hurgronje, terj. grafitipers, (1985); willem frederick wertheim, “counterinsurgency research at the turn of the century: snouck hurgronje and the acheh war,” sosiologische gidz, 19 (1972): 320-328; sartono kartodirdjo, pemberontakan petani di banten 1888, jakarta: pustaka jaya, 1984. 22 karel steenbrink, kawan dalam pertikaian (1995); harry j. benda, bulan sabit dan matahari terbit, hlm. 44. 23 robert van niel, “notes christian snouck hurgronje in memory of the centennial of his birth,” the journal of asian studies (pre-1986), vol. 6, no. 4, (aug 1957), hlm. 593. 24 per temuan mustapa dan snouck di mekah sempat menjadi bahan pembicaraan di kalangan sarjana. ajip rosidi dan jajang jahroni pernah meragukan pertemuan ini. ajip rosidi, haji hasan mustapa jeung karya○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 163163163163163vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 karyana, bandung: pustaka, 1989, hlm. 54; jajang jahroni, “the life and mystical thought of haji hasan mustafa (1852-1930),” thesis, leiden university, 1999, hlm. 22. 25 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952 dan cod. or. 18.097, ub leiden university. 26 hamid algadri, islam dan keturunan arab dalam pemberontakan melawan belanda, bandung: mizan, 1996, hlm. 134. 27 p.sj. van koningsveld, snouck hurgronje dan islam, delapan karangan tentang hidup dan karya seorang orientalis zaman kolonial (bandung: girimukti pasaka, 1989), hlm. 162 dan 221. 28 ph. s. van ronkel, “aanteekeningen over islam en folklore in west-en midden java,” hlm. 311. 29 michael laffan, the makings of indonesian islam, orientalism and the narration of a sufi past, princeton: princeton university press, 2011, hlm. 155. haji hasan mustapa, gendingan dangding sunda birahi katut wirahmana djilid a, bandung: jajasan kudjang, 1976, hlm. 49. 30 haji hasan moestapa, bab adat2 oerang priangan djeung oerang soenda lian ti eta, ditjitakna di kantor tjitak kangdjeng goepernemen di nagara batawi, 1913, hlm. 194. 31 michael laffan, the makings of indonesian islam, hlm. 149; michael laffan, “new turn to mecca,” revue des mondes musulmans et de la mediterrranee [online] 124, noovember 2008, online since 09 december 2011, connection on 21 april 2013. url: http://remmm.revues.org/6022 32 tentang kedudukan penghulu era kolonial, lihat muhamad hisyam, caught between three fires: the javanese pangulu under the dutch colonial administration 1882-1942, (jakarta: inis, 2001); ibnu qoyim isma’il, kiai penghulu jawa peranannya di masa kolonial, (jakarta: gip, 1997). 33 mustapa misalnya menginformasikan perkembangan sejumlah tarekat di jawa dalam salah satu suratnya pada snouck di belanda. lihat haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 21 september 1907, ub leiden university. 34 sartono kartodirdjo, pemberontakan petani banten 1888, terj. hasan basari, jakarta: pustaka jaya, 1984. 35 michael laffan, the makings of indonesian islam, hlm. 156; c. snouck hurgronje, the achehnese, 2 volumes, leiden: brill, 1906. 36 jajat burhanudin, ulama & kekuasaan: pergumulan elite muslim dalam sejarah indonesia (bandung: mizan, 2012), hlm. 158; mikihiro moriyama, semangat baru: kolonialisme, budaya cetak dan kesastraan sunda abad ke-19, terj. suryadi, (jakarta: kpg, 2005), hlm. 149-153. 37 nina h. lubis, kehidupan menak priangan 1800-1942, (bandung: pusat informasi kebudayaan sunda, 1998), hlm. 24 dan 289. 38 ajip rosidi, mencari sosok manusia sunda, jakarta: pustaka jaya, 2010, hlm. 70. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 164164164164164 afkaruna 39 mufti ali, “a study of hasan mustafa’s fatwa: it is incumbent upon the indonesian muslims to be loyal to the dutch east indies government,” journal of the pakistan historical society, april 2004, vol. 52 issue 2, hlm. 91–122. 40 p.sj. van koningsveld, snouck hurgronje dan islam, hlm. 28; jan just witkam, “christiaan snouck hurgronje,” dalam coeli fitzpatrick & dwayne a. tunstall (ed.), orientalist writers, dictionary of literary biography, vol. 366, (detroit, etc.: gale, 2012), hlm. 151; jan just witkam, “christiaan snouck hurgronje. a tour d’horizon of his life and work’, hlm. 27. 41 p.sj. van koningsveld, “pengantar: nasihat-nasihat snouck sebagai sumber sejarah zaman penjajahan,” hlm. li. 42 edi s. ekadjati, naskah sunda: inventarisasi dan pencatatan, bandung: lembaga penelitian unpad-the toyota foundation, 1988, hlm. 284. 43 haji hasan moestapa, bab adat2 oerang priangan djeung oerang soenda lian ti eta, ditjitakna di kantor tjitak kangdjeng goepernemen di nagara batawi, 1913. 44 hadji hasan moestapa, over de gewoonten en gebruiken der soendaneezen, uit het soendaasch vertaald en van aanteekeningen voorzien door r.a. kern, sg ravenhage, martinus nijhoff, 1946. 45 haji hasan mustapa, adat istiadat sunda, penerjemah m. maryati sastrawijaya, bandung: p.t. alumni, 1985. 46 h. hasan moestapa, boekoe leutik djadi pertelaan adatna djalma2 di pasoendan, lembana wignjadisastra, administratrice tjahaja pasoendan bandoeng, 1916; ajip rosidi, haji hasan mustapa jeung karya-karyana, hlm. 493. 47 c. snouck hurgronje, mekka in the latter part of the 19th century, trans. j.h. monahan with an introduction by jan just witkam leiden: brill, 2007, hlm. 287. 48 p.sj. van koningsveld, “pengantar: nasihat-nasihat snouck sebagai sumber sejarah zaman penjajahan,” hlm. li. 49 ajip rosidi, haji hasan mustapa jeung karya-karyana, hlm. 49. 50 tentang perselisihan antara mustapa dan pejabat kolonial terutama asisten residen di aceh yang membuatnya tidak betah, sempat terserang sakit demam dan segera meninggalkan aceh, lihat p.sj. van koningsveld, “pengantar: nasihat-nasihat snouck sebagai sumber sejarah zaman penjajahan,” hlm. lii 51 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 13 september 1912, ub leiden university. 52 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 29 maret 1912, ub leiden university. 53 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 1 januari 1911, ub leiden university. 54 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 1 januari 1911, ub leiden university. 55 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 165165165165165vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 23 februari 1911, ub leiden university. 56 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 27 januari 1912, ub leiden university. 57 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 29 maret 1912, ub leiden university. 58 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 13 september 1912, ub leiden university. 59 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 25 oktober 1913, ub leiden university. 60 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 12 agustus 1915, ub leiden university. 61 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 6 mei 1916, ub leiden university. 62 haji hasan moestapa, arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 1911-1923, cod. or. 8952, 21 juli 1917, ub leiden university. daftar pustaka algadri, hamid. 1996. islam dan keturunan arab dalam pemberontakan melawan belanda, bandung: mizan. ali, mufti. 2004. “a study of hasan mustafa’s fatwa: it is incumbent upon the indonesian muslims to be loyal to the dutch east indies government,” journal of the pakistan historical society, vol. 52 issue 2, 91–122. azra, azyumardi. 1995. “hadhrami scholars in the malay-indonesian diaspora: a preliminary study of sayyid uthman,” studia islamika, vol. 2, number 2. benda, harry j. 1958. “christiaan snouck hurgronje and the foundations of dutch islamic policy in indonesia,” the journal of modern history, vol. 30, no. 4. _____. 1980. bulan sabit dan matahari terbit, terj. daniel dhakidae, jakarta: pustaka jaya. brugman, j. 1989. “snouck hurgronje’s study of islamic law,” dalam w. otterspeer (ed.), leiden oriental collections 1850-1940, leiden: e.j. brill/universitaire pers leiden: 82-93. burhanudin, jajat. 2012. ulama & kekuasaan: pergumulan elite muslim dalam sejarah indonesia, bandung: mizan. _____. 2014. “the dutch colonial policy on islam: reading the intellectual journey of snouck hurgronje,” al-jami’ah: journal of islamic studies, vol. 52, no. 1, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.25-58. carey, peter. 2008. the power of prophecy, prince dipanagara and the end of an old order in java, 1785-1855, leiden: kitlv press. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 166166166166166 afkaruna carvalho, christina. 2010. christiaan snouck hurgronje: biography and perception, ma thesis, universiteit van amsterdam. drewes, g. 1957. “snouck hurgronje and the study of islam,” bijdragen tot de taal, landen volkenkunde 113, no: 1, leiden, 1-15. ekadjati, edi s. 1988. naskah sunda: inventarisasi dan pencatatan, bandung: lembaga penelitian unpad-the toyota foundation. florida, nancy k. 1995. writing the past, inscribing the future: history as prophecy in colonial java, durham and london: duke university press. fogg, kevin w. 2014. “seeking arabs but looking at indonesians: snouck hurgronje’s arab lens on the dutch east indies,” journal of middle eastern and islamic studies (in asia), vol. 8, no. 1. hisyam, muhamad. 2001. caught between three fires: the javanese pangulu under the dutch colonial administration 1882-1942, jakarta: inis. hurgronje, c. snouck. 1906. the achehnese, 2 volumes, leiden: brill. _____. 2007. mekka in the latter part of the 19th century, trans. j.h. monahan with an introduction by jan just witkam leiden: brill. isma’il, ibnu qoyim. 1997. kiai penghulu jawa peranannya di masa kolonial, jakarta: gip. jahroni, jajang. 1999. “the life and mystical thought of haji hasan mustafa (1852-1930),” thesis, leiden university. jung, dietrich. 2010. “islam as a problem: dutch religious politics in the east indies,” review of religious research, vol. 51: 3, 288-31. kaptein, nico. 1997. “sayyid uthman on the legal validity of documentary evidence,” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde 153, no: 1, leiden, 85102. _____. 2008. “grateful to the dutch government, sayyid uthman and sarekat islam in 1913,” dalam anthony reid dan michael gilsenan ed., islamic legitimacy in a plural asia, new york: routledge: 98-116. kartodirdjo, sartono. 1984. pemberontakan petani di banten 1888, jakarta: pustaka jaya. laffan, michael f. 1999. “raden aboe bakar, an introductory note concerning snouck hurgronje’s informant in jeddah (1884-1912),” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde, 155, no: 4, leiden. _____. 2003. islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia, the umma below the winds, london-new york: routledge curzon. _____. 2008. “new turn to mecca,” revue des mondes musulmans et de la mediterrranee [online] 124, online since 09 december 2011, connection on 21 april 2013. url: http://remmm.revues.org/6022 _____. 2011. the makings of indonesian islam, orientalism and the narration of a sufi past, princeton: princeton university press. lubis, nina h. 1998. kehidupan menak priangan 1800-1942, bandung: pusat informasi kebudayaan sunda. missbach, antje. 2010. “the aceh war (1873-1913) and the inf luence of christiaan snouck hurgronje,” aceh: history, politics and culture. ed. arndt ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 167167167167167vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 graf, susanne schroter, and edwin wieringa. singapore: institute of southeast asian studies, 39-62. moestapa, haji hasan. 1913. bab adat2 oerang priangan djeung oerang soenda lian ti eta, ditjitakna di kantor tjitak kangdjeng goepernemen di nagara batawi. _____. , 1916, boekoe leutik djadi pertelaan adatna djalma2 di pasoendan, lembana wignjadisastra, administratrice tjahaja pasoendan bandoeng. _____. , 1946, over de gewoonten en gebruiken der soendaneezen, uit het soendaasch vertaald en van aanteekeningen voorzien door r.a. kern, s-g ravenhage, martinus nijhoff. _____. 1911-1923. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), cod. or. 18.097, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 13 september 1912, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 29 maret 1912, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 1 januari 1911, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 23 februari 1911, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 27 januari 1912, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 29 maret 1912, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 13 september 1912, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 25 oktober 1913, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 12 agustus 1915, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 6 mei 1916, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 21 juli 1917, ub leiden university. _____. arabic letters from bandung (correspondence with snouck hurgronje), 19111923, cod. or. 8952, 21 september 1907, ub leiden university. moriyama, mikihiro. 2005. semangat baru: kolonialisme, budaya cetak dan kesastraan sunda abad ke-19, terj. suryadi, jakarta: kpg. mustapa, haji hasan. 1976. gendingan dangding sunda birahi katut wirahmana djilid a, bandung: jajasan kudjang. _____. , 1985, adat istiadat sunda, penerjemah m. maryati sastrawijaya, bandung: p.t. alumni. noer, deliar. 1996. gerakan moderen islam di indonesia 1900-1942, jakarta: lp3es, cet. ke-8. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 168168168168168 afkaruna pedersen, johannes. 1957. the scientific work of snouck hurgronje, (leiden). rosidi, ajip. 1989. haji hasan mustapa jeung karya-karyana, bandung: pustaka. _____. 2010. mencari sosok manusia sunda, jakarta: pustaka jaya. said, edward. 1977. orientalism, london: penguin. steenbrink, karel. 1995. kawan dalam pertikaian: kaum kolonial belanda dan islam di indonesia 1596-1942, terj. suryan a jamrah, bandung: mizan. suminto, aqib. 1996. politik islam hindia belanda, jakarta: lp3es, cet. ke-3. van der maaten, k. 1948. snouck hurgronje en de atjeh oorlog, leiden, 2 jilid. van dijk, kees. 2010. “the elitist premises of snouck hurgronje’s association fantasy,” studia islamika, vol. 17, no. 3, 407-40. van koningsveld, p.sj. 1990. “pengantar: nasihat-nasihat snouck sebagai sumber sejarah zaman penjajahan,” dalam e. gobee dan c. adriaanse, nasihat-nasihat c. snouck hurgronje semasa kepegawaiannya kepada pemerintahan hindia belanda 1889-1936, seri khusus inis jilid 1, terj. sukarsi, jakarta: inis. _____. 1989. snouck hurgronje dan islam, delapan karangan tentang hidup dan karya seorang orientalis zaman kolonial, bandung: girimukti pasaka. van niel, robert. 1957. “notes christian snouck hurgronje in memory of the centennial of his birth,” the journal of asian studies (pre-1986), vol. 6, no. 4. van ronkel, ph. s. 1942. “aanteekeningen over islam en folklore in west-en midden java,” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde, 101: 311-339. van ‘t veer, paul. 1985. perang aceh, kisah kegagalan snouck hurgronje, terj. grafitipers, jakarta: grafiti pers. vrolijk, arnoud. 2015. “appearances belie: a mecca-centred world map and a snouck hurgronje photograph from the leiden university collections,” dalam luitgard mols & marjo buitelaar eds., hajj global interactions through pilgrimage, sidestone press, 213-28. witkam, jan just. 2007. “christiaan snouck hurgronje. a tour d’horizon of his life and work’, in arnoud vrolijk & hans van de velde, christiaan snouck hurgronje (1857-1936), orientalist, leiden: leiden university library. _____. 2012. “christiaan snouck hurgronje,” dalam coeli fitzpatrick & dwayne a. tunstall (ed.), orientalist writers, dictionary of literary biography, vol. 366, detroit, etc.: gale. wertheim, willem frederick. 1972. “counterinsurgency research at the turn of the century: snouck hurgronje and the acheh war,” sosiologische gidz, 19: 320-328. analisis kualitatif konsep seksualitas dalamal-qur’an dan hadis salma institut agama islam negeri imam bonjol, padang-indonesia email: salma_nathiqa@yahoo.com beni firdaus institut agama islam negeri imam bonjol, padang-indonesia email: beni.firdaus1979@gmail.com abstract this study is about the concept of sexuality in the qur‘an and hadith. the concept of sexuality is one of the topics rarely discussed by muslims. topics on sexuality are sill regarded as dirty and taboo. sexulaity is merely seen among the majority of society as a sexual intercourse between man and woman. this article seeks to uncover the concept of sexuality in al-qur‘an and hadith by examining some quranic terms and concepts and linking those terms/concepts. this research utilizes content analysis and proportional analysis units. the author argues that the concepts of sexuality in islamic literature is not a taboo given that al-qur‘an and hadith mentioned and discussed sexuality from various aspects, including physiological and psichological aspects. keywords: recitation, sexuality, al-qur’an and hadith abstrak kajian ini tentang konsep seksualitas dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis yang didasarkan pada adanya keengganan banyak pihak terutama dari kalangan umat islam untuk membicarakan dan mendiskusikannya. keengganan ini dilatarbelakangi oleh berbagai faktor. di antaranya adanya pemikiran bahwa seksualitas itu kotor, tabu dan konotasinya hanya hubungan seksual antara laki-laki dan perempuan saja. fokus kajian yaitu upaya mengungkap konsep seksualitas dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis dengan menggali lafal-lafal yang bernilai seksualitas dan menemukan hubungan antara lafal-lafal tersebut. analisis data yang digunakan adalah analisis isi deskriptif dan analisis proposisional units. hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa membicarakan dan mempelajari aspek seksualitas secara terperinci bukanlah hal yang tabu karena al-qur‘an dan hadis sangat banyak menyebutkan aspek seksualitas baik dari aspek fisiologi dan psikologi. kata kunci: lafal, seksualitas, al-qur‘an danhadis doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0054.43-66 mailto:salma_nathiqa@yahoo.com mailto:beni.firdaus1979@gmail.com 44 afkaruna pendahuluan al-qur‘an adalah kitab suci bagi umat islam, diyakini sebagai salah satu rukun iman dan kalamullah yang diturunkan kepada nabi muhammad s.a.w dalam bahasa arab serta beribadah membacanya.1di dalamnya mengandung aspek-aspek tertentu sebagai ajaran islam dengan berbagai klasifikasi. al-qur‘an berisi ajaran akidah yang berkaitan dengan keyakinan kepada allah, malaikat, para rasul, surga, neraka dan lain-lain. al-qur‘an juga mengandung aspek akhlak atau tingkah laku baik akhlak kepada allah, sesama manusia maupun akhlak terhadap lingkungan. demikian juga al-qur‘an mengandung aspek syari’ah yaitu aspek-aspek yang berkaitan dengan perhubungan di antara manusia baik berkaitan dengan muamalah (perekonomian), jinayah (pidana), siyasah (politik), munakahat (perkawinan), mawaris (kewarisan) dan lain-lain. berdasarkan pemahaman tersebut, dapat dikatakan bahwa setiap aspek kehidupan tidak bisa dilepaskan dari nilai-nilai al-qur‘an dan hadis. adakalanya aspek kehidupan itu diatur secara umum maupun terperinci. teks al-qur‘an dan hadis sebagai sumber hukum islam adalah berbahasa arab, maka untuk memahami dan menggali hukum-hukumnya sangat tergantung pada kemampuan memahami bahasa arab. lafal-lafal yang digunakan dalam al-qur‘an dan hadisbanyak yang dipahami berbeda, khususnya oleh para ahli tafsir untuk menjelaskan maksud yang terkandung di dalamnya, karena setiap jenis kata dalam bahasa arab memiliki banyak ragam makna (musytarak). misalnya lafal quru‘ dalam surat al-baqarah: 228 yang diterjemahkan oleh ahli tafsir ke dalam dua makna yaitu: suci dan haid. akibatnya, masa tunggu perempuan yang dicerai tersebut berbeda lamanya karena perberbedaan memahami makna lafal tersebut. berdasar adanya perbedaan pemahaman tersebut, dirumuskan kaidahkaidah dalam memahami lafal tersebut, di antaranya adalah pemahaman lafal dari segi penunjukannya terhadap hukum (dilalah al-alfazh). dilalah lafal alqur‘an dan hadis terhadap hukum secara umum terbagi dua yaitu:pertama, dilalah qath’iyyah, yaitu lafal-lafal yang mengandung satu makna, tak lain makna pada lafal itu sendiri; kedua,dilalah al-zhanniyyah, yaitu lafal yang memiliki makna ganda. dalam al-qur‘an, banyak ditemukan lafal-lafal jenis ini yang dapat menjadi lahan bagi para mujtahid untuk mengembangkan pemahamannya, yang mengharuskan untuk memahami maknanya secara lebih dalam. di antara lafal-lafal dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis itu, terdapat tema dan dimensi yang berhubungan dengan seksualitas. terdapat keengganan banyak pihak, utamanya kalangan umat islam untuk 45vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 membicarakan dan berdiskusi tentang seksualitas. keengganan ini dilatarbelakangi oleh berbagai faktor,di antaranya adanya pemikiran bahwa seksualitas itu kotor, tabu dan konotasinya hanya hubungan seksual saja sehingga tidak perlu didiskusikan. oleh karena itu kebanyakan orang terutama generasi muda islam mencari tahu tentang seksualitas menurut caranya sendiri. akibatnya sebagian dari mereka terjebak dalam kekeliruan memahami seksualitas. diniaty menyebutkan bahwa perilaku seksual pra-nikah yang dipraktikkan oleh mahasiswa universitas islam negeri sultan syarif kasim, pekanbaru, di antaranya adalah berpelukan, berciuman, bergesekan alat kelamin (petting) dan ditemukan juga mahasiswa yang sampai melakukan hubungan seksual di luar nikah, bahkan ada yang melakukannya secara rutin.2 pakasi menyebutkan bahwa pengetahuan remaja tentang seksualitas dan kesehatan reproduksi masih rendah, karena pendidikan seksualitas dan kesehatan reproduksi tidak sesuai dengan realitas perilaku dan resiko seksual yang dihadapi. hal ini terjadi karena pendidikan seksual pada tingkat sekolah menengah lebih menitikberatkan pada aspek biologis saja. juga masih ada anggapan bahwa membicarakan seksualitas adalah hal yang tabu. selain itu, pendidikan cenderung menekankan pada bahaya dan resiko seks pra-nikah dari sudut pandang moral dan agama.3 banyak terjadi penyimpangan seksual di tengah masyarakat sebagai akibat minimnya informasi tentang seksualitas. lilestina menyebutkan, bahwa dari sampel 23.619 responden remaja belum menikah usia 15-24 tahun pada 33 provinsi di indonesia menunjukkan bahwa, pengetahuan kesehatan reproduksi berpengaruh secara bermakna terhadap perilaku seksual pra-nikah remaja.4 pengetahuan seksual generasi muda khususnya biasanya didapatkan dari teman-teman melalui lelucon-lelucon jorok yang berakibat buruk pada cara pandang tentang seksualitas. azinar dalam hasil penelitiannya menyebutkan, bahwa setidaknya ada 5 (lima) aspek yang mempengaruhi perilaku seksual di kalangan mahasiswa, yaitu: religiusitas, sikap, akses, kontak dengan media pornografi, dan teman dekat. dari kelima faktor tersebut, sikap seksual teman dekat dan religiusitas paling mempengaruhi sikap seksual mahasiswa dan berisiko terhadap kehamilan yang tidak diinginkan di kalangan mereka.5 peneliti pada fakultas kedokteran universitas padjajaran bandung menyebutkan, bahwa 2 dari 3 anak laki-laki telah mengetahui hubungan seksual sebelum ibu bapaknya memberi penjelasan. pada survey lain ditemukan, bahwa 70 persen perempuan mendapatkan informasi dari ibunya bahwa seks itu kotor.6 46 afkaruna metode penelitian penelitian ini adalah penelitian kepustakaan (library research) dengan pendekatan kualitatif. menurut bungin, pendekatan kualitatif terletak pada upaya memecahkan makna berdasarkan objek kajiannya.7maka penelitian ini berupaya menemukan makna-makna dan keterkaitan antara makna yang dimaksud oleh setiap lafal dalam al-qur‘an yang memiliki konotasi seksualitas. sumber data yang digunakan sesuai dengan cara memperolehnya adalah sumber data sekunder yaitu data yang diterbitkan atau digunakan oleh organisasi yang bukan pengolahannya.8 dengan kata lain menggunakan bahan-bahan rujukan/kepustakaan. rujukan ini dibagi dua, yaitu rujukan utama berupa alqur‘an dan hadis. di antaranya kitab-kitabhadis seperti shahih al-bukhari, shahih muslim dan kitab-kitab sunan lainnya. rujukan pendukung yaitu kitabkitab tafsir, yang mengingat jumlahnya sangat banyak, maka dalam penelitian ini hanya dipilih dua kitab tafsir saja yaitu:jami’ al-bayan fi ta’wil al-qur’an (tafsir al-tabariy) dan al-jami’ al-ahkam fi al-qur’an(tafsir al-qurtubiy). beberapa alasan dalam menetapkan tafsir al-tabariysebagai rujukan di antara kitab-kitab tafsir yang antara lain karena al-thabariy dikenal sebagai orang pertama yang menyusun tafsir bi al-ma‘tsur(tafsir dengan periwayatan hadis). sejak zaman sahabat hingga al-tabariy, penafsiran ayat dilakukan dengan metodepenafsiran al-qur‘an dengan al-qur‘an;lalu al-qur‘an dengan hadishadis nabi ; ataupun al-qur‘an dengan ijtihad para sahabat. pasca althabariy,munculcorak penafsiran baru yang lebih bertumpu pada rasionalitas yang dikenal dengan tafsir bi al-ra‘yi. jenis tafsirterakhir ini telah bercampur dengan pendapat pribadi para mufassir (ahli tafsir), ilmu pengetahuan dan dinamika perkembangan zaman.10nama lengkapnya adalah abu ja’far muhammad ibn jarir al-tabariy. lahir di amur, tabaristan-iran pada 225h839m dan wafat di baghdad-irak pada 310h-923m. ia adalah sejarawan, ahli tafsir, ahli qira‘ah, ahli hadis dan fikih.9adapun metode penyusunan tafsirnya sebagai berikut: a. mengumpulkan bahan-bahan tentang tafsir bi al-ma‘sur(hadis, pendapat sahabat dan tabi’in),dimana menurutnya, tafsir yang baik adalah tafsir yang menghargai pendapat sahabat dan tabi’in. b. mengambil pengertian bahasa sebagai sumber yang kuat dalam menafsirkan al-qur‘an. c. menggali syair-syair pra-islam guna menemukan makna ayat. d. melakukan penemuan-penemuan hukum akidah dan fikih yang disimpulkan dari ayat al-qur‘an dan hadis. 47vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 selain al-tabariy, dipilih al-qurtubiy sebagai sumber rujukan pembandingdikarenakan tafsir ini terkandung dan terpengaruh oleh rasionalitassertadinamika perkembangan zaman.nama lengkapnyaadalah abu ‘abdullah muhammad ibn ahmad ibn abi bakar ibn farh al-anshariy alkhazrajiy al-andalusiy al-qurthubiy. populer dengan kesalihan dan ke-zuhudannya, pun gemar berkutat dengan ilmu pengetahuan dalam kesendirian hinggamenghasilkan karya-karya agung. adapun pandangan ulama tentang kitabnya, al-jami’ al-ahkam fi al-qur’anadalah: 1. salah satu tafsir yang besar manfaatnya yangmengandung kisah-kisah dan sejarah masa lampau. 2. diungkapkan di dalamnya kesimpulan (istinbath) akan hukum-hukum alqur‘an dan dalil-dalil, ragam qira’at (varian bacaan al-qur’an), i’rab(sintaksis)serta nasikh dan mansukh(abrogasi). 3. di dalamnya dikemukakan asbab al-nuzul, lafal-lafal ganjil dalam al-qur‘an, kaidah-kaidah bahasa, syair-syair arab, bahkan memasukkan pandangan mu’tazilah, qadariah, rawafidh, dan filsafat. oleh karena itu, kadang ditemukan penafsiran al-qurtubiy yang memuat kisah-kisah isra‘iliyat. 4. banyak menukilatsar (pendapat) ulama salafyang terkandung dalam dalam tafsir-tafsir terdahulu, seperti tafsir al-tabariy, ibn ‘atiyyah, ibn ‘arabiy dan al-jassas.11 berdasarkan uraian di atas dapat dikemukakan bahwa pemilihan tafsir altabariy dikarenakan termasuk tafsir yang disusun paling awal setelah periode penafsiran para sahabat dan tabi’in. sementara al-qurtubiy dipilih sebagai pembanding karena tafsir ini sudah dipengaruhi oleh rasionalitas dan perkembangan zaman. kedua tafsir ini juga mewakilitafsir bi al-ma‘tsurpada satu sisi dan tafsir bi al-ra‘yi pada sisi lain, yang diharapkan dapat saling melengkapi untuk memahami lebih banyak tentang topik kajian penelitian ini yaitu lafal-lafal seksualitas. pengumpulan data pengumpulan data di siniadalah proses pengumpulan data primer dan sekunder. pengumpulan data sekunder dilakukan dengan beberapa tahapan yaitu: mengumpulkan seluruh rujukan, memisahkan rujukan yang mengacu pada masing-masing pertanyaan penelitian, membaca bahan-bahan tersebut, mencatat poin-poin utama dan menarik kesimpulan-kesimpulan awal. langkahlangkah pengumpulan data tersebut adalah: 48 afkaruna 1. menyiapkan kitab-buku rujukan a. dua kitab pemandu utama dalam menemukan lafal-lafal seksualitas dalam al-qur‘an, yaitu: al-mu’jam al-mufahras li alfaz al-qur‘an oleh muhammad sa’id al-lahham dan al-mu’jam al-mufahras li alfaz alhadis al-nabawiy oleh a.j. wensinck. b. kamus arab-inggris yaitu al-mawriddan arab-indonesia yaitu almunawwir. c. kitabtafsir al-tabariy dantafsir al-qurtubiy. d. kitab shahih al-bukhariydan shahih muslim serta kitab sunan yang lain seperti sunan at-tirmidziy, al-nasa’iy, dan ibn majah. e. kitab dan buku lain pendukung untuk memudahkan peneliti dalam menyelesaikan pembahasan utama tentang lafal-lafal seksualitas. 2. menemukan lafal-lafal seksualitas dengan urutan yang dipandu oleh landasan teori seksualitas yaitu: a. lafal tentang aspek biologikal manusia seperti jenis kelamin dan organ tubuh. b. lafal tentang aspek psikologi manusia yaitu perasaan-perasaan seksual c. lafal tentang hubungan seksual d. lafal tentang kelainan dan penyimpangan seksual e. lafal tentang perkembangan seksual laki-laki dan perempuan f. lafal tentang teknik dalam melakukan hubungan seksual g. lafal tentang proses terjadinya hubungan seksual h. lafal tentang proses reproduksi 3. menyusun lafal-lafal yang ditemukan berdasarkan susunan surat dalam al-qur‘an untuk memudahkan pencarian dalam dua kitab tafsir yang dipilih. 4. membaca penafsiran yang dikemukakan dalam kedua kitab tafsir dan menerjemahkannya ke dalam bahasa indonesia yang baik dengan panduan kamus. 5. mengambil intisari bacaan dan menuangkannya pada tulisan dalam bentuk deskriptif. jika memungkinkan, satu deskripsi penafsiran ayat dihubungkan dengan ayat lain, sesuai dengan topik kajian. 6. mengambil kesimpulan-kesimpulan awal pada setiap lafal yang dijelaskan. 7. mengambil kesimpulan secara keseluruhan dan menyusunnya dalam bentuk konsep sesuai dengan kategori yang telah ditetapkan. analisis data secara teknis,analisis data adalah proses menguraikan data menjadi 49vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 komponen-komponen yang membentuknya, untuk mengungkapkan struktur dan unsure khasnya. tujuannya adalah untuk menguraikan makna yang dinyatakan oleh data dengan cara menafsirkan, menjelaskan, memahami, bahkan mengubahnya. analisis data dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis dokumen atau content analisys, yang dapat dilakukan secara objektif dan sistematis untuk mendeskripsikan isi bahan dokumen informasi.12dalam penelitian ini yaitu menggambarkan secara detail suatu pesan atau teks tertentu.13yaitu menggambarkan secara detail tentang lafal-lafal seksualitas dalam al-qur‘an. pada tahap selanjutnya, peneliti berupaya menyusun konsepkonsep yang ditemukan secara deskriptif isi/makna dari lafal-lafal seksualitas yang digunakan dalam al-qur‘an sebagaimana dikategorikan di atas sebelumnya dan menyusunhubungannya masing-masing. selain itu, juga digunakan analisis proposisional unit, yaitu menghubungkan satu lafal dengan lafal lain dan menyimpulkan pernyataan yang terbentuk dari rangkaian antar lafal ayat-ayat seksualitas ini. konsep suksualitas secara etimologi kata seksual berasal dari bahasa inggeris ‘sexual’ yang memiliki beberapa makna di antaranya:gender, sexual differences, characteristics dan atau attribute which is concerned with the reproduction of offspring: sexual organ like penis, vagina, etc.14 dalam kamus besar bahasa indonesia, kata seksual bermakna yang berkenaan dengan jenis kelamin lakilaki dan perempuan. sedangkata seksualitas bermakna ciri, sifat atau peranan seks, dorongan seks dan kehidupan seks.15dalam kamus psikologi,kata seksual memiliki beberapa makna di antaranya adalah menyinggung hal reproduksi atau perkembangbiakan lewat penyatuan dua individu yang berbeda, yang masing-masing menghasilkan sebutir telur dan sperma. arti lainseksual secara umum menyinggung tingkah laku, perasaan atau emosi yang berasosiasi dengan perangsangan alat kelamin, daerah-daerah erogenous atau dengan proses perkembangbiakan.16 pembicaraan tentang seksual tercakup dalam ilmu sexologyyang mencakup tiga aspek yaitu: untuk memahami (to understand); memprediksi atau memperkirakan (to predict); dan mengontrol atau mengendalikan (to control) seksualitas manusia.17 kajian tentang seksualitas dilakukan untuk menguji beberapa asumsi melalui kaidah ilmiah untuk menemukan bahwa peneliti adalah benar atau salah dan untuk mendokumenkan satu bentuk hubungan. walaupun banyak orang tertarik pada bidang ini, tapi tidak mudah untuk 50 afkaruna melakukankajian tentang seksualitas manusia dikarenakan menyangkut urusan sangat pribadi dalam kehidupan seseorang. meski sekalipun ada juga sedikit orang merasa nyaman untuk membicarakannya dengan orang lain. orang sering merasa canggung atau bahkan merasa terancam ketika ditanya lebih dalam tentang detil sikap seksualnya pada orang lain. seks mengacu pada aspek biologi keperempuanan dan kelelakian. ada dua aspek tentang biologikal ini, yaitu genetik seks yang meliputi perbedaan fisik antara laki-laki dan perempuan. sementara gender adalah konsep yang memandu pemaknaan sosial secara khusus yang ditambahkan pada biologikal keperempuanan dan kelelakian.18 oleh karena itu, seksual setiap orang terhubung dengan variasi label fisik seperti kromosom, penis, vulva, dan lainlain. sementara gender setiap orang mengacu pada psikologikal dan sosiokultural yang bergabung dengan seksualnya yaitu kefeminiman dan kemaskulinan. lebih jauh, identitas gender terhubung pada perasaan subjektif individual menjadi laki-laki atau perempuan. banyak pribadi yang menyakini bahwa mereka bertahun-tahun hidup sebagai laki-laki atau sebagai perempuan. bagaimanapun juga tidak ada jaminan bahwa identitas gender seseorang akan konsisten dengan biologikal seksualnya. pengalaman sebagian orang menunjukkan adanya kebingungan tentang sikap mereka dalam menyikapi identitas kelelakian dan keperempuanannya. banyak alasan untuk mempelajari seksualitas. ketika pembelajaran tentang seksualitas diperkenalkan, banyak pelajar yang menanggapinya secara pribadi dan bukan akademis. hal ini terjadi karena mempelajari seksualitas seperti berseberangan (as contrasted) dengan mempelajari fisika, kimia atau matematika yang bisa secara nyata digunakan dalam kehidupan harian.19 ini tidak berarti bahwa mempelajari seksualitas manusia keluar dari nilai akademis tetapi mengindikasikan bahwa mempelajari seksualitas memiliki banyak praktek daripada subjek-subjek lain yang tidak mudah untuk dilakukan. pembelajaran seksualitas secara akademis bisa membantu untuk memberikan informasi akurat tentang seksualitas yang dapat mencegah masalah-masalah seksual yang terjadi. selain itu bisa memberikan pendidikan seksualitas kepada generasi muda secara lebih baik. informasi yang baik tentang seks juga dapat membantu orang banyak menyelesaikan masalah-masalah seksual yang mereka hadapi dalam kehidupannya seperti ketidaksuburan, disfungsi seksual, penyakit-penyakit seksual, kekerasan seksual dan lain-lain. alasan yang jauh lebih penting mempelajari seksualitas adalah memunculkan kemampuan orang untuk bisa lebih sensitif dan waspada dalam hubungan pribadinya dengan pasangan. 51vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 selain itu, juga dapat meningkatkan keintiman dan kesenangan seksual dalam kehidupan. seksual mengacu pada aspek biologi manusia, sementara gender adalah konstruksi sosial terhadap aspek biologi manusia tersebut. dalam beberapa literatur ditemukan bahwa bidang kajian seksualitas manusia sangat banyak dan luas. para pakar seksualitas melihat setiap bagian ini dari berbagai sudut pandang. pertama, biologi dasar manusia. biologi dasar manusia sekurangkurangnya terdiri dari dua aspek, pertama, seksual anatomi laki-laki dan perempuan dan fisiologinya. kedua, peningkatan gairah dan respon seksual. dalam dunia kedokteran, anatomi atau ilmu tentang tubuh manusia bukanlah hal yang baru. para ahli dalam bidang ilmu ini telah mempelajari struktur tubuh manusia sejak lama, baik secara umum maupun unsur-unsur kecil yang ada pada keseluruhan tubuh. lain halnya ketika penilaian dan pandangan tentang bagian tubuh yang berhubungan dengan seksualitas secara spesifik dibawa keluar dari dunia kedokteran, memunculkan sikap yang berbeda dari banyak orang. bahkan cenderung menjadi kontroversi. dalam satu survey terhadap 80 orang pelajar menunjukkan bahwa, jawaban salah tentang seksual anatomi lebih banyak dari jawaban yang benar.20 padahal pertanyaan-pertanyaan itu semuanya ada pada tubuh mereka. pembicaraan tentang organ seksual terangkum dalam terma sexual anatomy. sexual anatomy perempuan di antaranya terdiri dari vulva, hymen, vagina, uterus, fallopiantuba, ovaries dan breast.21 secara sederhana vulva adalah struktur organ genitalia dalam perempuan seperti clitoris, labia dan lain-lain. hymen dikenal juga dalam bahasa indonesia dengan kata selaput dara yaitu kulit tipis yang menutupi lubang vagina. vagina adalah lubang yang terletak di antara labia minora dan lubang itu sampai ke rahim. uterus adalah rahim perempuan yang berukuran kira-kira 3 inci. fallopiantuba adalah saluran (seperti tabung) yang tersambung dari uterus sampai ke ovaries. sementara ovaries adalah organ berbentuk almond yang terletak diujung fallopiantuba masing-masing pada satu sisi uterus. organ berikutnya adalah breast dengan arti payudara. organ seksual perempuan yang telah disebutkan di atas di antara fungsinya adalah sebagai tempat terjadinya proses menstruasi (haid). daur haid biasanya dimulai di awal usia sebelas-an antara 11-15 tahun. ada juga perempuan yang haid pertamanya datang lebih awal dari usia tersebut. dalam kajian ini, siklus menstruasi pada perempuan biasanya antara 2-6 hari dan hari pertama jumlah darah yang keluar lebih banyak sekitar 6-8 ounces.22 52 afkaruna organ seksual laki-laki lebih mudah dilihat dibanding organ seksual perempuan karena letak organ seksual laki-laki lebih di luar dibanding organ seksual perempuan yang lebih ke dalam. adapun sexual anatomy laki-laki terdiri dari penis, scrotum, testes, epididymisdan vasdeferens, prostat dan accessoryorgans, dan breast.23 fungsi organ seksual laki-laki di antaranya adalah untuk dapat terjadi ereksi dan berujung pada ejakulasi yaitu proses keluarnya semen atau sperma memancar (expelled) dari dalam tubuh menuju penis.24 selain organ seksual, baik laki-laki maupun perempuan yang telah disebutkan di atas, masih ada erogenousan atomy lain yang memberi pengaruh pada respon seksual. masters menyebutkan, banyak bagian tubuh lain di samping organ reproduksi yang berpotensi meningkatkan gairah seksual pada laki-laki dan perempuan. secara mengejutkan organ tubuh yang memiliki sensor terbesar untuk meningkatkan gairah seksual adalah kulit pada kedua jenis kelamin ini.25 mulut termasuk bibir, lidah adalah area yang berpotensi erotis tinggi. berciuman adalah salah satu aktivitas seksual yang menggunakan organ ini untuk mendapatkan satu bentuk kepuasan seksual. tambahan lagi sinyal sensor diaktifkan melalui ciuman. anus, rectum dan puting susu juga menjadi area yang berpotensi meningkatkan gairah seksual. banyak lagi bagian tubuh lain yang berpotensi menjadi pemicu gairah seksual seperti telinga dan rambut yang bisa menjadi sensual dan seksual. ada sebagian perempuan yang suka mengelus rambut, baik rambut di kepala maupun di dada laki-laki yang menimbulkan kesenangan.26 setelah mengkaji seksualitas dari aspek biologi, para ahli melihatnya dari sisi sikap-sikap seksual yang mencakup beberapa aspek yaitu:pertama, tentang cinta, menunjukkan perasaan cinta, pendekatan, dan hubungan intim. kedua, komunikasi dalam sikap-sikap seksual. ketiga, orientasi seksual.27 ketiga hal di atas adalah aspek yang sangat penting dalam kehidupan manusia. ahli filsafat menguraikan tentang cinta sebagai “a feeling you feel you are going to feel when you have feeling you feel you have not felt before”,28 sebuah perasaan yang kamu rasa sedang merasakan perasaan ketika kamu memiliki perasaan yang kamu rasa,yang belum kamu memiliki perasaan itu sebelumnya. biasanya seseorang berada dalam kondisi romantis ketika mengucapkan kata cinta kepada lawan jenisnya. cinta juga tidak bisa dilepaskan dari cemburu (jealous). tidak ada salahnya menginginkan cinta dari seseorang sesuai dengan kualitas diri yang dimiliki, tetapi masalah muncul ketika cinta itu disyaratkan dengan sesuatu, karena cinta adalah dasar dari satu hubungan. salah satu pakar yang memiliki dan mengembangkan teori cinta adalah psikolog robert 53vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 sternberg dalam triangular theory of love.29dalam teori segi tiga cintanya, disebutkan bahwa cinta memiliki tiga bentuk, yaitu:passion, intimacy dan commitment. passion adalah komponen motivasi yang menghidupkan perasaan romantis, atraksi fisik dan gairah untuk melakukan interaksi seksual. intimacy adalah komponen emosi cinta yang memandu rasa menyatu dengan orang lain. termasuk di dalamnya perasaan hangat, berbagi, dan kedekatan emosi. sementara commitment adalah aspek pikiran/pengetahuan tentang cinta. hal ini mengacu pada keputusan untuk mencintai orang lain dan memperbaiki hubungan dari waktu ke waktu di antara kesulitan-kesulitan yang dihadapi. orientasi seksual adalah kecenderungan atau sikap seksual yang dipilih seseorang untuk menjadi heteroseksual (menyukai lawan jenis), homoseksual (menyukai orang sejenis), dan biseksual (menyukai lawan dan orang sejenis sekaligus).30 dalam kajian seksualitas, pembahasan tentang orientasi seksual tidak terikat dengan norma atau aturan hukum tertentu, selain membicarakan substansi kecenderungan orang. hanya saja, pembahasan tentang orientasi dari sudut aturan hukum banyak dibicarakan dalam topik kajian lain. dalam sudut pandang seksualitas, orientasi seksual adalah bagian dari aspek hidup seseorang. jawaban pertanyaan mengapa menjadi heteroseksual diungkapkan oleh para ahli. ada yang mengatakan bahwa seks adalah ide tuhan pada tempat pertama. dia menciptakan laki-laki dan perempuan. atas dasar ini seorang laki-laki harus meninggalkan ayah dan ibunya menuju seorang perempuan untuk menjadi isterinya dan mereka menjadi satu.31 dalam kajian heteroseksual, dibicarakan banyak aspek, seperti teknik melakukan hubungan seksual dan penyimpangan seksual yang terjadi. teknik atau gaya dalam melakukan hubungan seksual telah dibicarakan sejak lama, di antaranya terwakili oleh kisah kama sutra yang mengemukakan tentang teknik atau cara-cara melakukan hubungan seksual laki-laki dan perempuan. pembicaraan tentang teknik ini juga ditemukan dalam kajian ilmiah. dalam beberapa literatur disebutkan ada beragam teknik dalam melakukan hubungan seksual. masters mengemukakan, banyak teknik dalam aktivitas seksual untuk jenis orientasi heteroseksual. teknik-teknik tersebut adalah non coital sex play, touching and being touched, touching the genitals, oral-genital sex, anal sex, coital sex, man on top face to face, woman on top face to face, rear entry, side to side face to face, timing tempo and other themes.32 54 afkaruna penyimpangan seksual cukup sengit dibicarakan orang karena perbedaan cara pandang tentang kata menyimpang (deviant). dalam sebuah survey, diurutkan beberapa aktivitas seksual yang dianggap sebagai penyimpangan, sekalipun tidak keluar dari ranah kontroversi. urutan itu adalah melakukan hubungan seksual sebelum menikah dan dalam pernikahan (fornication/adultery), hubungan seksual di kalangan remaja usia sebelasan, hubungan seksual sesama jenis (homosexuality), pemerkosaan (raped), legalisasi aborsi, dan aturan pornografi di kalangan orang dewasa. hasil survey membuktikan, bahwa orang berpandangan berbeda (setuju dan tidak setuju) dalam menilai perbuatanperbuatan itu sebagai tindakan menyimpang.33 sementara mereka hidup dalam kelompok masyarakat yang sama. hasil penelitian dan pembahasan lafal bernilai seksualitas dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis dimensi laki-laki dan perempuan terbentuk berdasarkan realitas fisik (sudut pandang biologi) dan bentukan sosial dalam memaknai kedua jenis kelamin ini. keduanya saling berkaitan dan sukar untuk memisahkannya secara konkrit, karena kedua aspek ini saling memberi pengaruh satu sama lain. misalnya, jenis kelamin laki-laki atau perempuan di suatu wilayah seperti kawasan arab akan berbeda sudut pandang dan penilaian terhadap kelelakian dan keperempuanan mereka dari sudut pandang terhadap lelaki dan perempuan di kawasan lain seperti kawasan eropa dan afrika, karena adanya perbedaan dalam bentukan sosial, sekalipun secara fisik kedua jenis kelamin ini pada umum adalah sama. al-qur‘an diturunkan oleh allah kepada nabi yang berkebangsaan quraisyarab, tetapi cakupan ajarannya untuk seluruh manusia di muka bumi dengan beragam latar belakang wilayah dan budaya. gambaran al-qur‘an tentang laki-laki dan perempuan serta sisi maskulin dan feminim mereka, digambarkan oleh allah dalam banyak cara. adakalanya allah menggambarkan sikap benci lelaki arab jahiliyah terhadap bayi perempuan dengan membunuh mereka pada hari ia dilahirkan, seperti disebutkan dalam surat al-takwir ayat 9. ada juga ayat al-qur‘an yang menggambarkan perempuan sebagai sosok pribadi tersendiri yang terkait dengan laki-laki dan atau perempuan sebagai dirinya sendiri, seperti disebutkan dalam surat al-nisa‘ ayat 32. dimensi laki-laki dan perempuan ini dikenal dengan istilah seksualitas. tidak terkecuali al-qur‘an dan hadis juga mengungkap banyak ayat tentang seksualitas kelelakian dan keperempuanan. khusus untuk seksualitas keperempuanan disebutkan, bahwa 55vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 lebih dari 30 surat dan 93 ayat al-qur‘an dengan beragam variasi yang berisi tentang konsep yang berhubungan dengan hak seksual dan hak reproduksi perempuan. hak seksual (reproduksi), disebut sebanyak 98 kali dalam alqur‘an, hubungan seksual sebanyak 31 kali, pilihan reproduksi sebanyak 27 kali, dan larangan menyakiti perempuan sebanyak 16 kali.34 dalam kesempatan ini, dibahas dan dikaji lafal-lafal tertentu yang memiliki dimensi seksualitas yang dimaksud. ditemukan pula pola-pola tersendiri tentang seksualitas manusia yang digambarkan oleh allah dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis.35 oleh karena itu, dalam analisis pengelompokan di bawah ini, diuraikan pola-pola yang ditemukan selama mengolah data penelitian. pola-pola ini dirumuskan sesuai dengan pandangan peneliti setelah mengumpulkan, membaca dan menganalisis lafal demi lafal yang ditemukan dengan menggunakan kitab tafsir at-tabariy dan al-qurtubiy.36 satu hal yang pasti, peneliti belum menemukan seluruh lafal seksualitas yang ada dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis. peneliti meyakini masih banyak lafal yang membicarakan tentang seksualitas. hanya saja karena berbagai keterbatasan dan usaha maksimal yang telah dilakukan, peneliti dapat menguraikan analisis pengelompokan lafal-lafal seksualitas dalam paparan berikut. pengelompokan disusun berdasarkan beberapa kategori. pertama, kategori psikologi seksual, yaitu perasaan cinta dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis, yang ditemukan sekurangnya 7 (tujuh) lafal yang menyebutkan tentang perasaan cinta. lima (5) lafal ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan dua (2) lainnya ditemukan dalam hadis. lima lafal dalam al-qur‘an yaitu: cinta laki-laki pada perempuan dengan lafalحب الشھوة dalam konteks kesukaan laki-laki pada perempuan secara umum. ada juga gambaran cinta nabi yusuf dengan zulaikha yang menggunakan lafalھم بھ و ھم بھا , dalam konteks sejarah percintaan yang salah antara nabi yusuf dengan isteri al-aziz tersebut. ada juga lafal tentang cinta antara suami isteri pada masa subur dengan lafalمودة dalam konteks perkawinan yang bahagia dan cinta suami isteri pada usia lanjut dengan lafalرحمة . ada juga ditemukan lafal tentang ketertarikan/daya tarik pada lawan jenis dengan lafalأعجب dalam konteks pukauan pandangan mata. lafal-lafal tentang ragam perasaan cinta dalam al-qur‘an ini juga ditemukan dalam hadis-hadis nabi. dua lafal lain dengan makna bagian dari perasaan cinta antara manusia ditemukan dalam hadis nabi. sekalipun ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an, lafallafal yang sama dalam bentuk berbeda, tetapi berbicara dalam konteks bukan perasaan cinta kepada lawan jenis. dalam hadis ditemukan ungkapan semangat 56 afkaruna cinta dengan lafalغیرة (ghain baris atas) dalam konteks peminangan untuk meminang perempuan yang penuh semangat cinta. ada juga lafal bermakna kecemburuan/cemburu dengan lafalغیرة (ghain baris bawah) dalam konteks hubungan yang menggambarkan perasaan nabi dengan isteri-isterinya, utamanya antara khadijah dengan aisyah. kategori kedua adalah konsep al-qur‘an dan hadis tentang fisiologi seksual, yaitu organ seksual laki-laki dan organ seksual perempuan. organ seksual laki-laki ditemukan sekurang-kurangnya 8 bagian. sebagian ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan yang lainnya ditemukan dalam hadis nabi. dalam al-qur‘an, disebut mata dengan lafalالعیون dalam konteks diyat,37 menjaga/menundukkan pandangan dan zina. lafal ini juga ditemukan dalam hadis pada konteks yang sama. ditemukan juga ungkapan tangan/jari jemari dengan lafalیداألصابع dalam konteks diyat dan sentuhan berujung zina, yang dijelaskan juga dalam hadis. ada juga ungkapan punggung dengan lafalالظھر dalam konteks perkawinan kasus zihar isteri dan kaffarah.38 ditemukan juga dalam al-qur‘an ungkapan alat kelamin laki-laki dan perempuan dengan lafalالفرج dan ungkapan kelamin laki-laki saja dengan lafalالذكر , dimana pada hadis digunakan dalam konteks taharah (bersuci), perkawinan, diyat dan aurat. khusus dalam hadis rasulullah s.a.w ditemukan ungkapan yang menyebutkan tentang buah pelir dengan lafalالثنیة , dalam konteks diyat, taharah dan aurat. ditemukan ungkapan saluran pembuangan dengan lafal الدبر (dubur) dalam konteks hudud (pidana),39 perkawinan dan homoseksual. serta ditemukan dalam hadis ungkapan tentang rambut dengan lafalالشعر dalam konteks gambaran belaian kemesraan nabi bersama isteri-isterinya, dan lafal yang sama ditemukan juga dalam konteks diyat dan aurat. adapun organ seksual perempuan adalah seluruh tubuhnya kecuali wajah dan telapak tangan sampai pergelangan. walau demikian, dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis, ditemukan lafal-lafal yang menyebutkan organ-organ seksual perempuan secara lebih khusus dan detail. sekurang-kurangnya ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis, 13 bagian organ seksual perempuan. sebagiannya ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an, seperti ungkapan telinga dengan lafalاألذنین dalam konteks diyat dan perhiasan perempuan, sementara lafal ini dalam hadis berada pada konteks sentuhan. ada juga mata dengan lafalالعیون dalam konteks menundukkan pandangan, zina, aurat dan diyat. ada juga dalam al-qur‘an disebutkan tentang kegiatan menyusui (pada buah dada) dan hadis menjelaskan tentang puting buah dada sebagai alat/ukuran menyusui dalam 57vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 konteks radha’ah (susuan), diyat dan aurat. juga disebutkan tentang punggung perempuan dengan lafalالظھر dalam konteks perkawinan kasus zihar dan kaffarah. al-qur‘an juga menyebutkan tentang organ seksual dalam perempuan, yaitu rahim dengan lafalاألرحام dan (قرارمكین ) dalam konteks kehamilan, haidh dan ‘iddah. lafal yang sama juga ditemukan dalam hadis. seterusnya ditemukan betis/kaki dengan lafalالرجل (ra baris bawah) dalam konteks zina, pencurian dan diyat. khusus dalam hadis ditemukan beberapa ungkapan yang menyebutkan organ-organ intim perempuan. misalnya ditemukan ungkapan yang menyebutkan tentang vagina dengan lafal القبلالبضع dalam konteks perkawinan, zina, aurat dan diyat. lebih rinci lagi dengan ditemukannya lafal yang menyebutkan labia mayora dan labia minora (dua pasang bibir kemaluan perempuan) dengan lafal شعبھا األربع dalam konteks perkawinan, taharah, aurat dan diyat. ada juga hadis menyebutkan tentang paha dengan lafal الفخذاء dalam konteks perkawinan dan aurat. ditemukan juga kata bibir sebagai organ seksual dengan lafal الشفتین dalam konteks ciuman berujung zina, hudud dan diyat. ditemukan juga kata leher dengan lafal القالدة dalam konteks perhiasan perempuan. serta ditemukan hadis yang mengungkapkan rambut dengan lafal الشعرالرأس dalam konteks kemesraan keluarga nabi dan juga dalam konteks diyat. kategori ketiga adalah konsep hubungan seksual dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis. hubungan seksual dibagi menjadi dua bagian yaitu hubungan-hubungan seksual yang dihalalkan dan hubungan-hubungan seksual yang diharamkan. banyak sekali lafal yang ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis dengan makna interaksi seksual antara laki-laki dan perempuan utamanya dengan makna hubungan seksual. beberapa di antaranya disebutkan dalam al-qur‘an dan ditemukan juga penjelasannya hadis. lainnya hanya disebutkan dalam hadis. dalam al-qur‘an misalnya, disebutkan lafal المضاجع yang dijelaskan maknanya oleh ahli tafsir sebagai جماع atau kegiatan seksual lain yang dilakukan di atas tempat tidur. ada hubungan seksual yang diungkapkan dengan lafal الرفث dalam konteks hubungan seksual antara suami isteri pada bulan ramadhan (haram pada waktu siang dan halal pada malam harinya). ditemukan juga dalam al-qur‘an lafal الدخول dalam konteks hubungan seksual antara ayah tiri dengan ibunya sebagai batas keharaman menikahi anak perempuan tiri. ditemukan juga lafal اإلتیان dalam konteks kebolehan menyetubuhi isteri dengan banyak cara/teknik. ditemukan juga banyak lafal النكاح dengan salah satu makna 58 afkaruna sebagai hubungan seksual. ditemukan juga lafalمباشرة dalam konteks larangan menyetubuhi/mempergauli isteri ketika sedang iktikaf di masjid. ditemukan juga dalam al-qur‘an lafalاإلستمتاع dengan makna yang dipahami sebagai nikah mut’ah atau kawin kontrak. dalam hadis ditemukan lafal-lafal yang bermakna hubungan seksual sepertiالوطء dalam konteks zina, lafalوقع dalam konteks pernyataan sahabat yang melakukan hubungan seksual dengan isterinya. demikian juga penggunaan lafalأصاب dalam hadis. ada juga ditemukan lafalالضم dalam memahami makna zina. keempat lafal ini pada dasarnya berada dalam konteks hubungan seksual laki-laki dan perempuan dan kenikmatan yang diperoleh padanya. ditemukan juga dalam hadis lafalالعسیلة dalam konteks memperoleh orgasme dengan suami kedua, sebagai syarat menikah kembali dengan suami yang telah menceraikan isterinya sebanyak tiga kali. ada juga lafalالمقاربة danطافیطوف dalam konteks nabi yang membagi malam-malam giliran tidur dengan isteri-isterinya. ada juga digunakan lafalالخلوة dalam konteks berduaan antara laki-laki dan perempuan yang baru menikah dengan makna kegiatan seksual pada malam pertama. secara umum, lafal-lafal hubungan seksual yang dihalalkan ini berada dalam konteks perkawinan. hubungan seksual yang diharamkan, juga banyak ditemukan dalam alqur‘an dan hadis. sebagian ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan selebihnya ditemukan dalam hadis. misalnya, dalam al-qur‘an ditemukan lafalالزنى dalam konteks hubungan seksual yang dilakukan di luar perkawinan dan dihukum dengan hukuman hudud. lafal yang sama juga banyak ditemukan dalam hadis. ditemukan juga lafalاللواط dalam konteks hubungan seksual sesama lelaki atau sesama perempuan yang dihukum sama dengan zina dan hadis menggunakan lafal yang sama dalam menjelaskan perbuatan suami melakukan hubungan seksual pada dubur isterinya yang dihukum dengan membayar kaffarah. ada juga ditemukan lafalالفاحشة dalam konteks zina dan homoseksual. ada juga ditemukan lafalباغیا dalam konteks kisah kepribadian maryam yang suci dari zina. ada juga dalam al-qur‘an ditemukan lafalالعنت dalam konteks perempuan suci yang tidak berzina. lafal lainnya adalah (مسافحین ) dalam konteks larangan menikahi perempuan yang berzina. selain al-qur‘an, dalam hadis ditemukan lafal-lafal yang menjelaskan tentang hubungan-hubungan seksual yang dilarang/diharamkan. misalnya, ditemukan lafalإتیان البھائم dalam konteks hukuman bagi orang yang melakukan hubungan seksual dengan hewan. ada juga ditemukan lafalالخلوة فى غیر النكاح 59vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 dalam konteks larangan berduaan bagi laki-laki dan perempuan yang bukan mahram (kerabat) serta dapat dihukum dengan hukuman ta’zir (penjara).40 ditemukan jugaالرفث فى نھار رمضان dalam konteks kaffarah bagi suami isteri yang melakukan hubungan seksual di siang hari bulan ramadhan. ada juga lafalاإلتیان فى الحائض dalam konteks kaffarah bagi suami yang menyetubuhi isteri dalam keadaan haid. lafal hadis ini adalah penjelasan dari ayat al-qur‘an yang melarang suami untuk mendekati/menyetubuhi isterinya dalam keadaan haid. ada juga lafalإتیان الكاھن dalam konteks larangan menyetubuhi perempuan penyihir. ada juga lafalاإلتیان فى الدبر dalam konteks larangan bagi suami melakukan hubungan seksual pada dubur isteri. dengan demikian, lafal-lafal hubungan seksual yang diharamkan ini berada dalam konteks jarimah (pelanggaran),41 sekalipun beberapa di antaranya terkait dengan perkawinan. kategori keempat adalah tentang teknik atau cara melakukan hubungan seksual. dalam al-qur‘an ditemukan lafalأنى شئتم ketika menjelaskan bahwa perempuan adalah sawah ladang suami yang bisa dipergauli/disetubuhi dengan banyak cara. cara ini dijelaskan dalam tafsir berdasarkan atsar-atsar sahabat yang menyebutkan, bahwa teknik melakukan hubungan seksual dengan isteri adalah dari depan dengan lafalمقبلة , dari belakang dengan lafalمدبرة , dari samping dengan lafalمنحرفة , dengan cara telentang dengan lafal مضجعة , dengan cara duduk dengan lafal قاعدا , dan berdiri dengan lafal قائما . semua teknik ini boleh dilakukan tetapi dengan tetap memperhatikan dan mematuhi batasanbatasan yang ditetapkan dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis, yaitu melakukannya sesuai dengan perintah allah dengan lafal ayat yang menyebutkan من حیث أمركم هللا dan tidak melakukannya ketika isteri dalam keadaan haid/nifas dengan lafalتق الدبر والحیضة . kategori seksualitas kelima yang disebutkan dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis adalah kelainan dan penyimpangan seksual. kelainan seksual adalah kondisi bawaan yang sudah ada pada fisik/tubuh seseorang. dalam al-qur‘an ditemukan setidaknya dua bentuk kelainan seksual, yaitu ungkapan tentang perempuan yang tidak pernah haid dengan lafalاللتى لم یحضن dalam konteks ‘iddah dan ditemukan juga kata mandul (laki-laki dan perempuan yang tidak bisa memiliki anak) dengan lafalعاقر . sementara itu, dalam hadis ditemukan ungkapan tentang laki-laki yang berkelainan seksual, yaitu tidak sampai ejakulasi dengan lafal ال یمن dalam konteks taharah. ada juga ditemukan kelainan seksual lain, yaitu orang yang berkelamin ganda dengan lafal ال یمنdalam konteks kewarisan. ada juga ditemukan penyebutan laki-laki tanpa kelamin dengan 60 afkaruna lafalلیس لھ ذكر dalam konteks hudud. khusus pada perempuan ditemukan ungkapan kelainan seksual yaitu aliran darah terus-menerus (penyakit) pada vagina perempuan dengan lafalاإلستحاضة dalam konteks taharah dan ibadah. selain kelainan seksual sebagai bawaan, dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis juga ditemukan lafal-lafal tentang penyimpangan seksual. pada dasarnya segala bentuk hubungan seksual yang diharamkan termasuk ke dalam kategori penyimpangan seksual. misalnya, hubungan seksual sejenis atau pada dubur dengan lafalاللواط dan menyetubuhi hewan dengan lafalإتیان البھائم. . akan tetapi, dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis juga ditemukan penyimpangan seksual dalam bentuk lain. setidaknya al-qur‘an menyebutkan 5 (lima) bentuk penyimpangan yaitu: ungkapan al-qur‘an tentang arisan atau gonta-ganti isteri dengan lafalأن تبدل منھن أزواج dalam konteks larangan allah kepada nabi untuk melakukan hal demikian. ada juga ungkapan tentang kumpul kebo dengan lafalمتخذان أخدان dalam konteks celaan allah terhadap orang-orang jahiliyah yang hidup serumah tanpa nikah. al-qur‘an juga menggambarkan tentang pemerkosaan dengan lafalاإلكراه sebagai perbuatan seksual laki-laki terhadap perempuan yang sangat dicela. bentuk penyimpangan lain adalah lafalالتكرھوافتیاتكم على البغاء dengan makna celaan dan larangan allah kepada para pemilik budak untuk menjadi mucikari (pengelola seks komersil). seterusnya ditemukan juga, ungkapan tentang mewarisi isteri-isteri ayah dengan lafalترثواالنساء كرھا dalam konteks perkawinan dan kewarisan. dalam hadis ditemukan beberapa jenis lafal yang menunjukkan makna penyimpangan seksual, di antaranya, perkawinan sejenis dengan lafalنكح الرجل الرجل dalam konteks hudud dan homoseksual. ada juga ungkapan hadis tentang perempuan yang suka disentuh laki-laki dengan lafalید االمس dalam konteks perasaan cinta dan perceraian. ada juga ungkapan tentang perempuan yang melakukan aborsi dengan lafalاإلجھاض dalam konteks hudud dan kewarisan. kategori keenam adalah ditemukannya dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis, indikasi lafal yang menggambarkan rangkaian proses terjadinya hubungan seksual. beberapa di antaranya ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan selainnya ditemukan dalam hadis. dalam al-qur‘an ditemukan ungkapan yang bermakna terjadinya proses seksual, yaitu rayuan antara laki-laki dan perempuan dengan lafalراود dalam konteks proses seksual terlarang antara nabi yusuf dengan zulaikha. ditemukan juga lafal yang menyebutkan sentuhan berakibat rangsangan dengan lafalمالمسة dalam konteks batal wudhu. ditemukan juga lafal yang mengungkapkan hubungan seksual dengan lafalالدخول dalam konteks menikahi 61vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 anak perempuan tiri. allah menggambarkan terjadinya orgasme/ejakulasi pada laki-laki dengan dua bentuk lafal yaituمن منى یمنى danمن ماء دافق dalam konteks penciptaan manusia. adapun dalam hadis ditemukan ungkapan ciuman dengan lafalقبلة pada aspek ibadah dan hudud. ada juga ditemukan ungkapan pelukan dengan lafalغمر dalam aspek yang sama. ada juga disebutkan lafal tentang orang yang memutuskan untuk tidak melanjutkan hubungan seksual (dukhul) dengan lafalالعزل . selanjutnya, ditemukan juga ungkapan tentang laki-laki yang memutuskan untuk menjauhi perempuan melalui cara memotong saluran sperma dengan lafalالتبتل . kategori ketujuh adalah ungkapan al-qur‘an dan hadis tentang perkembangan seksual laki-laki dan perempuan. lafal-lafal berikut seluruhnya ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan lafal-lafal yang sama juga ditemukan dalam hadis serta penjelasannya. perkembangan seksual perempuan diawali dengan masa kanak-kanak dengan lafalاألطفال , kemudian melewati masa haid pertama dengan lafalبلغواالحیضة – بلغواالنكاح dalam konteks pengelolaan harta anak yatim dan pilihan wali untuk menikahi/menikahkan mereka. perkembangan selanjutnya pada perempuan adalah menikmati anugerah kehamilan dengan lafalحامل dalam konteks ‘iddah dan susuan. perkembangan berikutnya adalah dengan melahirkan anak yang dikandungnya dengan lafalیضعن حملھن dalam konteks yang sama. perkembangan berikutnya adalah membantu suami menyusukan anaknya dengan lafalالرضاعة dalam konteks kewajiban suami memberi nafkah dan ‘iddah. pada akhirnya, perempuan sampai pada tahap berhentinya masa subur (berhenti haid/menopouse) dengan lafalقواعد النساء danاللتى یئسن من المحیض dalam konteks ‘iddah. adapun perkembangan seksual laki-laki adalah sama sampai pada tahapبلغواالنكاح atauالحلم yaitu mimpi bersetubuh untuk pertama kali. perkembangan selanjutnya adalah pernyataan allah tentang kematangan seksual laki-laki, dengan menyebutkan lafalمن منى یمنى dan lafal lain yaituمن ماء دافق dengan arti, mampu mendapatkan orgasme dan melakukan ejakulasi dalam konteks penciptaan manusia. kategori kedelapan adalah proses reproduksi manusia yang ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis. proses reproduksi ini dijelaskan cukup rinci oleh allah dalam beberapa ayat al-qur‘an. sementara itu, hadis melengkapi penjelasan dengan menggunakan lafal-lafal yang sama. proses diawali dengan ejakulasi laki-laki dengan lafalمن منى یمنى danمن ماء دافق . air mani laki-laki tersebut dipancarkan pada rahim perempuan dengan lafalنطفةنقر فى األرحام dalam konteks penciptaan manusia. air mani itu berproses dalam rahim menjadi segumpal 62 afkaruna darah dan melekat pada dinding rahim dengan lafalنطفة علقة . gumpalan darah yang melekat di dinding rahim berproses menjadi segumpal daging dengan lafalعلقة مضغة. gumpalan daging itu dilengkapi tulang-belulang dengan lafalمضغة عظاما . tahap selanjutnya, tulang-belulang itu dibungkus daging dengan lafalمضغة عظاما dan proses penciptaan akhir adalah terbentuknya bayi yang siap untuk dilahirkan dengan lafalخلقا ءاخر . kesimpulan berdasarkan uraian yang telah dikemukakan di atas, bahwa kunci utama dari hasil penelitian ini adalah lafal hadis yang menyebutkanإن هللا ال یستحي من الحق yang berarti, allah tidak malu tentang satu kebenaran. konteks hadis tersebut adalah tentang peristiwa seksual yang terjadi pada seorang perempuan dan sebagai seorang perempuan, dia tidak malu untuk menanyakan hal itu kepada nabi. artinya, membicarakan tentang seksualitas dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis adalah satu kebenaran dan tidak tabu atau bernilai buruk. hasil kajian penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa: pertama, lafal-lafal seksualitas dalam al-qur‘an dan hadis jumlahnya banyak dan tersebar dalam berbagai surat dan kitab-kitab hadis. lafal-lafal al-qur’an dan hadis membicarakan beragam aspek seksualitas, baik dari segi anatomi maupun dari segi psikologi. ada yang dijelaskan secara terperinci, seperti proses reproduksi dan hubungan-hubungan seksual yang dilarang, dan ada yang disebutkan secara umum saja, seperti kelainan seksual. konteks setiap lafal ada yang sama dan ada yang berbeda. adakalanya lafal seksualitas ditemukan dalam konteks taharah (bersuci) seperti penyebutan organ penis isteri dalam ( القبلة) ditemukan juga dalam konteks ibadah seperti mencium .( ذكر) keadaan sedang berpuasa. ditemukan juga lafal seksualitas dalam konteks hudud (hukuman), seperti larangan berzina dan melakukan hubungan seksual sejenis. ditemukan juga lafal seksualitas dalam konteks nikah, cerai, adabmoral, diyat dan lain-lain. bahkan ditemukan lafal dalam al-qur‘an yang membicarakan teknik (أنى شئتم ) dalam melakukan hubungan seksual yang dijelaskan oleh hadis dan tafsir secara gamblang. lafal yang paling banyak ditemukan adalah tentang hubungan seksual, baik hubungan seksual yang dibolehkan, maupun hubungan seksual yang dilarang. hal mendasar lain dalam lafal-lafal seksualitas adalah, sifat akhlak yang melekat pada setiap aturan dalam artian di mana ada lafal seksual di situ, tercermin akhlak atau nilai perilaku seksual seseorang. 63vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 kedua, lafal-lafal seksualitas dalam hadis umumnya telah didahului petunjuknya dalam al-qur‘an secara umum dan hadis berfungsi sebagai penjelasnya. selain itu, juga didapati lafal seksualitas dalam hadis-hadis yang tidak disebutkan dalam al-qur‘an secara jelas. misalnya, al-qur‘an menyebutkan tentang dua jenis kelamin yaituالذكر danاألنثى dan hadis menyebutkan satu jenis tambahan yaitu berkelamin ganda (الخنثى ). dalam hadis juga ditemukan lafal tentang khitan dan kontrasepsi (العزل ). secara umum, gambaran hadis tentang seksualitas lebih terbuka dan terperinci dibanding penjelasan al-qur‘an kecuali pada lafal-lafal tertentu. ketiga, pengelompokan konsep seksualitas dilakukan berdasarkan kategorikategori yang unsur-unsurnya memiliki keterkaitan. konsep-konsep tersebut digambarkan berdasarkan teori seksualitas dan menyatukannya dengan alur pikir penafsiran hadis dan ahli tafsir tentang makna lafal. kategori itu adalah psikologi seksual dan fisiologi seksual yang terdiri dari kategori: organ seksual laki-laki dan perempuan, hubungan seksual, teknik/cara melakukan hubungan seksual, kelainan dan penyimpangan seksual, rangkaian proses terjadinya hubungan seksual, perkembangan seksual perempuan dan proses reproduksi manusia. catatan akhir 1 wahbah al-zuhailiy, usul al-fiqh,, vol.2(beirut: dar al-fikr, 1986), h. 421. 2 amirah diniaty, “perilaku seks pranikah pada mahasiswa (studi kasus mahasiswa uin suska riau”, jurnal marwah, vol.xi, no. 2 desember 2012, h. 146 3 diana teresa pakasi dan reni kartikawati, “antara kebutuhan dan tabu: pendidikan seksualitas dan kesehatan reproduksi bagi remaja di sma”, makara seri kesehatan,vol. 17 (2), 2013, h. 79 4 sri lilestina nasution, “pengaruh pengetahuan tentang kesehatan reproduksi remaja terhadap perilaku seksual pranikah remaja di indonesia”, widyariset, vol.15, no.1, april 2012, h. 75 5 muhammad azinar, “perilaku seksual pra-nikah berisiko terhadap kehamilan tidak diinginkan”,jurnal kesehatan masyarakat, vol. 8 (2), 2013, h. 153 6 rono sulistyo, pendidikan sex (bandung: elstar, t.th), h. 5. 7 burhan bungin, penelitian kualitatif (jakarta: kencana, 2007), h. 5. 8 syofian siregar, metode penelitian kuantitatif (jakarta: kencana, 2013), h. 16. 9 kafrawi ridwan, dkk (ed.), ensiklopedi islam,vol. 5 (jakarta: ichtiar baru van hoeve, 1999), h. 21-22. 10 ibid., h. 30 11 muhammad husain al-zahabiy, al-tafsir wa al-mufassirun,vol. ii (kairo: dar alhadis, 2005), h. 402-403. 64 afkaruna 12 suharsimi arikunto, manajemen penelitian (jakarta: rineka cipta, 1990), h. 321. 13 eriyanto, analisis isi(jakarta: kencana, 2011), h. 47. 14 a p cowie (ed.), oxford advanced learner’s dictionary of current english(walton street: oxford university press, 1989), h. 1161. 15 departemen pendidikan nasional, kamus besar bahasa indonesia(jakarta: balai pustaka, 2008), h. 1245 16 j.p. chaplin, dictionary of psychology (kamus lengkap psikologi), alih bahasa: kartini kartono(jakarta: raja grafindo, 2005), h. 460. 17 robert crooks dan carla baur, our sexuality(belmont ca: thomson wadsworth, 2005), h. 46. 18 ibid. 19 william h.masters, dkk., human sexuality(new york: harper collins publisher, 1992), h. 2. 20 ibid., h. 43. 21 robert crooks, our..., h. 82. 22 ibid., h. 95. 23 william h. masters, human..., h. 58. 24 robert crooks, our..., h. 131. 25 william h. masters, human..., h. 66-67. 26 ibid. 27 robert crooks, our..., h. 182. 28 harold fieldmen (ed.), human sexuality contemporary controversies(california: sage publication, 1984), h. 49. 29 robert crooks, our..., h. 186. 30 ibid., h. 269. 31 harold fieldman (ed.), human..., h.56. 32 william h. masters, human..., h. 358-368. 33 erich goode, deviant behavior(new jersey: prentice hall, 2001), h. 250. 34 roksana janghorban, dkk., “sexual and reproduktive rights from qur`anic perspective: a quantitative content analysis”,asian social science, vol. 11, issue 3, 2015, h. 182. 35 kitab-kitab hadis yang digunakan adalah al-bukhariy, shahih al-bukhariy,(beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiah, 2009); muslim, shahih muslim(beirut: dar al-fikr, 2005); al-nasa’iy, sunan al-nasa’iy bi syarh jalaludin al-suyutiy(beirut: dar alma’rifah, 1994); al-daruqutniy, sunan al-daruqutniy(beirut: dar al-ihya’ alturast, 1993); al-tirmidziy, sunan al-tirmiziy(beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiah, 2006); abu dawud, sunan abi dawud (beirut: dar al-fikr, 2003); ibn majah, sunan ibn majah(beirut: dar al-fikr, 2004); malik ibn anas, kitab almuwatta`(beirut: dar al-ihya’ al-turast, 2000); al-darimiy, sunan aldarimiy,(beirut: dar al-fikr, 2005); ahmad ibn hanbal, al-musnad(beirut: dar al-fikr, 1994). 36 al-tabariy, jami’ al-bayan ‘an ta`wil al-qur`an(beirut: dar al-fikr, 2005); alqurtubiy, al-jami’ li ahkam al-qur`an (beirut: dar al-fikr, 2003). 65vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 37 diyat adalah sejumlah harta yang wajib dikeluarkan karena melakukan satu tindak pidana (jarimah) terhadap jiwa atau pada apa yang dihukum sama dengan jiwa. lihat, wahbah al-zuhailiy, al-fiqh al-islamiy wa adillatuhu,vol. vii(beirut: dar al-fikr, 1997), h. 5702. 38 kaffarah menurut bahasa artinya yang menutupi, menghapuskan dan membersihkan. menurut istilah, adalah denda yang wajib dibayar karena melanggar suatu ketentuan syariat (yang mengakibatkan dosa), dengan tujuan untuk menghapuskan/menutupi dosa tersebut sehingga tidak ada lagi pengaruhnya, baik di dunia maupun di akhirat. lihat, abdul aziz dahlan (ed.), ensiklopedi hukum islam, vol. 3(jakarta: ichtiar baru van hoeve, 1997), h. 852. 39 hududmenurut pengertian ahli fikih adalah hukuman yang telah ditentukan oleh syariat pada perbuatan maksiat tertentu dengan tujuan untuk mencegah terjadinya perbuatan yang sama. definisi ini ditemukan dalam ali abdurrahman al-hassun, al-‘uqubat al-mukhtalaf ‘alaiha fi jara’im al-hudud(riyadh: dar alnafa’is, 2001), h. 26. 40 ta’zir adalah salah satu jenis jarimah dengan makna setiap perbuatan maksiat yang di dalamnya tidak dihukum dengan hukuman hadd, diyat dan kaffarah. lihat, wahbah al-zuhailiy, al-fiqh..., h. 123. 41 jarimahadalah larangan-larangan syarak yang diancam oleh allah dengan hukuman hadd atau ta’zir. lihat, al-mawardi, al-ahkam al-sulthaniyah(mesir: mustafa al-babi al-halabiy, 1966), h. 219. daftar pustaka abu dawud.2003.sunan abi dawud.beirut: dar al-fikr. arikunto, suharsimi.1990.manajemen penelitian. jakarta: rineka cipta. azinar, muhammad.2013. “perilaku seksual pranikah berisiko terhadap kehamilan tidak diinginkan”.jurnal kesehatan masyarakat. vol. 8 (2). al-bukhari, muhammad ibn ismail.2009.shahih al-bukhariy. beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiah. bungin, burhan.2007.penelitian kualitatif. jakarta: kencana. cowie, a.p. (ed.).1989.oxford advanced learner’s dictionary of current english. walton street: oxford university press. chaplin, j.p..2005.dictionary of psychology (kamus lengkap psikologi), alih bahasa: kartini kartono.jakarta: raja grafindo. crooks, robert dan carla baur.2005.our sexuality. belmont ca: thomson wadsworth. dahlan, abdul aziz, (ed.).1997.ensiklopedi hukum islam.vol. 3. jakarta: ichtiar baru van hoeve. al-darimiy.2005.sunan al-darimiy. beirut: dar al-fikr. al-daruqutniy.1993.sunan al-daruqutniy. beirut: dar al-ihya’ al-turats. al-dzahabiy, muhammad husain.2005.al-tafsir wa al-mufassirun.vol. ii. kairo: dar al-hadits. departemen pendidikan nasional.2008.kamus besar bahasa indonesia. jakarta: 66 afkaruna balai pustaka. diniaty, amirah.2012. “perilaku seks pranikah pada mahasiswa (studi kasus mahasiswa uin suska riau”. jurnal marwah. vol. xi. no. 2. eriyanto.2011.analisis isi.jakarta: kencana. fieldmen, harold, (ed.).1984.human sexuality contemporary controversies. california: sage publication. goode, erich.2001.deviant behavior. new jersey: prentice hall. hanbal, ahmad ibn.1994.al-musnad. beirut: dar al-fikr. al-hassun, ali abdurrahman.2001.al-‘uqubat al-mukhtalaf ‘alaiha fi jara’im al-hudud. riyadh: dar al-nafa’is. ibn majah.2004.sunan ibn majah. beirut: dar al-fikr. janghorban, roksana, dkk.2015. “sexual and reproductive rights from qur`anic perspective: a quantitative content analysis”.asian social science.vol. 11. issue 3. malik ibn anas.2000.kitab al-muwatta‘. beirut: dar al-ihya’ al-turats. masters, william h. et.al. 1992.human sexuality. new york: harper collins publisher. al-mawardi.1966. al-ahkam al-sulthaniyah. mesir: mustafa al-babi al-halabiy. muslim.2005.shahih muslim.beirut: dar al-fikr. al-nasa’iy.1994.sunan al-nasa’iy bi syarh jalaludin al-suyuti. beirut: dar al-ma’rifah. nasution, sri lilestina.2012. “pengaruh pengetahuan tentang kesehatan reproduksi remaja terhadap perilaku seksual pra-nikah remaja di indonesia”.widyariset. vol.15 no.1. pakasi, diana teresa dan reni kartikawati.2013.”antara kebutuhan dan tabu: pendidikan seksualitas dan kesehatan reproduksi bagi remaja di sma”.makara seri kesehatan.vol. 17 (2). al-qurtubiy. 2003.al-jami’ li ahkam al-qur‘an.beirut: dar al-fikr. ridwan, kafrawi, dkk. (ed.).1999.ensiklopedi islam.vol. 5. jakarta: ichtiar baru van hoeve. siregar, syofian.2013.metode penelitian kuantitatif. jakarta: kencana. sulistyo, rono.pendidikan sex.bandung: elstar, t.th. al-tabariy.2005.jami’ al-bayan ‘an ta`wil ay al-qur`an.beirut: dar al-fikr. al-tirmidziy.2000.sunan al-tirmidziy. beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiah. al-zuhailiy, wahbah.1997.al-fiqh al-islamiy wa adillatuhu.vol. vii. beirut: dar alfikr. al-zuhailiy,1986. wahbah.ushul al-fiqh. vol. ii. beirut: dar al-fikr. layout afkaruna desember 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 after the death of charismatic authority: a weberian perspective on early islam mohammad syifa amin widigdo universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta abstract in max weber’s notion of authority, charismatic authority will transform into other forms of either traditional authority, rational authority, or both. after the death of charismatic leader, in weber’s word, charismatic authority is “fated to decline.” a number of studies on weber and islam seem to affirm weber’s thesis regarding the decline of charismatic authority after the death of the charismatic leader. however, in the context of early islam, charismatic authority is not declining, even reinforced after the death of the charismatic leader, namely prophet muhammad. therefore, this paper aims to show why charismatic authority after the death of charismatic leader is not waning in the early islam and how such authority is even reinforced. by using alasdair mcintyre’s theory of human vulnerability, this paper investigates “material and ideal interests” of muslims after the death of the prophet, which make charisma of the prophet not declining, even more strengthened through invocations and venerations by his followers in subsequent generations. in this regard, the return of charismatic authority takes place not in the physical form of charismatic leader, but in the forms of images, sayings, and exemplary practices of the deceased charismatic leader, which are deemed worth emulating and invocation. keyword: charismatic authority, weberian perspective, islam. abstrak dalam konsep otoritas max weber, otoritas kharismatik akan berubah menjadi otoritas tradisional, rasional, atau keduanya. setelah kematian seorang pemimpin kharismatik, menurut weber, otoritas kharismatiknya “ditakdirkan akan menurun.” beberapa studi yang dilakukan tentang hubungan antara pemikiran weber dan islam sepertinya mengafirmasi tesis weber tentang menurunnya otoritas kharismatik setelah kematian seorang pemimpin kharismatik. namun demikian, dalam konteks studi islam awal, otoritas kharismatik bukan menurun, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0075.265-276 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 266266266266266 afkaruna malah makin menguat setelah kematian seorang pemimpin kharismatik, yang nota bene adalah nabi muhammad. oleh sebab itu, paper saya bertujuan untuk menunjukkan mengapa otoritas kharismatik pada masa islam awal tidak melemah dan bagaimana otoritas tersebut bahkan dibuat makin kuat. dengan menggunakan teori kerentanan manusia oleh alasdair mcintyre, paper saya berusaha menelisik “kepentingan-kepentingan ideal dan material” yang dimiliki kaum muslimin setelah wafatnya nabi, yang membuat kharisma nabi tidak melemah, justru menguat melalui penghormatan kepadanya dan penyeruan nama serta ingatan terhadapnya oleh para pengikut di generasi-generasi berikutnya. dalam hal ini, kembalinya otoritas kharismatik terjadi tidak dalam bentuk kembalinya fisik pemimpin kharismatik, melainkan dalam bentuk citra, kumpulan perkataan, dan tauladan tindakan yang layak untuk ditiru dan diingat-ingat dari sang pemimpin kharismatik yang telah meninggal itu. kata kunci: otoritas kharismatik, otoritas tradisional, islam. introduction “in its pure form, charismatic authority may be said to exist only in the process of originating. it cannot remain stable, but becomes either traditionalized or rationalized, or combination of both.”(max weber 1964, 364) the fate of charismatic authority after the death of its charismatic founder seems to be in danger. the pure form of this authority which emerges in the initial formation of authority can disappear. when the holder of the pure form of charismatic authority deceases, according to weber, the authority will undergo the process of “routinization1” and turn into another kind of legitimate authority; either traditional, legal-rational, or a combination of both.2 this compelling theory of authority interestingly inspires scholars of islam to study the phenomena of authority in islamic tradition. in spite of a severe criticism of weber’s remark on islam, which is accused to be inaccurate3, incomprehensive and eurocentric4, his sociological conception of authority gains a positive response. there are numbers of study which are informed or influenced by weber’s notion of authority. hamid dabashi (1989) shows the transformation of charismatic authority in early islam on the basis of weber’s accounts. he finds that the charismatic authority is apt to be perpetuated or institutionalized in different modes of authority along with types of the followers.5 in a similar fashion, jonathan e. brockopp (2005) emphasizes his study on the role of followers and their texts by means of which a new-dynamic model of charismatic authority can be derived.6 by presenting numerous works on ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 267267267267267vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 religious authority topics, in addition, gudrun kramer and sabine schmidtke (2006) intend to extend weber’s notion of authority into a wider scope. the authority for them is ascribed not only to individuals, but also groups of people and institutions.7 although these studies successfully describe the modes of transformation of authority after the death of the charismatic leader, the roles of the followers, and the scopes of authority in islamic tradition, the underlying reasons why charismatic authority needs be institutionalized are missed. the routinization of authority is apparently deemed automatic and natural without human motives and deliberations. max weber actually indicates that the motives behind the transformation of charisma are “the ideal and material interests of the followers.”8 with the aid of alasdair mcintyre’s theory of human dependence9, in fact, this paper first aims to identify what “the ideal and material interests” of early muslims are. after the reasons of the routinization of charisma are identified, the second objective is to show that charismatic elements of the charismatic leader are not “fated to decline”10 as weber claims. although the process of the institutionalization of charisma increasingly develops, they can be more apparent and powerful because of the pervading invocation or association of the followers with the charismatic leader. human vulnerability inspired by alasdair mcintyre, first, we will investigate the motives behind the institutionalization of charismatic authority in the early islamic society. mcintyre maintains that human beings are full of vulnerability, such as vulnerability of being afflicted by bodily illness and injury, inadequate nutrition, mental defect and disturbance, and human aggression and neglect.11 to cope with these vulnerabilities, according to mcintyre, human beings need “particular others”. the role of others is to help vulnerable people in obtaining needed resources, to help them discover what new ways forward there may be, and to stand in their place from time to time, doing on their behalf what they can not do for themselves.12 for mcintyre, this kind of dependence on others is most obvious in early childhood and in old age, and is possible to occur between the first and the last stage of lives when one is afflicted with certain injury, illness, or disability.13 in this context, parents, teachers, trainers, proxies, friends, and a wider network of social relationships can play an important role. they – ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 268268268268268 afkaruna which can be interpreted as agents of authority because of their capacity in both issuing directive aids and rendering certain obediencecan provide necessary aids in order to flourish. mcintyre’s concept of human vulnerability and dependence mentioned above inspires us to think of vulnerability of human beings as social entity. in this light, the scope of individual vulnerability is extended into understanding of vulnerability in a social context. it means that if a person can suffer from bodily illness, brain damage, or mental retardation; similarly, a society is also susceptible of being divided, disorder, chaotic, and fallen into a long period of civil wars. in the line of this argument, if a personal vulnerability can be confronted with the aid of “particular others”, a society needs “particular others” as well in order to deal with its vulnerability. in the case of early islamic society, a sort of societal vulnerabilities took place after the death of the prophet (muhammad) in 632. among those vulnerabilities are: one, bedouin tribes that had submitted to muhammad refused to do their obligations, such as sending zakâh (religious alms) to medina. two, an apostasy movement (riddah) was increasing because of the absence of the prophet. three, a false prophet emerged with a claim of conveying a new message and revelation. four, a sectarian rivalry for leadership occurred, especially between the ansar, the muslims from medina, and the muhâjirûn, muslims emigrated from mecca.14 five, the advocates of muhammad’s family and the elderly companions of muhammad were disputing the right of political and religious leadership. the former claimed that muhammad appointed ali b. abi talib (muhammad’s son in law and also his cousin) as a leader after him; while the later refused such claim. the elder companions gathered and elected abu bakar as the subsequent leader of the community. these vulnerabilities make the early muslims realizing that they can not stand alone. they need “particular others” to help them in confronting the imminent social division and disintegration, which indeed could lead to the destruction of the ummah (islamic society). unlike “particular others” of mcintyre which consist of personal agents, “particular others” in early islam seem to be less personal, namely: a collective memory of examples, values, and teachings of the prophet. in turn, they invoke those examples, values and teachings of the prophet with the interests of maintaining and strengthening islamic social order (weber may call them “material interests”). at the same time, they submit themselves to the pro○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 269269269269269vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 phetic traditions with the intentions of making the charismatic authority of the prophet keeps alive and respected (in weber’s term, it would be called “ideal interests”). those are the reasons of why the routinization of charisma occurs in early islamic society. interestingly, there is a kind of mutual symbiosis here; on the one hand, the charismatic authority is always invoked and preserved in order to prevent social disintegration and to build a more solid civilization; on the other hand, the image and influence of charismatic authority itself is getting more powerful because of the continuous invocation. routinization: a decline or intensification of charisma? routinization of charisma is signified by the process of disassociation of authority from a personal quality of the charismatic leader and of the embodiment of authority in an objective institutional structure.15 max weber believes that such routinization will eventually end up in the process of traditionalization, rationalization, or both of them.16 however, as the process of the routinization begins to develop, charisma starts to decline because its character turns into more impersonal, ordinary, and routinized. 17 “it is the fate of charisma,” weber argues,” to recede before the powers of tradition or of rational association after it has entered the permanent structures of social action.”18 for weber, the waning of charisma is inevitable. a charisma will be melted in the process of routinization and disassociated from the charismatic leader. a prophetic charisma, for example, will be transformed into a church, sect, or cult which engenders dogma, doctrine, orthodoxy, law, or petrified tradition. according to weber, disciples, followers, or companions of the charismatic figure play a significant role in the process of routinization and thus declining of charisma. they not only possess ideal motives of routinization, such as a voluntary devotion to the calling of prophet, but also material interests of it such as desires for gaining benefices, official positions, fiefs, or booties.19 only a small number of followers would devote their lives purely and idealistically to their call. a majority of them want to live off their calling in material interests as well.20 it seems to me that the desire for gaining material interest is greater than for the ideal one; therefore, the decline of charisma is plausible. weber’s elucidation of routinization of charisma which suggests the ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 270270270270270 afkaruna important role of companions and loyal followers in establishing authority is apparently confirmed by historical accounts of early muslims. however, the routinization of charisma in islamic context seems to not engendering the decline of charisma, rather, intensifying invocation of charisma. in the initial development, the authority was centered upon the prophet who received respect and obedience because of conveying god’s revelation (quran) and showing exemplary behaviors (sunnah). after the death of prophets, in fact, those companions (sahabah) and followers (tabi’în) of the prophet (tabi’în) attempted to maintain charismatic authority of the prophet through several ways. among the ways of preserving of such authority are by electing the leader of community of believers (khalîfah), then enacting certain moral codes based on the prophetic teachings and examples (sunnah), and eventually forming religious orthodoxy (sharî’ah). the charismatic authority is then transformed into the path of traditionalization and rationalization. the first generation of the companions, under the leadership of abu bakr (632-634), umar b. khatab (634-644), uthman b. affan (644-656), and ali b. abi talib (656-661), was relatively successful in terms of paving away for early institutionalization of charisma. although there were occasions in which charismatic authority of the prophet was threatened by an apostasy movement (riddah), series of caliphs’ murder, a civil war, and a social discontent (fitnah), charisma of the prophet muhammad was generally not waning. his charismatic authority was indeed more efficacious, in the sense that his authority was intensely invoked in the interests of spreading islam and of building a more solid civilization. companions generally invoke charismatic authority of the prophet in two ways; first, relying on the messages and teachings of the quran which were conveyed and taught by muhammad; second, emulating muhammad’s exemplary behavior and conducts (sunnah or hadîth). besides sending military forces to tackle apostasy movements of arab bedouins and to launch raids against the sasanian and byzantine empire, for example, abu bakr (632-634) was also sending “qur’an-reciters”.21 the role of these qur’an-reciters was to teach the essentials of islamic faith, including introducing exemplary practices of muhammad. interestingly, in the period of umar b. khattab (634-644), this policy to was continued. the teachers of the quran were deployed in addition to appointing military commanders-cum-administrators into islamic garrison towns ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 271271271271271vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 (anzâr).22 at that time, these quran-teachers, commanders, and their administrative assistants (i.e. proto-qâdis/proto-islamic judge) played an important role in terms of promulgating islam as new religion based on the quran and the sunnah.23 they not only taught quran-values and the exemplary practices of the prophet, but also erected a mosque, led a friday prayer, distributed booty pensions, commanded military campaigns, and resolved conflicts among tribesmen.24 in this light, what weber calls “the ideal and material interests of institutionalization of charisma” was apparently met; and at the same time, a kind of fusion of traditionalization and rationalization of charisma was seemingly achieved. the process of routinization of charisma was more apparent in the era of uthman b. affan (644-656). uthman initiated compilation of al-quran which was previously available in fragmentary sources. there were initially parts of the quran which written down on parchment, shoulder blade, or stones; and others were memorized by some companions of the prophet. on the basis of these fragmentary sources, uthman commissioned zayd b. thabit to undertake the task of compiling a standard text of the quran. several copies of this text were made and later distributed to the garrison towns, all other previous collections having reportedly been destroyed.25 this official version of the qur’an was made clearly in the intention of preserving religious faith as a spiritual foundation for islamic order. at the time of ali b. abi talib (656-661), however, islamic social order was tested by a sequence of civil wars and social disruptions. in the beginning of his leadership, the prophet’s influential widow, aishah, and other two respected companions, talhah and zubair, launched military opposition from basra and kufa. ali successfully handled them. the second and more dangerous opposition was coming from syria which led by mu‘awiyah. actually, this military opposition could also be defeated by ali. but, when mu’awiyyah requested for a peaceful arbitration in his imminent defeat, ali approved it. ali then faced disappointed results. after a long process of arbitration, ali was eventually forced to accept its results which were in favor of mu’awiyyah’s side; one, condemning the mutineer of uthman (which means condemning ali who not punished those mutineers)26; second, the necessity of electing a new caliph.27 triggered by this political turbulence, islamic community was in turn divided into at least three groups; first, some of ali’s supporters who disserted and estab○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 272272272272272 afkaruna lished a new religious-political movement, namely khawarij; second, ali’s supporters who remained loyal to ali, namely shi‘ah; third, supporters of mu‘awiyyah and majority of muslims who were abstain regarding the result of arbitration, which later became sunni.28 in spite of long series of political turbulence, there were still generations of companions and followers prophets who strived to restore and protect islamic social order by means of appealing to the prophetic traditions. they believed that if the memory of the prophet was kept alive in the mind of islamic community, a new social cohesion could be restored. their basic assumption is that islamic social cohesion was generally based upon the “collective concept the followers had of him.”29 after the above civil war and political instability, there were agents who felt themselves responsible for protecting and perpetuating the prophetic traditions. among them are; religious scholars (‘ulamâ’) including quran-interpreters and teachers (mufassirûn) and hadith scholars (muhaddithûn) and religious ascetics (sûfî). ira m. lapidus records that these religious scholars (‘ulamâ’) tended to conceive of the prophet’s legacy in terms of correct muslim behavioral in ritual, family, commercial, and indeed in all of life’s concerns. meanwhile, muslim ascetics moved away from religious rituals and social practices to the inward cultivation of the moral and religious qualities which brought an individual closer to the spiritual quality of muhammad and thereby to the divine being.30 according to lapidus, the authority of both religious scholars and ascetics was reinforced by a chainlike tradition of learning which its source could be traced back to the authority of the prophet. he describes such chainlike transmission of authority and knowledge in the following: “the scholars of each generation, having acquired their knowledge from a chain of predecessors going back to the prophet passed on their knowledge to their successors. though religious knowledge was confided to books, the chain of transmission was oral. the textual knowledge had to be communicated by a living master who gave book learning spiritual meaning. similarly, the spiritual exercises of the sufis were passed on from generation to generation and were assumed to be part of a chain of succession which went back to muhammad. muslim religious authority then combined acquired personal knowledge or spiritual insight with direct personal contact across the generations with the prophet himself.”31 in the hand of these religious scholars and muslim ascetics, charismatic authority of the ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 273273273273273vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 prophet is continuously referred as a source and guidance of daily routines. islamic jurists (fuqahâ’) and islamic judges (qâdîs), for instance, always attempt to look for precedents and traditions of the prophet before they issue religious or legal rulings (fatâwâ). islamic mystics and ascetics (cûfîs) always recite supplications praising the prophet in order to attain spiritual disclosures (kashf). qur’an-scholars (mufassirûn) also need to invoke the traditions of the prophet in order to have a better interpretation of the quran through identifying occasions of revelation (asbâb al-nuzûl). indeed, the most important source to know prophetic traditions besides the biography of the prophet (sîrah) and stories (akhbâr) is a collection of the prophet’s sayings, deeds, behaviors, and decrees (hadith). the collectors and scholars of the prophetic traditions (muhaddithûn) apply a very strict method to ensure that the hadîths they collected can be traced back to the prophets without defects and interruptions in their chain of transmission. in brief, although charismatic authority of the prophet has been routinized, traditionalized, rationalized, and even tested by series of political and social discontents, a continuous invocation of prophetic traditions in the intention of preserving religion and maintaining islamic social order renders charisma of the prophet more intensified rather than declined. therefore, unlike weber’s claim, charisma of the charismatic leader in the case of islam is perpetuated and intensified rather than declining and disappearing. conclusion as can be seen from the above explanation, early muslims realize that they have what mcintyre calls “vulnerability” as a community; ranging from political turbulences (e.g. the rise and fall of the caliphs), social divisions (e.g. military oppositions from bedouins), to cultural disintegrations (e.g. an enmity among tribes). to handle these vulnerabilities, they invoke and emulate exemplary practices and conducts (sunnah) of the prophet muhammad. they believe that a collective memory of muhammad’s individual charisma and of his exemplary traditions can render islamic social cohesion. thus, the material interests of routinization of charisma in early islam are mainly centered upon the intention of confronting the above social vulnerabilities. meanwhile, the ideal interests of it are centered upon the aims of emulation and devotion to the traditions of the prophet. in○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 274274274274274 afkaruna terestingly, the acts of invoking the prophetic traditions itself become the primary means of confronting the social vulnerabilities. such mutual symbiosis between the ideal and material interests seems to be the reasons why routinization in early islam renders intensification instead of waning of charisma. charismatic authority of the prophet is not “fated to decline” as weber claims. instead, charisma of the prophet is more intensified and powerful because of pervading invocation of his exemplary traditions. although political and social situations in early islam are shaky and instable, the desire of early muslims to associate themselves with the prophet is not waning. in fact, their invocation and emulation of prophetic practices are aimed to maintain a social stability and to establish a more solid social cohesion among muslims. the important actors behind such invocation of prophetic traditions are companions (sahabat), followers (tabi`in), commander-cum-administrators (proptoqadis), judges (qadis), and ascetics (sufis), and religious scholars (ulama) ranging from quran-interpreters (mufassirun), islamic jurists (fuqaha), and more importantly, collectors and scholars of prophetic traditions (muhadditsun). endnotes 1 in the process of routinization, charismatic elements of authority will be disassociated from the person of individual leader and embodied in an objective institutional structure. see talcott parsons, “the institutionalization of authority,” introduction to the theory of social and economic organization, by max weber (new york: the free press, 1964), p. 67. 2 weber differentiates what he calls “legitimate authority” into three categories: rational-legal authority, traditional authority, and charismatic authority. the first authority relies on the efficacy of normative rules and legal aspects in issuing command and engendering obedience, the second type rests on an established belief in the sanctity of traditions, and the last one lies on the devotion to a charismatic person who is obeyed by virtue of personal trust in him and his revelation. see max weber, the theory of social and economic organization, p. 328. 3 bryan s. turner, weber and islam, (london: routledge & kegan paul 1974), p. 2. 4 wolfgang schluchter, “hindrances to modernity: max weber on islam,” in max weber & islam, ed. toby e. huff and wolfgang schluchter (new jersey: transaction publishers: 1999), p. 64. 5 hamid dabashi, authority in islam, (new jersey: transaction publishers, 1989). 6 jonathan e. brockopp, “theorizing authority in early islamic law,” com○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 275275275275275vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 parative islamic studies 1.2 (2005): p. 129-158. 7 gudrun kramer and sabine schmidtke, ed., for islam: religious authorities in muslim societies, (leiden: brill, 2006). 8 max weber, the theory of social and economic organization, (new york: the free press, 1964), p. 364. 9 instead of merely recognizing the reality of ‘goal-based human dependence’, mcintyre identifies a kind of dependence which results from human susceptibility and suffering which is all often ignored, see alasdair mcintyre, dependent rational animal: why human beings need the virtues, (2005), p. 2-3 10 max weber, the nature of charismatic domination, p. 248. 11 alasdair mcintyre, dependent rational animal: why human beings need the virtues, (chicago: open court, 2005), p. 1. 12 ibid., p. 73. 13 ibid.,p. 1. 14 marshall g.s. hodgson, the venture of islam, volume one, (chicago: the university of chicago, 1974), p. 197. 15 parsons, p. 67. 16 max weber, economy and society: an outline of interpretive sociology, ed. guenther roth and claus wittich (berkeley: university of california press, 1963), p. 246. 17 ibid., p. 1133. 18 ibid., p. 1148. 19 max weber, the theory of social and economic organization, p. 368. 20 ibid., p. 367. 21 marshal g.s. hodgson, p. 199. 22 wael b. hallaq, the origins and evolution of islamic law, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2005), p. 31. 23 the idea of sunnah of the prophet was in fact firstly used in this period, especially when the muslims commander, namely yazid b. abi sufyan, declared that he was ordered to head for palestinian town of qisariyya in order to take it “and to call the people of that area to the book of god and the sunnah of his messanger.” (see wael b. hallaq, p. 48. 24 ibid. 25 ibid, p. 33. 26 marshal g.s. hodgson, ibid,p. 216. 27 hans kung, hans kung islam: past, present, & future, (munich: a oneworld book, 2007), p. 185. 28 ibid., p. 185-186. 29 g.h.a juynboll, muslim tradition, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1983), p. 9. 30 ira m. lapidus, “the institutionalization of early islamic societies,” in huff, tobby e. and wolfgang schluchter, eds. 1999. max weber & islam. new jersey: transaction publishers, p. 143-144. 31 ira m. lapidus, p. 144-145. 276276276276276 afkaruna ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bibliography brockopp, jonathan e. 2005. “theorizing authority in early islamic law.” comparative islamic studies 1.2: dabashi, hamid. 1989. authority in islam. new jersey: transaction publishers. hallaq, wael b. 2005. the origins and evolution of islamic law. cambridge: cambridge university press. hodgson, marshal g.s.. 1974. the venture of islam (1). chicago: the university of chicago press. huff, tobby e. and wolfgang schluchter, eds. 1999. max weber & islam. new jersey: transaction publishers. juynboll, g.h.a. 1983. muslim tradition. cambridge: cambridge university press. kramer, gudrun and sabine schmidtke, eds. 2006. for islam: religious authorities in muslim societies. leiden: brill,. kung, hans. 2007. hans kung islam: past, present, and future. england: a oneworld publication. lapidus, ira m. “the institutionalization of early islamic societies,” in huff, tobby e. and wolfgang schluchter, eds. 1999. max weber & islam. new jersey: transaction publishers mcintyre, alasdair. 2005. dependent rational animal. illinois: open cort. parsons, talcott. 1964. “the institutionalization of authority,” introduction to the theory of social and economic organization, by max weber. new york: the free press, schluchter, wolfgang. 1999. “hindrances to modernity: max weber on islam,” in max weber & islam, ed. toby e. huff and wolfgang schluchter. new jersey: transaction publishers. turner, bryan s. 1974. weber and islam. london: routledge & kegan paul. weber, max. 1964. the theory of social and economic organization. new york: the free press,. weber, max. 1963. economy and society: an outline of interpretive sociology, ed. guenther roth and claus wittich. berkeley: university of california press. jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 al-maghazi /the expeditions doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0083.128-132 muhammad affan mahasiswa pascasarjana universitas islam negeri sunan gunung djati judul : the expeditions judul asli : al-maghazi penulis : ma’mar ibn rasyid penerjemah : sean w. anthony penerbit : new york university press kota : new york tahun : 2015 halaman : xlix + 274 isbn : 978-1-4798-1682-8 buku the expeditions: an early biography of muhammad pada dasarnya adalah kitab al-maghazi yang ditulis oleh ma’mar ibn rasyid. sebagaimana sub-judulnya yang bermakna sebuah biografi awal nabi muhammad saw, kemunculan buku ini potensial mengejutkan bagi banyak peminat sejarah nabi muhammad saw. hal ini disebabkan karena secara umum, para peminat sejarah nabi muhammad saw lebih mengenal kitab sirah nabawiyah ibnu ishaq, al-maghazi al-waqidi, maupun thabaqat al-kubra ibnu sa’ad sebagai sumber sejarah nabi saw terawal yang masih dapat dibaca dewasa ini. buku-buku sejarah nabi saw yang kontemporer biasanya juga tidak mencantumkan al-maghazi karya ma’mar ibn rasyid sebagai salah satu sumber rujukan. hal ini juga yang menyebabkan al-maghazinya ma’mar ibn rasyid tidak begitu dikenal oleh para peminat sejarah nabi muhammad saw. oleh sebab itu, diterbitkannya the expeditions oleh new york university press menjadi sebuah momentum untuk mengenali kitab ini sekaligus menambah referensi sejarah nabi muhammad saw dari sumber yang terawal. the expeditions yang diterjemahkan kedalam bahasa inggris oleh sean w. anthony ini, diberi kata pengantar oleh m.a.s abdel haleem, seorang b o o k r e v i e w 129vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 guru besar pada school of oriental and african studies, university of london. dalam edisi bahasa inggris ini, ada beberapa tulisan tambahan yang diberikan dengan tujuan untuk memudahkan para pembaca dalam memahami isi al-maghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid. sehingga, setelah kata pengantar, para pembaca akan disuguhi sebuah pendahuluan yang berisi biografi singkat ma’mar ibn rasyid, catatan penerjemahan, sebuah rantai kronologis dan juga dua buah peta jazirah arab yang memvisualisasikan kondisi arabia di masa nabi muhammad saw. semuanya dilengkapi dengan catatan akhir yang disajikan setelah dua halaman peta jazirah arab. setelah tulisan tambahan tersebut, kitab al-maghazi baru disajikan kepada pembaca dalam 166 halaman yang terbagi atas 31 bab pembahasan. pembahasan dimulai dengan kisah penggalian sumur zam zam, lalu kemudian meloncat langsung ke ekspedisi hudaybiyah, kemudian kembali pada insiden pertempuran di badar beserta kisah mengenai tawanan di dalamnya. setelah itu ma’mar ibn rasyid membahas mengenai syahidnya beberapa sahabat di ar-raji’ yang melibatkan bani hudhail. ma’mar ibn rashid membahas mengenai bani nadhir yang diusir oleh nabi muhammad saw dari madinah karena mengkhianati perjanjian. selepas itu, ma’mar ibn rasyid mengulas insiden di uhud, perang ahzab, dan perang khaibar. penulis lalu mendiskusikan perang uhud, ahzab dan khaibar secara kronologis. selain itu, dia juga mengulas tentang fath almakkah, pertempuran hunain, peristiwa hijrah ke abysinia, perang tabuk, dan orang-orang aus dan khazraj yang berlomba-lomba dalam membantu nabi muhammad saw. penulis juga membahas mengenai ashabul kahfi, kisah pembangunan masjid jerusalem oleh nabi sulaiman a.s, dan proses wafatnya nabi muhammad saw. tidak hanya itu, ma’mar ibn rasyid juga mendiskusikan suksesi dan peristiwa-peristiwa penting pada masa khulafa’ ar-rasyidin. dari kisah pengangkatan abu bakar, suksesi dari abu bakar kepada umar ibn khattab, pembunuhan umar, perseteruan ali dengan mu’awiyah, sampai penaklukkan qadisiyah yang menandakan kehancuran kekaisaran persia. dari uraian singkat mengenai bab per bab pembahasan dalam almaghazi, diketahui bahwa ma’mar ibn rasyid tidak menyusun kitab almaghazi secara kronologis. akibatnya akan ditemukan kisah yang meloncat-loncat dan tidak seperti satu kesatuan. selain itu, kitab ini juga 130 afkaruna tidak memfokuskan pembahasan pada satu tema. meski judul dari kitab ini adalah al-maghazi, namun pembaca masih akan menemukan banyak kisah yang tidak berhubungan dengan peperangan. batasan temporal al-maghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid juga tidak hanya mencakup masa nabi muhammad saw, melainkan juga meliputi masa khulafah ar-rasyidin, dan juga kisah sebelum kedatangan nabi muhamamd saw. hal ini dapat dilihat pada kisah mengenai nasrani najran, pembangunan masjid di jerusalem oleh nabi sulaiman, dan kisah ashabul kahfi. untuk para pembaca yang tidak familiar dengan kitab ataupun buku dari era klasik, al-maghazi terasa cukup sulit untuk dipahami. kita b ini pa da dasa rnya leb ih menek ankan p ada kekuatan periwayatannya. oleh sebab itu, para pembaca akan melihat sanad yang jelas pada tiap kisah yang disampaikan. metode sanad dalam penulisan kitab ini, menjadikannya sebagai kitab hadits tematis yang pembahasannya terutama mengenai peperangan di masa nabi saw dan para sahabat. tiga figur penting dalam tersusunnya kitab al-maghazi adalah ibnu syihab az zuhri dari madinah yang merupakan guru dari ma’mar ibn rasyid sendiri. figur kedua adalah ma’mar ibn rasyid sendiri sebagai penulis almaghazi, dan yang ketiga adalah muridnya abdul razaq ibn hammam as-san’ani. peran abdul razaq ibn hammam as-san’ani dalam kitab ini adalah menuliskan apa yang ma’mar ibn rasyid ajarkan, yang sumbersumbernya berasal dari gurunya az-zuhri. sehingga tidak berlebihan jika abdul razaq as-san’ani disebut sebagai tokoh yang menyusun dan menyunting al-maghazi ini menjadi berbentuk sebuah kitab atas otoritas dari gurunya. berbeda dengan sirah nabawiyah ibn ishaq yang memasukkan syairsyair arab klasik dalam pembahasannya mengenai sejarah nabi muhammad saw. ma’mar ibn rasyid sepenuhnya bersandar pada periwayatan dari gurunya az-zuhri. sehingga, substansi dari kitab almaghazi secara umum berasal dari al-maghazi karya az-zuhri. metode sanad ini juga yang menjadi salah satu alasan mengapa imam malik dan imam ahmad ibn hanbal memuji ma’mar dan mempercayai periwayatan darinya. jika dibandingkan dengan sirah nabawiyah ibnu ishaq, al-maghazi karya ma’mar ibn rasyid memang lebih ramping dan ringkas. sirah nabawiyah ibnu ishaq yang jumlah halamannya berkisar 1380 halaman memang jauh lebih terstruktur, lebih detil, dan kronologis. sementara almaghazi yang pembahasannya hanya sekitar 166 halaman menyajikan 131vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 sejarah nabi muhammad saw secara substansial saja. namun, kualitas sumber periwayatannya menjadi kekuatan yang menutupi kekurangan dalam pembahasan sejarahnya yang ringkas dan sederhana. sebagaimana diketahui bersama, sumber tertulis mengenai sejarah nabi muhammad saw tidak ada yang ditulis semasa nabi muhammad saw masih hidup. tulisan paling awal mengenai sejarah nabi muhammad saw diperkirakan baru dibuat pada masa tabi’in yang salah satunya adalah aban ibn utsman ibn affan yang hidup pada sekitar abad pertama hijriah. namun, kitab sejarah nabi muhamamd saw dari abad pertama hijriah, tidak sampai kepada generasi abad 16 hijriah dalam keadaan utuh. dengan kata lain, generasi sekarang tidak dapat lagi mengakses kitab sejarah nabi muhammad saw dari abad pertama hijriah. adapun yang masih dapat di baca dan diteliti sampai masa sekarang antara lain adalah sirah nabawiyah ibnu ishaq yang berasal dari abad kedua hijriah. kemudian dari abad ketiga hijriah terdapat al-maghazi karya al-waqidi serta tabaqat al-kubra karya ibnu sa’ad. ketika al-maghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid berhasil disunting dan diproduksi kembali menjadi buku, maka karya ini merupakan sebuah sumber sejarah yang sangat penting dalam kajian sejarah nabi muhammad saw dan para sahabat. fakta bahwa ma’mar ibn rasyid hidup pada abad kedua hijrah, menjadikan karya ini sebagai sumber sejarah yang sezaman dengan sirah nabawiyah ibnu ishaq. hal ini juga berarti bahwa al-maghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid merupakan satu dari dua kitab sejarah yang paling mendekati masa hidup nabi muhammad saw. sehingga tidak berlebihan jika sub judul dalam edisi alih bahasa inggris-nya ditulis sebagai an early biography of muhammad. kenyataan bahwa ma’mar ibn rasyid adalah seorang murid dari ibnu syihab az-zuhri, sebagaimana ibnu ishaq juga merupakan murid dari azzuhri, menjadikan al-maghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid sebagai sebuah sumber yang saling melengkapi dengan sirah nabawiyah ibnu ishaq. al-maghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid juga dapat menjadi alat pembanding dan kritik pada kisah-kisah sejarah yang diriwayatkan dalam sirah nabawiyah ibnu ishaq. dengan demikian, penelitian-penelitian sejarah nabi muhammad saw dapat menjadi lebih kaya data, kritis dan analitis dengan hadirnya almaghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid secara utuh. dengan semua kelebihan dan kekurangan dari al-maghazi ma’mar ibn rasyid, karya ini pantas untuk dijadikan sebagai salah satu sumber 132 afkaruna rujukan utama dalam penelitian-penelitian sejarah nabi muhammad saw. metode penyajian sejarahnya yang bersanad, ringkas dan substansial adalah sebuah bahan mentah yang sangat berguna dalam penelitianpenelitian sejarah nabi muhammad saw di era modern yang telah bersifat kritis, analitis dan tematis. mengingat bahwa karya ini cukup penting dalam pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan keislaman, menjadi penting untuk di alih bahasakan ke dalam bahasa indonesia untuk membantu para pelajar muslim di kawasan asia tenggara yang kesulitan dalam bahasa arab dan bahasa inggris agar dapat ikut membaca dan mengkajinya. # layout jan jun 2011 ini berargumen bahwa diskursus idiologis tentang islam dan negara yang memancing munculnya konflik di kalangan politisi tidak disebabkan oleh tingkat kesalehan keagamaan yang berbeda di kalangan umat islam, tetapi, lebih disebabkan oleh ketidakmampuan elit politik nasional dalam mendamaikan berbedaan-perbedaan pandangan tersebut di atas, seakan-akan islam dan nasionalisme merupakan dua entitas yang saling menegasikan. tulisan ini mengelaborasi lebih dalam tentang gagasan-gagasan yang diusung oleh masing-masing kelompok yang “bertikai” untuk menegaskan keberpihakan politis-ideologis mereka. kemudian digali pula tentang kontribusi kelompok islam dalam menyusun konsep kenegaraan dan kebangsaan di kemudian hari (pasca kemerdekaan). kata kunci: islam, negara, nasionalis-sekuler, ideologi. pendahuluan hubungan politik antara islam dan negara di indonesia pada sebagian besar babakan sejarahnya merupakan cerita antagonisme dan kecurigaan antara satu dengan yang lainnya. hubungan yang tidak harmonis ini terutama, tetapi tidak seluruhnya, disebabkan oleh perbedaan pandangan para pendiri republik ini yang sebagian besarnya muslim – mengenai negara indonesia merdeka yang dicita-citakan. salah satu butir terpenting dalam perbedaan pendapat di atas adalah apakah negara ini bercorak “islam” atau “nasionalis”. konstruk kenegaraan pertama mengharuskan agar islam, karena sifatnya ynag holistik dan kenyataan bahwa agama itu wacana islam dan negara era pra-kemerdekaan: pergulatan ideologis kelompok islam dan nasionalis sekuler anjar nugroho fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah purwokerto. email: njr_nugroho75@gmail.com abstract this article examines the debates between the islamic group and secular nationalist group during pre independence era on the the relationship between islam and the state. the major factors stimulating the conflicts in conceiving the relationship between islam and the state among indonesian politicians was not about the disparity of the level of religiosity. instead, it signifies the faiule of the political elites in reconciling different political views among indoensians, as if islam and nationalism are different and conflicting concepts. this article, therefore, discusses the ideas proposed by these two competing groups, islamist and nationalist, and their ideological inclination. in particular, this article sees to what extent the islamic group contributed to the state formation after independence era. keywords: islam, the state, secularnationalist, ideology. abstrak tulisan ini mengkaji tentang pertarungan ideologis semasa pra kemerdekaan antara kelompok nasionalis sekuler dan islam tentanng wacana islam dan negara. tulisan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 130 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dianut oleh sebagian besar penduduk, diakui dan diterima sebagai dasar idiologi negara. tetapi atas pertimbangan bahwa indonesia adalah negara yang secara sosial-keagamaan bersifat majemuk, maka – demi persatuan nasional – konstruk kenegaraan kedua menghendaki agar indonesia didasarkan atas pancasila, sebuah idiologi yang sudah didekonfessionalisasi1). kenyataan bahwa diskursus idiologis seperti itu memancing munculnya konflik, hal itu sebagian besar tidak disebabkan oleh tingkat kesalehan keagamaan yang berbeda di kalangan umat islam – sebuah pandangan yang melandasi konsep-konsep seperti pemisahan santri-abangan dan islam-sekuler (atau netral-agama) yang terkenal itu. tetapi, hal itu terutama disebabkan oleh ketidakmampuan elit politik nasional dalam mendamaikan berbedaan-perbedaan pandangan tersebut di atas, seakan-akan islam dan nasionalisme merupakan dua entitas yang saling menegasikan. jika konflik antara kelompok islam (santri) dan nasionalis (abangan) dipotret pada era pra kemerdekaan, ranah konfliknya adalah dalam konteks perbedaan ideologi dasar perjuangan. kelompok islam menghendaki agar islamlah yang dijadikan dasar idiologi perjuangan menghadapi kolonial, sedangkan nasionalis sekuler menghendaki dasar nasionalisme yang lepas dari islam. mereka menyebut kelompoknya sebagai golongan “kebangsaan” nasionalis sekuler, menuntut agar nasionalisme yang lepas dari paham agama manapun, yang harus dijadikan dasar ideologi perjuangan. mereka, sebagaimana kalangan pragmatis pada umumnya menganggap agama pada dasarnya merupakan ‘urusan pribadi dan individual”2), karena itu agama sulit memberikan dasar yang kokoh untuk suatu ideologi nasionalis yang mampu mengakomodasi dan mengintegrasikan seluruh kelompok suku, agama, dan ras yang beraneka ragam di indonesia. di kalangan nasionalis sekuler terdapat keyakinan bahwa pengalaman historis dan kehendak hidup bersamalah yang dapat dijadikan dasar ideologi perjuangan bangsa. mereka diilhami oleh perdapat ernest renan tentang pengertian “bangsa” (nation). dalam salah satu tulisannya, renan mengemukakan teori tentang pembentuk ideologi bangsa. bangsa, menurut renan, ialah suatu asas rohani, yang tumbul dari keadaan-keadaan historis yang tersusun secara mendalam3). teori ideologi bangsa yang dikemukakan renan, dalam dataran tertentu mempunyai relevansi dengan gejala timbulnya paham kebangsaan di indonesia. telah banyak pengorbanan bangsa indonesia akibat penjajahan pihak asing. penindasan kolonial asing ini, menurut goerge kahin, merupakan salah satu faktor penyebab timbulnya gagasan nasionalisme indonesia4). terdapat perbedaan prinsip ideologis antara kedua golongan di atas telah menciptakan ketegangan di antara mereka. ketegangan yang paling jelas terlihat pada retaknya hubungan tokoh-tokoh sarekat islam dengan tokoh-tokoh nasionalis sekuler. mengapa pergulatan ideologis antara kedua kelompok tersebut layak untuk dikaji? setidaknya ada dua alasan untuk menjawab pertanyaan itu. pertama, secara substansial perdebatan ideologis antara dua kelompok itu merefleksikan pertarungan ideologis yang tak kunjung usai dari sekitar tahun 1920 sampai 1945. gagasan-gagasan yang dipolemikkan itu mendasar dan aktual, seperti masalah apakah agama harus doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 131vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 disatukan atau dipisahkan dari politik, masalah prinsip kenegaraan yang bagaimana yang harus dijadikan dasar negara dan sekulerisasi politik dalam masyarakat berpenduduk mayoritas muslim. polemik yang menyangkut berbagai ide dan tujuan ini mewarnai corak perkembangan politik, yang berkirar pada masalah peranan islam, hubungan antara agama dan negara, corak nasionalisme, serta ideologi yang diperlukan dalam menata suatu negara kebangsaan (nation state).5) kedua, jika kedua kelompok itu dipersonifikasi, maka akan muncul dua tokoh pergerakan nasional yang mewakili masingmasing kelompok, dan secara terangterangan kedua tokoh itu saling berseteru. mereka adalah natsir, mewaliki kelompok islam dan soekarno mewakili kelompok nasionalis sekuler. keduanya adalah tokoh politik paling legendaris dalam sejarah indonesia kontemporer. ada pertanyaan menarik yang ingin dijawab dalam kajian ini, mengapa polemik itu terjadi justru diantara dua kelompok dan dua tokoh pergerakan nasional, yang bila dikategorikan menurut terminologi barat termasuk “manusia modern”. mengapa justru natsir yang mengoreksi dan mengkritisi gagasan-gagasan “modernisme islam” soekarno, yang kedua tokoh itu dikenal sebagai sama-sama modernis muslim, yang berpendidikan maju (barat). tetapi yang jelas, polemik yang mereka bangun sangat berpengaruh terhadap corak dan konfigurasi politik indonesia menjelang kemerdekaan sampai pasca kemerdekaan. setelah melihat selintas fenomena politik aktual indonesia pra-kemerdekaan, yang melibatkan kelompok islam dan nasionalissekuler sebagai “petarung” dalam perang ideologi mengenai konsep kebangsaan dan kenegaraan (nation-state), dapat dikerucutkan kajian ini pada tataran ; pertama, gagasangagasan apa yang diusung oleh masing-masing kelompok yang “bertikai” untuk menegaskan keberpihakan politis-ideologis mereka; kedua, apakah gagasan kedua belah pihak tidak menemukan titik kompromi (kalimah sawa’) dalam rangka membangun sintesa sistem politik indonesia yang dicita-citakan bersama, dalam kata lain apakah tidak ada kontribusi islam dalam menyusun konsep kenegaraan dan kebangsaan di kemudian hari (pasca kemerdekaan). islam dan nasionalisme: sebuah perdebatan awal selama dekade awal abad 20, gagasan nasionalisme merupakan fokus perdebatan politik yang paling seru di dunia islam.13) sejumlah intelektual muslim tidak setuju dengan gagasan tersebut dengan alasan prinsip kedaulatan rakyat bertentangan dengan prinsip hukum tuhan dan prinsip ummah (universe islamic community). penyair dan filosof asal pakistan, muhammad iqbal, misalnya, menegaskan bahwa islam menghendaki satu kesatuan umat islam yang tidak terbatas, dan menyebut kolonialisme barat sebagai biang keladi hancurnya persatuan dunia islam. walau demikian, sebagaimana rekan-rekan sejamannya, iqbal pada akhirnya sadar bahwa upaya membangun kembali satu bentuk komunitas politik umat islam yang bersifat universal sudah tidak mungkin lagi, dan karena itu masing-masing wilayah umat islam harus berjuang meraih dan mempertahankan kemerdekaannya.14) hingga saat ini, sejumlah kecil umat islam nonkonformis masih tetap menentang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 132 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna prinsip negara yang menurut mereka lebih menundukkan kehendak manusia di atas kedaulatan tuhan. kendati demikian, seperti dikemukakan james piscatori, kecenderungan umum pada abad 20 ini bagi umat islam adalah menerima legitimasi negara-bangsa (state-nation) dan mengarahkan politik mereka dalam konteks negara-kebangsaan tersebut.15) untuk kasus indonesia, penerimaan (reception) ide-ide nasionalisme pada era perjuangan melawan kolonialisme, sangat menarik untuk dikaji. gerakan-gerakan masyarakat pribumi yang sebagian besar disponsori kalangan islam bersendikan semangat nasionalisme untuk menentang kolonialisme belanda. sehingga para pengkaji perkembangan nasionalisme di indonesia mencatat, islam memainkan peranan yang sangat menentukan dalam upaya ini. islam berfungsi sebagai mata rantai yang menyatukan rasa persatuan nasional menentang kolonial. “agama muhammad”, tulis goerge kahin dalam karya klasiknya, nationalism and revolution in indonesia, “bukan saja merupakan mata rantai yang mengikat tali persatuan, melainkan ia merupakan simbol kesamaan nasib (ingroup) menentang penjajahan asing dan penindas yang berasal dari agama lain”.16) atau sebagaimana dikemukakan fred r. von der mahden dalam disertasi doktornya “islam and the rise of nationalism in indonesia”: “islam merupakan sarana yang paling jelas baik untuk membangun rasa persatuan nasional maupun untuk membedakan masyarakat indonesia dari kaum penjajah belanda …. oleh karena itu, karena terdiri dari berbagai tradisi historis, linguistik, kultural dan bentuk geografis yang berbeda, maka satu-satunya ikatan universal yang tersedia, di luar kekuasaan kolonial, adalah islam”.17) islam dan nasionalisme dalam tataran itu menjadi satu keping mata uang yang berguna untuk membangun semangat perjuangan anti kolonialisme oleh negara asing. akan tetapi tidak serta merta semua golongan islam, paling tidak saat itu, menerima idiologi nasionalisme yang genuin part-nya dari barat, yang membawa gerbong besar tentang gagasan kebangsaan dan kewarganegaraan modern. dalam konteks dunia islam, lebih dari seabad umat islam bergumul dengan persoalan bagaimana mempertemukan politik islam dengan gagasan kebangsaan dan kewarganegaraan. ini kian terbukti pada akhir abad 20 dalam pertarungan antara nasionalisme sekuler dan nasionalisme islam.18) di indonesia, arena perdebatan selama abad 20 adalah menyangkut persoalan dalam konteks gagasan dan praktik berbangsa. organisasi massa modern pertama, sarekat islam (s1), didirikan oleh h. samanhoedi di solo tanggal 11 november 1912, ditujukan untuk mengangkat hak-hak politik kaum pribumi, yang dengan cepat memperoleh jumlah pengikut yang besar di nusantara, khususnya di jawa.19) kandati demikian, si tenggelam dalam persoalan bagaimana peranan islam dalam konteks negara kebangsaan. bahwa si merupakan organisasi politik nasional yang pertama, hal itu tidak hanya disebabkan oleh agendanya yang bersifat nasional, yakni menyerukan kemerdekaan indonesia. untuk sebagian besar, hal itu juga disebabkan oleh kemampuannya dalam menghimpun dukungan massa yang mengatasi pengelompokan-pengelompokan sosial dalam masyarakat.20) seperti dikatakan benda, bahwa dengan menampilkan diri secara penuh kepada rakyat indonesia, si doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 133vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 memperoleh dukungan dari berbagai kelas, di kota-kota dan di desa-desa. para pedagang muslim, para buruh di kota-kota, kyai dan ulama, bahkan juga kalangan priyayi, tetapi di atas segalanya seluruh petani, bergabung dalam gerakan politik berbasis massa yang pertama – dan terakhir – pada masa kolonialisme di indonesia.21) namun sangat disayangkan bahwa posisi yang tengah menjulang ini tidak dapat dipertahankan. peran pentingkan sebagai katalisator pergerakan nasional indonesia mulai memudar di penghujung 1920-an. terlepas dari upaya para pemimpin dan aktivisnya untuk memegang kembali kemudi kepemimpinan nasional di kemudian hari, si gagal mempertahankan kepeloporannya yang menonjol dalam mencapai kemerdekaan. sebaliknya di tahun-tahun berikutnya, idealisme dan aktivisme politiknya dibayangbayangi kelompok-kelompok politik sosial lain yang tidak secara formal menyatakan islam sebagai dasar ideologinya.22) merosotnya peran si ini disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor. faktor utamanya adalah ketidakmampuan para pemimpin dan aktivisnya si mengatasi berbagai perbedaan paham di antara mereka, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan soal arah politik si, terutama lagi setelah marxisme dibawa masuk ke dalam organisasi itu.23) dari sinilah pertarungan idiologis antara pendukung politik islam konvensional vis a vis kelompok yang cenderung beraliran idiologi marxisme dan nasionalis sekuler di mulai.24) tiga serangkai, tjokroaminoto, agus salim, dan abdul moeis dengan tegas menyatakan bahwa islam adalah idiologi partai itu, dan mereka menggerakkan partai itu sejalan dengan geraka pan-islamisme di timur tengah. sebaliknya, semaun dan darsono lebih menghendaki “disingkirkannya” agama dari politik, seraya mengorientasikan diri mereka serta seluruh kegiatan partai kepada prinsip-prinsip marxis.25) tepatnya pada tahun 1921, pertentangan antara kedua faksi ini sampai pada tahap yang kritis dengan terpentalnya wakil-wakil sayap kiri dari si.26) pada masa lima tahun berikutnya, kalangan kiri (atau lebih dikenal dengan sebutan “si merah”) dan kubu islam (dikenal dengan sebutan “si putih”), bersaing menguasai cabang-cabang si lokal. beriring dengan kian mengerasnya represi negara yang bertambah kuat, persaingan tersebut membuat si jadi terpecah-pecah, dan membuat berantakan perjuangan kaum pribumi dalam merebut kemerdekaan.27) perpecahan di atas, menjadikan si kurang menarik bagi kalangan intelektual yang lebih muda dan terdidik secara barat. salah satu diantaranya adalah soekarno, anak-didik tjokroaminoto, yang meutuskan untuk membentuk organisasi politik sendiri – partai nasional indonesia (pni) – pada tahun 1927 dan mengembangkan faham ideologi-politik yang berbeda. seperti organisasi-organisasi nasionalis lain, tujuan pni adalah menyempurnakan kemerdekaan indonesia, baik ekonomi maupun politik, dengan pemerintahan yang dipilih oleh dan bertanggung jawab kepada seluruh rakyat indonesia.28) didorong oleh gagasan mengenai persatuan seluruh rakyat indonesia dalam mencapai kemerdekaan, partai ini mendasarkan kiprah nasionalisnya kepada paham ideologi kebangsaan (nasionalisme). meski seorang muslim, soekarno berkali-kali menegaskan bahwa partai tersebut tidak dapat mendasarkan diri kepada ideologi islam. baginya, inilah pilihan terbaik untuk kemerdekaan maupun masa depan rakyat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 134 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna indonesia baik yang muslim maupun non muslim.29) sejak tahun 1930-an dan selanjutnya, kelompok ini, bersama beberapa intelektualaktivis didikan barat lain yang baru kembali dari belanda (terutama sjahrir dan muhammad hatta), membentuk cikal bakal gerakan nasionalis di indonesia. dengan faham kebangsaan (nasionalisme) sebagai kekuatan utama, mereka mondominasi dan mengarahkan derap gerakan nasionalis indonesia menuju kemerdekaan. yang terjadi kemudian adalah, gerakan nasionalis ini, dalam kadar yang lebih besar dibandingkan ketika berhadapan dengan marxisme sebelumnya membangun panggung konfrontasi ideologis antara para pemimpin dan aktivis islam politik dan pesaing-pesaing mereka yang berpaham nasionalis, terutama dalam soal hubungan antara agama (islam) dan negara dalam sebuah negara indonesia yang merdeka. dalam konteks historis inilah dua kelompok yang saling bertentangan muncul dalam diskursus politik indonesia ; yaitu golongan islam dan golongan nasionalis.30) sebelum kajian ini memotret dan mengulas labih dalam perdebatan ideologis antara golongan islam (lebih banyak nantinya diwaliki oleh muhammad natsir) dan golongan nasionalis (diwakili oleh soekarno), akan dipaparkan lebih dulu peran politikkultural gerakan-gerakan islam non politik semisal muhammadiyah dan nahdhatul ulama. pemaparan ini lebih dimaksudkan untuk memperkaya dan memperluas spektrum historis perkembangan nasionalisme di indonesia. mengapa muhammadiyah dan nu ? jawaban singkatnya adalah karena kedua organisasi itu telah muncul berbarengan dengan hiruk pikuk perjuangan melawan kolonialisme asing, dan kedua organisasi itu terlibat – walau terbatas – dalam perdebatan ideologis paham kebangsaan yang nantinya muncul dekonfesionalisasi atas faham kebangsaan nasional, dan lagi-lagi kedua organisasi massa islam itu memainkan peran politiknya. muhammadiyah dan nu: bersatu dalam miai muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi sosialkeagamaan, didirikan pada tanggal 18 november 1912 di yogyakarta oleh kha. dahlan sebagai jalan terobosan membangkitkan kesadaran bangsa indonesia dari kebodohannya. kebangkitan ini mempunyai dampak yang luas, sehingga menggerakkan lahirnya organisasi sejenis dari kalangan umat islam ; persyarikatan ulama di majalengka (1915), persatuan islam di bandung (1923), nahdhatul ulama di surabaya (1926), dan al-washliyah di medan (1930).31) orientasi gerakan muhammadiyah adalah sosial-kemasyarakatan termasuk di dalamnya pendidikan, atau yang lebih dikenal dengan istilah perjuangan kultural (sebagai keping lain atas perjuangan struktural/politik formal). robert w. hefner32) mencatat prestasi yang sangat sukses dari apa yang telah dilakukan muhammadiyah dengan mengatakan bahwa muhammadiyah telah mensintesiskan antara modernisme islam dengan modernisme barat dalam gerakangerakan sosialnya, khususnya dalam bidang pendidikan. hefner labih lanjut mengatakan, bahwa muhammadiyah tidak sekalipun pernah menunjukkan penolakannya, seperti kalangan muslim tradisionalis, terhadap pendidikan, teknologi, dan ilmu pengetahuan yang berbau barat. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 135vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 muhammadiyah adalah organisasi modernis, dan secara kelembagaan muhammadiyah juga menentang kalangan tradisionalis yang menekankan kepemimpinan keagamaan yang karismatik. sebaliknya muhammadiyah mengembangkan model organisasi yang berdasarkan pada sistem birokrasi yang teratur rapi dan pemilihan yang terbuka. berbeda dengan muhammadiyah yang proses kelahirannya sampai usia dewasanya besar dan berkembang di rumah kultural, nahdhatul ulama terlahir sebagai organisasi politik pada zamannya.33) sebelum nu benarbenar lahir kelak pada tanggal 31 januari 1926 di surabaya, telah muncul organisasi, yang lebih berbau politik, yaitu nahdhatul wathan (1916). nahdhatul wathan inilah embrio dari gerakan islam yang bernama nahdhatul ulama yang corak gerakannya lebih kurang sama ; yakni, sebagai respon atas persoalan kebangsaan dan memberi jawaban politik atas nasib yang menimpa bangsanya, bukan sebagai jam’iyah yang minus politik. nahdhatul ulama pada sisi lain adalah antitesis atas gerakan modernisme muhammadiyah yang lebih dulu berdiri. pada dataran grass-root, massa muhammadiyah dan nu seringkali dalam banyak kasus “bertikai” dalam persoalan-persoalan teknis keagamaan (furu’iyyah). sangat bisa jadi kondisi “konfliktual” ini sengaja “diciptakan” oleh pihak kolonial untuk mengebiri kekuatan potensial gerakan islam melawan kolonialisme.34) perdebatan furu’ antara muhammadiyah dan nu cukup lama terjadi (yang sisa-sisanya masih ada sampai hari ini), dengan memakan waktu sekiran sebelas tahun, yakni antara tahun 1926-1937. baru pada tahun 1937 terjalinlah kerjasama muhammadiyah – nu dalam majelis islam a’la (luhur) indonesia atau disingkat miai. langkah ini pertanda kedewasaan pemimpin kedua organisasi islam dalam menghadapi kenyataan perjuangan bangsa. salah satu isu gerakan yang diangkat bersama dalam miai antara muhammadiyah-nu adalah respon terhadap intervensi pemerintah belanda terhadap hukum islam di bidang perkawinan dengan memberlakukan rancangan undangundang perkawinan (1937).35) keterlibatan muhammadiyah secara signifikan dalam miai, setidaknya menggeser orientasi gerakannya dari culture movement menjadi lebih agak politis. dan salah satu yang mendorong pimpinan muhammadiyah saat itu (kh. mas mansur) menggeser orientasi gerakan muhammadiyah adalah kenyataan eksternal di mana kekuatankekuatan partai politik melemah di tengah situasi dan suhu politik yang kian memanas dan membutuhkan masin politik baru untuk mensikapinya. tingginya konflik antar kekuatan politik saat itu telah menimbulkan tarikan sentrifugal, yakni kebutuhan untuk saling memperoleh dukungan dan berafiliasi. inilah yang mendorong muhammadiyah terpanggil untuk terjun ke dalam aktifitas politik yang lebih kongkret (praktis). peristiwa tersebut – mengutip mt arifin – mempunyai arti yang sangat penting dalam perkembangan muhammadiyah, karena kepemimpinan mas mansur telah berhasil meletakkan konvensi partisipasi politik muhammadiyah di pentas politik nasional dan kemudian menjadi tradisi yang berlaku untuk masa-masa berikutnya.36) dalam perkembangan lebih lanjut, beberapa organisasi islam turut bergabung dalam miai, misalnya partai islam indonesia (pii), al-irsyad, persis dan lain-lain. psii adalah organisasi islam selain muhammadiyah dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 136 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna nu yang turut mendirikan miai. tetapui tidak dapat disangkal, bahwa miai tidaklah lebih dari sekedar federasi yang sistem organisasinya begitu longgar, sukarela dan bukan suatu kesatuan aksi yang berdisiplin kuat. dalam kenyataannya, perbedaanperbedaan antara kelompok pendukung aliansi yang reformis-modernis (muhammadiyah) dan ortodoks-tradisional (nu)37) tetap berlanjut. tetapi bukan berarti keberadaan miai tidak penting dalam konteks sosial-politik saat itu. harry j. benda, mengingatkan untuk tidak meremehkan eksistensi miai. miai, begitu kata benda, didukung oleh dua organisasi agama bermassa besar dan riil yang berpotensi dapat berbicara banyak dalam kontelasi sosialpolitik saat itu, disaat partai sarekat islam menghadapi saat-saat krisisnya.38) miai juga hadir untuk memecahkan kebekuan dialogis antara kubu islam dan nasionalis. apalagi sejak soekarno dan tokohtokoh nasionalis non-kooperatif diasingkan ke luar jawa oleh pemerintah kolonial, peran organisasi pendukung miai semakin signifikan. terakhir yang dapat dipotret dari keterlibatan organisasi pendukung miai, adalah peran yang dimainkannya dalam era pasca perang dunia kedua. di saat itu, semangat untuk melepaskan diri dari penjajahan semakin berkobar, dan yang ada dalam pikiran elemen-elemen pendukung indonesia merdeka adalah bagaimana menyatukan visi dan langkah agar gerakan pro-kemerdekaan bisa berjalan dengan efektif. di sinilah bertemu momentumnya, kelompok nasionalis dan agamis (islam), kooperatif dan non-kooperatif dapat bersatu dalam bentuk nasionalisme baru yang khas indonesia. dan lagi-lagi benda mencatat,39) nasionalisme itu sangat diwarnai oleh sentuhan-sentuhan nilai-nilai religiusitas (dalam hal ini berasal dari islam) sehingga muhammad hatta menyebut nasionalisme religius. pertarungan ideologis kelompok islam dan kelompok sekuler pada awalnya, benturan antara kedua kelompok ini berlangsung di sekitar wasalah watak nasionalisme. dalam upaya menemukan ikatan bersama untuk mencapai kemerdekaan indonesia, soekarno secara luas mendefinisikan nasionalisme sebagai “cinta kepada tanah air, kesediaan yang tulus untuk membaktikan diri dan mengabdi kepada tanah air, serta kesediaan untuk mengesampingkan kepentingan golongan yang sempit”.40) di tempat lain, soekarno menulis, bahwa nasionalisme adalah keyakinan, kesadaran di kalangan rakyat, bahwa mereka bersatu dalam satu kelompok, satu bangsa.41) bagi seorang pemimpin dan aktivis islam politik seperto agus salim, pernyataan di atas sama saja artinya dengan mengangkat nasionalisme ke posisi yang setingkat dengan agama. jika diikuti, tambahnya, maka pandangan itu akan memperbudak manusia menjadi penyembah tanah air. jika demikian adanya, maka akibat-akibatnya akan sangat jauh. pandangan ini akan dapat, masih kata agus salim, mencairkan keyakinan tauhid seseorang dan mengurangi bakti seseorang kepada tuhan.42) karena alasan itu, agus salim dengan tegas menyatakan bahwa nasionalisme harus diletakkan dalam kerangka pengabdian manusia kepada allah. dan sejalan dengan itu, menurutnya, maka prinsip yang harus dinomorsatukan adalah islam.43) ahmad hasan, pemimpin organisasi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 137vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 reformis persatuan islam (persis), mengkritik nasionalisme sebagai sesuatu yang berwatak chauvinistik. menurutnya, posisi nasionalistik seperti itu sebanding dengan paham orangorang arab mengenai chauvinistik kesukuan (‘ashabiyah) sebelum datangnya islam. hal itu dilarang dalam islam, karena praktik itu akan menjadi dinding pemisah antara sesama umat islam di (yakni antara umat islam di indonesia dengan umat islam lain di belahan dunia). akhirnya dia juga memandang bahwa kelompok nasionalis sudah tentu tidak menjalankan hukum-hukum islam, karena kelompok itu perlu netral terhadap agama, yaitu tidak boleh mengambil salah satu agama untuk dijadikan asas pemerintahan kelak.44) seperti gurunya (ahmad hasan), muhammad natsir juga mengkhawatirkan bergulirnya faham nasionalisme soekarno menjadi suatu bentuk ‘ashabiyah baru. paham ini dalam pandangannya, dapat berujung kepada “fanatisme”, yang memutuskan tali ukhuwah yang mengikat seluruh umat muslimin dari pelbagai bangsa. bagi natsir, paham nasionalisme harus didasarkan kepada niat yang suci, ilahiyah dan melampui hal-hal yang bersifat material.45) natsir juga percaya bahwa naionalisme harus bercorak islami. untuk alasan itu, ia memperkenalkan gagasan kebangsaan islam. ia mendasarkan keyakinan ini kepada kenyataan historis bahwa islam-lah yang pada awalnya mendefinisikan nasionalisme indonesia. dalam kesempatan lain, natsir bahkan menegaskan, bahwa tanpa islam, nasionalisme indonesia itu tidak akan ada, karena islam yang pertama telah menanamkan benih-benih persatuan indonesia, dan telah menghapuskan sikap-sikap isolasionis pulau-pulau yang beragam.46) pandangan nasionalisme soekarno yang konfessional itu dilalarbelakangi oleh pengalaman perguruan tingginya di lingkungan kolonial yang plural. ia mirip seorang “fungsionaris kreol” (creole fungsionary), seperti telah diidentikkan oleh benedict anderson, dalam bukunya tentang nasionalisme yang banyak dibaca, sebagai prototype nasionalis (sekuler).47) berpengalaman sebagai pegawai pemerintah kolonial yang saat itu kian membutuhkan pegawai pribumi, soekarno tertarik dengan gagasan-gagasan pencerahan eropa dan gagasan-gagasan liberalisme-sosialis. seperti kalangan pribumi lainnya, pengalaman ini mengantarkannya untuk menganut satu konsep tentang bangsa yang melampui basis etnisitas, wilayah dan agama.48) soekarno berpandangan, bahwa “islam sejarah”, seperti disebutkannya, telah menyimpang dari orisinalitas agama islam, sehingga membuat nasib umat islam lebih buruk dibandingkan dengan barat. terpengaruh oleh kalangan reformis nasionalis sekuler di turki dan timur tengah, soekarno muda meyakini bahwa penyatuan agama dan negara dalam pemerintahan islam tradisional ikut andil terhadap kemandegan dunia islam.49) menurutnya, pemisahan islam dari negara akan membebaskan islam dari perilaku para penguasa yang korup dan bisa membangkitkan kekuasaan progresifnya. dalam mengetengahkan soal ini, soekarno muda berusaha keras untuk menunjukkan dirinya bukan sebagai seorang sekuler yang menentang ajaran-ajaran islam. sebaliknya dalam pandangannya, “ketidakterlembagakannya agama” (religious disestablishment) akan memberikan ruang bagi agama untuk merealisasikan dirinya secara doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 138 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna lebih efektif dalam masyarakat. soekarno mengelaborasi gagasannya lebih dalam dengan mengambil pemikiran seorang ulama al-azhar (kairo), syekh ali abd alraziq tentang pemisahan agama dan negara (sekulerisasi politik). al-raziq49) sendiri berangkat dari asumsi atau pengandaian bahwa kekuasaan harus dicari sebab-sebab alamiyah, raziq membangun klaim hubungan agama dan politik melalui perspektif sekuleristik. klaim tentang khilafat dan kekuasaan dalam islam itu ia mulai dengan mengajukan pertanyaan besar: (1) apakah kekhalifahan memang diperlukan ? (2) apakah memang ada sistem pemerintahan yang islami ? (3) dari manakah sumber legitimasi kekuasaan, dari atas (tuhan) atau dari bawah (rakyat) ? pertanyaan ini muncul di tengah seting sosial saat itu yang ditandai dengan lemahnya kekhalifahan dalam islam, tetuama di kawasan eropa timur, yang kemudian memicu ketegangan di kalangan aktifis politik islam. ketegangan atau konflik itu di turki berujung dengan pembubaran kekhalifahan ottoman (utsmaniyah) pada tahun 1923/1924 oleh pemerintah turki di bawah kepemimpinan kemal ataturk. pembubaran itu dilakukan dengan alasan lembaga spiritual saat itu, khususnya lembaga keulamaan, dinilai hanya mengabdi kepda kepentingan sultan/khalifah, menjustifikasi penguasa, dalam hal ini khalifah, tanpa memperhatikan berbagai kelemahan yang dimilikinya. di tengah melemahnya sistem khilafah antara lain karena disebabkan mengemukannya kepentingan pribadi penguasa seperti itulah, raziq lalu membangun argumentasinya tentang kekuasaan. menurutnya masyarakat memang memerlukan kekuasaan politik, namun tidak harus dalam bentuk tertentu. bahkan umat pun tidak harus dipersatukan secara politik. tesis utama raziq dapat dikemukakan sebagai berikut: (1) bahwa nabi tidak membangun negara danotoritasnya murni bersifat spiritual. (2) bahwa islam tidak menentukan sistem pemerintahan yang definitive. karena itu umat islam bebas memilih bentuk pemerintahan apapun yang mereka rasakah cocok (3) bahwa tipe-tipe pemerintah yang dibentuk setelah wafatnya nabi tidak memiliki dasar dalam doktrin islam. sistem itu sematamata diadopsi oleh orang-orang arab dan dinaikkan derajatnya dengan istilah khilafah untuk memberi legitimasi religius. (4) bahwa sistem ini telah menjadi sumber tipuana bagi sebagian besar persoalan dunia islam, karena ia digunakan untuk melegitimasi tirani dan menimbulkan dekadensi umat islam.50) menurut raziq, persyaratan yang dibangun untuk menjustifikasi penyatuan agama dan politik dalam islam didasarkan kepada tradisi pemikiran skripturalistik, idealistik dan formalistik dalam memahami teks doktrinal agama.51) dalam pemikiran skpritualistik pemahaman agama dilakukan secara tekstual. pemikir seperti sayyid qutb, misalnya mengartikan secara harfiah ayat alqur’an: “barangsiapa yang tidak memutuskan menurut apa yang diturunkan allah, maka mereka itu adalah orang-orang yang kafir”. (qs. 5:44,45,47) ayat ini difahami kaum skripturalis sebagai perintah menjalankan pemerintahan illahi dalam lembaga formal sehingga lalu memunculkan konsep negara teokratis, dengan simbol-simbol kekuasaan bersumber dari islam. dengan demikian dalam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 139vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 memahami kekuasaan, penganut perpsektif skripturalis cenderung berangkat dari asumsi descending of power, dalam hal ini legitimasi penguasa berasal dari tuhan, dan dengan demikian penguasa tidak lain adalah representasi dari kekuasaannya yang dari sini lalu muncul pemerintahan teokratis.52) dalam membangun tesis pemisah agama dan politik raziq, menghidarkan diri dari pemikiran skriptualistik, idealistik maupun formalistik. raziq menegaskan bahwa tidak ada rujukan yang dapat dipakai di dalam alqur’an maupun hadits untuk membuktikan adanya persyaratan menggerakan sistem kekhalifahan. peraturan tentang kekuasaan politik, politheisme, perbudakaan atau tentang apapun tidak lantas menjadi wajib hanya karena dibahas dalam al-qur’an. dalam al-qur’an yang sangat terkenal, “patuhlah kepada allah, rasul dan ulil amri, “ tidak dengan serta merta merujuk kepada penguasa politik baru manapun.53) dengan mengacu pada mufassir seperti baidhawi dan zamakhsyari, raziq menyatakan bahwa kata-kata ulil amri ditafsirkan sebagai “sahabat nabi,” atau “ulama’ oleh karena itu ia membantah bahwa nabi muhammad telah membentuk negara islam di madinah. nabi hanya rasulullah, bukan raja ataupun pemimpin politik. ia menyatakan: muhammad hanyalah seorang utusan (allah). ia betul-betul mengabdikan dirinya bagi dakwah agama tanpa kecenderungan yang menyangkut kedaulatan yang sementara sifatnya, karena ia tidak menyerukan bagi sesuatu yang berkaitan dengan pemerintahan…. nabi tidak memiliki kerajaan ataupun pemerintahan yang sifatnya temporal. ia tidak mendirikan kerajaan dalam pengeritan politik atau apa pun yang sinomim dengannya;…. ia hanyalah seorang nabi, seperti nabi-nabi yang lain yang mendahuluinya. ia bukanlah raja atau pun pembangun negara, ia juga tidak menyerukan bagi dibangunnya imperium temporal54) kembali kepada pemikiran soekarno, dengan adanya pemisahan agama dari negara, menurut ia, tidak dengan sendirinya ajaran islam dikesampingkan, sebab rakyat dapat memasukkan islam ke dalam kebijakan politik negara melalui dewan perwakilan rakyat (dpr). soekarno meyakini demokrasi sebagai alternatif bagi negara, bila timbul masalah pemisahan agama dan negara. menurutnya, dalam negara demokrasi ini, semua kelompok agama dituntut menguasai parlemen, sebab bila mereka menguasai lembaga itu, secara otomatis menguasai negara.55) sistem pemerintahan “negara agama” menurut soekarno merupakan sistem pemerintah caesaro papisme. dalam kasus turki, sistem pemerintahan ini dijalankan oleh ulama di bawah pimpinan syeikh alislam, yang pada akhirnya melahirkan dualisme pemerintahan yang menghambat dan melemahkan negara turki selama berabad-abad. lebih lengkap soekarno menulis: “… maka ternyatalah bahwa sistem dualisme di dalam pemerintahan itu adalah selalu menjadi rem dan penghambat tiap-tiap tindakan negara. caesaro-papisme hanyalah dapat membesarkan negeri, makanala kaisarpaus atau sultan khalifah itu satu tokoh yang kuat dan mutlak. caesaro-papisme hanyalah dapat menguatkan negara, kalau kaisar-paus atau sultan khalifah itu adalah sungguhsungguh seorang diktator, seorang cakrawati seperti peter de groot, seperti salim i atau doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 140 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna muhammad ii, seperti ibnu saud, seperti nebukadnezar, yang zonder banyak omong lagi ia sendirilah menetapkan tiap-tiap tindakan negara caesaro-papisme yang demikian ini sebenarnya tak ubahnyalah dalam pemerintahan tiap-tiap diktatur mussolini atau diktatur stalin, diktatur jengis khan atau diktatur hitler. caesaro papisme yang demikian itu menjadi satu hal kepribadian, satu hal persoon lijke figuur, satu hal kekuatannya dan kebersiannya seorang yang menjadi kaisar-paus atau sultan khalif …56) menurut soekarno, tindakan kemal menghapuskan kekhalifahan utsmani, karena sistem itu tidak sesuai dengan “islam sejati” yang menghendaki adanya “reliugiuse demokratie” (demokrasi berdasarkan agama). bahwa kini, imbuh soekarno, bukan jamannya lagi berfikir apologetik tentang adanya satu khalif islam, karena sekarang eranya kebangsaan, era nasionalisme ; yakni, masing-masing bangsa islam membentuk negara sendiri-sendiri, masing-masing bangsa islam ikut panggilan kebangsaannya sendirisendiri.57) “internasionalisme islam telah surut, digantikan oleh nasionalisme di negerinegeri kaum muslimin, maka bagaimanakah di jaman nasionalisme ini mungkin diadakan khalifah-khalifah yang syarat batinnya adalah internasionalisme”58) pada akhirnya soekarno menutup pemikiran politiknya dengan menekankan arti penting seluruh bangsa indonesia berfikir tentang masa depan bangsa dan negaranya, include di dalamnya persoalan bagaimana bentuk, visi dan misi negara indonesia. “siapa yang tidak insyaf”, kata soekarno, “akan pentingnya soal ini, siapa tidak ara rasa sejarah setetespun di dalam ia punya darah, dia tidak ada ‘historisch instinct’ sebesar kuman ia punya jiwa ..”.59) kemudian dengan bersemangan, soekarno, mengajak orangorang pandai dan bijak di seluruh negeri untuk berdebat tentang masalah ini. akhirnya, tanpa memberikan penilaian akhir terhadap tindakan kemal attaturk, soekarno menyatakan: “benar atau salahnya ia (kemal attaturk: pen.) punya perbuatan hebat bagi islam, itu sebenarnya bukan kitalah yang dapat menjadi hakim. yang dapat menjadi hakim baginya, hanyalah sejrah kelak di kemudian hari! sejarah inilah yang kelah memutuskan: kemal durhaka atau kemal maha bijaksana”.60) pagi-pagi sekali setelah soekarno, secara terbuka dan panjang lebar membeberkan pemikiran politiknya muhammad natsir61), memberikan reaksi balik untuk membendung gagasan-gagasan sekuleristik soekarno. bagi natsir, agama (islam) tidak dapat dipisahkan dari negara. ia menganggap bahwa urusan kenegaraan pada pokoknya merupakan bagian integral risalah islam. dinyatakan pula bahwa umat islam mempunyai falsafah hidup atau ideologi seperti kalangan kristen, fasis atau komunis. natsir lalu mengutip nash al-qur’an (51:56) yang dianggapnya sebagai dasar ideologi islam ; “tidaklah aku ciptakan jin dan manusia melainkan untuk mengabdi pada-ku”. menurut natsir, kesalahfahaman terhadap negara islam, negara yang menyatujkan agama dan politik, pada dasarnya bersumber dari kekeliruan memahami gambaran pemerintahan islam: “kalau kita terangkan, bahwa agama dan negara harus bersatu, maka terbayang sudah di mata seorang bahlul (bloody fool) duduk di doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 141vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 atas singgasana, dikelilingi oleh ‘haremnya’ menonton tari ‘dayang-dayang’. terbayang olehnya yang duduk mengepalai ‘kementrian kerajaan’ beberapa orang tua bangka memegang hoga. sebab beginilah gambaran ‘pemerintah islam’ yang digambarkan dalam kitab-kitab eropah yang mereka baca dan diterangkan oleh guru-guru bangsa barat selama ini. sebab umumnya (kecuali amat sedikit) bagi orang eropa: chalifah = harem, islam = poligami”62) natsir berkata, bila ingin memahami agama dan negara dalam islam secara jernih, maka hendaknya mampu menghapuskan gambaran keliru tentang negara islam di atas. secara implisit natsir menilai bahwa gambaran “negara islam” seperti inilah yang terdapat dalam pikiran soekarno dan kemal attaturk. turki, natsir menambah, di masa pemerintahan para sultan dan kekhalifahan usmaniah terakhir bukanlah negara atau pemerintahan islam, sebab para pemimpinnya menindas dan membiarkan rakyatnya bodoh dengan memakai islam dan segala bentuk ibadah-ibadahnya sebagai tameng belaka. jadi, islam pada era utsmaniyah di turki, tidak pernah bersatu dengan negara sebagaimana diduga soekarno mapun kemal attaturk. dengan logika demikian, mendukung soekarno terhadap gagasan pemisahan agama dari negara tidak tepat.63) menyinggung pemikiran ali abd al-raziq, yang pemikiran politik islamnya banyak dikutip soekarno, natsir membantah dan mempertanyakan pandangan ali abd alraziq. ia (natsir) meragukan pendapat ulama al-azhar itu, bahwa nabi hanyalah mendakwahkan agama dan tidak menyuruh mendirikan negara.64) natsir memiliki pandangan sendiri, bahwa islam dan negara adalah dua entitas religio politik yang menyatu. “negara bagi kita, bukan tujuan, tetapi alat. urusan kenegaraan pada pokoknya dan pada dasarnya adalah satu bagian yang tak dapat dipisahkan, satu intergreerent deel dari islam”. baginya, sejauh masalah politik, inilah perbedaan utama antara umat islam dan umat nonislam.65) prinsip musyawarah dalam islam, menurut natsir, tampaknya tidak selalu identik dengan asas demokrasi. hal ini terlihat saat natsir menganggapi pernyataan soekarno yang menghendaki agar demokrasi dijadikan alternatif jika timbul persoalan tentang berpisahnya agama dan negara. natsir mengemukakan bahwa “islam anti istibdad (despotisme), anti absolutisme, dan kesewenang-wenangan”. akan tetapi ini tidak berarti, bahwa bahwa dalam pemerintahan islam itu semua urusan diserahkan kepada keputusan musyawarah majlis syura. dalam parlemen negara islam, yang hanya boleh dimusyawarahkan adalah tata cara pelaksanaan hukum islam, tetapi bukan dasar pemerintahannya.66) natsir mengakui, demokrasi itu baik, tetapi sistem kenegaraan islam tidaklah mengandalkan semua urusannya kepada instrumen demokrasi, sebab demokrasi tidak kosong dari berbagai bahaya yang terkandung di dalamnya. ia menyatakan, bahwa perjalanan demokrasi dari abad ke abad telah memperlihatkan beberapa sifatnya yang baik. akan tetapi demokrasi juga melakat pada dirinya pelbagai sifat-sifat berbahaya. dengan tegas pula natsir mengemukakan, “islam adalah suatu pengertian, suatu paham, suatu begrip sendiri, yang mempunyai sifat-sifat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 142 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sendiri pula. islam tak usah ‘demokrasi 100%, bukan pula otokrasi 100%’, islam itu yah … islam”.67) dengan pandangan kebangsaan dan kenegaraan yang seperti itu, natsir lebih lanjut berpendapat bahwa kemerdekaan bukanlah tujuan akhir gerakan-gerakan islam. sebaliknya kemerdekaan harus dipandang tidak lebih dari tujuan antara untuk mencapai ridha allah. hal ini harus dilakukan dengan cara menjadikan islam sebagai hukum di tanah air ini. dan sejalan dengan itu, ia menyatakan, bahwa “orang islam tidak akan berhenti hingga itu (kemerdekaan), melainkan akan melanjutkan perjuangannya, selama (negara) belum didasarkan dan diatur menurut susunan hukum kenegaraan islam”.68) polemik soekarno dan natsir masih bersifat eksploratif. sejak semula keduanya tidak bermaksud untuk merumuskan konsepkonsep yang siap pakai mengenai hubungan antara agama dan negara. namun keduanya juga tidak bermaksud untuk menemukan titik temu (kalimah sawa’) di antara mereka. keduanya hanya ingin menunjukkan posisiposisi ideologis-politis masing-masing. akibatnya, perdebatan-perdebatan itu hanya menggarisbawahi berbagai perbedaan yang tampaknya tak terjembatani antara kedua kelompok politik yang berseberangan. mewakili kelompok nasionalis sekuler, soekarno kurang berhasil memberi substansi keagamaan terhadap pandangannya mengenai hubungan islam dan negara yang mengalami “dekonfessionalisasi”. karena itu, meskipun mengimplikasikan paham kaitan non-formal atau etis antara islam dan negara, dalam pandangan banyak aktivis islam politik, konsepnya sangat dibayang-bayangi oleh semangat “sekulerisme” kemal attaturk, yang disebut dengan nada pejoratif sebagai pemisahan islam dari negara.69) di pihak lain, tanggapan-tanggapan natsir tampaknya tidak cukup matang. jawabanjawabannya terhadap tantangan-tantangan soekarno kurang berhasil mengartikulasikan secara bermakna watak dan bentuk politik antara islam dan negara. malah, ia berhenti pada pernyataan-pernyataan normatif dan umum mengenai islam yang mungkin mempengaruhi model kaitan antara kedua aras religio-politik ini. atau, sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh deliar noer, “karena posisinya yang bersifat defensif, karya-karya natsir sebagian besarnya bercorak apologetik”.70) dengan kedatangan pasukan militer jepang di kepulauan nusantara pada 1942, polemik soekarno dan natsir untuk sementara terhenti. tetapi perseteruan politik antara kedua kelompok di atas tetap berlangsung. era pendudukan jepang: bersatu untuk kemerdekaan era pendudukan jepang hanya berlangsung tiga tahun, dari maret 1942 sampai agustus 1945. terlepas dari masanya yang singkat, sebagaimana dicatat benda71), masa pendudukan jepang ini adalah sebuah episode traumatis yang amat mempengaruhi banyak aspek kehidupan masyarakat indonesia. bagi kelompok-kelompok islam, masa singkat itu memberi kesempatan yang jauh lebih besar untuk memperkuat basis sosialpolitik mereka. bahkan, seperti dikatakan daniel s. lev, dalam masa pendudukan jepang itu, para pemimpin islam memperoleh kesempatan untuk merebut kembali apa yang telah hilang dari mereka pada 1920-an dan 1930-an, mungkin lebih, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 143vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 dan mendesak pemerintah militer jepang untuk memulihkan hak-hak umat islam.72) tapi penting untuk dicatat, bahwa hal itu berlangsung tidak tanpa halangan dari kelompok-kelompok nasionalis, yang terbukti berhasil mementahkan desakan-desakan di atas, hampir di setiap kesempatan.73) meski demikian, kelompok-kelompok islam berhasil meraih beberapa keuntungan. tidak seperti pemerintah kolonial belanda, pemerintah kolonial jepang mengaliansikan diri mereka dengan para pemimpin islam dengan tujuan memenangkan perang. selain itu mereka tampak lebih bersedia untuk memberi konsesi-konsesi terhadap tuntutan kelompok-kelompok islam, bukan kelompokkelompok nasionalis, apalagi kelompok aristokrat, priyayi.74) konsesi-konsesi di atas mencakup; (1) pembentukan kantor urusan agama (shumubu); (2) pembentukan majlis syura muslimin indonesia (masyumi); (3) pembentukan hizbullah, organisasi militer untuk para pemuda islam.75) secara keseluruhan, tampaknya cukup tepat jika disimpulkan bahwa masa pendudukan jepang telah memperkuat posisi kelompok-kelompok islam. pada tingkat yang lebih kongkret, masa itu telah memberikan banyak pengalaman organisasi kepada para pemimpin islam dalam mengatur masalahmasalah keagamaan. ketika membandingkan situasi islam pada dua periode kolonialisme yang berbeda (belanda dan jepang), abikusno tjokrosujono menyatakan bahwa: “kebijakan pemerintah belanda telah memperlemah posisi islam. islam tidak memiliki para pegawai di bidang agama yang terlatih di masjid-masjid atau pengadilanpengadilan islam. belanda menjalankan kebijakan yang memperlemah posisi islam. ketika pasukan jepang datang, mereka menyadari bahwa islam adalah suatu kekuatan di indonesia yang dapat dimanfaatkan”.76) tetapi pada akhirnya, sejalan dengan semakin mengendurnya upaya-upaya strategis jepang untuk memenangkan perang (dan karenanya membuka lebih lebar pintu menuju kemerdekaan), pemerintah kolonial jepang mengubah arah kebijakan mereka. pemerintah jepang, makin banyak memberikan dukungan kepada para pemimpin kubu nasionalis. dalam hal ini, cukup aman jika dikatakan, bahwa pemerintah kolonial jepang lebih mempercayai kelompok nasionalis untuk memimpin negara indonesia masa depan. dansejalan dengan itu, beberapa badan dan komite negara yang penting, yang dibentuk untuk mempersiapkan kemerdekaan indonesia, diserahkan kepada para pemimpin kelompok nasionalis. itu termasuk dewan penasehat (sanyo kaigi)77) dan badan penyelidik usaha-usaha persiapan kemerdekaan indonesia – dokuritsu zyunbi tyoosakai (bpupki).78) dalam berbagai pertemuan di kedua badan tersebut, perseteruan antara kedua kubu (islam dan nasionalis) kembali berlangsung. sejauh mengenai corak hubungan antara islam dan negara, tampak jelas bahwa mereka mengikuti model penalaran yang sama sebagaimana yang telah diartikulasikan satu dekade sebelumnya. kelompok islam yang saat itu dipelopori oleh ki bagus hadikusumo, abdul kahar muzakkir, abikusno tjokrosujoso, dan a. wahid hasyim, pada intinya berpandangan bahwa, karena posisi islam di indonesi begitu mengakar, maka negara harus didasarkan kepada islam. di pihak lain berdiri kubu doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 144 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna nasionalis, yang dipelopori oleh soekarno, hatta, dan supomo, yang membela pandangan bahwa, untuk mempertahankan kesatuan bangsa, maka watak negara harus di-dekonfessionalisasi (meskipun sama sekali tidak berarti tidak religius) tetapi, berbeda dari perdebatanperdebatan sebelumnya yang khususnya menyoroti tema-tema umum mengenai hubungan idiologis dan politis antara islam dan negara, dalam berbagai pertemuan dewan penasehat dan bpupki, pembahasan yang berlangsung meliputi juga maslahmaslah mendetail yang dipandang relevan dengan pembentukan baik negara islam maupun negara-negara yang sudah di”dekonfessionalisasi”. hal ini mencakup perdebatan-perdebatan mengenai dasar ideologi dan konstitusi negara; apakah presiden harus seorang muslim atau tidak; apakah islam harus menjadi agama negara atau tidak; apakah negara harus memiliki aparat-aparat dan badan-badan yang relevan untuk menerapkan hukum-hukum islam; dan mengenai kemungkinan hari jum’at dijadikan sebagai hari libur nasional. tidak ada yang terlalu istimewa dalam semua perkembangan ini, kecuali bahwa para elite politik yang terlibat – baik dari kelompok islam maupun kelompok nasionalis – pada tahap ini mulai merasakan betapa kemerdekaan indonesia merupakan sesuatu yang sangat mungkin dicapai.79) di sinilah berbagai pandangan yang berbeda di antara dua kubu yang selama ini “bertikai”, menemukan titik singgung yang sangat romantis. kesimpulan polemik berkepanjangan antara kelompok islam dan nasionalis disamping bersifat eksploratif pada awalnya, tetapi pada akhirnya mengarah juga kepada perjuangan real konsesi-konsesi politik yang masih berbasis pada tema-tema perdebatan awal, yakni hubungan agama (islam) dan negara dengan berbagai derivasinya. pada perdebatan jilid i (era kolonial belanda sampai kedatangan jepang di nusantara), keduanya hanya ingin menunjukkan posisiposisi ideologis-politis masing-masing. akibatnya, perdebatan-perdebatan itu hanya menggarisbawahi berbagai perbedaan yang tampaknya tak terjembatani antara kedua kelompok politik yang berseberangan. pada saat itu, mewakili kelompok nasionalis sekuler, soekarno kurang berhasil memberi substansi keagamaan terhadap pandangannya mengenai hubungan islam dan negara yang mengalami “dekonfessionalisasi”. karena itu, meskipun mengimplikasikan paham kaitan non-formal atau etis antara islam dan negara, dalam pandangan banyak aktivis islam politik, konsepnya sangat dibayang-bayangi oleh semangat “sekulerisme” kemal attaturk, yang disebut dengan nada pejoratif sebagai pemisahan islam dari negara. di pihak lain, tanggapan-tanggapan natsir (mewakili kelompok islam) tampaknya tidak cukup matang. jawaban-jawabannya terhadap tantangan-tantangan soekarno kurang berhasil mengartikulasikan secara bermakna watak dan bentuk politik antara islam dan negara. malah, ia berhenti pada pernyataanpernyataan normatif dan umum mengenai islam yang mungkin mempengaruhi model kaitan antara kedua aras religio-politik ini. mungkin karena posisinya yang bersifat defensif, pemikiran natsir dan pemimpin islam lainnya sebagian besarnya bercorak apologetik-skripturalistik. pada pergulatan kubu islam versus kubu doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 145vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 nasionalis jilid ii, yakni pada era pemerintah kolonial jepang sampai proklamasi kemerdekaan ri tahun 1945, dengan mengusung isu dan landasan argumen yang hampir sama dalam perdebatan jilid i, kelompok islam, cukup adil jika dikatakan telah mengalami kekalahan pertama dalam upaya merealisasikan gagasan mereka untuk mengaitkan hubungan islam dan negara secara legalistik dan formalistik. kekalahan itu tampak dari tidak dicantumkannya secara keseluruhan – di situ ada salah satu diktum yang berbunyi:”..kewajiban menjalankan syari’at islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya”, yang menjadi ikon perjuangan kelompok islam – dalam rumusan pancasila sebagai dasar negara yang resmi. catatan akhir 1 istilah dekonfessionalisasi diperkenalkan dan dikembangkan sebagai sebuah pendekatan dalam kajian sejarah politik di indonesia oleh c.a.o. van nieuwenhuijze. istilah ini (dekonfessionalisasi) pada mulanya digunakan di belanda untuk menunjukkan bahwa, agar dapat menyelenggarkan suatu pertemuan tertentu, wakil-wakil dari berbagai kelompok peribadatan akan menyepakati sebuah landasan bersama (yang dirumuskan bersama), yakni tentang persetujuan bahwa implikasi-implikasi tertentui dari sejumlah (doktrin) peribadatan mereka akan dihindari sebagai topik pembicaraan. lihat: c.a.o. van niuwenhuijze, “islam and national self-realization in indonesia”, dalam cross-cultural studies, the hague: monton and co., 1963, h. 152 dikutip dari bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara, transformasi pemikiran dan praktik politik islam di indonesia (jakarta: paramadina, 1998), h. 25 2 lihat misalnya pandangan pragmatis william james tentang agama dalam the varietes of religious experience (new york: the new american library, 1960), h. 328 3 ernest renan, apakah bangsa itu?, terj. sunaryo (jakarta: erlangga, 1968), h.34 4 goerge mc. kahin, nationalism and revolution in indonesia (ithaca: cornell university, 1970), h. 37 5 ahmad suhelmi, polemik negara islam, soekarno versus natsir (jakarta: teraju, 2002), h. 2 1 3 lihat misalnya robert w. hefner, civil islam: islam dan demokratisasi di indonesia, penterj. ahmad baso, jakarta: institut studi arus informasi (isai) dan the asia foundation (taf), 2001, h. 76. bandingkan dengan albert hourani, a history of the arab people (cambridge: harvard university press, 1991), h. 343-349 1 4 lihat john l. esposito, “muhammad iqbal and the islamic state”, dalam john l. esposito (ed)., voices of resurgent islam (new york dan oxford: oxford university press, 1983), h. 175-190. dikutip dari robert w. hefner, civil islam … h. 76 1 5 ibid., h. 77 1 6 goerge mc. kahin, nationalism dan revolution … h. 38. 1 7 lihat bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara … h. 63. 1 8 robert w. hefner, civil islam … h. 77-78. 1 9 di bawah kepemimpinan h.o.s. tjokroaminoto, abdul salim, dan abdul moeis, si adalah organisasi pertama yang mengembangkan “pengembangan program politik yang menuntut pemerintahan sendiri (oleh rakyat indonesia)” dan “ kemerdekaan penuh”. lihat goerge mc. kahin, nationalism and revolution… h. 65-77; dan harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun… h. 4277. 2 0 menurut kahin, selama empat tahun sejak kelahirannya, si telah berhasil merekrut sebanyak 360.000 anggota. pada 1919, jumlah itu sudah mencapai hampir setengah juta. lihat goerge mc. kahin, nationalism and revolution… h. 65-66 2 1 harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun … h. 4142. 2 2 bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara … h. 64. 2 3 lihat dalier noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia 1900 – 1942 (oxford, new york and jakarta: oxford university press, 1978), h. 119-126. 2 4 lihat robert w. hefner, civil islam … h. 78. 2 5 fred r. von der mehden, “islam and rice of nationalism in indonesia”, h. 139-156. 2 6 pada konggres si keenam di surabaya tahun 1921, faksi marxis dikeluarkan dari organisasi dengan alasan bahwa mereka melanggar disiplin partai karena mempertahankan double keanggotataan; di si dan pki. lihat dalier noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, h. 125. 2 7 robert w. hefner, civil islam… h. 78. 2 8 goerge mc.t.kahin, nationalism and revolution in indonesia .. h. 90. 2 9 goerge mc.t.kahin, nationalism and revolution in indonesia .. h. 90. 3 0 terlepas dari apakah kategori yang pas untuk dua kelompok itu adalah agama atau politik, para pengamat lebih cenderung memandang kedua kelompok ini dalam kategori-kategori agama, dengan mengganti istilah “islam” dan “nasionalis” dengan “santri” (muslim yang taat) dan “abangan (muslim yang kurang taat). karena itulah mereka memandang, misalnya, muhammad natsir sebagai santri dan soekarno sebagai abangan. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 146 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 3 1 lihat ahmad mansur suryanegara, menemukan sejarah: wacana pergerakan islam di indonesia, bandung: mizan, 1995, h. 216. 3 2 lihat robert w. hefner, civil islam … h. 81-82. 3 3 kelahiran nu yang beralaskan tikar politik dapat dielaborasi lebih jauh dari bukunya ahmad mansur suryanegara, menemukan sejarah… h. 223-231. 3 4 snouck hurgronje adalah salah satu agen kolonial untuk menciptakan kondisi agar potensi gerakan islam yang besar menjadi ke arah non-politik, yakni dengan menciptakan kondisi-kondisi konflik antara berbagai organisasi islam. lihat ibid., h. 229. 3 5 ibid., 230. 3 6 mt. arifin, muhammadiyah potret yang berubah, surakarta: institut gelanggang pemikiran filsafat, sosial, budaya dan pendidikan, 1990, h. 115. 3 7 kategori reformis dan ortodoks untuk menjelaskan posisi muhammadiyah dan nu dikutip dari harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun … h. 119. 3 8 lihat harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun …h. 120-122. 3 9 harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun … h. 130. 4 0 fadjar asia, 8 dan 20 agustus 1928. dikutip dari dalier noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia … h. 2 5 3 4 1 soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi (jakarta: panitia di bawah bendera revolusi, jilid i, 1964), h. 34. 4 2 deliar noer, the modernist muslim in indonesia … h. 253-257. 4 3 deliar noer, the modernist muslim in indonesia … h. 253-257. 4 4 deliar noer, the modernist muslim in indonesia … h. 259. 4 5 pandji islam, vol (, no.4, 23 januari 1939. dikutip dari ibid., h. 276 4 6 ibid., h. 260-263. 4 7 benedict r. o’g. anderson, imagineed community: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism, london: vergo, 1991, h. 105 4 8 robert w. hefner, civil islam … h. 79. 4 9 soekarno mengajukan pandangan ini dalam tulisan, “apa sebab turki memisah agama dan negara”, dalam soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi … h. 404-407. 4 9 ali abd al-raziq, al-islam wa ushul al-hukm (beirut: maktabah al-hayah, 1966), h. 190-195. 5 0 ali abd al-raziq, al-islam wa ushul al-hukm, h. 45. 5 1 mark r.woodward, (ed)., jalan baru islam: memetakan paradigma mutakhir islam indonesia, bandung: mizan, 1998, h. 283-311. 5 2 mark r.woodward, (ed)., jalan baru islam, h. 283-311. 5 3 mark r.woodward, (ed)., jalan baru islam, h. 204. 5 4 ali abd al-raziq, islam wa ushul al-hukm … h. 133. 5 5 soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi … h. 452 5 6 soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi … h.432 5 7 soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi … h. 437-438 5 8 soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi … h. 438 5 9 soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi … h. 444 6 0 soekarno, di bawah bendera revolusi … h. 445 6 1 muhammad natsir, “arti agama dalam negara”, dalam capita selecta (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1973), h. 4364 4 2 6 2 muhammad natsir, “arti agama dalam negara”, 438. 6 3 muhammad natsir, “arti agama dalam negara”, h. 440 6 4 muhammad natsir, “arti agama dalam negara”, h. 443. lihat juga h. 481-488 6 5 muhammad natsir, “arti agama dalam negara”, h. 442 6 6 muhammad natsir, “arti agama dalam negara”, h. 452 6 7 muhammad natsir, “islam ‘demokrasi?” h. 453 6 8 deliar noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia … h. 276 6 9 bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara … h. 75-81 7 0 bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara, h. 82; deliar noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, h. 323 7 1 harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun … h. 198 7 2 daniel s. lev, islamic courts in indonesia: a study in the political bases of legal institutions (berkeley, los angeles, london: university of california press, 1972), h. 34. dikutip dari bahtiar effendi, islam dan negara … h. 82. 7 3 bahtiar effendi, islam dan negara … h. 82. 7 4 harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun … h. 201. 7 5 b.j. bolland, the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, the hague: martinus nijhoff, 1971, h. 9. dikutip dari bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara … h. 83. 7 6 daliel s. lev, islamic courts in indonesia … h. 34. 7 7 berfungsi sebagai “cikal bakal kabinet”. mereka bertanggung jawab mempersiapkan jawaban-jawaban atas pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang diajukan pemerintah kolonia jepang mengenai barbagai masalah yang berkaitan dengan soal-soal ke-islam-an. manurut lev, sebagian besar dari mereka berasal dari kelompok nasionalis. lihat karyanya, islamic courts in indonesia … h. 35. 7 8 hingga mei 1945, komite ini terdiri dari 62 anggota. dari jumlah itu, paling hanya 11 orang yang tampaknya mewakili kelompok islam. mereka itu termasuk ki bagus hadikusumo, abdul kahhar muzakkir, agus salim, kh. abdul halim, kh. masjkur, h. ahmad sanusi, kh. mas mansur, abikusno tjokrosujoso, dr. sukiman, kh. a. wahid hasyim, dan a. baswedan. untuk daftar yang lebih lengkap, lihat muhammad yamin, naskah persiapan undang-undang dasar 1945, jakarta: yayasan prapanca, 1959, jilid i dan ii, h. 60. 7 9 bahtiar effendy, islam dan negara … h. 85. daftar pustaka anderson, benedict r. o’g. 1991. imagineed community: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 147vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 london: vergo. arifin, mt. 1990. muhammadiyah potret yang berubah, surakarta: institut gelanggang pemikiran filsafat, sosial, budaya dan pendidikan. benda, harry j. 1958. the crescent and the rising sun ; indonesian islam under the japanese uccupation 19421945, the hague and bandung: w. van hoeve ltd. ———————. 1965. “continuity and change in indonesian islam,” asian and african studies: annual of the israel oriental studies, vol.i bolland, b.j. 1971. the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, the hague: martinus nijhoff. effendy, bahtiar. 1998. islam dan negara, transformasi pemikiran dan praktik politik islam di indonesia, jakarta: paramadina. esposito, john l. 1983. “muhammad iqbal and the islamic state”, dalam john l. esposito (ed)., voices of resurgent islam, new york dan oxford: oxford university press. hefner, robert w. 2001 civil islam: islam dan demokratisasi di indonesia, penterj. ahmad baso, jakarta: institut studi arus informasi (isai) dan the asia foundation (taf). hourani, albert. 1991. a history of the arab people. cambridge: harvard university press. james, william. 1960. the varietes of religious experience, new york: the new american library. jay, robert. 1963. religion and politic in rural central java, new haven: southeast asia studies, yale university.kahin, goerge mc. 1970. nationalism and revolution in indonesia, ithaca: cornell university. lev, daniel s. 1972. islamic courts in indonesia: a study in the political bases of legal institutions, berkeley, los angeles, london: university of california press. ma’arif, ahmad syafi’i. 1983. “islam as the basic state: a study of the islamic political ideas as reflected in the constituent assembly debates in indonesia”, disertasi doktor. the university of chicago. natsir, muhammad. 1973. “arti agama dalam negara”, dalam capita selecta, jakarta: bulan bintang. niuwenhuijze, c.a.o. van. 1963. “islam and national selfrealization in indonesia”, dalam cross-cultural studies. the hague: monton and co. noer, deliar. 1978. the modernist muslim movement in indonesia 1900 – 1942, oxford, new york and jakarta: oxford university press. raziq, ali abd al-. 1966.al-islam wa ushul al-hukm, beirut: maktabah al-hayah. renan, ernest. 1968. apakah bangsa itu?, terj. sunaryo, jakarta: erlangga. soekarno. 1964. di bawah bendera revolusi, jakarta: panitia di bawah bendera revolusi, jilid i.suhelmi, ahmad. 2002. polemik negara islam, soekarno versus natsir. jakarta: teraju. suminto, h.a. 1982. politik islam hindia belanda, jakarta: lp3es. suryanegara, ahmad mansur. 1995. menemukan sejarah: wacana pergerakan islam di indonesia. bandung: mizan. woodward, mark r. (ed). 1998, jalan baru islam: memetakan paradigma mutakhir islam indonesia, bandung: mizan. yamin, muhammad. 1959naskah persiapan undang-undang dasar 1945, jakarta: yayasan prapanca, jilid i dan (. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0024. 129-147 index a a. wahid hasyim abdul kahar muzakkir abdul moeis abdullah rifa'i abdullah saeed abikusno tjokrosujoso abu abdillah muhammad al-hadi ibn baquni agus salim ahmad bafaqih ba'lawi ahmad dahlan ahmad hasan ahmadiyya al-ghazali al-irsyad ali ahmed ziauddin aman asghar ali engineer ashgar ali engineer asian muslim action network (aman) asian resource foundation (arf) azimah soebagijo b baidhawi bisri musthofa bisri mustofa bpupki c chandra muzaffar cheng ho christian peacemaker teams (cpt) cok budi suryawan d dalhar depati agung depati rencong telang f fred r. von der mahden g goerge kahin h h. samanhoedi hidayat nur wahid i idris imam jalal al-mahalli imam jalaluddin as-suyuthi ishaq damaran k khan abdul ghaffar ki bagus hadikusumo kiai saleh darat komnas ham (national committee for human rights) komnas perempuan (national committee for women) m m. syahid mahfudh salam melayu miai mohamad abdus sabur mubarak ali muhammad muhammad iqbal muhammad natsir muhammad sa'id al-busyiri muhammad shalih bin umar as-samarani muhammadiyah muhibbi mui mutamakkin n nahdlatul ulama (nu) neng djubaedah o omar asghar khan p pam allen partai islam indonesia (pii) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) persatuan islam persis persyarikatan ulama pgi (the association of indonesian christian churc psii r ra. kartini raden haji muhammad salih ibn asnami kudus raisuddin raudhatut thalibin rifa'i nasuha ruu anti-pornografi ruu app ruu-app s sahal mahfudh saleh darat salih darat serat cebolek shabry chik sheikh ahmad kutty sheikh muhammad nur abdullah soekarno sya'ban syaikh abdul ghani bima syekh ali abd al-raziq t the catholic agency for overseas development (ca tjokroaminoto u uu anti-pornografi z zamakhsyari # layout jan jun 2011 negative effect on sharia banking credit. keywords: credit crunch, financial crunch, third party capital, car, npf, gdp and swbi/sbis. abstrak krisis keungan global yang terjadi pada tahun 2008 yang telah berimbas pada dunia perbankan di indonesia. hal ini menyebabkan bank melakukan kebijakan kredit yang lebih selektif sehingga hal ini dapat memunculkan fenomena credit crunch. credit crunch memungkinkan juga terjadi pada perbankan syariah yang biasa disebut financial cruch. hal ini dibuktikan dengan pertumbuhan dpk yang cukup pesat namun tidak dibarengi dengan pertumbuhan yang signifikan pada pembiayaan. studi ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis apakah telah terjadi financial crunch di perbankan syariah di indonesia pada saat krisis keuangan global 2008 dan untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi pembiayaan pada industri perbankan syariah di indonesia hasil studi ini menunjukan secara umum tidak terjadi financial crunch di perbankan syariah indonesia. artinya penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah konsisten antara sebelum dan sesudah krisis keuangan global tahun 2008. beberapa faktor yang berpengaruh terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan di perbankan syariah adalah penghimpunan dana pihak ketiga (dpk), car, npf, pdb dan swbi/ sbis. dana pihak ketiga (dpk), rasio kecukupan modal (car) berpengaruh signifikan positif terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah, sedangkan non performing finance (npf), produk domestik bruto (pdb) dan swbi/sbis berpengaruh negatif terhadap pembiayaan di perbankan syariah. kata kunci: credit crunch, financial crunch, dpk, car, npf, pdb dan swbi/sbis. analisis financial crunch pada industri perbankan syariah saat krisis keuangan global 2008 muhammad sobar johari fakultas agama islam universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. jl. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, yogyakarta-indonesia. email: sobar_hatta@yahoo.co.id abstract global financial crisis that happened in 2008 has affected banking world in indonesia. this causes bank conducting more selective credit policy so that it can emerge credit crunch phenomenon. credit crunch also possibly happens in sharia banking that are often called as financial crunch. this can be proven with a rapid third party capital growth but do not be accompanied by a significant credit growth. this study aims to analyze whether financial crunch has happened in sharia banking in indonesia when global financial crisis in 2008 and to examine affecting factors of credit in sharia banking industry in indonesia. the study generally shows that financial crunch do not happen in indonesian sharia banking. it means that credit delivery of sharia banking is consistent between prior and after global financial crisis in 2008. several factors that affect on credit delivery in sharia banking are third party capital collection, car, npf, gdp and swbi/sbis. third party capital, capital adequacy ratio (car) have a positive significant effect on sharia banking credit delivery, whereas non performing finance (npf), gross domestic product and swbi/sbis have a doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 60 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pendahuluan dampak krisis keuangan global tahun 2008 mengakibatkan melemahnya kondisi perekonomian di negara-negara maju, dimana negara-negara tersebut merupakan tujuan utama ekspor negara-negara berkembang khususnya indonesia, sehingga hal ini akan mempengaruhi juga laju pertumbuhan ekonomi nasional. krisis keuangan global 2008 tentunya juga berdampak pada dunia perbankan, misalnya dalam melakukukan kebijakan kredit, bank melakukan kebijakan kredit yang lebih selektif sehingga hal ini dapat memunculkan fenomena credit crunch. credit crunch adalah keengganan bank dan penghematan pinjaman (the reluctance of bank and thrift to lend) yang dilakukan oleh bank. dengan kata lain terjadi penurunan pasokan kredit sebagai akibat merosotnya kemauan bank untuk menyalurkan kredit1. pada perbankan syariah istilah credit crunch identik dengan financial crunch hal ini merujuk pada proses intermediasi perbankan syariah yang tidak menggunakan istilah kredit tetapi pembiayaan (financing). akan tetapi fenomena financial crunch pada perbankan syariah seharusnya tidak terjadi karena di dalam sistem perbankan syariah dituntut untuk selalu bisa menyalurkan pembiayaan secara maksimal, hal ini karena dalam perbankan syariah tidak dibenarkan penimbunan dana yang sia-sia, fungsi uang hanya sebagai alat pertukaran bukan sebagai alat penyimpan kekayaan2. oleh karena itu jika sistem ini dijalankan dengan benar, maka fungsi intermediary bank dapat lebih bisa terlaksana. di indonesia, pertumbuhan dan perkembangan perbankan syariah juga tumbuh makin pesat, secara fantastis. dengan pertumbuhan industri yang rata-rata mencapai 60 persen dalam lima tahun terakhir ini. bank syariah di indonesia, diyakini akan terus tumbuh dan berkembang, hal ini seiring dengan perkembangan pemahaman masyarakat tentang bagaimana konsep atau operasional sistem perbankan syariah dijalankan. perkembangan industri lembaga syariah ini diharapkan mampu memperkuat stabilitas sistem keuangan nasional. namun adanya krisis keungan global yang terjadi pada tahun 2008 yang telah berimbas pada credit crunch dalam dunia perbankan, memungkinkan juga terjadi pada perbankan syariah. hal ini dibuktikan dengan pertumbuhan dpk yang cukup pesat namun tidak dibarengi dengan pertumbuhan yang signifikan pada pembiayaan. 1. untuk menganalisis apakah telah terjadi financial crunch di perbankan syariah di indonesia pada saat krisis keuangan global 2008. 2. untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi pembiayaan pada industri perbankan syariah di indonesia. tentang credit crunch istilah credit crunch muncul pada tahun 1966 sebagai suatu bentuk fenomena disintermediasi yang terjadi di amerika ketika kebijakan moneter yang dilakukan oleh federal reserve menjadi sangat ketat untuk mengatasi inflasi. kebijakan yang sangat ketat itu telah meningkatkan suku bunga jangka pendek meningkat jauh di atas batas atas suku bunga deposito yang diatur oleh regulasi. akibatnya deposan menarik dananya dari perbankan untuk mendapatkan suku bunga yang lebih tinggi pada aset finansial lainnya sehingga deposito doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 61vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 perbankan mengalami penurunan yang besar yang berakibat terhambatnya suplai kredit. sejak deregulasi sektor keuangan di tahun 1980an yang menghapuskan batas suku bunga deposito, fenomena dis-intermediasi perbankan akibat peraturan seperti ini tidak terjadi lagi3. secara umum credit crunch dapat diartikan sebagai suatu situasi dimana terjadi penurunan suplai kredit perbankan secara tajam sebagai akibat dari menurunnya kemauan bank dalam menyalurkan kredit pada dunia usaha. keengganan bank dalam menyalurkan kredit tersebut tercermin dari meningkatnya spread yaitu selisih antara suku bunga pinjaman dan suku bunga dana dan semakin ketatnya kriteria untuk memperoleh kredit. dalam kondisi yang ekstrim, credit crunch terjadi dalam bentuk credit rationing, yaitu bank menolak memberikan kredit terhadap nasabah tertentu atau sebagian besar nasabah pada tingkat suku bunga berapapun. turunnya kredit: permintaan vs penawaran kredit penurunan kredit yang disebabkan oleh faktor-faktor permintaan adalah sesuatu yang sangat wajar terjadi pada saat resesi seperti yang sedang berlangsung, terutama karena masih lemahnya aktifitas investasi. di sisi mikro, masalah struktural seperti penyesuaian yang dilakukan oleh perusahaan untuk mengurangi debt-equity ratio yang meningkat akibat krisis juga mungkin dapat menjadi sebagai salah satu faktor yang dapat menjelaskan mengapa permintaan kredit juga mengalami penurunan. walaupun turunnya permintaan terhadap kredit lebih sering terjadi akibat faktor melemahnya investasi pada saat resesi, faktor struktural mikroekonomi seperti di atas tidak jarang terjadi dalam suatu perekonomian pasca krisis. di sisi penawaran, penurunan kredit disebabkan oleh turunnya kemauan bank untuk memberikan pinjaman pada tingkat suku bunga yang berlaku. faktor-faktor yang tabel 1. perkembangan kantor, asset, dpk, pembiayaan, fdr dan npf bank syariah di indonesia tahun 2006 – 2012. m = miliar rupiah, % = persen sumber : statistik perbankan syariah bank indonesia, 2012 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 62 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dapat menyebabkan menurunnya keinginan untuk memberikan kredit dapat bersumber dari faktor internal bank maupun faktor eksternal. faktor internal seperti rendahnya kualitas aset perbankan, tingginya nonperforming loans dan anjloknya modal perbankan akibat depresiasi dan negative interest margin menurunkan kemampuan bank untuk memberikan pinjaman. secara institusional, penutupan hampir separuh jumlah bank di indonesia sangat berpengaruh pada perilaku perbankan. bank syariah bank syariah adalah bank yang beroperasi dengan tidak mengandalkan pada bunga. dengan kata lain, bank syariah adalah lembaga keuangan yang usaha pokoknya memberikan pembiayaan dan jasa-jasa lainnya dalam lalu lintas pembayaran serta peredaran uang yang pengoperasiannya disesuaikan dengan prinsip syariat islam. syafii antonio dan perwataatmadja membedakan antara bank islam dan bank yang beroperasi dengan prinsip syariah islam. bank syariah adalah bank yang beroperasi sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip syariah islam dan bank yang tata cara beroperasinya mengacu kepada ketentuan-ketentuan alqur’an dan hadist. sementara bank yang beroperasi sesuai prinsip syariah islam adalah bank yang dalam beroperasinya itu mengikuti ketentuan-ketentuan syariah islam. khususnya yang menyangkut tata cara bermuamalat secara islam4. menurut ketentuan yang tercantum di dalam peraturan bank indonesia nomor 2/ 8/pbi/2000, pasal 1, bank syariah adalah bank umum sebagaimana yang dimaksud dalam undang-undang nomor 7 tahun 1992 tentang perbankan dan telah diubah dengan undang-undang nomor 10 tahun 1998 yang melakukan kegiatan usaha berdasarkan prinsip syariat islam, termasuk unit usaha syariah dan kantor cabang bank asing yang melakukan kegiatan usaha berdasarkan prinsip syariat islam menurut muhammad5, sumber pendapatan bank syariah dapat diperoleh dari bagi hasil atas kontrak mudharabah dan musyarakah, keuntungan atas kontrak jual-beli (al ba’i), hasil sewa atas kontrak ijarah dan biaya administrasi atas jasa-jasa yang lain. sedangkan dalam kaitannya dengan pembiayaan pada perbankan syariah atau istilah teknisnya disebut sebagai aktiva produktif. aktiva produktif adalah penanaman dana bank syariah baik dalam rupiah maupun valuta asing dalam bentuk pembiayaan, piutang, qardh, surat berharga islam, penempatan, penyertaan modal, penyertaan modal sementara, komitmen dan kotijensi pada rekening administrative serta sertifikat wadi’ah. dalam pelaksanaan pembiayaan, bank syariah harus memenuhi dua aspek berikut6: 1) aspek syariah, berarti dalam setiap realisasi pembiayaan kepada para nasabah, bank syariah harus tetap berpedoman pada syariat islam (antara lain tidak mengandung unsure maisir, gharar dan riba serta bidang usahanya harus halal). 2) aspek ekonomi, berarti disamping mempertimbangkan hal-hal syariah, bank syariah tetap mempertimbangkan perolehan keuntungan baik bagi bank syariah maupun bagi nasabah bank syariah. metode penelitian penelitian ini merupakan penelitian empiris dan studi pustaka mengenai financial doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 63vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 crunch dalam industri perbankan syariah di indonesia sebelum dan sesudah krisis ekonomi global dengan menggunakan data sekunder runtut waktu (time series) dalam kuartalan kurun waktu tahun 2006:1 sampai dengan 2012: 4. data yang dipakai adalah data kuartalan dari biro pusat statistik dan data kuartalan statistik perbankan indonesia. data dari biro pusat statistik adalah data makro ekonomi produk domestik bruto (pdb), sedangkan dari statistik perbankan nasional adalah data laporan keuangan bank syariah sebanyak 16 bank, bank umum syariah (bus) sebanyak 5 bank dan unit usaha syariah (uus) sebanyak 11 bank. model yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah panel data yang merupakan gabungan antara observasi lintas sektoral dan runtun waktu. estimasi panel data akan meningkatkan derajat kebebasan, mengurangi kolinearitas antara variabel penjelas dan memperbaiki efisiensi estimasi. verbeek7 mengemukakan bahwa keuntungan regresi dengan data panel adalah kemampuann regresi data panel dalam mengidentifikasi parameter-parameter regresi secara pasti tanpa membutuhkan asumsi restriksi atau kendala. penelitian ini mengaplikasikan model penelitian juda agung dan bambang kusmiarso8 dengan menambahkan variable id (income diversity) dari model martin cihak dan heiko hesse (2008). data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah panel data individual 16 bank syariah di indonesia dengan sampel antara maret 2006 sampai dengan desember 2012. dalam spesifikasi model, faktor penawaran kredit menggunakan jumlah dana pihak ketiga (dpk) dan rasio antara modal dan asset sebagai proksi dari rasio modal bank (car) serta factor lain yang diduga cukup kuat mempengaruhi penawaran pembiayaan bank yaitu nons performing financing (npf) dan income diversity (id). selain faktor penawaran, dalam model juga dimasukkan faktor permintaan, yaitu pertumbuhan gdp dan variabel kebijakan moneter yang dalam hal ini menggunakan nisbah bagi hasil sertifikat wadiah bank indonesia (swbi). oleh karena itu merujuk dari tiga persamaan di atas, spesifikasi model dalam penelitian ini adalah sebagai berikut: l i.t = a 0 +a 1 dpk i.t + a 2 id i.t + a 3 car i.t + a 4 npf i.t + a 5 y t + a 6 swbi i.t + a 7 d t + e i.t ………………………………… 4 ). dimana: i: indeks untuk individual bank dan t adalah indeks periode waktu l: posisi pembiayaan dpk: dana pihak ketiga id : income diversity car: rasio modal bank terhadap aset npf: non performing financing (npf) yang ada di perbankan syariah y: pertumbuhan gdp swbi: sertifikat wadiah bank indonesia regresi panel untuk persamaan (4) dilakukan untuk keseluruhan periode sampel (maret 2006 desember 2012), selain itu regresi juga dilakukan untuk periode sampel sebelum krisis ekonomi global (maret 2006juni 2008) dan periode setelah krisis (september 2008-desember 2012). khusus untuk sampel seluruh periode, dalam persamaan ditambahkan satu variable boneka (dummy variable) krisis untuk menangkap perubahan struktural yang mungkin terjadi dari periode sebelum krisis dan setelahnya. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 64 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna apakah terjadi financial crunch pada perbankan syariah pada saat krisis keuangan global di kuartal 3 tahun 2008? financial crunch akan muncul jika kebijakan pembiayaan diperbankan syariah selektif. beberapa indikator yang digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi terjadinya financisl crunch di perbankan syariah, dalam penelitian ini adalah; dari hasil analisis tersebut di atas, dapat dikatakan bahwa secara umum tidak terjadi financial crunch di perbankan syariah indonesia, sebelum dan sesudah krisis keuangan global pada kuartal 3 tahun 2008. pernyataan ini diambil dari analisis variabel dummy, yang menunjukkan hasil tidak signifikan (probability 0.90). artinya penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah konsisten antara sebelum dan sesudah krisis keuangan global tahun 2008. pernyataan ini didukung dengan hubungan signifikan positif antara penghimpunan dpk dengan penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah. peningkatan penghimpunan dpk perbankan syariah, memicu perbankan syariah untuk meningkatkan penyaluran pembiayaan, sehingga dana di perbankan syariah tidak menganggur. dengan kata lain, fungsi intermediasi perbankan syariah dapat berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. meskipun demikian, di antara hasil analisis tersebut, ada beberapa elemen yang mengindikasikan terjadinya financial crunch, yaitu variabel npf, pdb, dan swbi. ketiga variabel tersebut menunjukkan hubungan signifikan negatif terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah. npf mengindikasikan risiko pembiayaan macet di perbankan syariah. ketika npf cenderung meningkat, maka perbankan syariah akan lebih hati-hati dan selektif dalam menyalurkan pembiayaan. hal ini berimplikasi pada penurunan jumlah penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah. pdb berhubungan negatif dengan penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah. peningkatan pdb diikuti dengan naiknya investasi. jika investasi naik, maka penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah akan menurun, karena ketika itu masyarakat tidak membutuhkan pembiayaan. return swbi berhubungan terbalik dengan penyaluran pembiayaan di perbankan syariah. swbi merupakan warning dari sisi pemerintah terhadap kondisi ekonomi secara riel dan makro. kenaikan return swbi merupakan bagian dari respon kondisi ekonomi. pada saat yang sama, ada kemungkinan kondisi di perbankan syariah juga demikian. pembiayaan di perbankan syariah tidak terserap karena pembiayaan yang selektif. jadi, dalam kondisi return swbi tinggi, penyaluran pembiayaan di perbankan syariah akan berkurang. faktor-faktor yang berpengaruh terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan di perbankan syariah beberapa faktor yang diduga berpengaruh terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan di perbankan syariah adalah penghimpunan dana pihak ketiga (dpk), income diversity, car, npf, produk domestik bruto (pdb), swbi / sbis, dan dummy (sebelum dan sesudah krisis keuangan global kuartal 3 tahun 2008). dana pihak ketiga (dpk) kenaikan dpk menyebabkan naiknya penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah dan sebaliknya penyaluran pembiayaan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 65vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 perbankan syariah turun jika jumlah dpk turun. dalam studi ini, dpk berpengaruh signifikan positif, pada taraf 1 persen (á = 1 persen), terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah (loan). kenaikan dpk sebesar 1 persen, akan berimplikasi pada peningkatan penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah sebesar 0.88 persen. capital adequacy ratio (car) rasio kecukupan modal (car) berpengaruh signifikan positif terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah, pada taraf signifikansi 1 persen (á = 1 persen). peningkatan car sebesar 1 persen akan berdampak pada paningkatan penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah sebesar 0.02 persen. non performing loan (npf) resiko pembiayaan macet (npf) berpengaruh signifikan negatif terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah, pada taraf signifikansi 5 persen (á = 5 persen). ketika risiko pembiayaan macet meningkat 1 persen, maka penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah akan menurun sebesar 0.01 persen. produk domestik bruto (pdb). diasumsikan bahwa peningkatan pdb diikuti dengan peningkatan investasi. jika investasi meningkat, maka penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah akan menurun, karena permintaan masyarakat terhadap pembiayaan perbankan juga menurun. variabel pdb berpengaruh signifikan negatif (á = 5 persen) terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah (loan). setiap terjadi kenaikan pdb sebesar 1 persen, maka penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah akan mengalami penurunan hingga 1.18 persen. sertifikat wadi’ah bank indonesia (swbi) / sbis swbi berhubungan signifikan negatif terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah, dengan alpha 5 persen. kenaikan swbi sebesar satu juta rupiah, akan menurunkan penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah hingga 1.29 persen. jumlah swbi meningkat jika return swbi juga meningkat. ketika return swbi tinggi, maka ada kecenderungan penurunan jumlah penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah. income diversity (id) dalam studi ini, variabel income diversity tidak berpengaruh signifikan terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah. tabel 2. hasil analisis regresi (variabel independen loan) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 66 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna hal ini ditunjukkan dengan nilai probability income diversity sebesar 0.71 persen. idealnya income diversity berhubungan signifikan positif terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah, tetapi pada perbankan syariah yang skalanya relatif kecil, sangat memungkinkan terjadi hubungan yang berkebalikan, atau tidak ada hubungan sama sekali. hal ini dikarenakan adanya kebutuhan perbankan syariah akan penambahan modal dan ekspansi perusahaan. kesimpulan berdasarkan tujuan studi ini maka dapat diambil kesimpulan sebagai berikut: 1. hasil studi ini menunjukan secara umum tidak terjadi financial crunch di perbankan syariah indonesia. pernyataan ini diambil dari analisis variabel dummy, yang menunjukkan hasil tidak signifikan (probability 0.90). artinya penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah konsisten antara sebelum dan sesudah krisis keuangan global tahun 2008. pernyataan ini didukung dengan hubungan signifikan positif antara penghimpunan dpk dengan penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah. 2. beberapa faktor yang berpengaruh terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan di perbankan syariah adalah penghimpunan dana pihak ketiga (dpk), car, npf, pdb dan swbi/sbis. dana pihak ketiga (dpk), rasio kecukupan modal (car) berpengaruh signifikan positif terhadap penyaluran pembiayaan perbankan syariah, sedangkan non performing finance (npf), produk domestik bruto (pdb) dan swbi/sbis berpengaruh negatif terhadap pembiayaan di perbankan syariah. catatn akhir 1 b. bernanke and c. lown, the credit crunch. working paper in economic activity. february, 1991. 2 adiwarman a. karim, ekonomi mikro islam (jakarta: raja grafindopersada, 2008). 3 k.l. kliesen and j.a. tatom, the recent credit crunch: the neglected dimensions. federal reserve bank of st louis economic review. september/october, 1992. 4 muhammad, manajemen bank syariah (yogyakarta: unit penerbitan dan percetakan (uup) amp ykpn, 2002). 5 muhammad, manajemen pembiayaan bank syariah (yogyakarta: unit penerbitan dan percetakan (uup) amp ykpn, 2005). 6 veithzal rivai dan arvian arifin, islamic banking (sebuah teori, konsep dan aplikasi). (jakarta: bumi aksara, 2010). 7 marno verbeek,. a guide to modern econometrics (new york. john wiley & sons, 2000), p. 310. 8 juda agung, dkk, credit crunch di indonesia setelah krisis. direktorat riset ekonomi dan kebijakan moneter bank indonesia, 1997. daftar pustaka bernanke, b. and lown, c. 1991. “the credit crunch.” working paper in economic activity. february. bernanke, b., gertler, m. and gilchrist, s. 1996. “the financial accelerator and the flight to quality,” review of economics and statistics, feb, pp.1-15. doddy zulverdi, iman gunadi, bambang pramono. 2007. “bank portofolio model and monetary policyin indonesia,” journal of asian economics 18, 158-174. damodar n. gujarati, dawn c. porter. 2009. basic econometrics, 5th ed. mcgraw-hill. eduardo borensztein and jong-wha lee. 2002. “financial crisis and credit crunch in korea: evidence from firmlevel data, journal of monetary economics, 49: 853– 8 7 5 gosh, a. and gosh, s. 1999. “east asia in the aftermath: was there a crunch?,” .imf working paper 38. juda agung, dkk. 1997. credit crunch di indonesia setelah krisis. jakarta: direktorat riset ekonomi dan kebijakan moneter bank indonesia. karim, adiwarman. 2008. ekonomi mikro islam. jakarta: raja grafindopersada. kasmir, 2000. manajemen perbankan. pt raja grafindo persada, jakarta. kliesen, k.l. and tatom, j.a. 1992. the recent credit crunch: the neglected dimensions. federal reserve bank of st louis economic review. september/october. martin cihak and heiko hesse. 2008. islamic bank and financial stability: an empirical analysis. imf working paper. muhammad, antonio, syafi’i. 2001. bank syariah dari teori ke praktik. gema insani press bekerjasama dengan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 67vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 tazkia institute. jakarta. muhammad. 2002. manajemen bank syariah. unit penerbitan dan percetakan (uup) ampykpn.yogyakarta. ——————— 2005. manajemen pembiayaan bank syariah. unit penerbitan dan percetakan (uup) ampykpn.yogyakarta. pazarbasioglu, c. 1997. “a credit crunch? finland in the aftermath of the banking crisis.” imf staff paper, vol. 44, pp. 315-27 statistik perbankan syariah bank indonesia, 2012 stiglitz, j.e. and weiss, a. 1981. “credit rationing in markets with imperfect information.” the american economic review, jun, pp. 393-410. sundararajan, errico. 2002. “islamic financial institution and products in the global financial system: key issues in risk management challenges ahead. imf working paper. verbeek, marno. 2000. a guide to modern econometrics. new york. john wiley & sons. rivai, veithzal dan arifin, arvian, 2010. islamic banking (sebuah teori, konsep dan aplikasi). jakarta: bumi aksara. xiaolou yang. 2011. “the role of trade credit in the recent subprime financial crisis”. journal of economics and business. 63: 517. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0031. 59-67 index a 'abd al-malik 'abd al-qadir al-jilani 'abd al-qadir ibn abi salih jangidost 'abd al-rahman 'abd al-rahman b. al-h harits 'abd allah b. al-zubair abou sheisha abu hamid al-ghazali abu hanifa abu muhammad ja'far al-sarraj abu sa'ad al-mubarak 'ali al-mukharrimi abu sahr al-hudzali al-ahtal ahmad al-ghazali ahmad 'ali al-imam ahmad dahlan 'ain al-qudat al-hamadhani al-'abbas b. al-ahnaf al-ghazali al-hajjaj al-hallaj al-jilani al-jilani al-kasani al-sharakhsi 'ali b. abi thalib ali ibn yusuf al-shattanawfi aloys sprenger 'amr b. kultsum anas b. malik arkoun arthur jeffery b baghdad basshar b. burd al-farazdaq blachère c carmela baffioni catur dharma d deliar noer dzu rumma e e. levi provençal f fazlur rahman fiai g g.p. maisonneuve h hanafi school himpunan putusan tarjih (hpt) i iain ibn darraj al-qasthalani ibn 'arabi ibn batutah ibn hajar al-asqalani ibn mas'ud ibn taymiyah ibn taymiyya ignaz goldziher ikhwan al-shafa' imam al-nawawi imam al-shafi'i imam malik j jalal al-din rumi jesus john the baptist k khuzistan kuntowijoyo m mahfud md mahmud zubaidi malik b. abi 'amir manhaj tarjih manna' al-qaththan margoliouth marwan b. al-hakam matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah mohammed arkoun montgomery watt muhammad muhammad al-shaybani muhammadiyah mui mukaddimah anggaran dasar muhammadiyah mushaf ibn mas'ud mushaf abu bakr mushaf ubay n nabi muhammad saw nahdlatul ulama (nu) nakamura newton p perwataatmadja pesantren q quraisy r r. blachère régis blachère rene descartes robert k. merton s sa'id b. al-'ashsh salman al-farisi sarwono shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi sheikh abû daqiqa shihab al-din al-suhrawardi al-maqtul shubhi shalih sultan sulayman syafii antonio t th. noldeke titus burkchardt u ubay b. ka'ab uii umayyah 'abd al-malik 'utsman b. 'affan w william marçais william muir y ya'cub yusdani yusman roy yusuf al-hamadani z zaid b. tsabit zakaria layout juni 2016 akar pluralisme dalam pendidikan muhammadiyah abdul mu’ti universitas islam negeri (uin) syarif hidayatullah, jakarta email: abe_mukti@yahoo.com abstract this paper discusses the nature of muhammadiyah educational institutions and relates it to the diverse socio-religious background of indonesian society. renowned as the largest modernist islamic movement in indonesia and southeast asia, which promotes the purity of islam, muhammadiyah in fact has been faced with notions of religious and cultural pluralism, and therefore, it has to seeks ways of how to formulate islam in plural society. this article is a theoretical exposition of muhammadiyah and its encounters with religious pluralism, and how muhammadiyah translates notions of pluralism into praxis in its educational institutions. this paper argues that educational institutions of muhammadiyah have widened path for deepening inter-religious dialogue and interaction in the diversity of indoensian society. keywords: religious pluralism, education, da’wa, ideology, muhammadiyah abstrak artikel ini mengkaji karakteristik lembaga pendidikan muhammadiyah dan mengaitkannya dengan keragaman latarbelakang sosial-keagamaan masyarakat indonesia. dikenal sebagai gerakan islam modernis di indoensia dan di asia tenggara, yang mempromosikan kemurnian ajaran islam, muhammadiyah nampaknya harus berhadapajn dengan keanekaragaman agama dan budaya dan untuk itu, muhammadiyah mencoba mencari jalan bagaimana menerjemahkan islam dalam masyarakat plural. tulisan ini merupakan kajian teoretis tentang muhammadiyah dan interaksinya dengan masalah pluralisme agama, serta bagaimana muhammadiyah menerjemahkan gagasan pluralisme agama ke dalam praksis di bidnag pendidikan. artikel ini berpendapat bahwa lembaga pendidikan muhammadiyah telah membuka jalan yang luas untuk hubungan dan dialog antar agama. kata kunci: pluralisme agama,pendidikan, dakwah, ideologi, muhammadiyah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0053.1-42 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 22222 afkaruna pendahuluan indonesia adalah negeri yang multikultural dan multireligius. selama berabad-abad bangsa indonesia yang terdiri atas beratus-ratus suku dan etnis1 serta memeluk agama dan keyakinan yang berbeda-beda2 hidup berdampingan secara damai. bangsa indonesia sangat religius dan taat menjalankan ajaran agamanya,3 tetapi, indonesia bukanlah negara agama (non-theocratic state). negara indonesia berdasarkan atas pancasila yang digali dari nilai-nilai tradisional bangsa indonesia. pancasila–meminjam istilah abdullah an-naim–adalah “golden rule” (kaidah dasar) yang memiliki nilai-nilai universal lintas kebudayaan, agama dan hak asasi manusia.4 eksistensi pancasila diterima oleh mayoritas umat beragama5 karena memayungi pluralitas dan kemerdekaan setiap warga negara untuk menjalankan ibadah sesuai dengan keyakinannya.6 melalui proses akomodasi, akulturasi dan asimilasi yang alamiah pluralitas agama dan budaya membentuk karakter bangsa yang toleran dan terbuka. mayoritas penduduk indonesia beragama islam, tetapi “trade mark” kebudayaannya adalah warisan hindu dan buddha seperti candi borobudur dan prambanan, dll. kuatnya pertautan antara agama dan kebudayaan membuat agama-agama di indonesia– termasuk islam–cenderung sinkretis.7 secara sosiologis, sinkretisme tidak selalu bermakna negatif. pesantren sebagai lembaga pendidikan yang khas indonesia adalah produk sinkretisme islamjawa. pengaruh jawa dalam islam juga terlihat dalam perayaan keagamaan, arsitektur masjid, dll.8 pluralitas agama sebagai koeksistensi sosiologis yang damai telah menjadi tradisi bangsa indonesia. dalam bidang pendidikan, banyak siswa muslim yang belajar di sekolah-sekolah non-muslim atau sebaliknya. pernikahan beda agama sekarang semakin lazim terjadi. bahkan, dalam suku-suku tertentu ikatan kekerabatan dalam bentuk marga atau yang lainnya lebih kuat dibanding agama. meskipun terdapat gejala meningkatnya kelompok salafi radikal, mainstream muslim indonesia adalah kelompok moderat.9 islam moderat memiliki empat karakteristik. pertama, menerima demokrasi ala barat sebagai alat untuk memilih pemimpin dan wakil rakyat. kedua, menerima hukum negara yang nonsektarian dalam pengertian tidak mendukung penerapan syariat islam dalam hukum atau politik pemerintahan. ketiga, menghormati hak-hak perempuan dan kaum minoritas agama. mereka bersikap hospitable terhapat kaum feminis dan terbuka terhadap pluralisme dan dialog antaragama. keempat, menentang terorisme dan tidak kekerasan yang melanggar hukum.10 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 33333vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 sayangnya, karakter kebudayaan dan keberagamaan bangsa indonesia yang toleran tampaknya mulai luruh. dalam satu dasawarsa terakhir paska reformasi politik, serangkaian aksi anarkis dan konflik komunal bernuansa sara (suku, agama, ras, antar-golongan) meledak di beberapa kawasan di indonesia. ribuan orang meninggal dalam serangkaian tindak kekerasan bernuansa sara yang terjadi maluku, poso (sulawesi tengah) dan kalimantan barat. di jawa timur, nusa tenggara barat, jawa barat dan beberapa tempat lainnya ratusan rumah ibadah luluh lantak oleh amukan massa. pengikut aliran agama tertentu yang dianggap “sesat” masih hidup dalam keterasingan dan ketakutan. mengapa demikian? banyak faktor yang mempengaruhi kekerasan keagamaan. beberapa studi menjelaskan kekerasan keagamaan yang terjadi di berbagai belahan dunia lebih banyak disebabkan oleh faktor eksternal non-agama. menurut vanessa baird, politik merupakan faktor yang paling dominan.11 di indonesia, kekerasan keagamaan disebabkan oleh politisasi agama untuk kepentingan kekuasaan, khususnya mereka yang pro status quo.12 pelaksanaan demokrasi liberal menjadi momentum kebangkitan politik identitas yang ditandai oleh menjamurnya partai berbasis agama. otonomi daerah juga membawa ekses meningkat sentimen primordialisme etnis. isu “putera daerah” adalah komoditas politik yang hampir selalu muncul dalam setiap pemilihan kepada daerah. kekerasan keagamaan acapkali terjadi dalam proses transisi demokrasi, otonomi pemerintahan dan akomodasi identitas politik.13 dalam beberapa kasus, kekerasan keagamaan juga disebabkan oleh faktor ekonomi. konflik ambon, misalnya, sarat dengan persaingan perebutan kekuasaan dan aset ekonomi antar kelompok yang akar-akarnya sudah tumbuh sejak masa kolonialisme belanda.14 faktor kesenjangan ekonomi juga menjadi pemicu kekerasan antara “penduduk asli” dengan “pendatang” di beberapa daerah transmigrasi. kekerasan rasial di kalimantan barat nampaknya tidak terlepas dari persaingan ekonomi antara suku dayak versus madura. faktor lain yang mempengaruhi kekerasan keagamaan adalah globalisasi.15 dalam perkembangannya, globalisasi yang disertai oleh mengalirnya arus kapital, barang dan informasi dari negara-negara maju ke negara-negara berkembang menimbulkan masalah neokolonialisme: ekonomi dan kultural. kesenjangan ekonomi utara-selatan yang semakin lebar, dominasi budaya baru (baca: barat) menggerus nilai-nilai tradisional–termasuk agama.16 situasi demikian menyuburkan perkembangan radikalisme atau fundamentalisme agama sebagai upaya perlawanan untuk melindungi identitas tradisi dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 44444 afkaruna “kedaulatan” politik.17 kekerasan keagamaan di indonesia dipicu oleh isu-isu politik global dan kesalahpahaman budaya (cultural misunderstanding). faktor internal yang bermuara pada pemahaman agama juga bisa menjadi salah satu penyebab kekerasan keagamaan. menurut charles kimball, jika dimaknai secara inklusif, agama mampu memersatukan umat manusia. sebaliknya, pemahaman agama yang sempit dan eksklusif bisa menimbulkan masalah. “keyakinan arogan terhadap agama seseorang dibarengi dengan penolakan yang menyakitkan atas agama lain sesungguhnya malah memperkuat argumen bahwa agama memang merupakan satu masalah”.18 dalam konteks islam, jika dipahami secara literal skripturalistik konsep mulia seperti jihad dapat menjadi dalih untuk bersikap agresif, melakukan tindak kekerasan kepada pihak lain bahkan terorisme.19 pendidikan agama merupakan faktor penting yang mempengaruhi pemahaman agama. sebagian kalangan berpendapat, terjadinya kekerasan keagamaan di indonesia akhir-akhir ini disebabkan oleh kegagalan pendidikan agama. pendidikan agama yang terlalu menekankan domain kognitif dengan pendekatan pembelajaran yang doktriner cenderung membentuk pemahaman agama yang sempit dan eksklusif.20"sebagian besar yang dihasilkan dari pendidikan agama selama ini mungkin hanya orang-orang memiliki pemikiran yang terpecah dalam beragama... orang-orang yang mencintai agamanya sendiri... yang mudah dipicu kebenciannya terhadap agama lain.”21 apakah pendidikan agama benar-benar gagal? dengan segala kekurangannya, pendidikan agama berperan penting dalam membangun religiusitas dan moralitas bangsa. bahkan, menurut kuntowijoyo, formalisasi pendidikan agama di sekolah merupakan faktor penting yang mempengaruhi terjadinya konvergensi sosial dan islam di indonesia yaitu konvergensi sosial antara wong cilik dengan priyayi, konvergensi budaya antara abangan dan santri serta konvergensi aliran antara tradisionalis, modernis dan puritan. kewajiban mengikuti pendidikan agama di sekolah, memungkinkan siswa dari berbagai latar belakang sosial mempelajari agama melalui guru agama dan sumber belajar yang sama.22 karena itu, pokok masalahnya bukan pada substansi agama dan pendidikan agama melainkan pada aspek metodologi pemahaman dan pendidikan agama. permasalahannya terletak pada sistem pendidikan agama. bagaimana sistem pendidikan agama dalam masyarakat multireligius? dalam praktiknya, terdapat tiga aliran pendidikan agama. pertama, pendidikan agama tidak perlu diajarkan sebagai studi wajib dalam kurikulum sekolah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 55555vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 tetapi cukup diberikan di dalam keluarga dan masyarakat melalui lembagalembaga keagamaan.23 kedua, pendidikan agama diajarkan di sekolah dalam kedudukannya sebagai ilmu sosial (social science) yang bersifat non-confessional. sistem pendidikan agama bertujuan semata-mata untuk mempelajari agama sebagai ilmu dan pengetahuan tentang masyarakat (learning to know about religion), bukan untuk menanamkan keyakinan dan membentuk manusia taat kepada agamanya (learning to be religious persons). ketiga, pendidikan agama diajarkan di sekolah sebagai studi wajib yang bersifat confessional. sistem pendidikan agama bertujuan untuk menanamkan dan memperteguh keyakinan terhadap agama untuk memperkuat identitas bangsa.24 pemerintah indonesia mengembangkan sistem pendidikan agama confessional. secara historis, sistem pendidikan agama confessional bukanlah sistem yang baru karena pernah diberlakukan pada masa penjajahan portugis dan belanda. pada masa pemerintahan presiden soekarno, pendidikan agama confessional bersifat pilihan, bukan merupakan studi wajib bagi setiap siswa. pada pemerintahan orde baru melakukan formalisasi dan institusionalisasi pendidikan agama sebagai studi wajib yang diajarkan kepada seluruh siswa di semua jenjang pendidikan.25 pengembangan sistem pendidikan agama confessional didasarkan atas tiga alasan. pertama, alasan konstitusional yang mengacu kepada sila pertama pancasila–ketuhanan yang maha esa–dan pasal 29 (1) undang-undang dasar 1945: “negara berdasarkan atas ketuhanan yang maha esa”. kedua, alasan sosiologis untuk memelihara karakteriktik bangsa indonesia yang religius. ketiga, alasan politis agama sebagai hak asasi manusia dan pengalaman politik indonesia dengan komunisme. sistem pendidikan agama confessional ditegaskan dalam undang-undang nomor 2/ 1989 tentang pendidikan nasional juncto undang-undang nomor 20/2003 tentang pendidikan nasional terutama pada rumusan tujuan pendidikan nasional,26 pengembangan dan muatan kurikulum27 dan hak peserta didik.28 selain itu, pemerintah indonesia juga mengeluarkan peraturan pemerintah nomor 55/2007 tentang pelaksanaan pendidikan agama dan pendidikan keagamaan. dalam praktiknya, peraturan perundangan tentang pendidikan agama yang sudah tidak terlaksana sebagaimana mestinya. ada dua alasan utama mengapa pendidikan agama tidak dilaksanakan sesuai ketentuan perundang-undangan. pertama, keterbatasan tenaga pendidik (guru). karena sekolah tidak memiliki guru agama maka pendidikan agama diajarkan oleh guru bidang studi lain ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 66666 afkaruna yang dinilai memiliki kompetensi pengetahuan agama. kedua, alasan ideologis. sekolah mengembangkan sistem pendidikan agama tersendiri karena lebih mengutamakan “misi” agama sebagaimana dikembangkan oleh muhammadiyah, ahmadiyah, kristen, dan katolik. secara umum terdapat tiga model sistem pendidikan agama di sekolahsekolah agama. pertama, model “eksklusif” di mana siswa yang berbedabeda agama hanya menerima satu pendidikan agama confessional yang sesuai dengan agama sekolah yang diajarkan oleh guru agama. sebagai contoh, tanpa memperhatikan agamanya seluruh siswa yang belajar di sekolah kristen wajib mengikuti pendidikan agama kristen yang diajarkan oleh guru kristen. kedua, model “inklusif” di mana siswa yang berbeda-beda agama mempelajari ajaran beberapa agama. dalam model ini pendidikan agama bersifat nonconfessional yang menekankan aspek kognitif: siswa memahami dan membandingkan ajaran beberapa agama, menemukan nilai-nilai persamaan antaragama. selama proses pembelajaran siswa dipandu oleh seorang guru agama yang berperan sebagai fasilitator. model “pendidikan religiusitas” ini dikembangkan sebagai “strategi” untuk meningkatkan pemahaman dan kesadaran siswa tentang pluralitas agama dalam masyarakat.29ketiga, model “pluralis” dimana siswa mendapatkan dua “pendidikan agama”. yang pertama, siswa menerima pendidikan agama confessional sebagaimana diatur di dalam perundang-undangan pendidikan. selain itu, siswa wajib mengikuti “pendidikan keagamaan” non-confessional sesuai dengan agama sekolah. perbedaan model sistem pendidikan agama di sekolah-sekolah agama disebabkan oleh perbedaan “ijtihad” dalam menyinergikan ketentuan undangundang, misi agama dan konteks sosial-budaya masyarakat. pertama, sekolah sebagai lembaga publik terikat oleh hukum dan perundang-undangan. sekolah tidak hanya terikat oleh undang-undang pendidikan nasional, tetapi juga undang-undang tentang perlindungan anak, peraturan pemerintah tentang penyebaran agama dan perundang-undangan lainnya. kedua, sekolah sebagai lembaga agama didirikan sebagai agen penyebaran agama (an agent of religious missionary). ketiga, sekolah sebagai lembaga sosial terikat oleh konteks sosial-budaya dan agama masyarakat. sebagai lembaga sosial berperan untuk memelihara kerukunan sosial dan memberikan pelayanan kepada sesama. idealnya, sekolah agama dapat mengintegrasikan tiga fungsi sekolah sebagai lembaga pendidikan, dakwah dan sosial. tetapi, sekolah agama kadangkala berada dalam posisi yang dilematis: antara mematuhi undang-undang dengan pengembangan dakwah agama. jika sekolah lebih mengutamakan pelaksanaan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 77777vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 undang-undang, maka peranannya sebagai lembaga misi tidak maksimal. jika sekolah lebih mengutamakan misi, maka ada kecenderungan sekolah melanggar undang-undang. pilihan-pilihan prioritas inilah yang menyebabkan pendidikan agama di sekolah agama bisa menjadi sumber konflik dan ketegangan antarumat beragama.30 bagaimana sekolah agama mengembangkan model sistem pendidikan yang menyinergikan kewajiban yuridis-politis, mengembangkan misi agama dan memelihara pluralitas keagamaan merupakan kajian yang menarik. dengan jumlah sekolah yang sangat besar dan latar belakang keagamaan siswa yang beragam,31 muhammadiyah juga harus berhadapan dengan situasi yang dilematis tersebut. bagaimana sekolah-sekolah muhammadiyah mengembangkan model sistem pendidikan agama dan dampak sosial model pendidikan yang dikembangkannya merupakan masalah yang memerlukan studi mendalam. muhammadiyah adalah gerakan islam dan dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi munkar yang bertujuan untuk membangun masyarakat islam yang sebenarbenarnya. latar belakang kelahiran muhammadiyah erat kaitannya dengan berbagai problem sosial dan keagamaan yang disebabkan oleh kehidupan agama yang sinkretis menyimpang dari ajaran al-qur’an dan hadits, kemunduran pendidikan islam dan keterbelakangan umat muslim, agresivitas kegiatan misionaris kristen/katolik dan penetrasi bangsa-bangsa eropa.32 sejak berdiri pada tahun 1912, muhammadiyah menyelenggarakan pendidikan yang terbuka untuk semua (education for all). lembaga pendidikan muhammadiyah menerima siswa tanpa memandang latar belakang agama, etnis, kewarganegaraan dan ekonomi (non-discriminative). sekolah sebagai amal usaha muhammadiyah memiliki tiga fungsi: pendidikan, dakwah islam amar ma’ruf nahi munkar dan perkaderan. hal tersebut nampak dalam visi dan misi majelis pendidikan dasar menengah (dikdasmen) sebagai majelis yang secara khusus berkhidmat dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan muhammadiyah. visi majelis dikdasmen adalah tertatanya manajemen dan jaringan pendidikan yang efektif sebagai gerakan islam yang maju, profesional dan modern serta untuk meletakkan landasan yang kokoh bagi peningkatan kualitas pendidikan muhammadiyah. adapun misi majelis dikdasmen adalah: (a) menegakkan keyakinan tauhid yang murni; (b) menyebarluaskan ajaran islam yang bersumber kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah. (c) mewujudkan amal islami dalam kehidupan pribadi, keluarga dan masyarakat; (d) menjadikan lembaga pendidikan muhammadiyah sebagai pusat pendidikan, dakwah dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 88888 afkaruna perkaderan.33 sesuai dengan konteks tersebut, artikel ini berusaha mengkaji tiga permasalahan pokok tentang akar-akar pluralisme dalam pendidikan muhammadiyah. permasalahan ini terkait dengan tiga pertanyaan: (a) ideologi muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan islam dan dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi munkar; (b) konsep atau pemahaman muhammadiyah tentang pluralisme agama; (c) implementasi dakwah dan pluralisme dalam pendidikan. kajian tentang islam dan pluralisme agama kajian tentang pluralisme agama dan multikulturalisme mulai mendapatkan perhatian semenjak reformasi politik yang ditandai oleh perkembangan demokrasi yang cenderung liberal, otonomi daerah, good governance, keterbukaan politik dan merebaknya kekerasan bernuansa etnis dan agama. meskipun gagasan tentang pluralisme, demokrasi, civil society dan multikulturalisme cukup banyak ditulis dan diterbitkan, penelitian tentang pluralisme dalam pendidikan masih sangat terbatas, khususnya yang terkait dengan muhammadiyah. penelitian tentang pluralisme dalam pendidikan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi dua jenis. pertama, penelitian yang terkait dengan kebijakan politik dan perundang-undangan pendidikan sebagai hard-pluralism. dua penelitian penting mengenai hal ini dilakukan oleh m. saerozi34 dan abdurrahman assegaf.35saerozi dan assegaf melakukan kajian historis tentang kebijaksanaan pendidikan agama sejak masa kolonialisme belanda dan portugis sampai era reformasi. dalam penelitiannya, saerozi menemukan bahwa meskipun pola kebijakannya berbeda-beda, pemerintah belanda, portugis dan indonesia samasama mengembangkan pola pendidikan agama konfesional dimana negara memberikan legitimasi pendidikan agama untuk meningkatkan keimanan dan ketaatan siswa terhadap ajaran agamanya. jika pemerintah voc dan portugis menerapkan kebijaksanaan dominasi terhadap kelompok keyakinan minoritas (kkm), pemerintah hindia belanda memberlakukan pola penelantaran terhadap kkm. pemerintah indonesia berupaya mengembangkan kebijakan pendidikan agama konfesional yang lebih ideal, tetapi “warisan” kolonial yang berpola mendominasi atau menelantarkan kkm tidak bisa dihindari. karena itu, menurut saerozi, indonesia memerlukan kebijaksanaan pendidikan agama yang bersumber dari konsep “pluralisme agama konfesional” yang memberdayakan kkm sehingga negara bisa membebaskan diri dari pola dominasi maupun penelantaran. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 99999vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 senada dengan saerozi, penelitian assegaf menjelaskan bagaimana perubahan kebijakan atau politik pendidikan agama di indonesia banyak dipengaruhi oleh kepentingan politik pemerintah, konteks dan dinamika politik nasional dan kontestasi kepentingan dari berbagai kelompok, termasuk di dalamnya umat beragama. masalah pluralisme agama selalu menyertai hampir semua perdebatan tentang pendidikan agama khususnya di sekolah. menurut assegaf, dalam era demokrasi yang meniscayakan keterbukaan dan kebebasan, meningkatnya kesadaran tentang hak asasi manusia dan identitas merupakan kondisi yang mengharuskan kebijakan pendidikan agama yang propluralisme. apakah kebijakan pendidikan agama yang pluralistik mampu membentuk sikap positif terhadap pluralisme? beberapa penelitian tentang model atau pola pendidikan agama menunjukkan bahwa sikap pluralisme dapat dibentuk melalui pendidikan. penelitian ruswan, listia, yayah khisbiyah, ibnu hadjar dan jeny elna. ruswan meneliti perbandingan sikap toleransi beragama mahasiswa yang hanya menerima mata kuliah agama islam (wahid hasyim) dengan mahasiswa yang menerima mata kuliah agama-agama (akademi kebidanan). hasil uji statistik menunjukkan mahasiswa yang mempelajari agama-agama memiliki sikap toleransi yang lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan mereka yang hanya mempelajari satu agama saja.36 senada dengan ruswan, jeny elna menemukan adanya korelasi antara pendidikan agama berwawasan pluralis dengan peningkatan sikap, perilaku dan wawasan pluralitas siswa. jeny yang melakukan penelitian di sekolah dan madrasah di bali juga menemukan bahwa kualitas penyelenggaraan pendidikan agama di sekolah masih rendah karena sistem dan kurikulumnya tidak mengakomodir perbedaan latar belakang agama dan kebudayaan siswa.37 listia, dkk., membandingkan tiga model pendidikan agama alternatif: model religiusitas (keuskupan agung semarang), model inklusif (sma piri i yogyakarta), dan model komunikasi iman (sma bopkri 1 yogyakarta). ketiga model alternatif tersebut dikembangkan dengan mempertimbangkan kebutuhan siswa yang majemuk dan penekanan aspek partisipatoris. listia menemukan dua kesimpulan penting tentang hubungan model pendidikan agama dengan sikap toleransi. pertama, model pendidikan alternatif yang dikembangkan tiga sekolah penelitian berpengaruh positif terhadap pembentukan sikap toleran. kedua, model pemisahan (segregasi) yang dikembangkan pemerintah sesuai dengan uuspn berpotensi memupuk benihbenih intoleransi dan diskriminasi.38 yayah khisbiyah dkk. dari universitas muhammadiyah surakarta (ums) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1010101010 afkaruna meneliti pendidikan apresiasi seni untuk pluralisme budaya di madrasah ibtidayah muhammadiyah (mim) di surakarta dan sumatera barat. penelitian eksperimen ini membuktikan bahwa pendidikan apresiasi seni berpengaruh terhadap pembentukan identitas diri dan pluralitas budaya nusantara sehingga mereka dapat menerima dan menghormati pluralitas bangsa. penelitian ini juga menolak asumsi bahwa kelompok modernis kurang apresiatif terhadap pluralitas dan kebudayaan lokal.39 lembaga-lembaga pendidikan islam–madrasah dan pesantren–telah lama memiliki konsep dan tradisi pluralisme. penelitian fuad fachruddin dan badrus sholeh menjelaskan berkembangnya kultur pluralisme dalam masyarakat muslim. dalam penelitiannya, fachruddin menemukan perbedaan pandangan antara kelompok “rejeksionis” dan “akomodatif” di kalangan anggota muhammadiyah dan nahdlatul ulama (nu) tentang demokrasi, jender, toleransi dan pluralisme. meskipun kedua kelompok berbeda sikap terhadap demokrasi, jender dan toleransi, baik muhammadiyah maupun nu memahami pluralisme sebagai penghargaan atau memberi kesempatan kepada pemeluk agama lain untuk hidup berdampingan secara damai.40 bagaimana lembaga pendidikan islam berperan dalam demokrasi, civil society dan pluralisme dijelaskan dalam penelitian badrus soleh (lp3es) dan yayah khisbiyah. badrus soleh menemukan variasi sikap kalangan pesantren terhadap konsep ukhuwah: basyariyah, wathoniyah dan islamiyah dalam hubungannya dengan sikap terhadap keragaman suku, agama dan budaya. beberapa pesantren seperti cipasung (tasikmalaya), istiqlal (cianjur), edi mancoro (salatiga) bersikap positif terhadap kemajemukan. sedangkan tiga pesantren lainnya: ngruki (surakarta), nurul hakim (ntb-kediri) dan ddi (mangkoso-sulsel) lebih menyukai keseragaman daripada keragaman.41 bagaimana dengan sekolah muhammadiyah? sebutan muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan islam puritan yang menyerukan pemurnian islam dari sinkretisme, bid’ah, khurafat dan anasir lain yang merusak agama serta prinsip berpegang teguh kepada tauhid yang murni, al-qur’an dan hadits yang shahih sering mengesankan bahwa muhammadiyah merupakan gerakan yang eksklusif. muhammadiyah dinilai sebagai gerakan radikal dan tidak toleran, terutama terhadap tradisi lokal dan misionaris kristen/katolik. tetapi, penelitian mitsuo nakamura, james l peacock, achmad jainuri dan alwi shihab menunjukkan bahwa meskipun muhammadiyah sangat menekankan pengamalan islam yang murni, para pendiri dan tokoh muhammadiyah bersikap terbuka dan toleran terhadap tradisi masyarakat dan pemeluk agama ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1111111111vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 lain, khususnya kristen/katolik. dalam penelitiannya, nakamura menemukan empat paradoks dalam muhammadiyah. sebagai gerakan reformasi islam yang berusaha memurnikan ajaran islam muhammadiyah justru mendapat dukungan kuat di jantung pusat tradisi kebudayaan jawa. para tokoh dan anggota yang menjadi pendukung muhammadiyah bukanlah kalangan santri yang taat beragama (religiously devout) dan kaum pribumi borjuis (indigenous bourgoisie). ideologi muhammadiyah bukanlah merupakan difusi kultural gerakan reformasi islam timur tengah tetapi transformasi internal tradisi religio-ethical jawa, generalisasi dan rasionalisasi tradisi.42 meskipun interaksi muhammadiyah dengan budaya jawa diwarnai beberapa ketegangan, secara keseluruhan gerakan reformasi islam ini memiliki apresiasi dan toleransi yang tinggi terhadap tradisi jawa.43 dalam konteks dan fokus kajian yang berbeda, achmad jainuri menemukan akar-akar toleransi dan pluralisme dalam muhammadiyah. penelitiannya tentang ideologi muhammadiyah menunjukkan bahwa sebagai gerakan reformasi yang menganjurkan kehidupan berdasarkan tauhid yang murni dan keteguhan berpedoman kepada al-qur’an dan hadits muhammadiyah memiliki ideologi sosial yang terbuka. ideologi pluralisme dalam muhammadiyah berakar pada prinsip relativisme pemahaman agama dan ijtihad. dengan prinsip relativisme tersebut, muhammadiyah terbuka terhadap paham dan ide-ide baru dari mana pun datangnya. keterbukaan muhammadiyah terhadap pluralisme keagamaan nampak jelas dalam pembaharuan pendidikan muhammadiyah yang meliputi: adopsi sistem sekolah model belanda, pengajaran studi sekuler dan diterimanya siswa nonmuslim (kristen) dan abangan dalam sekolah muhammadiyah. reformasi pendidikan muhammadiyah memiliki bangunan ideologis yang kuat berdasarkan pemahaman tentang iman, amal shalih, birr, amar ma’ruf nahi munkar dan fastabiq al-khairat. 44 karena itu, sikap kritis dan resistensi muhammadiyah terhadap misi kristenisasi di indonesia tidak didasarkan di atas prinsip rivalitas dan permusuhan, tetapi persaingan, kompetisi yang sehat, dialog dan saling menghormati secara jujur.45 penelitian lain tentang muhammadiyah yang cukup penting adalah karya alfian, mt. arifin dan amir hamzah wirjosukarto. dalam disertasinya, alfian menjelaskan secara jelas bagaimana sikap politik muhammadiyah terhadap kebijakan politik pemerintah. meskipun dalam beberapa hal bersikap kooperatif, muhammadiyah menentang sangat keras kebijakan pemerintah kolonial yang kontraproduktif terhadap kebebasan beragama, salah satunya ordonansi guru.46 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1212121212 afkaruna mt. arifin47 dan amir hamzah48 mengkaji secara filosofis dan historis pembaharuan muhammadiyah dalam pendidikan. keduanya memaparkan pergulatan muhammadiyah dalam bidang pendidikan dan kontribusinya dalam memajukan bangsa. kajian penting yang membahas pandangan muhammadiyah mengenai pluralisme adalah tafsir tematik al-qur’an yang diterbitkan oleh majelis tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam. buku yang merupakan hasil dari rapat kerja nasional (rakernas) majelis tarjih tersebut memberikan kajian tafsir yang sangat luas dan mendalam mengenai hubungan sosial antar umat beragama. secara keseluruhan, buku ini menunjukkan keterbukaan muhammadiyah terhadap pluralisme khususnya menyangkut pandangannya mengenai ahli kitab, kerjasama antarumat beragama, keadilan sosial dan pernikahan antaragama.49 meski demikian, sebagai organisasi yang terbuka, muhammadiyah memiliki pluralitas internal yang dinamis. sikap para aktivis dan anggota muhammadiyah terhadap perbedaan keyakinan dan pluralisme tidaklah sama dan monolitik. penelitian abdul munir mulkhan, boy paradana dan biyanto secara jelasa menggambarkan dinamika internal tersebut. tesis boy pradana di australian national university (anu) memaparkan secara jelas konstelasi pemikiran dalam muhammadiyah antara kelompok “konservatif” versus “progresif”. boy menyimpulkan bahwa paska muktamar ke 45 di malang, muhammadiyah cenderung lebih konservatif dan tertutup terhadap gagasan-gagasan pembaruan. lahirnya kelompok progresif seperti jaringan intelektual muda muhammadiyah (jimm) merupakan respons atas stagnasi pemikiran dan lambannya muhammadiyah dalam menjawab berbagai isu penting di masyarakat. isu sentral yang menjadi pangkal perdebatan adalah pluralisme agama dan manhaj muhammadiyah. bagi kelompok konservatif, tidak ada pluralisme di dalam islam karena bertentangan dengan tauhid. sebaliknya, menurut kelompok progresif, pluralisme agama mencerminkan semangat dasar islam untuk membangun hubungan toleransi, saling menghormati dan mengakui perbedaan dengan agama lain.50 dalam disertasinya, biyanto menjelaskan sikap dan pandangan para aktivis muhammadiyah mengenai pluralisme. biyanto membandingkan dua kutub dalam muhammadiyah yang dapat menerima dan menolak pluralisme dengan mengangkat isu-isu keagamaan seperti kasus ahmadiyyah, kebebasan beragama, dll. dalam penelitiannya, biyanto menyimpulkan latar belakang pendidikan dan literatur memiliki pengaruh terhadap pembentukan pola ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1313131313vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 pemikiran para aktivis. menariknya, baik kelompok yang menerima maupun yang menolak pluralisme merujuk kepada tokoh-tokoh muhammadiyah masa awal dan interpretasi terhadap sikap organisasi mengenai isu-isu keagamaan.51 pluralitas sikap keagamaan dan politik warga muhammadiyah dijelaskan dalam penelitian abdul munir mulkhan. dalam penelitiannya, abdul munir mulkhan menemukan adanya empat kelompok dalam muhammadiyah. pertama, muhammadiyah al-ikhlas. kelompok ini memiliki orientasi keagamaan yang menekankan aspek akidah dan purifikasi ajaran islam dengan menentang keras takhayul, bid’ah, khurafat (tbk), tradisi lokal dan cenderung konfrontatif terhadap pemeluk agama lain. kedua, muhammadiyah kiai dahlan. kelompok ini bersikap rasional dan memahami agama secara terbuka. mereka mengamalkan ajaran islam yang murni tetapi bersikap toleran terhadap kelompok lain serta dapat memahami praktiktbk. ketiga,kelompok munu (muhammadiyah-nu). kelompok ini bergabung dengan muhammadiyah karena amal-amal sosialnya. meskipun telah menjadi anggota muhammadiyah mereka masih memegang teguh tradisi keagamaan sebagaimana warga nahdlatul ulama. keempat, kelompok marmud (marhaenis-muhammadiyah). kelompok ini agak dekat dengan tradisi abangan. sebagian mereka bahkan masih terbiasa menyelenggarakan tradisi keagamaan dan kebudayaan yang cenderung sinkretis. orientasi politiknya sangat nasionalis. mayoritas anggota muhammadiyah adalah kelompok munu yang terdiri atas para petani yang tekun dan menjadikan tbc (takhayul, bid’ah dan churafat) sebagai tradisi. elit pimpinan cabang didominasi kelompok kiai dahlan. al-ikhlas dan marmud sama-sama menjadi kelompok minoritas di kalangan warga muhammadiyah. berdasarkan penelitian abdul munir mulkhan, konfigurasi warga muhammadiyah didominasi oleh kelompok pluralis yang toleran terhadap tradisi.52 pluralisme dan pendidikan muhammadiyah secara esensial dan perenial model institusi, sistem, karakter dan kultur pendidikan muhammadiyah masa kini berakar pada ideologi muhammadiyah sebagai dasar normatif dan pengalaman historis sebagai landasan empiris. ideologi muhammadiyah adalah sistem paham, falsafah atau world view yang mendasari perjuangan melaksanakan gerakan untuk mencapai tujuan.53 ideologi muhammadiyah bersumber pada al-qur’an dan as-sunnah yang secara formal-organisasi terhimpun dalam mukadimah anggaran dasar, kepribadian muhammadiyah, matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah (mkch), khitah perjuangan, pedoman hidup islami (phi) dan pedoman lain ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1414141414 afkaruna yang mendukung nilai-nilai ideologis.54 pengalaman historis adalah produk ijtihad dan kreativitas strategis dalam konteks tertentu di masa lalu yang relevan dengan konteks sekarang. implementasi ideologi bersifat relatif permanen dan mengikat setiap amal usaha muhammadiyah. sedangkan pengalaman sejarah bersifat kasuistik dan tidak mengikat. ada tiga pokok masalah yang akan dibahas. pertama, muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan islam dan dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. muhammadiyah memahami dakwah sebagai proses islamisasi kultural. kedua, pemahaman muhammadiyah tentang pluralisme dan toleransi. bagian secara spesifik menguraikan ideologi muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan islam yang puritanpluralis. ketiga, implementasi konsep dakwah dan pluralisme dalam pendidikan muhammadiyah. bagaimana pluralisme berkembang dalam tradisi pendidikan muhammadiyah secara ringkas dibahas dalam bagian ini. muhammadiyah: puritan yang pluralis sesuai dengan mkch, “muhammadiyah bekerja untuk tegaknya akidah islam yang murni, bersih dari gejala-gejala kemusyrikan, bid’ah dan khurafat, tanpa mengabaikan prinsip toleransi menurut ajaran islam.”55 bagaimanakah pandangan muhammadiyah tentang toleransi dan pluralisme? pandangan muhammadiyah tentang pluralisme dan toleransi dapat dikaji dari tiga perspektif. pertama, pandangan muhammadiyah tentang kehidupan bermasyarakat. kedua, prinsip-prinsip dan dasar-dasar keagamaan dalam muhammadiyah. ketiga, usaha-usaha muhammadiyah dalam membangun persatuan dan relasi dengan umat non-muslim. perspektif pertama dan kedua lebih bersifat ideologis. sedangkan yang ketiga mengkaji secara historis dengan melihat kiprah organisasi dan para tokoh. muhammadiyah berpendapat bahwa hidup bermasyarakat adalah sunnatullah dan bagian dari ibadah, sesuai dengan fitrahnya, manusia adalah makhluk sosial. hidup bermasyarakat adalah takdir, perwujudan qudrat-iradat allah.56 terkait dengan matan ini, hamdan hambali menjelaskan bahwa hidup bermasyarakat adalah kodrat (ketentuan) allah untuk memberi makna dan nilai yang hakiki bagi kehidupan manusia. betapa pun sangat sempurna, manusia yang individualistis tidak mampu meraih makna dan nilai kehidupan. hidup bermasyarakat memiliki makna transendental sebagai bagian dari ibadah, pengabdian kepada allah tuhan yang maha esa.57 karena itu muhammadiyah mendorong anggotanya untuk aktif terlibat dalam kehidupan masyarakat. sesuai dengan pedoman hidup islami (phi) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1515151515vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 warga muhammadiyah agar senantiasa menjalin persaudaraan dan tidak diskriminatif dengan sesama anggota masyarakat. berdasarkan akhlak islam, dalam kehidupan bertetangga warga muhammadiyah hendaknya memelihara hak, menjunjung tinggi kehormatan dan membina hubungan yang harmonis baik kepada sesama muslim maupun non-muslim.58 khusus tentang hubungan bertetangga dengan non-muslim, phi memberikan guideline agar warga muhammadiyah berinteraksi secara alamiah dan bersikap toleran. dalam bertetangga dengan yang berlainan agama juga diajarkan untuk bersikap baik dan adil, mereka memperoleh hak-hak dan kehormatan sebagai tetangga, 59 memberi makanan yang halal dan boleh pula menerima makanan dari mereka berupa makanan yang halal, dan memelihara toleransi sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip yang diajarkan agama islam.60 keterlibatan manusia dalam kehidupan masyarakat mencerminkan kualitas keimanan. menurut k.h. mas mansur, kehadiran seorang mukmin di dalam masyarakat harus bermanfaat, menimbulkan kebahagiaan dan kedamaian.61 mas mansyur menjelaskan hal ini dengan mengutip beberapa hadits, antara lain riwayat abu nai’m dari ibnu umar: “orang mukmin itu bermanfaat, kalau engkau berjalan dengannya dia memberi manfaat, jika diminta pendapat dia memberi manfaat, jika bergaul dengannya dia memberi manfaat, semua hal yang datang darinya bermanfaat.” hidup bermasyarakat merupakan bagian tak terpisahkan dari aqidah tauhid. amien rais memformulasikan hal ini dalam konsep tauhid sosial.62 menurutnya, tauhid secara spiritual-vertikal berarti mengesakan allah sebagai satu-satunya tuhan di alam semesta. tauhid berarti memusatkan segala sesuatu kepada allah (centrality on god) sebagai poros (axis) dalam kehidupan. selain makna ekslusifnya, tauhid juga memiliki makna yang inklusif: mempersatukan. dalam konteks ini, tauhid memiliki lima dimensi. pertama, unity of god (kesatuan tuhan); allah adalah tuhan bagi seluruh alam semesta.63 kedua, unity of guidance (kesatuan tuntunan/petunjuk hidup); al-qur’an adalah petunjuk bagi seluruh umat manusia.64 ketiga, unity of creation (kesatuan penciptaan/makhluk); semua yang eksis di alam semesta selain allah adalah makhluk. manusia tidak boleh berbuat kejahatan kepada sesama manusia, binatang dan merusak alam semesta karena mereka semua adalah makhluk allah.65 keempat, unity of mankind (kesatuan umat manusia); umat manusia adalah satu, tidak ada superioritas individu, kelompok, suku dan lain-lain kecuali atas takwa.66 kelima, unity of the purpose of life (kesatuan tujuan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1616161616 afkaruna hidup). pada dasarnya setiap manusia ingin mendapatkan kebahagiaan dalam kehidupan. karena itu manusia tidak boleh merampas hak sesama dengan berbuat kerusakan demi kebahagiaannya sendiri. 67 dengan demikian, tauhid yang murni bukanlah jalan kehidupan yang ekslusif-individualistik. tauhid yang murni justru menumbuhkan sikap terbuka dan semangat persatuan di antara manusia yang berbeda-beda agama dan keyakinan. untuk menciptakan persatuan, manusia harus meninggalkan sikap egoistis, merasa dirinya paling benar dan meninggalkan musyawarah. menurut krh. hadjid, prinsip persatuan inilah yang sangat ditekankan oleh k.h. ahmad dahlan. “kebanyakan diantara para manusia berwatak angkuh dan takabur, mereka mengambil keputusan sendiri-sendiri.”68 egoisme pribadi dan kelompok itulah sumber perpecahan dan kehancuran masyarakat. untuk menciptakan persatuan dan harmoni sosial diperlukan dialog, sikap terbuka dan saling menghormati di antara sesama warga masyarakat yang berbeda-beda agama dan keyakinan. k.h. ahmad dahlan mengkritik keras sikap egoisme dengan mengatakan: ... marilah mengadakan permusyawaratan dengan golongan lain di luar golongan masing-masing untuk membicarakan manakah sesungguhnya yang benar itu dan manakah sesungguhnya yang salah. ... satu macam agama, menganggap salah terhadap sebagian golongan yang lain. misalnya, mereka yang beragama kristen katolik menganggap salah mereka yang beragama kristen protestan. sebaliknya kaum kristen protestan juga menyalahkan kaum kristen katolik. begitu juga di kalangan umat islam, mereka yang mengaku sebagai ahli sunnah wal jama’ah menetapkan salah terhadap mereka yang didakwa termasuk golongan mu’tazilah... pendek kata, tiap-tiap golongan dari yang besar sampai yang kecil, malah sampai kepada perseorangan, mereka menganggap bahwa dirinya yang benar dan sudah benar, kemudian menyalahkan kepada yang lainnya. mereka merasa sudah benar, tidak memerlukan lagi untuk mengetahui keadaaan golongan lain, tidak memerlukan bermusyawarah dengan golongan lain, dan mengabaikan hujjah atau alasan golongan lain.69 selanjutnya, k.h. ahmad dahlan juga mengkritik kecenderungan umat beragama yang memutlakkan kebenaran keyakinannya dan menyerang pemeluk agama lain. k.h. ahmad dahlan menganalogikan sikap tersebut sebagaimana orang yang melempar pisau cukur untuk melukai orang lain: “manusia satu ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1717171717vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 sama lain selalu melemparkan pisau cukur, mempunyai anggapan pasti paling tepat, dia melemparkan celaka kepada orang lain.”70 inti pendapat k.h. ahmad dahlan tersebut dijelaskan krh. hadjid sebagai berikut: sebagaimana orang yahudi yang menganggap bahwa dirinya akan bahagia, dan selain orang yahudi akan sengsara, begitu juga orang kristen yang menganggap bahwa hanya golongannya yang akan bahagia, mendapat surga, lainnya akan sengsara. begitulah anggapan tiap-tiap golongan agama, seperti hanya golongan majusi, golongan shabiah dan lain-lainnya lagi.... golongan islam juga menetapkan demikian. hanya golongan islam yang selamat dari api neraka, sedang selain golongan islam akan sengsara. sekarang bagaimana dengan orang yang tidak beragama? ... oleh golongan-golongan yang beragama baik golongan islam, yahudi, kristen, majusi, dan agama-agama lain, diyakini bahwa orang yang tidak beragama itu semua akan celaka dan sengsara. namun, sebaliknya, golongan yang tidak beragama mempunyai anggapan, bahwa manusia itu sesudah mati tidak akan celaka, tidak akan disiksa.71 muhammadiyah menginginkan tatanan masyarakat yang integratif, tidak tersekat-sekat oleh perbedaan suku, bangsa dan agama dengan mengembangkan sikap saling menghormati dan hidup rukun dengan sesama. muhammadiyah menghendaki terwujudnya masyarakat madani yang pluralistik. setiap warga muhammadiyah hendaknya bisa menjadi pribadi teladan. “... pribadi manusia dan ketertiban hidup bersama adalah merupakan unsur pokok dalam membentuk dan mewujudkan masyarakat yang baik, bahagia dan sejahtera.”72 muhammadiyah berusaha membangun masyarakat yang pluralistik dengan mengembangkan sikap pluralis. sikap pluralis di dalam muhammadiyah memiliki tiga landasan ideologis. pertama, dalam bidang keagamaan muhammadiyah tidak terikat kepada salah satu mazhab. kedua, muhammadiyah meyakini paham relativisme pemikiran dimana kebenaran suatu pemikiran atau hasil ijtihad bersifat subyektif-relatif dan terbuka untuk dikaji ulang. ketiga, dalam bidang muamalah-duniawiyah (sosial-kemasyarakatan) muhammadiyah memiliki prinsip “open learning”: keterbukaan untuk belajar dari berbagai sumber. muhammadiyah menyatakan dirinya tidak terikat kepada salah satu mazhab. menurut muhammadiyah, hasil ijtihad para ulama yang terkodifikasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1818181818 afkaruna menjadi mazhab merupakan “paham agama” yang tidak mengikat,73 bukan doktrin agama yang harus diikuti. pernyataan ini tidak berarti muhammadiyah menolak pendapat para imam mazhab. dalam bidang fikih, k.h. ahmad dahlan terpengaruh oleh mazhab syafi’i. mayoritas guru-gurunya ketika menunaikan ibadah haji dan bermukim di mekah selama lebih dari setahun adalah para syeikh mazhab syafi’i seperti kyai nawawi muhtaram banyumas, kyai nawawi al-bantani dan sayyid bakri shatta. k.h. ahmad dahlan juga belajar kepada para ulama nusantara yang bermukim di mekah seperti kyai mahfudz termas dan ahmad khatib minangkabau.74 nama ahmad dahlan sebagai pengganti muhamm ad darwisy–nama kecil ahmad dahlan–diberikan oleh syeikh sayyid bakri.75 ada dua kemungkinan mengapa sayyid bakri memberikan nama ahmad dahlan. pertama, sayyid bakri mengharapkan k.h. ahmad dahlan menjadi pewaris dan penerus ajaran ahmad ibn zaini dahlan76 di indonesia. dalam tradisi islam, nama adalah doa agar seseorang mendapat berkah dan dapat menjadi manusia sebagaimana namanya. kedua, sayyid bakri memberikan nama “asal saja”, tidak memiliki agenda apa pun.77 pengaruh mazhab syafi’i dalam fiqh k.h. ahmad dahlan dan muhammadiyah masa awal dapat dilihat dari beberapa aspek. pertama, dalam bidang ibadah k.h. ahmad dahlan membaca doa qunut dalam setiap salat shubuh. bilangan salat tarawih dua puluh rakaat. kedua, dalam tradisi keagamaan rapat-rapat resmi dan pengajian di muhammadiyah selalu dibuka dan diakhiri dengan bacaan surat al-fatihah. ketiga, bidang ijtihad muhammadiyah mempergunakan qiyas sebagai metode instinbat hukum yang utama.78 tetapi dalam hal menyangkut batalnya wudlu, misalnya menyentuh perempuan, muhammadiyah lebih condong kepada pendapat imam hanafi yang berpendapat sentuhan perempuan tidak membatalkan wudlu. dengan tidak bermazhab, muhammadiyah dapat bersikap “netral” dan bergerak bebas tanpa terbelenggu oleh suatu pendapat. muhammadiyah berusaha melakukan revitalisasi al-qur’an dan as-sunnah sebagai sumber hukum yang universal. dalil-dalil al-qur’an harus lebih diutamakan daripada pendapat para imam mazhab. tanpa mengurangi penghargaan kepada para ulama dan pendapatnya, muhammadiyah menilai ijtihad para ulama klasik memiliki keterbatasan. pertama, keterbatasan intelektual yang bermuara pada otentisitas dan validitas referensi dalil-dalil rujukannya. kedua, keterbatasan relevansi dengan kehidupan kontemporer karena perbedaan konteks, ruang dan waktu. tidak bermazhab bukan berarti talfiq–mencampuraduk pendapat mazhab–atau mencari yang mudah-mudah saja dalam beragama tetapi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1919191919vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 mengikuti pendapat yang paling kuat di antara pendapat para ulama sebagai hujjah dalam beribadah. secara khusus muhammadiyah melembagakan tradisi ijtihad melalui majelis tarjih yang bertugas melakukan pengkajian sehingga seluruh amal ibadah muhammadiyah sesuai dengan dalil al-qur’an dan hadits yang rajih (kuat). menurut muhammadiyah pintu ijtihad senantiasa terbuka. hasil-hasil pemikiran dan tafsir ulama terdahulu terbuka untuk dikaji kembali. meskipun otoritas berijtihad tetaplah terbatas. otoritas ijtihad hanya diberikan kepada mereka yang berkompeten, baik secara induvidual maupun kolektif. tetapi, setiap manusia berkewajiban untuk meningkatkan pengetahuan dan mendalami ajaran agama. menurut k.h. mas mansur, para ulama yang berkompeten hendaknya senantiasa berijtihad untuk memperluas dan memperdalam agama. bagi masyarakat yang tidak berkompeten boleh berittiba’, mempelajari agama kepada para ulama sehingga memahami dalildalil secara mendalam.79 muhammadiyah mengajak umat islam membebaskan diri dari stagnasi pemikiran dan disintegrasi sosial sebagai warisan sejarah islam masa pertengahan,80 dengan memperluas paham agama dan tidak berhenti berijtihad terutama dalam lapangan sosial. sebagai produk pemikiran, kebenaran hasil ijtihad kolektif (ijtihad jamai’) dan ijtihad individual (ijtihad munfarid) bersifat subyektif dan relatif. berdasarkan prinsip keagamaan yang kedua ini, muhammadiyah berpendapat bahwa tidak ada hasil ijtihad yang final. semuanya terbuka untuk dikaji kembali dan direvisi, termasuk yang dikemukakan oleh muhammadiyah sendiri. fakta historis mengenai hal ini adalah perubahan fatwa majelis tarjih tentang doa qunut dan pemasangan foto k.h. ahmad dahlan. majelis tarjih menyatakan bahwa doa qunut bukan bagian dari salat shubuh. pendapat ini berbeda dengan fatwa terdahulu yang memperbolehkan qunut dalam setiap salat shubuh. atas alasan syaddu al-dzari’ah (preventif) majelis tarjih masa awal melarang pemasangan foto k.h. ahmad dahlan karena bisa menjurus kepada kemusyrikan (kultus individu), di kemudian hari, ketika akidah umat sudah kuat, foto k.h. ahmad dahlan boleh dipasang untuk tujuan pendidikan (tarbiyah).81 perubahan fatwa bukan hal yang asing. ketika bermukim di baghdad, imam syafi’i memperbolehkan transaksi “salam”82 karena penduduknya jujur. fatwa ini disebut qaul al-qadîm. ketika hijrah dan menetap di mesir, imam syafi’i melarang transaksi bisnis “salam”. mayoritas masyarakat mesir cenderung curang, tidak dapat dipercaya. fatwa baru ini disebut qaul al-jadîd. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2020202020 afkaruna muhammadiyah juga berpendapat bahwa hasil ijtihad tidak pernah tunggal. muhammadiyah menyadari adanya pluralitas pemikiran dan keagamaan di dalam masyarakat. karena itu, dalam setiap pernyataannya muhammadiyah selalu mengemukakan: “ini adalah pendapat muhammadiyah”. pernyataan ini mengandung pengertian bahwa dalam masalah yang sama sangat dimungkinkan adanya pendapat kelompok lain yang berbeda. di antara perbedaan pendapat yang ada, muhammadiyah tidak mengklaim pendapatnyalah yang paling valid.83 muhammadiyah memahami dan menerima pluralitas sebagai keniscayaan sosiologis. setiap manusia akan cenderung membela dan mempertahankan pendapat dirinya dan kelompoknya. k.h. ahmad dahlan menggambarkan kecenderungan ini dengan merujuk kepada al-qur’an qs. 30, ar-rum: 32.84 bahkan, karena fanatisme yang berlebihan manusia menutup diri dan membenci pihak lain: “manusia itu semua membenci sesuatu yang tidak diketahui”.85 perbedaan ideologis dan kultural dalam suatu masyarakat “... harus dipelihara sejauh perbedaan ini tidak bertentangan dengan nilai dan norma dasar yang dianut oleh masyarakat itu.”86 lebih jauh dari itu, muhammadiyah menerima pluralitas sebagai bagian dari sunnatullah. pendapat muhammadiyah ini berdasarkan pemahaman komprehensif ayat-ayat al-qur’an, khususnya qs. 2, al-baqarah: 148 dan qs. 5, al-maidah: 48.87 menurut majelis tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam (ppi) di dalam al-qur’an terdapat apresiasi terhadap pluralisme agama melalui pengakuan bahwa tiap-tiap umat beragama mempunyai pandangan, orientasi, dan praktik keagamaan masing-masing. merujuk kepada pendapat al-qurthubi, majelis tarjih dan ppi menyimpulkan bahwa “keragaman itu merupakan sesuatu yang memang menjadi tujuan tuhan dalam ciptaannya.”88 manusia harus mengambil manfaat dari pluralitas dengan sikap saling menghormati dan berdialog secara tulus. dialog bukanlah dimaksudkan untuk mencari titik temu di antara agama yang berbeda-beda, tetapi lebih difokuskan sebagai upaya untuk mengenal “yang lain”. dialog bukan bertujuan untuk melakukan “asimilasi”:89 melebur kelompok-kelompok yang berbeda-beda. semangatnya bukanlah untuk menunjukkan superioritas satu kelompok di atas yang lainnya (menang-kalah), tetapi saling mempelajari (mutual understanding). sebagaimana ditulis krh. hadjid, k.h. ahmad dahlan mengatakan: manusia itu perlu sekali mendengarkan segala fatwa ucapan. dari siapa saja harus didengar. jangan sampai menolak, tidak mau ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2121212121vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 mendengarkan suara dari lain pihak. selanjurnya suara-suara tadi harus dipikir sedalam-dalamnya, dan ditimbang, disaring dan dipilih yang benar. manusia perlu mengetahui mana yang benar dan mana yang salah. manusia yang tahu caranya mencuri, tidak dapat disebut sebagai pencuri kecuali kalau memang benar-benar dia itu mencuri. begitu juga seorang kristen yang paham seluk-beluk tentang agama islam, belum menjadi orang islam kecuali kalau dia itu benar-benar mengamalkan agama islam. dan sebaliknya orang islam pun yang tahu seluk-beluk tentang agama kristen juga tidak lalu menjadi kristen, kecuali kalau memang mengamalkannya. 90 keterbukaan untuk bersedia belajar dan menerima pihak lain yang berbeda membutuhkan sikap toleransi. k.h. ahmad dahlan pernah mengundang para tokoh wanita sarekat islam untuk berbicara di forum pengajian aisyiah. dalam kesempatan lain, k.h. ahmad dahlan memberikan kesempatan kepada dua tokoh sosialis, soedarsono dan sema’un, untuk berbicara di rapat terbuka muhammadiyah. dalam pidatonya, kedua tokoh sosialis tersebut banyak mengkritik pemerintah dan memaparkan gagasan “komunisme”: sama rata sama rasa. k.h. ahmad dahlan harus membayar mahal langkah “kontroversial” itu. para priyayi “borjuis” yang dekat dengan kekuasaan pemerintah belanda mengundurkan diri dari muhammadiyah karena menilai k.h. ahmad dahlan dengan dengan kaum sosialis kiri. biasanya rapat-rapat dan pengajian muhammadiyah selalu dibuka dan ditutup dengan bacaan surat al-fatihah. tetapi, untuk kesempatan tersebut–pidato soedarsono dan sema’un–rapat dibuka dan ditutup dengan ketok palu, bukan al-fatihah.91 apa yang dilakukan muhammadiyah ini merupakan contoh toleransi dan pluralisme positif. ada dua hal penting yang perlu dicatat dari langkah k.h. ahmad dahlan. pertama, dari perspektif ideologis dan sosiologis, k.h. ahmad dahlan tidak menghendaki muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi yang ekslusif: untuk masyarakat kelas menengah terpelajar, priyayi dan aristokrat. sebelum mengundang para tokoh sosialis, k.h. ahmad dahlan mengundang para buruh ke kauman dan sekolah muhammadiyah. kedua, dari sudut paedagogis, k.h. ahmad dahlan berusaha membangkitkan kesadaran dan militansi para kader muhammadiyah dan aisyiyah untuk lebih percaya diri di dalam mengembangkan muhammadiyah kepada masyarakat.92 pluralisme memerlukan kedewasaan dan sikap inklusif menerima orang lain yang berbeda. perbedaan pendapat dan keyakinan bukan halangan untuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2222222222 afkaruna menjalin persahabatan. k.h. ahmad dahlan bersahabat dengan domine baker, seorang misionaris kristen di yogyakarta. dengan temannya itu k.h. ahmad dahlan beberapa kali terlibat dalam perdebatan keagamaan yang serius, tetapi persahabatan keduanya tetap terbina dengan baik.93 k.h. mas mansur seringkali berbeda pendapat dengan k.h. moechtar–sekretaris muhammadiyah–dalam masalah-masalah keagamaan. tetapi keduanya tetap bersahabat dan bekerjasama sehingga perbedaan pendapat pribadi tidak mempengaruhi kemajuan pergerakan muhammadiyah.94 tradisi toleransi dan pluralisme di dalam muhammadiyah dapat dilacak dari sikap k.h. ahmad dahlan terhadap pemeluk agama kristen. posisinya sebagai abdi dalem dan anggota budi utomo memungkinkan k.h. ahmad dahlan menjalin hubungan persahabatan yang akrab dengan para bangsawan dan bangsa belanda. banyak sahabat k.h. ahmad dahlan adalah para misionaris dan zending kristen. kepada mereka yang beragama kristen tersebut, k.h. ahmad dahlan membina persahabatan pribadi yang sejati. alfian menggambarkan persahabatan k.h. ahmad dahlan sebagai berikut: in fact, dahlan himself took an uncommon, and very probably unprecedented, attitude toward … he visited them, invited them, and exchanged ideas with them privately or in various public debates. dahlan was extremely tolerant toward the christians which they interpreted as his receptivity toward their religion. reverend baker, for example, even held the opinion that there was a tendency toward syncretism in dahlan’s doctrine of islamic modernism and baker felt that dahlan professed a belief that there was something worthwhile in every religion.95 tidak hanya bersahabat, k.h. ahmad dahlan bahkan mengadopsi metode pendidikan dan gerakan orang kristen. karena sikapnya itu, k.h. ahmad dahlan secara pribadi sering dicap sebagai “kiyai kristen” atau “kiyai kafir”.96 lembagalembaga pendidikan yang didirikan–khususnya sekolah–disebut “sekolah kafir”, terutama setelah muhammadiyah menerima bantuan finansial dari pemerintah belanda.97 masalah format pendidikan dan strategi gerakan merupakan masalah duniawi yang didalamnya manusia bebas mengembangkan kreativitas. menurut muhammadiyah dunia adalah “segala sesuatu yang disebut dalam sabda rasulullah dengan ucapan: ’engkau lebih mengetahui urusan duniamu’, ialah segala perkara yang tidak menjadi tugas diutusnya para nabi”.98 dengan pandangan ini, muhammadiyah memilah dan memisahkan sesuatu yang substantif dan sesuatu yang bersifat strategis (cara). imitasi atau duplikasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2323232323vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 kelompok lain dalam hal-hal strategis tidak bertentangan dengan agama. k.h. mas mansur, mencontohkan hal ini dengan seseorang yang memakai jas. sebagaimana celana, ikat pinggang, dan sepatu, jas adalah pakaian umum yang bisa dipakai siapa saja. jika orang kristen mengenakan pakaian tersebut, tidak berarti seseorang menjadi kristen. agama mewajibkan manusia menutup aurat, tetapi tidak menjelaskan bagaimana cara menutupnya. ini adalah wilayah di mana manusia mendapatkan kebebasan berkreativitas.99 terhadap agresivitas misi kristen, muhammadiyah menerapkan prinsip gentlemen-competition bukan rivalry-confrontation. sikap ini berdasarkan pemahaman konsep “fastabiqu al khairat” sebagaimana termaktub dalam qs. 2, al-baqarah: 148 dan qs. 5, al-maidah: 48 yang disebutkan terdahulu. pesatnya pengembangan unit-unit pelayanan sosial oleh kelompok kristen menginspirasi para tokoh muhammadiyah untuk mendirikan amal usaha muhammadiyah yang serupa seperti sekolah, rumah sakit, panti asuhan, rumah jompo, organisasi kepanduan dan sebagainya. karena itu, semangat gentlemen competition memiliki akar teologis yang sangat mendalam. amal sosial muhammadiyah adalah manifestasi konsep amal shalih dan tanggung jawab sosial. bagaimana implementasi konsep fastabiqu al khairat dalam pengembangan amal sosial muhammadiyah dapat dijelaskan dari pidato pelantikan k.h. soedja sebagai ketua bahagian penolong kesengsaraan oemoem (pko). banyak orang di luar islam (bukan orang islam) yang sudah berbuat menyelenggarakan rumah-rumah panti asuhan untuk memelihara mereka si fakir miskin dan kanak-kanak yatim yang terlantar dengan cara yang sebaikbaiknya hanya karena terdorong dari rasa kemanusiaan saja, tidak karena merasa tanggung jawab dalam masyarakat dan tanggung jawab di sisi allah kelak di hari kemudian. kalau mereka dapat berbuat karena berdasarkan kemanusiaan saja, maka saya heran sekali kalau umat islam tidak dapat berbuat. padahal agama islam adalah agama untuk manusia bukan untuk khalayak yang lain. apakah kita bukan manusia? kalau mereka dapat berbuat, kena apakah kita tidak dapat berbuat? hum rijal wa nahnu rijal.100 dalam perkembangan berikutnya, terutama sesudah wafatnya k.h. ahmad dahlan, sikap muhammadiyah terhadap para misionaris kristen mengalami perubahan yang drastis. alfian menggambarkan perubahan tersebut dengan ungkapan yang sangat puitis: “the extreme tolerance toward the christians as was exemplified by dahlan in the previous period was to be buried to○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2424242424 afkaruna gether with this founder of muhammadiyah in 1923, since the movement was to drastically depart from that tolerant attitude.”101 (sikap toleran kepada orang-orang kristen yang luar biasa sebagaimana dicontohkan k.h. ahmad dahlan terkubur bersama jasad pendiri muhammadiyah itu pada tahun 1923, tahun di mana gerakan muhammadiyah meninggalkan perilaku toleran secara drastis). perubahan-perubahan tersebut disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor. pertama, perubahan model dan gaya kepemimpinan para tokoh muhammadiyah. salah satu tokoh yang sangat berpengaruh setelah wafatnya k.h. ahmad dahlan adalah h. fachroedin, seorang tokoh muda muhammadiyah yang sangat nasionalis-islamis-progresif-radikal.102 kedua, faktor politik karena pemihakan pemerintah belanda terhadap kegiatan misionaris dan hubungan mutualistis di antara keduanya. kegiatan misionaris kristen mendapat subsidi dan difasilitasi oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda. policy inilah yang membangkitkan semangat antikolonialisme di kalangan umat muslim yang dimotori oleh sarikat islam dan ahmadiyah. kedekatan hubungan antara muhammadiyah dengan sarikat islam dan ahmadiyah–sebelum akhirnya mereka berpisah–merupakan faktor yang menumbuhkan sentimen anti-kristen di kalangan muhammadiyah.103 ketiga, pergeseran kultur dalam organisasi muhammadiyah ke arah ideologisasi gerakan. fase ideologisasi muhammadiyah dimulai sejak dibentuknya majelis tarjih pada tahun 1927, di mana muhammadiyah menjadi sangat “syariah oriented”.104 dari uraian tersebut dapat disimpulkan bahwa secara ideologis muhammadiyah sangat menekankan puritanisme teologis, committed dengan penegakan akidah islam yang murni, tauhid yang jauh dari kemusyrikan. tauhid dimaknai sebagai konsep universal yang menumbuhkan sikap inklusif kepada sesama, khususnya dalam bidang sosial-kemasyarakatan. muhammadiyah menempatkan kehidupan bermasyarakat sebagai manifestasi iman, tanggung jawab sosial dan ibadah kepada allah. dalam kehidupan masyarakat yang pluralistik, muhammadiyah mengembangkan tradisi keterbukaan: membina dan memelihara harmoni sosial dengan mengembangkan hubungan baik dan saling bekerjasama sesuai dengan tuntunan akhlak islam. ideologi pluralisme di dalam muhammadiyah dibangun di atas tiga pondasi: tidak bermazhab, relativisme kebenaran paham keagamaan dan keterbukaan untuk belajar dari siapa saja. pada masa-masa awal muhammadiyah sangat toleran terhadap pemeluk agama lain khususnya kristen. sesuai dengan prinsip fastabiqu al khairat, muhammadiyah bekerja ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2525252525vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 keras mengembangkan pelayanan sosial sebagai bentuk gentlemen-competition bukan rivalry-confrontation dengan misionaris kristen. dinamika relasi muhammadiyah dengan kristen dalam banyak kasus dipengaruhi oleh faktor kepemimpinan internal muhammadiyah, dinamika politik eksternal organisasi dan ideologisasi gerakan. secara ringkas, pandangan muhammadiyah tentang pluralisme dan toleransi dapat dijelaskan dengan deskripsi muhammadiyah kiai dahlan sebagaimana dikemukakan abdul murnir mulkhan. muhammadiyah adalah gerakan yang “puritan inklusif substansialis yang lebih mementingkan dimensi etik pemurnian islam dengan partisipasi dalam lembaga cukup tinggi serta orientasi rasional dalam dunia kerja.”105 pendidikan muhammadiyah: membangun pluralisme sebagaimana dijelaskan dalam bagian terdahulu, muhammadiyah adalah gerakan islam dan dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi munkar yang bertujuan untuk menegakkan dan menjunjung tinggi ajaran islam menuju terwujudnya masyarakat islam yang sebenar-benarnya. seluruh aktivitas muhammadiyah, termasuk di dalamnya pendidikan, merupakan pengejawantahan dari identitas muhammadiyah ini. karena itu, secara fungsional pendidikan muhammadiyah memiliki tiga misi agency: pendidikan, dakwah dan perkaderan.106 pendidikan tidak dapat dipisahkan dari dinamika gerakan dakwah muhammadiyah. sebelum mendirikan muhammadiyah, k.h. ahmad dahlan memulai aktivitas dakwah dan sosialisasi gagasan pembaruan melalui pendidikan. 1 desember 1911, k.h. ahmad dahlan mendirikan sekolah dasar di kauman yogyakarta. murid sekolah ini terdiri dari laki-laki dan perempuan.107 selain itu, melalui koleganya di budi utomo, k.h. ahmad dahlan memberikan pelajaran agama ekstrakurikuler di kweek school, jetis, yogyakarta dan osvia, magelang. pelajaran agama di kedua sekolah guebernemen tersebut diajarkan setiap sabtu dan minggu. upaya ini dilakukan k.h. ahmad dahlan sebagai upaya membangun karakter yang integratif dan menghapuskan segregasi sosial-keagamaan: santri-abangan. 108 kepribadian yang utuh: ulama yang intelek dan intelek yang ulama. tujuh tahun kemudian, 1918, muhammadiyah mendirikan sekolah menengah yang diberi nama madrasah qismul arqa’. tahun 1920, lembaga pendidikan ini diubah menjadi pondok muhammadiyah sebelum akhirnya, tahun 1923, diubah menjadi kweek school (sekolah guru) untuk memenuhi kebutuhan guru sekolah dasar.109 1926 muhammadiyah mendirikan taman ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2626262626 afkaruna kanak-kanak bustanul athfal. pada tahun yang sama didirikan hollandsh inlandsche school (his) met de qur’an–yang kemudian diganti menjadi his muhammadiyah di jakarta dan kudus. muhammadiyah kemudian membangun meer uitgebreid lager onderwijs (mulo), hollandsch inlandsche kweekschool (hik), schakel school dan algemeene middelbare school (ams). komposisi pelajaran agama dalam kurikulum lembaga-lembaga pendidikan tersebut berkisar 10-15 % pelajaran agama sisanya terdiri dari pelajaran umum.110 relasi komplementer antara pendidikan dengan dakwah muhammadiyah dapat dilihat dari korelasi positif antara pendirian sekolah dengan berdirinya cabang-cabang baru. di pusat-pusat kota di jawa, pembentukan cabangcabang muhammadiyah hampir selalu bersamaan atau beriringan dengan berdirinya sekolah.111 selain alasan-alasan yang bersifat teologis dan ideologis, dalam beberapa aspek, pengadopsian sistem pendidikan barat ke dalam muhammadiyah merupakan upaya “pragmatis” para pendiri organisasi ini agar mendapatkan dukungan masyarakat kota yang memang sudah welcome terhadap pendidikan–dan budaya–barat sebagai captive market. kedua, dalam praktik penyelenggaraannya kegiatan pendidikan menyatu dengan tabligh: pengajian agama kepada kelompok dewasa secara sistematis. ketiga, pendidikan berorientasi untuk membentuk kader organisasi dan guru-buru agama.112 korelasi antara pendidikan dengan dakwah dan perkaderan nampak dari formulasi tujuan pendidikan muhammadiyah. kepada murid-muridnya, k.h. ahmad dahlan berpesan: “dadiyo mester, dokter lan insinyur, aja lali nyambut gawe kanggo muhammadiyah.”113(jadilah mester–sarjana hukum–, dokter dan insinyur, dan jangan pernah letih berjuang untuk muhammadiyah). pesan ini menggambarkan bagaimana fungsi pendidikan sebagai lembaga perkaderan. sosok kader muhammadiyah yang diharapkan dapat dilihat dari rumusan tujuan pendidikan muhammadiyah. mengutip dari deliar noer, mt. arifin memaparkan tujuan kependidikan muhammadiyah yang merupakan gagasan orisinal k.h. ahmad dahlan sebagai berikut: 1. pendidikan moral, akhlak, yaitu sebagai usaha menanamkan karakter manusia yang baik berdasar al-qur’an dan sunnah. 2. pendidikan individu, yaitu sebagai usaha untuk menumbuhkan kesadaran individu yang utuh, yang berkeseimbangan antara perkembangan mental dan jasmani, antara keyakinan dan intelek, antara perasaan dengan akal pikiran, serta antara dunia dengan akhirat. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2727272727vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 3. pendidikan kemasyarakatan, yaitu sebagai usaha untuk menumbuhkan kesediaan dan keinginan hidup bermasyarakat.114 secara fungsional, pendidikan muhammadiyah juga berperan mempersatukan masyarakat yang majemuk (pluralistik) tidak hanya secara kultural tetapi juga keagamaan. muhammadiyah menyelenggarakan pendidikan inklusif, education for all (pendidikan untuk semua) bagi siswa dari kalangan muslim dan non-muslim, santri dan abangan, laki-laki dan perempuan. pendidikan bisa menjadi meeting point diantara para siswa yang berbeda-beda latar belakang agamanya. pelajaran agama islam yang diselenggarakan k.h. ahmad dahlan di kweek school terbuka untuk seluruh siswa: muslim dan non-muslim. gambaran umum praktik pendidikan di sekolah tersebut dijelaskan k.h. sudja’ sebagai berikut: k.h. ahmad dahlan tiap-tiap hari minggu sejak pagi dikerumuni para siswa sekolah kweek school yang diberi pelajaran agama islam pada tiaptiap hari sabtu sore, siswa-siswa mana bukan saja siswa yang terdiri dari anak-anak islam, tetapi anak kristen, anak katolik, anak theosofi dan lain-lain ideologi yang bukan islam. mereka memang anak yang cerdascerdas otaknya, tidak dapat menerima keterangan-keterangan yang belum atau tidak cocok dengan jalan akal pikirannya. memang k.h. ahmad dahlan bermaksud yang demikian itu. oleh karenanya pada tiap-tiap hari minggu merupakan diskusi agama dengan para siswa kweek school di yogyakarta.115 dalam format yang sederhana, praktik pelajaran agama dialogis yang dilaksanakan k.h. ahmad dahlan merupakan bentuk sederhana pendidikan agama non-confessional dimana siswa non-muslim secara sukarela mempelajari islam sebagai wawasan pengetahuan. karena fungsinya sebagai lembaga dakwah, muhammadiyah senantiasa bersikap kritis terhadap setiap kebijakan yang bertentangan atau menghambat aktivitas pendidikan. pada zaman penjajahan belanda, muhammadiyah bersama para muslim lainnya menentang keras pemberlakuan goeroe ordonnantie (ordonansi guru)116 karena sangat membatasi kebebasan beragama dan ruang gerak umat islam untuk menyebarkan agamanya.117 selain isinya yang sangat intrusive, muhammadiyah menilai pemerintah kolonial belanda tidak fair dan tidak konsisten dalam menjalankan ordonansi guru. dalam praktiknya, pemerintah belanda yang sekuler dan–seharusnya–netral ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2828282828 afkaruna agama memihak umat kristiani dengan mengizinkan mereka mengajarkan agama kristen di sekolah guebernemen setiap hari jumat. sebaliknya, pemerintah belanda melarang muhammadiyah memberikan pendidikan agama islam ekstra kurikuler di osvia yang sudah dirintis sejak lama oleh k.h. ahmad dahlan.118 melalui berbagai lobi muhammadiyah menuntut agar ordonansi guru tersebut dicabut. muhammadiyah juga menuntut agar pemerintah tidak melakukan subordinasi dan domestikasi pendidikan agama. para pemimpin muhammadiyah dan umat islam di berbagai tempat, seperti di minangkabau, meminta pemerintah belanda memberikan mandat yang lebih luas dan otonomi untuk mengelola usaha pendidikan agama secara mandiri tanpa campur tangan pemerintah.119 meskipun tuntutan ini tidak dikabulkan, pemerintah belanda–akhirnya–mengakomodir aspirasi muhammadiyah dengan memberikan konsesi berupa pembebasan para mubalig muhammadiyah dari semua ketentuan di dalam ordonansi guru.120 tindakan pemerintah yang sangat intrusive dan over sensitive terhadap kegiatan umat islam nampaknya disebabkan oleh eskalasi perlawanan umat islam kepada kolonialisme belanda dan kekhawatiran meningkatnya kemajuan pendidikan islam bisa menyaingi sekolah guebernemen sebagai agen westernisasi dan pembentukan kelompok yang propemerintah.121 strategi muhammadiyah yang menempatkan pendidikan sebagai ujung tombak dakwah membuatnya sering bersinggungan dengan kepentingan kelompok lain, khususnya kristen yang memilih pendidikan sebagai kegiatan sosial yang utama. baik umat kristen maupun muhammadiyah menjadikan muhammadiyah sebagai agen misionari agama. faktor inilah yang membuat dinamika perjumpaan muhammadiyah dan umat islam pada umumnya dengan kristen diwarnai ketegangan termasuk di dalamnya hal-hal yang terkait dengan pendidikan agama di sekolah swasta.122 lembaga pendidikan menjadi “battle ground” politik identitas keagamaan. menurut aritonang, polemik seputar pendidikan agama di sekolah pada era kemerdekaan mulai bergulir sejak tahun 1960-an, pada saat kalangan islam mengeluhkan pemberian pendidikan agama kristen kepada siswa-siswa beragama lain di sekolah-sekolah katolik dan kristen123. keluhan kalangan islam dilatarbelakangi praktek penyelenggaraan pendidikan agama di sekolahsekolah berciri khusus kristen dan katolik yang tetap mengajarkan pendidikan agama kristen pada siswa-siswinya yang beragama islam. padahal kebijakan pendidikan dalam uu no. 4 tahun 1950 jo uu no. 20 tahun 1954 jelas ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2929292929vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 mengatur sekolah-sekolah swasta berciri khusus kristen untuk memberikan pendidikan agama islam pada siswa muslim meskipun kebijakan ini belum bersifat mengikat. kondisi demikian ini memicu ketegangan kalangan islam dengan kelompok kristen. gbhn tahun 1966 merespons perkembangan tersebut dengan mengharuskan semua siswa dari pelbagai tingkatan pendidikan untuk dapat mengikuti pelajaran agama sesuai dengan agama yang dianutnya124. kontroversi penyelenggaraan pendidikan agama kembali mencuat pada saat perancangan uu 1989 oleh departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. kalangan islam seperti muhammadiyah dan mui menilai sebagian isi rancangan undang-undangan mengabaikan eksistensi pendidikan agama125. muhammadiyah menuntut agar setiap siswa berhak mendapatkan pendidikan agama sesuai keyakinannya dan diajarkan oleh guru yang seagama. muhammadiyah melalui lukman harun, yang waktu menduduki kursi dpr, mengingatkan jika pemerintah tidak mengakomodasi tuntutan umat islam maka akan terjadi instabilitas keamanan nasional126. akhirnya melalui lobi muhammadiyah dan mui, rancangan undang-undang sistem pendidikan nasional tahun 1989 ditetapkan dan diberlakukan maret 1989 dengan mengakui secara eksplisit peran pendidikan agama pada semua jenis, jalur, dan jenjang pendidikan. lebih dari itu, landasan kokoh dari peraturan ini dijelaskan dalam penjelasan pasal 28 ayat 2.127 konsistensi sikap muhammadiyah terhadap hak siswa untuk mendapatkan pendidikan agama sesuai agamanya terlihat kembali pada saat perdebatan ruuspn no. 20 tahun 2003 mencuat ke permukaan. argumentasi yang diajukan kalangan pendukung dan penentang tidak jauh dari pembelaan serupa pada saat polemik ruuspn 1989. menurut romo widjojo, pada kasus sekolah-sekolah swasta berciri khusus agama adalah sangat sulit untuk menyediakan pendidikan agama yang berbeda dari orientasi agama sekolah. atas dasar itu, sekolah-sekolah katolik tidak memberikan pendidikan agama selain orientasi agama sekolah. hal ini diperkuat pernyataan dewan bishop indonesia yang tidak mengizinkan sekolah katolik mengajarkan agama selain katolik128. namun muhammadiyah mendesak pemerintah untuk mengesahkan ruu sisdiknas tersebut. dalam pandangan organisasi ini, substansi maupun berbagai aspek di dalam ruu sistem pendidikan nasional (sisdiknas) memenuhi persyaratan menjadi uu. uu sisdiknas. ini berfungsi sebagai landasan konstitusional bagi penyelenggaraan sistem pendidikan di indonesia dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3030303030 afkaruna pembentukan karakter serta peradaban bangsa. terkait pasal 13 ayat 1 yang menjadi polemik, pp muhammadiyah menilai sudah sejalan dengan prinsip hak asasi manusia, demokrasi, pluralisme, konstitusi dasar negara, serta nilainilai moral universal dan agama. sehingga peraturan demikian dijalankan akan maka akan mendorong pembentukan moral generasi penerus bangsa yang berbasis keyakinan keagamaan. dampak lain yang adalah mengurangi kecenderungan perpindahan agama yang menjadi salah satu faktor konflik antar umat beragama dan mengganggu integritas bangsa.129 kesimpulan potret respons muhammadiyah terhadap permasalahan pendidikan agama, khususnya di sekolah-sekolah berciri khusus agama, menyimpulkan konsistensi muhammadiyah di dalam mengawal misi dan mempertahankan identitasnya sebagai gerakan islam dan dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi munkar, peran dan tanggungjawab moral-politik organisasi ini dalam kancah pendidikan bangsa. muhammadiyah berusaha dan–dalam beberapa hal–berhasil mengaksentuasikan pandangannya mengenai eksistensi pendidikan agama dalam koridor hukum dan perundangan negara. upaya muhammadiyah memperjuangkan hak-hak pendidikan agama di lembaga pendidikan merupakan bagian dari strategi dakwah struktural: dakwah melalui saluran-saluran politik yang bersifat top-down.130 aturan legal formal diperlukan oleh masyarakat untuk menjamin pluralisme keagamaan dalam masyarakat multirelijius. lembaga pendidikan, bagi muhammadiyah, tidak hanya memikul peran-peran keilmuan-sekuler namun juga harus memiliki dimensi transendental dalam bentuk penghargaan akan hak anak untuk dididik dalam habitat keagamaannya sendiri. pada banyak kasus, organisasi ini telah berhasil membangun lembaga pendidikannya sebagai potret empiris dari proses kohabitasi pendidikan agamaagama. dalam perspektif knitter, institusi pendidikan muhammadiyah telah membuka jalan bagi terjadinya proses interaksi bahkan pertemuan (encounter) pandangan agama-agama yang merupakan bentuk praksis dari pluralisme agama.131 catatan akhir 1 berdasarkan sensus penduduk tahun 2000, di indonesia terdapat 101 etnis yang memiliki subetnis masing-masing. total jumlah etnis dan subetnis lebih dari 1000. komposisi etnis terbesar dengan jumlah lebih dari satu juta adalah jawa ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3131313131vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 (83.865.724), sunda (30.978.404), melayu (6.946.040), madura (6.771.727), batak (6.076.440), minangkabau (5.475.145), betawi (5.041.688), bugis (5.010.421), banten (4.113.162), banjar (3.496.273), bali (3.027.525), sasak (2.611.059), cirebon (1.890.102), tionghoa (1.738.936). lihat leo suryadinata, evi nurvidya arifin dan aris ananta, penduduk indonesia: etnis dan agama dalam era perubahan politik, (jakarta: lp3es, 2003), h. 6-7. 2 menurut sensus penduduk tahun 2000, jumlah dan persentase pemeluk agama adalah sebagai berik ut: islam (177.528.772= 88,22%), kristen (17.954.977=8,92%), hindu (3.651.939=1,81%), budha (1.694.682=0,84%), lainnya (411.629=0,20%). pada sensus penduduk 2000, belum ada kategori khusus untuk agama konghucu, sehingga dimasukkan kategori agama lainnya. lihat leo suryadinata, evi nurvidya arifin dan aris ananta, penduduk indonesia: etnis dan agama dalam era perubahan politik, (jakarta: lp3es, 2003), h. 102. 3 riaz hassan, keragaman iman: studi komparatif masyarakat muslim, terjemahan jajang jahroni, dkk (jakarta: raja grafindo persada-ppim, 2006). 4 abdullahi ahmed an-na’im, islam dan negara sekuler: menegosiasikan masa depan syariah, terjemah sri murniati, (bandung:mizan, 2007), h. 47. 5 dalam muktamar di semarang tahun 1984, nahdlatul ulama menerima pancasila sebagai asas organisasi. setahun kemudian, 1985, melalui muktamar ke 41 yang diselenggarakan di surakarta, muhammadiyah menerima pancasila sebagai asas organisasi dan mengubah tujuan organisasi yang semula “untuk mewujudkan masyarakat islam” menjadi: “membentuk masyarakat utama, adil dan makmur yang diridai allah swt.” sebagaimana ditulis lukman harun dalam muhammadiyah dan azas pancasila, (jakarta:pustaka panjimas, 1989), penerimaan muhammadiyah atas pancasila memerlukan waktu yang sangat panjang dan perdebatan teologis yang berdampak pada keluarnya kelompok “puritan” dari muhammadiyah. pada muktamar ke 44 di jakarta, muhammadiyah kembali memasukkan “islam” sebagai asas organisasi. meskipun demikian, sebagaimana disampaikan ketua umum pp. muhammadiyah, m. din syamsuddin, dalam pidato iftitah sidang tanwir muhammadiyah, 25 april 2007, di yogyakarta, muhammadiyah tetap tegas mendukung pancasila sebagai dasar negara. 6 di dalam undang-undang dasar 1945 pasal 29 disebutkan: (1) negara berdasarkan atas ketuhanan yang maha esa; (2) negara menjamin kemerdekaan tiap-tiap penduduk untuk memeluk agamanya masing-masing dan untuk beribadat menurut agamanya dan kepercayaannya itu. 7 azyumardi azra, konteks berteologi di indonesia: pengalaman islam, (jakarta: paramadina, 1999), h. 40. 8 kajian menarik mengenai islam dan budaya lokal dapat dibaca dari simuh, islam dan pergumulan budaya jawa, (jakarta: teraju, 2003) dan muhammad zafar iqbal, kafilah budaya: pengaruh persia terhadap kebudayaan indonesia, (jakarta: citra, 2006). dalam konteks muhammadiyah, sikap terhadap budaya lokal merupakan wacana yang menarik. perdebatan internal muhammadiyah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3232323232 afkaruna mengenai kebudayaan menunjukkan terjadinya pluralitas pemikiran yang dinamis sepanjang sejarah. pluralitas pemikiran tersebut menyebabkan terjadinya perbedaan strategi dakwah dan gerakan persyarikatan antara kelompok “puritan” dengan kelompok “kultural” dan melahirkan beberapa varian dalam tubuh muhammadiyah. kajian komprehensif mengenai masalah ini dapat dibaca dari abdul munir mulkhan, islam murni dalam masyarakat petani, (yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya, 2000) dan asykuri ibn chamim, dkk., purifikasi & reproduksi budaya di pantai utara jawa: muhammadiyah dan seni lokal, (surakarta: psb-ps ums, 2003). 9 jamhari dan jajang jahroni (ed.), gerakan salafi radikal di indonesia, (jakarta: rajawali press, 2004). 10 angel rabasa et.al., building moderate muslim networks (california: rand corporation, 2007), h. 66-68. 11 vanessa baird, “in the name of god”, new internationalist, 370, h. 9-12. mengutip dari berbagai sumber, vanessa berkesimpulan bahwa mayoritas konflik keagamaan seperti di gujarat (india), palestina, thailand dan philipina disebabkan oleh faktor nonagama terutama politik. konflik politik tersebut sarat dengan nuansa agama karena perbedaan agama di antara kelompokkelompok yang terlibat konflik. 12 robert w. hefner, “muslim democrats and islamist violence in post soeharto indonesia” dalam robert w. hefner, remaking muslim politics: pluralism, contestation, democratization (princeton: princeton university press, 2005), h. 273301. lihat juga ahmad suaedy dan rumadi (editor), politisasi agama dan konflik komunal: beberapa isu penting di indonesia, (jakarta: the wahid institute, 2007). 13 amartya sen, identity & violence: the illusion of destiny (new york: ww. norton & company, 2006). 14 tri ratnawati, “mencari kedamaian di maluku: suatu pendekatan historispolitis” dalam w.a.l. stokhof dan murni jamal (editor), konflik komunal di indonesia saat ini, (leiden-jakarta: inis-pbb, 2003), h. 3-14. 15 frans magnis suseno, “faktor-faktor yang mendasari konflik antara kelompok etnis dan agama di indonesia: pencegahan dan pemecahan” dalam w.a.l. stokhof dan murni jamal (editor), konflik komunal di indonesia saat ini, (leidenjakarta: inis-pbb, 2003), h. 121-125. 16 mahatir mohammad, globalization and the new realities (selangor, malaysia: pelanduk publication, 2002), h. 179. 17 bassam tibi, the challenge of fundamentalism: political islam and the new world order (barkeley, los angeles: university of california press, 1998). 18 charles kimball, kala agama jadi bencana, terjemah nurhadi (bandung: mizan, 2003), h. 65. 19 richard bonney, jihad from qur’an to bin laden (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2004). 20 kautsar azhari noer, “pluralisme dan pendidikan agama di indonesia: menggugat ketidakberdayaan sistem pendidikan agama,” dalam th. sumartana, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3333333333vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 dkk., pluralisme, konflik dan pendidikan agama di indonesia, (yogyakarta: interfidei, 2001), h. 234-239. 21 wahyu pramudya, “pluralitas agama: tantangan ‘baru’ bagi pendidikan keagamaan di indonesia”, veritas, 6/2 (oktober 2005): h. 279-290. 22 kuntowijoyo, “konvergensi dan politik baru islam” dalam abdul munir mulkhan, runtuhnya mitos politik santri, (yogyakarta: sipress, cetakan ke 2, 1999), h. xi. 23 pendapat ini antara lain dikemukakan olen daoed joesoef, menteri pendidikan dan kebudayaan indonesia (1978-1983). menurut joesoef: “... pendidikan agama, agar efektif, sebaiknya diberikan di luar jalur pendidikan umum formal, berupa zondagschool bagi agama kristen dan katolik. bila mengenai agama islam kiranya baik pula surau difungsikan sebagai tempat pengajian... dengan begitu penduduk juga didorong menjadi semakin erat hubungannya dengan surau yang ada di rt atau rw masing-masing.”. daoed joesoef, dia dan aku: memoar pencari kebenaran, (jakarta: kompas, 2006), h. 814. 24 denise cush, “should religious studies be part of the compulsory state school curriculum?” british journal of religious education, 29 (3), september 2007, h. 221-227. 25 m. saerozi, politik pendidikan agama dalam era pluralisme, (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 2004). 26 pasal 3 undang-undang 20/2003 tentang sistem pendidikan nasional: “pendidikan nasional…. bertujuan untuk berkembangnya potensi peserta didik agar menjadi manusia yang beriman dan bertakwa kepada tuhan yang maha esa, berakhlak mulia,...”. 27 pasal 36 (3, a, b, h) undang-undang 20/2003: “kurikulum disusun sesuai dengan jenjang pendidikan… dengan memperhatikan: (a) peningkatan iman dan takwa; (b) peningkatan akhlak mulia;... (h) agama.”. pasal 37 (1): “ kurikulum pendidikan dasar dan menengah wajib memuat: (a) pendidikan agama... (2) kurikulum pendidikan tinggi wajib memuat: (a) pendidikan agama...”. 28 undang-undang 20/2003, pasal 12 (1): “setiap peserta didik pada setiap satuan pendidikan berhak: (a) mendapatkan pendidikan agama sesuai dengan agama yang dianutnya dan diajarkan oleh pendidik yang seagama.” 29 listia, dkk., problematika pendidikan agama di sekolah: hasil penelitian tentang pendidikan agama di yogyakarta 2004-2006, (yogyakarta: interfidei, 2007). 30 adian husaini, solusi damai islam-kristen di indonesia, (jakarta: pustaka da’i, 2003). 31 sampai tahun 2000, muhammadiyah memiliki 3.979 taman kanak-kanak (tk); 6 sekolah luar biasa (slb); 940 sekolah dasar (sd); 1.332 madrasah ibtidaiyyah (mi)/diniyyah (madin); 2.143 sekolah menengah pertama (smp)/ madrasah tsanawiyah (mts); 979 sekolah menengah atas (sma)/madrasah aliyah (ma); 101 sekolah menengah kejuruan (smk), 13 muallimin/ muallimat; 3 sekolah farmasi dan 65 pondok pesantren. muhammadiyah memiliki 36 universitas; 72 sekolah tinggi; 54 akademi dan 4 politeknik. siswa dan mahasiswa di lembaga pendidikan muhammadiyah berasal dari latar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3434343434 afkaruna belakang agama yang berbeda-beda. pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, berita resmi muhammadiyah: edisi khusus tanfidz keputusan muktamar muhammadiyah ke 45 di malang, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, rajab 1426 h/september 2005) h. 43. 32 musthafa kamal pasha dan adaby darban, muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan islam dalam perspektif historis dan ideologis, (yogyakarta: lppi universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, cetakan iii, 2003), h. 121-126. 33 surat keputusan majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah tentang tanfidz keputusan rapat kerja nasional (rakernas) majelis pendidikan dasar dan menengah (dikdasmen) se-indonesia. 34 m. saerozi, politik pendidikan agama dalam era pluralisme: telaah historis atas kebijaksanaan pendidikan agama konvensional di indonesia, (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 2004). 35 abdurrahman assegaf, politik pendidikan nasional: pergeseran kebijakan pendidikan agama islam dari praproklamasi ke reformasi, (yogyakarta: kurnia kalam, 2005). 36 ruswan, studi komparasi sikap toleransi beragama mahasiswa akademi kebidanan dan universitas wahid hasyim, (semarang: puslit iain walisongo, 2003). 37 jeny elna mahupale, pendidikan agama berwawasan multikultural: analisis hubungan dan pandangan agama terhadap pandangan sikap perilaku pluralis, tesis, universitas gajah mada, yogyakarta, 2007. 38 listia, dkk., problematika pendidikan agama di sekolah, (yogyakarta: interfidei, 2007). 39 yayah khisbiyah dan atiqa sabardila (ed), pendidikan apresiasi seni: wacana dan praktik untuk toleransi pluralisme budaya, (surakarta: psb-ps ums, 2004). 40 fuad fachruddin, agama dan pendidikan demokrasi: pengalaman muhammadiyah dan nu, (jakarta: insep, 2006). 41 badrus soleh (ed), budaya damai komunitas pesantren, (jakarta: lp3es, lsaf, taf; 2007). 42 mitsuo nakamura, the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central java town, (cornell university: unpublished thesis, 1976). 43 ahmad najib burhani, muhammadiyah and javanese culture: appreciation and tension, (leiden, unpublished thesis, 2004). 44 achmad jainuri, ideologi kaum reformis: melacak pandangan muhammadiyah masa awal, (surabaya: lpam, 2002). lihat juga achmad jainuri, themuhammadiyah movement in the twentieth century indonesia: a socio-religious study, (montreal: unpublished thesis, 1992). 45 alwi shihab, membendung arus: respons gerakan muhammadiyah terhadap misi kristen di indonesia, (bandung: mizan, cetakan i, 1998). 46 alfian, muhammadiyah: the political behavior of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism (yogyakarta: gadjahmada university press, 1989). 47 mt. arifin, gagasan pembaharuan muhammadiyah dalam bidang pendidikan (jakarta: pustaka jaya, 1987). 48 amir hamzah wirjosukarto, pendidikan dan pengadjaran muhammadijah dalam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3535353535vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 masa pembaharuan semesta (jogjakarta: pembaharuan dan pengadjaran islam, 1962). 49 majelis tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam pp. muhammadiyah, tafsir tematik al-qur’an tentang hubungan sosial antar umat beragama (yogyakarta: pustaka sm, 2000). 50 pradana boy ztf, in defense of pure islam: the conservative-progressive debate within muhammadiyah, unpublished masters tesis, faculty of asian studies, australian national university, 2007. 51 biyanto, pluralisme keagamaan dalam perspektif kaum muda muhammadiyah, disertasi, tidak diterbitkan, program pascasarjana, institut agama islam negeri (iain) sunan ampel, surabaya, 2008. 52 abdul munir mulkhan, islam murni dalam masyarakat petani, (yogyakarta: bentang, 2000). 53 haedar nashir, meneguhkan ideologi gerakan muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2006), h. vi. 54 haedar nashir, “kembali ke ideologi muhammadiyah” dalam hamdan hambali, ideologi dan strategi muhammadiyah, (yogyak ar ta: suara muhammadiyah, 2006), h. x. 55 mkch, matan 4. 56 mukadimah anggaran dasar: “hidup bermasyarakat itu adalah sunah (hukum qudrat-iradat) allah atas kehidupan manusia di dunia ini.” kepribadian muhammadiyah: “… muhammadiyah mendasarkan segala gerak dan amal usahanya atas prinsip-prinsip yang tersimpul dalam mukadimah anggaran dasar, yaitu: a. hidup manusia harus berdasar tauhid, ibadah dan taat kepada allah; b. hidup manusia bermasyarakat…”. 57 hamdan hambali, ideologi dan strategi muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2006), h. 17. 58 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, pedoman hidup islami warga muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2001), h. 66. 59 dalam konteks ini phi mengutip sebuah hadits yang diriwayatkan oleh abu dawud dan tirmidzi dari ibn ‘amr: “ bahwasanya abdullah ibn ‘amr; disembelihkan untuknya seekor domba oleh keluarganya. ketika ia tiba, ia berkata: ’apakah engkau telah memberi (daging domba) kepada tetangga kita yang beragama yahudi? saya telah mendengar rasulullah saw bersabda: ’jibril senantiasa berpesan kepadaku untuk berbuat baik kepada tetangga, sehingga saya menyangka kemungkinan ia mendapat bagian hak harta waris. “ 60 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, pedoman hidup islami....h. 67. 61 k.h. mas mansur, 12 langkah tafsir muhammadiyah dalam amir hamzah wirjosukarto (penyunting), kiyahi haji mas mansur: pemikiran tentang islam dan muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: yp2lpm-hanindita, 1986), h. 196. 62 amien rais, tauhid sosial: formula menggempur kesenjangan sosial, (bandung: mizan, 1998), h. 10. 63 qs. 1, al-fatihah: 2: “segala puji bagi allah tuhan semesta alam”. 64 qs. 2, al-baqarah: 185: “bulan ramadhan adalah bulan yang di dalamnya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3636363636 afkaruna diturunkan (permulaan al-qur’an, sebagai petunjuk bagi seluruh umat manusia…”. 65 qs. 7, al-‘araf: 56: “dan janganlah kamu membuat kerusakan di muka bumi sesudah (allah) memperbaikinya... “ 66 qs. 49, al-hujurat: 13: “hai manusia, sesungguhnya kami menciptakan kamu dari seorang laki-laki dan seorang perempuan dan menjadikan kamu berbangsabangsa dan bersuku-suku supaya kamu saling mengenal. sesungguhnya orang yang paling mulia di antara kamu di sisi allah adalah orang yang paling bertakwa....” 67 qs. 28, al-qashash: 77: “dan carilah pada apa yang telah dianugerahkan oleh allah kepadamu berupa kebahagiaan negeri akhirat dan janganlah kamu melupakan bagianmu dari kenikmatan duniawi. berbuatlah baiklah kepada orang lain sebagaimana allah telah berbuat baik kepadamu dan janganlah kamu berbuat kerusakan di muka bumi...”. 68 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha. dahlan…. h. 13. 69 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha. dahlan…. h. 14-15. 70 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha. dahlan…. h. 14. 71 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha. dahlan…. h. 14-15. 72 hamdan hambali, ideologi dan strategi..... h. 17. 73 k.h. mas mansur, 12 langkah muhammadiyah, dalam amir hamzah wirjosukarto, kh. mas mansur: pemikiran....h. 200. 74 mukti ali, “the muhammadiyah movement: a bibliographical introduction,” m.a. thesis (tidak dipublikasikan), institute of islamic studies, mcgill university, montreal, 1957, h. 38-39. 75 k.h. suja’, muhammadiyah dan pendirinya, (yogyakarta: majelis pustaka pp. muhammadiyah, 1989), h. 3. 76 ahmad zaini dahlan adalah seorang mufti mazhab syafi’i yang sangat berpengaruh dan dominan di kota mekah antara tahun 1870 sampai wafatnya 1886. ahmad zaini dahlan sangat popular di kalangan orang-orang jawa yang menunaikan ibadah haji. keterangan lebih lengkap dapat dibaca nico kaptein, the muhimmat al-nafais: a bilingual meccan fatwa collection for indonesian muslims from the end of the nineteenth century, (jakarta: inis, 1997), h. 3-6. 77 ahmad najib burhani, “the muhammadiyah’s attitude to javanese culture in 1912-1930: appreciation and tension”, m.a. thesis, (tidak dipublikasikan), universiteit leiden, the netherland, 2004, h. 17. 78 majelis tarjih muhammadiyah, himpunan putusan majelis tarjih.... h. 278. 79 k.h. mas mansur, 12 langkah muhammadiyah, dalam amir hamzah wirjosukarto, kh. mas mansur: pemikiran....h. 200. 80 harun nasution, pembaharuan dalam islam: sejarah pemikiran dan gerakan, (jakarta: bulan bintang, cetakan ke 13, 2003), h. 5. 81 pp. muhammadiyah, himpunan keputusan majelis tarjih…. h. 281, 313. 82 salam adalah transaksi bisnis di mana pembeli tidak melihat wujud fisik barang yang dijual karena penjual hanya menyebut ciri-ciri atau spesifikasi. 83 achmad jainuri, ideologi kaum reformis: melacak pandangan muhammadiyah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3737373737vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 periode awal, (surabaya: lpam, 2002), h. 117. 84 qs. 30, ar-ruum: 32: “… tiap-tiap golongan merasa bangga dengan dengan apa yang ada pada golongan mereka.” 85 krh. hadjid, ajaran kha. dahlan.... h. 20. 86 achmad jainuri, ideologi kaum reformis... h. 224. 87 qs. 2, al-baqarah: 148: “dan bagi tiap-tiap umat ada kiblatnya sendiri yang ia menghadapkan kepadanya. maka berlomba-lombalah kamu dalam berbuat kebaikan...”. qs. 5, al-maidah: 48: “... untuk tiap-tiap umat di antara kamu, kami berikan aturan dan jalan yang terang. sekiranya allah menghendaki niscaya dijadikan-nya kamu satu umat saja. tetapi allah hendak menguji kamu terhadap pemberian-nya kepadamu. maka berlomba-lombalah berbuat kebajikan...”. 88 majelis tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam pp. muhammadiyah, tafsir tematik al-qur’an tentang hubungan sosial antarumat beragama, (yogyakarta: pustaka sm, 2000), h. 17. 89 achmad jainuri, ideologi kaum reformis…. h. 224. 90 krh. hadjid, ajaran kha. dahlan.... h. 20-21. 91 k.h. sudja’, muhammadiyah dan pendirinya.... h. 61, 63. 92 k.h. sudja’, muhammadiyah dan pendirinya.... h. 64. 93 junus salam, riwajat hidup k.h.a. dahlan... h. 61. 94 achmad jainuri, ideologi kaum reformis…. h. 124. 95 alfian, muhammadiyah: the political behaviour of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism, (yogyakarta: gadjahmada university press, 1989), h. 159-160. 96 junus salam, riwajat hidup k.h.a. dalan.... h. 20. 97 mt. arifin, gagasan pembaharuan.... h. 150. 98 pp. muhammadiyah majelis tarjih, himpunan putusan tarjih.... h. 276. 99 k.h. mas mansur, 12 langkah muhammadiyah, dalam amir hamzah wirjosukarto, kh. mas mansur: pemikiran.... h. 201. 100 k.h. sudja’ muhammadiyah dan pendirinya,.... h. 33. 101 alfian, muhammadiyah… h. 208. 102 h. fachroedin adalah sekretaris muhammadiyah pada masa k.h. ahmad dahlan. selama hayatnya, fachroedin aktif mengikuti beberapa organisasi budi utomo, sarikat islam dan prinsen bond (persatuan priyayi) dan isdv (organisasi sosialis indonesia). karena tidak cocok dengan perilaku para anggotanya yang “borjuis”, fachroedin keluar dari budi utomo dan prinsen bond. dia kemudian lebih banyak aktif di sarikat islam dan isdv. bagi dia, usaha kaum kristen adalah dua sisi dari satu mata uang dengan kolonialisme belanda. sikap nasionalisme dan pembelaan islam inilah yang dalam banyak aspek membuat fachroedin sangat anti kepada setiap usaha kristenisasi. lihat djarnawi hadikusumo, matahari-matahari muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: percetakan persatuan, t.th), h. 16-30. 103 alfian, muhammadiyah…. h. 209. lihat juga alwi shihab, membendung arus: respons gerakan muhammadiyah terhadap penetrasi misi kristen di indonesia, (bandung: mizan, cetakah 1, 1998), h. 162. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3838383838 afkaruna 104 abdul munir mulkhan, islam murni….h. 44. 105 abdul munir mulkhan, islam murni…. h. 355. 106 majelis dikdasmen pp. muhammadiyah, hasil-hasil rakernas majelis dikdasmen, jakarta 2006. 107 karel a. steenbrink, pesantren madrasah sekolah: pendidikan islam dalam kurun modern, (jakarta: lp3es, cetakan ke 2, 1994) h. 52. 108 mt. arifin, gagasan pembaruan muhammadiyah… h. 212. 109 mt. arifin, gagasan pembaharuan muhammadiyah… h. 219. 110 mt. arifin, gagasan pembaharuan muhammadiyah… h. 217-218. 111 karel a. steenbrink, pesantren madrasah sekolah.... h. 57. 112 karel a. steenbrink, pesantren madrasah sekolah.... h. 56. 113 junus salam, riwajat hidup k,h.a. dahlan.... h. 63. 114 mt. arifin, gagasan pembaharuan muhammadiyah… h. 206. 115 k.h. sudja’, muhammadiyah dan pendirinya… h. 16. 116 goeroe ordonnantie (ordonansi guru) pertama kali dikeluarkan tahun 1905. setelah banyak diprotes terutama oleh kalangan muslim, ordonansi tersebut diamandemen pada tahun 1925. perubahan tersebut tetap saja tidak memuaskan karena tidak perubahan isi yang substantif. tidak ada perubahan yang substantif. isi ordonansi yang sangat merugikan kegiatan islam antara lain guru agama dan mubalig harus mendapatkan rekomendasi, menyampaikan isi pelajaran, dan memberikan kewenangan kepada pemerintah untuk memeriksa catatan pelajaran agama. pemerintah belanda berhak mencabut izin menjadi guru dan mubalig apabila tidak mematuhi ketentuan ordonansi. lihat aqib suminto, politik islam hindia belanda, (jakarta: lp3es, cetakan 3, 1996), h. 54. 117 achmad jainuri, ideologi kaum reformis…. h. 202. 118 ali shihab, membendung arus… h. 164. 119 hamka, ayahku: riwayat hidup dr. abdul karim amrullah dan perjuangan kaum agama di sumatera, (jakarta: umminda, 1982), h. 166-167. 120 achmad jainuri, ideologi kaum reformis…. h. 203-204. 121 maksum, madrasah: sejarah dan perkembangannya, (jakarta: logos, 1999), h. 114. 122 jan s. aritonang, sejarah perjumpaan kristen dan islam di indonesia, (jakarta: bpk gunung mulia, cetakan ke 3, 2006). 123 jan aritonang, sejarah perjumpaan …. h. 588. 124 m. sairozi, politik pendidikan agama dalam era pluralisme: telaah historis atas kebijaksanaan pendidikan agama konvensional di indonesia, (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 2004), h. 146. 125 m. sairozi, politik pendidikan agama.... h. 147. 126 alwi shihab, membendung arus …. h. 164. 127 m. sairozi, politik pendidikan agama….. h. 147. 128 fatimah husein, muslim-christian relation in the new order indonesia: the exclusivist and the inclusivist muslims perspectives (bandung: mizan, 2005) h. 124. 129 muhammadiyah: ruu sisdiknas sudah sesuai, hidayatullah.com. 07 mei 2003. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3939393939vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 130 kuntowijoyo, muslim tanpa masjid.... h. 118. 131 lih. paul f. knitter, pengantar teologi agama-agama (terjemahan) (yogyakarta: kanisius, 2008). daftar pustaka suryadinata,leo. nurvidya arifin, evi dan ananta,aris. 2003. penduduk indonesia: etnis dan agama dalam era perubahan politik. jakarta: lp3es. hassan,riaz. 2006. keragaman iman: studi komparatif masyarakat muslim, terjemahan jajang jahroni, dkk. jakarta: raja grafindo persada-ppim. an-na’im,abdullahi ahmed. 2007. islam dan negara sekuler: menegosiasikan masa depan syariah, terjemah sri murniati. bandung:mizan. harun, lukman. 1989. muhammadiyah dan azas pancasila. jakarta: pustaka panjimas. azra, azyumardi. 1999. konteks berteologi di indonesia: pengalaman 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institute. sen,amartya. 2006. identity & violence: the illusion of destiny. new york: ww. norton & company. ratnawati, tri. 2003. “mencari kedamaian di maluku: suatu pendekatan historispolitis” dalam w.a.l. stokhof dan murni jamal (editor), konflik komunal di indonesia saat ini. leiden-jakarta: inis-pbb.h. 3-14. suseno, frans magnis. 2003. “faktor-faktor yang mendasari konflik antara kelompok etnis dan agama di indonesia: pencegahan dan pemecahan” dalam w.a.l. stokhof dan murni jamal (editor), konflik komunal di indonesia saat ini. leiden-jakarta: inis-pbb. mohammad, mahatir. 2002.globalization and the new realities. selangor, malaysia: pelanduk publication. tibi, bassam. 1998.the challenge of fundamentalism: political islam and the new world order. barkeley, los angeles: university of california press. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4040404040 afkaruna kimball, charles. 2003.kala agama jadi bencana, terjemah nurhadi. bandung: mizan. bonney, richard. 2004.jihad from qur’an to bin laden. new york: palgrave macmillan. noer, kautsar azhari. 2001. “pluralisme dan pendidikan agama di indonesia: menggugat ketidakberdayaan sistem pendidikan agama,” dalam th. sumartana, dkk., pluralisme, konflik dan pendidikan agama di indonesia. yogyakarta: interfidei. h. 234-239. pramudya, wahyu. 2005. “pluralitas agama: tantangan ‘baru’ bagi pendidikan keagamaan di indonesia”, veritas, 6/2, oktober. h. 279-290. kuntowijoyo. 1999. “konvergensi dan politik baru islam” dalam abdul munir mulkhan, runtuhnya mitos politik santri. yogyakarta: sipress, cetakan ke 2. joesoef, daoed. 2006.dia dan aku: memoar pencari kebenaran. jakarta: kompas.h. 814. cush, denise. 2007. “should religious studies be part of the compulsory state school curriculum?” british journal of religious education, 29 (3), september. h. 221-227. m. saerozi. 2004.politik pendidikan agama dalam era pluralisme. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. listia, dkk. 2007. problematika pendidikan agama di sekolah: hasil penelitian tentang pendidikan agama di yogyakarta 2004-2006. yogyakarta: interfidei. husaini, adian. 2003.solusi damai islam-kristen di indonesia.jakarta: pustaka da’i. pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 2005.berita resmi muhammadiyah: edisi khusus tanfidz keputusan muktamar muhammadiyah ke 45 di malang. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, rajab 1426 h/september.h. 43. pasha, musthafa kamal dan adaby, darban. 2003.muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan islam dalam perspektif historis dan ideologis. yogyakarta: lppi universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, cetakan iii. assegaf, abdurrahman. 2005.politik pendidikan nasional: pergeseran kebijakan pendidikan agama islam dari praproklamasi ke reformasi. yogyakarta: kurnia kalam. ruswan. 2003.studi komparasi sikap toleransi beragama mahasiswa akademi kebidanan dan universitas wahid hasyim. semarang: puslit iain walisongo. mahupale, jeny elna. 2005. pendidikan agama berwawasan multikultural: analisis hubungan dan pandangan agama terhadap pandangan sikap perilaku pluralis.tesis.yogyakarta: universitas gajah mada. khisbiyah, yayah dan sabardila, atiqa (ed). 2004.pendidikan apresiasi seni: wacana dan praktik untuk toleransi pluralisme budaya. surakarta: psb-ps ums. fachruddin, fuad. 2006.agama dan pendidikan demokrasi: pengalaman muhammadiyah dan nu. jakarta: insep. soleh, badrus (ed). 2007. budaya damai komunitas pesantren. jakarta: lp3es, lsaf, taf. nakamura, mitsuo. 1976.the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central java town. cornell university: unpublished thesis. burhani, ahmad najib. 2004.muhammadiyah and javanese culture: appreciation ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4141414141vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 and tension. leiden: unpublished thesis. jainuri, achmad. 2002.ideologi kaum reformis: melacak pandangan muhammadiyah masa awal. surabaya: lpam. jainuri, achmad. 1992.themuhammadiyah movement in the twentieth century indonesia: a socio-religious study. montreal: unpublished thesis. shihab, alwi. 1998.membendung arus: respons gerakan muhammadiyah terhadap misi kristen di indonesia. bandung: mizan, cetakan i. alfian. 1989. muhammadiyah: the political behavior of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism. yogyakarta: gadjahmada university press. mt. arifin. 1987. gagasan pembaharuan muhammadiyah dalam bidang pendidikan jakarta: pustaka jaya. wirjosukarto, amir hamzah. 1962.pendidikan dan pengadjaran muhammadijah dalam masa pembaharuan semesta. jogjakarta: pembaharuan dan pengadjaran islam. majelis tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam pp muhammadiyah. 2000.tafsir tematik al-qur’an tentang hubungan sosial antar umat beragama. yogyakarta: pustaka sm. boy, pradana ztf. 2007.in defense of pure islam: the conservative-progressive debate within muhammadiyah. asutralia:faculty of asian studies, australian national university. unpublished masters tesis. biyanto. 2008. pluralisme keagamaan dalam perspektif kaum muda muhammadiyah, disertasi, surabaya: program pascasarjana, institut agama islam negeri (iain) sunan ampel. tidak diterbitkan. mulkhan, abdul munir. 2000.islam murni dalam masyarakat petani. yogyakarta: bentang. nashir, haedar. 2006.meneguhkan ideologi gerakan muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. nashir, haedar. 2006. “kembali ke ideologi muhammadiyah” dalam hamdan hambali, ideologi dan strategi muhammadiyah,. yogyakar ta: suara muhammadiyah. hambali, hamdan. 2006.ideologi dan strategi muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 2001.pedoman hidup islami warga muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. wirjosukarto, amir hamzah (penyunting). 1986.kiyahi haji mas mansur: pemikiran tentang islam dan muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: yp2lpm-hanindita. rais, amien. 1998.tauhid sosial: formula menggempur kesenjangan sosial. bandung: mizan. ali, mukti. 1957. “the muhammadiyah movement: a bibliographical introduction,” m.a. thesis. montreal: institute of islamic studies, mcgill university.h. 38-39.tidak dipublikasikan. k.h. suja’. 1989.muhammadiyah dan pendirinya. yogyakarta: majelis pustaka pp muhammadiyah. kaptein, nico. 1997.the muhimmat al-nafais: a bilingual meccan fatwa collection for ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4242424242 afkaruna indonesian muslims from the end of the nineteenth century. jakarta: inis. burhani, ahmad najib. 2004. “the muhammadiyah’s attitude to javanese culture in 1912-1930: appreciation and tension”, m.a. thesis, the netherland: universiteit leiden. nasution, harun. 2003.pembaharuan dalam islam: sejarah pemikiran dan gerakan. jakarta: bulan bintang, cetakan ke 13. suminto, aqib. 1996. politik islam hindia belanda. jakarta: lp3es, cetakan 3. hamka. 1982. ayahku: riwayat hidup dr. abdul karim amrullah dan perjuangan kaum agama di sumatera. jakarta: umminda. maksum. 1999.madrasah: sejarah dan perkembangannya. jakarta: logos. aritonang, jan s. 2006.sejarah perjumpaan kristen dan islam di indonesia. jakarta: bpk gunung mulia, cetakan ke 3. layout desember 2016 oke kritik nalar arab: eksposisi epistemologi bayani, ‘irfani dan burhani muhammad abed al-jabiri ahmad hasan ridwan fsh, uin sunan gunung djati bandung email: ahmadhasanridwan@yahoo.co.id abstract this article anaylizes the philosophical and episthemological exposition of the contemporary arab thinker, muhammad abed al-jabiri. as a leading maroccan muslim thinker, abed al-jabiri in renowned for his idea of combating ‘irrationalism’ and that of promoting rasionalism in formulating islamic thought. he comes to believe that islamic teachings should be seen as a set of ideas compatible with rationality and scientific notions. in his analyisis, abed al-jabiri proposes three streams of islamic epistemological models: bayani, burhani and ‘irfani. by exploring these three epistemological concepts, the author goes further by exploring the authority of text in muslim society and how to contextualize and read religious texts in modern time. keywords: islamic epistemology, arab thought, rationalism, religious authority. abstrak artikel ini menganalisis gagasan filosofis dan epistemologis dari salah seorang pemikir arab terkemuka, muhammad abed al-jabiri. sebagai seorang pemikiran muslim maroko terdepan, abed al-jabiri dikenal dengan gagasannya yang memerangi ‘irasionalisme’ dan pada saat yang sama mempromosikan rasionalisme dalam merumuskan pemikiran islam. ia percaya bahwa ajaran-ajaran islam dapat dilihat sebagai sekumpulan gagasan yang selaras dengan rasionalitas dan gagasan saitifik ilmiah. dalam analisisnya, abed al-jabiri mengajukan tiga model espemologi: bayani, burhani dan ‘irfani. dengan mengeksplorasi tiga model epstemologis tersebut, penulis lebih jauh mengulas otoritas teks dalam masyarakat muslim dan bagaimana mengkontekstualisasikan dan menelaah teks keagamaan di era modern. keywords: epistemology islam, pemikiran arab, rasionalisme, otoritas teks keagamaan, religious authority. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0062.187-221 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 188188188188188 afkaruna pendahuluan al-jabiri terkenal sebagai tokoh filsuf pengemban semangat averroisme dan ahli hermetisme, lahir pada tahun 1936 di maroko. al-jabiri berhasil menamatkan kuliahnya ke tingkat doktor di fakultas adab universitas muhammad v rabath pada tahun 1970.1 al-jabiri terkenal sebagai tokoh yang mengagungkan akal, sehingga ia gelisah pada fenomena sikap dan nalar arab yang mengarah pada kecenderungan irrasionalisme. kegelisahan al-jabiri diawali dengan melemahnya rasionalisme dan demokrasi yang kemudian tidak dihargai oleh bangsa arab. sementara kultur irrasionalisme di pihak lain semakin menyebar dan menguat yang mampu menjegal gerakan rasionalisme. bangsa arab kebanyakan tidak mengakui kemampuan akal manusia, apalagi percaya kepada proyek-proyek rasional dan pencarian ilmiah. bangsa arab lebih percaya kepada produk-produk irasional dalam tradisi. seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam gerakan massif sebagian bangsa arab yang kembali kepada romantisme tradisi masa lalu (turats), berfihak kepada tokoh-tokoh yang ada di dalamnya secara emosional, seraya mencari unsur-unsur kejayaan dan kegemilangan, seakan-akan dalam kesadaran mereka, kekalahan masa kini bisa terobati dan tertutupi oleh keagungan masa lalu. al-jabiri mengkritik praktek dan kegemaran membangkitkan warisan spiriual timur, seperti tradisi tasawuf atau pemikiran filsuf islam yang berorientasi ke spiritualisme. selain itu muncul gerakan islamis yang berorientasi salafi sebagai counter terhadap kegagalan penguasa arab dalam membela kepentingan bangsa arab menghadapi musuh bersama. dengan tradisi pemikiran perancis yang lebih maju yaitu tradisi poststrukturalisme dan post-modernis, al-jabiri berupaya mengkritik nalar arab yang telah mendominasi penganutnya secara tidak sadar dengan cara merekonstruksi. bagi al-jabiri perubahan struktur nalar dengan menggantinya dengan nalar lain, tidak akan mungkin tercapai tanpa adanya sebuah praksis, yaitu “praksis rasionalisme” dalam persoalan pemikiran dan kehidupan, terutama praksis rasionalisme kritis yang ditujukan terhadap tradisi yang mewarisi segenap otoritas berfikir dalam bentuk bangunan yang tidak sadar, yaitu otoritas teks, otoritas masa lalu dan otoritas qiyas. aljabiri terinspirasi oleh semangat kritisisme ibn hazm dan al-syathibi serta rasionalisme ibn rusyd, yang merupakan dasar baginya untuk membangun tradisi rasionalisme. dengan semangat rasionalisme al-jabiri kemudian membangun proyek kritiknya. artikel ini menganalisis beberapa hal sebagai berikat: bagaimana pandangan al-jabiri tentang nalar arab islam? ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 189189189189189vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 bagaimana rumusan espistemologis al-jabiri dalam membaca teks keagamaan? bagaimana formulasi al-jabiri tentang otoritas teks keagamaan? kritik nalar arab nalar arab adalah la raison constituee (‘aql muqawwam), yakni kumpulan prinsip dan kaidah yang diberikan oleh kultur arab kepada para pengikutnya sebagai landasan memperoleh pengetahuan atau sebagai aturan epistemologis, yaitu sebagai kumpulan konsep dan prosedur yang menjadi struktur bawah sadar dari pengetahuan dalam fase sejarah tertentu.2 nalar arab dalam kapasitasnya sebagai instrumen pemikiran dan pemahaman berupa produk teoritis yang karakteristik-karakteristiknya dibentuk oleh peradaban tertentu, dalam hal ini adalah peradaban arab.3 menurut al-jabiri bahwa diskursus kebangkitan arab tidak akan mencapai kemajuan dalam menciptakan proyek kebangkitan peradaban, baik secara ideal maupun dalam konteks science ilmiah. al-jabiri merumuskan langkahlangkah sistematis dengan cara: pertama, kritik historis terhadap permasalahan-permasalahan yang ditinggalkan masa lalu, kemudian mensistematisasikan rentetan fakta-fakta sejarah. al-jabiri menegaskan bahwa struktur nalar arab telah dibakukan dan disistimatisasikan pada era kodifikasi (‘ashr al-tadwin) pertengahan abad ii h., sehingga sebagai konsekwensinya, dunia berfikir yang dominan pada masa itu mempunyai kontribusi besar dalam menentukan orientasi pemikiran yang berkembang kemudian, di satu pihak dan di pihak lain mempengaruhi persepsi kita terhadap khazanah pemikiran yang berkembang pada masa sebelumnya.4 kedua, pada era kodifikasi baru (‘ashr al-tadwin al-jadid) peradaban arab dikendalikan oleh akal yang afektif (munfa’il) bukan akal aktif (fa’il). akal afektif dipengaruhi oleh: pertama, kesadaran akan tantangan peradaban barat yang membangunkan dari tidur panjang dan memposisikannya pada pinggiran lingkaran dengan barat sebagai (axis) pusat rotasinya. kedua, reaksi balik yang berusaha menggapai legitimasinya dari masa lampau menjadiakan masa lalu sebagai pusat rotasi dan yang lain di pinggiran lingkarannya. pengaruh kedua inilah yang menguasai secara dominan diskursus pemikiran arab kontemporer, yaitu kecenderungan yang berlindung di balik legitimasi para pendahulu (salaf), bersenjatakan analogi deduktif fiqih dan ideologis. al-jabiri mengemukakan tiga pendekatan untuk memahami tradisi dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 190190190190190 afkaruna untuk menumbuhkan tingkat objektivitas yaitu: pertama, pendekatan dengan metode strukturalis. dalam mengkaji sebuah tradisi kita berangkat dari teks-teks sebagaimana adanya. ini juga berarti perlunya meletakkan berbagai jenis pemahaman tentang persoalan-persoalan tradisi dalam tanda kurung, serta membatasi objek kajian pada teks-teks tersebut semata. yakni teks-teks dalam posisinya sebagai sebuah korpus, satu kesatuan, sebuah sistem. teks di mana unsur-unsur baku yang ada di dalamnya berperan mengarahkan perubahan-perubahan yang berlaku pada dirinya pada satu lingkaran fokus tertentu. kedua, analisis sejarah. ini berkaitan dengan upaya untuk mempertautkan pemikiran si pemilik teks, yang telah dianalisis dalam pendekatan pertama, dengan lingkup sejarahnya, dengan segenap ruang lingkup budaya, politik, dan sosiologisnya. pertautan semacam ini penting, karena dua hal: (1). keharusan memahami historisitas dan genealogi sebuah pemikiran yang sedang dikaji dan (2). keharusan menguji seberapa jauh validitas konklusi-konklusi pendekatan strukturalis di atas. yang dimaksud dengan validitas bukanlah “kebenaran logis”, karena ini sudah merupakan tujuan utama strukturalisme, melainkan “kemungkinan historis” (al-‘imkan al tarikhi). yaitu kemungkinankemungkinan yang mendorong untuk mengetahui secara jeli apa saja yang mungkin dikatakan sebuah teks (said) dan apa yang tidak dikatakan (not said), juga apa saja yang dikatakan, tetapi didiamkannya (never-said). ketiga, kritik ideologi. yaitu mengungkap fungsi ideologis, termasuk fungsi sosial-politik, yang dikandung sebuah teks atau pemikiran tertentu, atau yang disengaja dibebankan kepada teks tersebut dalam satu sistem pemikiran (episteme) tertentu yang jadi rujukannya. menyingkap fungsi ideologis sebuah teks klasik merupakan satu-satunya cara untuk menjadikan teks itu kontekstual dengan dirinya. ini dalam rangka melekatkan dalam dirinya satu bentuk historisitas atau sebagai produk sejarah.5 trilogi epistemologi setiap agama yang integral di dalamnya memiliki dimensi-dimensi intelektual yang terdiri dari teologi, gnosis dan filsafat. islam sebagai agama telah mengembangkan dalam kehidupan keagamaan secara akrab dengan ketiga aktivitas intelektual ini, yang masing-masing dimiliki sebagai suatu tradisi millenial.6 aktivitas intelektual islam ini oleh al-jabiri diklasifikasikan secara cerdas kepada tiga kelompok istilah tipikal yaitu: epistemologi bayani, ‘irfani dan burhani. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 191191191191191vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 al-jabiri seorang pemikir maroko merasakan pentingnya epistemologi7 dalam upaya mengangkat kembali posisi umat dalam kehidupan modern.menurutnya, bangsa arab islam tidak akan bisa maju untuk mampu bersaing dengan bangsa-bangsa barat jika tidak mempunyai epistemologi berfikir yang benar, justru disinilah kelemahannya. selama ini pemikiran arab hanya berkutat pada upaya mengulang, meringkas dan mensyarah hasil kajian-kajian ulama klasik, sehingga terjebak pada persoalan ideologi dan bukan pemikiran. padahal, khazanah intelektual islam klasik tersebut sebenarnya bisa dijadikan modal yang sangat besar bagi kebangkitan arab, jika digali dan direkonstruksi dengan metode yang tepat. al-jabiri menuangkan semua gagasannya tentang epistemologi dalam upaya rekonstruksi khazanah intelektual islam klasik tersebut dalam karyanya naqd al’aql al-‘arab (kritik pemikiran arab). karya ini terdiri atas tiga buku: takwin al-‘aql al-‘arabi (formasi pemikiran arab)8, bunyah al‘aql al-‘arabi (struktur pemikiran arab)9 dan al-aql al-siyasi al-”arabi (pemikiran politik arab).10 dalam buku pengantar kritik pemikiran arab (naqd al’aql al-‘arab) yang kemudian dikaji secara panjang lebar dalam karyanya bunyah al-‘aql al-‘arabi, al-jabiri membagi struktur pemikiran arab menjadi tiga sistem pengetahuan, yaitu sistem pengetahuan eksplanatoris (al-nizam al-ma’rifiyah al-bayaniyyah), gnosis (al-nizam alma’rifiyah al-irfaniyah) dan demonstratif (al-nizam al-ma’rifiyah alburhaniyyah).11 menurut al-jabiri, sistem pengetahuan ekspalanatoris ditopang oleh para ahli bahasa-struktur-balaghah arab, ushul fiqh dan mutakallimun. sementara sistem pengetahuan gnosis ditopang oleh para pengikut tasawuf, filsafat illuminatif dan ilmu-ilmu kebatinan (‘ulum al-sirriyah). sedangkan sistem pengetahuan demonstratif ditopang oleh para ahli logika dan filsafat. ketiga sistem ini menurut al-jabiri mempunyai ciri epistemologi yang berbeda, bahkan dapat bertentangan antara satu dengan yang lainnya. epistemologi di atas, masing-masing dibedakan berdasarkan segi otoritas penentuan kebenaran. dalam epistemologi bayani otoritas kebenarannya ada pada nash. yang termasuk dalam kategori pola pikir bayani adalah rumpun keilmuan bahasa arab, ushul fikih, dan kalam. titik temu antar berbagai rumpun keilmuan tersebut terletak pada hubungan antara teks dan pemaknaan teks sebagai ciri esensial. epistemologi ‘irfani otoritas kebenaranya ada pada intuisi (kasyf). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 192192192192192 afkaruna sedangkan al-burhan sebagai epistemologi berbeda secara menonjol dari kedua epistemologi di atas, yaitu penentuan otoritasnya pada akal an sich. untuk selanjutnya al-jabiri menjelaskan bahwa nalar arab direkonstruksi pada tiga konstruksi yaitu: epistemologi bayani, epistemologi ‘irfani dan epistemologi burhani. epistemologi bayani berdasarkan kajian epistemolog dengan mengacu pada kamus lisan al-arabi karya ibn manzur, al-jabiri menyimpulkan bahwa term al-bayan mengandung empat pengertian, yakni pemisahan, keterpisahan, jelas dan penjelasan. keempat pengertian tersebut dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi dua kelompok: al-bayan sebagai metodologi, yang berarti pemisahan dan penjelasan; dan al-bayan sebagai pandangan dunia,12 yang berarti keterpisahan dan jelas. namun, pada wilayah konotasi teoritis konseptual, al-bayan sebagai sistem epistemologi mencakup tiga pasangan konsep dasar: lafal-makna, asl-far’ dan substansi-aksidensi. dua pasangan konsep pertama dan kedua mencakup aspek metodologis, sedangkan pasangan konsep yang ketiga mencakup aspek pandangan dunia.13 bayani sebagai pandangan dunia pada awalnya berlandaskan pada gambaran al-qur'an tentang hubungan antara allah, alam dan manusia. menurut pandangan al-qur'an, hubungan tuhan, manusia, dan alam adalah hubungan yang sama sekali terpisah; dalam arti kata bahwa antara tuhan-manusia-alam tidak ada media perantara. jadi pada awalnya dia murni merupakan pandangan agama. akan tetapi tatkala para ahli bayani, terutama para ahli kalam berhadapan dengan musuh mereka para pemeluk agama terdahulu, seperti penganut manu misalnya pandangan tersebut mengalami pergeseran dari daratan epistemologis ke metafisis.14 pergeseran tersebut memperoleh bentuk yang semakin nyata, sekaligus membuat pandangan dunia bayani menjadi semakin kompleks, setelah abu al-khudzay al-‘allaf mengembangan teori atomisme sebagai landasan konseptual dalam menganalisa persoalan-persoalan teologi.15 teori atomisme kemudian berkembang menjadi basis pandangan dunia bayani. pengembangan teori atomisme sebagai landasan fundamental pandangan bayani bertolak dari tiga postulat utama: tak ada wujud tanpa substansi dan aksidensi, substansi tak terpisah dari aksidensi, dan aksidensi selalu berubah.16 dengan berpijak pada postulat dasar tersebut, al-jabiri kemudian ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 193193193193193vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 mencoba menemukan prinsip-prinsip dasar yang melandasi pandangan dunia bayani dengan menganalisis dua isu utama yang diduga menjadi muara sekaligus sumber persoalan-persoalan metodologis dari sistem epistemologi bayani; yaitu (1) pandangan bayani tentang hubungan antar realitas, dan (2) pandangan bayani tentang hubungan subjek yang mengetahui (akal) dan objek yang diketahui (realitas).17 pembahasan ini difokuskan pada dua persoalan di atas dengan dibatasi pada masalah hubungan antar realitas dan konsep akal dalam perspektif bayani, kemudian diikuti dengan analisis al-jabiri terhadap latar belakang dan konsekuensi dari prinsip dasar yang melandasi pandangan dunia bayani. perspektif bayani tentang relasi antar realitas hubungan antara segala sesuatu membawa konsekuensi pada problem kausalitas. unsur pokok dari persoalan kausalitas berkaitan dengan persoalan konsep ruang dan waktu. konsep ruang dalam pandangan bayani bersifat konkrit. ruang selamanya dipahami tak terpisah dari sesuatu yang menempatinya. para ahli bayani menolak asumsi ruang yang bersifat filosofis: bahwa ruang adalah sesuatu yang mengelilingi yang lain dari segala sisinya. penolakan ini berdasarkan argumentasi bahwa ahli bahasa tidak mensifati topi yang menggelilingi kepala sebagai tempat kepala dan tidak mensifati baju sebagai tempat tubuh.18 konsep waktu seperti halnya konsep ruang, selalu dikaitkan dengan kejadian tertentu. konsep waktu absolut waktu yang tak berawal dan berakhir mutlak tak pernah ada yang dalam pandangan dunia bayani. konsep waktu selalu berarti waktu tertentu: musim panas, musim buah, tahun gajah, zaman mu’awiyah dan seterusnya. tegasnya waktu bersifat diskontinuitas sesuai dengan diskontinuitas kejadian.19 pada akhirnya dapat dipahami bahwa gambaran konsep ruang dan waktu dalam pandangan dunia bayani bersifat atomistik, atau dengan kata lain berlandaskan sepenuhnya pada prinsip diskontinuitas. gambaran konsep ruang dan waktu yang bersifat atomistik mengantarkan kita pada persoalan kausalitas.20menurut teori atomisme, atomatom (al-jauhar al-fard) seluruhnya sama dari segi sisi, sehingga tidak mungkin sebahagian atom mempengaruhi hanya terjadi pada dua hal yang berbeda, di mana yang mempengaruhi harus lebih kuat atau dominasinya lebih banyak daripada yang dipengaruhi. pandangan ini tidak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 194194194194194 afkaruna berlaku bagi atom-atom, sebab menurut teori atomisme atom-atom tersebut sama dan serupa; tidak terdapat perbedaan dan saling mendominasi. ini dari satu sisi. sementara dari sisi lain, atom-atom yang secara bersama-sama membentuk benda, masing-masing tetap terpisah dan independen. hal ini dikarenakan kumpulan atom-atom bukanlah bersifat saling bersenyawa melainkan hanya bersinggungan saja.21 uraian di atas membawa konsekuensi tidak adanya tempat bagi kausalitas, karena pengaruh kausalitas setidak-tidaknya merupakan penggambaran yang bersifat azali yang meniscayakan suatu bentuk relasi yang bersifat kontinue dan saling bersenyawa dan terjadinya perubahan dalam proses keterpengaruhan. sementara konsep atom dalam pandangan dunia bayani tidak saling bersenyawa dan tidak mengalami perubahan, akan tetapi tetap sama selama masih ada. perubahan hanya terjadi pada aksidensi22 apakah terdapat tempat bagi kausalitas pada aksidensi? sebetulnya aksidensi selalu berubah. ia disebut aksidensi karena ia berubah. lebih daripada itu salah-satu postulat dasar dari teori atomisme adalah bahwa aksidensi tidak pernah tetap dalam dua waktu. hanya saja perubahan aksidensi –dalam pengertian muncul dan lenyapnyamenurut pandangan ahli bayani, tidak terjadi sebagai akibat dari pengaruh alam. ahli bayani menolak pemikiran tentang “nature” dan pengaruh dari “nature”, demi menegaskan bahwa hanya allah lah pelaku dari segala sesuatu dan dia senantiasa membuat penciptaan secara terus-menerus. pernyataan ini mengandung pengertian bahwa ketika tuhan menciptakan suatu substansi, pada waktu yang sama tuhan juga menciptakan segala aksidensi yang dikehendakinya. karena aksidensi tidak pernah tetap dalam dua waktu, maka setiap aksidensi yang diciptakan tuhan bagi suatu substansi akan hilang dan fana pada keadaan wujudnya yang kedua: yakni pada saat kedua bagi waktu dimana substansi ada. pada saat tersebut tuhan akan menciptakan aksidensi yang ketiga sebagai ganti bagi aksidensi yang lenyap. demikianlah penciptaan terus berlanjut selama tuhan berkehendak untuk memberikan aksidensi kepada substansi tersebut23 apabila tuhan menghendaki penciptaan aksidensi lain bagi substansi sebagai ganti dari aksidensi yang pertama (umpamanya putih menggantikan hitam), maka dia akan menciptakannya. adalah tidak mungkin bahwa tuhan berhenti dalam menciptakan aksidensi bagi subtansi tersebut, karena substansi tanpa aksidensi secara tidak langsung hilang dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 195195195195195vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 sendirinya sesuai dengan postulat bahwa substansi tidak akan terpisahkan dari aksidensi.24 jelas bahwa pendapat tentang penciptaan secara kontinue seperti yang dijelaskan di atas secara total menghapus konsep kausalitas. bahkan para ahli kalam khususnya asy’ariyah menegaskan tentang adanya internalisasi berkelanjutan dari kehendak tuhan pada tahapan penciptaan aksidensi (pada gilirannya juga penciptaan substansi dan segala sesuatu di dunia) agar dapat menutup pintu bagi pemikiran naturalisme, sebagaimana pemikiran filsafat lama menggunakan pandangan naturalisme untuk menjelaskan pengaruh kausalitas dan keniscayaan terhadap ilmu modern.25 dari penjelasan di atas dapat dipahami bahwa dalam pandangan dunia bayani segala sesuatu bersifat atomis dan saling terpisah. pandangan atomistik ini berimplikasi pada segala aspek, termasuk pada persoalanpersoalan metodologi pemikiran. salah satu bentuk implikasi metodologis dari teori ini adalah kelemahan model kelemahan qiyas dalam sebagian besar tradisi keilmuan bayani di mana hubungan antara dua term tidaklah mewakili yang berkaitan, sehingga tidak menghasilkan konklusi yang niscaya melainkan konklusi yang cenderung bersifat kemungkinan. hal ini disebabkan kedudukan ‘illahi lebih berfungsi sebagai muqarabah. ini berbeda dengan kedudukan term tengah dalam penalaran silogisme yang berpijak pada prinsip identitas.26 teori atomistik didorong oleh keinginan untuk menegaskan pandangan tentang penciptaan yang berkelanjutan. para ahli bayani menegaskan bahwa tuhan menciptakan segala sesuatu tanpa perantara, dengan konsekuensi penolakan terhadap relasi kausalitas dan sebaliknya penegasan terhadap prinsip diskontinuitas dalam segala sesuatu. konsep akal berpijak pada teori atomisme, akal dalam epistemologi bayani dianggap bukan substansi, melainkan aksidensi. dari tesis ini timbul masalah: bila akal merupakan aksidensi, di manakah substansi yang ditempati akal dan bagaimana bentuk relasi akal dengan substansi tersebut?27 pertanyaan tersebut dijawab oleh para ahli bayani melalui analisis linguistik dengan merujuk kepada nash-nash agama. dengan berpijak pada kajian terhadap lisan al-‘arab, al-jabiri berkesimpulan bahwa makna yang paling dini dari term al-‘aqlu adalah al-rabthu (ikatan).28 analisis linguistik terhadap nash-nash agama berujung pada dua corak definisi. pertama, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 196196196196196 afkaruna akal didefinisikan sebagai proses pengikatan makna dan pengetahuan. jadi esensi akal merupakan aktivitas bukan materi. kedua, akal didefinisikan sebagai fungsi bagi hati dalam pengikatan makna. artinya akal berfungsi sebagai alat bagi hati. sampai di sini definisi akal konsisten dengan perspektif teori atomisme yang menganggap akal bukan substansi.29 berkenaan dengan definisi kedua timbul masalah: apakah dengan demikian hati merupakan substansi bagi akal dan bagaimana struktur hati? ternyata tidak, dan struktur hati dipahami sebagai kumpulan sejumlah masalah. apa masalahnya? ternyata oleh ahli bayani terutama dari pemuka mu’tazilah struktur hati berupa kumpulan dari sejumlah pengetahuan.30 bila dianalisis lebih jauh terhadap jawaban ahli bayani atas pertanyaan tentang esensi akal, ternyata jawaban tersebut, menurut al-jabiri dilatarbelakangi oleh dua hal. pertama, deskripsi tentang esensi akal sebagai fungsi hati merupakan upaya menghindar dari gambaran tentang akal yang bersifat “nature”; suatu substansi. yang bersifat instinktif. kedua, upaya menolak gambaran konsep akal sebagai substansi seperti yang umum dikatakan oleh para filosof.31 akal pada akhirnya digambarkan sebagai bukan tabiat, bukan substansi, bukan alat, bukan indera, dan bukan potensi; melainkan pengetahuanpengetahuan spesifik (al-‘ulum al-makhshushah) menurut mu’tazilah, atau pengetahuan-pengetahuan niscaya (al-‘ulum al-dharuriyah) menurut asy’ariyah. dengan demikian ada perbedaan yang tegas antara kalam akal dan filosof tentang esensi akal. bagi ahli kalam akal merupakan sejumlah aksidensi, sedangkan bagi ahli filsafat akal merupakan substansi sederhana.32 berkaitan dengan gambaran esensi akal sebagai pengetahuan dan tidak lebih dari itu, pertanyaan bisa dimunculkan mengapa jawaban ahli bayani harus merujuk kepada analisis linguistik berdasarkan pemahaman nash padahal terbukti bahwa term akal dalam al-qur'an semuanya berbentuk kata kerja (ta’qiluun, na’qilu, ‘aqaluuhu dan sebagainya), dan tidak berbentuk kata benda. bahkan terdapat sejumlah ayat yang justru membedakan antarapengertian akal dan pengetahuan (seperti dalam surat al-‘ankabut: 43).33 persoalan ini menurut al-jabiri berkaitan erat dengan upaya ahli bayani mengembalikan topik masalah ke pandangan epistemologi bayani demi memelihara keseimbangan substansi masalah. para ahli bayani, baik mu’tazilah maupun asy’ariyah berupaya menolak konsep “tabiat” dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 197197197197197vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 “instink” tentang akal dengan mengaitkan esensi akal dengan hati. selanjutnya upaya mereka untuk menghindar dari kemungkinan pemahaman esensi akal sebagai “tabiat” dari hati, diajukan konsep bahwa hati adalah kumpulan sejumlah pengetahuan, bukan substansi. tatkala mereka ingin menjelaskan entitas pengetahuan yang dimaksud sebagai esensi hati, dan menerima anggapan “pengetahuan niscaya”, datanglah ibnu al-‘arabi sebagai tokoh asy’ariyah mengingatkan bahwa tidak tertutup kemungkinan anggapan tersebut membawa konsekuensi bahwa akal diartikan sebagai struktur yang tetap atau sejumlah prinsip yang tetap. hal ini tentu saja bertentangan dengan prinsip okasionalisme yang melandasi pandangan dunia bayani. untuk itu kembali ibnu al-‘arabi mengulangi pernyataan bahwa akal bukan struktur dan tidak meniscayakan suatu keadaan tertentu. untuk memperkuat argumen tersebut, rujukan nash dijadikan landasan.34 ilustrasi di atas menurut al-jabiri, mengandung makna bahwa definisi akal betapapun harus tunduk pada prinsip okasionalisme, agar tidak membawa implikasi pada gambaran tentang konsep keniscayan akal. pada akhirnya, berdasarkan kajian terhadap alur penalaran ahli bayani tentang konsep keniscayaan, al-jabiri berkesimpulan bahwa pandangan dunia bayani berpijak pada prinsip okasionalisme, yang berkonsekuensi pada penolakan prinsip identitas. satu-satunya prinsip penalaran yang diakui adalah prinsip non kontradiktoris. sedangkan prinsip ketiga, kadangkadang diterima kadang-kadang ditolak. ketika berhadapan dengan persoalan-persoalan particular dan inderawi prinsip tersebut diterima dan bila berhadapan dengan persoalan universal dan abstrak sikap mereka cenderung tidak konsisten.35 analisis sistem epistemologi manapun kata al-jabiri, mengandung dua aspek: metodologi dan pandangan dunia. bagaimanakah corak relasi kedua aspek tersebut? apakah metodologi tertentu akan menghasilkan pandangan dunia tertentu, atau sebaliknya suatu pandangan dunia akan menentukan pilihan metodologi? pada dataran intelektual, menurut al-jabiri dalam suatu system epistemologi, metodologilah yang membentuk pandangan dunia.36 akan tetapi pada dataran awal dan primitif, biasanya pandangan dunialah yang menentukan pilihan metodologi.37berpijak pada pandangan kedua, al-jabiri mencoba menemukan akar persoalan yang melatarbela○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 198198198198198 afkaruna kangi terbentuknya pandangan dunia bayani. sebagaimana digambarkan di atas bahwa terdapat dua prinsip utama: prinsip okasianalisme dan prinsip diskontinuitas yang dikembangkan dari teori atomisme, sebagai prinsip yang melandasi pandangan dunia bayani dan pandangan tersebut cenderung senantiasa dipertahankan oleh ahli bayani. tanpa mengabaikan kemungkinan adanya faktor-faktor politis yang melatarbelakangi pandangan tersebut, al-jabiri berpendapat bahwa akar-akar yang lebih fundamental yang melandasi kedua prinsip tersebut pada dasarnya terpulang kepada bahasa arab sebagai rujukan pokok yang membentuk kerangka berfikir.38 dalam konteks ini al-jabiri tidak mengartikan bahasa sebagai alat komunikasi tetapi bahasa sebagai media transformasi budaya.39 bahasa arab sebagai media transformasi budaya arab (termasuk dalam pengertian ini cara berfikir dalam tradisi arab) menurut al-jabiri, membentuk kerangka rujukan asasi bagi para ahli bayani, terutama ulam kalam. hal ini terbukti bahwa fakta menunjukan dalam banyak kesempatan ulama kalam senantiasa menggunakan ungkapan “qalat al-arab… (orang arab berkata…),40 sebagai landasan pijak bagi setiap penyelesaian persoalan-persoalan konseptual kalam. sehingga sangat mungkin untuk dikatakan bahwa lingkungan geografis, sosiologis maupun budaya dan cara berfikir pada dasarnya menjadi pilihan langkah metodologis utama, yang pada gilirannya melahirkan pandangan dunia bayani. pilihan langkah metodologis seperti ini, menurut al-jabiri, dengan merujuk kepada pendapat jean piaget merupakan proses yang tak disadari.41 oleh karena itu dua prinsip dasar yang melandasi pandangan dunia bayani harus dipahami dengan mengkaji lingkungan geografis, sosial dan kerangka berfikir arab jahiliyah. dalam konteks histories keharusan untuk mengaitkan genealogi pemikiran arab islam dengan pemikiran arab jahiliyah berkaitan dengan tesis al-jabiri tentang hubungan niscaya antara kesadaran sejarah dan periodesasi peradaban.42 prinsip diskontinuitas dalam pemikiran arab menurut al-jabiri merupakan refleksi dari kondisi geografis semenanjung arab yang didominasi oleh pasir. pasir merupakan biji-bijian yang terpisah dan independen. setiap benda di padang pasir merupakan entitas-entitas yang berdiri sendiri. relasi antar benda-benda bersifat persinggungan semata, bukan persenyawaan, begitu pula tanaman, hewan dan manusia. manusia adalah individu yang bebas. adapun suku, tidak lebih dari sekumpulan individu memiliki ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 199199199199199vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 kemandirian tinggi, tak ubahnya seperti atom; suku dibentuk melalui pola hubungan tertutup. yaitu hubungan darah yang akan lenyap dengan perjalanan waktu dan diganti dengan hubungan bertetangga. dua pola hubungan ini adalah hubungan kekerabatan. kekerabatan bukan kontinuitas akan tetapi penyerahan dari diskontinuitas. individu selamanya adalah bagaikan atom, sebagai unit yang mandiri. atas dasar inilah maka terbentuknya pandangan bayani tentang konsep waktu dan ruang pada dasarnya adalah pandangan dunia yang terefleksi melalui bahasa arab pandangan dunia yang berlandaskan pada prinsip diskontinuitas.43 sedangkan prinsip okasionalisme merupakan wujud penafsiran atas watak dasar padang pasir. lingkungan padang pasir, meskipun pada hakikatnya memiliki keteraturan, tetapi bentuk keteraturan yang begitu mudah rusak oleh perubahan-perubahan yang mendadak. perbedaan suhu yang begitu ekstrim acap kali menimbulkan perubahan kondisi alam seperti ini, manusia sulit menyadari adanya kausalitas. memang benar ada tatanan kosmis yang ajek tetapi perubahan luar biasa atas tatanan dapat terjadi setiap saat.44oleh karena itu konsep al-sabab dalam bahasa arab tidak diartikan cause (penyebab-pelaku) tetapi diartikan wasithah (perantara) sedangkan pelaku yang sesungguhnya adalah pelaku yang gaib namun sekaligus hadir yaitu allah.45 bila dua prinsip tersebut secara bersamaan melandasi pandangan dunia bayani –yang pada dasarnya secara tak sadar diadopsi dari cara berfikir arab jahiliyah akibat persentuhan dengan lingkungan padang pasir, maka qiyas sebagai metodologi penalaran bayani dapat kita temui juga dalm aktivitas pemikiran arab jahiliyah. bangunan penalaran bayani dengan berbagai variasinya pada dasarnya selalu mengandung tiga unsur, yaitu dua term pinggir (tharfaini) dan satu term perantara (wasithah). model penalaran seperti ini secara stuktural mirip dengan model penalaran “tasybih” yang sangat umum berkembang dalam aktivitas pemikiran arab jahiliyah.46 dalam hal ini bukan saja bahwa tasybih banyak berkembang dalam pemikiran arab jahiliyah, secara esensial struktur tasybih pada dasrnya identik dengan struktur qiyas dan mekanisme tasybih adalah juga mekanisme penalaran qiyas.47bahwa pernyataan qiyas identik dengan tasybih dan tasybih identik dengan qiyas adalah benar bukan saja pada dataran struktur, tetapi juga pada dataran fungsi metodologis, sebab fungsi qiyas dan tasybih adalah fungsi muqarabah (upaya menemukan keserupaan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 200200200200200 afkaruna antara dua hal yang berbeda). kenyataannya baik penalaran model qiyas maupun tasybih esensinya adalah mendekatkan dua term pinggir yang sesungguhnya berkaitan dengan dua realitas yang sama sekali terpisah. fungsi penalaran bayani dalam konteks masing-masing rumpun keilmuan –tasybih pada ilmu balaghah, qiyas dalam fiqih dan kalamadalah juga fungsi muraqabah; mendekatkan realitas-realitas yang terpisah untuk tujuan kejelasan dan penjelasan.48 metode penalaran dari yang konkrit menuju yang abstrak (al-istidlaal bi asy-syahid ‘alal-ghaib), baik struktur, mekanisme maupun fungsinya, juga tidak berbeda dengan qiyas. metode penalaran ini berusaha memahami yang abstrak (ghaib) dari yang konkrit (syahid) berdasarkan petunjuk (dalil) dan tanda (amarah). metode penalaran yang sangat umum digunakan dalam kalam ini, ternyata identik dengan cara berfikir yang digunakan para ahli perbintangaan (najamah), tukang ramal (arafah) dan dukun (kahanah) dalam tradisi keilmuan arab jahiliyah. muncul dan lenyapnya bintang tertentu, misalnya dihubungkan dengan prediksi turunnya hujan. dalam hal ini relasi antara kemunculan bintang (syahid) dan turunnya hujan (ghaib)bukanlah relasi niscaya tetapi relasi kemungkinan (ihtimal),49 bahkan derajat kemungkinannya sangat rendah. karena pandangan dunia yang mendasarinya bukan berlandaskan prinsip identitas dan kausalitas, melainkan prinsip diskontinuitas dan okasionalisme, menyebabkan aktivitas akal terbatas pada upaya mendekatkan hubungan antar realitas, bukan menguji keniscayaan hubungan antar realitas.50 salah satu implikasinya dari proses adopsi metode berfikir arab jahiliyah yang pada dasarnya berlangsung secara tak disadari ini, adalah bahwa ketika berhadapan dengan teks-teks, terutama teks-teks yang terkait dengan fenomena alam, ahli bayani tak lagi bisa melihat secara jelas antara bagaimana mengfungsikan fenomena alam sebagai fungsi simbolis dan mengfungsikan tanda sebagai fungsi penalaran terhadap fenomena alam, terutama tatkala mengaplikasikan prinsip muqarabah.51 akhirnya kesalahan ahli bayani, demikian menurut al-jabiri, adalah menjadikan al-qur'an –yang semestinya merupakan sarana peringatan (wasail at-tanbih)sebagai prinsip dalam penalaran dan “logika” pemikiran. akan tetapi sebaliknya mereka tidak menjadikan teks al-qur'an sebagai satu-satunya otoritas rujukan melainkan membaca al-qur'an dengan perantara otoritas-otoritas lain, yaitu pandangan dunia arab jahiliyah, pandangan dunia yang secara alamiyah dan intelektual terbawa bersama ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 201201201201201vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 bahasa arab, yang justru mereka jadikan rujukan pemisah karena diklaim bahwa al-qur'an diturunkan dalam bahasa arab.52 epistemologi ‘irfani ‘irfan dalam bahasa arab merupakan masdar dari ‘arafa yang semakna dengan ma’rifah. dalam kamus lisan al-‘arab, al-‘irfan diartikan dengan al-‘ilm. di kalangan para sufi, kata irfan dipergunakan untuk menunjukan jenis pengetahuan yang tertinggi, yang dihadirkan dalam kalbu dengan cara kasyf atau ilham. hanya saja istilah tidak berkembang penggunaannya di kalangan sufi, kecuali pada masa-masa belakangan ini saja.53sedangkan ma’rifah di kalangan sufi diartikan sebagai pengetahuan langsung tentang tuhan berdasarkan atas wahyu atau petunjuk tuhan. ia bukanlah hasil atau buah dari proses mental, tetapi sepenuhnya amat tergantung pada kehendak dan karunia tuhan, yang akan memberikannya sebagai karunia dari-nya, yang dia memang sudah menciptakan manusia dengan kapasitas untuk menerimanya. inilah sinar ilahi yang menyinari ke dalam hati manusia dan melimpahi bagian dari tubuh dengan berkas cahaya yang menyilaukan.54 para sufi membedakan antara pengetahuan yang didapat melalui indera, atau melalui akal, atau kedua-duanya dengan pengetahuan yang dihasilkan melalui kasyf dan ‘iyan (pandangan langsung). dalam hal ini dzu al-nun al-mishri (w. 245 h) mengklasifikasikan pengetahuan kepada tiga; 1) pengetahuan orang awam yang mengatakan bahwa tuhan itu esa dengan perantaraan ucapan syahadat, 2) pengetahuan ulama, tuhan esa menurut logika akal, dan 3) pengetahuan para sufi, yang mengatakan bahwa tuhan esa dengan perantaraan hati sanubari. pengetahuan dalam tingkat pertama dan kedua belum merupakan pengetahuan hakiki, keduannya baru disebut ilmu. pengetahuan dalam arti ketigalah yang merupakan pengetahuan hakiki tentang tuhan yang kemudian disebut ma’rifah.55 dalam perspektif sufi, pengetahuan itu dapat dibagi menjadi tiga tingkatan, yaitu burhani, bayani, irfani. pembagian ini berdasarkan ayat al-qur'an yang menggunakan kata yaqin bersama-sama dengan kata haqq, -inna haadza lahuwa haqqul yaqin(al-waaqi’ah: 95), dengan kata ‘ilmkalla lau ta’lamuuna ilmal yaqiindan dengan kata ‘aintsumma latarawuna ‘ainal yaqiin(al-takaatsur: 5,7). al-qusyairi mengatakan bahwa ‘ilmul yaqiin itu adalah pengetahuan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 202202202202202 afkaruna burhani, ainil yaqiin itu adalah pengetahuan bayani, sedangkan haqqul yaqiin itu adalah pengetahuan langsung (‘iyan). yang pertama untuk golongan rasionalis, yang kedua untuk saintis dan yang ketiga untuk golongan ‘arif.56 pembedaan antara burhani dan irfani juga telah terjadi dalam budaya pemikiran islam, khususnya dari kalangan tasawuf illuminasi, seperti tokoh sufi suhrawadi, yang membedakan dengan jelas antara al-hikmah albahtsiyah (filsafat diskursif) dan al-hikmah al-isyraqiyah (filsafat intuitif). yang pertama berpijak pada inferensi, teoritisasi dan demonstrasi (verifikasi) dan berakar pada filsafat aristoteles, sedangkan yang kedua berpijak pada kasyf dan isyraq (illuminasi) yang berakar pada filsafat plato.57 sebenarnya, pembedaan antara metode burhani (pemikiran rasional) dengan metode irfani (ilham dan kasyf), telah ada beberapa abad pra islam. dari beberapa rujukan, di antaranya dikatakan bahwa imlikh (jamblichus)58 yang hidup pada abad ii dan iii m, merupakan salah seorang dari filosof timur (masyriqi) yang membedakan dengan jelas antara metode filsafat aristoteles dan metode filsafat hermes. dalam tulisan yang ditujukan kepada salah seorang muridnya, ia pernah mengatakan, “jika engkau ajukan masalah filsafat kepada kami, maka kami akan menjawabnya menurut pandangan hermeneutik, yang yang sebelumnya pernah digunakan oleh plato dan phythagoras”. dari pernyataan tersebut, dapat diketahui bahwa jamblichus adalah filosof beraliran hermetism, yang mempunyai pengaruh besar dalam filsafat hermetism, yang telah dikenal dikalangan para penerjemah dan pengarang arab. lalu setelah itu berkembanglah metode irfani ini di dunia islam, melalui ekspansi dan asimilasi dengan budaya lain dan dipergunakan sebagai metode untuk menangkis serangan pola pemikiran rasionalis yunani.59 dengan demikian, dapat dikatakan bahwa irfan sebagai sistem epistemolog dan ontologi, ditransfer ke dalam budaya arab dari budaya yunani yang telah terkenal di wilayah timur pra islam, khususnya di mesir, syria, palestina, dan iraq.60 irfan berakar dari bahasa yunani gnosis, yang berarti ma’rifah, al-‘ilm dan al-hikmah (filsafat). di eropa, pengetahuan irfani ini dipandang sebagai suatu gerakan agama (gnoticism) yang heretik, menyimpang dan muncul dari dalam agama kristen. bahkan menurut kajian modern, terutama oleh para ahli-ahli sejarah agama-agama di eropa, gnoticism tidak hanya merupakan gerakan yang berhubungan dengan agama kristen saja, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 203203203203203vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 melainkan juga sebagai fenomena umum yang dikenal dalam tiga agama samawi, islam, kristen dan yahudi. lebih dari itu, istilah ini dikenal pula di dalam agama paganistik. dengan demikian, maka istilah gnosis, harus dibedakan dengan gnoticism. sebab gnosis lebih tepat dipandang sebagai pengetahuan tentang rahasia-rahasia ketuhanan yang dimiliki oleh sekelompok orang tertentu. sedangkan gnoticism merupakan aliran yang mengklaim dirinya sebagai gerakan keagamaan yang dibangun atas dasar suatu pengetahuan yang lebih tinggi dari pengetahuan aqliyah (rasional), pengetahuan yang bersifat esoteric, yang tidak hanya berkaitan dengan perihal agama semata, melainkan juga dengan segala sesuatu yang bersifat rahasia dan samar, seperti sihir, astronomi, kimia dan sebagainya.61 sumber ‘irfani sarana ma’rifat seorang sufi adalah kalbu, bukan perasaan dan bukan pula akal budi (nalar). yang dimaksud kalbu di sini bukanlah bagian tubuh secara fisik, yang terletak pada bagian kiri dada manusia, tetapi merupakan percikan rohaniah ketuhanan yang merupakan hakikat realitas manusia, terkadang ia berkaitan dengan segumpal daging hati manusia, namun sejauh ini daya nalar manusia belum mampu memahami kaitan antara keduanya62. kalbu, menurut al-ghazali bagaikan cermin, sementara ilmu adalah pantulan gambar realitas yang terdapat di dalamnya. jika cermin tidak bening, maka tidak dapat memantulkan realitas-realitas ilmu dan yang membuat cermin kalbu tidak bening adalah hawa nafsu tubuh. ketaatan kepada allah dan keterpalingan dari tuntutan hawa nafsu itulah yang membuat kalbu menjadi bening dan cemerlang63. oleh karena itu al-ghazali mengatakan bahwa jalan menuju allah itu harus ditempuh dengan tiga tahap, yaitu penyucian hati (via purgative), konsentrasi dalam dzikir kepada allah (via contemplative) dan fana’ fi allah (kasyf, via illuminative).64 lebih lanjut harun nasution menjelaskan, bahwa alat untuk memperoleh ma’rifat oleh kaum sufi disebut sir. ada tiga alat dalam tubuh manusia yang dipergunakan para sufi dalam berhubungan dengan tuhan, yakni kalbu untuk mengetahui sifat-sifat tuhan, ruh untuk mencintai tuhan dan sir untuk melihat tuhan, yang keadaan sir lebih halus dari ruh dan ruh lebih halus dari kalbu. sedangkan perbedaan kalbu dengan akal ialah bahwa akal tidak bisa memperoleh pengetahuan yang sebenarnya tentang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 204204204204204 afkaruna tuhan, sementara kalbu bisa mengetahui hakikat dari segala yang ada dan jika dilimpahi cahaya bisa mengetahui rahasia-rahasia-nya.65 metode ‘ irfani seperti dijelaskan sebelumnya, metode pengetahuan para sufi berbeda dengan metode pengetahuan para teolog, fuqaha, dan filosof. metode yang dipergunakan para sufi adalah metode cita rasa khusus, yakni pemahaman instuitif langsung, yang berbeda dengan pemahaman sensual langsung maupun pemahaman rasional dan pemahaman inderawi. metode di atas lazim disebut metode pengetahuan illuminasi (kasyf).66 dalam mendefinisikan illuminasi, al-thusi mengatakan kasyf adalah uraian tentang apa yang tertutup bagi pemahaman yang tersingkap bagi seseorang, seakan ia melihat dengan mata telanjang.67kasyf juga diartikan sebagai penyingkapan atau wahyu. ia merupakan jenis pengalaman langsung yang melaluinya pengertahuan tentang hakikat diungkapkan pada hati sang hamba dan pecinta. dalam rahmat-nya yang tak terbatas, allah memberikan kepada hambanya dan pencipta-nya mengungkapkan diri illahi yang tidak hanya menambah pengetahuannya tentang allah, melainkan juga menambah kerinduannya yang menggelora dan cintanya kepada allah. oleh karena itu kaum sufi agung disebut kaum “penyingkap dan penemu” (ahl alkasyf wa alwujud). dalam penyingkapan mereka menemukan allah. “penyingkap” dan “penemu” ini sering kali terjadi selama berlangsung konser spiritual (sama’).68 kasyf merupakan kebalikan dari pembuktian rasional menurut para teolog dan filosof, pikiran bergerak dari satu pengertian menuju pengertian lain maupun dari premis-premis menuju kesimpulan. bagi para sufi tersingkapnya hal tersebut dan terlimpahnya pada dada mereka cahaya, bukan karena mempelajarinya, mengkajinya atau pun menulis buku, akan tetapi dengan bersikap asketis (zuhud) tentang dunia, menghindari diri dari hal-hal yang berkaitan dengannya, membebaskan kalbu dari berbagai persoalannya serta menerima allah sepenuh hati. barang siapa milik allah, niscaya allah adalah miliknya dan setiap hikmah muncul dari kalbu dengan keteguhan beribadah. hal ini menggambarkan bahwa ma’rifat tidak diperoleh begitu saja, tetapi pemberian tuhan (a direct knowledge of god based on revelation). ma’rifat bukan hasil pemikiran manusia, tetapi tergantung kehendak dan rahmat tuhan yang diberikan-nya kepada sufi yang sanggup menerimanya. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 205205205205205vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 al-ghazali mengatakan bahwa kalbu itu mempunyai dua pintu, satu pintu terbuka ke alam malakut (ghaib), yaitu luh al-mahfuzh dan alam kemalaikatan (alam rohani), dan satu pintu yang lain terbuka ke arah panca indera yang berkaitan dengan alam dunia (fisik). alam dunia yang inderawi ini sebenarnya merupakan cerminan (pantulan) apa-apa yang ada di alam kemalaikatan. pintu yang terbuka ke alam ghaib dan alam kemalaikatan bisa dipahami seperti haknya keajaiban mimpi yang benar secara yakin, dimana hati bisa menghayati –di tengah tidurhal-hal yang akan terjadi di kemudian hari, atau kejadian-kejadian di masa lalu tanpa perantaraan tanggapan inderawi. pintu ini hanya terbuka bagi orang yang menyendiri untuk berdzikir kepada allah.69 uraian al-ghazali di atas, mirip sekali dengan filsafat plato tentang alam idea dan kaitannya dengan alam materiil. lebih lanjut al-ghazali mengatakan bahwa seperti halnya para arsitek menggambar gedung yang akan dibangunnya di atas kertas, baru kemudian dilaksanakan pembangunannya sesuai naskah alam semesta secara lengkap dari awal hingga akhirnya di dalam lauh al-mahfuzh, baru kemudian secara urut diwujudkan dalam kenyataan sesuai dengan naskah tersebut.70 ringkasnya, al-ghazali membandingkan ilmu kasyf/ilhamiyah dan ilmu ta’limiyah seperti naskah asli dan duplikat/tindasannya, sejalan dengan teori plato yang mengatakan bahwa ilmu yang ada di alam ide itu lebih murni dari pada yang digelar di alam raya ini.71 dari uraian di atas bisa dipahami bahwa pengetahuan para sufi diperoleh langsung dari tuhan tanpa perantara tetapi pengetahuan itu berbeda dengan pengetahuan kenabian, sebab dia hanya berupa ilham atau inspirasi dalam kalbu yang tidak diketahui sang sufi bagaimana memperolehnya dan dari mana datangnya. sedangkan pengetahuan para nabi merupakan wahyu yang diperoleh seorang nabi dengan perantara malaikat. sekalipun demikian nabi mupun para sufi sepenuhnya yakin bahwa ilmu tersebut datangnya dari tuhan. analisis pembuktian kebenaran pengetahuan dan metode irfani bersifat intersubjektif, artinya kebenarannya dapat dibuktikan melalui pemahaman atau pengalaman ruhani dari subjek-subjek yang lain mengenai hal yang sama. menurut al-jabiri, bahwa kasyf tidak berada di atas akal sebagaimana diklaim para gnostikus, tetapi ia merupakan metode pemikiran ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 206206206206206 afkaruna paling rendah, yang merupakan pemahaman yang yak terkendali.72 irfani bersifat irrasional, anti kritik penalaran. metode yang digunakan adalah logika paradoksal, segala-galanya bisa dicipta tanpa harus berkaitan dengan sebab-sebab yang mendahuluinya. akibatnya adalah pemikiran para sufi kehilangan dimensi kritis yang bersifat magis sebagai sumber kemunduran umat islam. epistemologi burhani secara etimologis al-burhan dalam bahasa arab, adalah argumentasi yang kuat dan jelas (al-hujjah al-fashilah al-bayyinah), dalam bahasa inggris disebut demonstration, berasal dari bahasa latin demonstratio yang berarti isyarat, sifat, keterangan dan menampakkan.73 dalam bahasa prancis, dibedakan antara demontrer yang berarti memaparkan sesuatu atau permasalahan secara jelas dan logis terstruktur, dan montrer yaitu kata kerja yang berarti menunjukkan kepada sesuatu sehingga dapat diraba. al-burhan dapat juga diartikan sebagai pembuktian yang tegas (decisive proof) dan keterangan yang jelas.74 menurut istilah logika (al-mantiq), dengan makna sempit adalah aktivitas intelektual (dzihniyyah) yang menentukan salah benarnya suatu masalah (qadhiyyah) dengan cara kongklusi atau deduksi (istintaj). sedangkan dalam pengertian umum, burhan adalah semua aktivitas intelektual untuk membuktikan kebenaran suatu proposisi.75 dalam almausu’ah al-falsafiyah, al-burhan adalah aktivitas istidlal yang ditujukan untuk menegaskan atau mengetahui kebenaran suatu pemikiran. burhan yang tegak pada qadhiyyah yang benar disebut burhan dan burhan yang tegak pada qadhiyyah yang salah disebut burhan tafnid.76 di dalam al-mu’jam al-falsafi dijelaskan bahwa burhan adalah penjelas terhadap suatu hujjah secara transparan, atau merupakan hujjah itu sendiri, yang mengharuskan adanya tashdiq (pembenaran) terhadap suatu persoalan karena kebenaran argumentasinya. sementara menurut term logika, burhan adalah analogi yang disusun dari beberapa premis untuk mendapatkan hasil yang meyakinkan.77 kata burhan dalam konteks bahasan ini bukan dalam pengertian terminologis di atas. istilah ini digunakan dengan suatu pengertian khusus, menunjuk suatu metode berfikir khusus berdasarkan pandangan dunia (weltanschauung) tertentu yang tidak disandarkan pada suatu sistem berfikir selain metode itu sendiri, yaitu sumbernya berasal dari kekuatan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 207207207207207vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 intelektual manusia yaitu: indra, eksperimen dan aturan logika. tradisi alburhan masuk dalam tradisi fikir arab pada abad-abad pertengahan, di samping dua tradisi berfikir lain yang telah ada.78 epistemologi burhani sebagai bagian dari klasifikasi epistemologi khazanah keilmuan islam yaitu: epistemologi bayani, irfani dan burhani sendiri. epistemologi burhani berbeda secara khas dari epistemologi bayani dan irfani terletak pada otoritas menentukan kebenaran. dalam epistemologi bayani, otoritas itu ada pada nash (al-qur'an dan al-sunnah), ijma’ dan ijtihad; dalam epistemologi ‘irfani, otoritas itu ada pada al-kasyf; sementara dalam epistemologi burhani otoritas itu ada pada akal semata-mata. spektrum historis al-burhan secara historis, al-burhan sebagai sebuah epistemologi lahir pertama kali di yunani tiga abad sebelum masa aristoteles. al-burhan yang kemudian dikembangkan dan diperkenalkan aristoteles ke dalam dunia pemikiran arab islam.79 untuk menyederhanakan hubungan antara filsafat di dunia arab dengan filsafat di yunani dalam membangun epistemologi burhani dan posisi para filsuf muslim (al-kindi, al-farabi, ibnu sina dan ibn rusyd). usaha pengakaran epistemologi burhani pada kebudayaan arab islam, mendapatkan tantangan yang cukup berat dari epistemologi yang secara inhern telah mengakar kuat, sehingga pemekaran dan pengakarannya memerlukan proses panjang dalam sejarah, sebagaimana yang dilakukan oleh al-kindi dan al-farabi. filosof pertama yang berjasa membawa epistemologi burhani ke dalam tradisi pikir arab islam adalah al-kindi (w. 873m). namun, karena pada masa al-kindi, pembahasan tentang epistemologi burhan belum sempurna diterjemahkan, hanya beberapa bagian dari beberapa ilmu yang sudah diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa arab, maka usaha al-kindi membawa epistemologi burhani ke dalam dunia arab islam bersifat parsial (juz’iyyah) dan tidak utuh.80 ketidakutuhan usahanya disebabkan penguasaan alkindi terhadap logika lemah. diduga kelemahannya inilah yang menyebabkan dia, dalam menjelaskan filsafat dan menjawab serangan fuqaha, tidak menempuh cara-cara burhani. misalnya, untuk mempertahankan al-falsafah al-ula dari serangan fuqaha, maka al-kindi menempuh cara yang sama dengan yang dilakukan penentangnya, yaitu terjebak dengan al-sijjal dan al-jidal serta menggunakan pendekatan birokratis kekuasaan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 208208208208208 afkaruna usaha al-kindi mendekati penguasa berhasil ketika dia mempersembahkan kitab tentang al-falsafah al-ula kepada khalifah al-mu’tashim (218-227h) setelah terlebih dahulu memberi kata pengantar yang menjelaskan tentang filsafat, kedudukan filsafat dibandingkan dengan ilmu-ilmu lain dan hubungan antara agama dan filsafat, seraya tidak lupa menunjukkan kelemahan para penentangnya dalam mencari dan memahami kebenaran. model dan cara-cara pertahanan seperti ini dinilai oleh al-jabiri sebagai tindakan yang tidak bersifat burhani, atau dapat kita sebut semacam depense mechanism. al-kindi terjebak kepada assijjal wa al-jidal (contest and polemic). rekonstruksi epistemologi burhani oleh al-kindi tentu saja tidak cukup memadai. karena filsafat secara umum, atau filsafat aristoteles secara khusus adalah sebuah kesatuan yang tidak bisa dipisah-pisah. filsafat terdiri dari metode dan visi. membangun sebagian atau keseluruhan visi dan filsafat tidak dapat tanpa membangun metode, karena visi lahir dari metode. apalagi wilayah kajian para penentang filsafat meluas memasuki bermacam-macam bidang, misalnya nahwu dan bayan yang pada mulanya merupakan satu ilmu bukan hanya semata-mata kaedah-kaedah bahasa, tetapi juga metode berfikir dengan logika sendiri, sehingga logika bahasa secara langsung mendapatkan saingan dan tantangan dari logika yang dibangun aristoteles.81 perdebatan kemudian muncul pasca al-kindi, seperti debat yang terjadi antara abu sa’id as-sirafi an-nahwi dengan abd basyar mata al-mantiqi. tubrukan metodologis antara ahli bahasa dan ahli logika ini merupakan representasi dari benturan antara logika bayan dan logika burhan. oleh sebab itu, perlu ada gambaran yang utuh tentang bagaimana hubungan antara bayan dan burhan, baik dari segi metode, maupun dari segi visi. al-farabi berijtihad untuk menemukan dan menyusun bagaimana kaitan antara nahwu dan logika di satu pihak, dan antara agama dan filsafat pada pihak lain.82 makna dan kata pada bagian ini, al-jabiri menjelaskan tentang kata, makna dan qiyas dalam epistemologi burhani secara metodologis. penjelasan al-jabiri difokuskan pada peran al-kindi dan al-farabi dalam membawa dan mengembangkan epistemologi burhani di dunia pemikiran islam. pandangan al-farabi tentang makna dan kata tidak lepas dari ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 209209209209209vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 aristoteles. al-farabi menyatakan bahwa makna lebih dahulu lahir dari pada kata. dia mendasarkan pendapatnya ini pada teori kelahiran bahasa. seseorang tidak mengungkapkan sesuatu terlebih dahulu dalam bentuk kata-kata, baru mencari maknanya, tapi justru sebaliknya. dari proses observasi dan interaksinya dengan alam lewat alat inderanya, seseorang terlebih dahulu memiliki ide atau konsep tentang alam yang dia amati atau responsi tersebut. dari situ lahirlah terlebih dahulu makna, ide, konsep atau bisa disebut seluruhnya dengan al-ma’qulat. ketika mengkomunikasikan makna yang sudah ada dalam pikirannya itu, berturut-turut dia akan menggunakan isyarat, suara, kata-kata yang kemudian berkembang menjadi bahasa. proposisi al-farabi sudah berbeda secara diametral dengan para epistemolog bayani yang menyatakan kata lebih dahulu dari makna, atau paling tinggi keduanya muncul secara bersamaan. selanjutnya menurut al-farabi, makna didapatkan dengan logika, dan dikomunikasikan dengan kata-kata. kata-kata memerlukan tata bahasa (al-nahw). logika berkaitan dengan akal dan yang dipikirkan (al-’aql wa al-ma’qulat), sedangkan tata bahasa berkaitan dengan lisan dan katakata (al-lisan wa al-lafaz). dengan demikian logika (al-mantiq) lebih dahulu dari tata bahasa (al-nahw). tata bahasa (al-nahw) bersifat khusus karena menyangkut bahasa, sedangkan bahasa bermacam-macam. setiap bahasa memiliki tata bahasa sendiri. sebaliknya logika bersifat umum karena menyangkut akal, sedangkan akal satu bagi seluruh manusia. tata bahasa (al-nahw) menetapkan kaedah-kaedah yang berlaku spesifik untuk katakata yang digunakan oleh umat, bangsa atau masyarakat tertentu, sedangkan logika menetapkan kaedah-kaedah yang berlaku untuk semua kata-kata yang digunakan oleh seluruh umat manusia. logika bahasa yang bersifat universal hanya dapat dipahami oleh orang yang menguasai beberapa bahasa sekaligus. bagi yang hanya menguasai satu bahasa, tidak akan dapat mengerti bahwa ada logika yang sama berlaku untuk semua bahasa-bahasa. oleh sebab itu, supaya semua dapat memahami logika bahasa universal itu, menurut al-farabi, diperlukan bahasa logika. bahasa tentu saja memerlukan kata-kata.83 dimaklumi bahwa pembahasan tentang kata-kata (al-alfaz) dalam buku-buku logika arab lebih luas dibandingkan dengan yang ditulis oleh aristoteles sendiri yaitu al-maqulat wa al-ibarat. dalam tradisi filsafat arab, pembahasan tentang kata-kata itu dimulai oleh al-farabi dalam kitab alalfaz al-musta’malah fi al-mantiq. tema utama dalam pembahasan tentang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 210210210210210 afkaruna kata-kata adalah masalah universalitas. hal ini dapat dimengerti karena yang menjadi salah satu sebab utama kemunduran ilmu kalam adalah hilangnya konsep universalitas itu dalam epistemologi bayani. dalam mengigatkan para epistemolog bayani tentang konsep universalitas yang telah hilang itu, al-farabi terpaksa harus juga menggunakan bahasa bayani di samping bahasa logika. 84 selanjutnya pembahasan tentang huruf merupakan karya orisinal alfarabi. dengan karyanya ini al-farabi secara jelas membedakan antara logika dan tata bahasa dari kata-kata.85 dalam logika, kata mengikuti makna, sementara dalam tata bahasa, makna mengikuti kata. al-farabi tidak hanya mengkritik para nahwiyyin, tetapi juga mutakalimin yang kehilangan wawasan tentang universalitas. al-farabi menjelaskan makna universalitas kata-kata dengan contoh-contoh yang gamblang. misalnya kata “insan” mencakup ‘ali, ‘umar dan zaid. begitu juga kata binatang, putih dan lain-lain. kata-kata yang bersifat umum tersebut bisa menjadi khusus dengan menggunakan kata petunjuk tertentu, seperti haza al-insan, haza al-bayad, haza al-hait dll. kalau ada makna universal tentu ada makna partikular.86 qiyas (silogisme) qiyas (silogisme) adalah bentuk pengambilan kesimpulan secara langsung di mana kesimpulan ditarik dari dua proposisi yang ada secara bersama-sama, satu di antaranya adalah premis major dan lainnya adalah premis minor, karena adanya penghubung di antara kedua premis itu di mana keduanya dipersatukan dalam pengertian yang sama, yaitu pengertian tengah. kesimpulan itu, karena selalu mengikuti premis-premis tersebut, yang disebut konsekwen. premis mayor merupakan premis yang berfungsi sebagai predikat (mahmul) dalam kesimpulan; sedangkan premis minor adalah premis yang berfungsi sebagai subjek (maudhu’).87 dalam perspektif al-farabi pembahasan logika (al-mantiq) terbagi pada dua poros kajian, yaitu tasawwur dan kedua tasdiq. tidak diragukan, bahwa adanya model logika di atas dihadapkan pada problematika kata dan makna pada tradisi pemikiran arab, yang didominasi oleh tradisi bayani. karenanya al-farabi mencoba mendesain qiyas (silogisme) pada tataran makna bukan lafaz.88 dalam perspektif al-farabi, proses belajar ilmu pengetahuan dapat melalui dua cara: pertama, mendengar (sima’) dan kedua, mencontoh ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 211211211211211vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 (iqtida’), yang pertama bersifat menggambarkan, murid memahami dan menggambarkan dalam pikirannya tentang apa yang diucapkan guru. yang kedua bersifat pembenaran, murid membenarkan apa yang disaksikan atau apa yang didengar dari guru. jika kebenaran sesuatu dapat diketahui dengan sendirinya dari apa yang didengar dan disaksikan, tidak diperlukan qiyas. jika tidak, maka untuk menjelaskan kebenarannya diperlukan qiyas.89 al-farabi menegaskan, bahwa qiyas terjadi pada makna, bukan pada kata. qiyas ada pada pikiran, bukan pada lisan. secara umum, qiyas adalah segala sesuatu yang telah tersusun dalam pikiran sedemikian rupa, sehingga pada suatu waktu, apabila dia dapat masukan baru, dia dapat menghubungkannya dengan masukan yang lain, sehingga dapat mengetahui hal yang sebelumnya belum diketahui. segala sesuatu yang tersusun dalam pikiran itu bukanlah kata-kata, karena kata-kata tersusun pada lisan, tetapi makna-makna yang dapat dipahami yang bersifat universal, bukan partikular seperti kata-kata. dari pernyataan di atas, terlihat jelas perbedaan komposisi epistemologi bayani, dengan gugusan argumentasi atas istidlal yang selalu bertitik tolak dari kata-kata (al-alfaz), bukan dari makna. dengan sendirinya qiyas yang digunakan dalam konklusi juga qiyas kata-kata, bukan makna. hal inilah yang ingin dirubah oleh al-farabi dengan menegaskan bahwa qiyas ada pada pikiran atau makna, bukan pada lisan atau kata. persoalan kata dan makna inilah yang menjadi tema perdebatan dan pertentangan antara ahli nahwu dan ahli mantiq pada masa al-farabi. secara sederhana dapat dibandingkan sebagai berikut: (lihat bagan di samping-red). sementara pembuktian (validity) kebenaran pengetahuan dan metode al-burhan menurut penulis bersifat diskursif, artinya kebenaranya dapat dibuktikan melalui pengembaraan akal atau rasio manusia sebagai alat pencapaian kebenaran dengan bersumber dan berdasarkan pada realitas. argumentasi tersebut dapat disederhanakan sebagai berikut: epistemologi al-burhan asal-usul realitas metode logika (akal) validitas discursive analisis diakui bahwa al-ghazali telah membawa logika pada diskursus albayan. komitmennya yang kuat pada logika masih terasa dan terlihat, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 212212212212212 afkaruna sebagai sebuah bukti dapat diperhatikan pada saat al-ghazali menyerang konsepsi metafisika ibnu sina, yang sesungguhnya tidak serta merta dia memvonis seluruh kajian filosofis, seperti logika, matematika dan natural sciences.90 namun, kenyataannya di sisi lain, keputusan al-ghazali memilih jalan sufi bukan filsafat sebagai satu-satunya yang dapat mengantarkan seseorang dekat dengan tuhannya.91 selain itu komitmen dan apresiasi yang kuat terhadap logika tidak cukup memadai untuk menunjuk alghazali sebagai penerus dan pengembang tradisi al-burhan. penghargaan kita pada al-ghazali mungkin tertumpu pada kemampuan talentanya meminimalisasi logika dan menjadikannya “mahkota” bagi tradisi bayani, karena sebagaimana kritik al-jabiri yang menyatakan, bahwa tradisi alburhan justru terhenti di tangan al-ghazali. al-burhan sebagai sebuah metode dalam peradaban arab islam telah berakhir di tangan al-ghazali menjadi sekedar mekanisme intelektual formal, yang dimaksud untuk menggantikan mekanisme intelektual lainnya, mekanisme inferensi melalui yang visible kepada invisible, yang tidak dimiliki oleh fungsi aslinya sebagaimana yang dikehendaki oleh aristoteles, yaitu fungsi analitis dan demonstratif.92 aristoteles menegaskan sesuai dengan apa yang dicita-citakannya, agar logika dapat dijadikan sebagai metode dalam mengembangkan ilmu pengetahuan. metode ini diperlukan agar orang yang melakukan penyelidikan terhadap penomena alam dapat memperoleh pengetahuan yang benar dan meyakinkan, sehingga logika tidak dijadikan sekedar sebagai ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 213213213213213vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 alat untuk mempertahankan aqidah-aqidah tertentu.93 perbincangan aristoteles tentang filsafat pertama (penggerak yang tidak bergerak), merupakan konsekwensi logis dari keinginannya untuk menetapkan prinsip atau landasan bagi gerak yang terjadi pada alam. persoalan bagaimana cara “penggerak” itu menggerakkan, bagaimana watak-nya, dan bagaimana pula sifat hubungan-nya dengan alam, merupakan bagian dari pembicaraan dalam “filsafat pertama” (al-falsafah alula). adalah logis dalam sejarah jika terjadi pergeseran fungsi logika dalam tradisi berfikir arab islam, ketika dibandingkan dengan fungsi filsafat (logika) pasca aristoteles menjadi ajaran praktis, bahkan kemudian mistis. hal ini terjadi dan tidak jauh berbeda dalam diskursus teologi islam, yang mengisyaratkan adanya tahapan baru, yaitu filsafat yang harus mengabdi kepada agama (teologi) yang dapat kita sebut ancilla theologiae.94 dengan begitu, dapat dilihat substansi pemikiran filosofis yang mempunyai ciri kritis, analitis dan dialektis menghilang dari wilayah pemikiran islam. dunia pemikiran islam hampir-hampir tidak mengenal perbedaan antara tradisi pemikiran filosofis yang bersifat tradisional, analitik ataupun yang eksistensial. fazlur rahman mensipati menghilangnya tradisi filsafat yang bersifat akademik maupun populer dari keutuhan bangunan pemikiran islam sebagai bunuh diri intelektual (intellectual suicide). kesimpulan berdasarkan penjelasan di atas, sebagai penutup ada beberapa hal yang dapat diperhatikan, yaitu: epistemologi bayani sebagai pandangan dunia pada dasarnya lahir dari pandangan yang murni bersifat agama; pandangan yang berpijak dari gambaran al-qur'an yang pada dataran epistemologis –bukan pada dataran ontologis-, mengajarkan pemisahan yang tegas antara wujud allah, manusia dan alam. pandangan ini kemudian diberi unsur filosofis khususnya oleh para ahli kalam sebagai upaya respon apologetik terhadap serangan pemikiran keagamaan dan budaya kuno yang sudah ada jauh sebelum kedatangan islam. masuknya unsur filosofis menimbulkan pergeseran pandangan dunia bayani baik secara substansial maupun fungsional. secara substansial dia menjadi semakin kompleks dan teoritis, secara fungsional dia bergeser jauh dari dataran epistemologis, ke ontologis bahkan ideologis. bayani sebagai pandangan dunia boleh dikatakan merupakan bentuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 214214214214214 afkaruna sintesis (bukan dialog) dari konsep tauhid yang meniscayakan keterpisahan tuhan dari segala wujud dengan teori atomisme yang meniscayakan keterpisahan segala sesuatu. bentuk sintesis ini melahirkan prinsip diskontinuitas (mabda’ al-infishal) dan okasionalisme (mabda’ at-tajwiz) dalam memandang hubungan antar realitas dalam tatanan semesta. prinsip ini berimplikasi pada persoalan-persoalan metodologis pemikiran: seperti penolakan konsep akal sebagai substansi dan model qiyas –dengan bentuk dan derivasinyasebagai piranti penalaran yang mewarnai seluruh bentuk produk keilmuan bayani. menurut al-jabiri ada hubungan yang tak terpisahkan antara prinsip-prinsip yang melandasi pandangan dunia bayani dan kerangka berfikir arab jahiliyah pada dasarnya dipengaruhi oleh unsurunsur geografis, sosiologis, dan kultural. hubungan ini teradopsi secara tak disadari oleh ahli bayani –mutakalimun, fuqaha’ dan ahli bahasamelalui bahasa arab (bahasa bukan dalam pengertian alat komunikasi tetapi bahasa sebagai media transformasi peradaban) pada masa kodifikasi. hubungan ini pada gilirannya berdampak pada munculnya kesulitan-kesulitan metodologis bagi pengembangan disiplin keilmuan bayani ketika dihadapkan kepada berbagai perubahan. akhirnya bila kita berpijak pada anggaran dasar bahwa kreatifitas intelektual tidak semata-mata terletak pada metodologi melainkan juga pandangan dunia yang melandasinya.95 epistemologi ‘irfani merupakan pengetahuan yang bersumber dari qalb, melalui kasyf. karena itu, metode pengetahuan para sufi berbeda dengan metode pengetahuan para teolog, fuqaha, dan filosof. metode yang dipergunakan para sufi adalah metode cita rasa khusus, yakni pemahaman instuitif langsung, yang berbeda dengan pemahaman sensual langsung maupun pemahaman rasional dan pemahaman inderawi. metode di atas lazim disebut metode pengetahuan illuminasi (kasyf). epistemologi burhani adalah suatu sistem berfikir yang sumbernya berasal dari kekuatan intelektual manusia yaitu : indra, eksperimen, dan aturan logika. tradisi al-burhan ini masuk dalam tradisi berfikir arab pada abad-abad pertengahan, di samping dua tradisi berfikir lain yang telah ada yaitu al-bayan dan al-‘irfan). usaha pengakaran epistemologi burhani pada kebudayaan arab islam, mendapatkan tantangan yang cukup berat dari epistemologi yang secara inhern telah mengakar kuat, sehingga pemekaran dan pengakarannya memerlukan proses panjang dalam sejarah, sebagaimana yang dilakukan oleh al-kindi dan al-farabi. secara metodologis epistemolgi burhani berbeda dengan epistemologi bayani, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 215215215215215vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 yang menurut proposisi al-farabi, bahwa makna lebih dulu lahir dari kata. makna didapatkan dengan logika, dan dikomunikasikan dengan kata-kata. logika berkaitan dengan akal. dengan demikian logika (al-mantiq) lebih dahulu dari tata bahasa (al-nahwu), karena tata bahasa bersifat khusus dan sebaliknya logika bersifat umum karena menyangkut akal. dalam hal qiyas, al-farabi mencoba mendesain qiyas (silogisme) pada tataran makna bukan lafaz. ketika logika dihadapkan pada problematika kata dan makna pada tradisi pemikiran arab, yang didominasi oleh tradisi bayani. pemekaran epistemologi burhani pada wilayah tradisi fikir arab islam yang secara inhern telah mengakar kuat tradisi al-bayan, berimplikasi pudarnya fungsi al-burhan yang sesungguhnya. sebaliknya muncul format baru alburhan diabdikan ke al-bayan (ancilla theologiae), di mana logika dijadikan sebagai media pertahanan bagi teologi tertentu catatan akhir 1 muhammad abed al-jabiri, al-khitab al-‘arabi al-mu’ashir (beirut: markaz dirasat al-wahdah al-‘arabiyah, 1994). 2 mohammad abed al-jabiri, takwin al-‘aql al-‘arabi (beirut: markaz dirasah al-wihdah al-arabiyah, 1991), hlm. 15. 3 ibid., hlm.13. & 37. 4 ibid., hlm.61. 5 muhammad abed al-jabiri, “tradisi dan problem metodologi” dalam post tradisionalisme islam, ed.ahmad baso (yogyakarta: lkis, 2000) hlm.19-21. 6 seyyed hosein nasr, intelektual islam: teologi, filsafat dan gnosis (theology, philosophy and spirituality) terj. suharsono & jamaluddin mz (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1996) hlm. 3. 7 epistemologi berasal dari kata yunani episteme dan logos. episteme berarti pengetahuan sedangkan logos berarti teori, uraian atau ulasan. karena berhubungan dengan pengertian filsafat pengetahuan, maka lebih tepat logos diterjemahkan dalam arti teori. jadi epistemologi dapat diartikan sebagai teori tentang pengetahuan, yang dalam bahasa inggris dipergunakan istilah theory of knowledge. liahat miska muhammad amin, epistemologi islam: pengantar filsafat pengetahuan islam (jakarta: ui-press, 1983) hlm. 1. epistemologi adalah cabang filsafat yang secara khusus membahas teiri ilmu pengetahuan. epistemologi, berasal dari bahasa yunani: epiteme, yang berarti pengetahuan. tiga persoalan pokok yang dikaji dalam epistemology adalah: (1) apakah sumber-sumber pengetahuan itu? dari manakah pengetahuan yang benar itu datang dan bagaimana kita mengetahuinya?(2) apakah watak dasar (nature) pengetahuan itu? apakah ada dunia yang benar-benar diluar pemikiran kita dan kalau ada, apakah kita dapat mengetahuinya? ini adalah persoalan tentang apa yang kelihatan (appearance) versus hakikatnya (reality). (3) apakah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 216216216216216 afkaruna pengetahuan kita itu benar? bagaimana kita dapat membedakan yang benar dari yang salah? ini adalah soal validitas atau verifikasi. secara garis besar, ada dua aliran pokok dalam epistemology. pertama, aliran idealisme atau yang paling popular dengan sebutan rasionalisme, yaitu suatu aliran pemikiran yang menekankan pentingnya peran akal atau ide sebagai sumber pengetahuan. kedua adalah realisme atau empiriesme yang lebih menekankan peran indera sebagai sumber pengetahuan, sekaligus sebagai alat untukmemperoleh ilmu pengetahuan. sebagai pemikir memasukkan aliran ketiga yaitu intuitionisme yang menekankan peran intuisi di atas indera dan rasio. pengetahuan mistik (sufisme) dapat dikelompokkan ke dalam aliran ini. 8 thomas s. kuhn misalnya, dengan berpijak pada teori psikologi gestaalt menyatakan bahwa objek yang sama menjadi nampak berbeda bila dilihat dengan cara pandang dunia (kuhn mengistilahkan dengan paradigma) yang berbeda. banyak fakta dari sejarah sain membuktikan bahwa lompatan intelektual justru lahir dari perbedaan cara pandang dunia. thomas s. khun, peran paradigma dalam revolusi sain (bandung: remaja karya rosda, 1993) hlm. 109 dan seterusnya. harold h. titus, dkk. persoalan-persoalan filsafat, terj. h.m.rasyidi (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1984) hlm. 87-8. 9 muhammad ‘abid al-jabiri. takwin al-‘aql al-‘arabi (beirut: dar al-thali’ah, 1984). 10 muhammad ‘abid al-jabiri. bunyah al-‘aql al-‘arabi (beirut: markaz dirasah al-wihdah, 1990). 11 muhammad ‘abid al-jabiri. al-‘aql al-siyasi al-‘arabi (beirut: markaz dirasah al-wihdah, 1990). 12 menurut ibn rusyd bahwa metode yang digunakan untuk pembuktian kebenaran terbagi pada tiga: 1. metode demonstratif (al-burhaniyyah), 2. metode dialektika (al-jadaliyyah) dan 3. metode retorika (al-khatabiyyah). menurutnya metode burhani hanya bisa diserap dan dikonsumsi oleh sebagian kecil orang. ibn rusyd. kaitan filsafat dengan syari’at (fashl al-maqal fi ma baina alhikmah wa al-syari’ah min al-ittishal) (jakarta: pustaka firdaus, 1930) hlm. 5657. murtadha muttahari membagi metode pendekatan islam pada lima metode: illuminasionisme (shihabuddin suhrawardi), metode ini merinci antara hikmah al-bahsiyyah yang bertolak pada istidlal dengan nadhr dan burhan, yang dinisbahkan pada aristoteles, dengan al-hukmah al-isyraqiyyah yang bertolak dari kasyf dan isyraq, yang dinisbahkan pada plato. 2. paripatetik (ibn sina, ibn rusyd, al-kindi dan al-farabi), yang mengandalkan deduksi rasional dan demonstrasi. 3. ‘irfan atau sufisme yang meragukan deduksi rasional yang hanya bisa menyingkapkan realitas, tetpi tidak bisa mencapai realitas itu. 4. metode kalam yang menghasilkan mutakallimin. 5. hikmah muta’aliyyah merupakan sintesis keempat metode di atas dengan tokohnya mulla sadra. murtadha muthahhari. tema-tema penting filsafat islam (bandung: yayasan muthahhari, 1993) hlm. 48. 13 istilah ru’yah seperti yang digunakan al-jabiri ada yang mengartikan dengan visi (inggris: vision). lihat abd al–mun’im al–khuffaini, almu’jam al–falsafi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 217217217217217vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 (kairo: dar alsharqiyah, 1990) hlm. 138. dalam tulisan ini istilah tersebut diartikan sebagai “pandangan dunia”, terjemahan dari worldview (inggris) dan weltanschauung (jerman). padanan istilah yang bila dirujuk ke jalan pikiran al – jabiri agaknya lebih tepat. lihat dagober d. runes, dictionary of philosophy (new jersey: littlefield, adams and co. , 1976) hlm.218. 14 muhammad ‘abid al-jabiri, bunyah , op.cit.. 556. 15 ibid., hlm.175. 16 ibid.,hlm.179. bandingan dengan seyyed hosein nasr, intelektual islam, teologi filsafat dan gnosis (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar 1996) hlm . 10 17 al-jabiri, al-bunyah, op. cit . , h . 207 18 ibid. hlm. 179. 19 ibid. hlm. 181, 2 20 ibid. hlm. 188-90 21 ibid. hlm. 193 22 ibid. hlm. 193-4 23 ibid. 24 ibid 25 ibid. hlm. 193 26 ibid. hlm. 194 27 ibid. hlm. 172-3 28 ibid. , hlm. 209 29 ibid. , hlm. 208-9. bandingkan dengan analisis komparatif al-jabiri terhadap konsep akal antara konteks peradaban barat dan peradaban arab dalam aljabiri, takwin al-‘aql, op.cit, hlm. 30 30 ibid. 31 ibid. , hlm. 211 ,4 32 ibid. , hlm. 211-2 33 ibid. , hlm. 212 34 ibid. , hlm. 214 35 ibid. 36 ibid. , hlm. 222-3. ada beberapa prinsip dasar sebagai kaidah pokok dalam penalaran. tiga prinsip dari aristoteles yaitu principium identitatis, principium contradictionis, dan principium excluci-tertii, dan satu dari leibniz, yaitu principium rationis sufficencis. c a. van peursen, orientasi di alam filsafat (jakarta: gramedia, 1991) hlm. 43. ungkapan yang agak berbeda terdapat dalam p. hardono hadi, epistemologi: filsafat pengetahuan (yogyakarta: kanisius, 1994) hlm. 93, 7 37 al-jabiri, al-bunyah. hlm. 239. hal ini dapat kita bandingkan dengan pernyataan ernst cassirer bahwa sebelum hidup dalam dunia ilmiah, manusia sudah hidup dalam dunia objektif. ilmu mulai dengan tuntutan akan kesederhanaan. sehingga hampir semua ilmu dimulai dari pandangan mitis terhadap dunia. ernst cassirer, an essay on man (t.t.p: yale university press, 1994) hlm. 3157 38 dalam sejarah pemikiran terbukti banyak ahli metafisika terkenal yng ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 218218218218218 afkaruna berangkat dari latar belakang keilmuan empiris. pandangan kosmologis einstein terbentuk setelah ia bergelut dengan fisika murni. filsafat proses whitehead terumuskan setelah ia melakukan kajian matematika. harry hammersma, tokoh-tokoh filsafat modern (jakarta: gramedia, 1994) 39 al-jabiri, al-bunyah. hlm .240 40 al-jabiri, takwin. hlm. 75-9 41 al-jabiri, al-bunyah. hlm. 241 42 dalam konteks ini al-jabiri mengaplikasikan konsep l’ inconscient cognitif dalam teori psikologi perkembangan dari jean piaget untuk menhanalisis proses perkembangan peradaban. al-jabiri, takwin. , hlm. 37-48 43 ibid. , hlm. 37-48 44 al-jabiri, al-bunyah. hlm. 241-2 45 ibid. hlm. 243 46 ibid. 47 ibid. 48 ibid. hlm. 244 49 bandingkan dengan fungsi term tengah dalam silogisme. term-term ashl-far’-‘illah dalam fiqih, syaahid-ghaaib-daliil dalam kalam, dan musyabbah-musyabbahi bihwajh asy-syibh dalam balaghah, menurut al-jabiri pada dasarnya identik baik strukturmaupun mekanismenya. ibid. , hlm. 245-6 50 ibid. hlm. 247 51 ibid. 52 ibid. hlm. 247-8 53 ibid. 54 muhammad ‘abid al-jabiri, bunyah, op.cit., hlm. 251 55 reynold a. nicholson, tasawuf menguak cinta illahiah, terj. a. nashir budiman (jakarta: c.v. rajawali, 1987) hlm. 68 56 ali ibn “utsman al-hujwiri. kasyful mahjub, terj. suwardo muthary dan abdul hadi w.h. (bandung: mizan, 1992) hlm. 249 57 al-jabiri. bunyah. , hlm. 251-2 58 ibid. , hlm.252 59 jamblichus (270-330 m), adalah filosof keturunan syria yang beraliran neoplatonis. ia banyak mengomentari teologi hellenistik barat dan teologi timur, serta mentransformasi ajaran-ajaran plotinus ke dalam teologi dogmatis dari aliran panteistik-metafisik. lihat: dagobert d. runes. dictionary, op.cit., hlm. 152 60 al-jabiri. bunyah. , hlm. 252 61 ibid. , hlm. 253 62 ibid. , hlm. 253-4 63 abu al-wafa al-taftazani. sufi dari zaman ke zaman (bandung: pustaka, 1985) hlm. 171 64 ibid. , 65 simuh. tasawuf dan perkembangan dalam islam (jakarta: raja grafindo persada, 1996) hlm. 41 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 219219219219219vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 66 harun nasution, falsafat dan mistisisme dalam islam (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1973) hlm.77 67 al-taftazani. sufi. , hlm. 171 68 ibid. , hlm. 172 69 amatullah armstrong. khazanah istilah sufi: kunci memasuki dunia tasawuf, terj. m.s.nashrullah dan ahmad baiquni (bandung: mizan, 1996) hlm. 137 70 simuh. tasawuf. , hlm. 125 71 ibid. , hlm. 126 72 ibid. 73 al-jabiri, bunyah., hlm. 378. 74 ibid.,. p. 383. 75 lihat m. sa’id syaikh. kamus filsafat islam (a dictionary of muslim philosophy) terj. machnun husein (jakarta: rajawali, 1991) p. 35-6. al-burhan di bagi pada tujuh macam: 1. al-burhan al-inni, 2. al-burhan al-tatbiqi, 3. alburhan al-khatabi, 4. al-burhan al-siddiqin, 5. al-burhan al-limi, 6. al-burhan alqati dan 7. al-burhan al-mutlaq. 76 ibid., p. 387. 77 rosenthal & p. yudin. a dictionary of philosophy (al-mausu’ah al-falsafiyah) terj. samir karam (beirut: dar al-tholi’ah li al thiba’ah wa al-nashr, 1987) p. 63. 78 abdul mun’im al-hanafi, al-mu’jam al-falsafi, arabi, injilisi, faransi, al-mani wa latini (kairo: dar syarqiyyah, 1990) p. 43. 79 al-jabiri. bunyah al-’aql al-’arabi. op.cit., p. 383. 80 ibid. aristoteles menyebut metode ini dengan analisis (al-tahlil) dan tidak menggunakan istilah al-mantiq. logika (al-mantiq) merupakan bagian dari sylogisme (al-qiyas al-jami’). silogisme tidak berarti harus burhan, karena burhan adalah silogisme ilmiah yang dapat melahirkan ilmu, sebagaimana aristoteles sebutkan:” burhan itu silogisme, tetapi tidak setiap silogisme adalah burhan. ada tiga syarat silogisme ilmiah: ilmu adalah pengetahuan sebab (cause), 2. tertibnya hubungan antara ‘illah dan ma’lul (antara had ausat dan kesimpulan) dan 3. keharusan adanya kesimpulan. persyaratan kedua yang pertama berkaitan dengan silogisme biasa sementara syarat ketiga menunjukkan metode burhan yang khusus yang membedakan dari yang lainnya. 81 al-jabiri. bunyah.., op.cit., p. 416. 82 ibid. 83 ibid., 418. 84 ibid., p. 427. 85 ibid., p. 429. misalnya dalam mengkritik para ahli nahwu arab tentang konsep huruf dalam bahasa arab, al-farabi membandingkan dengan konsep huruf dalam bahasa yunani. para ahli bahasa yunani membagi huruf berdasarkan peran dan fungsinya dalam kalimat kepada al-wasilah, al-wasitah, al-hawasyi dan ar-rawabit. sementara yang dilakukan ahli nahwu arab hanyalah menjelaskan makna msing-masing huruf. al-farabi mengakui bahwa kitab al-alfaz baru merupakan pengantar logika. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 220220220220220 afkaruna 86 diakui bahwa al-farabi seorang ahli logika yang amat tajam, yang telah memberi komentar terhadap semua logika aristoteles. ia juga menyusun fi ihsa’ al-‘ulim (on the enumeration of the science), yang mengklasifikasikan, mengkategorikan dan meninggalkan pengaruh yang sangat besar dalam pemikiran filsafat islam lebih lanjut. di barat, karya ini dikenal dengan de scientis. al-farabi dalam kenyataannya menjadi terkenal sebagai guru kedua (al-mu’allim al-sani), bukan karena ia mengajar filsafat atau sains, tetapi ia adalah yang pertama menyebutkan dan menggambarkan sains secara jelas dalam konteksnya dengan peradaban islam, seperti aristoteles. guru pertama bagi ilmu-ilmu yunani. nasr. intelektual.., op.cit., p. 36. gelar guru (mu’allim) yang juga digunakan belakangan oleh thomas aquinas dan para skolastik yang lain, asal mulanya tidak dari yunani. istilah itu berasal dari islam dan mengacu pada konteks ini untuk menegaskan dan mengklasifikasikan sainssains tersebut. lihat nasr. “ why wa al-farabi called the second teacher?”. terj. m. amin razavi, islamic culture 59/4 (1985), p. 357-64. 87 al-jabiri. bunyah,op.cit., p. 432. 88 m. sa’id syaikh. kamus filsafat.., p.125. 89 al-jabiri, bunyah. op.cit.,p. 343 90 ibid., p. 434. 91 lihat amin abdullah. studi agama, normativitas atau historisitas? (yogya: pustaka pelajar, 1996) hlm. 231. 92 sebagaimana dikutip m. amin abdullah dalam falsafah kalam, dengan merujuk pada abdul halim mahmud. qadiyyah al-tasawwuf: al-munqid min al-dalal (dar al-ma’arif, 1988) hlm. 338-40. montgomery watt. islamic philosophy and theology (edinburgh at the university press, 1962) p. 118. al-jabiri. bunyah…op.cit., hlm. 136. 93 ibid., hlm. 477. 94 silogisme sebagai teori hasil penemuan aristoteles yang murni dan terbesar. aristoteles tidak menggunakan silogisme semata-mata untuk menyusun argumentasi-argumentasi bagi suatu perdebatan, tetapi terutama sebagai metode dasar bagi pengembangan suatu bidang ilmu pengetahuan. lihat jan hendrik rapar. pengantar filsafat (yogya: kanisius, 1986) hlm. 104. 95 fungsi filsafat pasca aristoteles menjadi ajaran praktis, bahkan kemudian mistis, sebagaimana diajarkan stoa dan epicurus, dan kemudian plotinus. bersamaan dengan mulai pudarnya kekuasaan romawi, kesemuanya itu merupakan isyarat akan datangnya tahapan baru, yaitu filsafat yang harus mengabdi kepada agama (teologi). ancilla theologiae ! filsuf besar pada saat itu yaitu augustinus dan thomas aquinas telah memberi ciri khas pada filsafat abad tengah. filsafat yunani yang sekuler telah dicairkan dari antinominya dengan doktrin gerejani. filsafat menjadi bercorak teologik. biara tidak saja menjadi pusat kegiatan agama, akan tetapi juga menjadi pusat kegiatan intelektual. koento wibisono, ilmu pengetahuan (yogya: ugm, 1995) hlm. 2. lihat harun hadiwijoyo. sari sejarah filsafat barat i (yogya: kanisius, 1994) hlm. 89-99. terlihat model pencampuran filsafat dengan teologi pada ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 221221221221221vol. 12 no. 2 desember 2016 avecinnaisme. ibn khaldun menyatakan, bahwa ilmu kalam telah menjadi pengganti filsafat, teologi menjadi kalam teologis yang dilegalisasi dengan falsafah kalam sinawiiyah. pada kasus ibn sina yanitu pencampuran filsafat dengan teologi. al-jabiri. bunyah.., op.cit.,hlm. 480. 96 thomas s. kuhn misalnya, dengan berpijak pada teori psikologi gestaalt menyatakan bahwa objek yang sama menjadi nampak berbeda bila dilihat dengan cara pandang dunia (kuhn mengistilahkan dengan paradigma) yang berbeda. banyak fakta dari sejarah sain membuktikan bahwa lompatan intelektual justru lahir dari perbedaan cara pandang dunia. thomas s. khun, peran paradigma dalam revolusi sain (bandung: remaja karya rosda, 1993) hlm. 109 dan seterusnya. daftar pustaka abdullah, m. amin, 1996. studi agama, normativitas atau historisitas? yogya: pustaka pelajar. amin, miska muhammad. 1983., epistemologi islam: pengantar filsafat pengetahuan islam jakarta: ui-press. armstrong, amatullah. 1996. khazanah istilah sufi: kunci memasuki dunia tasawuf, terj. m.s.nashrullah dan ahmad baiquni. bandung: mizan. cassirer, ernst. 1994. an essay on man. connecticut: yale university press. hadiwijoyo, harun. 1994. sari sejarah filsafat barat i. yogyakarta: kanisius. hadi, p. hardono. 1994. epistemologi: filsafat pengetahuan. yogyakarta: kanisius. hammersma, harry. 1994. tokoh-tokoh filsafat modern. jakarta: gramedia. hanafi al-, abdul mun’im. 1990. al-mu’jam al-falsafi, arabi, injilisi, faransi, almani wa latini. kairo: dar syarqiyyah. hujwiri al-, ali ibn ‘utsman. 1992. kasyful mahjub, terj. suwardo muthary dan abdul hadi w.h. bandung: mizan. hunnex, milton d., 1986. chronological philosophies and philosopher. michigan: zondervn publishing house ibn rusyd. 1930. kaitan filsafat dengan syari’at (fashl al-maqal fi ma baina alhikmah wa al-syari’ah min al-ittishal).jakarta: pustaka firdaus. jabiri al-, muhammad abed. 1994. al-khitab al-‘arabi al-mu’ashir. beirut: markaz dirasat al-wahdah al-‘arabiyah. —————-. 1991. takwin al-‘aql al-‘arabi. beirut: markaz dirasah al-wihdah alarabiyah. —————-. 2000. muhammad abed al-jabiri, “tradisi dan problem metodologi” dalam post tradisionalisme islam, ed.ahmad baso. yogyakarta: lkis. —————. 1984. takwin al-‘aql al-‘arabi. beirut: dar al-thali’ah —————. 1990. bunyah al-‘aql al-‘arabi. beirut: markaz dirasah al-wihdah. ————— 1990. al-‘aql al-siyasi al-‘arabi. beirut: markaz dirasah al-wihdah. —————.. 1990. bunyah al-’aql al-’arabi. beirut: markaz dirasat al-wihdah al’arabiyah. khuffaini al–, abd al–mun’im, almu’jam al–falsafi. kairo: dar alsharqiyah. kuhn, thomas s. 1993. peran paradigma dalam revolusi sain. bandung: remaja ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 222222222222222 afkaruna karya rosda. mahmud, abdul halim. 1988. qadiyyah al-tasawwuf: al-munqid min al-dalal. dar al-ma’arif muthahhari, murtadha. 1993. tema-tema penting filsafat islam. bandung: yayasan muthahhari. nasr, seyyed hosein. 1996. intelektual islam: teologi, filsafat dan gnosis (theology, philosophy and spirituality) terj. suharsono & jamaluddin mz. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. —————. 1985. “why wa al-farabi called the second teacher?”. terj. m. amin razavi, islamic culture 59/4. nasution, harun. 1973. falsafat dan mistisisme dalam islam. jakarta: bulan bintang. nicholson, reynold a. 1987. tasawuf menguak cinta illahiah, terj. a. nashir budiman. jakarta: c.v. rajawali. peursen, c a. van. 1991. orientasi di alam filsafat. jakarta: gramedia. runes, dagober d. 1976. dictionary of philosophy. new jersey: littlefield, adams and co. simuh. 1996. tasawuf dan perkembangan dalam islam. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. taftazani al-, abu al-wafa. 1985. sufi dari zaman ke zaman. bandung: pustaka. rapar, jan hendrik. 1986. pengantar filsafat. yogyakarta: kanisius. rosenthal & p. yudin. 1987. a dictionary of philosophy (al-mausu’ah al-falsafiyah) terj. samir karam. beirut: dar al-tholi’ah li al thiba’ah wa al-nashr. syaikh, m. sa’id, 1991. kamus filsafat islam (a dictionary of muslim philosophy) terj. machnun husein. jakarta: rajawali. titus, harold h. dkk. 1984. persoalan-persoalan filsafat, terj. h.m.rasyidi. jakarta: bulan bintang, 1984. watt, montgomery. 1962. islamic philosophy and theology. edinburgh: edinburgh university press. wibisono, koento. 1995. ilmu pengetahuan. yogya: gadjah mada university press. jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 biografi sayid usman doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0090.262-266 mohammad mas’udi universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta judul : islam, kolonialisme, dan zaman modern di hindia belanda: biografi sayid usman ( 1822-1914) penulis : nico j.g. kaptain penerbit : suara muahmmadiyah kota : yogyakarta tahun : 2017 halaman : 418 isbn : 978-602-6268-39-6 ketika hari ini kita mengenal tokoh politik anis baswedan sebagai gubernur dki, pada dasarnya hal itu merupakan mata rantai panjang dari peran politik yang telah dimainkan oleh warga keturunan arab hadramaut di indonesia. pada masa awal kemerdekaan ri, kita mengenal hamid algadri dan ar baswedan sebagai tokoh perintis kemerdekaan indonesia keturunan arab. keduanya mendirikan persatuan arab indonesia (pai) yang berdiri di semarang pada tahun 1934 untuk mendorong kesetiaan para imigran arab kepada indonesia dan menjadi partai arab indonesia pada tahun 1940 karena adanya tuntutan politik pada waktu itu. hamid algadri telah berjasa dalam perundingan linggarjati, perundingan renville, dan kmb (konferensi meja bundar), sementara ar. baswedan pernah menjabat sebagai menteri muda penerangan dalam kabinet syahrir iii, yang notabene merupakan kakek dari anis baswedan. peran politik warga keturunan arab di indonesia telah dimulai pada masa yang lebih awal pada abad ke-19 oleh seorang ulama betawi yang bernama sayid usman (1822-1914), lahir di pekojan batavia. nico j.g. kaptein telah menulis biografinya dalam buku yang berjudul “islam, colonialism and the modern age in the netherlands east indiest: a biography of sayyid ‘utsman” (leiden: koninklijke brill nv, 2014). nico telah b o o k r e v i e w 263vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 memotret sayid usman dengan sangat apik dalam perspektif yang beragam, dari biografinya, aktivitas dakwahnya, sampai kiprahnya dalam kegiatan politik. ia mampu menampilkan secara utuh kelompok yang pro maupun kontra terhadap pemikiran sayid usman. bahkan yang lebih menarik dari buku ini, nico mampu mengkritisi sumber-sumber asli tentang sayid usman dengan referensi yang lebih otoritatif. buku yang berisi sepuluh bab ini memuat pendahuluan yang berisi tentang kebijakan islam pemerintah kolonial belanda dan orang arab di hindia belanda. bab kedua membahas tentang biografi asli sayyid usman, sementara babbab berikutnya sampai bab kesembilan mendiskusikan tentang kehidupan dan karya sayid usman. bab kesepuluh berisi pandangan dari luar (outsider) tentang sayyid usman sebagai sebuah kesimpulan. sebagai seorang ulama keturunan nabi muhammad (sayid), sayid usman merupakan bagian dari elite keagamaan yang sangat dihormati di dunia islam pada masa lalu serta pada masa kini oleh sebagian masyarakat muslim. oleh karena itu, sangat wajar jika pengembaraan pencarian ilmu ke belahan dunia islam lain, seperti ke kampung asal leluhurnya di hadramaut maupun saat menimba ilmu di mekah dan madinah, menjadi sangat mudah untuk ditunaikan karena ia memiliki kekerabatan internasional yang bersumber dari nabi. sebagai pembanding, hanya ada beberapa gelintir ulama pribumi yang dapat menuntut ilmu ke mekkah, seperti kha dahlan dan kh. hasyim asy’ari selaku pendiri muhammadiyah dan nahdlatul ulama. sementara itu, sebagian elite pribumi lainnya dari kalangan keluarga ambtenaar (pegawai negeri zaman kolonial belanda) memilih bersekolah ke belanda, seperti mohammad hatta, nazir datuk pamontjak, abdul madjid djojodiningrat, maupun ali sastroamidojo. sayid usman cukup lama dalam menimba ilmu dengan beberapa ulama batavia dan mancanegara di berbagai tempat. hal itu menjadikan sosok sayid usman sebagai ulama yang mumpuni dalam berbagai bidang ilmu keislaman, seperti tata bahasa arab, ilmu kalam, fikih, akhlak, tasawuf, falak dan sebagainya. nico menengarai bahwa karya paling awal dari sayid usman adalah tentang teologi dan panduan bagi para jamaah haji (hal. 113-117). keduanya diterbitkan sebagai panduan bagi masyarakat awam dan bukan untuk kaum terpelajar. karya tentang teologi telah dicetak berkali-kali, dan ini menjadi karya yang paling terkenal dari sayid usman. yang menarik dari karya tentang panduan bagi para jamaah haji adalah adanya informasi spesifik tentang arah salat ketika sedang dalam perjalanan 264 afkaruna dari tanah jawa sampai ke mekah. sebagai sosok ulama yang memegang teguh ajaran islam, seluruh aktivitas dakwahnya ditujukan untuk menyebarkan pemahamannya yang puritan terhadap islam (hal. 131). pada sisi lain, penyebaran paham keagamaannya ini telah memunculkan beberapa kontroversi di masyarakat. nico j.g. kaptain telah merekamnya dengan baik beberapa kontroversi ini dalam bab empat, di antaranya adalah terkait dengan penetapan bulan baru hijriyah, pendirian salat jum’at di lebih dari satu masjid, pembagian pendapatan dari makam luar batang, pelurusan arah kiblat, penetapan status harta benda bersama dalam pernikahan, pembuatan taklik talak, serta prosedur pengadilan islam. kontradiksi pemikiran sayid usman dalam masalah-masalah keagamaan ini, pada umumnya merupakan pembelaan atas islam tradisi, sehingga ia menolak paham hisab dan mempertahankan paham rukyat dalam penentuan awal bulan hijriyah. namun pada sisi lain, persetujuannya pada penentuan arah kiblat untuk pendirian masjid-masjid di nusantara mencerminkan pendirian yang sama dengan kh a. dahlan, pendiri muhammadiyah sebagai ulama berpaham reformis. ini menunjukkan bahwa pemikiran islam tradisional tidak selalu berseberangan dengan pemikiran islam reformis. selalu dimungkinkan adanya titik temu di antara keduanya. dalam perspektif dakwah, peran politik yang telah dimainkan oleh sayid usman sebagai informan belanda (hal.2) dan penasehat kehormatan untuk urusan arab dalam konteks zamannya, merupakan dakwah di jalan sunyi dan penuh caci maki karena dianggap telah menghamba kepada kepentingan penguasa kafir. dalam perspektif sayid usman, peran politik ini perlu dilakukan agar dakwah islam di nusantara tetap dapat berjalan dengan baik, tanpa ada tekanan dari pihak penguasa yang bisa menghambat aktivitas dakwah. meskipun demikian, pandangan mayoritas kaum muslimin cenderung negatif ketika ada ulama yang bekerja bagi kepentingan kolonial. penilain negatif ini juga melekat pada para penghulu yang diangkat oleh pemerintah belanda, meskipun kemampuan ilmu agamanya sangat memadai. mereka cenderung dipandang dengan sebelah mata dan dituduh sebagai antek pemerintah hindia belanda. pada bab tujuh dari buku ini menunjukkan betapa kerasnya kritik masyarakat terhadap sikap politik sayid usman. kritik pers timur tengah terhadap langkah sayid usman yang bekerja sama dengan belanda. yang lebih menyedihkan, ketika sayid usman dituduh sebagai mata-mata 265vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 belanda oleh para koleganya, al-manar (jurnal timur tengah paling populer pada masa itu) menurunkan beberapa artikel yang menyerang sayid usman sebagai seseorang yang digaji oleh pemerintah belanda untuk membantu mereka merendahkan posisi umat islam. pada artikel lain disebutkan, bahwa kolonial belanda sengaja membiarkan penduduk bumiputra tidak mengenyam pendidikan agar mereka semakin mudah untuk dikendalikan. di antara mereka yang mendukung kebijakan ini adalah sayid usman. ia digambarkan tengah mencelakakan anggotanya sendiri ketika tiga orang sayid dipenjara karena suatu alasan (hal. 206). dakwah di jalan sunyi dan penuh caci maki ini juga terjadi pada kerabatnya sesama sayid, yang melakukan gerakan pembaharuan islam di india. adalah sayid ahmad khan (1817-1898), seorang ulama pembaharu yang harus berhadapan dengan dua entitas politik dalam hubungannya dengan kepentingan umat islam. pertama, inggris sebagai penakluk dan sekaligus penguasa india pada waktu itu. kedua, warga hindu sebagai mayoritas penduduk india. pilihan ahmad khan adalah bahwa kerjasama dengan inggris mutlak diperlukan agar dapat mengadopsi kekuatan dan keunggulan barat (metodologi, ilmu dan teknologi). bagi ahmad khan, aliansi islam dengan hindu tidak akan membawa kemajuan umat islam. alternatif pilihannya adalah bekerjasama dengan penjajah inggris agar ada peningkatan kualitas umat islam lewat lembaga pendidikan yang dibangun, yaitu muhammedan anglo oriental collage (maoc). dalam perjalanan sejarahnya, lembaga ini banyak mendapatkan bantuan dari inggris dan telah melahirkan banyak tokoh islam di india-pakistan. sikap politik sayid usman dan sayid ahmad khan ini, dalam konteks nasionalisme memang menjadi pilihan yang kontraproduktif dan dalam nada yang minor sering disebut sebagai pengkhianat. meskipun demikian, keduanya tetap teguh dalam sikap politiknya karena terdapat kepentingan dakwah yang harus diutamakan, ketimbang sekedar dicap sebagai pengkhianat. oleh karena itu, prinsip inilah yang semestinya dapat kita ambil hikmahnya dari dakwah di jalan sunyi dan penuh caci maki dari kedua keturunan nabi ini. diperlukan keikhlasan beramal dengan segala konsekuensinya. sebagai penutup, saya memberikan apresiasi kepada penerbit suara muhammadiyah atas penerbitan buku terjemahan ini. suara muhammadiyah sebagai “corong” muhammadiyah yang dikenal sebagai gerakan islam modernis (berkemajuan) telah berani menerbitkan karya intelektual 266 afkaruna tentang tokoh islam tradisionalis, yang jelas jelas menolak pemikiran gerakan wahabi (bagian dari gerakan islam reformis), sementara muhammadiyah juga menjadi bagian di dalamnya. tentu saja, ini menjadi pembelajaran tersendiri bagi siapa pun yang menyatakan dirinya sebagai aktivis gerakan islam. wallahu a’lam.** jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 islam nusantara doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0091.267-270 muhammad fajri universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta judul : islam nusantara penulis : ahmad sahal penerbit : mizan pustaka kota : bandung tahun : 2016 halaman : 339 isbn : 978-979-433-895-7 buku islam nusantara ditulis oleh ahmad sahal adalah seorang aktivis dari organisasi nahdlatul ulama (nu) yang pernah menempuh studi doktoral di amerika serikat. buku ini menuliskan landasan-landasan terbentuknya pergerakan islam nusantara yang digagas oleh nu dan merangkum pendapat pendapat dari sang tokoh seperti kh mustafa bisri (gus mus), kh abdurrahman wahid (gusdur), abdul muqsith ghazali, kh said aqil siradj, din syamsuddin, dan lukman hakim syaifuddin. pada bagian awal, ahmad sahal memaparkan sebuah prolog yang menceritakan awal potensi sebuah permasalahan di masa mendatang yang mungkin mendasari awal terjadinya ijtihad. dimana ada sebuah hadist yang menceritakan tatkala mengutus mu’adz bin jabal sebagai qadli (hakim) di yaman, rasulullah sempat bertanya kepadanya. rasul bertanya, “apabila dihadapkan padamu satu kasus hukum, bagaimana kamu memutuskannya?” mu’adz menjawab, “saya akan memutuskan berdasar kitabullah. nabi bertanya lagi, “bila tidak kau temukan di kitabullah? balas mu’adz, “saya akan berhukum dengan sunnah rasul. nabi melanjutkan pertanyaannya, “bagaimana jika tidak kau temukan di kitabullah maupun di sunnah rasulullah? mu’adz menjawab, “saya akan berijtihad berdasar pendapatku sendiri dengan sungguh-sungguh.” nabi lalu menepuk dada 268 afkaruna mu’adz sebagai isyarat memberikan restu kepadanya. hal ini sebagai isyarat bahwa nabi mengiyakan berbagai permasalahan yang akan dihadapi oleh umatnya sepeninggalnya kelak. bisa dilihat bahwa yaman saja yang ketika saat itu masih satu negeri dengan jazirah arab dan semasa dengan rasulullah sudah dimaklumi nabi adanya berbagai masalah umat yang beragam, apalagi di indonesia yang saat ini letaknya terpaut jarak dan waktu yang sangat jauh. bisa dilakukan ijtihad sebagai upaya terakhir memecahkan permasalahan yang beragam dengan tidak meninggalkan kaidah merujuk pada al-qur’an dan sunnah. penulis menyampaikan latar belakang masalah yang mendorong ide terbentuknya pergerakan islam nusantara, dalam hal ini penulis memaparkan permasalahan ini sudah ada pada tahun 1980 an tentang penentuan kebijakan. latar belakang yang mendasari terbentuknya gerakan islam nusantara sendiri juga berawal dari keresahan petinggi nu dan cendikiawannya terhadap masalah di tubuh nu itu sendiri, nu yang menggunakan metode bahtul masail untuk mendiskusikan masalah yang perlu dipecahkan. tidak adanya perbedaan kasta ilmu di dalam sebuah bahtul masa’il membuat suasana forum bahtul masa’il menjadi terbuka menerima setiap pendapat. namun penulis menyebutkan bahwa sebenarnya bahtul masa’il nu juga masih banyak memiliki kekurangan, para kyai yang seharusnya menjadi panutan tidak memiliki referensi yang cukup untuk dibawa ke ranah forum bahtul masa’il. para kyai dan ustadz hanya membawa referensi yang berkutat pada 4 madzab saja. mereka masih fanatik terhadap madzhab syafii dan referensi yang dipakai pun mengerucut kepada referensi dari imam syafi’i. ketika dihadapkan dengan referensi yang pokok isinya bertentangan dengan kebiasaan mereka, seperti dari ibnu taimiyah dan ibnu qayyim al-jauziyah, maka para kyai dan ustadz tidak akan memakainya sebagai referensi atau pembanding dalam memecahkan masalah didalam forum bahtul masa’il. alih-alih menjadikan forum bahtul masa’il sebagai medium memecahkan permasalahan dengan memperhatikan kaidah ahlus sunnah waljama’ah yang berpikiran terbuka, forum ini malah menyisakan masalah. yakni, masalah fanatisme madzab tertentu dan masih mengikuti kebiasaan lama tanpa pengetahuan atas dasar dan dalilnya. penulis juga memaparkan bagaimana awal masuknya islam yang diprakarsai oleh walisongo. para wali mengenalkan agama islam kepada masyarakat hindu-buddha yang memegang adat istiadat secara kental 269vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dan juga kepada masyarakat yang pada saat itu menganut animisme dan dinamisme. para walisongo tidak lantas menjelaskan islam dengan menabrak tradisi yang sudah ada. mereka mengenalkan islam dengan cara akulturasi, masuk di tengah tengah masyarakat dan mengikuti budaya yang ada di sana, lalu sedikit demi sedikit mengenalkan islam dengan cara yang tidak disadari oleh masyarakat setempat. sunan kalijaga, misalnya, mengenalkan islam dan cara bertuhan melalui cerit-cerita pewayangan. sehingga, pada akhirnya, masyarakat sedikit demi sedikit mengetahui apa itu islam dan tertarik memeluk islam. sementara itu, sunan kudus adalah seorang ulama yang memiliki keahlian dalam merancang sebuah bangunan. sunan kudus yang selain memiliki peran utama sebagai pendakwah beliau juga memberikan kontribusi keahliannya tersebut kepada masyarakat. beliau merancang sebuah masjid dengan tetap menampakkan simbol simbol hindu-buddha di pancuran wudhu dan menara pada masjid kudus, bukan dengan merancang masjid yang menjadi ciri khas masjid di timur tengah. sikap dan tindakan berdakwah yang dilakukan para walisongo tersebut semata mata untuk menyampaikan dakwah namun masih bisa menyesuaikan dengan budaya masyarakat indonesia pada waktu itu. ini sebagai bukti islam nusantara sebagai representasi dari islam yang rahmatan lil’alamiin. bisa kita bayangkan bagaimana jika dahulu walisongo berdakwah dengan memaksakan islamn yang formal, barangkali umat islam indonesia tidak sebanyak seperti sekarang ini. kita bisa lihat sampai sekarang ini dimana timur tengah masih merasakan gejolak konflik tak berujung, islam nusantara hadir dengan tidak memaksakan islam yang formal, namun membaur terhadap budaya masyarakat setempat dan sedikit demi sedikit menyampaikan ajaran islam. dari paparan di atas, ahmad sahal mencoba menyanggah orang-orang yang menganggap gerakan islam nusantara adalah upaya untuk memindahkan kiblat umat indonesia ke nusantara. ini bukan berarti adanya islam nusantara menjadi berbeda dengan adanya islam malaysia, islam vietnam, dan sejenisnya. ini hanyalah pergerakan pendakwahan dari representasi islam yang rahmatan lil’alamin agar lebih bisa diterima oleh manusia yang belum mengenal islam. buku yang ditulis oleh ahmad sahal ini mengajak pembaca agar bisa menyampaikan nilai-nilai keislaman dengan yang damai, tanpa ada pemaksaan apalagi dengan kekerasan dan pentakfiran. 270 afkaruna bagian yang terbaik dari buku ini adalah penjelasan bahwa agama islam selain bersifat ilahiah, juga bersifat islam bersifat insaniah. artinya, islam juga merasuk pada sekumpulan manusia yang memiliki kebudayaan berbeda-beda. islam juga bersifat wasathiyah yang berarti moderat dan memiliki beberapa makna yang salah satu maknanya adalah al-waqi’iyyah (realistis). realistis di sini berarti mengetahui dan mengakui keadaan asli masyarakat, namun tidak menyerah untuk menyampaikan kebenaran yang ideal. pada halaman 171 ahmad sahal menyebutkan istilah islam salafiwahabi untuk menyebutkan kelompok yang dianggapnya terlalu kering dalam berdakwah dan tidak cocok jika berdakwah pada kaum muslimin nusantara. nampaknya apa yang disebutkan ahmad sahal dan semua anggapan tersebut hanya mewakili pendapat nu saja dan tidak menunjukkan realitas yang sebenarnya. apalagi penggunaan kata salafi-wahabi ini terlalu simplistik untuk mendeskripsikan keadaan sebenarnya komunitas salafi, baik yang di indonesia maupun di kerajaan arab saudi. pada realitasnya, kata wahabi itu disematkan untuk kaum yang memberontak di jazirah arab pada masa silam dan juga mempunyai nuansa dan kompleksitasnya tersendiri. buku dengan tema islam nusantara sebenarnya sudah banyak terbit semenjak dekade terakhir, dan buku “islam nusantara” karya ahmad sahal ini juga bukanlah yang terbaru. namun buku ahmad sahal adalah pioner dan bisa menggambarkan dengan jelas apa itu islam nusantara.** layout afkaruna desember 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 motif da’i berdakwah di kota ambon sulaeman institut agama islam negeri ambon, email:sulaeman@iainambon.ac.id irta sulastri universitas islam negeri padang, email:irta_sulastri64@yahoo.com abstract this paper describes and explains the self experience of motive behind the preacher choosing to preach. preaching experiences in ambon city still get scorn, insult, ridicule from multicultural environment. environment treats them with apathy, lack of acceptance, recognition, and less respected in preaching. the preacher conveys communication message of islam, it is still not able to open mind and awareness, in fact, there are many muslims still follow their ancestor doctrines and cannot think crtically. messages of religious communication should be communicated sympathetically and rationally. this research used subjective interpretive method with phenomenology approach. researchers explored self experience preacher, conducted by using data collection through in-depth interviews and participatory observation with supporting data based on social action perspective. the results showed that the subject interpreted himself choosing preacher as profession for reason and purpose motive in preaching communication. preacher communication action is not “single,” there is another phenomenon shows the double motive of preaching, though the phenomenon is not likely to appear. keywords: preaching, preacher motive, social action and symbolic perspective. abstrak artikel ini mendeskripsikan dan menjelaskan pengalaman diri mengenai motif melatarbelakangi da’i memilih untuk berdakwah. pengalaman da’i berdakwah di kota ambon masih mendapatkan cemohan, hinaan, ejekan dari lingkungan multikultural. lingkungan memperlakukan mereka dengan sikap apatis, kurang penerimaan, pengakuan, dan kurang di hargai dalam berdakwah. da’i berdakwah menyampaikan pesan komunikasi ajaran agama islam, masih belum mampu membuka pemikiran dan kesadaran dan realitasnya menunjukkan masih banyak umat islam bertaklid, akibatnya umat islam masih belum mampu berpikir kritis. pesan komunikasi agama mestinya disampaikan dengan simpatik dan rasional. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0074.240-264 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 241241241241241vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 penelitian ini menggunakan metode interpretatif subjektif dengan pendekatan fenomenologi. peneliti menggali pengalaman diri da’i berdakwah, dilakukan dengan menggunakan pengumpulan data melalui wawancara mendalam dan pengamatan partisipatif dengan data penunjang berdasarkan perspektif tindakan sosial. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa subjek memaknai dirinya memilih profesi da’i dilatarbelakangi dengan motif alasan dan motif tujuan dalam komunikasi dakwah. da’i melakukan tindakan komunikasi dakwah tidaklah bersifat “tunggal,” ada fenomena lain menunjukkan motif ganda da’i berdakwah, meskipun fenomena itu tidak cenderung tampak. kata kunci: dakwah, motif da’i, perspektif tindakan sosial dan interaksi simbolik. pendahuluan asumsi dasar dakwah adalah kewajiban umat manusia sesuai dengan kemampuannya (qs.3:104).1 dakwah merupakan ajakan kepada islam yang bertujuan untuk mendapatkan kebahagiaan hidup manusia di dunia dan di akhirat. supaya nilai-nilai islam bisa terealisasikan dalam kehidupan umat, para da’i harus melaksanakan ajaran islam terlebih dahulu sebelum disampaikan kepada orang lain, karena umat butuh keteladanan dalam menjalankan agama. realisasi nilai-nilai islam, dilakukan dalam kegiatan dakwah dan atau kegiatan komunikasi, di mana da’i mengkomunikasikan pesan dakwah kepada jamaah, baik secara perorangan maupun kelompok. da’i sebagai sumber informasi, unsur utama dalam dakwah. sumber informasi dakwah adalah individu menyampaikan pesan-pesan keagamaan dan mengajak umat kepada ajaran islam.2 da’i sebagai individu seharusnya memiliki kemampuan pengetahuan agama menyampaikan pesan-pesan komunikasi agama islam dan mengajak individu lainnya untuk mengikuti perintah allah swt dan menjauhi larangan-nya dengan jalan atau cara tertentu untuk mendapatkan kebahagian di dunia dan akhirat kelak. da’i bukan hanya kerja pribadi, ilaihi menyebutkan, da’i adalah orang melaksanakan dakwah secara lisan maupun tulisan ataupun perbuatan dan secara individu, kelompok atau bentuk perbuatan dan baik secara individu, kelompok atau bentuk organisasi atau lembaga.3 melengkapi kriteria sumber informasi dakwah ini, supartra menjelaskan da’i berdakwah seyogyanya mampu menyelami perasaan dan logika jamaah sehingga ia dapat dengan mudah mengemas pesan-pesannya agar berdaya panggil kuat dan berwibawa pada jiwa seseorang.4 pesan disampaikan da’i ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 242242242242242 afkaruna seharusnya menyampaikan pesan ajaran agama secara bijak dan damai (qs.16:125)5 dengan melakukan perubahan melalui kesadaran, bukan paksaan, disampaikan dengan cara persuasif, itulah salah satu fungsi dakwah, namun realitas sosialnya seringkali tidak seperti itu. pesan dakwah seringkali belum mampu membuka pemikiran dan kesadaran umat. pesan agama mestinya dilaksanakan dengan simpatik dan rasional, namun realitasnya menunjukkan masih banyak orang islam bertaklid, akibatnya umat islam masih belum mampu berpikir kritis. padahal komunikasi dakwah bukan hanya aktivitas keagamaan surau atau rumah ibadah, komunikasi dakwah seharusnya hadir dan menyentuh setiap sisi kehidupan. fenomena komunikasi dakwah di kota ambon dapat ditemui dalam berbagai kesempatan dan dalam berbagai peristiwa. aktivitas dan gerakan komunikasi dakwah saat ini lebih menjadi sebuah kegiatan yang bisa dikatakan bersifat rutinitas. komunikasi dakwah secara normatif lebih banyak terfokus pada ceramah, hanya menyentuh kalangan masyarakat tertentu, mengkomunikasikan halal haram, baik dan buruk, dosa dan pahala, surga dan neraka, dan sebagainya. potret komunikasi dakwah yang demikian, menjadikan dakwah tidak populer dan pada akhirnya cenderung membuat masyarakat di kota ambon jenuh atau bosan dengan segala pesan yang disampaikan karena tidak menyentuh subtansi permasalahan yang mereka hadapi. realitas pengalaman dirinya berdakwah dalam komunikasi dakwah di kota ambon kadangkala mendapatkan cemohan, hinaan, ejekan dari lingkungan multikultural dalam berdakwah. lingkungan memperlakukan mereka dengan sikap apatis, kurang penerimaan, pengakuan, dan kurang dihargai dalam berdakwah di kota ambon. ini menarik dikaji untuk mengetahui bagaimana subjek kajian adalah dirinya memiliki pengalaman interaksi dan komunikasi mengenai motif melatarbelakangi dirinya memilih untuk berdakwah. setting da’i berdakwah dakwah merupakan upaya “amar makruf nahi mungkar” istilah lainnya, upaya mengajak manusia kepada jalan kebaikan dan atau jalan islam, mencegah manusia dari perbuatan keji dan mungkar dengan cara lisan, tulisan, dan tindakan nyata, supaya manusia memperoleh kebahagian hidup di dunia dan di akhirat. berdakwah sebagai tindakan komunikasi, wajib dilakukan bagi setiap umat islam sesuai dengan kemampuannya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 243243243243243vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 masing-masing. dakwah di kota ambon memiliki setting berbeda antara satu situasi dengan lainnya dan nama kegiatan dakwahnya. setting dan atau penamaannya seringkali direlasikan dengan tempat diadakan acara. penamaan tersebut tidak merujuk pada bentuk acara, namun kecenderungan penggunaan istilah saja bagi umat islam. dakwah di kota ambon seringkali disebut “pengajian atau ceramah,” nama pengajian dihubungkan dengan waktu dan tempat diadakan kegiatan. meskipun tidak ada yang melegalkan dan menasahkan penamaan itu ada dan berkembang di umat islam. setting rumah ibadah dakwah di kota ambon pada umumnya dilaksanakan di masjid-mushalla untuk pengajian-ceramah sebagai setting rumah ibadah. dakwah setting rumah ibadah kecenderungannya bersifat rutin maupun insidental. dakwah bersifat rutin dikategorisasikan sebagai tindakan komunikasi pada pengajian magrib, pengajian dhuhur, dan majelis taklim. tindakan komunikasi dakwah bersifat insidental dilaksanakan pada pengajian peringatan hari besar islam. pengajian magrib. dakwah dilakukan di masjid-mushalla, pelaksanaannya setelah shalat magrib hingga sebelum masuk shalat isya. tindakan komunikasinya pengajian magrib, disampaikan da’i kepada para jama’ah shalat magrib secara rutinitas. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam pengajian magrib dilaksanakan sebagai hasil kesepakatan pengelola masjid-mushalla, pelaksanaannya diadakan setiap malam, ada yang dua kali se-ahad dan satu kali se-ahad. setting tempat duduk da’i pada pengajian magrib, biasanya da’i duduk di depan jama’ah menghadap ke jama’ah. bahkan ada da’i berdiri di mimbar masjid dan adakalanya disediakan kursi dan meja di depan mimbar. pengajian magrib, da’i menyampaikan pesan-pesan komunikasi ajaran agama islam berdasarkan tema-tema yang telah di atur oleh pengelola masjid-mushola, dilanjutkan dialog dan atau tanya-jawab antara jama’ah dengan da’i sampai memasuki waktu shalat isya. tindakan komunikasi dengan ceramah-pengajian monoton dengan teknik penyampaiannya diserahkan kepada da’i. pengajian dhuhur. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam bentuk pengajian dhuhur dilaksakanakan setelah shalat dhuhur, tanpa pembawa acara, da’i langsung duduk di mimbar yang telah disediakan pengelola ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 244244244244244 afkaruna masjid dan menyampaikan pesan-pesan komunikasinya kepada jama’ah telah melaksanakan shalat dhuhur. situasi pelaksanaan pengajian dhuhur di tengah jama’ah mondarmandir mencari tempat shalat, ada yang duduk di depan da’i, serta ada jama’ah sambil melaksanakan shalat sunah dhuhur. terkadang ada jama’ah keluar dari masjid dan tidak mengikuti pengajian dan ada jama’ah yang baru masuk masjid untuk shalat dan seterusnya mengikuti pengajian. pengajian majelis taklim. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam pengajian kelompok majelis taklim ibu-ibu di kota ambon diadakan pada umumnya sore hari setelah pelaksanaan shalat ashar, disetiap hari jum’at, namun bila dilaksanakan pengajian gabungan dilaksanakan hari ahad pagi sekitar pukul 09.00-11.00 wit. pengajian majelis taklim ini diadakan di masjidmushalla yang sudah disepakati pengelola masjid, biasanya pengajian diadakan secara bergiliran dari masjid ke masjid setiap bulannya. ibu-ibu majelis taklim pada tindakan komunikasi ini biasanya memakai konstum seragam kelompok majelis taklim masing-masing. bila pada tindakan komunikasi pengajian kelompok majelis taklim gabungan, nampak aneka konstum dari kelompok pengajian tersebut. begitu pun setting tempat duduk da’i berada di depan menghadap ke jama’ah majelis taklim. adakalahnya berdiri di samping mimbar dan adakalanya disediakan kursi tempat duduk dan meja di hadapan para jama’ah ibu-ibu majelis taklim. pengajian peringatan hari besar islam. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam bentuk pengajian peringatan hari besar islam, seperti di antaranya peringatan isra-miraj nabi muhammad saw, maulid nabi muhammad gambar 1. setting rumah ibadah da’i berdakwah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 245245245245245vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 saw, tahun baru islam, nuzul qur’an dan sebagainya. tindakan komunikasi ini lebih memiliki nilai gebyar dari pada acara pengajian rutinitas, diselingi hiburan dan dihadiri pejabat-pejabat pemerintah kota ambon dan atau mendatangkan da’i dari luar kota ambon. tindakan komunikasi ini waktunya dilaksanakan setelah shalat ashar dan atau shalat isya. da’i yang akan menyampaikan pesan-pesan komunikasi dakwah di undang oleh pengelola masjid tempat acara diadakan. tema-tema dakwah kecenderungannya disesuaikan pada tema peringatan hari besar islam. setting rumah masyarakat dakwah di kota ambon, selain dilaksanakan di masjid-mushalla untuk pengajian-ceramah sebagai setting rumah ibadah, diadakan juga di rumah umat islam. tindakan komunikasi dakwah ini bersifat insidentil dikategorisasikan dakwah pada acara syukuran. tindakan komunikasi dakwah ini diadakan bila ada suatu keluarga memiliki hajatan dan atau syukuran, seperti syukuran atas kelahiran anak, syukuran memasuki rumah baru dan sebagainya. tindakan komunikasi dakwah ini dapat dilaksanakan di rumah umat islam, bila diadakan arisan keluarga dan pada acara ta’ziyahan. pengajian ta’ziah. tindakan komunikasi dakwah diadakan bila ada anggota keluarga meninggal dunia, pengajian diadakan di rumah anggota keluarga mendapat musibah. waktu digunakan pengajian ini tidak menentu, tergantung pada orang datang ber-ta’ziah. tindakan komunikasi dakwah ini diadakan setelah shalat ashar dan setelah shalat dhuhur, adakalanya setelah shalat isya. individu-individu mengikuti ta’ziah ke rumah duka biasanya dari umat islam di sekitar lingkungan dan atau keluarga dekat turut berduka. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam pengajian ta’ziah, da’i diundang untuk ceramah oleh wakil keluarga datang ber-ta’ziah ke rumah duka, biasanya keluarga berduka menyediakan makanan dan minuman untuk kegiatan pengajian ta’ziah itu. pesan-pesan komunikasi dakwah dalam pengajian ta’ziah biasanya berhubungan dengan tema-tema kesabaran menghadapi musibah, persiapan menghadapi kematian dan menyadarkan mengenai adanya alam lain setelah kehidupan dunia. durasi pesan-pesan komunikasi yang disampaikan untuk ceramah ta’ziah oleh da’i berkisar 30-45 menit. pengajian acara syukuran. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 246246246246246 afkaruna pengajian acara syukuran, biasanya dilaksanakan pada acaran syukuran keluarga dan atau bila diadakan keselamatan, seperti selamatan memasuki rumah baru, anggota keluarga yang baru pulang haji, aqiqah dan sebagainya. tindakan komunikasi ini, disamping diadakan pengajian tahlilan, berzanji dan atau pengajian agama. peserta tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam pengajian acara syukuran pada umumnya anggota keluarga, tetangga, dan karib kerabat punya hajatan. tindakan komunikasi ini disampaikan oleh da’i yang diundang oleh keluarga punya hajatan. tindakan komunikasi dakwah ini biasanya diakhiri dengan membaca do’a dipimpin langsung oleh da’i, setelah pembacaan do’a dilanjutkan makan dan minum bersama. bahkan tindakan komunikasi dakwah ini, tuan rumah menyediakan makanan dan minuman bagi peserta tindakan komunikasi yang datang dan setiap peserta komunikasi diberikan oleh-oleh untuk dibawa ke rumahnya dari tuan rumah hajatan. pengajian acara arisan. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam pengajian acara arisan, biasanya dikoordinator oleh pengundang yang telah memperoleh arisan sebelumnya dan menghubungi da’i untuk menyampaikan pesan-pesan komunikasi sesuai dengan tema-tema diajukan oleh kelompok arisan tersebut. arisan keluarga, biasanya diadakan hari-hari libur pada sore hari diselenggarakan secara bergiliran dari rumah ke rumah anggota arisan. komunikator pengajian acara arisan disajikan oleh da’i dengan posisi tampilan diri menghadap kepada para jama’ah anggota arisan yang terdiri dari ibu-ibu rumah tangga. biasanya tausiah disampaikan da’i dengan gambar 2. setting rumah masyarakat da’i berdakwah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 247247247247247vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 durasi waktu penyampaiannya sekitar 30-45 menit. tema-tema tausiahnya lebih kecenderungannya masalah ibadah dan ukhuwah islamiyah, dan diteruskan dialogis dan atau tanya-jawab antara da’i dengan para jama’ah arisan. identitas sosial da’i berdakwah identitas merupakan suatu fenomena yang timbul dari dialektika antara individu dan masyarakat.6 dalam perspektf komunikasi identitas dibentuk melalui komunikasi dengan orang lain. erikson berpendapat dalam burns,7 identitas sebagai bentukan dihasilkan melalui serangkaian upaya dan proses tertentu memiliki makna tersendiri dalam budaya sosial untuk memperkuat pemikiran mengenai kesamaan dan keberlangsungan secara subjektif. identitas dimiliki da’i merupakan bentukan yang dihasilkan melalui sejumlah interaksi dan komunikasi dalam berdakwah, baik dengan sesama da’i, jama’ah, dan pengundang. interaksi ini memiliki makna tersendiri dalam budaya sosial mereka sehingga dapat dijadikan kerangka rujukan untuk memperkuat pemikiran mengenai kesamaan dan kelestarian kelompok mereka sendiri yaitu para da’i. pengalaman da’i berdakwah pengalaman merupakan sesuatu dialami. melalui pengalaman, individu memiliki pengetahuan. pengalaman dijadikan rujukan bagi individu untuk melakukan tindakan. pengalaman melekat pada suatu fenomena, “… people is retrieving a memory of a prior experience of phenomena,”8 diperkuat pula pernyataan moustakas “…experience is connected to phenomena.”9 pengalaman menjadi fondasi bagi da’i dalam melakukan suatu tindakan dakwah. pengalaman atas fenomena yang dimaksud dalam artikel ini adalah pengalaman atas fenomena komunikasi. komunikasi merujuk pada suatu proses bersifat sistemik di antara da’i yang berinteraksi melalui simbol tertentu untuk menghasilkan dan menginterpretasikan makna yang melatarbelakangi memilih profesi pendakwah. pengalaman da’i berdakwah, sesuatu dialami dan berkaitan dengan aspek berdakwah, meliputi proses, simbol maupun makna dihasilkan, serta dorongannya pada tindakan. pengalaman dimiliki oleh da’i akan dikategorisasi menjadi jenisjenis pengalaman tertentu, misalnya pengalaman dengan pengundang, sejawat, dan jama’ah dialami dalam berdakwah dan telah membentuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 248248248248248 afkaruna dunia sosial yang diyakininya dan berkembang menjadi realitas dalam kehidupan sosial para da’i. da’i sebagai sumber informasi dakwah da’i merupakan komponen inti dalam dakwah, unsur ini adalah orang yang berperan menyampaikan pesan ajaran agama kepada para jama’ah. dalam konteks dakwah, unsur ini merupakan sumber informasi dakwah dalam konteks komunikasi dakwah, sumber informasi dakwah merupakan individu menyampaikan pesan-pesan keagamaan dan mengajak umat kepada ajaran islam. da’i sebagai subjek komunikasi dakwah dimaksudkan sebagai orang bertindak mengajak umat ke jalan islam, menyuruh pada makruf dan mencegah dari mungkar, dengan dasar iman kepada allah swt, sebagaimana dijelaskan q.s.3:104 dan 110. dalam diri da’i secara implisit terdapat misi kedakwahan. da’i, bukan hanya ketika mereka berkomunikasi di mimbar, namun juga ketika tindakannya menjadi acuan bagi jama’ah di sekitarnya. prinsip inilah terfokus untuk membedakan sebutan da’i dengan lainnya, yaitu adanya dakwah bil-hall (dakwah dengan keadaan dirinya) atau dakwah melalui contoh tauladan. kepribadian da’i berdakwah da’i disamping harus memiliki kepribadian terpuji, mereka harus memiliki sejumlah kecakapan, kelebihan ilmu dan kemampuan menguasai khalayak. menurut ilaihi menjelaskan da’i harus memiliki kompetensi, karakter, koorientasi, karisma, dinamika, dan jiwa sosial.10 setiap da’i mengoptimalkan kredibilitas dan mengkonstruksi citra positif meliputi dimensi kebersihan hati, kecerdasan pikiran, dan keberanian mental. da’i akan bertugas menyampaikan nilai-nilai allah swt, niscaya harus mengkonstruksi kredibilitas diri. membekali diri dengan keilmuan, keahlian, integritas kepribadian, dan sikap mental lainnya. da’i yang baik harus mampu menyampaikan pesan agama kepada jamaah sesuai dengan tingkat kecerdasan akal pikirannya. sehingga jamaah dapat dengan mudah menerima pesan agama dan tujuan dakwah dapat tercapai. tindakan sosial da’i berdakwah untuk mempelajari tindakan sosial, max weber menganjurkan metode analisis melalui pemahaman dan interpretative understanding atau ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 249249249249249vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 terminologinya “verstehen” berarti pemahaman, pemaknaan dan atau pengertian. menurut schutz, “pengertian” merupakan tindakan yang bermakna, termasuk ranah interpretatif.11 tindakan itu sendiri merupakan pengalaman bermakna yang disadari.12 fenomena da’i dapat diteropong dengan tindakan sosial dari max weber (1864-1920). bagi weber, tidak semua tindakan manusia disebut sebagai tindakan sosial. suatu tindakan hanya dapat disebut tindakan sosial apabila tindakan tersebut dengan mempertimbangkan perilaku orang lain dan berorientasi pada tindakan orang lain. jadi, tindakan sosial merupakan tindakan manusia yang mempunyai makna subjektif bagi pelakunya.13 tindakan sosial weber ini dapat digunakan sebagai pijakan dalam memahami fenomena pengalaman da’i berdakwah di kota ambon. karena menurut pandangan weber, da’i melakukan tindakan sosial dalam konteks bagaimana da’i bertindak atau bertingkah laku di hadapan jama’ahnya berdasarkan interpretasi subjektifnya. artinya, da’i melakukan dakwah terhadap suatu kelompok objek berdasarkan pemahaman, pemaknaan dan interpretasinya terhadap objek tersebut. interaksi simbolik da’i berdakwah interaksi simbolik sesungguhnya masih berada dalam payung perspektif fenomenologis menganggap kesadaran manusia dan makna subjektif sebagai titik fokus dalam memahami tindakan sosial. interaksi simbolik ini digunakan dalam memandu dalam meneropong fenomena pengalaman da’i berdakwah. bogdan dan taylor dalam mulyana mengemukakan interaksi simbolik merupakan salah satu dari pendekatan utama dalam tradisi fenomenologis.14 senada dengan pemikiran fenomenologis, seorang tokoh interaksionalis simbolik yaitu, george herbert mead dalam sulaeman berpendapat bahwa “realitas sosial merupakan sebuah proses. proses yang dimaksud dalam pemikiran mead adalah proses kala individu menjadi bagian dari masyarakat.”15 interaksi simbolik pun dikenal istilah internalisasi merujuk suatu peristiwa saat self (diri) melakukan interpretasi subjektif atas realitas objektif yang merupakan hasil dari “generalisasi” orang lain. perspektif interaksi simbolik (george herbert mead (1863-1932) dan herbert blumer (1900-1987) melihat realitas sosial diciptakan manusia melalui interaksi makna-makna disampaikan secara simbolik. simbol-simbol ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 250250250250250 afkaruna tercipta dari esensi di dalam diri manusia saling berhubungan. perspektif interaksi simbolik mengutamakan kesadaran pemikiran, dan diri menjelaskan makna dan simbol-simbol dipikirkan oleh da’i dalam menentukan tindakannya. melalui simbol diciptakan, dipikirkan dan dipahami dapat dijadikan sebagai dasar bagi da’i dalam melakukan tindakan komunikasi verbal dan nonverbal dalam berdakwah. fenomenologi da’i berdakwah asumsi dasar fenomenologi adalah manusia merupakan makhluk kreatif, berkemauan bebas, dan memiliki beberapa sifat subjektif lainnya. fenomenologi menekankan pada esensi pengalaman yang merujuk pemikiran schutz adalah bagaimana memahami tindakan sosial melalui penafsiran. bagi schutz, dunia kehidupan merupakan sebuah dunia yang sangat berbeda dengan apa yang biasanya diketahui ilmuwan alam.16 fenomenologi berusaha memahami kehidupan atau makna pengalaman dan mencoba untuk menggambarkan serta memberi interpretasi atas makna pada kebiasaan yang muncul atas kesadaran, bahasa, pengetahuan, dan perasaan yang tidak diketahuinya,17 yang terfokus pada esensi dari pengalaman da’i berdakwah. fenomenologi menegaskan bahwa melalui interpretasi atas pengalaman pulalah, da’i berdakwah memperoleh pemahaman mengenai tindakan komunikasi dakwah dilakukan. penegasan ini sesuai dengan pernyataan littlejohn dan foss “... phenomenological tradition assume that people actively interpret their experience and come to understand the world by personal experience with it.”18 interpretasi lebih lanjut dijelaskan littlejohn dan foss sebagai “... an active process of the mind, a creative act of clarifying personal experience.”19 tindakan dilakukan da’i berdakwah menjadi subjek yang berprofesi sebagai sumber informasi dakwah dalam menyampaikan pesan-pesan ajaran agama. tindakan ini digerakan oleh motif tertentu yang melatarbelakangi da’i dalam berdakwah sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh schutz bahwa motif merupakan konteks makna yang ada pada diri individu sebagai landasan dalam bertindak.20 fenomenologi berusaha memahami kehidupan atau makna pengalaman dan mencoba untuk menggambarkan serta memberi interpretasi atas makna pada kebiasaan muncul atas kesadaran, bahasa, pengetahuan, dan perasaan tidak diketahuinya terfokus pada esensi dari pengalaman komunikasi da’i dalam berdakwah. tindakan dilandasi pengalaman, makna ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 251251251251251vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 dan kesadaran.21 asumsi ini terinspirasi oleh pemikiran weber, maka schutz mengembangkan konsep orientasi ini menjadi motif, digolongkan berdasarkan orientasi temporal. schutz menegaskan bahwa in order to motive mengacu pada pengalaman di masa lalu sebagai pemicu kemunculan motif tersebut dan proyek ingin dicapai di masa akan datang sebagai pemicu kemunculannya in order to motive.22 intinya adalah, untuk membedakan kedua jenis motif da’i dalam berdakwah tersebut maka orientasi waktu dapat dijadikan sebagai pegangan. motif da’i berdakwah pengalaman merupakan sesuatu dialami. melalui pengalaman, individu memiliki pengetahuan. pengalaman dijadikan landasan bagi individu untuk melakukan tindakan. pengalaman menjadi fondasi bagi da’i dalam melakukan suatu tindakan komunikasi dakwah. penggalian tindakan da’i berdakwah mengunakan pendekatan fenomenologi, berupaya mengungkap realitas berdasarkan kesadaran dilandasi oleh pengalaman kehidupan para da’i berdakwah di kota ambon yang merujuk pada pernyataan “…phenomenologists explore the structures of consciousness in human experience.”23 kesadaran dan pengalaman inilah membentuk pemaknaan diri da’i berdakwah akan suatu realitas sosial. pengalaman setiap tindakan komunikasi dakwah dilakukan da’i berdakwah, terdapat motif menjadi orientasi dari tindakannya. menurut max weber dalam mulyana, “makna dan motif subjektif inilah berhubungan langsung dengan tindakan manusia.”24 tindakan komunikasi dakwah dilakukan da’i menjadi subjek dalam kajian ini berprofesi sebagai pendakwah. tindakan ini digerakan oleh motif tertentu yang melatarbelakangi da’i berdakwah, seperti diungkapkan schutz, motif merupakan “konteks makna yang ada pada diri individu sebagai landasan dalam bertindak.”25 motif penting dalam melihat diri da’i, karena motif dapat melihat diri da’i dalam berdakwah dan tindakan “because of motive,” dan tindakan “in-order-to-motive.”26 motif digunakan untuk mengetahui alasan individu memilih menjadi da’i berdakwah yang merujuk pada motif masa lalu dan motif merujuk pada masa depan disebut sebagai motif tujuan. motif alasan da’i berdakwah motif alasan mendorong melatarbelakangi subjek untuk mengambil ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 252252252252252 afkaruna tindakan menjadi da’i cukup beragam. keberagaman orientasi dimiliki, dilatarbelakangi berbagai aspek tindakan komunikasi dakwah dalam mengkonstruksi dirinya memilih profesi da’i berdakwah sebagaimana temuan dikategorisasikan dengan kelangkaan sumber informasi da’i, senioritas, dan tuntutan agama. kelangkaan sumber informasi da’i. memiliki profesi da’i tidaklah sulit, terkesan menampilkan kemampuan retorika untuk menyampaikan pesanpesan komunikasi ajaran agama islam sesuai dengan kaedah-kaedah tertentu. menjadi individu da’i, harus memiliki kemampuan dan atau persyaratan tertentu, seperti kefasihan melafazkan ayat-ayat al-qur’an dan hadis nabi muhammad saw, apalagi bisa tampil saat diminta pengundang masjid secara dadakan. betapapun seringnya, masjid hampir tidak jadi melaksanakan jum’atan, khatib berhalangan hadir. tindakan komunikasi seperti ini pula melatarbelakangi beberapa da’i di kota ambon berdakwah terpanggil keikutsertaan mengembangkan tugas keda’ian. waktu itu beta mau shalat jum’atan di masjid yang ada di batumerah di kota ambon, semasa itu beta masih jadi mahasiswa, tiba-tiba khatib dijadwalkan hari itu berhalangan datang, terus pengurus masjid mengumumkan siapa yang bisa menggantikan, dan silahkan maju ke depan. tidak ada satupun orang yang ditunjuk tangan termasuk beta sebagai mahasiswa iain (filial iain alauddin ujungpandang) ketika itu juga tidak bisa. saat itu, untung ada salah seorang jama’ah yang mau tampil ke depan sambil mengambil buku khutbah yang ada di rak buku masjid. kemudian beliau membaca buku itu saja tanpa ada ulasan yang lain. sejak kejadian itu, beta sangat terpanggil untuk bisa berdakwah-berkhutbah.27 kejadian tindakan komunikasi dialami, dengan menanamkan niat dalam hati untuk menjadi da’i dan atau mubaliq. kesehariannya membuat konsep pidato lengkap dan menghafalkannya dan memulai berdakwah, kapan di minta mereka bertekad harus bisa melakukan tindakan komunikasi dalam berdakwah. motif kelangkaan sumber informasi da’i, awalnya ikut berkecimpung dalam dakwah, dilatarbelakangi pada saat katong ikut shalat jum’at di lingkungan sekitarnya, tidak ada yang tampil ke depan menggantikan khatib berhalangan datang alasan sakit. ketika itu, sulit mencari sosok pemuda yang mau tampil dalam tindakan-tindakan komunikasi keagamaan, apalagi diminta tampil spontan. seperti penuturan “pertama kali ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 253253253253253vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 beta tampil di mimbar masjid, bukan beta gemetar yang menggigil mandi keringat, tapi bapak beta, bapak tidak menyangka beta mau tampil untuk khutbah. bagaimana lagi, kalau beta tidak mau tidak jadi orang shalat jum’at.”28 pernyataan dan ungkapan tersebut sebagai da’i di kota ambon, menggambarkan bahwa yang melatarbelakangi memilih untuk berdakwah sebagai tindakan komunikasi menyampaikan pesan-pesan ajaran agama islam dan mengklaim dirinya terpanggil oleh kelangkaan komunikator da’i. senioritas. para da’i berdakwah di kota ambon menyadari adanya dirinya dilatarbelakangi ingin mengikuti jejak seniornya berdakwah. da’i senior melakukan tindakan komunikasi dakwah, ibarat air mengalir yang efektifnya pesan-pesan komunikasi disampaikan dalam merangkai kalimat. kata-kata diucapkan terasa mengandung makna menyentuh perasaan, menyampaikan ayat-ayat al-qur’an dan hadis tanpa melihat catatan dan atau konsep. ketertarikan melihat da’i senior berdakwah, dirinya berusaha mencatat aspek-aspek terpenting dan menghafalnya serta mencobanya. beta senang dan tertarik melihat guru berdakwah, sewaktu beta masih sekolah di madrasah aliyah, di mana guru itu pergi mengaji selalu beta ikuti. beta usahakan mencatat uraian dakwahnya, termasuk cerita-cerita menarik yang disampaikan guru dan beta mencatatanya. beta merasa terpanggil mengembangkan dakwah sekaligus dengan berdakwah bisa terus-menerus belajar agama.29 mulanya beta menjadi mubaliq termotivasi dengan melihat sosok mubaliq senior berdakwah yang ada di kota ambon, … beta merasa tertarik dan senang bila mendengarkan mubaliq berdakwah. setelah beta menjadi mubaliq, … beta terus belajar dan membaca buku-buku agama., … senang sekali menyampaikan ajaran agama islam kepada umat islam.30 sosok da’i senior dijadikan sebagai idola dan ingin mencontoh seperti kepiawaian senior dengan cara mengikuti senior pergi berdakwah, mencatat dan melatih kemampuan diri, mengulang-ulang materi akan disampaikan, akhirnya memiliki kemampuan berdakwah pula. dengan ketertarikannya terhadap da’i senior itulah lebih banyak belajar dan membaca buku-buku agama dan ada yang mau mengikuti seniornya berdakwah supaya bisa pula seperti seniornya. bahkan ada melatarbelakangi menjadi da’i karena membeli kaset-kaset dakwah dan diputarnya berulang untuk belajar dan menempa dirinya dengan kemampuan berdakwah. setelah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 254254254254254 afkaruna beberapa lama mencoba belajar dan menjadi da’i, malah menjadi kesenangan tersendiri dan tetap ingin eksis dalam berdakwah. dengan semangat, kegigihan dan keinginannya membuat dirinya para da’i-da’i tetap eksis, dan mereka dapat dikenal dikalangan masyarakat islam kota ambon. tuntutan agama. tindakan komunikasi dakwah merupakan alasan keinginan selalu berada dalam kebaikan yang memberi isyarat melatarbelakangi da’i berdakwah, didorong oleh panggilan agama. dengan memahami agama, itu pulalah yang menjadi alasan bagi sebagian da’i melaksanakan tindakan komunikasi berdakwah. bahkan lainnya menjelaskan bahwa motif melatarbelakangi menjadi da’i untuk “melaksanakan perintah allah swt” serta didorong semangat dan nilai-nilai agama yang telah dipelajarinya. ini sesuai pengungkapan illaihi, da’i itu merupakan pribadi muslim berperan secara otomatis sebagai juru dakwah,31 artinya orang harus menyampaikan atau dikenal sebagai sumber informasi dakwah. awalnya beta berdakwah,… terdorong perintah agama,… agama menyuruh kita “hendaklah ada di antara kamu segolongan umat yang menyeru kepada kebaikan dan mencegah dari kemungkaran,”… beta tahu ini perintah agama, yaaaa… karena beta sekolah agama. ditambah lagi beta banyak belajar agama, tugas beta menyampaikan ilmu yang sudah beta miliki diberikan kepada orang lain,… ini menjadi tanggung-jawab beta sebagai orang islam.32 kategorisasi motif alasan mendorong subjek untuk mengambil tindakan menjadi da’i cukup beragam. keberagaman orientasi dimiliki, dilatarbelakangi oleh berbagai aspek pengalaman dan pengetahuan dimiliki serta gambar 3. motif alasan melatarbelakangi da’i berdakwah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 255255255255255vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 situasi telah dialami dalam melakukan tindakan komunikasi dakwah oleh masing-masing para da’i. semakin banyak pengalaman dan pengetahuan mereka yang dipandang dari sudut tertentu maka semakin terdorong alasan memilih menjadi da’i. meskipun pada awalnya ada beberapa da’i berdakwah tidak merupakan niat dari hatinya, “keterpaksaan,” menyadari memiliki ilmu agama, memiliki keinginan memberikan ilmu kepada umat islam, dan berkeinginan menjadi agen perubahan, memberikan kebaikan kepada umat islam serta menjadi penggerak baginya untuk berdakwah. seperti dikemukakan mulyana, “orang memiliki kemampuan beradaptasi dengan perubahan, ditandai dengan kecerdasan emosional dan spritualnya tinggi.”33 melakukan tindakan komunikasi dakwah merupakan alasan keinginan selalu berada dalam kebaikan memberi isyarat bahwa melatarbelakangi berdakwah, didorong oleh panggilan agama. dengan memahami agama, itu pulalah menjadi alasan bagi sebagian da’i melaksanakan tindakan komunikasi berdakwah. bahkan lainnya menjelaskan bahwa motif yang melatarbelakangi menjadi da’i untuk melaksanakan perintah allah swt serta didorong semangat dan nilai-nilai agama yang telah dipelajarinya. motif melandasi tindakan subjek memilih menjadi da’i untuk menyampaikan pesan-pesan komunikasi ajaran agama islam kepada para jama’ah adalah motif dilatarbelakangi oleh pengalaman sebelumnya atau pengalaman di masa lalu. motif dimiliki da’i disaat memutuskan memilih untuk berdakwah di kota ambon dapat dikategorikan sebagai “because motive.” pengkategorian motif ini merujuk pada identitas khusus disebut oleh berger dan luckmann sebagai “typification” untuk menjelaskan konstruksi sosial dari sebuah tindakan yang sudah menjadi habitual.34 sebagaimana pernyataan schutz “in every genuine because-motivation both motivating and motivated lived experiences have the temporal character of pastnest.”35 motif yang disebabkan kelangkaan komunikator da’i, mengikuti jejak senioritas, dan menjalankan perintah allah swt sebagai tuntutan agama islam. motif tujuan da’i berdakwah motif tujuan teridentifikasi yang mendorong subjek melakukan tindakan menjadi da’i untuk mendapatkan manfaat cukup beragam. keberagaman orientasi tujuan dimiliki, dilatarbelakangi oleh berbagai aspek sebagaimana temuan dikategorisasikan menjadi ekonomi, kemampuan diri, dan kepo○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 256256256256256 afkaruna puleran. motif tujuan da’i melakukan tindakan komunikasi berdakwah tidaklah bersifat “tunggal,” ada fenomena lain menunjukkan motif ganda da’i berdakwah, meskipun fenomena itu tidak cenderung tampak. ekonomi. da’i memilih menjadi pendakwah dilatarbelakangi ekonomi, meskipun tidak diungkap secara terang-terangan, namun realitas sosial terjadi secara berulang-ulang dari lapangan, seperti “kalau tidak karena dakwah ini,… belum tentu kuliah beta bisa selesai menjadi sarjana.”36 mereka mengakui, pertama kali berdakwah diperkenalkan oleh seniornya, lama kelamaan jama’ah juga menyukai dakwahnya. akhirnya memiliki jadwal pengajian rutin semasa mahasiswa. tindakan komunikasi dakwah dimaknai “syukur” atas nikmat diperoleh melalui berdakwah dan tidak menyangka sebelumnya akan berpeluang seperti itu dan merasakan hasil diperoleh dari tindakan komunikasi dakwah. perjalanan hidup individu, bisa ditentukan dengan berbagai pengetahuan dimiliki melalui pengalaman komunikasi dengan lingkungan di sekitarnya, seperti sebagian da’i tidak pernah membayangkan dirinya menjadi pendakwah. awalnya mereka hanya memiliki hubungan persaudaraan yang akrab, bila ada di antara mereka tidak memiliki jadwal ceramah atau khutbah. mereka saling menghubungi melalui media dan menanyakan apakah ada jadwal yang berlebih. tidak tertutup pula kemungkinannya da’i lain menanyakan jadwal seperti itu kepada mereka. komunikasi yang mengarah pada realitas sosial yang memiliki makna tersendiri bagi da’i, bila dapat informasi salah seorang di antara mereka yang sedang mencari da’i atau jadwalnya lebih dari satu, cepat mengkomunikasikan kepada teman lainnya. interaksi komunikasi berlangsung antara da’i dengan da’i lainnya dapat dimaknai “hubungan harmonis” untuk terbinanya di antara sesama da’i, jika ada berhalangan bisa meminta tolong kepada da’i lainnya yang sudah saling kenal. interaksi dan komunikasi dalam tindakan komunikasi berdakwah dilakukan antara da’i dengan da’i lainnya merupakan tindakan saling “tolong menolong” dan saling menggantikan yang terjadi kadang disebabkan adanya desakan dari jama’ah lain secara spontan. bila diminta penjelasan kepada da’i, akan berkomunikasi beragam, tindakan ini sering terjadi pada kultum ramadhan. ungkapan para da’i sebagai subjek yang melatarbelakangi tujuan berdakwah, dimaknai dengan “ekonomi” yang menyemangati dirinya untuk melakukan tindakan komunikasi berdakwah, meskipun secara tidak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 257257257257257vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 terang-terangan dikemukakan subjek. simbol-simbol komunikasi ditampilkan yang melatarbelakangi tujuan berdakwah, seperti berbagi pengalaman, berbagi jadwal dan atau saling bertukar pikiran untuk pendelegasian berdakwah. kemampuan diri. da’i memahami berkeinginan untuk menunjukkan pada jama’ah bahwa mereka memiliki kemampuan dan terlihat adanya keengganan untuk dikonstruksi hanya bisa berdakwah adalah individu memiliki latarbelakang pendidikan agama, sebaliknya pendidikan umum sebagai latarbelakangnya tidak mampu berdakwah. … orang lain tahunya, yang bisa menjadi da’i adalah orang-orang islam yang memiliki latarbelakang pendidikan agama,… tapi beta pun ingin menunjukkan bahwa orang islam yang tidak memiliki latarbelakang pendidikan agama tidak seperti itu, makanya beta ingin berhasil karena selain mengamalkan ilmu kepada umat islam, beta juga pikir ini jadi kebanggaan kalau ada yang menjadi da’i dengan latarbelakang pendidikan bukan dari agama, namun pendidikan umum.37 … agar bisa menunjukkan bahwa beta ini mampu melakukan pekerjaan berdakwah seperti ini karena punya tantangan di lapangan. keuntungannya juga banyak, dapat penghormatan dari jama’ah, jika beta menyampaikan dakwah dengan menyajikan spesialisasi dakwah berupa, seperti pendidikan beta ilmu hukum umum, … penyajian dakwah berdasarkan realitas sosial umat islam dengan pendekatan hukum.38 da’i melakukan dakwah sebagai tantangan untuk menghadapi realitas kehidupan umat islam yang menjadi aktor peristiwa komunikasi, menyajikan pesan-pesan komunikasi dakwah dengan pendekatan keilmuan pendidikan umum, “menyajikan pesan-pesan dakwah secara spesialisasi, berdasarkan keilmuan umum direlasikan dengan realitas sosial masyarakat, untuk memperbaiki keadaan umat islam saat ini.”39 berdakwah, merupakan amal jariyah, saling bertukar pikiran, dan berbagi pengalaman kepada para jama’ah, sehingga seringkali jika da’i yang bukan berlatarbelakang pendidikan agama akan bisa menarik perhatian lebih banyak jama’ah secara langsung. popularitas. sebagai motif tujuan dalam berdakwah dimaknai untuk memperoleh “ketenaran,” dari fenomena yang muncul dari interaksi dan komunikasi dengan sesama da’i serta kecenderungannya diperoleh da’i dalam memilih lokasi dan atau tempat menyajikan pesan dakwah, seperti ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 258258258258258 afkaruna sesama da’i saling minta digantikan jadwalnya dakwahnya, karena da’i mendapatkan tawaran di tempat baru dan atau di tempat dianggap memiliki nama masjid yang agak ramai jama’ahnya dan atau mengundang oleh orang-orang penting di kampung itu. interaksi dan komukasi sesama antara da’i, saling menukar tempat berdakwah dan ada terlihat lebih memilih tempat-tempat tertentu serta mempercayakan kepada teman lain jadwal berdakwah yang sudah dibuat dan disepakati pengundang sebelumnya. tidak kalah menariknya adalah para da’i menawarkan rekaman-rekaman karya-karyanya kepada para jama’ah pada saat sesudah melakukan dakwah. realitas sosial yang melatarbelakangi tujuan da’i berdakwah dengan makna “kepopuleran” saling tukar menukar jadwal dalam rangka berkenalan ketempat yang baru. da’i saling tukar menukar jadwal dakwah ke tempat yang baru dengan alasan perkenalkan pula beta ke tempat itu, beta tidak pernah ke sana. realitas sosial ini dipahami bahwa da’i belum pernah berdakwah pada suatu tempat yang selama ini mereka tidak menduga ada dakwah di sana, realitasnya berdasarkan cerita dengan sesama da’i lain, da’i memperoleh informasi baru. berdasarkan cerita tersebut memunculkan adanya keinginan untuk mencoba berdakwah pada tempat-tempat yang baru, dan belum pernah menyampaikan dakwah di tempat tersebut. gambaran mengenai motif tujuan da’i memilih berdakwah di kota ambon. pengetahuan tidak serta merta ada di dalam diri individu. pengetahuan gambar 4. motif tujuan melatarbelakangi da’i berdakwah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 259259259259259vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 dihasilkan dari interaksi melibatkan proses berbagi informasi antara individu dengan lingkungannya. selanjutnya, pengetahuan itu pulalah yang melandasi terbentuknya motif untuk menjadi da’i. dengan kata lain, proses pembentukan motif di dalam diri da’i saat mereka memutuskan memilih berdakwah, didasari oleh pengetahuan dan menimbulkan ekspektasi untuk mewujudkan suatu aktivitas tertentu, sehingga dapat dikatakan bahwa motif agar memperoleh ekonomi, kemampuan diri, dan kepopuleran bisa dikategorisasikan ke dalam kelompok “motive in-order-to.” ada pernyataan lindlof “… schutz posits that individuals orient to objects and actions by assuming a reciprocity of perspective with other humans.”40 orientasi tindakan individu dilandasi pengetahuan dimilikinya. pengetahuan dapat diperoleh dari pengalaman berbagi informasi dengan orang lain. pengetahuan ini dapat mendorong timbulnya motif tertentu di dalam diri individu. motif untuk menjadi da’i dilandasi pengetahuan mengenai tujuan yang akan diperoleh apabila mereka menjadi da’i berdakwah dalam komunikasi dakwah di kota ambon. motif dilandasi oleh adanya keinginan untuk mendapatkan tujuan dari tindakan akan dilakukannya dapat dikategorikan sebagai motif in order to sebagaimana pernyataan schutz “… the act thus projected in the future perfect tense and in term of which the action receives its orientation is the in order motive for actor.”41 sebab motif ini muncul disertai adanya harapan untuk mewujudkan sebuah proyek tertentu yang manfaatnya akan diperoleh pada masa akan datang apabila proyek tersebut telah terwujud. gambar 5. motif melatarbelakangi da’i berdakwah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 260260260260260 afkaruna menurut schutz, motif bisa dilihat dari dua fase yaitu tindakan because motive, atau motif alasan merujuk pada masa lalu dan tindakan inorder-to-motive, atau motif tujuan merujuk pada masa depan.42 motif merujuk pada masa lalu dalam kajian ini disebut sebagai motif alasan yaitu motif masa lalu yang menjadi stimulus bagi subjek untuk melakukan suatu tindakan, sedangkan motif merujuk pada masa depan disebut sebagai motif tujuan karena subjek tertarik dan memiliki keinginan untuk meraihnya di masa depan. kecenderungan yang mendorong subjek untuk mengambil tindakan memilih menjadi da’i berdakwah dapat dilihat dari motif yang mereka miliki. motif merupakan konfigurasi atau konteks makna yang ada pada diri individu sebagai landasan dalam bertindak dan upayanya mendefinisikan diri dan lingkungan. atau dengan kata lain, motif adalah faktor pendorong individu untuk bertindak terhadap suatu objek, seperti pernyataan schutz, “… motive is meaningful ground of his behavior.”43 artinya da’i memilih berdakwah untuk menyajikan pesan-pesan komunikasi dakwah dilandasi oleh motif tertentu. motif da’i berdakwah, baik motif alasan dan tujuan dimaknai bahwa da’i berdakwah memiliki motif ganda. motif ini ada yang termasuk pada motif alasan dan adapula yang dikategorikan motif tujuan. motif alasan ini muncul ketika terjadi interaksi dan komunikasi da’i dengan lingkungan sekitarnya, seperti teman sesama da’i dan teman sejawatnya. kesimpulan da’i sebagai subjek penelitian ini telah mengambil tindakan menjadi pendakwah dialami cukup beragam. beberapa temuan menjelaskan bahwa para da’i memilih profesi pendakwah dilatarbelakangi dengan motif alasan dan motif tujuan. sebagian dari mereka berdakwah masih mendapatkan cemohan, hinaan, ejekan dari lingkungan multikultural dalam berdakwah. lingkungan memperlakukannya dengan sikap apatis, kurang penerimaan, pengakuan, dan kurang di hargai dalam berdakwah di kota ambon subyek penelitian memilih menjadi da’i dilatarbelakangi pengalaman komunikasi dialami pada motif alasan dengan kelangkaan sumber informasi da’i, senioritas, dan tuntutan agama. penelitian ini juga menemukan motif tujuan untuk mencapai target-target langsung da’i berdakwah yang dilatarbelakangi agar memperoleh ekonomi, kemampuan diri, dan kepopuleran. kesemuanya, da’i melakukan tindakan komunikasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 261261261261261vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 dakwah tidaklah bersifat “tunggal,” ada fenomena lain menunjukkan motif ganda da’i berdakwah, meskipun fenomena itu tidak cenderung tampak dalam komunikasi dakwah. dalam penelitian ini, teori tindakan sosial telah bermanfaat dalam mengeksplorasi subyek memilih profesi da’i berdakwah. khususnya memaknai dirinya dengan motif yang melatarbelakangi memilih profesi da’i berdakwah yang dibentuk dari pengalaman diri alasan dan tujuan melakukan tindakan komunikasi dakwah di kota ambon. catatan akhir 1 qs.3, ali-imran:104: “dan hendaklah di antara kamu ada segolongan orang yang menyeru kebajikan, menyuruh (berbuat) yang makruf, dan mencegah dari yang mungkar. dan mereka itulah orang-orang yang beruntung.” 2 bambang s. ma’arif, komunikasi dakwah: paradigma untuk aksi, cet.i, (bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya, 2010), h. 39. 3 wahyu ilaihi, komunikasi dakwah, (bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya, 2010), h. 18. 4 munzier supartra, metode dakwah, (jakarta: prenada media, 2003), h. 162. 5 qs.16, an-nahl:125: “serulah (manusia) kepada jalan tuhanmu dengan hikmah dan pengajaran yang baik, dan berdebatlah dengan mereça dengan cara yang baik. sesungguhnya tuhanmu, dialah yang lebih mengetahui siapa yang sesat dari jalannya dan dialah yang lebih mengetahui siapa yang mendapat petunjuk.” 6 peter ludwiq berger and thomas luckmann, tafsir sosial atas kenyataan: risalah tentang sosiologi pengetahuan, terjemahan hasan basari (jakarta: lp3es, 1990), h. 249. 7 r.b. burns, the self concept in theory, measurement, development and behavior, (london: longman group limited, 1979), h. 24. 8 gary p. radford, on the philosophy of communication, (usa: thomson wadsworth, 2005), h.151. 9 clark moustakas, phenomenological research methods, (london: sage publications, 1994), h. 44. 10 wahyu ilaihi, komunikasi dakwah, h. 180. 11 alfred schuzt, the phenomenology of the social world, (london: heinemann educational book, 1972), h.15. 12 ibid, h. 54. 13 engkus kuswarno, fenomenologi, metodologi penelitian komunikasi, konsepsi, pedoman, dan contoh penelitian, (bandung: widya padjadjaran, 2009), h. 109. 14 deddy mulyana, metode penelitian kualitatif, paradigma ilmu komunikasi dan ilmu sosial lainnya, (bandung: pt. rosdakarya, 2010), h. 59. 15 sulaeman, konstruksi makna dan perilaku komunikasi penyandang oligodaktili: studi fenomenologi penyandang oligodaktili di kampung ulutaue kabupaten bone. disertasi, program studi ilmu komunikasi program pascasarjana universi○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 262262262262262 afkaruna tas padjadjaran bandung. 2014, h. 65. 16 alfred schuzt, the phenomenology, h. 98. 17 lisa m. given, the sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods, volume 1 and 2, (thousand oaks: sage publication, 2008), h. 614. 18 stephen w. little john and karen a. foss, encyclopedia of communication theories, (university of new mexico: sage reference publication, in, 2009), h. 38. 19 stephen w. little john and karen a. foss, encyclopedia of communication theories, (university of new mexico: sage reference publication, in, 2009), h. 39. 20 alfred schuzt, the phenomenology, h. 86. 21 lisa m. given, the sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods. volume 1 and 2, (thousand oaks: sage publication, 2008), h. 614. 22 alfred schuzt, the phenomenology, h. 8. 23 john w. creswell, qualitative inquiry and research design: choosing among five traditions, (thousand oaks: ca. sage publication inc, 1998), h. 51. 24 deddy mulyana, metode penelitian, h. 61. 25 alfred schuzt, the phenomenology, h. 86. 26 ibid, h. 16. 27 hasil wawancara peneliti-muhammad, tempat kediamannya, senin, 11 juli 2017, pukul 15.30-16.20 wit. 28 ibid., peneliti-karim, tempat pengajiannya, ahad, 20 agustus 2017, pukul 16.25-17.00 wit. 29 ibid., peneliti-fadli, tempat kediamannya, sabtu, 29 juli 2017, pukul 09.1511.30 wit. 30 ibid., peneliti-salman. tempat kediamannya, kamis, 24 agustus 2017, pukul 16.30-17.30 wit. 31 wahyu ilaihi, komunikasi dakwah, h. 18. 32 hasil wawancara peneliti-bakri, masjid raya kota ambon, senin, 21 agustus 2017, pukul 14.30-16.00 wit. 33 deddy mulyana, komunikasi media dan masyarakat: membedah absurditas budaya indonesia (bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya, 2015), h. 9. 34 peter ludwiq berger and thomas luckmann, the social construction of reality: a treatise in the sociology of knowledge (new york: anchor books, 1966), h. 70. 35 alfred schuzt, the phenomenology, h. 93. 36 hasil wawancara peneliti-hilman. tempat kediaman, selasa, 26 september 2017, pukul 16.45-17.30 wit. 37 ibid., peneliti-untung. masjid btn kanawa, rabu, 16 agustus 2017, pukul 13.45-16.00 wit. 38 ibid., peneliti-safri. tempat kediamannya, kamis, 28 september 2017, pukul 10.20-12.15 wit. 39 ibid., peneliti-muhammad. masjid kampus iain ambon, rabu, 04 oktober 2017, pukul 13.45-16.00 wit. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 263263263263263vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 40 thomas r. lindlof, qualitative communication research methods (california usa, sage publications, 1995), h. 33. 41 alfred schuzt, the phenomenologyh. 89. 42 ibid, h. xvi. 43 ibid, h. 86. daftar pustaka abdulkhaliq, abdurrahman. 1998. metode dan strategi dakwah islam. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar. ——————. 1991. dasar-dasar dakwah: generasi islam pertama. jakarta: pustaka alhidayah. ahmad, a.s., (makalah) “dakwah-misi dan komunikasi”. disajikan pada lokakarya ilmu komunikasi jurusan komunikasi unhas makassar, 28 mei 2000. al-qur’an dan terjemahnya. arifin, anwar. 2011. dakwah kontemporer: sebuah studi komunikasi. jakarta: graha ilmu. annuar, m. f. adam dan ali ah. 2014. “the use of blog as a medium of islamic da’wah in malaysia.” international journal of sustainable human development, 2 (2), pp. 74-80. berger, peter ludwiq and thomas luckmann. 1966. the social construction of reality: a treatise in the sociology of knowledge. new york: anchor books. ——————. 1990. tafsir sosial atas kenyataan: risalah tentang sosiologi pengetahuan. terjemahan hasan basari. jakarta: lp3es. bukhari. 2009. “dakwah ahlulbait kajian kang jalal.” disertasi. universitas islam negeri syarif hidayatullah, jakarta. burns, r.b. 1979. the self concept in theory, measurement, development and behavior. london: longman group limited. creswell, john w. 1998. qualitative inquiry and research design: choosing among five traditions. thousand oaks: ca. sage publication inc. given, m. lisa. 2008. the sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods. volume 1 and 2. thousand oaks: sage publication. ilaihi, wahyu. 2010. komunikasi dakwah. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. kusnawan, aep. 2004. ilmu dakwah (kajian berbagai aspek). bandung: pustaka bani quraisy. kuswarno, engkus. 2009. fenomenologi, metodologi penelitian komunikasi, konsepsi, pedoman, dan contoh penelitian. bandung: widya padjadjaran. lindlof, thomas r. 1995. qualitative communication research methods, california usa, sage publications. little john, w. stephen and karen a. foss. 2009. encyclopedia of communication theories. university of new mexico: sage reference publication, in. mahadi, ujan. 2012. “komunikasi dakwah kaum migran-studi komunikasi antar budaya dengan pendekatan fenomenologi pada dai kaum migran dalam dakwah islam di kota bengkulu.” disertasi, program studi ilmu 264264264264264 afkaruna ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ komunikasi program pascasarjana 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nazhori author universitas paramadina email: nazhori.author@gmail.com abstract this article describes the process of how knowledge is formed and formulated with sensory perception in the form of experience. in islamic philosophy, sensory experience that generates knowledge has never happened in the absence of mental existence as one of the essential principles of the philosophy of mulla sadra. although the sensory perception is not the only one, sadra considers that acceptable reason as sensory observation is a result of the unity of subject and object. this concept provides a basis for thinking that any form of authenticity from fundamental ideas give meaning to the doctrine of the other. without that sense, perception will never be materialized. this perception involves the awareness that comes from the soul as an active agent. rejecting perception means the rejection of the value of knowledge. in mulla sadra’s argument, the implications of mental concepts in the sensual perception will influence sense objects. keyword: mentality, being perception, value of knowleledge, soul abstrak tulisan ini ingin memaparkan proses bagaimana pengetahuan dibentuk dan dirumuskan dengan persepsi indera berupa pengalaman. dalam filsafat islam pengalaman yang menghasilkan pengetahuan inderawi tidak pernah terjadi jika tanpa eksistensi mental sebagai salah satu prinsip penting filsafat mulla sadra. kendati persepsi indera bukan satu-satunya, sadra menganggap apa yang diterima akal budi sebagai pengamatan inderawi adalah berkat satu-kesatuan subjek dan objek. konsep ini memberikan dasar bagi pemikiran berupa kesejatian wujud agar setiap gagasannya memberikan makna mendasar bagi doktrinnya yang lain. tanpa itu persepsi indera tidak pernah terwujud, persepsi ini melibatkan kesadaran yang bersumber dari jiwa sebagai agen aktif. menolaknya sama saja menolak nilai pengetahuan secara prinsip. sadra berargumenimplikasi konsep mental ada dalam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2016.0055.67-94 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6868686868 afkaruna persepsi sensualyangberpengaruh terhadap objek-objek indera. kata kunci: mental, wujud, perception, nilai pengetahuan, jiwa pendahuluan dalam alam pikiran filsafat modern, pengalaman adalah suatu hal yang penting dibicarakan sebagai kelahiran empirisisme. pengalaman merupakan suksesi pandangan dunia (world view) yang mewarnai kemanusiaan global dengan sudut pandang berbeda dari ihwal pengetahuan manusia sebelumnya. pengalaman adalah pandangan yang berlawanan terhadap keputusan akal maupun intutif tentang memperoleh ilmu pengetahuan. pada epistemologi sains barat modern, epistemologi empiris telah memberikan kebahagiaan terhadap manusia akan kebenaran pengetahuan. narasi besar empirisisme yang berdiri tegak pada abad ke – 17 tersebut ibarat karpet merah yang memuluskan langkah kebangkitan sains hingga era positivisme di abad ke – 20 sebagai pandangan dunia suatu ilmu yang mengkaji realitas secara ilmiah. sembari berupaya agar dapat dipercaya kriteria objektif-positivistik harus dipenuhi untuk memiliki karakteristik yang mapan. pada perkembangannya, empirisisme tidak hanya menyingkirkan dunia gagasan sebagai ide-ide universal, lebih lanjut persoalan itu sampai saat ini sangat terasa dirasakan di dunia modern terutama terkait kesenjangan antara ilmu-ilmu agama dan ilmu-ilmu umum. empirisisme yang bertransformasi menjadi sains modern tegas menentukan bahwa kebenaran nilai pengetahuan dianggap valid jika dapat dibuktikan dengan data observasi dan pengamatan inderawi. secara historis, kebakuan dunia pengalaman itu dapat ditelusuri melalui doktrin empirisisme. sebuah ajaran yang mengupas cikal-bakal pengetahuan manusia yang berkaitan dengan persepsi inderawi. pengalaman (experience) sebagai kata kunci memiliki makna bahwa untuk sampai pada pengetahuan yang memuaskan manusia tidak selalu membutuhkan akal karena kemampuannya bisa dibuktikan dengan daya inderawi dan coba-coba. pengalaman yang memberikan andil itu adalah wawasan epistemologi empirisisme (the insight of empiricism). sebuah wawasan yang menjadi prinsip, otoritas dan panduan epistemik bagi mereka yang bertandang dalam rumah empirisisme.1 john locke (1632-1704), mewakili salah satu tokoh pendiri empirisisme dengan doktrin pengetahuannya mengatakan, semua pengetahuan berasal dari pengalaman. locke meyakinkan, ide-ide yang ada dalam diri manusia tidak lain bersumber dari indera dan persepsi hasil kerja ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6969696969vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 pikiran kita yang berasal dari sumbernya, indera internal. melalui hujahnya, tidak ada pengetahuan lain yang mendahului pengalaman itu sendiri.2locke memandang potensi manusia sejak dilahirkan ibarat kertas putih kosong (tabula rasa) tanpa pengetahuan apapun. hanya lingkungan dan pengalamanlah yang merubahnya menjadi aktual. hal senada diungkapkan david hume, menurut filosof asal skotlandia ini, alam semesta yang kita pahami adalah kesan-kesan yang kita terima melalui panca indera. kendati manusia tidak dapat mengetahui hakikat dari sesuatu apapun, namun manusia dengan pengalamannya berupa gagasan mampu menciptakan suatu peristiwa tanpa memerlukan sebab dan akibatnya.3 pengaruh pemikiran john locke dan george berkeley rupanya tersemat dengan sempurna dalam diri david hume.dengan demikian, ia menyempurnakan epistemologi empiris yang sampai sekarang masing kuat pengaruhnya. dilema pengetahuan manusia yang menyita perhatian serius adalah saat sistem kosmologi yang menampilkan pergerakan benda-benda langit di alam semesta. pada pertengahan abad ke -16, pandangan geosentris dan heliosentris telah menguji betapa pentingnya kedudukan subjek dan kedudukan objek dalam menetapkan akurasi pengamatan di bumi dan di langit berdasarkan hukum alam. menurut pandangan geosentris, bumi tempat manusia dan semua makhluk bertumbuh-kembang adalah pusat dari sistem tata surya. bumi adalah benda yang statis, diam dan benda-benda dilangit bergerak mengelilingi bumi. namun, pandangan tersebut diubah dengan pendekatan yang revolusioner, setelah nicolas copernicus, menyatakan matahari adalah pusat peredaran benda langit atau dikenal dengan pandangan heliosentris. dalam diskursus tersebut, epistemologi dalam filsafat islam penting dihadirkan untuk memeriksa sejauh mana relasi subjek dan objek dalam memberikan makna suatu pengetahuan, sehingga nilai pengetahuan dapat dibuktikan hujahnya melalui pendekatan filosofis. berpijak dari kerangka itu, sejauh mana persepsi sensual yang telah berkembang di barat yang mengklaim sebagai suatu pengetahuan yang mapan. untuk itu akan menjadi relevan jika konsep mental (wujud al-dzihni) sebagai penentu jarak demarkasi suatu entitas yang keberadaannya ada di dalam akal dan di luar akal sekaligus implikasinya dalam persepsi sensual. sementara persepsi dan kesadaran merupakan dua hal yang tidak dapat dipisahkan baik secara empiris dan rasional.4 dengan demikian pengalaman yang memberi informasi yang bersifat langsung dan pasti terhadap objek yang diamati sesuai ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7070707070 afkaruna waktu dan tempat, toh pada akhirnya disimpulkan dengan alur berpikir rasional. pembacaan kritis terhadap epistemologi persepsi empirisisme akan penulis suguhkan menggunakan kacamata persepsi pengetahuan mulla sadra dan pengikutnya (neo-sadrian). hal ini aktual dirujuk mengingat para penerus filsafat hikmah mulla sadra berkeyakinan persoalan kemanusiaan dan pengetahuan dapat ditemukan jawabannya melalui filsafat islam yang mengutamakan dialog antar peradaban. persepsi sensual epistemologi sebagai cabang filsafat yang membahas tentang pengetahuan manusia juga bisa disebut kebenaran logis. pengetahuan dianggap memiliki nilai kebenaran jika apa yang terdapat dalam pikiran subjek sesuai dengan apa yang ada dalam objek. epistemologi justeru diidentikkan dengan asumsiasumsi teoritik yang mendasari suatu pendapat ataupun bangunan pengetahuan manusia. terjadinya perbedaan cara pandang dalam bangunan pengetahuan sangat ditentukan epistemologi yang digunakan. secara umum pengetahuan manusia dibagi atas tiga kategori, yaitu pengetahuan sains, pengetahuan filsafat dan mistik.5 perbedaan jenis pengetahuan manusia ini karena bangunan epistemologinya berlainan diantara ketiganya, bagi murtadha muthahhari juga berdampakterhadpa perbedaan ideologi dan pandangan dunia yang disebabkan oleh perbedaan dalam tataran epistemologi.6 dalam sejarah filsafat islam, khususnya tokoh-tokoh pemikir peripatetik, telah mengulas tentang pengetahuan manusia. karena manusia memiliki potensi pengetahuannya untuk terus berkembang dan dilestarikan. dengan begitu tokoh-tokoh itu membagi-bagi pengetahuan berdasarkan cara memperolehnya. misalnya al-kindi, menyebutkan ada tiga macam pengetahuan manusia, yaitu; pengetahuan inderawi, pengetahuanrasional, dan pengetahuan intuisi. pertama, pengetahuan inderawi,yaitu pengetahuan yang diperoleh secara langsung ketika orang mengamati obyek-objekmaterial, kemudian dalam proses tanpa tenggang waktu dan tanpa berpindah ke imajinasi. pengetahuanyang diperoleh dengan jalan ini bersifat tidak tetap, tetapi selaluberubah dan bergerak setiap waktu. kedua, pengetahuan rasional,pengetahuan yang diperoleh dengan jalan menggunakanakal yang bersifat universal, tidak parsial dan bersifat immaterial.7 begitupun dengan al-farabi, mengemukakan manusia memperoleh pengetahuan melalui daya mengindera, menghayal,dan berfikir, di mana ketiga daya ini merujuk pada kedirianmanusia, yaitu: jism, nafs, dan akal. pertama, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7171717171vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 daya menginderayang memungkinkan manusia untuk menerima rangsanganseperti panas dan dingin, yang dengan daya ini manusia dapatmengecap, membau, mendengar suara, meraba, dan melihat.kedua, daya menghayal yang memungkinkan manusia untuk memeroleh kesan dari hal-hal yang dirasakan setelah objek tersebut lenyap dari jangkauan indera. daya ini menggabungkan atau memisahkan seluruh kesan-kesan yang ada sehingga menghasilkan potongan-potongan atau kombinasi-kombinasi yang beragam, dan hasilnya bisa jadi benar, bisa jadisalah. ketiga, daya berfikir yang memungkinkan manusiamemahami berbagai pengertian, sehingga dapat membedakanyang mulia dari yang hina serta menguasai seni dan ilmu.8 secara fitrah manusia dapat mengetahui segala sesuatu. rasa ingin tahu itu diperolehnya dengan daya akal dan daya indera. bahkan manusia ingin mengetahui tentang malaikat, tuhan dan alam semesta. manusia juga ingin tahu hal-hal yang konkret dan ingin tahu hal-hal yang abstrak. rasa ingin tahu itu senantiasa mengikuti setiap langkah manusia seperti tak berbatas. padahal pengetahuan manusia itu terbatas, terutama pengetahuan inderawi (sensual). pengetahuan dengan kebenaran inilah yang penulis uraikan berkenaan dengan relasi subjek dan objek di mana tahu dan pengetahu bersifat relasional. dalam pembahasan epistemologi empiris yang menjadi modus dasar secara umum panca indera manusia dan pengalaman merupakan landasan (milestones) persepsi sensual. pengalaman dalam persepsi sensual bisa menjadi tunjangan untuk memperoleh pengetahuan. pengalaman sebagai aktivitas mengetahui dalam persepsi sensual membutuhkan perangkat indera manusia. perlu dikemukakan di sini, empirisisme tidak menolak peran rasio dan proposisi-proposisi logik matematis. mereka mengakui logika aksiomatis memang tak dapat diragukan. mereka menegaskan yang lebih dominan proses lahiriahnya pengetahuan adalah pengalaman.9 lantaran hal ini, dalam filsafat islam bukan berarti persepsi sensual telah selesai dalam wawasan pengalaman. diperlukan perspektif lain mengenai persepsi sensual itu sendiri, karena semua persepsi manusia termasuk persepsi sensual bagian dari persepsi manusia. padahal dalam prosesnya bukan sekedar faktor fisik dan psikologis semata, dibalik itu ada makna terdalam yaitu keinginan dan kesadaran sebagai bagian yang penting. misalnya, kesamaan dan perbedaan dua benda secara jasmani dapat dibuktikan nilai pengetahuannya sebelum dibuktikan secara fisik. selanjutnya dalam pahaman akal keduanya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7272727272 afkaruna apakah keduanya juga dapat diketahui keseluruhan dan kesebagian dari keberadaannya itu. filosof muslim seperti baqir al-sadr dapat dijadikan rujukan bahwa indera adalah mata air pemahaman untuk gambaran (tasawwur) dan berpikir yang tidak kompleks, bahkan didalamnya terdapat fitrah dalam mental yang membangkitkan tingkat gambaran.10baqir al-sadr mengilustrasikan tentanghukum gravitasi yang dibawa ilmuwan barat karena melalui temuannya itu tidak menerapkan karakter empirik sebagai hukumnya, justeru kesimpulannya malahan bersifat rasional. persoalan persepsi sensual ini pada periode aliran peripatetik, seperti diterangkan ibnu sina, yang dituangkan dengan makna jiwa (al-nafs) bahwa pengetahuan manusia berasal dari indera luar dan indera dalam (batin). indera luar memberi suatu pengalaman, kemudian pengalaman itu dirasionalkan oleh indera dalam menjadi pengetahuan. mengetahui dari objek eksternal dengan panca indera meliputi indera melihat (al-bashr), mendengar (al-sama’), mencium (al-samma), merasa dengan lidah (al-zauq), dan merasa dengan sentuhan (al-lams).11 kelima indera tersebut dikatakan ibnu sina sebagai daya dan potensi dari “jiwa binatang” atau al-nafs al-hayawaniyah, selain dari indera-indera itu, menurutnya manusia juga memiliki “jiwa tumbuh-tumbuhan” (al-nafs alnabatiyah), dan jiwa manusia (al-nafs al insaniyah), yang memiliki daya untuk berpikir (quwah an-natiqah) atau yang disebut juga dengan akal.12 dalam akal ini diturunkan lagi menjadi dua macam akal, yaitu akal praktis (‘amilah) dan akal teoritis (‘alimah). akal praktis berperan mengontrol jiwa kebinatangan, yang jika berhasil maka jadilah seseorang itu berakhlak mulia, dan sebaliknya. sedangkan akal teoritis memiliki kemampuan untuk menangkap arti-arti murni, arti-arti yang tidak pernah ada dalam materi, mengetahui yang didominasi oleh pengetahuan-pengetahuan yang abstrak, seperti tuhan, ruh, malaikat; dan dengan daya inilah akan timbul pengetahuan spiritual. pemikiran ibn sina tentang persepsi sensual tidak terlepas dari sikap dualismenya tentang jiwadan materi sebagi dua hal yang terpisah. seperti diulas dalam beberapa pandangannya hanya pada tuhanlah wujud dan eksistensi itu ada dalam waktu yang bersamaan. jiwa bertindak sebagai subjek, sedangkan tubuh beserta organ-organ tubuh lain yang tersusunya seperti piranti yang diaktualkan oleh jiwa untuk melaksanakan berbagaioperasinya yang berbeda.13 jelas bahwa fakultas-fakultas jiwa memiliki peran penting dalam terjadinya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7373737373vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 proses persepsi, karena teori abstraksi yang dikembangkan ibn sina terkait dengan persepsi inderawi, imajinatif, estimatif maupun intelektual seluruhnya terjadi melalui abstraksi bentuk-bentuk materi.14 sejalan dengan itu, ia meyakini bahwa jiwa dan tubuh adalah dua substansi yangberbeda, dengan hubungan aksidental satu sama lain. ibn sina tidak melihat sisi lain jika konsekuensinya jiwa bukanbagiandari tubuh, maka tubuh harus memiliki sesuatu yang lain dan itu bukan jiwa. sepintas dualismenya tentang jiwa dan tubuh, ada kemiripan dengan descartes. dua tokoh ini memperkenalkan ajaran dualisme bahwa tubuh danjiwa mempunyai eksistensi yang terpisah dan tidaktergantung satu sama lain. sebagai pembuktiannya, descartes mengajukan metode kesangsian. iamengatakan bahwa orang dapat menyangsikan segala halkecuali dirinya sendiri, sebab kesangsian diri adalah bukti tentang tentang eksistensi dirisendiri. ibn sina menggunakan sebuah cerita populer untuk menjelaskan pandangannya tentang manusia terbang (flying man). manusia terbang, merupakan analogi yang dijadikan dasar pembuktian ibn sinatentang keterpisahan jiwa dan jasad bahwa jika orang yang secara organik yang sempurna berada di angkasa dalam keadaan mata tertutup tidak mengetahui apa-apa, tidak merasakan sentuhan apapun, termasuk dengan anggota badan sendiri, ia tetap yakin terhadap eksistensi dirinya. dalam keadaan seperti itu jika ia membayangkan adanya tangan atau anggota tubuh lainnya, maka ia tidak akan membayangkan sebagai bagian atau syarat bagi eksistensi dirinya. ini membuktikan jiwa berbeda dengan jasad. bertolak dari uraian di atas, bagi mulla sadra persepsi itu sendiri termasuk yang diperoleh melalui indera adalah kesadaran yang berasal dari jiwa yang sederhana sehingga kehadiran objek eksternal di dalam pikiran manusia mampu menjelaskan segala hal. konsep pengetahuan persepsi sensual ini merupakan perwujudan dari pengetahuan melalui perolehan (al-’ilm al-hushûli).diperoleh melalui perantara (misalnya dengan panca indera) dan melalui tahapan-tahapan mental. meskipun ada pengiriman kuiditas objek kepada kita, namun pengetahuan ini tidak bisa menghadirkan karakteristik-karakteristik wujud objek tersebut (misalnya panas, kelembaban) dan dengan kata lain pengetahuan melalui perolehan (al-’ilm al-hushûli) adalah pengetahuan yang tidak produktif.15 mulla sadra mengatakan, pengetahuan tidak terpisah dengan wujud dan esensi yang mengetahui, pengetahuan justru merupakan bagian dari wujud yang mengetahui tersebut. itulah karenanya wujud manusia mencapai ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7474747474 afkaruna kesempurnaan secara bertahap sejalan dengan peningkatan pengetahuan dan level wujudnya, seperti halnya suatu bangunan disempurnakan dengan menyusun batu batanya yang membentuk bangunan itu secara utuh. dengan demikian pengetahuan dan kesadaran adalah dua hal yang bersifat primer, bukan yang sekunder; seperti yang dikatakan oleh ibn sina dan para pengikutnya bahwa pengetahuan dan kesadaran adalah penyempurnaan bagi jiwa. di dalam pengetahuan melalui perolehan manusia selalu berhubungan dengan objek-objek; tak ada seorangpun yang dapat mengklaim bahwa pengetahuan melalui perolehan adalah kehadiran objek-objek di dalam pikiran; yang hadir di dalam pikiran hanyalah kuiditas dan entitas eksternal dengan segala batasan-batasannya. kuiditas adalah realitas eksternal yang nampak sebagai suatu “gambaran mental”. ketika dikatakan bahwa pengetahuan memiliki aspek penyingkapan, hal itu berarti bahwa pengetahuan menampakkan realitas eksternal: segitiga sebagai sebuah segitiga dan bukan segiempat, baik di dalam pikiran maupun di dunia eksternal. oleh karena itu, kuiditas merupakan pengetahuan sekaligus sesuatu yang diketahui.16 pada prinsipnya dalam persepsi itu sendiri, semua kualitas primer dan sekunder, kuantitas dan posisi segala sesuatu yang merupakan manifestasi dari kuiditas-kuiditas segala sesuatu dapat diketahui melalui indra dan karenanya kuiditas dapat pula dipahami. karena itulah dalam mazhab eksistensialisme islam menyebutkan hubungan ini sebagai “penyimpanan sifat-sifat esensial” di dalam kuiditas subjektif maupun kuiditas objektif.17 menurut mulla sadra, untuk membedakan objek eksternal dan objek mental bisa diurai melalui gradasi wujud sebagai prinsip filsafatnya. karena dalam gradasi wujud derajat perbedaan berlaku karena seluruh penampakanpenampakan diri dari realitas tunggal tersebut yang pada gilirannya memiliki derajat wujud yang berbeda.18 maka dalam konteks persepsi sensual, sesuatu yang ada secara eksternal mempunyai wujud yang lebih kuat dan pengaruh yang lebih besar terhadap objek-objek yang lain. itulah karenanya kaum mistis mempercayai bahwa orang yang serius dan bersungguh-sungguh pasti dapat mempunyai suatu kekuatan dan pengaruh terhadap eksisten-eksisten mental dan kemudian dapat mewujudkannya di dalam dunia eksternal.19 di sini terlihat bahwa ada kejelasan tentang korespondensi antara yang terinderai secara material aksidental dengan yang terinderai secara mental dan ideal, serta suatu hubungan dalam penyatuan antara kuiditas sesuatu di dalam dunia eksternal dan kuiditasnya di dalam alam jiwa dan pikiran. bahkan, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7575757575vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 kejelasan hubungan ini dapat pula dicari di dalam level akal esensial.20 dalam situasi lain, murtadha muthahhari menjelaskan bahwa pengetahuan inderawi ini dimiliki oleh manusia dan binatang. misalnya manusia dan binatang ini memiliki kemampuan melihat angkasa, mendengar suara, mencium batu, dan sebagainya. kendati begitu, kadang-kadang pengetahuan indrawi dan manusia memiliki kelemahan dan kelebihan. misalnya manusia memiliki kemampuan melihat dan membedakan warna, sedangkan binatang tidak memiliki kemampuan tersebut.21 dalam sudut pandang lain, malah terkadang binatang memiliki kemampuan melihat, mendengar, dan mencium sesuatu yang tidak mampu dilihat, didengar, dan dicium oleh manusia. terkadang indra manusia lebih peka dari pada indra binatang. sebaliknya, terkadang indra binatang lebih peka dari pada indra manusia. namun demikian, manusia dan binatang sama sama memiliki kemampuan memperoleh pengetahuan indrawi meski tingkat kemampuan masing-masing terbatas dan relatif. tingkat ilmu pengetahuan indrawi mereka berbeda-beda. yang menarik dari epistemologi yang dikemukkan mutahhari adalah ketika persepsi sensual sebagai salah satu bagian dari persepsi yang diidentikan dengan kesatuan subjek yang memahami dan objek yang dipahami, bahwa aktivitas rasio manusia yang unik senantiasa mengalami proses pelepasan (tajrid). dalam pelepasan itu menurut mutahhari, ada dua perkara bahwa di alam objektif ini, yang tidak mungkin dapat dilepas dan dipisah-pisahkan serta tidak mungkin dapat berpisah. itulah persepsi yang tidak lain kesadaran dan kehadiran itu sendiri.22 dari paparan diatas, alasan pengkajian terhadap persepsi sensual adalah karena kedudukannya yang sangat penting dalam metode berpikir. dalam studi-studi ilmiah yang dilakukan dengan teknik eksperimentasi, penggunaan metode empiris sangatlah menonjol dan memberi pengaruh yang kuat. hasil penarikan kesimpulan sebagai salah satu bentuk kebenaran yang diperoleh dengan kajian ilmiah, sangat besar ditentukan oleh pemikiran empiris. tidak jarang, penarikan kesimpulan yang diambil dari suatu penelitian ilmiah mempunyai nilai kebenaran yang rendah, oleh karena hanya kesalahan dalam penggunaan metode empirisnya. oleh sebab itu, kritik atau telaah terhadap kelemahan dalam metode empiris dimaksudkan untuk membangun kewaspadaan bagi para ilmuwan dalam menggunakan metode ilmiah. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7676767676 afkaruna kesatuan subjek dan objek dalam sejarah panjang pengetahuan manusia, hubungan subjek dan subjek telah menceritakan banyak hal terutama dalam perkembangan sains dan teknologi. persoalan tentang asal-usul pengetahuan manusia sebagai peristiwa kekaguman melahirkan dua kutub, pertama kutub yang meyakini pengetahuan manusia diperoleh dari akal budi. kedua, kutub yang percaya bahwa pengalaman manusia dalam diskursus filsafat ilmu, revolusi copernicus membuahkan temuantemuan penting lainnya terutama di ranah epistemologi. adalah rene descartes, filosof pencerahan yang meniti karir lewat metode keraguan. untuk meyakinkan panggung filsafat saat itu, segala sesuatu termasuk tubuh manusia sendiri mesti diragukan, sehingga kesadaran penuh dapat memastikan bahwa ilmu pengetahuan dapat diperoleh dengan cara kesangsian metodis. inilah subjek pemikiran yang diartikulasikan lewat diktum: aku berpikir maka aku ada (cogito ergo sum). sebagai pandangan ilmiah dunia modern, descartes memastikan jika realitas yang ia sangsikan ada dua. realitas pertama adalah suatu keluasan yang mengisi ruang dan waktu. dengan kata lain, materi mewujud sebagai peristiwa relasi mekanik yang menyembulkan ukuran-ukuran geometri (res extensa). sedangkan realitas kedua, adalah bentuk kesadaran yang sesungguhnya berbeda dengan objek material. dalam hukum alam serba mekanik, ia menyangkal bahwa di dalamnya tidak ada energi spiritual, apalagi kualitas sesuatu, yang ada kuantitas permanen. sejenak gagasan descartes memuat kekuatan metafisik, ketika kesadaran yang ditimbulkan lewat diktumnya mengandung kebenaran rasio. nuansa penemuan ilmiah yang mekanistik itu sesungguhnya memutus mata rantai pengetahuan tradisonal yang dibangun sebelumnya. persepsi manusia modern yang dipengaruhi spirit pencerahan di barat ternyata juga mengalami perubahan mendasar dalam memandang alam semesta. akhirnya, fondasi ontologis pun terpisah karena subjek yang mengetahui tidak menyatu dengan objek pengetahuannya.23 jejak pemikiran descartes disambut antusiasketika isaac newton (16421727) menalikan mimpi visioner rasionalisme bapak filsafat modern itu dengan visi empirisisme bacon, agar dapat ditransformasikan ke dalam kehidupan nyata melalui peletakan dasar-dasar mekanika.24newton menunjukkan bahwa sesuai dengan hukumnya, gravitasi menyebabkan bulan bergerak dalam suatu orbit yang berbentuk elips mengelilingi bumi, sedangkan bumi dan planet○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7777777777vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 planet bergerak dalam lintasan berbentuk elips mengelilingi matahari.25 sinergi trio empirik pun terjadi dengan pencampuran larutan mekanika, deterministik dan materialistik yang menganggap tata kosmos berbahan dasar materi yang dapat direduksi termasuk manusia. berbeda dengan lingkup kajian epsitemologi islam yang tidak dibatasi pada objek-objek fisik, seperti di dunia barat. maka epistemologi islam tidak sebatas menggunakan metode empiris, tetapi juga dengan metode objek-objek lainnya (nonfisik). objek-objek metafisik inilah yang oleh para ilmuwan muslim disebut dengan ma’qulat, yaitu objek-objek yang tidak bisa ditangkap oleh indera, tetapi dapat diphami oleh akal manusia.26 menurut seyyed hossein nasr dalam three muslim sages, antara sains islam dan sains barat jelas berbeda secara prinsip, sains barat memandang alam semesta kental dengan unsur materi. barat yang pada masa pencerahan mengalami lompatan epsitemologi mekanistik dengan rekayasa sains astronomi. sedangkan sains islam memandang alam semesta sebagai sumber epistemologi yang harus disingkap dengan matahati yang memiliki visi penglihatan spiritual.27 berkenaan dengan perkembangan epistemologi selanjutnya dalam alunan positivisme tentu tidak dapat dikupas panjang lebar disini, hal ini untuk mewakili bahwa sebelumnya fakta manusia dan pengetahuan yang diperolehnya satu sama lain perlu mendapat perhatian serius, karena dunia fisik yang dikuasai tidak sepenuhnya berdiri sendiri sebagai alat untuk menetapkan nilai kebenaran. di luar itu, interaksi subjek dan objek yang mengkombinasikan pengalaman dan dunia ide layak diketengahkan, khususnya melalui filsafat islam. atas dasar itulah, tindakan tuhan yang menciptakan alam semesta yang bersifat teleologis, yang menuntun keteraturan sistematis dan memiliki tujuan agung dapat dideskrispsikan lewat kacamata kesatuan subjek dan objek dalam pemaknaannya secara filosofis. karena itu, relasi jiwa dan kesadaran dalam ajaran tradisional filsafat islam menekankan realitas yang terus berubah tanpa menafikan energi spiritual. sehingga jalinan subjek dan obek dapat mengarahkan manusia kepada kebenaran yang dapat dipertanggung jawabkan. dengan kata lain, pengetahuan itu hanya mungkin terwujud, jika manusia sendiri adalah bagian dari objek, dari realitas di alam semesta ini. tanpa itu manusia tidak akan mampu mengenal dan mengetahui dunia serta segala isinya.28 diharapkan melalui penguasaan ilmu, manusia mengenali berbagai tatanan dan keteraturan yang diamatinya di alam semesta. seiring dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7878787878 afkaruna upaya tersebut, berbagai dalil dan upaya hukum yang berlaku sebagai andalan untuk memekarkan gagasan dan wawasan.29 gambaran pengetahuan dalam tradisi filsafat islam pada prinsipnya bersifat aksiomatis. namun, sebelum mengulas lebih jauh kita dapat melihat para filosof sebelum mulla sadra yang pada akhirnya menuai tanggapan kritis dari pendiri mazhab eksistensialisme islam ini. hal itu berkaitan dengan proses abstraksi yang dinilai lemah karena karakteristik materi tidak disertakan di dalamnya. menanggapi penjelesan itu, mulla sadra menolak dengan alasan berpikir secara abstraktif berbeda dengan cara berpikir seseorang dengan lainnya. karena pengetahuan sendiri diyakini mulla sadra adalah swabukti dan abstraksi sendiri mensyaratkan pengetahuan. terkait dengan ilmu hudhuri, mulla sadra telah berbicara gamblang tentang pengetahuan yang kita ketahui secara langsung karena objeknya hadir dengan sendirinya dalam diri kita. pernah diulas juga tentang identitas kesamaan subjek dan objek. maka fokus kajian pada kesatuan subjek dan objek sebagai ciri utamanya dilengkapi kemampuan akal dan kemampuan intuisi. menjabarkan pengetahuan tanpa melibatkan subjek atau hanya mengandalkan objek saja tak akan berarti. subjek dalam hal ini berperan untuk menyampaikan keinginan mengetahui sesuatu yang tidak lain adalah objek. hemat mulla sadra, keterkaitan keduanya sesuatu yang prinsipil. demikian pula pengetahuan tentang objek senantiasa menghadirkan sisi ontologisnya sendiri.30 di dalam filsafat mulla sadra, satu hal pokok yang perlu disepakati adalah subjek dan objek merupakan persepsi itu sendiri. karena pengetahuan hadir tidak melibatkan perantara apapun. berbeda dengan aristoteles dan ibn sina, yang bertahan dengan pendapatnya bahwa pengetahuan merupakan objek yang diketahui melalui perantara. dalam pengertian lain, dua model pengetahuan tersebut berdasarkan filsafat islam diklasifikasi ke dalam pengetahuan dengan kehadiran (al-‘ilm al-hudhuri) dan pengetahuan melalui perolehan (al-’ilm al-hushuli). harun nasution menuturkan, hakikat dua klasifikasi pengetahuan di atas, pertama sebagai pendekatan idealisme dan kedua sebagai pendekatan realisme.31di sini, perlu ditambahkan pendekatan lain yakni pendekatan hati (spiritual). para pengelana hikmah meyakini penyucian jiwa merupakan sumber epistemologi, selain untuk menerangi akal, penyucian jiwa (‘irfan) sarana untuk mengungkap realitas sebagai keindahan atau manifestasi cinta. di tangan mulla sadra, akal dan hati memberikan ruang penyingkapan melalui penyaksian ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7979797979vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 untuk mendapatkan pengetahuan. mulla sadra dalam ontologi filsafatnya menandai ilmu sebagai eksistensi yang bergerak menuju kesempurnaan. jiwa adalah pintu masuk ilmu pengetahuan. ketika jiwa menerima kehadiran bentuk-bentuk sesuatu, di sanalah pengetahuan berada. secara sadar dalam diri manusia ada keinginan untuk memahami segala hal. bagi penerus ajaran teosofi -neo-sadrianmeyakini bahwa jiwa memiliki kemampuan tumbuh dan berkembang serta berperan aktif merefleksikan segala sesuatu. adapun proyek eksistensialisme islam sadra, hasil dari refleksi kritisnya yang tidak lain persepsi itu sendiri. mulla sadra melihat persoalan pengetahuan melalui kacamata neo-platonik. secara rinci fazlur rahman menjelaskan: “tidak ada sesuatu yang fisik yang dapat menjadi objek pengetahuan yang semestinya, karena pengetahuan melibatkan suatu status wujud yang sepenuhnya baru yang dengannya objek pengetahuan tertanam (nasy’a ilmiyyah). ini merupakan hasil ajaran bahwa (1) pengetahuan terjadi dalam “kehadiran” (hudhûr) objek kepada subjek; (2) sesuatu yang fisikal (jasmani) tidak dapat “hadir” baik ke sesuatu yang lain atau kepada dirinya, karena bagian-bagiannya saling absen (tidak hadir); (3) bagi objek eksternal dan organ-organ indera fisik, tidak ada persoalan apakah yang pertama hadir ke yang kedua.32 kesatuan subjek dan objek adalah doktrin epistemologi yang didukung teori ontologi yang lain yaitu kesatuan wujud. dalam prinsip ini, bisa dicontohkan dengan proposisi berikut: jika fulan sebagai subjek yang mengetahui dan kuda sebagai objek yang diketahui. selanjutnya, eksistensi fulan dan kuda adalah sama dan kuda sebagai objek fisik hadir dalam fulan sebagai subjek, maka kuda dalam hal ini objek eksternal yang diketahui oleh fulan. di dalam filsafat mulla sadra, kesatuan objek dan subjek di sebut dengan ittihad al-‘aqil wa al-maqul. yaitu subjek yang melaksanakan proses persepsi terhadap wujud objek sebagai yang dipersepsi dan interaksi keduanya yang mewujudkan pengetahuan.33 upaya mulla sadra dalam mempertahankan prinsip kesatuan subjek dan objek berpijak dari relasi burhan al-tadayuf. yaitu hubungan bentuk aktual dalam suatu keterikatan baik yang bersandar dalam materi, ruang dan waktu atau tidak serta hal-hal yang berkaitan dengannya.34 jelas bahwa subjek dan objek sebagai satu kesatuan yang tak terpisahkan dalam argumentasi diatas kaitannya dengan teori gerak trans-substansial ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8080808080 afkaruna memiliki irisan terutama dengan frase bentuk aktual yang tak lain adalah segala yang maujud yang terikat atau tidak dalam konteks kuantitas, ruang dan waktu. bagi setiap bentuk fisik atau jasmani yang bergantung pada wujud sudah barang tentu ia adalah objek eksternal yang tak lain adalah materi. karena materi secara esensial adalah bentuk partikular yang menempati ruang dan waktu. bentuk fisik yang terikat ini berdasarkan zatnya dapat dipersepsi dalam tingkat abstraksi. karena sesuatu yang dapat diinderai dan dirasakan hanya dapat dipahami dengan eksistensi mental, yaitu gambargambar objek eksternal yang ada dalam akal manusia. dengan kata lain, elemen material ini bukanlah sesuatu yang dapat dipikirkan, dan untuk memahaminya tidak dengan indera secara langsung, karena yang bisa dipahami secara langsung hanyalah abstraksi dan wujud materialnya yang nyata.35 adalah tidak mungkin bentuk fisik itu alami perubahan tanpa membutuhkan waktu.36 setiap maujud yang material dengan kodrat alamiahnya akan selalu alami perubahan atau gerakan dari potensi ke aksi dan ini pasti membutuhkan ruang dan ukurannya yang berkorelasi dengan wadah secara sistematis. adapun bentuk yang tidak terikat dari ruang dan waktu sebagai immateri yang bersandar dalam alam mental pastilah merupakan objek aktual, baik diluar dirinya terdapat subjek mapun tidak.37 dan yang immateri bersifat tidak berubah, dan hubungannya dengan materi yang bersifat berubah dan berpindah-pindah merupakan hubungan kreatif yang memiliki keteraturan. bahasan penting lainnya terkait ittihad al-‘aqil wa al-maqul yaitu relasi antara bentuk yang diketahui terhadap esensi yang mengetahui adalah hubungan antara yang memikirkan dan dipikirkan. subjek adalah individu yang punya daya untuk mengetahuidan objek adalah realitas di luar manusia atau hal-hal yang ingin diketahui. manusia merupakan suatu realitas dan benda-benda merupakan realitas yang lain, intensitas hubungan keduanya adalah proses untuk mengetahui dan bila bersatu jadilah pengetahuan bagi manusia.di sini terlihat subjek mesti berperan aktif dalam peristiwa penyatuan, sementara objek juga harus berperan dalam kondisinya sebagaimana adanya. dalam situasi lain, justeru mulla sadra meyakini bahwa pengetahuan dengan kadar kualitas terbaik bersumber dari pengetahuan lewat kehadiran. artinya dalam konteks olah batin (intuitif) sadra mengatakan batin dalam diri manusia langsung dapat mencerapnya tanpa perantara. ada ruang kesadaran dalam diri manusia melalui persepsi sehingga ingin mengetahui sesuatu setelah manusia yang berpikir (subjek) menyatu dengan sesuatu yang dipikirkan (objek).38 merujuk pada pengertian persepsi yang dijelaskan mulla sadra, kata ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8181818181vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 yang tepat untuk persepsi sebagaimana dijelaskan dalam al-asfar, ditemukan kata idrak yang berarti perjumpaan, pertemuan, dan kedatangan. potensi jiwa akan menangkap objek ekternal (kuiditas) melalui pahaman akal dan mencapainya. perspesi dalam pengertian ini secara harfiah merupakan perjumpaan objek dan subjek, karena perjumpaan dalam arti fisik bukan perjumpaan yang sesungguhnya.39 dengan demikian jiwa yang bersih itu akan mencerap pengetahuan tanpa melibatkan hawa nafsu dan amarah sebagai tindakan persepsi.40 seperti telah dijelaskan sebelumnya pada ilmu hudhuri, objek yang tercerap pada diri subjek dalam bentuk gambar kuiditas dari wujud eksternal masuk ke dalam jiwa subjek, kemudian jiwa dengan potensinya menciptakan objek pahaman dari gambar objek yang masuk tersebut.41wujud mental sebagai wujud immaterial dalam hal ini hasil kreativitas jiwa berperan penting dalam proses memeroleh pengetahuan. karena wujud dan kuiditas tak lain adalah suatu yang identik dengan konsep wujud mental. dalam persoalan ilmu hudhuri mehdi hairi yazdi, mengemukakan bahwahakikat kesatuan subjek dan objek adalah pertimbangan filosofis yang berkaitan dengan subjek kedirian dan identik dengan konsep kesadaran berdasarkan prinsip kemendasaran wujud. kesadaran ini kemudian meretas intelek manusia untuk membuktikan jika mengetahui itu sendiri adalah eksistensi.42 meskipun demikian, mulla sadra mengakomodir metode memperoleh pengetahuan melalui perantara, yaitu metode ilmu hushuli, suatu metode yang diperoleh melalui penalaran yang tersusun dari dua proposisi (pernyataan) dan sebuah konklusi. adapun pembuktian kebenaran pengetahuan dengan metode ini, bagi sadra sejalan dengan para ilmuwan paripatetik dengan konsepnya bahwa pengetahuan hushûli merupakanpengetahuan-pengetahuan yang telah ada dalam benak kita yang kemudian secara visual dipahami dari suatu objek dalam dirisubjek. dengan kata lain, epistemologi korespondensi atau kesesuaian dengan realitas merupakan kebenaran pengetahuan sebagai kriteria objektif. penerapan realitas itu berdaarkan dua hal, yaitu: realitas fisik dan fakta akal budi rasional.43 kedua model justifikasi epistemik tersebut, tentu saja bertolak dari anggapan bahwa proses keilmuan secara epistemologis bukanlah proses yang sama sekali terpisah antara kesadaran internal subjek dan realitas eksternal objek diluarnya.44 dua metode yang dikemukakan mulla sadra di atas berbeda dengan model epistemologi kalam yang juga menggunakan pendekatan filosofis. misalnya, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8282828282 afkaruna epsitemologi kalam yang disuguhkan muhammad abid al-jabiri yang mencoba membongkar konservatisme melalui kritik nalar arab (tradisi arab klasik) berupa teks dari reproduksi wacana kalam. al-jabiri mengakui pendekatan epistemologi ‘irfan diperoleh dengan jalan olah ruhani dan penyucian jiwa. hanya saja, hal itu perlu didukung dengan pendekatan lain yaitu: pendekatan bayani dan burhani. pada pendekatan bayani muhammad abid al-jabiri menitikberatkan pada kritik teks dengan eksplanasi yang didukung nash sehingga menghadirkan ketetapan hukum melalui analogi yang pada situasi tertentu merujuk pada teori kesebaban (caution). sementara dalam pendekatan burhani-nya (demonstratif), sebagai aktifitas kognitif, upaya inferensi rasional lewat penggalian premis-premis yang menghasilkan konklusi yang bernilai menjadi ciri khasnya. pemetaan struktur pemikiran arab ini, kental dengan observasi empiris di mana realisme menjadi rujukan dalam penarikan kesimpulan dengan silogisme, karena bersifat spekulatif dan ambigu.45 dalam filsafat hikmah muta’aliyyah diskursus ilmu kalam merupakan bagian yang tak terpisahkan. tanpa harus membentuk filsafat menjadi ilmu kalam, dan tanpa mengubah filsafat rasional menjadi berkarakter dialektika, tetap bahwa mulla sadra dengan piawai mampu merakit ilmu kalam, filsafat dan ‘irfan sebagai satu kesatuan yang utuh. karena itu, selain pembuktian rasional yang ditunjang dengan silogisme dan penyucian jiwa, bangunan filsafatnya juga ditopang teks-teks suci dan hadis nabi. tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa filsafat eksistensialisme islam mengawalinya dengan persepsi untuk mengupas topik-topik ilmu-ilmu ke-islaman dalam neraca yang argumentatif berdasarkan prinsipilitas wujud. dengan demikian, epistemologi mulla sadra mengenai peran penting akal sebagai sumber pengetahuanbahwa akal yang di dalam pikiran merupakan cerminan akal semestadalam jiwa manusia, ibarat nabi sebagai pembimbing manusia menuju jalan kebenaran. untuk itu, mulla sadra membagi akal menjadi lima tingkat: potensi akal material pertama (al-‘aql al-hayulani), akal persiapan (al-‘aql al-isti’dadi), akal perbuatan (al-‘aql bi al-fi’l), akal pemahaman (al’aql al-mustafad) dan akal aktif (al-‘aql al fa’al). terkait dengan jiwa rasional dan peran akal tersebut, menurut mulla sadra, akal material pertama (al-‘aql al-hayulani) akal yang berfungsi sebagai benih dari pohon akal dan ma’rifat, dan sebagai biji buah-buahan pengetahuan ‘irfan dan iman. dari akal pertama ini diciptakan akal persiapan (al-‘aql alisti’dadi) yang kemudian diikuti berturut-turut oleh akal dalam perbuatan (al○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8383838383vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 ‘aql bi al-fi’l), akal pemahaman (al’aql al-mustafad) dan terakhir akal aktif (al‘aql al fa’al).46 melalui tingkatan-tingkatan akal di atas, persepsi dalam pandangan mulla sadra dibagi lagi dalam empat jenis, yaitu persepsi indera, imajinasi, penilaian, dan akal. namun kemudian sadra memberikan ikhtisar menjadi tiga jenis berdasarkan pembagian wujud, alam inderawi, alam ide dan alam akal. mulla sadra lantas menggaris bawahi pada setiap tahapan persepsi memerlukan suatu derajat atau bentuk abstraksi.47 implikasi wujud al-dzihni dalam persepsi sensual wujud mental merupakan salah satu dari prinsip-prinsip filsafat eksistensialisme mulla sadra. menurut para pendukung mazhab isfahan, wujud mental muncul terkait dengan persoalan persepsi terhadap objek. mulla sadra menjelaskan bahwa ketika pikiran memahami sesuatu, maka ia berubah dari potensialitas menjadi aktualitas, dan aktualitas pikiran adalah kehadiran bentuk-bentuk objek pahaman di dalam pikiran tersebut.48 prinsip ini sebagaimana diungkapkannya, tidak seutuhnya berasal dari hasil perenungan murni, melainkan terinspirasi dari suhrawardî yang mengalami penyaksian ruhaniah sebagai jawaban atas persoalan epistemologi yang dihadapinya.49 kendati demikian, mulla sadra memantapkan prinsip ini sebagai dasar pijakan epistemologinya. sebelum melangkah pada bahasan selanjutnya, menurut beberapa ulasan terkait hal ini, seperti disampaikan murtadha muthahhari, persoalan eksistensi mental merupakan tema penting yang kurang mendapat perhatian. pasalnya, menurut muthahhari kurang perhatiannya pembahsan ini berlangsung pada masa nashir al-din al-thusi. muthahhari menambahkan, dalam filsafat peripatetik tidak ada istilah yang semisal dengan wujud mental.50 berdasarkan kajian terdahulu mengenai kemendasaran wujud, dijelaskan bahwa mendahulukan keseluruhan eksistensi adalah suatu cara atau modus melihat bagian-bagian yang lain untuk menyingkap segala sesuatu. berbeda dengan aliran peripatetik, yang meyakini bahwa untuk mengungkap realitas sesuatu konsep kognitif yang ditelusuri melalui fakultas-fakultas jiwa merupakan sarana untuk mengungkap segala sesuatu. walaupun aliran peripatetik mengakui dan setuju akan wujud fundamental, secara praktik masih mengutamakan forma, ide dan konsep keapaan (esensi).51 hemat penulis, eksistensi mental mulla sadra merupakan kunci epistemologi, karena melalui keyakinannya eksistensi sesuatu di luar akan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8484848484 afkaruna dapat ditentukan status ontologis dan epistemologisnya. dengan kata lain, kemunculan wujud mental untuk menentukan jarak demarkasi antara wujud luar akal dan wujud dalam akal. dalam wujud mental ini oleh para ahli logika muslim disebut dengan rumah dalam akal atau gambar-gambar wujud luar yang ada dalam akal kita.52 dengan demikian landasan epistemologi mulla sadra tidak bisa dipisahkan dari landasan ontologisnya. pembahasan al-wujud al-dzihni menurut fazlur rahman diketengahkan oleh mulla shadrasebagai bentuk apresiasi terhadap aliran peripatetik dan iluminasi berkenaan dengan penetapan bagaimana objek luar akal dapat dipahami oleh subjek sebagaipengetahuan dalam teori pengetahuansadra. menurutnyadalam persepsi indra, objekluar akal dalam dirinya tidak dapat hadir dalam pikiran tanpa kesederhanaan jiwa yang menciptakan statusnya sebagai agen aktif dalam proses persepsi. ada beberapa alasan yang melatarbelakangi mulla sadra saat mengupas persoalan ini terutama dengan implikasi konsep mental terhadap persepsi sensual, di atantaranya: pertama, terkait wujud sebagai idealitas (i’tibarî). mulla sadra pada awalnya mengikuti gurunya mir damad, bahwa setiap entitas memiliki dua aspek yaitu keberadaan (eksistensi) dan keapaan (kuiditas). dijelaskan bahwa keberadaan sesuatu di alam eksternal saat dipersepsi memiliki dua konsep di dalam benak kita, konsep pertama, berkaitan dengan eksistensi, konsep kedua berkaitan dengan kuiditas.53 sementara itu, dalam persepsi sensual wujud mungkin memberikan andil dalam menentukan dua modus konsep di atas di mana objek luar akal merupakan realitas sesuatu yang dapat ditangkap oleh indera, karena itu, yang asli adalah wujud, sedangkan mahiyah merupakan idealitas. alasan kedua, keberadaan sesuatu, pada hakikatnya adalah gambaran universal. karena konsep yang sifatnya universal itu tidak dapat diterapkan pada konsep yang bersifat partikular yang dapat dipersepsi oleh indera manusia.54 dengan demikian esensi atau keapaan merupakan gabungan dari beberapa konsep universal. misalnya: binatang rasional, kemudian manusia, pemahat. karena itu, sebagai suatu konsep yang universal maka atribut universal pada prinsipnya adalah aksiomatis. pada alasan pertama, seperti telah banyak diulas oleh para neo-sadrian, sekilas konsep keaslian dan idealitas seperti berlawanan. padahal langkah sadra mengetengahkan prinsip wujud mental hanya untuk membedakan manakah di antara keduanya yang menjelma dalam realitas objektif di luar diri kita. 55 dengan demikian, realitas objek yang ada di luar akal merupakan cetakan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8585858585vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 mental kita yang menjelaskan batasan wujud di luar itu.56 pemilahan wujud mungkin merupakan keberadaan dari entitas yang ada bisa bersifat niscaya dalam dirinya disebabkan olehtabiatnya sendiri atau tidak niscaya. wujud yang tidak niscaya dalam dirinya bisabersifat tidak mungkin atau mungkin, apapun yang tidak mungkin dalam dirinya tidakbisa menjadi ada. tuhan, yang esensi dan eksistensinya sama, adalah satu-satunya wujud yang nicayadalam dirinya. segala sesuatu selaintuhan secara inheren dipengaruhi oleh kemungkinan. sesuatu yang mungkin dalam wujud metal tidakpernah bisa melepaskan kemungkinannya dalam setiap tahap karirnya dan tidak pernahmenjadi niscaya sendiri seperti tuhan. karena dalam setiap sesuatu yang mungkin,pasti ada dualitas atau bahkan kesenjangan tertentu antara esensi dan eksistensimereka, tidak seperti tuhan yang esensi-nya sama dengan eksistensi-nya, sehinggakesatuan sejati terwujud. dalam kesempatan berbeda, berkenaan dengan diskursus wujud secara umum, para neo-sadrian memiliki istilah-istilah yang dipilih untuk memudahkan pembedaan terhadap objek yang dikaji. misalnya, eksistensi mental dapat disebut dengan keberadaan subjektif yang artinya keberadaan segala sesuatu yang bergantung pada persepsi. sedangkan wujud luar akal (al-wujud al-khariji) dipahami sebagai keberadaan objektif segala sesuatu yang bukan sebagai hasil konsepsi manusia. wujud mental adalah salah satu topik yang diadopsi mulla sadra secara langsung dari pemikiran sufi. konsep ini diambil dari ide yang terkenal tentang kesatuan wujud dan kemendasaran wujud. wujud adalah realitas tunggal yang memiliki tingkatan-tingkatan yang berbeda-beda mulai dari ide-ide ilahiyyah (a’yan al-tsabitah). dan wujud mental merupakan salah satu dari tingkatan-tingkatan tersebut.57 adapun realitas yang mewujud di alam mental, maka sejatinya sifat-sifat eksternalnya harus mewujud di dalam mental tersebut. artinya, jika api dipahami, maka sifat panas dan sifat membakarnnya juga harus mewujud di dalam pikiran. atau, jika ada gunung emas, meskipun dalam realitas objektif tidak benar-benar ada, namun maka ia hadir dalam pikiran kita. dengan demikian, implikasi wujud mental terhadap persepsi sensual sebenarnya ada di dalam pikiran, tujuannya untuk memberikan makna terhadap realitas sesuatu. tetapi wujud mentalnya merupakan suatu bayang-bayang dari wujud eksternalnya. namun karena jiwa secara gradual mengaktualkan potensinya untuk mengetahui alam yang lebih tinggi, maka objek-objek yang dipahaminya pun akan mengalami proses peningkatan di dalam intensitasnya.58 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8686868686 afkaruna kelemahan empirisisme dan kritik terhadapnya dalam perjalanan sejarah kehidupan manusia, tercatat bahwa untuk mendapatkan kebenaran, baik kebenaran yang berasal dari luar maupun dari dalam dirinya, manusia senantiasa mempergunakan seluruh keberadaanya secara utuh dan menyeluruh. dengan cara seperti itu telah memungkinkan dihasilkannya berbagai macam metode sebagai suatu sarana atau instrumen bagi manusia dalam mendapatkan kebenaran. dari sekian metode yang ada untuk memperoleh kebenaran, metode ilmiah merupakan salah satu metode yang besar sekali pengaruhnya dalam kehidupan manusia. metode ilmiah ini pada prinsipnya adalah hasil pengembangan dari penerapan dua paham berpikir filosofis, yakni paham rasionalisme dan empirisisme. namun demikian, apabila dengan cermat kita memperhatikan perjalanan sejarah perkembangan kedua aliran itu, keduanya tidak terlepas dari berbagai kritik. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa baik rasionalisme maupun empirisisme mengandung titik-titik lemah yang dapat kita anggap sebagai keterbatasan dari kedua aliran filsafat tersebut. pemikiran empirisisme lahir sebagai suatu sanggahan terhadap aliran filsafat rasionalisme yang mengutamakan akal sebagai sumber (kebenaran) pengetahuan. untuk lebih memahami filsafat empirisisme, kita perlu terlebih dahulu melihat dua ciri pendekatan empirisisme, yaitu: pendekatan makna dan pendekatan pengetahuan. pendekatan makna menekankan pada pengalaman; sedangkan, pendekatan pengetahuan menekankan pada kebenaran yang diperoleh melalui pengamatan (observasi), atau yang diberi istilah dengan kebenaran a posteriori. para tokoh filsafat mengembangkan pemikiran empiris karena mereka tidak puas dengan cara mendapatkan pengetahuan sebagaimana dipercayai oleh aliran rasionalisme. rrasionalisme dalam mencari kebenaran sangat menjunjung tinggi penalaran atau yang disebut dengan cara berpikir deduktif, yaitu pembuktian dengan menggunakan logika. sebaliknya john locke, berpikir deduksi relatif lebih rendah kedudukannya apabila dibandingkan dengan pengalaman indera dalam pengembangan pengetahuan. locke sangat menentang pendapat mazhab rasionalisme yang menyatakan bahwa pengetahuan seseorang sudah dibawa sejak lahir. menurut locke, pikiran manusia ketika lahir hanyalah berupa suatu lembaran bersih (tabula rasa), yang padanya pengetahuan dapat ditulis melalui pengalamanpengalaman inderawi. lebih lanjut ia berpendapat bahwa semua fenomena dari pikiran kita yang disebut ide berasal dari pengamatan atau refleksi. inilah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8787878787vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 tesis dasar empirisisme. dengan tesis inilah locke mempergunakannya sebagai titik tolak dalam menjelaskan perkembangan pikiran manusia. bacon juga berkesimpulan bahwa logika hanyalah membawa kerugian daripada keuntungan. sebab bagi bacon, penalaran hanya berupa putusanputusan yang terdiri dari kata-kata yang menyatakan pengertian tertentu. sehingga bilamana pengertian itu kurang jelas maka hanyalah dihasilkan suatu abstraksi yang tidak mungkin bagi kita untuk membangun pengetahuan di atasnya. bacon beranggapan, untuk mendapatkan kebenaran maka akal budi bertitik pangkal pada pengamatan inderawi yang khusus lalu berkembang kepada kesimpulan umum. pemikiran bacon yang demikian ini, kemudian melahirkan metode berpikir induksi. sistematika dalam metode ilmiah sesungguhnya merupakan manifestasi dari alur berpikir yang dipergunakan untuk menganalisis suatu permasalahan. alur berpikir dalam metode ilmiah memberi pedoman kepada ilmuwan dalam memecahkan persoalan menurut integritas berpikir deduksi dan induksi. pola berpikir yang dikembangkan dalam metode ilmiah memperlihatkan dengan jelas peran penting empirisisme yang menekankan pembuatan kesimpulan secara induksi. empirisisme berfungsi untuk menguji hasil penalaran terhadap permasalahan yang dibangun atas dasar deduksi. penalaran yang dilakukan dengan mengkaji teori-teori dalam memahami permasalahan fakta hanya bisa sampai pada perumusan hipotesis. penalaran hanya memberi jawaban sementara, bukan kesimpulan akhir. oleh sebab itu agar sampai kepada kesimpulan akhir, empirisisme diperlukan untuk menguji berbagai kemungkinan jawaban dalam hipotesis. untuk menguji jawaban-jawaban yang ada, ilmuwan harus masuk ke alam nyata. fakta-fakta atau bukti-bukti yang relevan dengan objek permasalahan harus dikumpulkan, disusun dan dianalisis. di sinilah tugas empirisisme. namun demikian peranan empirisisme bukan saja hanya berkaitan dengan tugas pencarian bukti-bukti atau yang lebih dikenal dengan pengumpulan data. tetapi, sejak awal pengkajian masalah sebenarnya kerja empirisisme sudah terlibat. pengalaman-pengalaman ilmuwan yang berkaitan dengan objek permasalahan sudah diperlukan dalam memberi analisis terhadap fakta permasalahan. mekanisme ini merupakan sisi lain dari empirisisme dalam metode ilmiah. jadi empirisisme tidak saja hanya diperlukan dalam pengumpulan data, tetapi sudah dimulai sejak awal perumusan masalah. keterbatasan empirisisme dalam perannya menyumbangkan pengetahuan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8888888888 afkaruna melalui metode ilmiah dianalisis dari kritik-kritik yang diberikan terhadapnya. kritik terhadap empirisisme yang diungkapkan mary midgley menarik disimak bahwa di samping persoalan moral, ada kecenderungan dasar manusia untuk mereduksi dan menyederhanakan segala sesuatu. kebebasan manusia tidak lagi diukur oleh agama dan moral. karena manusia melakukan tindakan tidak terkait dengan moral dan agama, melainkan karena pengaruh dari neurologi.59 dalam buku yang lain, mary midgley mengeritik epistemologi positivisme sebagai anak kandung empirisisme, dijelaskan bahwa sejak abad pencerahan, sains berkembang begitu cepat, sains merupakan jalan keselamatan karena merupakan cara memahami realitas dunia dan kawasan itu adalah urusan sains semata. dengan kata lain, ilmu-ilmu yang non-saintifik dalam pengertian ilmu-ilmu alam dipandang sebagai kelas nomor dua.60 menariknya, midgley menemukan bahwa ide awalyang membentuk cara pandang dunia saintifik tersebutjustru berasal dari puisi, bukan sains, yakni dari syairfilsuf romawi, lucretius, “de rerum natura”. dalam puisi tersebut, lucretius menawarkancara pandang yang berbeda dari orang pada zamannyayang lebih banyak merujuk ke kredo agama ataupunfilsafat.61 atomisme yang ia tawarkan menyatakan bahwasegala sesuatu di dunia ini dikomposisikan oleh partikel-partikel kecil yang tak dapat dipecah atau direduksi kehal lain, yang pergerakannya, tabrakannya, kombinasinyamendasari varietas penampakan yang tanpa batas. ketikamenunjuk soal atomistik, lucretius tidak memakai alasanlogis ataupun eksperimental tetapi malah memakaimedium sastra untuk menunjukkan visi imajinatiftentang realitas.62 untuk itu, selain kritik mary midgley, dalam filsafat islam khususnya eksistensialisme sadra layak diungkapkan mengingat berapa hal, yaitu. pertama, pengalaman yang merupakan dasar utama empirisisme seringkali tidak berhubungan langsung dengan kenyataan obyektif. pengalaman ternyata bukan semata-mata sebagai tangkapan pancaindera saja. sebab seringkali pengalaman itu muncul yang disertai dengan penilaian. dengan kajian kritis diperoleh bahwa konsep pengalaman merupakan pengertian yang tidak tegas untuk dijadikan sebagai dasar dalam membangun suatu teori pengetahuan yang sistematis. disamping itu pula, tidak jarang ditemukan bahwa hubungan berbagai fakta tidak seperti apa yang diduga sebelumnya. karena itu bagi sadra pengalaman tidak berdiri sendiri, pengalaman begitu sederhana karena dialami langsung tanpa perlu pembuktian observatif. kedua, dalam mendapatkan fakta dan pengalaman pada alam nyata, manusia sangat bergantung pada persepsi indera. pegangan empirisisme yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8989898989vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 demikian menimbulkan bentuk kelemahan lain. pancaindera manusia memiliki keterbatasan. sehingga dengan keterbatasan pancaindera, persepsi suatu objekyang ditangkap dapat saja keliru dan menyesatkan. di sisi lain, persepsi sensual bersifat sementara dan rapuh karena tidak sejalan dengan prinsip gerak trans-substansial yang memadukan ruang dan waktu secara berkelanjutan untuk mencapai kesempurnaan. ketiga, di dalam empirisisme pada prinsipnya pengetahuan yang diperoleh bersifat tidak pasti. prinsip ini sekalipun merupakan kelemahan, tapi sengaja dikembangkan dalam empirisisme untuk memberikan sifat kritis ketika membangun sebuah pengetahuan ilmiah. semua fakta yang diperlukan untuk menjawab keragu-raguan harus diuji terlebih dahulu. bagi sadra, uji coba (tajribah) yang digunakan ilmuwan barat bersifat kuantitatif semata, tapi dalam filsafat islam unsur kualitas menjadi penting karena selain pengalaman biasa juga dilengkapi pengalaman spiritual sehingga manusia tetap dalam pedoman moral dan agama. bagaimana pun juga sesuatu yang pertikular, terbatas dan individual dapat diterapkan ke konsep yang universal padahal percobaan membutuhkan perangkat lain seperti hukum kausalitas yang justeru mereka sendiri tidak mengakuinya. pada kondisi yang lain, persepsi sensual hanya mencerap objek eksternal sebagai cetakan gambar yang disimpan ke dalam benak. persepsi ini tidak dapat memastikan apakah gambaran itu asli atau imitasi, misalnya sebatang kayu yang dicelupkan ke dalam air, akan terilihat bengkok, karena yang ditangkap oleh indera kita sebagai kayu yang tidak lurus. aliran empirisisme percaya bahwa sumber utamapengetahuan model ini bersandar pada hukun sebab-akibat, sementara hubungan kausalitas tidak tertangkap oleh indera. pengalaman-pengalaman yang dibangun sebagai dasar kebenaran harus didukung dengan teori-teori yang relevan. bergantung pada pengalaman pribadi saja bisa menimbulkan subjektivitas yang tinggi. oleh sebab itu kajian terhadap pengetahuan-pengetahuan yang sudah ada sebelumnya harus dilakukan sehingga kebenaran yang ingin didapatkan memiliki sifat obyektivitas yang tinggi. pengetahuan tidak semata-mata mulai dari pengalaman saja, tetapi ia harus menjelaskan dirinya dengan pengalaman-pengalaman itu. dari sudut pandang yang lain, kritik terhadap empirisisme perlu juga dipahami sebagai kritik terhadap ilmu pengetahuan. dengan adanya keterbatasan dalam empirisisme sebagai salah satu prosedur dari metode ilmiah, memberi gambaran kepada kita bahwa kebenaran dalam ilmu pengetahuan bukanlah satu-satunya kebenaran yang ada. tetapi sebagai ilmuwan, kita harus ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9090909090 afkaruna dengan rendah hati mengakui bahwa di luar ilmu pengetahuan masih terdapat kebenaran lain. dengan demikian, kebenaran ilmu pengetahuan tidak bisa berjalan sendiri, tetapi didalam membangun keharmonisan dan keseimbangan hidup, kebenaran ilmu pengetahuan perlu berdampingan dengan kebenarankebenaran dari pengetahuan lain, seperti seni, etika dan agama. pengetahuanpengetahuan lain di luar ilmu pengetahuan ilmiah perlu dipahami pula agar dapat menciptakan atau menghasilkan nuansa yang lebih dinamis pada pengetahuan ilmiah. catatan akhir 1 anil gupta, empiricism and experience, (new york: oxford university press, 2006), h. 3-4. 2 bertrand russell, sejarah filsafat barat, terj: sigit jatmiko, dkk, cet. 3 (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2007), h. 799-800. 3 franz magnis suseso, filsafat sebagai ilmu kritis, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 1992), h. 74 4 arthur d. smith, the problem of perception, (cambridge, massachussets: harvard university press, 2002), h. 3 5 ahmad tafsir, filsafat umum, cet. ix, (bandung: remaja rosdakarya, 2001), h. 23 6 murtadha muthahhari, mengenal epistemologi, terj: muhammad jawad bafaqih, cet. i (jakarta: penerbit lentera, 2001) h. 17-22 7 ahmad musthofa, filsafat islam (bandung: pustaka setia, 1997), h.104 8 ahmad zaenul hamdi, tujuh filsuf muslim (yogyakarta: pustaka pesantren, 2004),h. 77-79 9 j. b. blikololong, filsafat ilmu sebuah pengantar, (depok: guna darma, 1997), h. 30-31 10 muhammad baqir ashshadr, falsafatuna, terj: m. nur mufid, cet: 3, (bandung: mizan, 1994) h. 237 11 seyyed hossein nasr, three muslim sages, third printing, (new york: caravan books, 1997), hal,39. 12 seyyed hossein nasr, three muslim sages, h. 38 13 jari kaukua, avicenna on subjectivity a philosophical study, (finlandia: university of jyväskylä, 2007), h. 20 14 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, (makassar: penerbit safinah, 2003) h. 79 15 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, h. 61 16 mahiyah dalam arti khsusus, tentunya digunakan pada wujud-wujud yang dapat diketahui melalui alam mental kita. artinya kita bisa mengetahui sedemikian rupa mahiyah wujud tersebut dengan bantuan alam mental kita. lihat: mohsen gharawiyan, pengantar memahami buku daras filsafat islam, (jakarta: sadra ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9191919191vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 press, 2012), h. 88 17 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, h. 67 18 syaifan nur, mulla sadra pendiri mazhab hikmah muta’aliyyah, (jakarta: penerbit teraju, 2003), h. 114 19 sayeh meisami, mulla sadra makers of the muslim world, (united kingdom: one world publications, 2013),h.44-45 20 sayeh meisami, mulla sadra makers, h.45 21 murtadha muthahhari, mengenal epistemologi,h.50 22 murtadha muthahhari, mengenal epistemologi, terj: muhammad jawad bafaqih, (jakarta: penerbit lentera, 2001), h.55 23 ibrahim kalin, tiga pandangan sains dalam dunia islam, lihat: muzzafar iqbal, dkk (ed), tuhan, alam dan manusia, perspektif sains dan agama, terj: ahsin muhammad, dkk, (bandung: mizan, 2006), h. 133 24 husain heriyanto, paradigma holistik, dialog filsafat sains dan kehidupan menurut shadra dan whitehead, (jakarta: penerbit teraju, 2003), h.40. 25 stephen w. hawking, teori segala sesuatu asal-usul dan kepunahan alam semesta, terj: ikhlasul ardi nugroho, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2014), h. 9 26 mulyadhi kartanegara, nalar religius menyelami hakikat tuhan, alam dan manusia, (jakarta: penerbit erlangga, 2007), hal 67. 27 seyyed hossein nasr, three muslim sages, h. 65 28 a. sonny keraf dan mikhael dua, ilmu pengetahuan sebuah tinjauan filosofis, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 2001),h. 20 29 sebuah kata pengantar dari fuad hasan tentang betapa pentingnya gagasan dan wawasan untuk mengembangkan ilmu pengetahuan. lihat: conny semiawan, dkk, panorama filsafat ilmu landasan perkembangan ilmu sepanjang zaman, (jakarta: teraju, 2007), h. xi 30 secara umum objek ada dua unsur yaitu objek material dan objek formal. objek material adalah segala sesuatu yang ada, baik yang ada dalam pikiran dan yang ada dalam dunia eksternal. objek formal adalah pisau bedah sebagai sudut pandang subjek saat menelaah objek materialnya. sementara setiap ilmu pasti berbeda dalam objek formalnya. lihat: anton beker, antropologi metafisik, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 2000), h. 12 31 idealisme, teori ini berpendapat bahwa mempunyai gambaran yang benar-benar tepat dan sesui dengan kenyataan adalah mustahil. pengetahuan adalah proses mental, atau proses psikologis, dan ini bisa bersifat subjektif. oleh karena itu pengetahuan dari seorang idealis hanya merupakan gambaran subjektif dan bukan objektif tentang kenyataan. kedua, realisme, paham ini mempunyai pandangan yang realistis terhadap dunia. pengetahuan menurut realisme adalah gambaran, atau duplikasi yang sebenarnya dari apa yang ada dalam alam nyata (dari fakta, atau dari hakikat). lihat: harun nasution, falsafat agama, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 2003), h. 7-8 32 fazlur rahman, the philosophy of mulla sadra, (albany: state university of new york press, 1976) h. 296-297 33 kholid al-walid, perjalanan jiwa menuju akhirat (filsafat eskatologi mulla sadra), ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9292929292 afkaruna (jakarta: sadra press, 2012),h. 53 34 kholid al-walid, perjalanan jiwa, h. 55 35 toshihiko izutsu,the fundamental structure of sabzawarie’s metaphysics, (tehran: tehran university, 1968), h. 60 36 murtadhamuthahhari, filsafat hikmah pengantar pemikiran shadra, terj: tim penerjemah mizan, (bandung: mizan, 2002), h. 97 37 kholid al-walid, perjalanan jiwa, h. 55 38 ali al-haji hasan, al-hikmah al-muta’aliyah ‘inda sadr al-muta’alihin asy-syiroji, (beirut: darul hadi, 2005), hal 239 lihat juga: mulla sadra, al-hikmah muta’aliyah fi al-ashfar al-aqliyah al-arba’ah, (beirut: al-dar al-kutub, 2002) jilid ketiga, h. 296 39 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, h.20 40 mulla sadra, al-hikmah al-muta‘alîyah fî al-asfar al-‘arba‘ah al-‘aqlîyah, vol. 1,h. 33. 41 kholid al-walid, perjalanan jiwa, h. 54 42 mehdi hairi yazdi, the principles of epistemology in islamic philosophy, (new york: state university of new york press, 1992), h. 1 43 machasin, epistemologi kalam abad pertengahan, (yogyakarta: lkis, 2003), h. 68 44 machasin, epistemologi kalam, h. 15 45 machasin, epistemologi kalam, h. 11 46 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, h. 121 47 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, h. 53 48 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, h. 29 49 kholid al-walid, perjalanan jiwa, h. 43 50 murthada muthahhari, filsafat hikmah, h. 85 51 husain heriyanto, paradigma holistik, h. 158 52 hasan a. a, ringkasan logika muslim, (jakarta: yayasan al-muntazhar, 1992), h. 19-20 53 muhammad nur, wahdah al-wujud ibn arabi dan filsafat wujud mulla sadra, (makassar: chamran press, 2012), h. 64 54 kholid al-walid, perjalanan jiwa, h. 43 55 mohsen gharawiyan, filsafat islam, h. 91 56 mohsen gharawiyan, filsafat islam, h. 91 57 fadlou shehadi, metaphysics in islamic philosophy, (new york: caravan books, 1982), h. 132 58 mustamin al-mandary (ed), menuju kesempurnaan, h. 29 59 lihat mary midgley, the ethical primate, human, freedom and morality, (london: routledge, 1994), h. 123 60 mary midgley, wisdom, information and wonder, (london: routledge, 1991), h. 185 61 mary midgley, science and poetry, (london: routledge, 2001), h. 23 62 mary midgley, science and poetry, h. 23 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9393939393vol. 12 no. 1 juni 2016 daftar pustaka hanafi, ahmad. 2001.teologi islam. jakarta: bulan bintang. musthofa, ahmad. 1997.filsafat islam. bandung: pustakasetia. tafsir, ahmad. 2001.filsafatumum, cet. ix. bandung: remajarosdakarya. hamdi, ahmad zaenul.2004.tujuhfilsuf muslim. yogyakarta: pustakapesantren, hasan, alial-haji.2005.al-hikmah al-muta’aliyah ‘inda sadr al-muta’alihinasy-syiroji. beirut: darulhadi. gupta, anil.2006.empiricism and experience. new york: oxford university press. baker, anton. 2000.antropologimetafisik. yogyakarta: kanisius. smith, arthur d. 2002. the problem of perception. cambridge, massachussets: harvard university press. hasan, alial-haji. 2005.al-hikmah al-muta’aliyah ‘inda sadr al-muta’alihinasy-syiroji. beirut: darulhadi. russell, bertrand. 2007.sejarahfilsafat barat, terj: sigitjatmiko, cet. 3. yogyakarta: pustakapelajar. semiawan, conny, dkk. 2007. panorama filsafat ilmu landasan perkembangan ilmu sepanjang zaman. jakarta: teraju. shehadi, fadlou. 1982.metaphysics in islamic philosophy. new york: caravan books. rahman, fazlur. 1976.the philosophy of mullasadra. albany: state university of new york press. suseno, franz magnis. 1992. filsafat sebagai ilmu kritis. yogyakarta: kanisius. nasution, harun. 2003.falsafat agama. jakarta: bulanbintang. hasan, a. a. 1992.ringkasan logika muslim. jakarta: yayasan al-muntazhar. heriyanto, husain. 2003.paradigma holistik:dialog filsafat, sains dan kehidupan menurut sadra dan whitehead. jakarta: teraju. j. b. blikololong. 1997. filsafat ilmu sebuah pengantar. depok: guna darma. kaukua, jari. 2007.avicenna on subjectivity: a philosophical study. findlandia: university of jyväskylä. al-walid, khalid. 2012. perjalananjiwamenujuakhirat(filsafateskatologimullasadra. jakarta: sadra press. machasin. 2003.epistemologikalam abad pertengahan. yogyakarta: lkis. midgley, mary. 1994. the ethical primate, human, freedom and morality. london: routledge. midgley, mary. 1991.wisdom, information and wonder. london: routledge. midgley, mary. 2001.science and poetry. london: routledge. yazdi, mehdi haeri. 1992.the principles of epistemology in islamic phlosophy: kowledge by presence. albany: state university of new york. gharawiyan, mohsen. 2012.pengantarmemahamibukudarasfilsafat islam, terj: muhammad nurdjabir. jakarta: sadra press. ash-shadr, muhammadbaqir. 1993.falsafatuna, terj: m. nur mufid, cet. 3. bandung: penerbit mizan. nur, muhammad. 2012.wahdah al-wujud ibn ‘arabi dan filsafat wujud mulla sadra. makassar: chamran press. sadra, mulla,. 1981.al-h ikmah al-muta‘alîyah fî al-asfar al-‘arba‘ah al-‘aqlîyah,vol. 1 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9494949494 afkaruna beirut: dar ihya wa al-turats al-‘arabi. k art anegara, mulyadhi,. 2007. nalarreligiusmenyelamihakikattuhan, alamdanmanusia, jakarta: penerbiterlangga. muthahhari, mur tadha. 2001. mengenalepistemologi, terj: muhammad jawadbafaqih. jakarta: penerbitlentera. al-mandary, mustamin. 2003.menujukesempurnaan. makassar: penerbitsafinah. ted, peter,dkk. 2006.tuhanalamdanmanusia, persepektifsainsdan agama,terj: ahsin muhammad, dkk. bandung: mizan. meisami, sayeh. 2013.mulla sadra makers of the muslim world. united kingdom: one world publications. nasr, seyyedhossein. 1997. three muslims sages, third edition. new york: caravan books. keraf, sonny dandua, mikhael. 2001.ilmupengetahuansebuahtinjauanfilosofis. yogyakarta: kanisius. hawking, stephen w. 2014.teori segala sesuatu asal-usul dan kepunahan alam semesta, terj: ikhlasul ardi nugroho. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. izutsu, toshihiko. 1971. the concept and reality of existence. japan: keio university. izutsu, toshihiko. 1968. the fundamental structure of sabzawarie’s metaphysics. tehran: tehran university. layout afkaruna desember 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 islam and social integration in the reflection of the nusantara society suryo ediyono universitas sebelas maret of surakarta ediyonosuryo@yahoo.com abstract religion as a living reality of praxis system reflects the power of flexibility, appreciation and accommodation of growing traditions and cultures. social integration is the social process of a particular member of society regardless of the cultural and religious diversity embraced, they are aware of the obligation to build solidarity based on strong relationships in building the nation. the process of social integration can work well if supported by good social norms and customs. social norms and customs are the elements governing behavior and demanding how cultured muslim societies behave. this research is designed using descriptive approach that aims to create a description or description systematically, factually, and accurately about the facts, properties, and relationships between the phenomena studied. the results of this study indicate that social integration in islam is often found in people who view islam as an understanding that can be compatible with the values of local tradition, this concept is known as cultural islam. cultural islam is a process in which external elements are accepted by local elements or vice versa. indonesian clerics have managed to integrate islam and keindonesiaan, so that regional traditions with restrictions that are adjusted to islamic values. keywords: social integration; islam; culture abstrak agama sebagai realitas hidup sistem praksis mencerminkan kekuatan fleksibilitas, penghargaan dan akomodasi tradisi dan budaya yang berkembang. integrasi sosial adalah proses budaya keragaman budaya dan agama, dan mereka sadar akan kewajiban membangun solidaritas berdasarkan hubungan yang kuat dalam membangun bangsa. proses integrasi sosial dapat bekerja dengan baik didukung oleh norma dan kebiasaan sosial yang baik. norma dan kebiasaan sosial adalah perilaku pemerintahan yang berperilaku. penelitian ini dirancang untuk menggambarkan fakta, sifat, dan hubungan antara fenomena yang diteliti. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa integrasi sosial ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0071.148-167 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 150150150150150 afkaruna dalam islam sering ditemukan pada orang-orang yang memandang islam sebagai pemahaman yang dapat sesuai dengan nilai-nilai lokal. tradisi, konsep ini dikenal dengan budaya islam. budaya islam adalah proses di mana unsur-unsur eksternal diterima oleh unsur-unsur lokal atau sebaliknya. ulama indonesia telah berhasil mengintegrasikan islam dan keindonesiaan, sehingga tradisi daerah dengan batasan yang disesuaikan dengan nilai-nilai islam. kata kunci: integrasi sosial; islam; budaya introduction in general, integration can be interpreted as a condition or process of unifying the previously separate parts. this process runs through the stages that pass, is the foundation for the implementation of the next stage.1 whether or not integration is functional, it must be peaceful and voluntary.2 social integration is a social process of a particular member of the community regardless of the diversity of cultures and religions it embraces them to realize the obligation of building solidarity underpinned by strong relationships in building a nation.3 durkheim4 in the study of social integration explains that social integration can be realized in the event of interdependence between specific sections. in this case solidarity is based on equality in trust and value interdependently and functionally within a heterogeneous society. this commonality in trust and value will give the collective consciousness to create unity. integration can occur because the visible shared values are understood from their functional aspects. integrity in this case focuses on the function within a society. according to durkheim, religious practice can be understood as a role for community integration and stability. social solidarity and integration are substantive issues.5 religion can be understood as the expression of an integrated society rather than as a source of community integration so that individuals who feel themselves one, partly because of the bond of blood, but also bound because it is a community with the same interests and traditions, then merged into collective consciousness. durkheim connects religion and integration which actually does not mean religion produces a cohesive society but rather the phenomenon of cohesion that has a religious quality.6 in the context of islam, religious and social integration is reflected in the concept of indigenization. indigenization refers to the process of the occurrence of islamic values in a community of citizens or nations, rather non-arab nation. the term indigenization is renowned for the cultured ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 151151151151151vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 islam. indigenization is similar to the transformation of islamic elements to indigenous cultural elements. if expanded again, indigenization is a continuation of the process of cultural acculturation; this is a process in which external elements are accepted by local elements or vice versa. this paper focuses on the interrelation between religion and society as well as social interaction between various social groups that exist in islamic discourse in the archipelago. from the study of the interrelation of religion and society, it is expected to understand the influence of religion on religious behavior of the muslim society as has been widely applied by anthropologists to islam nusantara. besides, it opens us an insight about the influence of local culture on religion, which according to clifford geertz’s observation (1962) has succesfully, gave birth to “the religion of java”. 7 similarly, the study of social interaction from various social groups is expected to generate an assumption that religion has its own integrating function (social cohesion) in society. there have been quite a lot of researches concerning the islamic values and its influence on the javanese culture. there is some conformity between them. rosyada8 concluded the four elements of islam acceptable to the culture of java, namely (1) the value of belief in supernatural powers as a resource that can bring relief and assistance to the people, (2) beliefs about the welfare of the world and the hereafter depends on good relationships with spiritual power, (3) the response is emotional, and (4) belief in the sacred. this fact can be traced in some rural java communities who constantly emphasize the principles of living in harmony, peaceful, balanced and based on social consensus. international researchers such as van der kroef9 commented on the perspective on life of the javanese as search model static, which remains obsessed with balance believing that the universe will bestow prosperity if each individual keep their mutual balance. geertz10 observed the terms of javanese culture selametan11 or a people’s thanksgiving associated with offerings to lelembut ‘unseen spirits’ as the core ritual rural community. research methods the analytical descriptive research method is a method that examines the problems in society and the prevailing procedures in society and certain situations, including about relationships, activities, attitudes, views, and processes that are taking place and the effects of a phenomenon. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 152152152152152 afkaruna descriptive research aims to create a description or picture systematically, factually, and accurately about the facts, properties, and relationships between the phenomena studied.12 in relation to this research topic, it will be examined secondary data relating to seeking justice through conceptualization and contextualization of islamic concepts that synergize with the concept of society and culture of nusantara. this is a historical approach which aimed at reconstructing the past in a systematic and objective way to find a common thread on issues that link various claims about islam nusantara. requirements for an integrity social integration occurs because social elements interact with each other. the process of social integration can work well if supported by good social norms and customs. social norms and customs are the elements that govern behavior by making demands on how people should behave. if the process of social integration is not achieved then the community will experience a social disintegration. in order for a social integration to be successfully implemented, it is necessary to take into account some of the determining conditions. karsidi13 describes some conditions for heterogeneous communities to achieve integration. according to him, integration only occurs when first, members of the community feel not harmed even the benefits will be gained greater. secondly, there is an understanding of the norm. it means challenges and how to behave in order to achieve goals in society. third, the prevailing norms must be consistent, to form a clear structure. social integration takes place through three stages. first, accommodation is an attempt by different parties to argue or contradict to seek solutions or attempt to reconcile differences or contradictions or attempt to resolve differences through coordination. second, coordination is a form of cooperation. third, assimilation or acculturation is a different cultural contact or a better meeting of two cultures. in building the value of harmony will be found this stage or in other words there are interdependent relationships so that each party aware of its role. in this process there is no in-group (us) and out-group (them), both have the same role in building a better life. according to william f. ogburn da mayer nimkoff14, the terms and condition of a successful social integration must meet certain criteria as follows; ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 153153153153153vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 a. community members feel that they are successful in filling each other’s needs with one another. this means the physical needs of clothing and food and social needs can be filled by the culture. fulfillment of these needs causes the community to keep each other’s attachment to one another. b. communities succeeded in creating consensus on the social norms and values that are preserved and made guidelines in interacting with each other, including agreeing on things that are in accordance with their culture. c. norms and social values that apply long enough and run consistently and do not change so it can be a standard rule in the process of social interaction. the dialectics of religion and culture to open up a discussion on the religious perspectives on multiculturalism, i began by asking a fundamental question. is there a religion that does not use culture as a means of the spread? is there any religion that comes from god in the form of a set of ready-made living systems for all time and place?. is there a pure religion (islam) that does not use the symbolic or cultural order that human society possesses, when it is accepted and developed in different parts of the world (arab and non-arab) ?. then is there anyone who born into a religion?. these questions are important to reflect on, since every religion, unconditionally islam is present for human beings. and when man is present, he/she walks through the realities of his life constantly confronted with and by the growing tradition around him/her. it is tradition that gives meaning, color, norms and customs so that people can survive in a community with their own ethics and aesthetics. thus, the answers to the above questions seem to be negative. this means that objectively speaking there should be no religion that does not use symbolic and cultural tools when present in the midst of human life. religion is also not a readymade operational guard in all times and times. conversely, religion is something that continues to be interpreted and developed. in the context of indonesia, islam is nothing but a religion that also contains a tradition of believers of its people who have existed and developed long before islam was present. of course it must be known that the islamic tradition and civilization that has been developing in islam is not ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 154154154154154 afkaruna merely the result of plagiarism, but also the creation of muslims themselves when interpreting the qur’an and as-sunnah on one hand, and reading the traditions that has grown on the other side. the problem then, how islam views tradition? even though, commonly the definition of tradition is still in the intellectual debate for years and years. however, tradition can simply be interpreted as a translation of the human customs, beliefs, and teachings from generation to generation. thus, the history of the past continues to occupy an important position in a tradition. tradition therefore relates not only to the basis of legitimacy, but also to the system of authority. cultured islam and reflection of the social integration in the true ideals of true islam, the coveted muslim community is not a society in which only muslims are granted their rights and are regarded as citizens, but all individuals are also entitled to their rights within the legal framework. ‘protecting those rights’ is among the basic tasks of the state. such societies do not want to dominate others and do not want to be dominated. the cultivated civil society based on the ‘collective identity’ whose attainment demands a sustained effort by scholars and thinkers. this dream cannot be realized overnight, but throughout life itself. therefore, the dream manifestations are slow, dependent on an honest understanding, a retest of the heritage of islamic civilization and its intellectual and doctrinal traditions, and a thorough, scientific and philosophical understanding of the modern world on the other. on the shoulders of the learned thinker and man the task is carried, and ultimately that success depends on the politics that serve the thought and the virtue, and does not act in the way of their work.15 the sociological discipline provides insight into how a society builds negotiations and interdependence between religion and society is an important goal of the functioning of religion in society. joacheim wach, shows the mutual influence between the two factors; first the influence of religion on society and the second, the influence of society on religion.16 the religion of java in the view of clifford geertz is the sociological impact of the interdependence relationship. given the history of islamic origins in the island of java, all religions in java are imported. hinduism comes from india, buddhism from india○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 155155155155155vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 china, islam and christianity comes from the middle east (arab).17 the original religion of java was the “religion” of the animism. it is a belief in spirits and rulers outside of itself. this historical fact reinforces that religion in java is a hybrid product of the cross-cultural culture of religions that once came there. the islamists call it a syncretic religion. walisongo realizes this as a reality so their da’wah or preaching method which renown for its tolerant and appreciatethe local traditions. the preaching of walisongo in java has used the local wisdom and tradition as a method. walisongo did not completely erase local traditions and replace them with islam. walisongo maintained the aspects of tradition and tried to adapt it to the teachings of islam without undermining its substantial value, one of the aspects is i.e. the ancient mosque building still maintains the hindubuddhist model on its three-tiered dome aspect. internally, islam and javanese culture often become the reference of the discourse of muslim life in the archipelago. over the centuries ago when islam came to the archipelago, the two dialogue with other beliefs such as hinduism, buddhism and other local religions. javanese culture, on the other hand, is a legacy of javanese society for thousands of years and continues to enrich the world’s cultural treasures. the relationship between islam and java, therefore, attracted the attention of researchers and has produced many scientific papers. indonesian clerics have managed to integrate islam and the indonesianism, so that for this area has been considered in accordance with islamic values, because islam concerns the values and norms, not the taste or ideology let alone the custom. in other words, if the value of islam is considered in accordance with local custom, it is not necessary to change according to arabian tastes, traditions, customs or ideologies, because if it is done it will cause cultural shock, while filling islamic values into the existing cultural structure is much more effective rather than replacing the culture itself.18 clifford geertz19 created an analytical framework by classifying the javanese-islamic society into three variants, namely; abangan, santri, and priyayi. for geertz it rests on the assumption that the javanese worldview is a javanese religion confronted with a social stratification system in java. this means that the three variants of javanese society are influenced by three core social structures (village, market and government bureaucracy). in its pronunciation, three different environments (rural, market and government offices) coupled with different cultural historical backgrounds ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 156156156156156 afkaruna (related to the introduction of hinduism and hindu and islamic civilization in java) have manifested the existence; abangan (emphasizing the animistic aspects), santri (emphasizing the aspects of islam) and priyayi (emphasizing the aspects of hindu).20 in venturing that view, geertz21 emphasizes that islam in java is a collection of expressions of faith, doctrine, ritual and others practiced in accordance with local traditions or places and times along with their development and spread. the phenomenon of islamic integration with the social environment of javanese society as reported by anthropologists such as geertz is a manifestation of the indigenization of islam. this phenomenon explains that in the teachings of islam is contained a dynamic religious understanding and rests on the historical journey that has been going on. consequently, the reading results obtained from these religious conscious interactions result in a different style, model or religious attitudes. in this case religion can function as a basis for a process of humanitarian awareness critical of forms of injustice, marginalization, discrimination and oppression, even in the name of religion though. between flexibility and social integration in cultured islam in a plural society, religion can be a unifying factor, as it can easily be misused as a divisive tool. religion on the one hand creates a common bond between both community members and in social obligations that help unite them.22 religion as a praxis system of living reality has the power of flexibility, appreciation and accommodation of traditions and cultures that develop from generation to generation without anyone daring to question its validity and authenticity. this belief accepted and practiced as a necessity taken for granted that no one dared to oppose it. various forms of ritual selametan (harvest, clean village, spirits worship, cemetery and circumcision) are always not considered valid if each of them to be violated/having different views from what have been inherited and taught by the ancestors. indigenous and obedient muslims in traditional mythology practice cannot be equated. it is not uncommon in certain traditional muslim societies to view such magical things as sacred places, magical performances through barongs and other ritual practices as a core part of religious practice, despite its existence outside the domain of dogma and religious teach○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 157157157157157vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 ings. such cultural terrain is seen as mere custom, although they also recognize that their involvement with the rituals will further legitimize the truth and altitude for the place’s observations. some cases in indigenous islam that hold the tradition of selametan, with its various attributes, forms, dimensions and meanings, are always oriented towards cosmic continuity and harmonization. selametan is a common phenomenon that internalizes the javanese life system, however it can be judged to be a social harmonization effort especially from islam and local traditions often packed in multivocality ritual symbols that never produce agreement, full of ambiguity but also full of order. the problem that arises is whether cultural islam can be regarded as valid in the perspective of islamic doctrine. this legitimation is important in the socialization and internalization of cultural islam as the discourse of the liberation of the ummah among muslims itself (read; radical islam). with the embedding of local values of tradition in islamic practices is in order to form an islam that is accommodative to local culture. indigenous islam is not an attempt to avoid the emergence of resistance from the strengths of local cultures, but aims to strengthen the local culture not to disappear.23 thus, the core of indigenization is a need to avoid the sharp distinction between culture and religion or more specifically between indonesian culture and islamic teachings. selamaten as an actualisation of the social integrity selametan in its extending definition concern with serving foods for offerings recited verses of the holy qur’an. the offering as the accompaniment of slametan ritual is mainly served to gain the blessing from prophet muhammad. geertz24 studied selametan which covers descriptions of (1) the core ritual in the javanese culture, (2) a ceremony inspired by understanding of animism which aims to promote solidarity among the society, and (3) the main thing in rural ritual. geertz’s understanding on this ritual appears to be contradictory to the term selametan understood by most muslim of java. the criteria provided by greertz received criticism from woodward.25 the results of this field study on the javanese culture summarized in woodward’s findings26 generate five claims (1) selametan essentially is a parable complex ritual which links barokah (blessing) ranging from the belief brought from arab culture and adapted by society in south○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 158158158158158 afkaruna east asia, (2) selametan is not only a ritual of the villagers, (3) the purpose of religious and social selametan found in the teachings of mystical islam (sufism),(4) not all elements practiced in selametan beyond the teachings of islam, it is, indeed, the essence of the teachings based on quran and hadith, (5) there is a belief which claims selametan linked with the preislamic teachings underwent a process of cultural acculturation, therefore, some cultural and religious terms brought into and acceptable to the islamic teaching. the word selamet, according to geertz has a complete meaning and has been long deemed to contain the javanese paramount values. the word selamet embodies the concept of prosperous, safe, prosperous, and protected from disturbances of natural and supernatural dangers.27 in the javanese view, the word selamet represents the whole human ideal in relation to god and the universe. from this word selamet javanese rituals appear in the form, for example, tingkeban (rituals pregnant of seven months first child), babaran, pasaran, pitonan, and others. also the salvation ceremonies for the dead, marriage, harvest, and others are basically meant to seek safety or selamet. the javanese and islamic worldviews at the sociological stage converge into cultural forms. wali songo adopted wayang, art, and gamelan in spreading islam. at that time, this method became the underlying philosophical method. secondly, socio-fact is the social system and human activities carried out in life, and the artifact, which is the form of objects or buildings that are the result of the previous two stages. from the point of this anthropological theory, the mosque’s buildings by borrowing the structures of islam are not unconscious, but are based on careful considerations. and this confirms the occurrence of the indigenization of islam in the form of artifacts. even when examined more deeply, the dome of three is actually the adoption of the hindu tradition. the triangular dome in java is almost similar to that of a mosque in kerala, south india. and the three-story building is a hindu tradition as found in the temple building both in india and in the archipelago. in java the development of islam has been interrupted by the death sentence case of sheikh siti jenar by orthodoxy defenders. it is also experienced by abangans who are criticized by orthodox muslims for practicing islamic syncretism. the peak of conflict between santri and abangan occurred in the tragedy of g 30 s in 1965 in which the killing of abangans ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 159159159159159vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 by santri affiliated with islamic organizations was conducted in a number of areas in java.28 in the context of the history of islamic civilization, there are also examples of how radical sects such as khawarij, for example, could not develop in history and died at a very short age. this is an important lesson that has become evident. the scholars of the past, apparently, have studied this iron law so they do not impose islamic teachings with a legal-formal approach. the doctrine which emphasizes the position of selametan or any religious and ritual practice with the martial arts has been practiced and passed down through thousands of years (emphasized in a case study of psht martial arts school by ediyono.29 by undergoing a ritual, martial arts practitioners may transcend physical combat to the philosophical quest for meaning. in addition, the ritual practice does not take away the combative physical element of the arts; it just establishes a connection between the individual and his universe. efforts to philosophically define the phenomenon of the religion of java for the javanese, the whole life is a manifestation of the absolute contingent. it is impossible to separate the sacred or holy with the mortal. indeed, morality does not necessarily come from religion, nor did the javanese epistemology always derive from ethics. javanese philosophy views experience of personal life as a religious experience.30 while the existence of morals or manners contribute to shaping the nature of javanese life which tries to harmonize between the microcosm and macrocosm life, vertical and horizontal relationships. in addition to maintaining good relationship with among the communities, the people concern relationship with the creature through being a devout servant of god. javanese thinking embodies a view that people can find peace through interaction with social (including the surrounding nature) to know more about the entities in themselves as divided into inward and outward parts. efforts to culturally define the phenomenon of javanese epistemology can be explored by restoring this phenomenon to the area of social science studies. revealing the logic and belief system of the javanese people in their socio-cultural realm, it bears our minds on the philosophy of symbolic meanings practiced by local people as well as the beliefs on mystical beings. concerning this attitude, malinowski31 views on the embody be○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 160160160160160 afkaruna lief systems and logic based on the ethnographic studies of southeast asian communities which include socio-cultural aspects of the population. in this case, the identity embedded in the javanese society practically concerned with the magical beliefs. ….the foundations of magical belief and practice are not taken from the air, but are due to a number of experiences actually lived through, in which man receives the revelation of his power to attain the desired end.32 the epistemology of java embodied in a term called ngelmu ‘science’ which refers to a form of mystical or spiritual, nor that it is intellectual but more likely intuitive intelligence. to discover how ngelmu obtained, one must be able to seep into his deepest heart, he or she should undergo three-dimensional processes; ranging from the coarsest part of her body, smooth and then to the most subtle, sublime and glorious.33 additionally the javanese knowledge is conceptually perceivable through performing ritual. by the symbolic ritual it was perceived as a means to seek for the truth. to confirm ricoeur’s view34 on symbol, ‘different symbols are rooted in the human experience’. based on the acculturation of javanese culture, islamic teaching inspired the principle of javanese mystical journey which summarized in four levels. the javanese spiritual journey described by hadiwijono35 departs from the outward condition, starting from the most rugged parts of the body towards the most delicate things, this belief accordingly has been much influenced by mystical islam (sufism). in islam, the lowest level in acquiring knowledge is the shari’a of life guided by religious law. the second is the tarekat ‘congregation’ that is the degree to which a person is aware at the time of undergoing the deepest meaning of life by performing rituals and obeying the religious law. the third level is hakekat ‘essential’, it is a growing level of awareness and understanding which can only be done as individual perceiving their role life entirely to serve the creator. the last level called makrifat which is the degree that the individual and his soul merges with the soul of the universe, despite of remaining the nature of human needs (eating, drinking, sleeping, etc.), at this level one regards himself as the representative of god on earth. the fundamental aspect of islamic mystical teachings which most phenomenal and adopted by the javanese culture is on a concept of manunggaling kawula gusti inspired by the islamic understanding of wahdatul wujuda ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 161161161161161vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 claim of human beings can be united with his lord. this is the highest level of knowledge in islamic mysticism.36 the religion of islam and social integration when islam has experienced indigenization, its existence is no longer cultivated in the hegemony of a single commentary such as the arabocentric interpretation characteristic of arab culture. the meaning of a scripture is often influenced by its interpreters and the interpreters are influenced by their environment and cultural inclinations. the indigenized islam is, therefore, highly relevant to the particular javanese cultural contexts and the culture of the archipelago in general. in principle, the indigenization of islam and the great ideas of the world into the javanese locality is a natural process that can not be stopped. this kind of process also occurs in other regions. as islam spread and went out from the mainstream of arabia, islam acculturated with “occupation” territories. africa, india, south asia, europe, america, southeast asia and australia are regions that have their own civilization when islam comes. that is, the interaction between intellectuals between islam and local cultures gave birth to a more insightful islamic treasury.37 this historical fact forms the basis for the theory that the indigenization of islam in java is, in essence, a continuation of the above historical process. this indigenization process takes place subtly and takes place in a time-lapse. this indigenization takes place at the community level as well as at the central level of the center of the javanese palace38. at the community level, the indigenization proceeds more slowly. while at the royal level goes faster. it should be remembered that social changes are mobilized by the elite. therefore, the palace where the king and his ruling structure can determine a set of rules. islam in the palace actually interprets islam within the framework. maha patih gadjah mada (1364 ad) has actually come into contact with islam spread through merchants in ports. just as a newcomer religion, islam has yet to show off. islam coexists with hinduism, buddhism, and javanese origin. in its contexts, of course, islam does not directly openly teach the main points of doctrine. there are compromises between islam and culture. the new converts are those who were hindus, buddhists and animists39. the converts, of course, are not entirely abandoning their old traditions. adaptation, acculturation, and enculturation ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 162162162162162 afkaruna continue to occur and shaping what islam today is largely practiced in java 1920. thus, when islam was slowly getting stronger and establish an islamic government in demak (1478-1549) and then it grabbed majapahit in 1478 ad, muslims have moved into a religious state. raden patah whose later became the king of demak is the son of one of the descendants of the majapahit who married princess of champa. in fact, according to slamet mulyana, the last kingdom of majapahit already embraced islam before it finally collapsed.40 the indigenization of islam is the stage of javanese understanding of islam. the kings of mataram islam since then no longer ask for legitimacy on the hindu-buddhist breed, still directly to the caliph in mecca. islamic symbols began to be made to enlarge the legitimacy of the kings in addition to javanese symbols. in the case of the babad tanah jawa, for example, the mataram kings were linked as compromising, supple, and more substantial in substance instead of the form.41 thus, scholars as agents of change and / or cultural intermediaries play a precise role in marrying local traditions with islamic traditions. this is different from the more formal and illegal fiqh (islamic jurisprudence) dimension so there are some clashes, although this is more “hidden” in nature. indeed there was an occurring conflict between the islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and javanese traditions. but for the javanese, harmony or harmony between jagad gedhe ‘the big universe’ (macrocosm) and jagad cilik ‘the small universe’ (microcosm) is so prominent that it is strived to be well guarded. this effort finds its form in the term selamet. the javanese have a very good concept of “rasa” ‘spiritual taste’ in the face of collisions42. and it seems that in the context of islamic indigenization has been a very successful form of religion. the indigenization of islam will continue in community dialectic with the acceleration of change both qualitatively and quantitatively. this means the involvement of the intellectual elite who plays the cultural brokers so that the islamic indigenization goes without a meaningful dispute. with a critical attitude of openness, muslim intellectual elites will respond appropriately and provide key concepts of how islamic relations and javanese culture are laid in order to generate synergies. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 163163163163163vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 conclusion religion as a living reality of praxis system reflects the power of flexibility, appreciation and accommodation of growing traditions and cultures. social integration is the social process of a particular member of society regardless of the cultural and religious diversity embraced, they are aware of the obligation to build solidarity based on strong relationships in building the nation. the process of social integration can work well if supported by good social norms and customs. social norms and customs are the elements governing behavior and demanding how cultured muslim societies behave. social integration in islam is often found in people who view islam as a concept that can be compatible with the values of local tradition; this concept is known as cultural islam. cultural islam is a process in which external elements are accepted by local elements or vice versa. indonesian clerics have managed to integrate islam and the indonesianese, so that regional traditions with restrictions will be thn adjusted to the islamic values. endnotes 1 mas’oed, politik dan pemerintahan di asia tenggara. ps ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, (1991), h. 2 2 karl w, deutsch, et al., political community and the north atlantic area. social research (24), 4 (winter 1957), h. 486-488 3 dalhat, islam and the problem of social integration in the west. (3) 7. issn: 24115681. accesed from:www.ijern.com, (2015) h. 274 4 johnson, teori sosiologi klasik dan modern, (jakarta, gramedia, 1988), h. 181188 5 ibid. h. 166 6 robert n. bellah, and hammond phillipe, varieties of civil religion,(new york: harper & row,1980) 7 harry j. benda., review: the religion of java. by clifford geertz, the journal of asian studies. association for asian studies. vol. 21, no. 3 (may, 1962), h. 403-406. doi: 10.2307/2050716 8 rosyada dede, materi pokok agama islam [trans.the subjects of islamic religion] (jakarta: departemen agama, 1995), h. 12 910 van der kroef, javanese messianic expectations’, comparative studies in society and history, v(1958-59) 11 geertz clifford, abangan, santri, priyayi dalam masyarakat jawa, terj. aswab mahasin, (bandung: dunia pustaka jaya, 1981) 12 the word selamet meaning ‘peace’ can also be interpreted as a safety (safety) can be juxtaposed with the literal meaning of meaning in harmony (harmoni164164164164164 afkaruna ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ous), is the principle of life of rural people in java. 13 moh nazir, metode penelitian, cetakan ketiga, (jakarta, ghalia indonesia, 1999) 14 ravik karsidi, masyarakat kompleks perumahan industri dan penduduk asli desa sekitarnya. (yayasan ilmu-ilmu sosial: pustaka grafiti, 1998), h. 116 15 william f. ogbur and meyer f. nimkoff., sociology, (boston, ma: houghtonmifflin, 1950). 16 ahmad s. moussalli, “modern islamic fundamentalist discources on civil society, pluralism and democracy” dalam augustus richard norton (ed.), civil society in the middle east, (1), (leiden, new york dan koln: e.j. brill, 1995), h. 83. 17 dadang kahmad, sosiologi agama, bandung: penerbit pt remajarosdakarya.,2002 h. 54 18 king, victor. t. &wilder, william. d., the modern anthropology of south-east asia (routledge curzon, 2003), h. 1047-1078. 19 abdurrahman wahid, pergulatan negara, agama dan kebudayaan, (jakarta: desantar, 2001), h. 24. 20 clifford geertz, abangan, santri, priyayi dalam masyarakat jawa, terj. aswab mahasin, (bandung: dunia pustaka jaya, 1981) 21 ibid. 22 ibid. 23 nottingham, e. k, agama dan masyarakat: suatu pengantar sosiolog, (jakarta: rajawali press, 1993), h. 42, 24 abdurrahman wahid, pergulatan negara, agama dan kebudayaan, (jakarta: desantara.2001), h. 111 25 clifford geertz, abangan, santri, priyayi dalam masyarakat jawa, terj. aswab mahasin, (bandung: dunia pustaka jaya,1981) ph. 10-15 26 contrary to geertz’s understanding is mark woodward’s understanding of the religious life of muslims in yogyakarta with the distinction between “normative aptitude” and “mysticism.” he found that the abangan-santri-priyayi division was not appropriate in the attempt to understand muslims in java. then woodward proposed five basic categories in islam in java, namely: local islam (indigenized islam), traditionalism, modernism, islamism, and neomodernism. “javanese islam in unique, not because it retains aspects of premuslim culture and religion but because of the degree to which sufi concepts of sainthood, the mystical path, and the perfection of man are employed in the formulation of an imperial cult. the state religion is, in turn, a model for traditional javanese conceptions of social order, ritual and even such aspects of social life as notions of personhood, health and illness” (pg.242). 27 mark woodward, java, indonesia and islam in global societies series 3. london, new york: springer (2011). dordrecht heidelberg. doi 10.1007/978-94-0070056-7, h. 113 28 see clifford geertz, the religion of java, h. 30-32 29 m. c. ricklefs follows geertz as mentioning the tragedy of g 30 s / pki as ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 165165165165165vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 the articulation of santri and abangan conflicts. even ricklefs firmly calls this event a turning point for abangans from islam to another religion. lihat m. c. ricklefs, “six centuries of islamization in java” dalam nehemia levtzion (ed.), conversion to islam (new york: holmes and meier publisher, inc.: 1979), 100-101. 30 suryo ediyono, psht logo as manifestation of pancasila ideological values, komunitas: international journal of indonesian society and culture, 8 (2) (2016): h. 309-318. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v8i2.7322 31 bambang sugiharto, javanese epistemology,journal melintas, (24) 3, 369384. (2008). retrieved from http://journal.unpar.ac.id, h. 373 32 malinowski b, the dynamics of culture change, (new haven: yale univ. press, 1945), h. 623 33 ibid, h. 82 34 harun hadiwijono, man in the present javanese mysticism, (netherland: bosch & keuning n.v.,1967). h. 94-115 35 ricoeur p, the symbolism of evil harper in hobart, m, (1982), ‘is interpretation incompatible with knowledge? ~ the problem of whether the javanese shadow play has meaning: (university of bielefeld, 1967) h. 68 36 harun hadiwijono, (1967).h. 94-115 37 prabowo d.p, pengaruh islam dalam karya-karya r.ng. ronggowarsito, [trans. islamic influence in the works of r.ng ronggowarsito], jogjakarta: narasi (2003)., h. 25 38 see f. rosenthal, the classical heritage in islam (london: routledge and keganpaul, 1975). juga m. fakhry, a short introduction to islamic philosophy, theology andmysticism (oxford: oneword, 1997, h. 135-137. 39 compare: darsiti soeratman, kehidupan dunia keraton surakarta1830-1939 (yogyakarta: yayasan untuk indonesia, 2000). 40 c.f.w. h. groeneveld, historical notes on indonesia and malaya: compiled from chinese sources (jakarta: c. v. bhatara, 1960), h. 49 41 selamet mulyana, runtuhnya kerajaan hindu-jawa dan timbulnya negara-negara islam di nusantara (yogyakarta: lkis, 2005). 42 a. h. johns is a major proponent of the theory that islamization in indonesia is conducted with a sufi approach. this is in line with the triumph of sufism in the muslim world after the fall of baghdad into the mongols in 1258, cited again in m. c. ricklefs, ahistory of modern indonesia since c. 1200, h. 16. also see deliar noer, gerakan modernislam di indonesia 1900-1942 (jakarta: lp3es, 1996), cet. ke-8, h. 21-22. alwi sihab, islam inklusif: menuju sikap terbuka dalam beragama (bandung: mizan, 1999), h. 7. 43 paul stange reviews the concept of “taste” in the javanese view. it says “rasa” is not just a term applied to sensory experiences that leads to aesthetics but is also a cognitive organ that is used actively in mystical practicepaul stange reviews the concept of “taste” in the javanese view. it says “taste” is not just a term applied to sensory experiences that leads to aesthetics but is also a cognitive organ that is used actively in mystical practice. see paul stange, politik ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 166166166166166 afkaruna perhatian: rasa dalamkebudayaan jawa, terj. tim lkis (yogyakarta: lkis, 1998), h. 6-7. bibliography bellah, robert n., and phillipe. hammond. 1980. “varieties of civil religion”. journal of church and state. new york: harper & row. ph. 145–146 benda, harry j. 1962.”review: the religion of java. by clifford geertz”. the journal of asian studies. association for asian studies. (21), h. 403-406. doi: 10.2307/2050716 dalhat, yusuf. 2015. islam and the problem of social integration in the west. international journal of education and research. vol. 3, 7. issn: 2411-5681. diakes pada www.ijern.com deutsch, k.w., sidney a. burrell, robert a. kann, maurice lee, jr., martin lichterman, raymond e. lindgren, francis l. loewenheim, richard w. van wagenen. 1957. “political community and the north atlantic area”. social research vol. 24, no. 4 (winter 1957), h. 486-488 ediyono, suryo. 2016. “psht logo as manifestation of pancasila ideological values”. komunitas: international journal of indonesian society and culture, 8 (2) h. 309-318. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v8i2.7322 geertz, clifford. 1981. abangan, santri, priyayi dalam masyarakat jawa, terj. aswab mahasin, bandung: dunia pustaka jaya johnson, d. paul. 1988. teori sosiologi klasik dan modern. jakarta: gramedia ogburn, william f. and meyer f. nimkoff. 1950. sociology. boston, ma: houghton-mifflin. kahmad, dadang, 2002. sosiologi agama, bandung: penerbit pt remajarosdakarya karsidi, ravik. 1998. masyarakat kompleks perumahan industri dan penduduk asli desa sekitarnya. yayasan ilmu-ilmu sosial: pustaka grafiti. king, victor. t. & wilder, william. d., the modern anthropology of southeast asia (routledge curzon, 2003) dan john r. bowen “the form culture takes: a state-of-the field essay on the anthropology of southeast asia”, the journal of asian studies, 54: h. 1047-1078. rosyada, dede. 1995. materi pokok agama islam [trans.the subjects of islamic religion] jakarta: departemen agama. mas’oed, mohtar. 1991. politik dan pemerintahan di asia tenggara. ps ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik. program pasca sarjana ugm. yogyakarta. moussalli, ahmad s. 1995. “modern islamic fundamentalist discourses on civil society, pluralism and democracy” cited in augustus richard norton (ed.), civil society in the middle east, volume 1, (leiden, new york dan koln: e.j. brill, 1995), 83; and al-hasan ibn talal, “documentation” selamet mulyana. 2005. runtuhnya kerajaan hindu-jawa dan timbulnya negaranegara islam di nusantara. yogyakarta: lkis nottingham, e. k. 1993. agama dan masyarakat: suatu pengantar sosiologi. jakarta: rajawali press robensons, roland. 1995. agama dalam analisa dan interpretasi sosiologis, jakarta: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 167167167167167vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 pt. rajagrafindo persada, selamet mulyana. 2005. runtuhnya kerajaan hindu-jawa dan timbulnya negaranegara islam di nusantara. yogyakarta: lkis stange, paul. 1998. politik perhatian: rasa dalam kebudayaan jawa, terj. tim lkis yogyakarta: lkis, h. 6-7 sugiharto, bambang. 2008. “javanese epistemology”. journal melintas, (24) 3, ph. 369-384. retrieved from http://journal.unpar.ac.id van der kroef. javanese messianic expectations’, comparative studies in society and history. v 1958-59 wahid. abdurrahman. 2001. pergulatan negara, agama dan kebudayaan. jakarta: desantara woodward, mark. 2011. java, indonesia and islam in global societies series 3. london, new york: springer dordrecht heidelberg. doi 10.1007/978-94-0070056-7 layout afkaruna juni 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 diaspora politik keluarga organisasi nahdlatul wathan pada pemilu legislatif 2014 di lombok, nusa tenggara barat fahrurrozi universitas islam negeri mataram roziqi_iain@yahoo.co.id. abstract this article confirms that the decision of nahdlatul wathan organization not to engage in the field of practical politics cannot be separated from the fact that a number of the organization’s members do the opposite. hence, such contradiction may lead to a conflict of interest between the organization’s missions, which are to solely focus on three main domains of activities: education, social transformation, and dakwah islamiyah, with a number of practically engaging members in politics who may take advantage of their nahdlatul wathan organizational position to raise voters. apart from their mission statement, nahdlatul wathan always takes a strategic position in the political culture of west nusa tenggara. this can be observed from three aspects: (1) the supported political party, (2) the owned social capital and (3) the massive organization’s role. based on these three aspects, the nahdlatul wathan and a number of its members always participate in assuming legislative and executive powers. keywords: politics, contestation, diaspora, nahdhatul wathan abstrak artikel ini menegaskan tentang pilihan organisasi nahdlatul wathan untuk tidak berpolitik praktis memang tidak bisa dipisahkan dengan pilihan keluarga besar nahdlatul wathan yang terjun ke dunia politik praktis. sedikit tidak akan bias antara khittah organisasi dengan kepentingan keluarga besar nahdlatul wathan yang bisa memanfaatkan organisasi nahdlatul wathan menjadi tunggangan politik meraih kekuasaan, terlepas dari apapun motivasinya di mana nahdlatul wathan sebagai organisasi keagamaan menegaskan dirinya hanya bergerak pada tiga domain utama; pendidikan, sosial, dan dakwah islamiyah. meskipun demikian, nahdlatul wathan selalu mengambil posisi yang strategis ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0068.82-109 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8383838383vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 dalam kancah perpolitikan di ntb. hal ini terlihat dalam beberapa aspek: pertama: aspek partai politik yang didukungnya, kedua: aspek modal sosial yang dimilikinya dan ketiga aspek peranan organisasi yang massif. ketiga aspek tersebutlah, nahdlatul wathan dan keluarga besar nahdlatul wathan selalu ikut berpartisipasi dalam merebut kekuasaan melalui lembaga eksekutif maupun legislatif. kata kunci: politik, kontestasi, diaspora, nahdhatul wathan. pendahuluan kekuasaan dan pelestarian dinasti keluarga dapat terbentuk secara melembaga dan secara kultur dengan mengedepankan teori daniel fitzpatrick tentang diaspora politik dinasti yang didasarkan pada pembentukan preferensi politik familisme yaitu faktor afeksional, seperti kepercayaan (trust), solidaritas (solidarity) maupun soliditas (solidity) yang secara keseluruhan turut menentukan eksistensi dinasti politik, baik antara anggota internal keluarga maupun kroni-kroni yang berada dalam lingkar kekuasaannya.1 secara umum, basis fondasi kekuasaan formal dinasti politik lokal di indonesia dibangun berdasarkan hubungan paternalistik melalui redistribusi program populis yang dihasilkan melalui skema politik ‘gentong babi’ (pork barrel politics) maupun politisasi siklus anggaran (politic budget cycle). hal itulah yang kemudian mendorong adanya hubungan kedekatan maupun romantisme antara pemimpin dengan rakyatnya sehingga pemimpin mudah dalam membentuk politik persuasif melalui gelontoran uang hingga ke pelosok.2 berkaitan dengan suksesi kepemimpinan, politisasi birokrat maupun sosialisasi tokoh informal masyarakat menjadi bagian intimitas yang bertindak sebagai agen intermediasi dalam memenangkan dan melanggengkan kekuasaan family politik. perbincangan mengenai dinasti politik dalam ranah politik lokal sangatlah berbeda dengan konteks dinasti politik yang terjadi di level nasional. dalam ranah lokal, romantisasi nama besar familisime menjamin suatu dinasti politik dapat eksis secara terus-menerus.3 familisme sendiri dibentuk atas tiga hal, yakni figur (personalism), klientelisme (clientelism), dan tribalisme (tribalism), sebagai ketiga kunci dalam mengurai basis-basis terbentuknya tren familisme kekuasaan dalam demokrasi lokal di indonesia. ketiga proses tersebut berperan besar dalam suksesi pemerintahan lokal di indonesia yang dilakukan dalam dua jenis yakni secara by design dan by accident. dinasti politik yang by design ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8484848484 afkaruna sudah terbentuk sejak lama dimana jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sendiri sudah kuat relasionalnya sehingga kerabat yang ingin memasuki kancah pemerintahan maupun politik sudah didesain sejak awal untuk menempati pos tertentu. adapun by accident sendiri terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan “informal” terhadap penggantinya kelak jika memang dalam pemilukada. dalam mayoritas kasus pemilukada di indonesia sendiri termasuk di lombok-ntb, suksesi kekuasaan berbasis familisme ada yang dilakukan secara by accident maupun by design di ntb. model by design yang dominan adalah istri yang maju menggantikan suami atau anak menggantikan bapaknya. sementara itu, model by accident adalah kerabat sebagai calon kepala daerah hanya sebagai bayangan atas kerabat lain yang difavoritkan akan memenangkan pemilukada. pola pengajuan kandidat tersebut biasanya dilakukan secara sporadis untuk menghalangi calon lain maju dalam proses pengajuan kandidat. dapat dikatakan bahwa intimitas hubungan keluarga kemudian menjadi platform politik guna mengamankan kekuasaan daerah. pola suksesi aksidental dalam model dinasti politik seperti ini kerap kali memunculkan anekdot kuasa gono-gini ataupun ‘arisan kekuasaan’ karena transisi kekuasaan daerah hanya terjadi di dalam satu rumah saja. selain itu, tren familisme dalam dinasti politik aksidental seperti ini tidak akan bertahan lama. hal ini karena regenerasi kekuasaan tidak dilakukan secara matang, melainkan hanya mengejar pragmatisme politik belaka. secara garis besar, konteks budaya politik familisme yang berlangsung dalam ranah politik lokal lebih mengarah pada proses figurisasi sebagai daya tarik pemilih yang kemudian dikomodifikasi menjadi dasar politis seseorang untuk menarik kerabatnya dalam lingkaran kekuasaan. dalam hal ini, perspektif budaya politik familisme sudah mengafirmasi berbagai gejala umum yang berkembang dalam mendasari dinasti politik. faktor intim, seperti kepercayaan maupun solidaritas masih ada dan berkembang hingga membentuk pemerintahan dinasti. setting sosial politik di ntb mencermati perubahan arah perpolitikan masyarakat ntb, khususnya organisasi nw, dapat dilihat dari awal mula kontaknya tgkh m. zainuddin am ke dunia politik, sebab pada saat itu sosok dialah yang paling ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8585858585vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 berpengaruh dalam mempolarisasi perpolitikan masyarakat sasak. maka dalam konteks ini perlu dibaca ulang perpolitikan tgkh m. zainiddin abdul majid sebagai landasan awal untuk melihat paradigma sosio-politik masyarakat nw. 4 karier politik tgkh m. zainuddin abdul madjid dimulai sejak ia diangkat menjadi konsulat nahdlatul ulama (nu) sunda kecil pada tahun 1950. selanjutnya ketika nahdlatul ulama bersama-sama ormas islam lainnya bergabung dalam partai majlis syura muslimin indonesia (masyumi) di nusa tenggara barat, maka ia diangkat sebagai ketua badan penasehat partai masyumi untuk daerah lombok pada tahun 1952.5 dari 1953-1955 tuan guru zainuddin menetapkan bahwa organisasi nahdlatul wathan menganut kebijakan “politik bebas”. artinya, organisasi ini tidak berafiliasi dengan kekuatan partai politik manapun. sehingga merestui terbentuknya partai nahdlatul ulama (nu), persatuan tarbiyah islamiyah (perti) dan psii di lombok pada tahun 1953 dan 1954. namun, pada tahun 1955, ia dan organisasi nahdlatul wathan memilih berafiliasi dengan partai masyumi, sehingga ia diangkat sebagai anggota konstituante periode 1955-1959, hasil dari pemilihan umum pertama pada tahun 1955. setelah partai masyumi dibubarkan, khususnya di pulau lombok, nahdlatul wathan merupakan ormas islam yang pertama kali dengan tegas mendukung terbentuknya parmusi. asumsinya, parmusi merupakan duplikasi dari partai masyumi. namun dalam perkembangan selanjutnya masyarakat nahdlatul wathan tidak dapat berperan aktif dalam partai tersebut. ini disebabkan tidak terakomodasinya aspirasi nahdlatul wathan sebagai ormas islam yang memiliki basis konstituen terbesar di pulau lombok.6 selanjutnya setelah tidak aktif di parmusi, tgkh.m.zainuddin abdul madjid dan masyarakat nahdlatul wathan, khususnya di kabupaten lombok timur, merubah haluan politiknya dengan berafiliasi kepada sekretariat bersama golongan karya (sekber-golkar), suatu organisasi yang dibentuk atas gagasan jenderal a.h nasution. dukungan ini didasarkan pada pertimbangan politik, bahwa golkar adalah partai orde baru yang dinilai sukses menumpas g30/s pki. keberhasilan ini paling tidak adalah sebuah kemashlahatan bagi kaum muslimin. dalam orgainisasi politik, aspirasi nahdlatul wathan lebih terakomodir dari pada partai politik lainnya. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8686868686 afkaruna pada pemilihan umum tahun 1982 afiliasi perpolitikan masyarakat nahdlatul wathan, khususnya lombok timur, oleh tuan guru zainuddin mengambil politik diam atau dengan istilah gerakan tutup mulut (gtm), artinya masyarakat tidak lagi disuruh untuk memilih golkar dalam pemilu ini. sehingga dengan sikap politik beliau saat itu, kader-kader nahdlatul wathan banyak yang melanggar perintah pendiri nw, sehingga saat itulah mulai terjadi konflik internal dalam tubuh nw. kader-kader yang tetap eksis di golkar saat itu adalah tgh. najamuddin ma’mun, tgh. sakaki, tgh. zaini pademare, tgh. l. zainal abidin sakra,dll.7 pada pemilihan berikutnya afiliasi politik masyarakat nw, khususnya di lombok timur menetapkan pilihan ke golkar setelah ada kontrak politik dengan elit-elit golkar pada saat itu, dengan memberikan porsi yang lebih banyak di parlemen, sehingga golkar berpikir ulang untuk tidak mengakomodir afiliasi politik masyarakat nahdlatul wathan, di mana politik diamnya pada pemilu 1982 menjadi kekalahan telak bagi partai golkar. peta perubahan politik masyarakat nahdlatul wathan, secara dramatis berubah setelah meninggalnya tgkh. m. zainuddin pada tahun 1997, kader-kader nw dan masyarakatnya ada yang tetap konsisten dengan partai golkar ada juga yang berafiliasi kepada partai-partai baru yang dibentuk pasca orde baru yaitu era reformasi.8 mengingat kondisi internal nw sepeninggal pendirinya terjadi konflik diantara kedua putri tgkh. m. zainuddin am; hj.sitti raehanun zainuddin abdul madjid (putri sulung) dan hj. raehanun (putri bungsu), api konflik ini berimbas kepada afiliasi politik kedua putrinya. 9 pada pemilihan umum pertama di era reformasi pada tahun 1999 kedua putri beliau ini berbeda aspirasi dalam partai politik. hj.sitti raehanun zainuddin abdul madjid berafiliasi pada partai daulat rakyat (pdr), sementara hj. sitti raehanun zainuddin abdul madjid tetap pada partai golkar. dengan perbedaan afiliasi politik kedua putri pendiri nw ini secara tidak lansung berimbas kepada masyarakat pengikut organisasi nw. pada pemilu 2004 kedua kubu nw ini tetap berbeda afiliasi politiknya, untuk nw pancor di bawah komando hj. sitti rauhun zainuddin abdul madjid berafiliasi ke partai bulan bintang (pbb) yang kemudian menghantarkan putranya tgh. dr. zainul madji, ma menjadi anggota dpr ri, sementara hj. sitti raehanun zainuddin abdul madjid yang berkedudukan di anjani, mendeklarasikan partai bintang reformasi (pbr) bersama kh. zainuddin mz di jakarta yang kemudian menghantarkan putranya lalu ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8787878787vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 gede syamsul mujahidin, se menjadi anggota dpr ri dan keluarga besar nw anjani, menjadi anggota dewan di tingkat provinsi, kabupaten dan kota di ntb. secara otoritatif partai yang dideklarasikan oleh hj. sitti raehanun zainuddin abdul madjid lebih didominasi oleh kader-kader nw, ketimbang di partai bulan bintang (pbr) yang masih didominasi kepengurusannya oleh organisasi selain organisasi nw. melalui pbr ini kader-kader nw versi anjani dapat duduk di parlemen baik tingkat daerah maupun tingkat nasional. pada pemilu tahun 2009 afiliasi politik masing-masing keluarga besar pendiri organisasi nw ini tetap berbeda. kubu hj. siti rauhun zainuddin abdul madjid berapfiliasi ke partai demokrat besutan susilo bambang yudoyono dan tampil sebagai pemenang. sedangkan kubu hj. sitti raehanun berafiliasi pada parta politik pbr, dan dapat mengantarkan kaderkader nw sampai tingkat dprd sedangkan untuk tingkat pusat dengan calon lalu gede syamsul mujahidin memperoleh suara yang sangat signifikan tapi karena pbr tidak sampai suara nasionalnya diambang batas minimal 2% sehingga tidak bisa menjadi anggota dewan di tingkat pusat. pada pemilihan umum legislatif tahun 2014 afiliasi keluarga besar pendiri nw ini masih tetap berbeda. siti rauhun dengan afiliasi ke partai demokrat dan pemilihan presiden ke prabowo-hatta. sedangkan sitti raehanun berafiliasi ke partai hanura dan partai pkb dan pemilihan presiden mendukung jokowi-jusuf kalla. perbedaan-perbedaan pilihan kelurga besar pendiri nw ini sedikit tidak berimplikasi kepada masyarakat akar rumput, terutama warga nahdhatul wathan. perpecahan yang terjadi di organisasi nw ini sangat berpengaruh kepada sikap politik masyarakat islam di lombok timur. sikap politik masyarakat dapat dilihat dari aspek keberpihakan mereka kepada kedua kubu nw ini. sehingga masing-masing kubu berjuang dan bekerja ekstra keras untuk memperoleh dukungan dari masing-masing masyarakat yang notabene pengikut nw. 10 dalam konteks lombok, hubungan mutualistik agama dan politik terlihat sejak tahun 1970-an. para tuan guru telah menyalurkan aspirasi politiknya pada partai-partai tertentu, dimana mereka lagi terikat dengan cara pandang konvensional yang melihat hubungan agama dan politik secara integrated, namun sudah melihat hubungan agama-politik secara symbiosis.11 dalam konteks inilah, menarik untuk diamati hubungan patron-klien ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8888888888 afkaruna yang terjadi di nusa tenggara barat, di mana pemegang otoritas agama dan pemerintahan dijabat oleh seorang tokoh agama yang lazim disebut tuan guru. tuan guru dalam jabatannya merangkap sebagai amîr-umarâ’ sekaligus alîm-ulamâ’, memiliki posisi tersendiri di kalangan masyarakat.12 fenomena keterlibatan para tuan guru dalam perubahan sosial sesungguhnya dilatarbelakangi oleh dua hal, yaitu: adanya perasaan kemasyarakatan yang mendalam dan tinggi (highly developed social sense) dan selalu mendasarkan sesuatu kepada kesepakatan bersama (general consensus).13 perpolitikan tuan guru dapat dilihat dari corak pemahaman dan karakteristik pesantren yang mereka bangun, ada yang melakoni partai politik melalui gerakan tharekat, baik tharekat naqsyabandiyah maupun tharekat qadiriyah, dll, atau melalui organisasi yang mereka pimpin, seperti organisasi nw, nu, atau muhammadiyah, maraqitta’limat, dayama dan lain-lain. secara teoritik kriteria perpolitikan politik tuan guru tersebut dikelompokkan dalam teori sistem politik keagamaan tradisional.14 pergelutan politik di wilayah ntb sama sekali berbeda dengan wilayahwilayah lain yang pernah terlihat. berbeda misalnya dengan di jawa barat. di mana meskipun di jawa barat didominasi oleh muslim nu dan muhammadiyah tapi yang menjadi gubernur adalah dari pks (yang menurut anatomi keagamaan tidak berafiliasi ke nu maupun muhammadiyah). di ntb, secara kesukuan terdiri dari 3 suku: suku sasak (di pulau lombok), suku samawa (di sumbawa) dan suku mbojo (mendiami wilayah kota bima, kab. bima dan kab. dompu). ketiga-tiganya memiliki anatomi politik tersendiri. di mana di suku sasak, sosok tuan guru (kyai kalau di sundanya) sangat sentral. ratusan tuan guru ada di pulau lombok sejalan dengan ratusan pesantren yang ada di sana. begitu juga di suku samawa, sosok tuan guru pun masih menjadi sentral. namun agak berbeda di suku mbojo, istilah tuan guru tidak ada di suku ini. sosok sentralnya malah raja, yaitu raja bima meskipun secara teritorial tidak memiliki kawasan tetapi secara adat masih sangat eksis. faktor kesukuan di atas selama ini tidak terlalu bermasalah, semuanya masih bisa disatukan dalam bingkai religiusitas. tetapi, bukan tidak mungkin, faktor kesukuan ini akan memicu konflik di kemudian hari karena perbedaan kepentingan dan wilayah. hal krusial yang ditakutkan sebagai pemicunya adalah pemekaran “provinsi pulau sumbawa” yang masih terjadi tarik-ulur. di mana kekayaan alam terpusat di pulau sumbawa sementara jumlah penduduk terbanyak terpusat di pulau lombok, dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8989898989vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 taraf hidup masyarakatnya ada kesenjangan antara pulau lombok dengan pulau sumbawa. maka, pulau sumbawa berkeinginan untuk memisahkan diri dari pulau lombok. ini, di kemudian hari, kalau provinsi pulau sumbawa dikabulkan, bukan tidak mungkin, antara suku-suku itu akan berperang. kecuali ada kekuatan besar lain yang dapat menyatukan hal tersebut. 70 persen penduduk ntb (yang berjumlah 5.3 juta penduduk) berada di pulau lombok maka otomatis anatomi politik provinsi ntb berpusat di lombok. di mana di situ ada dua organisasi massa besar: yaitu nw (nahdhatul wathan) dan nu. nw sebetulnya rumpunnya sama dengan nu, di mana pendiri nw adalah juga murid dari pendiri nu. nw merupakan upaya melokalkan kearifan lokal dengan mendirikan organisasi sendiri yang sampai sekarang sangat besar. hampir 700 pesantren berlabel nw. nu pun tak kalah besar, hanya saja jika dibandingkan dengan nw, di ntb masih besar nw.15 keluarga besar nw yang berkompetisi merebut kursi parlemen pada pemilihan umum dpr/dprd/ dpd 2014. sudah empat dekade nusa tenggara barat mengalami perubahan kepemimpinan. perubahan transisional sampai saat ini adalah bagian dari ikhtiar bangsa dengan salah satu agenda besar yang paling signifikan adalah bangkit dari keterpurukan multidimensi sehingga jelaslah setiap pemimpin selanjutnya dituntut untuk mempunyai literatur dan konsep untuk kemajuan suatu daerah. ntb adalah daerah yang terdiri dari beragam kondisi dan pola kehidupan yang membutuhkan perhatian serius oleh pemerintah. siapapun yang akan menjadi pemimpin ntb tentunya akan menghadapi tantangan untuk menjadikan daerah ini sebagai daerah yang punya daya saing atau the competitive region. dengan kondisi geografis yang terbentang luas lengkap dengan berbagai kekayaan alam yang terkandung di dalamnya, ntb akan bisa maju selangkah jika dipimpin oleh seseorang yang mempunyai kejelasan visi untuk memajukan ntb dan mempunyai pemimpin yang mampu membawa ntb ke arah perubahan yang jelas dan lebih baik. paling tidak yang dibutuhkan adalah seorang yang amanah ketika menjadi pemimpin, jujur, dan adil dalam segala hal tanpa pandang bulu.16 untuk menjawab tantangan politik yang begitu kompetitif dan dinamis, keluarga besar organisasi nahdlatul wathan dalam dua komando organisasi, pengurus besar nw pancor di bawah komando tgh. dr. m. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9090909090 afkaruna zainul majdi, ma dan pengurus besar nw anjani di bawah komando ummi hj. sitti raehanun zainuddin abdul madjid, meracik strategi yang apik untuk meletakkan calon-calon legislatif di masing-masing daerah pemilihan (dapil) dengan harapan agar kader-kader terbaik nahdlatul wathan dapat terpilih menjadi anggota dpr/dprd/dpd, guna ke depan dapat memperjuangkan aspirasi-aspirasi warga besar nahdlatul wathan di tingkat kebijakan dan kepemerintahan. pengurus besar nw masingmasing tentu memilih orang-orang yang loyalis terhadap khittah dan drap langkah perjuangan organisasi nw, terutama keluarga inti dari pendiri organisasi nw yang menjadi pilihan utama dari dua putri pendiri nw ini (ummy hj. sitti rauhun zam dan ummy hj. sitti raehanun zam).17 di antara keluarga besar pendiri nw yang terlibat lansung dalam dunia politik praktis pada perhelatan demokrasi pemilihan umum calon legislatif 9 april 2014 adalah: tgh. l. g. m. ali wirasakti amir murni, ma. menurut tgh. sakti, bahwa demokrasi yang sehat, menuntut kepada penghormatan terhadap tiap individu anggota masyarakat bagi kehidupan dan kebebasannya. di samping itu menuntut pula kepada kerjasama antara individu dan ke kelompok dalam pekerjaan yang baik. demokrasi itulah yang mendorong keberanian seseorang mencintai kebebasan yang benarbenar bersih, baik secara pribadi maupun secara kelompok yang dijiwai rasa persaudaraan dan ketulusan hati.18 saat ini yang dihendaki adalah sesuatu kehidupan demokrasi yang di dalamnya tiap individu warga negara dan generasinya berpartisipasi, ikut berperan serta dalam menyampaikan aspirasi, hingga tidak ada seorang pun yang tertinggal di luar wilayah bangsa dan tanah airnya. cita-cita besarnya adalah mendorong segenap warga negara agar dapat mengambil faedah dari perbedaan pendapat dan fikiran yang berkembang dari unsurunsur serta masyarakat yang ada. jika berpolitik mengikuti kaidah-kaidah moral, terutama etika agama, maka akibat negatif dari politik dapat dimanimalisir bahkan dapat dihilangkan. kekuasaan tidak hanya dianggap sebagai amanat yang harus dipertanggungjawabkan di hadapan manusia, tetapi harus dipertanggungjawabkan juga di hadapan allah swt harus benar-benar diemban dengan sebaik-baiknya. seorang pemimpin hendaklah bersikap adil dan bijaksana dalam menentukan suatu perkara.19 keikutsertaan tgh. gede sakti di dunia ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9191919191vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 politik praktis, sebagaimana komentarnya; saya terjun ke dunia politik praktis didorong oleh semangat ingin memperjuangkan ideologi perjuangan ninikda tgkh.m. zainuddin abdul madjid, yang tidak cukup kita berjuang hanya dengan pendekatan kultural, yang hanya mengandalkan peran serta dan partisipasi masyarakat dalam memperjuangkan ideologi dan khittah organisasi nahdlatul wathan. nw sebagai organisasi terbesar di ntb membutuhkan energi dan dorongan yang kuat dari berbagai elemen masyarakat termasuk di dalamnya partai politik. bagaimana tidak kebijakan-kebijakan strategis tidak bisa ditempuh lewat pendekatan kultural tapi harus melalui pendekatan struktural dalam hal ini melalui dewan perwakilan rakyat. 20 sejarah islam membuktikan bahwa pergantian kepemimpinan dalam islam, mulai dari kepemimpinan nabi, yang disebut dengan an-nubuwwah, merupakan tonggak awal politik di dunia islam, bahkan boleh saya katakan di dunia agama-agama besar lainnya. sebab politik kenabian yang dicontohkan oleh nabi menjadi tolok ukur politik dunia yang mereka sebut dengan politik yang profetik. begitu juga pergantian kepemimpinan pasca nabi yang disebut al-khilafah al-râsyidah merupakan awal terbentuknya sistem demokrasi di dunia, sebab demokrasi yang dipahami sekarang tidak terlepas dari sistem syura, musyawarah dalam konteks islam. berdasarkan hal tersebut, bagi saya politik menjadi suatu yang tidak baru bagi dunia ketuan-guruan, dan semestinya dijalankan oleh orang yang mengerti tentang etika politik profetik, ya dalam hal ini tokoh agama harus tampil di depan untuk memberikan contoh politik yang beretika profetik. 21 berangkat dari statement tgh sakti di atas, dapat diperjelas bahwa politik keluarga besar nw merupakan tradisi yang diwariskan oleh pendiri organisasi nw yang secara serius menekuni dunia perpolitikan. nw sebagai organisasi yang bergerak dalam tiga ranah utama, pendidikan, sosial dan dakwah, tidak akan maksimal memperjuangkan idealisasi dan konsilidasi keorganisasian jika tidak terlibat dalam dunia politik, baik masuk dalam partai politik maupun menjadi anggota parlemen. kontestasi politik yang dilakukan oleh tgh. sakti mengalami dinamika yang panjang, mulai dari partai bintang reformasi besukan kh. zainuddin mz, yang lahir dari rahim era reformasi, menjadi kendaraan utama dari keluarga besar nw anjani yang dikomandai oleh ummi hj sitti raehanun zam. melalui partai pbr keluarga-keluarga besar pendiri nw muncul ke permukaan politik menjadi anggota dewan, seperti tgh. sakti menjadi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9292929292 afkaruna anggota dprd lombok tengah 2009-2014, syamsul mujahidin, se menjadi anggota dpr ri pusat 2004-2009. kontestasi keluarga besar nw untuk pemilihan umum tahun 2014, sangat dinamis, di mana masing-masing berkompetisi dalam perolehan suara di masing-masing daerah pemilihan (dapil). tgh. sakti berkompetisi di daerah pemilihan lombok tengah dengan kendaraan politik partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) besukan muhaimin iskandar. dengan perjuangan yang kuat, dan konsulidasi politik yang konfrehensif tgh. sakti terpilih menjadi anggota dprd provinsi ntb dengan suara perolehan di pemilu dprd: 11.225. peringkat 1 dari dapil ntb 3 partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb).22 hm. syamsul luthfi, m.si. pada pilkada secara lansung pada tgl 7 juni 2008 terpilih h. sukiman azmy mantan kodim lombok timur, dan kabag umum departemen agama, menjadi bupati periode 2008-2014 berpasangan dengan h.m. syamsul lutfi sebagai wakil bupati mengalahkan dua pasangan kandidat bupati lombok timur: ali bin dahlan dan lalu ghafar ismail dan rahmat sukardi.23 politikus muda nahdlatul wathan ini, pernah menjadi wakil bupati lombok timur priode 2009-2013, melalui kendaraan politik pbb yang menghantarkannya menjadi eksekutif muda nw. dalam dialog yang peneliti dapat rekam dari konsep politik dan keterlibatan politik h.m. syamsul lutfhi sebagai berikut: saya masuk dalam dunia politik praktis sejak saya di dunia kampus, sejak saya kuliah, tapi formalnya semenjak saya diamanahkan oleh pengurus nw untuk masuk menjadi pengurus partai politik melalui pbb, menjadi ketua dpd pbb kabupaten lombok timur. melalui partai ini saya banyak berinteraksi dan berdialog dengan berbagai elemen komunitas dan jaringan, sehingga dengan demikian, saya dapat mengembangkan sayap organisasi nw ke berbagai elemen, terutama melalui parlemen. organisasi nw tidak bisa terlepas dari politik meskipun nw tidak berafiliasi atau tidak berideologi politik. politik yang nw kembangkan adalah politik santun dan beretika, apapun khittah dan perintah politik di tubuh organisasi nw tetap mengacu pada prinsip-prinsip perjuangan nw. inilah yang memotivasi saya untuk maju menjadi anggota parlemen dpr ri melalui partai besukan sby, yaitu partai demokrat.24 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9393939393vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 kontestasi politik putra kedua dari pasangan h. jalaluddin, sh, dengan ummi hj. sitti rauhun zam pada pemilihan umum legislatif 2014 menjadi pembuktian bahwa pengaruh besar dari kharismatik pendiri nw ini tetap menjadi daya magnet yang tidak bisa dinafikan kekuatan politik di tengahtengah kompetisi yang sengit. artinya bahwa keluarga besar pendiri nw, nwdi, nbdi tgkh. m. zainuddin am, yang maju berkompetisi di ranah politik praktis, tetap menjadi pilihan masyarakat nw yang notebene masyarakat loyalis terhadap doktrin dan dogma ajaran gurunya dalam hal ini tuan guru. sehingga tidak mengherankan jika keluarga besar pendiri nw jarang yang gagal dalam kontestasi politik. dinamika perpolitikan di tubuh organisasi nw sangat mempengaruhi konstalasi politik di ntb, di mana nw sebagai organisasi terbesar di ntb memiliki pemilih dan konstituen yang loyalis dan banyak, karena organisasi nw memang organisasi berbasis massa fanatis. dengan demikian, para politikus mesti mempertimbangkan kekuatan politik dari kubu nw, baik nw versi anjani maupun nw versi pancor. kedua-dua kubu nw ini memiliki loyalis yang kuat di akar rumput. pertarungan politik h. syamsul lutfhi, untuk mencalonkan diri kembali menjadi wakil bupati priode 2013-2019 sebagai pasangan incumbent yang berpasangan dengan h. m. sukiman azmi, menuai kegagalan karena kurang kompaknya warga nw dalam mensukseskan pemilukada, juga karena terbelahnya suara warga nw dengan munculnya dua keluarga inti pendiri nw yang ikut berkompetisi di pemilukada lombok timur, yaitu lale al-yaqutun nafis, mm, yang ikut mencalonkan diri menjadi wakil bupati lotim berpasangan dengan h. abdul wahab, fungsionaris partai hanura lombok timur. kegagalan mereka berdua, lutfhi dengan yaqut pada pemilihan kepala daerah lombok timur tersebut, keduanya mengambil haluan politik lain dengan mencalonkan diri menjadi calon anggota legislatif dpr ri pilihan luthfi dan yaqut memilih tetap menjadi calon dprd provinsi pada pemilihan umum 2014, setelah sebelumnya terpilih menjadi anggota dprd provinsi priode 2009-2014 dari partai bulan bintang (pbb). syamsul lutfhi maju menjadi calon legislatif dari partai demokrat untuk daerah pemilihan ntb dan terpilih sebagai anggota dpr ri dari daerah ntb dengan perolehan suara 20.000 lebih.25 signifikansi suara yang diperoleh oleh syamsul lutfhi ini menunjukkan suara keluarga besar nw untuk wakil mereka di tingkat pusat sangat banyak meski harus berbagi dengan suara sepupunya yaitu syamsul mujahidin yang juga mencalonkan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9494949494 afkaruna diri menjadi anggota dpr ri melalui kendaraan politik partai hanura. pemikiran politik dan idealisasi politik h. syamsul lutfhi ini sedikit banyak yang dapat penulis utarakan, karena pada tahun 2013 tepatnya oktober 2013, peneliti berangkat menunaikan ibadah haji ke tanah suci makkah bersama h. lutfi dan tinggal satu hotel di hotel ajyad makarim di makkah kemudian di madinah menginap di hotel madinah al-mubarakah, di selasela menyelesaikan rutinitas ibadah, peneliti secara informal bertanya tentang konsep dan strategi politik yang digunakannya dalam menghadapi pemilihan umum calon legislatif pada 9 april 2014. secara umum pak lutfhi menjabarkan bahwa politik itu seni dan strategi. siapapun yang ikut berpolitik harus memiliki jiwa seni dan sekaligus memiliki jiwa strategi. strategi yang dimaksudkan pak lutfhi adalah strategi manejerial. sebesar apapun modal politik yang dipunyai oleh seorang calon, tidak ada jaminan untuk dipilih oleh masyarakat, sebab masyarakat saat ini sudah lebih peka terhadap dunia perpolitikan, yang terkadang masyarakat tidak memandang si a cucu atau anak pendiri nw yang terpenting bagi mereka siapa yang memberikan keuntungan baik keuntungan materi maupun non materi itu yang mereka pilih. ini semua membutuhkan strategi menejerial yang efektif dan tersistematis, sehingga dengan demikian, meskipun sedikit modal, besar kemungkinan dipilih oleh masyarakat.26 h. lalu gede syamsul mujahidin, se. keterlibatan gede syamsul mujahidin dalam dunia politik praktis terlihat sejak masih duduk di bangku kuliah di jakarta. pastinya dia masuk ke ranah politik pada era reformasi dengan masuk menjadi pengurus pusat partai bulan bintang (pbr) sebagai wakil bendahara dpp pbr masa bakti 1999-2004 dan pada priode 2004-2009 terpilih menjadi anggota dpr ri utusan dari partai bintang reformasi dengan suara kurang lebih 21.000 ribu suara. pada pemilihan umum legislatif 2004-2009 maju kembali menjadi anggota legislatif dpr ri kemudian memperoleh suara terbanyak namun tidak bisa menjadi anggota dpr ri karena partai bintang reformasi (pbr) tidak masuk dalam ambang batas minimal 2% suara nasional. dengan demikian pbr harus mendaftar ulang menjadi anggota partai baru untuk bisa berkompetisi di pemilu-pemilu berikutnya. pada pemilu 2014 ini, gede syamsul mencoba kembali menjadi calon anggota dpr ri dengan afiliasi politik dengan menggunakan kendaraan partai hanura dan terpilih menjadi anggota dpr ri dari daerah pemilihan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9595959595vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 ntb dengan perolehan suara 19.000 suara.27 dalam pengamatan peneliti, dan sekaligus hasil wawancara dengan bersangkutan, tentang motivasi dan argumentasi keterlibatan gede syamsul dalam dunia politik, sebagaimana dijabarkan dalam komentarnya: saya merupakan representasi warga besar nw untuk maju menjadi anggota dewan di pusat. organisasi nw membutuhkan orang-orang yang berani menyuarakan aspirasi dan kebutuhan organisasi nw. saya ditunjuk lansung oleh pb nw ummi hj. sitti raehanun zam untuk maju menjadi anggota legislatif dpr ri melalui kendaraan politik hanura. tgh. dr. l. abdul muhyi abidin dinasti politik di tubuh nw itu sesungguhnya semata-mata untuk melanjutkan perjuangan al-maghfurlah maulanasyaikh tgkh. m. zainuddin abdul madjid, dan sebagai upaya kaderisasi di tubuh nw dalam aspek atau bidang politik. nw sesungguhnya tidak bisa dilepaskan dari dunia politik meskipun nw tidak berafiliasi dalam dunia politik. artinya secara perjuangan nw membutuhkan amunisi-amunisi kebijakan yang proaktif terhadap program-program organisasi nahdlatul wathan. menurut menantu ummi hj sitti raehanun zam ini, mengomentari kifrah-kifrah perjuangan nw dalam dunia politik. “setiap kita sebetulnya selalu berpolitik untuk mendapatkan perhatian orang lain, seorang guru berpolitik kepada muridnya untuk mendapatkan perhatian dari mereka guna tercapai misinya sebagai seorang pendidik, begitu juga tuan guru, dalam menyampaikan misi dakwah dia tidak akan bisa mendapatkan perhatian masyarakat tanpa menggunakan siasat, nah siasat ini inilah yang disebut al-siyâsah dalam konteks islam. jadi al-siyâsah selama mengarah kepada kemashlahatan ummat dan kestabilitasan agama dan negara maka politik menurut saya sesuatu yang tidak perlu dihindari. siyâsah dunyawiyah artinya menggunakan panggung politik hanya untuk kepentingan dunia, kepentingan pribadi dan kelompok, maka politik seperti inilah yang secara riil kita lihat dalam berbagai even pilpres, pilkada, pileg, menghalalkan segala cara, bohong sana-sini, adu domba antarsatu tuan guru dengan yang lain, bahwa dirinya didukung oleh si a si b, dan seterusnya. cara politik seperti ini yang tidak dibenarkan oleh agama bahkan haram hukumnya. sedangkan siyâsah ukhrawiyyah, politik yang mengedepankan etika moral dan mengarah kepada kepentingan umum, kepentingan masyarakat, kepentingan agama. cara politik seperti ini menurut saya harus dilakukan oleh siapapun yang mampu untuk itu, tak terkecuali tokoh agama.”28 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9696969696 afkaruna dari statement di atas, penulis dapat mengembangkan visi misi politik tgh. lalu abdul muhyi abidin ini ke dalam dua dimensi: dimensi normatif, artinya politik harus dilihat sebagai sebuah aktivitas yan mengandung norma-norma agama, dan mempunyai legasi yang kuat dalam ajaran islam, sehingga siapapun yang memiliki motivasi politik dengan mengacu pada nilai-nilai agama maka sesungguhnya dia telah masuk dalam nilainilai agama. petualangan politik tgh. lalu abdul muhyi abidin mulai dari anggota dpd dua periode mulai dari tahun 2009-2014. pada pemilihan umum legislatif 9 april 2014, muhyi mengambil haluan politik menjadi anggota dewan dprd provinsi ntb melalui kendaraan politik pkb dengan daerah pilihan lombok barat dan kabupaten lombok utara. pada pertarungan politik 2014 ini, tgh muhyi memperoleh suara 7.781 urut kedua setelah h. khudari ibrahim, lc (13.332) dapil ntb 2 dari partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb). dengan perolehan suara dengan nomor urut kedua di dapil klulombok barat dari partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) secara elektoral, tgh. l. muhyi abidin otomatis tidak terpilih menjadi anggota dprd provinsi ntb. 29 lale yaqutunnafis, mm. lale yaqutunnafis merupakan putri ke 3 dari pasangan h. lalu gede wiresentane, dengan ummi hj. siti raehanun zainuddin abdul majid. secara geneologi yaqut merupakan cucu pendiri nw, nwdi, nbdi yang sedikit tidak sangat berpengaruh dalam percaturan politik di ntb. terbukti bahwa yaqut terpilih menjadi anggota dprd provinsi ntb pada masa bakti 2009-2014 dari kendaraan politik pbb. pertaruhan politik yaqut dari tahunke tahun menambah kecenderungan politiknya yang membuat dirinya semakin matang dengan dunia politik. menurut yaqutunnafis, “politik, tidak serta merta dilihat dari aspek negatifnya saja, tapi politik itu juga harus dilihat dari fungsi dan manfaatnya. politik dengan kaca mata negatif melihatnya jelas yang kelihatan adalah politik kotor, politik saling menjatuhkan, dan sebagainya, tapi jika dilihat dari kacamata agama politik juga pernah dilakukan oleh nabi muhammad saw dalam menjalankan roda pemerintahan di madinah, yang melahirkan piagam madinah, sebagai landasan operasional politik yang dicetuskan oleh nabi dalam memahami pluralitas masyarakat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9797979797vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 madinah. nah, kita tidak antipati terhadap politik, tapi mari mencontoh cara politik nabi yang lebih etik dan mengedepankan kemashlahatan ummat.” 30 h.m khairul rizal, st., mt. terpilihnya h.m. khairul rizal sekaligus menantu dari ummi hj sitti rauhun zam, suami dari dr. hj.sitti rohmi djalilah, m.pd. putri sulung ummi hj. sitti rauhun zam dengan h. jalaluddin dengan memperoleh suara 6.725 daerah pemilihan lotim 1 mengantarkannya menjadi anggota dprd kabupaten lombok timur dengan menggunakan kendaraan partai demokrat sebagai partai pengusungnya sekaligus dinobatkan sebagai ketua dprd kabupaten lombok timur dikarenakan partai demokrat sebagai pemenang. kesuksesan h. m. khairul rizal ini tentu tidak terlepas dari nama besar keluarga tgkh. m. zainuddin abdul madjid yang sudah mengakar di masyarakat lombok timur, juga ditentukan oleh efektivitasnya partai demokrat yang di bawah komando adik iparnya sendiri, syamsul luthfi untuk dpd lombok timur dan tgh. zainul majdi untuk dpd provinsi ntb dalam mensosialisasikan dan mengkampanyekan calon dari keluarga besar dari putri sulung tgkh. m. zainuddin abdul madjid. h.rukli djuhaidi menantu dari ummi hj sitti raehanun zam, suami dari hj. lale alyaquutunnafis. suara 6.334 urut 1 dapil ntb 3 dari partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb). politisi senior ini gagal melaju ke parlemen karena persaingan antar calon yang tidak diantisipasi dengan baik dan cermat, terutama calon dari organisasi nahdlatul wathan yang berafiliasi ke organisasi nahdlatul wathan versi anjani. hj. rabiatul adawiyah, se. hj. rabiatul adawiyah paling tidak pernah menjadi anggota utama keluarga besar pendiri nahdlatul wathan melalui jalur ummi hj. sitti rauhun zainuddin abdul madjid dengan dipersunting menjadi istri oleh putra beliau, tgh. dr. muhammad zainul majdi, ma, yang saat itu sedang menjabat sebagai gubernur periode pertama (2008-2013) namun diceraikan pada tahun 2013 karena tidak siap dipoligami. pada pemilihan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9898989898 afkaruna umum tahun 2014 rabiatul adawiyah mencalonkan dirinya menjadi anggota dpd ri utusan ntb dan terpilih dengan perolehan suara signifikan sehingga dapat mengantarkan dirinya ke senayan sebagai dewan perwakilan daerah. ini menurut para pengamat politik, sebab utama keberhasilan rabiah adawiyah polularitas yang dimilikinya semenjak mendampingi tgh. m. zainul madji sebagai istri gubernur.31 juga karena faktor jumlah pemilih perempuan di ntb lebih banyak dari jumlah pemilih lakilaki. hal ini berdampak kepada afiliasi pilihan perempuan kepada rabiah adawiyah. alasan perempuan memilih sesama perempuan sesuai hasil wawancara peneliti, adalah sebagai rasa solidaritas sesama perempuan yang saat itu ibu rabiah sudah diceraikan oleh suaminya dan tentu tampilnya rabiah adawiyah di pentas politik praktis memberi warna terhadap dinamika politik di kalangan internal keluarga pendiri nw.32 faktor keberhasilan kelurga besar nw dalam meraih tiket ke parlemen tahun 2014. posisi strategis tuan guru nw di tengah masyarakat di antara faktor utama keberhasilan politik praktis keluarga besar elit nw di ntb tidak terlepas dari posisi para tuan guru di kalangan masyarakat islam sasak, sebagai fungsionaris agama adalah orang atau orang-orang yang menjalankan fungsi-fungsi kepemimpinan agama; memimpin dan mengarahkan para pemeluk agama; seringkali bukan hanya dalam urusanurusan agama (sakral) seperti keimanan (teologi), ibadah, ritual, dan sebagainya, tetapi juga dalam urusan-urusan yang lebih bersifat keduniaaan (profan).33 di masyarakat lombok, tatanan-tatanan masyarakat amat sangat tergantung kepada apa dan bagaimana ajaran tuan guru yang dijadikan sebagai panutan. manakala tuan guru mereka lebih mengedepankan doktrin dan prinsip-prinsip yang diterima oleh akal dan naluri mereka, atau apabila doktrinnya lebih mengedepankan ajaran-ajaran tasawuf, maka secara otomatis dalam aplikasi kehidupannya lebih tercermin corak-corak sufisme, yang tentunya sesuai dengan ajaran tasawuf (tarekat) yang diterima dari tuan gurunya.34 kedudukan tuan guru sebagai sosok ulama dalam masyarakat, telah mendapatkan kepercayaan dan telah diakui sebagai pemimpin, umumnya bersifat non-formal, kewibawaan mereka kerapkali melebihi pemimpinpemimpin formal, mereka umumnya disegani, dipatuhi, dan juga dicintai. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 9999999999vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 ada beberapa aspek yang membentuk kepemimpinan tuan guru sebagai tokoh agama dalam kehidupan masyarakatnya.35 pertama, aspek intelektual, yang melatarbelakangi kepribadian ulama. aspek ini meliputi kriteria keulamaan, yang berupa penguasaan ilmu-ilmu agama islam, pengakuan masyarakat, karakteristik pribadi tercermin dalam moralitas yang dianutnya dan hubungan genealogis dimana tradisi pesantren dalam hal ini masih kuat.36 kedua, aspek fungsional, yang berkaitan dengan peran nyata tuan guru/ulama secara konkrit dalam kehidupan masyarakatnya. fungsi kepemimpinan tuan guru secara umum memiliki tiga sifat utama, pertama, memimpin penyelenggaraan upacara peribadatan (ritus) keagamaan. kedua, menjadi tempat bertanya bagi masyarakat dalam banyak hal (seperti kehidupan keluarga, keamanan dan pengobatan). ketiga, menjadi teladan dalam tingkah laku sosial (qudwah hasanah).37 ketiga, aspek status sosial, baik yang bersifat universal maupun status faktual yang dihayati masing-masing. aspek status sosial membagi para ulama/tuan guru ke dalam dua kategori besar, yaitu: a) ulama yang mempunyai status sosial vertikal, sebagai tokoh organisasi dengan suatu hirarki yang jelas, baik dalam ukuran nasional maupun international. b) ulama/tuan guru yang mempunyai status sosial horizontal, yang umumnya berpusat di pesantren-pesantren. mereka tidak menduduki jabatan-jabatan formal dalam organisasi kemasyarakatan, tetapi mempunyai pengaruh yang mendalam pada masyarakat.38 keempat, aspek kekerabatan, yakni membentuk jaringan kepemimpinan antar keluarga ulama/tuan guru. cara praktis yang mereka tempuh untuk membangun solidaritas dan kerjasama tersebut adalah: mengembangkan suatu tradisi bahwa kelurga yang terdekat harus menjadi calon kuat pengganti kepemimpinannya, kepemimpinan ini berlaku dalam kepemimpinan pesantren. mengembangkan suatu jaringan aliansi perkawinan endegonis (satu lingkungan) antar keluarga ulama/tuan guru. mengembangkan tradisi transmisi keilmuan pengetahuan dan rantai transmisi intelektual antara tuan guru dan keluarganya. dengan cara ini para tuan guru saling terjalin dalam ikatan kekerabatan yang intensitas tali-temalinya sangat kuat. semakin masyhur kedudukan seorang tuan guru, semakin luas jaringan kekerabatannya dengan ulama lain. 39 mobilisasi perangkat organisasi nw sebagai media politik. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 100100100100100 afkaruna organisasi nahdlatul wathan sebagai sebuah organisasi yang bergerak dalam bidang pendidikan, sosial dan dakwah islamiyah, telah berkiprah nyata dalam perubahan sosial masyarakat ntb. karena kiprahnya yang nyata tentu dapat memberikan ruang bagi pengurus organisasi untuk menjadikannya sebagai media dan sarana politik dengan segala argumentasi dan alasan yang membenarkan organisasi nw mengambil ranah politik dalam berjuang. faktor kegagalan sebagian aktor keluarga besar nw di ranah politik. dalam berbagai sumber yang diwawancara dan berdasarkan pengamatan dan keterlibatan lansung penulis terkait pilkada tahun 2014 dalam hal survei dan studi kelayakan para calon dari organisasi nahdlatul wathan, penulis dapat merangkum secara garis besar faktor kegagalan utama keluarga besar nw dalam kontestasi politik praktis pemilu tahun 2014 dibagi menjadi dua faktor utama: faktor internal organisasi pertama, konflik internal organisasi nw. perpecahan kedua kubu kepengurusan nw yang sama-sama mengklaim diri sebagai pengurus nw yang sah menjadikan masyarakat nw pada tingkat bawah terpecah belah akibat saling mencari pengaruh dan pengikut pada masing-masing kubu. tidak sedikit konflik internal yang terjadi akibat dualisme kepengurusan organisasi nw ini, antara lain, konflik berdarah antara hizbullah (satgas di bawah komando hj. sitti raehanun zam) dengan satgas hamzanwadi (di bawah komando hj. sitti rauhun zam) di kesik masbagik, lombok timur, pada tahun 2000. begitu juga konflik berdarah terjadi di wanasaba tahun 2002, dan pada tahun 2003 terjadi pengusiran pengikut hj. raehanun di paok lombok suralaga lombok timur.40 kedua, persaingan antar keluarga di daerah pemilihan yang sama. kegagalan yang tidak kalah pentingnya juga disebabkan karena ketidak lihaian dalam menentukan zona daerah pemilihan (dapil). faktor eksternal pertama, kurangnya sami’na wa atho’na (loyalitas) terhadap instruksi dan arahan pimpinan organisasi nw. doktrin sami’na wa atha’na dalam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 101101101101101vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 organisasi nw telah terjadi pergeseran peran dan fungsi, di mana era saat ini konsep sami’na wa atho’na terhadap pimpinan organisasi nw sudah mulai mengikis dan berkurang, berbeda halnya di era pendiri nw masih hayat, doktrin sami’na wa atho’na merupakan doktrin yang sangat sakral dan terpatuhi. ketidak sami’na wa atho’na (tidak mendengar dan tidak taat) terhadap instruksi pengurus besar nw semisal instruksi pb nw hasil muktamar praya ummi hj. sitti raehanun zainuddin abdul madjid berdampak terhadap tidak terpilihnya paket wali (wahab-lale yaqutunnafis) yang diusung oleh nw yang berdomisili di anjani, atau tidak terpilihnya kader-kader nw di tingkat legislatif dari kubu anjani juga karena tidak taatnya terhadap instruksi pb nw. begitu juga gagalnya paket sukiman-lutfi yang diusung oleh pb nw hasil muktamar reformasi yang berpusat di pancor, dr. tgh. zainul majdi, ma juga tidak terlepas dari kurangnya ketaatan warga nw terhadap instruksi para pimpinan nw. model relasi sami’na wa ato’na sebenarnya menjadi kunci untuk meningkatkan partisipasi jamaah dalam pemilihan umum. salah satu cara untuk meningkatkan partisipasi tersebut melalui “pengajian edukasi politik” yang mana sering kali konten dalam pengajian yang diselipkan dengan pentingnya berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum.41 dengan kurang memperhatikan jargon tersebut banyak kebijakan politik nw yang tidak berhasil. kedua, strategi kampanye dan manajemen politik yang tidak optimal. menurunnya trust masyarakat terhadap calon incumbent. ketiga, kurang menjaring aspirasi ke tingkat bawah akar rumput. keempat, tidak cukup mengandalkan nama besar nw tapi membutuhkan modal politik (cost politic) yang tidak sedikit. kelima, berbeda-bedanya kendaraan politik yang digunakan. keenam, terlambatnya menentukan pasangan calon dalam pilkada. implikasi jaringan keluarga dan organisasi nw terhadap kekuasaan gubernur ntb implikasi positif: a. memperkuat legitimasi kekuasaan gubernur di parlemen. b. memperluas jaringan keorganisasian ke pentas politik nasional bahkan internasional. c. memperluas jaringan penyebaran organisasi nahdlatul wathan ke level yang lebih tinggi. d. memperkuat basis ekonomi organisasi nw ke arah yang lebih mapan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 102102102102102 afkaruna implikasi negatif: a. terjadinya persaingan politik antar keluarga besar nw. b. terjadinya blok-blok keluarga yang terlihat tidak harmonis secara politis bahkan secara organisatoris. kesimpulan kontestasi keluarga besar nahdlatul wathan yang berkaitan dengan suksesi kepemimpinan, politisasi birokrat maupun sosialisasi tokoh informal masyarakat menjadi bagian intimitas yang bertindak sebagai agen intermediasi dalam memenangkan dan melanggengkan kekuasaan famili politik. perbincangan mengenai dinasti politik dalam ranah politik lokal sangatlah berbeda dengan konteks dinasti politik yang terjadi di level nasional. dalam ranah lokal, romantisasi nama besar familisime menjamin suatu dinasti politik dapat eksis secara terus-menerus. nahdlatul wathan sebagai organisasi keagamaan yang didirikan pada tahun 1953 oleh tgkh. m. zainuddin abdul madjid merupakan organisasi yang dapat mewarnai dinamika politik di provinsi ntb, meskipun organisasi nahdlatul wathan menegaskan dirinya hanya bergerak pada tiga domain utama; pendidikan, sosial dan dakwah islamiyah. meskipun demikian, nahdlatul wathan selalu mengambil posisi yang strategis dalam kancah perpolitikan di ntb. hal ini terlihat dalam beberapa aspek: pertama, aspek partai politik yang didukungnya. kedua, aspek modal sosial yang dimilikinya dan ketiga aspek peranan organisasi yang masif. ketiga aspek tersebutlah, nahdlatul wathan dan keluarga besar nahdlatul wathan selalu ikut berpartisipasi dalam merebut kekuasaan melalui lembaga eksekutif maupun legislatif. kajian ini menegaskan bahwa pilihan organisasi nahdlatul wathan untuk tidak berpolitik praktis susah dibedakan dengan pilihan keluarga besar nahdlatul wathan yang terjun ke dunia politik praktis. sedikit tidak akan bias antara khittah organisasi dengan kepentingan keluarga besar nahdlatul wathan yang bisa memanfaatkan organisasi nahdlatul wathan menjadi tunggangan politik meraih kekuasaan terlepas dari apapun motivasinya. catatan akhir 1 daniel fitzpatrick, “indonesian corporate governance”, dalam chris manning (ed.), indonesia in transition, (singapura: iseas, 2000), h. 293-306. 2 nathan allen, clientelism and the personal vote in indonesia, (ottawa: cpsa, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 103103103103103vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 2012), h. 7. 3 daniel fitzpatrick, indonesia in, h. 293-306 4 fahrurrozi, tuan guru: eksistensi dan tantangan peran dalam transformasi masyarakat, cet. 1, (jakarta: sanabil press, 2016), h. 211. 5 muhammad nur, dkk., visi kebangsaan religius: ref leksi pemikiran dan perjuangan tuan guru kyai haji muhammad zainuddin abdul madjid 1904-1997, cet. 1, (jakarta: logos wacana ilmu. 2004), h.245 6 muhammad nur, dkk., visi kebangsaan, h.246. 7 konflik internal yang terjadi antara pendiri nw dan murid-muridnya ini disebabkan karena kelihaiannya partai golkar mengadakan pendekatanpendekatan personal kepada tokoh-tokoh tuan guru-tuan guru yang dianggap berpengaruh di wilayahnya masing-masing. pendekatan-pendekatan personal kepada tuan guru yang notabene pengikut setia tgkh. m. zainuddin yang dilakukan oleh golkar dan penguasa pemerintah saat itu, membuat para tuan guru tersebut tidak mengindahkan seruan dan perintah tgkh. zainuddin untuk “diam” tidak menjadi juru kampanye partai golkar. ketidakpatuhan mereka itu terhadap anjuran dan seruan tgkh. m. zainuddin membuat hubungan antara guru dan murid merenggang bahkan terputus. tgh. m. najamuddin keluar dari organisasi nw dengan membuat lembaga pendidikan sendiri, darul muhajirin praya, begitu juga tgh. zainal abidin sakra membuat lembaga pendidikan, darul abidin sakra, tgh. sakaki membentuk lembaga pesantren, dan lain-lain. (lihat, fahrurrozi, tuan guru..h. 24). 8 era reformasi terjadi pada tahun 1998 dengan adanya tuntutan mahasiswa untuk mendesak presiden suharto untuk meletakkan jabatannya menjadi presiden karena tuduhan kkn (korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme). mahasiswa menduduki gedung mpr/dpr berhari-hari sehingga pada tgl 20 mei 1998 presiden suharto pada saat itu menyerahkan estafet kepemerintahan kepala negara kepada wakil presiden b.j. habibie. di era b.j. habibie inilah keran politik dan kebebasan berpendapat dibuka lebar-lebar. pada era b.j.habibie berjamuran partai-partai politik yang ikut menjadi kontestan pada pemilu 1999, pemilu pertama di era reformasi. 9 hajjah siti rauhun dan hajjah siti raehanun diistilahkan oleh pendiri nw sebagai rauhun wa raihanun, artinya dua putri beliau ini diharapkan tetap eksis membela organisasi nahdlatul wathan sesuai kapasitasnya masingmasing. kedua putri pendiri nw ini dipersunting tokoh-tokoh berpengaruh untuk konteks lombok saat itu, hajjah rauhun dipersunting pertama kali oleh h. jalaluddin, sh, dari apitaik. seorang intelektual dan ahli birokrasi, sehingga dengan keahliannya tersebut, menghantarkannya menjadi pengurus besar nahdlatul wathan pada tahun 1962-sampai 1972. kemudian menikah lagi dengan drs. h.m syubli. sedangkan hajjah sitti raehanun dipersunting oleh seorang keturunan raja bonjeruk drs. h. lalu gede wiresentane, seorang birokrat, yang kemudian menjadi pengurus besar nw pada periode 1984-1997. dari keturunan kedua putri dan menantu pendiri nw inilah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 104104104104104 afkaruna diharapkan menjadi penerus perjuangan nw ke depan. 10 saipul hamdi, “politik islah: re-negosiasi islah, konflik, dan kekuasaan dalam nahdlatul wathan di lombok timur”, jurnal kawistara, no. 1. april 2011, h. 1-102. 11 muhammad abdun nasir, dkk, “polarisasi thariqat qadhariyahnaqsyabandiyah lombok pada pemilu 2004”, jurnal istiqro’, vol. 05, no.01, 2006, h. 104. 12 muhammad syukri, wawancara pribadi, tgl 12 september 2015 di mataram. 13 suprapto, “pesantren dan pemberdayaan masyarakat: menimbang aktivitas dakwah bi al-hal pesantren di lombok”, jurnal tasamuh, vol. 4, nomor 1, desember 2006, h. 94. 14 saipul hamdi, “politik, agama dan kontestasi kekuasaan nahdlatul wathan di era otonomi daerah lombok ntb”, jurnal review politik, vol. 1, no. 2 agustus 2011, h. 2. 15 http://politik.kompasiana.com/2013/04/09/anatomi-politik-di-ntb-padapilgub-2013-549646.html 16 zulkarnain, tuan guru bajang berpolitik dengan dakwah dan berdakwah dengan politik: menata pluralitas di balik tabir politik, (pare kediri: kaysa madia, 2008), h. 56. 17 coba cermati pemikiran politik tgkh. m. zainuddin abdul madjid dalam karya monumentalnya, wasiat renungan massa: pengalaman baru, karya ini ditulis dalam rentang waktu 5 dekade, dan ditulis dalam bentuk syair dengan sajak ab ab. ajibnya terkadang di partai islam, berpura-pura membela islam, aktif keliling siang dan malam, membela diri melupakan islam (wasiat. 142, h. 55). karena kafir tak pandai bersyukur, penuh khulaya’ hasad takabbur, tidak hiraukan teman dan batur, semau-maunya berpolitik catur (wasiat. no. 152). janganlah nanda dibikin bubur, oleh pemain politik catur, diperalat untuk melawan batur, sehingga ukhwah hancur dan lebur (wasiat. no. 152, h.165). banyak sekali berlidah madu, berhati pahit bagai empedu, berpolitik “membelah bambu”, tujuannya ummat jangan bersatu (wasiat. no. 166, h.165). politik satu ditambah satu, ditambah satu sama dengan satu, dilancarkan oleh golongan tertentu, membela nafsu membela hantu (wasiat. 168, h. 62). kalau iman seorang tidak di dalam, politik juangnya hanya menghantam asalkan dunia dan fulus digenggam, tidak perduli taqwanya tenggelam (wasiat. 190, h. 62). lisan politik dan tukang dongeng, pandai memikat jutaan kepeng, menawan menteri berumah genteng, ‘semet bulu mau’ banteng” (wasiat. 190, h. 141). dalam politik bermain curang, ke kiri kanan aktif menendang, sehingga tak regan membayar hutang, dengan nw nya pada seorang (wasiat no. 53, h. 46.) dalam politik bermain curang, ke kiri kanan aktif menendang, sehingga tak segan membayar hutang, dengan nw nya pada seorang (wasiat no. 53, h. 46). si keranjingan gila politik, lupa dirinya kejungking–balik, iman taqwanya hilang geritik, na’uzubillah mimma hunalik (wasiat no. 113, h. 46). agama bukan sekedar ibadah, puasa sembahyang di atas sajadah, tapi agama mencakup aqidah, mencakup syari’ah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 105105105105105vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 mencakup hukumah (mansukh) (wasiat no. 78, h. 46. 18 tgh. l. gede sakti, wawancara pribadi, mataram, 23 maret 2014. 19 tgkh muhammad zainul majdi, islam, h.229, dia mengutip firman allah surat an-nisa’ ayat: tentang etika kepemimpinan, yang artinya, “hai orangorang yang beriman jadilah engkau orang yang benar-benar penegak keadilan, menjadi saksi karena allah biar terhadap dirimu sendiri, atau ibu-bapak dan kaum kerabatmu, jika ia kaya ataupun miskin, maka allah lebih tahu kemashlahatannya. maka janganlah kamu mengikuti hawa nafsumu karena ingin menyimpang dari kebenaran, jika kamu memutarbalikkan kata-kata atau enggan menjadi saksi, maka sesungguhnya allah adalah maha mengetahui segala apa yang kamu kerjakan.” 20 tgh. l. gede m. ali wirasakti amir murni, wawancara pribadi, 25 maret 2014 di mataram 21 tgh. l. gede m. ali wirasakti amir murni, wawancara pribadi, tgl 27 maret 2014 di ponpes syeikh zainuddin nw anjani. 22 data disadur di dokumen kpu provinsi ntb. 23 sumber data dari kpud lombok timur. 24 h.m. syamsul luthfi, m.si, wawancara pribadi, 26 maret 2014 di pancor, lombok timur. 25 data jumlah suara untuk syamsul lutfi ini diolah dari data kpud prov ntb tahun 2014. 26 peneliti olah bahasa dan argumentasinya sesuai hasil wawancara peneliti dengan informan 27 data perolehan suara calon anggota dpr/dprd disadur dari dokumen kpud ntb 2014. 28 tgh.l. muhyi abidin, wawancara pribadi, tgl, 1 april 2014 di ponpes syaikh zainuddin nw anjani, lombok timur. 29 dokumen kpu provinsi ntb, tahun 2014, dikutip pada tanggal 22 maret 2015. 30 wawancara pribadi, tgl 30 maret 2014 di mataram. 31 kadri, analis politik ntb, wawancara, di mataram, 22 agustus 2014 32 tim relawan penggerak perempuan, wawancara, di mataram, 25 agustus 2014 33 emital etzion & eva etzioni halevy, social change: sources, patterns and consequences, second edition, (new york: basic book, inc., publisher, 1973), h. 374. tentang group dynamics and social change based on leader personality. 34 fahrurrozi dahlan, sejarah perjuangan dan pergerakan dakwah islamiyah tuan guru haji muhammad mutawalli di pulau lombok, (jakarta: sentra media, 2006), h. 12. lihat juga refrensinya dalam,., safia iqbal, leadership of women: in the light of quran, sunnah, and ominent muslim jurists, (lahore: publecation press ltd, 1990)., jim shaffer, the leadership solution, (new york: mcgrow hill-book, 2000), (the communication fuction part six), george manning, the art of leadership, (new york: mc grow hill, 2003). 35 pengakuan masyarakat tentang eksistensi tuan guru sebagai pemimpin keagamaan sangat kelihatan perannya, di mana tuan guru masih dianggap ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 106106106106106 afkaruna sosok penyelamat yang akan membawa mereka ke arah kebenaran. pengakuan tulus masyarakat tersebut secara rasional memang perlu dipertanyakan, tapi dalam konteks sosiologis itu sudah menjadi tradisi yang turun-temurun dalam upaya mereka menghormati orang yang dituakan, baik kapasitasnya sebagai tuan guru warisan dalam arti bapaknya tuan guru, maka anaknya secara otomatis menduduki warisan ke-tuan guru-annya meskipun keilmuannya lemah, maupun tuan guru yang dibentuk karena keilmuan yang memadai. 36 untuk melihat keperibadian seseorang secara individu dari luar, dapat dilihat dan diukur dengan menilai ekspresi-ekspresi dari karakteristik keperibadian. adapun karakteristik-karakteristik dimaksud adalah, penampilan fisik, tempramen, kecerdasan dan kemampuan, arah minat dan pandangan mengenai nilai-nilai, sikap sosial, kecenderungan-kecenderungan dalam motivasinya, cara-cara pembawaan diri, dan kecenderungan patologis, h. 82, lihat juga m. noor, dkk., visi kebangsaan, h. 159. 37 muhammad tholhah hasan, islam, h. 64. 38 imam bawani, tradisionalisme dalam pendidikan islam, (surabaya: al-ikhlas, 1993), h. 90. 39 pola kepemimpinan tuan guru dapat pula dianalisis melalui enam ciri-ciri utama kepemimpinan sebagaimana yang dikatakan oleh hickman dan tinus, yang kemudian dikutip oleh riswandi imawan, pertama, intelectual capacity, yang berhubungan dengan kepandaian dan ketajaman otak seseorang untuk mengatur dan merencanakan gerak organisasi yang dipimpinnya. kedua, self significance, yakni perasaan dirinya penting untuk membantu mencapai tujuan kelompok. ketiga, cavability, yang menunjuk kepada semangat kerja dan kesehatan seseorang. keempat, training, tambahan yang diterima seseorang agar memiliki kemampuan yang lebih baik daripada orang lain. kelima, experince, yaitu pengalaman memimpin yang dimiliki seseorang sekalipun pada kelompok kecil. keenam, refutation, yaitu refutasi yang dimiliki seseorang dalam menyelesaikan tugasnya dengan tanpa cacat atau tercela. 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“pesantren dan pemberdayaan masyarakat: menimbang aktivitas dakwah bi al-hal pesantren di lombok”. jurnal tasamuh, vol. 4, nomor 1, desember. querubin, pablo. 2010. family and politics: dynastic persistence in the philippines. cambridge: harvard & mit academy. zulkarnain. 2008. tuan guru bajang berpolitik dengan dakwah dan berdakwah dengan politik: menata pluralitas di balik tabir politik. pare kediri: kaysa madia. zuhro, siti, et al. 2010. demokrasi lokal. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak. # layout jan jun 2011 as partners of both planned and programmed for mutual support and cooperation between two entites. keywords: dakwah, universitas islam indonesia, religious life, lembaga pendidikan islam. abstrak penelitian ini membahas persoalan bagaimana potret dan dinamika kehidupan keberagamaan masyarakat di sekitar kampus uii jalan demangan baru no. 24 yogyakarta? dan bagaimana dinamika keberagamaan masyarakat tersebut dilihat dalam perspektif dakwah islamiyah sebagai salah satu catur dharma uii? penelitian ini adalah penelitian lapangan (kualitatif), lokasi penelitiannya di kampus uii jalan demangan baru no. 24 yogyakarta. pendekatan yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah fenomenologis. analisis yang dipergunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis miles yaitu: reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan/verifikasi sebagai suatu yang jalin-menjalin pada saat sebelum, selama, dan sesudah pengumpulan data dalam bentuk yang sejajar, untuk membangun kseimpulan. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa keberagamaan masyarakat di lingkungan kampus uii demangan baru lebih mengedepankan sikap toleransi. akan tetapi sikap potensi ini, oleh pihak kampus tidak pernah dilihat sebagai peluang untuk dilakukan berbagai upaya penguatan melalui program pengabdian dan dakwah islamiyah. selain itu dalam penelitian ini pula dapat ditemukan bahwa relasi antara pihak kampus uii demangan baru dengan berbagai unitnya dan masyarakat di lingkungannya, belum menunjukkan sebagai partner kerjasama terencana dan terprogram secara baik untuk saling mendukung dan bekerjasama antara keduanya. kata kunci: dakwah, universitas islam indonesia, kehidupan keagamaan, institusi pendidikan islam. reaktualisasi dharma dakwah islamiyah kampus uii demangan baru1 ahmad darmaji, syarief zudaidah, yusdani dan edi safitri fakultas ilmu agama islam (fiai), universitas islam indonesia, jl. demangan baru 24, yogyakarta. email: yusdani_msi@yahoo.com abstract the following research tries to answer the research question of how the portrait and the dynamics of society around campus of uii jalan demangan baru no. 24 yogyakarta? and how social dynamics of society from the perspective of islamiyah dakwah as one of the dharma uii? this research is a field and qualitative research, the location of research at campus uii jalan damangan baru no. 24 yogyakarta. the approach that used in this study is phenomenological approach. the analysis which used in this study is the analysis of miles that including: data reduction, data display and conclusion drawing / verification as an intertwined at the time before, during, and after the collection of data in parallel, to build conclusion. the results of this research has been revealed that the religious community in campus uii jalan demangan baru emphasizes tolerance. however, the attitude of this potential, by the campus uii has never seen as an opportunity to do various efforts to strengthen through service programs and islamiyah dakwah. in addition to this research also found that the relationship between the campus uii jalan demangan baru with itys several units and the local community, not shown doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 33vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 pendahuluan keberadaan perguruan tinggi islam secara institusional memainkan peranannya sebagai mitra masyarakat sekitarnya. salah satu misi perguruan tinggi islam sebagai institusi pendidikan tinggi melekat tanggung jawab moral melakukan dakwah islamiyah, yaitu berbagai upaya mengarahkan dan mengubah masyarakat ke arah yang lebih baik. dengan begitu, universitas sebagai pusat pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan, kultur dan kebudayaan beserta civitas akademiknya, tidak bisa lagi diposisikan sebagai “ivory tower” atau menara gading (https:// www.google.co.id). universitas islam indonesia (selanjutnya disebut uii) membangun komitmen yang khas jika dibandingkan dengan perguruan tinggi lainnya. jika perguruan tinggi lain secara umum berpijak pada tridharma perguruan tinggi, pengajaran, penelitian dan pengabdian masyarakat. sedangkan bagi uii dicanangkan dharma keempat, yaitu dakwah islamiyah. salah satu kampus uii yang mempunyai posisi strategis yang dapat melakukan upaya di atas adalah kampus uii jalan demangan baru no. 24 yogyakarta. pilihan terhadap kampus uii demangan baru sebagai subjek riset ini karena pertama, keberadaan kampus ini yang sudah lama yaitu sejak tahun 1973. kampus demangan merupakan gedung kampus kedua yang dimiliki uii setelah gedung kampus cik ditiro. kedua, posisi gedungnya yang strategis. keberadaan kampus ini berada di tengah kota dan diapit oleh 3 kampus besar (uin sunan kalijaga, sanata darma, dan atmajaya) serta pusatpusat perbelanjaan serta berbagai hotel dan wisma. ketiga, masyarakatnya begitu plural dan hidup berdampingan secara rukun. keempat, visi uii mewujudkan rahmatan lil’alamin dan jargon berilmu amaliyah dan beramal ilmiah serta pencanangan dharma keempat yang mengedepankan dakwah islamiyah sebagai unsur dominan dalam mengkristalkan misi universitas islam indonesia. berdasarkan visi uii di atas dan catur dharmanya, maka idealnya keberadaan kampus beserta segenap civitas akademiknya mampu mewarnai masyarakat sekitar. selain itu, bertitik-tolak dari beberapa tulisan dan hasil penelitian tentang uii secara umum dan khususnya kampus uii masih terbatasnya basis data atau informasi dan pembahasan tentang eksistensi dan peran kampus uii di jl. demangan baru no. 24. pada hal kampus uii demangan ini secara historis lebih dahulu berdiri juga, letaknya strategis karena terletak di perkotaan dan masyarakat sekitar kampus ini dapat dikategorikan sebagai masyarakat awam dan terdidik. atas dasar itu, penelitian ini urgen dilakukan terutama dalam kerangka dan konteks dakwah islam sebagai aktualiasasi visi rahmatan lil lamin uii dalam kehidupan keberagamaan masyarakat. persoalan pokok yang menjadi fokus dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana potret dan dinamika kehidupan keberagamaan masyarakat di sekitar kampus uii jalan demangan baru no. 24 yogyakarta? dan bagaimana dinamika keberagamaan masyarakat tersebut dilihat dalam perspektif dakwah islamiyah sebagai salah satu catur dharma uii? kontribusi penting penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memperkaya basis data peta keberagamaan masyarakat yang berada di sekitar kampus-kampus uii. dengan begitu, dapat pula dipahami dinamika dan karaketristik keberagamaan masyarakat di sekitar kampus uii demangan baru, yang selanjutnya akan dapat digunakan sebagai doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 34 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna basis data untuk mengimplementasikan dakwah islamiyah sebagai dharma keempat dari catur dharma uii. tentang tri dharma uii potret perkembangan ptai sekarang ini, saatnya perlu dipikirkan kembali, terutama kegiatan pengabdian masyarakat seharusnya dilakukan sebagai tindak lanjut dari rekomendasi penelitian. begitu juga sebaliknya, agar topik-topik penelitian dirumuskan dari temuan dalam pengabdian masyarakat. dengan demikian, keseimbangan dan kesetaraan tiga dharma dari tri dharma (baca khusus bagi uii menganut catur dharma, dakwah islam) perguruan tinggi penting dilakukan dalam setiap program akademik. peran dakwah perguruan tinggi islam ke masyarakat perlu lebih dikembangkan karena selama ini dinilai kurang maksimal. oleh karena itu, perguruan tinggi islam seharusnya bukan semata-mata melakukan peran pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan, teknologi dan seni, melainkan juga melakukan dakwah dalam arti luas bukan dalam arti tablig, yaitu mengembangkan kehidupan masyarakat secara luas. namun, dakwah perguruan tinggi islam terasa kering baik dari sisi model maupun terapannya sehingga kurang begitu dirasakan manfaatnya oleh masyarakat. dengan begitu, tri dharma ( catur dharma dalam kasus uii) perguruan tinggi islam harus didesain sedemikian rupa unutk mempengaruhi suasana kehidupan masyarakat. seluruh kehidupan perguruan tinggi islam, harus menjadi contoh teladan bagi kehidupan masyarakat agar nuansa kehidupan islam dapat dirasakan dengan jelas ( (http://fahum.umsu.ac.id/ index.php?option accessed 15 juli 2014). berangkat dari pernyataan di atas, uii sebagai institusi pendidikan tinggi dengan catur dharmanya, dalam kaitannya dengan transformasi nilai-nilai peradaban masyarakat yang berada di sekitar kampus, kampus uii memiliki peran dan fungsi yang penting dalam mewarnai terjadinya perubahan nilainilai sosial budaya serta pengembangan peradaban masyarakat, baik dari aspek ekonomi, sosial, politik, keagamaaan maupun pendidikan. dengan begitu, orientasi untuk mewujudkan uii dengan mengedepankan aktivitas akademis dan moral serta relevansinya dengan menerapkan peran aktif uii sebagai institusi yang mengaplikasikan pola pemberdayaan dan pengembangan masyarakat, khususnya yang berada di sekitar kampus. oleh karena itu, keberadaan kampus uii di tengah-tengah masyarakat seharusnya dapat memberikan nuansa baru bagi kehidupan mereka, terutama dalam bidang kehidupan agama, ekonomi, sosial, budaya dan lain sebagainya. dampak dari kondisi ini adalah terjadinya pembaruan yang memungkinkan adanya perubahan tatanan sosial kehidupan masyarakat sekitar kampus. dampak perubahan yang ditimbulkan oleh akulturasi budaya tersebut, dapat bersifat positif dan juga negatif. perubahan positif bentuknyapun bervariasi, baik dari aspek ekonomi yang ditandai oleh peningkatan penghasilan masyarakat setempat, maupun kualitas pengetahuan dan wawasan masyarakat semakin membaik, serta perkembangan budaya yang lebih dinamis. dengan demikian, visi uii yang menekankan pada aspek kerahmatan dalam pelaksanaan sebagai institusi pendidikan islam, akan tidak banyak arti jika secara implementatif justru kurang mewarnai doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 35vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 lingkungan sekitarnya. suatu interaksi sosial kampus uii akan terjadi apabila memenuhi dua syarat, yaitu: adanya kontak sosial dan adanya komunikasi. selain interaksi yang terjalin pada masyarakat di kawasan kampus dipenuhi oleh dua hal ini, baik kontak sosial maupun komunikasi. dalam hbungan inilah dapat dipahami bahwa pola relasi dunia kampus perguruan tinggi perlu membangun kemitraan dengan masyarakat sekitar. sedangkan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana dakwah islam yang seharusnya dilakukan oleh civitas akademika uii dengan lingkungan masyarakat sekitarnya merupakan usaha untuk mempertautkan islam dengan isu-isu kemanusiaan masyarakat di lingkungannya, dapat dipergunakan konsep yang ditawarkan oleh kuntowijoyo, yaitu internalisasi, obyektivikasi, dan eksternalisasi. pertama, pemahaman akan pesan-pesan universal islam untuk diinternalisasikan ( dihayati) oleh civitas akademika uii. tahapan internalisasi tidak bisa dilakukan tanpa kerja keras dan cerdas. semangat pencarian yang tinggi menjadi syarat utama. internalisasi adalah proses pencarian hidayah atau reinventing pesanpesan islam. kedua, obyektivikasi dilakukan untuk melihat konteks implementasi. sadar konteks merupakan keharusan untuk mendapatkan hasil yang optimal dari dakwah islam sebagai dharma keempat uii. tanpa kesadaran ini, ada kemungkinan program atau aktivitas dakwah islam yang dicanangkan menjadi tidak kontekstual. kuntowijoyo memasukkan obyektivikasi sebagai bagian dari strategi aktualiasasi islam dalam masyarakat. dalam konteks pembumian islam oleh uii unutk kehoiudpan masyarakat di lingkungannya, obyektivikasi dapat dilakukan dengan melihat potret utuh kehidupan masyarakat dalam berbagai sisinya. ketiga, eksternalisasi adalah implementasi dari nilai-nilai yang telah terinternalisasi ke dalam konteks yang ada. tanpa ekternalisasi, visi rahmatal lil’alamin yang tertuang dalam visi uii tidak akan terwujud dan hanya berhenti dalam wacana. metode penelitian penelitian ini merupakan penelitian lapangan (kualitatif), lokasi penelitiannya di kampus uii jalan demangan baru no. 24 yogyakarta. pendekatan yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah fenomenologis. pendekatan fenomenologis dipergunakan untuk memahami kecenderungan dan fenomena islam yang dipahami dan ditransformasikan yang diterjemahkan dalam berbagai aktivitas (dakwah ) oleh masingmasing unit di kampus uii demangan dan respon masyarakat sekitar kampus tersebut atas berbagai aktivitas masing-masing unit tersebut. teknik pengumpulan data yang dipergunakan dalam penelitian ini menggunakan dokumen dan wawancara. wawancara ditujukan kepada masing-masing unit dan masyarakat sekitar terkait dengan islam yang dipahami dan ditransformasikan yang diterjemahkan dalam berbagai aktivitas (dakwah). analisis penelitian ini terdapat tiga hal utama yang menurut miles untuk menganalisis data yaitu: reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan/ verifikasi sebagai suatu yang jalin-menjalin pada saat sebelum, selama, dan sesudah pengumpulan data dalam bentuk yang sejajar, untuk membangun wawasan umum yang disebut analisis. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 36 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna hasil penelitian dan pembahasan berdasarkan temuan di lapangan menunjukkan bahwa fenomena keberagamaan masyarakat kampung demangan baru dusun papringan lebih mengedepankan toleransi dengan mengedepankan persamaan dan kerukunan. hal ini bisa dicermati dari keterlibatan mereka dalam berbagai kegiatan yang diselenggarakan oleh kampung. gotong royong misalnya, baik yang beragama islam, katholik, kristen semua turun dan bekerja bersama-sama untuk kepentingan bersama dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat (lihat hasil wawancara, 15 oktober 2014). hal menarik dari prilaku keberagamaan masyarakat demangan baru bahwa gesekan pemahaman demikian sudah tidak terjadi lagi sejak lama. masih menurutnya, jangankan internal agama (masih sama-sama islam), bahkan masyarakat sudah mampu rukun terhadap warga lainnya yang berbeda keyakinan. misalnya saja, setiap ada hajatan di rumah warga yang beragama islam, katakanlah selamatan (kenduren) untuk orang yang meninggal dunia, semua warga diundang tanpa mempersoalkan perbedaan agama (lihat hasil wawancara, 16 oktober 2014). berdasarkan temuan dan penjelasan di atas dapat pula dipahami bahwa bagi masyarakat di lingkungan kampus uii demangan baru, agama sebagai persoalan individu dan menempatkan kerukunan antar warga di atas segalanya tanpa mengurangi nilai keyakinan masing-masing pemeluknya di masyarakat demangan baru papringan ini juga dapat dilihat dalam acara-acara doa bersama. sebagaimana diungkapkan dari hasil wawancara dengan drs. ibnu hajar, sh, mis ketua rw dan sekaligus tokoh masyarakat paringan menjelaskan bahwa di papringan pernah juga melakukan doa bersama lintas agama. hal itu tidaklah menjadi permasalahan keagamaan di masyarakat. akan tetapi jika menyangkut isu kristenisasi ada sebagian masyarakat yang menunjukkan kekhawatirannya untuk tidak menyebut kecurigaan terhadap aktifitas kristenisasi ini. bahkan ketika datang hari besar keagamaan lebaran dan hari natal, hampir seluruh warga yang beragama islam maupun nasrani saling mengucapkan selamat. (lihat wawancara, 16 oktober 2014). gedung kampus uii demangan baru berdiri pada tahun 1973. keberadaan kampus tersebut merupakan kampus kedua yang dimiliki uii setelah gedung kampus yang berada di cik ditiro. sejak berdirinya, gedung tersebut ditempati oleh fakultas teknik sipil (fts uii). fts menempati gedung tersebut untuk aktivitas perkuliahan hingga tahun 1994. setelah fts sudah memiliki gedung sendiri, tahun 1994 fts hijrah ke kampus terpadu uii yang berada di jalan kaliurang. selanjutnya kampus demangan berganti penghuni dan giliran ditempati untuk kegiatan perkuliahan fakultas syariah dan fakultas tarbiyah yang pada perkembangan selanjutnya kedua fakultas tersebut digabung menjadi fakultas ilmu agama islam ilmu agama islam (fiai uii) hingga sekarang. seiring berjalannya waktu, kampus demangan baru tidak hanya digunakan untuk kegiatan perkuliahan mahasiswa s1 saja, tahun 1997, magester studi islam (msi uii sekarang pps fiai uii) berdiri dan juga menempati gedung yang sama untuk aktifitas perkuliahan. sampai akhirnya beberapa pusat studi dan unit-unit usaha juga mengambil tempat oprasinya di gedung doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 37vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 demangan baru ini. sebut saja pusat studi islam uii (psi uii), cilac uii, pusat bahasa korea, radio unisi, pusat studi haki. bangunan kampus demangan baru sampai kini masih terus digunakan sebagai tempat perkuliahan atau beraktifitas lainnya. meskipun para penghuni datang dan pergi silih berganti. sejak tahun 2004, fiai hijrah dan melakukan aktifitas perkuliahannnya di kampus terpadu (kampus uii jl. kaliurang). dan pada tahun-tahun berikutnya beberapa pusat studi dan unit usaha yang menempati gedung ini juga pindah dengan berbagai alasan dan pertimbangan. pada akhirnya lembaga-lembaga yang hingga kini masih bertahan menempati gedung kampus uii demangan baru adalah pps fiai uii, pusat studi islam uii, cilac uii, radio unisi, rpi dan pusat psikologi terapan fakultas psikologi dan budaya uii. dinamika uii, sebagaimana dijelaskan bahwa terdapat beberapa hal yang bisa dijadikan raison d’etre ( latar belakang dan dasar pijak) kemunculan uii di tengah perjuangan bangsa indonesia untuk mencapai kemerdekaan. pertama, uii hadir bukan hanya berorientasi mengemban misi menyelenggarakan proses pendidikan, tetapi juga ingin melakukan pembelajaran terhadap masyarakat dan bangsanya pada tingkat perguruan tinggi. kedua, momentum perjuangan bangsa untuk melakukan restrukturisasi politik setelah bertahun-tahun berada di bawah kekuasaan asing, telah melahirkan dan menumbuhkan kesadaran arti penting pendidikan. ketiga, uii ingin mencoba melakukan sosialisasi ajaran agama islam melalui perguruan tinggi. berdasarkan paparan di atas, terlihat uii pada level institusi, sedang bersungguhsungguh menempatkan diri pada posisi agar keberadaan dan kehadirannya, benar-benar memberikan kebaikan bagi masyarakat secara luas. sehingga dalam dinamikanya uii tidak hanya berkutat pada mengkaji pengembangan universitas dengan segala aktivitas akademiknya, melainkan juga turut pula berupaya untuk terlibat dan berkontribusi menyelesaikan berbagai persoalan masyarakat yang diwujudkan baik melalui program-program universitas, fakultas-fakultas, lembaga-lembaga yang ada di lingkungan universitas, maupun melalui pengembangan program studi yang merespon kebutuhan umat. hal tersebut semakin diperkuat jika mengacu pada perumusan tujuan uii yang termaktub dalam kaidah dasar dan statuta uii. disebutkan setidaknya ada dua hal terkait penyelenggraan uii sebagai perguruan tinggi islam. pertama, basic philosophy, pengembangan ilmunya adalah integralistik, tidak dikotomis antara ilmu agama dan ilmu umum. kedua, prilaku sivitas akademikanya haruslah islami, artinya harus mampu menunjukkan keagungannya dan kedamaian islam sebagai agama, yang paling baik dan tidak ada yang mengatasi kebaikannya. pernyataan kedua hal inilah yang dijadikan sebagai dasar penyelenggraan aktivita di uii. atau dengan istilah lain disebut dengan istilah ruhul islam. ini berarti bahwa setiap kegiatan belajar mengajar dan pola hubungan antar sivitas akademika di uii harus didasarkan pada spirit islam yang mestinya bisa tercermin pula pada tingkah laku profesionalnya. apa yang secara normatif terumuskan dalam kaidah dasar dan statuta uii, tentulah sesuatu yang sangat ideal. desain akademik uii secara eksplisit mengintegrasikan dunia kampus dengan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 38 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna masyarakat sesuai jargonnya “ berilmu amaliah dan beramal ilmiah”. hal ini secara eksplisit juga tercermin dalam rippm uii 2014-2018 tepatnya dalam rumusan tujuan uii poin 4 yang berbunyi bahwa “tujuan uii adalah mendalami, mengembangkan dan menyebarluaskan pemahaman ajaran agama islam untuk dihayati dan diamalkan oleh warga uii dan masyarakat”. oleh karenanya untuk mewujudkan hal tersebut, uii secara institusi menganut dan menjalankan apa yang disebut catur dharma dalam berbagai jenis dan jenjang pendidikan. catur dharma yang dimaksud meliputi “pengajaran, penelitian, pengabdian masyarakat dan dakwah islamiyah” (statuta uii, pasal 1 ayat 6). memang seharusnya relasi seperti tersebut di atas yang terbangun antara perguruan tinggi dan masyarakat. kampus tidak bisa lagi mendudukkan diri mereka di atas “ivory tower” atau menara gading. keberadaan perguruan tinggi islam secara institusional memainkan peranannya sebagai kekuatan dakwah. meskipun misi perguruan tinggi islam yang utama adalah sebagai lembaga akademik, namun pada level institusi pendidikan yang menyandang nama islam tentu melekat pula tanggung jawab moral melakukan berbagai upaya mengarahkan dan mengubah masyarakat ke arah yang lebih baik lewat peran-perannya. dinamika keberagamaan masyarakat sekitar kampus demangan baru dilihat dalam konteks dan perspektif dakwah islamiyah dalam statuta uii sebagai dharma ke empat. dalam hal ini menarik mengutip pernyataan ibu sunarti (wawancara, 10 oktober 2014), warga demangan baru yang sehari-hari berjualan di sekitar kampus uii demangan baru, menurutnya selama ini tidak pernah ada undangan atau kegiatan apapun dari pihak kampus. baik itu dari fakultasnya (fiai uii) mahasiswanya maupun dari unit-unit usaha yang berada di kampus uii demangan baru. ditambahkan pula bahwa pada tahun 2007 pernah diajak pelatihan ekonomi namun yang mengundang bukan kampus demangan baru melainkan lembaga swadaya masyarakat (lsm-ngo) satu nama. tentang ketiadaan kegiatan kampus uii demangan baru yang melibatkan masyarakat sekitar juga dikemukakan oleh bapak sarwono pemilik warung makan yang berada tepat di depan kampus uii demangan. menurut sarwono (wawancara 10 oktober 2014), selama dia menjajakan dagangannya di depan kampus, tidak pernah dilibatkan dalam setiap kegiatan termasuk kegiatan keagamaan seperti pengajian. keberadaan kampus demangan terhadap usaha kami dan mungkin juga yang lainnya, mungkin sebatas menambah laris. karena banyak karyawan ataupun mahasiswa yang makan di warung saya. itupun dulu saat fiai masih di kampus uii demangan baru tetapi sekarang ketika fakultas agama itu sudah pindah, yang membeli makan disini hanya satu dua dari karyawan maupun staf di situ. informasi senada juga datang dari bapak heri ( lihat hasil wawancara, 10 oktober 2014), warga demangan baru no. 29 yang sehari-hari usaha foto copy dan kebutuhan alat tulis (atk). menurutnya meskipun keberadaan kampus sama sekali tidak pernah melibatkannya dalam kegiatan setidaknya ada manfaatnya. hal ini karena sebagian warga kampus belanja ke tokonya seperti halnya warga kampus atmajaya maupun sanata dharma. apa yang diungkapkan masyarakat tersebut memperoleh pembenaran dari nur doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 39vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 hamid (wawancara, 15 oktober 2014) kepala dukuh papringan. bahkan ditambahkan bahwa justru yang sering menyapa masyarakat sekitar kampus uii demangan sepeti sma debrito, yang secara administrasi kependudukan juga masuk wilayah papringan. setiap ada kegiatan sering mengundang warga atau bahkan beberapa kali mengajak kami kerja sama. selain itu uin pada masa kepemimpinan amien abdullah juga sering mengundang warga sekitar. ugm pun kabarnya sering melibatkan mahasiwa untuk bakti sosial di masyarakat sekitar kampus. akan tetapi ketika fiai masih menempati gedung kampus uii demangan baru, sebagian mahasiswa yang indekos di sekitar kampus juga turut berperan dalam kegiatan keagamaan. seperti di masjid al hidayah papringan. mereka ada yang terlibat dalam kepengurusan (ta’mir) masjid. sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh ibu hajar, ketua rw setempat bahwa memang secara institusi kampus uii demangan baru tidak pernah menjalin kerja sama dengan masyarakat secara formal, tetapi saat fiai masih berada di demangan baru, para mahasiswa fiai yang bermukim di papringan, secara individu banyak juga yang membantu dalam kegiatan keagamaan, seperti terlibat dalam kepengurusan (ta’mir) masjid. demikian juga para mahasiswa yang mengambil kuliah kerja nyata (kkn) ekstensi ada juga yang mengambil lokasi pengabdian di sisni dan biasanya mereka membuat program kerja pada aspek sosial keagamaan. demikian juga para dosen yang bertempat di sekitar juga turut pula terlibat menjadi khotib jumat atau menjadi imam tarawih atau mengisi kultum saat ramadan (wawancara, 20 oktober 2014). oleh sebab itu keberadaan kampus uii demangan baru, sebagai perguruan tinggi islam bisa mengambil peranan sebagai agent of change bagi perubahan sosial keagamaan secara terencana bagi masyarakat sekitar kampus. terlebih uii seperti dijelaskan di atas, secara institusional menganut dan menjalankan catur dharma dalam berbagai unit dan jenjang pendidikan. catur dharma yang dimaksud meliputi pengajaran, penelitian, pengabdian masyarakat dan dakwah islamiyah (statuta uii,pasal 1 ayat 6). catur dharma khususnya untuk poin pengabdian masyarakat dan da’wah islamiyah ini menjadi hal yang harus diwujudkan tidak hanya pada level pusat, tetapi juga tercermin dan mewujud pada semua jenis dan level serta unit pendidikan yang ada di bawah naungan uii termasuk didalamnya fakultas, pusat-pusat studi, hingga unit-unit usaha yang dimiliki uii yang ada di kampus demangan baru. dalam teori interaksi disebutkan, bahwa suatu interaksi sosial akan terjadi apabila memenuhi dua syarat yaitu: (1) adanya kontak sosial; (2) adanya komunikasi. teori ini jika dikaitkan dengan temuan-temuan data di lapangan, maka menunjukkan bahwa keberadaan kampus uii demangan baru belum memiliki andil atau berkontribusi terhadap terjadinya perubahan prilaku keberagamaan masyarakat sekitar karena institusi ini dengan masyarakat sekitar tidak melakukan interelasi dan interaksi antara keduanya. analisis hasil penelitian berdasarkan data dan hasil wawancara yang dilakukan terhadap responden, dan berbagai penjelasan di atas, menegaskan bahwa antara pihak kampus uii demangan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 40 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna baru dengan masyarakat sekitarnya belum pernah melakukan interaksi untuk melibatkan masyarakat dalam berbagai program kampus ataupun sebaliknya. hal ini terjadi baik itu pada fakultas (fiai), termasuk program pascasarjana fiai uii, pusat-pusat studi atau pun unit-unit usaha yang pernah/ sedang menempati kampus demangan baru tersebut. hal ini mengindikasikan kampus demangan baru lemah dalam membangun relasi sosial dengan masyarakat sekitar. sekaligus pihak kampus uii demangan baru abai terhadap tanggungjawab membangun kebersamaan sosial terhadap masyarakat sekitar kampus. keberadaan kampus, seperti dikemukakan di atas, layaknya berada di pulau yang tentram nyaman di tengah-tengah lautan samudera yang bergolak hebat. dan dalam pulau yang tentram dan nyaman tersebut duduklah para sarjana, ahli-ahli agama dan segelintir mahasiswa yang sedang belajar. dan kampus yang dianalogkan tersebut tidak lain adalah kampus demangan baru dengan segenap sivitas akademikanya. terjadinya jarak antara das sollen (kondisi ideal) dan das sein (kondisi senyatanya) dalam pandangan yusdani, mantan kabid akademik msi uii (1998-2000), dikarenakan pihak kampus terkait selama ini hanya berkutat memikirkan dan mendiskuiskan permasalahan internal kampus seperti pengembangan kampus dengan segenap aktivitas rutinnya; membenahi kurikulum, mencari mahasiswa dan hal-hal terkait pengembangan kampus lainnya. padahal jika mengacu pada statuta uii kewajiban menjalankan catur dharma merupakan tugas pada semua jenis dan jenjang pendidikan. oleh karena itu, segenap civitas akademiknya seharusnya mengacu pada visi besar tersebut. jika pada tingkat universitas pengabdian dan da’wah diwujudkan melalui lembaga pengabdian masyarakat dan dppai maka pada level fakultas seharusnya kewajiban menjalankan pengabdian dan dakwah islamiyah juga melekat pada semua jenis dan jenjang pendidikan di bawahnya. (wawancara, 15 oktober 2014). pengabdian dan da’wah islamiyah yang harus dijalankan oleh masing-masing jenjang tentunya disesuaikam dengan bidang dan disiplin masing-masing fakultas. terkait hal ini yusdani menjelaskan lebih lanjut “(wawancara, 15 oktober 2014) bahwa kesibukan sivitas akademika terhadap masalah internal kampus, yang lebih tertumpu pada proses pengelolaan belajar mengajar ketimbang kegiatan penelitian dan pengabdian masyarakat, sebagai penyebab absennya atau setidaknya kurang optimalnya kampus demangan baru mejalankan da’wah islamiyah di masyarakat sekitar. dalam hbungan ini, menarik menyimak pandangan mahfud md terkait hal tersebut. dalam pandangannya, uii belum berhasil mencetak sarjana dalam arti yang diinginkan uii seperti diidealkan. dan belum berhasil pula membangun pola hubungan sivitas akademika yang betul-betul islami. jika dilihat dari profil alumni yang sudah dihasilkan, uii ternyata belum mampu membebaskan diri dari pola pengembangan ilmu yang dikotomis. artinya masih sulit menghapus perbedaan fakultas umum dan fakultas agama. alumnus dari fakultas-fakultas “umum” (ekonomi, hukum, tehnik dan lainlain) belum menunjukkan ke khasannya sebagai produk perguruan tinggi islam. di sisi lain alumnus fakultas syariah dan tarbiyah (baca; fiai) tetap saja mengesankan sarjana doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 41vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 ilmu agama dalam pengertiannya yang sempit. ditambahkan mahfud, bahkan uii sendiri belum berhasil menanamkan sendisendi yang paling mendasar dalam dinul islam bagi para mahasiswanya. bukankah tidak sedikit mahasiswa uii yang masuk dengan islam ktp dan keluar dalam keadaan yang sama? meminjam istilah syafii ma’arif islam masih menjadi tamu di uii. selain itu pola relasi antar warga sivitas akademika di uii kerap kali menunjukkan gejala yang keras, jauh menunjukkan wajah islam yang sejuk, damai dan anggun. tentu saja hal ini merupakan akses dari keadaan umum yang tidak kondusif. artinya jika pandangan mahfud md diamini, problem relasi keagamaan di internal uii, justru yang mendesak untuk diselesaikan terlebih dahulu. hal itu berarti upaya menjalankan da’wah islamiyah di tengah masyarakat sesuai dengan apa yang diamanatkan dalam catur dharma tentunya masih jauh dari harapan. berdasarkan temuan atau hasil penelitian, nampak jelas harapan masyarakat di sekitar kampus uii demangan baru ataupun kampus yang berada di sekitar jalan demangan baru seperti atmajaya dan sanata dharma juga tidak keluar dari dua hal di atas. bahwa keberadaan kampus diharapkan bisa memperbaiki ekonomi atau memajukan masyarakat sekitarnya. dan kedua bagaimana keberadaan kampus secara sosial dan keagamaan bisa mewarnai masyarakat dalam pengertian positif. dalam aspek ekonomi misalnya, seperti pengakuan bapak sarwono dan ibu sunarti sebagaimana tersebut di atas. komitmen lembaga pendidikan khususnya perguruan tinggi islam dalam menyelesaikan berbagai problem sosial dan moral masyarakat melalui sentuhan programprogram yang terencana tentu sesuatu yang diharapkan masyarakat. seharusnya memang demikian relasi yang terbangun antara keduanya. kampus tidak bisa lagi mendudukkan diri mereka di atas menara gading yang sangat tinggi. sudah tidak jamananya lagi dunia perguruan tinggi steril dan mengambil jarak dengan masyakatakatnya . karena di tengah mayarakatlah kehidupan real dengan segenap persoalannya terjadi. oleh karena itu, relasi yang hendaknya dibangun adalah dunia kampus harus mampu menempatkan diri sebagai agent of change dan turut terlibat dalam penyelesaian berbagai persoalan masyarakat. gerakan dakwah islamiyah berbasis pendekatan ekonomi tampaknya cukup realistis dan strategis untuk dijalankan dalam rangka mewujudkan kampus uii demangan baru yang benar-benar hadir di tengah masyarakat. usulan di atas nampaknya patut dipertimbangkan oleh pihak kampus. melalui pendekatan ekonomi diharapkan muncul antusiaisme warga untuk terlibat dalam setiap program yang ditawarkan. jika sudah demikian ,maka penanaman nilai-nilai agama akan mudah dilakukan. kesimpulan sebagai penutup dari keseluruhan deskripsi, analisis dan diskusi yang dikemukakan dalam uraian terdahulu dalam penelitian ini, dapat dikemuakakan kesimpulan-kesimpulan sebagai berikut: 1. bahwa keberagamaan masyarakat di lingkungan kampus uii demangan baru lebih mengedepankan sikap toleransi. akan tetapi sikap dan potensi ini, oleh pihak kampus tidak pernah dilihat sebagai peluang untuk dilakukan berbagai upaya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 42 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna penguatan misalnya melalui program dharma ketiga dan keempat (pengabdian dan dakwah islamiyah) yang berorientasi pada menyantuni warga di lingkungan kampus. pihak kampus selama ini justru lebih berorientasi pada kesibukan domestiknya memikirkan dan mendiskusikan pengembangan kampus dengan segenap aktivitas rutinnya; proses perkuliahan, membenahi kurikulum, meningkatkan jumlah mahasiswa. dan hal-hal terkait pengembangan kampus lainnya sehingga tidak responsif dalam menjalankan pengabdian masyarakat sebagaimana dimanatkan dalam catur dharma uii. 2. relasi antara pihak kampus uii demangan baru dengan berbagai unitnya dan masyarakat di lingkungannya, belum menunjukkan sebagai partner kerjasama terencana dan terprogram secara baik untuk saling mendukung dan bekerjasama antara keduanya. dengan demikian, aktualisasi dharma ketiga dan keempat (pengabdian masyarakat dan dakwah islamiyah) uii yang dilakukan oleh unitunit kampus uii demangan baru belum berkontribusi terhadap terjadinya perubahan prilaku keberagamaan masyarakat di lingkungannya. catatan akhir 1 artikel ini merupakan hasil penelitian institusi pps fiai uii pada tahun 2014 yang didanai oleh pps fiai uii. daftar pustaka arifin, saru dan irwan nuryana kurniawan. 2005. “kampus terpadu di mata masyarakat sekitar”, dalam uii dalam cita dan fakta bunga rampai penelitian institusi. yogyakarta: pusat penelitian sosial lpm uii, hlm 107115. darmaji dan m.idrus. 2005. “dakwah uii di masyarakat sekitar kampus terpadu”, dalam uii dalam cita dan fakta bunga rampai penelitian institusi. yogyakarta: pusat penelitian sosial lpm uii, hlm.117-140. kuntowijoyo .1997. identitas politik umat islam. bandung: mizan. kuntowijoyo.2001. muslim tanpa masjid. bandung: mizan. mahfud, moh. 1995. “kendala-kendala pendidikan islami di uii”, dalam buku setengah abad uii: sejarah perkembangan universitas islam indonesia ,yogyakarta: uii press. makmun, abin syamsudin, 1996. psikologi kependidikan(prenagkat sistem pengajaran modul) , bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. martono, nanang. 2011. sosiologi perubahan sosial : perspektif klasik, modern, posmodern dan poskolonial. jakarta : rajawali pers. masdar, umarudin. 2001, agama orang biasa, jogjakarta: lkis miles, matthew b. & huberman, a. michael. 1992. analisis data kualitatif, buku sumber tentang metode-metode baru, jakarta: ui press. padil, moh dan supriyanto, triyo. 2007, sosiologi pendidikan, yogyakarta: uin-malang press, “peran dakwah perguruan tinggi islam perlu dikembangkan” dikutip dari http://fahum.umsu.ac.id/ index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=99:perandakwah-perguruan-tinggi-islam-perludikembangkan&catid=30:liputan&itemid=50 accessed 15 juli 2014. qodir, zuly, 2011. sosiologi agama: esai-esai agama di ruang publik,yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar robertson, roland, 1993. agama dalam analisa dan interpretasi sosiologi, terj. ahmad fedyani, saifuddin. jakarta: rajawali press. suhardjo, drajat, fuad nashori dan hastuti saptorini, 2005. “kemitraan:solusi kampus ramah lingkungan”, dalam uii dalam cita dan fakta bunga rampai penelitian institusi. yogyakarta: pusat penelitian sosial lpm uii, hlm.157-165. supardi, dkk, 1994. setengah abad uii; sejarah perkembangan uii 8 juli 194510 januari 1994, yogyakarta: uii press, tim peneliti lppai uii. 2006.”faktor faktor yang berkaitan dengan motivasi berbusana muslimah mahasiswi uii”, dalam jurnal fenomena lp. uii vol.4. no.1 maret 2006. tim penulis uii.1994. setengah abad uii: sejarah perkembangan universitas islam indonesia. yogyakarta: uii. tim penyusun. 2002. sejarah dan dinamika universitas islam indonesia. yogyakarta: badan wakaf uii yogyakarta. wahid, fathul, gerakan membina kampus islami dikutip dari http://fathulwahid.staff.uii.ac.id/2006/10/07/ gema-kami-gerakan-membina-kampus-islami/ didownload 2 april 2013. wahid. fathul.2006.”gerakan membina kampus islami,” dalam bulletin al-islamiyah. yogyakarta: dppai uii. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 43vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 wahid, marzuki, “wacana ptai dalam perkembangan pemikiran islam: mempertanyakan kontribusi” dikutip dari 8&p=uang+dalam+islam&fr=yfp-t01&fp_ip=id&u=www.ditpertais.net/jurnal/ vol62003e.asp&w=uang+dalam+islam&d=n9vlnedmpby&icp=1&.intl=us accessed 14 juli 2014. wijdan aden, dkk. 2007. pemikiran dan peradaban islam. yogyakarta: safiria insania press and pusat studi islam universitas islam indonesia (psi uii). wijdan, aden, m. latif fauzi. 2011. nalar islam universitas islam indonesia. yogyakarta: direktorat penelitian & pengabdian masyarakat universitas islam indoneisa (dppm uii). wijdan, aden, m. roem syibly. 2010. qanun; journal of islamic law. volume i, number 1, february 2010. yogyakarta: directorate programme of islamic law. faculty of islamic studies. islamic university of indonesia. yusdani, nyarwi, m. roem syibly. 2011. tipologi wacana keislaman yogyakarta. yogyakarta: pusat studi islam universitas islam indonesia (psi uii). narasumber: bapak heri, warga demangan baru no. 29 yang sehari-hari usaha foto copy dan kebutuhan alat tulis (atk) (wawancara 10 oktober 2014) bapak ibu hajar, ketua rw setempat (wawancara, 20 oktober 2014). bapak sarwono pemilik warung makan yang berada tepat di depan kampus uii demangan (wawancara 10 oktober 2014) bapak yusdani, mantan kabid akademik msi uii (19982000) (wawancara, 15 oktober 2014), ibu sunarti, warga demangan baru yang sehari-hari berjualan di sekitar kampus uii demangan baru, (wawancara, 10 oktober 2014) imam muharor, tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat di padukuhan papringan (wawancara, 16 oktober 2014). nur hamid kepala dukuh papringan (wawancara 15 oktober 2014). doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0029. 32-43 index a 'abd al-malik 'abd al-qadir al-jilani 'abd al-qadir ibn abi salih jangidost 'abd al-rahman 'abd al-rahman b. al-h harits 'abd allah b. al-zubair abou sheisha abu hamid al-ghazali abu hanifa abu muhammad ja'far al-sarraj abu sa'ad al-mubarak 'ali al-mukharrimi abu sahr al-hudzali al-ahtal ahmad al-ghazali ahmad 'ali al-imam ahmad dahlan 'ain al-qudat al-hamadhani al-'abbas b. al-ahnaf al-ghazali al-hajjaj al-hallaj al-jilani al-jilani al-kasani al-sharakhsi 'ali b. abi thalib ali ibn yusuf al-shattanawfi aloys sprenger 'amr b. kultsum anas b. malik arkoun arthur jeffery b baghdad basshar b. burd al-farazdaq blachère c carmela baffioni catur dharma d deliar noer dzu rumma e e. levi provençal f fazlur rahman fiai g g.p. maisonneuve h hanafi school himpunan putusan tarjih (hpt) i iain ibn darraj al-qasthalani ibn 'arabi ibn batutah ibn hajar al-asqalani ibn mas'ud ibn taymiyah ibn taymiyya ignaz goldziher ikhwan al-shafa' imam al-nawawi imam al-shafi'i imam malik j jalal al-din rumi jesus john the baptist k khuzistan kuntowijoyo m mahfud md mahmud zubaidi malik b. abi 'amir manhaj tarjih manna' al-qaththan margoliouth marwan b. al-hakam matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah mohammed arkoun montgomery watt muhammad muhammad al-shaybani muhammadiyah mui mukaddimah anggaran dasar muhammadiyah mushaf ibn mas'ud mushaf abu bakr mushaf ubay n nabi muhammad saw nahdlatul ulama (nu) nakamura newton p perwataatmadja pesantren q quraisy r r. blachère régis blachère rene descartes robert k. merton s sa'id b. al-'ashsh salman al-farisi sarwono shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi sheikh abû daqiqa shihab al-din al-suhrawardi al-maqtul shubhi shalih sultan sulayman syafii antonio t th. noldeke titus burkchardt u ubay b. ka'ab uii umayyah 'abd al-malik 'utsman b. 'affan w william marçais william muir y ya'cub yusdani yusman roy yusuf al-hamadani z zaid b. tsabit zakaria layout afkaruna juni 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 muhammadiyah dan spirit islam berkemajuan dalam sinaran etos alqur’an zakiyuddin baidhawy institut agama islam negeri salatiga email: zbaidhawy@gmail.com abstract muhammadiyah, one of the largest islamic movement, has gone beyond a century, and it remains continuously in upholding the ideals of establishing “the truly islamic society”. what is the muhammadiyah spirit of sustainability in addressing the challenges of the times? through library approach, this study finds that the muhammadiyah movement always loyal to and take inspiration from the three ethos of the quran in achieving the goal of building a truly islamic society, those are the ethos of rahmah (compassion), al-ma’un and al-`ashr. that ethos has been always established on integrative-interconnective approach between the interpretation of the quran, the sacred heart-mind and the findings of science and technology, and the universal experience of humanity. rationality is a key of developing the sacred heart-mind capabilities, in addition to experiencing of many nationalities and faiths. from here we know about how to save the lives of people in the world based on the ethos of rahmah. human happiness is consisting of sincerity, remembering to death, and put science as the key to progress together. muhammadiyah is also identical with the ethos of al-ma`un, the religious worth of social praxis. religiosity tends to reject the formalities of religion for it has been included in the social alignments to advocate the weaks. al-`ashr ethos means that religion (iman) and civilization (`amal shalih) are placed as two separate entities and should be achieved separately. religion as symbolic formalities is to be important here. civilization is built through a process of “learning and experiment” and persistency to defeat yourself. last but not least, muhammadiyah is no longer overly concerned with the poverty issue, but also regarded to the effective systems and institutions under the effective leadership in building alhadarah al-fadhilah. keywords: islam berkemajuan, civilized muslim,transformative social-cultural change ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0066.17-47 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1818181818 afkaruna abstrak muhammadiyah, salah satu gerakan islam terbesar, telah melampaui satu abad, dan tetap terus menjunjung cita-cita untuk membangun “masyarakat islam yang sebenar-benarnya”. bagaimanakah semangat keberlanjutan muhammadiyah dalam menghadapi tantangan zaman? melalui pendekatan perpustakaan, studi ini menemukan bahwa gerakan muhammadiyah selalu setia dan mendapat inspirasi dari tiga etos alquran dalam mencapai tujuan membangun masyarakat islam yang sesungguhnya, yaitu etos rahmat (welas asih), al-ma’un dan al-`ashr. etos tersebut selalu terbentuk pada pendekatan interpersonal integratif antara interpretasi alquran, hati suci dan penemuan sains dan teknologi, dan pengalaman universal umat manusia. rasionalitas adalah kunci untuk mengembangkan kemampuan hati-pikiran suci, selain mengalami banyak kebangsaan dan kepercayaan. dari sini kita tahu bagaimana cara menyelamatkan nyawa orang di dunia berdasarkan etos rahmah. kebahagiaan manusia terdiri dari ketulusan, mengingat, dan menjadikan sains sebagai kunci kemajuan bersama. muhammadiyah juga identik dengan etos al-ma’un, nilai religius praksis sosial. religiusitas cenderung menolak formalitas agama karena telah disertakan dalam keberpihakan sosial untuk mengadvokasi penyiksaan. al-`ashr etos berarti bahwa agama (iman) dan peradaban (`amal shalih) ditempatkan sebagai dua entitas yang terpisah dan harus dicapai secara terpisah. agama sebagai formalitas simbolik menjadi penting di sini. peradaban dibangun melalui proses “belajar dan bereksperimen” dan persistensi untuk mengalahkan diri sendiri. yang terakhir namun tak kalah pentingnya, muhammadiyah tidak lagi terlalu peduli dengan isu kemiskinan, namun juga menganggap sistem dan institusi efektif di bawah kepemimpinan efektif dalam membangun al-hadarah al-fadhilah. kata kunci: islam berkemajuan, muslim berkeadaban, perubahan social-kultural pendahuluan perdebatan mengenai perlunya muhammadiyah mengambil kembali peran sebagai gerakan reformasi model kaum puritan protestan pernah bergaung. para penganjur usulan ini sering mensejajarkan sifat-sifat puritan calvinis dengan puritan muhammadiyah. biasanya mereka setia merujuk tesis-tesis weber dan indonesianis-weberian, utamanya clifford geertz, james l. peacock. mitsuo nakamura, irwan abdullah dan sebagainya untuk memperkuat argumentasi. namun etos muhammadiyah melampaui dari sekadar bicara tentang hubungan antara aktivitas keagamaan dan aktivitas ekonomi, antara etos dan semangat kapitalisasi. locus dan tempus yang terus berubah mendorong muhammadiyah beradaptasi sesuai dengan tantangan dan peluang yang dihadapi. muhammadiyah terus bergerak dan menggeliat dalam dialektika peradaban. basis teologis etos muhammadiyah dapat diketahui dari pemikiran dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1919191919vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 aksi-amaliah kh. ahmad dahlan. sejauh ini, di antara murid-murid kyai dahlan, hanya krh. hadjid dan kyai syuja’ yang menjadi sumber informasi utama untuk mengetahui pemikiran kh. ahmad dahlan. buku pelajaran kha. dahlan: 7 falsafah ajajaran dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran karya krh. hadjid merupakan sekumpulan informasi pandangan filosofis dan teologis dahlan.1 begitu juga catatan kyai syuja’ berjudul islam berkemajuan memuat riwayat atau rekam jejak perilaku kyai dahlan semasa hidup.2 terdapat beberapa karya tulis dahlan antara lain tali pengikat hidup manusia3 dari almanak tahun 1923, dan peringatan bagi sekalian muslimin (muhammadiyyin) yang disampaikan dalam kongres islam cirebon tahun 1921. kedua naskah itu, bisa ditemukan dalam lampiran karya abdul munir mulkhan.4 gagasan dan etos gerakan kyai dahlan yang jauh lebih besar adalah sikap terbukanya menyerap puncak-puncak peradaban tanpa memandang bangsa dan agama pengemban peradaban itu.5 karena berbagai aksi sosial yang dikembangkan kyai dahlan terisnpirasi dari pengalaman orang-orang asing kristiani dan warga belanda, inggris atau portugis. panti asuhan yatim piatu, panti jompo, rumah sakit, rumah miskin6 dan sekolah modern merupakan hasil dialog peradaban kyai dahlan dengan manajemen kehidupan di bidang kesehatan, sosial, dan pendidikan kaum kristiani dan pejabat kolonial belanda.7 karena itu, paper ini berupaya menggali dan mengkaji basis teologis-qur’anik yang menggerakkan etos dan spirit islam berkemajuan dalam gerakan muhammadiyah. tujuh falsafah dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran krh. hadjid, murid termuda kh ahmad dahlan, menulis 7 falsafah ajaran dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran yang menjadi pokok wejangan dan pelajaran pendiri persyarikatan muhammadiyah bagi murid-murid dan pengikutnya. tujuh falsafah dan tujuhbelas kelompok ayat alquran tersebut merupakan pegangan utama para pewaris muhammadiyah yang tidak sedikit diantara mereka telah mematrikan jiwa/ruh bermuhammadiyah dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat dan berbangsa.8 tujuh falsafah ajaran yang dimaksud ialah; 1) manusia hidup di dunia hanya sekali untuk bertaruh; sesudah mati, akan mendapat kebahagiaankah atau kesengsaraan; 2) kebanyakan di antara manusia berwatak angkuh dan takabbur, mereka mengambil keputusan sendiri-sendiri; 3) manusia itu kalau mengerjakan pekerjaan apapun, sekali, dua kali, beru○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2020202020 afkaruna lang-ulang, maka kemudian jadi biasa. kalau sudah menjadi kesenangan yang dicintai, maka kebiasaan yang dicintai itu sukar untuk diubah. sudah menjadi tabiat bahwa kebanyakan manusia membela adat kebiasaan yang telah diterima, baik itu dari sudut keyakinan atau i’tikad, perasaan kehendak maupun amal perbuatan. kalau ada yang akan mengubah, mereka akan sanggup membela dengan mengorbankan jiwa raga. demikian itu karena anggapannya bahwa apa yang dimiliki adalah benar; 4) manusia perlu digolongkan menjadi satu dalam kebenaran, harus bersama-sama menggunakan akal fikirannya untuk memikirkan bagaimana sebenarnya hakikat dan tujuan manusia hidup di dunia. apakah perlunya? hidup di dunia harus mengerjakan apa? dan mencari apa? dan apa yang dituju? manusia harus mempergunakan pikirannya untuk mengoreksi soal i’tikad dan kepercayaannya, tujuan hidup dan tingkah lakunya, mencari kebenaran sejati. karena kalau hidup di dunia hanya sekali ini sampai sesat, akibatnya akan celaka dan sengsara selama-lamanya.”adakah engkau menyangka bahwasannya kebanyakan manusia suka mendengarkan atau memikirmikir mencari ilmu yang benar” (qs. al-furqan: 44); 5). setelah manusia mendengarkan pelajaran-pelajaran fatwa yang bermacam-macam, membaca beberapa tumpuk buku…, sekarang, kebiasaan manusia tidak berani memegang teguh pendirian dan perbuatan yang benar karena khawatir kalau menetapi kebenaran akan terpisah dari apa-apa yang sudah menjadi kesenangannya, khawatir akan terpisah dari teman-temannya. pendek kata, banyak kekhawatiran itu yang akhirnya tidak berani mengerjakan barang yang benar, kemudian hidupnya seperti makhluk yang tak berakal, hidup asal hidup, tidak menempati kebenaran; 6) kebanyakan pemimpin-pemimpin rakyat, belum berani mengorbankan harta benda dan jiwanya untuk berusaha tergolongnya umat manusia dalam kebenaran. malah pemimpin-pemimpin itu biasanya hanya mempermainkan, memperalat manusia yang bodoh-bodoh dan lemah; 7) pelajaran terbagi atas dua bagian: belajar ilmu, pengetahuan atau teori dan belajar amal, mengerjakan atau mempraktikkan. semua pelajaran harus dengan cara sedikit demi sedikit, setingkat demi setingkat…demikian juga dalam belajar amal, harus bertingkat. kalau setingkat saja belum dapat mengerjakan, tidak perlu ditambah. adapun 17 kelompok ayat alquran yang menjadi pokok wejangan dan pelajaran dari pendiri persyarikatan muhammadiyah adalah sebagai berikut: 1) membersihkan diri sendiri, al-jathiyah ayat 23; 2) menggempur ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2121212121vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 hawa nafsu mencintai harta benda, al-fajr ayat 17-23;(3) orang yang mendustakan agama, al-ma’un ayat 1-7; 4) apakah artinya agama itu, alrum ayat 30; 5) islam dan sosialisme, al-tawbah ayat 34-35; 6) surat al‘ashr ayat 1-3; 7) iman/kepercayaan, al-‘ankabut ayat 1-3; 8) amal sholeh, al-kahf ayat 110 dan al-zumar ayat 2; 9) wa tawashaw bil haqq, yunus ayat 108, al-kahf ayat 29, muhammad ayat 3, al-an’am ayat 116, alfurqan ayat 44, al-anbiya’ ayat 24, yunus ayat 32, al-shaff ayat 9, albaqarah ayat 147, al-anfal ayat 8, al-isra’ ayat 81 dan al-mu’minun ayat 70; 10) wa tawashaw bi al-shabri; 11) jihad, ali ‘imran ayat 142; 12) wa ana minal muslimin, al-an’am ayat 162-163; 13) al-birru, ali ‘imran ayat 92; 14) surat al-qari’ah ayat 6-11; 15) surat al-shaff ayat 2-3; 16) menjaga diri, al-tahrim ayat 6; dan terakhir 17) apakah belum waktunya, surat alhadid ayat 16. demikianlah tujuh falsafah ajaran dan tujuh belas kelompok ayat alquran yang selalu ditekankan oleh kh.ahmad dahlan kepada muridmuridnya. kalau kita amati dengan cermat, terdapat tiga tahapan kerangka etos muhammadiyah (kyai dahlan) dalam semangat pembangunan peradaban. sebagaimana pesan kyai, “pengetahuan tertinggi” adalah pengetahuan tentang kesatuan hidup. pengetahuan tersebut dapat dicapai dengan sikap kritis dan terbuka dengan menggunakan akal sehat dan istiqamah terhadap kebenaran akali dengan didasari hati suci.”9 pesan tersebut mengandung tiga etos dalam mencapai”peradaban utama” (pengetahuan tertinggi), yaitu etos welas asih (hati suci), etos al-ma’un (sikap kritis dan terbuka) serta etos al-`ashr (pengetahuan tentang kesatuan hidup). gagasan dasar ahmad dahlan terletak pada “kesejajaran kebenaran” (integrasi-interkoneksi) tafsir alquran (hadharah al-nas), akal suci dan temuan iptek (hadharah al-‘ilm), dan ketiga, pengalaman universal kemanusiaan (hadharah al-falsafah). belajar filsafat baginya adalah kunci pengembangan kemampuan akal suci, selain belajar pada pengalaman beragam bangsa dan pemeluk agama. dari sini diperoleh pengetahuan, yaitu penyelamatan kehidupan umat manusia di dunia berdasarkan etos cinta kasih (belas asih/welas asih). kebahagiaan itu adalah “sikap ikhlas, tidak lupa kematian, dan menempatkan ilmu sebagai kunci kemajuan dan kebahagiaan bersama”. etos welas asih etos welas asih berdasarkan pandangan bahwa kebenaran dan kebaikan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2222222222 afkaruna islam terletak pada kegunaan dan manfaat bagi semua orang melampaui batas-batas agama dan bangsa. asas cinta kasih merupakan dasar bagi gerakan kemanusiaan universal dan pembagunan peradaban muhammadiyah. visi pembebasan muhammadiyah saat itu berhadapan dengan masyarakat hindia timur yang mengalami penderitaan akibat kemiskinan, kebodohan, dan kepenyakitan. dalam dokumen gerakan muhammadiyah disebutkan situasi ideal yang diharapkan sebagai hasil pencerdasan dan pemberdayaan adalah islam yang kuat, sehat, besar dan maju.10 orientasi gerakan muhammadiyah terlihat pada pembelaan kaum tertindas dan pencerdasan seluruh lapisan umat melalui pendidikan (sebagian dengan jalan tabligh) yang dilandasi nilai yang disebut oleh dr. soetomo sebagai ‘cinta kasih’ atau disebut abdul munir mulkhan sebagai “etos welas asih”.11 semangat kemanusiaan berbasis cinta-kasih telah mempersatukan orangorang yang berbeda bangsa dan agama dalam muhammadiyah. kerja sosial muhammadiyah didasarkan atas pandangan bahwa kebenaran (alhaq) dan kebaikan (al-khair) islam adalah manfaatnya tanpa memandang batas bangsa dan agama. “alquran suci” dipahami dengan “akal suci” dan “hati suci” serta diamalkan dengan welas asih sebagai etos kemajuan peradaban, keselamatan dunia dan kemanusiaan.12 etos cinta-kasih telah menarik minat seorang elite priayi jawa, dr. soetomo. ia bersedia menjadi penasehat muhammadiyah di bidang kesehatan. bersama dokter belanda, dr. soetomo mengelola rumah sakit muhammadiyah tanpa gaji.13 pengelolaan rumah sakit melibatkan dokterdokter nasrani belanda yang bekerja sukarela, sekolah dikelola secara modern guna meningkatkan taraf hidup dan berperan dalam dunia modern. umat mulai menyadari manfaat bekerja sama dengan semua pihak tanpa melihat agama dan kebangsaan bagi kemajuan dan kesejahteraan rakyat.14 semangat kemanusiaan berbasis etos welas asih telah mempersatukan orang-orang yang berbeda bangsa dan agama tersebut.15 menurut dr. soetomo, etos welas kasih merupakan kritik atas darwinisme sebagai paradigma pemikiran barat modern yang meletakkan seleksi alam atas kekuatan individual. darwinisme tidak memberikan kekuatan kaum lemah untuk menjadi berkemajuan.16 sebagaimana cuplikan pidato dr. soetomo dalam upacara peresmian rumah sakit pko muhammadiyah surabaya17 yang saat itu dr. soetomo menjabat sebagai medisch adviseur h.b. pko muhammadiyah. dalam sambutannya yang berjudul “cinta kasih vs. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2323232323vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 darwinisme” disampaikan: “lagi pula, boleh dikatakan akan timbangan atau perlawan pengajaran darwin. bukankah pengajaran darwin itu berasaskan kepuasan hidup? sudah tentu saja kejadiannya pengajaran ini menindas dan memusnahkan yang bersifat lembek. karena bermaksud untuk diri sendiri, supaya dalam dunia ini mendapat tempat yang baik. sedang pikiran baru itu timbul dari asas lain, yakni asas cinta-kasih. asas cinta-kasih ini sudah barang tentu tiada mengizinkan, tiada memberi kesempatan, beberapa untuk keperluan diri sendiri. akan tetapi, mewajibkan berkurban untuk mencapai hidup mulia bagi umum. dan kalau begitu, apakah yang disebut cinta-kasih pada orang tua, pada istri dan anak atau lainnya? tiada lain hanyalah mengorbankan diri untuk keselamatan dan kebahagiaan orang lain. begitu juga perserikatan kami ini kemasukan pikiran cinta-kasih, yang akan kita curahkan kepada sesama manusia, supaya dengan cinta-kasih dan berkorban dapatlah tercapai hidup mulia,... besuk pagi kita buka poliklinik ini. siapa juga, baik orang eropa, baik orang jawa (orang pribumi), baik cina atau bangsa arab, boleh datang kemari, akan ditolong cuma-cuma, asalkan betul miskin.18 agar manusia memperoleh kesempurnaan, ia harus memenuhi antara lain: pertama, dalam memilih perkara harus dengan belas asih (etika welas asih). sebab manusia tidak akan sampai pada derajat utama, jika tidak dengan belas kasih. karena, watak dan sifat orang yang tidak memiliki belas kasih itu segala perbuatannya didasarkan pada kesenangan, yang semakin lama semakin bosan dan lalu menjadi sia-sia. kedua, bersungguhsungguh dalam mencari, karena sesungguhnya segala sesuatu yang ditujukan kepada keutamaan dunia dan akhirat itu tidak akan tercapai apabila tidak dengan daya upaya, ikhtiar, pengorbanan harta benda, dan dengan kekuatan pikiran. dua hal di muka menunjukkan bahwa etos welas asih kyai dahlan melampaui etos protestan, yang berujung pada semangat kapitalisme. etos welas asih bersandar pada nalar dan moralitas yang mendorong seseorang melakukan dan memperjuangkan sesuatu demi hidup paripurna, jauh dari kesenangan materialistik-hedonistik yang sia-sia dan memperdaya. etos gerakan muhammadiyah melukiskan praksis teologi peradaban. relasirelasi sosial-ekonomi-politik-kultural terjalin melampaui batas-batas keagamaan, etnisitas, dan kebangsaan.gerakan muhammadiyah mengelaborasi dan mengeksploitasi “etos welas asih” ini sebagai bagian utama dari misi universal islam rahmatan lil `alamin. pengalaman induktif kema○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2424242424 afkaruna nusiaan universal kyai ahmad dahlan sendiri menjadi dasar bagi hampir seluruh gagasan dan etos gerakannya. etos al-ma’un ada kisah berkesan tentang bagaimana kh.ahmad dahlan mengajarkan surah al-ma’un kepada murid-muridnya. ia mengajarkan surat ini selama tiga bulan dan tidak mau beranjak ke surat berikutnya, meskipun murid-muridnya sudah mulai bosan. dihimpit oleh rasa bosan itu, salah seorang muridnya, kh. syuja’ pun bertanya, “mengapa kyai dahlan tidak mau beranjak untuk mempelajari surat selanjutnya?” lantas kyai dahlan balik bertanya, “apakah kamu benar-benar memahami surat ini?” kh. syuja’ menjawab bahwa ia dan teman-temannya sudah paham betul arti surat tersebut dan menghafalnya di luar kepala. kemudian kyai dahlan bertanya lagi, “apakah kamu sudah mengamalkannya?” jawab h. syuja’, “bukankah kami membaca surat ini berulang kali dalam shalat?” kyai dahlan lalu menjelaskan bahwa maksud mengamalkan surat alma’un bukan menghafal atau membaca, tetapi lebih penting dari itu adalah melaksanakan pesan surat al-ma’un dalam bentuk amal nyata. “oleh karena itu’, lanjut kyai dahlan, “setiap orang harus keliling kota mencari anak-anak yatim, bawa mereka pulang ke rumah, berikan sabun untuk mandi, pakaian yang pantas, makan dan minum, serta berikan mereka tempat tinggal yang layak.untuk itu pelajaran ini kita tutup, dan laksanakan apa yang telah saya perintahkan kepada kalian.” cerita di atas menggambarkan bagaimana seharusnya ayat-ayat alquran dipelajari dan diamalkan, jangan beranjak ke ayat lain sebelum memahami dan mengamalkan pesan ayat tersebut.19 terdapat lima jalan kyai ahmad dahlan dalam memahami alquran: mengerti artinya; memahami tafsir dan maksudnya; jika mendapat larangan dalam alquran bertanyalah kepada diri sendiri apakah larangan semacam itu sudah ditinggalkan; jika mendapati amar (perintah) perbuatan dalam alquran tersebut, bertanyalah kepada diri sendiri apakah amar atau perintah berbuat tersebut sudah diamalkan; jika yang keempat belum diamalkan, jangan membaca ayat lain.20 termasuk dalam kasus pengamalan surat al-ma’un. sulit diketemukan kitab tafsir yang memberi penjelasan maksud surat al-ma’un seperti pemahaman kyai dahlan yang terbaca dari berbagai aksi sosial. tafsir kyai dahlan atas al-ma’un (barang berguna) itu mendasari ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2525252525vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 karya amalnya yang diperuntukkan kepada kaum dhuafa’ (proletar, tentindas).21 etos al-ma’un menjadi referensi aksi pemberdayaan kaum tertindas seperti aksi pemberdayaan perempuan di ruang publik.22 legenda al-ma’un menempatkan aksi kongkret sebagai tafsir autentik kitab suci.23 sukidi dan robert w. hefner pernah menulis dalam bentara kompas (2 maret, 6 april, dan 1 juni 2005) dengan tema ‘protestanisme islam dan muhammadiyah’. namun pendapat mereka dibantah oleh munir mulkhan. menurutnya, penyebutan muhammadiyah sebagai reformasi islam model protestan kurang tepat karena beberapa fakta sosial menunjukkan tidak tumbuhnya akumulasi kapital seperti kehidupan kaum calvinis. muhajir effendi menyebut kaum muhammadiyin dengan sebutan kaum “al-ma’unis”. aksi sosial dan revolusi kebudayaan ahmad dahlan didasarkan pandangan tentang kesesuaian natural tafsir alquran, pengalaman kemanusiaan universal, dan temuan iptek. baginya ukuran kebenaran tafsir alquran dan temuan iptek ialah sejumlah bukti kemanfaatannya bagi penyelesaian problem universal kemanusiaan. munir mulkhan menyebut semangat dan etos kemanusiaan dahlan sebagai terapan dari pragmatisme-humanistik, bukan etos protestanisme. etos ini berujung pada spirit peradaban. ini dapat disaksikan dari semua karya dan amal usaha muhammadiyah. berdirinya rumah sakit pku muhammadiyah di saentero nusantara diawali dari sebuah poliklinik yang dipimpin oleh dr. somowidagdo asli malang. poliklinik kecil di yogyakarta ini, berkembang menjadi gerakan kesehatan yang merupakan pilar gerakan dan pelayanan kesehatan muhammadiyah selain pendidikan. pencetus poliklinik ini adalah majelis pko (penolong kesengsaraan oemoem) hb (pimpinan pusat) muhammadiyah dibawah kyai syuja’. langkah ini tercantum dalam perencanaan majelis pko yang dibentuk pada tahun 1920. sebelum poliklinik berdiri, dokter somowidagdo bertemu dengan kyai dahlan terlebih dahulu untuk memperoleh ijinnya untuk menangani poliklinik kesehatan pertama milik muhammadiyah. saat dikukuhkannya majelis pko oleh kyai dahlan bersama majelis sekolahan, majelis tabligh dan majelis aman pustaka pada 17 juni 1920, kyai syuja’ sebagai ketua memprogramkan pembangunan hospital (rumah sakit), armenhuis (rumah miskin) dan weeshuis (rumah yatim) sebagai tafsir amali surat al-ma‘un.24 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2626262626 afkaruna beragama palsu dalam konteks kontemporer etos al-ma’un di atas tengah diperhadapkan dengan tantangan kehidupan yang lebih rumit dan canggih. sistem-sistem sosial-ekonomi-politik kini dalam pertarungan sengit antara libertarianisme dan keynesianisme terkait dengan soal seberapa besar alam semesta ini memiliki kemampuan untuk menyediakan sumber daya bagi penduduk planet bumi. konsumsi manusia modern telah menghabiskan kapital alam, baik kapital yang tidak dapat diperbarui (non-renewable capital), seperti bahan bakar minyak fosil, dan kapital yang dapat diperbarui (renewable capital), seperti hutan, perikanan, tanah, air, dan sistem iklim. sistem semacam ini tak dapat dimungkiri telah merampas kekayaan dan kekuasaan dari mayoritas ke minoritas; menciptakan konsentrasi kekayaan dan kekuasaan yang terus meningkat, sehingga mendorong gaya hidup extravagan yang mubadzir, boros dan sia-sia pada sebagian kecil orang, dan pada saat yang sama melahirkan deprivasi dan perbudakan bagi bilyunan orang; dan mempercepat kehancuran kekayaan alam yang telah merampas kehidupan bilyunan penduduk bumi. kecenderungan semacam ini akan menjegal nasib umat manusia jika dibiarkan terus berlanjut. gambaran seperti di atas menyerupai, meski dengan representasi yang lebih sederhana, konteks historis turunnya surat al-ma’un. sebagaimana trio bretton woods (imf, world bank, wto), symptom masyarakat mekkah pra islam mengenal “trio jahiliyah” – abu sufyan, abu jahl, dan al-`ash ibn walid.25 mereka adalah tokoh-tokoh yang memiliki sifat kemaruk harta dan kekayaan dan gemar berfoya-foya secara mencolok di hadapan mayoritas penduduk yang miskin dan serba kekurangan. mereka juga tidak memiliki kepekaan sama sekali atas ketertindasan kaum papa. kutukan sebagai pendusta agama ditujukan kepada individu, kelompok, dan sistem yang apatis dan tidak memiliki solidaritas sosial atas kaum mustadh‘afin. karakteristik yang mudah dikenali pada diri mereka adalah suka menghardik, menakut-nakuti, mengancam, menindas individu, kelompok, masyarakat dan negara “yatim” yang tidak berdaya secara sosial, ekonomi dan politik; mereka juga tidak peduli kepada kemiskinan dan pemiskinan; bahkan mereka sendiri pelaku pemiskinan dan penindasan atau kompradornya; melakukan “pembiaran” (yutm) atas kemiskinan dan pemiskinan; serta tidak berdiri dalam posisi memihak kepada kaum dhuafa. hal serupa berlaku bagi kaum agamawan, kaum muslim yang rajin ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2727272727vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 melakukan shalat lima waktu sehari semalam. shalat mereka tidak menyelamatkan diri mereka sendiri dari api neraka pada hari akhir, karena toh mereka juga tidak berbuat apa-apa, tidak menyelamatkan orang lain yang yatim dan miskin selama hidup di dunia. ini merupakan sifat “shalat yang mencelakakan” sebagai akibat mereka “lalai, abai” terhadap problem kemiskinan dan penindasan yang kasat mata di hadapan mereka. kaum agamawan dan para penegak shalat yang celaka adalah juga mereka yang “menghalangi, menghambat” individu, kelompok, atau sistem yang berusaha memberikan bantuan, pertolongan dan pemberdayaan kepada kaum miskin. oleh karena itu, perlawanan atas sistem yang rakus dan menindas hanya dapat muncul dari kesadaran keagamaan dan “shalat yang memihak”, yakni shalat yang memihak keadilan – hak setiap orang untuk bicara dan hak atas sarana-sarana kehidupan dan penghidupan. siapa yang berjuang untuk mempertahankan kehidupan dari regim perompak, memberikan bantuan karitas, dan pemberdayaan kapasitas dan otoritas kepada kaum miskin, itulah dia yang “shalatnya menyelamatkan” kemanusiaan, ia mujahid anti-kemiskinan dan pembela kaum miskin; ia juga siap mati syahid dalam membela hak-hak kaum miskin dari para begundal kapitalisneoliberalis dan kaki tangannya yang “jahil murakab” (triple idiots). spirit keuntungan untuk kebajikan visi keberpihakan terhadap kaum dhuafa dan mustadh‘afin sebagaimana tersurat dalam etos al-ma’un berhubungan erat dengan al-takathur. pertama, karena surat al-ma’un itu sendiri secara kronologis turun sesudah surat al-takathur. kedua, secara substantif ada kesamaan pesan yang menegaskan larangan bersikap dan bertindak “abai, lalai, dan lengah, leha-leha” dalam hal kapital dan kepedulian terhadap sesama yang membutuhkan. al-takathur sendiri secara harfiah bermakna “menumpuk, memperbanyak, menimbun” sesuatu. secara maknawi mengandung beberapa hal antara lain: al-takathur secara alamiah merupakan sifat manusiawi oleh karena setiap individu memiliki kecenderungan untuk menumpuk harta/ kekayaan sebanyak-banyaknya; secara hukum, menumpuk harta dan kekayaan adalah diperkenankan, karena dianjurkan agar setiap orang berkecukupan secara ekonomi untuk memenuhi kebutuhan dan keinginannya, dan tidak meminta-minta; al-takathur secara sistem merupakan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2828282828 afkaruna aktivitas “kapitalisasi” melalui proses dan prosedur yang berlaku dan terjaga keadilannya. ketika prasyarat ketiga ini tidak terpenuhi, maka al-takathur telah menjerumuskan diri pada regim “kapitalisme”, yang cirinya antara lain: selalu suka “menumpuk dan menimbun” harta/kekayaan untuk kepentingan sendiri bahkan dalam situasi krisis dan kelangkaan, termasuk di dalamnya tindakan memonopoli barang dan atau jasa; senantiasa senang “menghitung-hitung” harta/kekayaan dan untung rugi dari bisnisnya dari perspektif materialistik semata; dan percaya bahwa harta/ kekayaan itu abadi dan mengekalkan sehingga abai terhadap kewajibankewajiban yang harus dibayarkan kepada mereka yang berhak menerimanya.26 ciri lain yang tak kalah pentingnya adalah bahwa kapitalisme yakin terhadap “persaingan bebas” antara dua atau lebih patron melalui cara-cara yang tidak manusiawi dan tidak beradab. al-takathur yang dibenci dan harus dilawan adalah regim yang membuat banyak orang – terutama kaum miskin dan papa – tersungkur, merasakan penderitaan yang mendalam, sampai-sampai banyak di antara mereka menemukan ajal dan terkubur (maqabir, terpinggirkan, termarjinalkan) baik secara sosial, ekonomi, maupun politik. regim semacam ini merupakan manifestasi dari al-takathur yang “bego, lengah” atas kesengsaraan dan deprivasi yang dirasakan sebagian besar umat manusia. oleh karena itu, sejalan dengan visi keberpihakan dari etos al-ma’un, spirit al-takathur yang rasional-bertujuan adalah kapitalisasi yang peduli kepada kemiskinan dan ketertindasan, serta diabdikan untuk membela dan memberdayakan kaum miskin dari kemiskinan karitas, kapasitas dan otoritas mereka, dan bukan semata-mata kapitalisasi untuk melipatgandakan modal itu sendiri. dengan demikian dapat dipahami bahwa spirit al-takathur adalah kapitalisasi atau penumpukan modal dalam kerangka filantropi ekonomi, sosial, dan politik. filantropi ekonomi di sini merujuk pada upaya pengumpulan modal dari berbagai donasi wajib dan sukarela – zakat, infak, sedekah, dan wakaf – yang bertujuan untuk mengembangkan kemandirian, keswadayaan, dan swakelola kehidupan perekonomian kaum miskin dan tertindas, serta meningkatkan ketrampilan hidup dan kapasitas mereka. filantropi sosial merupakan kapitalisasi dalam kerangka pengentasan kaum mustadh‘afin dari marjinalisasi sosial, seperti pengucilan di mana mereka mengalami diskriminasi dan stigma, dan dipaksa untuk terlibat dalam aktivitas ekonomi dan relasi sosial yang memelihara mereka agar tetap miskin. sedangkan filantropi politik adalah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2929292929vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 upaya kapitalisasi yang bermaksud untuk membebaskan kaum miskin dari marjinalisasi partisipasi, marjinalisasi hak-hak asasi, dan marjinalisasi perlindungan hukum. inilah yang dimaksud dengan “spirit keuntungan untuk kebajikan”; “spirit al-takathur untuk menegakkan pemihakan al-ma’un”. spirit semacam ini hendaknya tergambar dalam setiap amal usaha dan layanan sosial yang dibangun oleh muhammadiyah dan komunitas muslim umumnya. artinya, sebuah amal usaha dan layanan sosial – baik dalam bidang pendidikan, kesehatan, dan kemaslahatan publik lainnya – bukan berorientasi profit. lembaga-lembaga ini perlu dikelola dengan manajemen yang baik agar tetap dapat survival dan sustainable, menerapkan subsidi silang dalam hal layanan. sustainabilitas lembaga ini di samping ditopang dengan pemanfaatan donasi filantropi, juga keuntungan dari layanan yang diberikan. marjin keuntungan yang diperoleh disisihkan untuk membantu mereka yang kurang beruntung. dengan cara ini, lembaga-lembaga amal usaha dan layanan sosial tetap bertahan hidup dengan tetap teguh memegang visi pemihakan, pembelaan, dan pemberdayaan kepada kaum miskin. dengan kata lain, spirit al-takathur hanya dapat dibenarkan bila ia melandaskan diri pada solidaritas dan keberpihakan al-ma’un; keuntungan mengabdi kepada kebajikan. etos al-‘ashr aksi sosial kebudayaan yang dilakukan kyai dahlan tentu saja berlandaskan kerangka berpikir dan etos gerakan. krh. hadjid, murid termuda kh. ahmad dahlan, menulis “7 falsafah ajaran dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran” sebagaimana sudah disebutkan pada bagian terdahulu. menurutnya, kyai dahlan mengajarkan surat al-‘ashr kepada murid muridnya lebih dari 7 bulan. surat al-‘ashr juga diajarkan kepada jamaah muhammadiyah setiap jam 07.00 pagi, dan kepada jamaah aisyiyah setiap jam 08.00 pagi. surat ini juga diajarkan kepada para pemudi setelah zuhur, mereka disuruh menulis dan menghafalkannya.27 menurut kyai djazuli, salah seorang guru madrasah mu’allimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta sejak 1926-an sampai 1956-an, kh. ahmad dahlan mengajarkan surat al-‘ashr di mana-mana dan selalu diulang-ulang.28 atas permintaan nyai walidah, kyai dahlan mengajarkan surat al-‘ashr kepada para buruh perempuan di kauman. pengajiannya dinamakan “pengajian wal-‘ashri”. karena kyai ahmad dahlan suka mengulang-ulang surat al-‘ashr dalam pengajiannya, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3030303030 afkaruna orang-orang pekalongan masa itu memberi julukan kh. ahmad dahlan dengan julukan kyai wal-‘ashri.29 selain menyelenggarakan pengajian al-‘ashr, kyai dahlan juga mempelopori “sekolah kader al-‘ashr” yang dipimpin oleh krh. hadjid. hasil penamaan pendidikan dan pengajaran al-‘ashr ini nampak melekat di hati anak muda muhammadiyah, dan kemudian lapangan tempat mereka berolahraga bermain sepakbola diberi nama lapangan asri.30 sehariharinya lapangan tersebut digunakan oleh pemuda muhammadiyah dan latihan pshw (persatuan sepakbola hizbul wathan). pada 1940-an, lapangan asri ini dibangun stadion dengan standar lengkap dan tribun berkualitas. arsiteknya adalah ir. suratin salah seorang pendiri dan ketua umum psii (persatuan sepakbola seluruh indonesia).31 maksud kyai dahlan mengulang-ulang al-‘ashr adalah agar murid-muridnya terbiasa memiliki etos disiplin tepat waktu dan selalu mengisi waktu dengan perbuatan yang bermanfaat (amal salih). pertanyaannya mengapa al-‘ashr? apa pentingnya mengupas al-‘ashr dan kaitannya dengan etos muhammadiyah? imam syafii pernah berkata, andaikan allah tidak menurunkan ayat atau surat dari alquran, maka cukuplah dengan wal-‘ashri saja. surat al-‘ashr itu sangat padat, mencakup kehidupan dan sejarah peradaban umat manusia. etos al-‘ashr membawa manusia ke arah kehidupan dunia dan akhirat yang berkemajuan dan berperadaban.32 hamka dalam tafsir al-azhar menjelaskan bahwa allah menyebutkan martabat umat manusia itu terdiri empat unsur, yaitu iman, amal shaleh, tausiah kebenaran dan tausiah kesabaran. jika empat syarat itu tidak terpenuhi, rugilah seluruh masa hidup.33 betapa ayat ini meliputi peradaban dan gerak langkah sejarah manusia. senada dengan apa yang dikatakan samuel p. hutington bahwa hakikat peradaban adalah sejarah manusia, dan sejarah manusia adalah sejarah peradaban itu sendiri.34 dalam surat al-‘ashr terkandung konsep kunci yang menjadi spirit pembangunan peradaban. ayat-ayat dalam al-‘ashr berbentuk jamak dalam kaitannya dengan peningkatan kualitas hidup individu maupun masyarakat. kata-kata seperti amanu, ‘amilu, dan tawashau, menunjukkan kualitas hidup manusia sebagai kolektifitas (al-muj’tama’). artinya, al-‘ashr berbicara kehidupan kolektif yang dapat dikaitkan dengan ummah. muhammadiyah telah lama menggunakan istilah khairu ummah (umat terbaik) sebagai dasar masyarakat utama atau peradaban utama. masyarakat utama yang berkebudayaan dan berperadaban maju, yang memiliki ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3131313131vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 arti berlawanan dengan kata khusr, yakni ‘kerugian’, ‘kehancuran’, ‘primitif’, ‘tertinggal’, dan ‘berkemunduran’. peradaban utama (berkemajuan) adalah antitesis dari kondisi umum masyarakat khusr (keterbelakangan). untuk merajut sejarah peradaban umat manusia dalam dimensi ruang dan waktu, etos al-‘ashr memberikan empat prasyarat. pertama, iman (alladhina amanu) dapat dimaknai paradigma tauhid sebagai intisari peradaban islam. kedua, pelembagaan amal shaleh (wa ̀ amilu al-salihah) sebagai kerja-kerja pembangunan peradaban. ketiga, ilmu pengetahuan, teknologi, dan seni (ipteks) sebagai manifestasi dari tawashaw bi al-haqq. kebenaran, al-haq, dipahami dalam konteks kebenaran relatif, yakni kebenaran ipteks yang dapat terus dikembangkan seuai kemajuan zaman. keempat, moralitas utama yang dipahami dari penggalan tawashaw bi al-shabr. 35 bermula dari waktu krh. hadjid, murid kyai dahlan, menjelaskan makna al-‘ashr sebagai waktu sore atau segala waktu (masa). ada juga yang menerangkan waktu ashar. waktu ashar adalah saat banyak orang bermain-main dan menjalankan amal yang buruk. karena itu, allah bersumpah dengan wal-‘ashri, artinya waktu ashar itu bukanlah waktu yang rendah dan buruk. waktu ashar berarti baik atau buruk tergantung cara kita memanfaatkannya. apabila kita melakukan amal baik, maka pada waktu ashar kita juga mendapatkan kebaikan, karena manusia tidak dikuasai waktu.36 menurut hadjid, waktu terbagi dua, yaitu permulaan dan akhir. segala sesuatu pasti berawal dan berakhir. semua keadaan yang kita alami hari ini adalah buah dari apa yang kita tanam di masa lampau. jadi ada hukum sebab-akibat. itulah hakikat kehidupan, ada titik asal mula dan titik akhir. jadi al-‘ashr adalah hakikat hakikat kehidupan manusia itu sendiri. etos al-‘ashr menjadikan gerakan muhammadiyah tidak hanya memikirkan tentang sepuluh atau dua puluh tahun ke depan. perubahan seiring berjalan waktu mesti terus terjadi. karena itu kyai dahlan sering menyampaikan peringatan kepada teman temannya supaya waspada terhadap waktu sepanjang hidup: « lengah. kalau sampai terlanjur terus-menerus lengah, tentu akan sengsara di dunia dan akhirat. maka dari itu jangan sampai lengah, kita harus berhatihati. sedangkan orang yang mencari kemuliaan di dunia saja, kalau hanya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3232323232 afkaruna seenaknya dan tidak bersungguh-sungguh, tidak akan berhasil, apalagi mencari keselamatan dan kemuliaan di akhirat. kalau hanya seenaknya sungguh tidak akan berhasil”.37 senada dengan itu, sukriyanto ar memberikan makna wal-‘ashri sebagai ‘demi waktu yang bergerak ke depan’, ‘demi waktu yang bergerak maju’, ‘demi masa yang menuju masa depan’, atau ‘demi kehidupan yang senantiasa bergerak maju’.38 karena itu, ciri-ciri masyarakat berkemajuan itu visioner, yakni berpikiran maju, berwawasan luas, dan berpandangan jauh ke depan melampaui zaman. dengan visi tersebut masyarakat berbudaya maju memiliki cirri cirri seperti tepat waktu, tepat janji, kreatif, dinamis, rajin, tertib, kerja keras dan budaya kerjasama antar peradaban. kondisi umum kemanusiaan “sesungguhnya manusia itu ada di dalam kerugian” mengisyaratkan bahwa secara umum kondisi peradaban umat manusia akan mengalami aneka ragam problem kehidupan (al-khusr). di masa kelahiran muhammadiyah, kyai dahlan mengambarkan secara umum bahwa umat dan bangsa saat itu belum bersatu hati. menurutnya, keadaan itu disebabkan oleh tiga hal. pertama, para pemimpin belum bersatu hati dan saling mengabaikan satu sama lain. mereka saling bertentangan pendapat disebabkan kurangnya pengetahuan, sehingga menjadikan sempitnya pemikiran. akibatnya di antara mereka timbul kerusakan (khusr).39 kedua, para pemimpin saat itu belum menunjukan praksis gerakan, dengan tindakan dan perbuatan yang nyata, kebanyakan hanya beretorika belaka bahkan menipu, berbohong, dan perusak (khusr).40 ketiga, kebanyakan para pemimpin dan penguasa saat itu hanya memperhatikan kesejahteraan kaum dan golongan mereka sendiri, bahkan badan maupun perutnya sendiri.41 dengan bersandar pada nasihat al-ghazali, kyai dahlan lalu mengatakan: “kerusakan rakyat disebabkan kerusakan raja-raja (pemimpinpemimpin negara), kerusakan raja-raja disebabkan oleh kerusakan ulama (karena tidak memberikan nasihat).” kyai dahlan melanjutkan, “apabila pemimpin-pemimpin negara dan para ulama itu baik, maka baiklah alam; dan apabila pemimpin-pemimpin negara dan para ulama itu rusak, maka rusaklah alam dan negara (masyarakat dan negara)”.42 akibat globalisasi, perubahan sosial tidak selalu bermakna positif. kerusakan ekologi, climate change, dehumanisasi, tindak kekerasan (vio○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3333333333vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 lence) atas nama negara, agama, etnis dan begitu seterusnya menjadi tantangan sendiri bagi kelanjutan peradaban islam. ulrich beck menyatakan bahwa tantangan peradaban hari ini adalah munculnya masyarakat berisiko (risk society).43 menurutnya, manusia modern memasuki babak baru dalam modernitas lanjut (late modernity). kesadaran risiko kemudian mewarnai seluruh proses interaksi sosial, termasuk interaksi politik, ekonomi, budaya dan agama. jika dalam modernitas klasik masalah sentralnya berkisar pada kekayaan dan bagaimana cara mendistribusikannya secara merata, maka dalam modernitas baru masalah sentralnya adalah risiko dan bagaimana cara mencegah, meminimalkan, atau menyalurkannya.44 tantangannya adalah bagaimana meminimalisir risiko gesekan (clash) antar peradaban, sehingga tidak jatuh ke kubang kehancuran (khusr). iman sebagai fondasi peradaban iman ialah fondasi bangunan peradaban. menurut ismail raji al-faruqi, tauhid adalah intisari peradaban islam. tauhid adalah prinsip penentu pertama dalam kebudayaan dan peradaban. tauhid memberikan identitas yang mengikat semua unsurnya bersama-sama menjadikan satu kesatuan integral dan organis yang disebut dengan peradaban.45 paradigma tauhid dapat ditemukan dalam definisi kyai dahlan tentang agama. baginya, agama bukan barang yang kasar, yang harus dimasukkan ke dalam telinga. islam adalah agama fitrah. artinya ajaran yang sesuai dengan kesucian manusia. sesungguhnya agama bukanlah amal lahir yang dapat dilihat. amal yang kelihatan itu hanyalah manifestasi dan daya dari spirit agama. sesungguhnya agama itu ialah “kecenderungan ruhani untuk menuju kesempurnaan tertinggi yang suci dan luhur, bersih dari pengaruh kebendaan.” manusia religius ialah manusia yang condong kepada kesucian iman kepada allah, bersih dari pengaruh yang bermacam-macam”.46 orang beriman, menurut kyai dahlan dengan merujuk pada ayat “wa shaddaqa bil husna”, adalah orang yang percaya dengan sungguhsungguh pada perbedaan antara keutamaan dan kenistaan, dan percaya bahwa dirinya, alam semesta, semuanya ada yang mencipta dan memelihara. tentu, mereka juga percaya bahwa tuhan akan membalas orang yang beramal salih dan menyiksa yang berbuat kejahatan. kepercayaan ini benar-benar menghunjam, menera, dan terpatri dalam hati sampai batas-batas menguasai kehendak mereka. kemudian iman itu berdampak pada amal salih.47 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3434343434 afkaruna karena itu, ‘tauhid murni’ merupakan pilar pertama ‘islam berkemajuan’. tauhid murni akan berimplikasi pada prinsip ketuhanan, seperti kesatuan penciptaan (unity of creation), kesatuan kemanusiaan (unity of mankind), kesatuan pedoman hidup (unity of guidance), dan kesatuan tujuan hidup (unity of the purpose of life). tauhid melahirkan etika amal shaleh dimana kemuliaan dan keberhasilan moral manusia dapat dilihat dari bagaimana manusia mengisi ruang dan waktu, untuk memberi manfaat lingkungan sosialnya. implementasi tauhid dalam pembangunan peradaban ditafsirkan sebagai jalan menuju pencerahan, pembebasan, dan kesemestaan. pelembagaan amal shaleh iman tidaklah sempurna tanpa amal shalih. dalam tujuh belas kelompok ayat, krh. hadjid menjelaskan amal salih adalah amal yang berguna bagi dirinya sendiri, bagi ahli keluarganya, bagi kaum kerabatnya, dan bagi semua manusia yang jauh dari perbuatan kemadlaratan pada seorang kecuali menolak kemudlaratan yang lebih besar, misalkan dakwah mengajak menjalankan kebenaran dan wasiat dengan sabar.48 kyai dahlan menantang orang-orang yang sering berkoar-koar membela atau berjuang di jalan allah swt., dengan kalimat, “janganlah kamu berteriak-teriak sanggup membela agama, meskipun harus menyumbang nyawa, jiwamu tak usah kamu tawarkan, jika tuhan mau, tentu akan mati sendiri. tapi beranikah kamu menawarkan hartamu demi agama? iutlah yang lebih penting saat ini”.49 agama islam berfungsi untuk melakukan transformasi sosial manakala ajaran-ajarannya dapat diterapkan untuk mengatasi masalah-masalah sosial. gerakan sosial-keagamaan muhammadiyah merupakan wujud dari fungsionalisasi agama yang didasarkan pertimbangan akal sehat. secara teologis, hal ini didasarkan pada keterpaduan antara iman dan amal shaleh. kyai dahlan tanpaknya merujuk tafsir juz amma surat al-ashr tentang iman. dalam tafsir tersebut dijelaskan yamliku iraadatuhum (‘kepercayaan yang sampai menguasai kehendak’) sehingga melahirkan amal shaleh yang fundamental.50 karena itu, dalam muhammadiyah amal shalih bukan semata-mata ritual ibadah mahdhah, tetapi merupakan kerja peradaban yang bermanfaat bagi semesta. amal shaleh bukanlah eskapisme, ibadah mengasingkan diri dari manusia dan berbagai permasalahan hidup dengan asyik masyuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3535353535vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 dalam ritual dan dzikir spiritual. amal shaleh adalah amal yang kreatif dan solutif untuk peradaban. karena itu supaya amal produktif dan efisien, maka perlu pelembagaan amal shaleh dalam organisasi, bukan individu. amal shaleh adalah pembuktian iman. krh. hadjid mengutip firman: “lan tanalul birra hatta tunfiqu mimma tuhibbun” (sekali-kali tidak akan (sempurna) suatu kebajikan, sehingga kamu menginfakkan sebagian harta yang sangat kamu cintai’). “lan tanalul birra, wa yu’tsiruna anfusihim”, memberikan barang yang sangat dicintai dan mendahulukan saudara lainnya, mengalahkan dirinya adalah akhlak orang berbuat kebajikan (abrar).51 inilah barangkali yang menjadi etos kemajuan amal usaha muhammadiyah. kini muhammadiyah berada ditengah-tengah arus putaran globalisasi dalam praxis, bukan globalisasi dalam teori. globalisasi dan perubahan sosial dalam praktik hidup sehari-hari, harus direspons dengan gerakan amal shaleh. amal usaha muhammadiyah harus mulai masuk ke wilayah transportasi, komunikasi, ekonomi, ilmu pengetahuan, teknologi, budaya dan lain-lain. etos dialog antar peradaban etos dialog antar peradaban merupakan pengembangan tafsir dari tausiah kebenaran dan kesabaran yang memiliki makna transformatif bagi pengembangan ipteks dan penguatan moralitas. ipteks dan moral menjadi modal utama untuk dialog peradaban. di era kosmopolitan di mana seluruh manusia menjadi warga dunia (global citizenship), etos dialog antar peradaban sangatlah urgen. sudah tentu, dalam perjumpaaan antara local dan global citizenship ada pergumulan identitas yang tidak mudah, ada dialektika antara keduanya, antara being a true muslim dan being a member of global citizenship sekaligus. ini memerlukan sintesis baru yang dapat memayungi dan menjadi jangkar spiritual bagi mereka yang hidup dalam dunia baru dan dalam arus pusaran perubahan sosial global. dalam pidato monumental berjudul “tali pengikat hidup” kyai dahlan menyatakan bahwa sesungguhnya manusia berasal dari “satu daging” yang sama. kemudian ia menyeru kepada umat islam, “marilah para pemimpin untuk segera berkumpul membicarakan kebenaran (haq) tanpa memandang dan memilih bangsa. dan jangan sekali-kali puas dan putusasa sebelum menemukan kebenaran tersebut. dengan kebenaran yang kita temukan, maka bukankah manusia lalu satu asasnya, satu penget○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3636363636 afkaruna ahuannya, dan satu tindakannya”.52 pesan ini mencerminkan etos dialog antar peradaban bahkan etika kemanusiaan universal (etika global). jika hans kung menyuarakan deklarasi etika global dan dialog antar peradaban, maka kyai dahlan jauh di awal abad ke-20 sudah menyuarakan kesatuan hati manusia, dan persatuan para pemimpin supaya saling berkumpul dan bermusyawarah. ini merupakan spirit dialog peradaban yang masih terus relevan dengan kehidupan saat ini. kyai dahlan dan muhammadiyah terus memelihara sikap kritis dan terbuka terhadap perkembangan ipteks, dan keimanannya pada alquran disertai dengan pemahaman akal yang didasari hati suci.53 “kesempurnaan budi ialah mengerti baik-buruk, benar-salah, kebahagiaan atau penderitaan, dan bertindak atas dasar pengertian itu. kondisi ini dicapai jika akalnya sempurna, yakni akal kritis dan kreatif bebas yang diperoleh dari belajar. inti ilmu ini adalah inti ajaran islam dengan satu asas kebenaran yang memandang manusia berkedudukan sama. setiap orang wajib menyebarkan ilmu dan islam ke semua orang di semua tempat. menjadi guru, sekaligus murid. belajar dan mengajar untuk kebaikan hidup seluruh umat manusia.”54 menurut krh. hadjid, ada tujuh pertanyaan fundamental yang mesti dijawab: (1) manusia yang tidak mengerti agama dan terus tidak mau belajar mempelajari agama, apakah ini yang benar, atau apakah ini yang salah? (2) apakah agama yang berbeda-beda satu sama lain itu semua benar? atau semuanya salah? (3) apakah sudah mengerti manakah agama yang salah dan mana yang benar? (4) apakah orang yang menolak agama itu orang yang benar? (5) apakah agama hindu, buddha, majusi, shinto, yahudi, nasrani itu benar? ataukah agama nabi muhammad (saja yang benar)? (6) tiap-tiap pemeluk agama mengaku dirinya yang benar, tiaptiap agama mengaku bahwa agamanya itu bersumber dari allah, maka sekarang kita bertanya, “apakah tanda-tanda agama allah itu betul-betul dari allah?” (7) selain agama allah yang benar itu, semua agama-agama itu batal.55 meskipun demikian muhammadiyah tidak elitis dan eksklusif. tidak fanatisme menegakkan islam murni sehingga over reaktif terhadap kelompok lain. generasi awal muhammadiyah begitu toleran, kreatifinklusif serta akomodatif, tetapi tidak mempengaruhi prinsip penegakan tauhid murni. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3737373737vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 dari al-ma‘un ke al-‘ashr: dari etos ke spirit peradaban kyai ahmad dahlan telah mengajarkan al-ma‘un dan al-‘ashr. dua gagasan besar yang meresap kuat dalam alam bawah sadar muhammadiyah. dua gagasan itulah yang melandasi visi dan misi gerakan muhammadiyah hingga kini, yang sudah melewati usia satu abad. dua surat pendek ini banyak mewarnai kisah kyai dahlan dalam mengajarkan alquran. tinggal bagaimana selanjutnya dua teologi ini diramu dan dioperasionalisasi menjadi spirit dan etos yang menyatu dengan sistem gerakan muhammadiyah. logika al-ma’un memiliki logika yang berbeda dari al-‘ashr. etos alma’un mengidentifikasi dimensi religius mesti seiring dengan dengan dimensi sosial — kesalihan religius menjadi kurang bermakna jika tidak dibarengi dengan kepedulian sosial. sementara etos al-‘ashr menarik batas antara dimensi rohani (iman) dan dimensi sosial (amal salih). bagi al-ma’un kepedulian sosial merupakan kriteria bagi kesalihan agama, sedangkan bagi al-‘ashr dimensi agama dan dimensi sosial merupakan dua hal yang berbeda—meskipun tidak terpisah—yang masing-masing memiliki kriteria dan ukuran. menurut ahmad norma permata, etos al-ma’un mengajarkan bahwa kepedulian sosial merupakan komponen sekaligus kriteria dari kesalihan spiritual. dalam bahasa kontemporer, perspektif ini sering diidentikkan dengan ideologi “kiri”, yaitu pemahaman strukturalis terhadap ketimpangan sosial yang dilawankan dengan kesetaraan hak individual. dalam perspektif al-ma’un, evaluasi moral terhadap ketimpangan sosial menyatakan bahwa peradaban selalu dikuasai kelompok kuat (penguasa, kaya, pandai, dan sebagainya). karena itu, moralitas al-maun selalu berpihak kepada kelompok lemah (miskin, tertindas, bodoh, dan lemah). logika alma’un melihat para penguasa dan kelompok kaya cenderung sebagai “tersangka” secara moral terkait dengan berbagai penderitaan kelompok lemah dan tertindas. ini tentu saja berimplikasi secara institusional pada gerakan bernuansa anti kemapanan.56 wawasan al-ma’un mendorong terbentuknya institusi atau sistem kehidupan yang memberikan peluang kepada kelompok lemah untuk menuntut kesamaan hak dan kesempatan dalam membangun kehidupan. konsekuensinya akan terbuka kemungkinan benturan-benturan antara kelompok pendatang yang menginginkan perubahan dengan kelompok ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3838383838 afkaruna yang ingin mempertahankan kemapanan. perspektif strukturalis ini secara politis cenderung populis. di satu sisi, al-ma‘un mengandung logika simplistik bahwa pada dasarnya secara moral manusia mempunyai status setara. di sisi lain, secara sosial kehidupan manusia terbelah ke dalam tingkatan-tingkatan di mana ada kelompok yang diuntungkan dan dirugikan. kesimpulannya kelompok yang diuntungkan cenderung dianggap bersalah atau setidaknya bertanggung jawab untuk menolong kelompok yang tertindas. kelompok lemah dan tertindas biasanya merupakan bagian dari mayoritas. logika al-ma’un yang strukturalis ini juga berkonsekuensi pada strategi membangun kehidupan (peradaban) yang ideal dan berkeadilan. sebagaimana kelompok strukturalis diberbagai belahan dunia, wawasan al-ma’un sangat dekat dengan filsafat idealis yang melihat ukuran kebaikan berakar pada sistem yang beroperasi. sistem yang baik akan menghasilkan realitas kehidupan yang baik; sistem yang buruk akan menghasilkan kehidupan yang buruk. logika al-ma’un selalu berupaya merumuskan sistem alternatif bagi peradaban islam. asumsi dasarnya adalah bahwa problem sosial, ketimpangan dan ketidakadilan lahir dari adanya sistem sosial yang menyimpang dari nilai-nilai ajaran islam. maka, untuk memperbaiki keadaan dan menanggulangi ketimpangan, tidak ada cara lain kecuali memperbaiki, atau jika perlu mengganti sistem yang ada. sementara logika al-‘ashr mengajarkan bahwa iman dan amal shaleh, meskipun merupakan satu kesatuan yang tidak terpisahkan dari keberislaman, namun keduanya berbeda dalam dimensi dan konstruksinya. artinya, upaya untuk membangun salah satu di antara keduanya akan secara otomatis membantu dan memfasilitasi perbaikan dimensi yang lain, namun ketiadaan atau kekurangan salah satunya tidak serta merta membatalkan atau mengurangi nilai yang lain. kepedulian sosial mengandung nilai dan kebaikan agama, namun kebaikan agama tetap dapat dicapai meskipun tanpa kepedulian sosial. logika al-‘ashr ini memiliki konsekuensi institusional yang berorientasi pada keterbukaan kesempatan untuk meraih kebaikan, yang mengutamakan kapasitas dan kemampuan usaha individu, apresiasi dan perlindungan hasil kinerja dan prestasi personal. dalam konteks ini, logika al-‘ashr akan menempatkan peradaban sejalan dengan evaluasi moral. kebaikan tidak hanya dilihat dari perspektif moral yang pasif melainkan dari ukuran moralitas aktif. kejayaan dan keberhasilan lebih utama dibanding kekalahan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3939393939vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 dan kegagalan jika posisi moralnya sama. keberhasilan tidak identik dengan kecurangan sementara kegagalan tidak selalu identik dengan ketulusan. berbanding terbalik dengan logika al-ma’un, logika al-‘ashr cenderung melihat penguasa dan orang kaya sebagai teladan untuk diikuti sedangkan kelompok lemah dan tertindas sebagai peringatan dan bahan pelajaran untuk dihindari. dalam upaya untuk menyelesaikan persoalan dan memperbaiki situasi, logika al-‘ashr tidak berorientasi pada sistem dan tidak mendorong intervensi atau rekonstruksi sistem-sistem alternatif, melainkan lebih kepada upaya untuk menghilangkan atau mengurangi persoalan dan ketidakadilan yang secara konkret dihadapi oleh masyarakat. logika al-‘ashr ini dekat dengan tradisi pemikiran “liberal”57 yang rasional dan empiris. dalam pandangan pengikut kelompok ini, sistem kehidupan merupakan rangkuman dari seluruh proses tindakan dan interaksi usaha seluruh anggota masyarakat. sistem kehidupan [institusi] bukanlah hasil ciptaan seseorang atau sebuah kelompok, melainkan hasil akhir dari gabungan kehendak dan usaha semua orang. sistem yang baik dan berkeadlian adalah sistem yang terbuka, yang memberi kesempatan semua orang berpartisipasi dan berkontribusi dalam kehidupan secara setara. intervensi dan modifikasi terhadap sistem bukanlah sebuah tindakan yang baik karena berarti menempatkan seseorang atau salah satu pihak memiliki posisi lebih tinggi dibanding yang lain. selama ini orang lebih melihat muhammadiyah condong kepada ideologi kiri, karena kyai dahlan sangat terinspirasi oleh surat al-ma’un. namun, patut dicatat bahwa kyai dahlan juga sangat terinspirasi oleh surat al-‘ashr yang memiliki logika institusional berbanding terbalik dengan al-ma’un. mungkin sekilas ini terlihat janggal atau bahkan mengada-ada untuk mengatakan bahwa muhammadiyah sebenarnya mengikuti ideologi liberal. namun jika dicermati secara metodologis, kita menyaksikan bahwa modus gerakan yang dibangun oleh kyai dahlan melalui muhammadiyah bukanlah dengan cara membangun sebuah sistem alternatif—baik sistem sosial, politik, maupun ekonomi—melainkan dengan secara langsung menanggulangi persoalan dan ketidakadilan yang secara nyata dihadapi oleh masyarakat. kyai dahlan tidak pernah merumuskan sistem kehidupan yang idealis: apakah sistem sosial harus hierarkis atau egaliter, apakah sistem politik harus demokratis atau teokratis, apakah sistem ekonomi harus bergantung ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4040404040 afkaruna atau lepas dari negara. kyai dahlan lebih fokus membangun kerja nyata untuk peradaban dalam menanggulangi problem dan ketidakadilan yang ada di masyarakat bai menyangkut kemiskinan, kesehatan, dan pendidikan. muhammadiyah cenderung terbuka untuk menerima realitas sistem kehidupan yang ada sembari berpikir dan bekerja keras bagaimana menanggulangi persoalan ketidakadilan di masyarakat. akibatnya, rumusan formal cita-cita institusional (peradaban) muhammadiyah selalu ambigu: peradaban utama, masyarakat islam yang sebenar-benarnya—yang sekedar normatif, tanpa acuan indikator, dan bisa ditafsirkan ke mana saja. lalu, mana sebenarnya teologi sejati muhammadiyah: al-ma’un yang kiri, atau al-‘ashr yang liberal? banyak orang terbiasa berpikir simplistik, dengan menganggap jika ada dua hal yang berbeda pasti yang satu benar dan yang satu salah. padahal kemungkinan logisnya tidak hanya itu: karena keduanya bisa sama-sama benar, atau sama-sama salah! apakah teologi al-ma’un atau al-‘ashr yang harus diikuti, tidaklah tergantung kepada pilihan dan kehendak bebas, melainkan akan ditentukan oleh konstruk kognitifnya sebagai hasil dari pengalaman institusional yang jalani oleh seseorang: jika dia berada pada situasi yang tidak diuntungkan oleh realitas maka dia akan terdorong mengikuti perspektif dan ajaran al-ma’un yang melihat realitas secara struktural serta memotivasi untuk mengubah sistem yang ada. namun jika dia berada pada situasi yang diuntungkan oleh realitas, maka dia akan terdisposisi mengikuti perspektif ajaran al-‘ashr yang menyediakan insentif untuk berfokus pada penyelesaian problem riil yang ada di masyarakat tanpa perlu terlalu mempersoalkan gambar besar sistem yang ada. yang perlu digaris bawahi adalah bahwa kedua teologi tersebut dilandaskan pada etos welas asih, dan berujung pada praksis pelembagaan peradaban muhammadiyah. muhammadiyah tidak berpretensi untuk condong ke salah satu dari dua ajaran di atas. jalan tengah di antara keduanya merupakan pilihan terbaik. bila pada suatu ruang-waktu muhammadiyah harus condong ke al-ma‘un, itu semua merupakan keniscayaan karena kebutuhan untuk beradaptasi dengan tantangan dan peluang. demikian juga, kecenderungan ke aras al-‘ashr merupakan respon sesuai dengan dinamika ruang dan waktu. ketika gagasan “islam transformatif” moeslim abdurrahman mencuat ke publik. dengan spirit al-ma’un sebagai ruhnya, kuntowijoyo telah berijtihad untuk melampaui kiri (baca: al-ma`un), dengan menawarkan tran○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4141414141vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 sendensi, di samping liberasi dan humanisasi. konstruksi ilmu sosial profetik, yang masih separuh jalan, dipandang masih condong ke kirikirian, karena masih menggunakan kesadaran kritis-strukturalis. namun setidaknya ijtihadnya sudah mendapatkan satu pahala. dibutuhkan elaborasi lebih lanjut islam profetik agar menjadi jembatan antara al-ma’un dan al-`ashr. teologi al-maun telah melahirkan islam transformatif, sedangkan al-‘ashr melahirkan islam berkemajuan. keduanya saling membutuhkan. etika kemanusiaan al-ma’un harus bergandeng tangan dengan spirit peradaban al-‘ashr, untuk membangun irama dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar muhammadiyah. kesimpulan prospek muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan dan organisasi sosial keagamaan makin cerah sejalan dengan kemampuan melakukan perubahan positif dalam perspektif pemberdayaan ummat. muhammadiyah tidak perlu terlalu risau dengan soal kemiskinan. yang dibutuhkan saat ini ialah membangun sistem institusi yang efektif disertai dengan kepemimpinan yang efektif pula. secara teologis, muhammadiyah juga perlu terus mereaktualisasi etos al-ma’un, muhammadiyah juga memiliki etos al-ashr untuk pengembangan peradaban. tidak ada perlawanan selain terhadap ketamakan diri sendiri. tidak perlu ada kambing hitam untuk dipersalahkan. meminjam istilah “keadilan” dari amartya sen, etos al-ma`un ingin membangun keadilan, diawali dengan menolak realitas yang ada. etos al-`ashr hendak menghilangkan ketidakadilan, diawali dengan “menerima realitas yang ada”. muhammadiyah dengan jargon “islam berkemajuan” memiliki potensi untuk menjadi ideologi peradaban. bukan hanya slogan teologis-filsafat-paradigmatik, mewujud dalam praxis sosial-politik, sosialekonomi dan sosial-kebudayaan yang nyata. karena itu, harus ada proyek intelektual yang lebih membumi untuk memberikan kontribusi pada sistem politik ekonomi sosial budaya yang ada. sebagaimana kyai dahlan nyatakan bahwa ilmu itu memiliki nilai guna pragmatis bagi kehidupan manusia. sebagaimana inspirasi surat al-ra`d: 17 “allah telah menurunkan air (hujan) dari langit, maka mengalirlah air di lembah-lembah menurut ukurannya, maka arus itu membawa buih yang mengambang. dan dari apa (logam) yang mereka lebur dalam api untuk membuat perhiasan atau alat-alat, ada (pula) buihnya seperti buih arus itu. demikianlah allah membuat perumpamaan (bagi) yang benar dan yang bathil. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4242424242 afkaruna adapun buih itu, akan hilang sebagai sesuatu yang tak ada harganya; adapun yang memberi manfaat kepada manusia, maka ia tetap di bumi. demikianlah allah membuat perumpamaan-perumpamaan.” di sini tersirat pesan allah swt. bahwa hanyalah yang bermanfaat yang akan bertahan di dunia. ayat ini seakan memberi petunjuk bagi muhammadiyah, gerakan ini muhammadiyah harus terus bergerak untuk memberikan manfaat kepada umat manusia dan alam. ada empat komponen penting yang perlu ditemukan secara kolektif oleh muhammadiyah, yaitu: faktor positif di dalam organisasi (strengths), faktor positif di luar organisasi (opportunities), faktor aspirasi seluruh organisasi (aspirations), dan faktor hasil terukur (results).58 inilah yang menjadi landasan pola pikir untuk perubahan masa depan peradaban yang berkemajuan. etos berbagi pengalaman, berkolaborasi, terus belajar, dan memberi manfaat menjadi modal utama gerakan muhammadiyah di abad ke-2. catatan akhir 1 lihat krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha dahlan: 7 falsafah dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran, yogyakarta: mpi ppm, 2013, cet. ke-5. 2 baca kyai soedja’, islam berkemajuan: kisah perjuangan kh. ahmad dahlan dan muhammadiyah masa awal, jakarta: al-wasat, 2009. 3 naskah tali pengikat hidup manusia tersebut di atas merupakan transkrip pidato kyai dahlan dalam kongres tahunan muhammadiyah pada bulan desember 1922. naskah ini kemudian diterbitkan dalam abdul munir mulkhan, pesan-pesan dua pemimpin besar islam indonesia: kyai ahmad dahlan dan kyai hasyim asy’ari, yogyakarta: penerbit persatuan yogyakarta, 1986. naskah tersebut diterbitkan dengan judul the humanity of human life dalam charles kurzman (ed.), modernist islam 1840-1940: a sourcebook, oxford and new york: oxford university press, 2002, hlm. 344-348. 4 baca abdul munir mulkhan, kha dahlan dan muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: bumi aksara, 1990. 5 abdul munir mulkhan, kiai ahmad dahlan, jejak pembaruan sosial dan kemanusiaan, jakarta: kompas, 2010, hlm. 7. “dalam bidang pendidikan, orang kristen mendirikan sekolah penginjil di jawa tengah (1888). pada tahun 1905 sekolah tersebut dipindah ke yogyakarta dan kemudian menjadi sekolah pendeta. setelah itu, didirikan sekolah-sekolah missi untuk rakyat dan sekolah guru”. lihat yusron asrofie, kyai haji ahmad dahlan pemikiran dan kepemimpinannya, yogyakarta: mpksdi ppm, 2005, hlm. 23. 6 menurut riwayat sukriyanto ar, dulu muhammadiyah memiliki dua “rumah miskin”, satu di yogyakarta dan surabaya. rumah ini menjadi lahan untuk melatih bakat, skill (keahlian) anak muda yang dibekali dengan berbagai ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4343434343vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 keterampilan hidup. wawancara sukriyanto ar (rabu, 6 mei 2015). 7 dalam bidang sosial, orang katolik indonesia mendirikan rumah yatim piatu di semarang (1809), jakarta (1856), dan surabaya (1862). tahun berikutnya di padang, bogor, magelang dan malang. dari pihak kristen, rumah yatim piatu didirikan di tegal, jawa tengah (1892). pada awal abad ke-20 gereja katolik mendirikan beberapa rumah sakit di kota-kota besar. lihat: m. yusron asrofie, kyai haji ahmad dahlan dan kepemimpinannya, yogyakarta: offset, 1983, hlm. 22. 8 krh hadjid, “muqaddimah” dalam budi setiawan dan arief budiman ch. [peny.] pelajaran kha dahlan: 7 falsafah ajaran dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran, yogyakarta: lpi ppm, 2006, cet. ke-2, hlm. 2-4. 9 abdul munir mulkhan, warisan intelektual k.h. ahmad dahlan dan amal muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: pt. percetakan persatuan, 1990, hlm. 207. 10 praeadvies dari hoofdbestuur perserikatan moehammadiyah di yogjakarta pada konggres islam besar ceribon, dan kesatuan hidup manusia, terbit pada 1922 dan 1924, dalam abdul munir mukhan, boeah fikiran kijahi h.a. dachlan, jakarta, global base review & stiead press, 2015. 11 abdul munir mukhan, boeah fikiran kijahi h.a. dachlan…, hlm.16. 12 lihat: praeadvies dari hoofdbestuur perserikatan moehammadiyah di yogjakarta pada “kongres islam besar cirebon dan kesatuan hidup manusia”, terbit pada 1922 dan 1924 dalam robert w. hefner, sukidi mulyadi, abdul munir mulkhan, api pembaharuan kiai ahmad dahlan, jakarta: multi pressindo, 2008, hlm. 107. 13 abdul munir mulkhan, kyai ahmad dahlan: jejak pembaruan…, hlm. 2. 14 ibid, hlm. 216–217. 15 lihat: praeadvies dari hoofdbestuur perserikatan moehammadiyah di yogjakarta pada “kongres islam besar cirebon dan kesatuan hidup manusia”, terbit pada 1922 dan 1924 dalam robert w hefner, sukidi mulyadi, abdul munir mulkhan, api pembaruan…, hlm. 107. 16 ibid, hlm. 115. 17 berawal dari sebuah p.k.u (penolong kesengsaraan umum) muhammadiyah urusan balai kesehatan pada ahad pagi tanggal 14 september 1924 resmi dibuka di jl. sidodadi no. 57 surabaya. pada peresmian itu hadir pengurus besar muhammadiyah antara lain: kh. soedja’ dan h. hadhikusumo dan juga dihadiri direktur c.b.z simpang dr. tamm. turut hadir dr. soetomo dan kh. mas mansyur selaku tuan rumah. di dalam sambutan pidato yang disampaikan oleh dr. soetomo, beliau dan kawan-kawannya menyatakan kesanggupan untuk memberikan bantuan tenaga kepada pku muhammadiyah dalam hal ini balai kesehatan dengan sukarela. dokter-dokter tersebut antara lain: dr. soetopo, dr. sardjono, dr. heerdjan, dr. soewarno, dr. soeratman, dr. soehardjo, dr. soerjatin, dr. soekardi, dr. irsan, dr. muwaladi, dr. saleh, dr. djojohusodo, dr. j.w. grootings, dr. aziz, dr. p.h.f. neynhoff, dr. a.j.f. tilung dan dr. rabain. para dokter tersebut memberikan bantuan tenaga menurut giliran waktu dan keahliannya. kemudian dr. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4444444444 afkaruna soedjono lah yang sehari-harinya menjadi dokter tetap di pku muhammadiyah sesuai kesepakatan para dokter tersebut. tak berselang lama setelah pembukaan klinik pku muhammadiyah, kira-kira 31,2 bulan setelah berdiri, pku muhammadiyah telah memberikan pertolongan pengobatan kira-kira 3.975 orang pasien. kemudian pada 1925, pku muhammadiyah pindah ke gedung yang agak luas di jl. karangtembok (pegirian). setelah menempati gedung barunya tersebut, pku muhammadiyah mendapat kunjungan dari gubernur jenderal j.p. van limburg stirum. (http:// rsmuhammadiyahjatim.com/rs-pku-mu-hammadiyah-surabaya). lihat abdul munir mulkhan, kyai ahmad dahlan: jejak pembaruan…, hlm. 82. 18 abdul munir mulkhan, kyai ahmad dahlan: jejak pembaruan…, hlm. 83–84. teks asli dikutip dari bahasa belanda dikutip dari suara muhammadiyah tahun ke-5 oktober 1924, hlm. 170-171. 19 sutrisno kutoyo, kyai haji ahmad dahlan dan persyarikatan muhammadiyah, jakarta: balai pustaka, 1998, hlm. 112–113. 20 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha dahlan..., hlm. 65. 21 abdul munir mulkhan, kyai ahmad dahlan: jejak pembaruan sosial dan kemanusiaan, jakarta: kompas, 2010, hlm. 6. 22 robert w hefner, sukidi mulyadi, abdul munir mulkhan, api pembaruan kiai ahmad dahlan, jakarta: multi pressindo, 2008, hlm. 110. 23 m. yusron asrofie, kiai haji ahmad dahlan: pemikiran dan kepemimpinannya, yogyakarta: offset, 1983, hlm. 71. 24 lutf i effendi, “ tafsir amali dan gerakan kesehatan” http:// suaramuhammadiyah.com/kolom/2016/04/22/tafsir-amali-dan-gerakankesehatan/ 25 quraish shihab,tafsir al-misbah, jakarta: lentera hati, 2002, vol. 15, hlm. 545. 26 qs. al-humazah 104:2-3. 27 krh hadjid, pelajaran kha dahlan…, hlm. 80. 28 informasi dari para tokoh muhammadiyah pekajangan, pekalongan pada 1970an. menurut informasi dari pimpinan daerah muhammadiyah purworejo, kh djazuli berasal dari grabag purworejo, terakir tinggal di sangubanyu kutoarjo. ia pendiri poliklinik muhammadiyah grabag, di antara juru rawatnya ada yang bernama sarbini yang kemudian menjadi anggota tni, pernah menjadi panglima divisi diponegoro, pernah menjadi menteri veterang ri di masa orde baru. letjen sarbini merupakan salah satu inisiator berdirinya universitas islam sultan agung. namanya diabadikan menjadi nama gedung sarbini di jakarta. sukriyanto, ar., “menangkap pesan surat al-‘ashr”…, hlm. 5. 29 ibid., hlm. 6. 30 ibid. 31 ibid., hlm. 7. 32 ibid., hlm. 1. 33 hamka, tafsir al-azhar juz 28-29-30, jakarta: pustaka panjimas, 1985, hlm. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4545454545vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 256. 34 baca samuel huntington, the clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order, new york: simon and schuster, 1996. 35 m. abdul fattah santoso, dalam”group whatsapp islam berkemajuan” (23 maret 2014) 36 krh. hadjid. pelajaran kha dahlan, malang: umm press, 2005, hlm. 81. 37 ibid., 12. 38 sukriyanto, ar., “menangkap pesan surat al-‘ashr”…, 4. 39 abdul munir mulkhan, warisan intelektual kh. ahmad dahlan dan amal muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: pustaka persatuan, 1990, hlm. 123–124. 40 ahmad dahlan, “kesatuan hidup manusia”, dalam abdul munir mulkhan (peny.), pemikiran kh ahmad dahlan dan muhammadiyah, jakarta: bumi aksara, 1990, hlm. 8. 41 ibid. 42 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha dahlan..., hlm. 43. 43 lihat ulrich beck, risk society: toward a new modernity, london: sage publication, 1992. 44 baca gabe mythen, ulrich beck a critical introduction to the risk society, london: pluto press, 2004. 45 isma’il raji al-faruqi, tauhid, bandung: penerbit pustaka, 1982, hlm. 16. 46 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha dahlan..., hlm. 26. 47 ibid., hlm. 86. 48 ibid. 49 junus salam, riwayat hidup kha. dahlan: amal dan perjuangannya, jakarta: depot pengadjaran muhammadijah, 1968, hlm. 51. 50 achmadi, merajut pemikiran cerdas muhammadiyah: perspektif sejarah, yogyakarta, suara muhammadiyah: 2010, hlm. 25. 51 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha dahlan..., hlm. 163. 52 ibid., hlm. 10. 53 abdul munir mulkhan, menggugat muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: pajar pustaka baru, 2000, hlm. 43–44. 54 robert w. hefner, sukidi mulyadi, dan abdul munir mulkhan, api pembaruan kiai ahmad dahlan, jakarta: multi pressindo, 2008, hlm. 25. 55 krh. hadjid, pelajaran kha dahlan..., 107. 56 ahmad norma-permat a, “ teologi al-‘ashr dan visi peradaban muhammadiyah” dalam azaki khoirudin, teologi al-‘ashr: etos dan ajaran kha dahlan yang terlupakan, yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2015. 57 meskipun sebenarnya istilah liberal dan istilah kiri sama-sama bersifat konotatif, yang tidak deskriptif melainkan evaluatif, namun istilah kiri cenderung berkonotasi positif sementara istilah liberal cenderung berkonotasi negatif. penamaan peradaban liberal, atau yang mungkin lebih banal lagi peradaban kapitalis, adalah istilah yang digunakan atau yang berasal dari kelompok yang tidak suka terhadap sistem tersebut. sementara para pendukungnya lebih suka menggunakan istilah liberal secara politis atau pilihan publik (public choice) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4646464646 afkaruna secara metodologis. ahmad norma-permata, “teologi al-‘ashr dan visi peradaban muhammadiyah”. 58 lihat david l. cooperrider, diana whitney, jacqueline m. stavros, appreciative inquiry handbook for leaders of change, crown custom publishing inc., 2nd edition, 2008. daftar pustaka achmadi. 2010. merajut pemikiran cerdas muhammadiyah: perspektif sejarah, yogyakarta, suara muhammadiyah. asrofie, m. yusron. 1983. kyai haji ahmad dahlan dan kepemimpinannya, yogyakarta: offset. asrofie, m. yusron. 2005. kyai haji ahmad dahlan pemikiran dan kepemimpinannya, yogyakarta: mpksdi ppm. beck, ulrich. 1992. risk society: toward a new modernity, london: sage publication. cooperrider, david. l, diana whitney, jacqueline m. stavros. 2008. appreciative inquiry handbook for leaders of change, crown custom publishing inc. dahlan, ahmad. 1990. “kesatuan hidup manusia”. dalam abdul munir mulkhan (peny.), pemikiran kh ahmad dahlan dan muhammadiyah. jakarta: bumi aksara dahlan, kha. 2002. the humanity of human life dalam charles kurzman (ed.), modernist islam 1840-1940: a sourcebook, oxford and new york: oxford university press, hlm. 344-348. ef fendi, lutfi. “ tafsir amali dan gerakan kesehat an”, http:// suaramuhammadiyah.com/kolom/2016/04/22/tafsir-amali-dan-gerakankesehatan/ al-faruqi, isma’il raji. 1982. tauhid, bandung: penerbit pustaka. hadjid, krh. 2005. pelajaran kha dahlan, malang: umm press. hadjid, krh. 2006. “muqaddimah”. dalam budi setiawan dan arief budiman ch. [ed.]. pelajaran kha dahlan: 7 falsafah ajaran dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran. yogyakarta: lpi ppm. hadjid, krh. 2013. pelajaran kha dahlan: 7 falsafah dan 17 kelompok ayat alquran, yogyakarta: mpi ppm. hamka. 1985. tafsir al-azhar juz 28-29-30, jakarta: pustaka panjimas. hefner, robert w., sukidi mulyadi, abdul munir mulkhan. 2008. api pembaharuan kiai ahmad dahlan, jakarta: multi pressindo. huntington, samuel. 1996. the clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order, new york: simon and schuster. kutoyo, sutrisno. 1998. kyai haji ahmad dahlan dan persyarikatan muhammadiyah, jakarta: balai pustaka. mukhan, abdul munir. 2015. boeah fikiran kijahi h.a. dachlan, jakarta, global base review & stiead press. mulkhan, abdul munir. 2010. kiai ahmad dahlan, jejak pembaruan sosial dan kemanusiaan, jakarta: kompas. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4747474747vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 mulkhan, abdul munir. 1986. pesan-pesan dua pemimpin besar islam indonesia: kyai ahmad dahlan dan kyai hasyim asy’ari, yogyakarta: penerbit persatuan yogyakarta. mulkhan, abdul munir. 1990. warisan intelektual k.h. ahmad dahlan dan amal muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: pt. percetakan persatuan. mulkhan, abdul munir. 1990. warisan intelektual kh. ahmad dahlan dan amal muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: pustaka persatuan. mulkhan, abdul munir. 2000. menggugat muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: pajar pustaka baru. mulkhan, abdul munir. 2010. kyai ahmad dahlan: jejak pembaruan sosial dan kemanusiaan, jakarta: kompas. mulkhan, abdul munir.1990. kha dahlan dan muhammadiyah, yogyakarta: bumi aksara. mythen, gabe. 2004. ulrich beck a critical introduction to the risk society, london: pluto press permata, ahmad norma. 2015. “ teologi al-‘ashr dan visi peradaban muhammadiyah”. dalam azaki khoirudin. teologi al-‘ashr: etos dan ajaran kha dahlan yang terlupakan, yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. salam, junus. 1968. riwayat hidup kha. dahlan: amal dan perjuangannya, jakarta: depot pengadjaran muhammadijah. shihab, quraish. 2002. tafsir al-misbah, jakarta: lentera hati soedja’, kyai. 2009. islam berkemajuan: kisah perjuangan kh. ahmad dahlan dan muhammadiyah masa awal, jakarta: al-wasat. wawancara sukriyanto ar (rabu, 6 mei 2015). layout des 2015 hamka’s doctoral address at al-azhar: the influence of muhammad abduh in indonesia kevin w. fogg university of oxford, united kingdom email: kevin.fogg@history.ox.ac.uk abstract this is a translation of the doctoral address given by haji abdul malik karim amrullah (hamka) when he received a doctorate honouris causa from al-azhar university. although hamka assigned his talk the title ‘the influence of muhammad abduh in indonesia’, the primary topic is actually the evolution of islam in indonesia and the development of islamic reformism and the address minimally touches on the egyptian thinker. for the 1950s, this can be taken as a normative, indigenous view of indonesia in an islamic, especially reformist, context. keywords: islamic reformism, indonesian islamic history, hamka. abstrak naskah ini adalah terjemahan (bahasa inggris) dari pidato haji abdul malik karim amrullah (hamka) ketika beliau dianugrahi gelar doktor honouris causa dari universitas al-azhar. walaupun hamka mencantumkan judul ‘pengaruh muhammad abduh di indonesia’, sebenarnya pidatonya menceritakan perkembangan islam di indonesia dan pembangunan islam reformis; perhatian terhadap pemikir mesir itu ternyata sangat sedikit. untuk tahun 1950an, pidato ini bisa dianggap gambaran normatif dari penduduk asli indonesia mengenai indonesia dari perspektif islami umumnya dan reformis khususnya. kata kunci: reformasi islam, sejarah islam indonesia, hamka. introduction haji abdul malik karim amrullah (1908-81), better known by his acronymic name hamka, was a unique figure in modern indonesian intellectual history. as indonesian literary critic farchad poeradisastra wrote, ‘it would be easy to find clerics more learned, better writers abound, but there is no comparable ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0046. 125-156 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 126126126126126 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna figure in indonesian history (with even half his talents) who attempted to bridge the literary and religious realms’.1 born to a prominent islamic cleric in the minangkabau heartland of west sumatra, he travelled throughout the 1920s and 1930s for religious activism and journalism, and then became a prominent figure on the national stage from the 1950s until his death, particularly through his activism in the islamic mass organization muhammadiyah. hamka’s most famous work on religious themes might be tasauf moderen (modern mysticism), compiled initially in 1939 from a series of articles written in previous years.2 he also contributed to indonesian popular history through his memoir about his father, entitled ayahku (my father, 1950), and his autobiography in four volumes, kenang-kenangan hidup (life recollections, 195152), both of which were well-received and built up hamka’s national reputation.3 in his young days he helped to pioneer literary modernism in his journal pedoman masjarakat (society’s guide) published from medan,4 in his later years he founded and edited the journal panji masyarakat (society’s standard).5 in both religion and literature, hamka was strongly influenced by the cultural renaissance that occurred in the arab world around the turn of the twentieth century.6 in this address given when he received a doctorate honoris causa from al-azhar university in cairo, often seen as the pinnacle of islamic educational institutions, hamka focused on that arab influence on the religious generation that came just before him. the speech translated here was delivered in cairo on 21 january 1958, when hamka received an honorary doctorate from al-azhar. muhammad abduh (c. 1849-1905), the ostensible subject of this address and personification of arab islamic modernism, actually receives very little attention in the speech, presumably because the audience would already have been quite familiar with him. abduh was a theologian and activist, who grew up in egypt but then experienced several periods of exile (to beirut and to paris) before coming back to positions of great influence in the 1890s, including mufti of egypt (the country’s leading islamic juridical authority) from 1899. abduh also had strong connections to al-azhar university, including having studied there in the 1860s and sitting on its administrative council from 1895, making it natural that hamka would choose him for the title of this address in order to draw in his audience. abduh’s contributions to islamic life in the middle east were not only religious but also institutional, in education, islamic courts, and islamic journalism, particularly through the journals he edited: al-’urwa al-wuthqa (from paris, with jamal al-din al-afghani), and al○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 127127127127127vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 manar (from cairo, carried on by his disciple rashid rida).7 the echoes to indonesia, however, were mainly in religion. he was focused on the challenge of modernity to islamic theology and society, recognising a gap between the european-oriented progress of his age and the islamic heritage to which so many egyptians still clung. abduh sought to close this gap ‘by accepting the need for change, and by linking that change to the principles of islam: by showing that the changes which were taking place were not only permitted by islam, but were indeed its necessary implications if it was rightly understood, and that islam could serve both as a principle of change and a salutary control over it’.8 this spirit came to indonesia in the early twentieth centry, but there it took on a different kind of life in social organizations and education, as hamka describes below. although hamka had never studied at al-azhar university, his connection with that institution was a very important one for him. his exegesis of the qur’an—written largely while imprisoned under soekarno—was entitled tafsir al-azhar in a fairly clear reference to the university,9 and he focused his community activities in the south jakarta al-azhar mosque,10 which blossomed during the late twentieth century into several kinds of social outreach, including a school also called al-azhar. the honourary doctorate that occasioned this speech cemented hamka’s relationship with the great egyptian institution and must have been one of the highlights of his life. the history hamka presents here of islamic reformism in indonesia is not entirely new.11 however, this account stands out for coming from an individual who was closely tied to the main actors (inter alia, hamka moves his own father to a very central role, which is only partly justified) and also a key part of the movement in its later stages. the speech also provides insight into how an indonesian muslim in the early independence period saw his country in the context of the wider islamic world. although several aspects could be subject to academic dispute, this can be safely taken as a normative indigenous view of indonesia in an islamic, and particularly reformist, context. the translation:12explaining muhammad abduh in his country respected attendees! the entrance of islam to our homeland of indonesia, which previously was commonly known as ‘the east indies archipelago’, differed quite a bit from its entrance to other countries. the light of islam reached our country ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 128128128128128 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna not because it was brought by a particular mission or army. if the history of islam’s entrance into egypt here began with the arrival of sayyid amr ibn alash and the entrance into africa was because of the arrival of sayyid okbah bin nafi’, and its entrance in to andalucía was because tariq ben ziad crossed the sea headed straight for the mountain which would later be named for him, and its entrance into india came with the arrival of muhammad bin qasim, then the one who brought islam to indonesia is ‘the unknown hero’! those who brought the holy torch of islam to indonesia were a community of merchants who, besides their business of buying and selling, immediately spread the islamic religion. as you all know, the trade relationship between india and china is already quite old, passing through the red sea [sic] and the straits of malacca. because of that, one cannot identify precisely the era, year, and date of the beginning of islam’s entrance into indonesia. there are historians who say that during the reign of yazid bin muawiyyah, the second umayyad caliph, there was a group of arab families who made it to the west coast of sumatra, meaning less than one hundred years after our prophet muhammad (saw) passed away. but in the third and fourth centuries hijriyyah, in the golden age of the reign of bani abbas in baghdad, there were already many sailors and travelers of the arab nation who spoke of the island of sumatra, when they spoke of a buddhist monarchy that was known in their books by the name of ‘sharbazah’, or the kingdom of sriwijaya which was located in palembang, the modern-day capital of south sumatra. but after that indonesia fell under the heel of dutch colonialism, and they [the dutch] held that islam entered indonesia in the thirteenth century ad, because in that century the islamic kingdom of pasai, aceh, was founded. truly this has already become the customary way to organize classical history, beginning history with the foundation of a kingdom. nevertheless it is already a known fact that never was there a kingdom established before there was a society. in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries ad, an islamic kingdom was founded and flourished on the peninsula of malaya, namely the kingdom of malacca. simultaneously the islamic kingdom of the moluccus was also founded (which at that time encompassed west irian [papua], as well), which was based in ternate. and before that, as i said earlier, the oldest was the kingdom of pasai in aceh. but at the beginning of the sixteenth century, that is in the year 1511, that hated race which was foremost among the christian kingdoms in the cru○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 129129129129129vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 sades and which had already destroyed the islamic kingdom in al-andalus, the portuguese nation attacked malacca, until it fell. and at the end of that century (that is, in the year 1596), the dutch entered the port at bantam, which was the location of the founding of the beautiful islamic kingdom of bantam, which was located on the western end of the island of java. after that, one by one [local kingdoms] were infiltrated by their influence and they subjugated the people, sometimes by violence and sometimes by trickery, not only on java and sumatra but on other islands, as well. so with all their strength and effort, trickery and ruses, they worked to stop the influence of islam which had become the basis of the strength of the indonesian nation, either by sword or by other means. so over a period of 442 years in peninsular malaya (which achieved independence this past august 31, 1957), and 350 years in indonesia, they tried to extinguish the light of islam; but god did not want this, but rather he perfected his light, no matter how the infidels resisted. respected gentlemen! after the arrival of the portuguese who opened the door, a wave of other colonialists came: dutch, french, english, and spanish in the philippine islands. we struggled for almost four centuries to stay alive; we struggled to defend our religion so it would not die under the influence of that foreign power of a different religion. all kinds of things were taken by force from our hand, from the power of our kings to the wealth of our fertile land and the inheritance of our ancestors, until there was only one thing left for us, that which they were not able to take from us, that is our faith and belief which was deep and firm, that is ‘there is no god but god and muhammad is the prophet of god!’ this was our torch, which lit the path for us to freedom and independence. and in the end we achieved both; thanks be to god! after the crusades and after the destruction of the kingdom of bani ‘abbas in baghdad at the hands of the mongols and tartars and after the sad story of the muslim community in spain, it can be said that islam has undergone bitter experiences, and the light of the sun of islam nearly faded in all of the islamic world. but we of the indonesian and malay nations suffered more miserably and more bitterly, because when it comes to the grip of colonialism, it was we who suffered first, before the other islamic countries. and the only weapon left to us, as i said earlier, was merely islam, which is being faithful to god! ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 130130130130130 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna but where could we find that touchstone of holding firm in faith? as it happens, our country is located far from the centers of activity in islam. and the islamic world itself which we want to hold up as our model had already fallen as well into a deep chasm because of the stagnation of thinking. at that time there were incorrect techings of sufi orders that brought obstinance and self-surrending, which taught ‘mutu qabla an tamutu’ (die before death), and held sway everywhere.13 and our enemies were not satisfied before all of our strength was destroyed. and traces of the teachings of the old religions, whether brahmanistic or buddhist, also had not been entirely lost. although that was our fate in that time, nevertheless time and time again rebellions broke out against colonialism, and the leaders were always islamic heroes. these included, for example, emir diponegoro who established an islamic reign over all of java; and tuanku imam bonjol, in west sumatra, the land of the minangkabau, who was influenced by wahhabi teachings; and sheikh di tiro in aceh who intended to clean the infidels out of aceh; and others. all of them used arms to wage war on the foreign government and dutch colonialism, taking the base of their power from faith in god who would surely help them, immediately or eventually! because god has promised: ‘if you help god, surely god will help you, as well, and strengthen you in righteousness.’ so it was that some from among them achieved martyrdom on the field of battle, and some from among them died in exile. the struggle was always discouraging, because the enemies were always greater in number and with more complete weaponry. but they remain everlasting in the memory and soul of the indonesian nation, and their heroism became a torch shedding light on the path toward glory and independence. and the losses of those heroes almost caused dispair and loss of spirit to appear, but that torch was never extinguished, so as to bring about the dreams of the reemergence of the glory of islam. in this particular period a few sons of indonesia departed for the holy city of mecca to fulfill the obligation of the hajj and to increase their knowledge of the islamic sciences. among them were sheikh nawawi of bantam, sheikh ahmad khatib of minangkabau and others. they studied exegesis, hadith, jurisprudence, foundations of jurisprudence, and other things. so there were among them some who returned to indonesia, but they never brought back with them new ideas for revival, because mecca at that time was still enveloped in the attitude of blind obedience. and their teachers taught that the gates of interpretation had been closed for eternity, because the people of the ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 131131131131131vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 early ages did not leave behind any matters which would be discussed.14 and half of them did not want to return to indonesia, because they could not control their heart looking at their country which had been colonized, so they remained quietly in mecca until their passing, choosing to die in the holy land. my respected brothers! this is a picture of our intellectual world, as i elucidate it in front of you: especially for the length of the nineteenth century, an atmosphere pervaded by a deep darkness. the darkness of thought in the end spread, as well, to the political sphere. truly! we still had islamic kings, but those kings were nothing more than tools without any power in the hands of the dutch authority, to be used to enslave and pressure the indonesian people. it was nothing to the dutch to give them magnificent titles, like the titles ‘shah of the world’, ‘full moon of the world’, and others, but these titles did not hold any authority whatsoever. it was as though the tongues of the colonialists were busy saying: ‘give me your land, your inheritance and your authority, and i will give you a title in their place.’ and they were called by these names in friday sermons. and besides those kings there were also people called ulama, who were given gifts, given uniforms and occasionally their chests were decorated with stars. and to repay these great favors they gave fatwas which led the people astray, allowing what was forbidden and forbidding what was allowed. and in contradiction to that there were, as well, the other half of the ulama who had given up their castles in the sky and royal thrones, and they retreated far away, living in frozenness and ‘death before death’. they denounced the whole world; the world that was good or the world that was evil, they saw it all with eyes of hate. so they turned the islamic community away from the whole world because of the turn of those ulama, and their understanding was made incorrect because of the misunderstandings of their teachers. because of that it was easy for those colonialists to take control of that world which the islamic community hated. and islam, as you gentlemen present know, is quite far from that apathetic life and spirit of death; rather, islam stirs one up to strive, work, do good deeds and struggle, to reach the life which is more joyous and sooner, alongside doing good deeds for the afterlife, as is said in the holy example of our prophet: ‘work to improve the world as if you are going to live forever and work to improve your afterlife as though you are going to die tomorrow!’ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 132132132132132 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna this situation became even more of a mess after the dutch government in 1905 passed a law stating that whoever wished to teach the islamic religion must first get permission from the dutch government, with certain conditions. among these conditions, one was that one could not teach a belief that the imam mahdi would descend at the end of days and bring back justice to this world, because that teaching was seen as truly dangerous by those in power, since it could open the door for rebellion!15 apart from the picture that i have presented in passing, we can understand how much the faith needed to be purified from the polytheism and innovations and incorrect sufi teachings, which had already descended upon our country ages ago, and the need for independence of thought and renewal of understanding regarding true islamic teachings. and from here we can see how important the teachings of ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh were, those teachings which culminated in independence of thought and interpretation. political, economic, social and other forms of independences all stem from the foundation of independence of thought. and in islam the foundation of independence of thought is in the belief in god’s unity, which liberates humanity from fear and from submission to anything other than god! the influence of muhammad abduh’s teachings in indonesia the first pioneer: sheikh taher jalaluddin it is the nature of the weather in our country that if it gets very hot in the middle of a pitch-black night, that means that a heavy rain is about to come down. thanks be to god! that heavy rain came. the teachings of sheikh muhammad abduh made it to indonesia. the first pioneer was sheikh taher jalaluddin. he came from the minangkabau area of sumatra and from a long line of heroes of islam who had defended islam when western colonialism began to infiltrate that area. he went to holy mecca to study deeper into the heart of the islamic religion. after that he continued his studies in egypt, at al-azhar university around 1310 ah (1892 ad), which is when the name of sheikh muhammad abduh was rising in egypt for his famous work correcting [misperceptions], after he was permitted to return home from his exile in beirut. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 133133133133133vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 we have not yet reached my true question: did sheikh taher jalaluddin, who was still young at that time, have an opportunity to be taught in the study group of sheikh muhammad abduh? what is clear is that since the magazine al-manar was first published in 1315 until that magazine stopped publication, sheikh taher jalaluddin was a loyal subscriber. and after he returned to his homeland, it was the ideas from al-manar which had become his life’s guide. after sheikh muhammad abduh passed away in 1905 (1323 ah), that is to say in 1906 (1324 ah), sheikh taher jalaluddin together with the respected sheikh muhammad al-kalali, a man of arabic heritage, published the magazine al-imam in singapore, whose contents were clearly drawn from the pages of al-manar. and sometimes plans written by sayyid jamal aldin al-afghani and sheikh muhammad abduh from the magazine al-’urwa al-wustqa were translated to malay and put into that magazine. in 1908 the leader of that beloved magazine [al-imam] was forced to leave it, because the sultan of perak worked with all his might to get him to accept the position of mufti in the kingdom of perak. his colleagues suggested he take that honorable position, because they felt it had great potential to help him achieve the goals of change and advancement which he held so passionately in his heart. so he accepted that position and surrendered his leadership of al-imam to sayyid muhammad bin aqil, and he set off for perak. when the sultan of perak, sultan idris murshidu‘l a‘zam shah left for london to attend the accension to the throne of king george v, sheikh taher jalaluddin, in his position as mufti of the kingdom of perak, joined in the entourage of the sultan. but that respected position did not actually satisfy his heart. his fatwas were already far ahead of the rulings usually received from the previous mufti. eventually, although the sultan supported him, the other ulama of the kingdom were not always pleased to receive his rulings, to the point where disputes always arose. in the end that free soul felt that his position as mufti was only limiting his total freedom, such that he entreated the sultan to free him from this responsibility. the sultan was forced to acquiesce and he [taher jalaluddin] stepped down, then he left in 1911 for the country of johor, and he taught there. and in that year the ulama who were of the same mind, or his students from when he was in mecca, also put out the second islamic magazine in indonesia and malaya, and the first on sumatra. that was the magazine al-munir, published in padang. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 134134134134134 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna after that he also became the chief of the editorial board of the magazine saudara [brother], which was published in pulau pinang until 1937. because of that, in the history of malay publishing, sheikh taher is known as ‘the sheikh of journalists’. the ‘kaum muda’ on sumatra there were also ulama on sumatra that received that new movement, the foremost of whom consisted of three men: sheikh muhammad jamil jambek (who was the oldest among them), sheikh abdullah ahmad and sheikh abdul karim amrullah.16 sheikh abdullah ahmad lived in the city of padang, and it was he who headed the publishing of al-munir. sheikh abdul karim amrullah lived in padang panjang, and sheikh muhammad jamil jambek in bukittinggi. sheikh jamil jambek was an expert in astronomy, and he was the one who first held the view that the start and end of the ramadan fast could be set using calculations [as opposed to observation]. and he was wonderfully skilled in moving the hearts of villagers to be strong in their devotion and to reject false beliefs regarding sufi orders. and sheikh abdul karim amrullah was an expert in jurisprudence and the principles of jurisprudence, and he made it clear in one of his books that he opposed the idea that the gates of interpretation were closed. he founded a madrasah in padang panjang to shape leaders who would later take his teachings to the people. and sheikh abdullah ahmad was a publisher and journalist, who with his pen spread ideas not only to villagers but to those people who had a western education. among his devotees at that time was a youth named mohammad hatta! he is now a great leader in indonesia.17 in al-munir sheikh abdul karim amrullah answered all sorts of questions regarding religious laws and laid out his respected fatwas, which differed notably from normal understandings. the first great shock that arose was after sheikh abdul karim amrullah put out his book, published by the publisher of al-munir, named al-fawaidul ‘illiyah; the shock was exclusively for stating that the pronunciation of the intention ‘ushalli’ at the beginning of prayers18 indeed did not originate with the prophet and was not performed by his companions nor by the four imams who founded the schools of jurisprudence. he laid out the view of ulama in every school of jurisprudence who supported his view, among them the state○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 135135135135135vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 ments of ibnul qayyim in his book zadul ma’ad. the second shock was after the publishing of another book that was titled iqazun niam which stated that it was a religious innovation to stand when chanting on the birthday of the prophet (peace be upon him). after that he also put out a ruling attacking temporary marriages to allow divorced women to then remarry their original husbands,19 even though that horrible pattern was still practiced a lot by people in that time and hushed up by the ulama, that is to say permitted, because the latest ulama of the shafi’i school permitted it. after that he began to renounce practices of the sufi community, that is to say he never accepted it when a teacher performed mysticism, and he combated the teaching of the unity of existence!20 although these problems arose surrounding the name sheikh abdul karim amrullah, all the same his two friends joined with him in defending those rulings. and throughout all this other ulama who did not agree with these teachings began to state their support. beside that, they began to change friday sermons. all this time friday sermons were only given in arabic. preachers did not understand the sermons themselves, how much more so the listeners. they put out a ruling that sermons could be given in a language that was understood by the religious community in a given place, and if they were to use arabic it was enough to use it just for the core principles. this was so that there would be a profit in those sermons which were meant to give direction and teachings to the muslim community! people have counted as many as seventeen new matters that they put forward. clearly there arose a reaction from the ulama who were standing for the old ways. and that reaction was quite strong. abdul karim amrullah and his companions were accused of having left the schools of jurisprudence, that is they had cherry-picked from the schools, because they were using reasoning from the book zadul ma’ad of ibnul qayyim, who was not a scholar of the shafi’i school, but of the hanbali school, and one whose rulings were often found incorrect by other scholars in his time. and if they had cherry-picked from the schools, clearly they had left traditional sunni orthodoxy. because of that, [the opponents] also published a magazine: al-mizan. they named themselves the ‘kaum tua’ [literally, old group] that loyally clung to the school of jurisprudence and gave the new generation of ulama the title ‘kaum muda’ [literally, young group] that had left the school. an exchange of ideas took place, sometimes positive and refined and ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 136136136136136 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna sometimes crude, in those two magazines. maybe half of the issues of that period can now be seen as unimportant, but in that time they were critical questions, because they were the start of a study that opened thoughts, a sign that the gates of interpretation were beginning to open. previously the guides people used were only the books tuhfah and nihaya, but now they had moved on to al-um and then to the qur’an. in those heated exchanges the books of sayyid zaini dahlan and sheikh yusuf nabhani spread. those two in their works condemned the ideas of ibn taymiyyah and ibnul qayyim and condemned the wahhabis, because of the issue of intercession. and sheikh yusuf nabhani did not condemn them openly, but slandered and insulted sayyid jamaluddin al-afghani and sheikh muhammad abduh, unleashing all of his bitterness in low words that were unfitting for a normal person, so much more so for ulama. until now there are still some continuing influences from the slander in nabhani’s book in places which are hidden and were not brave enough to accept the light of the sun of truth. the kaum muda were accused of leaving the schools of jurisprudence, apeing the infidels because they permitted the wearing of pants and permitted the study of religion using desks and notebooks. but all of those deprecations and attacks did not in any way cause them to retreat a single step backwards, but rather made them even braver. as i have said, sheikh abdul karim amrullah taught in padang panjang, and quite a few students came. among those students was zainuddin labay el-junusy, who translated the biography of mustafa kamil into indonesian in 1916. and he did not fail to consider education for girls, such that he later founded a special madrasa for them. thus we have madam rahmah eljunusiyah who has come to egypt this year who was later the chief student among them. and madam rahmah herself later continued that work, until that school today has become one of the models of education for girls in the areas of religion, such that there has arisen an intention from the congregational leader of al-azhar, dr sheikh abdur rahman taj, to found a school of that sort as a part of al-azhar, for which purpose he has gone there [to the school in indonesia] himself when he passed by that way. an example of the bravery of those ulama is on the question of clothing. it was customary for ulama to wear robes and turbans, and they themselves wore robes and turbans. but they put out a fatwa that wearing western-style ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 137137137137137vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 clothes with a brimmed-hat and a tie is not haram [prohibited], because islam does not determine what style of clothes to wear; this was just like the fatwa of sheikh muhammad abduh that became famous as the ‘transvaal fatwa’.21 but because the kaum tua ulama said that wearing those sorts of clothes was haram, sheikh abdullah ahmad and sheikh abdul karim amrullah expressly wore trousers, brimmed-hats and neckties for several years. and later after that was no longer a hot issue, they reverted to wearing robes and turbans. and sheikh muhammad jamil jambek specifically bought a motorbike and rode it himself, and bought a car and drove it himself, something that was ‘odd’ for ulama according to the views of those times. he rode these vehicles to go to villages and give lessons and fatwas to the community. those old ulama even requested fatwas from ulama in mecca to bring them [the kaum muda] down and portray them as leading others astray, because of seventeen issues that they put out. and those fatwas came, however the ulama of mecca had only heard a one-sided explanation. but there was not an impact on the minangkabau community, or very little; [the reformists’] influence over the villages was already much greater than the influence of those far-away meccan ulama. people no longer wanted to commit blind obedience. those were the tasks that they worked on, until minangkabau specifically and sumatra generally underwent new and fast changes. and now it has become a strong center for islam. after those three great ulama, sheikh muhammad jamil jambek, sheikh abdul karim amrullah, and sheikh abdullah ahmad, laid that firm foundation, asserting the salafi school of jurisprudence, holding in high esteem the thoughts of muhammad abduh, there came accusations of wahhabism and the like from their opponents, several other ulama explained the position that sided with them. so it is fitting to mention the names of sheikh muhammad thaib of tanjung sungayang, sheikh abdullatif rasyid and his brother sheikh mustafa abdullah of padang jepang, sheikh abdurrasyid of maninjau, tuanku laut of lintau, sheikh ibrahim bin musa of parabek. the latter is the only one still alive. they received students to study in their various schools. thus the villages of padang panjang, bukittinggi, parabek, padang japang, and tanjung sungayang were full of students who studied religion starting to use a new structure. all the madrasahs were collected in 1918 in an organization named ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 138138138138138 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna ‘sumatera thawalib’ [sumatran students]. in those madrasahs in 1918 they started to teach people the works of muhammad abduh and the exegesis of his disciple sayyid rashid rida and others, until there emerged from those schools a young islamic generation which had received a new spirit. and some of those individuals went on to study in al-azhar and darul ‘ulum in egypt. among them were muchtar luthfi, ilyas ya`kub, mahmud yunus, and others, who after they went home brought a new spirit to our country. so it was that muchtar luthfi and ilyas ya`kub published two successive journals in egypt, to spread the goal of modernization in indonesia. the first was called seruan azhar [the call of al-azhar] and the second was called pilihan timur [the choice of the east]. both ceased publication because the colonial government refused them the opportunity for wide circulation. many of the students of those ulama have become important people in indonesia today. among them are madam rahmah el-junusiyah, a respected guest of egypt last year and someone who sits in the indonesian parliament; sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur, general head of muhammadiyah and a member of the constitutional assembly; zainal abidin ahmad, vice chairman of the indonesian parliament; abdullah aidid, head of the indonesian mission in the kingdom of jordan; muhammad zain hassan, head of the indonesian mission in syria; and manshur daud, indonesian ambassador to iraq. several from among those individuals, when they finished studying with those beloved ulama, continued their studies in egypt, in the wellspring of the thoughts of muhammad abduh. there were some who got degrees from al-azhar and some from darul ‘ulum, and there were some who continued at the university of egypt. because they saw the renaissance of new understandings in minangkabau as so important, several western orientalists came themselves to study this phenomenon from close up: prof dr schrieke, a professor in the netherlands, and prof k.k. berg. [the latter] has written his impressions about the ‘salafi’ movement in west sumatra in his book wither islam?, which was translated into arabic in 1934 by al-ustadh abu raidah and given the arabic name wiyhatul islam. pioneers on java 1. sheikh ahmad soorkati now i will move to speaking about [muhammad abduh’s] influence on java. there were three ulama who received those teachings and spread them ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 139139139139139vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 and struggled for them, each in their own field. the first was sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani, whose ancestry was from the sudan and who lived for a long time in medina. some people say that he left the sudan after the mahdi rebellion.22 he came to indonesia at the invitation of the arab hadrami community that had settled in indonesia since the start of the nineteenth century, or long before that. they also played a large role in the spread and strengthening of islam in indonesia and in the spread of the arabic language, because arabic was their own native tongue. but they could not free themselves at all from stagnation in thought and superstition that they had brought from their countries of origin. occassionally they also brought the deep and abiding competition between groups in their native countries, between sadaat and alawiyin and the kabili group who took up arms and the groups who, in their tradition, had become obsolescent: the dhu’afaak. but there were also a few people who had opened their eyes and been able to free themselves from their back-and-forth disputes, which did not fit with the new spirit of the times, and those people took subscriptions to the magazine al-’urwa al-wustqa, such that among them there was a progressive way of thought. and that magazine was banned from entering batavia, the center of dutch governance (now jakarta!) following the english model, because its contents held seeds that were dangerous for the position of the colonialists. but [the arab community of indonesia] was able to receive this magazine by smuggling it from tuban, a small port in east java. after that they took subscription to al-manar by sayyid rashid rida. both of these magazines opened the way for the arrival of sheikh ahmad soorkati. so there began to spread the thinking of sayyid jamal al-din al-afghani, sheikh muhammad abduh, and sayyid rashid rida in the circles of arab society in indonesia. without a doubt this spread more easily in their circles, because arabic was their native language. because of this they proposed the establishment of a group called al-irsyad on the basis of abduh’s teachings. this group still exists and holds tightly to its foundation even to this day. i do not intend to tell the story of conflicts between the irsyad group, the bringers of those new ideas, and the arab group who defended the old understandings. of course, sometimes those conflicts were calm and well-spoken, and sometimes they were harsh. i do not want to tell that story again, because you gentlemen already know that this is the tradition of god between what is old and what is new. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 140140140140140 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna sheikh ahmad soorkati even left behind students who were arabs, both those who came from the hadramaut or arabic descendents who had some indonesian blood (because hadramis generally came to indonesia without bringing their wives, but rather married with indonesian women). among his students was sayyid omar hobais, the leader of al-irsyad and now a member of the constituent assembly of the republic of indonesia from the masjumi party. one more former student of his was sayyid abdur rahman baswedan. he is the one who began to state clearly that arab children of indonesia mothers were indeed not ‘foreigners’ in that country and were not also a ‘minority’. because of that he suggested to his community to blend into indonesian society, because they would not be returning to the hadramaut. i also will not be telling the story to you gentlemen tonight of the resistance faced by baswedan by the fathers of that group, the native hadramis in indonesia, because at that time there was a little bit of a feeling that arabs had a higher position than indonesian muslims, and that they did not want to lower themselves to the position of indonesian muslims. thus, when the government of the [independent] republic of indonesia wanted to reserve seats in parliament and the constituent assembly for minorities, baswedan opposed this vociferously, and he said, ‘we are not a minority in this country. we are indonesians! we were born here, we eat the produce of this land and drink its water, and we will pass away here, lord willing! we do not feel there is any difference between us and our brothers of other indonesian ethnicities, what is more with those of the same religion!’ on the basis of that strong opposition the government was forced not to reserve seats for the arab community, and what they had was merely indonesian arabs sitting in the parliament and constitutent assembly representing the existing political parties. among them, a. rahman baswedan himself is representing the masjumi party as a colleague of omar hobais, and hamid algadri is representing the indonesian socialist party and others are for other parties. and baswedan, like omar hobais, is a leader who is very active in the masjumi party. 2. k.h.a. dahlan and muhammadiyah if sheikh ahmad soorkati was the spreader of abduh’s ideas among the arab circles, then k.h.a. dahlan was the spreader in the circles of [indigenous] indonesians. he was the founder of the organization muhammadiyah. he was born in yogyakarta, central java, the place of the sultan of java’s ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 141141141141141vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 capital. he is a descendent of nobles, as well, and his ancestors were among the great men surrounding the raja, such that the sultan has given them religious posts, namely to become the preacher at the sultan’s mosque and to receive the title ‘khatib-amin’. but after he took a subscription to the magazines al-’urwa al-wustqa and al-manar he got a new understanding of islam, which was added to by reading the exegesis of muhammad abduh and the books of ibn taymiyya and ibnul qayyim. so gradually he freed himself from the bonds of official posts, and he began to see and pay attention to the fate of the islamic community of java from close range. he saw that islam on java was in danger! he saw that three great enemies to the spiritual development of the nation had fought the islamic community, namely ignorance, poverty and suffering, or both internal and external illnesses. as time passed, islam receded more and more, and there was not a single man among the ulama who was a fit leader to correct the situation. customs and influences of the religious teachings that the javanese people had embraced from long before—specifically the buddhist and hindu faiths—had not at all disappeared. muslim children were put into dutch schools to ensure their prosperous life in later days, but there was no hope that those dutch schools could protect the religion in the hearts of those children, such that more and more children educated at [dutch] government schools increased in numbers who had studied things far from religion. besides that, the dutch had opened the door as wide as possible for all kinds of missionaries, protestant and catholic, to spread the christian religion and establish schools as well to receive muslim students. based on that, there were many muslim children who left islam and embraced christianity. there was not a movement from islam itself to balance that trend, and islamic ulama themselves did not pay much attention to this great problem, but rather quarreled about the caliphate issue which was small.23 from the sultanate of yogyakarta, even, expectations were not great, because the influence of the dutch on the person of the sultan was already quite strong, as was the influence of old traditions that had been maintained. they paid attention to the movement of the ulama in west sumatra. they recognized their efforts, and they took subscriptions to the magazine almunir. but they felt that taking action on java was not as easy as it was in minangkabau [west sumatra]. on java the population was several times larger than on sumatra, and the ratio that knew religion was much smaller, and the power of the dutch was very great and the influence of the missions organi○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 142142142142142 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna zations had already entered, whereas in minangkabau this was not so; and from the sultan they could not hope for anything. because of this, there needed to be a more organized religious movement that could rival the organized efforts by the opponents. thus [ahmad dahlan] founded the muhammadiyah movement in 1912. and he requested recognition by the dutch powers. the goals of the movement were: 1. to promote and encourage teaching and studying on the islamic religion. 2. to promote and encourage the fullest life according to the islamic religion for its members. to reach these goals, it was necessary for muhammadiyah members to first improve their faith regarding islam, from superstition and [unlawful] innovations [bid’a], to one founded on the qur’an and the sunnah. and it was necessary for those members to raise the level of their faith and clean their souls from all polytheism, and to enliven mutual aid, benevolence, and propagation, so that they could become sincere muslims. and it was required of members, or of students, that they study the qur’an and align their life with its teachings, step-by-step, and it was necessary to guard seriously the rituals of faith toward god, from the mandatory things to the suggested (superegatory) things. at first, he developed his teaching to students in the area of the kauman district of yogyakarta, that is the district one always finds in javanese cities around the mosque. after the souls of those students were full, they were instructed to follow the saying of the prophet: ‘teach what is from me, even if only one verse!’ later they spread those ideas to other places, at first nearby, and over time to other cities. and they founded branches or sub-branches of muhammadiyah in those other cities, with goals that did not differ from those at the centre. the efforts and the diligence of their hearts were seen all across java. they were received in many ways, as always happens when adapting to the bringers of new ideas. there were those who opposed them and there were those who agreed with them and immediately joined them. there were youth who came themselves on pilgrimage to yogyakarta and after [ahmad dahlan] saw that these youth truly hoped to become the spreaders of these ideas to their homes, he came themselves to the places of those youth. so, without regard for his own health and without regard for his own wealth, he left his own ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 143143143143143vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 neighborhood. he went to solo, surabaya, madiun, pekalongan, bandung and jakarta. as i said earlier, i do not want to explain how great the reaction to him was from the defenders of the old ideas. he has been accused of being a spoiler of religion, and people say he was once slapped in a council meeting, such that he fell down, and this he took by sticking out his chest [in pride]. the reason was that his heart had already received its medicine, namely the several youths who had added to their religion in depth, such as mas manshur of surabaya, abdul mu‘thi of madiun, muchtar buchari of solo, kartosudarmo of jakarta and others, who later became the important leaders of muhammadiyah. and he himself went to teach the islamic religion to school children who studied in [dutch] government schools. sometimes he asked permission to enter the jails, and teach religion to the criminals. and so he poured out his life to this dream, until all of his posessions were spent and his health was troubled. my father, sheikh abdul karim amrullah, told me the story of his awe seeing the struggle of sheikh ahmad dahlan during his first travels to java, when [my father] became [ahmad dahlan’s] guest in yogyakarta. my father said of k.h.a. dahlan: ‘he was a man whose face was very soft, but whose heart was very tough.’ the dreams that [ahmad dahlan] planted came to fruition, and branches of muhammadiyah were founded in solo, surabaya, pekalongan, garut, and jakarta and a few other places, each with their own work, because he made the regulations that are still used to this day. a branch would not be officially recognized until it had accomplished something. muhammadiyah stood strong, even though only in a few places, and he was sure it would spread even more in the future. but because of that, his wealth was already spent and his health was declining terribly. so he fell ill— according to the doctor’s explanation it was because of too much work—and he passed away in 1923, after eleven years of working day and night. he passed away in a state of poverty of worldly goods and richness of good deeds. after he passed away, his students and followers spread muhammadiyah beyond java, to sulawesi, to kalimantan, to belitung island and to sumatra. and it spread quite fast in minangkabau [west sumatra] after sheikh abdul karim amrullah on his second trip went to yogyakarta and studied muhammadiyah’s constitution, and after returning home, he was urged by his stu○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 144144144144144 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna dents and followers to found that same movement in minangkabau. people joined the organization in droves and founded many branches there, to the point where it was appropriate to hold the national muhammadiyah congress for all of indonesia in bukittinggi in 1930. but [abdul karim amrullah] himself did not join the organization. today muhammadiyah is spread across all of indonesia with all of its constituent parts: to spread islam through preaching, the tabligh [propagation] division; to spread it through writing, the taman pustaka [literary] division; for education, the teaching division; for women, the ‘aisyiyah division; for boys, the hizbul wathan (scouting) division. and ‘aisyiyah also has a nasyiatul ‘aisyiyah division [for young women]. this movement does not involve itself in politics, even though k.h.a. dahlan himself became an advisor to the partai syarikat islam that was led by h.o.s. cokroaminoto. and its headquarters until today is in the city of yogyakarta. and the mantra ‘not involving itself in politics’ is tightly held to until today. but its members are free to join whichever political parties they like, and they are encouraged, if they want to participate in politics, to choose a party that has islamic goals. because of that, the majority of them join the islamic political party masyumi, and a few join other parties, and there are none who join the communist party. among the members that have become important men in indonesia, i will give special mention to the late general sudirman, the founder and the highest object of imitation of the indonesian national army. so, too, colonel h. yunus anis, the head of spiritual education for the army. it is only fitting that i note that president sukarno, when he was exiled by the dutch to bengkulu, was an active member and branch leader of muhammadiyah. so was his wife, fatimah [sic; usually fatmawati]. and it is only fitting that our current prime minister, ir. h. juanda, was also active in muhammadiyah, particularly in the field of education. i say it is only fitting that i mention them because as it happens i have joined the masyumi party, which occasionally on politics has a different view from them. on this point, sheikh muhammad abduh was right when he said: ‘if an issue gets wrapped up in a political climate, its progress becomes chaos.’ so much more so in a scholarly and historical speech like the one i am giving now. on this past 18 november 1957, muhammadiyah celebrated its 45th anniversary. president sukarno and prime minister juanda made a point to be present at the celebration and the president gave a speech, saying, among ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 145145145145145vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 other things: ‘i am proud that even i got an education from muhammadiyah. i hope that my name is not striken from the membership rolls!’ the membership totals are not many, if compared with the supposed numbers of muslims in indonesia. the indonesian nation according to the latest count is 80 million people, 75 million who are muslim, and the members of muhammadiyah after a census were only 200,000. the reason for this is that membership is not made easy. the ones who are accepted are those with good morals and good diligence in ritual, and whoever is not complete on these conditions is still called a ‘candidate member,’ or a follower of the ideology (a sympathizer). and what is most important is the influence of these few members on the wider islamic society and their good works. all perform works following their intentions (kullun ja’malu’ala syakilatih). among muhammadiyah members who have a spiritual connection with egypt are prof. abdulkahhar mazakkir, a member of [muhammadiyah’s] central leadership and the president of the islamic university of indonesia at yogyakarta, and dr. h. mohamad rasyidi who studied at kulliyatul adab, cairo university, until he receved his m.a., and then achieved a doctorate from the sorbonne university. at one point he was the indonesian ambassador to egypt, and then to pakistan, and now he has become a professor at a university in canada. also prof. farid ma’ruf, vice-chair of the muhammadiyah central leadership, who studied at darul ‘ulum, egypt. and if i may, i would like to add my name to this, abdul malik ibn abdul karim amrullah, a member of the muhammadiyah central leadership. i admit that i have not studied at either al-azhar or cairo university, but the relationship of my soul with egypt is already old, that is, dating back to when i was able to read books in arabic, especially books of sheikh muhammad abduh, sayyid rashid rida, and others. the head of the muhammadiyah movement right now is syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur, who is minangkabau and a student of sheikh abdul karim amrullah, but after studying the qur’an, in 1922 he moved to java where he studied muhammadiyah under k.h.a. dahlan, until he became a leader of muhammadiyah since that time. he was chosen by acclamation by two congresses: the congress in purwokerto in 1953 and the congress in palembang in 1956. on the basis of this selection he moved from sumatra to yogyakarta, the center of the movement. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 146146146146146 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna 3. sheikh ahmad hassan and persatuan islam the third man who became a propagator of the ideas of abduh on java was sheikh ahmad hassan, who now lives and teaches in bangil, east java. a few years ago, he lived in the city of bandung, which is famous for its asiaafrica conference [in 1955], and he was a teacher as well as the leader of the organization persatuan islam. he has many books that he has written in indonesian, spreading the idea of islam based on the qur’an and hadith, waging war on blind obedience and urging freedom of thought, rejection of unlawful innovations and superstition and cleansing the faith from the influence of other teachings. and he has also written an exegesis of the qur’an, named alfurqan. his struggle to oppose the teachings of ahmadiyah qadiani and lahore are well-known everywhere. and his specialty is the strength of his arguments and his firmness in defending the position that he believes is right. in 1930 he put out a magazine named pembela islam [defender of islam], with himself as the leader, and his student mohammad natsir as the lead author. so it became famous among those who diligently research the development and struggle of islam in indonesia how amazing the fight of that magainze was against the idea of nationalism based on asabiyyah [group feeling, i.e., ethnic solidarity]. it became famous the exchange of ideas between them and the leader sukarno on the issue of whether the struggle to achieve indonesian independence was based only on the idea of nationalism, or a struggle that was based on the teachings of islam, which also involved nationalism, but was broader. mohammad natsir, the leader of indonesian islam, and the head of the masyumi party, was a student of sheikh ahmad hassan, and so, too, was an islamic leader and member of parliament and the constituent assembly who is famous for his bravery and plain-spoken way of stating his ideas: h. mohammad isa anshary! ‘state your ideas plainly’ was the main technique of sheikh ahmad hassan and persatuan islam! translation of books in 1924, ahmad hani, a student of sheikh ahmad dahlan, translated the book ar-raddu ‘adladdahriyin by jamal al-din al-afghani, because at that time communism was beginning to grow on java. after that, he also translated risalatut tauhid, the work of sheikh muhammad abduh. around that time, too, muhammad syah syafi’i translated the first section of the tafsir ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 147147147147147vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 ustazul imam [an exegesis of the qur’an]. after that it was followed by abdul wahid an-naashiriy translating the first section of the tafsir al-manar [exegesis of the qur’an by muhammad abduh]. and risalatut tauhid and tafsir ustazul imam are taught to this day in schools left behind by sheikh abdul karim amrullah in sumatra. it is fitting for you gentlemen to ask maktabah isa al-baby al-halaby [the publisher] how many of those books were sent each month and year to indonesia, especially to minangkabau [west sumatra], before world war ii. the twilight days of those great men sheikh ahmad dahlan one by one they have answered the call of their god, going home to the land that never changes after leaving behind deeds that are good and works that are praiseworthy, except for one man who still lives, and may god extend the life of sheikh ahmad hassan, because truly he was the youngest in age among those and the last to appear. the one who passed away the earliest by far was sheikh ahmad dahlan. he passed away at the beginning of 1923, after finishing his days and all his weath for the muhammadiyah movement that he had established. he died in a state of poverty of material goods, but richness of memories and good deeds. he was involved in islamic schools from elementary, to middle and high schools, and they have founded a college in padang panjang, west sumatra, in 1956.24 so, too, have many hospitals and orphanages been named after him. there is not a single city [in indonesia] that does not have a branch and there is no village that does not have a sub-branch. and the muhammadiyah movement is one of the largest islamic religious movements in indonesia. and in the words of the islamic fighter, sayyid amin husainy, the mufti of palestine, who came to indonesia for the asia-africa conference: ‘muhammadiyah is the largest islamic organization in the world!’25 dr. sheikh abdullah ahmad and dr. sheikh abdul karim amrullah and sheikh ahmad soorkati there were also sheikh abdullah ahmad and sheikh abdul karim amrullah; these two once came to egypt to attend the caliphate conference put forward by the ulama of al-azhar in 1926. and they two had the opportunity to ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 148148148148148 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna come together with egyptian ulama and their leaders. in the same way, ulama came from other places in the islamic world: from turkey, yugoslavia, poland, and the transvaal [south africa]. they also had the opportunity to exchange ideas about the future of islam and the muslim community and the relationship between egypt and their homeland with sheikh husein wali and sheikh bachit al-muthi’iy. and they had the opportunity, too, to visit the leader of egypt at that time: sa’ad zaghlul. after listening to their students who had advanced their studies in egypt, hearing how great their struggle was in their homeland to uphold islam, it was agreed by sheikh athaillah affendy, the former mufti of palestine at that time, and sheikh chalil alchalidi, the director of islamic endowments in iraq, and sayyid abdul aziz as-sta’alaby, the famous tunisian leader, to give them the degree doctor honoris causa, because al-azhar at that time did not yet have regulations for giving that degree. and this proposal was agreed to by sheikh husein wali. dr. sheikh abdullah ahmad passed away in 1934. on the other hand, sheikh abdul karim amrullah, my father, the one from whom i learned manners, and my teacher who planted the spirit of struggle in my breast such that i could become a useful human being, after this man returned home from egypt, his struggle increased in intensity and his influence increased in its spread and his students increased in their number. within that, he occasionally would not bow his head to the power of dutch colonialism. several times he rejected the regulations that were made by the dutch government that would hamper the development of islam. and, as a result, he was exiled from his homeland, the place where he shed his blood, the island of sumatra, and sent to java in 1941. so there appeared a protest from the general opinion of the muslims calling for that exile to be annulled. in the end, the dutch government openly recognized in the people’s council [colonial legislature] that he was exiled because his influence was growing more powerful in minangkabau as time passed, such that he was always making the government’s actions to protect public safety more difficult to enact! not too long after he arrived in java, the dutch government fell and surrendered to the threat of the japanese army, and from that time java was controlled by japan. at that time, he met with his old friend sheikh ahmad soorkati, who had become blind. and sheikh ahmad soorkati told him that one of his two eyes was struck by an illness that hurt quite painfully, and so he was taken to a dutch doctor. after examining him, the doctor explained ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 149149149149149vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 that to eliminate the pain, the eye on the other side would have to be removed, too. and so the eye that was first sick and the second eye as well were removed, and the illness was entirely gone, but he was left blind and without eyes. sheikh ahmad soorkati passed away in 1943. after japan took power, there was established a council of ulama, and it had several meetings. one of the meetings was held in bandung and my father was among those who were invited. before the council was opened, it was ordered that all of those in attendance stand up straight and bow down facing the mikado’s palace in tokyo. all of the people stood up straight and undertook to bow because they were being forced and they each wanted to guard their lives, except one person only, my teacher and my father, sheikh abdul karim amrullah. there was a scuffle because everyone remembered what great danger would come to his person, and the japanese authorities for their part did not know what to do with him. however, he waited patiently for his fate with calm and poise. the council in the end was disbanded and everyone went back to their homes. after that, many ulama and leaders came to visit him to express their blessings, because he did not surrender to japan. there were some who plainly said their opinions and there were some who cried, because they were afraid that this issue would bring unseen consequences, even the death penalty. but he remained calm and poised, even grateful after that. this was because every meeting like that, he was no longer invited, because he raised a fuss if he were made to attend under force; however, he would never perform the bow [towards tokyo]. i came from sumatra to visit him and kissed his hand [to show respect]. then i asked, ‘were you not afraid, father, that you would be put to death?’ he answered, ‘what your father fears is not death, my child. what your father fears is what comes after death.’ but the japanese authorities, for their part, did not arrest him and kill him, because they realized how great his influence was among the people. dr mohammad hatta, a great leader of indonesia, said ‘that was the beginning of the indonesian people’s revolt against the japanese authority from a spiritual perspective!’ and so there came several people from the japanese high command to meet with him, asking him to write the true teachings of the islamic religion, so that they could guard the feelings of the muslims after they understood ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 150150150150150 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna these teachings. so he wrote a small pamphlet, which he named ‘only allah is my lord’. he surrendered this pamphlet to them, and the original was copied off and disseminated secretly among the islamic community, because the pamphlet that was surrenedered to the japanese was just for their own use! my father and my teacher, sheikh abdul karim amrullah, passed away two months before the indonesian nation proclaimed its independence, namely on 21 june 1945, at the age of 68. he did not leave behind any wealth for us his children, any inheritance that we could divide among ourselves following islamic inheritance law, but he left behind a spiritual wealth that was great for the muslim community, namely his students and the students of his students. among them were three great men who are now struggling to further his dreams, namely sheikh abdul hamid hakim in padang panjang, sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur, head of muhammadiyah, and madam rahmah el-junusiyah, the famous islamic educator. sheikh mohammad jamil jambek even though his colleagues had passed away one by one, and he lived alone and was already old, however he still did not stop pushing forward the struggle to give guidance to the indonesian community in minangkabau [west sumatra], where they came to him with questions, asked him for fatwas and blessings. he was still able to join in the launch of the great indonesian revolution of 1945. even though he was approaching 80 years old, he was still able to give a spiritual contribution to the revolution. one of his children, he turned over to the army, and this man reached the rank of colonel.26 and he founded a fighting force named ‘sabilillah’, and he himself held its leadership. even though he did not join in going to the field of battle, yet all the fighters who were going to set out would collect themselves beforehand at his school and ask for his fatwa. and he would collect aid and goods from villagers to send to the battle front. because of his hard work, even though his age was already quite advanced, he passed away on 31 december 1947, from being stricken by pneumonia. sheikh thaher jalaluddin there was also sheikh thaher jalaluddin, the first pioneer of abduh’s ideas in the malay and indonesian lands, who was the oldest of all of them in age, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 151151151151151vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 and was the first to take a step and the last to pass away. after he went back to the malay peninsula in 1924, he returned to his homeland one more time in 1927. as soon as he arrived, he was immediately arrested by the dutch and thrown into jail for close to a year. but because there was not enough evidence for the accusation, he was freed again and returned to malaya. upon arriving there, he did not stop in his activities and struggle. he led the newspaper saudara [brother] at pulau pinang and put out books on religion and taught on theology. sometimes he would be in singapore, sometimes in pulau pinang and sometimes in kuala kangsar, perak, with his children, until old age. and so, in october 1956, he passed away at the age of 97 years old. sheikh ahmad hassan the one who is still alive, thanks be to god, is sheikh ahmad hassan, in bangil. he was the youngest and of them and the last one to appear on the scene with his persatuan islam in 1928. he was the best of stewards among the best of companions. he continued their struggle and lived in bangil, writing and publishing his own works himself and distributing them to the public, especially those among his loyal followers. but for the last several years, he has been ill in his leg, so that half of his leg had to be cut off and replaced with a wooden leg. but this replacement leg does not influence his activities in spreading islam, and if it comes to exchanging ideas and debating, in the face of his opponents, his opponents always bow down in defeat or recognizing they were wrong. the incident of sheikh jar-ul lah azzamachsyari, the author of the al-kasysyaf exegesis, is famous. his heart was strong, his arguments were strong, and his critiques were bitter, if he was facing his colleague honestly. but it reached a point where sheikh zamachsyari, if he merely heard the wooden leg coming from afar, would already start saying, ‘he has come again! what else is it that he wants to debate?’ may god extend his years to defend islam and fight stagnation and antiquation, combatting blind obedience. conclusion i am already almost finished with this speech, which i am giving in arabic, not the indonesian tongue! i have done this work so that i could speak to you gentlmen’s hearts in using this language to the best of my ability. i hope that all of you, my brothers, will show grace to me if i have said things less ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 152152152152152 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna than perfectly. i hope that my love for this language can cover over any deficiencies, because arabic is a language that first flowed into my ear before i ever heard my mother tongue. this was because when the nurse first told my father that he had a son and i was taken to him, he spoke into my ear straight away ‘allahu akbar – allahu akbar, la ilaha ill-allah.’27 and after i had grown up, he taught me to read the qur’an. if i was forced, then with his scolding improving my pronunciation i have come to love arabic and the arab people, and i am reminded of the poem of sayyid mustafa ghalayini, the late mufti of beirut: people ask: do you love the arabs? i answer: truly i love them. this is a love that asks for my blood and my youth. even if i suffer greatly on the basis of that love, i will receive it patiently, and its greatness will fulfill my cup. that is their story, respected gentlemen, the people who have spread the teachings and the thought and the dream of sheikh muhammad abduh in our homeland, the land of the malays and indonesia. and i, in fact, am one of them. it is only the english and dutch colonialism which divided us, and now both [indonesia and malaya] are free and have begun to meet again in this environment of freedom. so the ideas of muhammad abduh are winning more and are more firmly planted as time goes on, from day to day and year to year. the people and groups who opposed it before, now are secretly following it, even though sometimes they deny it publicly. and this is the truth, and the truth is greater than the hatred and division of mankind. and i am not stretching the truth if i say that sayyid jamal al-din alafghani and sheikh muhammad abduh and sayyid rashid rida, in addition to sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi and emir shakib arslan and others have made a contribution—and not a small one—to the development of the indonesian people and the building of an islamic spirit, such that there has been shaped an islamic ideology that is progressive, as part of the indonesian nation’s struggle, and the leaders of this ideology are not left behind by the leaders of our nation who only received a dutch education. thus, we have achieved the independence of indonesia and we became free from colonialism on 17 august 1945. i ask god (may he be glorified and exalted) that he would give a chance for you gentlemen to come to our nation some time in the future, our nation which has been blessed with a beautiful natural environment, fertile land and comfortable climate. it is always spring, with no excessive hot season and no ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 153153153153153vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 excessive cold season. in that place you gentlemen would witness in every place, in every office and every activist of the islamic movement, in every islamic school and islamic organization, hanging there a picture of sheikh muhammad abduh in a special place. and his name is not far from the lips of every person who knows the meaning of the struggle for the development of islam. if chadewi abbas helmi pushed him out of the palace in 1905, and he passed away in alexandria, he left behind mourning and a scar in the hearts of the muslim community from east to west, and the soul of his teachings and dream have been reborn from the grave and have flown proudly flapping and have finally perched in those green and fertile islands, which are strung around the equator, which multatuli, a dutch poet, called ‘the emerald necklace’ and other poets have called ‘the diamond pendant around the neck of asia’, and i call ‘a portion of heaven placed on earth’. there, in that beautiful and verdant land, there have risen the ideas of the teacher of the faith, muhammad abduh, whom we make our model in our struggle to face life and defend the teachings of islam. there, in my homeland which i love, indonesia! the muslim community of indonesia generally and those who praise the goals of muhammad abduh specifically, have been made happy because of the visits of several great egyptians, and they have witnessed themselves the controversy over those goals, both on sumatra or on java. since the coming of dr sheikh abdur rahman taj, the friday preacher of al-azhar, and his entourage, and then with the coming of sayyid anwar sadat, the general secretary of the islamic conference, and later the egyptian cultural mission composed of great experts in egyptian thought, among them dr osman amin, the great researcher of the biography of sheikh muhammad abduh. please come again and be welcomed again. we are not a nation that is hard to get along with; just with the phrase ‘assalaamu ‘alaikum’ you have the very key to our hearts! and so as a closing to this speech, i hope that this closing is pleasing to all of you, i will express my thanks to the islamic conference and its general secretary sayyid anwar sadat, and also to his assistants and staff who have opened up this opportunity for me to travel to egypt in its new and glorious era now. and when we met in the asy-syubbanul muslimun building on this great night, my gratitude increased because i also had the chance to meet with the head, the famous fighter general saleh harb. and several leading ulama were assembled there, too, especially sahibul fadhila sheikh mahmoud ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 154154154154154 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna syaltut, the assistant friday minister at al-azhar, and sahibul fadhilah dr sheikh abdullatief drazz and others. and we met there with professors and important experts in philosophy. and all of these important events took place because of the work of the egyptian ambassador to indonesia, sayyid ali fahmi al-amrousi. and this visit has reached its apex when i was able to witness that one corner of the islamic world that had been lost to us for 75 years, that is the suez canal, has come back into the hands of egypt, and so has come back into muslim hands, ‘hazihi bidha’atuna ruddat ilaina’. (this is our inheritance, which has come back into our hands.) and this is because of the policies of the leader and president of egypt, jamal abdel nasser! and after the suez canal returned with ease granted by god, i have faith that god will grant us ease, as well, in the near future, that is in the return of west papua to the motherland of indonesia. lord willing! long live indonesia! love live egypt! end note 1 f. poeradisastra, ‘ memang, kebenaran harus tetap disampaikan,’ in nasir tamara, buntaran sanusi, and vincent djauhari (eds), hamka di mata hati umat (jakarta: sinar harapan, 1983), p. 158, quoted in annette damayanti lienau, ‘comparative literature in the spirit of bandung: script change, language choice, and ideology in african and asian literatures (senegal & indonesia)’, phd. dissertation, yale university, 2011, p. 112. 2 m. c. ricklefs, islamisation and its opponents in java, c. 1930 to the present (singapore: nus press, 2012), p. 53. 3 jeffrey hadler, ‘home, fatherhood, succession: three generations of amrullahs in twentieth-century indonesia,’ indonesia, volume 65 (1998), p. 137. 4 lienau, pp. 131-32 and 290 n. 294. 5 karel steenbrink, ‘hamka (1908-1981) and the integration of the islamic ummah of indonesia’, studia islamika, vol. 1, number 3 (1994), p. 140. 6 lienau, pp. 121-22. 7 anke von kügelgen, ‘ abduh, muhammad,’ encyclopaedia of islam, three (leiden: brill, 2007), available at: http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-3/abduh-muhammad-com_0103. 8 albert hourani, arabic thought in the liberal age, 1798-1939 (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1983), p. 139. 9 a.h. johns, ‘qur’anic exegesis in the malay-indonesian world: an introductory survey’, in abdullah saeed (ed.), approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesia (oxford: oxford university press in association with the institute for ismaili ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 155155155155155vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 studies, 2005) p. 34. 10 steenbrink, p. 140. 11 cf. deliar noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, 1900-1942 (singapore: oxford university press, 1973). 12 this translation has been made from the published text found in hamka, pengaruh muhammad abduh di indonesia: pidato diutjapkan sewaktu akan menerima gelar doctor honoris causa dari universitas al azhar di mesir pada tgl. 21 djanuari 1958 (jakarta: tintamas, 1961). this publication was not copyrighted and is in the public domain. 13 within sufism, a common belief holds that the carnal aspect of self must die—a process achieved through a variety of mystical practices in the different orders— in order to truly experience the divine while on earth. 14 ‘gates of interpretation’ (ar. bab al-ijtihad) is the traditional islamic euphemism for the opportunity to derive one’s own religious interpretations directly from revelation, i.e., the qur’an and hadith. those who believed that only those great teachers in the first centuries of islam had the capacity to perform this kind of fundamental interpretation follow the doctrine of taqlid (translated above as ‘blind obedience’), and in sunni islam they adhere to one of the four schools of jurisprudence, in south east asia usually the shafi’i school. 15 the mahdi, or saviour, is a orthodox part of islamic eschatology as the leader of the muslim community who will restore justice before the day of judgement, but many men throughout history have claimed this title as part of an armed movement to usher in the end times, thus leading to colonial unease. 16 this last was hamka’s father. 17 at the time of this speech, hatta had recently stepped down as indonesia’s vicepresident, but remained a great moral authority, especially for those from outside java. 18 before saying of the five daily ritual prayers, it had been customary to recite a formula in arabic to the effect of ‘i now intend to pray.’ 19 in islamic jurisprudence, a couple is not allowed to remarry after divorcing unless the woman has been married to another man in the intervening time. to meet this requirement on paper and facilitate a remarriage, temporary marriages were sometimes contracted in which it was agreed in advance when they would end. 20 the concept of ‘unity of existence’ (ar. wahdat al-wujud) derives from the 12th13th century philosopher ibn arabi. in very coarse terms, the philosophy states that only god is transcendent and has true existence, and all other things are manifestations of the divine transcendence. it has been criticized for affiliating all things with god and denying the existence of god’s creation. 21 as part of his duties as mufti of egypt, abduh responded to an inquiry from a muslim in what is today south africa, saying that wearing european-style clothing (such as wide-brimmed hats) was permissible for muslims. this decision was attacked by his detractors for diverging from the hanafi school of jurisprudence (the school most widely followed in egypt). 22 in 1881, a sudanese muslim named muhammad ahmad bin abdullah inaugurated a rebellion against his egyptian and ottoman overlords, claiming himself ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 156156156156156 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna to be the saviour promised in islamic eschatology. this rebellion lasted until finally conquered by the british in 1898. 23 after the destruction of the ottoman empire, the institution of the caliph, supposed to be the spiritual leader of all muslims and a title the ottoman emperors claimed, was eliminated. this led to a series of conferences looking to re-establish the institution and debating how it could be revived. 24 footnote from the original: at this time there have been established also a faculty of instruction and education in jakarta and a tabligh academy in yogyakarta. – publisher 25 this is very flagrantly not true, among other reasons because it ignores the existence of indonesia’s other, larger mass islamic organization, nahdlatul ‘ulama (nu). at the time of this speech nu was a political party in addition to a social organization, and perhaps for this reason or perhaps out of old-fashioned rivalry hamka seems to have elided its significantly greater membership. 26 this son, col. dahlan jambek, became famous for his leadership in the revolution and death in the pemerintah revolusioner republik indonesia rebellion of 1958-61. 27 ‘god is greatest – god is greatest, there is no god but god.’ this is the muslim profession of faith. bibliography hadler, jeffrey. 1998. ‘home, fatherhood, succession: three generations of amrullahs in twentieth-century indonesia’, indonesia, vol. 65, p. 122-154. hamka, 1961. pengaruh muhammad abduh di indonesia: pidato diutjapkan sewaktu akan menerima gelar doctor honoris causa dari universitas al azhar di mesir pada tgl. 21 djanuari 1958. jakarta. tintamas. hourani, albert. 1983. arabic thought in the liberal age, 1798-1939. cambridge: cambridge university press. johns, a. h. 2005. ‘qur’anic exegesis in the malay-indonesian world: an introductory survey’. in abdullah saeed (ed.), approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesia. oxford: oxford university press in association with the institute for ismaili studies. lienau, annette damayanti. 2011. ‘comparative literature in the spirit of bandung: script change, language choice, and ideology in african and asian literatures (senegal & indonesia)’. phd. dissertation. yale university. noer, deliar. 1973. the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, 1900-1942. singapore: oxford university press. poeradisastra, f. 1983. ‘memang, kebenaran harus tetap disampaikan’. in nasir tamara, buntaran sanusi, and vincent djauhari (eds), hamka di mata hati umat. jakarta: sinar harapan, pp. 155-164. ricklefs, m. c. 2012. islamisation and its opponents in java, c. 1930 to the present. singapore: nus press. steenbrink, karel. ‘hamka (1908-1981) and the integration of the islamic ummah of indonesia’. studia islamika, 1 (3) (1994): 119-147. von kügelgen, anke. 2007. abduh, muhammad. encyclopaedia of islam, three. leiden: brill. a a.a. navis a.h. johns abdul munir mulkhan abdulkahhar mazakkir, abdurrachman surjomihardjo abdurrachman surjomiharjo aceh africa ahmad hani aisyah 'aisyiyah akhlâq al-karîmah al-azhar al-azhar al-azhar university al-fawaidul 'illiyah al-irsyad al-maktabah al-islamiyah al-manar al-qaedah al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah al-tahir ibn ashur al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wuthqa al-ustadh abu raidah alawiyin albert hourani allan boesak len hansen amelia fauzia amien rais amrozi anas s al-shaikh-ali anke von kügelgen annette damayanti anton houtepen ariel heryanto asabiyyah asy-syubbanul muslimun australia ayahku b bambang purwanto bandung bangil bani abbas bantam basuki tjahaja purnama beirut belitung bengkulu bentang budaya budi setiawan bukittinggi c cairo cambridge university cambridge university press cental serikat islam cf. deliar noer chadewi abbas helmi charity charles amjad-ali china csrc d dar al-arabiyah dâr al-ma'rifah darul 'ulum de indische courant diponegoro dirjowongso djohan effendi doctoral address dutch e egypt egyptian emir shakib arslan encyclopaedia of islam english ezzat mossallenejad f f. poeradisastra farid wadjdy fatimah fazlur rahman french g garut gramedia h h. yunus anis h.o.s. cokroaminoto haedar nashir haji abdul malik karim amrullah haji samanhudi hamid algadri hamka harakah tarbiyah het vaderland hilman latief hizbul wathan hizbut tahrir indonesia hongkong hoofdbestuur husein muhammad i ibn al-qayyim ibn taimiyyah ibn taymiyya ibn taymiyyah ibnul qayyim ikhwanul muslimin ilyas ya`kub indonesia iqazun niam ir. h. juanda iraq isis islam islamic endowments in iraq j jakarta jamal abdel nasser jamal al-din al-afghani jan willen van henten jasser auda jeffrey hadler jemaah islamiyah joko widodo jw marriot k k.h.a. dahlan kabili kalimantan karel steenbrink karl mannheim kaum muda kenang-kenangan hidup kh. ahmad dahlan khamami zada killyatul adab king george v kristen kuntowijoyo kweekschool l lienau lowanu m m. c. ricklefs m. quraish shihab madam rahmah mahmud yunus majelis mujahidin indonesia majmû' fatawâ malacca malaya maninjau maqasid syari´ah ma'rifatullahi masjumi michel foucault minangkabau mitsuo nakamura mizan moeslim abdurrahman mohamad rasyidi mohammad al-ghazaly mohammad hatta mohammad isa anshary mohammad natsir moluccus muchtar luthfi mufti of egypt mufti of palestine muhammad muhammad abduh muhammad said al-asymawi muhammad syoedja' muhammad yusuf muhammad zain hassan muhammadiyah multatuli mulyadhi kartanegara munir mulkhan mutu qabla an tamutu n nahdlatul ulama nasyiatul 'aisyiyah neo-sufisme netherlands new york nus press o omar hobais oxford university press p padang padang japang pakualaman palembang palestine panji masyarakat papua parabek paris pasai pedoman masjarakat pekalongan pembela islam penolong kesengsaraan oemat penolong kesengsaraan oemoem philippine pilihan timur pko pluralitas prof dr schrieke prof. farid ma'ruf pulau pinang purwokerto r radikalisme rahmah el-junusiyah revival and reform in islam s sa'ad zaghlul sadaat salafiyah sayyid abdul aziz as-sta'alaby sayyid abdur rahman baswedan sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi sayyid amin husainy sayyid hussein nars sayyid muhammad bin aqil sayyid mustafa ghalayini sayyid okbah bin nafi' sayyid omar hobais sayyid rashid rida senegal sharbazah sheikh abdul karim amrullah sheikh abdullah ahmad sheikh abdullatief drazz sheikh abdur rahman taj sheikh ahmad dahlan sheikh ahmad hassan sheikh ahmad khatib sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur sheikh ahmad soorkati sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani sheikh athaillah affendy sheikh bachit al-muthi'iy sheikh chalil al-chalidi sheikh di tiro sheikh husein wali sheikh ibrahim bin musa sheikh jar-ul lah az-zamachsyari sheikh mohammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad abduh sheikh muhammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad thaib sheikh mustafa abdullah sheikh nawawi sheikh taher jalaluddin sheikh thaher jalaluddin sie boen lian sinar harapan singapore singapura soeara moehammadijah soerabaijasch handelsblad solo sorbonne university spanish st. ignatia lammens st. yudith de laat stamford press studia islamika suez canal sukarno sulawesi sultan sultan idris murshidu'l a'zam shah sultan of perak surabaya syed farid al-attas syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur syria t tafsir maqasidi tafsir ustazul imam tanjung sungayang tariq ramadan tasauf moderen tasawuf mistis tauhid sosial tokyo toronto tuanku imam bonjol tuhfah and nihaya u united kingdom university of chicago press university of oxford ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh usul al-fiqh w west sumatra whael b. hallaq wihdatul wujud wirobrajan wiyhatul islam y yale university yazid bin muawiyyah yogyakarta yusuf al-qardhawi z zadul ma'ad zainal abidin ahmad # layout jan jun 2011 shalat dengan menggunakan bahasa indonesia. dalam islam, praktik ibadah memiliki aturan tersendiri yang didasarkan pada tradisi atau sunnah nabi muhammad saw. perdebatan tentang hal mengenai boleh tidaknya shalat dilakukan dalam bahasa indonesia muncul ketika muhammad yusman roy dari surabaya mempraktikan shalat dalam bahsa indonesia ketimbang bahasa arab. penulis menggambarkan dan menganalisis perbagai pendapat ulama mengenai bacaan shalat dan mengapa mui menolak praktik shalat tersebut dalam konteks indonesia. kata kunci: shalat, mui, fatwa, ijtihad, bid’ah introduction prayer or salat has an important position in islam as the second pillar of faith after kalima shahada (testimony of faith). according to prophetic traditions, it is not only the first obligation which was delivered to the prophet muhammad but also a fundamental factor which determines the acceptance of muslim’s good deeds (al-‘amal alshalih) in the hereafter.1 therefore, it is an obligation for every muslim to perform prayers five times a day under any condition and in any time except for women during their monthly period. it is not permissible for them to perform prayer until they are ‘clean’ from menstrual blood.2 although muslims admit the importance of salat, the way they perform it is diverse depending on the school of islamic law that they follow. this diversity is caused by different interpretations of the verses of the challenging the sacred: the fatwa of the indonesia ulama council on the recitation of translation during the prayer syahril siddik faculteit der geesteswetenschappen, leiden institute for area studies, lias diversen. leiden university email: s.siddik@hum.leidenuniv.nl abstract this article examines the fatwas of the mui (indonesian ulama cuncil) on the recitation of translation during the prayer. the mui fatwas were in response to the new trend of reading indonesian language during prayer among indonesian muslims. in islam, the practice of worship (praying) has been regulated by and based on the tradition of the prophet muhammad saw. debates over the issues whether or not praying can be performed in local language arose when muhammad yusman roy form surabaya initiated the practice of praying by reciting bahasa indonesia instead of arabic. the author presents different views among classical islamic scholars (ulama) about the translation of shalat recitation and explains why the mui has forbid this practice in the indonesian context. keywords: prayer, mui, fatwa, ijtihad, innovation (bid’ah) abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang fatwa-fatwa mui tentang pembacaan terjemahan bacaan solat. fatwa-fatwa mui ini muncul sebagai respons terhadap adanya trend di kalangan muslim untuk mempraktikan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 2 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna qur’an and hadith concerning the procedures of prayer. prayer in islam is such a fixed form of sacred ritual which is based on the qur’an and hadith. according to fiqh, there are several conditions and pillars of prayer which must be fulfilled by muslims who intend to perform salat. the conditions of prayer consist of: (1) sanity, (2) reaching the age of maturity, (3) lack of ritual impurity (i.e. ablution), (4) removal of filth, (5) covering the awrat, (6) the entrance of the proper time, and (7) facing the qiblat. in addition, there are four main pillars of prayers which contain: (1) the intention (niyat), (2) standing, if one has the ability to do it, (3) reciting alfatiha, and (4) bowing and prostrating on all seven limbs.3 the number of the conditions and pillars of salat vary in accordance with the four schools of fiqh. for example, for the shafi»ite school the intention of prayer is placed in the first pillar of prayer, but for the hanafi madhhab it belongs to one of the conditions of prayer. an innovation (bid’a) beyond what has been generally practiced concerning prayer can sometimes trigger debates and arguments within muslim communities. an example of these debates was the controversy of bilingual prayer performed by muhammad yusman roy and his followers in indonesia. leading the prayer, muhammad yusman roy inserted indonesian translation in his recitation after arabic during prayer. this attempt of yusman roy and his students is considered as an uncommon practice in prayers for muslims in indonesia in general, and muslims in the world in particular. yusman roy’s activity was unfolded by some of his students who questioned his practice in prayer by seeking answers from muslim scholars concerning the status of translation during salat. the phenomenon had gained much attention ranging from regional to national level of muslim scholars who argue whether it is allowed to insert translation during prayer or not. afterwards, the indonesian ulama council (mui-majelis ulama indonesia) in malang regency issued a fatwa in january 2005 declaring that yusman roy’s activity is forbidden, since there is no evidence both in the qur’an and the prophetic traditions which permit muslims inserting translation during prayer.4 fatwa plays an important role in the lives of indonesian muslims for a number of reasons. first, it is issued to control the attitudes of muslims so that they can act and live according to islamic teachings. in addition, fatwas also “reflect the creative tension between the normative ideals of islam and social reality”5 in which muslims strive to find some religious answers to problems they encounter in their daily lives. furthermore, it serves as a bridge for the confluence between the opinions religious scholars issued and the reality of muslims experience in their daily activities.6 the mui’s fatwa on yusman roy’s case had been broadcasted through media and acquired much attention among many people in the country. moreover, some of muslims, as a result of the fatwa, demanded the government to react and to send yusman roy to prison because he had desecrated the fundamental normative teachings of islam regarding the insertion of indonesian translations in prayer. although the mui had issued a fatwa against this practice, yusman roy and some of his students insisted to continue their way of prayers. as a result, he was accused according to the indonesian penal code doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 3vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 (kuhp-kitab undang-undang hukum pidana) of causing public unrest and disgracing islam as a religion. finally, he was imprisoned in may 2005 after a verdict had been issued by the local criminal court in malang that he was proved guilty of the blasphemy against prayers. therefore, it is significant to investigate the status of translations in salat within the framework of islamic law by discussing the four schools’ different opinions regarding non-arabic languages as valid in recitations in prayer. another interesting fact in this study is that there is a debate within the muslim community in indonesia regarding this point. some prominent leaders of muslim organizations such as nu and muhammadiyah agree with the mui’s fatwa against yusman roy. they believe that this fatwa can protect muslims from heresy and prevent the dissemination of yusman roy’s practice. they argue that the insertion of non-arabic in prayer is invalid and against what is stated in the qur’an.7 however, other muslims, specifically the members of the indonesian islam network (jil-jaringan islam liberal) oppose the mui’s fatwa. they state that translations in prayer are not a new discussion in the history of islam because not all madhhabs forbid translations in prayer. they assert that muslims in indonesia cannot differentiate between the essence of the teachings of islam and the cultural background of islam. they further argue that arabic language is part of the culture of the arabs. therefore, muslims can perform prayer in their own language, since language is not the essence of the teaching of islam.8 the present paper attempts to deal with the following questions: what is the social background of the mui’s fatwa regarding translations in non-arabic? and which opinion of the four schools of fiqh is serving as a basis of the mui’s fatwa concerning this issue? this first question strives to elaborate the mui’s methodology in issuing this fatwa, including the mustafti (a person or a group who asks for religious opinions and the mufti, a person who issues fatwas). in addition, the second question attempts to explicate in details different opinions of the status of translations in prayer according to the schools of islamic law to understand the basic opinion of fiqh that the mui used to deal with this issue. some previous researchers have studied yusman roy’s case, but to the best of my knowledge, they do not focus in their analysis on the discussion of the fatwa in the framework of islamic law. conversely, they investigated the issue from a juridical point of view because the imprisonment of yusman roy is considered to violate human rights and freedom of religion. saru arifin concludes that “the parameter used to criminalize the followers of heretical sects (such as yusman roy) in indonesia is normatively based on article 156a kuhp. the article states that the concept of offense against religion is general, in view of indonesia as multi religious country. this concept includes the attitudes or interpretations which are considered to desecrate a religion in indonesia.”9 nadirsyah hosen in his project of research (funded by max planck institute for social anthropology and indonesian institute of sciences) argues that the case of yusman roy has shown the problematic dispute of religious life in indonesia and the need for an alternative dispute resolution within muslim communities in indonesia. he further states that “the case shows how the state and its ‘secular’ court doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 4 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna examine ritual things. this is problematic since the religious courts (pengadilan agama) do not have jurisdiction on this issue. yusman roy’s case provides a strong argument for the need to have an alternative dispute resolution within the islamic community in indonesia.”10 stewart fenwick in his article remarks that yusman roy’s case has re-opened the discussion of the relation between religion and the state. he further opines that “the decision of the local state court in malang to send yusman roy to prison reflects a conscious effort to access available legal mechanisms to pursue islamic doctrinal agendas. this (also) arguably reflects dissatisfaction with and contestation of the boundaries between islam and the state.”11 this paper, therefore, aims to fill the lacunae of the previous studies of this case from the perspective of islamic legal system (fiqh). therefore, this paper attempts to give scientific and holistic description regarding the status of translations in prayer according to the four schools of islamic jurisprudence. the organization of this paper consists of five parts. the first part is concerned with the biography of muhammad yusman roy and his position in the society, ranging from the beginning of his conversion to islam until his practice to insert indonesian translation in prayer. the second part deals with the mui as one of religious authorities in indonesia, specifically its establishment and its functions within the government and muslim communities. the next part elaborates the mui’s fatwa concerning yusman roy’s practice in prayer including the reasoning (ijtihad) underpinning the fatwa. afterwards, the paper discusses the status of translation in prayer according to the four schools of islamic law in details in order to understand different opinions regarding this case. the last, but not least, is the conclusion which attempts to answer the main reasons behind the mui’s fatwa declaring that reciting translation of the recitation of prayer in prayer are unlawful. yusman roy and his role in society the issue of the insertion of non-arabic language in daily prayers in indonesia is closely related to the controversy of yusman roy. he was born in 1955 in surabaya, the capital city of east java province. his mother is a catholic from the netherlands and his father is a muslim from indonesia. according to him, his family background led him to choose catholicism as his religion because he was closer to his mother than to his father. he further explained that being a catholic was not his own choice rather than he just followed his mother’s faith.12 he began to be interested in islam when he was a professional boxer and a gangster. he learned about islam from kyai13 satar in paneleh, surabaya and shortly after that, he converted to islam in 1985. he asserted that after he studied islam for 20 years, he decided to improve the quality of his prayers because he believes that true prayers can guide people to al-akhlaq al-karima (good attitude) in life as mentioned in the qur’an that prayer can prevent muslims to perform sins and disavowals. in the hadith, it is stated that prayer in islam is the pole of religion. it is therefore impossible to reach good quality of prayers without understanding what is recited during prayers. his idea of the insertion of indonesian language in prayers was successfully implemented when he established a pesantren under the name of pondok ¼itikaf ngaji lelaku after his return from pilgrimage to mecca with his wife in 2002. he believed that bilingual prayers can be a kind of ‘shock doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 5vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 therapy’ for muslims.14 the pesantren was located in the east part of sumber waras village in lawang, malang, east java. it consists of two buildings: the main building is used for accommodation for his santri15; another one is used for the activities including collective prayer (salat aljama’at), learning (ta’lim), and welcoming guests (ikram al-dhuyuf). the main mission of the establishment of the pesantren is to study the translation of the qur’an and hadith in order to understand the teachings of islam properly. about 300 students stay in this school, most of whom are his friends when he was a boxer and a gangster in surabaya. the main activity of the pesantren takes place after friday prayer which he leads himself. in addition, there is a monthly activity known as malam qamariyah (the night of the full moon) for learning the translation of the qur’an and hadith. sumber waras is one of small remote villages among some villages in lawang, malang. for this reason, only a few people know about the activity inside the pesantren established by yusman roy16, east java is wellknown for the highest number of pesantren. according to the statistics of the ministry of religious affairs, there were 3.582 pesantrens in 2005 in the region. the activity of bilingual prayer in pondok ¼itikaf ngaji lelaku had been questioned by some of yusman roy’s santris and some people in the village. they, therefore, sent questions concerning yusman roy’s activity to the indonesian ulama council (mui) in malang. the council in the regency issued its fatwa in 2004, and this was followed by another fatwa by the council in the province of east java in february 2005 declaring that it is forbidden to practice bilingual prayers in islam. although the two councils had issued the fatwas, yusman roy and his followers continued to perform bilingual prayer17. according to fenwick, the local mui in malang distributed the document of the fatwa to local government institutions, such as the regent of malang and the malang district police headquarters and urged the government “to take clear steps to prohibit teaching that deviates from islamic law.”18 however, many people in indonesia became interested in the issue of bilingual prayer as has been conducted by yusman roy, which has been widely debated in indonesian media. for example, the students in the state islamic institute (iain) in surabaya organized a debate on the observance of prayers in indonesian language during which they invited yusman roy and some religious scholars from mui in the province. unfortunately, mui refused the invitation and urged the president of the institute to disband the meeting because according to mui, conducting the discussion of bilingual prayers might indicate an agreement with what yusman roy and his followers believe. moreover, ahmad zahro, a representative of the council, and the chairman of nu argued that yusman roy is a muallaf (a new converted to islam) who does not understand the teachings of islam comprehensively and should learn his religion from the right religious teachers (ulama).19 since the issue has spread out all over indonesia and resulted in debates within muslim communities, the centre board of mui issued a fatwa concerning yusman roy in may 2005 to confirm the two previous fatwas that bilingual prayer is invalid and unacceptable in islam. after the national board of mui issued the fatwa, yusman roy was brought to the state court in kepanjen, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 6 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna malang. he was accused of “godslastering, mockery on islamic teachings.”20 the indonesian ulama council (mui) and its functions in indonesia the indonesian ulama council (mui) is a “semi-official” institution which was founded on july 26, 1975. the council was established by a group of muslim scholars and intellectuals as a result of a conference in jakarta which was arranged for this reason, and is regarded as the first conference of mui. the members of the organization consisted of muslim scholars and intellectuals from different muslim organizations in indonesia, such as muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama (nu). besides its central board in jakarta, mui has a number of branches in all provinces and regencies throughout the archipelago. interestingly, the branches of council may sometimes oppose or issue different fatwa regarding the same problem from that of the central board of mui in jakarta. for example, the central board of mui disagrees with the fatwa issued by the mui branch in riau which forbids a woman to be a leader. muhammadun, one of the members of brotherhood committee of the mui in riau, argues that it is not permissible for a woman to be a leader of state because it is against shari’a. on the contrary, the secretary general of the mui, ichwan syam, in jakarta asserts that “mui never issues a fatwa prohibiting a woman to be a president or a leader in a region or in the country”. he suggests that the mui branch in riau should revise their fatwa.21 according to donald porter, the establishment of mui was initiated by the government at that time to weaken and control islamic political parties which threatened the hegemony of military regime led by suharto who expected that the council to be “an officially condoned religious authority that could monopolize religious orthodoxy, guide the muslim community and guard it against heterodox doctrines.”22 as a result, its functions change in accordance with the expectation of the regimes ruling the country. at the beginning, mui had four main functions: (1) “to serve as the translator of the activities and concepts of national and local developments for the people; (2) to be a form of advisory council to the government on religious affairs; (3) to mediate between the government and the ulama; and (4) to function as a forum for the ulama to discuss the problems related to the duties of the ulama.”23 schulze states that “in the new order era, mui became known in the indonesian muslim public opinion as an institution which has two main functions; issuing halal certificates for all products in indonesia and determining the beginning of fasting month (ru’yat alhilal).”24 the decline of suharto’s regime has forced mui to redefine its roles in indonesian society. it was no longer to serve as an advisory council to the government but it changed to be ‘a servant of the indonesian umma’ and a body which has authority to issue fatawa.25 mui announced its five new roles in 2000 which show the shift of its agenda after the demise of suharto: (1) to spread islamic teachings and support efforts for the construction of islamic life; (2) to be a fatwa giver; (3) to work as a guide for the muslim community; (4) to be an agent of reform and renewal; and (5) to uphold the qur’anic command of summoning up the good and forbidding evil.26 it is self-evident doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 7vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 that the change of mui’s orientations in the post-new order and afterwards shows that mui in 2000 seems to keep distance from the government and focus its agenda on the concern of muslims in indonesia. another reason for the shift of mui’s roles is that the new president of the republic of indonesia, abdurrahman wahid often disagrees with mui’s fatwas, even he has ever urged the government to ban mui because of its fatwas concerning ‘heretical’ religious groups. he argued that the fatwas are against freedom of religion and human rights.27 as a former leader of nu, abdurrahman wahid is well known as a neo-modernist and secularist muslim scholar who supported the integration between ‘progressive liberal ideas’ and ‘a deep religious faith’ for new approach to ijtihad. this idea is firmly opposed by mui whose members are mostly conservative muslims.28 the method of fatwa issuance in indonesia is different from other muslim countries. this fatwa issuance in indonesia is based on collective reasoning undertaken by religious scholars who are affiliated with muslims organizations, such as nu, muhammadiyah, or the islamic unity (persis). most of mui’s fatawa refer to the four schools of islamic jurisprudence and the level of the authorities underpinning the reasoning of the qur’an and sunna, ijma’ (consensus) and qiyas (analogy). the fatawa are formally formulated like juridical letters beginning with quoting the qur’anic verses related to the questions or cases before moving to hadith and finally ending with explanation of different schools in islamic law. the explanation of shafi’i madhhab generally dominates the conclusions of the fatwa.29 in addition, the responses of muslim communities in indonesia toward mui’s fatwas depend on specific sociopolitical changes. for example, after the fall of suharto in 1999, muslim communities use fatwas as a means to influence government’s policies regarding a particular case.30 besides such sociopolitical changes, van dijk argued that the involvement of radical muslim organizations in mui, such as the front of islamic defender (fpi-front pembela islam) has significant influence in determining the mui’s fatwas against ‘heretical’ religious groups.31 as a result, their followers who widely spread in indonesia responded to the fatwa by banning the ‘heretical’ groups.32 likewise, the reaction of indonesian muslims towards mui’s fatwa on the translation in prayer was intense. as a result, the government accused yusman roy of blasphemy as based on the article 156a of the kuhp. the mui’s fatwa on observing prayers in translation the fatwa was officially formulated in indonesian language which consists of four parts. the first part is concerned with the clarifications which describe the mustafti (s) (a person or a group of people who seek for the fatwa from religious scholars) and the reason why mui should issue a fatwa concerning yusman roy’s case. it is not clearly stated who was asking for the fatwa, but it says that a group of people came to the local mui in malang regency and informed the mui about yusman roy and his followers who performed salat in indonesian translation. afterwards, the fatwa issuing body of the local mui in malang invited yusman roy to clarify his position before the council. in a meeting initiated by the mui, he acknowledged that he performed prayers in arabic followed by doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 8 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna indonesian language. in addition, he asserted that his aim of bilingual prayers is to reach a better quality of salat and it is only possible if muslims understand what they recite during prayers. the second part of the fatwa consists of the considerations in which the mui quoted some verses of the qur’an and the prophetic traditions concerning the proper ways to conduct prayers. however, the verses of the qur’an quoted by the mui in the fatwa deal with the importance of arabic in islam rather than the status of translations or nonarabic languages in prayers. the verses of the qur’an quoted in the fatwa are sura (qs.) 12:2: […verily, we have sent it down as an arabic in order that you may understand.]; qs. 13:37: [and we have sent it (the qur’an) down to be a judgment of authority in arabic. were you (o muhammad) to follow their (vain) desires after the knowledge which has come to you, then you will not have any protector or defender against allah); qs. 16:103: [and indeed we know that they (polytheists and pagans) say: ‘it is only a human being who teaches him (muhammad)’ the tongue of the man they refer to is foreign, while this (the qur’an) is clear arabic tongue.]; qs. 20:113: [and thus we have sent it down as a qur’an in arabic, have explained therein in detail the warnings, in order that they may fear allah, or that it may cause them to have a lesson from it (or to have the honour for believing and acting on its teachings.)]; and qs. 26:192-195: [and truly, this (the qur’an) is a revelation from the lord of the mankind, jinn, and all that exists, which the trustworthy ruh (jibril) has brought down, upon your heart (o muhammad) that may be (one) of the warners, in the plain arabic language.]33 the second consideration is based on four hadith (s) concerning the way to perform prayer and innovation (bid’a) as follows: (1) “perform prayers as the way i do.”; (2) “it is invalid to pronounce any human language in prayer: the recitation only includes tashbih, takbir and reading the holy qur’an…”; (3) “whomever makes innovation (s) in our religion (islam), which is not part of the teachings of islam, is invalid”; and (4) “whomever performs good deeds (al-‘amal al-shalihat), which are not ordered by god, are invalid.”34 in addition to the aforementioned verses of the qur’an and hadith, the muftis include fiqh discussion in the consideration section. they argue: “as part of worship (ibadah) in islam, the form and the way of salat must be based on islamic law (shari’a) practiced by the prophet muhammad. the qa’idah fiqhiyya affirms: ‘there is no worship except one which is ordered by god.’ legal origin of worship is tauqif (in accordance with certainties and regulation which are stated in shari’a). therefore, it is prohibited to worship allah except with procedures which have been ordered by allah in the holy qur’an and the prophetic traditions….worship is based on tauqif and ittiba’ (following guidance and model from the prophet muhammad), not based on carnality and ibtida (new innovation) as stated in the two previous hadith narrated by aisyah.” the reasoning of this fatwa elucidates the importance of arabic in islam and the prohibition of innovation beyond shari’a. however, there is no verse of the qur’an or hadith which explicitly prohibits the insertion of non-arabic languages in prayer. moreover, in this fiqh discussion the muftis do not refer in their opinions to one of the four schools of doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 9vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 islamic law. based on the aforementioned considerations, mui decides in the third part of the fatwa that yusman roy has misunderstood the verses of the qur’an regarding salat and what he and his followers did, is misleading. the fatwa commission officially states: “prayer is one of fundamental pillars in islam and the way to perform it has been guided by the prophet muhammad as based on the hadith. in addition, arabic is the language of the qur’an by which muslims practice prayers and has an important position in islamic rituals. if muslims intend to understand what they recite during prayers, they should learn arabic in order to attain a good quality of salat. therefore, after listening carefully to yusman roy’s answers, we declare that performing prayers followed by non-arabic languages is deviating and misleading.” besides, mui reveals a recommendation which contains three points. mui orders yusman roy to stop his bilingual prayers because it has misled his followers and resulted in confusion among muslims in indonesia. in addition, mui urges yusman roy to study more about islam from the religious scholars in the council because the council assumes that his background as a muallaf was the reason behind his misunderstanding of the way to perform prayers properly. moreover, the council demands him to dismiss his islamic boarding house (pesantren) for the time being until he finishes his study of the teachings of islam. the fatwa on the translation during prayers was signed by kh. mahmud zubaidi, the chairman of the mui in malang regency, which was based on the draft given by the fatwa commission after the hearing session with yusman roy. the commission consists of 52 members including religious teachers and scholars working together to do ijtihad jama'i (collective ijtihad) regarding the case of bilingual prayers. although the council had issued the fatwa against bilingual prayers, yusman roy and his followers continued to perform their practices. this issue became hotly-debated in the media and triggered various responses in the society. the mui at provincial and national levels confirmed the fatwa of the mui in malang declaring that yusman roy’s practice was unacceptable in islamic jurisprudence and advised muslims not to perform prayers as yusman roy and his followers did.35 the nature of a fatwa in islamic law is unbinding. in other words, muslims can choose whether they obey a fatwa or not and if they are not certain about a fatwa, they may ask for another fatwa from another mufti.36 unlike other fatwas, the mui’s fatwas against heretical groups attracted much attention of muslims. for instance, after the mui issued a fatwa concerning yusman roy’s innovation in prayer, the majority of muslims in the country requested the government to prosecute yusman roy for disgracing islam.37 the status of the translation in prayer in islamic law the discussion of reciting translation of the qur’an in prayer had emerged since the lifetime of the prophet. this assumption is proven by a report which, according to abou sheisha, has two different versions. the first version was mentioned by imam al-nawawi in al-majmu’ that “some of the people of persia asked salman al-farisi to write to them something of the qur’an and he wrote them al-fatiha in persian.”38 the second version doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 10 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna was mentioned in al-nihaya wa al-diraya that “the people of persia wrote to salman al-farisi to write al-fatiha, which he did; and they used to recite it in prayer until their tongues became used to it.”39 according to this version salman “submitted what he had done to the prophet, and he did not disapprove of it.”40 however, some ulama have doubts about the authenticity of this report. for instance, sheikh abu daqiqa refused it for three reasons: (1) “it is not mentioned in the authoritative collections of hadith”; (2) “there is disagreement regarding its text, which is obvious from its two different versions”; and (3) “it contradicts the agreement on the prohibition of translation as he stated.”41 shaisha remarks that the absence of clear points whether it is permissible to translate the arabic qur’an into non-arabic languages and to recite the translation of the qur’an in prayer or not, made this report controversy. as a result, the ulamas’ conclusions of this report were based on clues “that gave way to further analogies and interpretations.”42 the imams of the four schools of islamic law have different opinions about the possibility to include non-arabic languages within the process of prayers. as for the translation, most of the ulama of fiqh agree that recitations must be in arabic since it is the language of the qur’an and the prophet muhammad never performed prayer in other languages except in arabic. they only allow muslims to recite translation of the qur’an in prayer only under several conditions. however, abu hanifa (b. 80-d. 150 ah), who is a persian, states that it is permissible for muslims to recite the translation of the qur’an in prayer even though they can read arabic.43 unfortunately, there is no “direct access to his opinions on this matter.”44 therefore, the explanation concerning his opinions was known from his followers. in his work, al-mabsut, al-sharakshi states that abu hanifa’s opinion is based on the aforementioned report of salman al-farisi. besides, abu hanifa argued that “the inimitability (i'jaz) of the qur’an is in its meaning, and not in its sounds, in whatever language they may be.”45 accordingly, translating the qur’an does not challenge the inimitability of the qur’an because human beings cannot create the same speech like the verses of the qur’an; human languages are “all temporal and created.”46 furthermore, alsharakhsi argues that because it is permissible for muslims at that time to recite in persian the two avowals (shahadatayn) to convert to islam, the talbiya during hajj, and “the basmala before slaughtering”, it is, therefore, allowed to recite the recitations of prayers in non-arabic tongues.47 moreover, another follower of abu hanifa, al-kasani confirms that abu hanifa allowed muslims to recite verses of the torah, the gospel, or the psalms in prayer provided that muslims were convinced that the verses were corrupted.48 unlike al-sharakhsi and al-kasani, abu yusuf and muhammad al-shaybani, the other followers of the hanafi school, restricted the permissibility of translation in prayer under one condition that only muslims who cannot read arabic are allowed to recite translations of the qur’an in prayer. they argue that the ijaz of the qur’an is not only in its meanings but also in its “arabic compositions”. therefore, reciting translation of the qur’an in prayer for those who know arabic invalidates their prayer. the reason behind this restriction is the possibility of performing the ruku’ and the sujud for disabled muslims in prayer doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 11vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 with the gestures.49 it is worth mentioning that the opinions about the permissibility of reciting translation within abu hanifa’s followers vary. according to sheisha, the conflict of opinions can be concluded into three points: (1) “it is obligatory to recite the translation”, (2) “one should better remain silent”, and (3) “it is better to recite the translation than to remain silent.”50 although this issue is heatedlydebated within this school, it is obvious that there are more hanafi’s works which state that abu hanifa allowed muslims to recite the translation of the recitations of prayer than of which refused it.51 in contrast to the hanafi school, the other three fiqh schools, the shafi'i, hanbali, and maliki strictly assure that all recitations of prayer must be in arabic, but they have different reasons in support their opinions.52 the shafi'i followers, such as imam abu hamid al-ghazali, imam al-zarkashi, and ibn hajar al-asqalani, agree that it is not lawful for muslims to recite the translations of the qur’an in prayer since the i'jaz of the qur’an covers “its arabic composition, rhetoric, and unique style.”53 al-shafi'i explained in his book kitab al-umm that “if a person does not know al-fatiha in arabic, then he must recite instead other seven verses of the qur’an in arabic. if he could not, then he should utter dhikr and if he is still unable, he should perform the prayer without recitation.”54 therefore, reciting the translation of the qur’an, according to the shafi'i school, can invalidate prayers. in addition, al-shafi'i declares that it is obligatory for every muslim to learn arabic to be able to recite the recitations in prayer.55 however, imam al-shafi'i declares that it is permissible for muslims who do not know arabic to pronounce the translation of the adhkar and the takbir, other than the verses of the qur’an, in their own languages in prayer until they can recite them (adhkar) in arabic. this is because the adhkar and the takbir are not part of the qur’an.56 furthermore, alnawawi states that “there is no dispute within the shafi'i school that prayers would be invalid if a person utters takbir in persian when he is able to say it in arabic. other foreign languages are on equal terms with persian in this regard.”57 hanbali jurists agree with the shafi'i school followers’ opinions that the recitation must be in arabic. muwaffaq al-din b. qudama (d. 620/1223), the noted jurist of the hanbali school, wrote in his important work, al-mughni, that “recitation is not lawful except in arabic. nor is it lawful to substitute similar arabic words for the original words (of the qur’an). this is the case whether a person is or is not capable of reciting in arabic.”58 he explains that a person who knows arabic must recite the qur’an in arabic in prayer, otherwise his prayer would be invalid. however, he further states that “if he (a person) is unable to learn al-fatiha in arabic, or is afraid to miss the time for prayers (in the process of learning), and he knows only one verse of al-fatiha, then he must repeat that verse seven times. likewise, if he knows more than one verse, he must repeat all that he knows to the measure of the seven verses of al-fatiha. it is possible for him to complete the number of verses required with other verses of the qur’an.”59 in addition, in his commentaries of almughni, shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi (d. 682/1283) claims that abu hanifa neglected his opinion concerning the permissibility of reciting translation of doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 12 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna the qur’an in prayer without any restrictions. al-maqdisi adds that “no one of abu hanifa’s followers or the followers of the other three schools of fiqh had actually followed this opinion”. then he remarks that “the practical consensus of the ummah has remained that the qur’an be recited only in arabic at prayers and outside them, as well as that all adhkar and invocations (whether related to prayers or not) be recited in arabic as well. this practice has continued in spite of the increasing number of non-arab muslims, until some apostatizing non-arabs in our time began to call for the translation of the qur’an and adhkar and the use of such translations in their daily worship. their true aim is, however, to use this as means of facilitating apostasy for the rest of their people, and the casting of the qur’an which was sent down from allah behind their backs.”60 the maliki school has the most conservative opinion concerning recitation of the translation of the qur’an and the other formulas (adhkar and shahadatayn).61 imam malik, the founder of this school, even forbids a person to recite an oath in a language other than arabic.62 in hashiyat aldusuqi, it is clearly stated that it is permissible for a person to recite the qur’an and the takbir in non-arabic tongues in prayer. “if a person is unable to utter al-fatiha in arabic, then he should look for a person, who knows it in arabic, so that he may lead him in prayer otherwise his prayer would be invalid. if he did not find such a person who can lead him in prayer, then he should utter (in the place of al-fatiha) dhikr and tasbih in arabic…every muslim must learn al-fatiha in arabic and try his utmost to learn it and other additional (parts of the qur’an).”63 based on the abovementioned discussion concerning the status of reciting translation of the qur’an in prayer within the framework of the four schools of islamic law, it is only the hanafi school which allows a person to recite translation of the qur’an in nonarab tongues in prayer, whether he knows arabic or not. however, there are arguments among the hanafi’s followers regarding this issue. the other fiqh school jurists (the shafi'i, the hanbali, and the maliki) oppose abu hanifa’s point of view and affirm that reciting the qur’an in non-arabic languages would invalidate prayer. conclusion the mui’s fatwa declaring that yusman roy’s practice is misleading emerges as a result of muslims’ reaction. as has been mentioned above, some of his students came and reported yusman roy’s performance of prayer to the local mui in malang, and shortly after that muslims began arguing the issue of following the arabic recitations in prayer with indonesian translation. it is selfevident that the mass media has a significant role in making this issue hotly-debated within muslim communities in indonesia. consequently, the provincial and national board of mui issued their fatwas to end the controversy of yusman roy’s act. however, the mustafti (s) is not clearly stated in the fatwa. the mui only mentioned that the fatwa was issued because some muslims asked for an answer to the mui regarding the position of reciting translation in prayer in accordance with islamic law. the decision in the fatwa was made under the consideration of some verses of the qur’an concerning the crucial position of arabic in islam and the obligation to follow the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 13vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 prophet’s practice, and some hadiths regarding the guidance of performing salat and the prohibition to make an innovation (bid'a). in addition, the muftis quoted fiqh discussion to ensure that it is unlawful to include translation in prayer, but they did not refer to any jurists of islamic law. nonetheless, the decision of the mui to ban yusman roy’s practice shows that the mui referred to the majority of opinions in islamic law. as has been shown that among the four schools of fiqh, only the hanafi school which allows muslims to recite translation of the qur’an in prayer. in fact, the reaction of muslims and the decision of mui may be understandable since the majority of muslims in southeast asia, particularly in indonesia are sunni followers. azra asserts that “the fact that the majority of southeast asian muslims are sunnis have contributed a great deal to the formation of distinct islamic traditions that can still be observed today. doctrinally speaking, southeast asian muslims generally follow the ash’arite theology (kalam), shafi'ite school of law (madhhab), and ghazalian sufism.”64 in the fatwa, it is obvious that the mui did not include the hanafi school’s opinions and stick to the reasons of the prohibition of reciting translation of the recitations in prayer. endnotes 1 this statement is based on a hadith, “the first thing of a person which will be judged in hereafter is salat; if it is valid, then all his good deeds are accepted, but if it is invalid, then all his good deeds are not accepted.” narrated by abu al-qasim sulaiman ibn al-tabrani as quoted by sabiq, sayid in his book, fiqh al-sunnah, vol. 1, (cairo: dar al-fath, 1990), p. 63. 2 muhammad atiyya kamis, fiqh al-nisa fi al-salat, (alqahira: dar al-ansar 1979), pp.89-93. 3 abd al-rahman aljaziry, kitab al-fiqh ‘ala al-madhahib al-arba’ah, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiyah 2003), pp. 158-159. 4 surya arifin nugraha et al, aliran-aliran sesat di indonesia, (yogyakarta: banyu media 2007), p. 111. 5 syamsul anwar, “fatwa, purification and dynamization: a study of tarjih in muhammadiyah”, in islamic law and society, 12:1, (2005), pp. 27-44. 6 kaptein, nico j.g., “the voice of the ulama: fatwa and religious authority in indonesia” in archives de sciences sociales des religions, 125 (2004), pp. 115-130. 7 nu online, “shalat dua bahasa tidak sah”, http:// www.nu.or.id., accessed on april 12, 2011. 8 islam liberal online, “salat bilingual: haruskah menjadi kontroversial?”, http://www.islamlib.com., accessed on april 12, (2011). 9 saru arifin, “law enforcement on the blasphemy offense: the case study of lia eden community, yusman roy and ahmadiyah”, jurnal millah, vol. 7:2, (2008), pp. 1-15. 1 0 nadirsyah hosen, “secular court and religious prayer”, http://www.eth.mpg.de/cms/files/events_pdf/1055/ 1232460820-03.pdf. accessed on march 10, 2011. unfortunately, this article is not published and its author refused to share it since the article, according to him, should be edited before shared and published. therefore, the abovementioned description is quoted from the abstract of his article. 1 1 stewart fenwick, “yusman roy and the language of devotion-‘innovation’ in indonesian islam on trial.” paper presented in the third international conference in the framework of the training indonesia’s young leaders programme at novotel, bogor on january 23rd26th (2011). 1 2 nugraha, et al, aliran-aliran sesat di indonesia,p. 133. 1 3 the word ‘kyai’ refers to an ulema in east java who informally teaches islam to some students called as ‘santri’ in pesantren, an islamic boarding school in which students learn and live in the dormitory provided by pesantren. the name of ‘kyai’ may vary in different regions in the country such as ‘ajeungan’ in west java. 1 4 nugraha, et al, aliran-aliran sesat di indonesia, p.114. see also steward fenwick, “yusman roy and the language of devotion”, p.14. 1 5 the word ‘santri’ refers to students who learn islam in the informal institution. they usually do not go home for a period of time in pesantren. 1 6 nugraha, et al, aliran-aliran sesat di indonesia, p. 112. 1 7 fenwick, “yusman roy and the language of devotion”, p.3. 1 8 fenwick, “yusman roy and the language of devotion”, p.3. 1 9 nu online, “yusman roy dianggap sembrono dalam beragama”, in http://www.nu.or.id, accessed on april 13, 2011; and “pbnu sarankan ustads roy dalami alqur’an”, in http://www.nu.or.id, accessed on april 13, 2011. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 14 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 2 0 saru arifin, “law enforcement on the blasphemy offense”, p. 11. 2 1 “mui cemas fatwa mui riau untuk jegal calon tertentu”, in http://www.kbr68h.com/berita/nasional/ 3646-mui-cemas-fatwa -mui-riau-untuk-jegal-calontertentu, accessed on april 13, 2011. 2 2 donald porter, managing politics and islam in indonesia, (new york: routledge curzon, 2002), pp. 79-81. 2 3 nur ichwan, ‘ulama, state and politics: mui after suharto’, islamic law and society, 12, 1 (2005), p. 48. 2 4 schulze, kirsten, ‘indonesia-the radicalization of islam’, in stig jarle hansen et al (eds) the border of islam, (london: hurst and company 2009), p. 86. 2 5 nur ichwan, ‘ulama state and politics’, p. 55. 2 6 majelis ulama indonesia (mui), wawasan dan pd mui, (jakarta: mui sekretariat(2000), pp.14-15. 2 7 eramuslim, “mui dibubarkan, logika berpikir gus dur kacau”, in http://www.eramuslim.com/berita/nasional/ mui-dibubarkan-logika-berfikir-gus-dur-kacau.htm. accesssed on april 13, 2011. 2 8 piers gillespie, “current issues in indonesian islam: analyzing the 2005 council of indonesian ulama fatwa no. 7 opposing pluralism, liberalism and secularism,” journal of islamic studies vol. 18 no. 2 (2007), pp. 202-40. 2 9 piers gillespie, ‘current issues, p.84. besides fatwa giving, mui also issues such other religious opinions as tausiyát (recommendations), tadzkirat (admonitions), amanat (instructions), pernyataan sikap (position statements), himbauan (appeals), and sumbangan pikiran (thought contributions). 3 0 steward fenwick, “yusman roy and the language of devotion”, p. 18. 3 1 van dijk, kees, “religious authority, politics, and fatwas in contemporary southeast asia”, in islamic law in contemporary indonesia, ed. r. michael feener and mark e. cammack. (cambridge: harvard university press, 2007), pp. 44-66. 3 2 noorhaidi hasan. 2008.”reformasi, religious diversity, and islamic radicalism after suharto” in journal of indonesian social sciences and humanities, 1 (2008), pp. 23–51. 3 3 the english translation of the verses of the qur’an was quoted from dr. muhammad taqi al-din al-hilali and dr. muhammad muhsin khan, tanslation of the meanings of the noble qur’an in the english language, (madinah: king fahd complex for the printing of the holy qur’an, 1440 h). 3 4 the translation of the hadiths and the fiqh discussion is based on my own translation. 3 5 ridarson galingging, mui fatwa negates freedom of religion and human rights, in http:// www.thejakartapost.com/news/2005/08/12/muifatwa -negates-freedom-religion-human-rights.html. 3 6 kaptein, “the voice of the ulama”, p.115. 3 7 margiono et al., bukan jalan tengah: eksaminasi publik putusan mahkamah konstitusi perihal pengujian undang-undang nomor 1pnps tahun 1965 tentang penyalahgunaan dan/atau penodaan agama (jakarta: the indonesian legal research center, 2010), p. 7. 3 8 al-nawawi as quoted by mohamed ali mohamed abou sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice.” master thesis, leiden university, 2002), p.30. 3 9 shaisha states that “the possibility that what salman wrote was merely a transliteration of al-fatiha in persian alphabet is excluded. see for more details in sheisha, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” p.30. 4 0 sheikh mahmud abu daqiqa as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” p.30. 4 1 sheikh mahmud abu daqiqa as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” pp.30-31. 4 2 sheikh mahmud abu daqiqa as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” p.31. 4 3 abu hanifa commented verse of the qur’an (qs) 26:196 [it (the qur’an) is surely in the scriptures (zubur) of the ancients.] that the qur’an is the eternal uncreated speech of god, while languages are all temporal and created. we can thus infer that it is not valid to say that it is a qur’an in a particular language”. this statement was quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” p. 34. 4 4 sheikh mahmud abu daqiqa as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” p.33. 4 5 muhammad b. abi sahl al-sharakhsi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” pp. 33-34. 4 6 muhammad b. abi sahl al-sharakhsi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation, p.34. 4 7 muhammad b. abi sahl al-sharakhsi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation, p.34 4 8 abu bakr b. mas’ud b. ahmad alal-kasani as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p.34. 4 9 abu yusuf and muhammad al-shaybani as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p.35. 5 0 sheisha, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 38. 5 1 sheisha, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 36. 5 2 isfahani, abu sugha aland ahmad b. hòasan 1043-ca. 1106, fathò al-qarib al-mughib sarhò muhòammad b. qasim al-ghazzi al-shafi'i ‘ala al-kitab al-musamma bi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 15vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 al-taqrib, (hindi: maktabat isa’at al-islam, 1980), p. 13. see also jaziry, abd al-rahman al-, kitab al-fiqh ‘ala almadhahib al-arba’ah, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-kutub al‘ilmiyah, 2003), pp. 201-205. 5 3 imam al-nawawi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 42. 5 4 muhammad b. idris al-shafi'i as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 41. 5 5 muhammad b. idris al-shafi'i as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 41. 5 6 muhammad b. idris al-shafi'i as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 41. 5 7 imam al-nawawi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 42. 5 8 abdullah b. ahmad ibn qudama al-maqdisi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 47. 5 9 abdullah b. ahmad ibn qudama al-maqdisi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation.” p.47.. 6 0 shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, pp. 47-48. 6 1 the maliki opposition to abu hanifa’s opinion is based on abu bakr muhammad ibn arabi’s commentaries on verse qs. 41:44, [had we sent this as a qur’an (in a language) other than arabic, they would have said: ‘why are not its explained in details?’…,] in which he states that “our scholars have said that this would refute abu hanifa’s view that it is lawful to translate the qur’an into persian. this is because this verse absolutely negates the possibility of non-arabism approaching it. elucidation and inimitability cab only be attained in the arabic tongue. if, therefore, the qur’an is transformed into another form, it would no longer be a qur’an, or a book of elucidation. nor would it have any claim to inimitability”. abu bakr muhammad ibn arabi as quoted by sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice”, p. 50. 6 2 malik ibn anas as quoted by mohamed ali mohamed abou sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” master thesis (leiden university, 2002), p. 50. 6 3 hashiyat al-dusuqi as quoted by mohamed ali mohamed abou sheisha in his mater thesis, “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice,” master thesis, (leiden university, 2002), p. 50. 6 4 azyumardi azra, “islamic thought: theory, concepts and doctrines in the context of southeast asian islam” in islam in southeast asia: political, social and strategic challenges for the 21st century, ed. k.s. nathan and mohammad hashim kamali (singapore: institute for southeast asian studies, 2005), p. 9. bibliography anwar, syamsul, 2005. “fatwa, purification and dynamization: a study of tarjih in muhammadiyah”, in islamic law and society, 12 (1), pp.27-44. arifin, saru, 2008. “law enforcement on the blasphemy offense: the case study of lia eden community, yusman roy and ahmadiyah”, in jurnal millah, vol. 7, (2), pp.1-15. azra, azyumardi, 2005. “islamic thought: theory, concepts and doctrines in the context of sotheast asian islam” in islam in southeast asia: political, social and strategic challenges for the 21st century, ed. k.s. nathan and mohammad hashim kamali (singapore: institute for southeast asian studies). fenwick, stewart, 2011. “yusman roy and the language of devotion-‘innovation’ in indonesian islam on trial” (paper presented in the third international conference in the framework of the training indonesia’s young leaders programme at novotel, bogor on january 23rd26th). gillespie, piers, 2010. “current issues in indonesian islam: analyzing the 2005 council of indonesian ulama fatwa no. 7 opposing pluralism, liberalism and secularism,” journal of islamic studies vol. 18 no. 2, pp. 202-40. hasan, noorhaidi. 2008. “reformasi, religious diversity, and islamic radicalism after suharto” in journal of indonesian social sciences and humanities, 1. pp. 23– 51. hilali, muhammad taqi al-din aland muhammad muhsin khan, tanslation of the meanings of the noble qur’an in the english language, (medina: king fahd complex for the printing of the holy qur’an, 1440 h). ichwan, nur, 2005. ‘ulama, state and politics: mui after suharto’, islamic law and society, 12, 1. pp. 45-61. isfahani, abu sugha aland ahmad b. hòasan 1043-ca. 1106. 198. fath al-qarib al-mughib sarh muhammad b. qasim al-ghazzi al-shafi'i ala al-kitab al-musamma bi al-taqrib, hindi: maktabat isa’at al-islam. al-jaziry, abd al-rahman. 2003. kitab al-fiqh ‘ala almadhahib al-arba’ah, vol. 1. beirut: dar al-kutub al‘ilmiyah. kamis, muhammad atiyya. 1979. fiqh al-nisa fi al-salat. alqahira: dar al-ansar. kaptein, nico j.g., 2004. “the voice of the ulema: fatwa and religious authority in indonesia” in archives de sciences sociales des religions, 125, pp.115-130. margiono et al.. 2010. bukan jalan tengah: eksaminasi publik putusan mahkamah konstitusi perihal pengujian undang-undang nomor 1pnps tahun 1965 tentang penyalahgunaan dan/atau penodaan agama. jakarta: doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 16 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna the indonesian legal research center. nugraha, surya arifin, et al. 2007. aliran-aliran sesat di indonesia, yogyakarta: banyu media. porter, donald. 2002. managing politics and islam in indonesia. new york: routledge curzon. sabiq, al-sayyid. 1990. fiqh al-sunna, vol. 1. cairo: dar alfath. schulze, kirsten. 2009. ‘indonesia-the radicalization of islam’, in the border of islam, ed. stig jarle hansen et al. london: hurst and company. sheisha, mohamed ali mohamed abou. 2002. “the translation of the qur’an: muslim opinion and practice.” master thesis, leiden university. van dijk, cees. 2007. “religious authority, politics, and fatwas in contemporary southeast asia”, in islamic law in contemporary indonesia, ed. r. michael feener and mark e. cammack. cambridge: harvard university press, pp.44-66. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0027. 1-16 index a 'abd al-malik 'abd al-qadir al-jilani 'abd al-qadir ibn abi salih jangidost 'abd al-rahman 'abd al-rahman b. al-h harits 'abd allah b. al-zubair abou sheisha abu hamid al-ghazali abu hanifa abu muhammad ja'far al-sarraj abu sa'ad al-mubarak 'ali al-mukharrimi abu sahr al-hudzali al-ahtal ahmad al-ghazali ahmad 'ali al-imam ahmad dahlan 'ain al-qudat al-hamadhani al-'abbas b. al-ahnaf al-ghazali al-hajjaj al-hallaj al-jilani al-jilani al-kasani al-sharakhsi 'ali b. abi thalib ali ibn yusuf al-shattanawfi aloys sprenger 'amr b. kultsum anas b. malik arkoun arthur jeffery b baghdad basshar b. burd al-farazdaq blachère c carmela baffioni catur dharma d deliar noer dzu rumma e e. levi provençal f fazlur rahman fiai g g.p. maisonneuve h hanafi school himpunan putusan tarjih (hpt) i iain ibn darraj al-qasthalani ibn 'arabi ibn batutah ibn hajar al-asqalani ibn mas'ud ibn taymiyah ibn taymiyya ignaz goldziher ikhwan al-shafa' imam al-nawawi imam al-shafi'i imam malik j jalal al-din rumi jesus john the baptist k khuzistan kuntowijoyo m mahfud md mahmud zubaidi malik b. abi 'amir manhaj tarjih manna' al-qaththan margoliouth marwan b. al-hakam matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah mohammed arkoun montgomery watt muhammad muhammad al-shaybani muhammadiyah mui mukaddimah anggaran dasar muhammadiyah mushaf ibn mas'ud mushaf abu bakr mushaf ubay n nabi muhammad saw nahdlatul ulama (nu) nakamura newton p perwataatmadja pesantren q quraisy r r. blachère régis blachère rene descartes robert k. merton s sa'id b. al-'ashsh salman al-farisi sarwono shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi sheikh abû daqiqa shihab al-din al-suhrawardi al-maqtul shubhi shalih sultan sulayman syafii antonio t th. noldeke titus burkchardt u ubay b. ka'ab uii umayyah 'abd al-malik 'utsman b. 'affan w william marçais william muir y ya'cub yusdani yusman roy yusuf al-hamadani z zaid b. tsabit zakaria layout afkaruna desember 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 strategi dakwah kultural muhammadiyah pada ritual adat mappogau hanua masyarakat karampuang sinjai umar institut agama islam muhammadiyah sinjai oemar.beksam@yahoo.com abstract this article examines dakwah movement and islamic reform mission in the karampuang, an area whose society preserve cultural heritage of mappogau hanua. cultural dakwah is used by muhammadiyah as a strategy to cope with the local culture and costumary tradition of mappogau hanua. this article finds that a series of customary practice of rituals of mappogau hanua in karampuang society have been modified by the muhammadiyah’s cultural dakwah movement. the muhammadiyah dakwah strategies can be seen in three asepcts. first, participative strategy and family engagement have been used to understand costumary practice of the local tradition and the way to modify it. second, to change people’s way of thinking (mindset) in understanding mappogau hanua ritual, especially in conceiving the ritual practice of mabbahang, mappaota, mabbaja-baja (membersihkan), menre ri bulu, mabbali sumange’ dan malliing. third, educative strategy i sued by assisiting and empowering adat policy, education, religious activities, health care, and the authority of adat sustainably. based on these three strategies of cultural dakwah, muhammadiyah remains exist and accepted in karampuan society. keyword: cultural dakwah, muhammadiyah, adat, karampuang community abstrak kajian artikel ini membahas gerakan dakwah dan misi pembaharuan islam dalam masyarakat karampuang, sebuah daerah yang secara kultural masih mempertahankan tradisi kepercayaan leluhur adat mappogau hanua. dakwah kultural digunakan sebagai strategi adat istiadat mappogau hanua. artikel ini melihat bahwa berbagai kegiatan ritual dan adat istiadat mappogau hanua dari masyarakat k arampuan telah mendapatkan medifik asi dari gerakan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0073.204-239 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 205205205205205vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 muhammadiyah. strategi gerakan dakwah kultural muhammadiyah dapat dilihat dari tiga aspek. pertama, strategi partisipatif dan kekeluargaan relah digunakan untuk memahami masyarak at adat tradisi local dan bagaimana cara memodifikasinya. kedua, strategi perubahan pola pikirdalam memahami rangkaian ritual mappogau hanua khususnya dalam rangkaian mabbahang, mappaota, mabbaja-baja, menre ri bulu, mabbali sumange’ dan malliing. ketiga, strategi pembinaan (yakni pendampingan dan penguatan pondasi kebijakan pemerintahan adat, pendidikan, keagamaan dan kesehatan dalam otoritas pilar adat secara berkelanjutan). dengan berangkat pada tiga strategi dakwah kultural tersebut nampaknya muhammadiyah masih bisa eksis dan dapat diterima oleh masyarakat karampuan. kata kunci: dakwah kultural, muhammadiyah, adat, masyarakat karampuang pendahuluan muhammadiyah lahir sebagai gerakan dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar dan strategi dakwahnya terpusat pada gerakan tajdid dan purifikasi yakni gerakan yang menjaga kesucian dan kemurnian ajaran agama islam sebagaimana ajaran nabi muhammad saw. muhammadiyah dengan gerakan pemberantasan bentuk-bentuk takhyul, bid’ah, dan churafat (tbc) yang pada prakteknya saat ini masih banyak berkembang di tengah masyarakat islam. sairin mengemukakan bahwa “bentuk-bentuk kegiatan yang masuk pada wilayah tbc, antara lain; selamatan pada waktu orang meninggal (termasuk selamatan pada wanita mengandung dan wanita melahirkan), pengkeramatan kuburan suci (termasuk pengkeramatan pada wali atau kyai), upacara tahlil dan talqin, kepercayaan atas jimat, dan upacara menanam kepala kerbau (termasuk sedekah bumi, sedekah laut, dll). untuk itu, dakwah muhammadiyah banyak diarahkan untuk memberantas segala hal yang berbau tbc.1 dakwah muhammadiyah menurut majelis tabligh dan dakwah khusus pp muhammadiyah, sebagai upaya menjadikan islam agama rahmatanlil’alamin idealnya menyentuh segala lapisan dan kelompok masyarakat. dakwah merupakan aktivitas menyeru manusia ke jalan allah swt (ajaran agama islam) secara murni, sehingga dakwah dianggap sebagai perkara yang dharuri (sangat penting) bagi masyarakat di zaman modern dan globalisasi. hal ini dipusatkan pada kondisi ummat islam yang dalam praktek keberagamaanya telah melenceng dari syari’at islam, disamping dakwah sebagai aktivitas mulia dan wajib bagi segenap muslim sebagaimana diisyaratkan dalam al-qur’an surat al-imran:104,”dan hendaklah ada di antara kamu segolongan umat yang menyeru kepada ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 206206206206206 afkaruna kebajikan, menyuruh kepada yang ma’ruf dan mencegah dari yang mungkar; mereka adalah orang-orang yang beruntung’, (q.s:3:104)” masyarakat”islam sebagai pusat dakwah amat variatif dalam praktek keberagamaan baik pada masyarakat perkotaan maupun masyarakat lokal pedesaan. secara kultural masyarakat lokal cenderung mempertahankan tradisi dan kepercayaan dengan hal-hal tertentu yang dinilai menyimpang dari kemurnian ajaran islam. kepercayaan masyarakat dengan sistem adatistiadat menjadi bagian dan terpatri dalam budaya keseharian. varian kepercayaan di tengah dakwah islam ini masih tumbuh subur khususnya di wilayah masyarakat dengan nuansa adat yang kental dengan budaya tradisional sehingga masyarakat di samping menjalankan syariat islam juga menjalankan ritual kepercayaan yang dianggap bertentangan dengan ajaran islam seperti upacara adat, ritual dan sebagainya yang bermotif aqidah, sehingga di sinilah peran pentingnya dakwah islam untuk terus mengambil bagian sebagai gerakan pemurnian. eksistensi kepercayaan pada pelaksanaan upacara adat ditegaskan oleh koenjtaraningrat bahwa kepercayaan yang mendorong manusia untuk melakukan berbagai perbuatan yang bertujuan mencari hubungan dengan dunia gaib penguasa alam melalui ritual-ritual, baik ritual keagamaan maupun ritual adat lainnya, adalah ketika masyarakat merasakan saatsaat genting yang dapat membawa bahaya, kesengsaraan, dan penyakit kepada manusia maupun tanaman.2 ritual menurut suprayogo adalah ‘rangkaian kata, tindakan pemeluk agama dengan menggunakan bendabenda, peralatan dan perlengkapan tertentu, ditempat tertentu dan memakai pakaian tertentu pula.3 pelaksanaan ritual adat tersebut menunjukkan urgensitas dan merupakan eksistensi kepercayaan dan suatu pengakuan pada hal gaib serta suatu simbol eksistensi suatu masyarakat adat. suatu praktek ritual yang secara intens pada akhirnya menjadi kebudayaan khas dan unik yang mungkin dapat berbeda dengan ritual masyarakat lainnya, sehingga perspektif yang dapat berkembang adalah ajaran islam akan makin dijauhi. dalam perspektif normatif dan antropologis praktek ritual dan kepercayaan dapat direspon melalui dakwah. hafidudin berpendapat bahwa dalam al-quran dan sunnah dikemukakan dakwah menduduki tempat dan posisi sentral dan menentukan. metode dakwah yang tidak tepat, sering memberikan gambaran dan pendapat yang keliru tentang islam, sehingga ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 207207207207207vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 kesalahlangkaan dalam operasional dakwah.4 buku “dakwah kultural muhammadiyah” terbitan pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah”5 menekankan kegiatan dakwah sebagai kegiatan profetik menuju kemurnian ajaran islam maka seiring perkembangan zaman, tantangan kehidupan sosial budaya maupun adat-istiadat budaya lokal kehidupan masyarakat islam, kegiatan dakwah penting mengalami pengembangan format seperti dakwah jamaah dan dakwah kulural yang lebih aplikatif. pelaksanaan dakwah kultural yang baik dan efektif dilaksanakan berdasarkan langkah-langkah dan ketentuan yang tepat sesuai kondisi dan objek masyarakat. sehingga pembaruan strategi dakwah kultural dimaksudkan sebagai upaya mempercepat pemahaman dan pelaksanaan syariat islam secara tepat dalam kehidupan sehari-hari pada masyarakat adat. sehubungan dengan dakwah klutural di masyarakat lokal, kampung adat karampuang masih setia mempertahankan tradisi nenek moyang mereka, salah satunya adalah upacara adat mappogau hanua yang dilaksanakan rutin sekali dalam setahun. menurut muhannis bahwa upacara mappogau hanua6 menjadi semacam alat kontrol sosial yang mengatur ketertiban pola tingkah laku dan interaksi sosial serta prilaku keagamaan dalam masyarakat dan memiliki rasa emosi yang kuat. motif keyakinan yang menjadi dasar dalam pelaksanaan upacara adat ini adalah subjektifitas keyakinanan masyarakat karampuang, apabila warga tidak menjalankan ritual sesuai pesan leluhur, maka ancaman kehidupan berupa bencana akan terjadi, seperti; kemarau panjang, kebutuhan sandang pangan yang sulit, munculnya penyakit yang tidak ada obatnya. upacara adat mappogau hanua merupakan warisan leluhur masa lampau yang dijadikan sebagai pegangan kuat dalam eksistensi dan tradisi masyarakat karampuang. jika merujuk pada eksistensinya ini sampai sekarang, dapat memunculkan pertanyaan bahwa mungkinkah ajaran islam jauh lebih berkembang secara rasional ditengah kepercayaan dan budaya adat mappogau hanua yang bermotif aqidah?, menyikapi pertanyaan dan pandangan tersebut pembahasan berikut ini mencoba menguraikan tentang ritual mappogua hanua tersebut serta menegaskan operasional dan rambu-rambu dakwah kultural muhammadiyah yang terintegral dalam praktek upacara adat mappogau hanuadi masyarakat karampuang. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 208208208208208 afkaruna metode penelitian penelitian ini dilakukan di masyarakat adat karampuang desa tompo bulu kecamatan bulupoddo kabupaten sinjai dengan memfokuskan pada upacara adat khususnya mappogau hanua dengan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif-eksploratif yakni dengan menelaah aspek sosiologi masyarakat adat, praktek upacara adat mappogau hanua maupun strategi dakwah kultural muhammadiyah yang relevan dan dikembangkan melalui faktor persamaan dan perbedaan ajaran islam (aqidah dan ibadah) dengan sistem kepercayaan, sosial dan budaya adat karampuang. mendesain praktek dakwah dengan nilai-nilai dalam upacara adat mappogau hanua. metode pengumpulan data bersumber secara primer dengan observasi partisipan, wawancara mendalam (indept interview) melalui pemilihan informan secara snow ball sampling dan dokumentasi. data-data sekunder yang relevan dengan menggunakan pendekatan dakwah sosiologis, teologi normatif, komunikasi, maupun pendekatan sejarah. teknik analisis data dalam penelitian ini adalah model interaktif miles dan huberman yakni analisis data dilakukan saat pengumpulan data berlangsung, dan setelah pengumpulan data dalam periode tertentu dengan langkah reduksi, display dan verifikasi data7 sehingga dapat terungkap strategi dakwah kultural muhammadiyah. masyarakat adat dan sistem kepercayaan masyarakat adalah gabungan dari individu. gabungan individu ini bervariasi dari yang terkecil (seperti rumah tangga), yang menengah (seperti desa), sampai ke yang besar (seperti etnik, suku bangsa dan bangsa); bervariasi dari yang tradisional, seperti suku, agama, dan etnis tertentu, sampai yang modern, seperti lembaga legislatif, partai politik dan lainnya. kelompok-kelompok individu yang merupakan masyarakat atau unit-unit masyarakat yang bersifat komprehensif diikat oleh nilai dan code of conduct tertentu atau oleh philosofhy and way of life,8.istilah “masyarakat adat” indigenous peoples pertama kali didefinisikan pada tahun 1993 di toraja yang diartikan “sebagai kelompok masyarakat yang memiliki asal usul leluhur (secara turun temurun) diwilayah geografis tertentu, serta memiliki sistem nilai, ideologi, ekonomi, politik, budaya, sosial, dan wilayah sendiri.” definisi “masyarakat adat” sebagaimana dirumuskan aliansi masyarakat adat nusantara (aman) dalam tuntutan judicial review (jr) terhadap ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 209209209209209vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 uu no.41 tahun 1999 tentang kehutanan, dengan definisi “sekelompok penduduk yang hidup berdasarkan asal-usul leluhur dalam suatu wilayah geografis tertentu, memiliki sistem nilai dan sosial budaya yang khas, berdaulat atas tanah dan kekayaan alamnya serta mengatur dan mengurus keberlanjutan kehidupannya dengan hukum dan kelembagaan adat. sedangkan keraf menyebutkan “ciri yang berkaitan dan membedakan masyarakat adat dari kelompok masyarakat lain yaitu; (1) mereka mendiami tanah-tanah milik nenek moyangnya baik seluruhnya maupun sebagian, (2) mereka mempunyai garis keturunan yang sama yang berasal dari penduduk asli daerah tersebut, (3). mempunyai budaya khas yang menyangkut agama, sistem suku dll, (4). mempunyai bahasa sendiri9” pengertian tersebut menegaskan masyarakat adat merupakan suatu kelompok masyarakat yang hidup diatas suatu wilayah adat dengan mempertahankan keberlansungan hidup dan kehidupannya ditandai adanya ikatan kesejarahan, sistem dan tradisi kehidupan tradisional, budaya sosial secara mandiri dan bertahan. sistem kepercayaan yang dilakukan suatu masyarakat sangat erat kaitanya dengan istilah “aqidah” dan “ibadah”. menurut al-atsari kata”‘aqidah” diambil dari kata dasar “al-‘aqdu” yaitu ar-rabth (ikatan), al-ibraamal-ihkam (pengesahan), (penguatan), at-tawatstsuq (menjadi kokoh, kuat), asy-syaddu biquwwah (pengikatan dengan kuat), attamaasuk(pengokohan) dan al-itsbaatu (penetapan). di antaranya juga mempunyai arti al-yaqiin (keyakinan) dan al-jazmu (penetapan). secara terminologi, yaitu perkara yang wajib dibenarkan oleh hati dan jiwa menjadi tenteram karenanya, sehingga menjadi suatu kenyataan yang teguh dan kokoh, yang tidak tercampuri oleh keraguan dan kebimbangan. jadi kesimpulannya, apa yang telah menjadi ketetapan hati seorang secara pasti adalah aqidah; baik itu benar ataupun salah.10 dalam terminologi bahasa indonesia khususnya dalam kamus besar bahasa indonesia (kbbi) kata “ibadah” memiliki arti: (1). perbuatan atau penyataan bakti terhadap allah atau tuhan yang didasari oleh peraturan agama. (2). segala usaha lahir dan batin yang sesuai perintah agama yang harus dituruti pemeluknya. (3). upacara yang berhubungan dengan agama.11 pengertian ini menjelaskan bahwa ibadah merupakan pembuktian manusia akan hal pengakuan kepada tuhannya (allah swt) baik melalui pernyataan dan perbuatan yang dilakukan oleh suatu pemeluk agama atau kepercayaan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 210210210210210 afkaruna konsep strategi dakwah kultural strategi secara etimologis berasal dari kata majemuk bahasa yunani stratos, yang berarti pasukan dan agein yang berarti memimpin. pada perkembangan selanjutnya, strategi juga dipergunakan di lingkungan lain seperti strategi politik, strategi ekonomi, strategi sosial, strategi budaya dan juga strategi dakwah. secara istilah “strategi” merupakan aktivitas menentukan cara bertindak atau rencana kegiatan jangka panjang atau pemilihan bidang kegiatan yang akan dilakukan. ciri-ciri strategi yaitu (1) selalu menfokuskan perhatian pada tujuan yang ingin dicapai, (2) strategi memusatkan perhatian pada gerak dan langkah yang harus dilakukan untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut, (3) sangat memperhatikan analisis gerak, analisis aksi dan analisis dinamik, (4) sangat memperhitungkan faktor lingkungan baik eksternal maupun internal, (5) strategi sangat mempertimbangkan faktor waktu, (6) berusaha menemukan masalah yang dihadapi, kemudian mengadakan analisis mengenai berbagai kemungkinan yang akan timbul serta menetapkan pilihan-pilihan dan langkah dalam mencapai tujuan, (7) memusatkan perhatian pada kekuatan yang dimiliki.12 sanjaya membagi hal yang perlu diperhatikan dalam strategi yaitu; (1) strategi merupakan rencana tindakan termasuk penggunaan metode dan pemanfaatan berbagai sumber daya atau kekuatan. dengan demikian strategi merupakan proses penyusunan rencana kerja, belum sampai pada tindakan. (2). strategi disusun untuk mencapai tujuan tertentu. artinya, arah dari sebuah keputusan penyusunan strategi adalah pencapaian tujuan.13 saleh menawarkan beberapa faktor yang dipertimbangkan agar strategi itu benar-benar dapat mengantarkan organisasi ke arah tujuan, yaitu pertama, ideology; kedua, visi; ketiga, misi; keempat, usaha atau pola tugas; kelima, lingkungan, baik eksternal maupun internal.14 definisi dakwah terbagi atas dua yaitu dakwah menurut bahasa dan dakwah menurut istilah. dari segi bahasa, kata dakwah berasal dari bahasa arab “da’wah” yang huruf dal,‘ain, dan wawu. ketiga huruf asal ini membentuk beberapa kata dengan ragam makna seperti memanggil, mengundang, minta tolong, meminta, memohon, menamakan, menyuruh datang, mendorong, menyebabkan, mendatangkan, mendoakan, menangisi dan meratapi.15 menurut istilah terma dakwah dalam al-qur’an dipergunakan untuk pengertian yang lebih luas dari pemaknaan dakwah yang dipergunakan oleh masyarakat dakwah. dalam ilmu dakwah, istilah dakwah cenderung dipakai untuk menunjuk proses dakwah yang berpihak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 211211211211211vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 pada ajaran islam. lebih lanjut bahwa pengertian keagamaan ini dakwah memasukkan aktifitas tabligh (penyiaran), tatbiq (penerapan/pengamalan) dan tandhim (pengelolaan).16 sedangkan aziz mendefinisikan dakwah merupakan proses peningkatan iman dalam diri manusia sesuai syariat islam. “proses” menunjukkan kegiatan yang terus-menerus, berkesinambungan, dan bertahap. peningkatan adalah perubahan kualitas yang positif; dari buruk menjadi baik, atau dari baik menjadi lebih baik. peningkatan iman termanifestasi dalam peningkatan pemahaman, kesadaran, dan perbuatan.17 dakwah merupakan ajakan manusia kepada kebenaran (jalan allah swt), rujukan pelaksanaannya mengacu pada penegasan al-qur’an surah an-nahl:125,”serulah (manusia) kepada jalan tuhan-mu dengan hikmah dan pelajaran yang baik dan bantahlah mereka dengan cara yang baik, (qs. an-nahl [16]:125).oleh karena itu tujuan dakwah dapat dibagi menjadi dua macam, yaitu tujuan utama (umum) dan tujuan khusus (perantara). tujuan utama merupakan garis pokok yang menjadi arah semua kegiatan dakwah, yaitu perubahan sikap dan prilaku mitra dakwah sesuai dengan ajaran islam.tujuan umum ini tidak dicapai sekaligus karena mengubah sikap dan prilaku seseorang bukan pekerjaan sederhana. oleh karena itu perlu tahap-tahap pencapaian.18 merujuk ayat di atas sebagai landasan dakwah maka terdapat pendekatan dakwah yakni, (1) metode pendekatan ilmiah (bil al-hikmah), dakwah bi al-hikmah berarti dakwah bijak yakni selalu memperhatikan suasana, situasi dan kondisi mad’u. menggunakan metode yang relevan dan realistis sebagaimana tantangan dan kebutuhan, dengan memperhatikan kadar pemikiran dan intelektual, suasana psikologis, serta social kultural mad’u.19 (2) metode dakwah al-mau’idzah al-hasanah, pendekatan nasehat secara santun kepada kaum awam. mau’idzah al-hasanah, maksudnya adalah memberikan nasehat kepada orang lain, yaitu petunjuk-petunjuk ke arah kebaikan dengan bahasa yang baik,20 (3) metode dakwah mujadalah billati hiya ahsan, yakni pendekatan dialog dan logis kepada kalangan yang sejak semula sudah menolak.21 menurut amin secara umum dakwah islam dikategorikan ke dalam tiga macam yaitu:(1) dakwah bi al-lisan, yaitu dakwah yang dilaksanakan melalui lisan, yang dilakukan antara lain dengan ceramah-ceramah, khutbah, diskusi, nasehat dan lain-lain.(2) dakwah bi al-hal, yakni dakwah dengan perbuatan nyata meliputi keteladanan, misalnya dengan tindakan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 212212212212212 afkaruna amal karya nyata. (3) dakwah bi al-qalam, yakni dakwah melalui tulisan yang dilakukan dengan keahlian menulis di surat kabar, majalah, buku maupun internet.22 aziz membagi strategi dakwah yakni strategi tilawah, strategi tazkiyah dan strategi ta’lim.(1) strategi tilawah (membacakan ayat-ayat allah swt). strategi ini mitra dakwah diminta mendengarkan penjelasan pendakwah atau mitra dakwah membaca sendiri pesan yang ditulis oleh pendakwah. demikian ini merupakan transfer pesan dakwah dengan lisan dan tulisan. strategi tilawah bergerak lebih banyak pada ranah kognitif (pemikiran) dan transformasinya melalui indra pendengaran (al-sam’) dan indra penglihatan (al-absar) serta ditambah akal yang sehat (al-af-idah). (2) strategi tazkiyah (menyucikan jiwa). strategi tazkiyah melalui apek kejiwaan. sasaran strategi ini bukan pada jiwa yang bersih tetapi jiwa yang kotor. (3) strategi ta’lim. metode ini dapat dilakukan pada mitra dakwah yang tetap, dengan kurikulum yang telah dirancang, dilakukan secara bertahap serta memiliki target dan tujuan tertentu. jika menengok strategi pendekatan yang telah dilakukan oleh nabi muhammad saw,23 terdapat dua strategi pendekatan dakwah, yaitu (a) pendekatan struktural, dakwah melalui jalur struktur formal misalnya melalui pemerintahan. (b) pendekatan kultural, pengembangan dakwah melalui jalur kultural nonformal, misalnya melalui pengembangan masyarakat, kebudayaan, sosial dan bentuk nonformal lainnya.24 konsep dakwah muhammadiyah selain dakwah jamaah yang telah dirumuskan pada muktamar muhammadiyah ke-38 tahun 1971 di makassar juga dakwah kultural yang secara formal digagas dan menjadi keputusan sidang tanwir di denpasar bali tahun 2002 lalu telah mendefinisikan konsep dakwah yang lebih terfokus pada penyadaran iman dengan memperhatikan berbagai pendekatan dan tahapan dalam berbagai unit sosial. konsep dan manifestasi dakwah ini merangkum dimensi kerisalahan, kerahmatan, dan kesejarahan dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan manusia. dakwah muhammadiyah menurut majelis tabligh dan dakwah khusus pp muhammadiyah sebagai upaya menjadikan islam agama rahmatanlil-’alamin idealnya menyentuh semua lapisan maupun kelompok masyarakat yang ada. dakwah kultural adalah aktivitas dakwah yang menekankan pendekatan islam-kultural. islam kultural adalah salah satu pendekatan yang berusaha meninjau kembali kaitan doktrinal yang formal antara islam dan politik ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 213213213213213vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 atau islam dan negara.25 terdapat dua arah pemikiran dalam masalah dakwah bercorak kultural. pertama, dakwah kultural berarti dakwah yang diaktualisasikan dalam kegiatan tabligh dengan memanfaatkan bentukbentuk kegiatan yang tergolong kegiatan kultural. hal ini berarti kegiatan kultural sebagai metode. kedua, dakwah kultural berarti dakwah yang diaktualisasikan dalam kegiatan tabligh dimaksudkan untuk menghasilkan kultur baru yang bernuansa islami. arah kedua ini berarti kegiatan kultural sebagai substansi. kedua arah ini harus dipilih, apakah salah satu di antaranya atau kedua-duanya.26 setidaknya ada lima program kultural, yaitu mengembalikan dan mengembangkan (1) tradisi lokal, (2) tradisi egalitarian, (3) tradisi berbudaya, (4) tradisi ilmiah, (5) tradisi cosmopolitan. berdasarkan konsep dan fokus pada upaya penyadaran iman dalam dakwah kultural, tidak lepas dari berbagai strategi pelaksanaan dan pendekatan. pada dasarnya strategi dakwah adalah metode, siasat, taktik, atau manuver yang dipergunakan dalam aktivitas (kegiatan) dakwah.27strategi dakwah adalah perencanaan yang berisi rangkaian kegiatan yang didesain untuk mencapai tujuan dakwah tertentu.28s hasil penelitian dan pembahasan sejarah dan profil masyarakat adat karampuang karampuang dalam sejarah masa lalunya diawali oleh kehadiran sosok to manurung (manurung’e ri karampulue), kata “karampulue” pada akhirnya dikenal dengan sebutan “karampuang” yang menjadi cikal bakal adat karampuang. riwayat lain menurut muhannis, penamaan selanjutnya adalah perpaduan antara karaeng dan puang akibat dijadikannya lokasi tersebut sebagai tempat pertemuan antara orang-orang gowa yang bergelar karaeng dan orang-orang bone yang bergelar puang sehingga disebutlah karampuang.29 sejak pra islam masyarakat bugis mempercayai istilah “to manurung”yang berarti seseorang yang dipersonifikasikan kehadirannya yang secara tiba-tiba ada ditengah masyarakat. to manurung akhirnya diangkat menjadi pemimpin oleh warga serta membuka lahan pertanian untuk warga, namun tidak lama to manurung pertama ini pun menghilang dengan meninggalkan benda arajang (pusaka) yang masih tersimpan di rumah adat karampuang. selanjutnya diganti dengan munculnya tujuh to manurung baru yang memimpin wilayah-wilayah di sekitarnya. riwayat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 214214214214214 afkaruna kehadiran, wasiat, berserta menghilangnya to manurung terhimpun dalam kitab lontara yang dipercaya masyarakat karampuang sebagai penggerak dan pemicu semangat kehidupan bermasyarakat. masyarakat adat ini tetap patuh pada aturan warisan leluhur yang terangkum dalam pappaseng (pesan leluhur) dan dijadikan sebagai sumber hukum.30 karampuang masuk dalam wilayah definitif desa tompobulu, kec. bulupoddo, kab. sinjai dengan dimensi alam perbukitan dan ketinggian sekitar 618 meter di atas permukaan laut, curah hujan 75 mm dan suhu udara rata-rata 23° c. data wilayah adat karampuang kab.sinjai menurut laporan hasil pemetaan partisipatif wilayah adat (aman sinjai, 2015) seluas 2.554,95 hektar sebagian besar mata pencaharian penduduknya adalah bertani dan berkebun, data populasi masyarakat adat karampuang sebanyak 3285 orang dengan jumlah laki-laki sebanyak 1660 dan jumlah perempuan sebanyak 1625 orang, sebanyak 823 jumlah kk.31 selain pemerintahan formal konsepsi adat dalam pappaseng dan lontara menjadi bagian penting kehidupan masyarakat termasuk berkaitan tradisi ritual sehingga konsepsi pemerintahan dalam wilayah adat karampuang bersifat komplementer, integral dan tradisional bahkan pola adat lebih dominan. di wilayah adat ini terdapat beberapa peninggalan arkeologis yang terbuat dari batu, terdapat dua rumah adat yang menjadi simbol pembagian tugas dan fungsi masing-masing struktur adat sekaligus tempat pertemuan dalam mengambil berbagai keputusan adat. menurut said adat adalah aturan-aturan tentang kehidupan manusia yang disepakati penduduk dalam suatu daerah tertentu untuk mengatur tingkah laku anggotanya sebagai kelompok sosial.32 masyarakat adat karampuang memiliki pemimpin yang masih tetap menjalankan peran dan fungsinya sesuai dengan pappaseng (pesan leluhur) yang diwariskan leluhurnya. komunitas ini memiliki struktur pemerintahan yang mirip dengan trias politica yang dikenal dalam pemerintahan modern dan dipakai dibanyak negara di dunia. sebagai legislatif mereka memiliki empat anggota dewan adat sebagai perwakilan masyarakat yang disebut dengan ade’ eppa’ yakni arung, ade’, sanro dan guru. arung, ade’ (gella), guru harus dijabat oleh laki-laki, sedangkan sanro harus dijabat perempuan. keempatnya dijuluki eppa alliri teteppo’na wanuae (empat tiang penyangga keutuhan kampung). kedudukan mereka selalu dianalogikan dengan ungkapan api tettong arung, tana tudang ade’, angin rekko sanro, wae suju’ guru atau ibarat tegaknya api adalah raja, duduknya adalah tanah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 215215215215215vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 ade’, rukuknya adalah angin sanro adalah dukun dan sujudnya air adalah guru. sebagai eksekutif atau yang menjalankan roda pemerintahan mereka mengenal pakkatenni ade’ atau pareha ade’, yang terdiri dari to matoa sebagai pemimpin tertinggi dibantu oleh tiga orang pembantu semacam menteri yakni gella, sanro, guru dimana ketiganya dibantu oleh bali tudangeng.33 adapun fungsi dan tugas masing-masing ade’ eppa’e beserta pembantu adat tersebut yakni: (1) to matoa (arung) sebagai pucuk pimpinan adat, tugas utama arung adalah sebagai pengendali utama dalam pemerintahan adat karampuang. (2) gella’, tugas utama gella adalah menangani perihal pertanian, perkebunan dan kehutanan serta pekerjaan yang bersifat umum lainnya jadwal pesta adat dan penanaman benih pada lahan pertanian.(3) sanro, berperan pokok menangani masalah (ritual) lainnya, kesejahteraan dan kesehatan masyarakat. peran sosial ini mengakomodasi pelayanan kesehatan yang tidak dijangkau oleh tenaga kesehatan desa. kata “sanro’ pada umumnya dikenal masyarakat bugis sebagai orang yang mampu memimpin ritual maupun menangani kesehatan (pengobatan) dengan cara tradisional. (4) guru, tugas guru menangani keagamaan, budaya, pendidikan dan kepemudaan masyarakat adat karampuang. adapun bali tudangeng semacam dirjen di suatu kementerian, memiliki peran mendampingi tugas pembantu adat. gella, dibantu oleh uragi, pallontara. sanro,dibantu oleh paggenrang, pinati, pappajo.guru, dibantu oleh bilala (bilal), katte (khatib), doja dll. peran to matoa dan gella begitu padat maka keduanya juga dibantu oleh ana malomo atau semacam sekertaris atau ajudan tetapi tidak boleh menjadi wakil dalam urusan adat. jika dalam urusan adat hanya boleh dihadiri oleh to matoadan gella.34 struktur dan pembagian tugas tersebut menunjukkan hubungan kerja dan peran masing-masing dalam melaksanakan tugas jabatan. setiap pemangku adat bertanggung jawab dalam suatu kelompok urusan. unsur tertinggi pemangku adat yakni arung (to matoa) dan gella sebagai pengendali pemerintahan adat maka kepadanya terpusat kebijakan adat, menjadi otoritas tradisional termasuk kebijakan yang berhubungan pelaksanaan ritual besar. sedangkan dalam urusan ritual skala kecil merupakan peranan sanro sebagai pengendali. sedangkan guru memegang kendali sdm disamping peran serta bali tudangeng. kebijakan politik dan pelaksanaan tugas mereka saling berhubungan satu sama lain untuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 216216216216216 afkaruna melahirkan keputusan yang dapat bermuara pada kemaslahan adat maupun masyarakat pendukung. kehidupan pra hingga masuknya islam, keberagamaan dan budaya masyarakat adat karampuang. sebelum perkembangan agama islam di wilayah kabupaten sinjai pada umumnya dan karampuang khususnya kondisi sosial budaya dan politik sangat dipengaruhi oleh eksistensi kerajaan-kerajaan yang tergabung dalam federasi tellulimpoe di daerah pesisir seperti kerajaan tondong, kerajaan bulo-bulo dan kerajaan lamatti demikian pula kerajaan pitulimpoe yang berada di dataran tinggi adalah gabungan kerajaan turungeng, manimpahoi, terasa, pao, manipi, suka dan bala suka.35 kehidupan sosial dan kepercayaan masyarakat sinjai, penulis meminjam kerangka yang digunakan muhannis untuk memberikan gambaran tentang kepercayaan lokal adat karampuang. menurutnya mereka memiliki kepercayaan kepada puang lohe atau sebutan pallohe yang berarti maha besar atau berkuasa. pallohe dibantu oleh cinna bolong yang menguasai daratan, cinna gau’e yang menguasai air dan pesisir, dewata ri toli yang menguasai hutan dan gunung dan sangiaserri yang menguasai padi. bentuk kepatuhan kepadanya adalah dengan melakukan ritual kuno seperti marumatang yang dimaksudkan untuk mengundang roh-roh leluhur untuk datang menyaksikan aktivitas mereka sebagai manifestasi akan kecintaannya pada leluhur.36 pendapat tersebut serta beberapa fakta menunjukkan hingga saat ini sebagian masyarakat sinjai khususnya di perdesaan masih menganut kepercayaan nenek moyang serta meyakini keberadaan roh halus pada tempat-tempat tertentu. kondisi ini mengindikasikan jika pra islam masyarakat karampuang mempraktekkan ritual sebagai simbol totalitas pengakuan pada puang lohe. hingga belum satu pun agama samawi yang menggeser bentuk kepercayaan dan ritual ini hingga datangnya islam. jejak masuknya agama islam kewilayah kabupaten sinjai tidak lepas dari peranan ulama di sulawesi selatan. menurut mattulada ada tiga ulama besar yang sangat terkenal dan berjasa dalam penyebaran islam di sulawesi selatan yaitu abdul khatib tunggal, sulaiman khatib sulung dan abdul jawad khatib bungsu, atau lebih dikenal datuk ri bandang, datuk ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 217217217217217vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 pattimang dan datuk ri tiro.37 ketiganya memiliki pembagian kerja dalam menyebarkan islam di berbagai wilayah sulawesi selatan, daerah gowa dan makassar oleh dato’ ri bandang dengan pendekatan syariat islam, daerah luwu dan sekitarnya oleh datu’ pattimang dengan pendekatan tauhid (kepercayaan lama sure’ i lagaligo) sedangkan daerah bulukumba dan sekitarnya adalah datu’ ri tiro dengan pendekatan tasawuf. disamping peranan syeh yusuf al-makassari sebagai ulama lokal turut mengambil peran signifikan. masuknya agama islam di sinjai diperkirakan tahun 1907. terdapat beberapa kronologi masuknya menurut sejarawan di antaranya basrah gising mengemukakan bahwa penerimaan islam di sinjai dikatakan berjalan lancar karena adanya komunikasi antara salah satu penguasa sinjai masa pemerintahan arung bulo-bulo vii dengan raja gowa.menurut hamid keberadaan daerah tiro yang relatif dekat dengan daerah sinjai menjadi sebab informasi adanya aktifitas penyiaran islam tersebut cepat sampai ke sinjai. pasca kerajaan gowa menerima islam secara resmi sebagai agama kerajaan, maka dikirimlah muballigh bernama to mappe daeng situncu di kerajaan turungeng (pitu limpoe).38 proses tersebut menunjukkan masuknya agama islam dilakukan dengan pendekatan struktural (pemerintahan), pendekatan syariat islam maupun pendekatan dakwah ulama (pendekatan tasawuf) dengan persuasive educative secara damai baik antar kerajaan maupun raja-raja pada rakyatnya. strategi penyebaran islam secara terbuka dengan transformasi adat disesuaikan dengan konsepsi pangadereng (hal ikhwal tentang adat istiadat) sehingga agama islam dengan cepat diterima secara terbuka. hal ini berkaitan yang dikemukakan nashir bahwa kehadiran islam di sulawesi selatan merupakan titik sejarah baru yang mengubah tatanan masyarakat terutama dalam kehidupan politik kerajaan dan sistem religi.39 pada umumnya komunitas adat dipandang sebagai komunal tradisional baik dari sistem kepercayaan, pemerintahan, bahasa maupun pola hidup yang berbeda dengan masyarakat pada umumnya. warga karampuang menganut ajaran agama islam sebagaimana masyarakat sekitarnya terwujud dari pelaksanaan ibadah seperti shalat lima waktu, ibadah jum’at, puasa ramadhan, zakat serta aktivitas pendidikan majelis taklim, pengajian, tk/tpa maupun aktivitas pendidikan di lembaga formal disekitar karampuang bahkan ketingkat perguruan tinggi. meskipun praktek keagamaan (ajaran agama islam) pada kehidupan sehari-hari mereka bersanding erat dengan sistem leluhur budaya tradisional seperti ritual○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 218218218218218 afkaruna ritual adat menunjukkan indikasi multi keyakinan secara fundamental dimana aktivitas agama islam dijalankan sedang konsepsi-konsepsi adat yang bersifat ritual adat pun dilaksanakan bahkan lebih berperan dan mendominasi pola-pola kehidupan masyarakat mereka. sistem kepercayaan dalam upacara adat mappogau hanua masyarakat adat karampuang memiliki upacara adat yang terbagi ke dalam empat kategori besar dengan masing-masing penanggung jawab. dalam pesan leluhurnya ada ungkapan yang mengatakan bahwa “mappogau hanuai arungnge, mabbissa lompui gella’e, makkaharui sanroe, mattula balai guru’e”. pembagian kategori ini menandakan masing-masing pemangku adat memiliki tugas dan kewenangan yang berhubungan dengan ritual-ritual tertentu. di antara ritual terbesar yakni ”mappogau hanuai arungnge” sebagai acara adat (ade’ eppa’e) namun penanggungjawab ritual ada pada arung (to matoa) dalam hal berhubungan dengan ritual yang sifatnya sakral yakni kepada leluhurnya yang suci (puang lohe) sehingga prosesi ritual adat ini memiliki dimensi ganda serta bermakna luas dan mendalam. manifestasi kepercayaan dalam pelaksanaan ritual mappogau hanuaadat karampuang menekankan beberapa rangkaian yaitu:40 mabbahang, merupakan rapat internal yang membicarakan tentang waktu dan pelaksanaan acara adat maupun teknis pembagian tugas, dihadiri oleh unsur adat dengan melibatkan pemerintah desa serta dilakukan selama tiga hari. penentuan waktu (hari) pelaksanaan disebut mattanra esso seperti hari ke 7 atau hari ke 9 antara hari senin dan kamis sesuai perhitungan adat. dalam hal pembagian tugas adat maka unsur adat memiliki peran inti memimpin ritual-ritual. inti kegiatan ini dilakukan jika telah usai musim panen padi sawah-sawah adat dan sawah penduduk. oleh karena itu sebelum dilakukan upacara besar maka telah tersedia hasil panen kemudian diputuskanlah acara mabbahang. mappaota, tahap selanjutnya dilakukan mappaota yang merupakan ritual memohon restu untuk melakukan upacara besar dengan mengunjungi objek-objek suci dan keramat seperti bukit, lembah, sungai dan batu-batu besar disekitar kawasan adat karampuang yang dipimpin oleh sanro dengan membawa sesajian dimaksudkan mengenang leluhurnya yang bersemayang ditempat-tempat tersebut dan telah memberkati kehidupan dengan hasil pertanian yang subur. mabbaja-baja ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 219219219219219vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 (mappasyakka), yakni kegiatan membersihkan selama tiga hari dari masingmasing lingkungan rumah, jalanan, perkantoran, tempat ibadah terlebih utama kawasan upacara adat yang diharapkan kegiatan upacara menjadi lebih suci. hal ini untuk memperindah kawasan adat yang akan dihadiri oleh berbagai kalangan masyarakat umum pada puncak ritual mappogau hanua. menre ri bulu’ (mendaki ke pucak bukit) dipimpin oleh sanro dan to matoa,dilakukan saat tiba waktu dhuhur dengan ketersediaan olahan makanan dari hasil pertanian maupun potongan hewan ternak yang terlebih dahulu dilakukan proses pemberkahan ritual mattuli oleh sanro dengan maksud menyambut kehadiran padi. dalam kegiatan ini adalah peringatan rangkaian kematian yakni (1) mallohong (meletakkan kain putih) diatas batu untuk melepaskan hewan ternak, (2) mallayang mengenang kematian dengan (melepaskan nazar/hajat/niat), dimana keyakinan masyarakat bahwa ruh menghilang sebagaimana menghilangnya para to manurung.(3) digattung, menggantung kain putih sebagai simbol kematian kedua yaitu digattung,(4) ditunu, prosesi ini dilakukan dengan membakar hasil bumi sebagai peringatan jenis kematian tahap ketiga yaitu ditunu. selain itu dilakukan pula ritual persembahan pada penjaga hutan (cinna bolongnge). dilain tempat pinati melakukan ritual di rumah adat (mappaleppe ribola) dengan sesajian dan dipersembahkan dipanoo’ diwae pada penguasa air (sungai) atau disebut cinna gaue dipimpin oleh sanro,(5) dibalaburu’pada tahap lain ritual balaburu juga dilakukan untuk memperingati dan mengenang prosesi penguburan menumpuk mayat (satu lubang kuburan), (6) masseddi-seddi, pada tahap akhir ini merupakan peringatan kematian tingkat akhir dimana manusia dikubur satu persatu. inti rangkaian tersebut adalah mengenang berbagai bentuk prosesi kematian para leluhur selama ratusan tahun dalam kepercayaan mereka. bentuk ritual adat menre ri bulu diakhiri dengan manre ade’ (makan bersama) pada malam hari oleh penghulu adat dan para pejabat pemerintahan yang turut hadir mengikuti upacara adat mappogau hanua. mabbali sumange, yakni sub ritual adat di mana masyarakat setempat menyiapkan kue tradisional yang dibuat secara khusus, serta menyiapkan dedaunan (obat) dari berbagai jenis guna pembuatan dan pengobatan bagi warga pendukung kebudayaan adat karampuang. selain itu ritual dilakukan pula mabbacce (pemberkatan) oleh sanro kepada warga dan anak-anak dengan cara memberi tanda pada dahi yang dimaksudkan agar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 220220220220220 afkaruna dijauhkan dari penyakit serta sebagai simbol inisiasi anggota adat karampuang. mabbali sumange’ diakhiri di pagi hari sekaligus pertanda warga adat telah siap menanami lahan pertanian dan perkebunannya. malling, merupakan ikhwal berpantang (larangan) dimulai tiga hari setelah mabbali sumange’. larangan bagi warga memotong hewan (mappaccera), membuat sayuran dari daun-daunan serta melakukan ritual sendiri-sendiri. setelah malling kembali dilakukan mabbahang guna mengevaluasi rangkaian upacara mappogau hanua serta rencana adat selanjutnya. rangkaian upacara adat tersebut bersifat wajib sebab pelaksanaannya tidak akan utuh dan sempurna apabila terdapat rangkaian terlewatkan. inti pelaksanaan mappogau hanua adalah pemujaan leluhur menggunakan media tinggalan megalitik dan persembahan sesaji. pemberian sesaji sebagai bentuk pengabdian manusia terhadap leluhurnya yang dipuja dan mengandung arti yang mendasar yaitu sebagai simbol pengukuhan hubungan emosional antara warga dan leluhurnya. hubungan itu begitu penting dalam pikiran mereka agar kesuburan tanah tetap terjaga dalam melaksanakan kehidupan kepetaniannya.41 sebagai paseng ri karampuang (pesan adat karampuang) terdapat pantangan bagi masyarakat apabila tidak mengadakan ritual adat mappogau hanua, menurut mangga’”wanuae de’ga decengna, timo’ temmatuttu’ materau’kkajue, na lele sai’e”,42 “kampung ini tidak akan kedamaian dan ketentraman, kemarau panjang dapat terjadi serta menyebarnya penyakit yang diderita warga”. kepatuhan mereka dalam menjalankan ritual ini adalah adanya kecemasan beban hidup apabila alpa mengadakan ritual. hal ini memungkinkan karena karampuang sendiri memiliki lahan garapan yang terbatas dengan kesuburan tanah yang berbeda-beda. sumber daya dan keterampilan menggiring mereka menghindari hal-hal yang sifatnya luar biasa sehingga salah satu cara untuk bersahabat dengan alam dan hal yang gaib adalah mengadakan ritual.43 sejarah panjang tradisi mappogau hanua adalah aktivitas budaya masyarakat sejak pra islam atau kepercayaan bermotif animisme-dinamisme dan masih bertahan mengingat akar kepercayaan ini berkaitan dengan dimensi kepercayaan abstraksi kepada leluhur (puang lohe) dengan ciri pemujaan (ascentor worship), ritual adat suciyang sifatnya multidimensi menghubungkan mereka dengan leluhur (vertical forefathers) sehingga membangkitkan kekuatan (power life) sepanjang kehidupan dalam adat mereka. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 221221221221221vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 mappogau hanua sebagai suatu sistem religi dianggap sebagai bagian penting dalam hidup dan keyakinan masyarakat karampuang. maka masyarakat karampuang dapat dikatakan sebagai bagian dari penganut kepercayaan patuntung di kab. sinjai, hal ini sebagaimana disebutkan oleh renre bahwa patuntung adalah suatu sistem religi karena mereka bicara tentang ketuhanan, kemasyarakatan, alam dan kegiatan-kegiatan kehidupan mereka selalu dihubungkan dengan paham kepercyaan mereka.44 fungsi dan tujuan upacara adat mappogau hanua ritual mappogau hanua memiliki fungsi menyatukan keinginan ritual hajat masyarakat adat dan pendukungnya dalam bentuk event kemasyarakatan. mendorong kekuatan dalam bentuk kebersamaan antar masyarakat pendukung dalam satu kepentingan ritual. sehingga tujuannya adalah lebih dari sekedar memperkuat silaturahim. mappogau hanua juga mengisyaratkan sebagai manifestasi rasa syukur kepada sang khalik (tuhan yang maha esa), bentuk komunikasi dan relasi individu dengan sang kuasa yang berefek pada kedamaian dan ketenteraman hidup sehingga esensi ritual ini bermakna kesyukuran. secara antropologis event akbar mappogau hanuayang meriah, pelaksanaannya telah dijadikan sebagai agenda nasional dan tahunan pemerintah daerah kab. sinjai guna ajang mengenalkan budaya lokal. mappogau hanua dilaksanakan tiap tahunnya oleh warga maupun pendukung masyarakat adat tiap bulan november tahun berjalan, terlaksana dalam waktu selama satu minggu dan dipusatkan dalam kawasan adat karampuang, khususnya di dua rumah adat yang biasa disebut lao pole yang dijadikan sebagai pusat aktivitas adat dan sosial budaya dan keagamaan. nilai-nilai dalam upacara adat mappogau hanua terdapat nilai-nilai penting dalam pelaksanaan upacara adat mappogau hanuayaitu;45 (1) nilai solidaritas/persatuan. pelaksanaan kegiatan yang memerlukan waktu, pembiayaan dan tenaga yang besar menjadikan kegiatan sebagai kegiatan bersama di mana kecenderungan warga bahu membahu dengan kesadaran menumbuhkan solidaritas sosial yang harmonis menyukseskan acaranya. (2) nilai filosofis dan religi, sebagai ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 222222222222222 afkaruna suatu kawasan sakral kawasannya dianggap sebagai mikro kosmos yang wajib dijaga. (3) nilai pelestarian alam, dalam menjalankan tradisinya, mereka harus tetap dekat dan bersahabat dengan alam sekitarnya. (4) nilai seni, nilai-nilai seni sangat menonjol sehingga sekaligus berfungsi sebagai hiburan. nila-nilai di atas merupakan karakter kebudayaan masyarakat karampuang dalam upacara adatnya dengan menampilkan tradisi yang khas dan dinamis tetap tumbuh dan dipertahankan oleh individu masyarakatnya. tergambar jelas dalam kehidupan keseharian masyarakat karampuang seperti adanya sama turu’ (berpartisipasi), asamaturuseng (kesepakatan), sama onro (persamaan), makkeguna (efektif dan efisien), serta pakkita mabela (visi strategis). akuntabilitas masyarakat karampuang terdiri atas transparansi mempunyai tiga landasan yakni lempu’ (jujur), tongeng (kebenaran), dan getteng (teguh). strategi dakwah kultural muhammadiyah dalam upacara adat mappogau hanua. sebelum dikemukakan strategi dakwah kultural muhammadiyah kiranya penting melacak jejak dakwah agama islam di karampuang sebagai suatu titik tolak strategi dakwah ini. dakwah islam telah diawali sejak penyebar agama islam masuk ke wilayah tersebut dalam sejarahnya masyarakat karampuang menerima dakwah, pernah merasakan trauma sejarah (sakit hati) apabila ada yang bicara soal agama yang dapat mengeser tradisi kepercayaan leluhur mereka, disebabkan oleh gerakan separatisme di/tii merusak simbol adat.46 mangga’menuturkan jika masyarakat menjamu kehadiran para pendatang tentara gurillae (gerilyawan) sebelum meninggalkan kampung mereka membakar rumah adat dan isinya, merusak benda-benda keramat (arajang), bertahun-tahun kemudian baru dapat dibangun kembali.47 kasus sejarah ini kemudian menimbulkan luka mendalam dan traumatis masyarakat karampuang mengingat aktivitas adat yang dianggap bertentangan dengan ajaran agama islam oleh gerakan di/tii yang menerapkan syariat agama sebagai dasar negara dan hukum islam dalam pola-pola kehidupan masyarakat khususnya di wilayah kekuasaan de-facto di/tii di sinjai. dari hal ini kemudian mengakibatkan kegiatan dakwah mengalami kemandekan karena kondisi politik negara yang tidak stabil, bahkan sampai saat ini muhammadiyah belum melakukan dakwah secara ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 223223223223223vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 kelembagaan, hanya dilakukan perorangan sebab jika dipaksakan purifikasi akan mudah mendapatkan sanksi sosial. jikamerujuk pandangan sejarah konsepsi adat ini maka tradisi adat yang telah direkonstruksi dan disesuaikan ajaran islam dapat ditemukan peringatan jenis-jenis kematian manusia yang berlansung sejak lama. rangkaian jenis kematian dalam kepercayaan adat sebagaimana disebutkan diawal yakni pada kegiatan inti menre ri bulu’, pada jenis kematian kelima dibalaburu (dikubur satu lubang kuburan) ini mengalami rekonstruksi saat datangnya ajaran islam untuk menguburkan mayat satu persatu tiap liang lahat (massedi-seddi) sehingga jenis kematian masseddi-seddi merupakan hasil rekonstruksi ajaran islam. seiring perkembangan zaman adanya perubahan dalam prosesi adat demikian menandakan masyarakat telah menerima dakwah ajaran islam. sejak agama islam terintegrasi kedalam ade eppa’eyakni sejak posisi guru tergabung dalam struktur adat dimana peran khusus guruterkait kebijakan keagamaan dan pendidikan khususnya pengajaran islam. di antara kebijakan guru terkait simbol keagamaan terlihat dari pembangunan rumah yang bernuangsa islami khususnya rumah adat yang hadir dari generasi ketiga arung, secara filosofis pembangunannya telah disesuikan dengan ajaran agama islam. simbolis 5 tiang berdiri untuk lebar rumah dimaksudkan untuk menandakan 5 rukun islam, 6 tiang untuk panjang rumah dimaksudkan untuk menandakan rukun iman, jika dikali sejumlah tiang tersebut berjumlah 30 yang menandakan 30 juz al-qur’an. 5 petak dalam rumah dimaksukan untuk menandakan 5 shalat wajib dalam islam serta terdapat tempat khutbah (mimbar) di dalam rumah adat. kedua rumah adat tak hanya digunakan sebagai pusat kebudayan dan legitimasi pengambilan keputusan adat namun lebih pada aktivitas keagamaan (islam) seperti pelaksanaan ibadah tarwih di bulan ramadhan yang dilakukan secara bergantian di antara kedua rumah adat dengan masjid kawasan adat karampuang, pelaksanaan shalat idul fitri dan idul adha, serta dijadikan pusat pembagian zakat fitrah. berdasarkan data empiris diatas maka strategi dakwah kultural muhammadiyah pada upacara adat mappogau hanua di masyarakat adat karampuang dikemukakan sebagai berikut: a. strategi partisipatif dan kekeluargaan kulturalisasi dakwah di antara kader muhammadiyah yang banyak mengambil peran dalam pelaksanaan ritual mappogau hanua ialah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 224224224224224 afkaruna drs.muhannis, strategi dan pendekatan yang dilakukan muhannis melalui partisipatif dan kekeluargaan dengan melibatkan diri dalam berbagai kegiatan-kegiatan adat karampuang selama waktu kurang lebih 20 tahun. pendekatan ini dilakukan muhannis untuk meninjau aspek budaya masyarakat dengan terlibat secara lansung. selain sebagai budayawan dan peneliti sosial juga berhasil melakukan rekonstruksi sederhana dalam tradisi adat karampuang yang didasarkan pada pandangan normatif. langkah yang berhasil ditempuh ialah melakukan perubahan dalam rangkaian upacara adat mappogau hanuadari pelaksanaan ritual yang biasanya menggunakan dua waktu shalat yakni dhuhur dan ashar kemudian akhirnya dilakukan setelah usai shalat duhur sehingga hanya satu waktu shalat yang terlewatkan mengingat pelaksanaanya biasa dilakukan saat memasuki waktu dhuhur hingga sore hari bahkan menjelang magrib. begitu pula pemotongan hewan ternak yang biasanya di bawah pohon tertentu atau di atas batu megalitik sebagai simbol ritual menjadi hanya di halaman rumah adat. langkah yang ditempuh muhannis tidak serta merta diterima oleh pemangku adat mengingat muhannis sejak awal hanya dianggap sebagai pendatang dan tidak memiliki hubungan kekerabatan di antara warga adat. dengan intensitas keterlibatan muhannis dalam berbagai kegiatan adat berhasil membangun hubungan emosional kekeluargaan maka belakangan usulan-usulan muhannis tentang efektifitas kegiatan adat dapat diterima secara rasional. strategi dakwah ini dilakukan tanpa mereduksi esensi dan nilai budaya khas ritual mappogau hanua sehingga pelaksanaannya diterima secara terbuka. sedangkan di luar kegiatan ritual, dakwah pada umunya dilakukan oleh dai baik dari kalangan masyarakat sekitar maupun pendatang sebagaimana kegiatan majlis taklim yang rutin dan aktif dibina oleh penyuluh agama kua bulupoddo tiap hari sabtu bulan berjalan. strategi ini telah menfokuskan pada tradisi membangun budaya kekeluargaan baik dari latar budaya bahasa, kesukuan, agama dan pandangan hidup antar masyarakat di mana pelaku dakwah menyesuaikan diri ke dalam masyarakat dakwah sehingga tujuan yang akan dicapai dalam kegiatan adat adalah tujuan bersama. skema dan manajemen suatu agenda adat dilakukan dengan memfokuskan peran kerja antar elemen sehingga terbangun kepercayaan diri menuju kesuksesan kegiatan. upaya partisipatif dan kekeluargaan yang dibangun muhannis secara ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 225225225225225vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 tabel 1: unsur persamaan upacara mappogau hanua adat masyarakat karampuang rangkaian pelaksanaan upacara adat karakteristik sistem kepercayaan, sosial dan budaya adat karampuang ajaran islam (aqidah dan ibadah) (ideal oriented) analisah motif persamaan 1. mabbahang musyawarah internal, penentuan waktu dan pembagian tugas dilandasi niat bersama dan mewujudkan solidaritas (pemangku adat, pemerintah setempat dan warga karampuang) untuk manifestasi syukur. 2. mappaota ritual sesajian memohon restu leluhur pada objek suci/keramat tidak ada motif persamaan 3. mabbaja baja membersihkan kawasan adat, lingkungan sekitar tempat upacara adat. dilandasi niat bahwa kebersihan dan kesucian merupakan suatu kewajiban individu dan masyarakat sebagai manifestasi keimanan. 4. menre ri bulu 1. ritual sesajian pada leluhur suci/keramat. 2. ritual puncak keikutsertaan dan melepas nazar (hajat) 3. memperingati prosesi kematian dan penguburan para leluhur. 1. tidak ada motif persamaan 2. dilandasi niat untuk meramaikan dan bertadabbur alam 3. dilandasi kesadaran bersama untuk muhasabah diri memperingati ikhwal kematian, serta jenis penguburan manusia satu orang satu liang lahat (masseddiseddi). 5. mabbali sumange’ 1. penyediaan kue dibuat khusus oleh warga dan pendukung sebagai bentuk penyempurnaan ritual mappogau hanua. 2. penyediaan ramuan (bahan obat) dan pemberkatan oleh sanro sebagai bentuk penyempurnaan ritual mappogau hanua.. 3. ritual pertanda warga telah siap menanami sawah dan kebun. 1. dilandasi niat bahwa kue merupakan pelengkap bahan makanan untuk konsumsi bersama. 2. dilandasi niat bahwa ketersediaan ramuan/obat dapat menunjang kesehatan keluarga. 3. dilandasi niat kegotongroyongan dalam melaksanakan tugas kepetanian dan bentuk kesiapan warga mengisi lahan pertanian setelah dilakukan panen bersama. 6. malling berpantang selama 3 hari setelah mabbali sumange’ atau larangan-larangan memotong ternak, membuat sayur dari dedaunan, melakukan ritual sendirisendiri. dilandasi niat untuk tidak menggunakan sumber bahan pokok secara berlebih-lebihan (boros). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 226226226226226 afkaruna tabel 2: unsur perbedaan upacara mappogau hanua adat masyarakat karampuang rangkaian pelaksanaan upacara adat karakteristik analisah motif perbedaan sistem kepercayaan, sosial dan budaya adat karampuang ajaran islam (aqidah dan ibadah) (ideal oriented) 1. mabbahang, musyawarah, penentuan waktu dan pembagian tugas dilandasi niat sebagai manifestasi syukur dan mengenang leluhur dilandasi niat hanya untuk ibadah kepada allah swt 2. mappaota ritual sesajian memohon restu leluhur pada objek suci/keramat pemujaan pada dimensi gaib/leluhur atau kepercayaan transendental bermotif animisme. tidak ada motif aqidah dan ibadah sesuai ajaran islam(orientasi syirik). 3. mabbaja-baja membersihkan kawasan adat, lingkungan sekitar tempat upacara adat. dilakukan hanya untuk menyambut tradisi adat karampuang menjelang pesta adat mappogau hanua kebersihan merupakan anjuran dan ibadah dalam ajaran islam. 4. menre ri bulu 1. ritual sesajian pada leluhur suci/keramat 2. ritual puncak keikutsertaan dan melepas nazar (hajat) 3. memperingati prosesi kematian dan penguburan para leluhur. 1. pemujaan pada dimensi gaib, mengenang leluhur atau kepercayaan transendental bermotif animisme 2. memenuhi hajat (niat) yang telah direncanakan. 3. mengenang prosesi kematian leluhur 1. tidak ada dalam ajaran islam (orientasi syirik). 2. meramaikan dan bertadabbur alam, 3. muhasabah dapat menumbuhkan kesadaran tentang kematian. 5. mabbali sumange’ 1. penyediaan kue dibuat khusus oleh warga dan pendukung 2. penyediaan ramuan (bahan obat) dan pemberkatan oleh sanro. 3. ritual pertanda warga telah siap menanami sawah dan kebun. 1. ketersediaanya obat sebagai bentuk penyempurnaan mabbali sumange’ 2. stok ramuan (obat) harus disiapkan dirumah masingmasing warga serta simbol loyalitas anggota adat dan sebagai bentuk penyempurnaan mabbali sumange’ 3. bentuk kesiapan warga menanami lahan pertanian yang akan menuai hasil yang melimpah. 1. pelengkap bahan makanan pokok 2. ketersediaan obat/ramuan dapat menunjang kese hatan keluarga. 3. dilakukan untuk memicu semangat kerja dalam mengisi lahan pertanian warga. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 227227227227227vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 intens baik di dalam maupun di luar kegiatan adat telah menunjukkan adanya perubahan dinamis masyarakat karampuang dalam menerima pandangan-pandangan luar seperti efektivitas waktu ritual, pengurangan resiko serta kemampuan masyarakat pendukung. secara tidak lansung strategi yang dilakukan ini telah mendorong upaya dakwah bil-hal di mana peran dakwah memberikan pandangan dan pola sikap keteladanan yang dapat diterima oleh masyarakat karampuang. pada cakupan lebih luas kehadiran dan keberadaan masyakat pendukung telah membangun budaya partisipatif antar kelompok sehingga kepeloporan menjadi sangat penting menunjukkan peran perwakilan masing-masing masyarakat pendukung. berdasarkan hal tersebut maka strategi partisipatif dan kekeluargaan dalam konteks ini menunjukkan adanya beberapa fase yaitu fase adaptasi, fase asimilasi-akulturasi hingga terbentuk fase kekeluargaan. fase adaptasi di mana seseorang dai/mubaliqh muhammadiyah penting mengadaptasikan diri pada lingkungan adat dengan norma-norma tertentu, kebiasaan, pola hidup serta pandangan masyarakat. pada fase asimilasiakulturasi seseorang dai/mubaliqh muhammadiyah menyesuaikan dengan nilai-nilai lokal, peleburan watak bersama lingkungan dan masyarakat. sedangkan pada fase kekeluargaan adalah tahap di mana seorang dai/ mubaligh memelihara hubungan kekeluargaan baik dalam bentuk komunikasi maupun silaturahim. pada proses ini akan terbangun pula pembinaan secara kontinyu. b. strategi perubahan pola pikir mengemukakan strategi dakwah kultural jika merujuk pada struktur 1. malling berpantang selama 9 hari setelah mabbali sumange’ atau laranganlarangan memotong ternak, membuat sayur dari dedaunan, melakukan ritual sendiri-sendiri. 1. menuai musibah apabila memotong hewan tenak 2. menggugurkan tanaman pertanian (menuai gagal panen). 3. menyebarnya penyakit. 1. dilakukan untuk tidak berlebih-lebihan memotong hewan ternak (stok hewan ternak tetap tersedia). 2. dilakukan untuk tidak berlebih-lebihan agar stok tanaman pangan (sayuran) tetap tersedia. 3. dilakukan agar ritual besar mappogau hanua cukup mengakomodasi ritual sendiri-sendiri. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 228228228228228 afkaruna rangkaian ritual mappogau hanua dikemukakan beberapa konsepsi persamaan maupun perbedaan motif antara sistem kepercayaan, sosial dan budaya adat karampuang dengan aqidah dan ibadah ajaran islam sebagaimana terlihat pada tabel 1 dan tabel 2. merujuk pendapat amin bahwa fungsi dakwah kultural yang bersifat kebawah berarti menyelenggarakan dakwah dalam bentuk penerjemahan dakwah, penerjemahan ide-ide intelektual tingkat atas bagi ummat islam serta rakyat pada umumnya untuk membawakan transformasi sosial, dengan mentransfromasikan ide-ide tersebut ke dalam konsep operasional yang dapat dikerjakan oleh ummat.48 transformasi ide intelektual menuju purifikasi kedalam rangkaian upacara mappogau hanua sebagaimana pada tabel di atas dengan merujuk motif persamaan dan perbedaan antara sistem kepercayaan, sosial dan budaya adat karampuang dengan aqidah dan ibadah ajaran islam dikemukakan orientasi ideal (ideal oriented) sebagai peluang (opportunity) dakwah kultural muhammadiyah. peluang strategi ini dapat dilakukan pada rangkaian mappgoua hanua dari perencanaan, pelaksanaan hingga pada akhir kegiatan yaitu; 1) mabbahang,sebagai inti kegiatan ini adalah musyarawah internal untuk mencapai mufakat. musyawarah guna pengambilan keputusan yang tepat merupakan ajaran penting dalam agama islam. kata musyawarah berasal dari kata “syura” bermakna mengambil dan mengeluarkan pendapat terbaik. dalam konteks sederhana merupakan sesuatu yang dilakukan atau konsolidasi antar pendapat umat terhadap suatu urusan penting dalam hal ini pengambilan keputusan tentang ritual dengan mengkaji waktu dan pembagian-pembagian tugas. selain esensi musyarawah dalam mabbabang, mengelompokkan kaum laki-laki dan perempuan secara berbeda dan kedua keputusan kelompok tersebut dipadukan sebagai keputusan final. pada tahapan pertama ini dapat dilakukan di antaranya adalah prosesi tilawah, tazkiyah dan ta’lim. dengan strategi tilawah, tahap mabbahang dimulai pelaksanaannya dengan membaca ayat suci alqur’an sehingga dapat meransang pemikiran dan hati yang konsepsi indrawi pendengaran (al-sam’) dan penglihatan (al-absar) sehingga tumbuh akal yang sehat (al-af-idah) hati yang jernih dalam mengambil keputusan. setiap pelaksanaan suatu kegiatan anjuran tentang mengucapkan asma allah di mana akan memberikan efek peningkatan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 229229229229229vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 iman serta mendapatkan ridho allah swt. hal ini pula mengarahkan individu pada tazkiyah (penyucian jiwa) sebab mabbahang merupakan manifestasi awal dari suatu rencana kegiatan adat. sebaliknya apabila terdapat jiwa yang kotor, niat yang tidak istiqomah maka pelaksaaannya dapat dikategorikan tidak mendapatkan keberkahan. sedangkan ta’lim sebagai proses pengajaran, dimana pihak-pihak yang terlibat dalam mabbahang dapat mengarahkan, mendorong dan membimbing masyarakat merenungkan serta mengambil keputusan secara bijak. peranan guru, da’i dan pihak terkait dalam mabbahang dapat melakukan perubahan pola pikir atau secara rasional (al-manhaj al‘aqli)yang menfokuskan pada aspek akal pikiran, mengorientasikan tujuan pada nilai-nilai solidaritas, filosofis dan religi, pelestarian alam maupun nilai-nilai seni serta manifestasi rasa syukur atas keberhasilan pertanian sesuai ajaran islam, hal ini pula dapat mendorong praktek dari rangkaian upacara adat pada tahapan selanjutnya yang bernuansa ibadah termasuk mappaota. 2) mappaota. mengingat motif ritual ini berupa ritual sesajian meletakkan benda pappaota guna pemujaan dan pada dimensi ghaib (leluhur) yang tidak memiliki kesesuaian dalam ajaran agama islam. maka pelaksanaan mappaota yang menggunakan banyak waktu dan tempat berbeda maka peluang dalam rangkaian ini dapat dilakukan dengan mengganti praktek sesajian bermotif pemujaan ini menjadi praktek yang bersifat simbolis menjadi satu waktu dan tempat. 3) mabbaja-baja (mappasyakka), membersihkan selama tiga hari dari masing-masing rumah, perkantoran, lingkungan serta sekitar kawasan adat. sebagaimana motif utama dalam rangkaian ini dilakukan hanya dalam rangka menyambut ritual akbar mappogau hanua maka aktivis dakwah dapat menyikapi dengan menumbuhkan pola pikir dan membentuk kebiasaan (mindset and habit formation) masyarakat dari kegiatan yang sifatnya sekedar menyambut ritual semata menjadi aktivitas rutin yang bernilai ibadah. dengan mendasarkan ajaran secara normatif kebersihan dan kesucian merupakan suatu anjuran dan kewajiban individu, keluarga dan masyarakat sebagai manifestasi iman dalam kehidupan sehari-hari termasuk dalam berbagai event kemasyarakatan di karampuang. 4) menre ri bulu, motif utama menre ribulu ialah mengenang leluhur melalui serangkaian prosesi ritual kuno (ritual sesajian, melepas nazar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 230230230230230 afkaruna dan memperingati proses kematian leluhur). prosesi ini dinilai tidak memiliki motif ibadah sesuai ajaran islam oleh karena itu peran aktivis dakwah dalam reorientasi kegiatan ini dapat dilakukan melalui strategi perubahan pola pikir dan peran partisipatif masyarakat pendukung menjadi kegiatan partisipatif meramaikan dalam bentuk ber-tadabbur alam tanpa berniat melepas nazar di tahun berikutnya selain itu mendorong individu untuk menumbuhkan kesadaran bermuhasabah tentang kematian manusia. 5) mabbali sumange, ketersediaan kue dan ramuan obat sebagai motif penyempurnaan ritual mappogau hanua dan sanro memiliki peranan sangat vital membantu hajat (niat) masyarakat adat dan pendukung. strategi perubahan dapat dilakukan dengan membangun pemahaman rasional bahwa ketersediaan jenis kue hanya sebagai pelengkap makanan pokok guna konsumsi bersama serta ketersediaan ramuan obat dapat menunjang kesehatan keluarga. selain itu prosesi ini diarahkan untuk memicu semangat kerja petani (warga), dilandasi semangat kegotong royongan melaksanakan tugas kepetanian sebagai manifestasi rasa syukur. 6) malling, inti kegiatan malling dalam keyakinan masyarakat yang berupa larangan memotong ternak, memasak sayur mayur dan melakukan ritual tersendiri dapat mendorong aktivis dakwah dalam melakukan reorientasi dan strategi secara rasional seperti larangan memotong hewan ternak dan memasak sayur dedaunan dimaksudkan agar stok hewan ternak dan sayur mayur tetap tersedia setelah dilakukannya upacara besar menre ribulu yang telah memanfaatkan hewan ternak dalam jumlah banyak. larangan melakukan ritual secara sendiri-sendiri dapat dimaksudkan bahwa ritual mappogau hanua telah dapat mengokomodasi ritual-ritual kecil. oleh karena itu inti dari strategi ini dapat lebih mengarah pada bentuk larangan berlebih-lebihan dalam menggunakan bahan makanan pokok. c. strategi pembinaan di antara peranan pemerintah daerah dalam upacara adat mappogau hanua adalah pembinaan melalui pelestarian budaya, keterlibatan ini menunjukkan adanya indikasi pembinaan melalui skema budaya. sebagai suatu pendekatan struktural maka strategi pembinaan adalah alternatif tepat dakwah kultural ini akan tetap berlansung. peran pemerintah yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 231231231231231vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 berperan penting mengakomodasi pelaksanaan upacara adat mappogau hanua mendapatkan porsi lebih besar dalam mendekati sasaran dakwah sebagai strategi dakwah. pembinaan dalam konteks ini di mana dalam struktur pemerintahan adat keberadaan to matoa dan gella’ sebagai pengendali adat menjadi upaya pendekatan pemerintah membangun relasi dan kerja sama yang sifatnya pembinaan. upacara adat mappogau hanua sebagai wadah pokok yang menyatukan unsur adat, pemerintah dan masyarakat pendukung merupakan entitas yang saling membutuhkan sehingga strategi pembinaan terbangun sebagai suatu pola kerjasama. secara praktis strategi ini dapat dilakukan dengan meningkatkan porsi perhatian dalam menumbuhkembangkan kegiatan-kegiatan masyarakat desa berbasis budaya yang terbingkai nilai-nilai ajaran islam. setiap rangkaian kegiatan pada upacara adat mappogau hanuadari prosesi awal hingga akhir serta bentuk ritual adat lainnya memiliki peluang (opportunity) bagi aktivis dakwah melakukan upaya persuasif dan kolektif baik masyarakat adat dan pengendali kebijakan adat seperti gella’, sanro dan guru secara lansung melalui pembinaan dan pembentukan kebiasaan (habit formation) secara berkelanjutan. guru sebagai pemangku dan sebagai pilar adat sangat berperan dalam membangun pondasi keagamaan dan pendidikan, kepadanya terpusat kebijakan sdm generasi masyarakat adat dimasa yang akan datang. maka penguatan pondasi kebijakan peranan guru penting mendapat dorongan dan pembinaan dari segenap pihak terutama para dai muhammadiyah kabupaten sinjai secara intens termasuk guru-guru maupun penyuluh agama. secara aplikatif upaya ini dapat dilakukan dengan membantu pilar guru dalam merumuskan dan mengimplementasikan program-program kegiatan pendidikan dan keagamaan secara nyata dan berkala yang memberikan efek positif secara lansung bagi masyarakat dan generasi adat termasuk intensitas pada momentum kegiatan keagamaan dibulan ramadhan. peranan sanro sebagai pelaksana bidang kesehatan masyarakat dapat dijadikan fokus dalam pembinaan kalangan tenaga kesehatan dimana prinsip, nilai-nilai dan tujuan pelayanan kesehatan dapat diintegrasikan dalam budaya masyarakat sehingga nuansanya dakwah bil al-lisan dan dakwah bil al-hal senantiasa terbangun. adanya kemungkinan tenaga kesehatan menjangkau masyarakat karampuang telah menujukkan sebagai suatu strategi dakwah dengan pola kerja sama sanro’ sesuai dengan bidang dan kemampuan masing-masing hal ini berwujud pada praktek pembinaan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 232232232232232 afkaruna sebagai suatu strategi dakwah kultural. di sisi lain generasi muda masyarakat karampuang sebagai pelanjut otoritas adat dimasa mendatang dapat menjadi fokus pembinaan melalui aspek kebudayan, pendidikan dan keagamaan. pembinaan pada aspek ini dapat dilakukan dengan upaya pendampingan pada kegiatan-kegiatan berbasis masyarakat dan kepemudaan serta dorongan pembentukan kualitas pengetahuan, keterampilan dan spiritualitas keagamaan baik melalui jalur formal, non formal maupun informal sehingga yang dihasilkan pada masa-masa mendatang adalah generasi yang mampu berpikir dan bertindak secara rasional dan produktif. efektifitas dakwah kultural dalam upacara adat mappogau hanua dakwah kultural di masyarakat karampuang senantiasa beriringan dengan tantangan dalam berbagai prakteknya. mappogau hanuasebagai suatu tradisi multidimensi yang sangat langka di tengah masyarakat modern sehingga masyarakatnya cenderung memiliki loyalitas tinggi pada tradisi warisan leluhur. praktek dakwah kultural di karampuang dihadapkan pada tantangan disebabkan yaitu; pertama, masyarakat adat karampuang memiliki budaya material yakni benda megalitik sebagai pusat kepercayaan, sosial budaya maupun keagamaan yang menjadi simbol keberlansungan tradisi adat sehingga menjadi tantangan tersendiri bagi mubaligh (dai) dalam melakukan dakwah. kedua, masyarakat adat karampuang memiliki kerangka konsep adat yang terhimpun dalam lontara karampuang (kitab lontara) serta tradisi lisan pappaseng dan simbol ideal yang harus termanifestasi dalam pola pikir dan pola sikap dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat termasuk kewajiban adat dalam melaksanakan ritual adat mappogau hanua. interpretasi terhadap ritual adat initidak dapat sekedar dimaknai sebagai aktivitas yang banyak menyimpang dari ajaran islam. pelaksanaan ritual tersebut sebagai aktivitas komunal dan masif dilaksanakan secara sukarela dan ikhlas oleh pendukungnya untuk tidak sekedar menjalankan ritual. mengamati rangkaian upacara adat mappogau hanua dimana prinsip, fungsi dan tujuan, nilai-nilai dan konsepnya yang masih memiliki kerelevansian nilai-nilai ajaran islam maka integrasi dakwah islam dapat lebih mengokohkan kegiatan adat ini yang akan menekankan tradisi nilai dan bertumpu pada tiga prinsip yaitu tabsyir, islah dan tajdid (tit). hal ini ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 233233233233233vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 pula dapat menjadikan upacara adat mappogau hanua sebagai wadah dan media dakwah bagi masyarakat. kegiatan dakwah kultural tidak serta merta dilakukan secara kebetulan namun aktifitas dakwah memerlukan pendekatan-pendekatan konkrit dan ikhtiar secara terus-menerus, sistematis, komprehensif serta mempertimbangkan masyarakat dan konsep adat. sehingga untuk mengembalikan ajaran islam secara murni yang terkait mappogau hanua dalam eksistensi masyarakat karampuang maka memerlukan waktu yang relatif lama. hal ini didasarkan pada efektivitas dakwah yang diharapkan berhasil dan tepat. oleh karena itu dibutuhkan sdm yang cukup dan mumpuni dalam pelaksanaan teknis dakwah kultural khususnya dalam rangkaian ritual, disamping pula penting adanya kerja sama pihak termasuk perguruan tinggi yang dapat dimanfaatkan. dalam konteks ini maka mubaligh (dai) muhammadiyah sangat penting mengaktualisasikan diri sebab merupakan potensi dan lahan dakwah sekaligus sebagai tantangan dalam dakwah kultural lokal yang diharapkan bermuara pada suatu inovasi dakwah yang dapat lebih merekonstruksi kegiatan bermotif ritual adat dari perspektif yang berbeda yang lebih sesuai dengan ajaran islam. di samping dakwah kultural di masyarakat adat karampuang juga diperlukan adanya implementasi kongkrit gerakan jamaah dan dakwah jamaah (gjdj) secara lansung. tentu dapat terbangun melalui pendekatan kekeluargaan yang dapat dimulai dari unsur pilar adat, pemerintahan desa serta masyarakat adat secara keseluruhan melalui pembudayaan nilai-nilai kehidupan yang lebih islami. dengan konsep gjdj yang terimplementasi akan sangat berperan penting sebagai strategi penguatan dakwah kultural dalam lingkup terkecil (keluarga) hingga lingkup luas masyarakat karampuang termasuk pada ritual adat mappogau hanua. gjdj melalui gerakan aktivisnya akan turut menumbuhkembangkan nilai-nilai spiritual dan budaya baru yang memiliki keterkaitan dengan sikap mental, pandangan hidup dan tujuan individu masyarakat adat yang berdampingan dengan sistem ritual mappogau hanua. oleh karena itu untuk dapat mewujudkan pergeseran dan perubahan pandangan hidup serta sistem ritual adat ini maka diperlukan adanya kemauan, kemampuan dan komitmen inisiatif penggerak dakwah untuk menjadi bagian dari warga masyarakat adat dalam jangka waktu yang lama dengan tetap bertumpu pada dimensi kerisalahan, kerahmatan dan kesejarahan dalam kehidupan masyarakat adat karampuang. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 234234234234234 afkaruna karampuang sebagai aset dalam dimensi pariwisata dengan ritual adatnya yang menarik minat wisatawan maka mempertahankan ritual adat merupakan sifat dasar manusia (human nature) yang selalu ingin berhubungan dengan alam sekitarnya hal ini dapat pula berarti sebagai suatu skenario rasional yang harus dieksistensikan oleh masyarakat adat dan pendukungnya guna teguhnya konsep adat dan sistem pemerintahan tradisional. sebagai masyarakat local (adat) yang menonjol dari segi budaya serta pengaruh kepentingan dan budaya luar dapat menjadi tantangan dai dalam melakukan dakwah. kesimpulan paparan keberadaan dan eksistensi komunitas adat karampuang dalam kebudayaan masyarakat bugis dengan pengendalian pemerintahan adat oleh ade’ eppa’e (empat unsur adat) maupun tradisi ritual adatnya seperti mappogau hanua yang bermotif aqidah telah terkonsep dalam pappaseng dan lontara yang merupakan local wisdom. mappogau hanua sebagai simbol pengakuan dan pengukuhan diri pada dimensi leluhur yang merupakan aktivitas budaya yang lahir sejak pra islam dan bertahan hingga sekarang sehingga masyarakat adat disamping menjalankan ajaran agama islam juga menjalankan tradisi leluhur yang bermotif animisme. mappogau hanua yang menekankan rangkaian aktivitas ritul adat telah menciptakan relasi sosial yang kuat dan wadah silaturahmi antar keluarga dan masyarakat. secara normatif merupakan bentuk kesyukuran kepada sang khalik (allah swt) sehingga nilai-nilai yang terkandung dalam aktivitas ini yakni nilai solidaritas (persatuan), nilai filosofi dan religi, nilai pelestarian alam maupun nilai seni. rangkaian, nilai-nilai yang relevan dalam ajaran islam berhasil membuka cakrawala pemikiran dan strategi dakwah kultural sebagai suatu transformasi intelektual. sajian artikel ini memiliki kontribusi dalam dakwah kultural muhammadiyah terutama strategi dakwah dalam budaya lokal (adat) masyarakat dengan tradisi-tradisi ritual adatnya. transformasi strategi dakwah menuju purifikasi ini dapat dimulai (1) strategi partisipatif dan kekeluargaan yakni memahami motif masyarakat adat dan pendukungnya sebagai komunitas budaya melalui keterlibatan diri pada berbagai selukbeluk kehidupan adat secara kekeluargaan. (2) strategi perubahan pola pikir yaknimenawarkan ide-ide rasional dalam setiap rangkaian ritual adat, (3) strategi pembinaan yakni pendampingan, pembinaan dan penguatan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 235235235235235vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 pondasi kebijakan pilar adat (guru) dan (sanro) sebagai penanggung jawab pendidikan dan keagamaan dan kesehatan. dengan berangkat pada langkah strategiyang tepat dan terbingkai ajaran agama islam dalam kegiatan dakwah maka akan terbangun pola dakwah kultural yang efektif menuju islam yang rahmatan lil alamin. kegiatan dakwah kultural muhammadiyah dengan strategi-strategi pendekatannya penting untuk selalu dipertahankan, dikembangkan sehingga dapat menjadi pioner pengembangan dakwah pada masyarakat adat dengan tingkat kompleksitas yang tinggi dalam mengatasi bentukbentuk penyimpangan aqidah. kegiatan dakwah kultural di karampuang kab. sinjai perlu ditopang oleh manajemen dakwah yang solid dan konsisten serta pelaksanaannya yang benar-benar menyentuh dimensi kehidupan tradisi adat masyarakat tanpa menghilangkan identitas khas suatu tradisi. sehingga penting adanya penyusunan konsep baku strategi dakwah secara khusus serta muatan pembinaanya yang terintegrasi dalam konsep adat rangkaian upacara mappogau hanua. bagi segenap pihak (stakeholder) pentingnya dukungan secara menyeluruh dan terlibat aktif dalam upaya memberikan dorongan pelaksanaan dakwah sebagai suatu misi amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar di tengah dinamika masyarakat yang terus mengalami perubahan. ucapan terima kasih naskah ini merupakan hasil penelitian yang dibiayai oleh skema hibah muhammadiyah abad kedua tahun 2017. ucapan terima kasih kepada; (1) majelis diktilitbang pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah atas hibah penelitian yang diberikan serta saran dari tim reviewer tentang naskah ini, (2) p3m iaim sinjai yang senantiasa mendorong penulis dalam penelitian, (3) para tokoh, budayawan maupun pengurus daerah muhammadiyah sinjai dalam diskusi-diskusi. (4) para tokoh adat dan masyarakat karampuang yang menerima penulis dengan penuh kekeluargaan serta memberikan informasi yang sangat berharga. semoga hasil penelitian ini senantiasa bernilai ibadah disisi allah swt. catatan akhir 1 weinata sairin, gerakan pembaharuan muhammadiyah, (jakarta: pustaka, sinar harapan, 1995), h.48-49. 2 koenjtaraningrat, kebudayaan: mentalitas dan pembangunan, (jakarta: gramedia ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 236236236236236 afkaruna pustaka utama, 1993), h. 243-246. 3 imam suprayogo, metodologi penelitian sosial-agama, (bandung; remaja rosda karya: bandung, 2001), h. 41. 4 adi sasono dkk, solusi islam atas problematikan umat: (ekonomi, pendidikan dan dakwah), (jakarta: gema insani press, 1998), h. 175. 5 pp muhammadiyah, dakwah kultural muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta; suara muhammadiyah 2004). 6 muhannis, karampuang dan bunga rampai sinjai, (yogyakarta: ombak, 2009), h. 4-5. 7 sugiono, metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif dan r&d, (bandung: alfabeta, 2009), h. 246. 8 agus bustanuddin, islam dan pembangunan (islam dan muslim serial esai sosiologi agama i, (jakarta; raja grafindo persada 2007), h. 194. 9 sonny a. keraf, etika lingkungan hidup,(jakarta: kompas media nusantara, 2010), h. 326. 10 abdullah bin abdul hamid al-atsari, dalam http://pustakaimamsyafii.com/ definisi-aqidah.html, diakses pada tanggal 17 maret 2017. 11 kbbi, ofline, edisi 1.4 12 rosyad saleh, manajemen dakwah muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2005), h. 37-38. 13 wina sanjaya, strategi pembelajaran berorientasi standar proses pendidikan, (jakarta: kencana prenada media group, 2007), h. 124. 14 rosyad, saleh, manajemen., 15 moh ali azis, ilmu dakwah, cet. 2.(jakarta: kencana, 2009), h.6 16 muhammad sulton, menjawab tantangan zaman, desain ilmu dakwah, kajian ontologis, epistemologis, dan aksiologis, (yogyakarta, pustaka pelajar, 2003), h. 4-13. 17 said abdul aziz, toraja: simbolisme unsur visual rumah tradisional, (yogyakarta: ombak.2004), h. 19-20. 18 said abdul aziz, toraja: simbolisme, h. 350. 19 muhyiddin asep & safei ahmad agus, metode pengembangan dakwah, (bandung: pustaka setia, 2002), h.79. 20 samsul munir amin, ilmu dakwah, (jakarta; amzah, 2009), h. 99. 21 faizah & lalu muchsin effendi, psikologi dakwah, (jakarta: kencana, 2009). 22 samsul munir amin. ilmu dakwah, h. 11 23 said abdul aziz. toraja: simbolisme, h. 355. 24 samsul munir amin. ilmu dakwah, h. 108. 25 muhammad sulton, menjawab tantangan, h. 18. 26 suara muhammadiyah, no.02 th 2005. 27 samsul munir amin, ilmu dakwah, h. 163 &107 28 said abdul aziz, toraja: simbolisme, h. 349. 29 muhannis, karampuang., 30 muhannis. peran tradisi lisan pappaseng pada masyarakat adat karampuang dalam penyelesaian konflik. sinjai, makalah presentasi, 2014, h. 2. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 237237237237237vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 31 aman sinjai, 2015 32 said, abdul aziz. toraja: simbolisme, h. 25. 33 muhannis. peran tradisi, liat juga: basrah, sistem pengetahuan lokal dalam pengelolaan hutan berbasis masyarakat di kawasan hutan adat karampuang, tesis, (makassar:pps universitas hasanuddin, 2005) 34 muhannis. peran tradisi. 35 moh yahya mustafa dan tungke wanua a., sinjai 10 tahun dalam memori, (makassar: pustaka refleksi, 2002), h. 3. 36 muhannis, karampuang dan. 37 mattulada, agama islam di sulawesi selatan, dalam taufik abdullah, (ed), agama dan perubahan sosial, (jakarta: rajawali press, 1982), h. 153. 38 muh. anis, “kontekstualisasi ibrah sejarah (penerimaan islam di sinjai pada abad xvii)” dalam jurnal al-qalam, vol. 5. no. 2 (2013), h. 168. 39 haedar nashir, islam syariat: reproduksi salafiyah ideologis di indonesia, (bandung: mizan pustaka, 2013), h. 301. 40 muhannis, karampuang dan. 41 muhannis, karampuang dan. 42 wawancara magga’ 24 maret 2017. 43 muhannis, karampuang dan. 44 abdullah renre, patuntung di sinjai barat, suatu tinjauan sosio-kultural, (makassar: alauddin university press, 2012), p. 131. 45 muhannis, karampuang dan. 46 wawancara anis, 5 april 2017 47 wawancara mangga’, 27 maret 2017. 48 samsul munir amin. ilmu dakwah daftar pustaka agus, bustanuddin. 2007. islam dan pembangunan (islam dan muslim serial esai sosiologi agama i. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. aman sinjai. 2015. pemetaan partisipatif wilayah adat kab. sinjai. amin, munir samsul. 2009. ilmu dakwah. jakarta: amzah. anis, muh. 2013. “kontekstualisasi ibrah sejarah (penerimaan islam di sinjai pada abad xvii).” jurnal al-qalam, vol. 5. no. 2. aziz, moh ali. 2009. ilmu dakwah, cet. 2. jakarta: kencana. aziz, said abdul. toraja: simbolisme unsur visual rumah tradisional. yogyakarta: ombak.2004. basrah, 2005. “sistem pengetahuan lokal dalam pengelolaan hutan berbasis masyarakat di kawasan hutan adat karampuang.” tesis. makassar; program pascasarjana universitas hasanuddin. departemen agama ri. 2009. al-qur’an al-karim dan terjemah-nya. bandung: pt. sygma examedia arkamlema. direktorat perlindungan dan kesejahteraan masyarakat bppn. 2013. masyarakat adat di indonesia: menuju perlindungan sosial yang inklusif. jakarta: t.p. faizah dan lalu muchsin effendi. 2009. psikologi dakwah. jakarta: kencana. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 238238238238238 afkaruna hafiduddin d., sasono adi. 1998. solusi islam atas problematika umat: (ekonomi, pendidikan dan dakwah). jakarta: gema insani press. http://pustakaimamsyafii.com/definisi-aqidah.html, diakses pada tanggal 17 maret 2017. kbbi, ofline, edisi 1.4 keraf, sonny a. 2010. etika lingkungan hidup. jakarta: kompas media nusantara. koenjtaraningrat. 1993. kebudayaan: mentalitas dan pembangunan. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. mattulada. 1983. “agama islam di sulawesi selatan.” dalam taufik abdullah, (ed). agama dan perubahan sosial. jakarta: rajawali press. muhammadiyah, pp. 2004. dakwah kultural muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. muhannis. 2009. karampuang dan bunga rampai sinjai. yogyakarta:ombak. ________. 2014. peran tradisi lisan pappaseng pada masyarakat adat karampuang dalam penyelesaian konflik. sinjai. makalah presentasi. muhyiddin, asep & safei, ahmad a. 2002. metode pengembangan dakwah. bandung; pustaka setia. mustafa, moh yahya & tungke,wanua a. 2002. sinjai 10 tahun dalam memori. makassar: pustaka refleksi. nashir, haedar. 2013. islam syariat: reproduksi salafiyah ideologis di indonesia. bandung: mizan pustaka. renre, abdullah. 2012. patuntung di sinjai barat, suatu tinjauan sosio-kultural. makassar: alauddin university press. said, abdul aziz. 2004. toraja: simbolisme unsur visual rumah tradisional. yogyakarta: ombak. sairin, weinata. 1995. gerakan pembaharuan muhammadiyah. jakarta: pustaka sinar harapan. saleh, rosyad. 2005. manajemen dakwah muhammadiyah, cet. ii. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. sanjaya, wina. 2006. strategi pembelajaran berorientasi standar proses pendidikan, cet. 2, jakarta: kencana prenada media group. sasono, adi, didin hafidhuddin, a.m. saefuddin, dkk., 1998. solusi islam atas problematikan umat: (ekonomi, pendidikan dan dakwah). jakarta: gema insani press. sugiono. 2009. metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif dan r&d. bandung: alfabeta. sulton, muhammad. 2003. menjawab tantangan zaman, desain ilmu dakwah, kajian ontologis, epistemologis, dan aksiologis. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. suprayogo, imam. 2001. metodologi penelitian sosial-agama. bandung: remaja rosda karya. wawancara khusus: p. magga’(l) “gella karampuang”(60 tahun) p.jenne’ (p) “sanro karampuang” (60 tahun) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 239239239239239vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 p. kasyong (l) “gurukarampuang” (60 tahun) muh. anis (l), (peneliti, aktivis dakwah muhammadiyah), (36 tahun) drs. muhannis, (budayawan atau peneliti budaya), (66 tahun), rahmatullah harum (72 tahun) (tokoh muhammadiyah dan tokoh pendidikan) # layout jan jun 2011 buah karya orisinal yang di dalamnya kita mungkin tidak menemukan teori yang brilian tentang sufisme. oleh karena itu, studi akademik di barat tentang sufisme yang nampaknya mengabaikan al-jilani dapatlah dipahami. posisi al-jilani yang marjinal menunjukan adanya bias ideologis di kalangan para sarjana. tulisan ini berupaya merekonstruksi kehidupan dan dan karya aljilani sembari menawarkan basis teoretis baru dalam studi sufisme. penulis berpendapat bahwa ajaran-ajaran sufisme dari al-jilani dapat dikatakan sebagai sufirme popular. kata kunci: al-jilani, spiritualitas, sufisme popular introduction since by definition history is always an arena of contestation, a history of great people is an arena of various competing interpretations, imaginations, impositions and interests. therefore, a history of great personality, in many cases, becomes hagiography.1 the story of ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani exactly falls in this position. not only books written by his modern followers like the saint of jilan,2 even some scientific encyclopedias are tempted to write more about his legends and miracles than aljilani’s historical life.3 this article seeks to reconstruct the life and works of al-jilani from the thick haze of legends and hagiographic accounts in order to have a sharper image of him as a historical figure. as point of departure it will address the ‘academic reluctance’ of western scholars on sufism about al-jilani. then while a pilgrimage through the mist of legends: reconstructing the life and works of ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani achmad munjid religious studies department, temple university, philadelphiausa. email: a_munjid@yahoo.com amunjid@temple.edu abstract western scholars on sufism so far have paid more attention to sufi figures that left us with many written works, either in the form of poems, biography, apologia, or mystical treatise. practically, al-jilani only left us with three original works, wherein we do not find any ‘brilliant theory’ about sufism. so, at the face value, this western academic indifference about al-jilani is just plainly plausible. al-jilani’s marginal position in the western academic studies on sufism in fact is an indication of a subtler ideological bias among many scholars. this article examines the life and works of al-jilani while proposing a new theoretical basis in the study of sufism. the writer argues that al-jilani’s teaching is popular sufism by definition keywords: al-jilani, spirituality, popular sufism abstrak khazanah akademis barat tentang sufisme memberikan perhatian kepada para tokoh sufi beserta karya-karya yang mereka tinggalkan, baik dalam bentuk puisi, biografi, apologia maupun risalah-risalah mistik. sementara itu, al-jilani sendiri pada kenyataannya hanya meninggalkan tiga doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 18 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna presenting his life and works this paper will explain why al-jilani became one of the most celebrated sufis in the muslim world. in the end, suggestive points of further research will be given as the conclusion. even though ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani, with huge number of followers spreading from africa to southeast asia, probably is the most popular saint in the islamic world, as indicated by schimmel and others,4 surprisingly enough, works about him are fewer than those on other well known sufis. this academic reluctance, in my opinion, is due in part to al-jilani’s position in western academic discourse with at least three reasons. first, he is neither a prolific writer nor a great thinker, especially when compared to such figures as ibn ‘arabi (d. 638/1240), jalal al-din rumi (d. 672/1273) and al-ghazali (d. 505/1111) who have been exhaustedly studied. perhaps, in modern terms, al-jilani is more an activist than an intellectual. western scholars on sufism so far have paid more attention to sufi figures that left us with many written works, either in the form of poems, biography, apologia, or mystical treatise. practically, al-jilani only left us with three original works, wherein we do not find any ‘brilliant theory’ about sufism. so, at the face value, this western academic indifference about al-jilani is just plainly plausible. however, if we pay closer attention to the issue of western scholars’ indifference to aljilani actually is not without theoretical problem. as we know, in many modern academic studies like that of alfred bel, sufism is categorized as a form of popular religion in contrast to an “arab” islamic orthodoxy. in ernest gellner’s terms, sufism is a form of personalized religion that is ritually indulgent, hierarchical, mediated and lack of puritanism, in opposition to an egalitarian, immediate and scripturally oriented islamic orthodoxy. furthermore, these differences reflect the dichotomy between the rural illiterate society whose religion is more “emotional” in contrast to urban literate society that practices religion in a more rational way.5 some argues that this dichotomy theory, in fact, suffers from weberian ‘protestant’ bias. we will come back to this issue later. now, paying attention primarily to verbal text (literacy) than to social text (orality) that eventually has led to marginalization of al-jilani’s position, in my opinion, is just a subtler manifestation of this ‘protestant’ academic bias.6 if in anthroposociological reality, al-jilani is the most celebrated sufi around the muslim world, why then his existence is ignored for such a long time only because he left us with fewer literary works? position and positioning are always connected to relation, perception and interest. therefore, in itself it is always political. second, to follow selden p. delany’s categorization,7 al-jilani is more a “common” saint, rather than the “heroic” ones like alhallaj (put to death in baghdad in 309/922), shihab al-din al-suhrawardi al-maqtul (killed in aleppo in 465/1191) and ‘ain al-qudat alhamadhani (killed in hamadhan in 525/ 1131), the sufi martyrs.8 in many respects, aljilani’s historical life and works are almost just ‘normal’, or “sober”, to be more precise. with four wives and 49 sons, according to schimmel,9 al-jilani clearly even was not a pure ascetic, an ideal type of the saint in the (christian) west. can one then argues that it is because of this ‘normal life’ reason as well as his ‘effective public service’ that made him so widely popular among muslim societies? in doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 19vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 the case of his marriage, in addition to merely an indication of ‘normal life’, it is worth noting here that sanctity in fact is not incompatible with marriage.10 third, not until recently, modern studies on sufism in the west tend to neglect the organizational aspect, the mystical orders, of sufism.11 “…practically nothing has been said of the major importance of such sufi revivals as those of darqawiyyah and tijaniyyah in north africa, the yashrutiyyah in east africa and the arab near east, the ni’matullahiyyah in persia and southern india and the chistiyyah and qadiriyyah orders in indo-pakistani sub-continent,” writes sayyed hossein nasr.12 while the most phenomenal aspect of al-jilani is his capability in gaining the huge followers so that qadiriyyah, his order, is the first tariqa (sufi order) to take on a distinct character, or simply the first tariqa as such.13 other orders have arisen out of it.14 his life ‘abd al-qadir ibn abi salih al-jilani was born to a persian family15 in 470/1077 in jilan, which also known as vailam, in the northwest of iran, south of the caspian sea, where hanbalism was strong. al-jilani was born when malik shah the saljuq (465/1072485/1091) ruled over a vast muslim empire and his islamic kingdom was famous for great patronage of learning. unfortunately, soon after the violent death of malik shah, fight for succession brought the country into anarchy and disorder. the chaotic situation went on and on, paused for a while, but then became even worse when sanjar, malik shah’s later successor who could handle the political turbulence for a while, also untimely died in 552/1157. constant wars between the seljuqs happened everywhere and made the empire fell into apart. meanwhile, elsewhere, crusades broke out, first from 488-9/1095 to 493/1099 and then the second from 540/ 1145 to 544/1149.16 it is in this critical situation that al-jilani came to baghdad in 488/1095 at the age of 18 and pursued a legalistic course of hanbali training.17 perhaps related to the issue of school (madhhab) affiliation between nizamiyyah that supported ash’ariism and the hanbalite background of al-jilani, he refused to study at the nizamiyyah of ahmad al-ghazali who had succeeded imam abu hamid al-ghazali.18 apart from other numerous teachers in various fields of study, he studied philology under al-tibrizi (d. 502/ 1109), hadith under abu muhammad ja’far alsarraj (d. 500/1106), hanbalite law under abu al-wafa’ bin al-‘aqil (d. 513/1119) who had previously converted from the mu’tazila to hanbalism, and under the jurist abu sa’ad al-mubarak ‘ali al-mukharrimi (d. 513/1119), where he got the khirqa, the sufi robe, given as the sign of the end of a noviciate.19 however, there is no evidence that he got any sufi training until he joined the school of abu alkhair hammad al-dabbas (d. 525/1131), a syrup vendor by trade who was also a highly appreciated sufi master of his time. al-jilani was over fifty years when he first appeared in public as a preacher in 521/1127, allegedly only after strong endorsement of yusuf al-hamadani (d. 534/1140), a very well known sufi master with the title of qutb or “axis of the age”. before this public appearance and after his graduation from aldabbas’s school apparently al-jilani spent some twenty-five years as a wandering ascetic in the desert of irak.20 continuously lived in severe self-discipline, he would often stay up doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 20 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna whole night in worship and/or reading the qur’an from beginning to end (a common exercise among the very pious muslims). he wandered and took a long course, first at a town in khuzistan (in the lower mesopotamian plain) and then back to baghdad.21 from the aforementioned ‘first public sermon’ day on his reputation grew up very quickly as a famous hanbali preacher and great teacher of courses on religious instructions. in the meantime, he also got married. if for a quite long time he regarded marriage, or perhaps sex, as a hindrance in his spiritual quest, now he treated it as social duty where the prophet himself has already given the example. he married four women from whom he got twenty-seven sons and twentytwo daughters in the long course of his life.22 four of his sons became well known as religious scholars like himself. despite his public life, he continued his personal austere life, like fasting all year around, except for the forbidden days to do so.23 many scholars agree that historically al-jilani is a personage who possessed a very striking piety, hospitality and philanthropy. thanks to his vast and deep knowledge, as well as that humility, powerful sincerity and charming personality, his teaching and particularly his public sermon became extraordinarily popular in baghdad area. in 528/1134 he was installed as the head of the school used to be under his old teacher, almukharrimi. a complex of much larger school and residence for him, his large family and his pupils were built in with financial aid from the rich and free labor from the poor. due to the rapid increasing numbers of his audience, not only his college was re-enlarged, his regular preaching (on wednesday and friday morning) should also be held in a larger prayer ground outside the city, for there was no other place large enough to accommodate the crowds. therefore, a ribat was built for him.24 a legend says that at times about seventy thousands people attended his sermon and everyone in the farthest distance could hear al-jilani’s voice as clear as those gathered close to him.25 visitors of baghdad would not miss his speech. after dzuhr prayer al-jilani gave out edicts on shari’a and ethic to meet the requests of people, sometimes sent from distant lands.26 contrary to the general assumption of his contemporary followers, according to various sources, during his lifetime al-jilani never claimed himself as a sufi master. fazlur rahman argues that it is highly improbable that al-jilani intentionally established an order besides training his immediate circles of spiritual disciples.27 in agreement with him, trimingham says that al-jilani did not leave any system, let alone path or way to be followed.28 for margoliouth, even claim that al-jilani’s sons propagated his way in the muslim world, as proposed by many scholars, is also problematic.29 during his lifetime, aljilani dressed like an ‘alim, religious scholar, and well known more as a hanbali preacher, rather than a sufi.30 in fact, al-jilani was active as mufti, teacher of qur’anic exegesis, hadith and fiqh classes that were held in daily basis, and especially as prominent public preacher that attracted numerous pupils from all over the muslim world. his persuasive discourses are said to have made many jews and christians converted to islam and won many muslim sinners to repentance. with his principle teaching and wide popularity, his position reached independence so that he could freely doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 21vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 criticize the caliph. in an era like his where worldliness and power became mainstream ideology of the people and even ulama (religious scholar) were part of the state’s political apparatus, criticizing caliph was almost a ‘mission impossible’. stories around him recorded that al-jilani was always happy to leave his works in order to help children, a destitute or a slave, but never wanted to stand up in the honor of any person of high rank. if he got information that the caliph would be visiting him, he deliberately went inside his house so that he did not need to stand up to welcome him. he passed away in his ripe age of 90 in 561/1166. until today his tomb in baghdad, over which sultan sulayman (r. 1520-1566) built a very beautiful turba in 941/1535, become one of the most revered and frequently visited sacred sites of pilgrimage by muslims all over the world. in relation to his era, to follow braune, it is worth noting that al-jilani lived in the time where socio-religiously people were divided between secularism or religious indifference and conventionalism, on the one hand, and religious intellectualism and doctrinism, on the other hand. people were entrapped either by the vanity of the world or the emptiness of the legalistic religion. in part, it is al-jilani’s breakthrough in giving the “dead body” of legalistic islam with the spirit and emotional aspect of sufism that made his movement rapidly widespread. it is clear from his historical life and works that he adopted a very sober sufism. conflicts between sufism and shari’a, as frequently found in many of his contemporaries, do not occur in his writings. in al-jilani’s teaching, ecstatic practices, though not forbidden, are allowed only within certain restrictions. ascetism should not violate the duties towards family and society. a saint, even when he reaches the highest spiritual experience, can never achieve the rank of the prophets, let alone going beyond it, as found in some teaching of other sufis.31 the way many of his followers treated him sometime more than the prophet himself, of course, is an irony. in relation to the issue of western scholars’ reluctance to study al-jilani, this issue of al-jilani’s wide popularity and his sober sufism is particularly interesting. while academic ‘protestant’ prejudice assumes that sufism is a form of popular religion in opposition to the ‘arab’ islamic orthodoxy, al-jilani appears to be an anomaly in that perspective. his background is hanbalite, a school very well known for its legal rigorism. if legal rigorism and mysticism are supposed to be mutually exclusive in islam, again, why aljilani, a hanbalite prominent preacher and acted primarily as such during his lifetime then became the most celebrated saint in the muslim world? if the dichotomy is accepted, there is simply no bridge to unite both sides under the phenomenon of al-jilani. even if one can propose a theory that a saint is a saint because others treat him/her as such, it still cannot sufficiently explain the subsequent question: given the fact that he did not inherit his popularity from his parent, then why so many people, in the wide spectrum of time, places and cultures, treated al-jilani so? in this regard, both montgomery watt’s claims that al-jilani, being a sufi, could no longer belong to hanbali school and that his affiliation to sufism was influenced by alghazzali are in contradiction to many historical data.32 meanwhile, to draw attention more to his followers’ psychology than to the actual ‘power’ of al-jilani, as proposed by hodgson, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 22 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna perhaps can say something as ‘after-the-fact’ explanation of his popularity. so it makes some senses to say, “what came to matter was the authority of the founding figure rather than his insight”.33 but, it says nothing about how the authority itself was originally established and why the institutionalization of the original charismatic leadership was possible. was it more about the mental creativity of aljilani’s followers in producing a myth about him rather than his actual greatness? is aljilani just ‘nothing’ despite many of his followers unconsciously treated him as even more than muhammad himself as a religious personality?34 or was it a merely historical incidence? the further the dichotomy theory of sufism versus orthodoxy goes, for me, the clearer becomes its hidden message. that is, assumption that either sufism is not an integral part of islam or that islam, by definition, is a rigid legalistic religion. more than just not properly explained, the case of aljilani, i think, is an example of the annulment of that theory. in that regard, i tend to read the phenomenon of al-jilani from different angle. as suggested by schimmel35, perhaps it was precisely the strict adherence to the outward letter of the god-given law and the deep respect for the divine word that enable aljilani and others to reach a deeper understanding of the secret of the revelation and to spread it among the people in a very sober way. therefore, with his strong form and deep content of his teaching, and above all the way he consistently practiced them, aljilani became the most widely accepted sufi figure in the muslim world. of course, general factors, including mainly the ‘protest function’ one, influencing the overwhelming attraction of sufism among the common people, as suggested by fazlur rahman, should be seriously taken into account at this point.36 meanwhile, every modern writer has always been complaining about the difficulty to penetrate the layers of legends that were established even during al-jilani’s lifetime and then thickened soon after the death of this sultan al-awliya (the king of saints). bahjat alasrar, the first most elaborate biography of aljilani by ali ibn yusuf al-shattanawfi (d.713/ 1314) and written over a century after the death of this al-muhyidin (the reviver of religion) is referred by many modern scholars as the book responsible for the complete obscurity of al-jilani’s personality.37 omitting al-jilani’s practical works and teaching, this book is just bubbling imagination and fantasy in which common people could take refuge from daily life depression and to get consolation.38 in this book, al-jilani is not described according to an ideal of the saint conceived even by al-jilani himself. al-shattanawfi’s presentation of al-jilani is so perfect that it is impossible to any human being to achieve his position. instead of a description of an ideal human being, this book presents al-jilani’s power as the manifestation of the inconceivable and incomprehensible of god himself. therefore, here, nothing is impossible for aljilani. “my foot is on the neck of every saint of god” is probably the most popular words attributed to al-jilani by which he got the title of “the king of saints”. from his infancy— thus the legends go—al-jilani did not want to suck his mother’s breast during the ramadan, the fasting month of islam. he punished the sinners and helped the oppressed by just saying some words or moving a gesture from a distance. he walked upon water and moved doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 23vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 through air. angels and jin (the unseen people) and even muhammad himself appeared at his meeting and gave him appreciation.39 or, he could just literally wash away the text of a philosophy book he considered to be dangerous to his disciples.40 animals, plants and stones would obey him. even the month will present itself to him as either a beautiful or ugly youth, according to the events that were to take place in the coming four weeks.41 in a poem, al-qasida al-ghawtiya, he is described as having power to extinguish fire, raise the dead, crush mountains, dry up seas, etc.42 in indonesia, hundreds of thousands of his contemporary followers believe that al-jilani even visited and played a significant role in the islamization of the archipelago.43 it is highly possible therefore that a modern writer like s.a. salik gained his legends and miraculous stories about al-jilan mainly from al-shattanawfi and the similar authors. in addition to some of the aforementioned legends, the saint of jilan presents so many other wonderful stories about al-jilani. for example, everything about his name, place of birth, religious characteristics and the “my foot is on the neck of every saint of god (wali)” statement is predicted by some saints long before al-jilani was born. among the most quoted stories about al-jilani is his honesty and the repentance of robbers. when he left for baghdad to get further religious training, his mother gave him 40 dinars (gold coins) by sewing them into his garment so that they might not be easily stolen or lost. it was a half of the whole inheritance left by al-jilani’s father. “don’t tell any lie whatsoever,” his mother said and he agreed. on the way to baghdad a group of robbers seized the caravan where he was in, but never touched him, regarding al-jilani as the penniless young man. one of the robbers then asked him if he had anything. “i have 40 dinars, sewed into my garment,” al-jilani said. no body believed him until the leader of the gang came and finally proved it by cutting open al-jilani’s garment. “why did you tell it?,” the leader of the robbers asked in astonishment. al-jilani told him about his promise to his mother. upon this the leader of the robbers burst into tears and said he had been breaking the commands of god throughout his life and thus made repentance.44 in other part, al jilani is described as practicing extreme severe self-discipline so that he lived in the ruins of madain where for a year he only ate vegetables but not drinking any water. in the next year he drank water only, without eating anything. in the third year he neither ate nor drank, nor slept.45 another popular story is related to his title of “muhiyuddin” (the reviver of religion). on a friday in 511 al-jilani was coming barefoot to baghdad. on his way, he found a very sick man who asked his help. as soon as al-jilani helped him, this man suddenly began to grow big in stature. when al-jilani was a little bit frightened, the man said that he himself is the religion of islam. allegedly islam had grown weak with the time, but now was restored to health by al-jilani. since then al-jilani got his title as the reviver of religion.46 other al-jilani’s biographical book contains stories like the prophet muhammad spit on his mouth—as a sign of approval for aljilani to be his spokesman, his conversation with the serpents and that he was accompanied by al-khidr when first came to baghdad etc.47 for me, those legends, while they cannot be accepted as empirical or historical data doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 24 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna about the life of al-jilani, they are interesting as social text to ‘read’ the life of this great saint. clearly, again, there is a dark area between al-jilani’s modesty both in his writings and as a ‘humble hero’ in his life, on the one side, and his huge popularity as a sufi figure throughout the muslim world, on the other side. it seems that both al-jilani’s blind followers and many western scholars have a similar problem in understanding this issue but come out with two opposite answers. on the one hand, being incapable of explaining that dark area many western scholars escape from the problem by ignoring al-jilani’s existence and indirectly assume that he is just a product of ‘irrational’ popular religion of the oral society. on the other hand, incapability of al-jilani’s followers in understanding the same issue is reflected in the indulgence of over idealized imagination in making him as super hero. anything perfect is attributed to al-jilani so that from time to time al-jilani’s figure is being perfected in accordance with popular mind. for me, as a social text, this legend is just like the shadow of a concrete figure. it is not real, but also cannot be rejected right away as just useless. at least the hidden logics of those legends reflect both the power of al-jilani’s teaching and the ‘originality’ of his movement on the one hand and the ‘dream’ of the people about their ideal hero, on the other hand. therefore, only when we read the language of those ‘mythic’ stories and books on al-jilani more as a language of metaphor then we will get something from the story. how this should be implemented and what the possible results are topics for further research beyond the scope of this paper. for now, it is sufficient to say that the way al-jilani’s followers described him is a ‘type of speech’48 with its own logic in expressing what is linguistically “inexpressible”, the sacred. for them, al-jilani as part of the sacred that can never be described adequately by language and thus it needs allegory and metaphor. the illustration and symbol in the story, therefore, is more connotative than denotative. as a mythical (as well as mystic) figure, aljilani can walk upon water, move on air and even come to different era to teach people who live two, three, or some centuries after his death. theoretically, his presence and existence among the followers here should not be imagined as empirical or historical, but “metaphorical”49. sociologically, his followers use him not anymore as an integral part of their reality by which they perhaps can solve their actual problem. they use him rather as inspiration either to understand or to explain reality. al-jilani’s words, or words attributed to him, thus are taken as part of performative sources rather than the informative ones. just like when we read the story of mahabharata, the actuality and factuality are not important. what do matter are the ‘logics’ and the meaning of the story. my assumption here, of course, is that al-jilani’s followers are practicing this “metaphor model” without necessarily being aware of doing it. it is just like every speaker of any particular language who uses the language without never consciously being aware of using its grammatical structure. to have a fuller discussion about al-jilani now let us turn to his works. al-jilani’s works according to some scholars, among aljilani’s few works, futuh al-ghaib (revelations of the unseen) is the most important and doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 25vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 famous one.50 this collection of al-jilani’s eighty discourses, compiled by his second son, ‘isa (d. 573/1179),51 reflects both al-jilani’s main messages and the socio-historical situation of his time. here, we can find how aljilani presents his spiritual teaching in such a form as to illuminate the everyday moral problems of his society. ibn taymiyah (d. 728/1328), himself ‘notorious’ as a bitter opponent of sufism according to some scholars, wrote a long respectful commentary on futuh al-ghaib and call al-jilani as “our teacher”.52 george makdisi goes even further by claiming that ibn taymiyah was a member of qadiriyyah order.53 as frequently repeated in his other sermons, in this book al-jilani states that social ruins and instability are product of excessive materialistic perspective on life and that the true well being results only from a harmonious development of personality whose inner and external or physical and spiritual needs are well taken care of. the chief underlying traits of al-jilani’s teaching are, in fact, the dissuasion from being immersed in worldliness and emphasis on charity and humanitarianism. “to close the gates of hell and open the portals of paradise for all mankind” is among his well-known mystical statements’.54 as a response against indulgent materialism—or worldliness in general, including the use of religion by many religious scholars to gain short-term political and other profane interests—in his era, al-jilani’s sermon in futuh al-ghaib frequently emphasizes the necessity of strict sincerity (ihlas). in discourse 54, for example, al-jilani suggests people to adopt even a complete or total indifference to the world, to ‘clean up’ any kind of ambition and desire from his/her heart. against the context of his time, certainly, this is a ‘reverse logics’ for the people. a reversion needed as a shock therapy in order to make people aware of their real meaning of life. let me make a rather long quotation on this issue: “so as long as any desire from among the desires of this world continues to exist in his heart and any relish from among the relishes of it and any effort for comfort from among the comforts of it in regard to various things of food and drink and dress and marriage and residence and conveyance and rulership and chieftainship and the advancement in his knowledge of various branches of learning and of jurisprudence in preference to five institutions of worship and to the narration of hadith and the recitation of the qur’an with its varied readings and syntax and lexicography and rhetoric, as also the desire for the disappearance of poverty and appearance of affluence and the departure of calamity and the coming of comfort and in everything the removal of difficulty and coming of benefit—if such desire lingers in the mind of a person he is certainly not a pious man….. next he should be indifferent towards the life hereafter so as not to wish for ranks and high grades and beautiful maidens and handsome boys and houses and mansions and conveyance and suits of clothes and ornaments and articles of foods and drink and other things of this kind from among what god, the great, has kept prepared for his believing servants.”55 this topic of pacifism towards everything, then leads us to al-jilani’s understanding of free will and determination of human being. in his earlier discourse, al-jilani positioned himself in between the jabariyya (the fatalists) and the qadariyya (the indeterminist group) and said “you should rather say that actions doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 26 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna belong to god in point of creation, and to men in point of effort (kasb)”56. in his later discourses, however, al-jilani tends to move closer to the position of jabariyya group. in the discourse thirteenth he said: “do not make any effort to appropriate any blessing, nor to ward off any calamity. the blessing will come to you if it is destined for you, whether you seek it or dislike it. and the calamity will overtake you if it is destined for you, whether you dislike it or try to ward it off by prayer or confront it with your patience and fortitude in order to earn the pleasure of the lord.57” in another discourse he even says “regard good and evil as two fruits coming out from two branches of the same tree.”58 here and again, al-jilani speaks about the necessity of total annihilation of the will and complete surrender to the predetermined decree of god. not surprisingly, ibn taymiyya, an “activist” and the vanguard proponent of the primary of shari’a as well as the admirer of al-jilani, is at pains to interpret al-jilani’s position here. for ibn taymiyya, al-jilani’s total annihilation means giving up from the permitted things which are not commanded, for there maybe some dangers in them. this is just an application of the notion of ijtihad into the spiritual path. in his effort to unite his will with god’s will, the true sufi arrives at a condition where he desires nothing other than to discover the greater good, the action which is most pleasing and lovable to god. while, this is ibn taymiyya’s ‘brilliant invention’ in itself, according to thomas michel, in fact ibn taymiyya and al-jilani are not speaking of the same reality. rather than an interpretation, ibn taymiyya’s idea is therefore more a revision, if not a refutation.59 meanwhile, according to al-jilani, there are four categories of people. first, people with no heart and tongue, namely those who never care about truth and virtue and are always indulgent themselves with their senses. second, people who have tongue, but no heart. this is an allusion to the ulama who just sell out their knowledge for worldly matters, the dangerous ‘evil learned man’. people should keep away from both of those groups. third, people who have heart but no tongue, friends of god in his secret. fourth, people with heart and tongue, namely people with deep knowledge of god who have capability and will in expanding it to human being. this is the end and culminating point of mankind and there is no station above this, excepting that of prophethood.60 now, let us turn into the topic of mystical union with god, the most complicated and controversial issue in any school of mysticism. according to al-jilani, the term union should be understood primarily as symbolical. “the meaning of union with god is your going out of the creation and desire and purpose and becoming established in his action and his purpose without there being any movement in you or through you in his creation unless it be with his order and action and command. so this is the state of fana by which is meant union with god.”61 with regard to this understanding, it is not surprising that ibn taymiyyah, among the strongest opponents of unity of being ‘theory’ in sufism can accept aljilani’s teaching. since, here what al-jilani means by union is more a union of the “will”. in other part of his works, al-jilani also made a list of ten virtues, that, thank to which and if well-rooted into practice, will lead to full spirituality. first, not to swear by allah, either truthfully or falsely. this is somewhat strange, since swearing by allah seems to have been doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 27vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 part of almost every muslim’s daily life. second, not to speak any untruth, even in jest. third, not to break a promise. fourth, not to curse or harm anything. fifth, not to pray or wish for harm to anyone. sixth, not to accuse anyone of religious infidelity. seventh, not to attend to anything sinful. eighth, not to impose any burden on others. ninth, not to expect anything from human beings. and the last one, to notice only the points in others that may be superior to oneself62. indeed, those principles are easily understood by everyone, unlike some teachings of many other sufis. his other works are al-fath al-rabbani (the sublime revelation) consists of sixty-two sermons delivered in 545-6/1151-6. both here and in futuh al-ghayb, al-jilani frequently speaks of the “perfect saint”. but, again, as always, he speaks of it not in technical terms of the sufis. as we know, in sufi literature, there is an understanding that if the cosmic purposiveness were to be complete, then there must be the ‘perfect man’ somewhere in the universe, in whom this cosmically culminative human role should be brought into perfection. there must be someone who knows all thing and above all knows about allah completely. this perfect man is known as the qutb (the axis of the age).63 al-jilani’s simplicity presumably reflects that the address of his sermons, the audience, was “common people”. he spoke not to ‘a happy few’ group about very special thing in a technically sophisticated way. instead, he spoke to the people in general about their shared problems and the possible solution. according to him, a perfect saint as the ideal figure of man is the one who has overcome his accidental self and reached the essential being, conquering the fear of fate and death, since this saint has enjoyed his participation in him who creates the fate and death. for al-jilani, this is the real meaning of (great) jihad, a war against one’s self-will. this is a ‘war’ against shirk, the idolatry of the self. polytheism, for him, consists not merely in idol worship. “it is also polytheism to follow the desire of the flesh and to adopt anything of this world and of the hereafter in association with god.” 64 his al-ghunya li-talibi tarik al-haq (sufficiency for the seekers of truth) is more a doctrine on theology.65 in this book al-jilani elaborates his exposition of ethical and social duties of a sunni muslim. it also lists the knowledge required for a believer, including a brief understanding of the seventy-three sects of religion and ends with an exposition of particular sufism.66 there are other books, attributed to aljilani, but either in term of style or content or both are not reliable as al-jilani’s original works. among them are malfuzat (utterance of shaik ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani),67 a collection of various sayings of al-jilani, generally to be found as an appendix to the arabic edition of fath al-rabbani. khamsata ‘ashara maktuban (fifteen letters) is a collection of letters allegedly written by al-jilani at the request of one of his disciples, while jala’ akhawatir (the removal of cares) is a collection of other forty-five discourses of al-jilani. another book entitled sirr al-asrar (the secret of secrets), is very interesting. it consists of aljilani’s explanation about things from the beginning of creation, the division of human beings, namely, the saints and those who posses charismatic talent; the division of sciences into shari’a (sacred law), tariqa (spiritual path), ma’rifa (direct knowledge) and doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 28 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna haqiqa (reality), practice of remembrance (dzikr) until a detailed manual of litany (awrad). however, those books are full of historical anachronisms. to go back to the issue of al-jilani’s teachings as recorded in his original books, i do not agree with trimingham who argues that al-jilani’s reputation was certainly not gained from the content of his sermons.68 that statement is perhaps applicable to al-jilani’s position among the western scholars, but not in the muslim world in general. on the contrary, it is his capability of not being “too sophisticated” in elaborating the teaching of sufism that made him more popular than the others—and above all, the singularity between his statement and action, his example in practicing the teaching into real life. this is in accordance with his belief that the ideal type of a mystic is not the one who become recluse or anchorite, but a man of the world whose life and words become the examples that help the ignorant and misguided to the way of righteousness.69 for aljilani, “tasawwuf is gained not through discussion and talk or intellectual exercise, but through hunger and giving up of things like and approved of.”70 his sufism is based on eight qualities: a) generosity (like that of ibrahim); b) cheerful submission (like that of ishak); c) patience (like that of ya’cub); d) prayer (like that of zakaria); e) poverty (like that of john the baptist); f) life modesty (like that of moses); g) traveling about (like that of jesus) and h) religious poverty (like that of muhammad).71 being a sufi, for al-jilani, is not basically being alone except only with god, as reflected by the first stage of his mystical quest, but being with “others” always in god. conclusion finally, let me now conclude this simple paper with some important points. first, aljilani’s marginal position in the western academic studies on sufism in fact is an indication of a subtler ideological bias among many scholars. therefore, deeper and wider research on al-jilani is a challenging project both to provide with a sharper history of aljilani, and thus also shed some more light on islamic mysticism in general, and to the theoretical paradigm being used to frame aljilani in the western scholarship. second, from the above discussion, i argue that aljilani’s popularity in the muslim world resulted from a complex combination of such factors as socio-political history of al-jilani’s era, his sober and ‘simple’ teaching of sufism that were presented in the common language for ‘everyone’, and al-jilani’s very powerful religious personality. in other words, aljilani’s teaching is popular sufism by definition. third, instead of rejecting those so many legends and myths around al-jilani, careful researches need to be done about them not only to primarily screen out the fact from the legends or the reality from the myths, but also to read the ‘hidden structure’ of the story. in this case, modern linguistics and semiotics theories will contribute some important aspects to the study. endnotes 1 of course, with regard to the notion of “subjectivity” in narratives and the role of author in writing, such as proposed by many modern semiotician like roland barthes, to immediately put history, or historiography, in a diametrically opposed position with hagiography is not unproblematic. however, in this short article i will use the distinction to identify which one is more reliable than the others in a more conservative understanding of history. for a more detailed discussion about the problem of historiography versus hagiography see, for example, thomas j. heffernan, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 29vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 sacred biography. saints and their biographers in the middle ages (oxford: oxford university press, 1988), pp. 38-71. 2 saiyed abdus salik, the saint of jilan. ghaus-ul-azam (lahore: ashraf publication, n.d.). in his preface, the author claims that that very small book is the first english publication on al-jilani’s biography. 3 see cyril glasse, the concise encyclopedia of islam (london: stacey international publisher, 1989) p. 15. 4 see annemarie schimmel, mystical dimensions of islam (chapel hill: the university of north carolina press, 1975), p. 247; glasse, the concise encyclopedia of islam, p. 15; and also martin lings, what is sufism? (london: mandala books unwin paperbacks, 1981), p. 112. 5 ernest gellner, saints of the atlas (chicago: university of chicago press, 1969), pp. 7-8. 6 for a suggestive discussion about a similar issue, see, for example, vincent j. cornell, realm of the saint. power and authority in moroccan sufism (austin: university of texas press, 1998), pp. xxv-xxxiii. 7 selden p. delany, married saints (freeport, ny: books for libraries press, 1969), p. v. 8 a.j. arberry (trans.), a sufi martyr. the apologia of ‘ain al-qudat al-hamadhani (london: george allen and unwin ltd., 1969), p. 9. 9 schimmel, mystical dimensions of islam, p. 248. 1 0 it is interesting to note that even in catholicism where celibacy is celebrated, history of many saints also proves that sanctity and marriage do not have to be incompatible. delany’s above mentioned book is an interesting account on this issue. 1 1 j. spencer trimingham, the sufi orders in islam (oxford: oxford university press, 1971), p. v. 1 2 sayyed hossein nasr, sufi essays (albany: suny press, 1991), pp. 12-13. 1 3 glasse, the concise encyclopedia of islam, p. 16. there are disagreements among scholars whether qadiriyyah is the most widespread tariqa in the muslim world. some claims so, like marshall g.s. hodgson, the venture of islam. conscience and history in a world civilization, vol. 2 (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1974), p. 216. on the contrary, other says that qadiriyah never became popular; see trimingham, the sufi orders in islam, p. 43. nevertheless, generally speaking, they agree that al-jilani is the most universally popular saint. 1 4 canon sell, the religious orders of islam (wilmington: scholarly resources, inc., 1976) pp. 38. this book represents an early preliminary note on sufi orders, especially within african context. 1 5 the persian name of his father asserts this claim. at the same time, it also contradicts the claim of many that he was descended in paternal and maternal lines directly from al-hasan and al-hussein, the grandsons of the prophet muhammad. read h.a.r. gibb et.al. the encyclopedia of islam, vol 1 (london: luzac & co, 1960), p. 69. 1 6 on a brief history of the crusades, read hans eberhard mayer, the crusades (oxford: oxford university press, 1988). 1 7 mian mohammad sharif, a history of muslim philosophy, volume 3 (wiesbaden: harrassowitz, 1963) p. 349. 1 8 this very year of al-jilani’s arrival in baghdad is the crisis year of al-ghazali after the assassination of his mentor, nizam al-mulk. read w. montgomery watt, muslim intellectual. a study of al-ghazali (edinburgh: edinburgh university press, 1971), p. 133. about the ash’ari background of nizamiyyah college and nizam al-mulk and several tensions and riots by the hanbalite during that time, read ibid, p. 107. 1 9 read entry on “al-jilani” by w. braune in h.a.r. gibb et.al. the encyclopedia of islam, p. 69. 2 0 tirmingham, the sufi orders in islam, p. 42. 2 1 hodgson, the venture of islam, p. 208. 2 2 ‘abd’ al-qadir al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib (lahore: sh. muhammad ashraf, n.d.), pp. 10-11. 2 3 hodgson, the venture of islam, p. 208. 2 4 fazlur rahman, islam (chicago: university of chicago press, 1979), p. 158. 2 5 s.a. salik, the saint of jilan, pp. 34-35. 2 6 hodgson, the venture of islam, p. 208. 2 7 rahman, islam, p. 159. 2 8 trimingham, the sufi orders in islam, p. 43. 2 9 margoliouth, encyclopedia of islam, p. 609. 3 0 trimingham, the sufi orders in islam, p. 42. 3 1 h.a.r. gibb et.al, the encyclopedia of islam, p. 69. 3 2 w. montgomery watt, islam and the integration of society (london: routledge and kegan paul, 1961), p. 246. 3 3 hodgson, the venture of islam, p. 217. 3 4 cf. rahman, islam, p.158. 3 5 schimmel, mystical dimensions of islam, p. 89. 3 6 rahman, islam, pp. 150-151. 3 7 therefore, even among his contemporary like taqi addin ‘abd rahman al-wasiti (d.1343), al-shattanawfi was accused as kadhab muttahim (an indicted lier). read a detailed note on this issue in j. spencer tirmingham, the sufi orders in islam, pp. 40-41. 3 8 cf. hodgson, the venture of islam, p. 217. 3 9 w. braune, “al-jilani”, p. 70. 4 0 schimmel, mystical dimensions of islam, p. 18. 4 1 schimmel, mystical dimensions of islam, p. 208. 4 2 w. braune, “al-jilani”, p. 70. 4 3 read martin van bruinessen, “shaykh `abd al-qadir aljilani and the qadiriyya in indonesia”, journal of the history of sufism, vol. 1-2 (2000), 361-395. 4 4 s.a. salik, the saint of jilan, pp. 8-11. i paraphrase the story into my own words. in other version, the number of the gold coins is 80. see, for example, hodgson, the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 30 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna venture of islam, p. 208. i intentionally quoted some stories of the book to provide with typical illustration of so many legends around al-jilani. 4 5 s.a. salik, the saint of jilan, p. 22. 4 6 s.a. salik, the saint of jilan, p. 27. 4 7 muhammad ibn yahya al-tadifi (translated into english by muhtar holland), necklaces of gems, (hollywood, florida: al-baz publishing, inc., 1998). 4 8 read roland barthes, mythologies (london: granada, 1983), pp.114-5. 4 9 clearly, this is not to say that al-jilani is not a historical figure. remember how the historical malcom x then are so popular among young afro-american as an icon of ‘rebellion’ mainly after spike lee’s movie. the historical malcom x and his real life, denzel washington’s acting in the movie and so many fictional story modifications made by spike lee are now so overlapped among the afro-american youth’s popular mind as part of their popular culture. of course, malcom x is historical, but now his presence and existence is more metaphorical for those young people. it is not really ‘important’ which one is historical malcom x, which one is denzel washington dressed as malcom, or which one is fictional. all of them become part of an effective ‘metaphor’ to comprehend their reality. and malcom lived only less than half century ago. 5 0 read glasse, the concise encyclopedia of islam, p. 16; trimingham, the sufi orders in islam, p.41 and m.m. sharif, sharif, a history of muslim philosophy, p. 350. 5 1 to be more precise, 78 sermons are compiled by isa, plus 2 sermons by ‘abd al-wahab, al-jilani’s first son. see ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani (translated into english by aftab-ud-din ahmad), futuh al-ghaib. the revelations of the unseen (lahore: sh. muhammad ashraf, n.d.), p. 11. other writer, however, attributes the compilation to ‘abd al-razzaq (d. 603/1209), al-jilani’s third son. see d.s. margolioth, “’abd al-kadir al-djili” in shorter encyclopaeda of islam (london: luzac, 1961), p. 6. 5 2 about ibn taimiyya’s commentary on futuh al-ghaib, read thomas michel, “ibn taymiyya’s sharh on the futuh al-ghayb of ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani” in hamdard islamicus, vol iv no. 2, summer 1981, pp. 3-12. 53 george makdisi, “ibn taimiya: a sufi of the qadiriya order” in the american journal of arabic studies, volume 1 (leiden: e.j. brill, 1973), pp. 118-129. 5 4 rahman, islam, p. 158. 5 5 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, pp. 151-153. 5 6 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, p. 42. 5 7 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, pp. 47-48. 5 8 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, p. 86. 5 9 thomas michel, “ibn taymiyya’s sharh,” pp. 6-8. 6 0 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, pp. 100-103. 6 1 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, p. 59. 6 2 hodgson, the venture of islam, p. 209. 6 3 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, p. 227. 6 4 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, p. 31. 6 5 according to fazlur rahman, this is the most famous work of al-jilani. see rahman, islam, p. 158. 6 6 w. braune, “al-jilani”, p. 69. 6 7 muhtar holland (trans.), utterances of shaikh ‘abd alqadir al-jilani (malfuzat), 6 8 trimingham, the sufi orders in islam, p. 41 6 9 m.m. sharif, sharif, a history of muslim philosophy, p. 3 5 2 7 0 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, p. 199. 7 1 al-jilani, futuh al-ghaib, p. 200. bibliography al-jilani, ‘abd al-qadir (translated into english by aftab-uddin ahmad), futuh al-ghaib. the revelations of the unseen. lahore: sh. muhammad ashraf. al-tadifi, muhammad ibn yahya. 1998. (translated into english by muhtar holland), necklaces of gems, hollywood, fl: al-baz publishing, inc. arberry, a.j. (trans.). 1969. a sufi martyr. the apologia of ‘ain al-qudat al-hamadhani london: george allen and unwin ltd. barthes, roland. 1983.mythologies. london: granada. bruinessen, martin van. 2000. “shaykh `abd al-qadir aljilani and the qadiriyya in indonesia”, journal of the history of sufism, vol. 1-2. cornell, vincent j. 1998. realm of the saint. power and authority in moroccan sufism austin: university of texas press. delany, selden p. 1969. married saints. freeport, ny: books for libraries press. gellner, ernest. 1969. saints of the atlas. chicago: university of chicago press. gibb, h.a.r. et.al. 1960. the encyclopedia of islam, vol 1. london: luzac & co. glasse, cyril. 1989. the concise encyclopedia of islam (london: stacey international publisher. heffernan, thomas j. 1988. sacred biography. saints and their biographers in the middle ages. oxford: oxford university press. hodgson, marshall g.s. 1974. the venture of islam. conscience and history in a world civilization, vol. 2. chicago: the university of chicago press. holland, muhtar (trans.). utterances of shaikh ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani (malfuzat). no name of publisher. lings, martin. 1981. what is sufism? london: mandala books unwin paperbacks. margoliouth, d.s. “’abd al-kadir al-djili” in shorter encyclopaeda of islam. 1961. london: luzac. mayer, hans eberhard. 1988. the crusades. oxford: oxford university press. michel, thomas. 1981. “ibn taymiyya’s sharh on the futuh al-ghayb of ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani” in hamdard islamicus, vol iv no. 2, summer. nasr, sayyed hossein. 1991. sufi essays. albany: suny doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 31vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 press. rahman, fazlur. 1979. islam. chicago: university of chicago press. salik, s.a. the saint of jilan. ghaus-ul-azam. lahore: ashraf publication. schimmel, annemarie. 1975. mystical dimensions of islam. chapel hill: the university of north carolina press. sell, canon. 1976. the religious orders of islam. wilmington: scholarly resources, inc. sharif, mian mohammad. 1963. a history of muslim philosophy, volume 3. wiesbaden: harrassowitz. trimingham, j. spencer. 1971. the sufi orders in islam. oxford: oxford university press. watt, w. montgomery. 1971. muslim intellectual. a study of al-ghazali. edinburgh: edinburgh university press. ———————-. 1961. islam and the integration of society. london: routledge and kegan paul. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0028. 17-31 index a 'abd al-malik 'abd al-qadir al-jilani 'abd al-qadir ibn abi salih jangidost 'abd al-rahman 'abd al-rahman b. al-h harits 'abd allah b. al-zubair abou sheisha abu hamid al-ghazali abu hanifa abu muhammad ja'far al-sarraj abu sa'ad al-mubarak 'ali al-mukharrimi abu sahr al-hudzali al-ahtal ahmad al-ghazali ahmad 'ali al-imam ahmad dahlan 'ain al-qudat al-hamadhani al-'abbas b. al-ahnaf al-ghazali al-hajjaj al-hallaj al-jilani al-jilani al-kasani al-sharakhsi 'ali b. abi thalib ali ibn yusuf al-shattanawfi aloys sprenger 'amr b. kultsum anas b. malik arkoun arthur jeffery b baghdad basshar b. burd al-farazdaq blachère c carmela baffioni catur dharma d deliar noer dzu rumma e e. levi provençal f fazlur rahman fiai g g.p. maisonneuve h hanafi school himpunan putusan tarjih (hpt) i iain ibn darraj al-qasthalani ibn 'arabi ibn batutah ibn hajar al-asqalani ibn mas'ud ibn taymiyah ibn taymiyya ignaz goldziher ikhwan al-shafa' imam al-nawawi imam al-shafi'i imam malik j jalal al-din rumi jesus john the baptist k khuzistan kuntowijoyo m mahfud md mahmud zubaidi malik b. abi 'amir manhaj tarjih manna' al-qaththan margoliouth marwan b. al-hakam matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah mohammed arkoun montgomery watt muhammad muhammad al-shaybani muhammadiyah mui mukaddimah anggaran dasar muhammadiyah mushaf ibn mas'ud mushaf abu bakr mushaf ubay n nabi muhammad saw nahdlatul ulama (nu) nakamura newton p perwataatmadja pesantren q quraisy r r. blachère régis blachère rene descartes robert k. merton s sa'id b. al-'ashsh salman al-farisi sarwono shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi sheikh abû daqiqa shihab al-din al-suhrawardi al-maqtul shubhi shalih sultan sulayman syafii antonio t th. noldeke titus burkchardt u ubay b. ka'ab uii umayyah 'abd al-malik 'utsman b. 'affan w william marçais william muir y ya'cub yusdani yusman roy yusuf al-hamadani z zaid b. tsabit zakaria jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 the effectiveness of islamic microfinance distribution on microbusiness owner’s poverty alleviation (case study: bmt bina masyarakat purworejo) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0078.1-26 1ageng prasetyo, 2jaenal effendi, 3tita nursyamsiah department of sharia economics, ipb1,2,3 e-mail: prasetyoageng68@gmail.com1, jaenfendi@gmail.com2, titanursyamsiah@apps.ipb.ac.id3 abstract. the objective of the study is to analyze the effectiveness of islamic microfinance distribution and its impact on microbusiness owners’ poverty alleviation in purworejo. this study used descriptive analysis method that is likert scale and ordinary least square method (ols) to analyze the influence of islamic microfinance institution’s financing to microbusiness performance. the impact on the poverty alleviation is indicated by the change of microbusiness owners’ income. the results indicate that islamic micro-financing is considered to be effective in several aspects, they are proposal aspect, disbursement aspect, utilization aspect, and pay-back aspect of financing. in addition, islamic microfinance has a positive impact on microbusiness performance and poverty alleviation. keywords: effectiveness, islamic microfinance institution (islamic mfi), ols, paired sample t-test, poverty abstrak tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis efektivitas distribusi keuangan mikro syariah dan dampaknya terhadap pengentasan kemiskinan pemilik usaha mikro di purworejo. penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif yaitu skala likert dan metode ordinary least square (ols) untuk menganalisis pengaruh pembiayaan lembaga keuangan mikro islam terhadap kinerja bisnis mikro. dampak pada pengentasan kemiskinan ditunjukkan oleh perubahan pendapatan pemilik usaha mikro. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pembiayaan mikro syariah dianggap efektif dalam beberapa aspek, yaitu mailto:prasetyoageng68@gmail.com mailto:jaenfendi@gmail.com mailto:titanursyamsiah@apps.ipb.ac.id 2 afkaruna aspek proposal, aspek pengeluaran, aspek pemanfaatan, dan aspek pengembalian pembiayaan. selain itu, keuangan mikro islam memiliki dampak positif pada kinerja bisnis mikro dan pengentasan kemiskinan. kata kunci: efektivitas, islamic microfinance institution (islamic mfi), ols, paired sample t-test, kemiskinan introduction indonesia’s poverty level is considered high. however, the number has experienced a decrease for these past years. the poverty in indonesia is concentrated in the rural village. as many as 16.31 million people who live under the poverty line were located in the rural area, while the other 10.27 million people were located in the urban area.1 this was happened because of the insufficient ability of the people who live in the rural area to afford their basic necessities (food, home, and clothes) due to their low income.2 it is an important issue to find a solution regarding poverty alleviation in indonesia. one of the attempts in poverty alleviation is the development of microenterprises/microbusiness sector. in fact, microbusiness has an important role in stirring a country’s economy.3 besides that, microbusiness also holds many other important roles. first, microbusiness contribution to gross domestic product (gdp) in indonesia is considered high. in 2017, the business sector’s contribution to gdp increased by 0.16 percent. from the total contribution, micro, small and medium enterprises (msmes) has a higher share than the bigsized business. microbusiness dominated the share of msmes by 36.82 percent of the total business sector and claimed 4 727 989 billion rupiahs as its contribution to the gdp in 2017. this data is demonstrated in table 1. tabel 1 business sector’s contribution to the gdp (2016-2017) indicator 2016 2017 share (percent) nominal (billion) share (percent) nominal (billion) total msmes 59.84 7 009 283 60.00 7 704 636 microbusiness 36.65 4 292 288 36.82 4 727 989 small business 9.63 1 128 057 9.61 1 234 211 medium business 13.57 1 588 938 13.57 1 742 436 total big-sized business 40.16 4 703 168 40.00 5 136 223 source: kemenkop 2017 (processed) 3vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 second, microbusiness had an ability to absorb many labors in indonesia. the share of labor absorption by the msmes sector was 97.02 percent or 116 673 416 people in 2017. from this total share, microbusiness claimed the biggest share by absorbing 107 232 992 labors in 2017 and experienced an increase compared to the previous year. the business sector’s contribution in labor absorption can be seen in table 2. microbusiness growth is also indicated by the increase of its business unit number. microbusiness sector becomes a dominating sector in indonesia. the number of micro business unit increased by 1 243 322 in 2017. the information on microbusiness growth according to the number of its business unit can be seen in table 3. table 2 business sector’s contribution to labor absorption (2016-2017) indicator 2016 2017 share (percent) number (labor) share (percent) number (labor) total msmes 97.04 112 828 610 97.02 116 673 416 microbusiness 89.31 103 839 015 86.17 107 232 992 small business 4.65 5 402 073 4.74 5 704 321 medium business 3.09 3 582 522 3.11 3 736 103 total big-sized business 2.96 3 444 746 2.98 3 586 769 source: kemenkop 2017 (processed) table 3 the number of business sector unit (2016-2017) indicator 2016 2017 share (percent) number (unit) share (percent) number (unit) total msmes 99.99 61 651 177 99.99 62 922 617 microbusiness 98.71 60 863 578 98.70 62 106 900 small business 1.19 731 047 1.20 757 090 medium business 0.09 56 551 0.09 58 627 total big-sized companies 0.01 5 371 0.01 5 460 source: kemenkop 2017 (processed) microbusiness owners cope with many obstacles in developing their business. several of the obstacles are undeveloped business marketing, limitation of production technique, rivalry with the similar other businesses, difficulty in obtaining raw materials, and the limited access to funding 4 afkaruna instruments.4 meanwhile, limited access to funding instrument is considered as the biggest obstacle for microbusiness owners. the limited access to the funding instrument leads to an undeveloped business, limited investment and many other aspects.5 the regulation of bank indonesia number 15/12/pbi/2013 as the revised version of number 14/22/pbi/2012, stated that commercial bank is obligated to allocate credit to microbusiness for at least 20 percent of the total credit.6 however, in fact, microbusiness is considered to be unbankable business unit since it has a considerably small capital. the small capital tends to consume more transaction cost for the bigger business unit.7 microfinance institution helps the funding access to the microbusiness with the simpler and easier qualifications compared to the commercial banking institution.8 this was indicated by the requirements that particularly do not burden the business owners. according to the study that was done in nigeria, microfinance had an important role in poverty alleviation and growing the spirit of entrepreneurship in both urban and rural people.9 microfinance institution’s customers are the low-income business owners that autonomously manage their business, regardless of their location (urban or rural area).10 islamic microfinance institutions (islamic mfis) help on opening the funding (or financing) access to the low-income microbusiness owners that are not considered as bankable.11 microbusiness owners are allowed to access islamic financing in four ways. first, obtaining islamic financing through an islamic commercial bank. second, obtaining islamic financing through baitul maal wat tamwil, or islamic cooperative. third, obtaining islamic financing through badan amil zakat nasional (baznas) or lembaga amil zakat nasional (laz). fourth, obtaining islamic financing through a government program, such as kredit usaha rakyat (kur) –citizenry business credit-, etc.12 ‘the triangle of microfinance’ concept has a capacity to be stated as a performance indicator for the financial institutions that provide islamic financing. the concept covers three indicators in regards to the performance of the financial institution, they are financing’s sustainability, outreach, and impact.13 meanwhile, the indicator of ‘impact’ is deemed as the indicator that had the most tend to be directly and clearly experienced by business owners. islamic mfis has a capability in providing solutions to the financing 5vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 access problem that is faced by microbusiness in a rural area. the multiplier effect that is emerged from the financing has an ability to eventually alleviate the poverty by increasing the business owners’ income.14 islamic mfis had a role in poverty alleviation in three different area’s typologies (coastal area, lowland, and plateau) of pasuruan, east java.15 islamic mfis’ funding was deemed to be effective for poverty alleviation by increasing most of the customer’s income after joining islamic mfi’s financing program.15 thus, this study is important to be conducted to assess the effectiveness of islamic mfi in purworejo. methodology this study used qualitative and quantitative data. the qualitative data that were obtained were used to support the results of the study that was particularly done by using descriptive analysis likert scale. in the other hand, the quantitative data were used to give value to the indicators (or variables). meanwhile, the proper analysis method to be applied in these data were paired sample t-test and ordinary least square (ols) model. sample collection was conducted in this study by using purposive sampling method. this study was considered as a case study since the data collection was done by interviewing microbusiness owners in three subdistricts in purworejo (purwodadi, kutoarjo, and bruno). the business owners that acted as respondents in this study were them who receive murabahah financing from bmt bina masyarakat purworejo. there were 828 customers of bmt bina masyarakat that received murabahah financing with the funding platform less than 10 million rupiahs, and 98 customers were chosen to be respondents of the study. likert scale this scale usually used for assessing the attitude, reaction or perception of someone or a group of people towards a phenomenon. the assessment is conducted by scoring each indicator to be further classified to the certain categories. the formula to classify each indicator into certain categories set out as follows: score = number of respondents who has a certain answer × score of the category likert scale was used in this study to assess the respondents’ perception towards the effectivity of financing that was conducted by bmt bina 6 afkaruna masyarakat purworejo. the assessment was detailed to several aspects, they are the stage of financing proposal, the stage of financing disbursement, the stage of financing utilization, and the stage of financing payback. the total scores that were used in this study ranged from 294 to 882. these values were obtained by multiplying the highest and lowest category’s score with a total number of respondents and the number of aspects. the lowest category’s score gave 294, while the highest gave 882. total score = sum score of each category classification of the effectiveness criteria was determined by the formula below:16 = ℎ 882 100 % based on the formula, effectiveness criteria of each aspects were: 1. 0% 25% = do not effective 2. 26% 50% = less effective 3. 51% 75% = quite effective 4. 76% 100% = effective paired sample t-test paired sample t-test is an analysis procedure that has a capability in comparing the average of two paired or correlated sample.17 in this study, a t-test was used to compare the profit and income of the microbusiness before and after joining the bmt’s financing program. ordinary least square (ols) ols is a common technique in regression analysis, besides that, ols is a method that is considered easy and covering many situations as long as the coefficient of the variables in the ols model is considered blue (best linear unbias estimator). multiple regression analysis is a regression that detects a correlation between the dependent variable and several other independent variables.18 multiple regression model was used in this study to analyze the effectiveness of islamic microfinance to alleviate the microbusiness owners’ poverty before and after joining the financing program. the dependent variable of this study was the profit of business after joining the financing program and actually receiving the fund. the best model of the study set out as follows: 7vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 ln y i = b 0 +b 1 detk +b 2 jap +b 3 djus +b 4 ln jpy+ b 5 ln pn g +b 6 lus+b 7 pnd+e i keterangan: lny i = profit of the business after receiving murabahah fund (rupiah) b o = intercept b i = coefficient of the-i variable detk= dummy ethics and moral (1 = good ethics and moral, 0 = bad ethics and moral) jap = number of the financial provider in the family (people) djus = dummy type of business (1 = trade, 2 = service, 3 = manufacture) lnjpy = financing/funding amount (rupiah) lnpgn= household spending (rupiah) lus = age of business (year) pnd = education (year) e i = error headcount ratio index (h) headcount ratio index was used in this study to measure the number of microbusiness owners in purworejo that live under the poverty line as a percentage of total respondents. the category of poverty was based on the poverty line standard that was released by world bank (us$ 2 per capita per day or approximately 26 000 rupiahs per capita per day). h note: h = headcount ratio q = the number of business owner that lives under the poverty line n = the number of observed sample poverty gap index (p1) and the income gap index (i) poverty gap index (p1) and the income gap index (i) was used to measure the intensity of poverty and often considered as representing the depth of poverty. the formulation is set out as follows: 8 afkaruna explanation: p 1 = poverty gap z = poverty line y i = income of the-i business owner q = the number of microbusiness owners that live under the poverty line explanation: i = income gap ratio g i = difference between the poverty line and individual income q = the number of microbusiness owners that live under the poverty line z = poverty line sen index of poverty (p2) sen index of poverty or poverty severity index was used in this study to explain the income gap between poor people. p2 = h [i+ (1-i)gp] h = headcount ratio i = income-gap ratio gp = gini coefficient of the poor business owner the value of the gini index (ig) ranges between 0-1 gini index (ig) = 0, indicated a perfect income equality 0 < ig < 0.3, indicated a low income gap 0.3 d” ig d” 0.5, indicated a medium income gap ig e” 0.5, indicated a high-income gap the result of the study profile of bmt bina masyarakat purworejo bmt bina masyarakat purworejo was established in 1996 and was pioneered by a group of an islamic economic scholar in purworejo. when it 9vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 was first established, the capitalization was approximately 900 000 rupiahs and was obtained from six of its pioneer. bmt bina masyarakat purworejo is the first islamic financial institution in purworejo. up to this date, there have already been 6 bmts in purworejo. bmt bina masyarakat purworejo is a bmt that has the biggest asset of all the other islamic financial institutions in purworejo. its asset is more than 139.85 billion, its total business-owner-members are 47 505 people, its total member that received its financing is 8 850 people, and its human resource is 104 people. bmt bina masyarakat purworejo has 10 branches that spread out to many points in purworejo. bmt bina masyarakat purworejo gives an islamic microfinance service to many productive microbusinesses in purworejo. bmt bina masyarakat purworejo also conducts social activities such as collecting and distributing zakat, infaq and sadaqah fund, along with cash waqf to be allocated in student scholarship, islamic da’wah, aksi cepat tanggap (act) –a social organization-, purworejo society’s economic empowerment through benmulyo business group, and sacrifice-animal distribution for poor people in purworejo. all programs intend to alleviate the poverty. saving accounts that are provided by bmt bina masyarakat are wadiah, or namely sirela (simpanan suka rela lancar) –current account-, simpeldawa (simpanan pelajar dan mahasiswa) –student saving-, siaqur (simpanan ahli qurban) –qurban (sacrifice) saving-, and hajj saving account namely multazam. while, mudharabah saving namely sisuka (simpanan sukarela berjangka) –profit-sharing based contract-, with the profit-sharing rate for 25-45 percent. for the payment of the customers, bmt bina masyarakat purworejo applied both direct payment in all of its office and ‘jemput bola’ system –indonesian idiom which indicated the proactiveness of bmt’s human resources on keeping in touch with the customersthis is one of the particular bmt’s strategies to provide a wellperformed service for its customers, since most of its customers are trader that is busy with their business and have limited time to go to bmt’s office. 10 afkaruna analysis on the effectiveness of islamic microfinance in bmt bina masyarakat purworejo the effectiveness of islamic microfinance is reflected in the funding procedure and its impact on the business. funding procedure includes funding proposal, disbursement, and pay-back system. the impact includes the increase of income, profit, and business scale.19 in this study, the effectiveness of islamic microfinance in bmt bina masyarakat was assessed based on the customers’ perception towards 4 aspects of bmt, they were financing proposal, disbursement, utilization, and pay-back by using a likert scale that already passed validity and reliability test. the effectiveness of financing proposal financing proposal is the first step for the customer to access islamic mfi’s financing. the indicators that were used in this study were financing eligibility, bureaucracy easiness, and collateral. table 4 customers’ perception towards the effectiveness of financing proposal in bmt bina masyarakat purworejo no indicator score total a (3) b (2) c (1) 1 financing eligibility 98 0 0 294 2 bureaucracy easiness 98 0 0 294 3 collateral 97 1 0 293 total 881 source: primary data 2018 (processed) explanation: score 3 for ‘easy’ score 2 for ‘normal’ score 1 for ‘hard’ as demonstrated in table 4, 100 percent respondents stated that the eligibility to be a financing customer in bmt was considered easy to be fulfilled, in fact, all respondents had already been eligible for the financing program. all respondents also stated that the bureaucracy of the islamic mfi was considered easy since 100 percent of respondents chose ‘easy’ as the rate of the bureaucracy. it was indicated that bureaucracy or procedure that is applied in islamic mfi was easy to be met. however, 98.98 percent of respondents stated that the collateral criteria were easy to be met. while the remaining 1.02 percent or equal as exactly one respondent stated that the collateral criteria of islamic mfi 11vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 were considered as normal in term of easiness. this indicated that islamic mfi has maintained the considerably easy criteria of collateral that is needed to obtain financing since almost all of the respondents chose ‘easy’ as the rate of collateral criteria easiness. in this case, the criteria of the collateral in islamic mfi set out as follows: 1. various property is able to be used as collateral, such as proof of motor vehicle ownership, proof of land ownership, household asset, or electronic devices these are all depending on the amount of the financing. 2. for the financing platform that is less than three million rupiahs, the collateral should be household assets or electronic devices. 3. for the financing platform that is less than one million rupiahs, islamic mfi did not obligate the submission of collateral to the customer. in the fatwa of dsn mui no 4/dsn-mui/iv/2000 regarding murabahah, it was clearly stated that collateral is permissible to be conducted to guarantee the sincerity of customer in joining murabahah contract.20 total score of financing proposal effectiveness was 881 or 99.88 percent. the result indicated that the islamic mfi’s system in the aspect of the financing proposal was considered effectively conducted. table 5 customers’ perception towards the effectiveness of financing disbursement in bmt bina masyarakat purworejo no indicator score total a (3) b (2) c (1) 1 the time gap between acceptance and actual disbursement 94 4 0 290 2 administration cost of disbursement 90 8 0 286 3 the capability of bmt to fulfill the disbursement 92 6 0 288 total 864 source: data primer 2018 (processed) explanation: score 3 for ‘fast/affordable/match’ score 2 for ‘medium/medium/less match’ score 1 for ‘slow/unaffordable/unmatch’ the effectiveness of financing disbursement the next step after the financing proposal is financing disbursement. islamic mfi uses two system for the financing disbursement, first, the customer directly comes to the office, and second, the human resource of 12 afkaruna islamic mfi comes to the customer. in this study, the assessment of financing disbursement effectiveness was based on three indicators, they were a time gap between acceptance and actual disbursement, administration cost of disbursement, and the capability of islamic mfi to fulfill the disbursement. the result is demonstrated in table 5. the total of 95.92 percent respondents stated that disbursement process was considered fast since the time gap between acceptance and the actual disbursement was not very long (less than 7 days on average). the remaining 4.08 percent stated that the process was considered medium in the speed (7 days to 1 month on average). the administration cost of disbursement is charged through two ways. first, the cost is directly cut from disbursement amount and second, the cost is paid separately. the amount of administration cost varies for different customers depends on the financing platform. the total 91.84 percent of respondents stated that the cost was considered affordable and did not burden the customer. meanwhile, the remaining 8.16 percent respondents stated that the cost was considered medium in the amount (affordability) and slightly burden the customer. the total 93.88 percent respondents stated that islamic mfi had the capability to disburse the amount of financing as requested by the customer. meanwhile, the remaining 6.12 percent respondents stated that islamic mfi had less capability in disbursing the amount of financing as requested by the customer. this was happened due to the presence of many aspects that need to be considered by islamic mfi in deciding the amount of financing for the customers, such as due diligence review, collateral, and financing model. the total score for financing disbursement effectiveness was 864 or 97.95 percent. this result indicated that the financing disbursement in islamic mfi was considered to be effective. however, the islamic mfi need to maintain and increase its performance so that the financing is able to be used by the customer soon. the effectiveness of financing utilization the assessment of financing utilization effectiveness in this study was done based on three aspects, they are control and assistance towards customer’s business, islamic mfi’s response in time of consulting, and the activeness of islamic mfi’s human resource in giving advice for the development of customer’s business. the result is shown in table 6. 13vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 table 6 customers’ perception towards the effectiveness of financing utilization in bmt bina masyarakat purworejo no indicator score total a (3) b (2) c (1) 1 control and assistance towards customer’s business 90 8 0 286 2 bmt’s response in time of consulting 95 3 0 291 3 activeness of bmt’s human resource in giving advice for the development of customer’s business 87 11 0 283 total 860 source: primary data 2018 (processed) explanation: score 3 for ‘active/hospitable’ score 2 for ‘less active/normal’ score 1 for ‘inactive/inhospitable’ table 6 shows that 91.84 percent respondents stated that islamic mfi’s human resources had actively controlled and assisted the development of customer’s business. meanwhile, the remaining 8.16 percent respondents stated that islamic mfi’s human resources less active in the control and assistance towards the development of customer’s business. this was happened due to an imbalance between the number of financing customer and islamic mfi’s human resources so that the control and assistance were not able to be conducted with all of the customers. the total 96.94 percent respondents stated that during consultancy, the islamic mfi’s human resources were considered hospitable. this is consistent with the actual case where the customer had already known the islamic mfi’s human resources beforehand, even several of them were relatives or neighbor. while, the remaining 3.06 percent respondents stated that bmt’s human resource showed a normal response during consultancy, neither hospitable nor inhospitable. the total 88.78 percent of respondents stated that the islamic mfi’s human resources actively gave motivation and advice for the development of customer’s business. meanwhile, the remaining 11.22 percent respondents stated that they were less active in giving the motivation and advice for the development of the business. the total score for financing utilization effectiveness was 860 or 97.50 percent. in conclusion, the financing utilization of islamic mfi was considered effective. however, islamic mfi needs to maintain and upgrade its performance to give a maximum service to the customer. 14 afkaruna the effectiveness of financing pay-back in this study, the aspect of assessment regarding financing pay-back consisted of three aspects, they were the percentage of margin, the consistency of the customer in paying back the financing and its margin, and the length of financing pay-back period. the profit-sharing ratio was determined based on the agreement and the amount of financing. the margin ranged from 3 to 5 percent. table 7 customers’ perception towards the effectiveness of financing payback in bmt bina masyarakat purworejo no indicators score total a (3) b (2) c (1) 1 margin percentage 88 10 0 284 2 the consistency of the customer in paying back the financing and its margin 50 35 13 233 3 the length of pay-back period 90 8 0 286 total 803 source: primary data 2018 (processed) explanation: score 3 for ‘low/active/short’ score 2 for ‘medium/less active’ score 1 for ‘high/inactive/long’ as shown in table 7, the total 89.80 percent of respondents stated that the margin percentage was considered low. the customer did not feel burdened by the margin that was determined by islamic mfi. while, the remaining 10.20 percent respondents stated that the percentage of margin was medium, which means that the amount was still in the customer’s capability even if it did not necessarily low. the total 50.02 percent respondents stated that they had actively paidback the financing along with its margin. this was allowed due to the short distance between the customer’s domicil and islamic mfi’s office, so they diligently paid it in the islamic mfi’s office. the total 35.71 percent respondents stated that they were less active in paying-back the financing along with its margin. in several cases, the customers were not able to always deliver the payment to the office by themselves, and so the islamic mfi’s human resource sometimes need to pick it up in the customer’s domicile. meanwhile, the remaining 14.27 percent respondents stated that they were inactive in paying back the financing along with its margin and always need to be visited by the islamic mfi’s human 15vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 resources to deliver the payment. in many cases, this was due to the long distance between the customer’s domicile and islamic mfi’s office. the total 91.84 percent respondents stated that the pay-back period was considered short. this was happened due to the domination of customers that chose the short-term financing. besides that, islamic mfi also prioritized the short-term financing (less than 2 years) over the long-term financing. meanwhile, the total 8.16 percent of respondents stated that the pay-back period was considered medium with the approved period range and margin percentage. the total score for financing pay-back effectiveness was 803 or 91.04 percent. in conclusion, the islamic mfi’s financing pay-back system was considered effective. however, the islamic mfi needs to continuously maintain and upgrade its system to give better service to the customer, especially regarding financing a pay-back system. the impact of microfinance on the microbusiness performance the analysis of the microfinance impact on the microbusiness performance that was proxied by profit was conducted using paired sample ttest. this paired sample t-test was done through assessing the difference of two types of profit (profit of the business before receiving islamic mfi’s financing, and profit of the business after receiving islamic mfi’s financing). the data need to pass normality test before being tested using paired sample t-test. the normality test was conducted by using kolmogorovsmirnov table. the probability value was more than 5 percent and the data was considered to pass the normality test. table 8 the result of paired sample t-test mean std deviation std error mean t sig profit difference -2.025e6 1524161.062 153963.517 -13.151 0.0000 source: primary data 2018 (processed) table 8 shows that there was a difference between the two types of profit. the profit before financing minus the profit after financing was 2.025e6. the negative sign indicated that the profit after financing was higher than the profit before financing. the t-test demonstrated a significant result as shown in the significance level that was 0.000 < alpha 5 16 afkaruna percent. in conclusion, the average profit before financing and after financing was statistically different. the result also indicated that the financing that was given by islamic mfi had a positive and significant effect on the development of customer’s microbusiness. this result was consistent with the customers’ perception which stated that there was an increase in their business profit. the increase of business profit directly led to the increase of business scale. the increase of the profit was experienced after islamic mfi’s financing that was received by business owner. this was allowed to be achieved due to the utilization of the financing was indeed for the business matter instead of a private owner’s consumption. the paired sample t-test result indicated that islamic microfinancing that was given by islamic mfi had a positive effect on the business profit of the islamic mfi’s customers. in addition and as an insight, further analysis regarding the impact of islamic microfinance on the development of micro business was conducted using ordinary least square (ols). the estimation result of multiple regression that was obtained from ols method was tested using eviews 9. before conducting the estimation, the data were treated by multiple tests for attaining blue (best linear unbiased estimator) model. for this regards, the model needs to be acquired from autocorrelation, multicollinearity, and heteroscedasticity. moreover, the model also need to meet the assumption in f-test and t-test. however, before these all, the model need to pass the normality test. the normality test was conducted and the result showed that the obtained probability value was 0.4647, that means, the probability value > 5 percent significance level. in conclusion, the error of the model was normally distributed and the normality assumption was fulfilled by the model. the heteroscedasticity test was conducted to detect the presence of heteroscedasticity issue in the model. the test was conducted using the white test. the white test result showed that the probability value that was obtained was 0.465 > 5 percent significance level. in conclusion, the model was not contravened the assumption regarding heteroscedasticity. the autocorrelation test was conducted to detect the presence of autocorrelation issue in the model. the test was conducted using the breusch-godfrey serial correlation lm test. the result of the test showed that the probability f-statistic value was 0.14177, and it was less than 5 17vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 percent significance level. that means the model was acquired from autocorrelation issue. multicollinearity test was conducted to detect the presence of multicollinearity issue in the model. the test was conducted using variance inflation factors (vif) value of every variable in the model. the value that was less than 5 percent indicated that the model was acquired from multicollinearity issue. the value of probability f-statistic was 0.000. probability f-statistic value that was less than 5 percent significance level indicated that the independent variables in the model (dummy ethics and moral, number of breadwinner in the family, dummy type of business, financing/funding amount, household spending, age of business, and education) altogether had significantly affected the increase of business profit in the 5 percent significance level. the r-squared value of the equation was 71.9 percent, that means, the 71.9 percent of dependent variable’s variance was able to be explained by the model, while the remaining 28.1 percent was explained by the factors that were not included in the model. the variable of dummy ethics and moral’s coefficient was positive (0.021944) and the probability value was 0.0174 (less than 5 percent significance value). that means the variable of dummy ethics and moral had a positive and significant effect on the business profit in the 5 percent significance level. the result was consistent with the study which stated that ethics and moral had a positive and significant effect on the microbusiness profit rate.21 the islamic financing scheme that contains ethics and moral attribute motivates the business owner to develop their business.22 the variable of the breadwinner number of the family had a positive and significant effect on the 10 percent significance level. the coefficient value of the variable was 0.049090. this result was consistent with the study which stated that the breadwinner number of the family had a positive effect on the family’s income.23 variable of dummy type of business had a positive and significant effect on the business profit in the 1 percent significant level. the variable’s coefficient was 0.155198. that means trade business had the bigger profit than the other business type (approximately 0.155198 percent times). dummy type of business had a positive and significant effect on the 18 afkaruna microbusiness income.24 this result was consistent with the study which stated that the type of business had a positive and significant effect on the business profit increase.25 table 9 the result of ordinary least square (ols) model variable result coefficient prob c 11.91262 0.0000 dummy ethics dan moral 0.021944 0.0174** number of financial provider in the family 0.049090 0.0649* dummy type of business 0.155198 0.0034*** (natural logarithm) the amount of financing 0.184226 0.0358** (natural logarithm) household spending -0.141652 0.0230** age of business 0.046810 0.0000*** education 0.160920 0.0023*** r-squared 0.719507 adjusted r-squared 0.697691 prob (f-statistic) 0.000000 source: primary data 2018 (processed) explanation: *) significant on 10 percent significance level **) significant on 5 percent significance level ***) significant on 1 percent significance level variable of financing amount had a positive and significant effect on the business profit on 5 percent significant level. the coefficient value was 0.184226. this was consistent with the study which said that the presence of credit or financing in a microbusiness led to the increase of the microbusiness income.26 the amount of financing had a positive and significant effect on the development of microbusiness.27 variable of household spending had a negative and significant effect on the 5 percent significance level. the coefficient was -0.141652. that means, the increase in household spending by 1 percent, eventually led to the decrease of business profit by 0.141652 percent, ceteris paribus. this was consistent with the study which stated that the average spending had a significant effect on the business development.28 in the actual case, the spending of a business owner’s household was for both private consumption and business capital. variable of the age of business had a positive and significant effect on the 1 percent significant level. the coefficient of the variable was 0.046810. 19vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 that means, the increase of microbusiness age by 1 percent eventually led to the increase of microbusiness profit by 0.046810 percent. the result was consistent with the finding of the previous study which stated that the age of microbusiness affected the development of the microbusiness.29 microbusiness income was affected in a positive direction by the age of business.30 in the actual case, the business owner who had already in the business for years tend to attain more business partners and a more loyal customer. these factors led to the increase of business profit. variable of education had a positive and significant effect on the 1 percent significance level. the result indicated that the higher the education of the business owner, the higher the business profit was. the coefficient of the variable was 0.160920. that means, the increase of microbusiness owner’s education by one percent eventually led to the increase of business profit by 0.160920 percent. this result was consistent with the study which stated that the education level of the owner had a positive and significant effect on the development of microbusiness.31 in the actual case, the business owner that possess a higher education level tend to be more active in managing the business. one of the management strategies that was applied was the utilization of social media for product marketing and business partner networking. these factors led to the increase of business profit. the impact of islamic microfinance on the microbusiness owner’s poverty alleviation in this study, the analysis regarding the impact of islamic microfinance on micro business owner’s poverty alleviation was conducted by an assessing the difference between microbusiness owner’s income before and after joining islamic mfi’s financing program. numerous studies had already explained the impact of islamic microfinance on the poverty alleviation by analyzing the increase in customer’s income. besides the assessment of income difference using paired sample t-test, this study also conducted the comparison of poverty level by using several poverty indicators, they were headcount ratio, poverty gap index, income gap index, and sen index of poverty. regarding the business owner’s income increase, the total 80 respondents or 81.63 percent of total respondents stated that they had experi20 afkaruna enced the increase in income. meanwhile, the remaining 18 respondents or 18.37 percent of respondents stated that their income was considered constant without any increase or decrease. paired sample t-test was conducted to assess the difference between microbusiness owner’s profit before islamic microfinancing and microbusiness owner’s profit after islamic microfinancing. table 10 the result of paired sample t-test mean std deviation std error mean t sig income difference -1.006e6 1991691.706 201191.244 -5.002 0.000 source: primary data 2018 (processed) the microbusiness owner’s income difference before and after financing was -1.006e6. besides that, the value of sig (two-tailed test) 0.000 and less than (<) 5 percent significance value. the results indicated that statistically, there was a significant difference between a microbusiness owner’s income before and after financing. in conclusion, islamic mfi’s financing had a positive and significant effect on the business owner’s income increase. this result was consistent with the study which stated that the financing of islamic mfi had a positive and significant effect on the income increase of their financing customer.32 table 11 indicators of poverty before and after financing indicator of poverty before financing after financing h 0.153 0.122 p1 (rupiah) 500 900 498 069.4 i 0.591 0.326 p2 0.308 0.306 gp 0.109 0.065 source: primary data 2018 (processed) as shown in table 11, the value of headcount ratio before financing was 0.153. it means the total of 0.153 percent of respondents was considered poor based on the world bank’s poverty line. after obtaining islamic mfi’s financing, the value of headcount ratio decreased to be 0.122. in conclusion, the islamic mfi had an ability to reduce the number of micro business owners that live under the poverty line. the value of the poverty gap index (p1) experienced a decrease from 500 900 rupiahs to 498 069.4 rupiahs. it means, the average gap between the poor business owner and poverty line that was 500 900 rupi21vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 ahs had decreased to 498 069.4 rupiahs with the islamic mfi’s financing. income gap index (i) also experienced a decrease from 0.591 to 0.326 after business owners received the financing from islamic mfi. the value poverty severity index or sen index (p2) also showed a decrease from 0.308 to 0.306 after business owners received islamic mfi’s financing. on the other hand, analysis of gini coefficient of the poor (gp) was used to detect the sign of income gap between microbusiness owners, before and after financing. the gp value of microbusiness owners before financing was 0.109, and after financing was decreased to 0.065. it indicated that the income gap between microbusiness owners was considered low before financing and even became lower after financing. the decrease of these poverty indexes was caused by the increase of microbusiness income. the additional income that was obtained was indicated to be the result of islamic mfi’s financing to the microbusiness. in fact, the islamic mfi’s financing of microbusiness was properly used by microbusiness owners to further develop the business. based on the results above, the general conclusion was able to be stated. the islamic mfi’s financing had a positive and significant effect on the microbusiness owners’ poverty alleviation. this result was consistent with the finding which stated that islamic microfinance had a positive and significant impact in the two different area.33 this was also supported by the finding which stated that islamic mfi’s financing had an impact on the poverty alleviation in three different area’s typology.34 conclusion based on the results of the study, the conclusions that were obtained set as follows: 1. the islamic microfinancing distribution that was managed by islamic mfi was considered to be effective for the aspect of financing proposal, financing disbursement financing utilization and financing payback. 2. islamic micro-financing had a positive impact on the performance of microbusiness. this was indicated by the increase of microbusiness profit after the owner joined the islamic mfi’s financing program. 3. islamic mfi’s financing had a positive and significant effect on microbusiness owners’ poverty alleviation. this was reflected in the increase of microbusiness owners’ income. 22 afkaruna recommendation 1. islamic mfis are encouraged to maintain and upgrade their performance to increase the effectiveness of their financing program and make it works on its maximum capability since there is more potential to be managed. 2. the islamic mfi’s financing to broaden its outreach, since the result of the study showed that islamic micro-financing had a positive impact on microbusiness owners’ poverty alleviation. 3. the next studies regarding this topics are expected to broaden the area coverage and to consider a comparison between areas. besides that, the other poverty indicators are also able to be used, for example, the world poverty line. endnotes 1 “ang ka ke miskinan”, bps, akses 09 mei 2017, h ttp //bps.go.id/ angka_kemiskinan. 2 hadim, “dinamika kemiskinan rumah tangga di pedesaan (studi kasus malasari, kecamatan nanggung, kabupaten bogor, provinsi jawa barat”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2009). 3 muhammad, lembaga keuangan mikro syari’ah (yogyakarta: graha ilmu,2009). 4 “perkembangan data usaha mikro, kecil, dan menengah (umkm), dan usaha besar”, kementerian koperasi dan umkm, hard copy, dicopy 2018 mei 03. 5 mufida amalia azzahra, “analisi faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi permintaan pembiayaan mudharabah bagi umkm dan efektivit as pembiayaan mudharabah bagi umkm (studi kasus: bmt x jakarta)”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2004). 6 “peraturan bank indonesia no. 15/12/pbi/2013 tanggal 12 desember 2013 tentang kewajiban penyedian modal minimum bank umum”, bank indonesia , a kse s 2018 me i 09, h t t p//bi.g o.id/ peraturan_bank_indonesia_no_15_tahun 2013. 7 syukur, “analisis keberlanjutan dan perilaku ekonomi peserta skim kredit rumah tangga miskin”, 2002. 8 indah purnamasari, “analisis efektivitas dan faktor-faktor pengembalian pembiayaan usaha mikro dan kecil pada lembaga keuangan mikro syariah (studi kasus: korpin jasa syariah pekalongan)”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2011). 9 noruwa al, emeka ej, “the role and sustainability of microfinance banks in reducing poverty and development of enterpreunership in urban and rural areas in nigeria”, international journalof business administration 3, 23vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 no 3, (2012). 10 ledgerwood, joanna, “microfinance handbook: an institutional and financial perspective (sustainable banking with the poor)”, (wangshiton dc: the world bank, 1999). 11 rmadhian, “analisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi jangkauan pembiayaan mikro: studi kasus btpn syariah”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2015). 12 beik is, arsyianti ld, “ekonomi pembangunan syariah”, (bogor: ipb press, 2016). 13 zeller m, meyer rl, “the triangle of microfinance: financial sustainability, outreach, and impact”, (london (gb): the johns hopkins university pr, 2002). 14 mustica bint ang sabiti, “efektivit as pembiayaan mikro syariah dan dampaknya terhadap pengurangan kemiskinan di kabupaten bogor (studi komparatif desa swasembada dan desa swakar ya)”, (skripsi institiut pertanian bogor, 2016). 15 jaenal effendi, “the role of islamic microfinance in poverty alleviation and environmental awareness in pasuruan east java indonesia”, (diser t asi universtatdrucke gottingen, 2013). 16 riduwan akdon, “rumus dan data dalam analisis statistika”, (bandung: alfabeta, 2009). 17 wahyono, “25 model analisis statistik dengan spss 17: memahami teknik analisis statistik secara sistematis dan praktis”, (salatiga: pt elex media komputindo, 2009). 18 m firdaus, et al. “aplikasi metode kuantitatif untuk manajemen dan bisnis”, (bogor: ipb press, 2011). 19 aryati, “analisis permintaan dan efektivitas pembiayaan usaha kecil pada lembaga keuangan mikro syariah (studi kasus kbmt khidmatul ummah”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2006). 20 “murabahah”, dewan syariah nasional majelis ulama indonesia, akses 2017 maret 09, http://dsnmui.or.id/produk/fatwa. 21 neva sunba dena, “analisis pengaruh pembiayaan murabahah terhadap perkembangan usaha mikro di bmt insan mulia kota palembang”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2015). 22 rahman, abdul rahim abdul, “islamic microfinance: an alternative to poverty allevation”, international journal of islamic and middle eastern finance and managemen (26) 2010. 23 widya gina, jaenal effendi, “financing program in microfinance institut (lkms) of welfare enhancing for micro business enterprices (case study in bmt baitul karim bekasi”, jurnal al muzara’ah (3), no. 1, 2015. 24 siti karimah, “ dampak pebiayaan qordhul hasan terhadap perkembangan usaha mikro (studi kasus bmt al husnayain jakarta”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2015). 25 cyntia putri prameswari, “ analisis struktur permodalan usaha mikro dan http://dsnmui.or.id/produk/fatwa. 24 afkaruna kecil (umk) dan kaitannya dengan perkembangan usaha di kabupaten bogor”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2014). 26 johana elvira putri, “ analisis profil dan pemanfaatan kredit oleh usaha mikro serta dampaknya pada perkembangan usaha (kasus desa pabuaran, kecamatan cibinong, kabupaten bogor)”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2013). 27 neva sunba dena, “analisis pengaruh pembiayaan murabahah terhadap perkembangan usaha mikro di bmt insan mulia kota palembang”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2015). 28 widya gina, jaenal effendi, “financing program in microfinance institut (lkms) of welfare enhancing for micro business enterprices (case study in bmt baitul karim bekasi”, jurnal al muzara’ah (3), no. 1, 2015. 29 mursalina, “dampak zakat produktif terhadap perkembangan usaha mikro mustahik: kasus pada usaha mikro binaan baznas di kabupaten bogor”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2015). 30 ramuna, “pengaruh dana zakat produktif, karakteristik usaha, dan karakteristik demografis terhadap perkembangan usaha mikro (studi kasus laz dpu daarut tauhiid bogor), (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2016). 31 luthfi hibaur rachman, “dampak pembiayaan syariah terhadap profitabilitas usaha mikro pada nasabah bank perkreditan rakyat syariah harta insan karimah kecamatan ciledug kota tangerang”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2014). 32 nouva paramitha, “ analisis dampak pembiayaan mikro syariah terhadap pendapatan dan keuntungan usaha anggota (studi kasus koperasi ikhtiar cabang dramaga)”, (skripsi institut pertanian bogor, 2017). 33 mustica bint ang sabiti, “efektivit as pembiayaan mikro syariah dan dampaknya terhadap pengurangan kemiskinan di kabupaten bogor (studi komparatif desa swasembada dan desa swakar ya)”, (skripsi institiut pertanian bogor, 2016). 34 jaenal effendi, “the role of islamic microfinance in poverty alleviationand environmental awareness in pasuruan east java indonesia”, (disertasi universtatdrucke gottingen, 2013). blibliography akdon, riduwan. 2009. rumus dan data dalam analisis statistika. bandung (id): alfabeta. azzahrah, mufida amalia. 2014.analisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi permintaan pembiayaan mudharabah bagi umkm 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[skripsi]. bogor (id): institut pertanian bogor. rachman, luthfi hibaur. 2014. dampak pembiayaan syariah terhadap profitabilitas usaha mikro pada nasabah bank perkreditan rakyat syariah harta insan karimah kecamatan ciledug kota tangerang. [skripsi]. bogor (id): institut pertanian bogor. rahman, abdul rahim abdul. 2010. islamic microfinance: an alternative to poverty allevation. international journal of islamic and middle eastern finance and managemen. vol 26. ramadhian. 2015. analisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi jangkauan pembiayaan mikro: studi kasus btpn syariah. [skripsi]. bogor (id): institut pertanian bogor. ramuna. 2016. pengaruh dana zakat produktif, karakteristik usaha, dan karakteristik demografis terhadap perkembangan usaha mikro (studi kasus laz dpu daarut tauhiid bogor). [skripsi]. bogor (id); institut pertanian bogor. sabiti, mustica bintang. 2016. efektifitas pembiayaan mikro syariah dan dampaknya terhadap pengurangan kemiskinan di kabupaten bogor (studi komparatif desa swasembada dan desa swakarya). [skripsi]. bogor (id): institut pertanian bogor. syukur m. 2002. analisis keberlanjutan dan perilaku ekonomi peserta skim kredit rumah tangga miskin. wahyono. 2009. 25 model analisis statistik dengan spss 17: memahami teknik analisis statistik secara sistematis dan praktis. salatiga(id): pt elex media komputindo. zeller m, meyer rl. 2002. the triangle of microfinance: financial sustainability, outreach, and impact. london (gb): the johns hopkins university pr. jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 konsep kesetaraan gender dalam islam the concept of gender equality in islam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0098.129-134 taufan anggoro uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta judul : qirâ’ah mubâdalah: tafsir progresif untuk keadilan gender dalam islam penulis : faqihuddin abdul kodir penerbit : ircisod kota : yogyakarta tahun : 2019 halaman : 616 isbn : 978-602-7696-80-8 berbicara mengenai isu gender memang tidak bisa hanya mencukupkan pada pengamatan terhadap wacana-wacana praktis yang mengitarinya, seperti misalnya gerakan feminis. namun, perlu juga upaya melihat kembali berbagai persoalan yang muncul kaitannya dengan relasi laki-laki dan perempuan selama ini. apakah isu gender di sini merupakan bentuk justifikasi suatu kelompok yang digunakan untuk menghegemoni kelompok lain, atau merupakan tawaran solusi dari berbagai persoalan yang ada menyangkut hubungan laki-laki dan perempuan? kedua pertanyaan tersebut sejak dulu hingga kini terus memantik banyak perdebatan. karena memang keduanya berangkat dari ruang yang berbeda pula. langkah penting yang perlu diperhatikan dalam topik ini sebenarnya adalah memahaminya secara utuh berdasarkan data-data dan bukti yang relevan. bukan hanya berdasarkan pemahaman yang parsial dan terkesan utopis. kesetaraan gender memang sebuah produk pemikiran modern, dimana spirit kebebasan, mengambil peran yang sangat urgen. tetapi, begitu dikaitkan dengan islam, atau bahkan dibenturkan dengan islam 130 afkaruna maka seolah-olah antara keduanya memperlihatkan resistensi yang cukup tinggi. padahal, jika dikaji lebih cermat, antara konsep kesetaraan gender dan islam sendiri dapat berjalan beriringan satu sama lain. dengan syarat, semangat obyektifitas dan dukungan ilmu-ilmu terkait senantiasa dipegang dalam kajian yang dilakukan. faqihuddin abdul kodir, satu dari sekian orang yang mampu melakukan hal tersebut, seperti dibuktikan dalam bukunya yang berjudul qirâ’ah mubâdalah ini. sebuah buku yang membahas bagaimana memahami teksteks nash (al-qur’an dan hadis) yang menyangkut relasi laki-laki dan perempuan. bahkan tidak cukup sampai disitu saja, faqihuddin turut merumuskan konsep kesetaraan gender dalam islam dengan sebutan mubâdalah, yaitu dengan melakukan reinterpretasi terhadap ayat-ayat qur’an dan hadis. konsep tersebut lahir dari adanya pandangan dikotomis antara laki-laki dan perempuan, ditambah sistem patriarki yang mengakar kuat di tengah masyarakat membuat cara pandang antara laki-laki dan perempuan semakin tidak ramah. laki-laki diposisikan sebagai superior, sebaliknya perempuan sebagai inferior. hal tersebut tentu dapat melahirkan ketidakadilan gender, seperti peminggiran (marginalisasi), subordinasi, kekerasan, dan beban ganda pada satu pihak gender. dalam kaitannya problem sosial itulah, buku berjudul qirâ’ah mubâdalah: tafsir progresif untuk keadilan gender dalam islam karya faqihuddin abdul kodir ini memperkenalkan konsep mubâdalah dalam memahami ayat-ayat al-qur’an dan hadis. harapannya, produk penafsiran yang dihasilkan dengan konsep tersebut mampu menciptakan keadilan antara laki-laki dan perempuan. tidak hanya bersifat teoritis, tetapi juga dapat menjadi solusi riil di tengah-tengah kehidupan masyarakat. buku karya faqihuddin abdul kodir ini terdiri dari tujuh pembahasan. bab pertama yang merupakan pendahuluan dari penulis memaparkan tentang latar belakang penulisan buku ini, beserta dengan kerangka penelitian yang ditempuhnya. kemudian bab kedua sampai bab keenam merupakan pembahasan kajian. bab kedua dan ketiga merupakan penjelasan konsep mubadalah secara rinci. lalu pada bab keempat hingga keenam merupakan inti penjelasan, yaitu reinterpretasi faqihuddin terhadap teks-teks seputar relasi laki-laki dan perempuan. dan bab ketujuh adalah argumen penutup dari faqihuddin yang mengemukakan tentang beberapa catatan khusus seputar metode mubâdalah yang ditawarkannya. penggunaan term mubâdalah sebenarnya diambil dari teks-teks primer 131vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 islam. konsep mubâdalah sendiri lebih mudahnya diartikan sebagai kesalingan. lalu apa yang disalingkan? yang disalingkan adalah kemaslahatan ajaran islam. bagaimana antara laki-laki dan perempuan dapat hidup secara adil berasaskan kemaslahatan kedua belah pihak. di sinilah tujuan akhir dari konsep mubâdalah yang diusung oleh faqihuddin abdul kodir. tidak hanya memperkenalkan konsep mubadalah, faqihuddin juga mengidentifikasi isu-isu yang berkembang seputar relasi laki-laki dan perempuan. beberapa topik permasalahan yang dibahas dalam bukunya ini antara lain seputar pernikahan, poligami,waris, seks, dan beberapa topik lainnya yang berkutat pada relasi laki-laki dan perempuan. topik-topik tersebut didasarkan pada problem-problem yang dihadapi ketika membaca ayat-ayat al-qur’an ataupun hadis secara tekstual. adanya pembacaan yang tidak utuh terhadap dalil-dalil naqli seputar relasi lakilaki dan perempuan seringkali menimbulkan ketidakadilan. inilah kegelisahan yang dirasakan penulis buku ini, faqihuddin abdul kodir, ketika teks qur’an dan hadis yang seharusnya dapat menjadi sumber kemaslahatan tetapi disisi lain justru menjadi ‘alat’ menindas pihak lainnya. hal ini dapat ditemui pada penjelasan bab keempat dan kelima buku ini. bagaimana contoh-contoh yang dipaparkan merupakan tema-tema penting yang seringkali menghasilkan pemahaman yang tidak adil dan tidak ramah bagi perempuan. faqihuddin tidak hanya sekedar memaparkan, tapi juga melakukan reinterpretasi teks secara komprehensif menggunakan pembacaan (qirâ’ah) mubâdalah yang dirumuskannya dalam bukunya ini. lalu bagaimana sebenarnya langkah-langkah yang harus ditempuh dalam qira’ah mubadalah ini? menurut faqihuddin, cara kerja qirâ’ah mubâdalah terdiri dari tiga langkah: pertama, menemukan dan menegaskan prinsip-prinsip ajaran islam dari teks-teks yang bersifat universal; kedua, menemukan gagasan utama yang terekam dalam teks-teks yang akan diinterpretasikan; dan ketiga, menurunkan gagasan yang ditemukan dari teks kepada jenis kelamin yang tidak disebutkan dalam teks. penjelasan lebih rinci terkait langkah-langkah tersebut dijelaskan faqihuddin pada bab ketiga dalam buku ini. penjelasannya diawali dengan latar belakang bagaimana munculnya istilah mubâdalah ini. suatu istilah yang menurut penulis buku ini, ditemukan dalam beberapa ayat-ayat al-qur’an dan hadis nabi saw. yang memang pada dasarnya mengindikasikan prinsip-prinsip keadilan bagi laki132 afkaruna laki dan perempuan. jadi, pondasi lahirnya metode mubâdalah ini berasal dari teks-teks primer islam setelah dilakukan kajian secara mendalam. faqihuddin abdul kodir memaparkan asal istilah mubâdalah dalam bukunya ini secara runtut dan dengan bahasa yang mudah dipahami. karya faqihuddin abdul kodir ini diawali dengan prolog yang disampaikan secara mendalam oleh nur rofi’ah, salah seorang aktivis perempuan dan kesetaraan gender. nur rofi’ah menegaskan bahwa mubâdalah merupakan cara pandang relasi antara laki-laki dan perempuan yang bersifat kemitraan dan kerja sama. kemitraan antara laki-laki dan perempuan disini bersifat luas, yang tujuannya adalah kemaslahatan kehidupan umat manusia. metode ini dalam prakteknya berupaya menggali makna teks (qur’an dan hadis) agar dapat diterapkan kepada laki-laki dan perempuan sekaligus. lebih lanjut, dia menjelaskan bahwa jika sebuah teks hanya menyapa salah satu jenis kelamin, maka diperlukan kajian lebih komprehensif agar didapatkan makna yang dapat berlaku untuk keduanya. lebih mudahnya, mubâdalah menekankan bahwa jika senyum, keramahan, melayani, dan segala tindakan yang menyenangkan harus dilaksanakan keduanya. baik dilakukan suami pada istrinya, maupun istri kepada suaminya. prinsip mubâdalah (kesalingan) keberlakuannya mencakup semua nilai dan prinsip-prinsip kesetaraan dan kemanusiaan. kesetaraan dan kemanusiaan menjadi dua pondasi penting untuk mewujudkan kemaslahatan, kerahmatan, dan keadilan. sebenarnya, bukubuku atau karya tulis yang membahas seputar reinterpretasi teks-teks islam seputar relasi laki-laki dan perempuan sudah cukup banyak. di indonesia sendiri beberapa karya-karya ilmiah telah melakukan upaya tersebut. sebut saja misalnya buku yang berjudul perempuan di lembaran suci karya ahmad fudhaili yang telah terbit beberapa tahun yang lalu. perbedaannya dengan karya faqihuddin ini yang paling mencolok ialah pada adanya tawaran metode. selain itu, reinterpretasi yang dilakukan oleh faqihuddin juga mengalami pengembangan, khususnya yang dipaparkan pada bab keenam bukunya ini. pada bab keenam ini, faqihuddin berupaya melakukan reinterpretasi teks -teks yang membicarakan karir perempuan dalam isu-isu publik. suatu pembahasan yang masih belum mendapat perhatian lebih dari para pengkaji, yang pada kesempatan ini turut dibahas dalam buku qirâah mubâdalah karya faqihuddin abdul kodir ini. 133vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 isu-isu kesetaraan gender memang senantiasa mengusung aspek-aspek kemanusiaan dan hak-hak asasi manusia dalam perjalanannya. dalam khazanah kesetaraan gender sendiri, atau bahkan juga feminis, telah muncul beberapa tokoh feminis muslim yang concern pada kedua bidang tersebut. sebut saja qasim amin, fatimah mernissi, aminah wadud muhsin, dan lain-lain. munculnya buku karya faqihuddin abdul kodir ini menjadi satu sumbangan tersendiri yang turut memperkaya khazanah studi gender dan feminis. ini dibuktikan dengan kekhasan metode yang diperkenalkan faqihuddin dalam bukunya tersebut, dengan menjadikan prinsip-prinsip dasar agama (islam), yaitu tauhid sebagai pijakan. metode yang diperkenalkan oleh faqihuddin dalam bukunya ini mampu dirumuskan secara sistematis, serta mampu mempertemukan dan mengkompromikan antara teks-teks primer islam dengan sisi-sisi modernitas. buku ini mampu merekonstruksi secara komprehensif teksteks tersebut, sehingga menghasilkan pemahaman atas teks (nash) yang tidak ‘menabrak’ nilai-nilai universal masa kini. hal tersebut tentu berbeda dengan langkah-langkah yang ditempuh oleh beberapa tokoh-tokoh feminis muslim di atas. dimana upaya-upaya yang mereka lakukan lebih mengarah pada dekonstruksi teks, sehingga produk-produk pemikirannya tak jarang kontroversial dan mendapat tantangan keras dari para cendekiawan muslim. upaya-upaya yang dilakukan para feminis muslim tersebut memang lebih condong kepada ‘mengeliminasi’ teks dari pada mendialogkan teks. walaupun memang tidak bisa dipungkiri, antara rumusan metode faqihuddin dalam bukunya ini dengan pemikiran feminis muslim di atas mempunyai tujuan akhir yang sama, yaitu keadilan dan kesetaraan antara laki-laki dan perempuan. singkatnya, buku qira’ah mubadalah karya faqihuddin ini mampu menyuarakan keadilan dan kesetaraan antara lakilaki dan perempuan secara soft, sehingga lebih banyak diterima dan banyak mendapat sambutan positif dari masyarakat luas. beberapa tokoh turut menyambut positif lahirnya karya faqihuddin ini. sebut saja husein muhammad, nur rofi’ah, ulil abshar abdalla, alissa wahid, dan tokoh-tokoh penting lainnya yang mengapresiasi dengan turut meng-endorse terbitnya buku ini. dengan adanya sambutan positif dari beberapa tokoh tersebut semakin menegaskan bagaimana kualitas buku karya faqihuddin ini. bukan hanya soal isu kesetaraan gendernya saja yang menjadi sajian utama buku ini, tetapi penafsiran yang dipakai dalam karya 134 afkaruna faqihuddin ini secara tidak langsung telah menambah kekayaan dalam khazanah penafsiran al-qur’an. bahwa ada kekurangan, ya memang tidak dapat dipungkiri, misalnya seperti perlunya penggalian yang lebih mendalam tentang konsep mubâdalah dalam tradisi klasik islam. namun, secara umum buku ini telah menyuguhkan suatu metode yang komprehensif dalam menafsirkan teks qur’an dan hadis, khususnya seputar isu relasi laki-laki dan perempuan. buku ini diakhiri dengan argumen penutup dari faqihuddin abdul kodir sendiri yang menyoroti adanya beberapa catatan-catatan penting berupa eksepsi dalam pengaplikasian mubâdalah. seperti misalnya untuk hal-hal yang bersifat biologis dan aqidah, mubâdalah tidak dapat diterapkan. tetapi, jika itu menyangkut hikmah dibalik kedua aspek tersebut maka mubâdalah dapat saja digunakan. selain itu, faqihuddin melihat bahwa qirâ’ah mubâdalah ini dapat menjadi cara baru dalam melihat keragaman sosial agar tidak memunculkan ketimpangan relasi. beberapa hal tersebut kiranya dapat menjadi suatu penelitian continue bagi para akademisi maupun khalayak pengkaji. untuk kemudian mampu meneruskan dan menghasilkan pemikiran-pemikiran yang konstruktif bagi kerja-kerja kemanusiaan. jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 metode kashf dalam penilaian hadis: studi tashih hadis di kalangan kaum sufi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0079.27-48 muhammad kudhori stai al-fithrah surabaya e-mail: khudhori84@gmail.com abstract method of assessing the soundness of hadith (prophetic tradition) is not only limited to the rule that hadith’s experts formulate and employ. sufi (muslim mystical practioner) circles utilize hadith assessment method called kashf (mystical disclosure). this term literally means disclosing or uncovering a hijab (cover). terminologcally speaking, it means the disclosure of unseen meanings and truth behind textual appearances. in hadith assessment context, kashf is a method used by sufis since they do not follow hadith assessment principles and method constructed by hadith experts. the tradition of hadith assessment using kashf method is a new method that emerged after long time ago after prophet’s hadiths were collected. this method emerged between the sixth century until the seventh century of hijra. the first figure who applied this method is ibn arabi (558-638 h). through kashf assessment method, hadith is considered sahih when it does not contradict shar‘ah rules. in adition, the hadith assessment using kashf needs to look at the position and quality of scholars who claim to obtain kashf. in turn, this method makes the role of sanad (chain of hadith transmission) smaller in terms of hadith determining the reliability of hadith. in kashf, sanad is directly linked to the prophet saw, even without having a person narrating a hadith. moreover, the time interval between a sufi who obtains kashf and the prophet is long period of time. furthermore, kasfh can make jarh wa ta‘dil (examining reliability of hadith narrators) trivial. the method of kashf is rejected by most of hadith’s experts, because it does not hold solid epistemology. the rules are relative, subjective and cannot be objectively defended. keyword: method, kashf, hadith assessment, sufi. abstrak metode penilaian hadis ternyata tidak hanya menggunakan kaidah-kaidah yang telah disusun oleh ahli hadis. ada beberapa metode lain selain yang mailto:khudhori84@gmail.com 28 afkaruna ditetapkan oleh ahli hadis, diantaranya adalah metode penilaian hadis dengan kashf di kalangan kaum sufi. kashf secara bahasa adalah hilangnya hijab (penghalang). sedangkan secara istilah adalah tampaknya makna-makna gaib dan hal-hal yang bersifat hakekat yang berada di balik tirai. dalam konteks penilaian hadis, metode kashf berarti metode yang dipakai oleh para tokoh sufi dimana mereka tidak memerlukan lagi kaidah-kaidah penilaian hadis yang telah dibangun oleh ahli hadis. tradisi penilaian hadis dengan metode kashf merupakan metode baru yang muncul jauh setelah nabi saw., bahkan jauh setelah masa ulama hadis mengkodifikasikan hadis-hadis nabi saw. metode kashf baru muncul antara abad vi dan vii hijriyah. tokoh yang pertama kali terdeteksi melakukannya adalah ibn ‘arabi (558-638 h.). dalam metode kashf syarat yang harus dipenuhi adalah hadis-hadis yang dinilai sahih tidak bertentangan dengan kaidah-kaidah umum syara’. selain itu penilaian hadis dengan kashf juga harus melihat kedudukan wali yang mendapatkan kashf. metode penilaian hadis dengan kashf tentu akan mengerdilkan peran dan pentingnya sanad, karena dalam kashf sanadnya langsung kepada rasulullah saw. tanpa melalui para perawi hadis. padahal antara sufi yang mendapatkan kashf dengan rasulullah saw. terpaut masa yang sangat jauh. selain mengerdilkan peranan sanad, metode kashf juga meruntuhkan peranan ilmu jarh wa ta‘dil yang kaidah-kaidahnya telah dibangun oleh ahli hadis jauh sebelum munculnya metode kashf di kalangan kaum sufi. kemunculan metode kashf ditolak oleh mayoritas ahli hadis, karena ia tidak bertumpu pada landasan epistemologis yang kuat. kaidah-kaidahnya bersifat nisbi, cenderung subyektif dan tidak bisa dipertahankan. kata kunci: hadis, kashf, metode, penilaian hadis, sufi. pendahuluan perdebatan tentang penilaian kualitas sebuah hadis sudah muncul sejak zaman dahulu kala di masa para mukharrij (kolektor-kritikus) hadis hidup. sebut saja misalnya ketika para ahli hadis menilai da‘if hadis yang diriwayatkan oleh muslim dalam kitab sahih-nya. hadis yang dimaksud adalah hadis yang menjelaskan bahwa allah swt. menciptakan tanah pada hari sabtu, menciptakan gunung pada hari ahad, menciptakan pohon pada hari senin, menciptakan al-makruh (sesuatu yang dibenci) pada hari selasa, menciptakan al-nur (cahaya) pada hari rabu, kemudian allah menebarkan hewan-hewan di dalamnya pada hari kamis, menciptakan adam as setelah waktu ashar pada hari jum’at pada akhir penciptaan dan pada akhir waktu jum’at antara ashar dan waktu malam.1 hadis di atas mendapat kritik tajam dari para ulama, seperti yahya bin ma’in, al-bukhari dan yang lainnya. bahkan al-bukhari dalam kitabnya altarikh al-kabir menyebutkan bahwa hadis di atas merupakan ucapan ka’b alahbar.2 pendapat ini juga diikuti oleh al-baihaqi dan ulama yang lainnya. 29vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 menurut ibn taymiyah, pendapat inilah yang benar, alasannya karena telah mutawatir bahwa allah swt menciptakan langit, bumi dan apa-apa yang terkandung di dalamnya dalam waktu enam masa (qs. al a’raf: 54 dan qs. yunus: 3). sementara itu para ulama yang lain seperti abu bakar bin al-anbari, abu al-farj ibn al-jawzi dan yang lainnya menilai hadis di atas sebagai hadis sahih. menurut kelompok ini, hadis di atas tidak bertentangan dengan al-qur’an. al-qur’an mengabarkan bahwa penciptaan langit dan bumi terjadi selama enam hari, sementara hadis di atas menjelaskan penciptaan material yang ada di bumi, seperti tanah, gunung dan yang lainnya. dengan demikian tujuh hari yang disebutkan oleh hadis di atas bukanlah enam hari yang disebutkan oleh al-qur’an. tentang hal ini al albani berkata: “hadis ini sedikitpun tidak bertentangan dengan al-qur’an sebagaimana yang disangka oleh sebagian ulama. hadis ini hanya memerinci proses penciptaan yang terjadi di bumi dan itu terjadi selama tujuh hari. keterangan al-qur’an yang menyebutkan bahwa penciptaan langit dan bumi selama enam hari dan bumi selama dua hari tidaklah bertentangan dengan hadis ini, karena enam hari ini bukanlah tujuh hari yang disebutkan dalam hadis di atas. hadis ini bercerita tentang periode penciptaan yang terjadi di bumi sehingga bumi tersebut layak untuk ditempati. dengan demikian hadis ini tidaklah bertentangan dengan al-qur’an.”3 dari fenomena di atas, meskipun para ulama hadis telah merancang sedemikian rupa kaidah-kaidah penilaian kesahihan hadis, ternyata dalam tataran praktik mereka beberapa kali berbeda pendapat dalam menentukan kualitas hadis tertentu. inilah yang seringkali menimbulkan perbedaan pendapat, khususnya dalam produk hukum islam yang dihasilkan di kalangan ulama. dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, metode penilaian hadis ternyata tidak hanya menggunakan kaidah-kaidah yang telah disusun oleh para ulama hadis. ada beberapa metode lain -selain yang ditetapkan oleh para ahli hadisyang dijadikan sebagai cara untuk menilai kualitas hadis. metode itu diantaranya adalah penilaian kualitas hadis karena hadis itu diterima secara bulat oleh para ulama, karena sesuai dengan al-qur’an, karena dipakai dalil oleh imam mujtahid, dengan cara kashf, mimpi bertemu nabi saw. dan juga karena sesuai dengan fakta-fakta ilmiah modern.4 tak ayal lagi perbedaan metode penilaian hadis ini semakin menambah daftar perebedaan penilain kualitas hadis di kalangan para ulama. ulama 30 afkaruna fiqh misalnya dengan metodenya berpendapat hadis ini adalah sahih. namun tidak demikian dengan ulama hadis yang justru menilainya sebagai hadis da‘if. demikian juga ulama sufi misalnya, ketika mereka menggunakan kashf-nya untuk menilai sebuah hadis. dimana penilaiannya ini sering kali berbeda dengan penilaian ulama hadis. tulisan ini tidak akan mengupas semua metode yang telah disebutkan di atas, akan tetapi difokuskan pada kajian metode tashih hadis dengan metode kashf yang banyak dilakukan oleh tokoh-tokoh sufi seperti ibn ‘arabi, al shadhili, al sha’rani dan yang lainnya. tulisan ini akan berusaha menguak sejarah kemunculan metode kashf, kaidah yang dipakai, serta bagaimana dampak yang ditimbulkannya. sejarah kemunculan metode kashf dalam tashih} hadis di kalangan kaum sufi kashf secara bahasa adalah hilangnya hijab (penghalang). sedangkan secara istilah adalah tampaknya makna-makna gaib dan hal-hal yang bersifat hakekat yang berada di balik tirai.5 dalam konteks penilaian hadis, metode kashf berarti metode yang dipakai oleh para tokoh sufi dimana mereka tidak memerlukan lagi kaidah-kaidah penilaian hadis yang telah dibangun oleh para ulama ahli hadis dalam menilai kualitas hadis.6 pembahasan tentang kashf sebenarnya telah disinggung oleh tokohtokoh sufi terkemuka, seperti al junayd al-baghdadi (221-297 h.) dan alqushayri (346-465 h.). dalam al-risalah al-qushayriyyah, al qushayri menuliskan sebuah bab yang berjudul, al-muhadarah wa al-mukashafah wa al-mushahadah. menurutnya tingkatan yang bertahap, dimulai dari al-muhadarah, lalu al-mukashafah, kemudian al-mushahadah. al-qushayri mendefinisikan al-muhadarah sebagai hadirnya hati. sedangkan almukashafah adalah hadirnya hati dengan sifat penjelasan yang tidak memerlukan perenungan terhadap dalil. adapun mushahadah menurutnya adalah hadirnya allah yang maha haq tanpa adanya keraguan sedikit pun.7 al-ghazali (450-505 h.) dalam kitabnya ihya’ mendefinisikan ilmu mukashafah sebagai ilmu batin, dimana ia merupakan puncak dari berbagai macam ilmu. al-ghazali juga mengatakan bahwa ilmu mukashafah merupakan ilmu yang dimiliki oleh para siddiqin dan muqarrabin. ia merupakan pengejawantahan dari nur (cahaya) yang 31vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 nampak di dalam hati tatkala hati tersebut telah bersih dan suci dari sifatsifat tercela, hingga dari nur tersebut dapat tersingkap perkara-perkara banyak yang sebelumnya belum jelas, sehingga dapat mencapai makrifat yang hakiki dengan dzat allah swt., sifat-sifat-nya yang sempurna, perbuatan-nya serta hikmah-hikmah-nya dalam menciptakan dunia dan akhirat.8 lebih lanjut al ghazali mengatakan bahwa mukashafah adalah makrifat kepada allah swt. mukashafah ini menurut al ghazali merupakan nur yang diletakkan oleh allah swt. pada hati yang bersih dengan ibadah dan mujahadah.9 dalam karyanya yang berjudul futuh al-ghayb, ‘abd al qadir al-jilani dalam al-maqalah al-tasi‘ah juga menyinggung tentang kashf. ia mengatakan bahwa dalam diri para wali dan al-abdal dapat tersingkap perbuatanperbuatan allah swt. yang dapat menerangkan akal dan melampaui kebiasaan. menurut al-jilani, hal ini terdiri dari dua bagian; jalal dan jamal. kashf terhadap jalal (keagungan) allah swt. akan mewariskan khauf (rasa takut). sedangkan kashf terhadap jamal (keindahan) allah swt. akan mewariskan ketenteraman.10 sampai masa ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani (470-561 h.), belum ditemukan keterangan secara jelas yang menyatakan bahwa kashf dapat digunakan sebagai metode penilaian hadis. kaum sufi hanya membahas bahwa kashf merupakan anugerah dari allah swt. kepada hamba yang dikehendakinya, berupa tersingkapnya rahasia-rahasia ilahi yang tidak nampak bagi orang lain. memang abu yazid al-bustami (188-261 h.), salah satu tokoh sufi mutaqaddimin pernah secara implisit menyinggung tentang kashf saat ia “mengejek” para ahli hadis yang ia sebut sebagai ‘ulama’ al-rusum, dimana mereka mengambil ilmu dari orang-orang yang notabenenya telah atau akan mati. sementara kaum sufi, kata abu yazid, mengambil ilmu dari dzat yang maha hidup. alkisah saat itu ada orang-orang yang mengajak untuk mengkaji kitab musannaf ‘abd al-razzaq karya ‘abd alrazzaq (126-211 h.), ahli hadis kenamaan saat itu, maka abu yazid berkata: “apa keperluan kami kepada ‘abd razzaq, sedangkan kami mengambil ilmu dari allah yang maha menciptakan?!”11 dalam al-futuhat, sebagaimana yang dikutip oleh ibn ‘arabi, abu yazid pernah mencerca ulama hadis yang ia sebuat sebagai ‘ulama’ al-rusum dengan berkata: “kalian semua mengambil ilmu kalian dari mayit, dari mayit (fulan, dari fulan, dimana semuanya telah meninggal). sedangkan kami mengambil ilmu kami dari dzat yang maha hidup, yang tidak akan mati.” sebagian 32 afkaruna kaum sufi juga berkata: “hatiku telah bercerita kepadaku dari tuhanku. sedangkan kalian (ulama hadis) mengatakan bahwa fulan telah bercerita kepadaku, dari fulan dan fulan. padahal fulan-fulan itu telah meninggal.”12 sampai di sini abu yazid al-bustami hanya berbicara tentang cara mendapatkan ilmu, dimana menurutnya kaum sufi mendapatkan ilmu langsung dari allah swt., tanpa melalui perantara manusia. al-bustami belum membahas kashf sebagai metode yang digunakan untuk menilai kesahihan sebuah hadis. apa yang disampaikan oleh al bustami di atas tentu akan bertolak belakang dengan pernyataan tokoh sufi yang lain seperti al junayd albaghdadi, dimana ia sangat menganjurkan untuk menulis hadis-hadis nabi saw. dalam salah satu pernyataannya yang terkenal ia berujar: “barang siapa yang tidak mencatat hadis dan tidak menghafalkan sedikit demi sedikit al qur’an, maka ia tidak bisa diikuti dalam urusan ini (tasawuf).”13 dalam tradisi tahammul al-hadith (proses penerimaan hadis), mencatat merupakan salah satu cara bagi para periwayat hadis untuk mendapatkan hadis dari guru-guru mereka.14 ini artinya, al junayd menganjurkan para pengikut tasawuf untuk meriwayatkan hadis dari guru-guru hadis, bahkan hal itu menjadi sebuah keharusan bagi para tokoh tasawuf yang menjadi panutan. sahal al-tustari (w. 283 h.), tokoh besar tasawuf yang disejajarkan dengan al-junayd pernah ditanya, sampai kapan seseorang menulis hadis? ia pun menjawab, sampai mati. ia juga berkata: “barang siapa yang menghendaki dunia dan akherat, maka hendaknya ia menulis hadis, karena di dalamnya terdapat manfaat di dunia dan akherat.”15 beberapa ulama sufi yang menggunakan metode kashf dalam penilaian hadis pada umumnya merujuk kepada tokoh-tokoh sufi setelah ‘abd alqadir al-jilani. al-sha‘rani (898-973 h.) dalam kitabnya al-tabaqat al-kubra, ia menceritakan kisah dari abu al mawahib al-shadhili (820-882 h.) yang berkata: “saya menghadap rasulullah saw., kemudian aku bertanya tentang hadis yang masyhur: “berdzikirlah kepada allah swt. hingga orang-orang berkata: “(orang itu) gila.”. sementara dalam sahih ibn hibban disebutkan: “perbanyaklah berdzikir kepada allah swt. higga orang-orang berkata: “(orang itu) gila.”.16 maka rasulullah saw. bersabda: “ibn hibban benar dalam periwayatannya. rawi yang meriwayatkan dengan redaksi “udhkuru allah” juga 33vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 benar, karena aku mengucapkan keduanya. pada satu kesempatan aku mengatakan “akthiru” dan pada kesempatan yang lain aku mengatakan “udhkuru”.17 hadis lain yang dinilai sahih oleh kalangan ahli sufi dengan metode kashf adalah hadis: “sahabat-sahabatku laksana bintang. dengan siapa saja kalian mengikuti mereka, maka kalian akan mendapatkan petunjuk.” tentang hadis ini, al sha‘rani berkata: “hadis ini, meskipun terjadi perdebatan di kalangan ahli hadis, kualitasnya adalah sahih menurut ahli kashf.”18 muhammad yusuf bin isma‘il al-nabhani (1265-1350 h.) dalam kitabnya sa‘adat al-darayn mengutip dari ibn hajar al-haytami (909-973 h.), ia mengisahkan bahwa gurunya dan guru ayahnya, al-shams muhammad bin abi al-hama’il sering kali melihat nabi saw. secara langsung, sehingga ia pun ketika ditanya tentang sesuatu, ia tidak menjawabnya hingga disampaikan kepada nabi saw. lalu ia berkata, untuk masalah ini nabi saw. mengatakan demikian, sebagaimana yang disampaikan oleh nabi saw. kepadanya. maka berhati-hatilah dari mengingkari hal ini, karena (mengingkarinya) merupakan racun yang mematikan.19 al-‘ajiluni (1087-1162 h.) dalam pendahuluan kitabnya kashf al-khafa’ mengatakan: penilaian sebuah hadis sebagai hadis palsu, sahih maupun yang lainnya sesungguhnya berdasarkan data yang nampak pada para ahli hadis, baik dari segi sanad maupun yang lainnya, bukan berdasarkan esensi hadis tersebut, karena bisa jadi sebuah hadis dinilai sebagai hadis sahih dalam pandangan ahli hadis sebenarnya adalah palsu maupun da’if, demikian juga sebaliknya. memang benar, untuk hadis mutawatir dapat dipastikan secara nyata berasal dari nabi saw. berdasarkan kesepakatan para ulama. meskipun keberadaan hadis tersebut dapat mengandung beberapa kemungkinan, namun pengamalannya sesuai dengan yang telah ditetapkan oleh para ahli hadis, sehingga darinya dapat digali hukum syara’. shaykh al-akbar ibn ‘arabi (558-638 h.) dalam kitabnya al-futuhat al makiyyah mengatakan bahwa beberapa hadis dinilai sahih dari jalur para perawinya namun oleh para ahli kashf dinilai tidak sahih, karena telah ditanyakan kepada rasulullah saw., hingga diketahui bahwa hadis tersebut adalah palsu, lalu hadis tersebut ditinggalkan dan tidak diamalkan, meskipun kemudian diamalkan oleh para ahli hadis, karena jalurnya (dianggap) sahih. sebaliknya, beberapa hadis tidak diamalkan karena jalurnya da’if, karena dalam jalurnya terdapat perawi yang memalsukan hadis, namun sebenarnya hadis itu 34 afkaruna adalah sahih, karena ahli kashf telah mendengarnya dari rasulullah saw. ketika manghaturkan hadis tersebut kepada rasulullah saw.20 ibrahim al-bajuri (1198-1276 h.), grand syaikh al-azhar yang menjabat pada tahun 1847-1860 m. dalam kitabnya tuhfat al-murid ketika mengomentari hadis tentang dihidupkannya kembali orang tua nabi saw., kemudian mereka berdua beriman kepada nabi muhammad saw, lalu kemudian meninggal, mengatakan bahwa barangkali hadis tersebut adalah sahih menurut ahli hakikat dengan metode kashf.21 tentang penilaian hadis dengan kashf ini, al-suyuti dan al-nabhani pernah menceritakan sebuah kisah dari sebagian wali. suatu hari wali tersebut menghadiri pengajian seorang ahli fikih. saat itu ahli fikih tersebut menyampaikan sebuah hadis. maka wali itu langsung menegur ahli fikih tersebut dan mengatakan bahwa hadis yang disampaikan adalah batil. sang ahli fikih pun balik bertanya kepada sang wali, dari mana argumen pendapatnya itu. maka sang wali berkata: “ini rasulullah saw. berdiri di atas kepalamu. beliau berkata: “aku tidak pernah mengucapkan hadis ini.” lalu seorang faqih tersebut mendapatkan kashf hingga dapat melihat nabi saw.22 al-suyuti menyatakan bahwa para imam syariah yang telah lalu menegaskan, termasuk karamah seorang wali adalah ia dapat melihat nabi saw. dan berkumpul dengannya dalam keadaan sadar, lalu ia mengambil pengetahuan dan anugerah dari nabi saw. para ulama yang menyatakan demikian dari kalangan madhhab shafi‘i diantaranya adalah al-ghazali, al-bazi, al-taj al-subki dan al-‘afif al-yafi‘i. sementara dari kalangan malikiyyah adalah al qurtubi, ibn abi hamzah dan ibn al-hajj dalam kitabnya al-madkhal.23 al-sha’rani dalam pendahuluan kitab al mizan al-kubra, sebagaimana juga dikutip oleh al-nabhani, pernah mengisahkan bahwa ia melihat surat tulisan al-suyuti (849-911 h.) yang dipegang oleh salah satu muridnya yang bernama shaykh ‘abd al-qadir al-shadhili. surat itu berasal dari seseorang yang meminta kepada al suyuti agar ia menolongnya di hadapan sultan qayatbay. dalam surat itu tertulis: ketahuliah saudaraku, sesungguhnya aku berkumpul dengan rasulullah saw. sampai saat ini sebanyak tujuh puluh lima kali secara langsung berhadaphadapan. seandainya bukan karena kekhawatiranku yang butuh kepada nabi saw. karena aku masuk dalam lingkungan raja, niscaya aku akan mendatangi benteng itu dan menolongmu di hadapan sultan. aku adalah seorang laki-laki yang mengkhidmahkan diri kepada hadis nabi saw. dan aku butuh kepada 35vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 beliau untuk mentashih kan hadis-hadis yang dida’ifkan oleh ahli hadis dari jalur mereka. tidak diragukan lagi kemanfaatan hal itu lebih besar dari pada kemanfaatan untukmu wahai saudaraku.24 al-nabhani juga mengisahkan bahwa shaykh muhyiddin ibn ‘arabi berkata: “sungguh aku telah mantashihkan beberapa hadis langsung kepada nabi saw. yang didha’ifkan oleh para huffaz (ahli hadis). maka aku mengambil sabda nabi saw. dalam menilai hadis itu dan tidak ada sedikit pun keraguan dalam diriku terhadap yang diucapkan oleh nabi. bagiku apa yang diucapkannya adalah bagian dari syariatnya yang sahih. aku akan mengamalkannya, meski para ulama (hadis) tidak mengikutiku, karena berpegang pada kaidah-kaidah mereka.”25 dari keterangan di atas dapat ditarik sebuah kesimpulan bahwa tradisi penilaian hadis dengan metode kashf merupakan metode baru yang muncul jauh setelah nabi saw., bahkan jauh setelah masa ulama hadis mengkodifikasikan hadis-hadis nabi saw. (abad ii dan iii hijriyah). metode kashf baru muncul pada abad ke enam dan tujuh hijriyah. tokoh yang pertama kali terdeteksi melakukannya adalah ibn ‘arabi (558-638 h.). ibn ‘arabi dalam pendahuluan kitabnya fusus al-hikam bahkan mengklaim, ia telah bertemu rasulullah saw. secara langsung pada sepuluh hari terakhir bulan muharram 627 h. di kota damaskus. di tangan rasulullah terdapat kitab fusus al-hikam yang kemudian diberikan kepada ibn ‘arabi agar disebarkan kepada umat manusia.26 metode penilaian hadis semacam ini tentu menyelisi metode penilaian hadis yang dilakukan oleh ahli hadis, dimana sebuah hadis dinilai sebagai hadis sahih ketika telah memenuhi lima syarat; sanadnya bersambung, rawi yang adil, rawi yang dabit atau rawi yang dabit-nya kurang akan tetapi dikuatkan dari jalur yang lain, tidak shadh dan tidak mengandung ‘illat.27 kaidah tashih hadis dengan metode kashf kaum sufi ‘adnan ‘abdullah zuhar, seorang tokoh sufi penganut tarekat tijaniyah berpendapat bahwa tashih (penilain) hadis dengan metode kashf dan ilham merupakan madzhab yang mu’tabar (diakui) di kalangan kaum sufi, meskipun hal tersebut diingkari oleh kalangan ahli zahir (ahli hadis). menurutnya, tashih dengan metode kashf ini disebutkan oleh al-‘ajiluni dalam kitabnya kashf al-khafa dan al-‘ajiluni mendukungnya. demikian 36 afkaruna juga al-ghumari dalam dua kitabnya al-mughir dan al-burhan al-jali.28 hanya saja setelah dilacak dalam kitab al-mughir dan al-burhan al-jali, al ghumari tidak secara jelas dan detail megupas tentang tashih dengan metode kashf. mungkin yang dimaksud ‘adnan ‘abdullah zuhar tentang dukungan al-ghumari ini adalah saat al-ghumari dalam al-burhan menjelaskan tentang pemakaian khirqah (jubah yang dipakaikan seorang guru sufi sebagai bentuk baiat terhadap murid) dalam tradisi sufi yang dilakukan oleh nabi saw. kepada para tokoh sufi baik melalui mimpi maupun secara langsung, seperti abu al-bayan basha’ bin muhammad al-qurashi (w. 551 h.) selaku pendiri tarekat al-bayaniyyah. nabi memakaikan khirqah kepadanya secara langsung. tokoh sufi lain yang mendapatkan khirqah langsung dari nabi saw. adalah ibrahim al-matbuli, muridnya, ‘ali al khawwas dan abu al mawahib al shanawi.29 al-sha‘rani (w. 973 h.) juga mengisahkan pemakaian khirqah secara langsung dari nabi saw. ini dalam kitabnya lawaqih al-anwar al-qudsiyyah. ia mengatakan bahwa dalam sanad pemakaian khirqah, ia mempunyai jalur dimana antara ia dan rasulullah saw. hanya ada dua orang saja, yaitu al-sha‘rani, dari ‘ali al-khawwas, dari ibrahim al-matbuli yang mengambil secara langsung dari nabi saw. dan berhadap-hadapan dengan tata cara yang telah diketahui di kalangan kaum sufi dalam alam ruhani. kemudian kata al-sha‘rani, ‘ali al-khawwas sebelum meninggal juga mendapatkan khirqah langsung dari nabi saw. tanpa adanya perantara sebagaimana gurunya, al-matbuli.30 al-sha‘rani juga menyebutkan bahwa tokoh sufi banyak yang bertemu dan berkumpul dengan nabi saw secara ruhani. mereka antara lain adalah ‘abd al-rahim al-qunawi, abu al-madyan al-maghribi, abu sa‘ud bin abi al-‘asha’ir, ibrahim al-dasuqi, abu al-hasan al-shadhili, abu al-‘abbas almursi, ibrahim al-matbuli, jalaluddin al-suyuti, musa al-zawawi dan tokohtokoh sufi lain yang disebutkan al-sha‘rani dalam kitabnya al-tabaqat alawliya’.31al-suyuti sendiri yang merupakan seorang ahli hadis yang karyakaryanya di bidang hadis tidak diragukan lagi bahkan mengklaim dirinya telah bertemu dan berkumpul dengan nabi saw. secara langsung dalam keadaan sadar dan berhadap-hadapan sebanyak tujuh puluh lima kali. sementara abu al-hasan al-shadhili dan muridnya, abu al-‘abbas al-mursi dan tokoh sufi yang lainnya berkata: “seandainya rasulullah saw. terhalang dariku sekejap saja, maka aku tidak menganggap diriku sebagai seorang muslim.”32 37vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 metode penilaian hadis dengan cara kashf dalam tradisi kaum sufi menurut ‘adnan zuhar adalah metode yang mu‘tamad (dapat dijadikan pegangan, kuat) di kalangan para guru sufi. dalam beberapa kesempatan para tokoh sufi banyak mengungkapkan, “hadis ini sahih di kalangan kami (kaum sufi)” atau “hadis itu sahih secara kashf” dan yang lainnya. ‘adnan zuhar menguatkan pendapatnya ini dengan pernyataan muhammad al-kattani (1290-1327 h.) dalam kitabnya al-fas al-makhtum sharh surat al-duha. ia berkata: “sesungguhnya wahyu itu terkadang diberikan kepada para wali, sebagaimana halnya diberikan kepada para nabi, kecuali dalam urusan tashri‘. di antaranya adalah penilaian sahih dan da‘if mereka terhadap hadis-hadis yang dinilai berbeda oleh ulama lain.” dengan demikian, hadis-hadis yang terdapat dalam kitab-kitab tasawuf yang dinilai palsu dan lemah oleh para ahli hadis adalah berdasarkan penilaian selain kaum sufi, sesuai dengan madhhab dan kaidah mereka. bukan berdasarkan metode para tokoh sufi yang mulia. oleh karena itu, ingkar kepada mereka dari sudut pandang ini merupakan sesuatu yang tidak diperkenankan, selagi hal itu disepakati di kalangan mereka, diamalkan dan dipegang oleh mereka.33 menurut zuhar, perbedaan penilaian hadis di kalangan kaum sufi dan ahli hadis juga disebabkan oleh faktor lain, yaitu perbedaan dalam menyikapi masalah melihat nabi saw dan berkumpul bersamanya secara langsung, sebagaimana yang dialami oleh para tokoh sufi, seperti ibnu ‘arabi, al-matbuli, ‘ali al-khawwas dan yang lainnya. faktor inilah yang menurut zuhar menjadi pokok persoalan antara kaum sufi dan ahli hadis dalam menilai sebuah hadis. faktor penting lainnya yang menyebabkan perbedaan pendapat ini adalah perbedaan dalam memahami ilham, kashf, tahdith dan taklim, dimana hadis-hadis sahih telah menjelaskan bahwa allah swt. memuliakan sebagian wali-walinya dengan hal-hal itu. ini menjadi dalil bagi para tokoh sufi atas kebolehan mendustakan hadis sahih ketika mereka mendapatkan “bisikan” maupun kashf dari allah swt. maupun nabi saw., sebagaimana kisah yang diceritakan oleh al nabhani di atas tentang seorang wali yang menghadiri pengajian ahli fikih.34 hanya saja menurut zuhar, aktifitas tashih dan tad‘if di kalangan ahli sufi juga harus memenuhi beberapa syarat. syarat yang terpenting adalah hadis-hadis yang ditashih tersebut tidak bertentangan dengan kaidahkaidah umum syara’. selain itu tashih dengan kashf juga harus melihat kedudukan sufi yang mendapatkan kashf tersebut. kesimpulannya, 38 afkaruna menurut zuhar, tashih dengan cara kashf di kalangan ahli sufi lebih sahih dari pada tashih yang dilakukan oleh ahli hadis, karena kashf, ilham dan tahdith, meskipun sekelompok ulama menyatakan hal itu bisa salah, namun kesalahannya kecil. sementara kemungkinan lemah pada hadis-hadis yang ditashih oleh ahli hadis dengan metode yang telah maklum banyak terjadi, sebagaimana diketahui oleh orang-orang yang terbiasa mendalami kitabkitab mereka.35 penilaian hadis dengan metode kashf sebagaimana keteranganketerangan yang telah disebutkan di atas ternyata eksistensinya juga diakui oleh sebagian ahli hadis yang mempunyai kecenderungan tasawuf, seperti al-suyuti, al-‘ajiluni dan al-ghumari. bahkan al-suyuti sendiri menyatakan, ia butuh kepada rasulullah saw untuk mentashihkan hadis-hadis yang dida’ifkan oleh ahli hadis dari jalur mereka.36 namun demikian, diantara mereka terkadang terjadi perbedaan pendapat dalam menilai kesahihan hadis, meskipun mereka sama-sama mengakui legalitas tashih hadis dengan metode kashf. sebagai contohnya adalah hadis yang berbunyi: “barang siapa yang mengetahui dirinya, maka ia akan mengetahui tuhannya.” berdasarkan penuturan al-‘ajiluni, hadis tersebut menurut muhyi aldin ibn ‘arabi, meskipun dari jalur riwayat tidak sahih, namun menurutnya sahih dari jalur kashf.37 sementara al-suyuti saat mengupas hadis ini dalam kitabnya al-hawi li al-fatawi hanya menampilkan pendapat al-nawawi yang menilai hadis tersebut sebagai laysa bi thabit (tidak tetap, tidak mempunyai sanad), ibn tamiyah yang menilai palsu dan ibn sam‘ani yang menilai bahwa itu termasuk perkataan yahya bin mu‘adh al razi. al-suyuti tidak berkomentar terhadap penilaian al-nawawi, ibn taimiyah dan ibn sam‘ani. ini artinya al-suyuti sepakat dengan penilaian para ahli hadis tersebut.38 jadi, pada contoh di atas, al-suyuti berbeda dengan ibn ‘arabi dalam menilai hadis tersebut, meskipun keduanya mengakui legalitas kashf sebagai metode untuk menilai hadis. dalam hal ini ibn ‘arabi menggunakan kashfnya, sementara al-suyuti tidak. ia mengamini manhaj ahli hadis dalam menilai hadis tersebut. 39vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 penilaian hadis dengan metode kashf menghancurkan kaidah-kaidah ilmu hadis dari paparan di atas, metode penilaian hadis dengan menggunakan kashf yang dilakukan oleh kaum sufi sebenarnya tidak mempunyai landasan epitemologis yang kuat. metode kashf menyaratkan hadis-hadis yang dinilai sahih dengan metode kashf harus tidak bertentangan dengan kaidah-kaidah umum syariah. selain itu kapasitas tokoh yang mendapatkan kashf juga harus dilihat, tidak boleh sembarangan mengklaim mendapatkan kashf. inilah yang tidak bisa dibuktikan secara ilmiah, karena tingkat ketakwaan seorang hamba allah swt. tidak bisa diukur dengan ukuranukuran yang tampak. ketakwaan sebagaimana sabda nabi saw. berada di dalam hati dan yang tahu tentunya hanyalah allah swt. semata. penggunaan metode kashf dengan syarat-syarat tersebut dalam penilaian hadis tentu akan mengkerdilkan peranan ilmu hadis yang telah dibangun oleh para ulama hadis. kajian tentang sanad dan jarh wa ta’dil menjadi tidak berarti. padahal kajian tentang sanad mendapatkan perhatian yang sangat besar di kalangan ulama salaf sejak masa sahabat sebagai alat untuk mendeteksi hadis-hadis yang bermasalah. dengan banyak bermunculannya hadis-hadis palsu, para sahabat dan tabi‘in mengerahkan segala kemampuannya untuk menjaga hadis, hingga mereka sangat memperhatikan masalah sanad dalam menilai kebenaran sebuah hadis. demikian ini karena sanad pada sebuah hadis diibaratkan seperti nasab bagi seseorang. tentang hal ini muhammad bin sirin berkata: “mereka pada awalnya tidak menanyakan tentang isnad, akan tetapi setelah terjadi fitnah mereka berkata: “sebutkanlah kepada kami nama-nama orang yang meriwayatkan hadis kepada kalian.” maka dilihat kepada yang ahli sunnah, lalu diambil hadisnya dan dilihat pada yang ahli bid‘ah, maka jangan diambil hadis mereka.”39 sebelum terjadi pemberontakan terhadap ‘uthman, para sahabat tidak selamanya mengharuskan adanya isnad hadis karena mereka dikenal jujur dan terpercaya. terlebih karena isnad bukanlah hal baru bagi bangsa arab. mereka telah mengetahui hal itu sebelum masa islam. mereka sering mengisnadkan kisah-kisah dan syair-syair pada masa jahiliyah. pembuktian tentang isnad hadis baru diharuskan setelah terjadi pemberontakan pada masa sahabat-sahabat yunior dan tabi‘in senior. terkait dengan hal ini, imam muslim meriwayatkan dari mujahid, ia berkata: 40 afkaruna “bushayr al-‘adawi datang kepada ibn ‘abbas, kemudian ia menyampaikan hadis dan mengucapkan, “rasulullah saw. bersabda, rasulullah saw. bersabda,..” akan tetapi ibn ‘abbas tampak kurang semangat dalam menerima hadis tersebut dan tidak menghiraukannya. lalu bushair bertanya kepada ibn ‘abbas, “wahai ibn ‘abbas, kenapa engkau tidak memperhatikan dan mendengarkan kepada riwayat yang aku ceritakan, padahal aku menceritakan riwayat itu dari rasulullah saw.  lalu ibn ‘abbas menjawab: “dahulu ketika ada orang yang kami dengar mengatakan “rasulullah saw. bersabda”, kami akan cepat-cepat membuka mata dan telinga kami untuk mendengarkannya, akan tetapi ketik a manusia sembarangan dalam meriwayatkan hadis, maka kami tidak akan mengambilnya kecuali dari orang-orang yang kami kenal.”40 setelah masa sahabat, para tabi‘in bertanya tentang isnad dan mengharuskannya. hal ini dapat dilihat dari kisah yang diriwayatkan oleh ibn ‘abd al-barr sebagai berikut: “’abd al warith bin sufyan bercerita kepada kami, ia berkata: qasim bin asbagh bercerita kepada kami, ia berkata: muhammad bin al-jahm bercerita kepada kami, ia berkata: ya’la bercerita kepada kami, dari isma’il bin abi khalid, dari al sha‘bi, dari al-rabi‘ bin khuthaym berkata: “barang siapa yang mengucapkan ‘tidak ada tuhan yang patut disembah selain allah, tidak ada sekutu baginya, kekuasaan dan puji hanya milik-nya, ia menghidupkan dan mematikan. ia berkuasa atas segala sesuatu.’ sepuluh kali, maka ia seperti memerdekakan budak.” al-sha‘bi berkata: “aku bertanya kepada al-rabi’ bin khuthaym, siapa yang bercerita kepadamu tentang hadis ini?” al-rabi‘ bin khuthaim berkata: “‘amr bin maymun al-awaddi.” lalu aku bertemu ‘amr bin maymun, maka aku bertanya kepadanya: “siapa yang bercerita kepadamu tentang hadis ini?” maka ia menjawab: “‘abd al-rahman bin abi layla.” lalu aku bertemu dengan ibn abi layla, kemudian bertanya kepadanya: “siapa yang bercerita kepadamu?” ia berkata: “abu ayyub al-ansari sahabat rasulullah saw.”41 perhatian para tabi‘in dan tabi‘ al-tabi‘in tentang isnad dapat dibuktikan dengan beberapa pernyataan mereka berikut ini. abu al-‘aliyah berkata: “kami mendengar sebuah riwayat di basrah dari para sahabat rasulullah saw., kami tidak ridha dengan riwayat-riwayat itu hingga kami berangkat mengunjungi meraka, lalu kami mendengarkan riwayat-riwayat itu langsung dari mulut meraka.”42 para tabi‘in dan tabi‘ al-tabi‘in saling berwasiat untuk mencari isnad. hisham bin ‘urwah berkata: “apabila ada seseorang yang menyampaikan kepadamu sebuah hadis, maka tanyalah, dari siapa hadis ini?”43 sufyan al-thawri berkata: “isnad adalah pedang orang mukmin, apabila ia tidak 41vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 mempunyai pedang, maka dengan apa ia akan berperang?”44ibn almubarak juga berkata: “isnad adalah bagian dari agama, seandainya tidak ada isnad, maka seseorang akan berkata semaunya sendiri.”45dari pernyataan-pernyataan di atas, maka jelaslah bahwa para tabi‘in dan tabi‘ al-tabi‘in mendalami masalah isnad dan menguasainya seperti mereka menguasai persoalan ilmu hadis lainnya.46 salah satu nikmat allah swt yang dianugerahkan kepada umat islam adalah tersebarnya para sahabat ke berbagai penjuru daerah. sebagian mereka tercatat sebagai orang-orang yang mempunyai umur yang panjang, sehingga mereka mempunyai peran besar dalam menjaga hadishadis nabi saw. setelah banyak bermunculan dusta atas nama rasulullah saw., maka para pencari ilmu mendengarkan hadis-hadis dari para sahabat. ketika mereka mendengar hadis dari selain sahabat, mereka bergegas untuk mengkonfirmasi apa yang telah mereka dengar itu kepada para sahabat. para sahabat kemudian menjelaskan kepada mereka mana yang benar dari nabi saw. dan mana yang tidak.47 para pencari ilmu banyak yang melakukan rihlah kepada para sahabat untuk meyakinkan apa yang mereka dengar dari para tabi‘in di kalangan mereka. inilah maksud ungkapan abu al-‘aliyah, “kami mendengar sebuah riwayat di basrah dari para sahabat rasulullah saw., kami tidak ridha dengan riwayat-riwayat itu hingga kami berangkat mengunjungi meraka, lalu kami mendengarkan riwayat-riwayat itu dari mulut meraka.” bahkan para sahabat melakukan rihlah di kalangan mereka untuk hal ini. sebagai contoh, abu ayyub melakukan rihlah ke mesir untuk menemui ‘uqbah bin ‘amir, kemudian jabir bin ‘abdullah melakukan rihlah kepada ‘abdullah bin anis demi sebuah hadis.48 adapun tabi‘in dan tabi‘ al-tabi‘in telah memulai berpindah dan melakukan perjalanan jauh untuk mendapatkan hadis dari orang-orang yang terpercaya dan mempelajari hadis-hadis. ada yang melakukan perjalanan untuk menemui abu darda’ hanya untuk mendapatkan satu hadis di damaskus. ibn shihab melakukan rihlah ke sham untuk menemui ‘ata’ bin yazid, ibn muhairiz dan ibn haywah. yahya bin abi kathir melakukan rihlah ke madinah untuk menemui anak-anak para sahabat yang berada di madinah. muhammad bin sirin menuju kufah untuk bertemu dengan ‘ubaidah, ‘alqamah, dan ‘abd rahman bin abi layla. alauza‘i melakukan rihlah untuk menemui yahya bin abi kathir di yamamah, kemudian masuk ke kota basrah. demikian juga sufyan al-thawri, ia 42 afkaruna melakukan rihlah ke yaman.49 bahkan seorang tokoh tabi‘in madinah, sa’id bin al-musayyab berkata: “sungguh aku akan melakukan perjalanan beberapa malam dan beberapa hari untuk mencari satu hadis.”50 seringkali para tabi‘in dan tabi‘ al-tabi‘in mempelajari hadis secara bersama-sama lalu mereka mengambil hadis yang telah mereka ketahui dan meninggalkan hadis yang mereka ingkari. para imam hadis pada masa itu benar-benar memiliki sifat wara‘ dan sangat korektif. mereka benarbenar hafal hadis sehingga bisa menentukan mana hadis sahih, da’if, dan mana hadis maudu’. bagi mereka hadis itu tidak bercampur. mereka mampu membedakan hadis yang buruk dan hadis yang bagus. tentang hal ini, sufyan al-thawri berkata: “aku menerima hadis dengan tiga macam; aku mendengar hadis dari seseorang kemudian aku mengambilnya sebagai agama; aku mendengar hadis dari seseorang yang aku tidak mampu menjarhnya, kemudian aku menggantungkan hadisnya; aku mendengar hadis dari seseorang yang tidak aku pedulikan hadisnya, namun aku senang untuk mengetahuinya.”51 abu bakr bin al-athram mengisahkan bahwa ahmad bin hanbal melihat yahya bin ma’in di sana’a’ di sebuah zawiyah sedang menulis sahifah ma‘mar dari aban dari anas. ketika ada orang yang melihatnya, maka ia menyimpannya, lalu ahmad berkata kepadanya: “engkau menulis sahifah ma‘mar dari aban dari anas padahal engkau tahu bahwa itu adalah palsu, lalu apa yang akan engkau katakan jika ada orang yang berkata: “engkau berbicara tentang aban, kemudian engkau mencatat hadisnya?” ibn ma’in berkata: “semoga allah merahmatimu wahai abu ‘abdillah. aku menulis sahifah ini dari ‘abd al-razzaq dari ma‘mar, kemudian aku menghafalkan semuanya. ketahuilah sahifah itu adalah palsu sehingga tidak ada orang yang datang setelahnya, kemudian mengganti aban dengan thabit, lalu meriwayatkannya dari ma‘mar dari thabit dari anas bin malik. maka akan aku katakan kepadanya: “engkau bohong, karena sesungguhnya riwayat itu dari ma‘mar dari aban bukan dari thabit!”52 penjelasan tentang isnad hadis merupakan suatu keharusan, baik bagi orang awam maupun orang yang berilmu. demikianlah pada masa tabi‘in dan tabi‘ al-tabi‘in, isnad muttasil telah menjadi perhatian, sehingga perawi hadis harus menjelaskan sumber hadis yang diriwayatkannya. sebagian 43vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 dari mereka mengibaratkan hadis tanpa isnad dengan rumah tanpa atap dan tiang penyangga. dengan mengisnadkan hadisnya, seorang perawi hadis telah lepas dari tanggung jawab. ia meyakini kesahihan hadis yang diriwayatkannya jika sanad hadis yang diriwayatkan muttasil sampai kepada rasulullah saw.53 kesimpulan yang dapat diambil dari pembahasan ini adalah dengan metode isnad para ulama dapat mendeteksi mana hadis yang betul-betul bersumber dari nabi saw dan mana yang tidak. dengan demikian metode tashih dengan kashf tentu akan mengkerdilkan peran dan pentingnya sanad, karena dalam kashf sanadnya langsung kepada rasulullah saw tanpa melalui para perawi-perawi hadis. padahal antara sufi yang mendapatkan kashf itu terpaut sangat jauh masanya dengan rasulullah saw. selain mengkerdilkan peranan sanad, metode kashf juga akan meruntuhkan peranan ilmu jarh wa ta‘dil yang kaidah-kaidahnya telah dibangun oleh para ahli hadis jauh sebelum munculnya metode kashf di kalangan kaum sufi. pernyataan ibn sirin saat banyak terjadi fitnah: “sebutkanlah kepada kami nama-nama orang yang meriwayatkan hadis kepada kalian.” maka dilihat kepada yang ahli sunnah, lalu diambil hadisnya dan dilihat pada yang ahli bid‘ah, maka jangan diambil hadis mereka.”54 menjadi tidak berarti lagi. tidak mengherankan jika kemudian ‘abd al-fattah abu ghuddah (19171997) mengkritik habis al-‘ajiluni yang membenarkan metode kashf dalam tashih hadis sebagaimana yang dilakukan oleh ibn ‘arabi. abu ghuddah terheran-heran kepada al-‘ajiluni yang membenarkan tashih dengan metode kashf, dimana hal itu akan menghancurkan ilmu-ilmu ahli hadis, kaidah-kaidah hadis dan agama, hingga urusan penilaian sahih dan da‘if yang dilakukan oleh para ahli hadis menjadi sesuatu yang tidak bermakna jika dibandingkan dengan kashf., padahal al-‘ajiluni adalah seorang ulama yang mensharah sahih b ukhari. abu ghuddah pun kemudian mengingatkan agar tidak tertipu dalam masalah ini.55 kesimpulan kashf sebagai metode penilaian hadis muncul jauh setelah hadis-hadis nabi saw. dikodifikasikan. bahkan dalam literatur kitab-kitab ilmu hadis, metode ini tidak pernah disinggung oleh para ulama hadis, termasuk yang mempunyai kecenderungan tasawuf, seperti al-suyuti. kemunculan 44 afkaruna metode kashf sendiri dapat menghancurkan kaidah-kaidah ilmu hadis yang telah dibangun oleh para ahli hadis. sistem sanad yang mendapatkan perhatian luar biasa di kalangan ahli hadis dan menjadi kebanggaan umat islam seolah menjadi tidak bermakna di hadapan para pengguna kashf sebagai metode untuk menilai kesahihan hadis nabi saw. selain menafikan ilmu yang berkaitan dengan sanad, metode kashf juga mengesampingkan peranan ilmu jarh wa ta‘dil sebagai perangkat keilmuan untuk menguji kethiqahan para perawi hadis. kemunculan metode kashf tentu ditolak oleh mayoritas ahli hadis, karena ia tidak bertumpu pada landasan epistemologis yang kuat. kaidahkaidahnya bersifat nisbi, cenderung subyektif dan tidak bisa dibuktikan secara ilmiah. penggunaan kashf sebagai metode untuk menilai hadis justru akan menimbulkan problem baru, karena adanya klaim kebenaran sepihak dari tokoh sufi yang mendapatkan kashf. pada tahap berikutnya sentimen para ahli hadis dan pengikut-pengikutnya kepada kaum sufi akan semakin meningkat, karena dalam merujuk kualitas hadis, kaum sufi tidak menggunakan kaidah-kaidah yang telah ditetapkan oleh ahli hadis yang telah teruji sejak ratusan tahun yang lalu. kaum sufi semestinya menyadari bahwa penilaian kualitas hadis merupakan domain para ahli hadis, karena mereka yang berkompeten dalam bidang ini. li kulli rijal fann, setiap disiplin ilmu pasti ada ahlinya. dalam bidang penilaian hadis, tentu yang ahli adalah ahli hadis. jika kaum sufi mau merujuk penilaian hadis pada metode yang dipakai ahli hadis, tentu pandangan para ahli hadis dan para pengikutnya akan berubah. dengan demikian, harapannya tasawuf akan lebih bisa diterima oleh semua kalangan umat islam, karena hadis-hadis yang menjadi landasan pemikiran mereka adalah hadis-hadis sahih yang telah ditashih oleh ahli hadis. wallah a‘lam. catatan akhir 1 muslim bin al-hajjaj bin muslim al-naysaburi, al-jami’ al sahih, vol. 8, (beirut: dar al-jail, t.t.), h. 127. 2 muhammad bin isma’il al-bukhari, al-tarikh al kabir, vol. 1, (t.t.: t.p., t.th.), h. 413-414. 3 lajnah fatawa bi al-shabakah al-islamiyyah, fatawa al-shabakah al islamiyyah, vol. 2, (t.t.: t.p., 2009), 2769. fatwa no. 4 bulan jumadi tsani, 1424 h. 4 lihat al-murtada al-zayn ahmad, manahij al-muhaadditsin fi taqwiyat al-ahadits al-hasanah wa al-da‘ifah, (riyad: maktabah al rushd, 1994), h. 22-34. 45vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 5 ‘ali bin muhammad al -urjani, al-ta‘rifat, (beirut: dar al-kitab al-‘arabi, 1405 h.), h. 237. 6 al-murtada al-zayn ahmad, manahij al-muhaadditsin, h. 29-30. 7 ‘abd al-akrim al-qushayri, al-risalah al-qushayriyyah, vol. 1, (t.t.: t.p., t.th.), h. 39. 8 muhammad bin muhamamd al-ghazali, ihya’ ‘ulum al-din, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-ma‘rifat, t.th.), h. 19-20. 9 muhammad bin muhamamd al-ghazali, mukhtasar ihya’ ‘ulum al-din, (jakarta: dar al-kutub al-islamiyyah, 2004), h. 15-16. 10 ‘abd al-qadir al-jilani, futuh al-ghayb, (daka: markaz al-i‘lam al-‘alami 2014), al-maqalah 9. 11 lihat muhammad yusuf al qardawi, al-hayah al-ruhiyyah fi al-islam, (kairo: maktabah wahbah, 2009), h. 13. 12 ibn ‘arabi, al-futuhat al-makkiyyah, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 2007), h. 632. 13 al-khatib al-baghdadi, tarikh al-baghdad, vol. 14, (beirut: dar al-kutub alilmiyyah, t.th.), h. 401. 14 lihat mahmud al-tahhan, taysir mustalah al-hadith, (beirut: dar al-fikr, t.th.), 132-136. 15 ahmad bin ‘uthman al dhahabi, tarikh al-islam, vol. 21, (beirut: dar alkitab al-arabi, 1987), h. 187. 16 muhammad bin hibban al-busti., sahih ibn hiban, vol. 3 (beirut: mu’asassah al-risalah, 1993), h. 99. 17 ‘abd al-wahhab al-sha‘rani, al-tabaqat al-kubra, (beirut: dar al-kutub al‘ilmiyyah, 2013), h. 388 18 ‘abd al-wahhab al-sha‘rani, al mizan al-kubra, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-fikr, t.th.), h. 30. 19 muhammad yusuf bin isma‘il al-nabhani, sa‘adat al-darayn, (beirut: dar alfikr, t.th.), h. 422-423. 20 isma‘il bin muhammad al-‘ajiluni, kashf al-khafa’, vol. 1, (t.t.: dar ihya’ alturath al-‘arabi, t.th.), h. 9-10. 21 ibrahim al-bajuri, tuhfat al-murid, (kairo: dar al-salam, 2002), h. 69. 22 lihat ‘abd al-rahman al-suyuti, nuzul ‘isa akhir al-zaman, (iskandaria: dar ibn khaldun, t.th.), h. 22. muhammad yusuf bin isma‘il al-nabhani, sa‘adat al-darayn, (beirut: dar al-fikr, t.th.), h. 432. 23 ibid., h. 21-22. 24 ‘abd al-wahhab al-sha‘rani, al-mizan al-kubra, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-fikr, t,th.), h. 44. muhammad yusuf bin isma‘il al-nabhani, al-fath al-kabir fi dimn al-ziyadah ila al-jami‘ al-saghir, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-kitab al-‘arabi, t.th.), h. 7-8. 25 muhammad yusuf bin isma‘il al-nabhani, sa‘adat al-darayn, (beirut: dar alfikr, t.th.), h. 440. 26 muhyiddin ibn ‘arabi, fusus al-hikam, (t.t.: dar al-kitab al-‘arabi, t.th.), h. 47. 27 ibn hajar al-‘asqalani, al-nukat ‘ala kitab ibn al-salah, vol. 1, (madinah: ‘imadat 46 afkaruna al-bahth al-‘ilmi bi al-jami‘ah al-islamiyyah, 1984), h. 417. 28 ‘adnan ‘abdullah zuhar, tashih al-hadith ‘inda al-sadat al-sufiyyah, (t.t.: t.p., t.th.), h. 6-9. 29 ahmad bin muhammad bin al-siddiq al-ghumari, al-burhan al-jali fi tahqiq intisab al-sufiyyah ila ‘ali, (kairo: matba‘at al-sa‘adah, 1969), h. 146. 30 ‘abd al-wahhab al-sha‘rani, lawaqih al-anwar al-qudsiyyah, (beirut: dar alfikr, t.th), h. 14. 31 ‘abd al-wahhab al-sha‘rani, al-mizan al-kubra, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-fikr, t.th), h. 44. 32 ibid. 33 ‘adnan ‘abdullah zuhar,tashih al-hadith ‘inda al-sadat al-sufiyyah, (t.t.: t.p., t.th.), h. 6-9. 34 ibid, h. 8. 35 ibid., h. 8-9. 36 muhammad yusuf bin isma‘il al-nabhani, al-fath al-kabir fî-dimn al-ziyadah ila al-jami‘ al-saghir, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-kitab al-‘arabi, t.th.), 7-8. 37 isma‘il bin muhammad al-‘ajiluni, kashf al-khafa’, vol. 2, (t.t.: dar ihya’ alturath al-‘arabi, t.th.), h. 262. 38 ‘abd al-rahman al-suyuti, al-hawi li al-fatawi, vol. 2, (beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiyyah, 2000), h. 226. 39 al-qadi ‘iyad, ikmal al-mu’lim, vol. 1, (t.t.: t.p., t.th.), h. 106. 40 muslim bin al-hajjaj al-naisaburi, sahih muslim, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-jail, t.th.), h. 10. 41 ibn ‘abd al-barr, al-tamhid lima fi al-muwatta’ min al-ma’ani wa al-asanid, vol. 1, (t.t.: mu’assasat al-qurtubah, t.th.), h. 55. 42 ibid, h. 56. 43 ibn abi hatim al-razi, al-jarh wa al-ta‘dil, vol. 2, (beirut: dar ihya’ al-turath al-‘arabi, t.th.), h. 34. 44 ibn rajab al-hanbali, sharh ‘ilal al-tirmidhi, vol. 1, (riyad}: maktabah al-rushd, 2001), h. 366. 45 al-khatib al-baghdadi, al-kifayah fi ‘ilm al-riwayah, vol. 1, (al-maktabah al‘ilmiyyah, t.th.), h. 393. 46 muhammad ‘ajjaj al-khatib, al-sunnah qabla al-tadwin, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1993), h. 220-223. 47 muhammad ‘ajjaj al-khatib,… h. 227. 48 ibid. 49 al-hasan bin ‘abd al-rahman al-ramahurmuzi, al-muhaddith al-fasil baina al-rawi wa al-wa’i, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1404 h.), h. 231-232. 50 muhammad bin sa’d al-basri, al-tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 2, (beirut: dar sadir, 1968), h. 381. yusuf bin ‘abdillah al-qurtubi, jami’ bayan al-‘ilmi wa fadlihi, vol. 1, (t.t.: dar ibni hazm, 2003), h. 188. 51 muhammad ‘ajjaj al-khatib,… h. 228-229. ‘abdullah bin ‘addi al-jurjani, alkamil fi du’afa’ al-rijal, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiyyah, 1997), h. 168. 47vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 52 al-khatib al-baghdadi, al-jami’ li akhlaq al-rawi wa adab al-sami’, vol. 4, (t.t.: t.p., t.th.), h. 319. 53 ibid., h. 224-226. 54 al-qadi ‘iyad, ikmal al-mu’lim, vol. 1, (t.t.: t.p., t.th.), h. 106. 55 lihat komentar abu ghuddah dalam ‘ali al-qari, al-masnu‘ fi ma‘rifat alhadith al-mawdu‘ tahqiq ‘abd al-fattah abu ghuddah, (beirut: mu’assasat al-risalah, 1978), h. 273. daftar pustaka ahmad, al-murtada al-zayn. 1994. manahij al-muhaadditsin fi taqwiyat al-ahadits al-hasanah wa al-da‘ifah. riyad}: maktabah al-rushd. ‘ajiluni (al), isma‘il bin muhammad. t.th. kashf al-khafa’, vol. 1. t.t.: dar ihya’al-turath al-‘arabi. ‘arabi, muhyiddin ibn. t.th. fusus al-hikam. t.t.: dar al-kitab al-‘arabi. _______. 2007. al-futuhat al-makkiyyah. vol. 1. beirut: dar al-fikr. baghdadi (al), al -hatib. t.th. tarikh al-baghdad, vol. 14. beirut: dar al-kutub al‘ilmiyyah. _______. t.th. ajami’ li akhlaq al-rawi wa adab al-sami’, vol. 4. t.t.: t.p. _______. t.th. al-kifayah fi ‘ilm al-riwayah, vol. 1. al-maktabah al-‘ilmiyyah. bajuri (al), ibrahim. 2002. tuhfat al-murid. kairo: dar al-salam. barr (al), ibn ‘abd. t.th. al-tamhid lima fi al-muwatta’ min al-ma’ani wa al-asanid, vol. 1. t.t.: mu’assasah al-qurtubah. basri (al), muhammad bin sa’d. 1968. al-tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 2. beirut: dar sadir. busti (al), 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_______. t.th. lawaqih al-anwar al-qudsiyyah. beirut: dar al-fikr. suyuti (al), ‘abd al-rahman. t.th. nuzul ‘isa akhir al-zaman. iskandaria: dar ibn khaldun. _______. 2000. al-hawi li al-fatawi, vol. 2. beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiyyah. zuhar, ‘adnan ‘abdullah tashih al-hadith ‘inda al-sadat al-sufiyyah (t.t.: t.p., t.th. dalam http://www.tidjania.fr/fikh-tariqa/512-2013-05-04-19-07-37 diakses 4 september 2017. http://www.tidjania.fr/fikh-tariqa/512-2013-05-04-19-07-37 # layout jan jun 2011 rekonstruksi metafisika seyyed hossein nasr dan pendidikan spiritual azaki khoirudin pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga. jl. laksda adi sucipto, yogyakarta, dan pimpinan pusat ikatan pelajar muhammadiyah 2014-2016.email: zakielfikry@ipm.or.id abstract this article examines seyyed hossein nasr’s thought on metaphysics and its relation to spiritual education. nasr’s paradigm is based on the universality and absolute dimension of islam. nasr utilizes islamic intellectual tradition such as kalam, philosophy and mysticism as a tool to explain islamic teachings. as a disciple of shuhrawardi’s philosophy of illumination, nasr proposes a concept called scientia sacra as an authentic knowledge because it is derived from the quran and human intellect. scientia sacra appears in the form of “al-‘ilm al-hudluri”. as regard crises faced by modern human beings, the forgotten tradition derived from islamic sufism should be included in the current islamic education model as an answer to the thirst for spirituality among modern humankinds. keywords: metaphysics, scientia sacra, spiritual education, seyyed hossein nasr abstrak astikel ini membahas paradigma spiritualitas nasr tentang metafisika dan kaitannya dengan pendidikan spiritual. paradigma nasr didasari universalitas dan absolutiditas islam. dia menggunakan tradisi pemikiran islam seperti kalam, filsafat dan tasawuf sebagai alat bantu dalam menderivasikan ajaran islam. sebagai pewaris filasafat iluminasi suhrawardi, nasr menawarkan suatu konsep tentang scientia sacra sebagai pengetahuan yang sejati karena bersumber pada wahyu dan inteleksi manusia. scientia sacra bisa berwujud dalam bentuk “al-‘ilm al-hudluri”. berkenaan dengan krisis kemanusiaan yang dialami manusia modern, nasr menawarkan solusi agar pendidikan islam kembali kepada tradisi islam yang didalamnya terkandung ajaran sufisme sebagai yang paling bisa memberikan jawaban memuaskan atas kehausan spiritual manusia modern. kata kunci: metafisika, scientia sacra, pendidikan spiritual, seyyed hossein nasr pendahuluan dewasa ini, dunia modern dilanda berbagai krisis yang kompleks. baik itu krisis alam, krisis kebudayaanperadaban, krisis sosial-ekonomi, krisis pendidikan dan krisis-krisis lainnya yang antara satu dengan lainnya hampir memiliki hubungan. banyak orang mulai jenuh dengan kehidupan dunia ini. mereka menginginkan keadilan, kesejahteraan, keamanan, dan perdamaian. namun kenyataanya mereka semakin terpuruk, di eropa saat ini pengangguran meningkat dari tahun sebelumnya. ada banyak idiom yang digunakan orang untuk menandai kehidupan masyarakat modern dewasa ini, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 203vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 misalnya, “hilangnya pesona dunia” (max weber), “terputusnya rantai kemajuan material dan kemajuan moral” (bertrand russel), “kesenjangan hati dan fikiran” (rabindranath tagore), “sindroma keterasingan” (fromm), “kekosongan rohani” (leahy), ataupun the age of anxiety (bastaman), adapun hossein nasr memiliki idiom “nestapa manusia modern”. idiom-idiom semacam itu menunjukkan adanya krisis yang diderita manusia yang hidup di zaman ini. multikrisis yang disinyalir bersumber pada kekosongan jiwa manusia modern akan “makna”, baik dalam arti ideologis, moral, mitologis maupun spiritual modernisme akhirnya dirasakan membawa kehampaan dan ketidak bermaknaan hidup. timbul berbagai kritik dan usaha pencarian baru. manusia membutuhkan pola pemikiran baru yang diharapkan membawa kesadaran dan pola kehidupan baru. dalam hal kesadaran manusia, secara praktis, timbul gejala pencarian makna hidup dan upaya penemuan diri pada kepercayaan-kepercayaan yang sarat dengan spiritualitas. di sinilah letak urgensi menggali pemikiran hossein nasr tentang konsep rekonstruksi metafisika dalam pembangunan spiritualitas yang hilang. sehingga, artikel ini membahas rekonstruksi metafisika nasr dan relevansinya dengan pendidikan spiritualitas. biografi seyyed hossein nasr seyyed hossein nasr lahir pada tanggal 7 april 1933, di kota teheran, iran, negara tempat lahirnya para sufi, filosofi, ilmuwan dan penyair muslim terkemuka. ayahnya, seyyed valiullah nasr, di samping terkenal sebagai seorang ulama di iran pada masanya, juga dikenal sebagai seorang dokter dan pendidik pada masa berkuasanya reza shah, ia diangkat setingkat dengan jabatan menteri pendidikan (untuk masa sekarang).1 pendidikan dasarnya diperoleh secara informal dari keluarga dan secara formal pendidikan tradisional di teheran. di lembaga ini, ia mendapatkan pelajaran menghafal al-quran dan menghafal syair-syair persia klasik. pelajaran ini sangat membekas dalam jiwa dan pikiran nasr. kemudian ayahnya mengirim belajar kepada sejumlah ulama besar di qum iran, termasuk kepada thabathaba’i, penulis tafsir mizan, untuk mendalami filsafat, ilmu kalam dan tasawuf.2 pendidikan tingginya ditempuh di amerika di massachusetts institute of technologi (mit), dimana ia berhasil mendapatkan diploma b.s. (bachelor of science) dan m.a. (master of art) dalam bidang fisika. prestasi yang disandangnya belum memuaskan dirinya. ia melanjutkan ke universitas harvard menekuni history of science and philosophy, dimana ia nasr berhasil memperoleh gelar ph.d (doctor of philosophy) pada tahun 1958.3 memandang kritikannya terhadap modernisme dan tokoh-tokoh modernis sekaligus mempertimbangkan warna pemikirannya, nasr sangat boleh jadi merupakan pemikir aliran pasca-modernis. pasca-modernisme nasr, seperti tercermin dalam pemikirannya, mengambil bentuk kembali kepada islam “tradisional”. dalam kerangka ini, orang tradisonal adalah ia yang ingin memegangi “tradisi” yang suci, abadi, mempunyai kebijaksanaan yang perenial. lebih dari itu, nasr sangat mungkin pula adalah seorang “neo-sufi”, yang menerima pluralisme dan perennialisme dalam kehidupan keagamaan. neo-sufisme nasr adalah tasawuf yang menekankan aktivisme; doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 204 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tasawuf yang tidak mengakibatkan pengamalnya mengundurkan diri dari kehidupan dunia, tetapi sebaliknya melakukan inner detachment untuk mencapai realisasi spiritual yang lebih maksimal.4 kiprah seyyed hossein nasr dalam pemikiran islam setelah memperoleh gelar ph.d. dalam bidang sejarah sains dan filsafat islam dari harvard university, pada tahun 1958, nasr kembali ke iran. di sini ia lebih mendalami filsafat timur dan filsafat tradisional dengan banyak diskusi bersama para tokoh terkemuka agama iran, seperti thabathaba’i, abu hasan al-qazwini, dan kazin asar. dalam kegiatan akademik, nasr mengajar di universitas teheran, menjadi dekan fakultas sastra pada lembaga yang sama tahun 19681972,5 dan pada tahun 1962-1965 ia diangkat sebagai profesor tamu pada harvard university. ia juga sarjana yang menduduki pimpinan aga khan chair of islamic studies yang baru dibentuk di american university of beirut (1964-1965). pada tahun 19751979 nasr menjadi direktur imperial iranian academy of philosophy, sebuah lembaga yang didirikan dinasti syah reza pahlevi, untuk memajukan pendidikan dan kajian filsafat. nasr berhasil dalam tugas ini sehingga ia diberi gelar kebangsaan oleh syah. kredibilitas nasr sebagai intelektual dan akademisi tidak hanya dikenal di negaranya sendiri tetapi juga diakui di negeri lain, sehingga sering diundang seminar atau memberi kuliah di luar negeri. antara lain, memberi kuliah tamu di harvard, amerika, tahun 1962-1965, universitas amerika di beirut, tahun 1964-1965, menjadi direktur lembaga aga khan untuk kajian ke-islaman (aga khan chair of islamic studies) pada universitas yang sama. nasr juga memberikan makalah pada pakistan philosophical congress, di pakistan, tahun 1964; memberikan kuliah di universitas chicago, tahun 1966, atas sponsor rockefeller foundation, dan tahun 1981 memberi kuliah di giffort lectures, lembaga yang didirikan oleh universitas edinburg tahun 1989.6 nasr pernah datang juga ke indonesia, juni 1993 atas undangan yayasan wakaf paramadina bekerja sama dengan penerbit mizan. di sini ia memberi tiga ceramah dengan topik berbeda, (1) tentang ‘seni islam’ sekaligus peluncuran buku spiritualitas dan seni islam (bandung, mizan, 1993), (2) tentang ‘spritualitas, krisis dunia modern dan agama masa depan’, (3) tentang ‘filsafat perenial’.7 adapun karya-karyanya diantaranya adalah8: three muslim sages (1962); an introduction to islamic cosmological doctrine: conceptions of nature and methods used for its study by the ikhwan ash-shafa, albiruni and ibn sina (1964); islamic science – an illustrated study (1964); ideals and realitties of islam (1965), terjemahan bahasa indonesia berjudul islam dalam cita dan fakta; science and civilization in islam ( 1968); man and nature: the spiritual crisis of modern man. (1968); sufi essays (1972); islam and the plight of modern man (1975), terjemahan bahasa indonesia berjudul islam dan nestapa manusia modern; knowledge and the sacred (1981), terjemahan bahasa indonesia berjudul inteligensi dan spiritualitas agama-agama; the encounter man and nature (1984), terjemahan bahasa indonesia berjudul antara tuhan, manusia dan alam; traditional islam in the modern world (1987); islamic art and spirituality (1987).; the need for sacred science (1993); religion and the order of nature (1994); the heart of islam: enduring values for humanity doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 205vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 (2002), terjemahan bahasa indonesia berjudul the heart of islam: pesan-pesan universal islam untuk kemanusiaan. the new metaphysics sejak awal, syeed hossein nasr, titik tolak pemikirannya didasari atas konsep dua hal: pertama, adalah kritiknya terhadap modernitas, kedua, karena fokus awalnya keilmuannya adalah “fisika” maka nasr sangat mencintai “nature (alam)”. keduanya, baik kritik modernitas maupun pandangan tentang alam, didasarkan pada metafisika. keduanya “bertemu” dalam usaha memahami lebih luas tentang “alam” itu, tidak sederhana. karena selama ini, menurut nasr pemahaman alam itu dibangun atas nalar modernisme. konsepnya tentu dipengaruhi juga, oleh frijchof schuon saat di amerika dengan konsep “hikmah perenial”. scientia sacra paradigma spiritualitas nasr tampaknya terpengaruh filsafat iluminasi-perennial. dalam paradigmanya nasr terdapat konsep tentang scientia sacra. menurut nasr, scientia sacra tidak lain adalah pengetahuan suci yang berada dalam jantung setiap wahyu dan ia adalah pusat lingkungan inti yang meliputi dan menentukan “tradisi”. ada dua sumber scientia sacra, yaitu sumber wahyu dan inteleksi atau intuisi intelektual yang menyelimuti iluminasi (cahaya) hati dan pikiran manusia, sehingga dimungkinkan hadirnya pengetahuan yang bersifat langsung,dapat dirasakan dan dialami, atau dalam tradisi islam disebut dengan al-ilmu alhudluri (ilmu yang hadir)9 menurut nasr, scientia sacra pada dasarnya adalah metafisika itu sendiri, jika istilah ini dimengerti secara tepat sebagai puncak sains tentang “yang real”. metafisika dalam pengertian bahasa timur seperti prajna, jnana (dalam tradisi hindu) dan ma’rifat atau hikmah (dalam tradisi islam) sebagai sains paripurna tentang “yang real” tanpa direduksi ke dalam bentuk cabang pengetahuan lain yang dikenal sebagai filsafat atau padanannya. dalam pengertian ini hikmah (metafisik) identik dengan scientia sacra. scientia sacra memandang semua yang ada pada dasarnya adalah refleksi dari “yang real”. hipostase ilahi atau kemutlakan tertinggi direfleksikan dalam lima kondisi eksistensi. pertama, dalam ruang sebagai perluasan yang secara teoritik tidak terbatas. kedua, dalam waktu sebagai durasi yang secara logis tidak berakhir. ketiga, dalam materi, sebagai eter yang merupakan prinsip baik materi maupun energi yang menandakan ketidakterbatasan substansialitas material. keempat, dalam bentuk sebagai kemungkinan tak terbatas keanekaragaman, dan kelima, dalam rangka, sebagai ketakterbatasan kuantitas. scientis sacra melihat aspek-aspek eksistensi kosmik tersebut sebagai refleksi terhadap bidang atau berbagai bidang manifestasi hipostase ilahi, kemutlakan, ketakterbatasan dan kebajikan yang mencirikan yang real seperti itu.10 di barat, kajian metafisik ditarik hanya ke wilayah ontologis yang menafikan intuisi intelektual sebagai jalan yang mendalam dalam membayangkan realitas ini. padahal jauh sebelum itu, seorang filosof muslim, suhrawardi, telah mengawinkan filsafat dengan pengalaman spiritual. baginya, pengalaman spiritual yang membuat pengalaman tentang “wujud” tidak hanya mungkin, tetapi sumber bagi semua spekulasi filosofis berkenaan dengan konsep dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 206 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna realitas wujud. scientia sacra memunculkan pengetahuan unitif, yang melihat dunia tidak sebagai ciptaan yang terpisah, tetapi sebagai manifestasi melalui simbol dari setiap pancaran aksistensi pada sumber, yang tidak meniadakan keagungan trensendensi. scientia sacra tidak dapat dicapai tanpa inteleksi dan pemanfaatan yang tepat terhadap intelegensi yang terdapat dalam diri manusia. meskipun intelek memancar di dalam diri manusia, tetapi ia terlalu jauh bergerak dari sifat primordialnya, sehingga tidak mampu menggunakan secara penuh karunia ilahi ini bagi dirinya sendiri. ia membutuhkan wahyu, yang dengannya dapat mengaktualisasikan intelek dalam dirinya sendiri. scentia sacra akan diperoleh ketika tiap manusia adalah seorang nabi dan ketika intelek berfungsi dalam diri manusia secara natural, maka ia akan melihat segala sesuatu in divinis dan memiliki pengetahuan langsung tentang karakter suci sepanjang masa. pusat pengetahuan adalah hati. hati ibarat matahari, sedangkan pikiran ibarat bulan. bulan memancarkan sinarnya dari pantulan sinar matahari.11 pemikiran modern memandang bahwa ilmu pengetahuan hanyalah realitas empirik, namun hossein nasr memandang keseluruhan realitas dari yang eksternal hingga yang paling internal. menurutnya. berbagai realitas itu dipadukan dalam kalimat tauhid la ilaha illa allah (tiada tuhan selain allah) sebagai konsep dasar islam.12 makna terdalam dari kalimat tersebut adalah tidak ada wujud (realitas) selain wujud tuhan. ia melanjutkan, bahwa kehadiran ilahi itu dapat disederhanakan dengan membaginya ke dalam lima keberadaan (al-hadharat. alilahiyah alkhamsah) untuk menggambarkan hirarki seluruh realitas dalam urutan menurun: (1) kehadiran hakikat ilahiyah, esensi tuhan (hahut); (2) keberadaan nama dan sifat tuhan (lahut); (3) kehadiran malaikat (jabarut); (4) keberadaan psikis dan manifestasi halus, disebut juga dunia perantara (malakut); dan (5) keberadaan fana atau dunia fisikal (nasut).13 keberadaan hakikat ilahiah, adalah wujud yang tidak dapat dikenal dan tidak dapat dijangkau oleh apapun, kecuali tuhan sendiri. oleh karena itu, ia absolut murni. keberadaan atau dunia hahut, lahut, dan jabarut berada di atas bentuk-bentuk dan manifestasi formal. sedang dunia malakut mempunyai bentuk meskipun bukan materi dalam pengertian peripatetik biasa. nama tuhan tidak dikenal di dunia ini. ialu ia menyebutkan nama dan sifat-sifatnya untuk dikenal. dan secara emanasi, lahirlah apa yang disebut lahut yang dapat dipersamakan dengan prinsip kreatif atau wujud, yaitu prinsip ontologis dari keseluruhan kosmos. dengan demikian, ia absolut terhadap seluruh ciptaan. agar dapat sampai ke dunia, diciptakanlah juga a’yan tsabitah, dimana polapola dasar (archetype). malakut adalah mediator antara tuhan dengan dunia psikis manusia. malakut adalah keberadaan cahaya atau substansi jiwa yang ada dalam diri manusia, salah satu bagiannya adalah intelek, sebagai cahaya ilahi yang mampu menghubungkan manusia dengan malakut. intelek, bagi manusia, merupakan ciri utama yang melampaui realitas lain. karena intelek itulah, manusia kerap disebut mikrokosmos, sebagai simbol dari makrokosmos. nasut adalah keberadaan alam fisik. ia merupakan manifestasi yang paling akhir, ia juga merupakan lambang ketuhanan. oleh karena itu, intelek disebut juga ayat. ia bukan hanya bersifat material doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 207vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 melainkan memiliki makna. hirarki keberadaan itulah yang disebut manifestasi tuhan (tajalliyat).14 doktrin keesaan (tawhid) adalah formulasi metafisikal yang paling mendalam. ia mempunyai berbagai aspek dan tingkat pengertian: pertama, penekanan pada karakter kesementaraan dan ketaksubstansialan segala sesuatu selain allah (ma siwa allah) dan dengan mengikuti urutan ciptaan: yang material adalah yang paling tidak permanen; kedua, penekanan pada “sesuatu yang lain” sehingga realitas tertinggi menekankan pada kebenaran bahwa allah sepenuhnya berada di atas seluruh pemikiran dan pengertian awam tentang makna istilah kata “ilah” dalam formulasi di atas. dengan mengikuti terminologi al-qur’an, nasr mengemukakan empat kualitas dunia tertinggi: awal, akhir, lahir, dan batin, yang satu sama lain bersifat komplementer. dua sifat ilahi pertama, yang awal dan yang akhir, bersesuaian dengan kepercayaan waktu di dunia atas asal ilahi. tuhan yang awal berarti bahwa seluruh realitas berasal dari-nya, sedangkan tuhan yang akhir berarti semua realitas akan kembali kepadanya. dengan kata lain, ia adalah asal sekaligus tujuan. dan, dua sifat ilahi berikutnya, yang lahir dan yang batin, berhubungan dengan ruang. tuhan yang lahir dan yang batin berarti yang mencakup segalanya15. metafisika, bagi nasr, merupakan pengetahuan tentang yang real. ia menjelaskan asal-usul dan tujuan semua realitas, tentang yang absolut dan relatif. oleh karena itu, nasr mengusulkan jika manusia ingin tinggal di dunia lebih lama, prinsip-prinsip metafisis harus dihidupkan kembali.16 dalam memahami alam, yang ditemukan di wisdom-wisdom tradisional yang berada di dalam esensi keagamaan, hikmah perenial, universal knowledge (ilmu sacra, ilmu unity). scientia sacra membuka tatanan alam dan sekat-sekat kimia, fisika, matematika, biologi dan lain-lain. inilah yang menjadi dasar pembentukan “human spiritual”. jadi manusia adalah pusat dari pengembangan pengetahuan (central of man) disertai dengan kecerdasan ilahi sebagai orientasi perennial. bahwa yang terjadi di dunia ini adalah menurut hukum alam (cosmic law), serta bersatu dalam kesatuan eksistensi kehidupan (unity of existens) nasr berupaya menemukan kembali (rediscovery) tentang alam. karena wajah alam terlalu positivistic-modernis. nasr kemudian manawarkan kembali kepada kalam (monotheistic of god). artinya, bagaimana praktik keilmuan itu berbasis pada tauhid. sebagain contoh, kerusakan lingkungan adalah akibat ketidakseimbangan tangan-tangan manusia, padahal tuhan memberikan keseimbangan. nasr adalah serorang tradisionalis, yang sudah barang tentu kehadirannya menjadi angin sejuk kapitalisme barat. inilah yang menjadi pondasi “spiritualitas” dalam pembangunan peradaban, society, politik, sains dan ekonomi. kembali ke tradisi di dalam karya-karyanya, nasr menunjukkan signifikansi religius dari upaya penegakan ilmu pengetahuan. ia mengidentifikasi diri sebagai pemikiran tradisional. jadi, nasr adalah tradisionalis. terma tradisi, menurut nasr, menyiratkan sesuatu yang sakral.17 dengan penggunaan terma tradisi, nasr tampak menginginkan adanya kejelasan alur dan posisi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 208 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pemikirannya untuk dilihat secara berbeda dari pemikiran “kontra tradisi”. mereka adalah kelompok ilmuwan modern, para pemikir muslim modernis, dan fundamentalis. pembedaan secara kontras ini dilakukan nasr mengingat masing-masing kelompok itu memiliki karakteristik spesifik. dalam wacana ilmu pengetahuan, tradisi dihadapkan pada terma modern. terma modern bukan dimaksudkan sebagai kontemporer atau mengikuti zaman, melainkan sesuatu yang terpisah dari yang transenden. dengan demikian, modernisme dipertentangkan dengan al-din. modernisme mengimplikasikan semua yang semata-mata manusiawi dan semua yang tercerai dan terpisah dari sumber yang ilahi. sekurang-kurangnya ada tiga karakteristik utama yang dapat dijumpai dalam ilmu pengetahuan modern. pertama, ilmu pengetahuan modern bersifat antropomorfik. kriteria instrumen-instrumen pengetahuan adalah semata-mata manusia. sebaliknya, ilmu pengetahuan tradisional benar-benar non-antropomorfik, dalam pengertian bahwa locus dan wadah pengetahuan bukanlah pikiran manusia melainkan, pada akhirnya, kecerdasan ilahi yang dimiliki tingkat supra manusiawi. kedua, prinsip-prinsip yang menjadi ciri ilmu pengetahuan modern tidak ada karena empirisme, rasionalisme, dan rasionalismeempirik tidak dapat bertindak sebagai prinsipprinsip dalam pengertian metafisika. ketiga, tidak memiliki kepekaan terhadap yang sakral. sementara itu islam tidak mengenal konsep profan atau sekuler. dalam islam, yang esa merasuk ke dalam ke dalam dunia multiplisitas dan tidak mengesampingkan domain apapun dari tradisi.18 secara keseluruhan tampaknya, nasr mengemukakan sebuah kebutuhan untuk menghidupkan kembali kosmologi tradisional di dunia modern. kosmologi ini memiliki peran penting di dalam setiap usulan yang bertujuan membangkitkan kesadaran akan kesatuan ilmu dan pengetahuan spiritual. “tradisi” dalam kaitannya dengan filsafat perennial menurut nasr, secara spesifik memiliki tiga ciri utama: pertama, kepercayaan kepada sesuatu yang bersifat transendental; kedua, hakikat kebenarannya dapat dilihat dalam berbagai bentuk agama dan tradisi yang diturunkan pada zaman, masyarakat, dan bahasa yang berbeda. namun demikian, terdapat satu hakikat di balik tradisi-tradisi otentik itu yang dapat menyatukan pemahaman dimensi transendental; ketiga, dalam setiap bentuk tradisi terdapat prinsip-prinsip kebenaran dan keindahan. setiap keindahan dalam tradisi agama-agama merujuk pada hakikat yang sama. berlandaskan kepada versi tradisi ini, nasr menganggap bahwa peradaban modern sudah tercemar oleh prinsip-prinsip nonagama, yang pada akhirnya memperlihatkan ciri-ciri kejatuhan manusia (asfala safilin)19 bertitik tolak dari pandangan ini, nasr menawarkan “islam tradisi” sebagai salah satu model “tradisi” yang perennial, yang menurutnya mampu merespon tantangan zaman, sekaligus mampu menyelesaikan problem kehidupan yang dihadapi manusia modern, khususnya problem pluralitas kehidupan umat beragama. hal ini dikarenakan kitab suci yang dijadikan sebagai landasan pijak dari islam tradisi adalah al-qur’an. melalui “tradisi” yang terdapat dalam jantung agama dan hakikat primordial manusia, dengan bantuan intellect sebagai karunia yang berasal dari wahyu ilahi, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 209vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 memungkinkan manusia untuk memperoleh pengetahuan metafisis yang memadai, yakni tuhan sebagai the ultimate reality. hakekat manusia menurut seyyed hossein nasr kejadian manusia seyyed hossein nasr, sebagai salah satu tokoh aliran filsafat ini dengan pendekatan perennialisme dan sufismenya20 membahas hakekat manusia dengan memberikan kritik terhadap ideologi dunia modern yang sekarang sedang dihadapi manusia. baginya, ideologi dunia modern telah menggeser posisi manusia dari pusat eksistensinya, sehingga manusia modern semakin terpinggirkan dari esensi kemanusiaannya dan kehidupan menjadi kehilangan horizon spiritual sehingga menimbulkan berbagai bencana dan krisis lingkungan, sebagaimana dikatakannya: ... kehidupan di dunia ini tampaknya masih tidak memiliki horizon spiritual. hal ini bukan karena horizon spiritual itu tidak ada, tetapi karena yang menyaksikan panorama kehidupan kontemporer ini seringkali adalah manusia yang hidup di pinggiran lingkaran eksistensi, sehingga ia hanya dapat menyaksikan segala sesuatu dari sudut pandangannya sendiri. ia senantiasa tidak peduli dengan jari-jari lingkaran eksistensi dan sama sekali lupa dengan sumbu maupun pusat lingkaran eksistensi yang dapat dicapainya melalui jari-jari tersebut.21 sesuai dengan ide tradisionalisme islam yang dibawanya, nasr selalu mengaitkan setiap pembahasannya dengan teks-teks alquran dan hadits. manusia menurut nasr didefinisikan dalam hubungannya dengan tuhan, tanggung jawab dan hak-hak manusia dirumuskan dari hubungan tersebut. form atau bentuk manusia merupakan refleksi dari nama-nama dan sifat-sifat tuhan. refleksi sifat tuhan dalam diri manusia ini sebagaimana cermin yang merefleksikan cahaya matahari.22 pengaruh sufisme ibnu ‘arabi tampak jelas dalam pemikiran nasr, ia menegaskan bahwa menurut islam, tujuan kemunculan manusia di dunia adalah untuk memperoleh pengetahuan total tentang benda, untuk menjadi manusia universal (al-insan al-kamil), yaitu cermin yang memantulkan semua nama dan sifat allah. bagi tuhan, maksud dan tujuan penciptaan manusia adalah untuk “mengetahui” diri-nya melalui instrumen pengetahuan-nya yang sempurna, yakni manusia universal.23 dalam membahas kejadian manusia, nasr membandingkan konsep islam dan agamaagama lain terutama kristen dan yahudi. nasr menyimpulkan adanya kesamaan konsep dalam setiap agama dan tradisi tentang kejadian manusia terutama dalam hal adanya aspek ketuhanan dalam diri manusia, sesuatu yang merupakan pancaran dunia spiritual.24 fase pertama penciptaan manusia menurut nasr adalah ketika manusia diturunkan dari ruh yang merupakan milik allah25, dengan demikian terdapat dimensi ketuhanan dalam diri manusia. di sini nasr berusaha menegaskan bahwa ruh manusia bukanlah ciptaan allah, karena dalam berbagai ayat tentang kejadian manusia, selalu dijelaskan bahwa allah meniupkan ruh-nya ke dalam jasad manusia, artinya, menurut nasr, jasad manusia diciptakan dan kemudian allah meniupkan ruh-nya ke dalam jasad tersebut sebagai karunia yang menunjukkan kedudukan tertentu yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 210 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dimiliki manusia. akan tetapi, nasr menegaskan bahwa konsep ini tidak mengubah tuhan menjadi manusia atau sebaliknya, juga tidak ada kemungkinan inkarnasi dimensi ke-tuhanan dan kemanusiaan dalam diri manusia, melainkan menggambarkan manusia sebagai makhluk theomorfis yang memiliki sesuatu yang agung dalam dirinya. allah dengan sengaja menciptakan manusia sebagai cermin yang memantulkan nama dan sifat-nya, tegasnya ada sesuatu yang suci dalam diri manusia.26 penyatuan puncak dalam perspektif nasr lebih berorientasi pada pengalaman religius manusia yang membuatnya menjadi manusia seutuhnya sebagaimana penjelasan nasr: manusia, sebagai wakil tuhan di bumi (khalifah) dan panggung di mana nama-nama dan sifat-sifat tuhan dipertunjukkan, bisa mencapai kebahagiaan hanya dengan tetap memegang teguh kodratnya ini atau dengan menjadi dirinya secara sungguh-sungguh. dan ini sebagai akibatnya berarti ia harus menjadi utuh. tuhan adalah satu dan demikian manusia harus menjadi menyeluruh di dalam rangka untuk menjadi satu. tercerai-berai dan terpisah-pisah, tenggelam di dalam permainan gambar dan konsekonsep mental yang tak habis-habisnya, atau mengalami ketegangan dan tekanan kejiwaan, adalah berarti terpisah jauh dari keadaan menyeluruh yang dituntut hati nurani kita. banyak orang dewasa ini lebih menyukai dirinya melampaui batas dengan segala pengorbanan, malahan lebih memiliki demikian dan memasuki neraka daripada menjadi wajar dan berjalan menuju surga; sekalipun demikian, dibanding sifat melampaui batas, sifat wajar lebih dekat kepada ketakberdosaan dan kemurnian yang merupakan keadaan surgawi yang indah, seperti nabi isa mengatakan bahwa kita harus menjadi seperti kanak-kanak supaya bisa masuk surga.27 fase kedua dalam penciptaan manusia adalah ketika ia diciptakan sebagai logos yang menjadi prototipe semua manusia dan segala ciptaan, dalam islam logos, tegas nasr, adalah nabi muhammad.28 nabi muhammad, sebagai pembawa islam, merupakan nabi terakhir yang diutus allah ke dunia, meskipun seluruh nabi dalam islam memiliki aspek logos tersebut, akan tetapi menurut nasr, hakikat muhammad yang menjadi ciptaan allah yang pertama – konsep yang sama dengan konsep nur muhammad dalam tasawuf – sehingga secara batin beliau datang sebelum nabi yang lain pada awal siklus kenabian dan sebagai perwujudan penuh dari sifat kemanusiaan yang sempurna, muhammad adalah manusia universal (alinsan al-kamil), dan aspek batinnya merupakan logos.29 ...seperti pohon yang tumbuh dari sebuah bibit yang kemudian berkembang dengan subur dan akhirnya berbuah yang mengandung bibit yang serupa, begitu pulalah siklus kenabian yang dimuali dengan hakikat muhammad, dan diakhiri dengan manifestasinya sebagai manusia. secara batin ia adalah awal silus kenabian dan secara lahir ia adalah akhir siklus kenabian yang telah ia satukan dan integrasikan dalam dirinya. pada lahirnya ia manusia biasa, dan secara batin ia manusia universal yang menjadi norma segala kesempurnaan...30 keberadaan nabi muhammad sebagai logos ini terutama dari fungsi kenabiannya sebagai pembawa wahyu ilahi. peranannya sebagai khatim al-anbiya’ memulai sebuah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 211vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 siklus kesucian yang diistilahkan nasr dengan “kesucian muhammad” yang selalu ada dan menjadi kekuatan spiritual dalam islam, sehingga tidak lagi diperlukan adanya agama baru sesudah islam, sebab wahyu yang dibawa nabi muhammad dengan sendirinya mengandung segala hal yang diperlukan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan religius dan spiritual setiap muslim. fase ketiga dalam kejadian manusia adalah manusia dalam level kosmik, yaitu nabi adam sebagai penghuni surga sebelum kejatuhan yang dialaminya sehingga diturunkan ke bumi dan selanjutnya menjadi manusia terestrial.31 fase keempat kejadian manusia adalah setelah diturunkan ke bumi, di mana manusia tidak lagi berada dalam level kosmik, tetapi telah berpindah ke dunia fisik. pada fase ini manusia melengkapi penciptaan alam sebagai wakil (khalifah) tuhan di bumi yang diberi kemampuan untuk mengetahui segala sesuatu, menundukkan bumi, kekuasaan untuk melakukan kebaikan tetapi di sisilain juga dapat menimbulkan kerusakan dan kehancuran bumi.32 manusia suci konsep scientia sacra, nampaknya membuat nasr memiliki konsep manusia suci. manusia suci dalam pengertian nasr adalah manusia tradisional yang hidup di dalam dunia yang mempunyai “asal maupun pusat”. dia hidup dalam kesadaran penuh, sejak asal yang mengandung kesempurnaannya sendiri dan berusaha untuk menyamai, memiliki kembali, dan mentransmisikan kesucian awal dan keutuhannya. dia juga hidup dalam lingkaran pusat yang senantiasa sadar dan berupaya mencapai, berpikir, dan bertindak dalam hidupnya. dalam pengertian lain, manusia suci adalah khalifah allah di bumi yang bertanggung jawab kepada-nya atas segala tindakan, penjaga dan pelindung bumi yang senantiasa percaya diri sebagai figur terestrial pusat yang diciptakan dalam “bentuk tuhan”.33 perspektif nasr bahwa manusia suci adalah “figur terestrial pusat yang diciptakan dalam “bentuk tuhan”” di atas menunjukkan penekanan terhadap dimensi ketuhanan dalam diri manusia yang menurut nasr tidak dapat diingkari. dari perspektif scintie sascra tubuh manusia itu sendiri adalah bukti bahwa manusia dikembangkan dari asal surgawi, dia dilahirkan untuk tujuan yang melampaui batas-batas kebinatangannya. definisi manusia sebagai wujud sentral yang direfleksikan bukan hanya dalam pikiran, pembicaraan, dan kemampuan internalnya yang lain, tetapi juga dalam tubuhnya yang berdiri pada pusat lingkaran eksistensi terestrial, memiliki keindahan dan signifikansi yang berasal dari alam spiritual murni. tubuh setiap laki-laki dan perempuan melahirkan takdir kemanusiaan, sebagai suatu ciptaan yang dilahirkan untuk immortalitas, ciptaan yang kesempurnaannya menempa peningkatan dimensi eksistensi vertikal, mencapai pusat dimensi horizontal. mereka yang mencapai titik silang, adalah manusia yang mendaki sumbu vertikalnya, yang merupakan jalan untuk mentransendensikan dirinya sendiri menuju manusia seutuhnya, menjadi manusia adalah melampaui dirinya sendiri. sebagaimana saint agustinus menyatakan, untuk tetap menjadi manusia, manusia harus enjadi superhuman. manusia juga memiliki berbagai kemampuan internal, suatu memori yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 212 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna jauh lebih prestisius daripada yang dapat digambarkan produk pendidikan modern. suatu yang memainkan peranan paling positif dalam aktivitas intelektual dan artistik dari manusia tradisional.34 menurutnya manusia suci adalah refleksi dari pusat periferi dan gaung dari asal dalam siklus dan waktu dan generasi sejarah yang terakhir. dia adalah wakil tuhan (khalifatullah) di bumi bertanggung jawab kepada tuhan atas tindakan-tindakannya, penjaga dan pelindung bumi, senatiasa percaya diri, sebagai figur terestial pusat yang diciptakan dalam “bentuk tuhan,” suatu kehidupan teomorfik di dunia ini, tetapi dicipta untuk keabadian.35 pendidikan spiritualitas seyyed hossein nasr berbicara masalah pendidikan, nasr membicarakan tidak secara terperinci, dalam bukunya yang berjudul “traditional islam in the modern world”, yang diterjemahkan oleh luqman hakim, secara keseluruhan dapat dipaparkan dalam aspek-aspek berikut. menurut nasr bahwa prinsip-prinsip yang mendasari pendidikan islam pada gilarannya mustahil untuk dipahami tanpa apresiasi atas pandangan para filosof berkenaan dengan aspek pendidikan mulai dari tujuan hingga kandungannya dan dari kurikulum hingga metode-metodenya.36 tugas pendidikan, lanjut nasr, untuk mempersiapkan manusia dalam mencapai kebahagiaan hidup di dunia, sedangkan tujuan ultimatnya adalah tercapainya kebahagiaan hidup yang permanent di alam baka (al akhirah)37 nasr menambahkan sistem pendidikan islam klasik (tradisional), yang selama berabad-abad menghasilkan filosoffilosof, ilmuwan-ilmuwan, yuris-yuris, teologteolog, sastrawan-sastrawan dan pakar-pakar di berbagai bidang keilmuan, harus dijadikan contoh model bagi pengembangan pendidikan sekarang, agar pendidikan tidak kehilangan daya mobilitasnya, baik mobilitas vertikal maupun horizontal dalam menghadapi dunia modern. institusi-institusi pendidikan islam klasik, adalah paling signifikan untuk tercapainya perjumpaan islam tradisional dan modernisme. dalam persoalan ini, nasr mengklasifikasikan sains-sains dalam islam. pertama, sains keagamaan (sains aqli), yang meliputi hukum ilahi (syari’ah), prinsipprinsipnya (ushul), jurispudensi (fiqh), tafsir, hadits dan teologi. kedua, sains-sains intelektual (sains aqli) yang meliputi, misalnya matematika, sains-sains kealaman, filsafat, logika dan semacamnya.38 menurut nasr, pembagian sains-sains ini terefleksi dalam sekolah-sekolah islam tradisional, yang sebagian besar mengajarkan beberapa sains naqli dan aqli secara integral. pengajaran sains aqli tidak terlepas dari keterikatannya dengan agama. bahkan puncak-puncak sains-sains aqli berdiri filsafat atau kebijaksanaan ilahi (alhikmah al-ilahiyyah). pendidikan spiritualitas nasr dapat dilihat dari hubungan manusia dengan tuhan menurut nasr. tergambar dengan jelas dalam ayat 56 surah adz-dzariyat. perintah penyembahan dalam ayat tersebut, menurut nasr menegaskan bahwa manusia secara mutlak merupakan hamba tuhan. ini juga menunjukkan bahwa salah satu tujuan penciptaan manusia dalam islam adalah agar manusia beribadah dan melayani tuhan.39 konsekuensi dari penghambaan manusia ini adalah perlunya kehidupan beragama. hubungan manusia dengan tuhan berada pada titik pusat setiap agama, yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 213vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 merupakan jalan bagi manusia untuk mendekatkan dirinya kepada tuhan. agama juga merupakan motivasi dalam melakukan suatu aktivitas, karena perbuatan yang dilakukan dengan latar belakang keyakinan agama dinilai mempunyai unsur kesucian serta ketaatan. kemuliaan manusia bukan berasal dari dirinya sendiri, melainkan dari posisinya sebagai hamba yang mampu melaksanakan apa kehendak majikan tertinggi alam semesta.40 ajaran islam, menurur nasr, adalah ajaran yang didasarkan pada ajaran menyeluruh tentang watak ilahiah, yakni yang maha esa tanpa sekutu apa pun. syahadat yang menjadi dasar keislaman seseorang, dikatakannya, berisi ajaran yang utuh tentang allah karena menghalau relativitas, kemenduaan dan kemungkinan lain dari keilahian dan berisi pengetahuan tentang tuhan berdasarkan keesaan-nya. allah adalah esa, absolut, maha tak terbatas dan sumber seluruh realitas.41 ringkasnya, islam didasarkan pada hubungan yang universal antara tuhan dengan manusia; tuhan dalam kemutlakannya, dan manusia dalam bentuk theomorfisnya. hubungan ini didasarkan pada akal, kehendak dan kemampuan berbicara, serta pada keseimbangan dan kepastian. islam menjaga keseimbangan dalam kehidupan dengan mengatur kebutuhan alamiah manusia melalui syari’at. dan dengan keseimbangan sebagai dasar, islam memungkinkan manusia untuk membangun dunia spiritual yang didasarkan pada renungan dan kepastian tentang keesaan tuhan.42 dua karakter utama manusia adalah pengabdian atau penghambaan dan kekhalifahan. yang pertama berlaku pasif terhadap tuhan dengan menyerahkan diri kepada kehendak-nya, dan yang kedua, berlaku aktif dalam posisi sebagai wakil tuhan dan melaksanakan kehendak-nya di dunia. selain itu, adam telah diajari tentang semua nama. artinya, tuhan telah menempatkan dalam diri manusia suatu kemampuan berpikir yang sangat vital, yang dengan kemampuan ini manusia dapat mengetahui segala sesuatu. hal ini juga berarti bahwa manusia sendiri adalah bayangan tuhan atau manifestasi fisik dari semua nama-nama tuhan.43 jadi, pendidikan spiritualitas nasr adalah tanggung jawab manusia kepada tuhan. tanggung jawab spiritual muncul akibat dari jawaban (komunikasi) manusia awal mula sekali terhadap tuhan. al-quran sebagai kitab yang tidak ada keraguan di dalamnya membicarakan perjanjian pra-eternal (azali) manusia dengan tuhan, ketika dia menjawab panggilan tuhan, “bukankah aku tuhanmu?” dengan afirmasi, “ya.”44 sebagaimana firman allah swt; “dan (ingatlah), ketika tuhanmu mengeluarkan keturunan anak-anak adam dari sulbi mereka dan allah mengambil kesaksian terhadap jiwa mereka (seraya berfirman): “bukankah aku ini tuhanmu?” mereka menjawab: “betul (engkau tuhan kami), kami menjadi saksi”. (kami lakukan yang demikian itu) agar di hari kiamat kamu tidak mengatakan: “sesungguhnya kami (bani adam) adalah orang-orang yang lengah terhadap ini (keesaan tuhan)” (q.s. ala’raaf[7]: 172). menurut nasr, kalimat “bukankah aku tuhanmu?” (alastu bi rabbikum), menyimbolisasikan hubungan antara tuhan dan manusia sebelum penciptaan. dan dalam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 214 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pengakuan ini, tersandar semua tanggung jawab manusia karena manusia dengan menjawab “ya”, berarti manusia menerima kepercayaan tuhan (amanah), yang harus dilaksanakan oleh manusia di dunia ini.45 di dalam amanah terletak pengakuan akan keesaan tuhan dan tindakan-tindakan ibadah dan pelayanan. kata untuk arti “hamba tuhan” itu sendiri (‘abd) terkait dengan kata yang berarti penyembahan dan pelayanan (‘ibadah). oleh karena itu nasr membagi tanggungjawab manusia sebagi wujud spiritualitas sebagai berikut: pertama, spiritualitas terhadap tuhan “act of worship and service and obedience to his law”46(tindakan-tindakan ibadah dan pelayanan serta kepatuhan kepada hukumnya). oleh karenanya manusia disebut sebagai hamba allah. menurut nasr, manusia sebagai hamba allah harus patuh kepada kehendak-nya. manusia harus pasif secara total vis-à-vis kepada kehendak allah, menerima dari-nya petunjuk untuk hidupnya dan perintah bagaimana melaksanakan kehendak-nya menurut hukum alam.47 kedua, spiritualitas manusia terhadap dirinya “responsibilty our soul and mind and then try to save our soul and to be good”48 (tanggung jawab kepada jiwa dan akal kita dan berusaha untuk menyelamatkan dan membuat jiwa ini menjadi lebih baik). karena kehidupan manusia adalah sakral dan tidak diciptakan oleh manusia, maka manusia bertanggung jawab untuk mengusahakan agar jiwa dan tubuh manusia terjaga kesehatannya dan untuk tidak membahayakan diri manusia secara fisik maupun spiritual. manusia juga mempunyai tanggung jawab terhadap akal dengan cara mencari pengetahuan dan kebenaran sebanyak-banyaknya.49 ketiga, spiritualitas terhadap masyarakat, “starting with our family, this set of responsibility all the way from working honestly to support ourselves and our families, to performing acts of charity, to respecting others and strengthening community bonds, to supporting and sustaining all that is positively creative in human society”.50 spiritualitas ini dimulai dengan keluarga, yang didalamnya terdiri dari segala macam perbuatan mulai dari bekerja dengan jujur untuk membiayai dan keluarga, melakukan perbuatan kedermawanan, menghargai orang lain, memperkuat ikatan-ikatan kemasyarakatan, dan mendukung dan memelihara semua hasil ciptaan yang positif dalam masyarakat. keempat, spiritualitas manusia terhadap lingkungan “responsibility toward animals and plants and even inanimate parts of nature such as water, air, and soil” (tanggung jawab terhadap hewan dan tanaman dan bahkan bagianbagian alam yang tidak hidup seperti air, udara, dan tanah)51 dengan memanfaatkan sebaik-baiknya. kumpulan tanggung jawab yang terakhir ini berkenaan dengan hal yang disebut oleh penulis barat modern sekarang sebagai etika lingkungan.52 kesimpulan metafisika, bagi nasr, merupakan pengetahuan tentang “yang real”. ia menjelaskan asal-usul dan tujuan semua realitas, tentang yang absolut dan relatif. oleh karena itu, nasr mengusulkan jika manusia ingin tinggal di dunia lebih lama, prinsip-prinsip metafisis harus dihidupkan kembali. dalam memahami alam, nasr menemukan dalam wisdom-wisdom tradisional yang berada di dalam esensi keagamaan, hikmah perenial, universal knowledge (ilmu sacra, ilmu unity). scientia sacra membuka doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 215vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 tatanan alam dan sekat-sekat kimia, fisika, matematika, biologi dan lain-lain. inilah yang menjadi dasar pembentukan “human spiritual”. jadi manusia adalah pusat dari pengembangan pengetahuan (central of man) disertai dengan kecerdasan ilahi sebagai orientasi perennial. bahwa yang terjadi di dunia ini adalah menurut hukum alam (cosmic low), serta bersatu dalam kesatuan eksistensi kehidupan (unity of existens) nasr berupaya menemukan kembali (rediscovery) tentang alam. karena wajah alam terlalu positivistic-modernis. nasr kemudian manawarkan kembali kepada kalam (monotheistic of god). artinya, bagaimana praktik keilmuan itu berbasis pada tauhid. sebagain contoh, kerusakan lingkungan adalah akibat ketidakseimbangan tangan-tangan manusia, padahal tuhan memberikan keseimbangan. nasr adalah serorang tradisionalis, yang sudah barang tentu kehadirannya menjadi angin sejuk kapitalisme barat. inilah yang menjadi pondasi “spiritualitas” dalam peradaban, society, politik, sains dan ekonomi dibangun. “tradisi”, yang disebut nasr sebagai scientia sacra, yakni pengetahuan suci yang terkandung di dalamnya nilai-nilai universal, unitas kebenaran dan pluralitas pemahaman, serta bersifat perennial. catatan akhir 1 ali maksum, tasawuf sebagai pembebasan manusia modern: telaah signifikansi konsep “tradisionalisme islam” seyyed hossein nasr, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2003), cet. i. h. 352 zainul hasan, islam tradisional; kajian atas pemikiran nasr, (pamekasan: journal studi keislaman, vol,v, no.i. stain pamekasan, 2004), h. 342. 3 komaruddin hidayat, “upaya pembebasan manusia sufistik terhadap manusia modern menurut seyyed hossein nasr”, insan kamil: konsep manusia menurut islam, peny. m. dawam rahardjo, (jakarta: pustaka grafiti pers, 1987), cet. 2. h. 183. 4 azyumardi azra, historiografi islam kontemporer, (jakarta: gramedia, 2002), cet. 1. h.193-194. 5 a. khudori soleh, wacana baru filsafat islam, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2004), cet. i. h. 317 6 a. khudori soleh, wacana baru filsafat islam, h. 317318. 7 a. khudori soleh, wacana baru filsafat islam, h. 318319. 8 ali maksum, tasawuf sebagai pembebasan, h. 56-64. 9 sayyed hossen nasr, pengetahuan dan kesucian, terj. suharsono (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1997) h. 152 1 0 nasr, pengetahuan dan kesucian, h.158. 1 1 nasr, pengetahuan dan kesucian, hal. 171-172. 1 2 seyyed hossein nasr, man and nature: the spiritual crisis of modern man. london: mandala books, h. 18. 1 3 seyyed hossein nasr, sains dan peradaban dalam islam (bandung: pustaka, 1986), h. 74. lihat pula knowledge and the sacred, 1981. h. 199. 1 4 seyyed hossein nasr, three muslim sages (new york: caravan books, 1976), h. 111-112. 1 5 seyyed hossein nasr, three muslim sages, h. 75 1 6 seyyed hossein nasr, man and nature, h. 81. 1 7 tentang makna tradisi, lihat seyyed hossein nasr, islam tradisi di tengah kancah dunia modern, (bandung: pustaka, 1994), h. 1-13. 1 8 seyyed hossein nasr, islam tradisi, h. 100. 1 9 syed hossein nasr, in search of the sacred, a conversation with seyyed hossein nasr on his life and thought (england: praeger, 2010), h. 241. 2 0 lihat, nur said, “kritik tradisionalisme islam terhadap krisis dunia modern (studi atas pemikiran seyyed hossein nasr),” an-nur, vol. i, no. 2, februari 2005, h. 280 dan 282. 2 1 seyyed hossein nasr, islam dan nestapa manusia modern, terj. anas muhyiddin (bandung: pustaka, 1983), h. 4. judul aslinya: islam and the plight of modern man. 2 2 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam: pesan-pesan universal islam untuk kemanusiaan, terj. nurasiah fakih sutan harahap (bandung: mizan, 2003), h. 336. judul aslinya: the heart of islam: enduring values for humanity. 2 3 seyyed hossein nasr, antara tuhan, manusia dan alam, terj. ali noer zaman (yogyakarta: ircisod, 2003), h. 115-116. judul aslinya: the encounter man and nature, 2 4 seyyed hossein nasr, inteligensi dan spiritualitas agama-agama, terj. suharsono, et. al. (depok: inisiasi press, 2004), h. 177. the knowledge and the sacred. 2 5 seyyed hossein nasr, menjelajah dunia modern: bimbingan untuk kaum muda muslim, terj. hasli tarekat (bandung: mizan, 1994), h. 41. judul aslinya: a young muslim’s guide to the modern world. 2 6 seyyed hossein nasr, terj. abdurrahman wahid dan hashim wahid dengan judul islam dalam cita dan fakta, (jakarta: leppenas, 1981), h. 4 dan 177. judul aslinya: ideals and realities of islam 2 7 seyyed hossein nasr, tasawuf dulu dan sekarang, terj. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 216 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna abdul hadi wm (jakarta: pustaka firdaus, 2000), h. 3738. judul aslinya: living sufism. 2 8 dalam setiap agama, penyebar atau pendirinya selalu diidentifikasikan sebagai logos, dalam kristen, logos diidentifikasi sebagai kristus seperti dijelaskan dalam injil yohannes. lihat, ibid, h. 57, 2 9 seyyed hossein nasr, ideals..., h. 57. 3 0 seyyed hossein nasr, ideals..., 59 3 1 seyyed hossein nasr, the encounter..., h. 115. 3 2 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam..., h. 18. 3 3 seyyed hossein nasr, the knowledge..., h. 167. 3 4 scientia sacra atau pengetahuan suci adalah pengetahuan yang menurut nasr merupakan inti dari setiap wahyu yang bersifat langsung, dapat dirasakan dan dialami, ruhaniyah. dalam istilah lain nasr menyebutnya dengan al-‘ilm al-hudhuri. isi pokok pengetahuan ini adalah tentang ketuhanan. dalam pengertian tradisional, ma’rifah atau metafisika dapat diidentikkan dengan scientia sacra. lihat, seyyed hossein nasr, the knowledge..., h. 135-137. 3 5 seyyed hossein nasr, inteligensi dan spiritualitas agama-agama, terj. suharsono, dkk. (jakarta: inisiasi press, 2004), cet. 1., h. 167. 3 6 seyyed hossein nasr, islam tradisi di kancah dunia modern, terj. lukman hakim,(bandung: pustaka, 1994), cet. 1, h. 150. 3 7 seyyed hossein nasr, islam tradisi, h. 150. 3 8 seyyed hossein nasr, islam tradisi, h. 128. 3 9 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam..., h. 339. 4 0 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam..., h. 339. 4 1 seyyed hossein nasr, a young muslim’s...,, h. 30-40 4 2 seyyed hossein nasr, ideals...., h. 20. 4 3 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam...., h. 16. 4 4 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam, terj. nurasiah fakih sutan harap, (bandung: mizan, 2003), cet. 1, h. 3 3 8 4 5 seyyed hossein nasr, h. 177. 4 6 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam, h.. 278. 4 7 seyyed hossein nasr, a young muslim’s guide to the modern world, terj. hasti tarekat, (bandung: mizan, 1993), cet. 1, h. 40. 4 8 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam, h. 279. 4 9 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam, h. 340. 5 0 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam, h.. 279. 5 1 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam, h. 279. 5 2 seyyed hossein nasr, the heart of islam, h. 342. daftar pustaka a.khudori soleh. 2004. wacana baru filsafat islam. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ali maksum. 2003. tasawuf sebagai pembebasan manusia modern: telaah signifikansi konsep “tradisionalisme islam” seyyed hossein nasr. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. azyumardi azra. 2002. historiografi islam kontemporer. jakarata: gramedia. husna amin. 2013. ringkasan disertasi. “tradisi menurut filsafat perennial seyyed hossein nasr dan relevansinya bagi pluralitas kehidupan umat beragama di indonesia”. program doktor program studi ilmu filsafat fakultas filsafat universitas gadjah mada. yogyakarta komaruddin hidayat. 1987. “upaya pembebasan manusia sufistik terhadap manusia modern menurut seyyed hossein nasr”, insan kamil: konsep manusia menurut islam, peny. m. dawam rahardjo. jakarta: pustaka grafiti pers. nasr, seyyed hossein. 1994. a young muslim’s guide to the modern world, terj. hasli tarekat dengan judul menjelajah dunia modern: bimbingan untuk kaum muda muslim, bandung: mizan. ______. 1981.ideals and realities of islam, terj. abdurrahman wahid dan hashim wahid dengan judul islam dalam cita dan fakta, jakarta: leppenas, ______. 1983. islam and the plight of modern man, terj. anas muhyiddin dengan judul islam dan nestapa manusia modern. bandung: pustaka. ______. 2000. living sufism, terj. abdul hadi wm dengan judul tasawuf dulu dan sekarang. jakarta: pustaka firdaus. ______. 2003. the encounter man and nature, terj. ali noer zaman dengan judul antara tuhan, manusia dan alam. yogyakarta: ircisod. ______. 2003.the heart of islam: enduring values for humanity, terj. nurasiah fakih sutan harahap dengan judul the heart of islam: pesanpesan universal islam untuk kemanusiaan. bandung: mizan. ______. 2004.the knowledge and the sacred, terj. suharsono, et. al. dengan judul inteligensi dan spiritualitas agama-agama, depok: inisiasi press. rafi’ah gazali. 2013. laporan penelitian. “manusia menurut seyyed hossein nasr”. kementerian pendidikan dan kebudayaan universitas lambung mangkurat fakultas keguruan dan ilmu pendidikan program s1 pendidikan guru sekolah dasar banjarmasin zainul hasan. 2004. islam tradisional; kajian atas pemikiran nasr. journal studi keislaman, vol,v, no.i. stain pamekasan. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0038. 202-216 index a abbasiyah abbasiyyah 'abd al-rahman bin 'awf 'abd al-ra'uf al-sinkili abd al-wahhab al-khallaf 'abd allah bin 'umar abd moqsith ghazali abdul halim harahap abdul hamid al-ghazali abdullah saeed abdurrahman shihab abu al-'abbas al-saffah abu bakar abu bakr abu hasan al-qazwini abu ja'far al-mansur abu sufyan adnan nur lubis al-azhar al-azhar university al-dhahabi al-fairuz abadi al-irsyad al-jam'iyah al-washliyah al-muntasir bi allah al-na'im al-qaradawi al-suyuti al-walid bin yazid bin 'abd al-malik al-washliyah al-washliyyah 'ali bin abu talib ali salus anggaran pendapatan belanja negara (apbn) b b.c. smith b.j. boland badan amil zakat (baz) bakri al-sadafi bandung bappenas baz baz kota bandung f fatimiyyah (909-1171 m) g gamal abd al-nasir h haji abdul karim amrullah haji buyung hakikat muhammad harufuddin cawidu harun nasution hasbullah hadi hizb al-tahrir i ibn qayyim al-jauziyyah ibn taymiyyah ijma' (konsensus) ikhwan al-muslimin ismail banda ismail raji al faruqi j jalaluddin rahman jalaluddin rahmat jil jil (jaringan islam liberal) k kazin asar khilafah kuntowijoyo l luthfi assyaukanie m m. arsyad talib lubis m. dawan rahardjo m. ghalib m. haryono m. quraish shihab madrasah madrasah aliyah mamud muhammad thaha masyumi miai muhammad muhammad al-amin muhammad bin maslamah muhammad faraj al-sanhuri muhammad umer chapra muhammadiyah mustahik n nejatullah siddiqi nu nurcholish madjid o oemar bakry ottoman p pan (national mandate party) pedagogik persis pkb (national awakening party) q qiyas (analogi) r riba s sa'ad bin abi waqqas saljuk (1055-1194 m) salmah bin sallamah bin waqsh sayyid atiyya tantawi sayyid qutb seyyed hossein nasr sheikh abdul azim barakat sheikh hamid abu zuwail sheikh muhammad al-ghazali sheikh muhammad faraj al-sanhuri sheikh muhammad sha'at sheikh mustafa ghubarah sheikh rajab zabadi siyasah suhayb sukarno syarekat islam syed muhammad naquib al attas t tafsir talhah bin 'ubayd allah thabathaba'i u ulil abshar abdalla 'umar bin 'abd al-'aziz usamah bin ziyad 'uthman bin affan 'uthman bin 'affan y yusuf ahmad lubis z zakat zakat zayd bin thabit zubayr bin awwam # layout jan jun 2011 zation in the electoral politics. it explains the transformation of alwashliyah from cultural politics to practical politics in which alwashliyah acts much like a political party. keyword: al-washliyah, decentralization, general election, political islam abstrak setelah era reformasi, indonesia menghadapi perubahan besar sosial politik di indonesia, seperti meningkatnya demokrasi melalui desentralisasi pemerintahan. sejak tahun 1998, terdapat empat kali periode pemilihan umum (1999, 2004, 2009), yang ditandai dengan pemilihan presiden oleh anggora dewan perwakilan rakyat (1999) dan tiga kali pemilihan presiden secara langsung (2004 dan 2009), serta ratusan pemilihan umum di tingkat provinsi dan kota/ kabupaten untuk menentukan kepala daerah. pemilu-pemilu tersebut acap kali menempatkan organisasi masyrakat sipil islam di persimpangan jalan politik lokal. al-washliyyah, sebuah organisasi islam terbesar di sumatra utara tidak terkecuali. terdapat banyak anggota al-washliyah yang juga bergabung dalam partai-partai politik dengan latar belakang politik dan ideologi yang berbeda. para politisi acapkali meminta dukungan al-washliyah pada saat pemilu umum di tingkat daerah. untuk itu, tulisan ini mengkaji strategistrategi al-washliyah dalam mendorong demokratisasi di sumatra utara, dan menganalisis gerakan, keterlibatan dan penggunaan organisasi masyarakat sipil dalam pemilihan umum lokal. tulisan ini menjelaskan transformasi al-washiliyah dari politik budaya kepada politik praktis dimana al-washliyah bertindak sebagaimana halnya partai politik. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa al-washliyah kerap dihadapkan pada sebuah dilema dalam memainkan peran gandanya. di satu sisi, al-washliyah sebagai organisasi keagamaan harus mengutamakan dan menerapkan ajaran-ajaran moral dalam contesting the space in indonesia: a case from al-washliyah in north sumatra faisal riza faculty of ushuluddin uin north sumatra-indonesia. willem iskandar pasar v medan estate phone. 061-66156836622925.fax. 061-6615683, code 20371. email: fai_riza@yahoo.com abstract in the atermath of the reform movement in 1998, indonesia has begun to face significant changes such as an increase in the degree of democratization through decentralization. since 1998, there have been four general elections (1999, 2004, 2009) conducted in indonesia. these elections include a presidential election by legislative assembly (1999), direct presidential elections (2004 and 2009), and elections of local government heads (pilkada) in indonesia’s provinces, districts, and municipalities. under these circumstances, islamic civil society organizations are and have often been placed in the crossroad of the local politics. alwashliyah, the biggest islamic organization in north sumatra, is not an exception. it has played a very profound role in local development in which political engagement has been unavoidable. there are many members of al-washliyah who works in political parties with various ideologies. politicians often request alwashliyah support especially in moments of pilkada (regional election). this article focuses on the strategies of al-washliyah in development of democratization in north sumatra, analyzing its moves, involvement, and the use of their organidoi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 150 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna islam, tetapi di sisi yang lain organisasi ini juga sering dikendalikan oleh permainan politik praktis dan kekuatan politik. kata kunci: al-washliyah, desentralisasi, pemilihan umum, islam politik introduction understanding islam as a civilian power affecting social change in indonesia should involve analysis of the history of the early twentieth century. that century was marked by the emergence of islamic reformist movements, such as muhammadiyah, nu, syarekat islam, persis, al-irsyad, and alwashliyah. an analysis of this history requires a rethinking of some basic assumptions about islam and politics. the first step deals with politics in mind that the muslims are not monolithic, as politics in a variety of civilizations, it plural.1 referring to this, steenbrink identifies four important factors that motivated its development. the first is determination to return to the principles of the quran and the hadith. the second is nationalism and motivation to resist the colonialism. the third is the need of strengthening the social, economic, cultural and politics. the fourth is the need for islamic education reform in indonesia. no ideas have a profound influence on political islam in indonesia refiguration such modern nationalism.2 in the first decade of the twentieth-century, muslim leaders shift their sights away from the nightmare before generating pan-islamic governments towards the goal of a multiethnic nation coinciding with the limit of the dutch indies.3 ahead of the fall of president soeharto in 1998, the national debate about the future political order in indonesia runs well. in the 1990’s, there are some issues that drew public attention. the dominant political discourse in indonesia at that time include is a debate about what political system is supposed to run, the question of the legitimacy of the rule of president soeharto and the relationship between islam and the state, the military’s role in politics, the potential for democratization, transition to the post-suharto era, and the nature economic development. here, kato4 and douglas5 said that islam through nu, muhammadiyah, and icmi take a decisive role in establishing democracy. efforts to reformulate of the relationship between islam and politics both structurally and culturally. the fall of soeharto in 1998 marks the beginning of the reformasi, a demand change in all aspects of civic life. reformasi can be interpreted as two things, human mentality and political mechanisms called decentralization. in the case of a new human mentality civilized indonesia, where human dignity including minorities and marginalized upheld in collective consciousness, associated with the first sight. the creation of an open and freely associated with the latter, the political mechanism. in a civilized society, ethics is very important, that is a good demand for self-esteeming and respecting for others. study on north sumatra always use analytical sociology, politics, history and anthropology. several studies on decentralization in north sumatra have been made (hadiz 2003; aspinall 2011). while most studies on contemporary north sumatra do not directly address to the muslim community as a powerful force of change in society. based on the thesis of islam that has been and will continue to play a role in the democratization process in indonesia, so in this article i focus on a pivotal moment in the course of contemporary indonesia called doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 151vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 reformasi and democratization in the region with the complexity of the local elections. i also focus on the analysis of how al-washliyah as the largest muslim organization in north sumatra plays a role in local politics, how the movements and strategies of al-washliyah played in the process, and the precedent of what can be taken up and the muslims to face and deal challenges in the future. al-washliyah: traditional and modern al-jam’iyah al-washliyah or better known as al-washliyah is an organization of muslim society in indonesia, which has more than 2 million people. the organization was founded in medan (when it entered east sumatra) in 1930 by students who gathered in the “debating club” affiliated with maktab tapanuli islamiyah (mit) leader haji muhammad yunus in medan. they are abdurrahman shihab, ismail banda, m. arsyad talib lubis, yusuf ahmad lubis, and adnan nur lubis. major al-jam’iyah alwashliyah triggered by al-hajj muhammad yunus that mean associations bound.6 choice of the name is closely related to socio-political situation at the time. this organization is a response to social and political complexities of the day, such as the growth of the modern movement, represented particularly by muhammadiyah, as well as the repositioning of traditional authority when it held the mufti of the malay islamic kingdom, and also the organization of al-ittihadiyah as the organization in east sumatra before alwashliyah, resistance against dutch colonialism and christianization agenda that infiltrated inside. since its establishment, the organization has inherent characteristics, based on social relations, that is, competition with others. in addition to the islamic modernist movement growing, there are also christian missionaries increasingly sharpened its mission, especially in the land of batak. so it is not surprising that al-washliyah as a religious organization has a particular interest in politics to meet the existence and power boost development. establishment of al-washliyah purpose is to promote, selfish, and adds propaganda of islam. determination is contained in the document bai’ah of al-washliyah. therefore, it is understandable that the presence of alwashliyah is fighting islamic teachings to the public and fulfilled the teachings of islam as a whole. b. j. boland describes al-washliyah traditionally seen in the group of schools holding imam syafii determination.7 accommodate the rituals like tepung tawar [religious blessing ceremony by laying wreath, water, powder] in the malay or upa-upa in the community of tapanuli that common practices to expect the pleasure of god and protects them from disasters. in contrast karel a. steenbrink found alwashliyah is very complex, it is traditional and modern, although al-washliyah strictly hold schools of imam syafii but al-washliyah also accept western education model that is relevant to the times.8 in the early days of its development, they often held a parade on public streets and seemed to allow confound of men and women in the ranks of the convoy to celebrate the big day as the birth of the islamic prophet muhammad. one important factor regarding the characteristics of al-washliyah is its value system, which is rooted in religious orientation. theologically, there are three principles in al-washliyah, admission to schools of sunni islamic jurisprudence, such as hanafi, maliki, hanbali, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 152 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna and syafii.9 name of imam latter more gain primacy in society of al-washliyah. the belief in the doctrine of monotheism or the oneness of god and acceptance of sufism, the mystical orders and practices. in an effort to reach the ultimate goal the establishment of al-washliyah emphasized on three aspects, namely islamic propaganda, education and social charity.10 in the first decade of its establishment, under the leadership of abdurrahman shihab and arsyad thalib lubis, alwashliyah successfully established islam consignment, both in the medan and outside. consignment outside medan as in batak lands was founded in 1938, islam consignment in karo was founded in 1937, and others. islamic missionaries greatly contributed significantly to the spread of islam in particular in north sumatra and in general in indonesia. achievement al-washliyah in the field of islamic propaganda can be confirmed from the third congress of indonesia islamic council (miai) in solo 1941 who decided al-washliyah as islam duty holder consignment in indonesia. with this decision, it is obvious how to respect and trust miai conference that when it has had twenty-five members, submit to the continued development of islam as al-washliyah as a largest islamic organization at that time. achievement of al-washliyah in islamic propaganda also gets a compliment from a modernist cleric haji abdul karim amrullah (buya hamka) by stating: “is there an islamic movement that can reach the record of the association such as al-jami’ah al-washliyah?. he was ten years old but has been able to spread islam in the fertile valley of porsea, so it has been found there no less than 20,000 new muslims that because of its, jiggle made the cross, moving alone the church, with bells matched with the faint sound of the azan faintly up. try to guess-estimated their own, how likely stuff 20 years later or 30 years.”11 in the same year, al-washliyah had an important educational institution in north sumatra and manages tens of thousands of students and hundreds of schools and madrasah.12 in 1995 al-washliyah has 617 educational institutions spread across the districts in north sumatra. the number consists of 156 units of various public schools and 462 units of madrasah.13 in addition, now al-washliyah already has 6 universities and higher education.14now al-washliyah has nine orphanages to accommodate orphans, one health clinic, and the first islamic banks and financial institutions. al-washliyah and politics convergence al-washliyah with politics can be seen since the establishment of this organization. as a modern organization alwashliyah does not shy away from the various dimensions of life surrounding the islamic community. the character of these organizations can be referenced in the thinking of at least talcott parsons said that organizations in the country are classified into four groups, among others: (1) economic-oriented company, (2) political orientation, (3) organization integrative care of usefulness in legal institutions and society as keepers patterns that contribute to maintain the pattern of culture, education, represented by the church and the school.15 however it can be argued that organizations often show multiple orientations simultaneously or sequentially with each other. a political organization, for example, may be associated with a company or business doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 153vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 to help ensure the financial security of the organization. more plural again found religious organizations, educational and cultural traits have the political will to allow the organization to realize the goal of maintaining the cultural orientation in society. affiliation with politics is important for several organizations for survival. affiliate religious organizations with powerful political organizations when it faced with a threat of religious organizations which can weaken the organization, either by harsh competition with other organizations as well as repression by the authorities. here the position of al-washliyah with internal and external challenges cannot avoid double orientation, as well as political propaganda, propaganda as well as educational, economic, and cultural. thus, even if al-washliyah always enthusiastic in social, educational and religious since its inception was equally concerned and even actively involved in politics. although normatively al-washliyah does not regulate involvement in electoral politics, nor a political party and never set up his own political party, however, this organization has had a long history of involvement in politics through political parties. since the early years of its establishment, al-washliyah closely linked to political parties such as masyumi in sukarno era. abdurrahman shihab when it was the chairman of the general al-washliyah simultaneously serving as commissioner of masyumi for the region of north sumatra and aceh. abdurrahman shihab as a model for other activist of al-washliyah then active in parliamentary politics both at the central and local levels. in eighth congress 1952 alwashliyah recommended sharia law (law of marriage in islam). it is intended that the muslims in the archipelago have certainty in their foster families based sharia. besides its appearance and response insistence on elections. in this case, congress insisted that the elections held as soon as possible and fight for al-washliyah to sit in parliament. in the period after world war ii, it is understandable if people are muslim indonesia hopes to establish an islamic state. alwashliyah among social movements that encourage the establishment of an islamic state and the basic laws of the state based on the qur’an and hadith. as described in the ruling clerics and preachers conferences across indonesia which was then headed by daud beureueh and abdurrahman shihab. “say to all muslims in indonesia are as follows: (a) each people state of indonesia is muslim, male and female, who have the right to vote according to the indonesian election law was passed; shall exercise the right to vote by registering as voters and to vote at the time the vote was; shall select only candidates who have ideals and teachings of the implementation of islamic law and the state. (b) the muslim men and women who have legally, shall try and give all kinds of help and sacrifice to achieve the victory of islam in the upcoming elections.”16 furthermore, subjects also reported legislation (law) islam. “(a) the sovereignty and power. sovereignty belongs to allah entirely and authority to regulate the state of indonesia conducted by the indonesian people as god’s message to the deliberations within the confines of islamic law for the happiness of mankind and unseen. (b) the basic state. state based on islam. (c) the legal basis for the state. basic law of the state is the quran and hadith. (d) the form of the state. country a republic is the head of state of doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 154 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna a muslim citizen. head of state in charge of governance and responsibility to the people. (e) human rights. state guarantees full human rights such as freedom and freedom of person, freedom of religion, freedom of thought and assembly and freedom of private property. everyone (men and women are entitled to equal treatment in law and social justice, education, economics and politics. (d) the social economy. economy regulated by the state social and happiness for all people.17 even as it turns over, the political achievements of al-washliyah never approached his achievements in the field of propaganda and education. besides masyumi banned by sukarno in 1960 due to a conflict with his government, internal divisions in islam, represented by the traditional group (nu) and modern (muhammadiyah) makes it difficult for islamic groups to act as a powerful political force during the period of the old order. although masyumi formed thanks to the cooperation of several islamic groups in indonesia, the unity of the party was broken when a traditional nu withdrew from masyumi in 1952. one reason is the dominance of the modernist group masyumi and position of ministerial of religion in the wilopo government.18 but b.j. boland found that the conflict is a conflict of ideology.19for take attention about discharging nu from masyumi, al-washliyah sent wires to the nu congress who was held in palembang, also sent a similar cable to the central board masyumi. reported as follows; “congratulations for the congress point nu nexus with masyumi it can be would be completed together with members of the other, by discussion in the sixth congress of masjumi the eight congress of al-washliyah in porsea.” the letter was also sent to the board masyumi in jakarta, as described as follows: “dpp masjumi. we sent a wire to the nu congress follows during know about nu nexus with masjumi can presumably be dealt with along with other privileged members by discussion sixth in the conference masyumi ttk hope dpp masjumi policy is to seek held wire porsea viii. “20 these divisions result in disappointment muslims and islamic parties. obtaining vote islamic parties in the 1955 election only confirmed the achievement of vote 43 per cent, 20 per cent masyumi, and 18.4 per cent for nu and other islamic parties.21 then, masyumi existence banned by the government, al-washliyah create more specialized movement toward social activism and away from practical politics, concentrates propaganda development and education and social charities. in 1986 the new order government requires the use of ideology pancasila as the sole foundation for any social organization. responding to the fierce policy debate on the internal management of the inevitable. in the fourteenth congress finally declared al-washliyah accept pancasila [five principles] as the ideology of the organization. al-washliyah also has a large stake in the ppp (unity development party), despite not trying to re-proposed jakarta charter. until now in the reform era political polarization by the presence of al-washliyah cadres at various parties with various ideologies. decentralization and local elections since 2005 the fall of soeharto in 1998 was the collapse of authoritarianism and opportunities shape the implementation of democracy in indonesia. however, we must acknowledge doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 155vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 that the new order under soeharto has reinforced a process of modernization and technological advancement. people’s lifestyles have changed over the past three decades. euphoria democracy illustrated by the emergence of various islamic political parties along with many nationalist parties. since the implementation of law no. 22/1999 and law no. 32/2004, the indonesian political system recognized the so-called regional autonomy, also known as decentralization. consequently, the central government believes that transferring some powers to local authorities to provide space and ensure the aspirations of the people in the area.22 ideally, the concept of autonomy is a local democratized space to increase participation in the region, to pursue its interests without dictation from the center and can easily realize their welfare. b.c. smith23 says that the emergence of attention to democratization in the region transition departing from a belief that democracy in the region will affect the democracy at the national level. this confirms that the increase in the quality of democracy in the region to improve the quality of democracy determinant influence on the national level. quality course involves culture of democracy, education and the value of participation. political goal of decentralization is to create a more fair and open between the regional centre within the framework of the unitary state. unity can be embedded in an atmosphere of political decentralization in governance by providing the opportunity and freedom to the region to implement and administer the government. since 1999, regulations on local elections and parliaments constantly revised. law no. 22/1999 on regional administration said that the governor, regents and mayors elected by parliament, in which each political party are represented in it. however, the selection of these no longer considered public because democratic process monopolized by political parties and people are often not aware of the electoral process. in order to respond to the wishes of the development emerging law on local elections, which are summarized in the law no.32/2004 on local government, this act introduced direct elections by the people, instead of the regional elections through parliament. since 2005 there are hundreds of direct elections of regional heads (elections) in indonesia’s provinces, districts and municipalities. event of this election has been the attention of many scholars and researchers, especially about what is happening in regions of indonesia who have undergone democratization. however, the law still provides a great role for political parties, because the regulations require a candidate who will advance to the regional heads must have a minimum requirement of 15 percent representation in parliament. in other words, the candidate must ask for support from political parties with representation in parliament. the consequence of it all money and the political behavior of transactional politics as a trend among candidates for support from political parties and political parties get benefit from the tickets given to the candidates. to counter the monopoly of political parties in nominating candidates head of region, the year 2007 appears insistence procurement regulations allow candidates head of region via the personal or non-party (independent). then in 2008 enacted regulation law no. 12/ 2008 on local government change regulations before no. 32/2004 to allow individual doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 156 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna candidates following the local elections. but this rule only applies to elections at the provincial, district, and municipalities, does not apply in the presidential election. in this case, the nomination of the head of the region is not a single track for the candidates who want to get ahead in the elections. the ideal like this is not something that is easily realized, there are many problems of decentralization in regional indonesia.24 north sumatra has experience in implementing decentralized with various issues that surrounded. the research report the national development and planning agency (bappenas) on indonesian democracy index (idi) in 2009 mentions that the index of democracy in north sumatra is relatively low when compared to other provinces in indonesia.25all aspects of political rights is the most problematic aspect in view of the status of democracy in north sumatra. wave direct election of regional heads in 2010 in different districts and the city in north sumatra are considered to have a lot of problems. for example, the case of permanent voters list (dpt). complicating the demographic data collection system used as the main source of election and consequently the people lost they right to vote. good election is clean, honest, fair and free. these processes are characterized by the dominance of the role of money in influencing people’s choice. based on the records of the constitutional court (mk) almost every election 2010 in north sumatra founded money politics case, indications of fraud on the court because of money politics held by the constitutional court. however, of all the elections in mandailing natal constitutional court decided to be repeated because it proved money politics massively. in addition, the organizers of election code violations. case in tebing tinggi elections 2010, which passed the candidates lodged with a criminal case. then, despite the election commission declared victorious of criminalist, the court actually rejected the decision and recommend re-election. another aspect is the democratic institutions. the democratic institution such as local government is considered by public that does not have an ideal role in the development of democracy. therefore, autonomy is only to be enjoyed by local elites, become petty kings in their respective regions, relying on the tax levy burden society. many regional head in some districts or cities involved corruption and became prisoners of the commission, shows that autonomy has not gone as expected. other highlights a political party in competence and championing the aspirations of the people. as the political media that is closest to the people instead of political parties are the most problematic, the lack of a clear organizational ideology, a bad cadre education system and established, and emphasize rent-seeking activities in an effort to utilize the cadres of political parties in parliament and the executive to profit from funds budget. then, the cadres of political parties in parliament did not have the qualifications and competence appropriate duties and functions. since 1999 there has never been applicable local initiative from dprd north sumatra. plus more of anarchism in the aspirations of the people has not shown a civilized manner. in 2009 urging people to fight for the expansion of tapanuli province from north sumatra and led to riots in parliament and led chairman of dprd abdul aziz lift attacked by the demonstrators. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 157vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 it should be noted that no matter how good the concept of decentralization will not mean anything for the social, economic and political regional communities when he was not seriously directed to enter rooted in the culture of the local bureaucracy and implemented properly. moreover, the concept of decentralization is meaningless if not backed up by the creation of a democratic (democratic culture) is adequate for the community to be involved in the process and the dynamics of regional development. the position of al-washliyah very strategic in this context as a civic organization that is used to build and strengthen civil society, but there are some problems in the way the organization operates. ismed batubara as intellectual of al-washliyah said that in the post-reformasi period is al-washliyah far behind muhammadiyah and nu, at least some of the conditions that caused the problem.26firstly management and organizational skills, the organizational structure of the center to branch officials in the villages did not work with the maximum in developing the organization’s program.27 such management is often viewed by the community as an organization that is run by private rather than the mission and interests, it affects the membership and recruitment and programs they run. it also affects the reputation of similar organizations in relation to society and government, and on the readiness of the community or local organizations to support their work. there are two parts to this problem. a) in connection with the management of the organization: who’s running, who has, and who’s responsible. b) effective and efficiency programs. is it efficient and effective, and whether or not having an impact? the result is often a committed organization and has great enthusiasm but could not actually been shown to achieve a lot in an attempt to realize their goal. second. support and financial accountability, the most fundamental difficulty faced by al-washliyah is their ability to support themselves and become independent. many assets of organizations such as educational institutions, orphanages, health clinics and land, are ruled by others. weak organization’s financial accountability is one cause of many alwashliyah asset changes hands. although there are efforts that their members will request financial accountability for their leader, but this is often not the case. funding organizations rely on membership dues are not effective, the contribution of muslim businessmen, volunteers who served legislative and local government aid through the government budget expenditures. this makes them dependent on the decisions of external actors, which in turn makes the implementation and long-term planning is uncertain. third, advocacy skills. since the beginning of the era of transition that followed the fall of soeharto, al-washliyah has been extensively involved in advocacy on issues of islam. this reflects their desire to break down the barriers built by new order and call for the establishment of institutions of civil society and good governance. unlike nu who founded pkb (national awakening party) and muhammadiyah founded pan (national mandate party), alwashliyah chose not affiliated with a political party, and does not set up his own political party in the post-soeharto era. however, the position of al-washliyah very unique, because the members of these organizations actively involved in various political parties, especially doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 158 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna in north sumatra, be it ppp (unity development party), golkar, pdip (indonesia democracy party-struggle), democrat party, and other parties. they are often present at meetings held al-washliyah, even be good stewards of the core in it. here, there are two conflicting assumptions. first, al-washliyah politically fragmented not monolithic and less cohesive as an organization and this organization because it only serves as a safe place to meet. second, despite the political diversity in the al-washliyah very real, al-washliyah still offer shared container for the muslims, seem paradoxical while maintaining political credibility. in practical terms, al-washliyah may serve as a large umbrella that protect the interests of its members are active in political parties and the mediator that gives a sense of unity among the muslims if the political coalition necessary. in this case the role of alwashliyah very large and prospective. in general, the political interests of political alwashliyah is doing good and avoiding evil, to voice the interests of muslims and uplift the welfare of the muslims in the reform era. so in fact there are many islamic political parties have the same goal and can help to achieve the interests of al-washliyah. with this configuration the efficiency and effectiveness of the organization depends on the relationship between elites in it. while it is understandable that the key issue to consolidate their coalitions are independent organizations. al-washliyah has been and continues to participate in the development of a democratic society. this commitment is demonstrated in the involvement of its cadres in the various political parties, elections and local elections. political parties participating in elections often enlist the support of these organizations, and in every moment the local elections, the candidates also came to ask support, it is they do to take the sympathy of most of the residents of al-washliyah. to arrange cadres participation in electoral politics is al-washliyah have given rules (conventions) for the provision of support to political parties and candidate head of regional. in the 2004 election many cadres of alwashliyah were active in various political parties participated as legislative candidates. in this context the passive attitude of the organization, does not endorse and favoring cadres involved in it. however, different attitudes shown by the organization’s candidate abdul halim harahap,28who is a member of local councils (dpd ri). halim candidacy as a member of dpd ri backed by several motives, among others: 1) responding national political dynamics set out in the act. 2) awareness of the potential future alwashliyah. 3) council representing community groups in the regional are not tied to any political party.294) enforcement of doing good and avoiding evil politics and simultaneously measure the bargaining power of political organization. 5) to contribute in the welfare of society through religious development.30 in the context of halim nomination as a member of the board of dpd ri almost all organizations member involved to support, as well as socialization and campaigns. organizations like the political machine moves to garner support from the community. political work is the support of the central committee of al-washliyah in jakarta through a letter of recommendation stating that the board of al-washliyah approve or recommend abdul halim harahap, chairman of the board of directors of region aldoi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 159vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 washliyah north sumatra, as one of the prospective candidates for the dpd ri, representing the organization.31 table1. voting member of dpd ri in election 2004 resource: kpud north sumatra this table describes the voice of five major of 47 candidates. the top five is eligible to get a seat dpd period 2004-2009. halim striking than the other candidates, this incident claimed as evidence of the workings of the organization and the mass organization of alwashliyah in providing support for their elite. it is also considered by the cadres as the initial force of the organization to be used as a political vehicle. in the local elections of 2005, the cadres of al-washliyah not appeared full confidence in the election as regent or mayor. so the position of the organization only as a support group for the candidate who shows the same vision with the organization. similarly, the election for governor of north sumatra in 2008 al-washliyah support to one candidate pair is syamsul arifin and gatot pujo nugroho. in 2010 a second wave of elections in north sumatra. about 23 districts in north sumatra that implement direct elections, here there are a polarization of attitudes on political decisions based organizations in each region. in some areas such as medan, langkat, binjai, serdang bedagai, tebing tinggi, al-washliyah only gives political support to one of the non-cadre candidates. however, in tanjung balai alwashliyah nominate the chairman of the regional leaders m. haryono and fully supported member of the organization. haryono position here is a candidate for vice mayor, he accompanied haji buyung. when the couple enrolled to election commission, his supporters participated accompany waving the flag of al-washliyah. although later, in the event the couple defeat by the election commission. step of al-washliyah increasingly bold in politics when elections governor of north sumatra in 2012. this time al-washliyah nominated hasbullah hadi as a candidate for governor of north sumatra. hasbullah is a genuine cadre of al-washliyah, since as a student hasbullah active in wing organization of al-washliyah until then he has served as chairman of the al-washliyah north sumatra 2010-2015. hasbullah political career was also shot when he was active in the democrat party, in the 2004 election he managed to get a seat to parliament northern sumatra and served as deputy head of parliament. later, the 2009 elections hasbullah also return the same as getting a ticket. the decision to nominate hasbullah by the second working meeting area of al-washliyah north sumatra which was held on march 31, 2012, in the letter stated decides carrying hasbullah hadi as a candidate for governor of north sumatra in 2013 via the individual (nonparty). the results of the meeting were agreed by all leaders of the region to explain the turbulent political wriggling in the body of the largest muslim organization in north sumatra. instructions issued to request the entire wing organizations and volunteers to participate and support this nomination fight. interestingly, at the same time, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 160 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna hasbullah as the democrat party cadres is one of the few people designated as the nine team members through decree no. 172/ int/dpp.pd/iv/2012 dated 5 april 2012 related to the recruitment of prospective candidates the governor and deputy governor of north sumatra on gubernatorial election 2013. hasbullah paired with aziddin as candidate for vice governor, a former caretaker at the al-washliyah jakarta and former of house of representative from the democrat party. as a candidate who supported by alwashliyah organizations in north sumatra is a new step in the history of al-washliyah own and north sumatra. because there are islamic organizations recently nominated as a candidate in the election cadres head area in the province, and there are also new independent candidates. hasbullah pairs with aziddin his senior, once the chairman of central board of al-washliyah in jakarta and elite of parliament from the democrat party. here, al-washliyah really as a political party without a declaration. ismet batubara said that alwashliyah do not want to be a supporter, as well as full support organizations in the victory syamsul arifin-gatot pujo nugroho on gubernatorial 2008 but more than that al-washliyah want to be a significant stage actor.32 however, al-washliyah step brings its chairman as a candidate for governor of north sumatra, north sumatra, was thwarted by the commission because it did not meet the administrative requirements.33 in addressing this failure ismet batubara said that at least attempts to nominate alwashliyah, hasbullah want to reduce the dominance of political parties often do not pay attention to the quality of candidates, because the political parties to put forward transactional forms in determining who the candidate head regions.34thus, al-washliyah felt it was important to give criticism in the process of candidate selection in political parties, al-washliyah also did not want his political position undermined by the political parties, the political power of the organization for a long time only used as a medium of political transactions by a cadre of alwashliyah were once active in a political party so that the organization does not get better benefits that help the organization and the community as a whole. conclusion the most useful role for civil society organizations such as al-washliyah is to support and strengthen government institutions to foster civil society, and to always be aware that the institution of civil society does not stray from the purpose of their prodemocratic. political parties are a means to channel the aspirations of the people and if they cannot demonstrate this functionality, civil society is losing. in indonesia, the political parties at the moment so do not accommodate the aspirations of the people and contribute to society in an independent and critical. often they understood oligarchy similar in structure and leadership, disconnected from the electorate, and cannot express the true aspirations of the supporters of the “grassroots”. it is important to discuss what needs to be done to make political parties more concerned wishes the community organizations that contribute to civil society. here, al-washliyah needs to improve its capacity to look at issues of governance and development, and they should be able to analyze and think about it from the perspecdoi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 161vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 tive of the policy community. they should be able to express clearly their goal, to build a coalition of people and organizations with strong community and to understand better how to make their arguments to the public and places the decision was made. the fact that al-washliyah are at the formative turmoil reflects factors and historical conditions faced by similar groups during the new order. these problems also indicate that the associations and organizations need to adapt to the current situation and looking for effective work and can move on. one of the most progressive steps undertaken in the transition is the decentralization of government power and resources to the regions, civil society organizations need to understand how to work under this new structure as well as at the national level that is, a level one in jakarta to level provincial and level two in the district or city, and also by the house of representatives. endnotes 1 robert. w. hefner, civil islam; muslim and democratization in indonesia, (the united kingdom: princeton university press, 2000), p.7 2 steenbrink, k. a. pesantren madrasah sekolah pendidikan islam dalam kurun modern [islamic boarding school islamic school and school islamic education within modern era], (jakarta: lp3es, 1986), p.37 3 r.w. hefner, civil islam, p. 37 4 hisanori kato, agama dan peradaban; islam dan terciptanya masyarakat demokratis yang beradab di indonesia, (jakarta: dian rakyat, 2002), p. 309 5 douglas. f. ramage, politics in indonesia, democracy, islam, and the ideology of tolerance, (usa: roulete, 1995), p. xv 6 pengurus besar al-jam’iyatul washliyah, peringatan seperempat abad al-washliyah, (medan:pengurus besar al-washliyah, 1956), p. 38 7 chalidjah hasanuddin, al-jam’iyatul washliyah: api dalam sekam, (bandung: cipta pustaka, 1998), p. 2 8 karel a. steenbrink, pesantren…, p. 27 9 lihat anggaran dasar/anggaran rumah tangga alwashliyah pasal 2 1 0 ibid., 1 1 majalah pedoman masyarakat, th. vii. no. 83, 6 august 1941 1 2 muhammad junus, sejarah pendidikan islam di indonesia, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1957), p. 71 1 3 majelis pendidikan al-washliyah sumatera utara, nama dan alamat sekolah/madrasah al-jam’iyatul washliyah sumatera utara, (medan: pw al-washliyah sumatera utara, 1995) 1 4 al-rasyidin, dinamika historis al-jam’iyatul washliyah di sumatera utara, (eds) ja’far, al-jam’iyatul washliyah; potret histori, edukasi dan filosofi, (medan: perdana publishing, 2011), p. 58 1 5 talcott parsons, structure and process in modern societies, (new york: john willey, 1960), p. 45-46 1 6 nukman sulaiman, al-washliyah ¼ abad, (medan: pb al-washliyah, 1995), p. 186-189 1 7 ibid., 1 8 mitsuo nakamura, the reformist ideology of muhammadiyah, (eds) j.j. fox, indonesia: the making of a culture, (canberra: the australian national university, 1980), p. 281 1 9 b.j. boland. the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, (the hague: martinus nijhoff, 1971), p. 194 2 0 nukman sulaiman, al-washliyah…, p. 165 2 1 boland, the struggle…, p. 52 2 2 vedi r. hadiz, power and politics in north sumatra: the uncompleted reformasi, in e. aspinall and g. fealy (eds), local power and politics in indonesia: decentralisation and democratisation, (singapore: institute of southeast asian studies, 2003), pp. 12. see also mark turner and owen podger (eds), decentralisation in indonesia: redesigning the state, (canberra: asia pasific press, 2003), p. 25 2 3 smith, b.c. local government and the transition to democracy: a review article, public administration and development, vol. 18, issue 1, 1998, pp. 85-92. 2 4 michael buehler, decentralisation and local democracy in indonesia: the marginalisation of the public sphere, (eds) edward aspinall and marcus mietzner, problems of democratisation in indonesia election, institutions and society, (singapore: iseas, 2010), pp. 267-285 2 5 bappenas ri, dokumen laporan indeks demokrasi indonesia tahun 2009 2 6 ismed batubara, al-jam’iyatul washliyah potret yang berubah, (eds) ja’far, al-jam’iyatul washliyah; potret histori, edukasi, dan filosofi, (medan: perdana publishing, 2011), p. 135 2 7 ibid., 2 8 abdul halim harahap is a popular figure in the alwashliyah in north sumatra. he was born may 11, 1958 in medan. he spent his life in medan, primary school to university. he get his ma before he died in the tragedy of the plane crash in 2006 in medan. since halim received his secondary school education in the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 162 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna al-washliyah, and continued his studies at state institute for islamic studies (iain) north sumatra. 2 9 dedi iskandar batubara, keterlibatan pengurus aljam’iyatul washliyah pada pemilihan umum legislatif tahun 2004: suatu study deskriptif terpilihnya drs. h. abdul halim harahap menjadi anggota dpd ri, thesis magister studi pembangunan, usu, 2010, p. 68 3 0 ibid., p. 70 3 1 letter of recommendation pb al washliyah no: ext30/pb-aw/xix/xii/2003 3 december 2003 3 2 interview with author 6 november 2012 3 3 http://www.waspada.co.id/ index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=263957:cagubjalur-independen-dinyatakan-gugur&catid=41:pilkadasumut&itemid=64, accessed on 31 october 2012 3 4 interview with author 6 november 2012 bibliography al-rasyidin. 2011. dinamika historis al-jam’iyatul washliyah di sumatera utara [historical dynamics aljam’iyatul washliyah in north sumatra], (eds) ja’far, aljam’iyatul washliyah; potret histori, edukasi dan filosofi [al-jam’iyatul washliyah; images of history, education and philosophy], medan: perdana publishing. aspinall. e, dettman. s. and warburton. e. 2009. when religion trumps ethnicity: a regional election case study from indonesia, south east asia research, vol. 19, issue 1, pp. 27-58 doi:10.5367/sear/2011.0034. bappenas ri. 2009. document reports indonesian democracy index. batubara, dedi. i. 2010. keterlibatan pengurus al-jam’iyatul washliyah pada pemilihan umum legislatif tahun 2004: suatu study deskriptif terpilihnya drs. h. abdul halim harahap menjadi anggota dpd ri [involvement of board al-jam’iyatul washliyah in general election 2004: a descriptive study election of drs. h. abdul halim harahap being a senator], theses at master development studies, university of north sumatra. batubara, ismet. 2011. al-jam’iyatul washliyah potret yang berubah [al-jam’iyatul washliyah changing images], (eds) ja’far, al-jam’iyatul washliyah; potret histori, edukasi, dan filosofi, [al-jam’iyatul washliyah; images of history, education and philosophy] medan: perdana publishing. boland, b. j. 1971. the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, the hague: martinus nijhoff. buehler, m. 2010. decentralization and local democracy in indonesia: the marginalisation of the public sphere, (eds) edward aspinall and marcus mietzner, problems of democratisation in indonesia election, institutions and society, singapore: iseas, 2010, pp. 267-285 hadiz, vedi r. 2003. power and politics in north sumatra: the uncompleted reformasi, aspinall. e and fealy. g. (eds), local power and politics in indonesia: decentralisation and democratisation, institute of southeast asian studies, singapore. hasanuddin, chalidjah. 1998. al-jamiyatul washliyah: api dalam sekam [al-jamiyatul washliyah: fire in the husk], bandung: cipta pustaka. hefner, robert. w. 2000. civil islam; muslim and democratization in indonesia, the united kingdom: princeton university press. http://www.waspada.co.id/ index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=263957:cagubjalur-independen-dinyatakan-gugur&catid=41:pilkadasumut&itemid=64, accessed on 31 october 2012. junus, muhammad. 1957. sejarah pendidikan islam di indonesia [history of islamic education in indonesia], jakarta: bulan bintang. kato, hisanori. 2002. agama dan peradaban; islam dan terciptanya masyarakat demokratis yang beradab di indonesia, [religion and civilization; islam and the creation of the civilized democratic society in indonesia], jakarta: dian rakyat. majelis pendidikan al washliyah sumatera utara. 1995. nama dan alamat sekolah/madrasah al-jam’iyatul washliyah sumatera utara [assembly education alwashliyah north sumatra, name and address of the school / madrasah al jam’iyatul washliyah north sumatra], medan: pimpinan wilayah al-washliyah sumatera utara. nakamura, mitsuo. 1980. the reformist ideology of muhammadiyah, (eds) j.j. fox, indonesia: the making of a culture. canberra: the australian national university. parsons, talcott. 1960. structure and process in modern societies, new york: john willey. pedoman masyarakat, th. vii. no. 83, 6 august 1941. pengurus besar aljam’iyatul washliyah. 1956. peringatan seperempat abad al-washliyah [a quarter-century warning al-washliyah], medan: pb al-washliyah. ramage, douglas. f. 1995. politics in indonesia, democracy, islam, and the ideology of tolerance, usa: routledge, smith, b.c. 1998. local government and the transition to democracy: a review article, public administration and development, vol. 18, issue 1, pp. 85-92. steenbrink, k. a. 1986. pesantren madrasah sekolah pendidikan islam dalam kurun modern [islamic boarding school islamic school and school islamic education within modern era], jakarta: lp3es. sulaiman, nukman. 1995. al-washliyah ¼ abad [quarter century of al-wasliyah], medan: pb al washliyah. turner, m. and podger. 2003. o (eds) decentralisation in indonesia: redesigning the state, asia pasific press, canberra doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0035. 149-162 index a abbasiyah abbasiyyah 'abd al-rahman bin 'awf 'abd al-ra'uf al-sinkili abd al-wahhab al-khallaf 'abd allah bin 'umar abd moqsith ghazali abdul halim harahap abdul hamid al-ghazali abdullah saeed abdurrahman shihab abu al-'abbas al-saffah abu bakar abu bakr abu hasan al-qazwini abu ja'far al-mansur abu sufyan adnan nur lubis al-azhar al-azhar university al-dhahabi al-fairuz abadi al-irsyad al-jam'iyah al-washliyah al-muntasir bi allah al-na'im al-qaradawi al-suyuti al-walid bin yazid bin 'abd al-malik al-washliyah al-washliyyah 'ali bin abu talib ali salus anggaran pendapatan belanja negara (apbn) b b.c. smith b.j. boland badan amil zakat (baz) bakri al-sadafi bandung bappenas baz baz kota bandung f fatimiyyah (909-1171 m) g gamal abd al-nasir h haji abdul karim amrullah haji buyung hakikat muhammad harufuddin cawidu harun nasution hasbullah hadi hizb al-tahrir i ibn qayyim al-jauziyyah ibn taymiyyah ijma' (konsensus) ikhwan al-muslimin ismail banda ismail raji al faruqi j jalaluddin rahman jalaluddin rahmat jil jil (jaringan islam liberal) k kazin asar khilafah kuntowijoyo l luthfi assyaukanie m m. arsyad talib lubis m. dawan rahardjo m. ghalib m. haryono m. quraish shihab madrasah madrasah aliyah mamud muhammad thaha masyumi miai muhammad muhammad al-amin muhammad bin maslamah muhammad faraj al-sanhuri muhammad umer chapra muhammadiyah mustahik n nejatullah siddiqi nu nurcholish madjid o oemar bakry ottoman p pan (national mandate party) pedagogik persis pkb (national awakening party) q qiyas (analogi) r riba s sa'ad bin abi waqqas saljuk (1055-1194 m) salmah bin sallamah bin waqsh sayyid atiyya tantawi sayyid qutb seyyed hossein nasr sheikh abdul azim barakat sheikh hamid abu zuwail sheikh muhammad al-ghazali sheikh muhammad faraj al-sanhuri sheikh muhammad sha'at sheikh mustafa ghubarah sheikh rajab zabadi siyasah suhayb sukarno syarekat islam syed muhammad naquib al attas t tafsir talhah bin 'ubayd allah thabathaba'i u ulil abshar abdalla 'umar bin 'abd al-'aziz usamah bin ziyad 'uthman bin affan 'uthman bin 'affan y yusuf ahmad lubis z zakat zakat zayd bin thabit zubayr bin awwam layout afkaruna juni 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 penggunaan paradigma integrasiinterkoneksi dalam proses pembelajaran di program pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta ahmad izudin universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta ahmad.izudin@uin-suka.ac.id abstract this article analyzes the utilization of integrative and inter-connective concepts in the learning process of islamic studies at the graduate program in state islamic university of sunan kalijaga. this study explores the experiences of lecturers and students at the interdisciplinary islamic studies at the graduate program. based on the interview and observation, the author highlights two types of learning processes. first, lecturer at uin sunan kalijaga have inserted notions integrative and inter-connective concepts as well as islamic values and interdisciplinary approach in their syllabus and learning plan. second, students have given various responses to the way lecturers teach in the class. according to students, lecturers graduated from western educational institutions, either europe or america, stimulated students to think critically use interdisciplinary approach in resolving the problems. there are also some lecturers who use a normative approach in conceiving the debates and critical thinking in islamic studies. keywords: critical thinking, integrative and inter-connective paradigm, learning process abstrak artikel ini menganalisis penggunaan konsep integrasi dan interkoneksi dalam proses pembelajaran studi islam di program pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga. artikel ini mengekplorasi pengalaman dosen dan mahasiswa di program studi studi islam interdisipliner di pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga. berdasarkan hasil wawancara dan pengamatan, penulis memberikan perhatian terhadap dua hal utama. pertama, para dosen di uin sunan kalijaga telah menerapkan konsep integrasi dan interkoneksi dan memasukan nilai-nilai islam dan pendekatan multidisiplin di dalam silabus dan rencana pembelajaran. kedua, para mahasiswa ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0069.110-140 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 111111111111111vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 memberikan berbagai respons terhadap pengalaman mereka di kelas. menurut mahasiswa, para dosen lulusan dari barat, baik eropa maupun amerika, telah mendorong mahasiswa untuk berfikir secara kritis dan menggunakan berbagai pendekatan dalam menyelesaikan masalah. terdapat juga para dosen yang menggunakan pendekatan normatif dalam memahami perdebatan dan pemikiran kritis dalam studi islam. kata kunci: pemikrian kritis, paradigm integrase dan interkoneksi, proses pembelajaran. pendahuluan perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan di era modern telah membawa arah baru pada ranah paradigma berpikir, landasan teoritis hingga aplikasi ilmu. konsekuensi tersebut menuntut civitas akademika meresponnya secara aktif dan progresif agar proses pendidikan dan pembelajaran di tingkat perguruan tinggi/universitas islam, khususnya bagi program pascsarjana, tidak ketinggalan. merespon persoalan-persoalan ilmu pengetahuan tak ubahnya seperti meletakan pondasi bangunan rumah. jika batu pertama salah meletakan maka kondisi bangunan yang dilanjutkan akan mengalami pergeseran, bahkan bisa saja roboh akibat tekanan bangunan di atasnya. analogi ini membawa civitas akademika pendidikan tinggi terus berupaya merespon pembaharuan dalam rekontruksi metodologi ilmu pengetahuan. terlebih, kini dihadapkan pada masalah social science yang menuntut untuk merubah paradigma. istilah perubahan cara pandang ini dikenal dengan dikhotomi ilmu pengetahuan.1 di perguruan tinggi islam dikenal dengan dikhotomi antara ilmu agama dengan ilmu-ilmu umum.2 untuk menjawab persoalan ini, maka uin sunan kalijaga menawarkan tawaran konsep integrasi-interkoneksi. karena itu, adanya spesialisasi ilmu adalah sebuah keniscayaan, karena keterbatasan manusia untuk mengetahui semuanya, walaupun obyeknya sama yakni alam.3 tawaran integrasi-interkoneksi—saling sapanya ilmu agama dengan ilmu-ilmu umum—di awali ketika transformasi iain sunan kalijaga menjadi universitas islam pada tahun 2004.4 alternatif paradigma ini berbanding lurus dengan lahirnya fakultas-fakultas baru di lingkungan uin sunan kalijaga, seperti fakultas sains dan teknologi, terakhir fakultas ekonomi dan bisnis islam. termasuk di dalamnya perkembangan kajian ilmu pengetahuan islamic studies. di tingkatan pascasarjana pengembangan islamic studies telah melahirkan jurusan interdisciplinary islamic studies ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 112112112112112 afkaruna yang awalnya hanya memiliki satu konsentrasi, yakni pekerjaan sosial. namun, proposal pengembangan tersebut dilanjutnya pada tahun 2009 dengan lahirnya konsentrasi ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi (ipi). hingga saat ini jurusan iis memiliki dua konsentrasi yaitu pekerja sosial dan ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi (ipi). seiring berjalannya waktu, kedua konsentrasi tersebut mendapatkan respon dari mahasiswa, dosen maupun pemegang kebijakan universitas yang cukup beragam. karena rumpun ilmu dari konsentrasi ini cukup membuat bingung sebagian pihak, yakni pekerja sosial dengan rumpun ilmu sosiologi dan ipi masuk dalam rumpun ilmu humaniora. konteks ini kemudian direspon dengan baik, hingga kini uin sunan kalijaga memiliki sekolah pasca di bawah naungan interdisiplinary islamic studies dan pascasarjana di bawah fakultas masing-masing di lingkungan universitas.5 kajian ini berangkat dari pengkajian yang sebelumnya masih terintegrasi di pusat program pascasrjana, tidak seperti saat ini sudah kembali ke fakultas masing-masing di lingkungan universitas (baca: uin). berangkat dari kedua term inilah perlunya melihat respon para stakeholder yang memahami jurusan iis sebagai wadah yang menjelaskan dari kedua rumpun ilmu yang berbeda di atas. ini artinya bahwa paradigma integrasiinterkoneksi secara keilmuan harus ada hal baru pada pendekatan metodologi. pada ranah aplikatif materi-materi yang disajikan dalam rencana pembelajaran semester (rps) paling tidak memiliki indikator penyampaian materi yang memiliki keterkaitan sama antara pekerja sosial dengan ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi. maka dari itu, dari permasalahan-permasalahan di atas, artikel ini mencoba untuk membangun landasan dan kerangka berfikir bagi pengembangan prodi iis pada ranah aplikasi metodologi cross pack pembelajaran. kajian ini harapannya menjadi acuan dalam pengembangan keilmuan sosial-humaniora yang jelas baik secara filosofis, administratif maupun praktis bagi perkembangan prodi iis di pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga. maka kajian ini membangun persepsi bersama, antara lain terkait dengan aplikasi paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi yang telah diterapkan dan prosesnya dalam pembelajaran di prodi iis program pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga. dan, tanggapan mahasiswa terhadap aplikasi paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi tersebut. kajian ini adalah pengembangan hasil penelitian lapangan (field re○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 113113113113113vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 search) yang menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. sumber data dalam kajian ini disebut juga sebagai instrumen penelitian. oleh karena itu, saya sebagai instrumen penelitian harus divalidasi agar peneliti siap dan mengerti lebih jelas terkait wawasan keilmuan tentang obyek yang sedang dikaji. untuk itu, sumber data juga kerap dipandang sebagai narasumber (informan) yang dijadikan sumber utama (primer) dalam penelitian. maka peneliti kualitatif sebagai human instrument, berfungsi menetapkan fokus penelitian, memilih informan sebagai sumber data. selanjutnya otoritas peneliti pada kajian ini memilih 10 narasumber utama (primer), terdari dari 3 dosen konsentrasi ipi, 3 dosen konsentrasi pekerjaan sosial, 2 mahasiswa ipi dan 2 mahasiswa pekerjaan sosial. pemilihan sepuluh informan ini berdasarkan fakta bahwa mereka ikut terlibat langsung dalam proses pembelajaran di prodi iis dan mengetahui proses pembelajaran tersebut. sehingga melalui mereka, persoalan mengenai aplikasi integrasi interkoneksi di iis dapat diketahui. teknik pengambilan data dalam kajian ini dilakukan dengan berbagai cara, yakni observasi, indepth interview (wawancara mendalam), studi dokumentasi dan observasi. teknik analisis data yang dilakukan adalah proses pemilihan, pemusatan perhatian pada penyederhanaan, pengabstrakan dan transformasi data kasar yang muncul dari catatan-catatan di lapangan. proses ini merupakan sebuah proses yang berulang selama proses penelitian kualitatif berlangsung. karena tujuan dilakukannya proses ini adalah untuk lebih menajamkan, menggolongkan, mengarahkan, membuang bagian data yang tidak diperlukan serta mengorganisasi data. maka hal tersebut dapat memudahkan peneliti untuk melakukan penarikan kesimpulan. pengecekan keabsahan data merupakan konsep penting dalam penelitian kualitatif. adapun teknik yang digunakan peneliti untuk memperoleh hasil yang maksimal dalam validasi penelitian maka digunakan pengecekan sebagaimana berikut, yaitu: (a) memperpanjang kehadiran peneliti di lokasi penelitian sehingga dapat mengamati dengan teliti seluruh kegiatan dilokasi penelitian; (b) observasi yang mendalam terhadap aspek-aspek yang terkait dengan aplikasi integrasi-interkoneksi pembelajaran pada prodi iis; (c) trianggulasi mengecek keabsahan data yang sudah ada pada sumber atau narasumber lain dengan cara dan waktu yang lain. melalui trianggulasi ini diharapkan tidak ada lagi data ganjil yang diperoleh peneliti di lapangan, karena telah dilakukannya kroscek data melalui sumber data berbeda dan waktu yang berbeda pula. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 114114114114114 afkaruna anatomi pengklasifikasian ilmu pengklasifikasian ilmu telah lama dilakukan oleh para filosof. mulai dari filosof yunani kuno hingga filosof modern seperti socrates, plato, aristoteles, imanuel kant dan lain sebagainya.6 dalam tradisi islam kita kenal dengan al-ghazali dalam kitabnya ihya ‘ulum al-din7 dan ibn khaldun dalam karyanya muqaddimah8 mengklasifikasikan ilmu pengetahuan (science) berdasarkan kategori-kategori yang berbeda, namun memiliki pemilahan yang jelas sesuai masing-masing rumpun dan disiplin keilmuannya. di era modern, pengklasifikasian ilmu pengetahuan telah megalami perubahan yang cukup kuat. dengan lahirnya tokoh-tokoh ilmuwan kontemporer yang menawarkan gagasan-gagasan ide pengklasifikasian ilmu baru. seperti halnya dalam karya osman bakar, classification of knowledge in islam, menelaah ulang sebagian karya-karya di atas melalui uraian dan analisis isi kandungan serta metodologisnya.9 karya yang tersebut melahirkan sebuah paradigma berpikir baru di era kekinian. di mana penjelasan dari hasil intelektual tersebut dapat berkembang dan dapat dipertanggungjawabkan secara rasional dan argumentatif. di indonesia, ilmuwan yang mampu menjelaskan pengklasifikasian ilmu pengetahuan baru ada mulyadi kartanegara dalam karyanya integrasi ilmu: sebuah rekonstruksi holistik, merujuk kepada sebagian karya-karya di atas yang membahas mengenai pembidangan ilmu pengetahuan berdasarkan rumpunnya dengan penekanan pada pengintegrasian ilmu pengetahuan, yang menegasikan dikotomi ilmu-ilmu agama dan ilmu-ilmu umum.10 menurutnya, apa yang telah dilakukan oleh para ilmuan muslim pada masa klasik dan pertengahan mengenai klasifikasi ilmu pengetahuan, seperti yang dilakukan al-ghazali, bukan merupakan pendikotomian ilmu pengetahuan umum dan agama atau sebaliknya. melainkan ia merupakan suatu bentuk pemilahan terhadap disiplin keilmuan berdasarkan cakupan dan kandungannya. di tingkatan perguruan tinggi islam/universitas, khususnya uin sunan kalijaga, pengklasifikasian keilmuan tersebut telah dilakukan sebagai motor penggerakan pembaharuan pengetahuan tersebut adalah amin abdullah yang menawarkan gagasan integrasi-interkoneksi antara ilmu agama dengan ilmu-ilmu umum.11 awalnya, ide itu dalam rangka mempersiapkan konversi dari iain menjadi uin, sudah barang tentu persiapan tersebut tidak hanya secara fisik ataupun administratif tetapi secara software ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 115115115115115vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 pengembangan pengajaran harus dipersiapkan pula. sehingga kewajiban untuk membangun kurikulum dan sistem pengajaran tersebut kemudian muncul gagasan mengenai tawaran integratif-interkonektif ilmu pengetahuan.12 sejalan dengan adanya rekonstruksi ilmu-ilmu ke-islaman, beriringan pula dengan lahirnya fakultas-fakultas yang basis pengetahuan umum seperti fakultas sains dan teknologi, fakultas ekonomi dan bisnis islam, sehingga lahir pula rekonstruksi ide pada kajian islamic studies yang melahirkan jurusan interdisciplinary islamic studies pada program pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga. pada awalnya, jurusan tersebut merupakan program kerjasama antara kementerian agama dengan mcgill university kanada yang diberi nama proyek indonesia social equity projectcanadian international development agency (iisep-cida). pada level universitas kerjasama tersebut melahirkan konsentrasi social work (2003). sejak kerjasama tersebut putus—asalnya program iis kelas internasional—pada tahun 2006 maka iis menjadi kelas reguler dengan satu konsentrasi pekerjaan sosial. seiring berjalan waktu, proyek pengembangan jurusan—dipengaruhi oleh konsep integrasi-interkoneksi— maka tahun 2009 lahirnya konsentrasi ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi (ipi) pada program iis. kemudian, pengaruh tersebut membawa dampak pada proses pembelajaran di kelas ketika dosen memberikan materi kepada mahasiswa. dari beberapa karya di atas, sebagai sebuah landasan pustaka dapat kita jadikan pedoman untuk model pembelajaran dengan memakai paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi. namun, perlu digaris bawahi bahwa sejauh ini karya-karya tersebut belum ada yang lebih spesifik menjelaskan tentang aplikasi dari paradigma pengklasifikasian ilmu pengetahuan dengan term integrasi-interkoneksi ke dalam proses pembelajaran di kelas. artinya, sampai saat ini belum ada karya yang lebih spesifik menjelaskan keterkaitan antara rumpun ilmu sosiologi dengan humaniora ke dalam bentuk aplikasi pembelajaran. secara sosio-historis, paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi merupakan ciri dari tradisi dan sifat natural dari keilmuan itu sendiri yang dalam islam telah muncul dan berkembang sejak periode klasik masa keemasan islam. masa kekhalifahan daulah abbasiyah di baghdad telah menghasilkan para ilmuwan muslim dalam berbagai bidangnya dengan tidak melakukan dikotomi dalam pembangunan keilmuannya. para ilmuwan muslim, seperti ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 116116116116116 afkaruna al-farabi, ibnu sina, ibn arobi, al-suhrawardi, al-ghazali dan yang lainnya bahkan membuktikannya dengan memadukan antara tradisi filsafat yunani dengan teologi, tasawuf dan ajaran-ajaran islam lainnya. lahirnya teosofi dan falsafah wahdatul wujud dalam filsafat al-farabi dan ibnu arobi, filsafat isyraq (iluminasi) dalam tradisi filsafat suhrawardi, integrasi fiqih, yang bercirikan eksoterik, dengan tasawuf, yang bercirikan esoterik dalam konsep al-ghazali merupakan beberapa fakta bahwa integrasi-interkoneksi telah lama berkembang dalam keilmuan dan peradaban islam sejak masa klasik. di samping itu, mereka juga banyak menguasai disiplin keilmuan yang berbeda, karena dalam pandangan mereka ilmu berasal dari satu hakikat tunggal yaitu tuhan. sedangkan secara sosiologis, mereka pada umumnya lahir dari berbagai wilayah dan tradisi keilmuan yang berbedabeda, sehingga membentuk corak keragaman namun dalam kesatuan (unity in diversity). oleh karena itu, secara sosio-historis paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi memiliki relevansi faktual dan konsepsional yang kuat. sehingga akar historsitasnya telah terbangun dari berbagai latar-belakang tradisi keilmuan; yunani, persia, romawi, india dan yang lainnya. demikian juga tradisi keagamaan, seperti yahudi, kristen dan islam. di era modern, tuntutan wacana-wacana pengembangan keilmuan melalui pelbagai paradigma, pendekatan dan perspektif dengan beragam istilahnya mewarnai khasanah intelektual keislaman. di antara paradigma tersebut adalah integrasi-interkoneksi dalam mengkaji pelbagai disiplin keilmuan, termasuk dalam kajian ilmu-ilmu keislaman (islamic studies). dalam konteks uin sunan kalijaga, awalnya, tawaran integrasi-interkoneksi bersamaan dengan konversi dari iain menjadi uin pada masa kepemimpinan prof. amin abdullah. sebelum amien abdullah, di iain—sebelum menjadi uin—sendiri, sebenarnya sudah dimulai dari tradisi masa prof. mukti ali, yang memperkenalkan pengembangan metode memahami islam. dalam pandangannya, memahami islam paling tidak ada tiga pendekatan yang dapat dikembangkan yakni naqli (tradisional), kedua aqli (rasional) dan ketiga pendekatan secara kasyfi (mistis).13 selain kedua tokoh di atas, tokoh lain yang membahas tentang ilmu-ilmu ke-islaman ada nurcholis madjid yang menawarkan gagasan tentang teologi pluralistik.14 dalam pandangannya, memahami islam tidak bisa hanya satu arah rumpun ilmu akan tetapi harus secara terbuka dengan lugas menerima ilmu-ilmu baru ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 117117117117117vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 yang mana dapat disaring menjadi pemahaman baru. sehingga tujuan akhir dari adanya dealektika tersebut ketika melihat persoalan atau konflik sosial secara lugas dapat memahami islam secara inklusif. dalam konteks ini, mazhab jakarta dengan mazhab yogyakarta dalam memahami studi islam telah meletakkan pandangan yang sama yakni dari kaidah secara terbuka dan dapat menfilter kajian-kajian ke-islaman yang lebih bermakna sesuai dengan kebutuhan masyarakat indonesia yang saat ini mutlak membutuhkan kebaruan dan menjadi solusi atas persoalan sosial. ditinjau dari sisi ini, maka lahirnya sebuah tawaran paradigma “baru” dalam memahami islam ini,15 tidak terpisah dari konteks konversi status iain ke uin di atas, yang berarti juga menuntut adanya pengembangan ilmu-ilmu keislaman yang “dikawinkan” dengan ilmu-ilmu umum, sehingga tidak terjadi dikotomi keilmuan dalam kajian ilmu-ilmu keislaman. iain sendiri, yang berarti sebuah institut islam hanya mengkaji ilmu-ilmu keislaman, ketika konversi menjadi uin, yang berarti sebuah universitas islam, yang selain mengkaji ilmu-ilmu keislaman juga ilmu-ilmu umum, sehingga terbuka lahirnya fakultas-fakultas baru non keagamaan. keterbukaan terhadap fakultas-fakultas baru termasuk jurusan-jurusan baru, seperti sains dan teknologi, fisika, kimia dan ilmu-ilmu humaniora, secara bersamaan tentu menuntut lahirnya paradigma yang “baru” pula, sehingga perkembangan universitas islam, hasil konversi dari iain ke uin, tidak sekedar perubahan infrastruktur (fisik dan struktur bangunan/ gedung), tetapi juga perkembangan supra strukturnya dalam dataran konseptual paradigmatik. di sinilah relevansi paradigma integrasi interkoneksi itu dalam konteks konversi iain ke uin. dalam konteks keilmuan yang lebih luas lagi, secara substansial paradigma integrasi interkoneksi, seperti dijelaskan oleh prof. amin abdullah mengonsepsikan hubungan-hubungan pelbagai keilmuan, antara ilmu-ilmu keislaman dan ilmu-ilmu umum, dalam framework jaring labalaba.16 integrasi keilmuan menuntut kesatuan dan tidak ada lagi dikotomi antara ilmu-ilmu keislaman denagan ilmu-ilmu umum dalam wilayah kajian keilmuan. sedangkan interkoneksi mengindikasikan perlunya “dialog” dan “saling sapa” antara kedua ilmu tersebut, baik dalam perspektif maupun kaitan pengkajiannya.17 dengan paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi kajiankajian keislaman memiliki ranah keuniversalannya, relevansi, dan sinkronisasi dengan ilmu-ilmu umum yang lainnya. kajian ilmu-ilmu keislaman tidak lagi hanya melihat pada sisi yang sempit seperti disiplin ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 118118118118118 afkaruna keilmuannya saja, tetapi juga problem ilmiah akademiknya, dihubungkaitkan dan direlevansikan dengan kaidah-kaidah serta teori-teori yang terkait dengan problem ilmiah tersebut. sebagai contoh, kajian dalam fiqih munakahat, tidak hanya dilihat dari disiplin keilmuan fiqih saja, tetapi ia berkait-kelindan dengan ilmu sosiologi, antropologi, sejarah dan filsafat hukum islam. demikian juga dengan kajian konflik sunni-syi’ah dalam kajian sejarah islam. ia bukan semata-mata milik kajian ilmu sejarah, tetapi terkait dengan teologi, mengenai keyakinan dan masing-masing doktrinnya, sosiologi, dalam kaitan teori konflik dan konteks masyarakatnya, antropologi dalam kaitan perilaku masing-masing kelompok berdasarkan konsep teologi dan ideologinya, dan psikologi, mengenai ketertindasan kelompok syi’ah dan hegemoni massive kelompok sunni dalam sejarah dan peradaban islam klasik. paradigma integrasi interkoneksi dengan penjelasan dataran konsepsi dan paradigmatik di atas, perlu juga untuk dilihat dari dataran empiris dan aplikasinya dalam proses pembelajaran dan pengayaan kurikulum di universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga, khususnya dalam wilayah fakultas dan program studi. hal ini karena integrasi-interkoneksi telah menjadi ikon uin sunan kalijaga sebagai konsekuensi dari ranah konsepsionalparadigmatik yang telah disosioalisasikan, khususnya di lingkungan uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta. oleh karena itu, penelitian ini mencoba untuk melihat ranah aplikasi integrasi–interkoneksi dalam konteks program studi interdisciplinary islamic srudies (iis), pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta. relevansi meninjau aplikasi paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi dalam konteks prodi iis ini selain memandang pentingnya paradigma tersebut, juga karena secara faktualnya prodi iis sendiri memiliki dua konsentrasi yang secara rumpun keilmuanya berbeda, yakni konsentarasi pekerjaan sosial dengan rumpun ilmu sosiologi dan ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi (ipi) dengan rumpun ilmu humaniora. sesuai dengan nomenklatur ban/ pt kemenag ri pekerjaan sosial masuk ke dalam rumpun keilmuan sosiologi, ia kemudian menjadi konsentrasi dalam prodi iis. sedangkan, ipi masuk dalam rumpun ilmu humaniora dengan nama konsentrasi ipi dalam prodi yang sama. meskipun antara peksos dengan ipi secara keilmuan berbeda, akan tetapi keduanya memiliki hubungan keterkaitan jika saja paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi benar-benar diaplikasikan dalam proses pembelajaran dan kurikulum di prodi tersebut. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 119119119119119vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 justifikasi implementatif metode pengajaran implementasi nilai-nilai keislaman konsep integrasi-interkoneksi merupakan sebuah pendekatan baru dalam wacana keilmuan, khususnya setelah terkotak-kotak antara ilmu agama dengan ilmu umum. sehingga kelompok-kelompok masyarakat yang terwadahi oleh payung organisasi membuat ideologisasi bagi kadernya, sehingga hal ini kemudian menyebabkan adanya ‘truth claim’ diantara kelompok tadi. namun, seiring dengan perkembangan waktu dan lahirnya pemikir-pemikir islam indonesia (cendikiawan muslim), sebut saja prof. dr. amin abdullah mantan rektor uin sunan kalijaga memperkenalkan istilah integrasi-interkoneksi kepada khalayak khususnya para civitas akademik kampus. lahirnya konsep integrasi-interkoneksi tersebut membawa angin segar bagi pekembangan pemikiran islam, khususnya bagi civitas akademik uin sunan kalijaga yang dapat membawa ke arah kemajuan keilmuan dan peradaban. walaupun sontak pada awal penggagasan konsep itu banyak pihak tidak sepakat bahkan cacian dan ejekan silih berganti. dengan hati kuat dan tekad yang mantap untuk menatap kemajuan pemikiran islam, maka lambat laun konsep tersebut dapat diterima oleh masyarakat. konsep itu tidak hanya dapat diterima sebagai dasar pengembangan kurikulum pada tingkat perguruan tinggi islam, jauh daripada itu konsep integrasi-interkoneksi banyak diadopsi dalam peletakan konsep dasar untuk pengembangan kurikulum pendidikan menengah ke bawah—madrasah aliyah, tsanawiyah, ibtidaiyah dan raudattul atfal. ini terbukkti, wujud dari dasar integrasi-interkoneksi itu dengan adanya perpaduan antara ilmu agama dan umum diberbagai instansi sekolah di bawah naungan kementerian agama. ini merupakan sebuah prestasi bagi uin sunan kalijaga, karena konsep pengembangan keilmuan ini dapat bermanfaat bagi pengembangan pemikiran islam. tentunya prestasi ini dimanfaatkan oleh semua stakeholder pemegang kebijakan dilingkungan kampus uin untuk mengembangkan dan mengimplementasikan pada kurikulum konsep integrasiinterkoneksi itu sendiri. maka dari itu, interdisciplinary islamic studies (iis) sebagai bagian dari uin mampu menerapkan konsep integrasi-interkoneksi itu tidak hanya wujud administratif, dalam aplikasi proses pembelajaran pun telah banyak diimplementasikan. hal ini diperjelas dari hasil kutipan wawancara sebagaimana berikut ini: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 120120120120120 afkaruna dalam proses pembelajaran saya mencoba mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai konsep integrasi-interkoneksi. terutama nilai-nilai keislaman dalam proses pembelajaran di kelas. selain itu, saya juga mengimplementasikan pendekatan integrasi tersebut tidak hanya tentang keislaman, jauh dari itu juga menerapkan aplikasi nilai-nilai budaya lokal, antara teori dan praktik juga. jadi, integrasi antara islam dan peksos, peksos dan budaya lokal, dan sesekali juga budaya global dan juga antara teori dan praktik. contoh untuk kajian global adalah isu-isu kontemporer dalam pengkajian pekerja sosial yang membahas mengenai perempuan, trafficking, ini tidak hanya dari dalam tetapi juga dari sisi global, sisi perempuan dari luar, sisi globalisasi, kemudahan orang untuk keluar, meskipun ada budaya lokal yang dibahas mengenai kemiskinan dan sebagainya, juga ada sisi ekonomi dari segi kemiskinan tadi, sisi security politik, tidak adanya jaminan security bagi masyarakat indonesia, policy tidak bertindak dengan baik, tidak mengayomi, membiarkan dan juga pengawasan yang kurang.18 cerita pengalaman di atas, membuktikan bahwa nilai-nilai ke-islaman sebagai basic pengembangan keilmuan, telah mampu dikembangkan dan dieksplorasi oleh semua staff pengajar pada program studi iis itu sendiri. ini terbukti ketika dosen memberikan materi kuliah kepada mahasiswa dengan melihat dua aspek penting yaitu antara teori-teori yang disampaikan dengan aplikasi praktik di lapangan sangat erat memperhatikan esensi nilai dari konsep integrasi-interkoneksi. namun, disisi lain ada pula dosen yang masih mengimplementasikan hanya interkoneksi saja. hal ini dilakukan karena masih minimnya literatur pengembangan kurikulum integrasi ilmu yang diampu oleh salah satu dosen. tapi secara esensial saling sapanya antara ilmu umum dengan ilmu agama, semisal, adanya hadits dan ayat-ayat alquran sebagai dasar framework bagi bahan diskusi yang diberikan kepada mahasiswa dapat diaplikasikan dengan baik. hal ini terbukti dengan yang disampaikan apa adanya oleh salah satu pengampu mata kuliah pada konsentrasi peksos, sebagaimana berikut ini: saya mengajar di pascasarjana itu mata kuliah kebijakan-kebijakan sosial di indonesia. eeea, saya melakukan interkoneksi ya, karena saya belum memiliki kapasitas untuk melakukan integrasi, tetapi saya melakukan interkoneksi. semisal begini, ketika saya mengajarkan sesi perencanaan sosial, saya sampaikan dalil, hadits, maupun ayat alquran tentang apa itu pentingnya perencanaan, kemudian ketika sesi evaluasi kebijakan sosial dalam mata ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 121121121121121vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 kuliah itu, saya juga sampaikan bahwa ada hadits tentang ‘muahtabah’, ini kan bagian interkoneksi ya, artinya ketika mempelajari kebijakan dalam perencanaan sosial, maka mahasiswa juga akan tahu oooww, islam punya kesan terkait dengan evaluasi, terkait dengan perencanaan, terkait dengan konsen-konsen yang dipelajari. kalau secara pribadi, saya memang masih menerapkan interkoneksi saja, belum sampai pada integrasi, karena masih saya pelajari terkait dengan konsen studi pengajaran saya.19 dari hasil kutipan wawancara di atas, kita dapat melihat bahwasanya dosen pengampu mata kuliah telah mampu menerapkan konsep interkoneksi atau saling tegur sapa antara nilai-nilai islam dengan mata kuliah kebijakan-kebijakan sosial di indonesia. hemat peneliti, implementasi nilainilai ke-islaman merupakan sebuah penjelasan sederhana yang mampu dikembangkan menjadi bagian luas tentang pengayaan materi yang disampaikan. tentunya, memperhatikan nilai-nilai integrasi-interkoneksi itu sendiri. implementasi integrasi lintas disiplin ilmu disiplin ilmu bagi sebuah program studi menjadi sangat penting. ini merupakan kunci bagi arah dan tujuan dari program studi itu sendiri. tapi dalam proses pengaplikasian pola pengajaran, paling esensial sebuah program studi harus memiliki dasar kurikulum yang jelas. dalam pada itu, di program studi iis; ipi dan peksos, telah memiliki pemahaman secara mendasar untuk diaplikasikan oleh semua staff pengajar, yaitu integrasi lintas disiplin ilmu. semisal, dalam mata kuliah isu-isu kontemporer pada konsentrasi pekerjaan sosial, saling sapa antara ilmu satu dengan yang lain sarat ditemukan dalam berbagai sistem perkuliahan. sebagaimana diperjelas hasil kutipan wawancara berikut ini: jadi, integrasi tidak hanya dari sisi tadi yang sudah disebutkan tetapi juga dari segi politik, ekonomi, hukum, dan sebagainya yang melingkupi atau dari sebab adanya kejadian trafficking. integrasi dalam hal ini tidak hanya berbicara mengenai islam dan non islam tetapi juga lintas antar keilmuan seperti halnya tadi disebutkan, dan juga integrasi antara teori dan praktik.20 pandangan tadi, mamiliki arti yang cukup luas dalam proses pengaplikasian paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi di uin sunan kalijaga. demikian ini merupakan sebuah pola relasi antara stakeholders dengan staff pengajar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 122122122122122 afkaruna pada program iis menjadi sangat penting untuk tetap memberikan pemahaman integrasi-interkoneksi. memang saat ini banyak dijumpai dosen yang mengajarkan keilmuan kepada mahasiswa sarat ditemukan masih belum menerapkan paradigma utuh dari integrasi-interkoneksi. maka dari itu masih ditemukan dalam proses pembelajaran di kelas ada sebagian dosen hanya memberikan ceramah atau diskusi kelas menggunakan interkoneksi saja. pola ini dilakukan karena tidak semua mata kuliah yang dosen ampu memiliki konsep integrasi. karena pada dasarnya paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi merupakan peleburan antara ilmu agama dengan ilmu umum. sebagaimana hasil kutipan wawancara berikut ini: integrasi-interkoneksi yang saya pahami adalah peleburan antara ilmu umum dan ilmu agama, dalam rangka untuk kesejahteraan bersama. karena selama ini kan terjadi dikhotomi ini ilmu agama, ini ilmu umum tidak adanya saling sapa sehingga dengan adanya konsep integrasi-interkoneksi ini akan saling terkait, saling membantu, saling berhubungan dan saling memberikan kontribusi, dari kedua ilmu ini tidak terjadi pengkotak-kotakan, karena sebagaimana kita tahu memang ada persoalan yang tidak bisa selesai hanya dengan ilmu-ilmu agama. dengan adanya dimensi dengan dua bidang tadi, bisa menjadi solusi untuk pengembangan ilmu dan aplikasi pemanfaatannya.21 kutipan tersebut, mempertajam daya analisis peneliti dalam memahami sejauh mana aplikasi dosen pengampuh mata kuliah dapat menjelaskan paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi dalam proses pengajaran. artinya, dosen pengampu mata kuliah sedikit banyak telah memahami esensi dari paradigma itu tadi. sehingga dapat kita interpretasikan bahwa integrasi lintas disiplin ilmu telah digunakan sebagai dasar pengembangan sistem akademik dan perkuliahan di kelas. dosen lain, menjelaskan pula bahwa pemahaman paradigma integrasiinterkoneksi itu penyatuan dan peleburan ilmu agama dengan ilmu umum atau jamak kita temukan proses saling tegur dan sapa. mengingat bahwa pengkotan ilmu dalam proses transformasi gagasan sering menjadi dikotomi antara ilmu agama dengan umum ketika menyangsikan wacana sekulerisasi, islamisasi ilmu dan lain-lain. untuk itu, diperjelas oleh salah satu dosen sebagaimana hasil kutipan wawancara berikut ini: menurut saya integrasi-interkoneksi itu kan dua kata yang berbeda, yang dari kedua istilah tersebut disatukan atau peleburan. pertama, integrasi adalah dua rumpun keilmuan yakni antara ilmu agama dan ilmu umum itu menyatu. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 123123123123123vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 apakah penyatuan itu berdasarkan nash-nash alquran atau hadits, disekulerisasikan kah atau diislamisasikan. sedangkan, interkoneksi itu berasal dari kata koneksi yang artinya ‘menyapa ya’, jadi berhubungan. oleh karena itu, interkoneksi itu tidak menyatu tetapi melebur dengan adanya komunikasi diantara keduanya, antar saling sapa dan jumpa. nah mungkin, sesuai dengan perkataan seseorang, tetapi saya lupa namanya, integrasi-interkoneksi itu seperti ini misalnya, kalau interkoneksi itu seperti ‘gado-gado’, jadi dalam ‘gado-gado’ itu kita tahu, oww ini kacangnya, ini timunnya, ini sayurnya, masih bisa dipetakan pemetaannya. namun, integrasi itu seperti roti, di dalam roti itu ada telor, ada tepung, ada bumbu, tetapi kita tidak bisa menguraikan, tapi menjadi satu itu integrasi. tetapi, interkoneksi seperti sesuatu hal yang baru, kita bisa pilah mana yang penting mana yang tidak penting sekiranya menurut kita.22 interpretasi hasil wawancara itu, dosen menganalogikan bahwa proses pembelajaran integrasi itu umumnya dengan mengambil referensi atau bahan kajian lain yang sekiranya di dalam pengimplementasian keilmuan pada proses pembelajaran mampu menerangkan dengan ragam perspektif. semisal, analogi ‘gado-gado’, tentu ini membuat kita memahami ragam perspektif yang muncul pada setiap persoalan yang ada. bahkan ditengah persoalan ‘kejumudan’ berpikir dan kemandegan bertindak karena dipengaruhi oleh pola paham ilmu truth claim kadangkala pemikiranpemikiran hasil output mahasiswa terkooptasi dalam satu bidang ilmu agama saja. demikian ini akan sangat berbahaya jika seorang dosen tidak mampu mengkaitkan ragam perspektif ilmu satu dengan ilmu lainnya. aplikasi dalam satuan acuan pembelajaran banyak ragam pemahaman dosen mengenai paradigma integrasiinterkoneksi yang telah dieksplorasi. kiranya sebagai landasan awal sudah mengetahui pandangan umum tentang apa yang disampaikan oleh dosen. sehingga aplikasi dalam hal teknis menjadi menarik melihat kembali dalam beberapa aspek penting yang perlu dikaji. sebagaimana interpretasi peneliti pada kajian ini ada beberapa unsur penting yang dapat diekplorasi lebih lanjut, berdasarkan hasil koding data dan display data, dalam proses aplikasi integrasi-interkoneksi dosen telah menerapkan ke dalam hal teknis dengan membuat acuan pada satuan acuan pembelajaran (sap), melakukan evaluasi individu, dan aplikasi dalam diskusi di kelas. demikian ini dapat dijelaskan sebagaimana hasil interpretasi di bawah. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 124124124124124 afkaruna suatu output pendidikan dapat dikatakan bermutu, jika proses pembelajaran di kelas secara menarik dan menantang, sehingga nahasiswa dapat belajar sebanyak mungkin melalui proses dealektik dan dialogis antara mahasiswa dengan dosen. proses ini akan membuahkan hasil yang bermutu dan dengan harapan dapat menjadi sebuah acuan kerangka berpikir bagi pembangunan di masa mendatang. untuk mewujudkan demikian itu perlu efisien dalam penyusunan satuan acuan pembelajaran (sap) yang disusun oleh dosen, kemudian bisa dilaksanakan dengan sebaikbaiknya ketika proses pembelajaran berlangsung. dengan begitu, aplikasi ilmu dalam proses transformasi ide dan gagasan pada mahasiswa bisa diharapkan mampu menopang framework secara berkesinambungan. ini merupakan cita-cita yang ingin dicapai dalam program studi iis ketika seorang dosen mampu mengintegrasi keilmuan umum dengan islam ke dalam perspektif ilmu ipi dan peksos secara berskala. kualitas ini dapat terlihat jika semua dosen menerapkan paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi ke dalam sap yang disusun di awal sebelum proses pembelajaran. sehingga selama proses pembelajaran berlangsung mahasiswa dapat dengan mudah dan diharapkan bisa mengembangkan acuan pembelajaran yang sistematis dan terorganisir. tentu dengan referensi-referensi buku atau lainnya yang dikontekskan kebaruan. semisal dalam pengkajian mata kuliah pendekatan studi islam secara penjelasan dapat diketahui lebih awal sebagai acuan pengembangan akademik. semisal, dalam sap dosen menjelaskan seperti ini: islam sebagai ajaran (wahyu) memang bersifat normatif yang memiliki kebenaran universal dan mutlak, namun ketika ajaran-ajaran islam yang normatif tersebut berinteraksi dengan konteks zaman (sejarah) dan pemahaman manusia, maka islam memuat aspek yang bersifat relatif dan temporal. karena itu, terjadi perbedaan antara ajaran yang terkandung di dalam teks (nash) dengan pemahaman manusia terhadap nash maupun manifestasinya dalam konteks historis, atau antara das sein dan das sollen. perbedaan ini dapat dilihat dalam berbagai bentuk, baik dari konteks zaman (waktu) maupun makan (tempat).23 penjelasan makna ke-islaman di atas merupakan deskripsi awal dalam implementasi paradigma integrasi dan interkoneksi yang dikontekskan dengan satuan pembelajaran. maka penjelasan lebih spesifik dosen mengeksplorasi mengenai rencana pembelajaran ke dalam bentuk tujuan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 125125125125125vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 dan capaian dari perkuliahan yang akan berlangsung. ini kemudian diinterpretasikan dan diberikan kepada mahasiswa untuk dijadikan pedoman diskusi selama satu semester ke depan. tentunya, demikian itu dispesifikasikan ke dalam bentuk kata-kata dalam sap kemudian diberikan kepada mahasiswa untuk dipahami, agar mahasiswa pun mampu mengimbangi perkuliahan dengan jelas dan sesuai dengan konteks materi yang ada. sebagai contoh sebagaimana dijelaskan yang dikutip dari sap dosen berikut ini: mata kuliah perspektif kesejehateraan sosial dalam alquran, sebagaimana namanya menguraikan ayat-ayat alquran yang mengandung dan mendorong terciptanya kesejahteraan sosial dan masyarakat. kajian tafsir ini, bukan semata-mata agar menjadi landasan normatif bagi terwujudnya kesejahteraan di masyarakat, tapi juga mengurai bagaimana alquran, secara metodologis mengupayakan terwujudnya kesejahteraan tersebut. dengan kata lain bagaimana “pandangan atau wawasan” alquran tentang kesejahteraan sosial dan bagaimana pesan-pesan alquran untuk mewujudkan kesejahteraan tersebut? menurut alquran, strategi dan langkah apa saja yang harus ditempuh untuk mengantar menuju masyarakat sejahtera?apakah langkah-langkah yang dipesankan alquran bersifat sukarela (charity) atau bersifat sistemik? masyarakat sejahtera seperti apa yang dicita-citakan alquran? dan apa ukuran kesejahteraan dalam alquran serta apa saja dimensi kesejahteraan tersebut.24 selain sap sebagai aplikasi paradigma integrasi dan interkoneksi dalam proses pembelajaran, dosen harus menerapkan paradigma integrasi dan interkoneksi dalam kegiatan pembelajarannya. dosen juga diberi tugas menyusun sillabi dan rpkps (recana program kegiatan perkuliahan semester), termasuk bahan ajar pada mata kuliah yang diampunya. tetapi latar belakang pendidikan dan ketersediaan referensi yang dimiliki dosen, sangat menentukan kualitas pengajaran ketika di kelas, baik yang berhubungan dengan substansi materi pokok, substansi materi ilmu lain yang akan dijadikan bahan integrasi dan interkoneksi, serta substansi paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi itu sendiri. persoalan ini sebagaimana diperjelas oleh dosen pengampu mata kuliah di iis berikut: jadi menurut saya adalah integrasi-interkoneksi jangan hanya di pandang dan dipahami hanya islam dan non islam, dalam islam pun ada integrasi interkoneksi, yaitu pemahaman tafsir itu juga harus bervariasi. misalnya, tafsir mengenai nikah lebih dari satu, itu mau ditafsirkan seperti apa, kita ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 126126126126126 afkaruna mau berpihak kepada siapa, kalau kita berbicara perempuan dan perlindungan perempuan, maka itu harus ditafsirkan berdasarkan keadilan sosial gender. bahwa nikah satu itu lebih utama dan diutamakan daripada nikah lebih dari satu. karena untuk mencapai keadilan itu sulit, keadilan itu mungkin bisa hanya ditaraf materi, waktu atau tempat. tapi keadaan dilandasi sisi keadilan sosial, perhatian dari sisi kasih sayang hal itu tidak mungkin bisa dibagi dan dapat berlaku adil. sebenarnya lebih dari satu itu darurat dan sangat lebih darurat, daripada yang jauh, jadi dalam istilah ushul fiqh itu ada hal mencari darurat yang lebih kecil atau mudarat yang lebih kecil, atau efek negatif yang paling kecil.25 walaupun masih ada juga beberapa dosen dalam proses pembelajaran masih tidak menggunakan paradigma tersebut. persoalan yang melatarbelakangi kurang terealisirnya paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi dalam pendidikan dan pengajaran itu disebabkan oleh latar belakang pendidikan dosen yang kurang mendukung integrasi-interkoneksi baik pada aspek substansi keumuan, substansi paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi, maupun masalah teknis-metodologis. disamping itu berbagai pembekalan dan prasarana seperti perpustakaan ke arah terlaksananya pendidikan berparadigma integrasi-interkoneksi belum benar-benar efektif. aplikasi dalam dikusi kelas proses pembelajaran di kelas menjadi menarik dengan pengembangan integrasi dan interkoneksi. karena itu, semua dosen semestinya sudah menerapkan paradigma ini. tetapi peneliti dalam hal ini masih juga menemukan ada sebagian dosen yang belum mengaplikasikan paradigma tersebut ke dalam pembelajaran. tapi, ada juga dosen yang sudah mengaplikasikan hanya sebatas interkoneksi saja. alasan dosen ini karena masih banyak rujukan akademik dan pemahaman dosen mengenai bahan pengajaran yang dia ampuh, menurutnya masih dalam proses penjajakan integrasi ilmu. jadi belum seutuhnya mengaplikasikan integrasi-interkoneksi, juga diperjelas berdasarkan hasil kutipan berikut: jadi itu, saya melakukan integrasi itu dalam bentuk eee strateginya pembelajarannya. jadi misalnya saya perkenalkan ada hadits, misalnya juga saya mengajar peksos industri ada sesi tentang upah minimum, saya sampaikan hadits, ‘bayarlah upah buruhmu sebelum kering keringatnya’, nah itu kan bagian dari interkoneksi, artinya dalam islam juga menekankan perlindungan sosial bagi buruh apalagi dalam konteks keilmuan ya.26 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 127127127127127vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 lain halnya, dosen dikonfirmasi ketika proses pembelajaran di kelas, secara umum sudah menerapkan paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi. ini terekam dalam proses penyampaian penafsiran makna keilmuan, seperti hasil kutipan wawancara sebagaimana berikut: maka dalam islam pun harus ditafsirkan sesuai dengan semangat keadilan sosial yang itu menjadi inti ajaran islam. jadi tidak sekedar perspektif fundamental alquran dan disandingkan dengan prinsip peksos, hal itu selesai, tidak demikian. karena dalam islam sendiri ada teks dan konteks, dimana hal ini saling berkaitan dan ada tafsir yang lebih berpihak kepada orang miskin, orang marginal perempuan, itu yang lebih diutamakan. karena banyak tafsir yang bias gender, bias laki-laki, karena fuqoha semuanya laki-laki, karena munfasir semuanya laki-laki, dan konteks historinya partiarkhal budayanya, jika hal ini kita gali lebih jauh dari sirat nabi, itu masih bisa kita tafsirkan kearah sana, yaitu islam yang berkeadilan.27 secara umum semua narasumber dalam penelitian ini ketika dikonfirmasi mereka telah memakai paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi dalam proses pembelajaran. namun, tidak secara utuh semuanya memakai paradigma itu. banyak hal yang menyebabkan mengapa ada dosen yang belum menggunakan. tetapi bila dilihat memang belum seutuhnya aplikasi paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi itu diejawantahkan ke dalam bentuk pemahaman kolektif dosen. maka untuk menyiasati demikian ini perlu iis melaksanakan workshop kepada semua dosen baik dosen tetap, dosen lb, maupun dosen dari luar atau praktisi. dibutuhkan pemahaman kolektif ini paling tidak ketika menyampaikan diskusi di kelas tentang bahan ajar yang disampaikan dosen dan mahasiswa dapat mensinergiskan pemahaman mengenai satu topik yang dibahas, kemudian pengembangan pemikiran dari berbagai perspektif khususnya interpretasi pemahaman islam dengan keterkaitannya dengan ilmu umum yang dibawa. semisal, iis; pekerjaan sosial, secara umum teori-teorinya dari barat, tetapi kemudian bila dosen paham dengan kondisi ini, harus sudah diintegrasikan materi tersebut ke dalam satu wadah integrasiinterkoneksi. tidak kemudian western ansih tentang apa yang disampaikan ketika berada di dalam kelas. evaluasi terhadap satuan pembelajaran evaluasi mengenai sistem pengajaran pada prodi iis, banyak dosen ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 128128128128128 afkaruna melakukan kritik terhadap adanya dua konsentrasi rumpun ilmu yang berbeda, yaitu antara ipi dan peksos. secara umum semua orang tahu iis dari dua rumpun ilmu berbeda itu alasan pragmatis. tetapi menjadi titik tekan itu menjadi bagus ketika dikelola dengan maksimal tanpa harus ada dikotomi di dua konsentrasi tersebut. ini sebagaimana disampaikan oleh narasumber penjelasan berdasarkan hasil kutipan berikut: hal ini memang di iis; antara ipi dan peksos, studi tentang pemaksaan wadah tetapi pragmatis. walaupun pemaksaan tetapi itulah yang terbaik. iis pada desain awalnya memang agar social work dapat masuk di iain waktu itu. karena ada kata ‘i’ (islamic studies) termasuk agama islam, maka harus ada sisi keislaman. maka kemudian dinamakan iis (interdisciplinary islamic studies), studi islam yang interdisipliner, tetapi tetap judul utamanya studi islam. interdisipliner yakni antar disiplin, jadi menjembatani social work, maka dapat dikatakan bahwa hal ini jembatan yang bagus, kreatif, untuk memasukan social work ke dalam islamic studies. sekarang sebetulnya ketika iain menjadi uin, hal itu sudah tidak jadi masalah kalau tanpa iis pun tidak masalah, tetapi hal ini sudah terlanjur masuk ke dalam dokumen negara.28 namun, bisa saja ke depannya bisa didesain ulang namanya tidak iis, namanya misalnya social work atau kesejahteraan sosial sehingga bisa terkoneksi dengan s1-nya. tetapi itu juga menjadi masalah dilihat dari background calon mahasiswa baru ketika rumpunnya menjadi social work, jadi enggan masuk bila tidak berlatarbelakang kesejahteraan sosial pada waktu s1-nya, semisal pmi nanti enggan masuk, tetapi saat ini tidak jadi masalah, hanya nanti kurikulumnya lebih dinamis. social work merupakan ilmu yang lengkap mulai dari a sampai z adanya—mikro, mezzo dan makro. maka ada kesulitan, iis mau dibawa kemana, mau spesialisasi mikronya, mezzonya, atau makronya atau bahkan tidak kemana-mana jadi ‘gado-gado’, sehingga nanti semuanya tidak mendalam. akhirnya kebutuhan pasar seperti apa dan calon mahasiswanya nanti seperti apa yang betul-betul dibutuhkan. melihat peta di atas, kiranya perlu melakukan evaluasi satuan pembelajaran dengan mencoba menanyakan persepsi alumni. karena kebutuhan riil dalam prodi sejatinya berada pada pasar kerja yang dapat menampung kebutuhan background studi iis itu sendiri. demikian ini disampaikan oleh salah satu narasumber sebagaimana penjelasan dari kutipan wawancara berikut: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 129129129129129vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 mungkin juga perlu juga evaluasi alumni yang selama ini. jadi alumni iis itu kemana mereka dan apakah mereka menganggap bahwa ilmu yang di dapat dari iis kemarin itu menunjang kebutuhan mereka dan pekerjaan mereka. kalau tidak apa yang perlu ditambahkan, kan begitu. tapi itu perlu ‘diramu’, karena nanti berbagai macam input kan. selama ini, semisal kemarin saya bertemu orang dan konsultasi kepada saya, dia diterima di dua tempat, apakah ke bandung s2 ke (stks) atau s2 ke uin. saya hanya memberikan alternatif kepada mahasiswa saya, artinya kembali kepada dirinya sendiri, kamu nanti mau jadi apa, mau jadi praktisi atau jadi dosen di sekolah tinggi islam—uin, stain, atau yang lain. jika alternatif pilihanya ingin menjadi dosen maka masuklah ke uin-iis, tetapi bila ingin menjadi praktisi maka masuklah ke stks bandung karena disana sudah menjurus itu pun s2-nya klinis. tapi mungkin juga disana anda mendapat spesialisasi lebih menjurus atau spesifik, tetapi ada negatifnya, negatifnya adalah anda tidak bisa mengkoneksikan dengan ke-islaman.29 untuk itu, semua stakeholder perlu mengakomodir kebutuhan yang sesungguhnya apa yang dibutuhkan oleh pasar dan mahasiswa. apakah hanya sebatas ijazah atau ilmunya juga. jadi iis perlu punya ideologi yang progresif. semua dosen ditatar melalui workshop, workshopnya harus keberpihakan. islam betul, tapi islam yang berpihak pada orang yang marginal, orang lemah, tafsir islam juga mengarah ke sana mestinya. selain evaluasi secara general mengenai keberadaan iis, evaluasi program pun dalam proses pengajaran pada setiap individu dosen perlu dilakukan. mengingat hasil evaluasi akan menentukan paradigma serta arah pengembangan prodi iis ke depan. sebagaimana disampaikan oleh narasumber sebagaimana berikut: saya melakukan evaluasi dengan melihat review hasil pengayaan materi, kemudian melihat lagi apa yang kurang untuk disampaikan kepada mahasiswa. secara general, evaluasi penerapan konsep integras-interkoneksi dari pusat kurang bahkan mungkin bisa dikatakan menurun, tidak ada tindak lanjut program evaluasi, setelah pak amin turun dari jabatan rektor. selama ini yang ada hanya semacam kalender akademik yang berjalan, tetapi secara tentatif pengadaan workshop, evaluasi dosen secara menyeluruh memang mengalami kemunduran. saya tidak menemukan saat ini, semisal dari lembaga penjaminan mutu mengaudit bagaimana kinerja dosen dalam melakukan proses pembelajaran, dari masing-masing jurusan itu dengan kurikulum mengedepankan konsep integrasi-interkoneksi tadi, hal ini belum pernah ada.30 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 130130130130130 afkaruna dari hasil kutipan di atas, memang sangat disayangkan oleh semua pihak, khususnya bagi dosen pengampu mata kuliah setelah prof. dr. h. m. amin abdullah, lengser dari jabatan rektor semua program kurikulum berbasis integrasi dan interkoneksi seakan putus begitu saja. apalagi bila berbicara iis, tidak semua dosen melakukan evaluasi tersebut sehingga boleh dikatakan mengalami stagnasi pemikiran dan pembaruan dalam dinamika perkuliahan di kelas. lain hal, disampaikan juga oleh narasumber sebagaimana hasil kutipan berikut: kita tidak bisa merasa bahwa mata kuliah umum itu paling penting, tetapi bagi saya harus adanya tegur sapa, kita tetap mengkaitkan jadi kita nanti aplikasinya bagaimana ilmu yang kita pelajari ini ternyata tidak bisa lepas, tidak bisa putus begitu saja dengan ilmu yang lain, jadi kita nanti saling sinergi, jadi keilmuan ini bisa terbantu dengan ilmu ini, dengan cara begini untuk kita aplikasikan, saling melengkapi, dikaitkan jadi ketika kita bercerita persoalan ilmu agama ya kita pasti akan saling membutuhkan untuk mencoba saling tegur sapa.31 aplikasi integrasi dan interkoneksi dalam satuan pembelajaran di atas, seyogyanya kita dapat menilai bahwa secara umum sudah menerapkan paradigma tersebut. namun, hanya saja ada sebagian dosen yang belum menerapkannya dengan berbagai alasan. sehingga perlu ada kesinambungan antara dosen satu dengan lainnya melalui agenda workshop, penulisan antologi, penyeragaman sap dalam pendekatan penyampaian isi materi, dan lainnya. alasan lain adalah melihat peta pengembangan prodi ke depan menjadi sangat mutlak dibutuhkan antara stakeholder satu dengan pihak-pihak terkait. respon mahasiswa terhadap aplikasi integrasiinterkoneksi tanggan mahasiswa dalam proses pembelajaran memakai paradigma integrasi dan interkoneksi memang beragam. ini dilandasi oleh pemahaman mahasiswa mengenai paradgima itu berbeda-beda antara satu pihak dengan pihak lain. ada yang berbicara mengenai pemikiran dosen di uin itu liberal, terlalu skeptis dan lainnya. demikian ini, akan membuat dinamika proses pembelajaran menjadi semakin dialektis. pernyataan terkait ini sebagaimana hasil kutipan hasil wawancara berikut: sejauh ini memang saya lihat background dosen kita dari luar yah, saya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 131131131131131vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 fahami justru malah ini menurut pemahaman saya dosennya cukup liberal, mungkin lebih tepatnya cukup nasionalis biar lebih enak didengar. untuk ke ideologi islamnya ada beberapa dosen yang mungkin kan ada mata kuliah kan ada pekerjaan sosial berbasis agama, cuman dipahami secara keseluruhan saya lihat ideologi di iis yang memang basic bckground agamanya itu jauh dan ini pemahaman saya ya, maksudnya apa karena kita lebih kepada sosialnya secara umum jadi karena agama yang dinilai di iis ini bukan agama yang satu-satu, seperti ini islam loh, akan tetapi tidak seperti itu. jadi pekerja sosial yang berbasis agama pemahaman ideologi iis ini adalah semua agama, semua kepercayaan. seperti kita kan mempunyai aturan, normanorma tersendiri yah kan.32 persoalan lain dari persepsi mahasiswa mengenai proses pembelajaran pada prodi iis mereka melihat bahwa ipi dan peksos merupakan kedua rumpun yang berbeda sehingga bagi dosen dalam menyampaikan materi perkuliahan perlu inovasi. tapi memang sejauh ini mahasiswa beranggapan paradigma integrasi dan interkoneksi dalam pembelajaran di terapkan oleh para dosen. pernyataan ini diperjelas hasil kutipan wawancara sebagaimana berikut: pertama, memang secara pribadi banyak muatan keilmuannya berbeda. antara pekerjaan sosial dengan ilmu perpustakaan dan imformasi khususnya untuk praktik di lapangan. kalau memang sama berbicara pengembangan keilmuan sesuai dengan kajian pustaka. karena memang secara rumpunnya sangat susah. kedua, yang namanya inovasi itu butuh banyak hal, ada dana, persiapan, sarana prasarana, termasuk kesiapan dosen, saya hanya memandang secara luas memang secara idealnya dipisahkan dengan prodi sendiri-sendiri. tapi karena seperti itu, ya kita ngamini saja.33 belajar adalah kewajiban bagi setiap manusia, mulai dari lahir hingga sampai akhir hayat. begitulah yang islam doktrin bagi pemeluknya. dalam hal ini jenjang strata-2, merupakan jenjang selanjutnya dari pendidikan formal. dari hal ini bisa kita katakan bahwa mencari ilmu tidak ada batasan, baik anak-anak, muda ataupun tua. selain itu alasan yang cukup rasional lagi mengenai kegiatan yang bisa dikatakan membutuhkan kegiatan lain agar terus berpikir agar tidak stagnan, dengan kegiatan-kegiatan yang cukup padat seperti mengisi untuk diskusi-diskusi dan lain-lain maka memutuskan untuk mengambil program pascasarjana di uin sunan kalijaga merupakan langkah sebagai pengembangan keilmuan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 132132132132132 afkaruna selain itu, jurusan iis: ipi dan peksos mencoba merespon kebutuhan pengembangan pola pengejaran integrasi dan interkoneksi studi dalam keilmuan pengembangan masyarakat islam, ilmu perpustakan ataupun kesejahteraan sosial. kemudian, iis juga sebagai jurusan yang memiliki studi keislaman dan ilmu sosial bagi kemanusiaan sehingga pekerjaan sosial yang awalnya hanya dikenal di luar negeri, dengan adanya jurusan iis bisa menjadikan media pengenalan dan penegasan profesi pekerjaan sosial di indonesia karena dalam lingkup dunia internasional jenjang pendidikan pekerjaan sosial sudah ada dalam setiap tingkatan; s1, s2, s3. dengan begitu, dalam implementasi pengembangan lanjutan di indonesia dua konsentrasi dalam satu payung seyogyanya dapat saling keterpaduan antara satu sama lain. mengingat landasan awal interdisipliner itu sendiri merupakan pengejawantahan dari satu paradigma integrasiinterkoneksi yang selama ini diterapkan di uin sunan kalijaga, baik pada ranah administratif maupun kerangka acuan penyusunan kurikulum pembelajaran di kampus. untuk itu, berikut hasil pemahaman mahasiswa dan tanggapannya mengenai paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi, diperjelas sebagaimana berikut: integrasi-interkoneksi itu pandangan yang multidisipliner mengenai satu fenomena sosial, apa yang sudah berlangsung dalam proses pembelajaran di iis seyogyanya sudah mencerminkan hal tadi. kalau kita menggunakan perspektif multidisipliner dalam memahami dan mencari solusi terkait permasalahan sosial, terutama mengenai informasi kepustakaan.34 dari penjelasan mengenai pandangan integrasi dan interkoneksi di atas, sebetulnya mahasiswa secara umum sudah mengetahui proses pembelajaran dari aplikasi paradigma itu tadi. tanggapan mahasiswa ipi akan sangat berbeda dengan padangan mahasiswa peksos tentunya. hal ini tercermin bagaimana mereka memahami konteks ilmu yang diserap oleh para dosen ketika proses perkuliahan berlangsung. sebagai contoh, aplikasi integrasi dan interkoneksi yang dimaksudkan dalam hal ini mengenai fenomena sosial. problem sosial merupakan salah satu isu yang dapat dikembangkan melalui berbagai landasan filosofis multidisipliner. semisal, memahami anak dalam pandangan multidisipliner bahwa kajian ini sama-sama untuk membebebaskan, konteks ini pun semangat intervensi terhadap anak yang memiliki masalah seyogyanya senafas dengan islam. persoalan ini diperjelas oleh salah satu mahasiswa peksos sebagaimana berikut: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 133133133133133vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 sebagian iya, sebagian tidak. contoh bagi pandangan saya terkait aplikasi integrasi-interkoneksi yang diterapkan dosen dala memahami fenomena sosial. alih-alih kita memandang kekerasan dalam anak, menurut saya semisal larangan di dalam alquran, bisa memandang bahwa pengetahuan yang dikembangkan mengenai salah satunya sebagai contoh sociologi of childhood itu mengacu kepada pembebasan anak dan kungkungan struktur masyarakat. hal ini sejalan dengan islam sebagai agama yang membebaskan. jadi, menurut saya pandangan integrasi-interkoneksi itu tidak langsung diterapkan dalam arti ini menerapkan pandangan integrasi-interkoneksi tetapi jauh dari itu. pandangan integrasi-interkoneksi itu ketika kita berusaha memahami suatu masalah dengan banyak jalan, salah satunya jalan yang dikembangkan dalam ilmu-ilmu yang berkaitan dengan agama islam.35 penjelasan di atas, meniscayakan sebuah perumpamaan yang mapan antara ilmu umum dengan agama dapat melebur menjadi satu ketika menjelaskan satu fenomena mendasar, semisal persoalan anak. untuk itu, tiada lain bagi mahasiswa paradigma integrasi dan interkoneksi yang digunakan sebagai landasan mendasar bagi semua aktivitas pembelajaran di kampus, khususnya bagi iis, ini merupakan sudah menjadi kesadaran bagi mahasiswa betapa terinternalisasikannya paham integrasi dan interkoneksi sehingga tidak lagi ada pelabelan ilmu-ilmu yang sudah disebutkan jauh sebelumnya. maka dari itu, pemahaman mahasiswa mengenai aplikasi integrasi dan interkoneksi dalam proses pembelajaran tidak hanya berhenti sampai pada aplikasi sap, diskusi di kelas maupun lainnya, harus jauh dari itu dipahami sebagai satu paradigma yang utuh dengan spesifikasi kajian yang komprehensif. sehingga ketika dihadapkan persoalan sosial mahasiswa bisa memetakan apa yang dibutuhkan masyarakat. tetapi tidak kemudian terkooptasi dalam satu pandangan ilmu saja. penutup perubahan sosial di era kekinian telah melahirkan ragam perspektif baru dalam wacana keilmuan. istilah post modernisme dikalangan intelektual semakin menunjukan bahwa peradaban pengetahuan begitu cepat mengalami moderasi—walaupun beberapa kalangan tidak sepakat dengan pelabelan post-modern ini. posisi demikian terus memacu para intelektual untuk terus berbenah diri dengan melahirkan karya dalam mengisi pembaharuan ilmu. tak terkecuali para intelektual islam. berbicara intelektual islam tentunya kita telah memiliki banyak aktoraktor pembaharu di dalamnya. sebut saja nasr abu sayyed, asgar ali ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 134134134134134 afkaruna engineer, yusuf al-qordhawi, mohammad arkoun, ibn khaldun, dan masih banyak tokoh lain di dunia. di indonesia sendiri kita kenal para cendikiawan muslim, semisal harun nasution, mukti ali, nurcholish madjid, mungkin sosok bersahaja di era saat ini ada amin abdullah. mereka merupakan sosok para intelektual islam (cendikiawan muslim indonesia) yang mampu membawa peradaban baru bagi perkembangan keilmuan islam ditengah ke-‘jumudan’ masyarakat. munculnya ideologisasi, truth claim kelompok-kelompok kecil, bahkan ragam pemikiran yang intolerir ditengah budaya kita, munculnya term pemahaman fundamentalisme, liberalisme bahkan terorisme. satu sisi bagi seorang ilmuwan muslim munculnya ragam pemikiran itu merupakan fitrah. tapi disisi lain munculnya term tersebut membuat satu keresahan sendiri bagi masyarakat indonesia yang sudah mapan dengan konsep saling menghargai satu sama lain. pada ranah perguruan tinggi, munculnya pemikiran di atas merupakan sebuah keharusan bagi para civitas akademika untuk senantiasa melakukan pembaharuan dan penelitian terkait. guna mewujudkan sebuah perspektif baru bagi berkembangan ilmu-ilmu dan pengetahuan islam untuk kehidupan generasi mendatang. namun, seiring berkembangnya waktu pengembangan ke-ilmuwan dalam islam mengalami perdebatan alot. di mana para sarjana muslim, khususnya, di era dahulu pengetahuan itu terkotak-kotakan bagaikan bungkus nasi yang sudah ada lauk pauk di dalamnya. orang akan makan daging dengan rasa berbeda dari bungkus yang lain seolah terkesan tidak bisa dicoba karena sudah memiliki porsi masing-masing. walhasil, bila kita ingin memakan bungkus nasi dengan rasa masakan padang semisal, tak lantas kemudian mudah bisa mengambil bungkus nasi tadi, karena barangkali bungkus nasi sudah dimasukan rasa masakan sunda. analogi ini mengibaratkan kita dihadapkan pada kotakkotak ilmu. dalam pada itu, artikulasi lebih jauh analogi di atas mengibaratkan semakin pesatnya pemikiran sarjana muslim mengalami ‘kejumudan’. melihat fakta demikian saatnya perguruan tinggi islam harus peran serta meresponnya dengan cepat dan tepat, termasuk pada kesempatan ini uin sunan kalijaga menjadi garda terdepan untuk mengurai benang kusut tadi. artinya, institusi uin sunan kalijaga harus bisa melahirkan dan mencetak sarjana muslim yang dibekali dengan ragam perspektif luas dan komprehensif. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 135135135135135vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 adalah sosok amin abdullah yang telah mampu mengembangkan perspektif dari telikungan ‘kotak-kotak’ ilmu tadi dengan paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi dalam ranah aplikasi pembelajaran bagi civitas akademika. termasuk di dalamnya prodi interdisciplinary islamic studies (iis) program pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga. maka dari itu, paradigma pada proses pembelajaran di iis seyogyanya telah meletakan paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi sebagai dasar pengembangan terma perkuliahan. termasuk dari hasil penelitian ini dilihat dari dua terma yakni aplikasi pada ranah lintas disiplin ilmu dan implementasi nilai-nilai ke-islaman dalam menyampaikan perkuliahan di kelas oleh para dosen pengajar. sedangkan, untuk implementasi teknis dosen pengampu mata kuliah paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi itu pada tiga ranah berbeda, yaitu aplikasi teknis pada sap, diskusi di kelas, dan evaluasi pembelajaran. tanggapan lain dari mahasiswa bahwa jurusan iis: ipi dan peksos mencoba merespon kebutuhan pengembangan pola pengejaran integrasi dan interkoneksi studi dalam keilmuan pengembangan masyarakat islam, ilmu perpustakan ataupun kesejahteraan sosial. kemudian, iis juga sebagai jurusan yang memiliki studi keislaman dan ilmu sosial bagi kemanusiaan sehingga pekerjaan sosial yang awalnya hanya dikenal di luar negeri, dengan adanya jurusan iis bisa menjadikan media pengenalan dan penegasan profesi pekerjaan sosial di indonesia karena dalam lingkup dunia internasional jenjang pendidikan pekerjaan sosial sudah ada dalam setiap tingkatan; s1, s2, s3. peletakan nilai-nilai ke-islaman bagi uin sunan kalijaga adalah satu hal yang esensial dan paling mendasar. tapi dengan adanya moderasi perkembangan zaman tidak kemudian menutup kemungkinan ilmu agama membuka diri untuk saling tegur sapa di antara satu sama lain. inilah konsep dasar dari berdirinya prodi interdisciplinary islamic studies (iis) program pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga, sehingga melahirkan dua konsentrasi yang secara rumpun keilmuan berbeda. satu dari rumpun ilmu sosiologi dengan melahirkan konsentrasi pekerjaan sosial dan satu lagi rumpun ilmu humaniora dengan melahirkan konsentrasi ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi. memang pada dasarnya kedua konsentrasi yang ada pada prodi iis ini alasan pragmatis. akan tetapi, seiring dengan berkembangnya waktu dua term keilmuan berbeda ini dapat dipadukan menjadi satu desain kesatuan peleburan. tak ayal, aplikasi paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi pada sisi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 136136136136136 afkaruna administratif dapat dijelaskan dengan baik. namun, pada corak paradigma keilmuan tidak kemudian dengan mudah menjelaskan secara runtut dan sistematis dari dua perbedaan tersebut. maka dari itu, bagi pemegang kebijakan pada program pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga direkomendasikan agar melakukan workshop keilmuan dari kedua konsentrasi yang ada pada prodi iis. ini dilakukan agar dapat dijelaskan secara sinergis antara konsentrasi satu dengan yang lainya. sehingga output dari dealektika tersebut paling tidak dapat dijadikan sebagai rekomendasi awal untuk pembenahan secara keilmuan seiring dengan berkembangnya wacana pemisahan dua konsentrasi itu tadi. selanjutnya, melalui forum diskusi dan ilmiah sebagaimana yang telah direkomendasikan, bahwasanya aplikasi integrasi-interkoneksi pada prodi iis tadi butuh acuan yang jelas mengenai konsep dasar dari paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi. karena tidak semua mata kuliah yang ada pada dua konsentrasi dapat menggunakan paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi. sehingga output lebih lanjut dapat dijelaskan dengan sistematis bagian mana saja ilmu-ilmu yang tersaji ke dalam mata kuliah yang dapat diintegrasikan dan diinterkoneksikan. catatan akhir 1 m. amin abdullah, islamic studies di perguruan tinggi pendekatan integratifinterkonektif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2006). 2 fahrudin faiz, “mengawal perjalanan sebuah paradigma” dalam fahrudin faiz (ed.), islamic studies dalam paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi, (yogyakarta: suka press, 2007), h. 1-7. 3 siswanto, “perspektif amin abdullah tentang integrasi interkoneksi dalam kajian islam”, teosofi: jurnal tasawuf dan pemikiran islam, vol. 3 no. 2 (2013), h. 1. 4 lihat, harun nasution, “klasifikasi ilmu dan tradisi penelitian islam: sebuah perspektif,” dalam m. deden ridwan (ed.), tradisi baru penelitian agama islam: tinjauan antardisiplin ilmu, (bandung: yayasan nuansa cendekia, 2001), h. 27-28. 5 sekolah pascasrjana uin sunan kalijaga membuka 12 konsentrasi, yakni (1) konsentrasi islam nusantara (isnus); (2) konsentrasi islam, pembangunan dan kebijakan publik (ipkp); (3) konsentrasi kajian komunikasi dan masyarakat islam (kkmi); (4) konsentrasi hermeneutika alquran (hq); (5) konsentrasi psikologi pendidikan islam (psipi); (6) konsentrasi islam dan kajian gender (ikg); (7) konsentrasi kajian timur tengah (ktt); (8) konsentrasi studi disabilitas dan pendidikan inklusif (sdpi); (9) konsentrasi kajian maqasid dan analisis strategik (kmas); (10) konsentrasi pekerjaan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 137137137137137vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 sosial (peksos); (11) konsentrasi ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi (ipi); (12) konsentrasi bimbingan dan konseling islam (bki). lihat, http://pps.uinsuka.ac.id/id/?option=com_content&view=article&id=39&itemid=151. 6 lihat selengkapnya al-farabi, ihsha al-‘ulum, paris: dar biblion. 7 al-ghazali, ihya ‘ulum al-din, juz 1, h. 17. 8 ibn khaldun, muqaddimah, terj. franz rozenth. 9 osman bakar, classification of knowlwdge in islam, (kuala lumpur: institute for policy reaserch, 1992). 10 mulyadi kartanegara, integrasi ilmu, (bandung: arasy mizan, 2005). 11 amin abdullah, islamic studies di perguruan tinggi pendekatan integratifinterkonektif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2012). 12 m. amin abdullah dkk., kerangka dasar keilmuan dan pengembangan kurikulum universitas islam negeri (uin) sunan kalijaga, (yogyakarta: pokja akademik uin sunan kalijaga, 2006). 13 mukti ali, memahami beberapa aspek ajaran islam, (bandung: mizan, 1991), h. 19. 14 nurcholis madjid, islam doktrin dan peradaban sebuah telaah kritis tentang masalah keimanan, kemanusiaan, dan kemodernan, (jakarta: yayasan wakaf paramadina, 2000). 15 lihat, m. amin abdullah, islamic studies di perguruan tinggi pendekatan integratifinterkonektif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2012). 16 m. amin abdullah, dkk, kerangka dasar keilmuan dan pengembangan kurikulum universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga, (yogyakarta, pokja uin suka, 2006), h. 104. 17 m. amin abdullah, islamic studies di perguruan tinggi pendekatan integratifinterkonektif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2006), h. 107. 18 wawancara pribadi dengan drs. latiful khuluq, ph.d di kantor dosen jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 27 oktober 2014, pukul 12.50 wib. 19 wawancara dengan muhammad izzul haq, m.sc di ruang sekretariat jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 11 november 2014, pukul 11.00 wib. 20 wawancara pribadi dengan drs. latiful khuluq, ph.d di kantor dosen jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 27 oktober 2014, pukul 12.50 wib. 21 wawancara dengan dr. sriharini di kantor pembantu dekan 3 fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 11 november 2014, pukul 11.00 wib. 22 wawancara dengan muhammad izzul haq, m.sc di ruang sekretariat jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 11 november 2014, pukul 11.00 wib. 23 course outlet mata kuliah pendekatan dalam studi islam, oleh: dr. phil. sahiron syamsudin, ma dalam acuan pembelajaran tahun 2013/2014, semester gasal. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 138138138138138 afkaruna 24 course outline mata kuliah perspektif kesejahteraan sosial dalam qur’an, dosen pengampu dr. waryono abdul ghofur, m.ag, tahun pembelajaran 2013/2014, semester genap. 25 wawancara dengan dra. labibah, m.lis di ruang dosen ilmu perpustakaan dan informasi fakultas adad dan ilmu budaya uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 13 november 2014, pukul 10.00 wib. 26 wawancara dengan muhammad izzul haq, m.sc di ruang sekretariat jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 11 november 2014, pukul 11.00 wib. 27 wawancara dengan hj. sri rohkyanti zulaikha, sip, m.si, melalui email pada tanggal 8 desember 2014. 28 wawancara pribadi dengan drs. latiful khuluq, ph.d di kantor dosen jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 27 oktober 2014, pukul 12.50 wib. 29 wawancara pribadi dengan drs. latiful khuluq, ph.d di kantor dosen jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 27 oktober 2014, pukul 12.50 wib. 30 wawancara dengan muhammad izzul haq, m.sc di ruang sekretariat jurusan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 11 november 2014, pukul 11.00 wib. 31 wawancara dengan dr. sriharini di kantor pembantu dekan 3 fakultas dakwah dan komunikasi uin sunan kalijaga, pada tanggal 11 november 2014, pukul 11.00 wib. 32 wawancara dengan fitri yulianti, di kelas pada tanggal 29 oktober 2014, pada pukul 11.00 wib. 33 wawancara dengan nung, di caffe pada tanggal 15 oktober 2014, pada pukul 19.30 wib. 34 wawancara dengan triyono mahasiswa ipi di kantor perpustakaan kota yogyakarta, pada tanggal 28 oktober 2014, pukul 12.30 wib. 35 wawancara pribadi dengan miftahur ridho di kontrakan pada tanggal 27 oktober 2014, pukul 20.50 wib. daftar pustaka abdullah, m. amin. 2012. islamic studies di perguruan tinggi pendekatan integratifinterkonektif. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. abdullah, m. amin, dkk. 2006. kerangka dasar keilmuan dan pengembangan kurikulum universitas islam negeri (uin) sunan kalijaga. yogyakarta: pokja akademik uin sunan kalijaga. abdullah, m. amin. 2006. islamic studies di perguruan tinggi pendekatan integratifinterkonektif. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. abdullah, m. amin, dkk. 2003. rekonstruksi metodologi ilmu-ilmu keislaman. yogyakarta: suka-press. al-farabi. ihsha al-‘ulum. paris: dar biblion. al-ghazali. ihya ‘ulum al-din, juz 1. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 139139139139139vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 ali, mukti. 1987. beberapa persoalan agama dewasa ini. jakarta: rajawali press. ali, mukti. 1991. memahami beberapa aspek ajaran islam. bandung: mizan. arikunto, suharsimi. 2002. prosedur penelitian suatu pendekatan praktek. cetakan ke-12. jakarta: pt. rineka cipta. ausburg, tanya. 2006. becoming interdisciplinary: an introduction to interdisciplinary studies, 2nd edition. new york: hunt publishing. bakar, osman. 1992. classification of knowlwdge in islam. kuala lumpur: institute for policy reaserch. benson, c. thomas. 1982. “five argument againts interdisciplinary studies.” issues in integrative studies, no. 1. biber and leavy. 2006. the practice of qualititative research. thousand oak. california: sage publication. creswell, j.w. 2007. qualitative inquiry and reseacrh design: choosing among five traditions. thousand oaks: ca: sage. faiz, fahrudin. 2007. “mengawal perjalanan sebuah paradigma” dalam fahrudin faiz (ed.), islamic studies dalam paradigma integrasi-interkoneksi. yogyakarta: suka press. ibn khaldun, muqaddimah, terj. franz rozenth. kartanegara, mulyadi. 2005. integrasi ilmu. bandung: arasy mizan. klein, j. t., & newell, w.h. 1997. “advancing interdisciplinary studies” in jerry gaff & james ratcliff (eds.). handbook of the undergraduate curriculum: a comprehensive guide tu purposes, structure, practices and change. (san francisco: josse –bass. klein, julie thompson. 1990. interdisciplinarity; history, theory and practice. detroit: wayne state university. madjid, nurcholis. 2000. islam doktrin dan peradaban sebuah telaah kritis tentang masalah keimanan, kemanusiaan, dan kemodernan. jakarta: yayasan wakaf paramadina. mansilla, veronica boix. 2005. “assessing student work at disciplinary crossroad”. change: the magazine of higher learning. merriam, s.b. 2002. qualitative reseacrh in practice: example for duscussion and analisys. san fransisco: jossey bass. miles and huberman. 1994. qualitative data analisys. thousand oaks: sage publication. moran, joe. 2010. interdisciplinary (the new critical idiom). new york: routledge. moran, lexy j. x. 2010. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. nasution, harun. 2001. “klasifikasi ilmu dan tradisi penelitian islam: sebuah perspektif,” dalam m. deden ridwan (ed.). tradisi baru penelitian agama islam: tinjauan antardisiplin ilmu. bandung: yayasan nuansa cendekia. repko, f. allen. 2010. interdisciplinary research: process and theory. routledge. siswanto. 2013. “perspektif amin abdullah tentang integrasi interkoneksi dalam kajian islam”, teosofi: jurnal tasawuf dan pemikiran islam, volume 3 nomor 2 desember. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 140140140140140 afkaruna stake, r.e. 1995. the art of case study. thousand oaks: sage publication. stember, m. 1991. “advancing the social sciences through the interdisciplinary enterprise”. the social science journal, 28(1). sugiyono. 2013. memahami penelitian kualitatif. bandung: alfabeta. suprayoga, iman dan tobroni. 2003. metodologi penelitian sosial-agama. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 kemunculan islam dalam kesarjanaan revisionis the emergency of islam in revisionist scholarship doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0099.135-139 robist hidayat1, nadya rizky2 universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta1,2 judul : kemunculan islam dalam kesarjanaan revisionis penulis : mun‘im sirry penerbit : suka press kota : yogyakarta tahun : 2017 halaman : 332 isbn :978-602-1326-62-6 karya mun’im sirry ini merupakan pembahasan kemunculan islam dalam kesarjanaan revisionis kejadian-kejadian masa lalu secara kritis. yang menjadi fokus adalah sejauh mana catatan sejarawan muslim awal merupakan catatan yang akurat hanya karena ditulis pada zaman nabi muhammad saw dan lama setelahnya. apakah informasi yang kita terima dapat dipertanggungjawabkan secara akademis? mun‘im sirry berusaha menyampaikan bahwa kelahiran dan perkembangan agama islam sebenarnya lebih lengkap dan kaya dibanding pengetahuan kita saat ini. buku ini akan membahas tema tersebut dengan terperinci. di sini sirry memaparkan tujuan penjelasan dari berbagai ulasan pokok yang menjadikan para pembaca cukup antusias untuk segera masuk kedalam tiap-tiap ulasan yang cukup menyentil bagi para pembaca yang menelan mentah-mentah informasi yang baru disampaikan. selain itu adanya konsep-konsep kunci dalam diskursus pemikiran islam modern di antaranya, yakni tajdid (pembaharuan), ihya’ (revival), dan yang terakhir islah (reformasi) yang diasosiasikan sebagai pondasi dalam penghidupan spirit islam kaum salaf al-salih. sirry membahas tentang kesarjanaan yang 136 afkaruna lahir tahun 1970 an yang menjadi bagian penting dalam membongkar titik kelemahan narasi tradisional yang sudah berakar dengan kuat. sebagai contoh yakni sarjana kenamaan asal inggris john wansbrough yang menerbitkan karyanya yang berjudul quranic studies ( 1977) dan the sectraian milieu (1978). penulis juga menyampaikan tujuannya dalam menulis buku ini yaitu; mengajukan sebuah prespektif tentang proses kemunculan islam ke atas panggung sejarah. selain itu adanya ketersinggungan tiga aspek yang ada pada kemunculan islam di antaranya adalah sejarah al-qur’an, sirah nabawiyah dan ekspansi perluasan politik. pada bagian awal sirry mengajak para pembaca untuk menelaah latar belakang kesarjanaan baru yang mencoba merevisi apa yang telah diimani oleh kesarjanaan tradisional. secara tegas sirry memfokuskan pembahasan ini pada jantung masalah dari kaum tradisional dan kaum revisionis dalam menggunakan sumber-sumber terdahulu untuk merekonstruksi sejarah islam, data –data dalam islam sangat sedikit sehingga mencuatkan potret yang sebenarnya tentang islam dan kemunculan serta perkembangannya. hal ini diperkuat oleh sirry mengenai sejarah islam yang ternyata ditulis pada masa tabi’in atau beberapa generasi setelah nabi muhammad, dalam penjabaran suatu peristiwa dan menjadi kabur akan keasliannya. banyak sumber-sumber yang ditulis sejarawan muslim belum dapat dikatagorikan sebagai sumber ilmiah karena beberapa peristiwa berbenturan dengan peristiwa lainya pada waktu yang sama. selain itu data-data dari luar tradisi islam juga sangat sulit untuk dilacak keberadaanya sehingga menimbulkan berbagai keraguan dan memancing para ilmuan barat untuk melakukan berbagai kritik. para sarjana barat berani menawarkan potret islam awal yang sama sekali berbeda dari penjelasan tradisional. sirry juga menyinggung perbedaan pendapat dan pendekatan para sarjana terhadap sumbersumber muslim yang berdampak serius terhadap perbedaan potret islam di awal, hal ini merupakan kesekuensi logis semata karena potret islam itu di bayangkan berdasarkan pada dat-data dan informasi yang di peroleh dari berbagai kitab dan sejarah yang ada. di sini sirry menyatakan bahwa saat ini apabilah bersinggungan dengan riwayat dan otentik masih bersumber dari isnad dimana di lakukan oleh generasi ke generasi. banyaknya pendekatan yang dilakukan untuk pembuktian agar semuanya bisa di buktikan. sirry berpendapat bahwa kekuatan dan kelemahan dari kesarjanaan tradisional dan revisionis seharusnya tidak untuk mencari pembenaran, dan tidak semua sarjana kritis punya motif keagamaan karena 137vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 mereka berangkat dari komitmen intelektual semata untuk mencari buktibukti sejarah yang di anggap terpercaya untuk memperkuat pendapat para sarjana. sirry menyoroti kemunculan islam dari segi teori tradisional dan teori revisionis yang yang menyebabkan beragam tentang kemunculan islam yang sangat beragam yang menjadi kajian utanma dalam studi islam yang ada di dunia. ada tiga hal besar yang selalu didiskusikan kalangan revisionis radikal dan kesarjanaan tradisional yaitu; ke-arab-an dan asal muasal islam, keterisolasian jazirah arabia, dan terbentuknya identitas islam yang begitu singkat karena dalam pembahasan ke dua ini menjadi hal penting jika di bandingkan dengan bahasan pertama yang mungkin menjadi awal kita untuk mencerrmati apa yang akan di sampaikan. sirry menekankan bahwa situasi kejahiliyahan masyarakat arab di tanah arab sebelum islam sumber-sumber yang berasal secara tradisional berhasil memisahkan ajaran tauhid yang di bawa nabi dari tradisi agama-agama monoteis sebelumnya, terutama yahudi dan kristen. kesarjanaan revisionis memmperlihatkan pengaruhnya dan mendapatkan momentum sejak tahun 1970. sirry menceritakan bagaimana orang-orang kristen dalam aktifitas ekspansi islam pada saat penaklukan di sisi yang lain adanya perdebatan akademisi barat untuk saling menguji ketajaman analisis, dengan teori-teori keislaman untuk pembuktian, bahkan sarjana islam pun belum tentu bersedia. sirry mengajak kita untuk membaca secara detail bagaimana perdebatan para sarjana dengan teori-teori yang sudah di kemukan. di sini juga di adanya pernyataan jika kita sepenuhnya berpijak pada narasi al-quran kita kan mendapatkan gambaran berbeda dari pada sumber-sumber tradisional. secara garis besarnya sirry berpendapat bahwa islam bukan hanya muncul secara gradual, melainkan juga tidak tunggal seperti di gambarkan sumbersumber tradisional. dan yang terakhir sirry menyatakan sarjana modern sirry juga mengupas tentang al-qur‘an. pedoman hidup dan dasardasar hukum yang tercantum di dalamnya mengundang pembaca untuk terus mencari kebenaran formasi dan kanonisasi al-qur‘an. sejarah alqur‘an tak lepas dari pembahasan bagaimana proses dan sumber-sumber terkumpul sebelum menjadi sebuah mushaf yang kita jumpai setiap hari. salah satu yang menarik adalah tidak semua yang diterima nabi muhammad saw dapat ditemukan dalam al-qur‘an jika dicermati dari beberapa riwayat seputar pengumpulannya. adapun beberapa kisah yang muncul lebih dari sekali dengan versi yang membedakan. scriptio defectiva 138 afkaruna menjadi scriptio plena juga menjadi salah satu sorotan utama begitu juga asbab al-nuzul yang dianggap sebagai eksegesis dan bukan merupakan sebuah historis. adanya pembahasan mengenai bible walaupun tidak sebanyak al-quran menjadi khazanah bacaan yang yang menarik dan kita mengetahui informasi sedikit sebagai informasi tambahan yang sangat bagus. dimana sudah di mulai informasi yang cukup penting dan banyak yang bisa pembaca dapatkan kan, sirry dalam bahasan ini mengajak pembaca untuk menegaskan bahwa islam sebagai doktrin dan institusi yang mengalami perubahaan dan perkembangan yang lebih perlahan di bandingkan yang diyakini muslim secara tradisional. biografi nabi muhammad saw merupakan titik temu yang menjembatani perdebatan secara traditional dan revisionis maka di sini sudah mulai dibahas detailnya. para tradisional menjadikan biografi nabi muhammad saw sebagai sumber untuk memahami al-qur‘an. tidak ketinggalan para sarjana barat juga menjadikan periode mekkah madinah menjadi bagian penting dari perjalanan hidup nabi dari dalam kandungan hingga puncak keislaman. tersirat kontroversi yang terjadi bukanlah dengan yahudi dan kristen melainkan dengan orang-orang arab. keterbatasan sirah juga tidak luput dari sorotan sarjana dari pembahasan, yang pemilihan narasi atau riwayat lebih menguntungkan dinasti tertentu. beberapa argumen juga mengatakan bahwa sumber tradisionalis bermasalah dalam hal penulisan biografi yang baru ditulis 150 tahun setelah nabi wafat. sumber tradisionalis juga merefleksian perkembangan yng diproyeksikan ke masa nabi, dan narasi yang bersifat kontraditif. bgaina ini juga sirry masih menyematkan argumen-argumen untuk dilacak oleh pemikiran para sarjana-sarjana revisionis yang menemukan bagaimana problematiknya sumbersumber tradisional untuk menyingkatkan apa yang sebenarnya terjadi di zaman nabi muhammad saw bahwa barangkali memang tidak akan ada agama tanpa mitos. dan yang terakhir penulis mengupas tentang perjalanan sebuah ajaran menjadi sebuah agama meskipun semua agama akan melalui proses yang panjang sebelum sampai kepada kita. peluasan dan penyebaran agama menjadi titik terpenting dalam bagian pembahasan, berbagai penaklukan wilayah menjadi salah satu jalan untuk menyebarkan sebuah ajaran karena semua akan tunduk pada yang menguasai wilayah tersebut seperti zaman nabi muhammad saw. motivasi beragama dianggap menjadi faktor yang mendominasi gerakan ekspansi islam baik dalam pandangan tradisionalis 139vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 maupun pandangan kesarjanaan modern karena dengan adanya motivasi itu akan tercipta sebuah kondisi yang membuat kita bisa berjuang dengan baik. sirry juga menyatakan bahwa pejuang muslim yang memiliki karakter tersendiri juga menjadi penyebab keberhasilan dalam mengalahkan pasukan lawan yang dari berbagai segi memiliki keunggulan yang lebih. dalam hal sumber mereka (kaum tradisionalis dan kaum revisoinis) menyadari bahwa tidak ada sumber-sumber yang tidak problematik.. pada bagian penutup sirry sedikit banyak ingin menyampaikan bahwa revisionisme perlu dijawab dengan mengkaji berbagai sumber yang mencatat kemunculan dan perkembangan islam. sirry juga menegaskan segala cara pandang yang telah ditulisnya dalam buku harus mengarah pada observasi dari berbagai fakta-fakta yang dapat dipertanggung jawabkan. sirry juga kembali menyinggung bahwa sumber-sumber tradisional memproyeksikan fenomena yang terjadi belakangan seolah-olah terjadi pada periode awal. sirry juga memperingatkan untuk menyikapi berbagai sumber baik dari kalangan tradisional dan revisionis secara kritis dan harus dengan hati-hati. kelebihan buku ini adalah adanya banyak informasi yang membuka mata kita sebagai pembaca untuk tetap menjadi penganut agama yang cerdas dan kritis terhadap apa yang telah diyakini, terus menelaah dan mencari kebenaran yang sejati sehingga apa yang diyakini dapat dipertanggungjawabkan secara akademis. buku ini juga mengajak kita untuk lebih dalam lagi mencari dan mempelajari sejarah islam yang ada sehingga terbuka sumber-sumber yang kita mampu mengungkapkan keganjilankeganjilan yang ada dan berani untuk mengemukakannya tanpa harus menyakiti kepercayaan para tradisionis. buku ini menjadi hal yang sangat penting bagi para peminat studi islam maupun studi agama untuk lebih memperluas pengetahuan dan keilmuan tentang islam. adanya perbandingan pemahaman antara sarjana yang pemahaman tradisional dan juga revesionis membuat buku ini kaya akan informasi yang menarik. pemahaman sejarah islam secara teorits dan juga akademik menjadikan kita berpikir bahwa kejaidna zaman dahulu dan zaman sekarang itu bisa kita teliti dengan informasi yang empiris dan benar. pada dasarnya buku ini bisa menjadi rujukan untuk melihat islam dengan pandangan berbeda di di samping dengan penulisnya yang memang ahli dalam bidang ini. dan menjadi kan buku layak untuk di koleksi dan menjadi literatur untuk penelitian mengenai historical agama islam.** jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 hamka dan tafsir harmonisasi keislaman dan keindonesiaan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0084.133-145 mukhlis rahmanto universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta judul : adicerita hamka visi islam sang penulis besar untuk indonesia modern terjemah dari edisi inggris hamka’s great story a master writer’s vision of islam for modern indonesia, amerika: university of wisconsin press, 2016 penulis : james r. rush penerjemah : zia anshor penerbit : gramedia kota : jakarta tahun : 2017 halaman : 321 isbn : 978-602-03-6114-7 di tengah memanasnya suasana politik sebagai efek kelanjutan pemilihan gubernur dki jakarta tahun 2015 yang melahirkan gerakan 212, terdapat satu isu sensitif yang hingga kini masih ramai diperbincangkan oleh publik indonesia yang mayoritas muslim. isu tersebut sebenarnya punya genealogi yang kuat dimulai sejak pendirian republik ini. isu itu tidak lain adalah mengenai hubungan antara agama, dalam hal ini khususnya islam, dengan negara ini, indonesia. hal itu dimulai dan ditandai ketika debat mengenai dasar negara oleh para pemimpin awal bangsa pada tahun 1957 dalam dewan konstituante dengan topik khusus tentang islam dan pancasila dan dasar negara lainnya. masing-masing pihak, baik golongan nasionalis (yang diwakili oleh partai-partai nasionalis seperti partai nasional, komunis, sosialis dan kristen dan katolik) maupun islam (yang diwakili para pemimpin masyumi, nu dan sarekat islam) mengajukan argumennya dan berakhir tanpa adanya kompromi antara kedua belah pihak. hingga presiden sukarno mengeluarkan dekrit presiden tahun 1959 134 afkaruna dimana salah satunya berisi kembali kepada uud 45 dan pembubaran dewan konstituante. meski akhirnya pancasila tetap diterima semua pihak sebagai dasar negara, namun penerimaan itu masih menyisakan perasaan komunal (terutama kaum islam). perasaan tersebut timbul tenggelam seiring dengan berbagai macam peristiwa politik baik ketika masa orde lama, orde baru di bawah suharto, hingga pasca reformasi 1998. hamka dalam hal ini termasuk salah seorang yang mewakili golongan islam dan berpidato panjang menjawab argumen dari golongan nasionalis. dalam konteks dunia global islam, khususnya negara-negara dimana muslim sebagai mayoritas, diskusi mengenai hubungan antara agama dan negara pasca era modern masih menjadi “trending topic” dan selalu menjadi variabel dasar suatu peristiwa politik semisal arab spring pada tahun 2011 di kawasan timur tengah. kaum islamis dan nasionalis selalu berdialektika, berdebat, bahkan berkonflik tentang apakah simbolikformalistik islam ataukah islam sebagai substansi kehidupan bernegarabangsa yang patut dijadikan dasar negara. meski demikian, terdapat juga negara yang akhirnya mampu mengharmonisasikan antara islam dan nasionalisme. dialektika ideologis di atas, hemat penulis, menjadi latar belakang penting mengapa buku ini ditulis oleh james r rush, seorang indonesianis asal amerika, yang dengan tekun melakukan riset khusus kurang lebih selama 34 tahun (1982-2016) mengenai sosok hamka. dia dengan meminjam teori sejarah robert berkhofer berpandangan bahwa hamka adalah pencipta narasi besar (great story) untuk sebuah komunitas, dengan titik mayor lokusnya pada menjawab pertanyaan yang terus bergaung hingga kini dalam konteks indonesia: bagaimana menjadi orang islam di suatu tanah air bernama indonesia? apa artinya menjadi menjadi seorang muslim? apa artinya menjadi indonesia? titik minor lokus lainnya sangat beragam, karena hamka adalah sosok ensiklopedis yang memiliki wawasan beragam latar belakang kajian-keilmuan (kebanyakan otodidak membaca), mulai dari sejarah dunia, sejarah islam, filsafat, fikih, tasawuf, tafsir, dan sastra. lokus-lokus kecil inilah yang kemudian dirangkai oleh hamka untuk menyusun struktur adiceritanya. sebagai sebuah buku yang terbatas halamannya, james r. rush dengan cermat mencoba memilih titik-titik kisar kehidupan intelektual, pribadikeluarga, dan sosial kemasyarakatan ke dalam enam bab buku. hemat penulis, jika ada kekurangan dari bab-bab di dalam buku ini, semuanya 135vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 ditutupi oleh kata pengantar edisi indonesia dari ahmad syafii ma’arif, yang jika diposisikan sebagai insider memberikan gambaran ideologis mendalam hamka sebagai seorang muslim. bab pertama james r rush memilih diksi judul dengan “pedoman masyarakat” dikarenakan ini adalah salah satu majalah mingguan terkenal di medan sebagai kota multikultur yang baru tumbuh dan membutuhkan banyak bacaan untuk warganya. jadilah ia rumah kreatif hamka untuk menuangkan gagasan-gagasannya dan untuk mengenalkan dirinya kepada publik hindia belanda. hingga khalayak publik pun kemudian mengenalnya dan ia pun menjadi redakturnya. dia sangat ingin menulis dan mengkontribusikan gagasannya untuk sebuah indonesia baru yang akan lahir sehingga membutuhkan wawasan-wawasan yang dibutuhkan kepada publik untuk menguatkan alam pikiran mereka mengenai urgensi bangsa baru tersebut. selain berisi reportase mengenai kilas balik dunia saat itu, seperti pergerakan tentara sekutu di eropa menghadapi nazi, yang terpenting karena dia mengikuti gerbong awal kebangkitan dan pembaharuan islam, maka ia menegaskan dalam banyak tulisannya di pedoman masyarakat, bahwa islam adalah agama yang sangat mendukung potensi akal manusia untuk mengimbangi zaman dan memperbaiki diri. ia sangat berani untuk mengumandangkan anti-taklid atau dalam bahasanya menjadi anti “pak turut”. karena dunia islam saat itu–dalam pandangan kaum muslim pembaharumengalami kemunduran akibat adagium pintu ijtihad telah tertutup dan hegemoni mazhab fikih dan kalam. dan mendirikan sebuah bangsa yang merdeka adalah bagian dari mengimbangi zaman tersebut. ia juga tertarik membahas mengenai filsafat kebahagiaan yang ia sarikan dari para pemikir besar islam, mulai dari alghazali hingga ibnu taimiyah. artinya, ia mengenalkan tasawuf kepada publik hindia belanda saat itu, namun sebuah tasawuf yang ia kemudian hari merumuskannya menjadi “tasawuf modern”. sebentuk tasawuf yang dimanifestasikan oleh manusia modern, yang tidak terikat oleh sekat institusi formalistik bernama tarekat. dan yang terpenting lewat pedoman masyarakat, hamka yang seorang sastrawan melahirkan karya-karya sastra yang dimuat bersambung, di antaranya kemudian dibukukan menjadi di bawah lindungan ka’bah hingga merantau ke deli. bab kedua james r. rush menarasikan cerita besar keduanya mengenai hamka dengan judul “ayah dan anak”. hamka sendiri memberi judul bagian ini “ayahku”, yang berisikan mengenai biografi ayahnya, haji rasul. 136 afkaruna hamka menggambarkan peran ayahnya dalam kebangkitan indonesia awal abad ke-20. haji rasul lebih dari sekedar ayah bagi hamka. melalui ayahnya, ia pertama kali berguru untuk mengenal islam. ayahnya adalah seorang ulama minangkabau yang memulai dialektika antara kaum muda (pembaharu) dan kaum tua (tradisional). hamka menggambarkan bahwa aya hnya adal ah se orang yang ker as da lam b erag ama y ang memanifestasikan pembaharuan dengan diawali pemurnian praktik-praktik keberagamaan yang terkait dengan syirik dan penyimpangan agama, semisal mengkultuskan orang suci hingga berlebihan. namun ketika haji rasul melawat ke jawa dan bertemu dengan para tokoh gerakan islam, khususnya ahmad dahlan yang sama-sama menginisiasi pembaharuan, pada tahun 1918 dia mentranformasi suraunya menjadi sumatra thawalib yang menurut jeffrey hadler–peneliti hamka lainmenjadi sekolah reformis paling berpengaruh di dataran tinggi minangkabau. para alumni sumatra thawalib kemudian menjadi ujung tombak perjuangan dan pendirian indonesia dengan mensintesiskan kecintaan tanah air dengan nasionalisme. di luar itu, hamka sebagaimana dikisahkan oleh james r. rush, termasuk dekat dengan ayahnya dari sisi seorang ayahnya sebagai seorang ulama dan guru, bukan hubungan ayah dan anak yang semestinya penuh kasih sayang. hal itu dikarenakan ayahnya berpoligami–sesuatu yang hamka nanti akan sangat tidak setuju dengan menegaskan bahwa pernikahan dalam islam berprinsip pada monogami. oleh karena itu, ia lebih dekat dengan ibunya, safijah. bab ketiga james r. rush memberi judul babnya “hamka-san dan bung haji” dikarenakan mengisahkan titik kisar hidup hamka di masa pergolakan jepang. dimana ia pernah dimusuhi oleh banyak orang karena kedekatannya (menjadi kolaborator dengan sebutan hamka-san) dengan konsulat jepang di medan. orang-orang yang memusuhinya terutama para sultan kerajaan di sumatera bagian timur yang meskipun sudah menyerahkan kedaulatannya ke belanda dan kemudian jepang, marah dikarenakan hamka menyetujui jepang untuk menghapus kerajaankerajaan kecil tersebut, dimana ia mengagitasikannya di hadapan publik. ketika jepang berhasil dipukul mundur sekutu, ia pun tidak memiliki tameng. di bab ini, james r. rush juga menarasikannya dengan sebutan bung haji dimana ketika indonesia mengalami revolusi kemerdekan dengan beberapa pergolakan di dalamnya, hamka pun sebagaimana kebanyakan orang bersuka cita menyambut kebebasan yang ia mulai berkontribusi 137vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 dengan diskursus mengenai negara islam. di halaman 101-108 inilah, buku ini mempunyai titik fokus pentingnya ketika james r. rush menarasikan sikap hamka terhadap “negara islam” yang juga menjadi judul bukunya yang terbit di padang panjang oleh penerbit anwar rasjid tahun 1946. dimulai dari sisi sejarah islam, hamka menegaskan bahwa memang nabi muhammad memang mencipta negara islam pertama di dunia. tapi sebagai “muslim” kita juga harus bertindak (demikian ciri khas retorika hamka yang mengkontekstualisasikan islam dengan sejarah). allah telah memberikan kita akal dan harus kita bertindak-pergunakan dalam momen revolusi untuk memperbaiki yang buruk di masyarakat dan membangun negara yang diimpikan: negara modern berdasarkan asas islam, indonesia muslim sejati. untuk membangun itu, sejarah politik islam menurutnya tidak punya jawaban. selama berabad-abad di negara-negara besar islam masa lalu di bawah khalifah yang berkuasa penuh (pun turun-temurun kekuasaannya pada klan-keluarganya) dan para ulama yang berpikiran sempit menindas pemikiran bebas dan membuat umat memasuki zaman gelap-taklid. sementara itu di barat, akal manusia yang tak dikekang oleh agama membuat masyarakat barat menemukan filsafat sosial baru, kemerdekaan baru dan akhirnya “demokrasi”. dan hamka setuju bahwa konsep demokrasi terdapat akarnya dalam islam ketika nabi dan para sahabatnya mempraktikan demokrasi, dimana setiap keputusan didasarkan pada musyawarah (syura). nilai-nilai modern juga jika dicek akan banyak terdapat dalam al-qur’an seperti kesetaraan manusia, laki-laki dan perempuan, kebebasan dari tiran, kebebasan berbicara dan berpikir, dan keadilan sosial. nabi sendiri tidak pernah menetapkan bentuk pemerintahan tertentu, termasuk kekhalifahan. qur’an dan nabi sendiri “memberikan kebebasan kepada umat islam untuk memilih bentuk pemerintahan menurut apa yang cocok dengan zamannya”. kekhalifahan baginya sudah menjadi masa lalu. indonesia merdeka menjadi negara modern berpenduduk mayoritas islam dan berbentuk republik, dimana terkait dengan istilah “republik” nabi memberikan contoh di saat khutbah wada’ (perpisahan) akhirnya yang penuh dengan narasi dasar tentang demokrasi. sesudah nabi wafat, empat pemimpin-khalifah setelahnya dipilih secara musyawarah. hamka kemudian menegaskan bahwa islam mengajarkan zakat dan persaudaraan dan bahwa semua harta duniawi adalah milik tuhan yang diberikan sebagai 138 afkaruna berkah untuk umat manusia, yang artinya islam di sini mendahului sosialisme dan komunisme modern. sementara komunisme modern di barat sibuk dengan konsep konflik antarkelas dan lepas dari rel kemanusiaan, “komunisme muslim” adalah komunisme sejati yang dipadukan dengan iman dan didasari rasa cinta persaudaraan dan kesetaraan semua orang di hadapan allah. maka republik indonesia seharusnya berbahan dasar dari umat islam sendiri sebagai pembangun negara, biarpun juga menggunakan pelajaran dari barat. indonesia tidak harus menjadi teokrasi (jawaban untuk islamis lain ala abu al-a’la almaududi dari pakistan). bagi hamka urusan negara harus dipisah dengan urusan keagamaan. dalam hal hukum, hanya urusan kehidupan keluarga, seperti pernikahan, perceraian, kewarisan, dan semacamnya, yang harus diurusi oleh pengadilan syariah, karena dalam urusan itu hukum islam lebih unggul. segala yang lain, dari penentuan kepemilikan, perselisihan bisnis, hingga kasus gangguan ketertiban, pencurian dan kejahatan tinggiseharusnya disidangkan di pengadilan tinggi sekuler departemen kehakiman indonesia. urusan perang dan damai juga diserahkan pada negarawan, bukan ulama, karena para pemuka agama, terutama para ulama fikih tidak siap mengurusi hal-hal demikian. para ulama (hemat penulis yang dimaksud hamka adalah ulama tradisional) tidak mengerti dengan pemerintahan demokratik. ia juga menambahkan bahwa dalam republik, toleransi beragama harus ditonjolkan karena didukung banyak teks dalam islam. sesuatu yang nanti saat hamka menjadi ketua majelis ulama indonesia, ia memberikan tafsir ulang, garis-garis batas, dan penekanan (bab keenam). selanjutnya, hamka menyetujui naskah undang-undang 1945 dengan tidak mengangkat perkara piagam jakarta, yang menurutnya jika tidak dihapus dari naskah tersebut oleh sukarno dan pemimpin senior lainnya, bakal mewajibkan muslim indonesia di bawah otoritas syariah. dalam pamfletnya berjdul “islam dan demokrasi” yang terbit tahun 1946, hamka memuji keras klausa yang memang dipakai para penyusun undang-undang dasar negara indonesia sebagai sila pertama pancasila: ketuhanan yang maha esa. baginya itulah dasar negara yang otentik. meski tuhan banyak nama, hanya ada satu tuhan. dengan unsur-unsur negara sekuler (hak asasi manusia dan ekumenisme) bukan berarti indonesia tak dapat menjadi negara islam. semua itu tergantung pada umat kita. pendek kata, jenis negara islam yang hamka inginkan bagi indonesia adalah “masyarakat” 139vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 muslim. istilah lainnya adalah “negara muslim”. hemat penulis inilah ijtihad ulama modernis seperti hamka, dikarenakan kalangan islam modernislah yang dianggap mampu melayani dan berdiskursus dengan kalangan nasionalis mengenai hubungan antara agama dan negara (dan dasar negara) di tengah momen modernisasi yang melanda dunia pasca kolonialisme. bab keempat james r. rush menempatkan puncak adicerita hamka dengan judul bab “islam untuk indonesia” dengan konteks dari jakarta. dimana hamka merantau pindah ke ibukota yang baru, beraktivitas di sana dan berharap lebih luas segmentasi pembaca gagasannya. seharihari ia beraktivitas menjadi pejabat senior di departemen agama, anggota pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah dimana kakak iparnya-sutan mansurmenjadi ketua umumnya (1953-1956), pergi ke kantor masyumi, serta aktif berkhutbah. selain itu ia tetap menulis dan kurang lebih antara tahun 1950-1952. ia banyak menerbitkan karyanya, mulai dari memoar ayahku, memoarnya sendiri berjudl kenang-kenangan hidup, buku-buku kompilasi artikelnya di pedoman masyarakat, keadilan sosial dalam islam dan falsafah ideologi islam (banyak merujuk pada tulisan-tulisan baru di mesir), perkembangan tasawuf di abad kedua, seri sejarah umat islam (empat jilid), dan peribadi (buku pengembangan diri singkat). semua isi gagasan hamka dalam karyanya tidak bisa lepas dari jenis islam yang dirumuskan pada kebangkitan akhir abad ke-19 oleh muhammad abduh dan jamaludin al-afghani, yang mengakui ikhtiar manusia dan membuka pintu ijtihad selebar-lebarnya. selain itu, ia juga mulai bepergian ke luar negeri. ke mekah untuk pergi haji yang kedua kali lalu menyambangi negaranegara timur tengah lain seperti mesir dimana ia sangat terpengaruh oleh para cendekiawan kontemporer di sana seperti ahmad amin (tokoh yang tulisannya sangat mempengaruhi hamka sehingga hamka memilih hidup dengan “pena”), abbas aqqad, dan muhammad husein haikal. mesir sangat berarti bagi hamka karena ayahnya yang terpengaruh gerakan kebangkitan islam muhammad abduh, bacaan-bacaan dari mesir membantu bahan-bahannya menulis dan referensi belajar otodidaknya, serta mengenal tulisan-tulisan barat lewat para penulis arab. ia juga mengunjungi amerika kurang lebih empat bulan dan sangat membekas refleksinya mengenai kehidupan amerika yang menurutnya banyak kemakmuran dan kemajuan teknis (tata kota dll.) di sana-sini, termasuk pendidikan. namun di sisi lain, masih terjadi ketakutan terhadap 140 afkaruna komunisme, pergaulan bebas, dan rasisme. memoar perjalanan ke timur dan barat tersebut ia tulis secara bersambung untuk pembaca indonesia baru yang butuh wawasan global. puncaknya pada tahun 1956, ia menulis pelajaran agama islam, sebuah buku orisinal ajaran dasar islam untuk orang indonesia yang ditulis dalam pendekatan filosofis untuk menjelaskan rukun iman dengan integrasi pendekatan antara rasionalis, sufistik, dan sunni. pada periode ini ia juga terjun ke politik lewat masyumi (representasi muslim modernis) dikarenakan kegagalan pemerintah indonesia untuk melakukan konsolidasi-konsolidasi antar elemen bangsa (yang beda ideologi politik, etnis, atau agama). kontestasi kekuasaan antara kelompok tentara yang tidak puas, sukarno yang bermanuver dengan komunis dan didukung oleh nasionalis (pni) serta nu. apalagi ketika masa demokrasi terpimpin dimana sukarno melangkahi dewan konstituante yang dianggap berlarut-larut lalu dibubarkan pada tahun 1959 melalui dekrit presiden. akhirnya jenderal a.h nasution mengusulkan agar kembali kepada uud 1945 dengan tambahan piagam jakarta, dengan kalimat yang mengandung kewajiban menjalankan syariat islam bagi pemeluknya, namun tertolak melalui pemungutan suara. hamka menerimanya dengan rela hati dan mengatakan, “semua yang menolak [pandangan kami] adalah saudara kami. semuanya bangsa kami, kawan setanah air…sang merah putih berkibar di atas kepala kita semua”. inilah bukti sintesa tafsir hamka untuk tetap pada keislaman dan keindonesiaan. hal itu sejalan dengan pemimpin masyumi saat itu, muhammad natsir yang pada tahun 1949 menulis, “dasar negara islam secara umum bisa ditemukan dalam undangundang dasar republik”. sebelumnya, memang masyumi banyak dipojokkan oleh sekutu sukarno, terutama dari komunis sehingga masyumi makin tergeser dari kekuasaan apalagi tiga pimpinannya sjafrudin prawiranegara dan burhanudin harahap, juga natsir bergabung ke pemberontakan di sumatera (prri). tapi hamka tak mendukung pemberontakan tersebut, meski menurutnya demokrasi telah gagal. dalam bab kelima, james r. rush mengawali dengan cerita mengenai kehidupan keluarga hamka di jakarta, dimana ia menyewa rumah di kawasan sawah besar bersama istrinya, siti raham, dan tujuh anaknya. rumah mereka terkenal karena keramahannya sehingga banyak tamu datang-pergi. suatu sore dengan hanya mengenakan sarung dan kaus kutang ala cina yang banyak tinggal di sekitar rumahnya, ia sibuk mengetik, 141vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 dan ia menerima ghazali sjahlan dan abdulah salim dari yayasan pesantren islam masjumi, yang memintanya menjadi takmir masjid yang akan dibangun di daerah kebayoran baru. ia mengusulkan agar dibangun masjid yang bagus, luas, dan bisa digunakan sebagai sarana pendidikan hingga pada tahun 1956, hamka pindah rumah ke samping komplek masjid tersebut. selesai dibangun pada 1959, hamka kemudian didapuk menjadi imam besarnya. pada saat yang bersamaan, ia mendapat doktor honoris causa dari universitas al-azhar, mesir, gelar yang sama dengan yang diberikan kepada ayahnya pada tahun 1926. tahun berikutnya ia diangkat menjadi profesor tasawuf di perguruan tinggi agama islam negeri yogyakarta dan mulailah ia menulis dengan nama prof. dr. hamka. tahun berikutnya, rektor universitas al-azhar, mahmud syaltut datang ke indonesia dan mengusulkan untuk member nama masjid itu dengan masjid al-azhar. dari sinilah peran keumatan dan kebangsaan hamka bertambah meluas. dengan peran baru sebagai imam, ia merenung tidak puas dengan arah kehidupan masyarakat indonesia yang dianggapnya menyimpang dan kekhawatirannya terhadap musuh umat islam yang semakin mem besar, ut amany a kom unis yang kemb ali m enguat pa sca pemberontakan 1948 dengan sukarno sebagai tameng. ketika masyumi sudah terpuruk, dewan konstituante telah bubar, dan sukarno menjadi diktator, ia merasa terdapat perang budaya dimana umat harus diingatkan dan dipandu. maka masjid al-azhar menjadi pusat kebangkitan muslim, pusat dakwah dan pembinaan masyarakat yang selama ini lalai karena umat islam terkonsentrasi pada ranah politik dan parlemen. di sana ia memberi kuliah qur’an setelah subuh yang kemudian berkembang dengan kelaskelas agama islam lain. masjid itu juga mendirikan lembaga pendidikan. tapi yang utama adalah menerbitkan kembali sebuah majalah seperti pedoman masyarakat, yaitu panji masyarakat. sebuah majalah yang bermisikan penyebar kebudayaan dan pengetahuan untuk perjuangan reformasi dan modernisasi islam. tentu saja pembaharuan islam menjadi semangat utamanya selain artikel-artikel mengenai sejarah islam, filsafat, peristiwa terkini di dunia islam hingga rubrik populer lain dengan oplah mencapai 20.000 eksemplar dan tersebar ke penjuru indonesia. kontributornya mencakup para jurnalis dan intelektual modernis terkemuka di indonesia. beberapa diskursus penting adalah mengenai dinamika dan sejarah kebudayaan indonesia serta islam dan komunisme, termasuk 142 afkaruna memuat artikel mohammad hatta, “demokrasi kita” yang mengkritik kepemimpinan saat itu yang cenderung tergelincir ke dalam kediktatoran sebagai hukum besi sejarah dunia. marahlah sukarno dengan esai tersebut dan kemudian masyumi dibubarkan serta panji masyarakat dibredel. namun di sisi lain, majalah dan koran komunis semakin membesar. menghadapi itu hamka tetap membina masjid dan jamaahnya semakin membesar. dimulailah perang kebudayaan atau lebih dikenal dengan polemik kebudayaan. perang budaya antara komunis dengan kelompok islam dimana yang disasar adalah muhammadiyah dan masyumi, yang dicap pki sebagai kapitalis birokrat, rentenir dan tuan tanah yang kejam. komunis yang terstruktur dalam partai komunis indonesia menjadi basis suara sukarno hingga angkatan darat pun terancam, dan dengan kekuatan islam (muhammadiyah, nu) dan agama lain (partai kristen, katolik) membentuk sebuah persekutuan untuk menghadapi keadaan ini dengan berkoordinasi di masjid al-azhar. persekutuan antara angkatan darat (dikomandoi henderal a.h nasution) dan barisan islam ini kemudian menerbitkan sebuah majalah bernama gema islam dengan misi untuk menangkis dan member jawaban terhadap agitasi budaya yang dilancarkan oleh pki lewat organisasi budaya mereka, lekra, yang sampai menyatakan, bahwa yang tidak turut serta dengan doktrinasi komunis, bukanlah rakyat. dan terjadilah prahara itu, dimana banyak para pemimpin dan tokoh ditangkap penjarakan seperti mohammad roem, m. natsir, sjahrir dan banyak lainnya sehari setelah nomor pertama gema islam terbit. lekra, lewat salah seorang anggotanya bernama abdullah s.p yang menulis artikel di koran kiri bintang timur, menuduh hamka melakukan plagiat, bahwa karyanya tenggelamnya kapal van der wijk menjiplak novel magdalena (majdulin) karya novelis mesir mushthafa luthfi al-manfaluthi yang merupakan terjemahan dari karya perancis abad ke-19 karya alphonse karr, sous les tilleuls (di bawah pohon linden). tuduhan bertambah kuat dengan kritik pedas dari pramoedya ananta toer, penanggungjawab rubrik sastra bintang timur. tuduhan ini dijawab oleh hb. jassin bahwa ia memang sangat terpengaruh oleh al-manfaluthi. namun biarlah komite sastra dari universitas indonesia yang melakukan penilaian dengan hans bague jassin, sang paus sastra indonesia dan ketua bagian sastra indonesia modern di lembaga budaya dan bahasa, sebagai penilai otoritatifnya. dan setelah dilakukan penilaian, hb. jassin menilai bahwa hamka tidak melakukan plagiat, tapi adaptasi 143vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 yaitu pengubahan satu karya sastra asli ke latar zaman dan tempat berbeda dan mengubah nama dan tokoh sehingga sesuai dengan latar baru. hb. jassin bisa bersikap fair dikarenakan dalam menilai ia meminta hamka untuk menyerahkan naskah asli majdulin karya al-manfaluthi dan kemudian diterjemahkan oleh rekannya. setelah itu, terjemahan majdulin disandingkan dengan tenggelamnya kapal van der wijk. hamka tidak marah dan tidak terpancing dengan peristiwa itu dikarenakan orang-orang seperti pramoedya a. toer ingin hamka berharap balik menyerang. tapi kemudian di gema islam terbit artikel muhammad ali yang mendasarkan artikelnya pada informasi dari kolonel h. aj. bustami, gubernur kalimantan selatan yang memprediksi bahwa pki akan semakin berkuasa dengan diambil alih secara paksa beberapa tanah rakyat dari tuan besar dengan dalih kepemilikan umum. beberapa pembisik pki dalam lingkaran sukarno pun berang. puncaknya hamka ditangkap berdasar penpres no. 11//1963 (penetapan presiden tentang penangkapan orang yang dicurigai dan dituduh makar) pada 27 januari 1964 siang hari kisaran pukul 11 saat sedang mengajar ibu-ibu. ia tegaskan di hadapan penyidik, bahwa ia tidak mengikuti pertemuan rahasia yang ingin berbuat makar kepada pemerintah dengan bersekongkol dengan pemerintah malaysia. tapi rekan-rekannya difitnah dan disiksa, dipukuli, dan diestrum untuk mengakui perbuatan yang tidak mereka lakukan dan demi keselamatan, akhirnya mereka, juga hamka, terpaksa mengaku tuduhan palsu itu. kurang lebih dua tahun setelah itu, hamka baru bebas dari penjara yang berpindah-pindah tempat dengan yang terakhir dia pindahkan di rumah sakit persahabatan sebagai tahanan karena dia mengalami sakit wasir kronis dan diabetes. tapi kata hamka, inilah rencana allah yang memisahkan dengan keluarga dan jamaahnya untuk menyelesaikan karya magnum opus-nya tafsir al-qur’an (hampir) 30 juz. tafsir ini sudah ia mulai lakukan sejak kuliah subuh di masjid al-azhar. oleh karena itu, ia namai tafsir itu tafsir al-azhar yang kemudian nanti ia hadirkan ke pembaca publik lewat tafsir bersambung di panji masyarakat. baru pada tahun 1981 ia dapat menerbitkannya secara utuh. selama masa penahanannya, ia menghibur diri dengan kisah ibnu taimiyah yang hemat hamka “jiwanya tidak dapat dibeli” meski harus mendekap di penjara damaskus di bawah kekuasaan dinasti mamluk dikarenakan ia bersikap anti terhadap pemerintahan dinasti tersebut. penahanannya membuat dia tidak terlibat dalam tahun-tahun akhir 144 afkaruna kepemimpinan sukarno dan peristiwa gestapu. setelah usai tahun kelam tersebut, ia memaafkan sukarno dan menjadi imam shalat jenazah sukarno. kata hamka, “kita adalah bangsa pemaaf”. bab terakhir, james r. rush tentu memberi judul bab dengan “orde baru” dimana hamka menaruh harapan baru pasca tragedi gestapu. segera ia memulai rutinitas hidupnya, mulai dari ceramah, menulis, mengajar, mengasuh rubrik “dari hati ke hati” di panji masyarakat dan menikmati royalti tulisannya, khususnya dari penerbit di malaysia dimana buku-bukunya laris manis. hidupnya bisa dikatakan lumayan dari sebelumnya dimana ia membeli sebuah mobil holden dan jam merk rolex yang dipakainya hingga meninggal. tetapi pada tahun 1972, siti raham, istrinya meninggal karena penyakit komplikasi. ia berduka dan sangat kehilangan dikarenakan siti raham-lah yang mengurus rumah tangganya dan para tamu yang kerap menyambangi rumahnya. meski demikian ia tetap kritis terhadap orde baru yang menurutnya mulai otoriter dengan memberikan tafsir tunggal terhadap pancasila dan cenderung anti-islam. pun kebudayaan jawa terlalu dijadikan bahan standar nasionalisme yang ditafsirkan tunggal oleh suharto lewat orde barunya. sehingga ia menolak toleransi yang mengarah kepada sinkretisme dengan dasar pancasila, dimana pada tahun 1968 perayaan idul fitri dan natal disatukan oleh pemerintah. di sisi lain, orde baru yang membawa suasana kondusif memberinya amanah sebagai ketua majelis ulama indonesia (mui). sebuah lembaga yang didirikan untuk mengakomodir urusan-urusan penting umat islam dan mengeluarkan fatwa terkait halal-haram. menteri agama mukti ali memintanya menjadi ketua dengan alasan dialah jembatan umat islam indonesia, yang toleran dan jauh dari fanatisme, pun ia sering diundang di kalangan nu. namun pada tahun 1981, masalah lama kembali terungkit, yaitu topik muslim dan natal dimana ia menegaskan kembali dalam sebuah khutbahnya, bahwa natal adalah kepercayaan kristen yang memperingati hari lahir anak tuhan. dan itu adalah akidah mereka dimana umat islam tidak boleh menghadirinya dikarenakan akan tergolong musyrik. fatwa mui tentang larangan muslim menghadiri perayaan natal pun ditandatangani hamka. pemerintah orde baru pun kaget dan segera memecat salah seorang staf senior hamka. hamka kemudian diminta menarik kembali fatwa itu. namun ia hanya menarik perihal penyebaran fatwa itu, isinya tetap berlaku. krisis tersebut membuat menteri agama 145vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 hendak mengundurkan diri, namun hamka-lah yang kemudian mengundurkan diri dari ketua umum mui. koleganya mohammad roem memberikan ucapan selamat dan mengakui ia (hamka) mundur dalam kejayaan dikarenakan berani menantang pemerintah dan menjadi lambang kebebasan dan perlawanan. dalam kesimpulan bukunya, james r. rush kembali mengutip robert berkhofer, bahwa hamka adalah pembentuk adicerita bagi jutaan orang indonesia, ia memberikan pemahaman tentang luasnya bentang sejarah dan menjelaskan takdir manusia itu sendiri. dan tentu saja, pembentuk wacana muslim modernis indonesia, dimana ia mewariskan narasi harmonisasi antara keislaman dan keindonesiaan. narasi itu oleh kalangan kaum modernis islam ditegaskan kembali pada tahun 2015 oleh muhammadiyah-organisasi islam yang ia ikuti dan tempat ia berkhidmatdalam kredo muktamarnya yang ke-47 di makassar, sulawesi selatan, bahwa indonesia adalah darul-ahdi wa asy-syahadah, negara yang disepakati dan dipersaksikan, untuk diisi dengan nilai-nilai keislaman sehingga terbentuk masyarakat islam yang sebenar-benarnya, bukan terbentuk-wujudnya suatu negara islam. jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 benturan ideologi muhammadiyah ; pertarungan ideologi moderat versus radikal the clash of ideology muhammadiyah (moderate versus radical ideology fight) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0108.328-333 moch. charis hidayat universitas muhammadiyah surabaya. judul : the clash of ideology in muhammadiyah (pertarungan ideologi moderat versus radikal penulis : sholihul huda penerbit : semesta ilmu kota : yogyakarta tahun : 2018 halaman : 164 isbn : 978-602-6923-63-9 karya sholihul huda ini merupakan pembahasan tentang dinamikapemikiran dan gerakan infiltrasi ideologi yang dilakukan olehsejumlah kelompok islam radikal ke lingkungan muhammadiyah. yang menjadi fokus adalah sejauh mana fenomena infiltrasi ideologi radikal terjadi di seluruh tingkat kepengurusan muhammadiyah, mulai dari tingkat pusat hingga ranting muhammadiyah. sholihul huda berusaha menyampaikan satu kasus yang terjadi di muhammadiyah lamongan. di kawasan ini, banyak masyarakat yang menjadi anggota muhammadiyah, bahkan dalam kegiatannya bermuhammadiyah dapat dikatakan fanatik. tapi, dalam kenyataannya, ideologi kemuhammadiyahannya masih rapuh. buku ini akan membahas tema tersebut dengan terperinci. dalam buku ini, sholihul huda memaparkan fenomena radikalisasi 329vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 ideologi muhammadiyah secara pemikiran, yaitu sejak ramai perbincangan tentang dinamika pemikiran dan gerakan infiltrasi ideologi yang dilakukan oleh sejumlah kelompok islam radikal ke lingkungan muhammadiyah. fenomena ini terjadi dikarenakan sebagian aktivis muhammadiyah mengalami pergesaran ideologi, dari ideologi muhammadiyah ke gerakan islam radikal. pada bagian awal, huda mengajak para pembaca untuk menelaah kegelisahan akademik yang terjadi pasca tragedi 11 september 2011, yang menghancurkan gedung pentagon dan world trade center (wtc) di amerika serikat (as). sejak saat itu, fenomena gerakan radikal islam menjadi perbincangan global. secara tegas huda mengatakan bahwa kemunculan gerakan islam radikal merupakan hal wajar akibat dari eskalasi dunia global saat ini. di alam global, tidak ada sekat tradisi dan teritori dalam akses terhadap informasi dan wacana. akar ideologi islam radikal selain bersumber dari ideologi salafi juga terkait erat dengan ideologi wahabi. ideologi salafi dan wahabi jika ditinjau dari aspek substansi dan metodologisnya nyaris identic. wahabi kurang toleran terhadap keragaman dan perbedaan pendapat, sedangkan salafi tak serta merta anti intelektualisme hanya saja kecenderunganya tidak tertarik pada sejarah. huda juga menjelaskan bahwa gerakan islam radikal yang tumbuh di indonesia berbeda jauh dengan gerakan islam yang terlebih dahulu lahir di indonesia. gerakan islam awal yang diusung oleh muhammadiyah, nu, persis, al-irsyad, atau biasa disebut dengan gerakan islam moderat justru sangat menjujung tinggi sikap tassamuh, tawazun, tawasuth dan menghargai pendapat. muhammadiyah sejak awal berdirinya telah meneguuhkan diri sebagai gerakan islam yang menampilkan paham agama rahmatan lil alamin. bahkan sampai saat ini tetap konsisten sebagai gerakan islam moderat dengan mengusung gerakan pembaharuan tajdid dan pemurnihan tanzih. huda berpendapat bahwa konstruksi ideologi muhammadiyah berasal dari ajaran dan perjuangan kyai ahmad dahlan yang terbentuk melalui proses sejarah panjang yang dipengaruhi situasi dan kondisi lingkungan sekitar. artinya ideologi terbentuk tidak di ruang hampa tetapi melalui proses dinamika persoalan di masyarakat yang mengkristal menjadi prinsip kehidupan. ideologi muhammadiyah memiliki karakter yang menjadi sistem paham, visi, misi dan strategi perjuangan yang khas yang membedakan dengan ideologi gerakan islam lain. 330 afkaruna huda menyoroti pergulatan gerakan dakwah muhammadiyah di indonesia, sebagai gerakan sosial-keagamaan terbesar yang tidak lahir dan hadir di ruang hampa, tetapi justru lahir serta hadir di tengah-tengah pergulatan realitas sosial-keagamaan masyarakat yang dinamis. sosok kiai ahmad dahlan sebagai kyai yang progresif tidak bisa dilepaskan dari tumbuh kembangnya muhammadiyah, hal itu terlihat jelas pada konstruksi intelektual pada kajian surat al-ma’un. kesalehan individu saja tidak dianggap cukup, tapi juga harus diimbangi dengan kesalehan sosial. huda menekankan bahwa kelahiran muhammadiyah merupakan hasil tafsir teologis dan sosiologis kiai ahmad dahlan dalam merespons persoalan sosial keagamaan di masyarakat. dia memetakan setidaknya ada lima karakter gerakan dakwah muhammadiyah: 1. muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan islam yang berlandaskan pada sumber al-qur’an dan hadis; 2. gerakan pembaharuan islam tajdid yang mengusung ide pembaharuan pemikiran islam yang berlandaskan pada nalar teologis kritis; 3. gerakan tanzih yang fokus pada pemurnian terhadap praktik-praktik keagamaan yang sudah tercampur dengan tradisi masyarakat dan harus kembali pada praktek agama yang diajarkan dalam al-quran dan hadis; 4. gerakan sosial keagamaan yang bergerak di bidang sosial kemasyarakatan berlandaskan pada hasil tafsir dari nilai-nilai ajaran islam yang termaktub di al-quran dan hadis; dan, 5. gerakan dakwah amar ma’ruf nahi munkar yang berorientasi untuk mengajak, merangkul dan menasihati masyarakat untuk kembali pada ajaran-ajaran islam dengan cara damai, santun, toleran dan dialogis. huda juga menegaskan bahwa orientasi dakwah muhammadiyah seharusnya dikembangkan dengan cara santun, welas asih, humanis, toleran, pro-masyarakat bawah dan menghargai pluralitas. namun, saat ini banyak kalangan mengkritik muhammadiyah karena dinilai sedang terjebak pada arus gerakan fundamentalis dan ortodoks akibat keringnya ide-ide pembaharuan keagamaan dan aksi-aksi sosial. padahal, muhammadiyah adalah “soko guru” pembangunan peradaban bangsa indonesia. ijtihad kebangsaan terbesar muhammadiyah adalah kontribusi pada perubahan pola pikir bangsa indonesia dari pola pikir tradisional menjadi pola pikir yang rasional berbasis ilmu dalam penyikapan persoalan yang terjadi di masyarakat. huda juga mengupas dinamika gerakan islam radikal di indonesia. ideologi agama memiliki potensi besar terhadap munculnya aksi 331vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 radikalisme di masyarakat. agama sering tersandera dalam aksi radikalisme di masyarakat, dengan pandangan tafsir sempit, mereka melegitimasi aksi radikalnya dengan dalih perintah agama. gerakan islam radikal ingin mengubah islam dari agama menjadi ideologi politik. pada saat yang demikian, posisi islam berubah menjadi alat kepentingan kelompok sebab sifat dasar ideologi adalah alat menguasai dan penyeragaman. gerakan islam radikal menjadikan tema jihad sebagai salah satu landasan perjuangan. konsep jihad mengalami pergeseran pemahaman makna. jihad selalu diidentikkan dengan jalan kekerasan, teror, bom di tempat umum. wajah islam indonesia saat ini tampak tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan munculnya gerakan-gerakan islam radikal, bahkan penyebarannya ditengarai sangat massif lewat beragam jalur media. penulis buku ini menegaskan bahwa menangani gerakan islam radikal tidak cukup dimulai dari hilirnya saja, tetapi harus dimulai dari hulunya. hal inilah yang sering terlupakan atau kurang begitu serius dilakukan oleh pemerintah indonesia. karakter gerakan islam radikal yang mengadopsi ideologi timur tengah yang penuh konflik, berkarakter keras tentu berbeda dengan karakter masyarakat indonesia yang cenderung damai, moderat dan akomodatif. huda juga menjelaskan bahwa ideologi gerakan islam radikal tengah menjangkiti tubuh muhammadiyah. fenomena tersebut disebabkan terjadinya proses transformasi ideologi, yang berakibat pada metode dakwah di kalangan aktivis muhammadiyah yang dikenal dengan caracara santun dan toleran berubah menjadi model dakwah yang radikal dan ekstrim. ia melacak pergeseran ideologi muhammadiyah ke gerakan islam radikal di paciran, lamongan. perkembangan pembangunan di lamonan sebagian besar diarahkan ke daerah pesisir (paciran). konsekwensi dari proses pembangunan tersebut berpengaruh terhadap tata sosio-kultur masyarakat sekitar. pergesaran itu tampak dari perubahan struktur sosial, yang awalnya mayoritas bekerja sebagai nelayan berubah menjadi bekerja di sektor industri. solidaritas keagamaan yang awalnya kuat, kini cenderung mulai pudar. masyarakat pantura lebih longgar dalam menyikapi perubahan perilaku keagamaan masyarakat. muhammadiyah paciran lebih berkembang di banding daerah lain di lamongan. mayoritas tokoh islam radikal (front pembela islam/fpi) di paciran adalah mantan dan aktivis muhammadiyah setempat sehingga hal tersebut berpengaruh terhadap struktur sosial fpi yang merupakan gabungan dari kelompok masyarakat yang berbeda (elite dan awam). 332 afkaruna hal ini berimplikasi pada pemahaman orientasi perjuangan fpi. bagi kaum elite, dakwah yang tegas dipahami sebagai alat dakwah melawan kemunkaran sosial, sedangkan kaum awam memahami bahwa hal tersebut dianggap sebagai tempat melampiaskan karakter keras yang membutuhkan legitimasi agama. fpi paciran mempunyai peran signifikan dan dibutuhkan dalam pemberantasan kemunkaran sosial. hal ini disebabkan ketidakpercayaan masyarakat terhadap aparat keamanan untuk memberantas kemaksiatan. sebagian aktivis muhammadiyah yang memiliki tradisi keagamaan kuat resah dan ingin bergerak melakukan perlawanan terhadap kemunkaran sosial yang terjadi. pada saat yang sama, gerakan muhammadiyah dianggap gagap dan kurang peka terhadap kemungkaran sosial dan ideologi amar ma’ruf nahi munkar dianggap masih sebatas retorika. oleh sebab itu, model dakwah fpi menjadi pilihan mereka. terakhir, penulis mengupas tentang benturan ideologi sebagai implikasi transisi ideologi muhammadiyah. fenomena transisi ideologi di kalangan aktivis muhammadiyah ke gerakan fpi di paciran merupakan potret pergulatan perebutan kuasa ideologi dan sosial kultural di kalangan organisasi kegamaan. kedua organisasi, muhammadiyah dan fpi, saling berusaha untuk memperebutkan dominasi. efek dari proses perebutan kuasa ideologi itu tampak dengan adanya gejala radikalisasi ideologi di kalangan aktivis muhammadiyah. kondisi ini tentu sangat berbahaya bagi kelangsungan gerakan muhammadiyah yang selama ini dikenal memiliki ideologi yang santun, moderat dan toleran. huda juga menyampaikan bahwa membentengi ideologi muhammadiyah dari gempuran dan gerusan ideologi islam radikal sangat diperlukan. ia merumuskan setidaknya ada tiga strategi yang dapat digunakan untuk menepis gempuran tersebut, yakni:. menyolidkan kembali gerakan, 2. rekonstekstualisasi gerakan, dan 3. pribumisasi gerakan. ia mengkritisi bahwa stigma ideologi “welas asih” muhammadiyah yang dulu menjadi modal gerakan dakwah muhammadiyah hingga bertahan lebih dari 100 tahun saat ini mulai bergeser. kini muhammadiyah terkesan “elitis-birokratis” dan cenderung “pragmatismaterialistik” dalam memahami amal usaha muhammadiyah. hal ini berdampak pada menjauhnya kelompok marginal atau mustdha’afin karena tidak mampu menggapainya. kelebihan buku ini adalah adanya banyak informasi yang membuka mata kita sebagai pembaca untuk tetap menjadi warga negara indonesia yang cerdas dan kritis terhadap apa yang telah diyakini, senantiasa 333vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 menelaah dan mencari kebenaran sejati, sehingga apa yang diyakini dapat dipertanggungjawabkan secara akademis. buku ini juga mengajak kita untuk lebih dalam lagi mencari dan mempelajari ideologi muhammadiyah secara kaffah, sehingga terbuka sumber-sumber pemikiran yang jernih untuk mampu mengungkapkan keganjilan yang ada dan berani mengemukakan kebenaran. buku ini penting bagi para peminat tentang studi ideologi muhammadiyah, adanya perbandingan antara pemahaman ideologi radikal dan moderat menjadikan buku ini kaya akan informasi yang menarik. buku yang berbasis pada penelitian langsung di lapangan ini sangat layak dijadikan rujukan untuk melihat dua sisi ideologi muhammadiyah, dua pandangan yang berbeda dikupas oleh penulis yang memang merupakan seorang aktivis muhammadiyah.** jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 the power of fatwâ in indonesia: an analysis of mui’s controversial fatwâs doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0085.146-165 mohammad syifa amin widigdo1, homaidi hamid2 universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta1,2 syifamin@umy.ac.id1 maidihamid@yahoo.com2 abstract this study aims to investigate socio-political factors that make certain legal opinions (fatwâs) in a muslim context enforceable and powerful. although these legal opinions are not binding in principle, their supporting agents engender a degree of efficacy and enforceability. they are followed and abided when external factors, either the state or society, politically or voluntarily support the implementation of those fatwâs. these external factors of fatwâ are largely understudied, especially in the light of how fatwâ gains its enforceability and power to attract people following and complying with fatwâ rulings. by studying controversial fatwâs of mui (council of indonesian ulama), namely on the banning of ahmadiyyah and the prohibition of secularism, pluralism, and liberalism in religion of islam, this article sheds a light more comprehensively on the relationship between fatwâ and external factors that make this non-legal binding opinion powerful and enforceable. keywords: controversial, enforceability, fatwa, mui, muhammadiyah, nu abstrak studi ini bertujuan untuk mengivestigasi faktor-faktor sosial-politik yang membuat suatu opini hukum (fatwâ) di masyarakat muslim mejadi otoritatif dan kuat. meskipun pendapat-pendapat hukum tersebut pada dasarnya tidak megikat, namun agen-agen luar yang mendukungnya membuat fatwa tersebut mempunyai level kekuatan tertentu dan dapat diterapkan. fatwâ-fatwâ tersebut diikuti dan ditaati ketika faktor-faktor external, baik faktor negara maupun masyarakat, secara politik maupun sukarela, mendukung pelaksanaan opini yang pada dasarnya tidak mengikat ini. hanya saja, faktor-faktor external ini tidak mendapatkan porsi kajian yang selayaknya, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan bagaimana suatu fatwâ dapat diterapkan dan mempunyai kekuatan sehingga orang mengikuti dan menaati mailto:syifamin@umy.ac.id mailto:maidihamid@yahoo.com 147vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 fatwâ tersebut. dengan meneliti dan membahas tentang fatwa-fatwâ kotroversial mui, yakni tentang pelarangan ahmadiyyah dan sekularisme-pluralismeliberalisme, kami berharap dapat menjelaskan hubungan antara fatwâ dan faktorfaktor externalnya utuk mendapatkan gambaran dan jawaban tentang bagaimana sebuah fatwâ memperoleh kekuatan dan otoritas sehingga dapat diterapkan. keywords: controversial, enforceability, fatwa, mui, muhammadiyah, nu although fatwâ (plural: fatâwâ or fatwâs) as opinions of law are not legally binding in islamic legal tradition, but their influence on the heart of muslim society is still paramount. they are an important source of guidance for many devout muslims. the fatwâs which provided either by a person or an institution influence not only a man who ask the fatwâ, but also give impact on a wider audience. in the early stage, the fatwâs were issued by major jurist-consults (muftîs). the impact of them might be limited to a person who asks the question to them (mustaftî). according to hallaq (1993), nearly all fatwâs revolve around a person or persons in highly particular circumstances.1 but, the efficacy of fatwâs becomes much more compelling when jurist-consults provide collectively their opinions of law. furthermore, there are many legal apparatus that support the implementation of those fatwâs. this is what happens in indonesia. although some clerics still provide fatwâs sporadically in some regions, the most influential is the fatwâs issued by national organizations such as mui (the council of indonesian ulama), nu (nahdatul ulama), muhammadiyah, or persis (persatuan islam). studies on fatwâ issued by these organizations have been conducted by scholars. atho mudzhar wrote about fatwâs of mui in 1993,2 and m.b hooker described a large number of fatwâs from various organization according to general themes.3 meanwhile, moch. nur ichwan discussed the changing position of mui during the reformation era. while mui was considered supportive and even legitimating policies during president habibi’s presidency, in the time of president abdurrahman wahid, mui was deemed oppositional to government’s political positions and policies.4 in addition, mun’im sirry examined mui’s controversial fatwas and found out that they were not only stimulating a degree of violence as some scholars suggest, but also fruitful for a public debate and discussion among islamic groups in indonesia.5 although these previous studies dealt with mui fatwâs, their main concern was not to study how the fatwâs are enforced and what factors 148 afkaruna and strategies used to make them abided and applied in society. the enforceability of fatwâs in public life is still understudied, which leaves us wondering why some fatwâs are enforced and have practical impacts on society and some others are not. this ignorance about the efficacy of the fatwâs stimulates a question of how the fatwas, which actually have no legal binding, becomes powerful (having an appeal for enforcement through certain apparatus) to deal with social and religious issues in indonesia. this article, in fact, aims to address this important question. in this regard, this study uses a socio-political approach to show the operation of the fatwâs and its “apparatuses” by which their status becomes powerful. inspired by michel foucault’s notion of “relations of power”,6 the term “power” in this study is not only understood as intrinsic authoritative force within fatwâ that engenders obedience of its petitioners (mustaftis) and audiences but rather as a network of authoritative and attractive forces, including external forces stemming from apparatuses of the fatwas, that makes such fatwâ embodied in a personal, political, or social life. when fatwâ is powerful or efficacious, it means that that fatwâ has necessary apparatuses and forces to make it enforceable, obeyed, and implemented by its targeted audiences. in this regard, first, we will provide a brief account of fatwâs in indonesian context, then focus the discussion on fatwâs of mui, especially which dealt with some controversial issues, second, identify social and political factors that make fatwâs efficacious, and finally draw a conclusion of the grounds of the efficacy of fatwâs. fatwâs in indonesian context fatwâ, to follow nico j.g. kaptein’s term, in its traditional definition refers to an opinion of a particular topic from the point of view of islamic law, given by an acknowledged expert, known as muftî. the practice of issuing fatwâ called iftâ’. fatwâ is normally given at the request of someone, called mustaftî (fatwâ practicioner).7 the conditions required by the classical doctrine for the exercise of the profession, or even for the delivery of fatwâ, are: islam, integrity or ¿adâla, legal knowledge (ijtihâd), or the ability to reach, by personal reasoning, the solution of a problem.8 the important collection of the personal fatwâ emerged in indonesia was issued by shafi’ite muftî in mecca, ahmad dahlan (d.1886), based on questions coming from malay-indonesian archipelago. the name of 149vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 the collection is muhimmât al-nafâ’is fî bayân as’ilat al-hadîth (the precious gems treating the explanation of questions about current topics). it contains a wide range of topics ranging from islamic rituals, inheritance, to the relationship with the non-muslim dutch government. in fact, this fatwâs collection mainly relied on shafi’ite sources in sixteenth century, namely ibn hajar haitami’s tu%fa (the gifth) and al-jamal al-ramli’s the nihâya (the ultimate goal).9 in other words, the muhimmât represented the fatwâs which were issued by using taqlîd rather than ijtihâd as the main methodology. another example of personal fatwâs comes from modernist scholar, namely ahmad hassan (1887-1958). he regularly provided religious consultation in a journal called pembela islam (the defender of islam) in between 1929-1935. instead of harnessing certain jurisconsults school of thought, he confidently referred directly to qur’an and hadith to derive certain legal opinions. this attitude was actually a result from the influence of islamic reformists’ thought, such as muhammad abduh and rashid rida.10 they advocate the importance of ijtihâd instead of taqlîd especially in terms of deriving fatwâs. even though ahmad hassan’s religious opinions based on ijtihâd, not the taqlîd, his fatwâ’s type was still traditional in a sense that it went around individuals. nowadays fatwâ in its traditional meaning which issued by individual muftîs still exist in indonesia, but their influence seem to be decreasing compared to the fatwâs which produced by group of ulama (religious experts) of certain religious institutions. in this regard, the character of the fatwâs is more collective in terms of muftî and the audience.11 the committee of ulama (religious clerics) usually holds certain discussion forum (shura) in the aims of issuing fatwâs for islamic community. then, those modern fatwâs are communicated to their petitioners (mustaftis) not only in an immediate way and in person, as the case with classical fatwâs, but also utilizing the available media, with the result that fatwâs now reach a wider spectrum of community members.12 the largest organization which has been formulating the fatwâs through process of consultation, discussion, and collective reasoning (shûra) is nu. the name of the forum in which the collective reasoning session held is bahsul masail (the discussion of issues). 13 soon after its inception in 1926, nu held such session in surabaya to give a proper opinion on problems and issues at the time. the bahsul masail (ar. bahthul 150 afkaruna masa’il) of nu continues to be held on a regular basis ever since and the result of the session is published for its member and for indonesian society at large.14 at the beginning nu preferred to use certain kind of taqlîd (following previous opinions of islamic legal scholars) in issuing fatwâs. in this regard, the method initially was to take the consensus of nawawi and al-rafi¿i, respectively the minhaj and the muharrar. if this failed to answer the minhaj had preference, but on failure then al-raf¿‘i. in the case of further failure, then the majority of shafi¿i ¿ulama; the reference here is to al-mahalli’s kanz al-raghibin, ibnu hajar’s tuhfah al-muhtaj, sharbini’s mughni al-muhtaj and al-ramli’s nihayat al-muhtaj. finally, the view of the most knowledgeable (¿alim) might be consulted, and now it was question of taqlîd, not ijtihâd.15 nevertheless, since 1992 muktamar (national conference) held in lampung, nu has been transcending the purely traditionalist methodology by accepting and adopting a kind of collective ijtihâd (independent reasoning) and is considered to be valid in deriving religious opinions.16 another islamic organization that gives fatwâs by means of collective reasoning is muhammadiyah. syamsul anwar records that muhammadiyah has issued fatwâs since 1927 after the formation of its majelis tarjih (the council for finding stronger legal proofs or opinions).17 this council body of muhammadiyah was directed to the examination of islamic teachings; providing in matters of belief, ethics, ritual observances and social relations; issuing fatwâs either on request or in its own initiative; constructively directing controversies on religious matters; improving the general quality of religious leadership; and handling other matters determined by the board of muhammadiyah.18 due to this organization represents reformist’ attitude towards islam, its fatwâs and decisions of course reflects the islamic reformation character, which relies oijtihâd from qur’an and hadith of the prophet. formally speaking, the majelis tarjih’s decisions are binding on muhammadiyah as an institution as well as on its individual members. in practice, however, members exercise their right not to be bound absolutely to a certain decision if they have reached a different opinion as a result of ijthihad on the same issue.19 persis (persatuan islam, islamic union) is another organization that has a collective way of reasoning to formulate a fatwâ. this organization was established on september 12, 1923 and have a council designed to discuss legal-religious issues and problems called “dewan hisbah (oversee151vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 ing council).” the dewan hisbah is given a responsibility to reason based on the proofs derived from the qur’an and hadith and provide a conclusion in the forms of fatwâ as a solution to a given legal and religious problem.20 above all, the most influential islamic organization in terms of the scope of audiences, subjects and authority of fatwâs might be mui (majelis ulama indonesia/ the council of indonesian ulama). this is a national government-sponsored organization which was founded in may 1975.21 the members of mui consist of representatives from acknowledged islamic society organizations such as nu, muhammadiyah, jami¿ah alwashliyah, mathla¿ul anwar and also some experts in certain fields.22 although the establishment of this organization is initiated by the government in the need of bettering communication between muslim community and government23, the status of this organization is to be private.24 in addition, the function of the organization is to provide fatwâs and to advise to the government and the muslim community on specific issues relating to religion and general problems facing the nation, ideally kind of “watchdog” to ensure that are contradictory to the teachings of islam.25 for the purpose of issuing fatwâs, mui has special fatwâ committee. the committee has regularly issued fatwâs since its foundation by using certain method which mainly in accordance to the shafi‘ite methodology. the fatwâ committee of mui employs the qur’an, hadith of the prophet, as the main reference and accompanied in some by a reference to fiqh texts. the texts are primarily taken from the shafi’i school of thought.26 these include the following sources. first, the classic books of fiqh: sharh al-muhadhdhab by al-nawawi, al-umm by al-shafi¿i, al-muhalla by ibn hazm, rahmat al-ummah fi ikhtilaf al-aimma, i‘anat al-talibin by abu bakar syatta, bidayat al-mujtahid, nihayat al-zayn, and bujayrimi’s fath al-wahhab. second, commentaries on the qur’an: tafsir al-manar, tafsir al-ahkam by muhamma ali al-sabuni, and tafsir adwa’ al-bayan. third, books of hadith: nayl al-awtar and subul al-salam. forth, moderns book of fiqh and fatwâ like fatawa shaltut, majma¿ al-buhuth al-islamiyya, fiqh sunnah by sayyid sabiq, al-fiqh al-islami wa ‘adillatuhu by wahbah zuhayli, and al-fiqh `ala al-madhahib al‘arba`ah.27 due to the importance and the significant influence of mui’s fatwâs, 152 afkaruna the following part of the paper endeavors to investigate; why it is necessary to issue the fatwâs, how those are issued, what factors are affecting the degree of their influence, and to what extents the impacts of them in society. the fatwâs of mui some modern scholars involves on the debate whether fatwâs only the result of a speculative attempt by pious scholar 28 or actually incorporated on regular basis of real life.29 interestingly in the case of mui’s islamic legal opinions, there is a combination between both speculative attitude which seem to be separated from the real problem and incorporative character which corresponds with the real life of people. it can be seen from the fact that sometimes mui provides fatwâs based on the analysis of current situations or issues in regular meeting, and sometimes this council issues those fatwâs on the basis of questions and demands of either government or elements of society. in other words, the fatwâs are issued in the form of decrees either as a response to growing concerns in society or to questions posed by government, individuals, or institutions.30 in the case of fatwâ issuance, mui has a special commission called komisi fatwa dan hukum (legal and fatwâ comission). the responsibility of this commission is to receive and discuss legal, doctrinal, and religious questions or problems presented to mui, undergo a legal-religious line of reasoning, and formulate a legal-religious opinion (fatwâ) on such problem. this legal-religious opinion is called fatwâ, resulted from collective intellectual discretion (ijtihâd) by members of the mui fatwâ comission.31 the exemplary fatwâ which issued as a response to the current situation was the fatwâ on march 7, 1981 stating that muslim attendance at christmas celebrations was %aram (forbidden). this was provided by virtue of the growing concern about the attendance of muslims in formal celebration at christmas held by christian. the context of this fatwâ was a trend of muslims’ attendance in christmas celebrations. while many muslims received invitations of christmas celebrations were reluctant to decline, precisely due to the fear of being accused of intolerance, for christians, the attendance of muslims could be good excuse for exposing them to christianity. the ¿ulama thought it constituted a direct threat of christianization.32 another example of fatwâ which is issued on the demands of other 153vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 parties is fatwâ on porkas (lottery) and contraception in the context of family planning. in this light, the government asked the mui to lend religious opinions (as justification) to certain activities, such as the fatwâ of permissibility of “porkas” (forecasting, functioning as lottery) for sponsoring sport events in 1986. it was regarded as a kind of justification of government’s policy which in turn gave a rise an outcry and protest from committed muslims since it was regarded as a form of gambling which is forbidden in islam.33 on the other occasions, even though the establishment of this council is sponsored by the government, mui does not automatically adopt the same opinion as the government. for example; fatwâs which forbade vasectomy, tubectomy, and all forms of abortion in 1983 really ran counter to the family planning politics of the government.34 in general, it could be said that the fatwâs of mui are necessarily issued because of the needs of and the responses to certain socio-cultural and socio-political settings.35 to issue such fatwâs, there are many ways employed by mui. the council could use annual meeting and weekly meeting, hold an immediate fatwâ committee meeting, or take benefit from the use of mass media, especially internet, to answer questions posted by people. apart from the fatwâs as products, such meetings also result in fatwâs-like such as taushiyah (advise), tazkirah (admonition), pernyataan sikap (position statement), or himbauan (appeal). nevertheless, the most noticeable and influence result is the fatwâs. the fatwâs of mui have been addressing a number of subjects ranging from marriage, business, holiday celebrations, inheritance, prayer, contraception, food certification, medical affairs, to certain political, social, and economic issues. among those fatwâs, there are some fatwâs that trigger a serious debate in public spheres which will be discussed here. the controversial fatwâs: content, apparatus and efficacy during its seventh national conference on july 26-27, 2005, mui issued several fatwâs. those fatwâs dealt with intellectual property right, woman leading the prayer, inter-religious marriage, inter-religious inheritance, inter-religious praying, ahmadiyah sect, pluralism-liberalism-secularism of religion, death penalty for a specific crime, shamanism and horo154 afkaruna scope, criterion of maslahat, and taking personal properties for public interest. for the sake of focusing discussion, however, only selected fatwâs that have caused controversies would be cited in this discussion; first, prohibition of secularism, liberalism, and pluralism of religion; second, a judgment of ahmadiyah as a deviant sect. those fatwâs in fact bring about a huge reaction from the people. 1. contents a). pluralism, liberalism, and secularism.36 the letter of fatwâs consists of three parts; consideration, reference, and decision or decree. in the first part of the official letter which is organized like governmental administration letters, mui depicts three considerations; a) recently there has been a growth of religious pluralism, liberalism and secularism which has been understood in a variety of ways in the community; (b) this growth of religious pluralism, liberalism and religious secularism within the society has created an uneasiness and a concern to the extent that part of the community has asked the mui to give some clarification by means of a fatwâ in relation to this problem; (c) therefore, the mui feel that it is necessary to formulate a fatwâ about the understanding of pluralism, liberalism and religious secularism in order for it to provide guidance to the islamic community.37 second part of the letter embraces a list of references to the qur’an and hadith of the prophet. the qur’anic quotation cites surah ali imran: (3): 85, surah ali imran (3): 19, surah al-kafirun (109): 6, surah al-ahzab (33): 36, surah al-mumtahinah (60): 8-9, surah al-qashash (28): 77, surah al-an‘am (6): 116, and surah al-mu’minun (23): 71. while the references of the hadith of the prophet are taken; first, from hadith narrated by muslim; second, narrated by ibn sa‘d in thabaqat al-kubra and narrated by al-bukhari and muslim. the third part of the letter determines the status of this issue. it is divided into two sections; first, the general definition of the concepts, second, the legal status of the subject. it defines religious pluralism as an understanding that all religions are the same and because of this (truth), that every religion is relative. because of that, every follower of religion cannot claim that only their religion is true and correct whilst other religions are wrong. pluralism also stipulates that all followers of religion will enter and live side by side in heaven. then liberalism means liberal inter155vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 pretation and secularism refers to separating worldly affairs with religious affairs. in the end, mui issues a religious opinion saying that pluralism, liberalism, and secularism are opposed to the islamic teaching. islamic community is prohibited to follow such ideological thoughts. in terms of faith and religious rituals, islamic community must be exclusive. it means that faith and rituals are not to be blended with other religious faith and rituals. for those muslims who live in other religious community, they should behave inclusively in social affairs which are not related to the faith and rituals. social interaction could be maintained as long as not bothering each other.38 b). the deviant sect of islam: ahmadiyah.39 the latter of ahmadiyah prohibition has four sections; consideration, reference, precedence, and decision. the first section states that; a). there is a concerting effort of ahmadiyah to spread their teachings in indonesia albeit mui has been issuing the fatwâ of its prohibition; b). such effort of preaching ahmadiyah has created uneasiness and concern in the society; c). part of the community has asked the mui to give some re-clarification by means of fatwâ about ahmadiyah status because it has been viewed and reacted variously in the community; d). in a response to the request of people and in the aim of maintaining the purity of islamic faith, mui feels that it is important to restate the fatwâ regarding ahmadiyah sect. the second section is a quotation from qur’an and hadith. the qur’anic part refers to the following verses of qur’an: surah al-ahzab (33): 40, surah al-an‘am (6): 153, surah al-ma‘idah (5): 105. then there are two hadiths cited here; first, “there is no prophet after me (narrated by bukhari); second “the apostolate and prophecy are closed, there is no apostle and prophet after me (narrated by tirmidzi). since there are some previous opinions in this case, mui invokes some previous religious opinions as a fatwâ’s precedence. they are; first, the decision of majma‘ al-fiqh al-islami (the council of islamic jurisprudence) of organization of islamic conference (oic) on december 28, 1985 stated that ahmadiyah sect that believes in the prophecy of mirza ghulam ahmad and his acceptance of revelation after the prophet muhammad is converted from islam; second, the decision of majma‘ fiqh rabitah al-islami; third, the decision of majma‘ buhuth; fourth, the mui’s fatwâ in the sec156 afkaruna ond national conference of mui (1980) regarding ahmadiyah qadiyaniyah; fifth, the opinions of “c” commission in the seventh national conference in 2005. based on the above reasoning, then mui issues the following decrees: a). restating the fatwâ of mui in second national conference (1980) that the ahmadiyah sect is out of islam, it is deviant and misleading, and muslims who follow it considered as apostate (murtad); b). those who currently follow ahmadiyah theachings are supposed to be back to the right islamic teaching which based on qur’an and hadith; c). the government obliges to prohibit the missionary of the ahmadiyah in indonesia, close all of their worshipping and ritual places.40 2. apparatus in many cases, mui’s fatwâs have been backed up by the state’s apparatus.41 they are backed up primarily in two ways. on the one hand, because the role of the fatwâ was a kind of justification of government policy, the state endorsed the fatwâ by implementing the fatwâ through its bureaucracies. it happened when mui became legitimating body of ruler’s policies, such as family planning program in soeharto’s era. although there was a strong opposition from religious communities before the fatwâ enacted, gradually it was decreasing after the fatwâ issued. as a result, the program ran well without any significant objections from religious point of view.42 on the other hand, with the downfall of soeharto, the position of mui gradually became autonomous. following the emergence of the radical islamic groups, mui’s role has become increasingly significant. now something counter to the soeharto era is taking place: mui seems to be controlling the state, and not the other way around. susilo bambang yudhoyono’s administration seems to be reluctant, as always, to review the role of mui.43 in fact, according to the former president abdurrahman wahid, the position of the president is inferior to mui. whereas, mui is not state’s body but surprisingly its influence resembles to the supreme court.44 the endorsement of the government towards the fatwâ of the prohibition of religious pluralism, liberalism, and secularism and also the ahmadiyah sect should be put in this context. the ministry of religious affairs that accepts45 and supports publicly the fatwâ can be viewed as inferiority even support to mui’s fatwâ. in turn, those fatwâ becomes 157vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 more powerful, especially as a tool for islamist and radical groups to attack liberal interpretation of islam and religious minorities. besides the government, the apparatus of the mui’s fatwâs is a number of islamist groups who voluntarily becomes the safe guards of the fatwâs. organizations and political party that demonstrates their material and morale boosters of the fatwâs are; ikadi (association of indonesian islamic preachers), pks (prosperity and justice party),46 kisdi (indonesian committee for islamic world), ddii (the council of indonesian islamic missionary), hti (indonesian hizbut tahrir), and fui (islamic brotherhood forum).47 3. enforceability theoretically speaking, there are no formal statements from mui to indicate whether or not it is obligatory to abide its fatwâs. ibrahim hosen, the former chairman of fatwâ committee, believes that there is no obligation to follow a particular school of islamic law, nor fatwâs from any individual alim or group of ulama.48 however, in a practical context, it is a mistake to assume that fatwâ has no social and political implications. it is widely known that the fatwâ is not an ordinary statement from a layperson but a ruling by learned and respected scholars with religious authority.49 as a result, implications and efficacies of the fatwâs become prevalent in terms of affecting polemics in society and even some violence acts within islamic community. the charisma and religious authority may play a role in acceptance of the fatwâ, and whether or not a particular petitioner is prepared to accept the authority of certain muftî of institution.50 it can be seen from the statement of icmi (the council of indonesian muslim intellectuals) when they accept the mui fatwâ, “icmi support the mui and the mui fatwâ as they are a competent religious institution. if we do not believe in mui, whom else are we going to we have to believe in? we call upon those are not islamic, don’t get involved…”51 furthermore, the reasons for defending mui fatwâs might also on the ground of defending islam itself. it is peculiar to the attitude of groups of islamist movement. the spokesman of indonesian islamic brotherhood movement (gpmi), ahmad sumargono, states very clear his defense of mui fatwâs: “we are ready to support the mui fatwâ, by any means. we can support it by law. if they (the contras) use the method outside the 158 afkaruna law, then we will use the same methods. there is no backing off from the defense of islam.”52 the influential islamic organization like muhammadiyah seems to be ambiguous whether accepts or rejects those fatwâs because its (former) chairman, m. din syamsuddin, at the same time become general secretary of mui. on the one hand, m. din syamsuddin defends the mui’s fatwâs and especially definition of pluralism, liberalism, and secularism. on the other hand, he also offers himself to become a mediator between those who backing the fatwâ and those who against it.53 the clearer critiques of the fatwâs come from nu (nahdlatul ulama) as the biggest islamic organization. nu criticizes the way mui defines secularism, liberalism, and liberalism. the definition according to nu is misleading and could lead to the conflict.54 instead of making inaccurate definition of the term and applying a formalist reading of fiqh texts, the board of nu suggests mui to use “substantive value” rather than a mere legal formalism. they say,” because we are in a plural society with diversity both within the islamic umma, let alone within the context of other religions, communities, cultures and customary laws. it would be more effective if a reason-based approach were used incorporating advice, dialogue, and argumentation. this approach would avoid conflict within our unitary state of indonesia.”55 the strongest response and rejections stem from several religious leaders grouped under the alliance toward a civil society (atcs) and those who considered as liberal muslim groups. the members of the alliance have expressed their deep concern over the mui’s recent fatwâ. the alliance regards the fatwâ as undermining the conditions of religious tolerance in the country. representatives of the alliance, including djohan effendi (international center for religious pluralism), ulil absar abdalla (islamic liberal network), anan khrisna (anand ashram), jati kusumah (sunda wiwitan), weinata sairin (the protestant church), father edi (catholic church), yh lamardi (ahmadiyah), syafi’i anwar (international center for islam and pluralism icip), dawam rahardjo (lsaf) and several representative of the confucians, met with former president abdurrahman wahid (gus dur). then gus dur told the group, “i strongly reject the fatwâ. indonesia is not a religious state. it is a secular state. those that govern the country are not doing so under religious law but the constitution,” he criticized president susilo bambang yudhoyono who, during the national 159vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 conference of mui, promised to only listen to mui when dealing with religious affairs. “it was a very big mistake. he (the president) as the formal leader of this country should follow the decision of the supreme court when handling religious affairs and not the mui fatwâ,” gus dur said.56 others liberal groups such as islam liberal network (jil) and young muhammadiah intellectual network (jimm) have echoed the same voice condemning the fatwâs of mui. above all, some fatwâs also have engendered worst unintended consequences. shortly after tha fatwâ of ahmadiyah was issued, for example, several ahmadiyah mosques were attacked by hard line orthodox groups.57 just two months after mui released the fatwâ, the mob attacked on ahmadiyah compounds in bogor and cianjur. the headquarter of ahmadiyah was destroyed and their centers of activities were closed by some islamic groups. a spate of violence against ahmadiyah members still happen up to now in all over indonesia. in july 2007, there was an agreement among district mayor, police, and attorney administration to stop ahmadiyah activities in tasikmalaya, west java. moreover, the front of islamic defense (fpi) has been threatening and fighting against ahmadiyah based on mui’s fatwâ argument. to sum up, the contemporary fatwâs in indonesia demonstrates mainly a collective attitude in the light of formulation, dissemination, and acceptance or rejection. it can be seen from numbers of islamic organization which establish a special meeting or committee to formulate fatwâs regularly. the most powerful organization in issuing fatwâs in fact is mui (the council of indonesian ulama). a huge reaction from the public either in negative or positive way usually follows the fatwâs of mui. the reactions either those who agree with or opposed to the fatwâs prove that the fatwâs in reality have influential power in society. after examining the power of the fatwâs through the controversial parts of them, we could say that the more apparatus boosting the fatwâs and the stronger opposition they have, the more influential and powerful the fatwâs will be. the supporters of the fatwâs come from the state administration (in the case of mui’s fatwâ on ahmadiyah and pluralismliberalism-secularism is ministry of religious affair) and islamic society organizations. they are devoted themselves as apparatus of the fatwâs. the expression of the support could be a silent agreement, an explicit endorsement, a public statement, and also an act of violence. the gov160 afkaruna ernment tends to boost mui’s fatwâs by keeping silent or reluctance to review them although they contradict with the reality of indonesia which is plural and not islamic state. the islamic organizations have been supporting mui’s fatwâs through various ways; public statements, sermons, and also attacks against those who are considered as liberals and ahmadiyah group. the oppositions towards the fatwâs represented by islamic leaders and intellectuals, islamic liberal organizations, and also religious minority groups in indonesia. unfortunately, they have no enough apparatus to enforce their disagreement except giving a press conference in public media. as a result, although they have certain degrees of power in public opinion, in reality their influence can not prevent ahmadiyah from being attacked by some radical groups. the other factors of the acceptance or rejection of the fatwâs are mui’s authority and the fatwâ of mui’s suitability with public conscience. if the fatwâ regarding ahmadiyah is accepted or refused based on the mui’s competence, fatwâ’s content and the side effect of fatwâ, the other fatwâ is different. those who criticize mui’s fatwâ on the prohibition of religious pluralism, liberalism, and secularism also include the lack of mui’s competence and authority as a reason for rejection. the inaccurate definition of the term is a proof of the weakness of the fatwâ. this reality explains why there are many actions taken either by government and groups of society in ahmadiyah case, but there is no concrete execution regarding the implementation of the fatwâ of religious pluralism, liberalism, and secularism. in short, the power of the fatwâs relies on their relation with the sources of power such as inner-competency and authority of the fatwâ’s giver, the fatwâ apparatus from either state or society, and also the oppositions of the fatwâ. although the fatwâs of mui actually have no legal binding, their impacts are still significant and powerful because of those above factors in shaping how people should behave and how government should act. endnotes 1 wael b. hallaq, from fatwas to furu‘: growth and change in islamic substantive law, islamic law and society, 1, 1 (2004): 32. 2 m. atho mudzhar, fatwâs and social interactions in modern indonesia, jusûr, vol. 161vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 8, (1992): 49-67 3 m.b hooker, indonesian islam: social change through contemporary fatâwâ, (honolulu: allen & unwin and university of hawaii press, crows nest p. 310, 2003). 4 moch. nur ichwan, “¿ulamâ’, state, and politics: majelis ulama indonesia after suharto,” islamic law and society 12, no. 1 (2005). 5 mun’im sirry, “fatwas and their controversies: the case of the council of indonesian ulama (mui),” journal of southeast asian studies 44, no. 1 (2013). 6 michel foucault writes, “power must be analysed as something which circulates, or rather as something which only functions in the form of a chain. it is never localised here or there, never in anybody’s hands, never appropriated as a commodity or piece of wealth. power is employed and exercised through a net-like organisation. and not only do individuals circulate between its threads; they are always in the position of simultaneously undergoing and exercising this power. they are not only its inert or consenting target; they are always also the elements of its articulation. in other words, individuals are the vehicles of power, not its points of application.” see michel foucault, power/knowledge: selected interviews and other writings 1972-1977, ed. colin gordon(new york: pantheon books, 1980), 98. 7 nico j.g kaptein, introduction, theme issue: fatwas in indonesia, islamic law and society, 12, 1 (2005): 2. 8 tyan, e.; walsh, j.r. “fatwâ.” encyclopaedia of islam. edited by: p. bearman, th. bianquis, c.e. bosworth, e. van donzel and w.p. heinrichs. brill, 2007. brill online. indiana university bloomington. 06 december 2007. 9 nico j.g kaptein, the voice of the ulama: fatwas and religious authority in indonesia, arch. de sc. soc. des rel, 125, (janvier-mars, 2004): 118. 10 nico j.g kaptein, 119. 11 nico j.g kaptein, 120-130. . 12 see messick (1996: 310-320), quoted by syamsul anwar, 28. 13 michael laffan, the fatwa debated? shura in one indonesian context, islamic law and society, 12, 1 (2005): 94. 14 michael laffan, 95-96. 15 m.b. hooker, indonesian islam: social change through contemporary fatâwâ, (honolulu: allen & unwin and university of hawai’i press, 2003), 56. 16 martin van bruinessen, (1994: 220-234) quoted by nico j.g kaptein, 120. 17 syamsul anwar, fatwâ, purification and dynamization: a study of tarjîhò in muhammadiyah, islamic law and society, vol. 12 issue i, (2005): 27-44. 18 syamsul anwar, 34. 19 syamsul anwar, 34. 20 solehudin and widiana rismawati, “metode dewan hisbah persis dalam beristidlâl dengan hadis: studi fatwa tentang tambahan raka’at makmum yang masbuq,” diroyah: jurnal ilmu hadis 1, no. 2 (2017): 137. 21 see ali mufrodi, peranan ulama dalam masa orde baru: studi tentang 162 afkaruna perkembangan majelis ulama, jakarta: phd diss, iain syarif hidayatullah jakarta, 1994). 22 http://www.mui.or.id/mui_in/about.php, at december 8, 2007. 23 martin van bruinessen, indonesia’s ulama and politics: caught between legitimizing the status quo and searching for alternatives, (jakarta: prisma-the indonesian indicator, no. 49, 1990): 52-69 24 m. atho mudzhar, fatwâs and social interactions in modern indonesia, jusûr,, vol. 8, (1992): 52. 25 m. atho mudzhar, 52. 26 m.b. hooker, 62. 27 nadirsyah hosen, behind the scenes: fatwas of majelis ulama indonesia (19751998), journal of islamic studies, vol. 15 issue ii, (2004): 161. 28 see n.j. coulson, the state and the individual in islamic law, international and comparative law quarterly, 6 (1957): 57, quoted by wael b. hallaq, 29. 29 wael b. hallaq, 57. 30 m. atho mudzhar, 52. 31 ichwan, “¿ulamâ’, state, and politics: majelis ulama indonesia after suharto,” 50-53. 32 m. atho mudzhar, 57-58. 33 martin van bruinessen, 67-69. 34 mohammad atho mudzhar, fatwa-fatwa majelis ulama indonesia: sebuah studi tentang pemikiran hukum islam di indonesia 1975-1988, (jakarta: inis, 1993), 46-54. this is based on his phd thesis at ucla, 1990. 35 mohammad atho mudzhar, 260. 36 surat keputusan majelis ulama indonesia, nomor: 7/munas vii/mui/ ii/2005. 37 translated by piers gillespie, current issues in indonesian islam: analysing the 2005 council of indonesian ulama fatwa no. 7 opposing pluralism, liberalism, and secularism. journal of islamic studies 18(2), (2007): 202-240. 38 surat keputusan majelis ulama indonesia, nomor: 7/munas vii/mui/ ii/2005, most of the translation is mine. 39 surat keputusan majelis ulama indonesia, nomor: 11/munas vii/mui/ ii/2005. 40 the translation is mine. 41 luthfi as-syaukani, fatwa and violence in indonesia, http://www.assyaukanie.com/articles/fatwa-and-violence-in-indonesia, at december 9, 2007. 42 yet, there is still opposition in the case of using contraception tools, see martin van bruinessen, 60-69. 43 luthfi as-syaukani, http://www.assyaukanie.com/articles/fatwa-and-violencein-indonesia, at december 9, 2007. 44 http://gusdur.net/indonesia/index.php?option=com_content&t ask=view&id=2757&itemid=1, at december 9, 2007. 45 depag terima fatwa mui, http://www.detiknews.com/index.php/detik.read/ tahun/2005/bulan/08/tgl/08/time/190449/idnews/418340/idkanal/10, at http://www.mui.or.id/mui_in/about.php, http://www.assyauhttp://www.assyaukanie.com/articles/fatwa-and-violencehttp://gusdur.net/indonesia/index.php?option=com_content&taskhttp://www.detiknews.com/index.php/detik.read/ 163vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 december 10, 2007. 46 forum muslimin indonesia dukung fatwa mui, http://www.detiknews.com/ index.php/detik.read/tahun/2005/bulan/08/tgl/03/time/161657/idnews/ 415388/idkanal/10, december 10, 2007. 47 pendukung fatwa mui gelar tabligh akbar, http://www.detiknews.com/ index.php/detik.read/tahun/2005/bulan/08/tgl/05/time/094049/idnews/ 416487/idkanal/10, december 10, 2007. 48 nadisyah hosen, 173-174. 49 luthfi as-syaukani, http://www.assyaukanie.com/articles/fatwa-and-violencein-indonesia, at december 9, 2007. 50 nico j.g kaptein, 127-128. 51 piers gillespie, 231. 52 piers gillespie, 231. 53 piers gillespie, 229-230. 54 piers gillespie, 226-227. 55 piers gillespie, 226. 56 http://gusdur.net/english/index.php?itemid=0&id=732&option=com_content&task=view, at december 9, 2007. 57 abdul muqsith ghazali, oligarchy in the interpretation of religion, http:// www.gusdur.net/english/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=733&itemid=1, at december 9, 2007. blibliography anwar, syamsul fatwâ, purification and dynamization: a study of tarjîhò in muhammadiyah by: islamic law and society, 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(2001): 29-65. hooker, m.b, indonesian islam: social change through contemporary fatâwâ, honolulu: allen & unwin and university of hawaii press, crows nest p. 310, 2003. hosen, nadirsyah. behind the scenes: fatwâs of majelis ulama indonesia (1975-1998), journal of islamic studies, vol. 15 issue ii, (2004): 147-179. hosen, nadirsyah. fatwâ and politics in indonesia in shari’a and politics in modhttp://www.detiknews.com/ http://www.detiknews.com/ http://www.assyaukanie.com/articles/fatwa-and-violencehttp://gusdur.net/english/index.php?itemid=0&id=732&option=com_http:// http://www.gusdur.net/english/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&http:// http://www.gusdur.net/english/index.php?option=com_content&task=view164 afkaruna ern indonesia. ed. arskal salim, azyumardi azra: (singapore: institute of southeast asian studies, 2003) hosen,nadirsyah. “revelation in a modern nation state: muhammadiyah and islamic legal reasoning in indonesia”, australian journal of asian law vol. 4.3, december (2002). hosen,nadirsyah. “collective ijtihâd and nahdlatul ulama”, new zealand journal of asian studies (the official journal of the new zealand asian studies society), vol, 6, no. 1, june 2004. ichwan, moch. nur. “¿ulamâ’, state, and politics: majelis ulama indonesia after suharto.” islamic law and society 12, no. 1 (2005): 45-72. kaptein,,nico j.g. the voice of the ulama: fatwâs and religious authority in indonesia, arch. de sc. soc. des rel, 2004, 125, (janvier-mars, 2004). kaptein, nico j.g. (ed.) the muhimmât al-nafâ’is: a bilingual meccan fatwâ collection for indonesian muslims from the end of the nineteenth century. introd. & presented by nico kaptein jakarta: inis, 1997. laffan, michael the fatwâ debated? shûrâ in one indonesian context, islamic law and society, vol. 12 issue i, (2005) 93-121. mudzhar, m. atho. fatwâs and social interactions in modern indonesia, jusûr, vol. 8, (1992): 49-67 mudzhar,,mohammad atho fatwâ-fatwâ majelis ulama indonesia: sebuah studi tentang pemikiran hukum islam di indonesia 1975-1988, (seri inis), (unknown binding 1993). mufrodi,ali. peranan ulama dalam masa orde baru: studi tentang perkembangan majelis ulama. jakarta: phd diss, iain syarif hidayatullah jakarta, 1994. peacock, james l. muslim puritans: reformist psychology in southeast asian islam. berkeley-losangeles-london: the universty of california press, 1978. piers, gillespie. current issues in indonesian islam: analysing the 2005 council of indonesian ulama fatwâ no. 7 opposing pluralism, liberalism, and secularism. journal of islamic studies 18, 2, ( 2007): 202-240. rismawati, solehudin and widiana. “metode dewan hisbah persis dalam beristidlâl dengan hadis: studi fatwa tentang tambahan raka’at makmum yang masbuq.” diroyah: jurnal ilmu hadis 1, no. 2 (2017): 135-53. sirry, mun’im. “fatwas and their controversies: the case of the council of indonesian ulama (mui).” journal of southeast asian studies 44, no. 1 (2013): 100-17. van bruinessen, martin. indonesia’s ulama and politics: caught between legitimizing the status quo and searching for alternatives, (jakarta: prisma-the indonesian indicator, jakarta, no. 49, 1990): 52-69. van der meij, d. and j. h meuleman, islam in indonesia: a survey of events and developments from 1988 to march 1993, (jakarta: inis, 1995). woodward, mark r., islam in java: normative piety and mysticism in the sultanate of yogyakarta. tucson: the university of arizona press, 1989. surat keputusan majelis ulama indonesia, nomor: 7/munas vii/mui/ii/ 2005. 165vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 surat keputusan majelis ulama indonesia, nomor: 11/munas vii/mui/ii/ 2005 depag terima fatwâ mui, http://www.detiknews.com/index.php/detik.read/tahun/2005/bulan/08/tgl/ 08/time/190449/idnews/418340/idkanal/10, at december 10, 2007. http://www.detiknews.com/index.php/detik.read/tahun/2005/bulan/08/tgl/ layout afkaruna juni 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 peredam konflik agama: studi analisis penyelesaian di tolikara papua 2015 moh rosyid mrosyid72@yahoo.co.id abstract this paper aims at understanding the importance of early warning system on interreligious conflict, so that similar case such as the fire incident of al-muttaqin mosque in karubaga, tolikara, papua on friday syawal 1st 1436 h/july 17th 2015. fire occurred when muslim performing ied fitri prayer in an open space. the case seemed to be a climax of previous events: 1) gereja injili di indonesia (gidi/ indonesian evangelical church) held an international seminar involving people from all over the world, on the day of ied fitri. moreover, gidi released a notice banning muslim from performing ied prayer, 2) the committee of kkr somehow felt irritated with muslims’ activity during ied celebration since early in the morning, 3) state apparatus were not prepared for the conflict. early warning system needs to be developed to prevent such conflict re-occur in this country. the cause of conflict should be settled such as based on the finding of the fact finding team of the muslims committee for tolikara (komat): the criminals should be brought to the court; the notice released by gidi should be evaluated; interreligious forum (fkub) should be balanced between all religious beliefs; local regulation on the banning of building a place of worship other than gidi’s church must be evaluated. keywords: harmony, tolerance, consistency abstrak mudahnya tersulut konflik antar-umat beragama sebagai penanda bahwa toleransi menghadapi dinamika. hal ini sebagaimana terjadinya kerusuhan yang berakibat terbakarnya kios yang terbuat dari papan dan merembet pada masjid al-muttaqin di distrik karubaga, kabupaten tolikara, papua jumat 1 syawal 1436 h/17 juli 2015. kala itu umat islam melaksanakan salat idul fitri merupakan tindakan intoleran dan kriminal. pemicu terjadinya kerusuhan akibat (1) seminar kebaktian kebangkitan ruhani (kkr) oleh gereja injili di indonesia (gidi) papua yang mengundang ribuan tamu termasuk dari mancanegara bersamaan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0067.48-81 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4949494949vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 pada hari raya idul fitri. gidi membuat surat edaran yang memuat pelarangan salat id, (2) penyelenggara kkr merasa terganggu karena muslim yang beribadah di ruang terbuka menggunakan pengeras suara sejak subuh hingga pagi, (3) aparat keamanan dianggap tidak sigap dalam mengantisipasi bila terjadi konflik. upaya yang harus diwujudkan agar hal serupa tidak terjadi lagi di negeri ini adalah melakukan deteksi dini bila embrio adanya konflik dengan melibatkan semua unsur masyarakat bersama pemerintah. tindakan preventif harus diawali dengan menyelesaikan pemicu konflik di tolikara yakni temuan tim pencari fakta komite umat (islam) untuk tolikara (komat); pelaku berikut ini harus ditindak yakni tindak kriminal (selain yang divonis hakim), pihak yang menerbitkan surat edaran (kontroversial); peran fkub perlu dievaluasi agar menjadi balance; perda pelarangan pembangunan tempat ibadah bagi non-kristen dan diperbolehkan hanya kristen yang tergabung dalam gidi perlu dievaluasi. kata kunci: harmoni, toleransi, dan konsistensi. pendahuluan pemerintah jokowi-jk memiliki perhatian ekstra pada warga papua. upayanya dengan mencoba mengondisikan papua dalam aspek biaya kebutuhan hidup bila dibanding dengan wilayah lain di indonesia menarik ditelaah. hingga pertengahan tahun 2015, kebutuhan hidup di tolikara papua sangat tinggi bila dibandingkan di jawa. harga bensin dan solar rp 25.000 per liter, di jawa hanya rp 8.000 dengan pedagang eceran. nyala lampu menggunakan jenset pada pukul 18.00 wit hingga pukul 05.00 wit, setelah itu listrik dipadamkan. harga di tolikara dibandingkan dengan di kudus, minyak tanah per liter rp 25.000, gula pasir per kg rp 30.000 (di jawa rp 8.000), beras standar bulog rp 20.000 per kg (di jawa rp 10.000), sebungkus mie instan rp 4.000 (di jawa 1.000). menu makan dengan ayam goreng rp 50.000 per porsi (di jawa per porsi rp 10.000), bakso rp 25.000 per mangkok (di jawa rp 8.000), teh manis rp 15.000 per gelas di jawa rp 1000.1 akan tetapi, setelah presiden jokowi dilantik sebagai presiden ri ke-7 periode 2014-2019 pada 20 oktober 2014 terdapat hal yang menarik. kunjungan perdana 27-29 desember 2014, kedua pada 8-11 mei 2015, ketiga ke papua barat pada 29 desember 2015 hingga 1 januari 2016, keempat pada 29-30 april 2016, dan kelima pada 17-18 oktober 2016. pada saat kampanye capres di kampung yoka, sekitar danau sentani papua, 5 juni 2014 jokowi menyatakan, istri saya bernama iriana, asal kata irian, papua karena kakek iriana menjadi guru di papua bertahuntahun. berpijak pernyataan ini, sabtu 27 desember 2015 presiden jokowi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5050505050 afkaruna berkunjung ke papua pada perayaan natal 2015 di stadion mandala, jayapura, papua menyatakan “saya akan sering hadir di papua, minimal setahun tiga kali, coba diingat-ingat, kalau kurang ditegur”. presiden mengangkat perempuan papua yang pertama kali menjadi menteri, yakni yohana yembise sebagai menteri pemberdayaan perempuan dan perlindungan anak dan ketua lembaga masyarakat adat papua, lenis kagoya sebagai staf khusus presiden. banyak kebijakan yang menyejahterakan warga papua, antara lain one price policy.2 luasnya wilayah provinsi papua, di sisi lain prasarana infrastruktur yang belum optimal, badan usaha milik negara (bumn) berkiprah membangun dengan program semen murah.3 luasnya wilayah geografis negeri ini memiliki berbagai budaya dan beragam genetika dengan jumlah sekitar 500 etnis.4 etnis tersebut dipilah dalam tiga kelompok populasi (pohon filogenetik). kelompok pertama merupakan manusia batak, jawa, tengger, bali, dayak, minang, dan melayu (riau). kedua, sasak, makassar, bugis, sumba timur, kaili, minahasa, dan sumbawa. masyarakat suku toraja di tana toraja dan toraja utara sulawesi selatan diduga kuat merupakan satu rumpun dengan masyarakat di daerah nias dan batak. ketiganya sama-sama penutur austronesia dengan kesamaan filosofi budaya. suku austronesia bermigrasi ke nusantara pada 4.000 tahun lalu.5 ketiga, manusia alor dan papua. kelompok ketiga ini berbeda dengan kelompok pertama dan kedua karena nenek moyang kelompok ketiga yakni aborigin australia. papua lebih dulu menempati kepulauan indonesia yakni 50.000-60.000 tahun lalu, disusul kedatangan para migran penutur austronesia pada 5.000-2.000 tahun lalu.6 keragaman itu bila tidak dikelola rentan terjadi konflik. terjadinya konflik intern dan antar-umat beragama di negeri ini di antaranya diakibatkan oleh pemahaman yang sempit oleh sebagian umat beragama terhadap agamanya dan agama yang dipeluk pihak lain. terutama perilaku intoleran diperagakan umat mayoritas terhadap umat minoritas di lingkungan mayoritas.7 agama sebagai sistem kepercayaan mempunyai aturan baku yang menjunjung moralitas dan ketaatan atas ajaran tuhan sehingga agama menjadi institusi kebenaran (the body of truth), hukum (law), dan ritual (rites) yang umatnya harus tunduk pada kekuatan transendental. dalam realitanya, terjadi pelabelan atas dasar wilayah di indonesia, seperti aceh-islam, bali-hindu, dan kristen-papua. hal ini rentan terjadi konflik berupa politisasi sentimen etno-religius di tengah kemajemukan agama (religious plurality) bila disulut faktor pemicu ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5151515151vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 konflik (trigger factor). sebagaimana konflik terjadi di sambas, sampit, ambon, poso, maluku utara, papua, dsb. tahun demi tahun tidak menggembirakan dalam soal kerukunan umat beragama, baik intern maupun antarumat beragama dan umat berkeyakinan di negeri ini. masalah tersebut berakar pada banyak persoalan, dari dalam dan dari luar agama. sebagian kelompok memperoleh pemahaman yang sempit tentang agama. mereka juga kurang mengenal keragaman budaya alias kemajemukan. faktor luar berasal dari banyak masalah yang membelit masyarakat, seperti kemiskinan, pengangguran, pendidikan, infrastruktur yang lemah atau masalah lingkungan. pemerintah dinilai oleh masyarakat belum mampu membangun negeri yang sumber daya alamnya melimpah. penegakan hukum yang lemah, bahkan korupsi, kolusi, dan nepotisme (kkn) kian subur. tren kekerasan di indonesia meningkat, toleransi beragama kian terkikis dan radikalisasi agama kian menguat yang terlihat dari merosotnya toleransi terhadap kelompok atau agama lain. penyebab intoleransi juga akibat tidak ada lagi tokoh masyarakat atau pemimpin yang dihormati. dulu masyarakat kuat karena ada inisiatif pemimpin lokal, munculnya otoritas tradisional secara turun-temurun karena kharisma pemimpin dalam wujud tokoh adat yang berperan mendamaikan konflik. terdapat realitas yang menarik kaitannya dengan respon publik yang resisten (menolak) terhadap islam radikal. masyarakat menilai, keberadaan kelompok radikal aktivitasnya mengakibatkan munculnya citra negatif terhadap agama dan umat islam, bahkan sangat sedikit anggota masyarakat yang bersedia mendukung kelompok radikal. dialog lintas agama jangan hanya berlangsung di tingkat elit dan bersifat retorika, tetapi dikembangkan hingga menjadi gerakan masyarakat awam dan menciptakan kerukunan dalam kehidupan nyata. inti penting untuk mengurangi ketegangan atau konflik antarumat beragama. wacana dialog lintas agama sudah didengungkan oleh pemerintah dan tokoh agama di indonesia. namun, selama itu, konflik dan kekerasan atas nama agama masih berlangsung karena dialog itu masih menjadi wacana elit. data menandaskan bahwa konflik antar dan intern umat beragama menjadi ‘tradisi’ di negeri ini. pada masing-masing kelompok keagamaan tadi, hampir selalu disibukkan oleh dua hal penting. pertama, bagaimana memantapkan keyakinan atas (aliran) agama yang dipilih. kedua, bagaimana menjaga ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5252525252 afkaruna ’solidaritas’ satu kelompok (aliran) keagamaan. karena kondisi ini, sesungguhnya setiap kelompok agama tadi, terdapat kepentingan yang ’tumpang tindih’ antara kepentingan agama dengan kepentingan umat beragama. yang terekspresikan kemudian adalah ’kepentingan umat agama yang mengatasnamakan tuhan”. di sinilah sejatinya bahwa ketika menyosialisasikan agama berdasarkan pandangan yang sempit maka ia akan membentuk cara pandang umat dengan pandangan yang sempit pula. dalam pandangan ini, yang muncul ke permukaan adalah klaim kebenaran sepihak. jika demikian, konflik agama bisa menjadi kesibukan tambahan bagi pemeluk agama yang memperoleh sosialisasi keagamaan seperti itu. antarpemeluk agama yang kemudian terbentuk dan membentuk in group dan out group sering menghiasi dan dihiasi dengan pandangan prejudice berupa labelling negatif. dengan demikian, begitu melahirkan ’pengamanan diri bahkan penguatan diri’. dari sanalah penjelasannya mengapa muncul kecenderungan untuk melihat dan memosisikan kelompok (aliran) keagamaan yang lain adalah ancaman dan mengancam. prejudice (kecurigaan) seperti itu, oleh masing-masing penganut suatu (aliran) keagamaan secara linier akan ’disahkan’ sebagai kebenaran. fanatisme sempit dalam kehidupan sosial, sebetulnya tidak hanya melulu pada persoalan keimanan tapi sudah tumpang tindih dengan pengarusutamaan pengelompokan yang notabene telah diatributi oleh kesamaan (aliran) keagamaan. ketika paradigma dalam memandang orang lain yang berbeda sebagai lawan, maka napas yang menghidupi diri adalah kecurigaan sebagai pertanda permusuhan. efeknya sikap memusuhi sering dimaknai ’jihad agama’. untuk mengesahkan ungkapan jihad tadi, dengan menempatkan ajaran yang berbeda sebagai hal yang sesat dan menyesatkan. bagaimana menata ulang keberagamaan yang majemuk? pertama, kesanggupan untuk memahami bahwa agama yang kami peluk adalah benar menurut kami, sehingga mereka juga punya hak yang sama untuk menyatakan kebenaran menurut mereka. kedua, jika ada pihak lain mengusik agama kita, sesungguhnya mereka sedang menodai kemuliaan agamanya sendiri. sama halnya jika kita mengusik keyakinan mereka, sesungguhnya kita juga menodai agama kita sendiri. keyakinan keagamaan adalah hak individu dalam berurusan kepada tuhan, sementara memandang mereka sebagai saudara adalah bagian dari ekspresi nurani kita sebagai manusia yang beradab.8 perlu pula memahami empat hipotesa gejala kekerasan berbasis agama ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5353535353vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 di indonesia menurut rahardjo (1) pengaruh gerakan islam transnasional seperti ikhwan al-muslimin, hizbut tahrir, wahabisme saudia arabia, islam taliban, dan al-qaeda. kesemuanya mencita-citakan tegaknya syariat islam di semua bidang kehidupan, (2) pengaruh eforia demokratisasi di indonesia, berpeluang munculnya gerakan islam radikal yang pada era orde baru dibungkam, (3) gagalnya penegakan hukum, dan (4) gagalnya dakwah yang rahmatan lilalamin.9 memandang indonesia meskipun hanya sekilas perlu diawali memahami karakter warganya. karakter siapa pun sangat dipengaruhi di mana dan siapa lingkungan yang dijadikan tempat berpijak. seyogyanya pijakan yang baik, identik dengan pesan pelaku sejarah masa lalu. jika sejarah leluhurnya baik, maka generasi yang berpijak dari sejarah yang baik tersebut (berpeluang) menjadi baik. sesuatu yang baik pun dapat ’direkayasa’ oleh oknum yang tak bijak menjadi buram, dapat pula karena sentimen kelompok sebagaimana tragedi jumat 1 syawal 1436 h/17 juli 2015 di karubaga, kabupaten tolikara, papua. seminar kebaktian kebangkitan rohani (kkr) gereja injili di indonesia (gidi) pada 15-19 juli 2015 di tolikara (daerah pegunungan tengah papua) yang juga mengundang tamu dari mancanegara bersamaan dengan perayaan hari raya idul fitri jumat 17 juli 2015/1 syawal 1436 h. sekelompok pemuda gidi menyerang umat islam yang sedang melaksanakan salat idul fitri di karubaga, kabupaten tolikara, papua. kebaktian kebangkitan ruhani (kkr) juga dihadiri pendeta benjamin berger dari israel dengan lembaganya kehilat ha’seh al-har zion (khahz). bahkan warga setempat diwajibkan mengecat rumah, ruko, trotoar dengan gambar bendera israel. bila tidak, didenda rp 500 ribu. keberanian pemuda gidi karena adanya perda larangan membangun rumah ibadah baru di tolikara. dalihnya sesuai dengan kearifan lokal sebagai daerah otonomi khusus papua. perda ini wujud intoleransi kepala daerah dan memicu konflik. begitu pula adanya surat edaran gidi yang ditandatangani oleh ketuanya nayus wenda dan sekretaris marthen jingga tertanggal 11 juli 2015 yang melarang bagi muslim melakukan peribadatan di lapangan terbuka dan menggunakan pengeras suara. ibadah cukup dilakukan di dalam musala atau ruangan tertutup.10 islam eksis di papua pada pertengahan abad xv di kepulauan raja ampat sorong yang dibawa oleh kesultanan bacan di maluku utara melalui kontak perdagangan, budaya, dan politik. pada abad ke xvi di bawah kesultanan tidore, islam terlembaga dan dalam struktur kerajaan di ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5454545454 afkaruna kepulauan raja ampat (kerajaan waigeo, batanta, salawati, dan misool). berdiri pula 9 kerajaan atau pertuanan di daerah fak-fak dan kaimana, yakni namatota, rumbati, dan patipi. keberadaan belanda di papua abad xix membuat islam perkembangannya lambat di tengah gencarnya misionarisasi kristen. setelah papua berintegrasi dengan indonesia pada tahun 1963, islam meningkat lagi. tahun 2006 islam di papua mencapai 24 persen dari total penduduk papua sekitar 2,6 juta jiwa. era reformasi dengan otonomi khusus yang identik dengan papuanisasi dan kristenisasi, islam mulai terpinggirkan. akan tetapi, dengan kebijakan reformasi yang membuka partisipasi publik mampu meningkatkan posisi dan peran sosial politik muslim di papua.11 akan tetapi, konflik yang mengejutkan publik terjadi pada 1 syawal 1436 h/2015 m muslim sebagai umat minoritas diserang umat kristiani sebagai mayoritas tatkala salat idul fitri. papua dalam pangkuan nkri berdasarkan survei sosial ekonomi nasional tahun 2009, kemiskinan di papua (37,5 persen), papua barat (35,7 persen), dan maluku (28,2 persen). sedangkan gizi buruk di bawah usia 5 tahun, nad (10,7 persen), sulbar (10 persen), dan maluku (9,3 persen). kematian ibu melahirkan karena tak ditangani medis menjadi penyebabnya. pertolongan medis karena kelahiran di papua (49,17 persen), sulbar (47,57 persen). tebaran kemiskinan dan minimnya akses pendidikan warga didominasi wilayah indonesia timur. angka partisipasi murni nasional usia 7-12 tahun pada tahun 2008 mencapai 95,14 persen, tahun 2009 mencapai 95,23 persen. tetapi di papua dan sulbar hanya 87 persen. angka partisipasi murni usia 13-15 tahun pada tahun 2008 mencapai 96,20 persen, tahun 2009 menjadi 98,11 persen. tetapi di ntt, papua barat, dan papua tercapai 5961 persen.12adanya kesenjangan tersebut berpeluang tercipta konflik karena mudah dipicu oleh unsur lain. memahami hal tersebut, perlunya mengilas balik sejarah kokohnya warga papua bergabung dengan negara kesatuan ri (nkri). sebanyak 110 anggota dewan musyawarah penentuan pendapat rakyat (pepera) irian barat (kini papua) di kabupaten jayapura pada 4 agustus 1969 dengan suara bulat menyatakan tetap memilih nkri. dengan demikian, berakhirlah pepera di seluruh irian barat. penentuan pendapat rakyat di bawah pengawasan pbb itu merupakan pelaksanaan dari kesepakatan new york (new york agreement) antara indonesia dengan belanda di pbb 15 agustus ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5555555555vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 1969. delapan kabupaten, yakni merauke, pegunungan jayawijaya, paniai, fakfak, sorong, manokwari, teluk cenderawasih, dan jaya pura secara aklamasi memilih tetap berada dalam naungan nkri. jalan panjang irian barat menjadi wilayah nkri diperlukan waktu 24 tahun sejak indonesia diproklamirkan 17 agustus 1945. belanda ingin menguasai indonesia melalui aksi polisionil i (21 juli-5 agustus 1947) dan aksi polisionil ii (19 desember 1948-5 januari 1949). setelah melalui perjanjian linggarjati (1947), perjanjian renville (1948), perjanjian roem-royen (1949), dan kecaman pbb atas aksi polisionil belanda, akhirnya belanda mengakui kedaulatan indonesia, tetapi khususnya mengenai irian barat disepakati untuk menunda pembahasannya selama satu tahun. namun, karena belanda terus menunda pembahasan tentang irian barat, akhirnya pada 1954, perwakilan tetap indonesia di pbb memasukkan masalah irian barat ke dalam agenda pbb. tak adanya tanggapan yang memadai dari belanda maka presiden soekarno mencanangkan operasi trikora (tri komando rakyat) yang berakhir pada 15 agustus 1962 saat indonesia dan belanda menandatangani kesepakatan new york. isinya, belanda menyerahkan irian barat kepada pbb (united nations temporary executive authority/ untea). kesepakatan itu menetapkan, sebelum akhir tahun 1969 akan diselenggarakan pepera. sidang majelis pbb 19 november 1969 menyetujui hasil pepera dan irian barat tergabung dalam nkri. kronologi konflik tolikara papua jumat 1 syawal/idul fitri 1436 h/2015 m dimensi pemicu konflik berupa aspek ekonomi, politik, ideologi, budaya, budaya dan agama,13 dan egoisme.14 konflik berdimensi ekonomi dan politik seringkali terkait dengan siapa mendapat apa, siapa kehilangan apa, dan berapa banyak kehilangannya. konflik berdimensi ekonomi cenderung bersifat riil. konflik berdimensi budaya dan ideologi memiliki aspek yang lebih fundamental dan cenderung abstrak. bentuk aksi para pihak yang terlibat konflik sangat bergantung pada bagaimana mereka melihat sumber, tujuan konflik, dan cara penyelesaian konflik. secara teoretis, apa pun jenis konfliknya menurut suyanto ada dua elemen utama yang sering berkombinasi menjadi sumber hakiki konflik. pertama, elemen identitas atau potent identity-based factors. kelompok sosial dimobilisasi dengan membawa identitas komunal kelompok, seperti ras, agama, ideologi, dan kepentingan kelompok. kedua, elemen persepsi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5656565656 afkaruna terhadap distribusi sumber ekonomi, politik, dan sosial dalam masyarakat. ketika elemen potent identity-based factors dan elemen persepsi tentang ketidakadilan ekonomi-sosial ini bercampur, potensi konflik menjadi sangat tinggi dan memicu konflik yang mengakar (deep-rooted conflict). karakteristik konflik horizontal yang berdimensi identitas adalah sifatnya yang persisten dan sering tumpang-tindih dengan isu-isu kesenjangan ekonomi. konflik yang berbasis sara ini bercampur dengan konflik distribusi sumber produksi, wilayah, ekonomi, dan lapangan kerja sehingga penanganannya rumit. dalam konflik (latent) hal yang bersifat ideologi salah satu faktor terpenting bila menyangkut persepsi. agar konflik tidak berkembang, yang dibutuhkan adalah mekanisme sistem peringatan dini sosial (social early warning system). prinsip dasarnya adalah pemerintah secara proaktif mendeteksi, memantau, menganalisis, dan menangani setiap benih konflik sedini dan secepat mungkin. deteksi diutamakan pada titik-titik kelompok strategis di tingkat lokal atau titik persentuhan pemerintah dengan masyarakat lokal. dalam pengembangan mekanisme peringatan dini, yang perlu diperhatikan adalah (1) menentukan siapa yang pantas menjadi penghubung dan pendeteksi kemungkinan terjadinya keresahan sosial di masyarakat, (2) menentukan dan menawarkan kepada masyarakat bentuk penyaluran keluhan keresahan sosial yang dipercaya masyarakat.15 konflik berlatar belakang agama merupakan salah satu masalah serius di dunia, terutama indonesia.16 salah satu penyebab ketidaknyamanan sosial dipicu oleh persepsi dan pemahaman umat terhadap ajaran agamanya yang sempit, merasa paling benar dan yang lain salah. hal itu perlu disikapi dengan format dialog. format dialog intern atau antaragama dapat dilakukan dengan interaksi yang interaktif antar-tokoh dan umat beragama yang seagama dan beda agama. harapannya, perbedaan persepsi dapat dipahami bila saling dikomunikasikan dan dipahami dengan bekal hati yang sadar akan perbedaan agar tak terjadi konflik. menurut shihab praktik dialog memerlukan komitmen penting yang harus dipegang pelaku dialog yakni (a) toleransi, hal ini sulit tercipta jika tidak tercapai saling pengertian dan saling respek. pada dasarnya toleransi adalah upaya menahan diri agar potensi konflik dapat ditekan dan (b) pluralisme, hakikatnya adalah interaksi positif dalam lingkungan yang majemuk (ragam) dengan tuntutan tiap pemeluk agama bukan saja mengakui keberadaan dan hak agama lain, tetapi saling terlibat dalam memahami ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5757575757vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 perbedaan dan persamaan guna tercapainya kerukunan dalam kebhinekaan.17 konflik agama dari aspek internal dapat berupa penodaan agama, penyiaran agama, dan interpretasi atas teks agama yang keblinger.18 aspek eksternal berupa konflik berbasis rebutan sumber ekonomi, lahan politik, penyelewengan hukum/kebijakan, penyalahgunaan pendidikan agama, dan pemberitaan media massa yang provokatif. isu pemicu konflik agama karena pembangunan atau penggunaan sarana untuk tempat ibadah, siar kebencian agama (hate speech), penyiaran agama, perilaku aliran nonmainstream, aktivitas yang bertentangan dengan ajaran dasar agama (nya).19 masalah yang muncul dari konflik agama dapat berupa delik penodaan agama,20 hubungan agama dengan negara, dan perspektif untuk membaca kehidupan beragama. hal tersebut akan terminimalisasi (terkurangi) bila umat beragama memahami bahwa beragama adalah hak yang diyakini dalam batin (internum) dan diekspresikan dalam kehidupan (eksternum) oleh pemeluk agama sehingga tercipta social order dan social harmony. peran negara dalam bingkai ham berupa melindungi (to protect), menghormati, dan memenuhi hak. adanya dalih bahwa warisan penjajahan yang mendarah daging menjadi fondasi hidup sehingga di antara kita tidak toleran. dalih tersebut tidak berdasar karena penjajahan telah lama berlalu dan pembangunan manusia seutuhnyalah yang belum utuh menjadi penyebabnya. terjadinya konflik boleh jadi dipicu oleh pemaknaan ’kebebasan’. adanya ungkapan “tidak ada kebebasan tanpa batas’ atau kebebasan seseorang dibatasi oleh kebebasan orang lain. ungkapan itu benar secara normatif, tetapi problematis di tingkat praktis-aplikatif. persoalannya, domain kebebasan dan batas-batasnya tidak memiliki ukuran dan standar yang baku, jelas, dan terukur. kenyataannya, ukuran kebebasan sering dibuat sendiri oleh individu atau kelompok yang memiliki kuasa atau dekat dengan sumber kuasa. ukuran batasan kebebasan semacam ini pada kenyataannya sering disalahgunakan oleh individu atau kelompok untuk melakukan glorifikasi diri di satu sisi dan demonisasi yang lain di sisi lain. sikap ini tak jarang berujung pada pengerdilan dan pembatasan hak sipil warga (civil rights). mengapa negara berperilaku paradoks dalam konteks kehidupan beragama karena kehidupan beragama tersandera politik-kekuasaan. era demokrasi prosedural-elektoral memungkinkan terjadinya pertukaran kepentingan dengan dukungan politik.21 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5858585858 afkaruna tolikara dengan luas wilayah 6.129,66 km pada tahun 2013 dihuni 125.326 orang. hasil pemekaran wilayah dari kabupaten jayawijaya tahun 2002. kerusuhan di tolikara pada 1 syawal meludeskan 63 kios yang terbuat dari papan kayu dan merembet terbakarnya masjid al-muttaqin (masjid telah bersertifikat, bukan tanah ulayat) di karuba, kabupaten tolikara, provinsi papua pada 17 juli 2015/1 syawal 1436 h. kebakaran tatkala umat islam melaksanakan salat idul fitri di lapangan terbuka karena banyaknya jamaah, sehingga jamaah salat bubar di tengah pelaksanaan salat. dalam liputan majalah mingguan tempo edisi 27 juli s.d 2 agustus 2015, tragedi ini menjadi headline dengan kronologi sebagai berikut: pukul (waktu indonesia timur) kejadian 07.05 pada rakaat pertama takbir kelima salat idul fitri, para pemuda gidi menghentikan salat karena di ruang terbuka (lapangan koramil); 07.15 massa yang datang makin banyak; 07.20 tembakan peringatan dari lapangan koramil. pemuda melempar batu ke arah lapangan. kapolres menenangkan massa. jamaah salat berlindung di kantor koramil; 07.30 api dari kios nomor 6 milik ali mukhtar, tokoh muslim tolikara merembet membakar masjid yang di belakangnya; 08.00 api melalap semua kios; 08.30 polisi yang berada di bank daerah papua (bdp), koramil, antara kios dan lapangan membubarkan massa; 09.00 3 korban penembakan ditemukan di bdp dan kios dibawa ke rs jayapura dan wamena; kejadian yang baru pertama kali itu mengakibatkan korban tewas endi wanimbo berusia 15 tahun karena tembakan peringatan. tembakan memicu marahnya 54 orang pendemo yang kemudian membakar kios dan merembet pada masjid. korban tewas ditemukan di dekat kios yang menghadap ke kantor bank daerah papua. ada pula 11 warga tolikara lainnya mengalami luka tembak, 6 dibawa ke rumah sakit umum daerah jayapura dan yang 5 dibawa ke rumah sakit wamena. ada 58 kios terbakar, 24 bangunan rusak, dan 16 bangunan dijarah isinya, 153 jiwa dari 38 kk menjadi korban. informasi sebelumnya bahwa pelaksanaan salat id di karubaga dijamin aman oleh kapolres tolikara akbp soeroso dan presiden ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5959595959vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 gidi (gereja injili di indonesia) dorman wandikmbo. tetapi, enam hari sebelum kejadian (sebelum 1 syawal), gidi wilayah tolikara mengeluarkan surat edaran yang berisi larangan bagi muslim salat idul fitri di karubaga dan semua umat gereja non-gidi pun dilarang melaksanakan kegiatan karena ada seminar kkr mengundang 2.500 tamu, termasuk perwakilan dari belanda, amerika serikat, papua nugini, palau (kepulauan kecil di lautan pasifik), dan israel. tujuan surat edaran agar seminar gidi berskala internasional pada 13-19 juli 2015 berjalan khusuk. pembuatan surat edaran dirapatkan tiga kali dan diberikan pada bupati tolikara usman g.wanimbo dan kapolres. akan tetapi, tembusan surat edaran tidak diterima kapolres. surat edaran diperoleh kapolres melalui staf intel polres yang diperoleh dari pos komando pasukan khusus dan diberikan pada kapolres pada 13 juli 2015 pukul 10 pagi. pada hari yang sama, imam masjid al-muttaqin tolikara menghadap pada kapolres perihal surat edaran. kapolres langsung menelepon presiden gidi dorman wandikmbo, dorman menyatakan akan mencabut surat edaran. hari berikutnya, kapolres menelepon bupati tolikara yang sedang di jakarta (berangkat minggu pagi ke jakarta lima hari sebelum kerusuhan) perihal surat edaran. bupati menelepon badan pengurus gidi wilayah tolikara pendeta nayus wenda, kemudian ada upaya surat edaran akan diralat. hal itu diinformasikan bupati pada kapolres via telepon. dalam ralat surat ditandatangani 15 juli 2015 (dua hari sebelum tragedi) oleh nayus dan marthen yang membolehkan salat id di distrik karubaga tapi hanya di masjid dan halamannya, tidak di lapangan terbuka (salat di lapangan terbuka karena masjid tidak muat). ada pula larangan memakai jilbab dan larangan bagi denominasi lain (selain gidi) membangun tempat ibadah di tolikara, termasuk larangan bagi gereja advent di distrik paido karena sudah ditutup dan jemaatnya bergabung dengan gidi. surat bernomor 90/sp/gidi-wt/ vii/2015 (nomor yang sama antara surat awal dengan surat yang diralat) ditujukan pada umat islam di tolikara dan ditembuskan pada bupati tolikara dan kapolres tolikara. akan tetapi, kapolres tolikara dan imam masjid al-muttaqin tolikara menerima surat ralat pada 18 juli 2015 (sehari setelah tragedi). dalih nayus dan marthen memberi surat pada sabtu 18 juli karena bupati tolikara usman telah memberi tahu isi surat ralat pada kapolres via telepon. presiden gidi pendeta dorman wandikmbo menyatakan, surat dikeluarkan oleh ketua klasis dan ketua wilayah gidi tolikara melarang salat id di lapangan terbuka karena bersamaan digelarnya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6060606060 afkaruna ibadah/seminar internasional gidi di kabupaten tolikara. kapolres tolikara, akbp soeroso berkoordinasi dengan presiden gidi, bupati tolikara usman wanimbo, sarannya agar salat id tidak di lapangan terbuka. menurut kapolda papua irjen yotje mende, kerusuhan bukan karena surat edaran 11 juli 2015 oleh badan pekerja tolikara tapi disalahtafsiri peserta seminar. pada fakta lain, menurut ronny mandang umat islam dan kristen sepakat dengan menyembelih dua ekor sapi (satu dari muslim dan yang satunya dari kristen) bahwa salat idul fitri dilaksanakan asalkan tidak menggunakan pengeras suara dan berlangsung tidak lebih dari pukul 8 pagi. akan tetapi, pengeras suara sejak pukul 4 subuh sehingga marthen meminta pengeras suara dimatikan tapi tidak ada respon dari muslim sehingga pemuda gereja (menurut bupati tolikara berjumlah 150 orang, dari 2.000 peserta seminar) mulai melempari batu ke arah lapangan yang digunakan salat id. saat kejadian, bupati usman sedang tidur di ruang kerja karena baru tidur jam 3 pagi. hal yang menarik untuk ditelaah, menurut bupati tolikara, perda pelarangan pendirian tempat ibadah selain gidi pernah disahkan oleh dprd, gubernur menyetujui dan disarankan untuk berkonsultasi pada mendagri agar berlaku definitif. setelah itu dikembalikan ke daerah jika sudah disahkan di jakarta, kemudian bupati mengeluarkan peraturan bupati tentang perda dalam bentuk keputusan bupati. tapi prosesnya belum berlanjut. pelarangan pendirian tempat ibadah selain gidi menurut bupati tolikara agar sejarah lahirnya gidi tidak dikotori dan sebagai ciri khas tolikara, sebagaimana aceh ciri khas islam.22 data republika online, juli 2015 tim pencari fakta (tpf) komat menyatakan anggota intel polres tolikara bripka kasrim di pos maleo pada senin 13 juli 2015 mendapatkan selembar surat dari gidi badan pekerja wilayah toli. surat nomor 90/sp/gidi-wt/vii/2015 ditandatangani ketua wilayah toli pdt naylus wenda dan sekretaris pdt marthen jingga dengan tembusan polres tolikara. surat yang ditujukan kepada umat islam sekabupaten tolikara memberitahukan adanya kegiatan seminar dan kebaktian kebangkitan ruhani (kkr) pemuda gereja injili di indonesia (gidi) tingkat internasional pada 13 s.d 19 juli 2015. poin-poin larangan dalam surat yakni (1) lebaran 17 juli 2015 tidak diizinkan di wilayah kabupaten tolikara, (2) diperbolehkan di wilayah wamena atau jayapura, dan (3) muslimah dilarang memakai jilbab. bripka kasrim memfoto kopi surat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6161616161vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 nomor 90 tersebut dan melaporkan melalui handy talky (ht) kepada kapolres tolikara, akbp soeroso. surat dikirimkan pada kapolres. selanjutnya, kapolres menelepon bupati tolikara usman wanimbo, tapi bupati sedang berada di jakarta dan kembali ke tolikara keesokannya harinya (14 juli 2015). kapolres membacakan surat nomor 90, tapi bupati menjawab tidak benar. bupati berjanji menginstruksikan pada ketua gidi wilayah tolikara meminta surat nomor 90 dicabut atau diralat. kapolres menyetujui upaya sang bupati. kapolres pun menelepon presiden gidi pdt dorman wandikbo yang berada di jayapura. dorman menyatakan akan berkoordinasi dengan anggotanya dan akan mengamankan seluruh kegiatan gidi maupun lebaran. informasi dari kapolres tolikara, seminar dan kkr pemuda gidi sudah lama direncanakan menghadirkan tamu mancanegara, tapi hingga sebulan, polres tolikara belum mendapatkan permohonan izin keramaian dari panitia seminar. izin harus dari intelkam mabes polri yang diteruskan pada kepolisian terkait. pada 6 juli 2015 kapolres tolikara memanggil wakil ketua pelaksana yakob jikwa yang menanyakan perihal soal izin keramaian dan meminta visa orang asing dan ktp panitia penyelenggara.yakob menjawab bahwa izin ditangani panitia tingkat provinsi. kapolres mengecek ke dir intelkam polda papua, mendapat jawaban belum ada surat izin yang diajukan panitia. pada 13 juli 2015 kapolres memerintahkan wakapolres dan kasat binmas mendatangi sekretariat panitia untuk menanyakan izin keramaian dan permintaan pengamanan. wakapolres melaporkan pada kapolres bahwa panitia sedang mengonsep surat izin. padahal, peserta sudah penuh mengikuti kegiatan. peserta diperkirakan 2000 orang dan ditambah pihak yang menyaksikan mencapai 4.000 orang. tpf dan komnas ham menyepakati bahwa perda di tolikara yang disetujui dprd tolikara diberlakukan sejak 2013 adalah tindakan intoleran karena melarang umat beragama selain gidi tidak diperbolehkan membangun rumah ibadah, merayakan hari raya, dan memakai atribut keagamaan di muka umum, seperti jilbab. bupati berjanji akan mengirim perda tersebut ke komnas ham dan kemendagri karena sebelumnya tidak mendapat tembusan. tpf gabungan mui dan litbang kemenag ri pada 19 juli (selama 7 hari) terdiri m.adlin sila, zainuddin daulay, shohibul farozi, dan sabara berada di lokasi menyatakan, adanya tragedi diduga untuk mengalihkan isu korupsi bupati tolikara rp 635 miliar. kkr dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6262626262 afkaruna seminar gidi belum berizin pada polres tolikara. acara itu anggarannya mencapai rp 6 miliar. peran adat di papua harus dikembalikan semula. masyarakat adat yang ingin hidup berdampingan dan penuh toleransi dengan masuknya gidi merusak tatanan toleransi. temuan tpf, pembakaran dimulai dari rumah ketua dkm, sarno yang jaraknya 20 m dengan masjid baitul muttaqin (yang bersertifikat resmi). situasi pasca-konflik tragedi terjadi jumat 17 juli 2015/1 syawal 1436 h, wapres jusuf kalla minggu 19 juli 2015 malam, menginstruksikan pada kapolri mengambil langkah hukum yang tegas untuk segera menyelesaikannya. insiden karena ada dua acara yang berdekatan pelaksanaannya, yakni salat id dan pertemuan pemuka gereja. kabag humas pemda tolikara derwes menyatakan, 11 warga terkena tembakan, 1 orang tewas yakni lenis wanimbo, 10 orang dirawat di rumah sakit wamena, 154 korban mengungsi.23 selanjutnya pada 19 juli 2015 seminar ditutup dan empat hari kemudian tokoh agama di tolikara melakukan perdamaian di halaman koramil karubaga. pada kamis 23 juli 2015 polda papua menetapkan arianto kogoyo dan jumdi wanimbo sebagai tersangka menjadi pelaku perusakan, kekerasan, dan penghasutan saat insiden tolikara. mereka menghuni rumah tahanan polda papua di jayapura. menurut kapolda papua irjen yotje mende, keduanya berperan sebagai provokator yang melempari batu dan menyerang muslim yang sedang salat idul fitri. respon dari pemerintah, mewakili presiden jokowi, lenis kogoya sebagai staf khusus presiden, mengadakan jumpa pers di gedung sekneg jakarta 18 juli 2015 siang. kogoya memohonkan maaf pada muslim di indonesia atas insiden di karuba, tolikara, papua. presiden menurut rencana akan ke karuba pada 29 juli 2015 untuk memediasi (akhirnya tidak terealisasi). permohonan maaf juga datang dari dirjen bimas kristen odhita r hutabarat. ia menghubungi ketua sinode gidi dan persekutuan gereja dan lembaga injili indonesia (pglii) untuk menjelaskan kronologi kejadian. dugaan keterlibatan bawil toli digi pada 17 juli 2015 yang membuat surat larangan pada umat islam bila merayakan idul fitri. hal ini untuk diusut tuntas. persekutuan gereja di indonesia (pgi) mengecam keras tragedi pembakaran masjid di karuba. presiden jokowi pada rapat kabinet terbatas di istana negara jakarta rabu 22 juli 2015 menginstruksikan pada kapolri badrodin haiti dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6363636363vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 panglima tni jenderal gatot nurmantyo agar kasus tolikara ditangani secara komprehensif, yakni penindakan hukum terhadap pelaku, rehabilitasi bangunan rusak, dan menjalin dialog dengan tokoh di papua. hal ini diawali sejumlah pemuda gidi berhadapan dengan aparat kepolisian yang menghalau upaya pemuda gidi menghentikan salat idul fitri di masjid baitul muttaqin yang dibangun tahun 1987. pasca-kerusuhan di karubaga, tolikara, seluruh warga bersatu mengusung semangat kumbiwaruwok yakni bergandengan tangan demi perdamaian selamanya di wilayah lembah toli. pada rabu 22 juli 2015 umat kristen dan muslim setempat bersama-sama membersihkan puing-puing kebakaran. bupati tolikara, usman wanimbo mempertemukan ketua gidi cabang tolikara nayus wenda yang memimpin 274 gereja di tolikara dengan ustadz ali muchtar untuk mengucapkan janji untuk menjaga perdamaian di tolikara (kompas, 23 juli 2015). panglima tni jenderal gatot nurmantyo diberi waktu satu bulan oleh presiden untuk mempercepat penyelesaian renovasi pembangunan 60 kios yang terbakar -dibangun 75 kiosdan masjid yang rusak akibat insiden tolikara sehingga tni menambah 100 pasukan. ketua forum kerukunan antar-umat beragama (fkub) di papua, lipiyus biniluk yang juga ketua persekutuan gereja-gereja dan lembaga-lembaga injili di indonesia (pglii) papua didampingi tim komunikasi publik presiden, teten masduki dan staf khusus presiden untuk papua, lenis kogaya pada jumat 24 juli 2015 diterima presiden jokowi di istana merdeka (kompas, 25 juli 2015). kesigapan pemerintah menghentikan kerusuhan diwujudkan dengan memeriksa 50 saksi kerusuhan dan menetapkan 2 tersangka yw dan hk menjalani proses hukum di polda papua. mendagri tjahjo kumolo dalam pertemuan dengan pemerintah provinsi papua dan forum koordinasi pimpinan daerah provinsi papua di jayapura senin 20 juli 2015 menyatakan, pemerintah menjamin tersedianya anggaran untuk biaya rekonstruksi akibat insiden tolikara, dengan memanfaatkan dana hibah atau talangan. pernyataan itu disampaikan tatkala 250 orang masih mengungsi di depan markas koramil 1702 11/karubaga. pangdam xvii/cenderawasih mayjen fransen g siahaan menyatakan tidak keberatan bila lapangan koramil dipakai sementara untuk menampung pengungsi dan dibangunkan musala sementara. kapolri menegaskan, tugas polri adalah menghentikan dan melokalisasi kerusuhan, menjamin dan memelihara keamanan, dan melakukan penegakan hukum terhadap pembakar kios dan pembu○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6464646464 afkaruna baran salat id. wakapolda papua brigjen (pol) rudolf albert rodja mengatakan, polri memeriksa 32 saksi dalam insiden tolikara. dirjen politik dan pemerintahan umum kemendagri soedarmo mengatakan, untuk mencegah terjadinya insiden sebagaimana di tolikara, pemda harus meningkatkan fungsi deteksi dini dan dibentuk tim terpadu penanganan konflik sosial di tingkat pusat dan daerah agar semakin tajamnya deteksi dini.24 tim pencari fakta (tpf) komite umat untuk tolikara (komat) yang diketuai ustad fadlan garamatan menyimpulkan bahwa tragedi bukan spontanitas tetapi direncanakan. ada tiga kelompok yang mengepung jamaah yang sedang salat id dari tiga titik, ada suara komando untuk menyerang.25 tpf dalam konferensi pers pada jumat 31 juli 2015 merekomendasikan (1) masyarakat adat, khususnya di papua, harus dilindungi uu yang berlaku di nkri. masuknya gidi dengan otoritas kepemimpinannya telah merusak tatanan toleransi dan membuat masyarakat adat terusik, (2) mengembalikan peran adat sebagaimana fungsinya di tengah masyarakat dalam menjaga adat istiadat seluruh masyarakat yang ada di papua, baik masyarakat asli maupun pendatang, (3) negara harus menjamin kemerdekaan tiap penduduk untuk memeluk agamanya masing-masing, (4) keberadaan gidi dinilai melakukan pelanggaran ham karena telah membubarkan salat id. pihak terkait harus menemukan dan mengadili aktor intelektual yang menandatangani surat edaran larangan pelaksanaan salat id. tokoh islam tolikara ustad ali muchtar (imam masjid usia 38 tahun menetap di karuba tahun 2006) menyepakati agar penyelesaian insiden salat id di tolikara diselesaikan dengan cara damai, sedangkan staf khusus presiden lenis kayoga (putra daerah papua) menghendaki penyelesaian secara adat. ia meminta kepada kapolda papua menghentikan proses hukum yang sedang berjalan. menyikapi permintaan ini, brigjen paulus waterpaw, pengganti kapolda yang lama (sewaktu terjadi insiden) irjen yotje mende saat sertijab kapolda papua di rupatama mabes polri jumat 31 juli 2015 menjelaskan, kami mengambil langkah setelah hadir dulu di tolikara. proses hukum yang sudah berjalan tidak serta merta bisa dihentikan. sebab, tugas polri adalah melakukan proses penegakan hukum. pelaku insiden harus mempertanggungjawabkan sesuai aturan hukum. kapolri badrodin haiti mengatakan, tidak mungkin dilakukan penghentian proses hukum yang sedang berjalan dan telah melakukan penahanan. ketua komat ustad bachtiar nasir mengatakan, massa yang melakukan penyerangan ratusan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6565656565vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 jumlahnya dan orang pedalaman yang tak paham juga dimobilisasi. aktor intelektual yang menandatangani surat edaran penyebab insiden harus diadili. komnas ham menemukan empat hal dalam tragedi tolikara, pertama, bentuk intoleransi dengan adanya perda intoleran, surat edaran gidi, dan pembubaran ibadah salat id. kedua, ada 12 orang yang ditembak dan 1 tewas. ketiga, ketakutan pascainsiden. keempat, kepemilikan, yakni pembakaran kios, rumah ibadah, dan rumah pribadi. komnas ham memberikan tiga rekomendasi kepada pemerintah terkait tragedi tolikara, pemerintah harus menjamin (1) tidak akan terjadi insiden serupa, yakni penyerangan yang menyebabkan rasa tidak aman, (2) kebebasan penduduk memilih dan mengamalkan ajaran agama, dan (3) menghukum siapa pun inisiator, provokator, dan pelaku lapangan. tpf komat mendatangi komnas ham pada kamis 6 agustus 2015 untuk menyampaikan hasil bukti temuan berupa surat edaran, vidio, dan dokumen. menurut azra, peristiwa tolikara untuk dijadikan renungan mengevaluasi kecenderungan, gejala, dan dinamika kehidupan beragama di indonesia. sudah waktunya setiap dan seluruh pejabat dan pemimpin agama tak merasa puas dengan tradisi kedamaian intra dan antaragama selama ini. dalam konteks evaluasi beragama secara berani dan jujur, upaya ‘menyederhanakan’ atau ‘menurunkan’ (play down) kasus intoleransi keagamaan, seperti peristiwa tolikara menjadi kontraproduktif. presiden jokowi menyatakan insiden tolikara disebabkan kurangnya komunikasi di antara komunitas gidi dengan muslim lokal. mendagri tjahjo kumolo menyatakan, bukan masalah sara, melainkan ekspresi ketidakpuasan di antara kelompok masyarakat yang emosional. kapolri badrodin haiti menyatakan, tolikara merupakan aksi kriminal (daripada konflik keagamaan/religious harted). pernyataan itu seolah-oleh ingin menyembunyikan masalah ke bawah karpet, tidak meletakkan semua masalah di atas meja. hal ini sebagai isyarat keengganan mengakui adanya akar-akar masalah lebih fundamental dan akut yang terkait dengan persepsi bahwa masalah itu terkait agama yang sensitif sehingga jika diungkapkan secara terbuka boleh jadi membuat umat beragama berbeda kian divisive (terpecah belah) menuju konflik dan kekerasan. pemerintah perlu melakukan tindakan represif dan preventif untuk menghentikan aksi intoleransi dari kelompok agama mana pun, yakni dengan resosialisasi serius dan komprehensif faktor pemersatu bangsa yakni uud 1945, pancasila, nkri, dan bhinneka tunggal ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6666666666 afkaruna ika. hal ini sebagai modal terbaik untuk membangun kehidupan. oleh karena itu, fkub perlu diberdayakan agar menjalankan fungsinya secara efektif. pemimpin agama yang memegang hegemoni toleransi, kerukunan, dan kedamaian terus melakukan penguatan inklusivitas, koeksistensi damai, dan harmoni intra dan antar-agama.26. vonis hakim dan rasa keadilan safrudin selaku majelis hakim menjatuhkan vonis pidana penjara selama 2 bulan dan 26 hari pada dua terdakwa yakni ariyanto kogoya dan jundi wanimbo di pn jayapura kamis 18 februari 2016. keduanya bertindak sebagai provokator yang memicu kerusuhan di karubaga, tolikara, 16 juli 2015 m/1 syawal 1436 h. terdakwa terbukti melanggar pasal 160 juncto pasal 55 kuhp yakni menghasut 80 orang untuk menyerang 300 warga yang sedang salat idul fitri di halaman koramil karibaga pukul 07.30 wit. ariyanto mengeluarkan kata-kata ‘bubarkan dan hentikan’ (salat id) sehingga terjadi pelemparan batu dan membakar 70 kios dan merembet terbakarnya masjid baitul muttaqin. sedangkan jundi berteriak ‘hentikan tembakan (aparat) dan bubarkan (jamaah salat idul fitri). kedua terpidana warga tolikara dari jemaat gidi bebas (tidak disel) karena vonis yang dijatuhkan sesuai masa tahanan yang telah dijalani. jaksa penuntut umum glory dan suherman menuntut 4 bulan penjara. adapun selaku penasehat hukum terdakwa adalah gustaf (kompas.com, 10 februari 2016). vonis tersebut tak mencerminkan keadilan karena dampak yang ditimbulkan meresahkan jalinan kerukunan umat beragama. rentetan tragedi di wilayah lain pasca-tolikara, pertama, sabtu 11 juli 2015 ditemukan kepala babi ditanam di lokasi pembangunan masjid di bitung, sulawesi utara. hal ini terjadi karena warga tidak setuju pendirian masjid. kedua, insiden percobaan pembakaran pintu gereja kristen jawa tlepok, dusun tlepok rt.1/1 kecamatan grabag, kabupaten purworejo, jawa tengah senin 20 juli 2015. kejadian diketahui sekitar pukul 05.30 wib oleh pendeta ibnu prabowo. pintu depan sudah terbakar dan ditemukan kertas tertulis: pesan atas tragedi papua, bakar gereja se-jawa. ketiga, gereja baptis indonesia saman di dusun saman, desa saman rt.1 kecamatan bangunharjo, kabupaten bantul, diy senin 20 juli 2015 pukul 02.45 wib mendapatkan percobaan pembakaran oleh 4 orang yang membawa 2 sepeda motor. di depan pintu gereja digantung ban bekas dan tercium bau bensin, meskipun api dapat dipadamkan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6767676767vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 mengantisipasi keberlanjutan konflik perjuangan membebaskan masyarakat dari praktik diskriminasi selalu dilakukan oleh seorang atau beberapa aktor utama. usaha mereka selalu berhasil jika ditunjang oleh infrastruktur sosial yang kuat. infrastruktur menyumbang 55 persen dan aktor memberi peran 45 persen dari setiap usaha menghapus diskriminasi di satu kawasan atau negara. praktik diskriminasi terjadi akibat masyarakat tidak mempunyai toleransi terhadap orang yang mempunyai latar belakang berbeda suku, agama, ras, dan antargolongan (sara).27 untuk mengantisipasi dan mengatasi terjadinya intoleransi perlu dipetakan akar penyelesaian persoalan berupa mendokumentasikan konflik sebagai data kebijakan. pertama, tim pencari fakta (tpf) komite umat untuk tolikara (komat) yang diketuai ustad fadlan garamatan menyimpulkan bahwa tragedi bukan spontanitas tetapi direncanakan. ada tiga kelompok yang mengepung jamaah yang sedang salat id dari tiga titik dan ada suara komando untuk menyerang. sebelum kerusuhan, ada surat dari gidi badan pekerja wilayah toli dengan surat nomor 90/sp/gidi-wt/vii/2015 ditandatangani ketua wilayah toli pdt naylus wenda dan sekretaris pdt marthen jingga dengan tembusan polres tolikara. surat yang ditujukan kepada umat islam se-kabupaten tolikara memberitahukan adanya kegiatan seminar dan kebaktian kebangkitan ruhani (kkr) pemuda gidi tingkat internasional pada 13-19 juli 2015. poin-poin larangan dalam surat yakni (1) lebaran idul fitri 17 juli 2015 tidak diizinkan di wilayah kabupaten tolikara, (2) lebaran diperbolehkan di wilayah wamena atau jayapura, dan (3) muslimah dilarang memakai jilbab. kedua, tewasnya endi wanimbo berusia 15 tahun karena tembakan. korban ditemukan di dekat kios yang menghadap ke kantor bank daerah papua. ada pula 11 warga tolikara lainnya mengalami luka tembak, 6 dibawa ke rumah sakit umum daerah jayapura dan yang 5 dibawa ke rumah sakit wamena. ada 58 kios terbakar, 24 bangunan rusak, dan 16 bangunan dijarah isinya, 153 jiwa dari 38 kk menjadi korban. fakta ini tak tersentuh pelakunya sehingga bebas dari hukuman. ketiga, gidi wilayah tolikara mengeluarkan surat edaran yang berisi larangan bagi muslim salat idul fitri di karubaga dan semua umat gereja non-gidi dilarang beribadah karena ada seminar kkr. seminar mengundang 2.500 tamu, termasuk perwakilan dari belanda, amerika serikat, papua nugini, palau (kepulauan kecil di lautan pasifik), dan israel. tujuan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6868686868 afkaruna surat edaran agar seminar gidi berskala internasional pada 13-19 juli 2015 berjalan khusuk. surat edaran dirapatkan tiga kali dan diberikan pada bupati tolikara usman g.wanimbo dan kapolres. keempat, pengeras suara sejak pukul 4 subuh sehingga marthen meminta pengeras suara dimatikan tapi tidak ada respon dari muslim sehingga pemuda gereja (menurut bupati tolikara berjumlah 150 orang, dari 2.000 peserta seminar) mulai melempari batu ke arah lapangan yang digunakan salat id. pada 19 juli 2015 seminar ditutup dan empat hari kemudian tokoh agama di tolikara melakukan perdamaian di halaman koramil karubaga. kelima, perda pelarangan pendirian tempat ibadah selain gidi pernah disahkan oleh dprd, meski gubernur menyetujui dan menyarankan untuk berkonsultasi pada mendagri agar berlaku definitif. setelah itu dikembalikan ke daerah jika sudah disahkan di jakarta, kemudian bupati mengeluarkan peraturan bupati tentang perda dalam bentuk keputusan bupati. tapi prosesnya belum berlanjut. pelarangan pendirian tempat ibadah selain gidi menurut bupati tolikara agar sejarah lahirnya gidi tidak dikotori dan sebagai ciri khas tolikara, sebagaimana aceh ciri khas islam keenam, dugaan keterlibatan bawil toli gidi pada 17 juli 2015 yang membuat surat larangan pada umat islam bila merayakan idul fitri. hal ini untuk diusut tuntas. ketujuh, presiden jokowi pada rapat kabinet terbatas di istana negara jakarta rabu 22 juli 2015 menginstruksikan pada kapolri badrodin haiti dan panglima tni jenderal gatot nurmantyo agar kasus tolikara ditangani secara komprehensif, yakni penindakan hukum terhadap pelaku, rehabilitasi bangunan rusak, dan menjalin dialog dengan tokoh di papua sudahkah dilaksanakan seutuhnya? kedelapan, mendagri tjahjo kumolo dalam pertemuan dengan pemerintah provinsi papua dan forum koordinasi pimpinan daerah provinsi papua di jayapura senin 20 juli 2015 menyatakan, pemerintah menjamin tersedianya anggaran untuk biaya rekonstruksi akibat insiden tolikara, dengan memanfaatkan dana hibah atau talangan. kesembilan, dirjen politik dan pemerintahan umum kemendagri soedarmo mengatakan, untuk mencegah terjadinya insiden sebagaimana di tolikara, pemda harus meningkatkan fungsi deteksi dini dan dibentuk tim terpadu penanganan konflik sosial di tingkat pusat dan daerah agar semakin tajamnya deteksi dini. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6969696969vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 apakah kesembilan persoalan tersebut sudah terselesaikan pada para pihak sudah dimintai pertanggungjawaban? dan bagaimana hasil evaluasinya? terbatasnya mengakses data pascatragedi 1 syawal 2015 di tolikara, penulis berhipotesa bahwa persoalan tersebut lenyap karena tertutup oleh dinamika lain. media pun tak menganggap lagi sebagai hal aktual dan pemerintah pun disibukkan dengan persoalan lain. bila demikian, bara berpeluang menjadi api bila terpercik persoalan sekecil apa pun. jadi, wajarlah bila ustad fadzlan garamatan –ustad asli papuamembuat surat yang berjudul ’terima kasih gidi’ “atas ulah kalian, kami jadi tahu nama tolikara yang sebelumnya sama sekali tak tahu-menahu; bahwa di tolikara ada masjid yang sudah berdiri puluhan tahun lalu; ada ribuan muslim di tolikara; ada perda aneh di tolikara yang sangat diskriminatif terhadap islam dan kaum muslimin; australia dan israel ternyata sudah menancapkan kuku hitamnya di bumi cenderawasih; perkembangan dakwah islam di papua secara umum dari hari ke hari terus menggembirakan; jumlah total kaum muslimin di papua ada 40 persen, populasi yang cukup membalikkan asumsi kebanyakan orang selama ini bahwa papua hampir identik kristen atau diklaim kristen; dari berbagai penjuru tergerak rasa solidaritasnya; kami yakin masjid yang dibakar akan dibangun kembali dan lebih bagus; dakwah islam akan makin marak dan masif bahkan pesantren akan segera berdiri; anggapan tentang teroris itu diidentikkan dengan islam adalah keliru; kami menunggu kalian semua jamaah gidi dalam damai kasih islam; kami berharap tak lama lagi kami bisa menjadi imam salat di sana, berceramah dan melantunkan azan lima waktu”. solusi mewujudkan toleransi secara bertahap perlu diwujudkan dalam pendidikan toleran dan mewujudkan lembaga dialog lintas agama. pertama, pendidikan toleran harus diwujudkan. adapun cara yang dilakukan, pertama, materi pembelajaran menyertakan dan melibatkan model toleransi secara nyata dalam bentuk interaksi antarlembaga pendidikan dan antarsiswa yang beda agama dalam forum yang dibentuk dan difasilitasi oleh dinas pendidikan setempat. kedua, seringnya dialog antar-umat agama dalam wadah lembaga nonformal maupun formal dengan bekal kesadaran tinggi. pada hari libur nasional keagamaan, apa pun hari raya agama yang dirayakannya, semua ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7070707070 afkaruna lembaga pendidikan formal harus libur. sebagai modal awal untuk mewujudkan kehidupan toleran. tentunya diawali dengan interaksi intensif, positif, dan akrab antar-umat beragama. hal ini merupakan kebutuhan sesama umat manusia meski berbeda agama diwujudkan dalam kehidupan nyata sehingga bila terdapat bintik-bintik konflik segera tertangani karena tercipta saling menyadari. adanya kesepakatan meskipun tak tertulis bahwa hal-hal yang didialogkan tidak berada pada wilayah teologi atau ajaran agama tetapi mendialogkan jalan keluar untuk memenuhi kebutuhan hidup yang berbasis kemanusiaan. kedua hal tersebut bila terwujud maka upaya meminimalisasi pemicu terjadinya konflik antar-umat beragama yang bersumber dari perilaku umat beragama akan terealisasi. konflik yang dialami manusia karena adanya perbedaan menjadi tradisi yang harus diakhiri dengan modal dialog. pemuka semua agama di indonesia perlu mengembangkan sikap rendah hati, menghormati agama lain atau sekte lain yang seagama, dan tidak memaksakan keyakinannya pada pihak lain. hal itu diperlukan untuk membangun kebebasan dan kerukunan intern dan antarumat beragama sebagaimana amanat pancasila dan uud 1945. tokoh agama yang arogan berarti tidak memahami ajaran agamanya secara benar. orang yang tahu tentang tuhan pasti rendah hati karena menyadari manusia itu terbatas. menyikapi hal itu, perlunya manajemen konflik kontekstual untuk mengantisipasi konflik laten dan terbuka dengan pendekatan pertemuan dan dialog dari hati ke hati yang menyejukkan suasana batin. nilai dasar kemanusiaan berupa keadilan, kerukunan, dan persaudaraan dijunjung tinggi. hal itu sebagai modal dasar menumbuhkan rasa kebersamaan meski beda sara (suku, agama, ras, dan antargolongan). prinsip berdialog tidak dapat dilakukan dalam konteks antar-umat beragama yang awam, kajiannya berada pada ranah prinsip akidah yang berbeda. untuk dialog umat seagama yang berbeda aliran pun mengedepankan prinsip saling memahami perbedaan prinsip. konsekuensinya, tidak timbul ketegangan yang bermuara pada konflik. modal dasarnya adalah perbedaan untuk dikelola (yang dikenal manajamen konflik), yakni menyikapi lapang dada di tengah adanya perbedaan. dialog menurut daya dilakukan sebagai cara untuk membudayakan kehidupan rukun dan harmonis secara vertikal (dengan tuhan) membuahkan kehidupan yang suci dan indah. adapun horizontal (sesama manusia) untuk menciptakan ketertiban, keserasian, kedamaian, kerja sama, dsb.28 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7171717171vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 ketiga, memahami syiar agama. ajaran agama samawi secara eksplisit maupun implisit mengajarkan pada umatnya untuk menyiarkan, mendakwahkan atau memisionariskan agama kepada sesamanya. dengan ajaran tersebut, pemeluk agama pada umumnya memenuhi ajaran menyiarkan agamanya kepada sesamanya. jika tidak mewaspadai karena dibalut fanatisme sempit, peluang terjadinya konflik menjadi realitas yang tak terelakkan. sebagian komunitas menyadari dampak negatif pemahaman tersebut sehingga melakukan langkah riil dengan cara menjembatani jika terjadi kesalahan dalam menyiarkan ajaran agama masing-masing agar tercipta saling memahami antarpemeluk agama. ketiga hal tersebut berpijak pada (1) surat keputusan bersama (skb) menteri agama dan menteri dalam negeri nomor 1 tahun 1979 pasal 1 (1) pelaksanaan penyiaran agama tidak dibenarkan untuk ditujukan terhadap orang yang telah memeluk/menganut agama lain dengan cara membujuk dengan atau tanpa pemberian barang, uang, pakaian, makanan, atau minuman, pengobatan, obata-obatan dan bentuk pemberian apa pun lainnya agar orang atau kelompok orang yang telah memeluk/ menganut agama yang lain berpindah dan memeluk/menganut agama yang disiarkan. menyebarkan pamflet, majalah, buletin, buku-buku dan bentuk barang penerbitan, cetakan lainnya kepada orang atau kelompok orang yang telah memeluk/menganut agama yang lain. skb menag dan mendagri nomor 1 tahun 1979 pasal 4 melakukan kunjungan dari rumah ke rumah umat yang telah memeluk/menganut agama yang lain. hal tersebut tidak menjadi konflik bagi kalangan yang terdidik dan tidak fanatis atau pemberian dalam forum ilmiah (diskusi, sarasehan, bedah buku, dsb.). (2) peraturan bersama menteri (pbm) nomor 9 dan 8 tahun 2006 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan tugas kepala/wakil kepala daearah dalam pemeliharaan kerukunan umat beragama dan pendirian rumah ibadah. pada bab iv pasal 23 syarat mendirikan tempat ibadah harus disetujui minimal 90 umat beragama dan minimal 60 umat agama lain di lingkungan rencana pendirian tempat ibadah dan rekomendasi tertulis fkub kab/kota. persoalan yang muncul, pemda harus memfasilitasi pendirian tempat ibadah bila tidak disetujui minimal 60 dari umat agama lain. memfasilitasi inilah yang kurang mendapat perhatian pemda pada umumnya terdapat celah yang perlu digarap agar ide mendialogkan antaragama oleh antarpemeluk agama yang difasilitasi oleh tokoh agama. hal ini dilakukan agar tidak terjadi konflik dan saling memahami prosedur dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7272727272 afkaruna cara berinteraksi sosial antarpemeluk agama dengan cara, pertama, mendewasakan tokoh agama mulai tingkat lokal atau sekup kecil. kedua, antartokoh agama mulai dari arus terbawah didewasakan dengan cara difasilitasi dalam forum silaturahim berkala. ketiga, mengoptimalkan peran forum komunikasi umat beragama (fkub). keberadaan fkub berdasarkan peraturan bersama menteri agama dan menteri dalam negeri (pbm) nomor 9 dan 8 tahun 2006 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan tugas kepala daerah/wakil kepala daerah dalam pemeliharaan kerukunan umat beragama, pemberdayaan forum komunikasi umat beragama dengan melibatkan person dalam keanggotaan orag yang toleran. menurut banawiratma, dkk. dialog antar-umat beragama dapat dilakukan dalam ragam aspek secara berurutan dan berkesinambungan. pertama, dialog kehidupan yang diawali dari komunitas kecil yang menghadapi hidup keseharian bersama, saling mengenal, mempunyai keprihatinan bersama, sehingga muncul kepedulian bersama. kedua, membuat analisis sosial dan merumuskan pilihan etis dan konteks yang ada. ketiga, menggali tradisi iman masing-masing untuk memecahkan persoalan kehidupan. keempat, dialog dengan membagi pengalaman iman dalam komunitas lintas iman. kelima, dialog yang terjadi dalam pergumulan teologi lintas iman dan agama dalam memahami aspek ilmiah. keenam, dialog aksi, yakni mengkaji masalah sosial dalam melibatkan masyarakat. ketujuh, dialog intraagama agar tercipta otokritik terhadap penghayatan iman seseorang untuk peneguhan.29 tahapan dialog ini menurut penulis, hal yang harus disiapkan sebagai dasar aksi masing-masing pihak yang berdialog (1) sudah menyadari dan memahami ajaran agamanya secara matang, (2) kedua belah pihak tidak mempunyai harapan untuk mengajak dan mengubah akidah seseorang untuk bergabung menjadi jemaat/ umatnya, (3) saling menyadari di tengah suka dan dukanya sebagai sesama umat manusia sehingga muncul empati dan simpati untuk saling memulyakan. rasa sepenanggungan, kesetiakawanan, dan kebersamaan menjadi ’barang mahal’ di tengah pesan negatif globalisasi dan pemahaman sempit pemeluk agama dalam masyarakat majemuk. jika hal ini tertradisi tanpa adanya reserve dikhawatirkan menumpulkan perasaan hati antarsesama dan munculnya kesenjangan sosial. solusi bijak yang perlu dikedepankan adalah pemahaman dari diri untuk diri bahwa kehidupan manusia sebagai makhluk sosial tak akan mampu ’sendiri’, tapi membutuhkan empati dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7373737373vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 simpati pihak lain. tetapi jika memahami diri lain (the others) tidak hanya dengan kaca mata diri juga menggunakan kaca pandang diri lain, sehingga tercipta keseimbangan dan terjauhkan diri dari sakwasangka (buruk sangka, negatif thinking, suudon). kemajemukan dipahami sebagai kumpulan berbagai elemen sosial yang menyatu dalam lingkungan yang sama meski berpeluang terjadi perbedaan. perbedaan tak untuk dijadikan modal konflik, tapi untuk dipahami bahwa ketidaksamaan dalam berbagai lini adalah produk ilahi untuk disadari dan disyukuri. perbedaan sebagai cara memahami diri atas pihak lain sebagai modal sosial untuk membangun kehidupan bermasyarakat. saling menghormati terhadap pihak liyan (the others) berbekal hati nurani. jika ruh hati nurani tersebut tumpul, maka rusaklah nurani yang paling murni yang dimiliki manusia. dengan teori tersebut pada dasarnya, pertama, harmoni interaksi sosial; terciptanya keselarasan sosial, manakala dalam bersesama, manusia mengedepankan sifat seimbang (at-tawazun) kaitannya dengan menerima informasi dari berbagai sumber, masudnya tak latah menghakimi salah, toleran (at-tasamuh) maksudnya memahami dan menghormati di tengah perbedaan, khususnya beda agama atau aliran, dan adil (al-adalah) yakni bersikap tegas jika menjadi penguasa dalam menegakkan hukum. kedua, empati sosial; kesadaran identitas sosial dalam meningkatkan kapasitas empati sebenarnya dapat dilakukan dengan lebih menambah kesadaran diri (self-aware autonomy) dan mengurangi tendensi mengklaim apa yang benar dan apa yang salah. kesadaran diri/ mawas diri bahwa setiap orang memiliki keunikan, kelebihan, dan kekurangan yang dapat saling melengkapi. ketiga, perlunya memformat dialog intern dan antaragama; konflik berlatar belakang agama merupakan salah satu masalah serius di indonesia. salah satu penyebab ketidaknyamanan sosial dipicu oleh persepsi dan pemahaman umat terhadap ajaran agama yang didukung oleh sempitnya pemahaman dan merasa paling benar dan yang lain salah. berpikir sempit tersebut imbas negatif dalam mewarisi pola pikir masa lalu yang dibentuk oleh pola stratifikasi sosial sejak era kolonial terdiri (1) orang eropa di nusantara, (2) orang timur asing (vreemde oosterlingen) yakni tionghoa, arab, india, pakistan, dll, (3) pribumi/bumiputra (inlander) masih melekat dalam benak warga kita hingga kini. hal itu dipicu kecemburuan sosial yang tanpa memahami faktor pembeda, terutama aspek ekonomi. di sisi lain, kehidupan sosial etnis minoritas tak selalu membaur ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7474747474 afkaruna dengan lingkungannya yang mayoritas memicu segregasi sosial. bila hal ini terus terjadi, perjuangan leluhur (etnis) akan tertumpuk oleh aura negatif generasi kini. hal itu perlu disikapi dengan format dialog yang sangat ditentukan dengan kondisi riil, sehingga tiap persoalan dan di tiap daerah terdapat perbedaan format dialog. kesimpulan ketegasan pemerintah dalam menindak bagi pemerintah daerah tatkala membuat perda yang bertentangan dengan amanat uud 1945 dan perundangan lainnya harus diwujudkan. bila tidak, mewujudkan toleransi beragama tak akan terwujud. hal ini sebagaimana diproduknya perda di kabupaten tolikara papua yang melarang umat agama mendirikan tempat ibadah selain yang tergabung dalam gidi. perda tersebut sebagai embrio terjadinya konflik berupa pembakaran masjid at-muttaqin di tolikara pada 1 syawal 1436 h/2015 m tatkala muslim setempat melaksanakan salat idul fitri 2015. kejadian tersebut memicu riak kecil di daerah lain sehingga memerlukan kesigapan semua elemen bangsa. penegakan hukum dan vonisnya diinformasikan secara terbuka pada publik agar menjadi pelajaran. pemulihan pasca-konflik pun harus mendapat pengawalan dan difasilitasi sepenuhnya oleh pemerintah agar luka yang pernah terkuak segera pulih. kenyamanan sosial harganya mahal sehingga perlu dirawat dengan mengoptimalkan pendidikan yang menanamkan nilai-nilai toleransi di bangku pendidikan dan pendidikan informal (oleh orangtua di rumah), mengoptimalkan peran forum komunikasi umat beragama (fkub), dan mewadahi adanya komunitas lintas agama sebagai wadah interaksi sosial agar terwujud harmoni. harmoni pada dasarnya realitas yang tercipta kenyamanan antar dan intern-umat beragama. terciptanya harmoni sebagai wujud terhindari dari konflik. konflik lazimnya dipicu oleh perbedaan ajaran agama bagi pemeluk agama yang memahami ajaran agama secara parsial, tanpa memahami pesan substansial. penelitian ini berpijak dari asumsi dasar bahwa pendekatan budaya yang didialogkan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari oleh antarpemeluk agama dengan sesama pemeluk agama agar mampu mengurai konflik atau mengantisipasi konflik. upaya yang dilakukan dengan mengedepankan empati sosial dan memunculkan sepenanggungan dalam berbuat dan berpikir untuk mewujudkan harmoni (keselarasan) hidup antarsesama umat manusia. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7575757575vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 untuk mewujudkan harmoni bila tercipta (1) kenyamanan interaksi sosial yakni terciptanya keselarasan sosial, manakala dalam bersesama, manusia mengedepankan sifat seimbang (at-tawazun) kaitannya dengan menerima informasi dari berbagai sumber, masudnya tidak latah menghakimi salah dan toleran (at-tasamuh) maksudnya memahami dan menghormati di tengah perbedaan, khususnya beda agama atau aliran, serta adil (al-adalah) yakni bersikap tegas jika menjadi penguasa dalam menegakkan hukum, (2) empati sosial yakni kesadaran identitas sosial setiap individu dalam meningkatkan kapasitas empati yang sebenarnya. hal ini dapat dilakukan dengan lebih menambah kesadaran diri (self-aware autonomy) dan mengurangi tendensi mengklaim apa yang benar dan apa yang salah. kesadaran diri/mawas diri bahwa setiap orang memiliki keunikan, kelebihan, dan kekurangan yang dapat saling melengkapi.30 (3) menghindari atau meminimalisasi perilaku agresif karena berperan sebagai faktor pemicu kekerasan dan sumber konflik. keberadaan konflik dapat dijadikan grand design penyelesaian konflik (manajemen konflik) dengan tahap jangka pendek, menengah, dan panjang. tahapan tersebut perlu memahami karakter konflik yakni faktor apa yang memicu dan penyelesaiannya dituntaskan dengan mencari akar persoalan. perlu pula ketegasan dalam penegakan hukum. ketenteraman jiwa yang berimbas kenyamanan raga bagi diri dan lingkungan pemeluk agama sebagai kebutuhan manusia sepanjang kehidupan. beragama memerlukan kenyamanan hidup, agar tercipta interaksi yang interaktif intern dan antarpemeluk agama, konsep yang diusung oleh pemeluk agama, agamawan, dan ilmuwan adalah mewujudkan toleransi beragama. dasar terciptanya toleransi jika antarpemeluk agama menyadari dan mendasari diri bahwa keyakinan bagi individu pemeluk agama adalah wilayah pribadi, seyogyanya tidak saling ’menuding’ sebagai ekspresi frontal pemeluk agama terhadap pihak lain. diperkuat dengan dalih, bagaimana jika ’pribadi’ kita dikoyak pihak lain. jika hal tersebut tertanam pada sanubari warga dunia, tentunya konflik yang sumbunya agama, ras, dan antargolongan tidak akan terjadi, meskipun kenyamanan beragama juga ditentukan oleh peran negara, sebagaimana negara china -biro urusan agama negarayang mengeluarkan peraturan tentang akuntansi pada organisasi keagamaan dan melaporkan keuangannya tiap tahun, sekaligus untuk memperketat kontrol terhadap kelompok berbasis kepercayaan. hal tersebut karena pemberian ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7676767676 afkaruna kebebasan beragama bagi warganya, dalam praktiknya oleh partai komunis yang ateis membatasi kelompok keagamaan melalui proses registrasi dan birokrasi (kompas, 20 maret 2010). catatan akhir 1 kompas, 30 juli 2015. 2 yakni kebijakan satu harga yang berlaku di seluruh indonesia termasuk papua dan papua barat. hal ini mendorong pembukaan agen penyalur minyak dan solar (apms) dan pembangunan stasiun pengisian bahan bakar umum (spbu) yang menurunkan harga bensin dan solar menjadi sama dengan daerah lain di indonesia. tatkala presiden berkunjung di wamena, harga bensin per liter harga normal rp 60 ribu dan bila tidak normal menjadi rp 100 ribu, apalagi di puncak jaya. sekembalinya dari kunjungan kerja, jokowi mengundang menteri terkait untuk menyelesaikannya. setelah setahun, harga bbm di papua menjadi rp 6.450 untuk premium dan solar rp 5.150 per liter di 9 lokasi dari 33 lokasi. kesembilannya adalah kecamatan ilaga, kabupaten puncak, papua; kecamatan elelim, kabupaten yalimo, papua; kecamatan kenyam, kabupaten nduga, papua; kecamatan kasonawega, kabupaten mamberamo raya, papua; kecamatan kobakma, kabupaten memberamo tengah, papua; kecamatan karubaga dan wenam, kabupaten tolikara (yang ditelaah dalam naskah ini), papua; kecamatan supaga, kabupaten intan jaya, papua; kecamatan anggi, kabupaten pegunungan arfak, papua barat; dan kecamatan moswaren, k abupaten sorong selat an, papua barat (detikfinance.com, senin 17 april 2017). 3 selasa 22 agustus 2017 menteri bumn rini soemarno melakukan program semen 40 kg dengan harga subsidi di tujuh kabupaten di wilayah pegunungan tengah, papua yakni jayawijaya, tolikara, puncak, puncak jaya, nduga, yalimo, dan mamberamo tengah. tujuannya untuk mengurangi beban biaya pembangunan infrastruktur di daerah pedalaman. lima bumn yang terlibat yakni pt semen indonesia, pt pelni, pt pelindo iv, pt perusahaan perdagangan indonesia (ppi), dan pt pos indonesia. selama ini, harga semen per sak rp 2 juta akan diturunkan menjadi rp 500 ribu. upaya pemerintah dengan memperbaiki sistem transportasi agar pengangkutan ke pedalaman tersebut murah. jalur yang ditempuh, semen tonasa dari makassar (sulsel) ke timika (kabupaten mimika, papua) dilanjutkan dengan pesawat ke wamena dan didistribusikan ke puncak jaya serta lima kabupaten lainnya. ppi berperan sebagai distributor ke tujuh kabupaten bekerja sama dengan pesawat kargo (kompas, rabu 23 agustus 2017). 4 kelompok pakar penamaan geografi perserikatan bangsa-bangsa (uncsgn) di new york 18 agustus 2017 mengesahkan 16.056 pulau di indonesia melalui sur vei toponimi. sejak 2015 hingga juli 2017 indonesia melalui tim kementerian kelautan dan perikanan (kkp), kemenlu ri, dan badan informasi geospasial (big) ri memverifikasi 2.590 pulau bernama dan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7777777777vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 berkoordinasi melalui survei toponimi tahap kedua. pengesahan pbb diawali upaya big selaku otoritas penamaan rupa bumi nasional bersamaa kkp, pusat hidrografi dan oseanografi tni al, kementerian koordinator kemaritiman dan kementerian koordinator politik, hukum, dan keamanan, dan pemda (terkait). pemerintah sedang memverifikasi sekitar 850 pulau yang tertebar di jambi, sumsel, jatim, kalsel, kalteng, ntt, maluku, dan papua barat. hal ini sebagai fakta kekayaan alam yang meruah untuk dirawat dengan mengutamakan kesejahteraan warga dengan mengoptimalkan sumber penghasilan dan mengendalikan biaya hidup yang tinggi. tidak sebandingnya penghasilan dengan biaya hidup merupakan pangkal kemiskinan. 5 kompas, 16 agustus 2014. 6 kedekatan secara teritorial antara indonesia (papua) dengan papua niugini, sehingga tatkala era orde baru, warga papua korban politik karena berbeda ideologi masih ketakutan kembali ke indonesia karena trauma menjadi korban pelanggaran ham. data konsul indonesia untuk vanimo, papua niugini terdapat 12.000 warga papua mengungsi di papua niugini sejak 1984 hingga kini. mereka berasal dari jayapura, biak numfor, merauke, dan kepulauan yapen yang tertebar di vanimo, port moresby, lae, dan wewak. pengungsi tersebut meresahkan warga papua niugini karena mengambil alih tanah untuk lahan pertanian. kondisinya memprihatinkan karena anak-anak tidak sekolah, akibat hidupnya berpindah-pindah dan tak berkewarganegaraan hingga kini. meskipun demikian, mereka belum mau kembali ke indonesia karena terpengaruh informasi negatif tentang indonesia (kompas, 7 november 2014). 7 sebagaimana komnas ham ri memanggil wali kota kupang nusa tenggara timur jonas salean untuk dimintai penjelasan terkait terhambatnya pembangunan masjid nur musafir di kelurahan batuplat, kecamatan alak, kota kupang. berdasarkan pengaduan umat islam di batuplat, panitia pembangunan masjid telah mendapatkan izin mendirikan bangunan (imb) 15 juli 2011, hibah tanah seluas 1.000 m dari pemkot kupang untuk pembangunan masjid baru dilakukan tujuh hari kemudian, 22 juli 2011. bahkan wali kota kupang telah meletakkan batu pertama pembangunan. akan tetapi, karena ada dugaan dari warga setempat (kristen) bahwa ada penyimpangan sejak proses awal pembangunan, yakni yang menandatangani persetujuan pembangunan masjid hanya ketua fkub tanpa melalui musyawarah (kompas, 31 januari 2015). setelah kasus tersebut dilaporkan komnas ham ri dan dimediatorinya maka pada senin 31 agustus 2015 komnas ham mengajak dialog dengan pemda setempat, kemenag, ketua sinode gereja masehi injili timor, fkub, dan tokoh pemuda menemukan titik temu untuk damai. padahal, merujuk pasal 14 (3) peraturan bersama menteri (pbm) nomor 8 dan 9 tahun 2006 tanggal 21 maret 2006 bahwa pemda berkewajiban memfasilitasi tersedianya lokasi pembangunan rumah ibadah bila dukungan masyarakat setempat minimal 60 orang belum terpenuhi. perlunya melaksanakan uu nomor 25 tahun 2009 tentang pelayanan publik. hal ini bila tidak disikapi dengan langkah bijak secara riil ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7878787878 afkaruna oleh berbagai elemen masyarak at dan pemerintah, mak a konf lik berkepanjangan antar dan intern-umat beragama menjadi penyakit akut. dengan demikian, perlu upaya yang bersumber dari lingkungan keluarga dan lingkungan pendidikan dalam menanamkan nilai agama yang toleran. 8 mudjahirin thohir. mengurai kekerasan keagamaan. suara merdeka, 21 februari 2011, hlm.1. 9 m.dawam rahardjo. fanatisme dan toleransi dalam pengantar buku berislam secara toleran teologi. 2011 kerukunan umat beragama karya irwan masduqi. mizan: bandung, hlm. xxvii. 10 moh rosyid. mewujudkan pendidikan toleransi antar-umat beragama di kudus: belajar dari konflik tolikara papua 1 syawal 1436 h/2015 m. quality jurnal prodi manajemen pendidikan islam program pascasarjana stain kudus, 2016. hlm.378. 11 toni victor m. wanggai. rekonstruksi sejarah umat islam di tanah papua. balitbang kemenag ri: jakarta. 2009. 12 kompas, 29 september 2010. 13 perda provinsi bali nomor 3 tahun 2005 menandaskan bahwa bangunan gedung di bali tingginya tidak diperbolehkan melebihi tingginya pohon kelapa (maksimal 15 m). perda tersebut bertujuan menghormati tempat yang suci dan disucikan perspektif adat di bali. gubernur bali i made mangku pastika mengklarifikasi munculnya perda yang berdasarkan kepercayaan tersebut kepada pedanda (ahli tradisi bali). klarifikasi tersebut tak mendapatkan jawaban ideal dari pedanda. perda dianggap mengganggu kesinambungan pembangunan fasilitas umum komersial, seperti hotel berbintang, jalan layang, dan lainnya. akhirnya muncul inisiatif untuk meninjau kembali perda tersebut. ketika naskah ini ditulis, penulis belum mendapat informasi hasil peninjan kembali terhadap perda nomor 3 tahun 2005. realitas tersebut menandaskan bahwa membangun dalam bentuk bangunan yang tinggi di bali perlu memahami budaya yang berbasis ajaran agama hindu di bali, kaitannya dengan menghormati tempat suci. bila pemahaman terhadap kearifan lokal lemah, dikhawatirkan terjadi konflik, mengubah ajaran dasar agama 14 sejak manusia jumlahnya terbatas telah terjadi konflik hingga pembunuhan, sebagaimana dilakukan oleh putra nabi adam as, qabil (kakak) dengan habil (adik) ketika adam pergi ke makkah (al-maidah:27-30). sejak awal, adam akan menghuni bumi, allah mewanti-wanti bahwa sebagian anak-cucu adam bermusuhan (al-a’raf:24-25). para sejarawan berpendapat bahwa hawa (dari surga turun/hadir di dunia di jeddah, ada yang menyebut di bukit marwah) dan adam (turun di india, ada yang menyebut di soffa). hawa melahirkan anak sebanyak 20 kali, setiap melahirkan selalu kembar dampit, putra dan putri (jumlah anak 40). adam menikahkan anaknya model silang (anak lelaki pertama dengan perempuan kedua). anak pertama lelaki qabil dengan anak perempuan zar’a (ada yang menyebut iklima). disusul kelahiran berikutnya habil dengan dhar (ada yang menyebut labuda). kakak beradik ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 7979797979vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 yang hidup di era ketika dunia masih terbatas jumlah penghuninya pun terjadi perebutan calon isteri hingga terjadi pembunuhan. peristiwa serupa terjadi berkelanjutan yang beragam faktor pemicunya. untuk mengakhiri konflik, penduduk dunia sadar dengan membentuk perserikatan bangsa-bangsa (pbb). akan tetapi, lembaga dunia ini masih tak bernyali bila menghadapi gertakan amerika yang berperan sebagai penyandang dana terbesar. gertakan amerika pada dasarnya hanya untuk melindungi kepentingannya bila pbb berperan sebagai pendamai dunia. solusi lain selalu kandas karena aksi untuk menjadi pelindung dunia adalah kekuatan materi. dengan demikian, bagi negara yang tidak memiliki dana besar, maka menjadi pahlawan perlu upaya ekstragigih. 15 bagong suyanto. peringatan dini sosial. kompas, 17 februari 2011, hlm.6. 16 data komnas ham 2011, terjadi 819 sengketa lahan, 451 sengketa industrial perburuhan, 300 kasus kepegawaian, 193 penggusuran paksa, 120 kasus lingkungan, 84 kasus kebebasan beragama, 79 kasus masyarakat adat, 75 kasus buruh migran, dan 50 kasus kesehatan. pihak yang dikeluhkan kepolisian (1.503), perusahaan (1.119), pemda (779), pengadilan (544), umn (273), kejaksaan (264), tni (223). masalah utamanya hak memperoleh keadilan (2.466), kesejahteraan (2.317), rasa aman (948), hak hidup (191), perempuan (126), anak (74), dan hak turut serta berpemerintahan (61). kasusnya tersebar di jakarta (1.211), jatim (758), sumut (640), jabar (586), sumbar (364), sumsel (204), riau (282), dan lampung (72). hal itu terjadi di tengah berlakunya uu nomor 40 tahun 2008 tentang penghapusan diskriminasi ras dan etnis pasal 1 (1) diskriminasi ras dan etnis adalah segala bentuk pembedaan, pengecualian, pembatasan, atau pemilihan berdasarkan pada ras dan etnis, yang mengakibatkan pencabutan atau pengurangan pengakuan, perolehan, atau pelaksanaan hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan dasar dalam suatu kesetaraan di bidang sipil, politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya. 17 alwi shihab. islam inklusif. mizan: bandung. 1999. 18 penganut ajaran sesat di afrika timur meyakini bahwa setiap organ tubuh seorang albino berkekuatan magis untuk jimat, membawa kekayaan, dan nasib baik. sepotong tubuh albino dihargai 75.000 dollar as atau rp 713 juta. dampaknya, 44 orang albino tewas di tanzania dan 14 lainnya disembelih di burundi, sehingga 10 ribu kaum albino bersembunyi (kompas, 30 november 2009). begitu pula anarkhisnya bom yang menewaskan 185 orang saat perayaan misa natal 2011 di gereja santa theresa, gereja jos, gereja di damaturu di madalla, abuja, nigeria. kelompok militan garis keras, boko haram -anggota sayap al qaeda di afrika barat yang menginginkan negara agama dengan sistem pemerintahan syariah islam, melawan negara sekulermengklaim bertanggung jawab. boko memanfaatkan tentara bayaran dari chad yang kemudian ditangkap (kompas, 27 januari 2012). 19 sebagaimana al-qiyadah al-islamiyah (qi) mengakui ahmad mushaddeq sebagai nabi baru (pengganti atau penerus nabi muhammad saw) memiliki formulasi syahadat baru dan menghilangkan kewajiban ritual islam. ajaran ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8080808080 afkaruna ini difatwa sesat, ahmad mushaddeq dihukum 4 tahun penjara atas tuduhan penodaan terhadap islam. kemunculan qi akhir tahun 2007 direaksi keras oleh muslim karena meresahkan masyarakat karenan ajarannya menyesatkan muslim. ajarannya, masih ada nabi dan rasul setelah nabi saw yakni almasih al-maw’ud atau imam agung yang ditunggu-tunggu yakni diri ahmad mushaddeq. syahadatnya asyhadualla ilaaha illallah waasyhaduanna al-masih al-maw’ud rasulullah. ibadah dalam islam belum wajib dilakukan yakni salat, puasa, zakat dan haji karena ibadah itu dilakukan bila islam tegak di bumi, sekarang ini dianggap belum tegak), bertentangan dengan perikemanusiaan. 20 islam jamaah dimotori k.nurhasan al-ubaedah dibantu h. nurhasyim tahun 1950-an di kediri jawa timur. terdapat 3 perbedaan mendasar dengan islam lainnya yakni kepemimpinan (amir), makna islam, dan baiat. kritik islam jamaah terhadap pemeluk islam berupa (1) pendefinisian islam yang berbelitbelit, memahami islam tak harus mengkaji fiqih, tauhid, akhlak dsb. cukup diajarkan quran hadis seperlunya karena mereka akan diberi pemahaman oleh allah, (2) islam belum melahirkan amir yakni orang yang tinggi ilmunya, saleh, dan dianggap mampu menunjukkan jalan paling benar bagi umatnya sesuai kehendak allah. fungsi amir berupa imam salat, pengajar quran-hadis, sumber fatwa, pengatur kehidupan keagamaan, dan pemimpin spiritual bagi diri dan jamaahnya, dan (3) kelemahan ketiga berkaitan dengan kelemahan kedua yakni tak adanya baiat kaum muslimin terhadap seorang yang layak menjadi imam dalam salat maupun di luar salat) dan kebijakan bidang agama. 21 masdar hilmy. “quo vadis” kebebasan beragama. kompas, 1 maret 2011. hlm.7. 22 majalah tempo, edisi 27 juli s.d 2 agustus 2015:32-41. 23 kompas, 20 juli 2015. 24 kompas, 21 juli 2015. 25 suara merdeka, 1 agustus 2015. 26 azyumardi azra. pasca tolikara. kompas, 28 juli 2015, hlm.15. 27 denny, j.a. menjadi indonesia tanpa diskriminasi data, teori, dan solusi. inspirasi: jakarta. 2014, hlm.131. 28 burhanuddin daya. agama dialogis merenda dialektika idealitas dan realita hubungan antar-agama. mataram-minang lintas budaya: yogyakarta. 2004, hlm.71. 29 j.b. banawiratma, dkk. dialog antarumat beragama gagasan dan praktik di indonesia. mizan: bandung. 2010, hlm. 9-12. 30 maya dania. empati dan identitas sosial. kompas, 22 desember 2011, hlm.7. daftar pustaka azra, azyumardi. 2015. pasca tolikara. kompas, 28 juli 2015. banawiratma, j.b. dkk. 2010. dialog antarumat beragama gagasan dan praktik di indonesia. mizan: bandung. daya, burhanuddin. 2004. agama dialogis merenda dialektika idealitas dan realita hubungan antar-agama. mataram-minang lintas budaya: yogyakarta. dania, maya. 2011. empati dan identitas sosial. kompas, 22 desember 2011. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8181818181vol. 13 no. 1 juni 2017 hilmy, masdar. 2011. “quo vadis kebebasan beragama”. kompas, 1 maret 2011. j.a, denny. 2014. menjadi indonesia tanpa diskriminasi data, teori, dan solusi. inspirasi: jakarta. majalah tempo, 2015. edisi 27 juli – 2 agustus 2015. rahardjo, m.dawam. 2011. “fanatisme dan toleransi” dalam pengantar buku berislam secara toleran: teologi kerukunan umat beragama karya irwan masduqi. mizan: bandung. rosyid, moh. 2016. “mewujudkan pendidikan toleransi antar-umat beragama di kudus: belajar dari konflik tolikara papua 1 syawal 1436 h/2015 m”. jurnal quality. vol.3 no.2, hlm 368-409 shihab, alwi. 1999. islam inklusif. mizan: bandung. suyanto, bagong. 2011. peringatan dini sosial. kompas, 17 februari 2011. thohir, mudjahirin. 2011. mengurai kekerasan keagamaan. suara merdeka, 21 februari 2011. wanggai, toni victor. 2009. m. rekonstruksi sejarah umat islam di tanah papua. balitbang kemenag ri: jakarta. layout des 2015 gagasan dan manifestasi neo-sufisme dalam muhammadiyah: sebuah analisis teoretik hasnan bachtiar peneliti filsafat dan teologi sosial di pusat studi islam dan filsafat (psif) universitas muhammadiyah malang (umm) email: hasnan.unmuh@gmail.com abstract this article evaluates the concept of neo-sufism manifested in the muhammadiyah movement. the main objective of this article is to diagnose whether muhammadiyah intellectuals accept the concept of neo-sufism. using philosophical study as an approach, the writer argues that the religious and social concepts growing within muhammadiyah, such as social tauhid, prophetic social sciences, and transformative theology have resembled the concept of neo-sufism.. keyword: neo-sufism, muhammadiyah, theory abstrak penelitian ini mengevaluasi konsep neo-sufisme yang termanifestasikan dalam gerakan muhammadiyah. tujuan utama penelitian ini adalah untuk mendiagnosa, apakah kalangan intelektual di kalangan muhammadiyah dapat menerima konsep neo-sufisme. melalui studi filosofis, ditemukan bahwa beberapa konsep sosialkeagamaan di lingkungan muhammadiyah seperti tauhid sosial, ilmu sosial profetik, dan teologi transformatif memiliki koherensi dengan konsep neo-sufisme. kata kunci: neo-sufisme, muhammadiyah, teori pendahuluan istilah sufisme atau neo-sufisme dapat dimanifestasikan tidak hanya dalam sikap atau perilaku yang bersifat praksis, tetapi juga dalam artikulasi teoretis. di dalam muhammadiyah, tidak sedikit orang yang menuangkan kesenyapan batinnya dalam bentuk ikhtisar-ikhtisar intelektual (teori). di kalangan muhammadiyah terdapat beberapa sosok yang memperkenalkan konsepkonsep baru dalam menerjemahkan keislaman mereka, antar lain m. amien ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2015. 0047. 157-194 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 158158158158158 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna rais dengan konsep “tauhid sosial”, kuntowijoyo dengan “ilmu sosial profetik”, moeslim abdurrahman dengan “islam transformatif” dan abdul munir mulkhan dengan “sufitisasi syariah”. sebagai tokoh dan intelektual muhammadiyah, mereka memberikan sumbangsih yang sangat bernilai, terhadap konsep neo-sufisme yang tumbuh dan berkembang di lingkungan muhammadiyah. memang, cukup beresiko menyebut bahwa para intelektual muhammadiyah yang disebut di atas sedang menyampaikan pokok-pokok pikiran mengenai neo-sufisme, terlebih neo-sufisme muhammadiyah. namun, konsep-konsep yang telah dirumuskan para tokoh di atas, memiliki kemiripan dengan konsep neo-sufisme. dalam sudut pandang sosiologi pengetahuan, seperti yang rumuskan oleh karl mannheim, terdapat hubungan timbal balik antara intelelktual dan komunitas: setiap intelektual dapat mempengaruhi suatu komunitas, dan di saat yang sama, setiap komunitasturut memberikan kontribusi bagi terbangunnya konstruksi ilmu pengetahuan. karl mannheim menyebutnya sebagai “social processes influencing the process of knowledge.”1 amien rais rais, kuntowijoyo, moeslim abdurrahman dan munir mulkhan memproduksi karya yang sangat bernafaskan “neo-sufisme” sebagain bagian dari keterlibatan mereka dalam gerakan. artikel ini akan menjelaskan beberapa persoalan berikut. pertama, apa makna neo-sufisme itu. kedua, bagaimana konsep neo-sufisme di dalam muhammadiyah. ketiga, bagaimana memahami neo-sufisme muhammadiyah secara teoretis. keempat, bagaimana koherensi masing-masing konsep yang pernah digagas oleh para tokoh muhammadiyah dengan neo-sufisme muhammadiyah. dalam tulisan ini, sebagai batasan yang bersifat akademik, kiranya perlu dijelaskan bahwa tidak ada perbedaan di antara istilah sufisme dan tasawuf. secara lebih spesifik, sufisme yang dimaksud tidak sekedar mengarah pada praktik-praktik tarekat yang terlembagakan (secara struktural dan sistemik). istilah sufisme yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini bersifat lebih cair, menjangkau penghayatan personal dan komunitas tertentu, bahkan lebih mengarah pada hal-hal yang bersifat konseptual. dengan demikian, sufisme atau neo-sufisme yang hendak dibahas adalah sebuah pengetahuan yang berbentuk wacana. konstruksi neo-sufisme memang sejatinya mustahil memisahkan antara pengetahuan sebagai hasil ejawantah intelektualitas manusia dan perilaku hidupnya sehari-hari. tidak terkecuali dengan neo-sufisme. ada yang mengulas aspek teoretisinya, ada ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 159159159159159vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 pula orang yang mempraktikkannya. namun, ada pula yang memiliki keduanya sekaligus. terlepas dari pandangan dikotomi antara teori dan praktik, tatkala segala hal yang berhubungan dengan neo-sufisme dibaca oleh kekuatan nalar manusia, itulah teori. dengan kata lain, sekumpulan kertas kerja tentang (teori) neo-sufisme, tidak lebih dari sekedar arsip pengetahuan.2 menyadari itu semua, lantas bagaimana sebenarnya konstruksi neo-sufisme tersebut? jelas, jawabannya tergantung pada setiap sarjana yang memiliki perhatian khusus terhadap perkara itu. adalah fazlur rahman, salah satu pemikir muslim terkemuka yang mempopulerkan wacana neo-sufisme. ia menyatakan bahwa, sebenarnya neosufisme adalah istilah baru untuk menyebut sufisme, yang dielaborasi dengan paradigma pemikiran islam yang cenderung mengarah pada fundamentalisme. dalam konteks ini, rahman menunjuk dua pemikir reformis terbesar di dalam sejarah islam: yang pertama adalah ibn taimiyyah, sementara yang berikutnya adalah ibn al-qayyim. mereka adalah guru dan murid yang sepaham.3 di lain kesempatan, rahman menyampaikan bahwa, ibn taimiyyah adalah peletak dasar neo-sufisme. ia memiliki kecenderungan membangkitkan kembali aktivisme ortodoks dan menanamkan optimisme kebangkitan peradaban islam.4 secara tekstual, ibn taimiyyah dalam karyanya yang bertajuk kitab alistiqâma pernah menyebut istilah neo-sufisme dengan istilah al-tasawwuf almuhdats.5 namun dalam bukunya tersebut, ia tidak bermaksud untuk menjelaskan makna neo-sufisme seperti halnya yang dikehendaki oleh penulis. ibn taimiyyah menegaskan bahwa, istilah tersebut mewakili segala praktik sufisme yang kontraproduktif dengan sufisme yang hakiki. kendati demikian, melalui pandangan kritis tersebut, ibn taymiyyah menghasilkan pemahaman baru mengenai sufisme (neo-sufisme), sebagaimana yang disinggung oleh rahman. mengapa fundamentalisme-spiritualistik ala taimiyyah menjadi pertimbangan rahman dalam merumsukan neo-sufisme. konteks sejarah sosial kaum muslim yang saat itu begitu terpuruk, menjadi salah kata kunci untuk menjelaskan persoalan ini.. paling tidak, terdapat faktor internal dan eksternal, yang menyebabkan kondisi masyarakat muslim agaknya menjadi terbelakang. merebaknya sufisme mistis dan popularnya wacana tentang tertutupnya pintu ijtihad membawa kehidupan dunia islam menjadi suram. keputus-asaan yang menjelma serupa katak (yang sekarat) dalam tempurung. mereka tersiksa dalam buaian taklid dan larangan-larangan legalsentris yang bersifat kolektif. di saat ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 160160160160160 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang sama, kolonisasi dan imperialisasi bangsa lain (mongol, atau barat pada abad ke19 dan20) di wilayah-wilayah muslim, menjadi faktor yang sangat menentukan bagi gelap atau terangnya kehidupan masyarakat setempat. jelas telah menjadi setiap watak penjajahan, orang-orang pribumi beserta segala sumber daya alam yang ada di sana, menjadi obyek penguasaan, eksploitasi, dominasi dan hegemoni oleh para penjajah. oleh karena dua faktor ini, penderitaan kaum muslim benar-benar berlipat ganda. sementara itu, kemampuan untuk bangkit dari keterpurukan menjadi semakin sukar dengan jalan terjal yang menanjak. kendati demikian, bukan berarti tidak ada jalan keluar. setitik sinar terang muncul dari gerak hati dan akal pikiran yang tajam dari orang-orang yang diberi anugerah oleh tuhan. justru dari jurang nestapa inilah kebangkitan masyarakat islam dipertaruhkan.6 rahman kembali mencatat bahwa, neo-sufisme sebagai kombinasi terbaik dari fundamentalisme dan sufisme adalah bentuk spiritualisasi moral publik.7 rahman tidak menolak fundamentalisme. justru dari dasar pijak pemikiran fundamentalis inilah, dapat diidentifikasi secara gamblang, bagaimana sikap seorang muslim tatkala berhadapan dengan pelbagai bentuk dehumanisasi. dalam bahasa charles amjad-ali, diungkapkan bahwa, “that is the only instance of resistance in the sunni tradition until about 100 years ago, when sunnis began to invoke ibn taymiyyah to legitimise resistance against the colonial or semi-colonial rulers who dominated the muslim world.”8 sementara itu, ibn taimiyah pernah menegaskan bahwa setiap sifat kebajikan bergantung pada pengetahuan tentang jati diri manusia (mausuf).9 ibn taimiyah berupaya mengkaji masalah-masalah agama dan kemanusiaan secara seimbang. apek spiritual diselarasakan dengan perjuangan untuk meningkatkan martabat kemanusiaan. dengan mengenal jati dirinya sendiri, termasuk menyangkut persoalan perasaan, emosi, pemikiran dan otonomi atau kemerdekaan jiwanya, manusia akan mampu menemukan sifat-sifat ketuhanan yang luhur. oleh karena itu, dengan berjuang keras melawan penjajahan dalam segala aspek kehidupan (struktural, kultural dan intelektual), setaraf dengan ikhtiar pemuliaan keagungan allah swt. tentu saja sang pencipta melalui al-qur’an telah memerintahkan hamba-nya untuk ber-amar ma’ruf nahi munkar dan ber-jihad fi sabilillah. lantas bagaimana dengan segala problem yang datang dari dalam komunitas muslim itu sendiri? sebenarnya yang hendak dikikis habis oleh ibn taimiyyah adalah sikap taklid yang berlebihan. bahkan tidak jarang bahwa taklid tersebut mendapatkan legitimasi dari beberapa tokoh keagamaan, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 161161161161161vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 khususnya mereka yang dianggap memiliki otoritas di bidang ilmu-ilmu hukum. para ahli hukum itu menetapkan syarat-syarat ijtihad dengan sangat berat, sehingga sukar dilakukan oleh orang-orang biasa, bahkan oleh orang-orang yang dididik dalam akademi khusus sekalipun. otoritas ijtihad imajiner yang sangat ideal telah ditetapkan, dalam rangka menutupi ketidakmampuannya sendiri. alhasil, tertutuplah pintu ijtihad bagi kaum muslim.10 selaras dengan itu, kaum sufi. mereka menekankan aspek spiritualitas, dan bahkan beranggapan bahwa kehidupan duniawi bukanlah bagian dari kehidupan peribadatan yang penting. dalam tradisi sufi, kedekatan seorang hamba kepada tuhan merupakan perkara yang sangat tinggi, luhur dan serba melampaui. spiritualitas yang ditempuh pada akhirnya mengarah pada spiritualitas yang mistis.11 dalam pandangan ahli hukun (syariah), pandangan sufistik ini dilihat bukan sekedar dapat menjauhkan dari kehidupan sosial kemanusiaan sehari-hari, tetapi juga pengabaian terhadap ilmu-ilmu hukum atau syariah. bagi kaum sufi, syariah hanyalah tahapan para awam yang tidak mengerti hakikat, terlebih ma’rifatullahi atau pengetahuan tertinggi mengenai ide-ide ilahiah. dalam konteks ini, para sufi-mistis juga mengapresiasi taklid. mereka taklid pada aturannya sendiri, maupun terhadap segala nasihat yang diajukan oleh para pimpinan sufi (mursyid). sebagian bahkan terlibat secara intensif dengan perkara-perkara sufisme filosofis (tasawuf falsafi) yang tiada berujung pangkal. dalam hal ini, ittihad maupun hulul adalah trend utama untuk menggambarkan pencapaian level tertinggi dalam taqarrub ila allah. para mistikus terkadang sealiran dengan mereka yang bergelut dengan tasawuf falsafi. beberapa yang lain, mungkin berseberangan, karena menganggap tasawuf falsafi bertentangan dengan syariah. karena beberapa aspek peribadatan yang bersifat mistis, semestinya harus ditempuh melalui jalur hukum yang sah (fiqih). sementara itu, para pengapresiasi hukum yang menolak ijtihad, tidak memberikan sumbangsih apa pun mengenai persoalan nalar yang tertawan tersebut (para legalsentris dogmatis). kecuali mereka hanya menyibukkan diri sendiri dengan pembuatan legitimasi-legitimasi hukum. menanggapi persoalan ini, ibn taimiyyah secara moderat mengemukakan bahwa, “ada kelompok yang mencela kaum sufi dan tasawuf dengan mengatakan bahwa kaum sufi adalah pembuat bid’ah dan telah keluar dari sunnah. ada pula yang berpendapat bahwa mereka adalah orang-orang yang paling utama dan yang paling sempurna di antara umat manusia setelah nabi wafat... yang benar adalah para sufi adalah orang-orang yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 162162162162162 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna melakukan ijtihad dalam mengikuti perintah allah...”12 ibn taimiyyah tidak menolak spritualisme islam, tidak pula meninggalkan legalsentrisme. bagi ibu taimiyah, esensi sufisme dan syariah memiliki porsi yang seimbang dalam kehidupan umat islam. lebih dari itu, ibn taimiyah memikirkan bagaimana menyelesaikan persoalan internal umat, sekaligus mampu memanfaatkan segala potensi religiusitas dalam rangka menyelesaikan persoalan eksternal (penjajahan) yang menimpa seluruh dunia islam. secara lebih jauh ia menegaskan, “apabila dikatakan bahwa para sufi yang hidup zuhûd (zâhid) dan tekun beribadah (‘âbid) dari basrah adalah golongan shiddiqin, maka demikian pula para ahli fiqih (fuqahâ’) dari kufah adalah termasuk golongan shiddiqin pula. masing-masing mereka menempuh jalannya dalam menjalankan perintah allah dan rasulullah sesuai dengan ijtihadnya.”13 pada akhirnya sang reformis mereformulasi pemahaman mengenai sufisme dan syariah, lantas mengumandangkan di hadapan publik bahwa, sufisme harus berjalan beriringan dengan hukum-hukum allah. di saat yang sama pula, segala tendensi taklid di antara keduanya (tasawuf mistis/falsafi dan fiqih-sentris yang berlebihan) harus dihapuskan. sufisme individualistik dan perkumpulan-perkumpulan tarekat yang enggan meninggalkan tradisi taklid, benar-benar mendapatkan kritik yang tajam. melalui jalan ini, ia berharap akan menghidupkan kembali kesadaran kemanusiaan, sosial dan intelektual umat, serta saling merapatkan shaf-nya (atau soliditas sosialnya) untuk menghadapi segala bentuk krisis kemanusiaan, yang disebabkan oleh imperialisme dan kolonialisme. pembaharu ini mengatakan bahwa, “sesungguhnya taqarrub ila allah dan segala ibadah mesti bersumber dari ajaran rasulullah, sebagaimana halnya tiada sesuatu yang haram, kecuali yang diharamkan oleh-nya dan tiada pula suatu jalan keselamatan kecuali yang disyariatkan oleh-nya.”14 menurut pelbagai pendapat yang dirangkum dari gagasan-gagasan ibn taimiyyah, dapat ditarik benang merah bahwa, neo-sufisme adalah sufisme yang menapaki jalan syariah yang lurus. di saat yang sama pula, tatkala melaksanakan syariat, pintu ijtihad dibuka selebar-lebarnya dan taklid segera ditinggalkan. oleh karena itu, pandangan ibnu taimiyyah tersebut mengindikasikan bahwa dimensi kesadaran kritis dan pemuliaan terhadap harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan di sisi lain harus berjalan beriringan. dalam konteks ini, neo-sufisme menghendaki setiap hamba allah, komunitas sosial dan masyarakat islam berlaku zuhud, prihatin dan memiliki kepekaan sosial, sekaligus harus menjadi pelopor ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 163163163163163vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 yang mampu membaca segala gerak pembaruan zaman. barangkali, melalui gagasan neo-sufisme inilah, ide-ide mengenai tajdid (pembaruan) mulai mendapatkan tempatnya. neo-sufisme dalam muhammadiyah: ideologi dan konsep pada personal dan komunitas pertanyaan berikutnya adalah, adakah neo-sufisme di dalam muhammadiyah? bila neo-sufisme memiliki makna pembangunan kesadaran kritis, pemihakan terhadap persoalan-persoalan kemanusiaan, perjuangan melawan segala bentuk penjajahan, menaruh perhatian yang mendalam akan hari depan yang cerah dan mengembalikan kehormatan islam yang hakiki (al-islamu, ya’lu wa la yu’la ‘alaih), yang semuanya ditempuh melalui sufisme yang tunduk patuh kepada syariat allah, nampaknya dapat ditemukan dalam ideologi muhammadiyah. pada 1912, ketika persyarikatan muhammadiyah didirikan, memang tidak disinggung sedikit pun mengenai istilah sufisme (secara operasional). apa yang diupayakan oleh kh. ahmad dahlan adalah mendakwahkan agama islam di wilayah keresidenan yogyakarta. ajaran islam, misalnya tentang pokokpokok keagamaan (aqîdah), tata aturan hukum (syarî’ah) dan budi pekerti yang luhur (akhlâq al-karîmah), adalah hal-hal yang diajarkan kepada umat. walau demikian, seperti sufisme pada umumnya, yang menjadi perhatian pendiri organisasi keagamaan terbesar di indonesia ini adalah seluruh aspek ajaran agama islam, atau seluruh ajaran rasulullah. itulah sebab-sebab mengapa organisasi tersebut bernama “muhammadiyah” yang secara letterlijk, bermaksud menunjuk pada perkumpulan para pengikut muhammad (sang nabi). lantas bagaimana islam menurut pandangan muhammadiyah? secara historis, oleh pendiri muhammadiyah, islam dilihat sebagai agama yang luhur, menghormati kemanusiaan dan menolak segala bentuk penjajahan. menurut kuntowijoyo, islam di mata dahlan adalah agama yang membebaskan, memerdekakan dan memanusiakan manusia.15 melalui penghayatannya yang begitu mendalam, dahlan menegaskan bahwa, pengamalan ajaran agama islam yang benar, semestinya membawa kepada kedamaian, kesejahteraan, keselamatan dan ampunan allah swt. dahlan menyaksikan pelbagai bentuk eksploitasi terhadap kemanusiaan. kaum pribumi yang miskin, begitu menderita. dehumanisasi seolah-olah menjadi kenyataan yang harus diterima oleh semua orang. terlebih bahwa di ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 164164164164164 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna kalangan umat ada anggapan, bentuk kemiskinan karena penjajahan adalah takdir tuhan yang maha kuasa (nerimo ing pandhum). pandangan fatalisme telah menjadi penyakit akut dalam masyarakat. situasi ini terjadi oleh karena kezaliman penjajahan. penjajahan yang ada, bukan hanya kolonialisme dan imperialisme belanda, tetapi juga feodalisme keraton mataraman. di satu sisi penjajah belanda telah membuat rakyat menderita, baik secara sosial, politik, ekonomi dan aspek kehidupan lainnya. pendidikan dan kesehatan sama sekali tidak bisa diakses oleh mereka yang papa dan tiada berpunya. mereka yang boleh pintar dan boleh sakit, hanyalah golongan eropa dan beberapa kaum ningrat. kerap kali muncul orang-orang terpelajar dari kelas borjuis lokal dan hampir tidak pernah muncul dari keluarga wong cilik. barangkali kh. ahmad dahlan sendiri adalah representasi dari mereka yang beruntung, karena sebagai seorang keluarga yang dekat denga keraton, masih memiliki welas asih dan rasa kemanusiaan di dalam hatinya untuk memihak para kaum pribumi yang melarat. sementara itu di sisi lain, kebudayaan kerajaan yang sangat feodal, mendominasi seluruh sendi kehidupan rakyat jelata. tidak terkecuali dalam penghayatan religius yang berimplikasi pada persoalan-persoalan ketidakadilan, lemahnya mental sosial, keminderan yang akut, fatalisme dan obskuntarisme. dalam konteks ini, orang-orang biasa yang tidak memiliki cukup akses dalam pendidikan dan pembangunan intelektualisme, termasuk kesempatan untuk meningkatkan pemahaman dan praktik keagamaan. dalam ritual-ritual keagamaan misalnya, mereka biasanya menyerahkan kepada siapa saja yang memiliki otoritas. dalam beberapa kasus tertentu, orang-orang dari kalangan miskin dan bahkan termarjinalkan terkesan tidak memiliki hak untuk bahkan sekedar berdoa kepada tuhan. tatkala ada peristiwa kematian misalnya, orang-orang miskin tidak hanya diwajibkan untuk menyewa seorang pendoa, tetapi juga membiayai seluruh aktivitas ritual keagamaan yang sangat memberatkan. di samping itu, persembahan-persembahan (slametan) kepada segala hal yang dianggap bersifat gaib, yang memakan biaya, harus dilaksanakan secara ketat atas nama tradisi yang ajeg. secara umum, hanyakeluarga keraton atau pejabat keagamaan yang diangkat oleh raja (sultan) lah yang bisa memenuhi tuntutan tradisi itu.. bagi dahlan, muhammadiyah adalah jawaban mengenai persoalan dua arus dehumanisasi yang eksploitatif. dahlan menegaskan bahwa dalam rangka melawan dehumanisasi, maka harus mengembalikan ruh islam yang sejatinya lebih berwajah humanis. sementara itu, kh. hasyim asyari, yang satu generasi dengan dahlan, memandang bahwa, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 165165165165165vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 ekploitasi terjadi karena wahm (penyakit moral) yang menyebabkan lunturnya dasar-dasar agama karena adanya pelbagai kepentingan. politisasi dan manipulasi tafsir keagamaan benar-benar tidak bisa dihindari. oleh karena itu, tidak ada jalan lain kecuali mengembalikan segala perkara agama pada bentuknya yang paling otentik. sekali lagi, otentik bermakna islam yang memuliakan kemanusiaan. sebagaimana yang telah dicontohkan oleh nabi, dahlan memperjuangkan agama yang memihak segala kepentingan kemanusiaan dan melawan segala jenis tindak laku yang anti-kemanusiaan., dalam konteks ini, nabi muhammad adalah seorang sosok yang bekerja dalam agenda-agenda liberasi sosial. sementara itu muhammadiyah adalah para pengapresiasi aksi-aksi pemerdekaan sosial kemanusiaan. islam yang liberatif adalah kata kunci untuk menggambarkan pandangan dunia muhammadiyah. ahmad dahlan berusaha untuk mewujudkan islam yang liberatif. dalam bidang pendidikan, ia mulai memperkenalkan pendidikan islam modern yang bisa diakses oleh seluruh kalangan. pendidikan islam modern adalah kombinasi antara pengajaran islam ala pesantren dan sekolah modern. dari sisi substansi, yang diajarkan dahlan adalah ajaran agama islam dan pengetahuan umum yang dipadu menjadi satu, sementara metode dan atributnya mengadopsi sekolah belanda (h.i.s. met de bible). melalui pemikiran brilian dahlan, lahirlah h.i.s. met de koran alias “sekolah berbasis al-qur’an”.16 melalui penuturan mitsuo nakamura, disebutkan bahwa: “in muhammadiyah, rationality and independent thinking were encouraged, with the implication of not to be subjugated by western intellectual dominance as well as by the constraints of local traditional social hierarchy, superstitions and irrational customs… this was typically seen in the fields of education and social welfare. muhammadiyah from the beginning adopted modern western school system in a definite break from the traditional system of islamic education in indonesia, i.e. pondok pesantren. it adopted ‘graded class system’ with a structured curriculum for consecutive school grades. it introduced ‘class hours’ in which instructions were given by teachers within a limited time according to curriculum and textbooks. it gave periodic tests to assess the achievements of pupils. they passed or failed according to the results of tests. and all this was given in classroom, in which pupils sat on chairs or banks in front of desks while the teacher used a blackboard for instruction. the content of instruction consisted of secular subjects following the ones given at government schools while the teaching of islamic religion, especially the essen○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 166166166166166 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna tials of the qur’an, was given within the curriculum. thus a typical name for such a muhammadiyah elementary school during the dutch rule was his, hollandsch inlandsche school met de qur’an, or dutch native school with the qur’an.”17 melalui sekolah kombinasi (agama-umum) ini, orang-orang pribumi miskin memiliki kesempatan untuk mendulang ilmu pengetahuan, tanpa terbatasi oleh status sosial mereka. terlebih bahwa, metode pengajaran yang diterapkan dahlan sangat berbeda dari model pendidikan yang lain pada waktu itu. metode sekolah muhammadiyah, tidak seperti pesantren tradisional yang hanya memberi menu pelajaran yang bergantung pada seorang kyai. justru dahlan yang mencari murid-muridnya, lalu mencoba menanyakan ilmu apa yang sesungguhnya ingin mereka pelajari. metode ini berimplikasi secara signifikan terhadap banyak hal. di antaranya adalah mencoba menghapus sentralisme pendidikan yang berpusat pada guru sebagai sumber pengetahuan.. ajaran islam melalui perspektif dahlan, menjadi lebih membumi dan pendidikan mulai dapat dinikmati oleh masyarakat kecil. dahlan telah menunjukkan keperpihakannya pada keadilan sosial dan kemanusiaan. di saat yang sama, dahlan melawan penjajahan belanda dan tradisi feodalisme jawa melalui langkah-langkah halus, bersifat edukatif dan lebih kultural.18 bidang-bidang kehidupan sosial lain yang menjadi garapan tangan jenius dahlan adalah kesehatan, manajemen zakat dan organisasi. dahlan mendirikan penolong kesengsaraan oemat (pko, sekarang pku). melalui kekuatan jejaring sosialnya, dahlan memberikan kesempatan bagi para dokter (koleganya) untuk memberikan sumbangan yang berarti di dunia kesehatan bagi orang-orang yang tidak memiliki cukup kekuatan finansial. orang-orang belanda yang memiliki kecakapan di bidang kedokteran dan memiliki kemurahan hati, mau memberikan waktu dan keahliannya demi menolong siapa saja yang perlu ditolong. bagi dahlan, spirit berlomba-lomba dalam kebajikan (fastabiq alkhairat) menjadi dasar utama dalam rangka mengatasi segala dampak sosial. filantropisme adalah ruh yang nyata bagi muhammadiyah. dahlan sebagai anggota dari perkumpulan para pedagang di yogyakarta (dan surakarta), juga mencoba mendapatkan dukungan finansial dari donatur dan mengaturnya melalui manajemen zakat yang benar-benar transparan. melalui lembaga amil zakat, infak dan shadaqah ahlan mencoba memberikan bantuan untuk keluargakeluarga. dan kaum muslim yang tidak mampu. lalu di bidang keorganisasian, secara resmi dan profesional, melalui inspirasi dari pengelolaan organisasi yang baik di perkumpulan budi utomo, dahlan mendaftarkan muhammadiyah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 167167167167167vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 sebagai persyarikatan di hadapan pemerintah belanda pada 20 desember 1912.19 muhammadiyah diarahkan agar dapat memberikan pengertian-pengertian keagamaan yang memihak dan bersifat mencerahkan umat. ajaran agama islam tidak boleh mengekang, memberatkan dan bahkan menindas kemanusiaan. dahlan mampu membaca secara jernih adanya persoalan-persoalan kebudayaan dan agama di tengah kehidupan umat, yang justru menghalangi gerak kemajuan dan kebajikan. kebudayaan feodal telah menciptakan dan memperkokoh perilaku mistis (bid’ah, tahayul dan khurafat) dan pandangan hidup yang fatalistik. menanggapi persoalan ini, kekuatan ajaran kembali ke al-qur’an dan al-sunnah adalah strategi terbaik untuk menyelesaikan itu semua. muhammadiyah benar-benar menolak taklid dan mengupayakan terbuka lebarnya pintu ijtihad. jadi, wajah muhammadiyah sebagai pembela “islam murni” (karena hanya merujuk pada dua sumber utama ajaran islam, bukan pendapat ulama’ tertentu),20 adalah untuk memenuhi tujuan utama ajaran islam yang harus memperjuangkan keadilan sosial dan kemanusiaan. bagi muhammadiyah, terdapat urusan-urusan agama yang tidak boleh dikotori oleh kehendak-kehendak manipulatif dan korup (duniawi), tetapi juga terdapat urusan-urusan duniawi yang harus bervisi kemajuan. inilah yang dinamakan dengan “islam berkemajuan”. karena itulah maka muhammadiyah sama sekali bukan bagian dari gerakan keagamaan yang menekankan ortodoksi, tetapi ortopraksi.21 mitsuo nakamura, seorang antropolog yang mendedikasikan hidupnya untuk mempelajari muhammadiyah mengonfirmasi satu persoalan kepada pak ar., lantas mengapa muhammadiyah mempraktikkan segala kebajikan yang secara substantif, selaras dengan pelbagai doktrin sufisme. hal ini membawa kepada diskusi yang menjelaskan bahwa, muhammadiyah adalah organisasi islam yang genap dengan praktik akhlaq al-karimah dan ihsan. sekiranya hal itu dinilai pula sebagai ide dan praksis sufistik, setidaknya adalah sufisme yang mengapresiasi syariat di satu sisi, sementara di sisi lain benarbenar berpijak pada cita-cita pemerdekaan sosial kemanusiaan (amar ma’ruf nahi munkar). pada akhirnya, adakah korelasi antara konsep neo-sufisme dengan muhammadiyah? dalam narasi ini jelas terurai bahwa terdapat formulasi baru mengenai neo-sufisme, yaitu neo-sufisme menurut versi muhammadiyah. neo-sufisme yang pernah dibicarakan fazlur rahman jelas berbeda dengan neo-sufisme muhammadiyah. bila fazlur rahman memberikan interpretasi yang sedemikian ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 168168168168168 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna positif terhadap akar-akar neo-sufisme di dalam pemikiran ibn taimiyah, maka penulis ingin mengelaborasi pelbagai moda interpretasi tersebut untuk menunjukkan konsep neo-sufisme yang adalam dalam muhammadiyah. neo-sufisme dalam artikulasi teoretika fazlur rahman adalah teoretisi yang paling terkenal di antara para sarjana yang lain tatkala membicarakan teori neo-sufisme. walau demikian, yang hendak didiskusikan penulis di sepanjang naskah ini melampaui sekedar persoalan teori neo-sufisme. dalam konteks ini penulis memilih tempat yang memiliki posisi sama seperti halnya rahman, yang memiliki kesempatan untuk melakukan teorisasi. dengan kata lain, studi ini akan mengarah pada pertanyaan “adakah para tokoh muhammadiyah yang memproduksi suatu konsep intelektual yang estetis mengenai neo-sufisme?” dalam kaitan ini, penulis akan mengkaji pemikiran beberapa tokoh dan cendekiawan muhammadiyah seperti amien rais memopulerkan teori “tauhid sosial”, kuntowijoyo dengan “ilmu sosial profetik”, moeslim abdurrahman dengan “islam transformatif” dan abdul munir mulkhan dengan “sufitisasi syariah”. tauhid sosial istilah tauhid sosial dipopularkan oleh mohammad amien rais. ia adalah guru besar dalam bidang hubungan internasional di universitas gadjah mada (ugm). amien rais lulus sarjana dari fakultas tarbiyah iain sunan kalijaga pada 1968. setahun kemudian, ia mendapatkan gelar sarjana dari fakultas ilmu sosial dan politik ugm, di bidang hubungan internasional. pada 1974, ia menamatkan studi magisternya di universitas notre dame, amerika serikat, di bidang yang sama. setelah itu, ia menjadi mahasiswa doktoral di universitas chicago, amerika serikat, dan sempat menjadi mahasiswa luar biasa di universitas al-azhar, kairo, mesir, tatkala mengerjakan penelitiannya tentang politik timur tengah di kala itu. akhirnya pada 1981, ia meraih gelar ph.d. studinya dilanjutkan di tingkat pasca doktoral pada 1989, di universitas george washington dan universitas california di los angeles, amerika serikat. di sepanjang karir akademiknya, amien rais rais setidaknya telah menerbitkan 18 buku, termasuk yang paling monumental adalah “tauhid sosial: formula menggempur kesenjangan,” yang diterbitkan oleh mizan pada 1998. buku ini terbit, di sela-sela lahirnya reformasi politik indonesia. buku inilah yang akan menjadi sumber utama, dalam menelusuri pelbagai esensi gagasan neosufisme yang diajukan oleh tokoh nasional yang memangku gelar bapak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 169169169169169vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 reformasi tersebut. sebelum terjun ke dunia politik praktis, amien rais adalah ketua pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah pada 1995 dan digantikan oleh profesor ahmad syafii maarif pada 1999, di awal berdirinya partai amanat nasional (pan).. pada tahun 60-an, di usianya yang cukup belia, ia mendirikan ikatan mahasiswa muhammadiyah bersama djazman al-kindi. pada 1967-68 ia menjadi pimpinan tertinggi gerakan aktivisme mahasiswa ini. pengalaman hidup bermuhammadiyah, adalah modal besar bagi dirinya untuk mereformulasi teologi yang bernafaskan keberpihakan sosial. muhammadiyah, reformasi dan pan sebagai konteks sosial, sangat berhubungan dengan teori tauhid sosial yang digagas amien rais. tauhid sosial merupakan tauhid yang berfungsi sosial. dalam pengertian, tatkala setiap muslim bersaksi bahwa “tiada tuhan selain allah dan muhammad adalah utusan allah,” maka dalam seluruh aspek kehidupan, ia tidak boleh melepaskan diri dari persaksian tersebut.22 karena tidak jarang ditemui bahwa, mereka yang saleh secara ritual, tidak memberikan kontribusi apapun terhadap persoalan-persoalan sosial yang ada. sastrawan a.a. navis mengilustrasikan perkara ini dalam cerita pendeknya yang bertajuk, “robohnya surau kami”.23 melalui karyanya tersebut, ia hendak mengecam siapa saja yang mengaku beragama, namun abai terhadap persoalan kemanusiaan. dengan demikian, tauhid sosial ini selaras dengan spirit sosial islam, yang tertuang dalam alqur’an surat al-maun, yang menegaskan bahwa, hanyalah pendusta agama semata bagi siapa saja yang menjalankan segala praktik ritual keagamaan, sementara mereka mengabaikan persoalan kemiskinan dan marginalisasi sosial. dalam konteks sosial politik rezim orde baru, bangsa indonesia menghadapi pelbagai fenomena ketidakadilan sosial. pembangunan yang digalakkan pemerintah, tidak berjalan lurus dengan penegakan keadilan dan penghormatan terhadap kemanusiaan. pembangunan justru berdampak pada tumbuhsuburnya ketidakadilan sosial, kemiskinan dan kebodohan massal. susetiawan mengatakan bahwa, pembangunan saat itu hanya berlaku sebagai alat perluasan pasar, yang hanya menguntungkan para pemilik modal. di samping itu, negara secara dominan dan hegemonik, mendikte rakyatnya agar tunduk patuh terhadap segala agenda “pebisnis pembangunan” tersebut.24 bahkan pada situasi saat itu, dapat dikatakan bahwa pemerintah menjalankan roda pemerintahannya dengan penuh korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme (kkn). dalam situasi ini, agama tidak berdaya dalam mengupayakan misi pemerdekaannya. menanggapi hal ini, amien rais menjelaskan bahwa: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 170170170170170 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna “...al-qur’an merupakan sumber hukum yang memberi pencerahan dan memotivasi kita untuk membangun kehidupan berdasarkan nilai-nilai etis atau moral yang kekal atau abadi. salah satu tema utama al-qur’an adalah keadilan... dalam al-qur’an, allah mengajarkan bahwa sebagai umat beriman, kita harus menegakkan keadilan tidak hanya dalam satu atau dua aspek kehidupan saja. keadilan yang diajarkan kepada kaum muslim bersifat multidimensional. al-qur’an berbicara mengenai keadilan hukum, keadilan sosial, keadilan ekonomi, keadilan politik, dan keadilan dalam pendidikan.”25 di luar persoalan etis keagamaan, sebenarnya tema keadilan ini menjadi krusial, karena pada saat itu umat islam dihadapkan dengan pelbagai kenyataan krisis yang ada. pertama, bangsa indonesia menghadapi degradasi moral; kedua, adanya distribusi kekayaan yang tidak merata sehingga membawa kepada ketimpangan sosial yang lebar.; ketiga, pendidikan yang tidak bisa diakses oleh seluruh lapisan sosial.; keempat, penindasan sosial yang termanifestasikan dalam perilaku kkn..26 kelima krisis tersebut, sebenarnya secara sosial dan politik lebih banyak disebabkan oleh struktur kekuasaan yang menindas. rezim orde baru, saat itu lebih merupakan rezim yang menindas rakyatnya sendiri. bukan hanya tidak ada kebebasan bagi rakyat pada saat itu, tetapi juga tidak adanya keadilan sosial. demokrasi yang semestinya mendorong tercapainya keadilan dan kesejahteraan, terbunuh oleh otoritarianisme kekuasaan.27 dalam konteks inilah tauhid sosial mendapatkan tempatnya. oleh karena itu, melalui muhammadiyah, amien rais kerap mengumandangkan perlawanan keras terhadap suharto, dengan istilah “suksesi kepemimpinan”. suksesi ini bermaksud untuk melengserkan kekuasaan politik yang selama lebih dari 30 tahun berkuasa, melalui jalan demokrasi. itulah satu-satunya jalan yang dianggap paling adil untuk menentukan bagimana nasib bangsa ini ke depan. kerja keras yang dibarengi oleh semangat optimistik ini dilakukan secara lebih massif pada tahun 1990an. bagi amien rais, tauhid sosial merupakan etika perjuangan yang bisa diterapkan dalam praksis gerakan sosio-politik kebangsaan. tauhid sosial secara tidak langsung membangun kesadaran kritis umat, agar tidak terjebak pada segala perilaku korup yang dikecam oleh kitab suci. dengan kata lain, tauhid sosial berfungsi untuk memurnikan segala ke-esa-an allah, dari segala syirik sosial, yang mewujud dalam pelbagai tindak laku sosial politik yang dehumanistik seperti diskriminasi, dominasi, penghisapan, korupsi, kolusi, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 171171171171171vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 nepotisme dan seterusnya. secara lebih jauh, amien rais menyatakan bahwa “konsep tauhid tidak mengenal dan tidak membolehkan adanya diskriminasi berdasarkan ras, jenis kelamin, agama, bahasa dan pertimbangan etnis, sehingga keadilan sosial yang komprehensif harus ditegakkan oleh manusia beriman.”28 melalui inspirasi ini, amien rais terpanggil sebagai intelektual yang menggagas lahirnya gerakan massa dari seluruh pelosok negeri, khususnya oleh para mahasiswa, dalam rangka memperjuangkan kebebasan, keadilan sosial dan kesejahteraan rakyat. satu-satunya langkah yang memungkinkan untuk meraih itu semua adalah melalui suksesi kepemimpinan. mengenai persoalan ini, amien rais menuturkan, “transformasi sosial mula-mula pasti dimulai dari transformasi intelektual.”29 karena itulah ide tauhid sosial ini dimatangkan ketika ia menjadi aktivis di pp. muhammadiyah. bisa dikatakan pula bahwa muhammadiyah adalah lingkungan yang sangat mendukung sosok intelektual seperti amien rais, menjadi penggerak utama perubahan sosial dan politik di negeri ini. melalui pengakuannya, amien rais mengatakan, “muhammadiyah adalah keluarga saya dan para senior serta rekan-rekan telah banyak membantu proses pembelajaran saya. perjalanan bersama muhammadiyah adalah pengalaman seumur hidup. anda tidak bisa meninggalkan muhammadiyah seperti halnya anda tidak bisa meninggalkan keluarga anda. ikatan ini berlandaskan rasa saling percaya dan berlangsung abadi.”30 uraian di atas menunjukkan bahwa gagasan tauhid sosial terlebih dahulu lahir sebagai refleksi intelektual kritis sosok amien rais. walau demikian tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa, lingkungan sosial juga membentuk watak dan karakter sang intelektual dan sebaliknya, intelektual tertentu, pastilah memberikan sumbangsih yang besar terhadap corak dan bahkan mazhab pemikiran komunitas atau masyarakatnya. kendati banyak orang mengenal tauhid sosial sebagai gagasan perubahan politik atau nilai moral keagamaan yang mampu mewujudkan transformasi sosial di tengah masyarakat, secara lebih filosofis, hal ini merupakan artikulasi estetis dan teoretis seorang sarjana yang cukup makan asam garam dunia intelektual akademik, sekaligus praksis sosial politik. amien rais mengungkapkan, “tentu muhammadiyah juga memahami bahwa tauhid mempunyai social dimension. surah al-ma’un jelas sekali menyebutkan bahwa seseorang dicap mendustakan agama sekalipun dia shalat karena mereka lalai, membengkalikan tugas-tugas, untuk menolong fakir miskin dan kaum ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 172172172172172 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna lemah. artinya bagi warga muhammadiyah, tauhid tidak berhenti pada akidah, tetapi juga harus diturunkan dan dipraktikkan pada dataran mu’amalah ma’annas. jadi, al-adalah, al-musawah bainan nas adalah bukti tauhid. kalau ada exploitation de l’homme par l’homme dan ada istibdad dalam muhammadiyah atau dalam masyarakat, itu dikutuk oleh tauhid.”31 sebagai seorang hamba allah, seorang muhammadiyah, bahkan pemimpin muhammadiyah, amien rais tidak jauh dari segala ketentuan syariat. sama persis seperti doktrin para sufi modern (neo-sufis) yang menekankan jalan syariat untuk menggapai hakikat dan ma’rifat. amien rais melalui gagasan tauhid sosial mencoba melakukan kontekstualisasi kredo “amar ma’ruf nahi munkar” (tonggak syariat) dalam wujud gerakan perlawanan sosial politik, terhadap pelbagai bentuk kemunkaran sosial yang keji. pencapaian hakikat bagi amien rais adalah terwujudnya masyarakat yang adil dan sejahtera. sementara itu meraih ma’rifat, baginya adalah mampu membangun negara yang adil-makmur yang diridlai dan senantiasa mendapat ampunan allah swt. (baldatun thayyibatun wa rabbun ghafur). tauhid sosial ini mengajarkan pada kaum muslim mengenai arti penting pembangunan kesadaran kritis umat, mengarahkan pada keberpihakan kemanusiaan yang jelas dan keberanian untuk menghadang segala bentuk kemunkaran dan syirik sosial. semua itu bertujuan untuk mewujudkan masa depan umat yang lebih cerah, mengembalikan kehormatan islam yang hakiki, yang tidak ternodai oleh kepentingan-kepentingan korup dan sewenangwenang. bagi amien rais, inilah syariat allah yang harus dijalankan. syariat berarti jalan menuju kepada-nya. bukan sekedar ritual keseharian, tetapi juga nilai-nilai etis universal yang harus terwujud dalam kehidupan sosial politik bangsa indonesia. ilmu sosial profetik istilah ilmu sosial profetik (isp), digagas oleh kuntowijoyo. ia adalah guru besar di bidang sejarah universitas gadjah mada (ugm). di kalangan masyarakat umum, ia dikenal bukan sebagai sejarawan, tetapi juga sastrawan, budayawan, cendekiawan muslim dan bahkan seorang aktivis muhammadiyah. banyak sekali karya yang lahir dari talenta jenius seorang kuntowijoyo. walau demikian, karya-karyanya yang relevan dengan tema mengenai isp antara lain adalah islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi dan etika (2004), muslim tanpa masjid (2002), selamat tinggal mitos, selamat datang realitas (2002), identitas politik umat islam (1997), paradigma islam: interpretasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 173173173173173vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 untuk aksi (diterbitkan tahun 1991, namun dicetak ulang pada 2008). dalam proses pembangunan intelektualnya, kuntowijoyo mengawalinya dengan menempuh program sarjana sejarah di ugm, kampus yang sama di mana ia mengabdi sebagai “guru” sampai akhir hayatnya. pada 1969, ia mendapatkan gelar sarjana. pada 1974 ia mendapatkan kesempatan studi ke universitas connecticut, amerika serikat. pada 1980 ia meraih gelar doktor di bidang sejarah dari universitas columbia. dalam beberapa kesempatan, ia juga menjadi dosen tamu di universitas filipina pada 1984 dan di universitas michigan, amerika serikat setahun kemudian. melalui pengalaman akademik yang matang inilah, pada akhirnya menjadikan seorang kuntowijoyo sebagai pemikir yang di perhitungkan di indonesia. karya-karyanya menjadi inspirasi yang menarik bagi banyak kalangan, khususnya yang berpendidikan tinggi. jangkauan diskusi yang ditimbulkan dari karya tersebut mampu menyentuh banyak hal, termasuk nilai dan hakikat agama, intelektualitas, karakter dan identitas kebangsaan, serta keadilan sosial dan kemanusiaan. memang tidak mengherankan bila isp, lahir dari seorang pemikir seperti kuntowijoyo.32 secara substansial isp memiliki banyak kemiripan dengan ilmu sosial transformatif. hanya saja yang membedakannya adalah inspirasi yang bersumber pada ajaran-ajaran islam ke dalam bentuk teori sosial. tujuan dari ilmu ini adalah rekayasa untuk perubahan social. bidang kajian kuntowijoyo tidak merambah aspek-aspek normatif seperti teologi, tetapi pada aspek-aspek yang bersifat empiris, historis dan temporal.33 menurut kuntowijowo, ilmu ini, menginginkan adanya transformasi sosial yang berbasis pada cita-cita humanisasi, liberasi dan transendensi, yang disari dari nilai dan ibrah sejarah yang bersumber pada kitab suci. mengenai persoalan ini, kuntowijoyo mempertimbangkan al-quran, surat ali imran ayat 110, “engkau adalah umat terbaik, yang diturunkan di tengah umat manusia untuk menegakkan kebaikan, mencegah kemungkaran (kejahatan) dan beriman kepada allah.” berdasarkan refleksi kuntowijoyo, terdapat empat konsep utama yang harus dielaborasi lebih jauh, yaitu: umat terbaik, aktivisme sejarah, pentingnya kesadaran dan etika profetik.34 pertama, umat manusia akan menjadi umat terbaik, ketika bekerja untuk kemanusiaan (civil society); kedua, mengemban misi kemanusiaan, berarti berbuat untuk manusia dalam bentuk aktivisme sosial dan membangun sejarah; ketiga, kesadaran dimaksud adalah kesadaran ilahiah. ini adalah bentuk “keterpanggilan etis” untuk kemanusiaan, yang dilandasi oleh spirit teologis; keempat, etika profetik ini berlaku umum, yaitu menyeru kebaikan, mencegah kemungkaran dan beriman kepada allah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 174174174174174 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna (transendensi).35 memperjelas apa yang dimaksud dengan etika profetik, sebetulnya konsepsi ini memiliki tiga prinsip, yaitu humanisasi, liberasi dan transendensi. pertama, humanisasi bermakna memanusiakan manusia.36. dalam konteks masyarakat industrial, ternyata pola-pola kebudayaan mengalami perubahan, bahkan mengalami krisis. nilai kemanusiaan telah banyak tergerus oleh kepentingan industrialisme. orientasi profit yang dijalankan melalui cara produksi (the mode of production), membentuk cara berpikir manusia yang konsumtif, bahkan melahirkan trend masyarakat konsumsi. siapa saja yang tidak mampu bersaing, dalam pengertian tidak memiliki kepemilikan kapital, akan tersisih dari komunitas industrial dan teralienasi. humanisasi, merupakan paradigma, di mana kesadaran kemanusiaan untuk memanusiakan manusia, diupayakan untuk menjawab pelbagai problem kekinian. kedua, liberasi adalah usaha untuk menetralisir segala bentuk tindak laku yang anti-kemanusiaan. dalam struktur sosial, khususnya dalam konteks masyarakat industrial-kapitalistik, terdiri atas para pemilik modal dan pekerja, serta keberlangsungan sistem dominatif, hegemonik dan eksploitatif. terdapat kelas yang menindas dan yang tertindas. liberasi sebagai prinsip etika profetik, berfungsi untuk menetralisir kondisi “penjajahan” tersebut. liberasi, bermakna pembebasan atau pemerdekaan bagi kemanusiaan di hadapan sistem sosial yang tiranik dan dehumanistik. ketiga, transendensi adalah mengembalikan segala persoalan kehidupan kepada tuhan.37 prinsip ini adalah upaya untuk mengoptimalkan spiritualitas manusia. transendensi, diharapkan menjadi nilai kesadaran umat, yang bersifat komunal atau memasyarakat. humanisasi dan liberasi, keduanya semata-mata diupayakan karena prinsip transendensi ini. tuhan merupakan sumber kekuatan, tuhan merupakan sumber keabadian dan dzat yang maha obyektif. segala upaya humanisasi dan liberasi, bukanlah pemikiran dan sikap manusia yang reaktif. upaya pembelaan terhadap kemanusiaan, misalnya dihadapan dehumanisasi yang menindas, bukan bahwa kelas penindas digantikan posisinya oleh kelas tertindas sebagai penindas baru, namun lebih kepada upaya menetralisir dan menuju pada kondisi yang paling obyektif. dari uraian singkat tentang profetisme tersebut, dapat disimpulkan bahwa terdapat empat nilai, yakni: (1) civil society, (2) aktivisme sejarah, (3) pentingnya kesadaran (4) etika profetik. sedangkan prinsip-prinsip yang menopang ilmu sosial profetik adalah humanisasi, liberasi dan transendensi. keempat nilai tersebut bukan sekedar membangkitkan kesadaran kritis manusia, tetapi juga ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 175175175175175vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 transformatif. dalam bahasa kuntowijoyo adalah kesadaran profetik atau kenabian. tatkala menjelaskan persoalan ini, ia mencoba membandingkan dengan kesadaran sufistik, dalam pengertian kesadaran ruhani-ilahiah sematamata. istilah kesadaran profetik yang dimaksud oleh kuntowijoyo lebih dekat dengan neo-sufisme dari pada sufisme secara umum. ciri neo-sufisme atau sufisme baru bukan sekedar menekankan aspek ruhaniah semata, tetapi juga syariat dan perubahan sosial, serta transformasi sosial. karena itu, kuntowijoyo berpijak pada prinsip humanisasi. dalam kondisi sosial tertentu, humanisasi harus berjalan beriringan dengan upaya mengahadang kemungkaran sosial. dalam istilah yang diperkenalkan oleh kuntowijoyo adalah liberasi. pada akhirnya, sebagaimana jalan yang ditempuh oleh para sufi, baik itu sufisme dan neo-sufisme, semuanya sepakat bahwa seluruh kehidupan ini tidak lain adalah ibadah, mendekatkan diri kepada allah semata, serta mampu meraih manisnya ma’rifatullah. dalam bahasa teori isp, hal yang demikian disebut dengan prinsip transendensi. isp yang sudah dibangun oleh kuntowijoyo ini tidak terlepas dari pelbagai aspek sosial yang membangun intelektualitasnya sendiri. misalnya muhammadiyah, telah memberikan pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap pemikirannya, khususnya mengenai etika profetik, serta prinsip-prinsip humanisasi, liberasi dan transendensinya. melalui tulisannya yang bertajuk “jalan baru muhammadiyah” (2000),38 kuntowijoyo benar-benar terilhami dengan pemikiran keagamaan kh. ahmad dahlan yang sangat progresif. ia menjelaskan bahwa, jalan syariat muhammadiyah dengan kredo “al-ruju’ ila al-qur’an wa al-sunnah” bukan bermaksud untuk mengekang kemanusiaan, tetapi justru membebaskannya dari segala dominasi, hegemoni dan perilaku yang dehumanistik, yang melukai harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan itu sendiri. walau demikian, melalui teori isp-nya, kontribusi intelektual kuntowijoyo begitu besar bagi persyarikatan muhammadiyah. penghayatan sufistik baru (neosufisme) kuntowijoyo, telah terartikulasikan dalam teori sosial (isp) yang sangat mencerahkan bagi komunitas dan masyarakat muslim secara umum, dan muhammadiyah secara khusus. islam transformatif istilah islam transformatif dipopularkan oleh moeslim abdurrahman. ia adalah cendekiawan muslim, intelektual dan aktivis ngo, serta patron gerakan intelektual muda muhammadiyah yang progresif (jaringan intelektual muda muhammadiyah). kang moeslim, sapaan akrabnya, pernah menjabat sebagai ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 176176176176176 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna salah seorang ketua pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah di bidang pemberdayaan buruh, petani dan nelayan. pria kelahiran 8 agustus 1948 ini menempuh seluruh pendidikan dasarnya di dunia pesantren, yakni di pesantren kertosono, jawa timur. ia kemudian menyelesaikan studi sarjananya di bidang pendidikan islam di universitas muhammadiyah surakarta (ums). jenjang pendidikannya yang lebih tinggi, baik itu master dan ph.d., diraihnya di jurusan antropologi, the university of illinois at urbana-champaign, amerika serikat. ia tercatat pernah menjadi ketua lembaga studi agama dan filsafat (lsaf); menjadi salah seorang pendiri dan penasihat, the maarif institute; penasihat di center for strategic and international studies (csis); dan pendiri al-ma’un institute. semua lembaga swadaya masyarakat tersebut, berkantor di ibu kota jakarta. di akhir riwayat hidupnya, ia mendirikan laboratorium ilmu sosial transformatif di gunung kidul, yogyakarta, dengan nama sekolah sumbu panguripan. sumbangsihnya terhadap gagasan islam transformatif begitu besar bagi seluruh generasi bangsa. kang moeslim mengarang beberapa buku di bidang agama dan masyarakat, yang semuanya genap dengan kritik sosial yang tajam. di antara buku-buku tersebut adalah “menafsirkan islam dalam tradisi dan persoalan umat” (1990), “kang thowil dan siti marginal” (1995), “islam transformatif” (1995), “semarak islam, semarak demokrasi” (1997), “islam sebagai kritik sosial” (2003), “islam yang memihak” (2005), dan yang terakhir adalah “suara tuhan, suara pemerdekaan,” (2009). seluruh karya tersebut bermuatan ide penting tentang islam transformatif (teologi transformatif). inti dari konsep islam transformatif ini adalah islam yang memikirkan dan menyelesaikan pelbagai persoalan sosial dan kemanusiaan yang dihadapi oleh umat manusia. gagasan ini berangkat dari kritik terhadap teologi/kalam tradisional yang terlampau asyik masyuk dalam trend pemikiran yang skolastik. di samping itu, ciri khas dari skolastisme islam yang masih dipertahankan hingga kini adalah legal-sentrisme atau fiqih-sentrisme. segala sesuatu yang berupa kreativitas rasional alam pikir manusia, dihukumi dengan istilah “benar dan salah”. dalam konteks ini, tampak sekali kecenderungan untuk berpikir melalui pandangan dunia yang dualistik semata, seperti hanya menekankan persoalan “halal-haram”, “dosa-pahala”, serta “hitam-putih”, sementara kenyataan sosial yang menunjukkan penderitaan umat, tidak dianggap sebagai sesuatu hal yang perlu diperhatikan.39 padahal, ajaran agama yang paling esensial adalah meletakkan kedudukan harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan di tempat yang luhur. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 177177177177177vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 seluruh kritik yang diajukan tersebut, sebenarnya bukan untuk mengoreksi agama itu sendiri. sasaran utama kritik kang moeslim adalah pemikiran islam (teologi) yang hegemonik, sehingga tidak menyisakan ruang untuk menyelesaikan persoalan krisis kemanusiaan, yang sesungguhnya tampak di permukaan. melalui kritik ini, diharapkan akan terumuskan formulasi baru mengenai teologi (islam) yang mulai menaruh perhatian dan memiliki keberpihakan yang jelas terhadap krisis kemanusiaan. dengan kata lain, wahyu allah telah diterjemahkan dengan cara yang tepat, emansipatoris, liberatif dan transformatif, karena itu islam memiliki posisi yang senantiasa relevan dengan perubahan zaman, dengan pelbagai persoalannya.40 namun demikian, upaya pembacaan firman-firman allah secara kritis tersebut tidak hanya bersifat deduktif, dari kitab suci menuju realitas tetapi juga bersifat reflektif dalam rangka membaca, mendiagnosa dan menyikapi pelbagai kenyataan empiris (pelbagai krisis sosial dan kemanusiaan) melalui perspektif nilai-nilai etis teologi (islam).41 dalam satu kesempatan, moeslim menegaskan bahwa, “…semua kitab suci…menjadi ruh teologis bagi gerakan yang memihak keadilan sosial, sehingga muncul kekuatan kolektif yang berangkat dari kesadaran bahwa setiap bentuk hegemoni kekuasaan yang ingin melestarikan kekerasan dan ketidakadilan merupakan kemungkaran yang selalu mengancam keutuhan sendi-sendi kemanusiaan.”42 ikhtiar kang moeslim untuk mereformulasi ajaran islam ini adalah, agar spirit keagamaan setiap muslim, mampu memberikan keberpihakan terhadap persoalan keadilan sosial, khususnya yang menimpa siapa saja yang tersubordinasi secara sosial. dengan demikian, hal ini merupakan sikap teologis yang mencoba menghimpun kekuatan simbolik islam, yang berfungsi sosial untuk mewujudkan segala perintah agama itu sendiri, seperti menegakkan keadilan sosial dan membangun kesejahteraan umat.43 jelas bahwa upaya yang harus dilakukan atas nama islam ini bukanlah aksi individual semata, tetapi menjangkau seluruh aspek sosial kebudayaan yang diharapkan mampu bergerak secara massif dan kolektif. secara filosofis, ajaran ini merupakan hasil evaluasi kritis terhadap pelbagai wacana teologi islam. kang moeslim meyakini bahwa, di dalam sejarah islam, risalah tauhid sebagai pesan-pesan ilahiah, diturunkan bukan di ruang hampa, tetapi memiliki tujuan pragmatis yang mulia, antara lain untuk mendorong adanya humanisasi di tengah masyarakat arab jahiliyah yang penuh dengan krisis kemanusiaan pada saat itu.44 melalui pengertian ini, tauhid ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 178178178178178 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna bermakna moralitas yang paling fundamental untuk menegaskan ideologi politik kaum muslim, bahwa ketidakadilan, krisis kemanusiaan dan kemiskinan adalah ancaman yang serius. jika segala problem kemanusiaan tersebut diakibatkan oleh tangan-tangan jahat struktur kuasa yang menindas. sebagaimana peran kenabian, maka dalam perkara ini, islam transformatif harus berusaha melawan penindasan tersebut. secara lebih detil, kang moeslim menjelaskan bahwa, teologi islam memiliki beberapa syarat, agar supaya benar-benar berfungsi transformatif. syarat tersebut antara lain adalah: pertama, teologi islam harus bervisi sosialemansipatoris; kedua, perlu kontekstualisasi nilai etis kitab suci, serta bukan tekstualisasi; ketiga, peran liberatif agama ini merupakan hasil dari dialog terbuka antara teks dan konteks, sehingga melahirkan suatu penghayatan terbaik yang memihak kemanusiaan; keempat, basis ortodoksi islam harus dimaknai sebagai tumpuan untuk kepentingan umat (yang bersifat visioner dan futuristik); kelima, orientasi keislaman bukan sekedar ortodoksi, tetapi juga ortopraksi; keenam, intelektual, komunitas, serta institusinya harus berfungsi kritis, khususnya terhadap jebakan struktur yang dominatif, hegemonik dan menindas. oleh karena itu ijtihad menjadi jalan terbaik dalam rangka meluruskan setiap bentuk penyimpangan dan pelanggaran terhadap nilai-nilai dasar kemanusiaan.45 (moeslim, 1989: 160). dalam proyek gagasan islam transformatif ini, kang moeslim kerap menekankan bahwa dalam persoalan transendensi keagamaan (wilayah akidah) dan peribadatan (wilayah syariah/ubudiyah), bukan menjadi bidang garapannya. dalam pengertian, kedua hal tersebut sudah bersifat final (taken for granted), sementara kita hanya perlu untuk melaksanakannya dengan baik. ada pun perbedaan-perbedaan yang ada mengenai persoalan tersebut, bukanlah perbedaan yang fundamental, karena menyangkut bidang furu’iyyah dalam pemikiran keagamaan. dengan kata lain, islam transformatif menyentuh persoalan-persoalan spirit keagamaan, paradigma berpikir dan bagaimana meletakkan visi ajaran agama islam yang lebih liberatif-emansipatoris tatkala berhubungan dengan fenomena ketidakadilan, ketimpangan sosial dan krisis kemanusiaan. secara lebih jauh ia menyatakan bahwa, “…bagaimana agama sebagai wacana keimanan mampu melakukan pergulatan sejarah yang nyata dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, sehingga agama tetap mempunyai kekuatan profetik untuk mengubah keadaan dan menjadi hidayah bagi terwujudnya masyarakat yang damai dan berkeadilan.” berbasis pada pemikiran di atas, barangkali padanan gagasan islam ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 179179179179179vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 transformatif dengan neo-sufisme adalah letak penekanannya terhadap pembangunan kesadaran kritis, sifat liberatif-emansipatoris, perlawanan terhadap struktur dominan yang bersifat dehumanistik, serta apresiasi terhadap syariat. dalam konteks ini, baik islam transformatif maupun gagasan neosufisme, keduanya sama-sama berkehendak untuk mendapatkan ridla ilahi, dengan cara memperjuangkan segala harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan. jelas aktivitas intelektual kang moeslim yang terartikulasikan dalam bentuk gagasan islam transformatif, merupakan buah dari penghayatan religius yang mendalam mengenai ajaran agama islam. dengan kata lain, salah satu hasil dari aktivitas spiritualistik (sufistik) intelektual tersebut, telah sampai di hadapan publik dalam bentuk gagasan yang kritis dan mencerahkan. perlu dipertimbangkan pula bahwa, bangunan intelektual kang moeslim tersebut terkonstruk oleh lingkungan sosio-kulturalnya. tampak sekali dalam pemikiran keagamaannya, penuh dengan warna pemikiran kritis di dalam muhammadiyah. pelbagai ruh pemikiran progresif kh. ahmad dahlan misalnya, yang harus memperjuangkan hak-hak kemanusiaan orang-orang miskin dan kelas termarginalkan, mewarnai setiap karya-karya teoretikintelektual kang moeslim. penghayatan terhadap dimensi ilahiah yang begitu mendalam (esoteris) yang dipraktikkan oleh kyai dahlan dan muhammadiyah, memiliki posisi yang kurang lebih sama dengan gagasan moeslim abdurrahman, walau dengan artikulasi estetis yang berbeda. demikianlah kiranya gagasan islam transformatif kang moeslim, yang memiliki padanan dengan konsepsi neo-sufisme (muhammadiyah). sufitisasi syariah istilah “sufitisasi syariah” sebenarnya tidak terlalu mendapatkan perhatian di muhammadiyah. akan tetapi, wacana ini dianggap memiliki nilai penting, tatkala dipopularkan oleh abdul munir mulkhan. ia adalah seorang guru besar di bidang filsafat, di universitas islam negeri (uin) sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta. ia pernah menjadi anggota pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah di tahun 20002005. pria kelahiran 13 november 1946 ini, menyelesaikan studi sarjananya di fakultas filsafat ugm pada 1982. enam tahun kemudian, ia meraih gelar master dan pada 1999 ia meraih gelar doktor di bidang sosiologi di kampus yang sama. pelbagai karyanya tentang sufisme antara lain, “syeh siti jenar dan ajaran wihdatul wujud” (1985), “mencari tuhan dan tujuh jalan kebebasan: esai pemikiran imam al-ghazali” (1992), “bisnis kaum sufi” (1998), “neo-sufisme dan pudarnya fundamentalisme” (2000), “syekh siti jenar, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 180180180180180 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna pergumulan islam-jawa” (2001), “ajaran dan jalan kematian syekh siti jenar” (2002), “ajaran kesempurnaan syekh siti jenar” (2002), dan “kesalehan multikultural” (2005). di antara pelbagai karya yang beraroma sufisme tersebut, yang paling relevan dengan diskusi mengenai neo-sufisme dan neosufisme muhammadiyah adalah “neo-sufisme dan pudarnya fundamentalisme” (2000). buku tersebut akan menjadi rujukan utama dalam tulisan ini. gagasan sufitisasi syariah ini begitu penting, karena dianggap merepresentasikan pemikiran muhammadiyah secara lebih otentik dengan menggali pemikiran-pemikiran kunci kh. ahmad dahlan. pada dasarnya munir mulkhan ingin menunjukkan model penghayatan agama yang lebih mendalam dalam perspektif muhammadiyah. karena itu, istilah syariah yang biasanya dianggap telah cukup untuk membawa seorang hamba menjadi seorang yang saleh, dibawa menuju kepada wacana yang lebih esensial dan cenderung bersifat esoteris. dalam terminologi sufisme kerap disebut istilah hakikat dan ma’rifat. munir mulkhan memperkenalkan pelbagai interpretasi ajaran agama islam, khususnya mengenai relung batin islam yang dilahirkan dari permenungan-permenungan reflektif-otentik seorang pendiri muhammadiyah. sepintas mungkin orang akan salah menduga bahwa sufitisasi syariah adalah proyek pen-sufi-an (baca. penyufian) syariat islam. pandangan ini menunjukkan bahwa syariah sebenarnya mengandung dimensi esoteris, batiniah dan penghayatan spiritual yang tinggi. dalam khazanah hukum islam, hal ini disebut dengan falsafah al-tasyri’ atau hikmah al-tasyri’. sayangnya gagasan tersebut datang dari para sarjana filsafat, yang agak sukar dicerna oleh nalar masyarakat umum. sementara itu di dunia sufisme, hal tersebut dikenal dengan istilah akhlaq, akhlaq al-karimah, atau akhlaq al-qur’an. sufitisasi syariah mencoba menegaskan bahwa dimensi nilai-nilai etis qur’ani atau akhlaq, merupakan fondasi dasar bangunan syariah. dengan demikian, pada saat menempuh pelbagai ketentuan syariah, atau menapaki jalan menuju keridlaan allah, tergantung pada tujuan luhur di balik itu semua. dengan kata lain, bergantung kepada dimensi transendentalnya (ma’rifatullah). sufitisasi syariah adalah suatu ikhtiar untuk mengembalikan kedudukan syariah pada kondisinya yang paling otentik. melalui penelusuran munir mulkhan terhadap pemikiran kh. ahmad dahlan, tercatat bahwa: “agama bukan barang jang kasar, jang harus dimasukkan kedalam telinga, akan tetapi agama islam adalah agama fitrah. artinja, adjaran jang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 181181181181181vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 mentjotjoki kesutjian manusia. sesungguhnja agama bukanlah amal lahir jang dapat dilihat, amal lahirnja hanjalah bekas dan daja dari ruh agama.”46 dimensi ruhani di dalam aktivitas ritual peribadatan (ibadah mahdhah), maupun aktivitas kehidupan mu’amalah duniawiyah sehari-hari, begitu penting. dalam konteks ini, maka “gagasan dasar sufisme sebenarnya sama dengan syariat, termasuk tujuan mendekatkan diri kepada tuhan dan pencarian perkenan (keridlaan) tuhan.”47 inilah yang menjadi gagasan awal mengapa muhammadiyah didirikan sebagai perkumpulan, yakni dalam rangka mengembalikan ajaran agama islam pada hakikatnya yang paling otentik. seperti namanya, muhammadiyah adalah pengikut nabi muhammad, sosok teladan sempurna mengenai penghayatan ruhani agama islam, sehingga syariat baginya bukan sekedar menjadi tugas-tugas penggugur kewajiban. mengenai persoalan ini, munir mulkhan menyampaikan bahwa, “perhatian utama kyai dahlan lebih banyak pada pentingnya akal dan hati suci. dengan jelas kyai dahlan menyatakan bahwa kesalehan batin adalah inti dari kesalehan syariah untuk memperoleh perkenan tuhan.”48 melalui penghayatan kyai dahlan tersebut, memang konsekuensinya bagi muhammadiyah begitu besar. misalnya, bila makna kesucian batin adalah kebaikan, kebajikan dan kebebasan kemanusiaan, maka hal ini berhadapan secara diametral dengan pelbagai aspek yang bukan kebaikan, bukan kebajikan dan pengekangan kemanusiaan. oleh karena itu, sesuatu hal yang sangat janggal, apabila syariat merupakan jalan yang justru merendahkan harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan. terlebih bahwa syariat ini sudah mengalami pelbagai modifikasi sosio-kultural, bahkan politik, sehingga tampak begitu memberatkan. syariat dengan tafsiran mistis islam, lebih tampak sebagai ajaran keagamaan yang berbeda dengan aslinya (bid’ah), berdimensi khayalan mistis yang tidak masuk akal (takhayul) dan membawa ketergantungan yang mengikis fungsi akal pikiran (khurafat). perkara ini menimbulkan tertutupnya pintu ijtihad, karena otoritas tafsir keagamaan hanya menjadi hak mereka yang dipercaya (secara sosio-kultural dan politis) oleh sistem feodalistik kerajaan jawa (mataraman). dalam konteks ini, mustahil bahwa ajaran agama yang dimanfaatkan untuk kepentingan pragmatis pengukuhan status quo tertentu merupakan kesucian.49 dengan kata lain, bagi kyai dahlan, agama islam telah menampakkan diri melalui wajah yang penuh kepalsuan. dari sinilah, kemudian lahir kredo utama muhammadiyah, yakni “al-ruju’ ila al-qur’an wa al-sunnah.” bagi kyai dahlan, agama tidak boleh menjadi penguasaan, dominasi dan hegemoni elit keagamaan-pemerintah semata, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 182182182182182 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna karena pada hakikatnya agama adalah rahmat bagi seluruh alam. karena itu melalui persyarikatan muhammadiyah, diharapkan dakwah pemurnian ajaran islam yang berorientasi untuk pembebasan kemanusiaan, bisa berkembang secara massif. dengan kata lain, gerakan islam yang liberatif ini, bisa dimobilisir melalui kekuatan yang solid. secara lebih jauh, munir mulkhan mengungkapkan bahwa, “muhammadiyah meletakkan ‘organisasi’ sebagai alat atau sabilillah untuk mendekatkan diri kepada tuhan dengan tujuan memperoleh perkenannya... dari pandangan itu, muhammadiyah tampak mensakralkan (wajib) yang duniawi dan profan, mirip fungsi tarikat dan hirarkhi guru-murid dalam tradisi sufisme.”50 kyai dahlan adalah guru, yang bekerja keras mengembalikan dimensi spiritual syariah, dengan strategi pemurnian ajaran islam, yang bergerak secara kolektif dan terorganisir melalui persyarikatan muhammadiyah. dalam menegaskan pentingnya gerakan ini, kyai dahlan menandaskan bahwa, “kalau kamu permisi dari suatu tugas jang ditetapkan oleh sidang kepadamu, untuk bertabligh umpamanja, djanganlah kamu permisi kepadaku, tetapi permisilah kepada tuhan dengan mengemukakan alasanmu, beranikah kamu bertanggungjawab atas perbuatanmu itu?”51 kendati demikian, gagasan sufitisasi syariah ini mulai ditangkap maksudnya tanpa keraguan, pada tahun 1995. sebelum periode tersebut, gagasan itu diragukan, karena kurang dipahami maksudnya dengan baik, jujur, terbuka dan melalui sudut pandang yang positif. memang ikhtiar pemurnian islam yang digalakkan oleh kyai dahlan dalam beberapa dekade kemudian, berdampak pada penghapusan dan penolakan segala unsur dan peristilahan yang berbau sufisme. mungkin telah beredar trend simplifikasi dan generalisasi bahwa, setiap sufisme adalah takhayul, bid’ah dan khurafat, serta lebih mudah tergelincir dalam kesyirikan. oleh karena itu, seiring dengan mengemukanya program “dakwah kultural muhammadiyah”52 yang meletakkan kepentingan untuk memperluas dakwah di lingkungan masyarakat bawah yang cenderung tradisional, maka sufisme, sufitisasi syariah, spiritualisasi hukum islam dan neo-sufisme, menjadi ide-ide yang mampu merevitalisasi spirit pemikiran kemuhammadiyahan kyai dahlan. munir mulkhan kembali menegaskan, “sejak tahun 1995, muhammadiyah mulai menaruh perhatian kembali terhadap aspek spiritual syariat dan mulai membahas tasawuf secara terbuka dalam program spiritualisasi syariat.”53 demikianlah yang dimaksud dengan gagasan sufitisasi syariah, yang selaras ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 183183183183183vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 dengan segala substansi pemikiran neo-sufisme. pada akhirnya, teoretisi sufitisasi syariah ini mengungkapkan bahwa, “...pemikiran keislaman...lebih mengacu kepada fungsionalisasi nilai-nilai spiritualitas ketuhanan dalam aplikasinya dalam kehidupan kongkrit di muka bumi...mempertautkan dan menyentuhkan pemikiran transendental dengan wilayah sosial budaya yang kongkrit dan kontekstual.”54 teoretisasi: koherensi konsep kunci dengan neo-sufisme muhammadiyah tidak mudah memang memberikan interpretasi yang tepat mengenai neosufisme muhammadiyah dan relasinya terhadap konsep-konsep kunci yang diproduksi oleh para tokoh muhammadiyah sendiri. namun, terdapat nilainilai dasar yang dipahami, yang bisa dijadikan rujukan untuk membangun suatu konsep atau teori. nilai-nilai dasar yang dimaksud merupakan batasbatas etis dengan ciri khas tertentu, yang melekat pada gagasan umum neosufisme. seperti yang telah dijelaskan fazlur rahman, “neo-sufisme adalah sufisme yang mengindahkan syariat, tidak terbawa oleh keasyikan mistis maupun filosofis (skolastis), mengapresiasi ijtihad dan memiliki perhatian yang besar akan kebangkitan agama islam dan kaum muslimin.” di samping itu, neo-sufisme juga “peduli terhadap pembangunan kesadaran kritis umat, keberpihakan terhadap kemanusiaan, serta perjuangan melawan ketidakadilan, penjajahan dan kekuasaan yang korup.” merujuk kepada batas-batas etis yang diajukan rahman tersebut, penting kiranya dilakukan evaluasi kembali terhadap gagasan neo-sufisme di dalam muhammadiyah, baik sebagai gagasan kolektif di dalam komunitas, maupun gagasan-gagasan kunci di antara para intelektual di dalam komunitas tersebut. menghubungkan ketiga struktur pengetahuan (neo-sufisme, neo-sufisme muhammadiyah dan konsep-konsep tokoh muhammadiyah), berarti menafsirkan koherensi konseptual di antara ketiganya. amien rais menyumbangkan konsep “tauhid sosial”, kuntowijoyo dengan konsep “ilmu sosial profetik”, moeslim abdurrahman dengan “islam transformatif” dan abdul munir mulkhan dengan “sufitisasi syariah”. keempat konsep tersebut memang tidak duduk bersama di dalam suatu disiplin ilmu pengetahuan secara khusus. misalnya di dalam disiplin ilmu filsafat, atau bahkan sufisme. tauhid sosial adalah pengetahuan mengenai etika politik. di dalamnya mengandung spirit perjuangan politik yang bisa menginspirasi para pemerhati politik. sedangkan ilmu sosial profetik merupakan ilmu dibangun ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 184184184184184 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna di dalam disiplin epistemologi, khususnya epistemologi ilmu pengetahuan sosial dan humaniora. ilmu ini sangat bermanfaat bagi siapa saja, khususnya para sarjana atau akademisi muslim yang menggeluti wilayah ilmu-ilmu sosial dan humaniora. lalu “islam transformatif”, sedikit banyak menyinggung masalah-masalah dalam disiplin teologi, walau sebenarnya ilmu ini lebih merupakan salah satu ilmu sosial, yang berorientasi pada misi, visi dan aksi liberatif-emansipatoris. bagi orang-orang muslim yang menaruh kepedulian terhadap ajaran agama islam dan ilmu sosial yang berfungsi untuk mengupayakan perubahan sosial, islam transformatif ini sangat bernilai guna. terakhir, “sufitisasi syariah” sama sekali bukan ilmu pengetahuan dalam disiplin sufisme. sufitisasi syariah adalah diskurus dalam disiplin sejarah sosial, khususnya di lingkungan muhammadiyah. bagi warga muhammadiyah yang ingin mempelajari sejarah organisasinya dengan perspektif alternatif, sufitisasi syariah merupakan hal yang sangat esensial. jika kita mencoba mendudukkan keempat konsep tersebut, maka sama halnya dengan membuka pintu bagi pelbagai disiplin ilmu pengetahuan, untuk saling berdialektika. dalam rangka membuka kesempatan dialog inter-disipliner, maka filsafat ilmu pengetahuan (epistemologi) sebagai “kerangka” interpretasi teori, sangatlah diperlukan. walau demikian, aktivitas dialektika ini tidak hanya berlaku bagi keempat konsep tersebut, tetapi juga terhadap konsep neosufisme secara umum dan neo-sufisme di dalam muhammadiyah, yang notabene termasuk dalam wilayah kajian pemikiran islam. intinya adalah, dalam seni penafsiran yang memanfaatkan arkeologi pengetahuan, dialektika interdisipliner di antara pelbagai disiplin ilmu pengetahuan merupakan media yang membuka kesempatan untuk menghasilkan ilmu pengetahuan baru. kembali kepada persoalan koherensi (interdisipliner), yang berbasis pada batas-batas etis yang telah diajukan fazlur rahman. pertama, neo-sufisme harus sesuai dengan syariah, bahkan menggunakan syariah untuk menapaki tangga spiritualitas yang lebih tinggi. lantas apakah pelbagai teori yang ada, telah segaris dengan prinsip etis ini? di antara teori-teori tersebut, perlu dijelaskan satu demi satu, untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang lebih sempurna. (1) dimulai dari tauhid sosial. teori ini sebenarnya merupakan teori etika politik yang terinspirasi dari wacana teologi islam. karena menyebut istilah tauhid, penggagasnya berharap terjadi kontekstualisasi makna tauhid, khususnya di ranah sosial dan politik.. interpretasi terpenting dari doktrin ini adalah, islam yang terdiri dari aqidah, syariah dan mu’amalah, harus saling mendukung satu sama lain secara utuh dan integral. konsekuensinya, aqidah ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 185185185185185vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 dan syariah harus terwujud dalam kehidupan sehari-hari umat islam, sehingga persoalan-persoalan duniawi yang tampak pelik mampu terselesaikan dengan baik. oleh karena itu, aqidah dan syariah menjadi sangat penting untuk mendorong terwujudnya misi pemerdekaan agama, baik melalui jalan humanisasi (amar ma’ruf) maupun menghadang kemunkaran dan kesyirikan sosial (nahi munkar). seorang muslim yang telah bersyahadat (berakidah) dan mengerjakan syariat (shalat, puasa, zakat dan haji, serta ritualitas yang sesuai dengan ketentuan al-qur’an dan al-sunnah lainnya), belumlah dianggap sebagai muslim yang sejati, selama akidah dan syariah-nya tersebut tidak termanifestasikan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, baik itu secara sosial, politik, kebudayaan dan seterusnya. (2) ilmu sosial profetik. teori ini sepenuhnya selaras dengan jalan syariah. sebagaimana sesuai dengan namanya, teori ini merujuk kepada segala pengertian menyangkut tugas-tugas kenabian muhammad saw. walau demikian, bekerja jauh menyentuh relung syariah, teori ini mengambil banyak faedah dari basis-basis etis syariah itu sendiri. dalam bahasa ushul al-fiqh disebut dengan maqashid al-syariah. meskipun, perumusnya sama sekali tidak menggunakan istilah yang bernafaskan penalaran hukum tersebut. karena teori ini terletak dalam disiplin epistemologi, maka paradigma profetisme yang diajukannya, harus dilandasi oleh fondasi dasar yang berupa nilai-nilai etis. kuntowijoyo bermaksud menggali segala etika kebajikan islam, baik itu yang bersumber dari al-qur’an, al-sunnah dan kebajikan universal manusia secara umum, untuk dijadikan sebagai dasar pijak dari konstruksi ilmu sosial yang dibangunnya. jelas, dimensi “etis” syariah menjadi hal yang sangat esensial, dalam rangka membangun cakrawala berpikir umat islam di tengah belantika keilmuan dunia, yang sebenarnya sedang didominasi oleh peradaban barat. dalam konteks ini, islam dipandang bukan sekedar agama, tetapi juga ilmu pengetahuan, yang diasumsikan lebih baik, lebih utuh dan lebih sempurna. kendati demikian, bukan berarti teori-teori yang telah dihasilkan oleh orang-orang eropa dan amerika harus ditinggalkan begitu saja. sepanjang hal tersebut bermanfaat dan mengandung nilai kebajikan universal, maka tidak perlu ragu untuk menggunakannya dalam rangka memperkaya wawasan di kalangan muslim, karena juga dianggap sesuai dengan perspektif keagamaan (hal ini selaras dengan kredo: al-mashlahah, syariah). (3) islam transformatif atau teologi transformatif. teori ini oleh penggagasnya dimaksudkan sebagai teori etika sosial, yang terinspirasi dari nilai-nilai dan spirit teologis agama islam. dengan kata lain, teori ini merupakan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 186186186186186 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna teori yang berguna untuk memahami fenomena sosial, namun menggunakan nilai-nilai ajaran islam yang luhur sebagai perspektifnya. oleh karena itu, jelaslah bahwa teori ini bukan merupakan teori tentang teologi. terlebih bahwa moeslim abdurrahman sama sekali tidak mempersoalkan wilayah teologis, baik itu yang berupa aqidah maupun syariah. baginya kedua hal tersebut, bagi setiap kaum yang beriman adalah kewajiban yang tidak boleh dipersoalkan lagi. hanya saja, apabila ada orang-orang yang mengaku saleh, secara teguh berpijak pada aqidah islamiyyah dan secara konsisten melaksanakan syariat islam, akan tetapi tidak peduli dengan pelbagai persoalan sosial dan kemanusiaan, maka menurut sudut pandang transformatif, teologi yang mereka pahami belumlah benar. bagi penulis buku islam transformatif ini, seharusnya antara aqidah, syariah dan perjuangan sosial kemanusiaan berjalan beriringan. (4) sufitisasi syariah. teori ini sebenarnya hendak membermaknakan konsep dan praktik syariah, khususnya di kalangan kaum muslim yang memiliki perspektif hukum islam yang tekstualistik (skripturalistik). abdul munir mulkhan menyadari bahwa, kesadaran beragama yang tekstualistik dan legalsentris, dapat mengikis hakikat syariah itu sendiri. dimensi ruhaniah dari ritualitas ajaran islam, pada akhirnya bukan menjadi orientasi utama bagi umat islam yang hendak beribadah, tetapi pahala dan dosa, surga dan neraka, halal dan haram, serta segala penilaian yang bersifat oposisi biner terhadap ajaran agama. dalam konteks ini, agama tampak sebagai suatu nilai transendental yang dipahami secara dangkal, padahal agama itu sendiri mengandung kedalaman. oleh karena itu, sufitisasi syariah adalah gagasan yang hendak mengupayakan spiritualisasi di bidang syariah. dengan upaya ini, diharapkan nilai-nilai esoteris ajaran islam tidak diabaikan oleh para penganutnya. sebaliknya, semakin seorang muslim berkomitmen dan teguh dalam menunaikan syariah, semakin dalam pula penghayatan ruhaniahnya terhadap ajaran islam yang mulia. pendek kata, syariah tidak boleh menjadikan keimanan seorang hamba menjadi kering oleh karena kesalahpahaman yang dibuatnya sendiri, tetapi seiring dengan itu semua, esoterisme keagamaan harus berjalan beriringan dengan syariah. sufitisasi syariah tidak berbeda dengan pemahaman yang lebih mendalam terhadap syariah itu sendiri. kedua, secara umum, baik tauhid sosial maupun islam transformatif jelas memiliki kejelasan formal yang menegaskan bahwa tidak terlalu penting untuk terhanyut dalam persoalan-persoalan keagamaan yang bersifat mistis dan cara berpikir yang skolastik. bahkan, terdapat kecenderungan untuk menjauhi kedua ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 187187187187187vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 corak berpikir yang tidak terlalu memberikan pengaruh terhadap agenda utama kedua gagasan penting tersebut. artinya, baik cara berpikir mistis maupun filsafat yang terlampau spekulatif, tidak memiliki kaitan yang signifikan terhadap segala upaya yang mendorong terwujudnya perubahan sosial di tengah masyarakat. di samping itu, amien rais dan moeslim abdurrahman sepakat untuk menghindari kesyirikan. dalam pengertian, baik itu yang bermakna menduakan allah dalam pengertian yang paling tradisional, maupun kesyirikan modern yang berupa segala perilaku korup dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. berbeda dengan kedua teori tersebut, abdul munir mulkhan dan kuntowijoyo masih mempertahankan beberapa istilah teknis, yang dalam periode historis islam di masa lalu, cenderung bersifat mistis atau filosofisskolastis. misalnya terhadap istilah sufisme dan transendensi. bila yang pertama dikenal terlampau jauh bergumul dalam dunia mistis-gnostik, yang kedua sering dikaitkan dengan istilah ma’rifatullah, yang bahkan oleh beberapa ahli sufi-falsafi, dimaknai dengan kebersatuan esensial dan eksistensial antara seorang hamba dan tuhannya, baik melalui hulul maupun wihdatul wujud. kedua tradisi sufisme tersebut, jelas bukan merupakan bidang garapan neosufisme. seiring dengan persoalan ini, maka makna yang sebenarnya dikehendaki oleh dua teoretisi dari muhammadiyah tersebut, merupakan reinterpretasi (kultural) yang secara halus diarahkan kepada pemahaman masyarakat umum. di tangan munir mulkhan dan kuntowijoyo, sufisme dan transendensi sama sekali tidak berhubungan dengan mistisisme dan filsafatskolatisme, juga tidak bertentangan dengan syariah. “sufisme” bagi penulis disertasi “islam murni” ini, bermakna “spiritualisme”. secara positif, hal tersebut (spiritualisme) dapat dimaknai sebagai intisari atau penghayatan yang mendalam terhadap ajaran syariah. sementara itu “transendensi” bagi penulis novel “khutbah di atas bukit” ini memiliki pengertian totalitas penerimaan dimensi ilahiah (pasrah, dan berserah diri hanya kepada allah semata). bagi kuntowijoyo, menempuh jalan menuju keridlaan tuhan (syariah) hanya bisa dimulai melalui kemurnian niat dan kesucian kalbu, sedangkan hasilnya diikhlaskan kepada hak preogatif allah sepenuhnya. ketiga, reformulasi syariah dan sufisme di antara keempat tokoh di atas, mustahil terbangun tanpa ruh kesadaran kritis. kesadaran kritis merupakan prasyarat utama, sebelum mengelaborasi pelbagai doktrin pokok ajaran agama islam, sehingga muncul penafsiran baru yang lebih mencerahkan dan mendidik umat. secara aplikatif, kesadaran kritis biasanya muncul melalui peran korektif agama beserta segala nilai etis yang mengiringinya, terhadap fenomena sosial ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 188188188188188 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang dianggap dehumanistik. tauhid sosial misalnya, memperhadapkan nilainilai etis yang tertuang dalam dasar doktriner ajaran islam atau tauhid, dengan perilaku manusia di wilayah sosial, politik dan kebudayaan yang tidak lagi manusiawi. islam transformatif tampak sejalan dengan peran tauhid sosial di dalam ruang lingkup sosial dan politik. hanya saja barangkali ruang garapan islam transformatif lebih luas, karena juga menjangkau (pelbagai kritik terhadap) perilaku dan penghayatan keagamaan umat islam, yang cenderung tidak peduli dengan persoalan-persoalan ketidakadilan dan krisis kemanusiaan. sementara itu ilmu sosial profetik mengaplikasikan pemikiran kritisnya bukan dalam ranah fenomena sosial masyarakat, tetapi ranah epistemologi dan sejarah ilmu pengetahuan. kritik yang dijalankan oleh ilmu ini berjalan dalam dua arah: yang pertama menantang ilmu pengetahuan dominan (eropa dan amerika), sementara yang kedua berlaku ke dalam komunitas intelektual muslim sendiri, untuk mengoreksi dogmatisme keagamaan yang membabi-buta (nativisme ekstrim di kalangan muslim konservatif). terakhir, sufitisasi syariah juga menerapkan kesadaran kritisnya dalam dua arah: yakni bagi dogmatisme yang beredar di kalangan para mistikus sufi, serta yang menjangkiti para ahli syariah atau fiqih. sufitisasi syariah berikhtiar untuk merekonsiliasi pelbagai tensi di antara kedua ahli di wilayah kajian yang berbeda tersebut. keempat, dimensi kesadaran kritis pada keempat teori di atas, berimplikasi secara signifikan terhadap digalakkannya ijtihad. dalam konteks ini, ijtihad dimaknai sebagai pembaruan atau reformasi terhadap banyak bidang yang menjangkau wilayah filsafat, pemikiran islam, ilmu sosial, seni dan humaniora, serta pelbagai bidang lain yang berkaitan dengan sains dan teknologi mutakhir. berawal dari penegasan bahwa ijtihad di dalam domain pemikiran keagamaan telah terbuka, membawa pengaruh yang besar di seluruh sendi-sendi kehidupan umat manusia. kendati demikian, ijtihad tersebut bukan berjalan tanpa makna. misalnya hanya untuk melayani perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan itu sendiri (obyektivitas), tanpa tendensi yang lain (subyektivitas). ijtihad dalam persoalan ini mendapatkan tempatnya, dalam rangka mewujudkan kebangkitan agama islam dan kaum muslimin. oleh karena itu, ijtihad ini menaruh kepedulian yang besar terhadap persoalan-persoalan kemanusiaan. dengan demikian tidak mengherankan jika keempat teori tersebut tampak secara kompak sebagai sebuah konsepsi religious yang bernuansa kritis, liberatif dan memiliki kecenderungan perlawanan terhadap ketidakadilan, penjajahan dan kekuasaan yang dominatif dan hegemonik. pada akhirnya, dapat dimengerti bahwa, dimensi kesadaran kritis di dalam ijtihad senantiasa berjalan beriringan dengan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 189189189189189vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 kerja-kerja sosial dan intelektual yang progresif dan transformatif. orientasi perubahan sosial yang diupayakan oleh keempat teori tersebut, adalah sebuah keharusan yang dilandasi oleh spirit moralitas keagamaan (fardu ‘ain). pelbagai pemahaman di atas memberikan gambaran kepada kita bahwa, sesungguhnya terdapat koherensi nilai-nilai antara gagasan neo-sufisme secara umum dengan keempat konsep yang diproduksi oleh para tokoh muhammadiyah. bila konsepsi neo-sufisme– dalam pembahasan-pembahasan sebelumnya – memiliki kesinambungan dengan nilai-nilai etis yang berkembang di muhammadiyah, jelas dengan demikian secara rasional juga memiliki koherensinya dengan keempat konsep yang diajukan. kendati demikian, persoalan ini perlu didiskusikan secara lebih jauh, dalam uji filosofis terhadap kedua entitas (keempat teori dan teori neo-sufisme muhamamdiyah) yang sebenarnya terbangun dalam suatu lingkungan kebudayaan dan historis yang khusus (muhammadiyah). sebagaimana yang diungkapkan dalam pengantar tulisan ini, menurut sosiolog pengetahuan karl mannheim, kalangan elit intelektual memberikan sumbangsih yang besar terhadap pemikiran umum komunitasnya sendiri, dan sebaliknya, miliu sosio-kultural tertentu, memiliki peran yang signifikan dalam membangun corak pemikiran dan intelektualitas individu-individu di dalamnya.55 tidak ada yang membantah bahwa, sesungguhnya amien rais, moeslim abdurrahman, kuntowijoyo dan abdul munir mulkhan secara kultural dan organisasional merupakan bagian dari persyarikatan muhammadiyah. pemikiran mereka, sedikit banyak mengandung pelbagai nilai-nilai etis dan doktrin yang beraroma muhammadiyah. pro-syariah secara formal-substansial (ritualitas dan implikasi etisnya), penghayatan terhadap teologi al-ma’un (spirit liberasi sosial), keberpihakan terhadap kejayaan islam, kaum muslim dan kemanusiaan, serta sikap yang tegas terhadap segala bentuk perilaku yang menginjak harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan, merupakan nilai-nilai etis dan doktrin yang diterima sebagai iman oleh keempat pemikir tersebut. demikian pula terhadap sosok kh. ahmad dahlan, bagi mereka merupakan inspirasi dan pusat refleksi bermuhammadiyah. dengan demikian, dalam konteks di mana kyai dahlan menjadi figur yang setara dan seirama dengan ibn taimiyah, tatkala ia diterjemahkan sebagai seorang “neo-sufis”, maka bukanlah hal yang mustahil, bila teori-teori yang dihasilkan oleh keempat tokoh muhammadiyah tersebut, beraroma neo-sufisme. sementara itu melalui arah yang berkebalikan, jelas para tokoh tersebut – disadari atau tidak, maupun diakui atau tidak – telah memberikan kontribusi intelektual yang besar bagi pembangunan ilmu ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 190190190190190 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna pengetahuan dan ideologi di dalam muhammadiyah itu sendiri. secara formal (melalui forum-forum resmi organisasi) maupun kultural, para teoretisi ini telah membangun image, identitas dan bahkan ideologi muhammadiyah, melalui formulasi semantik dan gaya bahasa yang mungkin berbeda, sesuai dengan semangat zaman yang ada. pada akhirnya, inilah yang dimaksud dengan neo-sufisme dalam artikulasi teoretika, baik yang digali melalui ideologi muhammadiyah maupun produk-produk intelektual para tokohnya. catatan akhir 1 karl mannheim, “the two divisions of the sociology of knowledge,” ideology and utopia (new york: harvest book, 1936), h. 266-289; 268. 2 michel foucault, “on the archeology of sciences: response to the epistemology circle,” in part two, “epistemology and methodology,” aesthetics, method and epistemology: essential works of foucault 1954-1984 (new york: the new press, 1998), h. 297-334; 310. 3 fazlur rahman, islam and modernity: transformation of an intellectual tradition (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1984), h. 79. 4 fazlur rahman, islam (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1979), h. 195. 5 ibn taimiyyah, kitab al-istiqâmah, vol. i (kairo: maktabah al-sunnah, 1409h), h. 3. 6 ezzat mossallenejad, “geography of retun,” religion and the cruel return of gods (toronto: zagros editions, 2012), h. 130. 7 fazlur rahman, islam and modernity, h. 196-205. 8 charles amjad-ali, “christian ethics and witness in the context of globalism, the clash of civilisations and the american empire,” allan boesak len hansen (ed.), globalisation: the politics of empire, justice and the life of faith (stellenbosch: sun press, 2009, hal. 100. perlu pula dibandingkan dengan hamid dabashi, resisting the empire,” islamic liberation theology: resisting the empire (new york: routledge, 2008), 40. 9 ibn taimiyyah, al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah (beirut: al-maktabah al-islamiyah, 1391h), h. 13-20. 10 whael b. hallaq, “early ijtihad and the later construction of authority,” authority, continuity and change in islamic law (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2004), hal. 24-56. 11 fazlur rahman, revival and reform in islam: a study of islamic fundamentalism (oxford: oneworld, 2003), h. 108-9. 12 ibn taimiyyah, majmû’ fatawâ, vol iv (beirut: dar al-arabiyah, 1398h), 17-8. 13 ibn taimiyyah, majmû’ fatawâ, vol ix (beirut: dar al-arabiyah, 1398h), h. 17. 14 ibn taimiyyah, kitâb al-radd ‘ala al-mantiqiyyîn (beirut: dâr al-ma’rifah, t.th.), h. 511. 15 kuntowijoyo, “jalan baru muhammadiyah,” dalam abdul munir mulkhan, islam murni dalam masyarakat petani (yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 191191191191191vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 2000), h. xvii. 16 alfian, politik kaum modernis, perlawanan muhammadiyah terhadap kolonial belanda (jakarta: al-wasath publising press, 2010), h. 168. 17 nakamura, mitsuo, “rationality and enlightenment: a comparison of educational reforms promoted by gülen movement and muhammadiyah,” paper yang dipresentasikan di dalam program international fethullah gülen conference indonesia, pada tahun 2010. http://www.fethullahgulenchair.com/ (diakses pada 7 januari 2015). 18 kuntowijoyo, “jalan baru muhammadiyah,” ibid., 19 alfian, politik kaum modernis, h. 165. 20 beck, herman l., “the borderline between moslem fundamentalism and moslem modernism: an indonesian example,” dalam jan willen van henten dan anton houtepen (eds.), religious identity and the invention of tradition (the netherlands: koninklijke van gorcum, 2001), h. 279-291. 21 djohan effendi, pembaruan tanpa membongkar tradisi. wacana keagamaan di kalangan generasi muda nu, masa kepemimpinan gus dur (jakarta: kompas, 2010), h. 68; abdul munir mulkhan, “al-quran dan pragmatisasi amal saleh,” manusia al-quran: jalan ketiga religiositas di indonesia (yogyakarta: kanisius, 2007), h. 77-84; moeslim abdurrahman, islam sebagai kritik sosial (jakarta: erlangga, 2003), 123. 22 m. amien rais, tauhid sosial: formula menggempur kesenjangan (bandung: mizan, 1998), h. 141. 23 a.a. navis, robohnya surau kami (jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, 2006). 24 susetiawan, “kesejahteraan masyarakat yang terpasung: ketidakberdayaan para pihak relawan konstruksi neoliberalisme,” media inovasi: jurnal ilmu dan kemanusiaan, edisi khusus muktamar satu abad muhammadiyah (2010), hal. 99-108. 25 m. amien rais dalam muhammad najib dan irwan omar, putra nusantara: mohammad amien rais (singapura: stamford press, 2003), h. 11. 26 m. amien rais, tauhid sosial, ibid., h. 99-104. 27 ariel heryanto, state terrorism and political identity in indonesia: fatally belonging (new york: routledge, 2006). 28 m. amien rais, tauhid sosial, ibid., h. 110. 29 m. amien rais, h. 118. 30 m. amien rais dalam muhammad najib dan irwan omar, putra nusantara, ibid., h. 57. 31 m. amien rais, tauhid sosial, ibid., h. 264-265. 32 kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi dan etika (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 2006); kuntowjoyo, “ilmu sosial profetik: etika pengembangan ilmu-ilmu sosial,” muslim tanpa masjid (bandung: mizan, 2001), h. 357-376; heddy sri-ahimsa putra, paradigma profetik: mungkinkah? perlukah?, makalah sarasehan profetik 2011, sekolah pascasarjana ugm, di yogyakarta, 10 februari 2011. 33 kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu, ibid., h. 85. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 192192192192192 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna 34 kuntowjoyo, muslim tanpa masjid, ibid., h. 357. 35 kuntowjoyo, ibid., h. 357-8. 36 ibid., h. 369-72. 37 ibid., h. 372-5. 38 kuntowijoyo, “jalan baru muhammadiyah,” dalam abdul munir mulkhan, islam murni dalam masyarakat petani (yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya, 2000), h. xvii. 39 moeslim abdurrahman, islam transformatif (jakarta: pustaka firdaus, 1996), h. 17. 40 moeslim abdurrahman, islam transformatif, ibid., h. 16. 41 moeslim abdurrahman, teologi pembangunan: paradigma baru pemikiran islam (yogyakarta: lajnah kajian pengembangan sumberdaya manusia nu diy, 1989), h. 153. 42 moeslim abdurrahman, suara tuhan, suara pemerdekaan: menuju demokrasi dan kesadaran bernegara (yogyakarta: kanisius, 2009), h. 43-44. 43 moeslim abdurrahman, islam sebagai kritik sosial (jakarta: erlangga, 2003), h. vi. 44 moeslim abdurrahman, islam yang memihak (yogyakarta: lkis, 2005), h. 2. 45 moeslim abdurrahman, teologi pembangunan, ibid., h. 43-4. 46 abdul munir mulkhan, neo-sufisme dan pudarnya fundamentalisme di pedesaan (yogyakarta: uii press, 2000), h. 72; junus salam, k.h.a. dahlan, amal dan perdjoangannja (djakarta: depot pengajaran muhammadijah, 1968), h. 51. 47 abdul munir mulkhan, neo-sufisme, ibid., h. 98. 48 abdul munir mulkhan, ibid., 49 abdul munir mulkhan, kesalehan multikultural (jakarta: psap, 2005), h. 62-3. 50 abdul munir mulkhan, neo-sufisme, ibid., h. 72. 51 abdul munir mulkhan, ibid.; junus salam, ibid., 52-3. 52 abdul munir mulkhan, kesalehan multikultural, ibid., h. 212. 53 abdul munir mulkhan, ibid., h. 99 54 ibid., h. 230. 55 mannheim, ibid. daftar pustaka abdurrahman, moeslim. 2003. islam sebagai kritik sosial, jakarta: erlangga. abdurrahman, moeslim. 2009. suara tuhan, suara pemerdekaan: menuju demokrasi dan kesadaran bernegara, yogyakarta: kanisius. abdurrahman, moeslim. 1989. teologi pembangunan: paradigma baru pemikiran islam, yogyakarta: lajnah kajian pengembangan sumberdaya manusia nu diy. abdurrahman, moeslim. 1996. islam transformatif, jakarta: pustaka firdaus. abdurrahman, moeslim. 2005. islam yang memihak, yogyakarta: lkis. alfian. 2010. politik kaum modernis, perlawanan muhammadiyah terhadap kolonial belanda, jakarta: al-wasath publising press. amjad-ali, charles. 2009. “christian ethics and witness in the context of globalism, the clash of civilisations and the american empire,” allan boesak ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 193193193193193vol. 11 no. 2 desember 2015 len hansen (ed.), globalisation: the politics of empire, justice and the life of faith. stellenbosch: sun press. hal. 100. beck, herman l.. 2001. “the borderline between moslem fundamentalism and moslem modernism: an indonesian example,” dalam jan willen van henten dan anton houtepen (eds.), religious identity and the invention of tradition, the netherlands: koninklijke van gorcum: 279-291. dabashi, hasim. 2008. “resisting the empire,” islamic liberation theology: resisting the empire. new york: routledge. effendi, djohan. 2010. pembaruan tanpa membongkar tradisi. wacana keagamaan di kalangan generasi muda nu, masa kepemimpinan gus dur, jakarta: kompas. foucault, michel. 1998. “on the archeology of sciences: response to the epistemology circle,” in part two, “epistemology and methodology,” aesthetics, method and epistemology: essential works of foucault 1954-1984, new york: the new press. hal. 297-334. hallaq, whael b. 2004. “early ijtihad and the later construction of authority,” authority, continuity and change in islamic law, cambridge: cambridge university press. hal. 24-56. heryanto, ariel. 2006. state terrorism and political identity in indonesia: fatally belonging, new york: routledge. kuntowijoyo. 2006. “etika paradigma islam,” islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi dan etika, yogyakarta: tiara wacana. hal. 85. kuntowijoyo. 2000. “jalan baru muhammadiyah,” dalam abdul munir mulkhan, islam murni dalam masyarakat petani, yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. hal. xvii. kuntowijoyo. 2006. islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi dan etika, yogyakarta: tiara wacana. kuntowijoyo. 1991. paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi, bandung: mizan. kuntowjoyo. 2001. “ilmu sosial profetik: etika pengembangan ilmu-ilmu sosial,” muslim tanpa masjid, bandung: mizan. h 357-376. kuntowjoyo. 2001. “ilmu sosial profetik: etika pengembangan ilmu-ilmu sosial,” muslim tanpa masjid, bandung: mizan, h. 357; 358; 366-9. mannheim, karl. 1936. “the two divisions of the sociology of knowledge,” ideology and utopia, new york: harvest book, h. 266-289. mossallenejad, ezzat. 2012. “geography of retun,” religion and the cruel return of gods. toronto: zagros editions. mulkhan, abdul munir. 2007. “al-quran dan pragmatisasi amal saleh,” manusia al-quran: jalan ketiga religiositas di indonesia, yogyakarta: kanisius. mulkhan, abdul munir. 2005. kesalehan multikultural, jakarta: psap. mulkhan, abdul munir. 2000. neo-sufisme dan pudarnya fundamentalisme di pedesaan, yogyakarta: uii press. najib, muhammad dan irwan omar. 2003. putra nusantara: mohammad amien rais, singapura: stamford press. nakamura, mitsuo, “rationality and enlightenment: a comparison of educational reforms promoted by gülen movement and muhammadiyah,” paper ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 194194194194194 jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman afkaruna yang dipresentasikan di dalam program international fethullah gülen conference indonesia, pada tahun 2010. http://www.fethullahgulenchair.com/(diakses pada 7 januari 2015). nashir, haedar dkk., (penghimpun dan editor). 2013. manhaj gerakan muhammadiyah: ideologi, khittah dan langkah, yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah dan majelis pendidikan kader pp. muhammadiyah. putra, heddy sri-ahimsa. 2011. paradigma profetik: mungkinkah? perlukah?, makalah sarasehan profetik 2011, sekolah pascasarjana ugm, di yogyakarta, 10 februari. rahman, fazlur. 1984. islam and modernity: transformation of an intellectual tradition, chicago: the university of chicago press. rahman, fazlur. 1979. islam, chicago: the university of chicago press. rahman, fazlur. 2003. revival and reform 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hani aisyah 'aisyiyah akhlâq al-karîmah al-azhar al-azhar al-azhar university al-fawaidul 'illiyah al-irsyad al-maktabah al-islamiyah al-manar al-qaedah al-risâlah al-tadammuriyyah al-tahir ibn ashur al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wustqa al-'urwa al-wuthqa al-ustadh abu raidah alawiyin albert hourani allan boesak len hansen amelia fauzia amien rais amrozi anas s al-shaikh-ali anke von kügelgen annette damayanti anton houtepen ariel heryanto asabiyyah asy-syubbanul muslimun australia ayahku b bambang purwanto bandung bangil bani abbas bantam basuki tjahaja purnama beirut belitung bengkulu bentang budaya budi setiawan bukittinggi c cairo cambridge university cambridge university press cental serikat islam cf. deliar noer chadewi abbas helmi charity charles amjad-ali china csrc d dar al-arabiyah dâr al-ma'rifah darul 'ulum de indische courant diponegoro dirjowongso djohan effendi doctoral address dutch e egypt egyptian emir shakib arslan encyclopaedia of islam english ezzat mossallenejad f f. poeradisastra farid wadjdy fatimah fazlur rahman french g garut gramedia h h. yunus anis h.o.s. cokroaminoto haedar nashir haji abdul malik karim amrullah haji samanhudi hamid algadri hamka harakah tarbiyah het vaderland hilman latief hizbul wathan hizbut tahrir indonesia hongkong hoofdbestuur husein muhammad i ibn al-qayyim ibn taimiyyah ibn taymiyya ibn taymiyyah ibnul qayyim ikhwanul muslimin ilyas ya`kub indonesia iqazun niam ir. h. juanda iraq isis islam islamic endowments in iraq j jakarta jamal abdel nasser jamal al-din al-afghani jan willen van henten jasser auda jeffrey hadler jemaah islamiyah joko widodo jw marriot k k.h.a. dahlan kabili kalimantan karel steenbrink karl mannheim kaum muda kenang-kenangan hidup kh. ahmad dahlan khamami zada killyatul adab king george v kristen kuntowijoyo kweekschool l lienau lowanu m m. c. ricklefs m. quraish shihab madam rahmah mahmud yunus majelis mujahidin indonesia majmû' fatawâ malacca malaya maninjau maqasid syari´ah ma'rifatullahi masjumi michel foucault minangkabau mitsuo nakamura mizan moeslim abdurrahman mohamad rasyidi mohammad al-ghazaly mohammad hatta mohammad isa anshary mohammad natsir moluccus muchtar luthfi mufti of egypt mufti of palestine muhammad muhammad abduh muhammad said al-asymawi muhammad syoedja' muhammad yusuf muhammad zain hassan muhammadiyah multatuli mulyadhi kartanegara munir mulkhan mutu qabla an tamutu n nahdlatul ulama nasyiatul 'aisyiyah neo-sufisme netherlands new york nus press o omar hobais oxford university press p padang padang japang pakualaman palembang palestine panji masyarakat papua parabek paris pasai pedoman masjarakat pekalongan pembela islam penolong kesengsaraan oemat penolong kesengsaraan oemoem philippine pilihan timur pko pluralitas prof dr schrieke prof. farid ma'ruf pulau pinang purwokerto r radikalisme rahmah el-junusiyah revival and reform in islam s sa'ad zaghlul sadaat salafiyah sayyid abdul aziz as-sta'alaby sayyid abdur rahman baswedan sayyid abdur rahman el-kawakibi sayyid amin husainy sayyid hussein nars sayyid muhammad bin aqil sayyid mustafa ghalayini sayyid okbah bin nafi' sayyid omar hobais sayyid rashid rida senegal sharbazah sheikh abdul karim amrullah sheikh abdullah ahmad sheikh abdullatief drazz sheikh abdur rahman taj sheikh ahmad dahlan sheikh ahmad hassan sheikh ahmad khatib sheikh ahmad rasyid [sutan] manshur sheikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur sheikh ahmad soorkati sheikh ahmad soorkati as-sudani sheikh athaillah affendy sheikh bachit al-muthi'iy sheikh chalil al-chalidi sheikh di tiro sheikh husein wali sheikh ibrahim bin musa sheikh jar-ul lah az-zamachsyari sheikh mohammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad abduh sheikh muhammad jamil jambek sheikh muhammad thaib sheikh mustafa abdullah sheikh nawawi sheikh taher jalaluddin sheikh thaher jalaluddin sie boen lian sinar harapan singapore singapura soeara moehammadijah soerabaijasch handelsblad solo sorbonne university spanish st. ignatia lammens st. yudith de laat stamford press studia islamika suez canal sukarno sulawesi sultan sultan idris murshidu'l a'zam shah sultan of perak surabaya syed farid al-attas syeikh ahmad rasyid sutan manshur syria t tafsir maqasidi tafsir ustazul imam tanjung sungayang tariq ramadan tasauf moderen tasawuf mistis tauhid sosial tokyo toronto tuanku imam bonjol tuhfah and nihaya u united kingdom university of chicago press university of oxford ustadh imam sheikh muhammad abduh usul al-fiqh w west sumatra whael b. hallaq wihdatul wujud wirobrajan wiyhatul islam y yale university yazid bin muawiyyah yogyakarta yusuf al-qardhawi z zadul ma'ad zainal abidin ahmad # layout jan jun 2011 majelis tarjih abstrak artikel ini membahas dinamika hadis di sebuah organisasi islam untuk mengetahui; a) bagaimana konsep hadis dimaknai dan ditetapkan batasan-batasan epistemologinya oleh sekelompok ulama yang sekaligus sebagai unsur ideologi organisasi; b) apakah konsekuensi yang terjadi ketika sebuah organisasi islam memberikan keputusan mengenai status hadis terhadap ijtihad kolektif di dalam organisasi. secara khusus, penulis menggunakan pendekatan historis-sosiologis untuk memahami konsep hadis dalam pandangan muslim indonesia, dengan studi kasus muhammadiyah. artikel ini menghasilkan kesimpulan bahwa: a) konseptualisasi hadis di muhammadiyah dilakukan melalui ijtihad jama’iy (kolektif) yang direpresentasikan oleh majelis tarjih.; b) proses verifikasi dan otentifikasi hadis yang dilakukan oleh muhammadiyah menimbulkan dinamika organisasi dengan kecenderungan adanya dominasi otoritas struktural terhadap dinamika intelektual di tingkat akar rumput (kultural). kata kunci: hadis, muhammadiyah, ulama, majelis tarjih, ijtihad pendahuluan dinamika hadis hingga tingkat aplikasinya di lingkungan muhammadiyah, sebagai salah satu organisasi islam terbesar di indonesia, bahkan dunia islam, tidak dapat dilepaskan dari semboyan ar-ruju’ ila al-qur’an wa as-sunnah al-maqbulah (kembali kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah yang diterima). hal-hal yang posisi hadis dalam ijtihad muhammadiyah mukhlis rahmanto jurusan ekonomi dan perbankan islam (epi) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: mukhlisindunisi@gmail.com abstract this article examines the dynamics of muslim understanding of hadith (islamic tradition) by exploring the views of islamic associations in indonesia. it addresses questions such as a) how is hadith understood by a limited number of ulama (islamic scholars) and in turn their understanding of hadith become a determinant factor in shaping organizational ideology; b) what is the consequence of the status of a hadith determined by ulama to the dynamics of a collective ijtihad within the organization. the author uses historical and sociological approach in understanding indonesian muslim views by paying attention particularly to the muhammadiyah. this article concludes that the status of a hadith in the muhammadiyah is determined through collective ijtihad (jama’i); b) the process of authentication and verification of hadith collectively has had a profound impact on the dynamics of muslim discourse among the members of the muhammadiyah, and as a result, a structural approach by the members of the muhammadiyah has sidelined the dynamics of muslim discourse in the grassroots level. keywords: hadith, muhammadiyah, ulama (islamic scholars), ijtihad, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 45vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 terkait dengan masalah agama dan keagamaan adalah proyeksi dari kedua sumber tersebut. suatu kewajaran jika muncul dinamika umum yang berkembang di kalangan anggota muhammadiyah yang diwakili dalam satu ungkapan misalnya, “kita melakukan amalan ini dalilnya apa? hadisnya shahih tidak?” semangat di atas menandakan bahwa budaya berislam di lingkungan muhammadiyah dapat dikatakan ilmiah. namun pengetahuan mengenai konsekuensi epistemologi dari semboyan di atas belum membudaya. terdapat kecenderungan epistemologi apologis, bahwa apa yang diputuskan oleh majelis tarjih1 adalah finalisasi dari semangat tersebut. epistemologi hadis secara khusus berbeda dengan al-qur’an yang qath’iy alwurud (mutlak). hadis bersifat zhanni alwurud (relatif) sehingga memerlukan proses validasi untuk didapatkan mana yang otentik dari nabi dan yang tidak. proses ini mengalami siklus sejalan dengan perkembangan islam. maka dalam keilmuan hadis, muncul istilah mutaqadimin dan muta’akhirin, klasifikasi hadis sebelum dan pasca tirmidzi, dan istilah-istilah lain yang dimuncul-kembangkan oleh para ulama. dampak yang timbul adalah adanya ikhtilaf al-manahij (perbedaan metode), terutama dalam proses attashhih wa attadh’if dan pengklasifikasian hadis, baik maqbul maupun mardud. hal ini mengindikasikan, bahwa keilmuan hadis termasuk wilayah ijtihadi. proses yang terjadi di wilayah keilmuan hadis, juga berjalan di lingkungan muhammadiyah, khususnya dalam bingkai majelis tarjih. beberapa kali terdapat perubahan manhaj, seperti peralihan dari frasa as-sunnah as-shahihah menjadi as-sunnah al-maqbulah. artinya, perubahan adalah sesuatu yang dimungkinkan atau kewajaran di lingkup muhammadiyah selama bukti-bukti keabsahan dalilnya muncul. seperti dalam rekonstruksi himpunan putusan tarjih (hpt)2 yang dilakukan beberapa kali. artikel ini membahas dinamika hadis di sebuah organisasi islam untuk mengetahui; a) bagaimana konsep hadis dimaknai dan ditetapkan batasan-batasan epistemologinya oleh sekelompok ulama pilihan yang tergabung dalam sebuah majelis organisasi, untuk kemudian dijadikan faham keagamaan sebagi unsur ideologi organisasi; b) dinamika organisasi apakah yang terjadi, jika sebuah organisasi islam memberikan keputusan mengenai status hadis (attashhih wa at-tadh’if ) dalam kerja ijtihadinya, dalam merespon suatu masalah dari sudut pandang agama islam. pendekatan historis sosiologis digunakan untuk memahat dan mengkonstruksi konsep hadis dalam pandangan muhammadiyah. data primer dikumpulkan dari dokumendokumen utama organisasi, sedang data sekunder diramu dari studi-studi terdahulu di antaranya: deliar noer: 1973; nakamura: 1960, 2012; woordward: 1993; djamil: 1995, jaenuri: 2002; federspiel: 2002; dan kasman: 2012, untuk kemudian dianalisa secara kualitatif dekriptif. muhammadiyah sebagai sub-model institusionalisasi islam islam sebagai agama dalam kajian sosiologi menjadi salah satu bentuk dari institusi sosial yang ada di masyarakat, yang dalam pandangan spencer dianalogikan sebagai sebuah organisme.3 bagi para pemeluknya, islam adalah unsur utama yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 46 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dibutuhkan dalam kehidupan sekaligus sebagai pedoman yang berisikan nilai-nilai dari tuhan, baik dalam al-qur’an maupun hadis. nilai-nilai tersebut menyatukan para pemeluknya dalam satu barisan umat. namun, islam sebagai ajaran ketika diintroduksi dan dipraktikan oleh pemeluknya akan menghasilkan beragam pemahaman yang berimplikasi pada munculnya beragam kelompok, mazhab, dan organisasi. adanya tatacara ibadah seperti shalat yang berbeda dalam mazhab fikih sunni yang empat (hanafi, maliki, syafi’i, hanbali) adalah bukti adanya institusionalisasi islam.4 islam yang diintitusi dan diorganisasikan tidak bisa dilepaskan dari birokrasi atau hirarki otoritas yang ada dalam organisasi tersebut. birokrasi selain berfungsi untuk mengefisienkan gerak organisasi, namun dalam kasus organisasi agama, cenderung sangat birokratis dan tidak fleksibel. sehingga memunculkan sekte-sekte resisten baru sebagaimana dalam kasus agama kristen.5 padahal dalam pandangan durkheim, agama menjadi unsur penting adanya kohesivitas sosial.6 muhammadiyah adalah organisasi dakwah islam yang didirikan oleh ahmad dahlan,7 pada 18 november 1912 di yogyakarta.8 faktor yang melatarbelakangi berdirinya adalah kondisi sosial dan relijius umat islam yang terpuruk. ditandai dengan praktik islam yang tidak lagi berdasarkan nilai-nilai otentik dan banyaknya peribadatan yang tidak berdasarkan alqur’an dan as-sunnah.9 hal itu dikarenakan pengaruh tradisi hindu dan budha yang terakulturasi dengan ajaran islam yang datang belakangan ke indonesia sehingga memunculkan fenomena bid’ah, takhayul dan khurafat.10 kondisi umat islam juga mengalami kemunduran di bawah penjajahan belanda dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan, seperti pendidikan, sosialekonomi, dan kesehatan. selain itu, kekuasaan belanda juga membuka misi kristenisasi dalam masyarakat indonesia. oleh karena itu, tajdid (pembaharuan) islam menjadi agenda penting yang diinisiasi oleh ahmad dahlan dimana sangat terpengaruh oleh gerakan reformasi islam di mesir yang diinisiasi oleh muhammad abduh dan rasyid ridha, dengan menggaungkan semangat ijtihad dan semboyan kembali kepada alqur’an dan as-sunnah.11 tajdid dalam pandangan muhammadiyah dapat diklasifikasikan dalam dua bidang; pertama, purifikasi (pemurnian) islam dalam bidang akidah dan ibadah dari pengaruh– pengaruh eksternal seperti bid’ah (inovasi) dan syirik. bagaimana tata cara beribadah yang selama ini dipraktikan oleh umat islam dievaluasi karena cenderung tidak murni lagi dengan adanya bid’ah untuk kemudian dikembalikan sesuai dengan tuntunan dari allah dalam al-qur’an dan penjelasan rasul dalam hadis. kedua, dinamisasi, yaitu intepretasi islam sesuai dengan kondisi zaman dalam rangka perubahan sosial sekaligus pada waktu yang sama menyesuaikan dengan kehidupan modern.12 secara sosiologis dalam mendinamisasikan kehidupan umat islam, pembaharuan dilakukan dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan. dalam bidang pendidikan, dengan mengintrodusir lembaga pendidikan islam modern yang mengintegrasikan kurikulum agama dan umum. dalam bidang kesehatan, didirikan rumah sakit dan klinik islam. dalam bidang sosial-keagamaan, didirikan panti asuhan yatim piatu dan lembaga pengelolaan dana zakat, infak, dan sedekah. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 47vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 dalam hal ini, hadis bagi muhammadiyah digunakan sebagai teks yang dinamis dalam merespon masalah-masalah dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan, mulai dari sosial, ekonomi, hingga politik, tidak hanya dalam bidang keagamaan (religious guidance).13 kini dalam seabad umurnya14, muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan dakwah sosial keagamaan islam modern, yang mempunyai misi mewujudkan masyarakat yang adil dan makmur lahir batin yang diridhai allah swt -yaitu masyarakat islam yang sebenar-benarnya-,15 telah menorehkan berbagai macam perubahan dan kemajuan di tengah masyarakat islam indonesia. data hingga tahun 2010 menunjukan, bahwa muhammadiyah tersebar di seluruh 33 provinsi di indonesia dengan struktur 417 pimpinan daerah, 3.221 pimpinan cabang, 8.107 pimpinan ranting, dengan jumlah anggota dan simpatisan sekitar 25 juta. adapun jumlah total amal usahanya16 adalah: 11.198 masjid-musala; 7.671 sekolah dasar dan menengah; 167 universitas dan sekolah tinggi; 457 rumah sakit dan klinik; 436 lembaga sosial; dan tanah wakaf seluas 20.945.504 m².17 fakta di atas membuktikan bahwa muhammadiyah adalah sub-model islam ketika diinstitusionalisasikan dengan kelengkapan struktural organisasinya dan menjadikannya sebagai organisasi islam “modern” terbesar di dunia.18 konsep muhammadiyah seputar hadis pandangan muhammadiyah sebagai oganisasi keagamaan islam mengenai hadis dapat dilihat pada dokumen-dokumen yang berisikan keputusan-keputusan organisasinya antara lain: mukaddimah anggaran dasar muhammadiyah (selanjutnya ditulis madm);19 matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah (selanjutnya ditulis mkch);20 dan himpunan putusan tarjih (selanjutnya ditulis hpt). dalam madm pasal 4 ayat (1) termaktub, bahwa muhammadiyah adalah gerakan islam, dakwah amar makruf nahi munkar dan tajdid, bersumber kepada al-qur’an dan as-sunnah. dalam mkch tertulis, bahwa muhammadiyah dalam mengamalkan islam berdasarkan al-qur’an (yaitu) kitab allah yang diwahyukan kepada nabi muhammad saw.; sunnah rasul (yaitu) penjelasan dan pelaksanaan ajaranajaran al-qur’an yang diberikan oleh nabi muhammad saw. dengan menggunakan akal pikiran sesuai dengan jiwa ajaran islam.21 dalam hpt, pernyataan dalam mkch dijelaskan lebih detail dalam kitab masalah lima, bahwa agama yakni agama islam yang dibawa oleh nabi muhammad saw. ialah apa yang diturunkan di dalam alqur’an dan yang tersebut dalam sunnah yang shahihah.22 yang dimaksud dengan sunnah shahihah dalam definisi agama islam di atas, bukan hadis shahih dalam istilah ilmu hadis, melainkan hadis maqbul (yang dapat diterima), walaupun tidak shahih dalam pengertian ilmu hadis.23 oleh karena itu, al-qur’an dan sunnah adalah dasar mutlak untuk berhukum dalam agama islam menurut muhammadiyah. meski tidak ada penegasan secara eksplisit, tetapi tampak sunnah dalam hpt diidentikan dengan hadis.24 keidentikan antara sunnah dengan hadis ini dipertegas dengan pembahasan lain dalam kitab masalah lima, yaitu dalam item qiyas dimana termaktub “bahwa dasar mutlak untuk berhukum dalam agama islam adalah al-qur’an doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 48 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dan al-hadis.”25 pun naskah tertua yang penulis cermati mengenai keidentikan keduanya dapat kita temui dalam maklumat pimpinan muhammadiyah tahun 1935, “baiklah kami memberi sedikit keterangan bahwa perselisihan faham dalam masalah agama sudah timbul dari dahulu, dari sebelum lahirnya muhammadiyah; sebabsebabnya banyak, diantaranya karena seseorang memegang teguh pendapat seorang ulama atau yang tersebut dalam suatu kitab, dengan tidak suka menghabisi perselisihannya itu dengan musyawarah dan kembali kepada al-qur’an, perintah tuhan allah dan kepada hadits, sunnah rasulullah.”26 selain itu, dalam hpt juga diketemukan istilah selain sunnah dan hadis, yaitu khabar dalam kitab iman sebagaimana kutipan berikut: “kita wajib percaya akan hal yang dibawa oleh nabi saw (khabar) yang mutawatir dan memenuhi syarat-syaratnya. perubahan diktum mengenai sumber hukum agama islam dalam hal ini utamanya, dari frasa as-sunnah asshahihah menjadi as-sunnah al-maqbulah diputuskan dalam musyawarah nasional tarjih ke-25 tahun 2000 di jakarta. frasa as-sunnah almaqbulah dalam putusan yang dikukuhkan dalam perubahan manhaj tarjih tersebut, didefinisikan sebagai perkataan, perbuatan, dan ketetapan dari nabi saw. yang menurut hasil analisis memenuhi kriteria shahih dan hasan. 27 penjabaran mengenai konsep sunnah dapat ditemukan dalam hpt kitab beberapa masalah no 21. (tentang) usul fikih28 dalam bidang hadis -yang juga tertuang dalam manhaj tarjih sebagai berikut: 1. hadis mauquf murni tidak dapat dijadikan hujjah. 2. hadis mauqûf yang termasuk ke dalam kategori marfu‘ dapat dijadikan hujjah. 3. hadis mauqûf termasuk kategori marfû‘ apabila terdapat qarînah yang daripadanya dapat difahami ke-marfû‘annya kepada rasulullah saw., seperti pernyataan ummu ‘athiyyah: “kita diperintahkan supaya mengajak keluar wanita-wanita yang sedang haid pada hari raya” dan seterusnya bunyi hadis itu, dan sebagainya. 4. hadis mursal tabi‘i murni tidak dapat dijadikan hujjah. 5. hadis mursal tabi‘i dapat dijadikan hujjah apabila besertanya terdapat qarînah yang menunjukkan kebersambungannya. 6. hadis mursal shahabi dapat dijadikan hujjah apabila padanya terdapat qarînah yang menunjukkan kebersambungannya. 7. hadis-hadis dha’if yang satu sama lain saling menguatkan tidak dapat dijadikan hujjah, kecuali apabila banyak jalannya dan padanya terdapat qarinah yang menunjukkan keotentikan asalnya serta tidak bertentangan dengan al-qur’an dan hadis shahih. 8. jarh (cela) didahulukan atas ta‘dîl setelah adanya keterangan yang jelas dan sah secara syara‘. 9. riwayat orang yang terkenal suka melakukan tadlis dapat diterima, apabila ia menegaskan bahwa apa yang ia riwayatkan itu bersambung dan tadlis-nya tidak sampai merusak keadilannya. 10. penafsiran sahabat terhadap lafal (pernyataan) musytarak dengan salah satu maknanya, wajib diterima. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 49vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 11.penafsiran sahabat terhadap lafal (pernyataan) zhahir dengan makna lain, maka yang diamalkan adalah makna zhahir tersebut.29 jika dipetakan dari kesebelas rumusan di atas, lima di antaranya (1, 2, 3, 10, 11) terkait dengan hadis mauquf 30; tiga poin (4, 5, 6) t erkait bahasan hadis mursal; poin 7 terkait kriteria hadis dha’if yang dapat diterima (maqbul); poin 8 tentang kaidah aljarh wa al-ta’dil jika terjadi perbedaan penilaian dari para kritikus hadis terhadap rawi; dan poin 9 membahas mengenai hadis mudallas. pemetaan lain atas kaidah-kaidah di atas menyimpulkan, bahwa muhammadiyah sangat menekankan pada kritik sanad. sedang untuk kritik matan dalam kesebelas kaidah di atas hanya kita dapati satu poin, yaitu kaidah ke-7. dalam musyawarah nasional tarjih ke-25 di jakarta, kaidah-kaidah di atas dilengkapi dengan metode tarjih terhadap nash (teks) yang berisikan, bahwa dalam proses kritik sanad, ditekankan pada: a) kualitas maupun kuantitas rawi; b) bentuk dan sifat periwayatan. sedang dalam kritik matan ditekankan pada: a) matan yang menggunakan sighat nahyu lebih rajih (kuat) dari sighat êamr; b) matan yang menggunakan sighat khâss lebih râjih dari sighat ‘am.31 untuk mengantisipasi pertentangan hadis, muhammadiyah membuat kaidah penyelesaian ta’arudl al-adillah dengan sistematika sebagai berikut: a. al-jam‘u wa at-taufiq (mengumpulkan dan mengkompromikan), yakni menerima semua dalil yang walaupun lahirnya bertentangan. sedang pada dataran pelaksanaan, diberi kebebasan untuk memilih (takhyir). b. at-tarjih yakni memilih dalil yang lebih kuat untuk diamalkan dan meninggalkan dalil yang lemah. c. an-naskh, mengamalkan dalil yang munculnya lebih akhir. d. at-tawaqquf yakni menghentikan penelitian terhadap dalil yang dipakai (untuk sementara waktu) dengan cara mencari dalil baru. proses konseptualisasi hadis untuk mendapatkan bentuk epistemologinya dalam muhammadiyah, dilakukan melalui proses ijtihad jama’iy (kerja ijtihad kolektif) yang dilakukan oleh majelis tarjih sebagai unsur organisasi di muhammadiyah yang berfungsi membidangi masalah keagamaan islam. diskursus hadis di muhammadiyah; relasi struktural dan kultural? seperti organisasi keagamaan lain, muhammadiyah memerlukan sabuk pengikat untuk menjaga roda gerak organisasi berupa keputusan-keputusan ideologis dan sosialisasinya pada beragam level organisasi. tak terkecuali dalam bidang keagamaan dimana muhammadiyah mengusung misi pembaharuan pemahaman keagamaan. sabuk ini muncul secara struktural ditandai dengan lahirnya majelis tarjih pada 1928.32 beberapa faktor penyebab kemunculannya antara lain: pertama, berkembang dan meluasnya dakwah yang mengakibatkan pimpinan muhammadiyah tidak mampu mengontrolnya terutama dalam usaha penertiban agar pemahaman keagamaan anggotanya sejalan dengan asas perjuangannya, yaitu berdasarkan al-qur’an doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 50 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dan sunnah shahihah; kedua, perselisihan paham mengenai masalah-masalah khilafiyah di tengah masyarakat saat itu. misi utama majelis ini adalah melakukan kegiatan intelektual dalam menyelidiki ajaran islam guna mendapatkan kemurniannya untuk kemudian diproyeksikan ke dalam penyusunan konsepsi masyarakat islam yang sebenar-benarnya sebagai tujuan utama dari muhammadiyah. strukturisasi pembidangan masalah keagamaan di muhammadiyah menimbulkan dampak positif dan negatif. dampak positifnya antara lain terwujudnya kesatuan paham mengenai masalah-masalah furu’ fiqh atau khilafiyah. dampak negatifnya antara lain: pertama, timbulnya sikap skeptis di kalangan anggota muhammadiyah terhadap masalah yang sebenarnya sudah ada hukumnya, tidak menjadi pertikaian para ulama, namun belum dibicarakan oleh majelis tarjih. sehingga memunculkan sikap tawaqquf, yaitu berhenti sambil menunggu keputusan tarjih; kedua, beredar anggapan bahwa otoritas kebenaran ada dalam tarjih, di luar itu belum dapat dipertanggungajwabkan kebenarannya. dampak ini direspon oleh pimpinan muhammadiyah (hoofdbestuur saat itu) dengan mengeluarkan beberapa penjelasan seperti tertuang dalam suara muhammadiyah no. 6/1355 (1936), “oleh karena kita khawatir, adanya percekcokan dan perselisihan dalam kalangan muhammadiyah tentang masalah agama itu, maka perlulah kita mendirikan majelis tarjih untuk menimbang dan memilih segala masalah yang diperselisihkan itu yang masuk dalam kalangan muhammadiyah manakala yang kita anggap kuat dan berdalil benar dari al-qur’an dan hadis ........ malah kami berseru juga kepada sekalian ulama, supaya suka membahas pula akan kebenaran putusan majelis tarjih itu, dimana kalau terdapat kesalahan atau kurang tepat dalilnya diharap supaya diajukan, syukur kalau dapat memberikan dalilnya yang lebih tepat dan lebih terang, yang nanti akan dipertimbangkan pula, diulang penyelidikannya, kemudian kebenarannya akan ditetapkan dan digunakan. sebab waktu mentarjihkan itu ialah menurut sekedar pengertian dan kekuatan kita pada waktu itu.” 33 diskursus hadis yang dapat direkam di antaranya mengenai konsep as-sunnah asshahihah. dalam hal ini, pada tahun 1973 majelis tarjih wilayah muhammadiyah jawa barat memutuskan, bahwa takbir shalat ‘id hanya satu kali saja seperti shalat biasa, tidak 7-5 kali karena variasi ini didasarkan pada hadis-hadis dha’if. sedang hadis dha’if tidak dapat dijadikan sumber hukum, walaupun jumlahnya banyak. apalagi mengacu pada definisi agama yang diputuskan oleh majelis tarjih di atas, dimana berpegang kepada as-sunnah asshahihah.34 majelis tarjih pusat dalam merespon putusan majelis tarjih wilayah jawa barat menyatakan, bahwa as-sunnah asshahihah dalam definisi agama islam itu, bukanlah maksudnya hadis shahih dalam istilah ilmu hadis, melainkan hadis maqbul, walaupun tidak shahih dalam pengertian ilmu hadis. oleh karena itu, hadis dha’if yang saling kuat-menguatkan dapat diterima sebagai sumber hukum, sebagaimana termaktub dalam kaidah hadis dalam hpt. selanjutnya, pada tahun 1977 diadakan diskusi panel tentang kaidah hadis dha’if, yang menyimpulkan bahwa kaidah itu doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 51vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 sudah tepat dan tidak perlu dikoreksi lagi. hasil panel kemudian dikukuhkan dalam muktamar tarjih di klaten tahun 1980.35 diskursus kedua yang dapat direkam adalah polemik terkait dengan status penilaian terhadap hadis yang berimplikasi pada pilihan hukum mengenai tambahan kata “wabarakatuh” dalam bacaan salam shalat, antara majelis tarjih pusat dengan salah seorang ulama muhammadiyah, yaitu ustadz syakir jamaludin (selanjutnya ditulis sj) pada kurun waktu 2008-2012. sj melemahkan hadis dengan tambahan wabarakatuh36, sementara majelis tarjih pusat memutuskan bahwa hadis yang melandasi tambahan ‘wabarakatuh’ tersebut adalah maqbul. oleh karena itu, dalam musyawarah nasional tarjih ke-27 diputuskan, bahwa bacaan salam dengan dua versi (tanawwu’), baik berakhir pada redaksi ‘warahmatullah’ maupun ‘wabarakatuh’ adalah absah dan dapat diamalkan. hasil penelitian dan pembahasan istilah sunnah, hadis dan khabar digunakan dalam beberapa putusan muhammadiyah dengan berbagai frasa, mulai dari as-sunnah as-shahihah, al-haditsasy-syarif, al-hadis as-shahih, al-khabar almutawatir, as-shahih al-mutawatir, dan assunnah al-maqbulah. ketidakseragaman ini, apalagi dalam sebuah putusan organisasi akan menimbulkan polemik dalam hal pemahamannya. beberapa kali penjelasan yang dilakukan oleh pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah tidak dapat menutup celah polemik tersebut.37 harapan besar dari strukturisasi masalah keagamaan akan jauh dari panggang api, sebagaimana kasus penilaian hadis oleh majelis tarjih wilayah jawa barat. kebingungan epistemologi lain yang tercatat, didapati dalam pertanyaan yang diajukan oleh seorang anggota muhammadiyah setelah mendapat penjelasan dari seorang pemateri dalam sebuah kajian yang dilaksanakan oleh pimpinan daerah muhamadiyah bekasi jawa barat mengenai istilah hadis “shahih mutawatir” yang dijelaskan oleh majelis tarjih dalam fatwanya tahun 2008.38 penegasan dalam putusan terakhir dengan frasa as-sunnah al-maqbulah dirasa oleh pimpinan muhammadiyah sebagai solusi final. jika dicermati, penggunaan frasa tersebut dalam bab-bab di dalam manhaj tarjih, masih terdapat inkonsistensi. meski telah dijelaskan dalam bab iii, manhaj ijtihad hukum; a. (seputar) pengertian umum, definisi dari frasa as-sunnah almaqbulah tersebut. akan tetapi dalam item b (sumber hukum dan kedudukan ijtihad), frasa al-hadis-asy-syarîf dan as-sunnah asshahihah masih didapati. inkonsistensi ini kemungkinan dari upaya mempertahankan dokumen putusan resmi awal organisasi. dinamika seputar penggunaan dan perubahan frasa ini hemat penulis menunjukan bahwa muhammadiyah ingin mengakomodir seluruh pendapat dalam perdebatan mengenai epistemologi hadis dan sunnah di antara ahli hadis, fuqaha’ serta ushuliyyin. kalangan ahli hadis cenderung menyamakan antara hadis dengan sunnah, sementara fuqaha’ mengartikan sunnah sebagai ketetapan nabi muhammad saw. namun bukan terkait hal-hal yang diwajibkan; sedangkan ushuliyyin memaknai sunnah sebagai segala sesuatu yang berasal dari nabi saw. yang memuat ketentuan hukum (syariat), sedang hadis bagi mereka adalah sunnah qauliyah.39 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 52 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna akan tetapi yang cenderung dominan dalam alam pikiran umumnya anggota muhammadiyah adalah kata “sunnah” sebagaimana semboyan ar-ruju’ ‘ila al-qur’an wa as-sunnah al-maqbulah, yang jika dikaitkan dengan posisi majelis tarjih sebagai lembaga ijtihad muhammadiyah, dalam melakukan tugasnya sangat tergantung kepada manhaj ijtihad yang secara khusus ke arah istinbath al-ahkam (memunculkan hukum islam), dalam arti lain proses menemukan hukum. sehingga pemahaman hadis muhammadiyah lebih ke arah ranah hukum islam yang identik dengan sunnah dan hadis dalam pandangan , fuqaha’ dan ushuliyyin. selanjutnya, rumusan-rumusan mengenai kaidah-kaidah hadis yang termaktub dalam hpt dan manhaj tarjih juga masih membuka celah polemik terkait pemahaman dan aplikasinya, dikarenakan tidak ada penjelasan (batasan dan atau penentuan kriteria) meski sekilas. dampaknya, misalkan terkait dengan pemahaman kaidah nomor 1, “hadis mauquf murni tidak dapat dijadikan hujjah”, akan menjadikan tertolaknya perkataan abdullah ibn mas’ud yang menjelaskan, bahwa para wanita pada zamannya ada yang mengikuti shalat jum’at dan ada pula yang tidak ikut. meski dalam hal ini, perkataan dan tindakan sahabat (mauquf) diberikan iringan kaidah lain (sebagai kriteria minor kaidah nomor 1), yaitu pada nomor 2 “hadis mauquf yang termasuk ke dalam kategori marfu‘ dapat dijadikan hujjah” dan nomor 3 “hadis mauquf termasuk kategori marfû‘ apabila terdapat qarinah yang daripadanya dapat difahami kemarfu-‘annya kepada rasulullah saw.” 40 kurangnya pembatasan dan penentuan kriteria juga terkait dengan kaidah nomor 7 mengenai hadis dha’if yang saling menguatkan sehingga dapat dijadikan hujjah yang menurut tarjih harus memenuhi tiga kriteria yaitu: (a) apabila banyak jalannya; (b) padanya terdapat qarinah yang menunjukkan keotentikan asalnya serta; (c) tidak bertentangan dengan al-qur’an dan hadis shahih. sekilas dapat dipahami mengenai definisi hadis dha’îf menurut tarjih jika mengacu pada frasa as-sunnah almaqbulah dan penjelasannya dalam manhaj tarjih, bahwa hadis dha’if yaitu di luar hadis shahih dan hasan. namun dalam masalah hadis dha’if yang saling menguatkan sehingga dapat mencapai derajat hadis hasan li-ghairihi menurut mayoritas ulama, harus memenuhi beberapa kriteria sebagaimana ibnu shalah yang dikatakannya berasal dari tirmidzi yaitu: (a) dalam sanadnya tidak terdapat rawi yang dituduh berdusta, tidak pelupa, dan tidak banyak kekeliruan; (b) hadis tersebut tidak ganjil (syadz); (c) diriwayatkan dari jalur lain.41 banyaknya jalur (kriteria c) menurut muhammad bazamul, dimaksudkan harus hakiki, dalam arti jalur-jalur tersebut tidak ditakwilkan sebagai satu jalur. misalnya ada tiga jalur hadis dha’if; yang pertama terdapat periwayat yang majhul, kedua terdapat keterputusan sanad, ketiga terdapat rawi yang mubham. jika ketiga hal itu ada dalam satu tempat, dalam arti guru dan murid mereka sama, maka tiga jalur itu dapat ditakwilkan satu jalur, sehingga tidak memungkinkan dinaikkan derajatnya menjadi hasan li-ghairihi. jika ditinjau dari kriteria yang diajukan oleh ibnu shalah, maka kriteria yang diajukan oleh tarjih dalam manhajnya tidak mencantumkan kriteria yang sangat penting yaitu kriteria (a) mengenai keadaan rawi-periwayat. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 53vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 demikian akan menjadikan titik lemah yang akan menimbulkan kesulitan dalam melakukan penguatan hadis dha’if. sisi lain dari diskursus hadis di muhammadiyah dapat dilihat dari tarjih sebagai lembaga yang distrukturalkan di muhammadiyah dengan berbagai alasan organisasi yang melatarbelakangi sebagaimana penjelasan di atas. dalam kasus verifikasi dan intepretasi hadis tak dapat dipungkiri akan muncul verifikasi dan intepretasi hadis di luar struktural, yaitu kultural, meski beberapa polemik -untuk tidak penulis katakan konflik masih dalam lingkup struktur vertikal tarjih seperti kasus tarjih wilayah jawa barat. relasi kedua kutub ini hemat penulis, cenderung didominasi oleh otoritas struktural tertinggi. dalam diskursus antara majelis tarjih pusat dengan majelis tarjih wilayah jawa barat mengenai jumlah takbir shalat ‘idain, majelis tarjih yang diwakili oleh pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah menggunakan alasan ketertiban organisasi agar tarjih wilayah jawa barat menerima putusan yang telah ditanfidzkan. dalam teori sosial, fenomena ini dapat dianalisis melalui kacamata fungsionalisme struktural, salah satunya melalui tesis robert k. merton. bahwa kesatuan fungsional yang sempurna dari suatu masyarakat bertentangan dengan fakta. kebiasaan dari suatu masyarakat dapat menjadi fungsional (menunjang intergrasi dan kohesi) bagi masyarakat atau kelompok tersebut, akan tetapi disfungsional (menunjang disintegrasi) bagi kelompok masyarakat lain. dalam kasus birokrasi misalnya, yang dianggap dapat menyatukan, namun tidak bagi kelompok di luar birokrasi. merton menganjurkan agar elemen-elemen kultural seharusnya dipertimbangkan menurut kriteria keseimbangan konsekuensi fungsional (net balance of functional consequences), yang menimbang fungsi positif relatif terhadap fungsi negatif. fungsi positif maupun negatif harus terus menerus dikaji kemudian ditetapkan keseimbangan antara keduanya.42 tarjih dalam hal ini di (dan) muhammadiyah sendiri adalah perwujuduan dari islam yang distrukturalkan (untuk tidak dikatakan birokrasi) yang tidak dapat lepas dari elemen kulturalnya. sehingga di muhammadiyah sendiri muncul dua varian; muhammadiyah kultural dan muhammadiyah struktural. dalam kasus epistemologi hadis hingga kerja verifikasotentifikasi hadis (at-tashih wa at-tadh’if) yang mayoritas ulama islam bersepakat memasukannya sebagai kerja ijtihadi, muhammadiyah (dalam hal ini tarjih) harus membuat relasi dengan kerja ijtihadi lain di luarnya, dengan tidak harus baku dan terpaku pada otoritasnya dengan alasan, yang dalam bahasa merton, disebut sebagai fungsionalisasi. prinsip terbuka dan toleran yang menjadi landasan pemikiran ketarjihan adalah sabuk emas yang menjembatani relasi tarjih dengan elemen kulturalnya. namun terkadang dalam pelaksanaannya hemat penulis, harus terus menerus dikawal oleh kedua elemen (baik struktural dan kultural) sehingga emosiemosi personal dalam struktur-birokrasi yang ada dengan emosi personal dalam elemen kultural yang dapat menimbulkan disintegrasi organisasi dapat dieliminir. kesimpulan karakteristik umum muhammadiyah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 54 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sebagai salah satu organisasi sosial keagaman islam modern yang berdiri pada awal abad ke20 di indonesia, adalah menjadikan islam tidak hanya sebagai dasar legitimasi gerakan, tetapi menjadi alat intitusi bagi perbaikan sosial dan agama.43 posisi hadis dan konseptualisasinya sebagai sumber ajaran islam selain al-qur’an, otomatis akan menjadi sumber dari legitimasi dan landasan institusi, utamanya sebagai pembentuk faham keagamaan sebagai bagian penting dari ideologi organisasi yang akan menertibkan dan menggerakan roda organisasi dalam mencapai misinya. karakteristik diskursus hadis yang selama ini melekat dalam perjalanan keilmuan hadis adalah banyaknya varianvarian ijtihadi yang dihasilkan, juga terjadi dalam perjalanan muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan sosial keagamaan islam. maka corak hadis yang dihasilkan menurut penulis, sangat merepresentasikan kepentingan organisasi yang dihasilkan melalui proses keilmuan jama’iy (kolektif).44 untuk kepentingan tertib administratif organisasi, corak demikian sangat dibutuhkan. namun secara tidak langsung akan menenggelamkan varian ijtihadi lain dalam hal ini, untuk tidak dikatakan menghegemoni. demikian cenderung menghasilkan pemahaman keagamaan (dalam kasus ini hadis) yang cenderung monolitik dan resmi struktural. padahal kebenaran suatu faham agama, kekuatannya ditentukan oleh kekuatan dalil yang digunakan, bukan oleh tingkat hirarki yang menetapkan.45 pun dalam islam tidak dikenal spiritual relijius (kerahiban) sebagaimana dalam kristen. maka dibutuhkan relasi yang dinamis antara yang struktural dengan yang kultural dalam tubuh muhammadiyah agar dinamika keilmuan islam, terutama hadis terus tumbuh, berkembang, dan berjalan sesuai dengan semangat keilmuan yang inklusif dan toleran. catatan akhir 1 lembaga yang membidangi masalah keagamaan di muhammadiyah dimana akan dijelaskan lebih lanjut dalam artikel ini pada bagian d 2 adalah kumpulan keputusan-keputusan keagamaan yang dihasilkan oleh majelis tarjih dan sudah ditanfidzkan atau diputuskan oleh pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 3 cristoph henning, institution dalam george ritzer (ed.), the blackwell encyclopedia of sociology, (uk: blackwell publishing, 2007), h.23-44. 4 abdelmajid sharfi, islam between divine message and history, (new york: central european university press, 2000), h.122. 5 anthony gidden, sociology 3rd edition, (uk: polity press, 2000), h. 448-449. 6 anthony giddens, sociology , h. 467. 7 untuk biografi ahmad dahlan lihat salam, junus, riwayat hidup k.h. a. dahlan amal dan perdjoanganja, (djakarta: depot pengadjaran moehammadiyah, 1968) 8 deliar noer, gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900-1942, (jakarta: lp3es, 1996), h. 84 9 syarifudin jurdi (ed.), 1 abad muhammadiyah, gagasan pembaruan sosial keagamaan, (jakarta: penerbit kompas, 2010), h. xiv 1 0 bid’ah (inovasi) adalah tambahan baru pada ajaran islam yang tidak sesuai dengan ajaran islam ortodok. takhayul (myth) dan khurafat (superstition) adalah kepercayaan terhadap mitos, legenda, dan ucapanucapan seseorang yang dianggap wali dan sakti. lihat nakamura, mitsuo, the crescent arise over the banyan tree a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central javanese town, c.1910-2010 2nd enlarged edition, (singapura: iseas, 2012), p. xxv, 401. 1 1 deliar noer, gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900-1942, h. 87; achmad jaenuri, ideologi kaum reformis melacak pandangan keagamaan muhammadiyah periode awal, (surabaya: lpam, 2002), p. 46. 1 2 muhammad azhar dan hamim ilyas (ed.), pengembangan pemikiran keislaman muhammadiyah: purifikasi dan dinamisasi, (yogyakarta: lppi umypustaka pelajar, 2000), h. vi-xxv. 1 3 woodwoard, mark. textual exegesis as social commentary: religious, social, and political meanings of indonesian translations of arabic hadith texts. the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 55vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 journal of asian studies. vol. 52. no. 3. (1993), h. 565.; juga federspiel, howard., hadit literature in twentieth century indonesia. oriente moderno. 21. (82). (2002), h. 122 1 4 dalam perhitungan kalender hijriyah, muhammadiyah telah berumur satu abad pada 1431 h (2010 m) 1 5 haedar nashir , manhaj gerakan muhammadiyah ideologi, khittah, dan langkah, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2009), h. 36-37. 1 6 amal usaha adalah perwujudan maksud dan tujuan muhammadiyah pada berbagai program dan kegiatan seperti ekonomi dan kewirausahaan, pendidikan, kesehatan dan lainnya. bentuknya antara lain lembaga keuangan syariah, sekolah dan universitas, hingga rumah sakit dan klinik kesehatan. dalam amal usaha inilah biasanya problem-problem kehidupan muncul dan membutuhkan respon ajaran islam. untuk itu majelis tarjih bertanggungjawab memberikan respon dan solusi, berupa fatwa, tuntunan dan lainnya. di sinilah hadis sebagai sumber ajaran islam dipahami melalui metode/manhaj tarjih yang sudah ditetapkan untuk disimpulkan menjadi jawaban dan solusi persoalan kehidupan, khususnya di antara anggota muhammadiyah. 1 7 lembaga pustaka dan informasi islam pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, profil 1 abad muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, 2010), p.xii. pimpinan pusat adalah jenjang struktur muhammadiyah tertinggi. pimpinan wilayah adalah jenjang struktural muhammadiyah setingkat provinsi. pimpinan daerah adalah jenjang struktural muhammadiyah setingkat kabupaten (district). pimpinan cabang adalah jenjang struktural muhammadiyah setingkat kecamatan (sub-district). pimpinan ranting muhammadiyah adalah jenjang struktural muhammadiyah setingkat desa dan merupakan ujung tombak bagi gerakan dakwah islamiyah yang dilaksanakan muhammadiyah. terkait dengan amal usaha muhammadiyah, sekolah dasar dan menengah terdiri dari pendidikan anak usia dini, taman kanakkanak, sekolah dasar , madrasah ibtidaiyah, sekolah menengah pertama, madrasah tsanawiyah, sekolah menengah atas, madrasah aliyah dan sekolah menengah kejuruan, sekolah luar biasa serta pondok pesantren. lembaga sosial di antaranya: panti asuhan yatim piatu, panti jompo, dan panti rehabilitasi penyandang cacat. muhammadiyah juga mempunyai lembaga-lembaga amil zakat infak dan sedekah dan lembaga keuangan syariah dalam bentuk bank syariah, koperasi jasa keuangan syariah dan baitul mal wa tamwil (bmt) 1 8 nurcholish majid, aqidah islam yang perlu dikembangkan sebagai landasan pemikian dan amal usaha muhammadiyah, dalam sujarwanto dan haedar nashir (ed.), muhammadiyah dan tantangan masa depan: sebuah dialog intelektual, (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 1990) h. 407-408. 1 9 madm adalah rumusan ideologi muhammadiyah yang menggambarkan tentang pandangan muhammadiyah mengenai kehidupan manusia di muka bumi ini, cita-cita yang ingin diwujudkan dan cara-cara yang dipergunakan untuk mewujudkan cita-cita tersebut. 2 0 mkch pada dasarnya merupakan rumusan ideologi muhammadiyah yang menggambarkan hakikat muhammadiyah itu sendiri, faham agama, dan misi muhammadiyah dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. 2 1 hamdan hambali, ideologi dan strategi muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2011), h. 47. 2 2 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, himpunan putusan tarjih, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2012), h. 278. 2 3 asjmuni abdurrahman (ed.). 1985. laporan penelitian: majelis tarjih muhammadiyah (suatu studi tentang sistem dan metode penentuan hukum). yogyakarta: lembaga research dan survey iain sunan kalijaga. h. 74. 2 4 asjmuni abdurrahman (ed.). 1985. laporan. h.73 2 5 asjmuni abdurrahman, manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah metodologi dan aplikasi, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2003), cet. 2, h. 98. teks arab untuk al-hadis dalam diktumnya tertulis “al-hadits asy-syarif” 2 6 pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, himpunan putusan tarjih, . h. 382. 2 7 majelis tarjih dan tajdid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, manhaj tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam. dalam buku agenda musyawarah nasional ke-27 tarjih muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: majelis tarjih dan tajdid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, 2010), h. 99 2 8 kitab beberapa masalah lima merupakan himpunan dari hasil muktamar khusus tarjih sejak tahun 1929-1940. di dalamnya terdapat pembahasan masalah ushul fikih, tetapi tidak membicarakan secara umum kedudukan ilmu ushul fikih, tetapi lebih fokus pada penentuan qaidah yang bertalian dengan penggunaan dalil hadis. asjmuni abdurrahman. manhaj tarjih, h. 9899. 2 9 majelis tarjih dan tajdid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, h. 103-105. juga lihat djamil, fathurrahman, metode ijtihad majelis tarjih muhammadiyah, (jakarta: logos publishing house, 1995), h. 161-164. 3 0 kasman, hadis dalam pandangan muhammadiyah, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2012), cet. i. h. 98. 3 1 ajsmuni abdurrahman (ed.) 1985. laporan penelitian, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 56 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna h. 29-30 3 2 ajsmuni abdurrahman. manhaj tarjih, h. 103. 3 3 himpunan putusan tarjih, h. 382 3 4 tim majelis tarjih dan tajdid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, tanya jawab agama islam 4, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2012), cet. 12. h. 10. 3 5 asjmuni abdurrahman (ed.). h. 74.; majalah suara muhammadiyah, (1977). no. 17. p. 16. ketiga hadis yang menjadi dalil keputusan majelis tarjih bahwa takbir dalam shalat ‘idain adalah 7 kali pada rakaat pertama dan 5 kali pada rakaat kedua dan telah ditanfidzkan oleh pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah tetapi dipermasalahkan oleh majelis tarjih wilayah jawa barat karena bertentangan dengan konsep assunnah as-shahihah sesuai keputusan organisasi dalam hpt. berikut teks-teks hadisnya: ketiga hadis di atas memang diperselisihkan oleh para kritikus hadis, dimana terdapat sebagian yang melemahkan sanadnya dan sebagian lain menguatkannya. hadis di atas dikeluarkan oleh sekitar 13 mukharrij yang bersandar pada 3 rawi yaitu: katsir ibn abdullah ibn amru bin auf, amru ibn syu’aib, abi ja’far, ibnu abbas dan ‘aisyah. attirmidzi dan al-iraqi menilai hadis di atas (c) adalah riwayat yang paling baik dalam masalah takbir ‘idain dengan mendasarkan pada pendapat al-bukhari yang men-shahîh-kannya. sedang ibnu hajar berkomentar bahwa sebagian ulama tidak membenarkan penilaian tashhih at-tirmidzi, karena terdapat seorang rawi bernama katsir bin abdullah yang dinilai oleh para kritikus (asy-syafi’i dan abu dawud) lemah. untuk riwayat dari ‘aisyah, ibnu hajar pun menilai lemah karena terdapat ibnu luhai’ah. lihat, al-asqalani, ibnu hajar. abu ashim hasan bin abbas bin qutb (ed.). talkhis al-habir fi takhrij ahadits ar-rafi’i al-kabir, (beirut: mu’assasah qurtuba, t.t.), vol. 2. h. 170-172. muhammadiyah, dalam hal ini majelis tarjih menjadikan hadis di atas sebagai dasar hukum (dalil) jumlah takbir dalam shalat ‘idain menggunakan kaidah hadis nomor 7 di atas yaitu: hadis-hadis dha’if yang satu sama lain saling menguatkan tidak dapat dijadikan hujjah, kecuali apabila banyak jalannya dan padanya terdapat qarinah yang menunjukkan keotentikan asalnya serta tidak bertentangan dengan alqur’an dan hadis shahih. 3 6 jamaludin, syakir, shalat sesuai tuntunan nabi saw. mengupas kontroversi hadis sekitar shalat ( edisi revisi), (yogyakarta: lppi umy, 2013), cet. x. h. 138139. buku ini merupakan best seler dilihat dari cetakannya yang ke-10 hingga 2013. hemat penulis, isi buku ini menjadi titik tolak polemik di kalangan anggota muhammadiyah (grass-root umumnya), dikarenakan di dalamnya mengandung beberapa pendapat yang berbeda dengan keputusan tarjih pusat. sehingga dalam berbagai forum kajian keagamaan muhammadiyah, sering ditanya dan didiskusikan. hal ini mengilhami majelis tarjih pusat untuk membahas dan memutuskan beberapa masalah yang terkait dalam musyawarah nasional tarjih ke-27 tahun 2010 di malang, jawa timur. sj dalam hal ini melemahkan hadis riwayat wa’il bin hujr dalam sunan abi dawud (selanjut nya ditulis sad) yang mengandung anjuran mengucapkan salam lengkap ke kanan dan kiri dengan redaksi, “assalamu ’alaikum wa rahmatullahi wa barakatuh” karena yang disepakati oleh para ulama adalah salam tanpa wabarakatuh. padahal salam dengan redaksi seperti ini sudah menjadi keputusan tarjih yang tercantum dalam hpt dan telah lama diamalkan oleh anggota muhammadiyah dengan mendasarkan pada riwayat dari wa’il bin hujr yang dicantumkan oleh ibnu hajar al-asqalani dalam bulugh al-maram, vol. 1, hadis no. 320) samir amin az-zuhairi (ed.), (riyadh: dar athlas li an-nasyr wa tauzi’, 2000), h. 84. berikut teks hadisnya: sj berpendapat bahwa jelas kemungkinan besar ibnu hajar al-asqalani salah dalam mengutip dan menulis hadis dari wa’il dalam bulugh al-maram. syakir jamaludin, h. 140. ternyata pangkal persoalannya terletak pada banyaknya edisi dan manuskrip sda yang beredar dan memuat matan berbeda terkait dengan redaksi “wabarakatuh” padahal sama-sama dari wa’il bin hujr dan menjadi sumber kutipan oleh ibnu hajar dalam bulugh al-maram. dalam penelitian syamsul anwar (2010), redaksi tambahan “wabarakatuh” didapati dalam beragam naskah/ manuskrip sad antara lain : 1) sad edisi muhammad abdul aziz al-khalidi, beirut: dar al-kutub al-‘ilmiyah, 1428/2007, h. 66, hadis no. 997; 2) sad edisi ‘izzat ‘ubaid ad-da’as dan ‘adil as-sayyid, beirut: dar ibn hazm, 1418/1997, vol. 1. h. 424, hadis no. 997; 3) sad, edisi sidqi muhammad jamil, beirut: dar al-fikr, 1414/1994, vol. , h. 238, hadis no. 997. lihat, anwar, syamsul, tambahan wa barakatuh dalam salam penutup salat studi tentang hadis wa’il ibn hujr, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2010), p. 14. penelitian syamsul anwar menjadi bukti penguat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 57vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 bagi majelis tarjih untuk menguatkan putusan sebelumnya dalam hpt di musyawarah nasional tarjih ke-27. 3 7 hal ini terlihat dengan ketidakpuasan tarjih wilayah jawa barat mengenai penjelasan pimpinan muhammadiyah (dalam hal ini majelis tarjih pusat) mengenai as-sunnah as-shahihah, pun hingga diputuskan dengan frasa baru as-sunnah almaqbulah. dalam beberapa pertemuan ketarjihan, beberapa utusan dari jawa barat selalu menanyakan legitimasi epistemologi dari frasa as-sunnah almaqbulah tersebut dalam lingkup dan struktur keilmuan islam. 3 8 majelis tarjih pusat muhammadiyah, tanya jawab agama islam jilid 7, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2012) 3 9 as-suyuthi, muhammad audhi (ed.), tadrib ar-rawi fî syarh taqrib an-nawawi. (cairo: dar al-bayan al‘arabi, 2004), h. 38 4 0 kasman. 2012. p. 100. lihat, abi syaibah, ibnu. muhammad awwamah (ed.) mushannaf ibn abi syaibah. hadis. no. 5197. vol. 4, ( jeddah: dar alqiblah li-tsaqafah al-islamiyah, 2006) 4 1 abu amru’, ibnu as-shalah, aisyah abdurrahman (ed.). muqaddimah ibnu as-shalah wa mahasin al-ishtilah, (cairo: dar al-ma’arif, 1989), h. 174. 4 2 bryan s turner, the cambridge dictionary of sociology, (new york: cambridge university press, 2006), h. 218-219 ; juga anthony giddens, sociology 3rd edition, h. 562-563. 4 3 achmad jaenuri, ideologi kaum reformis, h. 61. 4 4 proses ijtihad yang dilakukan melalui jama’iy (kolektif) secara otomatis akan menguatkan legitimasi keputusan yang dihasilkan jika dikaitkan dengan teori ijmak dalam kajian filsafat hukum islam. 4 5 muhammad azhar dan hamim ilyas (ed.), pengembangan pemikiran, h. 61 daftar pustaka abdurrahman, asjmuni (ed.). 1985. laporan penelitian: majelis tarjih muhammadiyah (suatu studi tentang sistem dan metode penentuan hukum). yogyakarta: lembaga research dan survey iain sunan kalijaga. __________________. 2003. manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah metodologi dan aplikasi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. cet. 2. abi syaibah, ibnu. muhammad awwamah (ed.). 2006. mushannaf ibn abî syaibah. jeddah: dar al-qiblah litsaqafah al-islamiyah. abu amru’, ibnu as-shalah. 1989. aisyah abdurrahman (ed.). muqaddimah ibnu as-shalah wa mahasin alishtilah. cairo: dar al-ma’arif. anwar, syamsul. 2010. tambahan wa barakatuh dalam salam penutup salat studi tentang hadis wa’il ibn hujr. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. al-asqalani, ibnu hajar. t.t. abu ashim hasan bin abbas bin qutb (ed.). talkhis al-habir fi takhrij ahadîts arrafi’i al-kabir. beirut: mu’assasah qurtuba. al-asqalani, ibnu hajar. samir amin az-zuhairi (ed.). 2000. bulugh al-maram. riyadh: dar athlas li annasyr wa tauzi’. djamil, fathurrahman. 1995. metode ijtihad majelis tarjih muhammadiyah. jakarta: logos publishing house. federspiel, howard. 2002. hadit literature in twentieth century indonesia. oriente moderno. 21. (82). giddens, anthony. 2000. sociology 3rd edition. uk: polity press. hambali, hamdan. 2011. ideologi dan strategi muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. jaenuri, achmad. 2002. ideologi kaum reformis melacak pandangan keagamaan muhammadiyah periode awal. surabaya: lpam. jurdi, syarifudin (ed.). 2010. 1 abad muhammadiyah, gagasan pembaruan .sosial keagamaan. jakarta: penerbit kompas. kasman. 2012. hadis dalam pandangan muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. cet. i. lembaga pustaka dan informasi islam pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 2010. profil 1 abad muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. majelis tarjih dan tajdid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 2010. manhaj tarjih dan pengembangan pemikiran islam. buku agenda musyawarah nasional ke-27 tarjih muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: majelis tarjih dan tajdid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. muhammad azhar dan hamim ilyas (ed.). 2000. pengembangan pemikiran keislaman muhammadiyah: purifikasi dan dinamisasi. yogyakarta: lppi umypustaka pelajar. nakamura, mitsuo. 2012. the crescent arise over the banyan tree a study of the muhammadiyah movement in a central javanese town, c.1910-2010 2nd enlarged edition. singapura: iseas. nashir, haedar. 2009. manhaj gerakan muhammadiyah ideologi, khittah, dan langkah. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. noer, deliar. 1996. gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900-1942. jakarta: lp3es. pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 2012. himpunan putusan tarjih. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. cet. 1433 hmei 2012 ritzer, george (ed.). 2007. the blackwell encyclopedia of sociology. uk: blackwell publishing. salam, junus. 1968. riwayat hidup k.h. a. dahlan amal dan perdjoanganja. djakarta: depot pengadjaran moehammadiyah. sharfi, abdelmajid. 2000. islam between divine message doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 58 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna and history. new york: central european university press. as-suyuthi. muhammad muhammad audhi (ed.). 2004. tadrîb ar-râwi fî syarh taqrîb an-nawâwi. cairo: dar al-bayan al-‘arabi. sujarwanto dan nashir, haedar. (ed.). 1990. muhammadiyah dan tantangan masa depan: sebuah dialog intelektual. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. tim majelis tarjih dan tajdid pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 2012. tanya jawab agama islam jilid 4. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. cet. 12. _____. 2012. tanya jawab agama islam jilid 7. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. cet. 12. turner, bryan s. 2006. the cambridge dictionary of sociology, new york: cambridge university press. woodwoard, mark. 1993. textual exegesis as social commentary: religious, social, and political meanings of indonesian translations of arabic hadith texts. the journal of asian studies. vol. 52. no. 3. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0030. 44-58 index a 'abd al-malik 'abd al-qadir al-jilani 'abd al-qadir ibn abi salih jangidost 'abd al-rahman 'abd al-rahman b. al-h harits 'abd allah b. al-zubair abou sheisha abu hamid al-ghazali abu hanifa abu muhammad ja'far al-sarraj abu sa'ad al-mubarak 'ali al-mukharrimi abu sahr al-hudzali al-ahtal ahmad al-ghazali ahmad 'ali al-imam ahmad dahlan 'ain al-qudat al-hamadhani al-'abbas b. al-ahnaf al-ghazali al-hajjaj al-hallaj al-jilani al-jilani al-kasani al-sharakhsi 'ali b. abi thalib ali ibn yusuf al-shattanawfi aloys sprenger 'amr b. kultsum anas b. malik arkoun arthur jeffery b baghdad basshar b. burd al-farazdaq blachère c carmela baffioni catur dharma d deliar noer dzu rumma e e. levi provençal f fazlur rahman fiai g g.p. maisonneuve h hanafi school himpunan putusan tarjih (hpt) i iain ibn darraj al-qasthalani ibn 'arabi ibn batutah ibn hajar al-asqalani ibn mas'ud ibn taymiyah ibn taymiyya ignaz goldziher ikhwan al-shafa' imam al-nawawi imam al-shafi'i imam malik j jalal al-din rumi jesus john the baptist k khuzistan kuntowijoyo m mahfud md mahmud zubaidi malik b. abi 'amir manhaj tarjih manna' al-qaththan margoliouth marwan b. al-hakam matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah mohammed arkoun montgomery watt muhammad muhammad al-shaybani muhammadiyah mui mukaddimah anggaran dasar muhammadiyah mushaf ibn mas'ud mushaf abu bakr mushaf ubay n nabi muhammad saw nahdlatul ulama (nu) nakamura newton p perwataatmadja pesantren q quraisy r r. blachère régis blachère rene descartes robert k. merton s sa'id b. al-'ashsh salman al-farisi sarwono shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi sheikh abû daqiqa shihab al-din al-suhrawardi al-maqtul shubhi shalih sultan sulayman syafii antonio t th. noldeke titus burkchardt u ubay b. ka'ab uii umayyah 'abd al-malik 'utsman b. 'affan w william marçais william muir y ya'cub yusdani yusman roy yusuf al-hamadani z zaid b. tsabit zakaria layout afkaruna desember 2017.pmd jurnal afkaruna vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 imajinasi kebangsaan di nusantara: suatu kajian bibliografis kamaruzzaman bustamam-ahmad uin ar-raniry, banda aceh abah.shatilla@gmail.com abstract this article aims to examine the social imaginary toward nationalism from theoritical and bibliographical perspectives. recently, there has been lack of study on imagined nationalism, after bennedict anderson had published imagined communities. this study by looking at social imagination and cultural memory, will describe the development of imagined nationalism in nusantara. it will also survey several literatures on concept of nationalism in the region. it is believed that imagined nationalism in nusantara has been influenced by many concepts from western scholars. thus, study on on this issue by emphasing on cultural memory is still needed. it is argued that it is necessary to conduct more research projects on imagined nationalism in nusantara by focussing on spirit, cosmology, system of knowledge, and values among socities. keyword: nusantara, imagined communities, imagined nationalism. abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang imajinasi sosial tentang kebangsaan dari perspektif teoritikal dan bibliografikal. sejauh ini, kajian imajinasi kebangsaan di nusantara masih belum begitu mendapatkan perhatian, setelah diterbitkan karya bennedict anderson, imagined communities. dalam studi ini, melalui konsep imajinasi sosial dan memori kebudayaan, dicarikan bagaimana perkembangan imajinasi kebangsaan di nusantara. selain itu, dilakukan juga penelaahan beberapa literatur tentang konsep nasionalisme di nusantara. kajian ini mendapati bahwa imajinasi kebangsaan di nusantara masih banyak dipengaruhi oleh karya-karya sarjana barat, sehingga studi imajinasi kebangsaan yang berlandaskan pada memori kebudayaan masih jarang ditemukan. studi ini pada akhir berargumen bahwa perlu pengkajian secara mendalam tentang imajinasi kebangsaan di nusantara yang berlandaskan pada spirit, kosmologi, sistem pengetahuan, dan nilai yang berkembang di dalam masyarakat. kata kunci: nusantara, imagined communities,, imajinasi kebangsaan. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2017.0072.168-203 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 169169169169169vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 pendahuluan studi ini bermaksud untuk mengkaji tentang imajinasi kebangsaan melalui studi bibliografis. pada prinsipnya, ide awal mengapa kajian ini dilakukan adalah ketika penulis menyelesaikan buku tentang kajian metateori dan metafisika terhadap konsep islam nusantara melalui tiga sarjana, yaitu charles taylor, henry corbin, dan syed mohd. naquib al-attas.1 dalam penelusuran karya-karya taylor,2 ditemukan buku yang berjudul modern social imaginaries.3 karya tersebut mengupas bagaimana imajinasi sosial dalam masyarakat modern. lantas, dalam karya taylor yang lain, dilemma and connections: selected essays,4 terdapat satu bab tentang “nationalism and modernity” yang di dalamnya merujuk pada karya benedict anderson, imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism.5 taylor menyebutkan bahwa: “modern nation-states are “imagined communities,” in benedict anderson celebrated phrase. we might say they have a particular kind of social-imaginary – that is, shared ways in which social spaces are imagined.”6 konteks imajinasi ini menjadi penting, sebab perlu dipahami konstruksi imajinasi yang dibangun oleh rakyat, kemudian dibingkai dalam satu rajutan nasionalisme. kajian mengenai wacana kebangsaan merupakan salah satu dari studi mengenai sistem politik dan pertahanan dan keamanan.7 berbagai negara telah berusaha untuk menyusun arah kebijakan dan strategi yang akan dicapai di masa yang akan datang.8 indonesia sudah mencoba merumuskan bagaimana arah masa depan, sebagaimana terlihat dalam karya menyongsong 2014-2019: memperkuat indonesia dalam dunia yang berubah.9 di samping itu, ada juga bagaimana rancang bangun untuk mempersiapkan indonesia pada tahun 2045.10 namun, upaya yang secara khusus menemukan kembali konsep kebangsaan secara komprehensif memang belum banyak mendapatkan perhatian di kalangan para sarjana. kendati, para sarjana luar telah melakukan berbagai upaya untuk menemukan bagaimana konsep kebangsaan di tengah-tengah perubahan masyarakat di level internasional.11 bahkan, untuk mempersiapkan suatu masyarakat di masa yang akan datang, telah dikaji melalui konsep planetary civilization,12 sebagai upaya apakah suatu negara memilih konsep conventional worlds, barbarization dan great transitions.13 melalui konsep-konsep di atas, situasi global akan memainkan pengaruh yang cukup penting di masa yang akan datang. sebab, perubahan-perubahan di atas akan memasuki setiap negara-negara yang ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 170170170170170 afkaruna memiliki nilai strategis, tidak hanya pada sumber daya alam, tetapi juga bagaimana rekayasa hubungan sosial-budaya, di antara sesama masyarakat. konsep global citizenship yang mempertemukan berbagai nilai dan moral dari luar suatu negara/blok terhadap negara lain.14 kondisi tersebut mengantarkan pada pengkajian terhadap tata nilai dan tata moral suatu negara oleh negara lain,15 yang juga merupakan bagian dari studi metateori.16 indonesia juga telah mulai dikaji aspek masa depan, walaupun hanya sebatas pada perkembangan ekonomi.17 apa yang dipahami untuk melihat keindonesiaan hari ini adalah dikenal dengan istilah western modernity, dimana dijelaskan oleh charles taylor sebagai berikut: western modernity is a new conception of the moral order of society. this was at first just an idea in the minds of some influential thinkers, but it later came to shape the social imajinary of large strata, and the eventually whole societies. it has now become to self-evident to us that we have trouble seeing it as one possible conception among others. the mutation of this view of moral order into our social imaginary is the coming to be of certain social forms, which are those essentially characterizing western modernity: the market economy, the public sphere, and the self-governing people, among others.18 narasi imajinasi sosial di nusantara dalam studi ini, yang hendak dijelaskan adalah tentang konsep imajinasi sosial dalam persoalan kebangsaan. charles taylor menjelaskan persoalan ini sebagai berikut: by social imaginary, i mean something much broader and deeper than the intellectual schemes people may entertain when they think about social reality in a disengaged mode... the ways of people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others, how things go on between them and their fellows, the expectations that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and imagine that underlie these expectations. [t]he term imaginary (i) because... focus is on the way ordinary people “imagine” their social sorroundings, and this is often not expressed in theoretical terms, but it carried in images, stories, and legends. it is also the case that (ii) theory if often the possession of a small minority, whereas what is interesting in the social imaginary is that it is shared by large groups of people, if not the whole society. which leads to... (iii) the social imaginary is the common understanding that makes possible common practices and a widely share sense of legitimacy.19 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 171171171171171vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 pemetaan imajinasi kebangsaan merupakan salah satu pra-syarat, supaya suatu bangsa tidak mengalami kegagalan.20 karena itu, pengkajian tentang kosmologi, ideologi, spirit, dan ilmu pengetahuan merupakan alat-alat utama di dalam merekayasa suatu bangsa. jika keempat hal tersebut tidak diketemukan, maka sistem kebangsaan akan mengalami proses auto pilot. para pendiri bangsa, selalu mencari akar kosmologi, supaya tatanan kebangsaan akan memberikan impak yang positif, mengenai arah masa depan atau nasib suatu bangsa. di nusantara, kajian kosmologi cenderung dipahami sebagai upaya menempatkan manusia dengan alam, manusia dengan pencipta, dan manusia dengan manusia.21 imajinasi yang bersifat abstrak ini yang kemudian digali oleh para pendiri bangsa, supaya fondasi metafisika kebangsaan, akan menjadi akar kebangsaan suatu negara. dapat dikatakan bahwa kosmologi memberikan dampak pada kekuasaan suatu negara.22 adapun ideologi merupakan salah satu perekat utama di dalam suatu negara. dalam konteks ini, ideologi merupakan hal yang paling substansi, seperti yang dijelaskan oleh richard a. gard berikut: ideology may be variously defined as (1) the study of the relation of ideas to language, (2) the manner or content of thinking which is characteristic of an individual or a group, (3) a subjective interpretation of observed social phenomena, (4) a systematic scheme of ideas about life. a survey of ideological issues and problems in southeast asia today would disclose at least four important types: philosophical-religious, political, economic, and legal.23 di indonesia, pengaruh imajinasi sosial juga dilakukan dengan pola di atas, khususnya setelah kemerdekaan, dimana pengaruh weberian sangat dominan,24 terutama pengaruh clifford geertz melalui beberapa kajiannya dalam bidang sosial-antropologi pada tahun 1950-an.25 adapun sebelumnya, warna tata nilai yang dibangun merupakan hasil dari pengkajian yang dilakukan oleh c. snouck hurgronje.26 kuntowijoyo menuturkan bahwa: sebagaimana kita ketahui, selama ini ilmu-ilmu sosial yang diajarkan di perguruan-perguruan tinggi kita adalah ilmu-ilmu sosial amerika yang sangat dipengaruhi oleh nilai-nilai sosial dan sistem sosial amerika. alih-alih dari pada menyembangkan ilmu-ilmu sosial dan humaniora indonesia yang misalnya diderivasi dari nilai-nilai pancasila, perguruan-perguruan tinggi kita rupanya malah mengajarkan ilmu-ilmu sosial asing dengan segala biasnya. oleh karena itu, sebagai organized intelligence di bidang ilmu-ilmu sosial, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 172172172172172 afkaruna ternyata perguruan-perguruan tinggi kita bukan mengajarkan socialized intelligence, tapi justru americanised intelligence. kita menyadari bahwa kesadaran untuk mengembangkan ilmu-ilmu sosial pribumi baru muncul belakangan ini. upaya untuk melepaskan diri dari kolonisasi ilmu-ilmu sosial masih belum didukung secara institusional oleh perguruan-perguruan tinggi kita. tentu saja idealnya adalah bahwa ilmu-ilmu sosial yang diajarkan dan dikembangkan harus berakar pada nilai-nilai sosial kita sendiri.27 adapun persoalan lain yang menyangkut tata pikir kebangsaan adalah tentang kosmologi. di indonesia sistem kosmologi di setiap daerah jarang diangkat ke permukaan, sebab kosmologi bangsa indonesia, cenderung hanya dilihat dari aspek kosmologi jawa.28 padahal di indonesia, sistem kosmologi tidak hanya ada di jawa, tetapi juga ada di daerah-daerah. demikian pula, dalam hal spirit, dominasi spirit dari jawa selalu dikedepankan secara simbolik. namun, ketika diskusi mengenai ideologi, malah ideologi pancasila yang mengalami proses kontestasi, seiring kemunculan ideologi tandingan di nusantara saat ini.29 untuk kasus aceh misalnya, persoalan nasionalisme merupakan persoalan yang begitu krusial, sebab daerah ini sampai sekarang masih merasakan bukan bagian dari bangsa indonesia.30 sementara sumatera barat merupakan daerah yang paling berjasa di dalam menghasilkan gerakan-gerakan sosial keagamaan dan memiliki peran aktif di dalam memberikan fondasi kebangsaan.31 kawasan ini memiliki hubungan yang sangat penting dengan aceh, namun belakangan dibuat buffer zone oleh belanda, dengan memisahkan antara aceh dan padang, melalui program kristenisasi di sumatera utara.32 konsep buffer zone juga terjadi di jawa timur, dimana dipisahkannya antara bali dan pulau jawa melalui keberadaan islam di wilayah surabaya. disadari atau tidak, pola pemisahan ini juga diawali dengan riset oleh clifford geertz, dimana dia melakukan penelitian antropologi di mojokuto dan bali. di mojokuto, ditemukan bagaimana pengaruh islam terhadap masyarakat, yang oleh geertz digunakan teori weberian tentang calvinisme. sementara itu, di bali geertz menemukan bagaimana pengaruh hindu terhadap sistem politik.33 dalam salah satu wawancara, geertz menuturkan bahwa: “i was still quite weberian at that time.”34 kosmologi bali begitu dominan di dalam melihat cara pandang keindonesiaan, sebagaimana ditemukan dalam beberapa karya para sarjana.35 martin van bruinessen mengatakan bahwa: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 173173173173173vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 karya-karya geertz tersebut berdasarkan penelitiannya di kota “modjokuto” (pare, jawa timur) tahun 1954-1954, tetapi mengandung makna lebih luas: geertz menawarkan model yang dapat digunakan untuk memahami proses sosial, ekonomi dan politik pada skala nasional: pertikaian politik sebagai konflik antara kelompok-kelompok primodial, proses pemiskinan masyarakat petani sawah, peranan islam modernis sebagai motor penggerak perkembangan sektor pribumi dan seterusnya.36 selanjutnya, di sulawesi (makassar) dan kalimantan (dayak) juga masih terkait dengan bagaimana proses imajinasi kebangsaan, terutama dengan persoalan asimilasi kebudayaan, jati diri, dan trans-lokal. studi tentang hal tersebut dapat dilihat misalnya dalam karya mikhail coomans,37 yekti maunati,38 liana chua,39 william cummings,40 dan wendy mee.41 persoalan identitas dan jati diri kedua kawasan tersebut, sering menjadi kajian yang penting, sebelum digali aspek-aspek imajinasi kebangsaan. namun, aspekaspek kosmologi dan spirit juga menjadi hal yang begitu signifikan, terutama ketika dihubungkan dengan studi perbatasan. karena dua pulau ini bersentuhan langsung dengan negara luar (brunei darussalam, malaysia, dan philipina).42 upaya untuk memahami imajinisasi kebangsaan merupakan hal yang sangat urgen untuk diteliti, supaya dapat dipahami bagaimana kontruksi pemahaman kebangsaan, di kalangan masyarakat tersebut. konsep tentang imajinasi kebangsaan dalam bagian ini disajikan tentang tentang hal ihwal tentang konsep imajinasi kebangsaan. adapun, istilah kebangsaan dalam bahasa inggris adalah nationalism. istilah ini memiliki beberapa penjelasan dalam diskursus nasionalisme. paling tidak, ada beberapa fase diskursus nasionalisme yang oleh umut ozkirimli dibagi ke dalam empat masa. masa pertama, pada abad ke-18 dan 19 m, ketika gagasan nasionalisme lahir. di sini muncul para pemikirn seperti kant, rousseau, herder, fichte, mill, lord acton, marx, engels, lenin, luxemburg, bauer, stalin; sejarawan seperti michelet, van treitschke, renan, dan beberapa teoritikus ilmuwan sosial seperti durkheim dan weber. masa kedua, 1918-1945, ketika kajian nasionalisme menjadi bagian dari studi akademik. di sini muncul nama-nama seperti carleton hayes, hans kuhn, dan louis snyder. masa ketiga, 1945-1989, dimana dalam era ini, debat teoritik mengenai nasionalisme menjadi semakin intens dan variatif. dalam masa ini, muncul nama seperti daniel ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 174174174174174 afkaruna lerner, karl w. deutsch, dan elie kedourie. masa keempat, dari tahun 1989 sampai sekarang, dimana usaha-usaha untuk memunculkan debat klasik tentang nasionalisme terus bermunculan.43 tampaknya, pengklasifikasian kajian teori nasionalisme dipengaruhi oleh sejarah pemikiran dan perang yang dilakukan oleh eropa dan amerika. perang dunia pertama tampaknya setelah terjadi era penemuan konsep nasionalisme di eropa. adapun fase kedua lebih diwarnai oleh perang dunia. sementara fase ketiga merupakan era perang dingin yang diperankan oleh amerika serikat. sementara yang terakhir, persis setelah keruntuhan uni sovyet pada tahun 1989. setelah itu, perang lebih banyak diwarnai seperti yang terjadi paska-1989 di timur tengah. dalam ruang sejarah tersebut, nasionalisme ditampilkan di dunia ini. akibatnya, pola dan wajah nasionalisme pun sangat beragam, yang muncul di eropa dan amerika serikat. akibatnya, proses penyusunan sejarah nasionalisme di dunia ini baru berusia kurang lebih 4 abad. walaupun, dalam sejarah pemikiran islam di timur tengah, konsep nasionalisme juga dapat ditemukan secara konseptual, namun tentu saja agak berbeda dengan apa yang dipraktikkan di eropa. jika ozkirimli mendasarkan pada para pemikiran sarjana, maka hollbrad mendasarkan pada tipologi nasionalisme yang berkembang di eropa. dalam hal ini, carsten holbraad membagi beberapa tipe nasionalisme yang muncul di eropa: nasionalisme konservatif, nasionalisme liberal, dan nasionalisme sosialis.44 adapun nasionalisme konservatif berawal dari sistem negara-negara eropa pada abad ke-16, 17, 18 m., revolusi perancis dan peperangan oleh napoleon, aliran politik yang bersifat realisme, dan kemunculan konsep nasionalitas. nasionalisme konservatis memiliki dua tipe: defensif dan agresif. tipe defensif (bertahan) memiliki karakter melawan solidarisme konservatif dan bentuk-bentuk progresifitas internasionalisme. adapun tujuannya adalah untuk kedaulatan nasional dan kewujudan tatanan international. dalam hal ini, tipe pertama ini lebih berpusatkan pada konsep negara-bangsa. adapun titik fokus dari aliran ini adalah kepentingan nasional, hak-hak, nilai-nilai dan keamanan. pengaruh tipe ini pada akhir abad ke-19 dan pertengahan abad ke-20 m. adapun tokoh-tokohnya adalah canning, disraeli, de daulle, dan thatcher. sementara tipe yang kedua yakni nasionalisme konservatif agresif, memiliki karakter adanya upaya pembebasan dari pengaruh luar, mengeksklusikan kelompok-kelompok minoritas, kaji ulang terhadap perbatasan, adanya ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 175175175175175vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 keinginan untuk melakukan imperialisme, adanya elemenn fasisme, dan tertarik dengan kekerasan. dalam menyusun nasionalisme sebagai sesuatu yang dibayangkan oleh masyarakat, taylor memberikan dua hal penting tentang imajinasi modern, yaitu: ada perubahan dalam masyarakat dari yang bersifat hirarkhi “mediated-acces societies” ke kondisi yang bersifat horizontal “direct-access societies.”45 kondisi masyarakat yang dimediasi di dalam mendapatkan akses kerap terjadi di dalam masyarakat tradisional. mereka masih memiliki hirarkhi yang amat kuat, untuk mendapatkan “keistimewaan” dalam status sosial, pengaruh, dan dominasi yang terkadang didasarkan pada latar belakang seorang individu.46 namun, dalam masyarakat modern, masyarakat sudah mendapatkan akses secara langsung, tidak lagi melihat latarbelakang atau status sosial yang mereka emban. dalam proses perpindahan masyarakat tersebut, konsep nasionalisme terbangun di dalam suatu imajinasi bersama di antara sesama rakyat. taylor menyebutkan bahwa ada wilayah publik, dimana masyarakat mendapatkan akses yang tidak perlu lagi dimediasi.47 wilayah ini kemudian melahirkan pasar sebagai bagian dari aktifitas ekonomi. keadaan ini, menurut taylor sebagai “the rise of the modern citizenship state.”48 adapun yang kedua menurut taylor, bayangan sosial modern tidak dilihat lagi dari “translocal entities” sebagai dasar bagai sesuatu yang lain, yang tinggi, daripada aksi di dalam era sekular.49 pernyataan ini memang agak susah dipahami, mengingat konsep nation lahir di dalam era modern, dimana hal-hal yang bersifat multi-lokal tidak lagi begitu signifikan. namun, dalam studi tentang negara bangsa, paling tidak ada beberapa komponen yang mendasar yang mengikat suatu bangsa, yaitu: etnik, religi, teritorial, ras, kelompok campuran.50 beberapa komunitas tersebut kemudian melebur dalam suatu bingkai negara-bangsa. di situ ada ideologi yang dipandang sebagai nasionalisme dan ideologi juga yang dianggap sebagai sistem ide.51 dengan begitu, mengkaji tentang nasionalisme, pada prinsipnya adalah mengkaji tentang bagaimana imajinasi bangsa yang dimiliki oleh kelompok etnik, religi, ras, dan kelompok masyarakat campuran. hampir semua kelompok tersebut merupakan entitas dari translokal, dimana menurut taylor tidak menjadi begitu penting di era modern. lebih lanjut, anthony h, birch memberikan satu gambaran konsep mengenai kajian kebangsaan, yang dipilah menjadi tiga, yaitu sosiologi, kebudayaan, dan institusional. dari sosiologi, memunculkan konsep ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 176176176176176 afkaruna kelompok persaudaraan, suku, etnik, komunitas, dan masyarakat. sedangkan dari kebudayaan, muncul konsep bahasa, sastra, religi, budaya, dan peradaban. adapun dari institusional, muncul kotamadya, kabupaten, provinsi, negara, dan kerajaan.52 menurut jacobsohn, dalam proses institusionalisasi, dimaksudkan bahwa fungsi negara itu terletak pada lembaga, bukan pada individu.53 ketiga kelompok konsep tersebut kemudian memunculkan identitas, ideologi, dan wilayah, untuk mewujudkan suatu bangsa. tampaknya, imajinasi kebangsaan itu muncul dari konsep-konsep sosiologi dan kebudayaan, jika bukan antropologi. adapun dalam dataran institusi, disitu dipahami bahwa sistem ide yang terjabarkan secara sistematik dan mengikat, diimplementasikan oleh lembaga-lembaga pemerintahan tertentu. karena itu, ada pendapat yang mengatakan bahwa negara yang gagal dikarenakan institusi kenegaraan tidak berfungsi sebagaimana mestinya. hal ini terlihat misalnya dalam pernyataan berikut: nations fail today because their extractive economic institutions do not create the incentives needed for people to save, invest, and innovative. extractive political institutions support these economic institutions by cementing the power of those who benefit from extraction. extractive economic and political institutions, though their detail vary under different circumstances, are always at the root of the failure.54 penjabaran di atas menunjukkan bahwa kajian bangsa pada awalnya, bukanlah pada dataran kekuasaan, tetapi pada memori dan warisan dalam dalam aspek sosial-kebudayaan, yang pada gilirannya wujud imajinasi kebangsaan. berikut ada beberapa definisi tentang bangsa yang dirangkum oleh muthiah alagappa: according to ernest renan (1970), two things help constitute a nation: one is the common possession of a rich heritage of memories; the other is the desire to live together and preserve the inheritance that has been handed down. the nation is an outcome of a long-past of efforts and belief in a shared or common destiny. in a similar but distinct vein benedict anderson (1991) asserts that a nation is an imagined community that is limited and sovereign. the nation is imagined because even the members of the smallest community may not know each other. yet the image of such a community lives in the minds of its members. a nation is limited in that it cannot comprise all of humanity or even broad segments of it. it refers to a specific group. a nation is sovereign as it is the ultimate source of authority for all those who belong to it. finally the nation is a community “because regardless of the actual inequality and exploi○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 177177177177177vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 tation that may prevail, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship.” it is that fraternity that makes it possible for members to die willingly for the nation. in my view, common history, shared destiny, and a set of beliefs are crucial in the making of a nation. i subscribe to the idea that nations are imagined and constructed, and that nationalism precedes and constructs nations. however, nations cannot be imagined at will.cultural and political history and circumstances are crucial. often, nationalism selectively deploys mytho-history and culture in the construction of persuasive narratives for a nation.55 beberapa penjelasan di atas memperlihatkan bahwa bangsa adalah berkenaan dengan “berbagai memori,” “keyakinan,” “kesamaan tujuan,” “imajinasi masyarakat,” “kedaulatan,” “otoritas puncak.” bahkan, muthiah meringkaskan cara membuat suatu bangsa yakni dengan memiliki kesamaan sejarah, berbagi identitas, dan ada satu keyakinan. hampir semua ungkapan di atas terkait dengan apa yang bisa dikumpulkan sebagai suatu kekuatan di dalam membangun suatu bangsa: sejarah, keyakinan, dan tujuan yang hendak dicapai. di dalam sejarah suatu bangsa sudah tentu memiliki memori kolektif yang menyebabkan rakyatnya bersatu di dalam bingkai suatu kesatuan. pengelolaan memori kolektif inilah yang memberikan dasar yang kuat, bagaimana bentukan imajinasi masa lalu, untuk menuju masa yang akan datang. jan assmann membagi ada empat memori yang terdapat di dalam suatu masyarakat. pertama, memori meniru. memori ini berkenaan dengan aksi. masyarakat belajar berbagai bentuk tindakan melalui imitasi atau meniru.56 tampaknya, budaya meniru memang kerap terjadi di dalam masyarakat, dari masa lalu hingga sekarang. memori ini kemudian membentuk suatu aksi yang menjadi ingatan bagi semua instrumen masyarakat. kedua, memori tentang sesuatu. kajian tentang memori ini berkenaan dengan bagaimana masyarakat mendefinisikan sesuatu di dalam kehidupan mereka, yang pada gilirannya menunjukkan siapa masyarakat tersebut. memori ini juga akan membawa masyarakat tersebut tidak hanya pada masa kini, tetapi juga dalam fase dan tahapan masa lalu.57 ketiga, memori komunikatif. adapun memori di sini adalah bahasa dan kemampuan berkomunikasi di dalam interaksi masyarakat.58 terakhir, memori kultural. ini adalah penyatuan dari ketiga aspek memori sebelumnya, dimana meniru, sesuatu, bahasa, dan komunikasi memberikan makna bagi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 178178178178178 afkaruna masyarakat tersebut.59 memori kebudayaan, karena dia merupakan penyatuan dari tiga memori sebelumnya, pada gilirannya membentuk identitas di dalam masyarakat tersebut. karena semua memori ini dimaknai oleh masyarakat. dalam konteks bangsa yang bersifat multi-kultur, tampaknya tidak akan ada semua memori kebudayaan yang ditampilkan di dalam pentas sejarah bangsa. muthiah alagappa mengatakan bahwa etnisitas telah mendominasi pembentukan bangsa di asia.60 konsep kajian etnik di dalam nasionalisme ini juga dapat dilihat dalam karya anthony reid.61 dalam hal ini, reid menyebutkan ada enam faktor penting tentang ethnie nationalism di asia, yaitu: nama kolektif, mitos yang sama tentang asal usul, kesamaan sejarah atau tradisi, keunikan kebudayaan biasanya dalam bidang bahasa dan religi, asosiasi dalam suatu wilayah, dan ada rasa persatuan.62 dalam karya ini, reid menyoroti beberapa suku bangsa yang ada di asia tenggara yang memiliki unsur nasionalisme etnik, yakni: melayu, aceh, batak, dan kadazan di malaysia. dengan kata lain, jika keenam unsur tersebut disatukan pada masingmasing etnik tersebut, maka konsep nasionalisme etnik akan melekat secara kuat, seperti nasionalime melayu, bahasa melayu, budaya melayu, persatuan melayu, tanah melayu, dan seterusnya. karena itu, di dalam nasionalisme etnik, masing kuat rasa persatuan untuk identitas dalam hal budaya, religi, dan bahasa. di samping itu, kesamaan lintasan sejarah juga menjadi hal yang cukup signifikan di dalam membangun rasa nasionalisme. namun, setelah kemunculan konsep nation-state, nasionalisme etnik memudar, secara persalah berubah menjadi bagian penyemaian rasa nasionalisme dalam kontek tidak lagi mengedepankan keenam tersebut. lebih lanjut, francis fukuyama membedakan proses bangunan negara (state building) dan bangunan nasional, sebagai berikut: state building refers to the creation of tangible institutions – armies, police, bureaucracies, ministries, and the like. it is accomplished by hiring staf, training officials, giving them offices, providing them with budgets, and passing laws and directives. nation building, by contrast, is the creation of a sense national identity to which individuals will be loyal, and identity that will supersede they loyalty to tribes, villages, regions, or ethnic groups. nation building in contrast to state building requires the creation of intangible things like national traditions, symbols, shared historical memories, and common cultural points of reference. national identities can created by state through their policies on language, religion, and education. but they are just as often estab○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 179179179179179vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 lished from the bottom up by poets, philosophers, religious leaders, novelists, musicians, and other individuals with no direct access to political leaders.63 jika merujuk pada pendapat fukuyama di atas, maka imajinasi kebangsaan dimulai dari bawah sampai kemudian menjadi suatu negara. uniknya, mereka yang menghasilkan pemikiran, malah sama sekali tidak terlibat di dalam pelaksanaan tata kenegaraan. di sini, terlihat bahwa sesuatu yang tidak dapat diraba malah menjadi faktor pendukung di dalam kajian kebangsaan. dengan kata lain, kekuatan pemikiran atau ide-ide yang abstrak mampu mengisi kekuatan kebangsaan, pada saat pendirian negara. tidak sedikit filosof yang menghasilkan pemikiran malah tidak terlibat di dalam mengurusi lembaga-lembaga kenegaraan. mereka bahkan terkadang berada dibalik layar. kehadiran mereka kemudian digiring pada pemenuhan konseptualisasi tradisi, simbol, memori sejarah, dan kesamaan dasar kebudayaan. karena itu, dapat dikatakan bahwa imajinasi kebangsaan harus digali dari pemikir-pemikir besar yang menghasilkan ide-ide untuk kewujudan kebangsaan bagi suatu negara. tidak mengherankan mana kala dibalik pendirian suatu negara, terdapat nama-nama pemikir dengan gagasan-gagasan yang mempersatukan rakyat di dalam bingkai satu konsep kebangsaan. satu lagi hal yang menarik yaitu ketika kebangsaan hendak diwujudkan, ada upaya keras untuk memidahkan kepatuhan seseorang dari wilayahnya yang bersifat etnisitas ke teritori yang dikenal sebagai sebuah negara. upaya ini tentu saja sangat berkaitan dengan imajinasi politik. jan assmann di dalam menjelaskan imajinasi politik melewati melalui tiga hal yakni: identitas, kesadaran, dan refleksitas.64 terkait dengan identitas, assmann membagi ke dalam jenis yaitu: identitas personal dan identitas kolektif. di sini, assmann melihat bagaimana “saya” versus “kita” di dalam membangun identitas.65 “saya” memiliki dua identitas yaitu identitas individual dan identitas personal.66 adapun penjelasan kedua identitas tersebut adalah sebagai berikut: “individual identity is the coherent self-image that builds itself up in the consciousness of the individual through features that (a) distinguish them significantly from everyone else and (b) remain constant across the various phases of their development.”67 adapun identitas personal adalah “...the embodiment of all of the roles, qualities, and talents that give the individual hiw own special place in the social network.”68 kedua penjelasan ini memperlihatkan bahwa identitas ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 180180180180180 afkaruna seseorang tersebut sangat terkait dengan sosio-genik dan kebudayaan yang sudah terkonstruk di sekitarnya. di sini kesadaran seseorang sangat dipengaruhi oleh bahasa, gagasan-gagasan, norma-norma, dan nilai yang ada di dalam waktu dan budaya tertentu.69 setelah identitas “saya” dapat diketahui, maka identitas personal dan individual berubah menjadi identitas kolektif. assmann menegaskan bahwa identitas kolektif sangat ditentukan secara simbolik dan adanya konstruksi imajiner.70 jika seperti di atas bentuk indentitas individu dan kolektif, maka yang perlu digali adalah bagaimana sisi-sisi kebudayaan mempengaruhi seseorang di dalam merefleksikan kedua identitas yang melekat pada dirinya (individu dan personal). kontruksi sosial lantas membentuk pemahaman bagaimana “saya” mengaktualisasikan diri dan pikiran bersamaan dengan identitas individu lainnya, baik personal maupun individual. di dalam hubungan sosial dan kebudayaan tersebutlah, kemudian simbol-simbol yang memiliki makna menjadi suatu kesepakatan antara masing-masing individu tersebut, dimana kemudian dijadikan sebagai identitas bersama. hal-hal seperti bahasa, norma, gagasan, dan nilai merupakan juga produk budaya di dalam satu lorong waktu sejarah. masyarakat memerlukan masa lalu sebagai bentuk dari self-definition.71 di sini, assmann menyimpulkan bahwa: “the imagined national community is based on an imagined continuity that reaches back in the depths of time.”72 tampaknya, imajinasi kebangsaan itu diasaskan pada konteks masa lalu yang memberikan dasar-dasar imajinasi untuk menuju pada identitas kolektif. di sinilah muncul istilah yang kemudian banyak mendapat perhatian di dalam kajian kebangsaan yaitu social and political imaginaire.73 sebagai contoh, dalam sejarah imajinasi politik di indonesia, dominasi nasionalisme jawa begitu kuat sebagai kekuatan mayoritas. etnik lainnya diletakkan pada sub-ordinasi, sehingga hampir semua elemen nasionalisme etnik melekat secara kuat di negara ini. dengan kata lain, konsep kekuasaan jawa begitu mendominasi kajian nasionalisme di indonesia.74 karena itu, imajinasi kebangsaan di indonesia tidak akan lepas dari imajinasi jawa di dalam sejarah bangsa ini. karena itu, membuka wacana tentang kajian kebangsaan di dalam konteks keindonesiaan masa kini memiliki beberapa persoalan penting, terkait dengan sistem kosmologi, spirit, ideologi, dan ilmu pengetahuan. dari aspek sistem kosmologi, indonesia dikuasai oleh sistem kosmologi jawa.75 dari aspek spirit, indonesia dikuasai oleh spirit hindu dan buddha. dari aspek ideologi, masih terjadi proses kontestasi, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 181181181181181vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 baik terbuka maupun tertutup, di dalam memahami hakikat ideologi bangsa.76 dari aspek ilmu pengetahuan, rekayasanya masih berkiblat pada ilmu-ilmu dari barat.77 kondisi ini memperlihatkan imajinasi kebangsaan di indonesia belum mengindonesia, dimana sistem kosmologi, ideologi, spirit, dan ilmu pengetahuan dari luar orbit pulau jawa tidak mendapatkan tempat di dalam peneguhan nasionalisme di indonesia. gema negara-bangsa atau dikenal dengan istilah nation-states memang bukan muncul di negara tanpa suatu proses sejarah. kekuasaan suatu bangsa tentu saja menyisir aspek daratan, air, dan udara ke seluruh penjuru dunia. ketiga aspek tersebut kemudian diberikan wilayah perbatasan atau teritori. kekuasaan yang berbasiskan religi, pada hakikatnya, tidak mengenal wilayah perbatasan, sebagaimana kekuasaan suatu negara. kekuasaan berbasiskan pada etnik juga mengalami batas, dimana tersebut terlihat saat ada perbedaan identitas anatara masing-masing etnik. pertanyaannya adalah apakah konsep nasionalisme yang sekarang berubahan menjadi internasionalisme atau kosmopolitanisme memakai kerangka penyebaran sebagaimana pengalaman diaspora religi di beberapa benua? bennedict anderson menyebutkan bahwa terdapat tiga hal penting yang hilang di dalam pikiran manusia yang diistilahkan oleh anderson sebagai persepsi kebudayaan: the first... was the idea that a particular script-language offered privileged ontological truth, precisely because it was an inseparable part of that truth. it was this idea that called into being the great transcontinental sodalities of christendom, the islamic ummah, and the rest. second was the belief that society was naturally organized around and under high centre – monarchs who were persons apart from other human beings and who ruled by some form of cosmological (divine) dispensation. human loyalties were necessarily hierarchical and centripetal because the ruler, like the sacred script, was a node of access to being and inherent in it. third was a conception of temporality in which cosmology and history were inditinguishable, the origins of the world and of men essentially identical.78 dari kutipan di atas memperlihatkan bahwa nasionalisme telah menghilangkan apa yang menjadi dasar imajinasi masyarakat secara substantif. imajinasi kebangsaan menghilangkan kekuatan makna ontologi dari teks-teks suci dari pikiran manusia. maksudnya, sebagai bagian dari pengaruh agama melalui kitab suci terhadap pikiran manusia telah disirnakan oleh imajinasi kebangsaan. dengan kata lain, imajinasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 182182182182182 afkaruna kebangsaan memotong pengaruh teks keagamaan di dalam pikiran manusia untuk mencari makna kebenaran ontologis. harus diakui bahwa kebenaran ontologi merupakan bagian terpenting di dalam pikiran masyarakat. di situ mereka menemukan hakikat suatu kebenaran yang diyakini oleh akal pikiran manusia. oleh bennedict hakikat kebenaran ontologi merupakan persepsi kebudayaan yang paling utama. selanjutnya, imajinasi kebangsaan juga menghilangkan kekuatan ilahiyah yang melekat pada sosok individu yang menjadi pemimpin di dunia. pemimpin yang memiliki garis tangan secara ilahi tidak lagi menjadi begitu penting. karena di era modern, dimana imajinasi kebangsaan muncul, persoalan keilahian menjadi tidak begitu penting. adapun bagi masyarakat yang berada dibawah sistem monarkhi sosok pemimpin dipandang sebagai “bayangan” tuhan di muka bumi. jika tesis anderson di atas benar adanya, maka sangat wajar jika kemudian segala sesuatu sistem pemerintahan yang diusung melalui nasionalisme sehakikatnya adalah buah dari proses sekularisasi yang menjadi bayi dari pemikiran barat. sehingga sejak awal kelahiran modernisme dan nasionalisme, nasib pemikiran divinitas menjadi begitu pahit adanya. yahudi menderita sampai kemudian ditemukan konsep zionisme. islam mendapatkan dampak yang luar biasa saat keruntuhan khilafat di turki saat perang dunia i. adapun lorong waktu yang disediakan untuk perjalanan imajinasi kebangsaan adalah via modernisme dan sekularisme. ada yang mendefinisikan sekularisme sebagai “a political mode of governance based on two principles – equality of respect and freedom conscience – and two operative modes – separation of church and state and the neutrality of the state toward religions and toward secular philosophy movement.”79 melalui konsep sekularisme seperti itulah, imajinasi kebangsaan dimunculkan. dua aspek utama dalam sekularisme yaitu persamaan di dalam kehormatan dan kebebasan hati nurani menjadi hal penting. sebab, semua orang berusaha ditempatkan di dalam posisi yang sederajat. sementara itu, sistem kebenaran ontologi yang muncul dari lembaga keagamaan mis. gereja, tidak lagi muncul di dalam sistem kenegaraan. konsep pemisahan lembaga keagamaan dengan negara memang sudah sering didengunkan dalam kajian sekularisme.80 charles taylor menyebutkan bahwa “...when people argue that since the “secular” is an old category of christian culture, and since islam doesn’t seem to have a corresponding category, therefore is○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 183183183183183vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 lamic societies cannot adopt secular regimes.”81 namun, negara harus tidak ikut campur di dalam gerakan filsafat sekular, sangat jarang dimunculkan di dalam perdebatan secara terbuka. sebagai contoh, dampak sekular terhadap religi adalah ketika pada abad ke-19 didirikan masyarakat sekular (secular society) oleh g.j. holyoake di inggris, yang bertujuan untuk “...a just world order and moral program of individual action that would address human problems without the use of supernatural explanation.”82 inilah konsekuensi logis penggunaan istilah sekular yang kemudian digiring di dalam kajian ilmu sosial. mengapa hal ini menjadi penting? hal ini disebabkan imajinasi kebangsaan yang berbarengan dengan penyebaran sekularisme terjadi setelah era reformasi. taylor menyebutkan setelah era tersebut, “... certain functions, properties, and institutions were transferred from church control to that laymen.”83 “orang biasa” inilah yang menggerakkan pemikiran demi pemikiran yang kemudian menjadi geraka filsafat modern. “orang gereja” tidak mampu lagi mengontrol manusia diluar gereja untuk berekspresi, sebagaimana sebelum era reformasi. keadaan di atas merupakan konsekuensi logis dari aspek kedua dan ketiga yang ditegaskan oleh bennedict anderson di atas, yaitu imajinasi kebangsaan menghilangkan sistem kosmologi dan sejarah. tentu sistem kosmologi dan sejarah yang digunakan sebagai basis imajinasi kebangsaan secara resmi adalah mereka yang mendominasi sejarah suatu bangsa. kehilangan kosmologi dalam pikiran manusia pada gilirannya merupakan bentuk keterputusan manusia itu sendiri dengan asal usul mereka. sehingga imajinasi kebangsaan memberikan mudarat kebudayaan secara kosmik. alhasil, tiga hal yang hilang di atas merupakan basis utama di dalam persepsi kultural yang dibangun oleh setiap etnik bangsa di dunia ini. oleh karena kehilangan seluruh pusat kendali persepsi kebudayaan, maka pengaruh gerakan filsafat modern menyisir hampir seluruh dunia. keterputusan agama, divinitas, kosmologi, dan sejarah, diganti oleh tata pikir dari barat. inilah puncak imajinasi kebangsaan di era modern. benedict menulis bagaimana kemunculan imajinasi kebangsaan sebagai berikut: “... the convergence of capitalism and print technology on the fatal diversity of human language created the possibility of a new form of imagined community.”84 keterhubungan antara kapitalisme dan teknologi cetak yang membuat adanya kemunculan imajinasi kebangsaan. tentu saja kapitalisme merupakan bagian dari imperialisme dan kolonialisme ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 184184184184184 afkaruna yang dilakukan oleh pihak negara-negara di eropa. sementara dunia percetakan merupakan salah satu cara distribusi ide-ide yang diistilah di atas sebagai “secular philosophy movement.” gagasan dari pemikiran barat telah mengubah citra dan hala tuju sejarah dunia. di sebutkan bahwa “comte (1998), marx (1978), weber ([1904] 1930), and durkheim ([1912] 1995) each forecast that in modern society, positivism, rationality, and science would displace the theological, enchanted, religiously oriented perspective held by earlier civilizations.”85 demikianlah beberapa uraian mengenai imajinasi kebangsaan yang berangkat dari imajinasi sosial. studi di atas memperlihatkan bahwa imajinasi kebangsaan semestinya dilihat dari akar rumput, bukan dari menara gading. narasi bagian ini memperlihatkan bahwa secara teoritik, imajinasi kebangsaan di indonesia tampaknya belum mampu mengikat suasana kebatinan seluruh rakyat indonesia. hal ini disebabkan, sistem kosmologi, spirit, ideologi, dan ilmu pengetahuan masih belum begitu mengkristalkan di dalam perjalanan sejarah negara-bangsa di indonesia. sehingga, imajinasi kebangsaan lebih banyak diproduksi oleh negara yang memang sudah mendapatkan pengaruh dominan konstruksi teoritiknya dari pemikiran-pemikiran yang tidak senafas dengan kenusantaraan. akhirnya, indonesia masih perlu tersebut menggali aspek kosmologi lokal yang ada di seluruh nusantara yang selama ini telah ditenggelamkan melalui proses pembumian nasionalisme melalui model di atas. karya-karya tentang imajinasi kebangasaan lebih lanjut, studi tentang imajinasi kebangsaan merupakan kajian yang muncul setelah perang dunia ke-2. dalam konteks asia tenggara, kemunculan negara-negara baru merupakan gejala kebangkitan nation state yang setelah kemerdekaan yang diperoleh, setelah selesai perang dunia ke-2. hal ini terlihat dalam karya-karya berikut: justus m. van der kroef yang berjudul “society and culture in indonesian nationalism,”86 karya der kroef lebih melihat aspek masyarakat dan kebudayaan di dalam mengkaji tentang nasionalisme di indonesia. selanjutnya, howard m. federspiel juga mengkaji tentang kebangsaan dengan judul “islam and nationalism.”87 studi howard ini merupakan telaah terhadap wujud kebangsaan dalam publikasi al-lisaan yang terbit pada tahun 1944. karya howard kemudian dilanjutkan dengan judul sultans, shamans, and saints: islam and muslims in southeast asia.88 studi ini menjelaskan konsep buffer zone diterapkan ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 185185185185185vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 untuk memetakan kekuatan islam dan nasionalisme di asia tenggara, dari era sebelum penjajahan, hingga era kemerdekaan. karya yang mengupas hal yang agak mirip, namun melihat koneksinya dengan keadaan di timur tengah, dapat dibaca di dalam studi michael franciss laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds.89 studi laffan kemudian dilanjutkan dengan karya mengenai proses pembentukan indonesia dengan judul the makings of indonesian islam.90 karya-karya laffan lebih mengedepankan pendekatan sejarah, di dalam melihat aspek kebangsaan di indonesia, dengan menukilkan peran jaringan intelektual dan kesadaran islamisme di dalam pembangunan imajinasi kebangsaan di nusantara. adapun studi yang sangat mempengaruhi tentang imajinasi kebangsaan di indonesia adalah karya benedict anderson yaitu imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism.91 karya yang telah diterjemahkan ke dalam lebih 20 bahasa ini, sangat mempengaruhi tentang bagaimana konstruksi imajinasi kebangsaan, tidak terkecuali untuk kasus indonesia. karya lanjutan tentang nasionalisme oleh ben anderson dilanjutkan dengan judul spectre of comparisons: nationalism, southeast asia, and the world.92 kendati ben anderson melihat secara regional, namun perhatiannya terhadap indonesia sangat besar sekali, sebagaimana dijumpai dalam dua karya tersebut. hanya saja, pendekatan ben anderson lebih banyak bertumpu pada sejarah dan politik, yang terjadi di indonesia, ketimbang dari aspek budaya dan nilai-nilai yang wujud di provinsi-provinsi di nusantara ini. harus diakui bahwa konsep imagined communities telah mempengaruhi cara pandang studi kebangsaan di indonesia. selanjutnya, studi yang melihat aspek agama dan nasionalisme di indonesia juga dilakukan oleh beberapa sarjana. misalnya, studi charles e. farhadian, christianity, islam, and nationalism in indonesia.93 studi fahardian melihat pengaruh agama di dalam orde baru dan juga bagaimana perkembangan agama kristen di papua. adapun studi imajinasi kebangsaan dapat ditemukan dalam dua karya yaitu: heirs to world culture being indonesian 1950-1965 yang diedit oleh jennifer lindsay dan maya h.t. liem.94 buku kumpulan tulisan ini merupakan hasil potret bagaimana menjadi indonesia pada kurun waktu 19501965. selanjutnya karya menjadi indonesia juga dihasilkan oleh para penulis muslim indonesia dengan judul menjadi indonesia: 13 abad eksistensi islam di bumi nusantara diedit oleh komaruddin hidayat dan a. gaus.95 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 186186186186186 afkaruna di sini, para penulis menyajikan bagaimana inter play antara islam, nasionalisme dan keindonesiaan, terjadi dalam kurun waktu 13 abad lebih. kedua karya tersebut mampu memberikan narasi dari berbagai dimensi mengenai bagaimana menjadi indonesia di dalam berbagai tantangan zaman. hanya saja, karya-karya seperti ini lebih banyak bertumpu pada perspektif historis ditambah dengan kekuatan reflektif para penulis, khususnya mereka yang menjadi pelaku dan saksi sejarah. sementara itu, kajian mengenai kontruksi kebangsaan juga dilakukan oleh beberapa penulis. dalam hal ini, studi muthiah alagappa yang berjudul nation making in asia: from ethnic to civic nations? dapat dijadikan contoh bagaimana proses konseptualisasi kebangsaan, yang terjadi asia, tidak terkecuali di indonesia.96 konstruksi kebangsaan yang diketengahkan oleh alagappa sangat menarik dapat dapat dijadikan sebagai salah satu pijakan dalam studi ini, dimana dia menyebutkan 5 argumen, yaitu: first, in multi-ethnic countries, constructing nations on the basis of majority communities implicitly or explicitly led to the formation of minority communities and their destruction or marginalization. disadvantaged or marginalized groups became apprehensive about their futures, stimulating alternative conceptions of nation as well as imagination of new states in which minority communities would become the staatsvolk or state-bearing nations. that in turn created apprehensions among new minority communities setting a vicious cycle in motion. the demand for new nations and states frequently led to violence and war. in a few cases, such domestic conflicts invited international military intervention. second, ethno-national imaginations in homogenous populations were nonaccepting of divided nations and of the idea that one nation may support more than one state. the quest for unification of divided nations and the effort to achieve congruence between nation and state were primary causes of several inter-state wars including irredentism in asia since 1945. third, ethnic-nation making challenged, modified, and in some cases undermined civic nation-making, fostering internal conflict in those states. fourth, ethnic-nation making polarised populations making them intolerant and unaccepting of plurality and diversity. the forging of a cohesive national community became much more difficult if not impossible. finally, it made societies intolerant of migration (international flow of labour in a globalized world) and exacerbated racially-based animosities between certain exclusive ethnic nation-states.97 selanjutnya, studi mengenai kontruksi kebangsaan juga dapat dibaca ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 187187187187187vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 dalam karya yang diedit oleh wang gungwu dengan judul nation-building: five southeast asian histories.98 di dalam karya ini, disorot bagaimana konstruksi kebangsaan di lima negara (malaysia, indonesia, singapura, philipina, dan thailand). adapun yang mengajikan tentang bangunan kebangsaan di indonesia adalah anthony reid. melalui narasi sejarah, reid menjabarkan perjalanan kebangsaan ketika kemerdekaan terjadi di negara ini. selain itu, studi reid tentang kebangsaan juga dapat dilihat dalam karyanya, imperial alchemy: nationalism and political identity in southeast asia.99 studi ini mengulas bagaimana perjalanan kebangsaan di asia tenggara. setelah itu, reid juga mengupas tentang beberapa perhadapan etnik dengan kebangsaan,100 yaitu cina, melayu, aceh, dan batak. hanya saja, pendekatan reid lebih banyak mengacu pada aspek sejarah, ketimbang aspek kosmologi dan nilai-nilai yang terkandung di dalam etniketnik tersebut dalam melakukan kontribusi terhadap kebangsaan. selanjutnya, kajian yang bersifat teoritik mengenai kebangsaan di asia tenggara, juga dapat dibaca dalam karya nicholas tarling yang berjudul nationalism in southeast asia.101 karya tarling dapat dianggap sebagai salah satu karya yang membedah berbagai dimensi mengenai kebangsaan di asia tenggara. dalam karya tersebut, tarling mengupas tentang kontruksi kebangsaan dari negara-negara yang sudah dijajah menjadi negara yang merdeka. adapun karya lain yaitu studi joel s. kahn, other malays: nationalism and cosmopolitanism in the modern malay world.102 melalui pendekatan sejarah dan antropologi, joel mengulas bagaimana perjalanan nasionalisme dan kosmopolitanisme di dunia melayu.103 karya ini melihat bagaimana perjalanan orang melayu di malaysia, singapura, dan sumatera barat. dapat dikatakan bahwa studi ini telah memberikan suatu kontruksi kebangsaan melalui konsep kosmopolitanisme di asia tenggara. hanya saja, joel tidak menyentuh aspek etnik jawa, dayak, dan makassar, sebagaimana yang akan dilakukan dalam penelitian ini. adapun joel sendiri merupakan antropolog yang menekuni tentang budaya dan nilai-nilai orang minangkabau.104 hanya saja, kajian joel lebih banyak diarahkan pada dunia melayu di malaysia dan singapura, ketimbang konteks keindonesiaan. karya-karya di atas merupakan studi awal mengenai kontruksi kebangsaan yang ditulis oleh para sarjana luar negeri. tampak bahwa, kajian imajinasi kebangsaan yang ditelaah oleh para sarjana di atas, lebih ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 188188188188188 afkaruna banyak dilihat dari aspek regionalitas melalui pendekatan sejarah, politik, dan sosial-humaniora. dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, penulis dari indonesia pun tidak lepas dari studi mereka tentang kebangsaan. salah satu karya yang mendalam (reflektif) adalah karya djoko santoso dan ahmad syafii maarif. adapun djoko santoso menulis buku menggagas indonesia masa depan yang berisi tentang rasa kebangsaan dan mencari sosok kepimpinan bagi indonesia.105 djoko menjabarkan imajinasi kebangsaan dalam pilar kebangsaan, ideologi bangsa, dan nasionalisme sebagai identitas bangsa. karya ini lebih merupakan renungan seorang mantan perwira terhadap nasib bangsa indonesia dan menawarkan jalar keluar dari kemelut yang dialami oleh bangsa ini. adapun karya ahmad syafii maarif berjudul islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan: sebuah refleksi sejarah.106 karya ahmad ini merupakan upaya penempatan islam di dalam konstelasi kebangsaan indonesia. karena bersifat kumpulan tulisan dan reflektif, buku ini dapat dijadikan sebagai salah satu sumber bagaimana memahami imajinasi kebangsaan dalam perspektif religisiusitas. adapun karya lain yang berusaha untuk melakukan re-imajinasi kebangsaan dapat dilihat dalam karya as’ad said ali dan yudi latif. kedua penulis ini mengupas bagaimana imajinasi kebangsaan dari ideologi pancasila. karya as’ad berjudul negara pancasila: jalan kemaslahatan berbangsa merupakan buku yang secara komprehensif menerangkan bagaimana bentuk kenegaraan indonesia dalam berbagai konteks permasalahan pencarian jatidiri bangsa (politik, demokrasi, agama dan negara, kebijakan, dan ideologi bangsa).107 sementara karya yudi latif adalah negara paripurna: historisitas, rasionalitas, dan aktualitas pancasila.108 karya yudi ini menyajikan tafsiran setiap inti-inti yang terdapat di dalam setiap pasal dalam pancasila. tafsiran pancasila ini merupakan upaya serius bagaimana mewujudkan imajinasi kebangsaan di dalam konteks kekinian. hanya saja, kedua karya di atas, belum mengupas pada aspek-aspek nilai-nilai yang mesti di gali dari setiap sistem kosmologi suku bangsa yang ada di indonesia, sehingga dapat ditarik pada ranah kajian ke-pancasila-an. selanjutnya, karya daoed joesoef yang berjudul studi strategi: logika ketahanan dan pembangunan nasional juga berusaha mengupas tentang perjalanan bangsa dalam perspektif kajian strategis. buku ini berusaha menempatkan indonesia dalam kajian yang lebih luas, dimana di dalamnya juga ditelaah tentang kontruksi kebangsaan. sepintas, karya daoed joesoef ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 189189189189189vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 hampir mirip dengan karya ali murtopo yaitu: strategi politik nasional.109 karya-karya seperti ini merupakan karya yang berusaha menggiring imajinasi kebangsaan di dalam perspektif ilmu pertahanan, sebagaimana juga terlihat dalam karya makmur supriyatno, tentang ilmu pertahanan.110 karena itu, studi ini juga berkaitanan erat dengan persoalanan imajinasi kebangsaan dalam perspektif ilmu strategi atau ilmu pertahanan negara. kendati karya-karya mereka tidak didasarkan pada apa yang dipikirkan oleh rakyat indonesia, tetapi apa yang dipikirkan oleh para aparatur negara. dalam konteks ini, perlu berusaha untuk menjelajahi apa yang dibayangkan oleh rakyat indonesia, lalu dikonseptualisasikan dalam kajian pertahanan dan keamanan negara. hal ini paling tidak dapat dilihat dalam karya lawrence freedman yang berjudul strategy: a history.111 kesimpulan studi ini masih dapat dikatakan sebagai studi pendahuluan di dalam proyek pengkajian penulis mengenai imajinasi sosial di dalam imajinasi kebangsaan. namun begitu, di dalam paparan di atas dapat digarisbawahi beberapa hal. pertama, di dalam menyongsong 100 tahun kemerdekaan indonesia pada tahun 2045, persoalan imajinasi kebangsaan perlu dilihat kembali. sebab jika tidak diperhatikan secara seksama, maka sangat boleh jadi imajinasi kebangsaan yang muncul pada generasi ini akan memberikan masalah di dalam merekatkan semangat persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa indonesia. studi ini, paling tidak telah memberikan penjelasan bagaimana konsep imajinasi kebangsaan yang ternyata lebih banyak dipengaruhi dari luar indonesia, ketimbang dari dalam negara ini. hal tersebut terbukti bahwa rekayasa kebangsaan di indonesia merupakan rekayasa paskaperang dunia kedua, dimana sebagian modelnya adalah menjauhkan kosmologi, spirit, dan ilmu pengetahuan dari negara yang baru dimerdekakan pada tahun 1940-an. kedua, konsep nasionalisme sesungguhnya belum final, terutama di kalangan para sarjana dan juga praktik kenegaraan, paling tidak di asia tenggara. model-model nasionalisme di asia tenggara menunjukkan bagaimana kekuatan etnik di dalam peneguhan jati diri kebangsaan. karena itu, di rangkaian imajinasi kebangsaan sejatinya tidak mengabaikan etnik-etnik yang ada di nusantara, jika ingin melihat kembali imajinasi sosial di dalam imajinasi kebangsaan. secara teoritik, artikel ini telah memberikan langkah-langkah untuk melihat memori kebudayaan yang dapat merekat suatu imajinasi ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 190190190190190 afkaruna kebangsaan. melalui memori kebudayaan maka imajinasi kebangsaan tidak lagi dilihat melalui pandangan anderson di atas, dimana dilihat produksi intelektual. ketiga, melalui studi terhadap beberapa karya tentang nasionalisme di nusantara terlihat bahwa kontruksi meta-teori yang dibangun masih bersifat melihat aspek masa lalu melalui berbagai perspektif. pola ini pada dasarnya perlu lebih dipetakan bentuk kekinian wajah penduduk indonesia, sebab studi-studi yang telah ada hanya merespon rekayasa sosial yang berbasiskan pada teori-teori modern semata. catatan akhir 1 kamaruzzaman bustamam-ahmad, kontribusi charles taylor, syed muhammad naquib al-attas, and henry corbin dalam studi metafisika & meta teori terhadap islam nusantara di indonesia (banda aceh: bandar publishing, 2017). 2 untuk lanskap karya taylor, baca juga kamaruzzaman bustamam-ahmad, “mempertimbangkan kontribusi charles taylor terhadap studi agama di indonesia,” episteme 11, no. 2 (2016): 225–59. 3 charles taylor, modern social imaginaries (london: duke university press, 2004). 4 charles taylor, dilemmas and connections: selected essays (cambridge: the belknap press of harvard university press, 2011). 5 benedict anderson, imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread nationalism (new york: verso, 2006). 6 taylor, dilemmas and connections: selected essays, 86. 7 studi mutakhir mengenai hal ini, dapat dibaca dalam henry kissinger, world order (new york: penguin press, 2014). francis fukuyama, political order and political decay: from the industrial revolution to the globalization of democracy (new york: farrar, straus and giroux, 2014). francis fukuyama, the origins of political order: from prehuman times to french revolution (new york: farrar, straus and giroux, 2012). francis fukuyama, the great disruption: human nature and the reconstruction of social order (new york: the free press, 1999). francis fukuyama, “reconceptualizing democracies and empowering them to deliver,” in democracy in u.s. security strategy: from promotion to support, ed. oleh alexander t.j. lennon (washington dc.: center for strategic and international studies, 2009), 55–74. 8 untuk konteks amerika serikat, baca national intelligence council, “global trends 2015: a dialoque about the future with nongovernement experts” (national intelligence council, 2000). national intelligence council, “global trends 2025: a transformed world” (national intelligence council, 2008). national intelligence council, “global trends 2030: alternative worlds” (director of national inteligence, 2012). national intelligence council, “mapping the global future: report of the national intelligence council’s ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 191191191191191vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 2020 project” (national intelligence council, 2004). untuk konteks uni eropa, lihat institute for security studies, “global governance 2025: at a critical juncture” (paris: the european union institute for security studies, 2010). 9 muhammad as hikam, menyongsong 2014-2019: memperkuat indonesia dalam dunia yang berubah (jakarta: badan intelijen negara (bin) dan rumah buku, 2014). 10 kuntjoro-jakti dorojatun, menerawang indonesia pada dasawarsa ketiga abad ke-21 (jakarta: alvabet, 2012). 11 lihat bagaimana skenario masa depan yang dipaparkan oleh al gore dalam al gore, the future (new york: wa allen, 2013). demikian pula, konsep masyarakat di era digital society dalam eric schmidt dan jared cohen, the new digital age: reshaping the future of people, nation and business (london: john murray, 2014). european internet foundation, “the digital world” (european internet foundation, 2009). 12 mengenai bagaimana arah planetary civilization, baca michio kaku, physics of the future: how science will shape human destiny and our daily lives by the year 2100 (new york: anchor books, 2012). sam mickey, on the verge of a planetary civilization: a philosophy of integral ecology (london: rowman & littlefield international, ltd, 2014). 13 paul raskin et al., “bending the curve: toward global sustainability” (sweden: stockholm environment institute, 1998). paul raskin et al., “branch points: global scenarios and human choice” (sweden: stockholm environment institute, 1997). paul raskin et al., “great transition: the promise and lure of the times ahead” (boston: tellus institute, 2002). paul raskin, “the great transition today” (boston: tellus institute, 2006). paul raskin, orion kriegman, dan josep xercavins, “we the people of earth: toward global democracy” (boston: tellus institute, 2010). 14 mengenai konsep ini, lihat april carter, the political theory of global citizenship (new york: routledge, 2001). baca juga bryan s. turner, religion and the modern society: citizenship, secularization and the state (new york: cambridge university press, 2011). 15 lihat beberapa hasil riset berikut: pew research center, “the future of the global muslim population: projections for 2010-2030” (washington, d.c.: pew research center’s forum on religion & public life, 2011). pew research center, “a portrait of jewish americans” (washington, d.c.: pew research center’s forum on religion & public life, 2013). pew research center, “faith on the move: the religious affiliation of international migrants” (washington, d.c.: pew research center’s forum on religion & public life, 2012). pew research center, “global christianity: a report on the size and distribution of the world’s christian population” (washington, d.c.: pew research center’s forum on religion & public life, 2011). pew research center, “the global religious landscape: a report on the size and distribution of the world’s major religious groups as of 2010" (wash○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 192192192192192 afkaruna ington, d.c.: pew research center’s forum on religion & public life, 2012). pew research center, “u.s.religious landscape survey religious beliefs and practices: diverse and politically relevant” (washington, d.c.: pew research center’s forum on religion & public life, 2008). 16 di indonesia, studi ini telah dimulai seperti terlihat di dalam t.m. soerjanto poespowardojo dan alexander seran, filsafat ilmu pengetahuan: hakikat ilmu pengetahuan kritik terhadap visi positivisme logis, serta implikasinya (jakarta: kompas, 2015). adapun mengenai kajian meta-teori, lihat roger sibeon, rethinking social theory (london: sage publications, 2004). 17 raoul oberman et al., “the archipelaco economy: unleashing indonesia’s potential” (mckinsey global institute, 2012). 18 charles taylor, modern social imaginaries (london: duke university press, 2004), 2. mengenai moral order di era modern, lihat charles taylor, sources of the self: the making of the modern identity (cambridge: harvard university press, 1989). 19 taylor, modern social imaginaries, 23. 20 mengenai teori negara gagal, baca daron acemoglu dan james a. robinson, why nations fail: the origins of power, prosperity, and poverty (london: profile books, 2012). 21 loius leahy, kosmos, manusia dan allah (yogyakarta: kanisius, 1986). hairudin harun, kosmologi melayu dalam era teknologi maklumat (kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka, 2001). undang a. darsa dan edi s. ekadjati, gambaran kosmologi sunda (bandung: kiblat, 2004). 22 tony day dan craig j. reynolds, “cosmologies, truth regimes, and the state in southeast asia,” modern asian studies 34, no. 1 (2000): 1–55. 23 richard a. gard, “ideological problems in southeast asia,” philosophy east and west 2, no. 4 (1953): 293. 24 lihat hanneman samuel, genealogi kekuasaan ilmu sosial indonesia: dari kolonialisme belanda hingga modernisme amerika (jakarta: kepik ungu, 2010). 25 lihat clifford geertz, the religion of java (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1960). clifford geertz, local knowledge: further essays in interpretitve anthropology (new york: basic books, 1983). clifford geertz, negara:the theatre state in nineteenth-century bali (new jersey: princeton university press, 1980). clifford geertz, the interpretation of cultures: selected essays (new york: basic books, 1973). fred inglis, clifford geertz: culture, customs and ethics (cambridge: polity press, 2000). 26 harry j benda, “christian snouck hurgronje and the foundations of dutch islamic policy in indonesia,” the journal of modern history 30, no. 4 (1958): 338–47. mengenai snouck hurgronje lihat jan just witkam, “christiaan snouck hurgronje a tour d’horizon of his life and work,” in christiaan snouck hurgronje (1897-1936) (leiden: leiden university library, 2007), 11– 31. jan just witkam, “introduction: christiaan snouck hurgronje’s description of mecca,” in mekka in the latter part of the 19th century, oleh c. snouck hurgronje (leiden: brill, 2007), xiii–xxi. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 193193193193193vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 27 kuntowijoyo, paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi (bandung: mizan, 2008), 588–89. 28 lihat misalnya franz magnis-suseno, etika jawa: sebuah analisa falsafi tentang kebijaksaan hidup jawa (jakarta: gramedia, 2003). (suyono, 2007) p.j. zoetmulder, manunggaling kawula gusti: pantheisme dan monisme dalam sastra suluk jawa (jakarta: gramedia, 1995). 29 diskursus ini dapat dibaca dalam as’ad said ali, negara pancasila: jalan kemaslahatan berbangsa (jakarta: lp3es, 2010). faisal ismail, ideologi hegemoni dan otoritas agama: wacana ketegangan kreatif islam dan pancasila (yogyakarta: tiara wacana ‘, 1999). kuntowijoyo, “radikalisasi pancasila,” kompas, 21 2001. oka puniatmaja, “dharma, pancasila dan pembangunan manusia seutuhnya,” in agama dan tantangan zaman: pilihan artikel prisma 1975-1984 (jakarta: lp3es, 1985). m. sastrapratedja, “ideologi pancasila dalam pembangunan karakter bangsa,” in budaya bagi bangsa, ed. oleh toety heraty noerhadi (jakarta: aipi, 2012), 142–60. abdurrahman wahid, “pancasila sebagai ideologi dalam kaitannya dengan kehidupan beragama dan berkepercayaan terhadap tuhan yang maha esa,” in pancasila sebagai ideologi dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa, dan bernegara (jakarta: bp-7 pusat, 1992), 163–68. 30 kamaruzzaman bustamam-ahmad dan m. hasbi amiruddin, ulama, separatisme, dan radikalisme di aceh (yogyakarta: kaukaba and lsama, 2013). mengenai studi tentang kontestasi keindonesiaan, keacehan, dan keislaman, lihat ishak otto syamsuddin, aceh pasca konflik: kontestasi 3 varian nasionalisme (banda aceh: bandar publishing, 2013). mengenai kisah perlawanan orang aceh terhadap indonesia, lihat hasan tiro, “konsep-konsep kunci ideologi acheh merdeka,” suara acheh merdeka, no. vii (1996): 29– 37. husaini m. hasan, dari rimba aceh ke stockholm (jakarta: batavia publishing, 2015). murizal hamzah, hasan tiro: jalan panjang menuju damai aceh (banda aceh: bandar publishing, 2014). mengenai kajian nasionalisme dan aceh, lihat edward aspinnall, islam and nation: separatist in aceh, indonesia (california: stanford university press, 2009). edward aspinnall, “sovereignty, the successor state, universal human rights: history and international structuring of acehnese nationalism,” indonesia, no. 73 (2002): 1–24. edward aspinnall, “from islamism to nationalism in aceh, indonesia,” nations and nationalism 13, no. 2 (2007): 245–63. 31 kajian tentang nasionalisme dan padang, lihat misalnya christine dobbin, gejola ekonomi kebangkitan islam, dan gerakan padri: minangkabau 1784-1847, trans. oleh tedjasudhana lilian d. (depok: komunitas bambu, 2008). azyumardi azra, surau pendidikan islam tradisional dalam transisi dan modernisasi (jakarta: logos, 2003). michael franciss laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds (new york: routledge, 2003). mengenai konteks historisitas, lihat anthony reid, imperial alchemy: nationalism and political identity in southeast asia (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2010). anthony reid, an indonesian frontier: acehnese & other ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 194194194194194 afkaruna histories of sumatra (singapore: singapore university press, 2005). 32 baca bungaran antonius simanjuntak, ed., pemikiran tentang batak setelah 150 tahun agama kristen di sumatera utara (jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia, 2011). 33 clifford geertz, “form and variation in balinese structure,” american ethnologist 61 (1959): 991–1012. 34 richard handler, “an interview with clifford geertz,” current anthropology 32, no. 5 (1991): 605. 35 lihat misalnya fred b. eiseman, bali: sekala and niskala (singapore: periplus, 1990). miguel covarrubias, island of bali (singapore: periplus, 1973). 36 martin van bruinessen, “kata pengantar,” in geger tengger: perubahan sosial dan perkelahian politik, oleh robert w. hefner (yogyakarta: lkis, 1999), xxxiii. lihat misalnya beberapa studi yang menggunakan model geertz, (beatty, 2001) (lukens-bull, 2005) 37 mikhail coomans, manusia daya: dahulu, sekarang, masa depan (jakarta: gramedia, 1987). 38 yekti maunati, identitas dayak: komodifikasi dan politik kebudayaan (yogyakarta: lkis, 2004). 39 liana chua, the christianity of culture: conversion, ethnic citizenship, and the matter of religion in malaysian borneo (new york: palgrave, 2012). 40 william cummings, “islam, empire, and makasarese historiography in the reign of sultan alauddin (1593-1639),” journal of southeast asian studies 38, no. 2 (2007): 197–214. 41 wendy mee, “a traffic in songket: translocal malay identity in sambas,” journal of southeast asian studies 41, no. 2 (2010): 331–329. 42 lihat misalnya studi bruno bottignolo, celebrations with the sun: an overview of religious phenomena among the badjaos (manila: ateneo de manila university press, 1995). h. arlo nimmo, magosaha: an ethnography of the tawi-tawi sama dilaut (manila: ateneo de manila university press, 2001). 43 umut ozkirimli, theories of nationalism: a critical introduction (london: palgrave macmillan, 2010), 10. 44 carsten holbraad, internationalism and nationalism in european political thought (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2003). 45 charles taylor, dilemmas and connections: selected essays (cambridge: the belknap press of harvard university press, 2011), 86. 46 john a jacobson, an introduction to political science (london: wadsworth publishing company, 1998), 17. 47 taylor, dilemmas and connections: selected essays, 87. 48 ibid. 49 ibid. 50 martha l. cottam dan richard w. cottam, nationalism & politics: the political behaviour of nation states (colorado: lynne rienner, 2001), 28. 51 ibid., 7. 52 anthony h. birch, the concepts and theories of modern democracy (new york: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 195195195195195vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 routledge, 2001), 17. 53 jacobson, an introduction to political science, 18. 54 acemoglu dan robinson, why nations fail: the origins of power, prosperity, and poverty, 372. 55 muthiah alagappa, nation making in asia: from ethnic to civic nations? (kuala lumpur: institute of strategic and international studies (isis) malaysia, 2012), 8. cetak miring dari penulis. 56 jan assmann, cultural memory and early civilization: writing, remembrance, and political imagination (new york: cambridge university press, 2011), 5. 57 ibid., 6. 58 ibid. 59 ibid., 6–7. 60 alagappa, nation making in asia: from ethnic to civic nations?, 6. 61 reid, imperial alchemy: nationalism and political identity in southeast asia. 62 ibid., 7. 63 francis fukuyama, political order and political decay: from the industrial revolution to the globalization of democracy (new york: farrar, straus and giroux, 2014), 185. 64 assmann, cultural memory and early civilization: writing, remembrance, and political imagination, 111. 65 kajian mendalam tentang jiwa dan identitas, dapat dibaca dalam richard d. ashmore dan lee jussim, self and identity: fundamental issues (oxford: oxford university press, 1997). 66 assmann, cultural memory and early civilization: writing, remembrance, and political imagination, 113. 67 ibid. 68 ibid. 69 ibid. 70 ibid. 71 ibid., 114. 72 ibid. 73 ibid., 115. 74 benedict anderson, language and power: exploring political cultures in indonesia (ithaca: cornell university press, 1990). 75 denys lombard, nusa jawa: silang budaya kajian sejarah terpadu, trans. oleh winarsih partaningrat arifin, rahayu s. hidayat, dan nini hidayati yusuf, vol. iii: warisan kerajaan-kerajaan konsentris, iii vol. (jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, 2008). 76 m. rusli karim, negara dan peminggiran islam politik: suatu kajian mengenai implikasi kebijakan pembangunan bagi keberadaan “islam politik” di indonesia era 1970-an dan 1980-an (yogyakarta: tiara wacana `, 1999). ismail, ideologi hegemoni dan otoritas agama: wacana ketegangan kreatif islam dan pancasila. oetojo oesman dan alfian, ed., pancasila sebagai ideologi dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa dan bernegara (jakarta: bp-7 pusat, 1992). ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 196196196196196 afkaruna 77 samuel, genealogi kekuasaan ilmu sosial indonesia: dari kolonialisme belanda hingga modernisme amerika. 78 benedict anderson, imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread nationalism (new york: verso, 2006), 36. 79 jocelyn maclure dan charles taylor, secularism and freedom of conscience, trans. oleh jane marie todd (cambridge: harvard university press, 2011), 22–23. 80 karya paling komprehensif tentang sekular, baca charles taylor, a secular age (cambridge: the belknap press of harvard university press, 2007). william h. swatos jr. dan kevin j. christiano, “secularization theory: the course of a concept,” sociology of religion 60, no. 3 (1999): 209–28. rick phillips, “can rising rates of church participation be a consequence of secularization?,” sociology of religion 65, no. 2 (2004): 139–53. loek halman dan veerle draulans, “how secular is europe?,” the british journal of sociology 57, no. 2 (2006): 263–88. 81 taylor, dilemmas and connections: selected essays, 304. 82 swatos jr. dan christiano, “secularization theory: the course of a concept,” 212. 83 taylor, dilemmas and connections: selected essays, 304. 84 anderson, imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread nationalism, 46. 85 timothy l. o’brien dan shiri noy, “traditional, modern, and post-secular perspectives on science and religion in the united states,” american sociological review 80, no. 1 (2015): 92. 86 justus m. van der kroef, “society and culture in indonesian nationalism,” the american journal of sociology 58, no. 1 (1952): 11–24. 87 howard m. federspiel, “islam and nationalism,” indonesia, no. 24 (1977): 39–85. 88 howard m. federspiel, sultans, shamans, and saints: islam and muslims in southeast asia (chiang mai: silkworm, 2007). 89 laffan, islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds. 90 michael franciss laffan, the making of indonesian islam (new jersey: princeton university press, 2011). 91 anderson, imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread nationalism. 92 benedict anderson, spectre of comparisons: nationalism, southeast asia, and the world (manila: ateneo de manila university press, 2004). 93 charles e. fahardian, christianity, islam, and nationalism in indonesia (new york: routledge, 2005). 94 jennifer lindsay dan maya h.t. liem, ed., heirs to world culture: being indonesian 1950-1965 (leiden: kitlv press, 2012). 95 komaruddin hidayat dan ahmad gaus a.f., ed., menjadi indonesia (bandung: mizan, 2006). 96 alagappa, nation making in asia: from ethnic to civic nations? 97 ibid., h, 6. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 197197197197197vol. 13 no. 2 desember 2017 98 gungwu wang, nation-building: five southeast asian histories (singapore: iseas, 2005). 99 reid, imperial alchemy: nationalism and political identity in southeast asia. 100 mengenai studi etnisitas dan kebangsaan, baca thomas hylland eriksen, ethnicity and nationalism (new york: pluto press, 1994). 101 nicholas tarling, nationalism in southeast asia (new york: routledge, 2004). 102 joel s. kahn, other malays: nationalism and cosmopolitanism in the modern malay world (singapore: singapore university press, 2006). 103 mengenai pendekatan yang dia gunakan lihat juga joel s. kahn, “anthropology as cosmopolitan practice?,” anthropological theory 3, no. 2 (2003): h, 403– 15. 104 joel s. kahn, minangkabau social formations: indonesian peasants and the world economy (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1980). 105 djoko santoso, menggagas indonesia masa depan (jakarta: tebet center 66 dan komodo books, 2014). 106 ahmad syafii maarif, islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan: sebuah refleksi sejarah (bandung: mizan, 2015). 107 ali, negara pancasila: jalan kemaslahatan berbangsa. 108 yudi latif, negara paripurna: historisitas, rasionalitas, dan aktualitas pancasila (jakarta: gramedia, 2011). 109 ali moertopo, strategi politik nasional (jakarta: csis, 1974). 110 makmur supriyatno, tentang ilmu pertahanan (jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia, 2014). 111 lawrence freedman, strategy: a history (new york: oxford university press, 2013). daftar pustaka acemoglu, daron, dan james a. robinson, 2012. why nations fail: the origins of power, prosperity, and poverty. london: profile books. alagappa, muthiah, 2012. nation making in asia: from ethnic to civic nations? kuala 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of mecca.” in mekka in the latter part of the 19th century, oleh c. snouck hurgronje, xiii– xxi. leiden: brill, 2007. yudi latif. negara paripurna: historisitas, rasionalitas, dan aktualitas pancasila. jakarta: gramedia, 2011. zoetmulder, p.j. manunggaling kawula gusti: pantheisme dan monisme dalam sastra suluk jawa. jakarta: gramedia, 1995. jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 perkembangan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta pada tahun 1920-1970 the development of muhammadiyah school in surakarta in 19201970 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0107.302-327 mohamad ali pendidikan agama islam (pai), universitas muhammadiyah surakarta email: ma122@ums.ac.id abstract discourse about the history of the local muhammadiyah is a rare and challenging area of study. this research seeks to trace the beginning and development of muhammadiyah at the local level, specifically aimed to: a) describing the islamic struggle in surakarta prelude of the emergence of muhammadiyah in this city, b) describing gerak langkah muhammadiyah schools in surakarta during 1920-1970, and c) analyze the style of development of the muhammadiyah school that grew in this city. to examine and answer the above objectives, researcher used a socio-historical method with a multidisciplinary approach. this research succeeded in finding the following things. first, before the emergence of muhammadiyah in surakarta, the islamic struggle was engulfing the city which was marked by the pioneering of the mambaul ulum kasunanan madrasa in 1905 by the kauman-jamsaren axis and the laweyan merchant axis establishing the sarekat dagang islam (sdi) in 1911, the emergence of muhammadiyah giving a new color to modernism with a touch of religious reform. second, based on the tendency that emerged, the steps of the muhammadiyah school in surakarta during the period 1920-1970 can be divided into three periods, namely: the pioneering period of 1920-1942, the search for identity of 19421957, and the growth period of 1957-1970. finally, the mode of development of muhammadiyah schools in surakarta follow the yogyakarta pattern, namely by establishing more schools, not the minangkabau pattern which establishes madrasas. keywords: muhammadiyah education, school development, satv, surakarta abstrak diskursus tentang sejarah muhammadiyah lokal merupakan wilayah kajian yang langka dan menantang. penelitian ini berupaya melacak awal mula dan mailto:ma122@ums.ac.id 303vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 perkembangan muhammadiyah di tingkat lokal, secara rinci bertujuan untuk: a) mel ukisk a n p e rg umul a n i sl am di sura k a r t a me njel a ng munc ul nya muhammadiyah di kota ini, b) mendeskripsikan gerak langkah sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta selama kurun 1920-1970, dan c) menganalisis corak pengembangan sekolah muhammadiyah yang tumbuh di kota ini. untuk menelaah dan menjawab tujuan di atas, peneliti menggunakan metode sosiohistoris dengan pendekatan multididipliner. penelitian ini berhasil menemukan hal-hal berikut. pertama, menjelang kemunculan muhammadiyah di surakarta, pergumulan islam tengah melanda kota ini yang ditandai dengan perintisan madrasah mambaul ulum kasunanan pada 1905 oleh poros kauman-jamsaren dan poros saudagar laweyan mendirikan sarekat dagang islam (sdi) pada 1911, kemunculan muhammadiyah memberi warna baru modernisme dengan sentuhan reformasi keagamaan. kedua, berdasarkan kecenderungan yang mengemuka, gerak langkah sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta selama kurun 1920-1970 dapat dipilah menjadi tiga periode, yaitu: masa perintisan 1920-1942, masa pencarian identit as 1942-1957, dan masa pemekaran 1957-1970. terakhir, corak pengembangan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta mengikuti pola yogyakarta, yakni dengan lebih banyak mendirikan sekolahan, bukan pola minangkabau yang banyak mendirikan madrasah. kata kunci: pendidikan muhammadiyah, pengembangan sekolah, satv, surakarta a. pendahuluan titik keunggulan muhammadiyah sebagai suatu organisasi kemasyarakatan (ormas) bukan pada besarnya jumlah anggota, tetapi terletak pada kuantitas dan kualitas amal usaha yang diselenggarakan. amal usaha muhammadiyah (aum) merupakan manifestasi dan aktualisasi iman yang mengejawantah dalam kehidupan sosial. kesadaran teologis inilah yang melahirkan ketetapan bahwa syarat berdirinya suatu ranting, harus mempunyai amal usaha yang secara kongkrit dapat digunakan sebagai wahana penyiaran dan pengajaran islam. pada umumnya mendirikan lembaga pendidikan lebih mudah dilakukan. oleh karena itu, perluasan gerak dan penambahan jumlah ranting identik dan berbanding lurus dengan peningkatan kuantitas dan perluasan sekolah muhammadiyah. keberadaan sekolah muhammadiyah di suatu daerah mencerminkan eksistensi persyarikatan. ringkasnya, muhammadiyah bukan sekedar ormas “papan nama”, tapi benar-benar memiliki aktivitas kongkrit yang bisa dirasakan dan mencerahkan kehidupan rakyat. muhammadiyah berdiri di yogyakarta pada 18 nopember 1912, selama 5 tahun pertama merupakan organisasi lokal. memasuki tahun 1917 304 afkaruna gerakan yang dicetuskan k.h. ahmad dahlan (selanjutnya, ditulis kyai dahlan), mulai diterima umat islam di luar daerah1. deliar noer menyebut tahun-tahun ini merupakan era perluasan muhammadiyah ke luar yogyakarta2. salah satu daerah yang sejak awal menerima gagasan pembaharuan kyai dahlan adalah surakarta yang ditandai dengan berdirinya satv (sidiq-amanah-tabligh-fathanah). satv merupakan suatu perkumpulan lokal pra-muhammadiyah yang berdiri di surakarta pada 1918 atas prakrsa haji misbach (1876-1924). awalnya terjadi tarik-menarik yang demikian keras dalam memilih jalan menuju “islam sejati”; apakah melalui jalan politik, atau jalan kultural. pergolakan itu mereda seiring peralihan pimpinan satv dari haji misbach ke kyai moechtar boechari (1899-1926) pada 19203. sejak itu kegiatan dan orientasi gerakannya berkiblat pada muhammadiyah di yogyakarta, dan satv bertransformasi menjadi muhammadiyah surakarta yang diresmikan kyai dahlan pada tangal 25 januari 19224. dari tinjauan historis selintas di atas dapat diketahui bahwa, jejak muhammadiyah lokal di kota surakarta sudah berlangsung satu abad. jejak historis yang panjang ini belum memperoleh perhatian yang memadai dari kalangan sejarawan dan analis sosial, sehingga sampai saat ini belum ada kajian ataupun publikasi yang agak memadai tentang gerakan muhammadiyah lokal di surakarta. sekedar contoh, disertasi james l. peacock5 yang menggali gerakan muhammadiyah dekade 1970 di yogyakarta menambahkan tinjauan selintas tentang muhammadiyah lokal di makasar, ternate, bima, pandang panjang, dan pekajangan dalam rangka menemukan pola-pola gerakan lokal muhammadiyah. tetapi karya antropologis yang bagus ini tidak menampilkan kiprah muhammadiyah di surakarta. pengkajian tentang ikhwal muhammadiyah dan corak gerakannya di tingkat lokal dalam pendidikan dirintis alfian6. dia menemukan bahwa lembaga pendidikan muhammadiyah di jawa dan minangkabau menampilkan pola berbeda; di jawa (baca: yogyakarta) lebih banyak mendirikan model sekolah, sedangkan di minangkabau lebih dominan model madrasah. tambahan pula, gerakan muhammadiyah di minangkabau lebih bernuansa politik dan berpapasan langsung dengan gerakan komunisme. sementara itu, pola gerakan muhammadiyah di yogyakarta tetap bersifat keagamaan dan lebih banyak berpapasan dengan kalangan islam tradisional. 305vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 meskipun belum ada studi yang secara khusus mengkaji gerakan muhammadiyah di tingkat lokal surakarta, tetapi ada beberapa kajian tentang gerakan sosial di surakarta yang sedikit menyinggung perkumpulan pra-muhammadiyah-satv. takashi shiraishi7 melihat aktivitas satv tidak banyak berbeda dengan proyek muhammadiyah di yogyakarta, seperti: mengadakan tabligh, mendirikan sekolah agama moderen. namun ada dua hal yang membedakan. pertama, muhammadiyah menempati posisi strategis di tengah-tengah masyarakat keagamaan di yogyakarta, sedang satv dipimpin pedagang batik muslim saleh. kedua, militansi muhammadiyah digerakkan oleh keyakinan bahwa bekerja untuk muhammadiyah berarti hidup sebagai muslim sejati. sedangkan militansi mubaligh satv berangkat dari keinginan membuktikan keislaman melalu perbuatan, bukan sekedar kata-kata. pernyataan shiraishi di atas menarik untuk dikaji lebih lanjut dan bisa menjadi titik awal untuk melihat corak gerakan muhammadiyah lokal di surakarta. berbeda dengan pandangan shiraishi di atas, sumber dari internal muhammadiyah surakarta menyebutkan bahwa alasan utama satv berdiri didorong oleh kebutuhan untuk mempelajari agama islam secara teratur, lebih mendalam, dan disentuhkan dengan masalah-masalah aktual yang dihadapi masyarakat. kyai dahlan dinilai sebagai tokoh agama yang tepat untuk mengisi kebutuhan itu dipilih menjadi guru sekaligus mentor mubaligh satv. terlepas dari perbedaan pandangan atas corak gerakan muhammadiyah lokal surakarta. hal yang patut digarisbawahi adalah, keberhasilan muhammadiyah surakarta dalam mengembangkan pendidikan. menjelang berakhirnya penjajahan belanda mampu mendirikan lembaga pendidikan yang berkualitas, salah satunya adalah hik (hollandsch inlandsche kweekschool) muhammadiyah yang menjadi kiblat pendidikan guru pada masan itu8. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa sejak awal muhammadiyah surakarta memiliki perhatian yang besar terhadap masalah pendidikan. oleh karena itu, kajian atas gerak langkah sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta mendesak dilakukan. secara garis besar penelitian ini memfokuskan pada tiga permasalahan yang dapat dirumuskan sebagai berikut. pertama, bagaimana situasi sosial dan pendidikan islam kota surakarta sebagai konteks gerakan menjelang munculnya muhammadiyah; kedua, bagaimana proses perkembangan dan lika-liku pergumulan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta selama kurun 306 afkaruna 1920 sampai 1970 alur pembahasan selanjutnya diarahkan untuk menjawab permasalahan di atas. setelah bagian pendahuluan, pembahasan diarahkan untuk merekonstruksi situasi islam di surakarta menjelang munculnya muhammadiyah. kemudian dilanjut dengan mendeskripsikan perkembangan sekolah muhammadiyah yang dipilah menjadi tiga periode, yaitu masa perintisan, masa pencarian identitas, dan masa pemekaran. terakhir, menganalis corak atau ciri khas pengembangan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta. bertitik tolak dari rumusan permasalahan, dapat diketahui bahwa penelitian ini bersifat historis karena berupaya untuk merekonstruksi peristiwa yang telah berlangsung di masa yang lalu. oleh karena itu, metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang cara kerjanya bertumpu pada empat kegiatan, yaitu pengumpulan sumber dan bahan-bahan tertulis, menyingkirkan bagian-bagian yang tidak otentitik, menyimpulkan kesaksian yang dapat dipercaya, dan menyusun kesaksian menjadi suatu penyajian yang bermakna9. menimbang permasalahan yang dikaji begitu kompleks, maka pendekatan yang digunakan bersifat multi disiplin10, yaitu pendekatan sosiologis karena berkaitan dengan kompleksitas peristiwa-peristiwa dan perubahan sosial, pendekatan politik untuk melihat bagaimana perubahan kekuasaan kemudian mempengaruhi arah pengembangan pendidikan. b. pergolakan islam di surakarta menjelang munculnya muhammadiyah kerangka konseptual h.a.r. gibb11 dalam membaca dunia islam modern, kemudian dipinjam a. mukti ali12 untuk membaca islam indonesia pada permulaan abad ke-20, tetap relevan sebagai pisau analisis untuk membedah situasi sosial surakarta menjelang muncunya muhammadiyah. dalam pandangan gibb dan ali, latar belakang munculnya gerakan pembaharuan islam didorong oleh lima faktor: 1) tidak bersihnya kehidupan agama islam; 2) lembaga pendidikan islam berjalan tidak efisien; 3) aktivitas misi katolik dan protestan semakin gencar; 4) sikap acuh kaum intelegensia (priyayi) terhadap agama islam; dan 5) keterbelakngan umat islam akibat penjajahan. dari lima faktor tersebut, dapat diringkas menjadi dua, yaitu keadaan internal umat dan lembaga islam yang terbelakang, dan fakor eksternal berupa politik kolonial yang membelenggu islam dan 307vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 agresifitas misi maupun zending di tengah-tengah masyarakat yang beragama islam. ada tiga hal yang relevan dan perlu pembahasan lebih lanjut, yaitu: kehidupan keagamaan umat islam, keadaan pendidikan islam, dan politik pendidikan penjajah. pembahasan dimulai dengan politik kolonial, yang berkepentingan untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan atas negeri jajahan. kenyataan bahwa mayoritas penduduk indonesia (baca: hindia belanda) beragama islam dan tidak pernah rela dijajah membuat perlawanan terhadap kolonialisme belanda tidak pernah surut. untuk meredam perlawanan, pada awal abad ke-20 terbit politik etis dan rumusan politik islam hindia belanda yang mengagendakan peluasan sekolah belanda (barat) kepada lapisan elit penduduk pribumi (baca: kaum priyayi). pendidikan barat diproyeksikan sebagai jembatan penghubung kaum kolonialis belanda dengan penduduk pribumi hindia belanda. dihadapkan pada tantangan demikian, umat islam surakarta tidak mau menyerah dengan keadaan dan malah berusaha sekuat tenaga untuk bangkit dan melakukan perlawanan. setidaknya ada dua bentuk perlawanan yang dilakukan kaum santri surakarta, yaitu pembaharuan pendidikan islam yang dilakukan kaum santri kraton kasunan di kaumanjamsaren dengan mendirikan madrasah mambaul ulum tahun 190513 dan upaya pemberdayaan ekonomi kaum pribumi yang diprakarsai santri saudagar di kampung batik laweyan dengan mendirikan perkumpulan sarekat dagang islam (sdi) tahun 1911, satu tahun kemudian berubah menjadi sarekat islam (si)14. berdasarkan data tersebut, gerakan pembaharuan islam yang melancarkan lima agenda gerakan, yaitu: 1) membersihkan islam dari pengaruh dan kebiasaan bukan islam; 2) mereformulasi doktrin islam dengan pandangan alam pikiran modern; 3) mereformulasi ajaran dan pendidikan islam; 4) mempertahankan islam dari serangan luar; dan 5) melepaskan indonesia dari belenggu penjajahan, sudah muncul di surakarta sejak awal abad ke-20. dengan demikian, berdirinya madrasah mambaul ulum dan organisasi sdi lebih awal daripada berdirinya pergerakan muhammadiyah di yogyakarta. embrio muhammadiyah di surakarta berawal dari pendirian perkumpulan pra-muhammadiyah bernama satv (sidiq-amanah-tablihgvathanah) pada 1918, dan pada 25 januari 1922 satv bertransformasi menjadi muhammadiyah cabang surakarta. dari sini dapat dilihat bahwa 308 afkaruna satv bukanlah organisasi pertama yang mempelopori pembaharuan pendidikan islam, karena peran itu dimainkan oleh kaum santri (abdi dalem pangulon) kraton kasunan di kauman yang ditopang kepemimpinan pondok pesantren jamsaren15. pun dalam pembentukan organisasi bercorak modern pelopornya adalah kaum santri saudagar laweyan, dipimpin h. samanhudi di dukung oleh h. bakri dan martodarsono. ringkasnya, sebelum matahari muhammadiyah terbit di tepi suangai bengawan solo, telah muncul inisiatif melakukan gerakan pembaharuaan islam. dengan kata lain, kehadiran satv berada di tengah-tengah pluralitas gerakan pembaharuan islam di surakarta. meskipun tidak sebagai pelopor, tetapi kehadiran satv semakin memperkuat kedudukan gerakan pembaharuan islam di surakarta. keadaan ini berbeda dengan situasi di yogyakarta, karena muhammadiyah berperan sebagai pelopor sekaligus lokomotif gerakan pembaharuan islam dalam bidang pendidikan dan sosial. baik poros islam kauman-jamsaren maupun poros islam laweyan bercorak modernis karena berusaha menghadirkan kembali islam dalam konteks kemoderenan, tetapi tidak bercorak reformis karena belum ada upaya untuk memperbaharui corak pemahaman islam16. dikatakan bersifat modernis karena kehadiran madrasah mambaul ulum merupakan upaya modernisasi pesantren sebagai jawaban ulama untuk kebutuhan pegawai keagamaan yang mampu menguasai agama islam sekaligus mampu bekerja secara profesional sebagai pejabat keagamaan. dalam pola yang sama, berdirinya sarekat islam menunjukkan upaya modernisasi kelembagaan islam dalam bidang ekonomi dan politik agar kaum pribumi mampu melakukan emansipasi dan berdiri sejajar dengan dengan orang-orang eropa-belanda maupun timur asing (china dan arab). meskipun telah ada upaya melakukan modernisasi lembaga islam, namun sejauh itu belum ada upaya untuk melakukan pembaharuan cara pemahaman islam baik melalui upaya pemurnian ajaran (purifikasi) maupun dinamisasi. dari penjelasan di atas dapat disimpulkan bahwa baik poros islam kauman-jamsaren maupun poros islam laweyan telah melakukan kerjakerja modernisasi institusi islam dalam bidang pendidikan, ekonomi dan politik. namun demikian mereka belum melangkah lebih jauh dalam kerjakerja reformasi pemahaman keagamaan islam. kekosongan ini kemudian diisi oleh satv, suatu perkumpulan pra-muhammadiyah yang berusaha 309vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 memodernisasi sekaligus mereformasi islam17. setelah merekonstruksi situasi sosial dan pendidikan islam menjelang berdirinya muhammadiyah, bagian selanjutnya memfokuskan pada pembahasan proses kelahiran dan perkembangan sekolah muhammadiyah. perlu ditandaskan bahwa yang dikaji di sini terbatas pada sekolah muhammadiyah. ini artinya perkembangan sekolah aisyiyah maupun kursus-kursus islam sebagai bentuk pendidikan islam non-formal tidak dibicarakan. diperlukan suatu pengkajian tersendiri atas lembaga-lembaga tersebut. c. gerak langkah sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta 1920-1970 meskipun proses transformasi satv menjadi muhammadiyah cabang surakarta berlangung pada 1922, namun setelah misbach lengser dan diganti kyai moechtar boecheri pada 1920, orientasi kegiatan dalam bidang sosial dan pendidikan mulai digarap serius. oleh karena itu, tahun 1920 layak dijadikan titik awal perintisan sekolah muhammadiyah. sementara itu, tahun 1970 dijadikan tonggak akhir pembahasan ini, karena pola sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta sudah menemukan formulasinya. dengan demikian, rentang waktu 1920 sampai 1970 merupakan periode formatif yang menentukan corak dan eksistensi sekolah muhammadiyah pada masa-masa berikutnya. untuk memahami secara rinci dinamika corak sekolah muhammadiyah dalam suatu kurun waktu, pembahasan dibagi menjadi tiga periode, yaitu: masa perintisan (1920-1942), masa pencarian identitas (1942-1957), dan masa pemekaran. ciri yang menonjol pada masa perintisan (1920-1942) adalah, usaha keras mendirikan sekolah muhammadiyah, sekalipun fasilitas sangat terbatas dan berjalan seadanya. kegigihan ini didorong oleh semangat untuk mencerdasakan kaum pribumi, menggelorakan dakwah melalui sekolah, dan upaya merebut kemerdekaan dengan jalan mencerdasakan kehidupan bangsa pribumi. masa pencarian identitas (1942-1957) dihadapkan pada transisi dari bangsa terjajah menjadi bangsa yang merdeka. oleh karena itu, wawasan nasionalisme sekolah muhammadiyah bukan lagi untuk merebut kemerdekaan, tetapi lebih ditekankan pada nasionalisme yang diorientasikan untuk mengisi kemerdekaan dan mengintegrasikan nilai-nilai islam dalam suatu negara kesatuan republik indonesia. 310 afkaruna masa pemekaran/pengembangan (1957-1970) ditandai proses transisi dari rezim orde lama yang menjadikan politik sebagai panglima, ke rezim orde baru yang menekankan pada pembangunan ekonomi. di tangan orde baru yang menekankan pada pembanguan ekonomi dengan sendirinya masalah pendidikan mendapat perhatian. dalam suasana kebangsaan demikian, sekolah muhammadiyah menemukan momentum untuk mekar dan berkambang sedemikian rupa sehingga pola sekolah muhammadiyah telah menemukan formatnya. untuk memberi gambaran yang lebih terperinci, dalam pembahasan tiap-tiap periode perkembangan disertakan data-data kuantitatif tentang keadaan sekolah muhammadiyah. meskipun data yang berhasil diperoleh tidak memadai, namun data-data tentang keadaan sekolah di setiap periode cukup memadai untuk menggambarkan keadaan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta. 1. masa perintisan 1920-1942 masa perintisan dimulai sejak sekolah “muhammadiyah”, lebih tepat disebut sekolah satv, untuk pertama kali berdiri. his met quran mangkunegaran berdiri pada tahun 1920. simpulan ini berdasarkan informasi bahwa saat itu satv telah memiliki sekolah dan penjelasan keterangan keadaan sekolah muhammadiyah (tabel 1) yang menyebutkan bahwa pada tahun 1929 telah mengeluarkan anak kelas 7 sebanyak dua kali. data sejarah ini membantah informasi yang sejauh ini menjadi rujukan resmi, bahwa sd muhammadiyah 1 surakarta berdiri tahun 1935. sekolah ini telah berdiri pada 1920 dan pada 1935 terjadi perubahan nama dari his met quran mangkunegaran menjadi his muhammadiyah. perubahan nomenklatur inilah yang kemudian ditetapkan menjadi tahun berdirinya sd muhammadiyah 1 ketelan surakarta. keputusan itu tidak tepat (baca: keliru), karena tanpa disadari telah memutus mata rantai sejarah masa sebelum 1935. padahal, periode itu merupakan masa-masa kritikal yang bisa disebut sebagai masa babad alas. masa perintisan berakhir 1942, ketika pendudukan jepang menggantikan penjanjah belanda. pada zaman pendudukan jepang ini, sekolah-sekolah swasta dilarang beroperasi, termasuk sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta. jepang tengah berperang melawan sekutu, sehingga difokuskan pada pembentukan tentara dan tidak sedikit sekolah yang dijadikan markas militer, seperti hik muhammadiyah surakarta di kleco. 311vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 perlu ditambahkan bahwa, pada masa ini wilayah muhammadiyah cabang surakarta mencakup karsidenan surakarta, yaitu: klaten, kartosuro, kedunggudel, boyolali, dan sragen. oleh karena itulah tampilan tabel 1 di bawah ini tidak terbatas di kota surakarta, tetapi juga mencakup daerahdaerah di sekitar solo raya. tabel 1. keadaan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta tahun 1930 no. nama sekolah keadaan guru keadaan sekolah 1 his mangkoenegaran (berdiri tahun 1920, merupakan cikal bakal sd muhammadiyah 1 ketelan-pen) 1. r. hadisoetirto sebagai kepala 2. r. soekardjo 3. r. soetantio 4. m. soedjadi 5. m. agoeslan 6. m. soebadar 7. m. mahdoem 8. soepaja, guru agama 9. mev. soetiti, guru andwerken sekolah ini bersubsidi, rumah masih menyewa. mengeluarkan anak dari kelas 7 baru dua kali. mendapat gelijkgesteld pada 1 agustus 1929. penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai murid 220 anak. 2 his darpojoedan (berdiri tahun 1925, merupakan cikal bakal sd muhammadiyah 2 kauman-pen) 1. mev. koesban sebagai kepala 2. mr. soemastoeti 3. mevr. walidjah mempunyai kelas 4, rumah menyewa, belum subsidi, penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai murid 64 anak. 3 schakelschool boedjanegaran 1. m. prawirowijoto sebagai kepala 2. m. padmowidjojo 3. m. soekandi 4. m. soedarmo 5. m. isa, guru agama mempunyai kelas 3, rumah menyewa, belum dapat subsidi, penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai 92 anak. 4 standaardschool mangkoenegaran 1. m. soemowijoto sebagai kepala 2. m. brotosoediro 3. m. djokosoekarto 4. m. wiknjosoesiswo 5. m. sahil, guru agama 6. m. siswosoedarmo, 1 desember pindah sampangan. mempunyai kelas 5, bersubsidi, rumah menyewa, mengeluarkan anak 21, penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai 188 anak. 312 afkaruna no. nama sekolah keadaan guru keadaan sekolah 5 standaardschool kampungsewoe 1. m. soedarmo sebagai kepala 2. m. tjokroatmojo 3. m. martono 4. m. asnawi, guru agama mempunyai kelas 5, bersubsidi, rumah sendiri, mengeluarkan anak 6, penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai murid 174 anak. 6 standaardschool teloekan 1. m. soekidjo sebagai kepala 2. m. soemarso 3. m. soepadi mempunyai kelas 4, rumah menyewa, penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai murid 97 anak. 7 standaardschool sampangan 1. m.siswasoedarmo sebagai kepala 2. m. soedarman 3. m. daspandi 4. m. djojosoerono ini dulu kepunyaan islamijah. tetapi pada tahun ini diserahkan kepada moehammadijah. mempunyai kelas 3 buah. rumah menyewa, penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai murid 87 anak. 8 normaal school untuk guru bantu laki-laki 1. m. soedjadi sebagai direktur 2. r. ng. sastrosoebroto 3. r. siswasoedrdjo 4. m. isa, guru agama pada ini waktu mempunyai dua kelas, rumah masih menyewa, pada ini waktu masih berdaja akan mendirikan rumah sendiri. pada penghabisan ini tahun mempunyai murid 52 anak. 9 cursus goeroe desa 1. m. achmad sebagai leader 2. djojosoekarto 3. m. siswasoedarmo, guru agama 4. m. asnawi, guru agama mempnyai kelas 2. penghabisan tahun ini mempunyai murid 19 anak. 313vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 no. nama sekolah keadaan guru keadaan sekolah 10 sekolah desa kedunggudel 1. m. siswasoemarto mempunyai kelas 2, rumah sendiri. penghabisan ini tahun mempunyai murid 96 anak. 11 sekolah desa padjang r. atmomergono. mempunyai kelas 2, penghabisan ini tahun mempunyai murid 60 anak. sumber: berita tahunan moehammadijah hindia timoer tjabang soerakarta tahoen 1930, hlm. 34-36. ejaan nama orang dan nama tempat tetap, selain itu ejaan disesuaikan bahasa indonesia terbaru. tabel 1 di atas menggambarkan secara umum keadaan sekolah-sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta pada tahun 1930. sayang sekali, sejauh ini belum diperoleh data tentang keadaan sekolah muhammadiyah pada tahun-tahun lebih awal, demikian pula data tahun 1942 ketika penjajah belanda berganti dengan pendudukan jepang. bila data-data statistik dalam dua masa itu berhasil diperoleh, maka gambaran tentang perkembangan masa perintisan (babad alas) semakin jelas. keadan sekolah muhammadiyah pada periode ini masih seadaanya, sebagaian besar gedung/rumah masih menyewa. sebagian besar gurugurunya juga bukan lulusan dari sekolah guru. sekolah muhammadiyah masih sangat bersahaja dan seadanya, yang dipentingkan adalah proses belajar mengajar dapat berlangsung, meski sarana terbatas. tujuan utamanya adalah agar anak-anak pribumi dari seluruh lapisan sosial dapat membaca dan menulis, sebagai wahana membebaskan diri dari kebodohan dan keterbelakangan. dalam al-manak muhammadiyah tahun 1927-1928 pada bagian cara mengadakan sekolah, dikeluarkan seruan berikut: permoelaannja seadanja saja. djika terpaksa, boleh tiada memakai mendja dan bangkoe seperti sekolah biasa. tetapi moelaillah, dan commite djangan bosen-bosen, sehingga petjat nyawanja dari pada badannja. orang haroes mengingat bahwa tanah hindia berteriak menangis minta pengadjaran agama islam. djika orang poera-poera tidak mendengar tangisnja, berdosa besar lah kita ini18. seruan di atas sangat tajam dan menukik, sebab persoalan pendidikan dan persekolahan bukan semata-mata dilihat sebagai masalah kemanusiaan dan kebangsaan, tetapi lebih dari itu, ia merupakan masalahan teologis keagamaan. kehadiran sekolah muhammadiyah sangat ditunggu314 afkaruna lah untuk kaum pribumi. latar belakang inilah yang memantik pemahaman warga muhammadiyah untuk mendirikan sekolah di manapun berada dan kapanpun ada kesempatan. meski suatu daerah hanya terdiri dari beberapa gelintir orang, tetap berupaya keras untuk dapat mendirikan sekolah, sekalipun keadaannya sangat sederhana. kehadiran sekolah muhammadiyah menjadi cara baru dalam berdakwah melalui jalur pendidikan. sebelumnya, pengajian quran dan pesantren merupakan satu-satunya lembaga pendidikan bagi rakyat pribumi19. dengan demikian, sekolah muhammadiyah memperluas aktivitas dakwah islam dengan mengembangkan sekolah agama bercorak moderen. hal itu sesuai dengan kebutuhan masyarakat perkotaan, ataupun semi-kota (sub-urban), seperti surakarta. ada dua perkembangan penting yang perlu dicatat dalam masa perintisan ini, yaitu kehadiran hik dan pemantapan his muhammadiyah middel quran ketelan surakarta20. pertama, mulai 5 juli 1931 normaal school ditransformasikan menjadi hoogere inlandsche kweekscholen (hik) bertempat di kleco (sekarang menjadi markas korem 074 warastratama surakarta. hik muhammadiyah dipimpin seorang direktur, bernama ir. marsito, dan guru-gurunya adalah asnawi hadisiwoyo, soekamto prodjotenojo, djoko rahardjo, djajang soegianto, dan soeseno. sekolah guru ini juga dilengkapi dengan asrama baik untuk calon guru lak-laki maupun perempuan. karena seluruh normaal school pada tahun 1930 ditutup, maka murid-murid hik muhammadiyah juga datang daerah dari luar solo, salah satu murid dari daerah purbalingga adalah (panglima besar) jenderal soedirman. perkembangan yang pesat itu kemudian terhenti, karena pendudukan jepang memaksa memberhentikan operasional sekolah swasta, termasuk hik muhammadiyah ini. para pelopor dan pendiri antara lain muljadi djojomartono, mohammad abu thoyib, hadisunarto dan lain-lain. beralih ke perkembangan his muhammadiyah middel quran ketelan yang pada tahun 1930 mengalami kemajuan pesat, memakai bahasa belanda sebagai pengantar dan mengajarkan ajaran islam secara berkemajuan, sehingga siswanya berdatangan dari segala lapisan masyarakat, mulai dari kalangan rakyat jelata, priyayi, maupun saudagar. melihat perkembangan sekolah yang demikian pesat, sementara ruang belajar sangat terbatas, maka pihak kraton mangunegaran mewakafkan tanah 315vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 miliknya pada tahun 1941 untuk pendidikan muhammadiyah. tanah ini sekarang ditempat sd muhammadiyah 1 ketelan dan sma muhammadiyah 1 surakarta. 2. masa pencarian identitas 1942-1957 sebagaimana dijelaskan di atas, ketika pendudukan jepang berlangsung 1942-1945 sekolah swasta berhenti beroperasi, tidak terkecuali sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta. setelah menghirup kemerdekaan 1945, sekolah swasta kembali menggeliat. namun aktivitas pendidikan terhalang oleh keadaan perang, energi rakyat lebih tercurah pada perang untuk mempertahankan kemerdekan sehingga pada awal kemerdekaan kegiatan kelaskaran lebih diutamakan dari pada bersekolah. menginjak dekade 1950-an usaha menata kembali sistem persekolahan mendapat perhatian lebih serius. disahkan undang-undang no. 4 tahun 1950 tentang dasar-dasar pendidikan dan pengajaran di sekolah merupakan landasan hukum penyelenggaran persekolahan, dan pada tahun 1954 berlaku di seluruh wilayah indonesia. pengesahan itu merupakan titik balik dan perombakan total ideologi pendidikan kolonial menjadi ideologi pendidikan nasional. jadi bukan sekedar perubahan nomenklatur atau penamaan sekolah dari bahasa belanda ke dalam bahasa indonesia. bahwa perubahan penamaan jauh lebih mudah dari pada perombakan ideologi, tentu bisa dipahami. perubahan nomenkaltur sekolah harus dimaknai sebagai titik awal untuk merombak ideologi pendidikan dari kolonial menjadi ideologi pendidikan yang beridentitas nasional. sekolah muhammadiyah merupakan bagian dari, dan termasuk salah satu unsur, sistem pendidikan nasional yang harus mentransformasikan identitas dirinya. keberadaan sekolah swasta (partikelir) di zaman kolonial belanda dipandang sebagai sekolah liar yang harus dibubarkan. berbeda dengan itu, setelah merdeka sekolah swasta diakui keberdaannya sebagai salah satu pilar pendidikan nasional yang bersama-sama berupaya mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa. sekolah partikelir adalah sekolah yang didirikan dan diselenggarakan oleh orang-orang atau badan-badan partikelir. atas dasar kebebasan tiap-tiap warga negara menganut sesuatu agama atau keyakinan hidup, maka kesempatan leluasa diberikan untuk mendirikan dan menyelenggarakan sekolah-sekolah partikelir. sekolah-sekolah parti316 afkaruna kelir yang memenuhi syarat-syarat dapat menerima subsidi dari pemerintah untuk pembiayaannya21. perubahan dari bangsa terjajah menjadi bangsa merdeka menjadi tantangan baru bagi sekolah muhammadiyah untuk merumuskan dan menemukan jati diri ataupun identitasnya. sebelumnya, sekolah muhammadiyah merupakan wahana menanamkan nasionalisme untuk merebut kemerdekaan. setelah merdeka, pemupukan nasionalisme di sekolah muhammadiyah diarahkan untuk mengisi kemerdakaan agar tercipta masyarakat sejahtera, adil dan makmur. tantangan kedua, pada zaman kolonial pendidikan agama tidak diajarkan di sekolah pemerintah. oleh karena itu, kehadiran sekolah muhammadiyah yang menawarkan kurikulum umum plus pendidikan agama benar-benar menjadi daya tarik bagi mereka yang menginginkan pendidikan umum dan pendidikan agama sekaligus. dengan kata lain, saat itu pendidikan agama menjadi salah satu identitas sekolah muhammadiyah. setelah merdeka, sekolah negeri diadakan pelajaran agama. demikianlah pada masa ini sekolah muhammadiyah dihadapkan pada tantangan baru yang harus dijawab, yaitu merumuskan identitas dan jati dirinya di tengah-tengah sekolah negeri milik pemerintah maupun sekolah swasta yang semakin banyak. oleh karena itu penyelenggaran sekolah muhammadiyah sedikit lebih tertata. oleh karena itu, agenda muhammadiyah bukan lagi sekedar mendirikan sekolah, tetapi mendirikan sekolah secara lebih memadai dan disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan masyarakat. di masa inipun gairah warga muhammadiyah untuk terus mendirikan sekolah belum terbendung, sehingga sampai tahun 1957 muhammadiyah surakarta berhasil mendirikan 21 sekolah mulai dari tingkat dasar sampai menengah. perlu ditambahkan bahwa berbeda dengan data tahun 1930an dimana cabang surakarta mencakup daerah lain di sekitarnya, pada masa ini daerah-daerah lain sudah mandiri. jumlah tersebut belum termasuk sekolah yang didirikan oleh organisasi otonom khusus muhammadiyah, bernama aisyiyah. 317vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 tabel 2. keadaan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta tahun 1957 no. nama sekolah sampai kelas jumlah murid jumlah guru nama kepala guru/sekolah 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. sma1 a sma b sma c sma sgkp2 sgtk3 sgb4 i sgb ii sgb iii sgm skp5 skp muallimien smp6 i smp ii smp iv sgpd7 sr8 i sr ii sr iii sr iv iii iii iii iii iv iii iv iii i iii ii iv v iii iii ii ii vi vi i i 72 101 109 222 452 102 282 69 30 325 50 171 268 294 200 24 108 506 210 35 30 28 20 22 30 16 21 7 10 12 54 8 14 10 7 20 13 5 2 2 soekamto prodjotenojo soekarno budiwirjo soediroatmodjo sjafoat soewidji sarwoko kartoatmojo harun nj. st. soetraso h. soejoeti kirmadi hendrosisworo sjatibi zaenal choiri nasir rosjidi aminurroby soedardjo 3.740 264 1 sekolah menengah atas 2 sekolah guru kepandaian putri 3 sekolah guru taman kanak-kanak 4 sekolah guru b 5 sekolah kepandaian putri 6 sekolah menengah pertama 7 sekolah guru pendidikan djasmani 8 sekolah rakyat sumber: muhammadijah setengah abad diterbitkan muhammadijah bagian tabligh cabang solo, tahun 1957, hlm. 60. 3. masa pemekaran 1957-1970 masa ini merupakan periode transisi dari orde lama ke orde baru yang diselingi pembrontakan gerakan 30 september 1966 yang dilakukan partai komunis indonesia (pki). orde lama di bawah kepemimpinan soekarno lebih mengedepankan gegap gempita dunia politik, tapi mengabaikan kesejahteraan rakyat. keresahan rakyat memuncak dengan meletusnya g 30 s pki yang berusahan mengganti dasar negara pancasila dengan ideo318 afkaruna logi komunisme dan menepikan agama dalam kehidupan berbangsa. kegagalan g.30 s/pki menandai tumbangnya pemerintahan orde lama dan munculnya orde baru di bawah kepemimpinan soeharto. dia berusaha melaksanakan pembangunan secara terencana dengan mengedepankan pembangunan ekonomi. aspek pendidikan mendapat perhatian lebih serius, karena dinilai dapat meningkatkan kualitas manusia dan kesejahteraan rakyat. pemerintah orde baru mendorong kehidupan beragama yang mampu menopang pembangunan dengan jalan mewajibkan pendidikan agama di sekolah pemerintah mulai dari sekolah dasar sampai perguruan tinggi. dinamika nasional tersebut memberikan lahan yang subur bagi pertumbuhan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta. pada masa ini pengembangan sistem pendataan sekolah muhammadiyah berjalan lebih baik, sehingga dengan melihat tabel 3 dan tabel 4 kita dapat membaca keadaan sekolah secara lebih utuh. mulai dari status sekolah, kepemilikan gedung, keadaan murid dan guru dalam rentang waktu 1968-1971. perkembangan paling fenomenal terjadi pada peningkatan jumlah sekolah dasar, periode sebelumnya hanya 4 buah, tapi pada tahun 1971 sudah mencapai 22 buah. peningkatan ini nampakanya searah dengan meningkatnya jumlah ranting muhammadiyah di surakarta. sebab, syarat mendirikan ranting harus memiliki amal usaha, dan mendirikan sd muhammadiyah yang paling mungkin dilakukan. meskipun begitu, harus segera ditambahkan bahwa tidak semua ranting memiliki sd, karena bisa jadi memiliki amal usaha di bidang lain, seperti majlis taklim atau panti asuhan yatim. membaca tabel di atas dapat diketahui bahwa seluruh lembaga pendidikan dasar (baca: sd) muhammadiyah bernaung di bawah kementrian pendidikan nasional, dan tidak ada satu pun yang bernaung di bawah kementrian agama. semua berbentuk sekolah dasar (sd), dan tidak ada satu pun yang berbentuk madrasah ibtidaiyah (mi). kalau mengikuti pendapat karel a. steenbrink, bahwa dalam konteks indonesia, madrasah merupakan peralihan dari sistem pesantren ke sistem persekolahan di daerah pedesaan, maka fenomena ini menunjukkan surakarta merupakan wilayah perkotaan. berkaitan dengan kualitas, sd muhammadiyah di surakarta pada masa ini hanya 3 sekolah yang berkualifikasi unggul (istilahnya bersubsidi atau berbantuan), yaitu: sd muhammadiyah 1, 2, dan 3. adapun 19 sekolah 319vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 yang lain berkualitas sedang (baca: swasta). status kepemilikan gedung, ada 11 sekolah yang memiliki gedung sendiri, sedangkan 11 sekolah yang lain masih pinjam atau menyewa. sekolah yang masih menyewa maupun pinjam berarti belum memiliki tempat belajar yang permanen. tabel 3. keadaan sd muhammadiyah di surakarta tahun 1968 dan 1971 no. nama sekolah tahun berdiri status keadaan sekolah sekolah gedung kelas murid guru 1968 1971 1968 1971 1968 1971 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 sd m.1 ketelan sd m.2 kauman sd m.3 nusukan sd m.4 kdg sapi sd m.5 kadipiro sdm.6 kamp sewu sd m.7 joyosuran sd m.8 jagalan sd m.9 kottabarat sd m.10 cokroningratan sd m.11 mangkuyudan sd m.12 palugunan sd m.13 m bergulo sd m.14 danukusuman sd m.15 sumber sd m.16 karangasem sd m.17 sriwedari sd m.18 sangkrah sd m.19 kemlayan sd m.20 sidorejo sd m. 21 baluwarti sd m 22 sruni 1935 1937 1958 1957 1961 1930 1967 1962 1963 1965 1961 1960 1962 1968 1968 1968 1970 1970 1970 1970 1966 subsidi subsidi berbantu swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta swasta sendiri pinjam nyewa sendiri pinjam sendiri pinjam sendiri sendiri pinjam pinjam pinjam pinjam sendiri pinjam pinjam sendiri sendiri sendiri sendiri sendiri sendiri 12 6 11 6 6 6 2 6 5 4 5 6 6 1 1 12 6 11 6 6 6 5 6 7 6 6 6 6 6 4 4 2 1 1 1 1 615 255 444 177 101 214 41 133 206 71 169 115 131 59 21 630 268 520 273 133 259 160 262 251 73 230 175 208 147 165 53 71 30 30 30 45 12 8 11 6 6 6 2 6 5 4 5 6 7 1 1 15 8 13 6 6 7 6 7 6 3 6 9 6 5 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 sumber: 60 th muhammadiyah mengabdi-buku tahunan 1972. muhammadiyah surakarta. hlm. 42 beralih pada keadaan sekolah menengah sebagaimana dapat dibaca pada tabel 4 di bawah. menarik untuk dicermati bahwa jumlah sekolah menengah atas lebih banyak (11 buah) dari pada sekolah menengah pertama (9 buah). hal menarik kedua adalah, bahwa jumlah sekolah kejuruan (14 buah) jauh lebih banyak daripada sekolah umum (6 buah). perlu ditambahkan bahwa sekolah kejuruan yang ada sebagaian besar berupa sekolah guru (8 buah). data ini menunjukan bahwa, sejak awal muhammadiyah memiliki perhatian yang besar kepada pendidikan guru. 320 afkaruna tabel 4. keadaan sekolah menengah muhammadiyah di surakarta tahun 1968 dan 1971 no. nama sekolah status keadaan sekolah sekolah gedung kelas murid guru 1968 1971 1968 1971 1968 1971 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10 11 smp m.1 simpon smp m. 2 ps kliwon smp m. 3 simpon smp m. 4 nusukan smep1m.1 ps legi smep m. 2 patangpuluhan sgkp2 m.1 kleco sgkp m. 2 keprabon pgap3 m. mangkuyudan sma m. 1 ketelan sma m. 2 ps beling spg4 m. 1 simpon spg m. 2 ps beling smoa5 m. kottabarat skka6 m. jln kartini smea7 m. ps legi stm8 m. gading kidul mualimin mualimat pga9 m. slompretan spg m. ps legi subsidi swasta berbantu swasta subsidi swasta subsidi swasta swasta subsidi subsidi subsidi subsidi subsidi subsidi berbantu swasta swasta swasta swasta sendiri pinjam sendiri pinjam nyewa pinjam sendiri nyewa nyewa sendiri sendiri/sewa pinjam pinjam sendiri pinjam pinjam pinjam pinjam pinjam nyewa 6 3 6 3 1 6 3 11 7 11 5 6 6 4 6 6 9 6 3 6 3 6 3 7 3 3 11 5 5 5 8 9 6 9 6 6 4 192 45 275 78 18 95 58 354 127 405 176 152 135 125 132 88 306 219 32 239 49 135 80 160 74 48 325 65 139 169 190 131 309 250 154 290 105 18 12 15 10 10 15 10 27 31 20 19 25 25 21 18 19 28 18 13 15 10 7 14 18 12 12 29 21 16 16 13 20 21 24 18 27 17 1sekolah menengah ekonomi pertama 2 sekolah guru kepandaian putri 3 pendidikan guru agama pertama 4 sekolah pendidikan guru 5 sekolah menengah olahraga atas 6 sekolah kesejahteraan keluarga atas 7 sekolah menengah ekonomi atas 8 sekolah teknik menengah 9 pendidikan guru agama sumber: 60 th muhammadiyah mengabdi-buku tahunan 1972. muhammadiyah surakarta. hlm. 43. dari data di atas dapat diketahui gambaran umum sekolah menengah muhammadiyah di surakarta. dari 20 sekolah, ada 9 buah yang berstatus swasta, berbantu 2 sekolah, dan ada 9 buah yang berkualifikasi bersubsidi. data ini menunjukkan bahwa keberadaan sekolah menengah rata-rata bagus dan unggul karena lebih banyak yang bersubsidi dan berbantuan 321vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 dari pada yang berstatus swasta. namun bila dilihat dari status kepemilikan gedung, hanya 6 buah sekolah yang gedungnya merupakan milik sendiri. sementara yang menyewa atau pinjam jumlah sangat besar (14 buah). selain itu, keadaan kelas, jumlah murid, dan jumlah guru relatif stabil. d. corak pengembangan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta uraian secara kronologis tentang gerak langkah sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta memberikan suatu pelajaran berharga bahwa dinamika, ataupun gerak langkah sekolah muhammadiyah dalam suatu kurun waktu tertentu tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perubahan orientasi politik penguasa secara nasional. demikianlah, kebijakan politik etis kolonialis belanda yang menjadikan pendidikan (baca: sekolah barat) sebagai alat melanggengkan penjajahan, justru malah membangkitkan perlawanan dengan munculnya sekolah pribumi yang mendidik anak-anak bangsa dengan jiwa merdeka. politik pendidikan jepang yang mengedepankan kelaskaran dan latihan militer dengan sendirinya mematikan aktifitas pendidikan kaum pribumi dan ditutupnya sekolah-sekolah swasta (partikelir). setelah menghirup kemerdekaan, rezim soekarno mengedepankan politik sebagai panglima. jatuh bangunya kabinet secara cepat membuat pembangunan pendidikan agak terhambat. ketika muncul rezim soeharto yang mengedepankan pembangunan ekonomi dan stabilitas politik dengan sendirinya pengembangan pendidikan dan sekolah muhammadiyah berjalan lebih mantap. derap langkah sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarata ternyata juga tidak lepas dari dinamika politik nasional. situasi yang stabil membuat pengembangan sekolah muhammadiyah semakin terarah. hal ini terlihat secara jelas dalam periode ketiga, yaitu masa pemekaran dan peluasan sekolah muhammadiyah yang berkembang seiring stabilitas pemerintahan awal orde baru. meskipun pengaruh kebijakan politik pendidikan penguasa mempengaruhi pasang surut sekolah muhammadiyah bukan berarti bahwa pengembangan sekolah muhammadiyah bergantung kepada kebijakan pemerintah. keadaan interal muhammadiyah juga menjadi faktor yang sangat menentukan pasang surut muhammadiyah. terjadinya proses pemekaran sekolah muhammadiyah yang signifikan pada periode ketiga tidak lepas dari akumulasi sumber daya manusia akibat kegagalan rehabilitas partai masyumi, sehingga tidak sedikit politikus masyumi yang 322 afkaruna kemudian terjun memperkuat gerakan dakwah muhammadiyah. setelah memahami faktor-faktor yang menentukan pasang surut sekolah muhammadiyah, diskusi selanjutnya berupaya memahami bagaimana corak pengembangan pendidikan muhammadiyah di surakarta. di atas telah disinggung dua corak pengembangan pendidikan muhammadiyah, yaitu pola minangkabau yang lebih banyak mendirikan dan menekankan pada model madrasah di satu sisi, dan pola yogyakarta yang lebih banyak mengembangkan model sekolah. meminjam kategorisasi alfian tersebut, corak pengembangan pendidikan muhammadiyah di surakarta lebih mendekati pola yogyakarta, yakni lebih banyak mendirikan model sekolah. sebagaimana yogyakarta, satu-satunya model madrasah yang didirikan oleh muhammadiyah surakarta adalah madrasah mualiminmualimat. setidaknya ada dua penjelasan mengapa pengembangan pendidikan muhammadiyah surakarta lebih memilih mengembangkan model sekolah dari pada madrasah. pertama, surakarta termasuk daerah perkotaan yang dekat kraton (baca: kekuasaan) dimana ekspansi pendidikan barat sangat terasa, sehingga pilihan yang paling rasional adalah mengembangkan sistem sekolah dengan menambahi pelajaran agama islam. penjelasan kedua, basis sosial masyarakat surakarta sebagian besar adalah saudagar dan pegawai (priyayi) dan secara kultural mayoritas terdiri atas muslim abangan, bukan muslim tradisionalis. berdasarkan dua penjelasan tersebut dapat dipahami mengapa muhammadiyah surakarta lebih memilih model sekolah, bukan model madrasah. e. penutup dalam keseluruhan pembahasan di muka dapat ditarik simpulan bahwa perluasan muhammadiyah ke luar yogyakarta terjadi paska 1917. di surakarta berdiri satv, perkumpulan lokal pra-muhammadiyah pada 1918. menjelang munculnya muhammadiyah, pergolakan islam tengah melanda kota ini yang ditandai dengan perintisan madrasah mambaul ulum kasunanan pada 1905 oleh poros kauman-jamsaren dan poros saudagar laweyan mendirikan sarekat dagang islam (sdi) pada 1911, kehadiran muhammadiyah memberi warna baru modernisme dengan sentuhan reformasi keagamaan. perkumpulan pra-muhammadiyah lokal ini (baca: satv) diprakarsai dan dipimpin misbach selama dua tahun (1918-1920) kemudian diganti 323vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 kyai moechtar boehari (1920-1926). pergantian pimpinan ini pada urutanya mengubah orientasi gerakan satv dari politik ke kultural yang menekuni masalah pendidikan, tabligh, sosial, dan kesehatan. sekolah muhammadiyah selama periode 1920-1970 mengalami perkembangan pesat yang pada garis besarnya dapat dipilah menjadi tiga periode, yaitu: masa perintisan (1920-1942), masa pencarian identitas (1942-1957), dan masa pemekaran (1957-1970). tantangan periode pertama adalah kolonialisme belanda yang menggunakan pendidikan sebagai alat mempertahankan penjajahan. berbeda dengan itu, kaum pribumi menggunakan pendidikan sebagai wahana pemerdekaan, tidak terkecuali sekolah muhammadiyah. dalam masa ini, sekolah muhammadiyah digunakan wahana untuk menanam bibit-bibit intelektualisme, nasionalisme, dan paham agama berkemajuan. sekolah muhammadiyah menjadi arena pembebasan kaum pribumi dari konservatisme keagamaan, kemiskinan, keterbelakangan, dan kolonialisme. permasalahan mendasar yang dihadapi pendidikan pribumi paska kemerdekaan adalah pencarian identitas. sistem pendidikan kolonial diganti menja di s istem pend idika n na siona l yang ber fung si untuk mengintegrasikan seluruh unsur bangsa menjadi suatu negara kesatuan. orientasi sekolah muhammadiyah pun berubah, bukan lagi sebagai arena perlawanan, tetapi lebih sebagai penguat dan perekat kesatuan bangsa. dalam situasi demikian, sekolah muhammadiyah ditantang untuk menemukan kembali identitas dirinya di tengah-tengah taman pendidikan nasional yang terus berubah. ketika identitas diri sekolah muhammadiyah mulai ditemukan, kemudian memasuki masa pemekaran yang diwarnai pergolakan politik yang memuncak dengan meletusnya g.30s pki tahun 1965 yang menandai proses transisi kekuasaan dari orda lama (baca: soekarno) yang berorientasi pada politik ke orde baru (soeharto) yang berorientasi pada ekonomi. pada masa ini sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta tumbuh pesat, karena ditopang kepemimpinan yang kuat dan permintaan yang tinggi dari rakyat sehingga surakarta dikenal sebagai kota pelajar. corak pengembangan sekolah muhammadiyah di surakarta mengikuti pola yogyakarta yang ditandai dengan lebih banyak mendirikan model sekolah, bukan pola minangkabau yang lebih menitikberatkan pada pendirian madrasah. corak demikian ini nampaknya dibentuk oleh lingkungan perkotaan dan basis sosio-kultural pendukungnya adalah priyayi, saudagar, 324 afkaruna dan mayoritas kaum abangan. berdasarkan simpulan dapat diketahui bahwa penelitian ini terbatas di surakarta, dengan tema yang terbatas yakni masalah pendidikan, dan dalam rentang waktu yang terbatas pula, yaitu 1920-1970. berangkat dari keterbatasan ini, masih terbuka peluang untuk penelitian selanjutnya, seperti penelitian sejarah muhammadiyah lokal di daerah-darah lain, pengkajian lebih lanjut tentang perkembangan sekolah muhammadiyah surakarta paska 1970-an, bahkan penelitian tentang sejarah pendidikan non-formal dalam bentuk tabligh sama sekali belum terjamah. catatan akhir 1 mohamad ali. 2017. paradigma pendidikan berkemajuan. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, hlm. 177-220. 2 deliar noer. 1994. gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900-1942. jakarta: lp3es, hlm. 87 3 mohamad ali & sifaul arifin. 2015. matahari terbit di kota bengawan: sejarah awal muhammadiyah solo. surakarta: persatuan, hlm. 93. 4 solichin salam. 1965. muhammadiyah dan kebangunan islam di indonesia. jakarta: n.v. mega, hlm. 61 5 james l. peacock. 1978. purifying the faith: the muhammadijah movement in indonesian islam. menlo park, california: the benjamin cummings publishing company, hlm. 61-77. buku ini telah tersedia versi bahasa indonesia, james l. peacock. 2016. gerakan muhammadiyah memurnikan ajaran islam di indonesia. terj. andi makmur makka. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, hlm. 77-98. 6 alfian. 1989. muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, hlm. 180-298. buku ini telah tersedia versi bahasa indonesia, alfian. 2010. politik kaum modernis. jakarta: al-wasath, hlm. 2014-234. 7 takashi shiraisi. 1990. an age in motion. itacha & london: cornell university press, hlm. 135-137. buku ini telah tersedia versi bahasa indonesia, takshi shiraishi. 2005. zaman bergerak. jakarta: grafiti, hlm. 183-186. 8 mochtar buchori. 2007. evolusi pendidikan di indonesia. yogyakarta: insist press, hlm. 22; mohamad ali. 2019. hik muhammadiyah solo 1931-1942: pendidikan guru pada zaman hindia belanda. suara muhammadiyah edisi 06/th. ke 104/ 16-31 maret 2019, hlm 52-53. 9 louis gottschalk. 2008. mengerti sejarah. terj. nugroho notosusanto. jakarta: uii press, hlm 24. 10 sartono kartodirdjo. 1992. pendekatan ilmu sosial dalam metodologi sejarah. jakarta: gramedia, hlm 4. 11 h. a. r. gibb. 1952. aliran-aliran modern dalam islam. terj. l.e. hakim. jakarta: tintamas, hlm. 41-42. 12 a. mukti ali. 1971. alam pikiran islam modern di indonesia dan modern islamic 325vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 thought in indonesia. yogyakarta: nida, hlm. 13. 13 ma’mun pusponegoro dkk. 2007. kauman religi tradisi dan seni. surakarta: paguyuban kampung wisma batik kauman, hlm. 47. 14 ape korver. 1985. sarekat islam gerakan ratu adil. jakarta: grafitipers, hlm. 11-42 15 ali darokah. 1983. pondok pesantren jamsaren solo dalam historis dan esensinya. surakarta: ramadhani, hlm. 3-7; a. basit adnan. 1996. sejarah masjid agung dan gemelan sekaten di surakarta. surakarta: mardikintoko, hlm. 118-119. 16 mohamad ali. 2019. “gerakan islam progresif surakarta” dlm. solopos 17 nopember 2018. 17 mohamad ali. 2019. sufisme dalam pandangan kaum modernis awal, telaah pemikiran tawasuf kyai moechtar boechari 1899-1926. jurnal lektur vol. 17. no. 1. 2019, hlm. 217-240. 18 moehammadijah bagian poestaka. almanak moehammadijah 1346 (1927-1928). djojakarta: taman pustaka moehammadijah, hlm. 210. 19 karel a. steenbrink. 1984. beberapa aspek tentang islam di indonesia. jakarta: bulan bintang, hlm. 151-160. 20 muhammad wasil aziz. 1997. perjuangan muhammadiyah surakarta dalam pembaharuan pendidikan di surakarta. surakarta: skripsi uns, hlm. 258. 21 undang-undang ri no. 4 tahun 1950 tentang dasar-dasar pendidikan dan pengajaran di sekolah, pasal 12, 13, dan 14 22 sekolah menengah atas 23 sekolah guru kepandaian putri 24 sekolah guru taman kanak-kanak 25 sekolah guru b 26 sekolah kepandaian putri 27 sekolah menengah pertama 28 sekolah guru pendidikan djasmani 29 sekolah rakyat 30 sekolah menengah ekonomi pertama 31 sekolah guru kepandaian putri 32 pendidikan guru agama pertama 33 sekolah pendidikan guru 34 sekolah menengah olahraga atas 35 sekolah kesejahteraan keluarga atas 36 sekolah menengah ekonomi atas 37 sekolah teknik menengah 38 pendidikan guru agama daftar pustaka sumber primer almanak moehammadijah 1346 (1927-1928). djokjakarta: pengoeroes besar moehammadijah bg taman poestaka 326 afkaruna berita tahoenan moehammadijah hindia timoer tahun 1927. djokjakarta: pengoeroes besar moehammadijah berita tahoenan moehammadijah hindia timoer tjabang soerakarta tahun 1930. surakarta: pengoeroes moehammadijah tjabang soekarta. moehammadijah bagian poestaka. almanak moehammadijah 1346 (1927-1928). djojakarta: taman poestaka moehammadijah. muhammadijah setengah abad 1912-1957. 1957. surakarta: moehammadijah bagian tabligh tjabang solo, 1957. 60 tahun muhammadiyah mengabdi.1972. surakarta: muhammadiyah daerah kodya surakarta. sumber-sumber lain adnan, a. basit. 1996. sejarah masjid agung dan gemelan sekaten di surakarta. surakarta: mardikintoko. ali, a. mukti. 1971. alam pikiran islam modern di indonesia dan modern islamic thought in indonesia. yogyakarta: nida. ali, mohamad. 2019. “hik muhammadiyah surakarta: pendidikan guru zaman hindia belanda 1931-1935” dlm. suara muhamadiyah edisi 06/ th 104/ 1631 maret. ————————. 2019. sufisme dalam pandangan kaum modernis awal, telaah pemikiran tawasuf kyai moechtar boechari 1899-1926. jurnal lektur vol. 17. no. 1. 2019. ————————. 2018. “gerakan islam progresif surakarta” dlm. solopos 17 nopember. ————————2017. paradigma pendidikan berkemajuan. yogyakart a: suara muhammadiyah. ————————. & sifaul arifin. 2015. matahari terbit di kota bengawan: sejarah awal muhammadiyah solo. surakarta: persatuan. alfian. 1989. muhammadiyah. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. ———————. 2010. politik kaum modernis. jakarta: al-wasath. azis, muhammad wasil. 1997. perjuangan muhammadiyah surakarta dalam pembaharuan pendidikan di surakarta. surakarta: skripsi uns. buchori, mochtar. 2007. evolusi pendidikan di indonesia. yogyakarta: insist press. darokah, ali. 1983. pondok pesantren jamsaren solo dalam historis dan esensinya. surakarta: ramadhani gibb, h. a. r. 1952. aliran-aliran modern dalam islam. terj. l.e. hakim. jakarta: tintamas. gottschalk, louis. 2008. mengerti sejarah. terj. nugroho notosusanto. jakarta: uii press. kartodirdjo, sartono. 1992. pendekatan ilmu sosial dalam metodologi sejarah. jakarta: gramedia. korver, ape. 1985. sarekat islam gerakan ratu adil. jakarta: grafiti pres. noer, deliar. 1994. gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900-1942. jakarta: lp3es. peacock, james. l. 1978. purifying the faith: the muhammadijah movement in indo327vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 nesian islam. menlo park, california: the benjamin cummings publishing company. ——————————. 2016. gerakan muhammadiyah memurnikan ajaran islam di indonesia. terj. andi makmur makka. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. pusponegoro, ma’mun dkk. 2007. kauman religi tradisi dan seni. surakarta: paguyuban kampung wisma batik kauman. salam, solichin. 1965. muhammadiyah dan kebangunan islam di indonesia. jakarta: n.v. mega. shiaraisi, takashi. 1990. an age in motion. itacha & london: cornell university press. —————————. 2005. zaman bergerak. jakarta: grafiti. steenbrink. 1984. beberapa aspek tentang islam di indonesia. jakarta: bulan bintang undang-undang ri no. 4 tahun 1950 tentang dasar-dasar pendidikan dan pengajaran di sekolah. jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 kalimatun sawa‘ dalam perspektif tafsir nusantara kalimatun sawa‘ in the perspective of indonesian’s interpretation doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0095.55-81 qurrata a’yun1, hasani ahmad said2 fakultas ushuluddin, universitas islam negeri syarif hidayatullah jakarta.1,2 correspondence e-mail: qurrataayun14@mhs.uinjkt.ac.id1 abstract this study examines the interpretation of the ulama of indonesia regarding kalimatun saw‘ which as recited in qs. li ‘imrn verse 64. the method of this study is qualitative research that produces descriptive data in the form of conclusions delivered verbally by thematic methods. the author explains the meaning of kalimatun saw‘ and its interpretation according to the ulama of indonesia which in this case focused on four ulama. they are syaikh nawawi al-bantani in tafsir marh labd, hasbi ash-shiddieqy in tafsir alqur’anul majid an-nuur, buya hamka in tafsir al-azhar, and m. quraish shihab in tafsir al-misbh. the analysis was done in order to infer the meaning of kalimatun saw‘ in general. the conclusion of this study is the meaning of kalimatun saw‘ is the same, fair, balanced and there is no dispute in it. the phrase forbids humans to worship other than allah, not to associate partners with anything, and not making other humans as god. keywords: interpretation, kalimatun saw‘, qs. li ‘imrn [3]: 64, the ulama of indonesia abstrak studi ini meneliti penafsiran ulama nusantara tentang kalimatun saw‘ yang terdapat pada qs. li ‘imrn ayat 64. metode kajian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang menghasilkan data deskriptif berupa simpulan yang disampaikan secara verbal dengan metode tematik. penulis menjelaskan makna kalimatun saw‘ serta penafsirannya menurut ulama nusantara yang dalam hal ini difokuskan terhadap empat ulama tafsir yakni syaikh nawawi al-bantani dalam tafsir marh labd hasbi ash-shiddieqy dalam tafsir al-qur’anul majid an-nuur, buya hamka dalam tafsir alazha r, dan m. quraish sh ihab dala m ta fsir al-misbh, kemudian menganalisanya agar dapat mengambil makna dari kalimatun sawa secara umum. kesimpulan kajian ini adalah makna kalimatun saw‘ yakni kata yang sama, adil, mailto:qurrataayun14@mhs.uinjkt.ac.id 56 afkaruna berimbang dan tidak terdapat perselisihan di dalamnya. kata tersebut adalah tidak menyembah selain allah, tidak menyekutukan-nya dengan suatu apapun, dan tidak menjadikan manusia lain sebagai tuhan selain allah swt. keywords: kalimatun saw‘, penafsiran, qs. li ‘imrn [3]: 64, ulama nusantara pendahuluan kondisi masyarakat di nusantara1 bukanlah masyarakat yang monolit, melainkan merupakan masyarakat pluralis atau majemuk. kemajemukan tersebut dapat dicirikan dari sisi budaya, kesukuan, bahasa juga agama yang begitu beragam.2 kondisi majemuk tersebut membuat kehidupan kemasyarakatan dan kebangsaan di nusantara memiliki potensi konflik yang besar, terutama konflik-konflik yang bernuansa perbedaan suku, agama, ras dan antar golongan (sara).3 salah satu penyebab terjadinya konflik adalah kurangnya rasa toleransi dan keterbukaan.4 hal tersebut terjadi pula antar umat beragama di indonesia, salah satunya konflik antar umat beragama di tanjung balai sumatera utara.5 sifat eksklusif6 tersebut bertentangan dengan pesan al-qur’an yang menyebutkan bahwa pada hakikatnya allah menghendaki keberagaman dari pada keseragaman.7 semua itu tercipta agar manusia saling mengenal8 dan berlomba-lomba dalam kebaikan.9 oleh karena itu muhammad abduh dan rasyid ridha dalam kitab tafsirnya lebih menekankan bahwa pluralisme adalah sistem ilahiah yang tidak bisa ditawar-tawar, apalagi diubah. usaha untuk menyeragamkan agama apalagi dengan cara pemaksaan bukan hanya bertentangan dengan sistem sosial tapi juga dengan sunnatullah.10 usaha yang dapat dilakukan untuk menengahi konflik dan membangun hubungan harmonis antar agama tersebut salah satunya adalah dengan berdialog dan menyarikan titik temu antar agama.10 sebuah tawaran dalam al-qur’an yang mencerminkan titik temu antar agama terdapat pada qs. li ‘imrn [3]: 64. oleh karenanya, penting dilakukan kajian lebih lanjut mengenai penafsiran ayat tersebut, khususnya dalam khazanah tafsir nusantara. tulisan ini berusaha untuk membahas kalimatun saw` dalam perspektif tafsir nusantara, dan diharapkan dapat menumbuhkan sikap toleransi dalam masyarakat plural nusantara. metode penelitian berdasarkan fokus penelitian dan subjek yang diteliti, studi ini merupakan penelitian pustaka (library research), yaitu usaha memperoleh data dalam kepustakaan. melalui penelitian terhadap karya ilmiah dan 57vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 buku-buku bacaan yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang dibahas. pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini juga berupa penelitian kualitatif, yaitu prosedur penelitian yang menghasilkan data deskriptif berupa kata-kata tertulis atau lisan seorang tokoh.11 sumber data primer yang digunakan adalah empat kitab tafsir karya ulama nusantara yang meliputi: tafsir marh labd karya syaikh nawawi albantani (w. 1314 h/1897 m), tafsir al-qur’anul majid an-nuur karya hasbi ash-shiddieqy (w. 1975 m), tafsir al-azhar karya buya hamka (w. 1981 m), dan tafsir al-misb– karya m. quraish shihab. kitab tafsir tersebut digunakan sebagai data primer karena sangat relevan dengan judul yang diangkat sehingga diharapkan penelitian ini dapat diselesaikan secara fokus dan mendalam serta dapat bermanfaat bagi para pembacanya.sedangkan sumber data sekunder dalam penelitian ini didapatkan dari karya ilmiah, artikel, jurnal ilmiah, buku-buku cetak maupun elektronik yang berkaitan dan memuat informasi tentang masalah yang dibahas. penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk menguraikan dan dan menganalisis ayat tentang kalimatun saw‘ dalam pandangan ulama mufasir nusantara. maka penulis menggunakan metode deskriptif, dengan mendeskripsikan penafsiran kalimatun saw‘ dalam al-qur’an menurut empat ulama tafsir nusantara, yaitu syaikh nawawi al-bantani dalam kitab tafsir marh labd, hasbi ash-shiddieqy dalam kitab tafsir al-qur’anul majid an-nuur, buya hamka dalam kitab tafsir al-azhar, dan m. quraish shihab dalam kitab tafsir al-misb–. penelitian yang penulis lakukan kali ini juga tidak menutup kemungkinan menggunakan pendekatan melalui metode tematik (maudhu’i) yaitu mengambil tema tertentu dalam ayat-ayat al-qur’an yang dalam hal ini berkaitan dengan kalimatun saw‘. tinjauan umum tentang kalimatun saw‘ untuk mengetahui tinjauan umum para ilmuan tentang kalimatun saw‘ secara lebih ringkas, maka dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam tiga bagian. pertama, pendapat ulama klasik tentang kalimatun saw‘ yang dapat ditemukan dalam kitab-kitab karyanya. seperti al-nabar,12 al-quroub,13 dan al-margh14 dalam tafsirnya sepakat memaknai kalimatun saw‘ sebagai kalimat atau perkataan yang sama dan adil yang di antara kami dan kalian tidak ada perbedaan. perkataan ini telah disepakati oleh para rasul dan dalam kitab-kitab yang diturunkan allah kepada mereka. yang dimaksud kesepakatan atau perkataan yang adil adalah hanya beribadah atau tidak 58 afkaruna tunduk kecuali kepada allah swt dan tidak menyekutukannya dengan suatu apapun. dengan demikian antara islam dan ahl al-kitb sama-sama meyakini bahwa alam semesta adalah ciptaan tuhan yang satu yaitu allah yang telah mengutus para nabi dan rasul. selain itu, ibnu taimiyyah juga mengutip hadis riwayat bukhari dan muslim yang berisi ayat kalimatun saw‘ ini sebagai inti dari surat dan pesan rasulullah kepada kaisar kerajaan bangsa romawi yakni ajakan kepada islam.15 kedua, pendapat ulama kontemporer yang selain mengamini pendapat ulama klasik tentang kalimatun saw‘, mereka juga berusaha menguraikan lebih lanjut tentang isi ayat 64 dari surah li ‘imrn tersebut. seperti sayyid quob, selain menjelaskan kalimatun saw‘ sebagai kalimat yang sama, ia juga menekankan bahwa hendaknya sebagian manusia tidak mempertuhan sebagian yang lain, sekalipun nabi atau rasul, karena hakikatnya semua manusia di hadapan allah adalah sama, yaitu sebagai hamba. penunjukan nabi atau rasul hanya untuk menyampaikan risalah-nya, bukan untuk bekerjasama dengan-nya dalam masalah ketuhanan.16 wahbah zuhaili secara eksplisit mengatakan bahwa ahl al-kitb yang dimaksud adalah orang-orang yang diturunkan kepadanya di antara empat kitab suci, yakni taurat, zabur, injil dan al-qur’an, dan mencontohkan penyembahan manusia kepada selain allah, seperti kepada berhala, salib, patung, ogt (setan atau hal-hal yang disembah selain allah swt.) dan api.17 begitu juga muhammad ali al-shabuni yang mencontohkan perbuatan yahudi dan nasrani dalam menyekutukan allah swt. dengan menyembah uzair dan isa, dan mereka mematuhi apa-apa yang dihalalkan dan diharamkan orang-orang alim yahudi dan para pendeta nasrani.18 lebih jauh, salah seorang ulama kontemporer, seyyed hossein nasr berusaha menyampaikan kalimatun saw‘ (a common word) sebagai poin utama dalam hal persaudaraan dan perdamaian antar umat beragama. ia menuangkan pemikirannya dalam seminar utama forum katolik muslim pada tanggal 6 nopember 2008, salah satu dialog antar agama yang menurutnya bertujuan untuk membangun harmoni satu sama lain, bahkan antar seluruh umat manusia yang juga mencakup seluruh ciptaan tuhan.19 al-qur’an sebagai kitab suci kaum muslimin juga telah berdialog dengan agama-agama lain yang hadir sebelum kedatangannya. pengakuan dan ajakan dialog itu bisa dilihat dalam surat li ‘imrn ayat 64 yang menawarkan teologi inklusif yang ramah, dan menolak eksklusivisme. dalam hal ini umat beragama, khususnya umat islam, dapat belajar dari 59vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 pengalaman nabi muhammad ketika mengimplementasikan pengalaman toleransi, kerukunan antar umat beragama dan pengakuan akan pluralisme agama yang pernah dialami oleh umat beragama pada masa nabi. beberapa di antaranya adalah saran nabi muhammad kepada kaum muslim untuk pergi ke abisinia (habsyi atau ethiopia) yang penguasa dan rakyatnya memeluk agama kristen dan mendapatkan perlindungan di sana.20 selain itu, pengalaman ketika umat beragama (umat islam, nasrani dan yahudi) menjalin hubungan kehidupan bernegara, dibuktikan dengan periode madinah yang menjunjung tinggi pluralitas, baik agama, suku dan golongan. semua penduduk menyambut kedatangan umat islam dengan damai. bahkan, orang-orang musyrik dan yahudi menyambut kedatangan muhammad dengan baik.21 pengalaman ini menunjukkan bahwa antara agama-agama, terutama agama ibrahimi (abrahamic religions), memiliki titik-titik persamaan. titik-titik persamaan ini bahkan sampai pada hal-hal yang bersifat teologis, misalnya tentang keesaan tuhan (tauhid). begitu juga hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan moralitas dan etika dalam kehidupan sesama manusia, seperti sopan santun, kejujuran, keadilan, kesejahteraan, saling menghormati, saling menghargai dan lain-lain. ketiga, pendapat intelektual indonesia yang banyak diutarakan oleh tokoh-tokoh pluralis. seperti nurcholish madjid, yang berpendapat bahwa semua agama nabi dan rasul yang telah dibangkitkan dalam setiap umat adalah sama, dan inti dari ajaran semua nabi dan rasul ialah ketuhanan yang maha esa dan perlawanan terhadap kekuatan-kekuatan tiranik. dengan perkataan lain, ketuhanan yang maha esa dan perlawanan tergadap tirani adalah titik pertemuan, common platform atau, dalam bahasa al-qur’an, kalimatun saw‘ (kalimat atau ajaran yang sama) antara semua kitab suci.22 ia mengemukakan empat prinsip tentang titik temu agama-agama. pertama, islam mengajarkan bahwa agama tuhan adalah universal, karena tuhan telah mengutus rasul-nya kepada setiap umat manusia. kedua, islam mengajarkan pandangan tentang kesatuan nubuwwah (kenabian) dan umat yang percaya kepada tuhan. ketiga, agama yang dibawa nabi muhammad adalah kelanjutan langsung agamaagama sebelumnya, khususnya yang secara “genealogis”23 paling dekat ialah agama-agama semitik-abrahamik. keempat, umat islam diperintahkan untuk menjaga hubungan yang baik dengan orang-orang beragama lain, khususnya para penganut kitab suci (ahl al-kitb).24 semua prinsip itu mengarah pada ajaran “tidak boleh ada paksaan dalam agama”. 60 afkaruna selain itu, istilah kalimatun saw juga telah dipakai pada kehidupan bernegara di indonesia. seperti yang dikatakan jimly asshiddiqie bahwa dalam kehidupan bangsa indonesia, pancasila adalah filosofiche grondslag dan common platforms atau kalimatun sawa karena ia merupakan sebuah cita-cita bersama yang pada puncak abstraksinya paling mungkin mencerminkan kesamaan-kesamaan kepentingan di antara sesama warga masyarakat yang dalam kenyataannya harus hidup di tengah pluralisme atau kemajemukan.25 ungkapan pancasila sebagai kalimatun saw‘ atau titik temu dalam pluralitas bangsa indonesia juga disebut oleh intelek muslim lain seperti ketua umum majelis ulama indonesia, kh. ma’ruf amin,26 dan faisal attamimi, dosen pemikiran islam fakultas ushuluddin iain palu.27 adapun intelek muslim lain seperti deden m. ridwan,28 amin abdullah,29 moqsith ghazali,30 zuhairi misrawi,31 dalam buku-bukunya menyatakan pentingnya membangun pengertian bersama dan titik temu (kalimatun saw‘) antar umat beragama agar terciptanya tolerasi dan kedamaian dalam hidup yang plural. penjelasan tentang kalimatun saw‘ di atas memberi gambaran bahwa kemajemukan agama tidak menghalangi untuk hidup bersama, berdampingan secara damai dan aman. implementasi kalimatun saw‘ ini sungguh dibutuhkan dalam kehidupan masyarakat plural khususnya indonesia. akan tetapi, sungguh disayangkan jika ayat al-qur’an yang menjadi landasan konsep ini tidak dibahas lebih lanjut dalam satu tema yang utuh dari aspek penafsiran yang dilakukan oleh ulama tafsir indonesia itu sendiri. tulisan ini mencoba untuk mengisi ruang tersebut, membahas kalimatun saw‘ dalam perspektif tafsir nusantara secara lebih jelas dan mendalam. ulama nusantara dalam tradisi penafsiran alqur’an saat ini telah banyak pemikir muslim yang mencoba untuk menafsirkan al-qur’an dan mencoba untuk menjawab permasalahan umat islam, baik itu sarjana dari timur maupun barat, maupun para ulama nusantara. hal itu diperkuat berdasarkan sejumlah penelitian yang dilakukan sarjanasarjana di bidang tafsir. islah gusmian dalam artikelnya berpendapat bahwa kajian tentang tafsir al-qur’an indonesia telah dilakukan oleh para ahli dengan berbagai sudut pandang serta pilihan subjek yang berbeda-beda. di antara kajian 61vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 tersebut, ada yang secara khusus mengungkapkan karakteristik tafsir, keterpengaruhan, serta proses adopsi yang terjadi. kajian model semacam itu telah dilakukan oleh anthony h. john dalam “the qur’an in the malay world: reflection on ‘abd rauf of singkel (1615-1693)” yang dipublikasikan di journal of islamic studies (1998). artikel-artikel lain karya a.h. johns secara umum bertumpu pada tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia pada abad 17 m (tafsir tarjuman mustafd) dan abad 19 m (tafsir marh labd) dengan menunjukkan metode penafsiran dan keterpengaruhannya dengan karya tafsir klasik serta proses arabisasi pemakaian istilah dalam konteks bahasa di indonesia.32 selain itu ada juga kajian yang mengacu pada pengaruh dinamika keilmuan islam di timur tengah dalam tafsir al-qur’an indonesia dalam bentuk respond dan transmisi seperti yang dilakukan oleh peter g. riddell dan howard m. federspiel. dalam salah satu artikelnya, riddell secara spesifik menganalisis penggunaan tafsir berbahasa arab di kawasan asia selatan dan asia tenggara pada masa-masa awal. adapun howard m. federspiel memfokuskan kajiannya pada karakteristik terjemahan dan tafsir al-qur’an di asia tenggara serta kepopuleran sebuah tafsir al-qur’an.33 dilihat dari sisi sumber, kajian federspiel ini dapat dikatakan mengabaikan karya-karya tafsir al-qur’an berbahasa lokal, seperti tafsir bahasa jawa, sunda, dan bugis. adapun yunan yusuf telah menulis dua artikel, yaitu “perkembangan metode tafsir di indonesia” dan “karakteristik tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia abad ke-20". pada artikel pertama, yunan membahas aspek-aspek metodologi tafsir dan perkembangannya, dan pada artikel kedua, ia secara detail memilih periode tertentu dan mengkaji karakteristik tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia. seperti pada kajian federspiel, kajian yunan juga belum menyetuh tafsir-tafsir al-qur’an berbahasa lokal, seperti al-ibrz karya k.h. bisri musthofa yang ditulis memakai pegon-jawa, rauah ‘irfn karya k.h. ahmad sanusi yang ditulis dengan pegon-sunda, dan tafsir al-huda karya bakri syahid yang ditulis dengan aksara roman dan bahasa jawa.34 penafsiran al-qur’an oleh mufassir indonesia menjadi salah satu bagian penting dalam tradisi penafsiran ulama nusantara. hal tersebut dapat dilihat dari lahirnya tarjuman mustafid karya ‘abdurrauf singkel yang menjadi awal mula penafsiran al-qur’an di nusantara.35 namun sebelum membahas tradisi penafsiran ulama nusantara, cara 62 afkaruna penyebaran agama islam di indonesia adalah suatu hal yang unik untuk dibicarakan. realita yang terjadi ialah bahwa islam dan budaya lokal sampai saat ini masih eksis di masyarakat. bahkan, istilah islamisasi budaya kian marak di hampir setiap daerah. lebih jauh lagi, bahwa tradisi klasik baik hindu, budha dan bahkan aliran kepercayaan turut memengaruhi transmisi budaya yang ada dan berkembang. seperti pada masa hindu pendidikan hanyalah milik kasta tertentu, sedang pada masa islam, pendidikan tersebut milik setiap orang tanpa memandang keturunan dan kedudukan, karena dalam pandangan islam seluruh manusia merupakan umat yang egaliter yang contohnya diterapkan melalui pendidikan pesantren.36 hal ini dikarenakan ulama pembawa risalah agama berupaya memadumadankan budaya seraya memasukkan nilai-nilai religiusitas tanpa mengorbankan budaya yang telah menjadi tradisi turun-temurun. hal inilah yang menjadi keberhasilan dakwah para pengemban agama, dalam hal ini adalah islam.37 metode penyebaran islam di indonesia ini kemudian menjadi suatu hal yang mewarnai literasi dan pemikiran yang berkembang di masyarakat indonesia. adapun ketika membahas tafsir di indonesia, akan ditemukan karyakarya yang dapat menjadi rujukan awal. howard m. federspiel seorang peneliti tafsir indonesia membahas setidaknya ada 48 tafsir yang ia telaah. di antara 48 mufassir tersebut adalah, munawar khalil, aboe bakar atjeh, bahrum rangkuti, jamlauddin kafie, oemar bakrie, joesoef sou’eb, m. hasbi ash-shiddieqy, masjfuk zuhdi, a. hasan, qomaruddin hamidy, mahmud yunus, hamka, abdul halim hasan, tafsir depag, bachtiar surin, sukmadjadja asyarie, badrutthanan akasah, syahminan zaini, ms. khalil, qamaruddiin saleh nasikun, bey arifin, labib mz, a. hanafi, hadiyah salim, m. ali usman, khadijatus shalihah, a. muhaimin zen, dauk tombak alam, a. djohansjah, ismail tekan, t. atmadi usman, abu hanifah, zainal abidin ahmad, hb. jassin, mahfudi sahli, dja’far amir, muslih maruzi, abdul aziz masyhuri, m. munir farunama, syahminan zaini, m. ali husayn, a. syafi’i ma’arif, dawam raharjo, azwar anar, imam munawwir, z. kasijan, nazwar syamsu, m. quraish shihab.38 dari 48 tafsir yang dibahas di dalam penelitiannya, howard federspiel dinilai mengambil sampelnya tersebut dengan serampangan. hal tersebut diartikan bahwa ia mengungkap karya-karya yang ia anggap tafsir meski tidak semua penulisnya dianggap sebagai seorang mufassir di kalangan masyarakat umum.39 63vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 penafsiran ulama nusantara tentang kalimatun saw‘ di antara banyaknya karya tafsir ulama nusantara, penulis membatasinya pada empat karya tafsir lengkap 30 juz yang banyak ditemukan di kalangan masyarakat. adapun empat karya tafsir tersebut adalah tafsir marh labd karya syaikh nawawi al-bantani, tafsir al-quranul majid annuur karya hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-azhar karya buya hamka, dan tafsir al-misbh karya m. quraish shihab. a. penafsiran surah li ‘imrn: 64 dalam kitab marh labd syaikh nawawi mengawali penafsirannya dalam ayat ini dengan penjelasan mengenai ranah turunnya ayat, yakni kepada kaum nasrani najran. nawawi mengutip hadis yang diriwayatkan oleh ibnu ‘abbs ra.40 saat itu nabi tengah menghadapi kaum nasrani najran dan mengajukan berbagai dalil untuk mengajak mereka kepada islam akan tetapi mereka menolak dan nabi pun mengajak untuk ber-mubhalah (memohon/berdoa dengan sesungguh hati).41 akan tetapi lagi-lagi mereka tetap tidak mau dan membayar jizyah (pajak)42 sebagai gantinya. demikian besar kesungguhan dan keinginan nabi muhammad agar orang-orang nasrani menerima ajakan islam, tapi mereka tetap enggan beriman. oleh karenanya nabi diarahkan menuju pada sebuah kata penengah dan meninggalkan perdebatan. seakan allah berpesan pada nabi muhammad saw. untuk meninggalkan perbincangan lebar dan bersikap adil hingga dapat diakui oleh setiap akal sehat dan lurus bahwa pesan yang dibawa oleh nabi ditetapkan atas dasar yang sama (berada di tengah).43 adapun nasrani yang ditujukan pada ayat ini dipanggil dengan seruan ahl al-kitb. panggilan ataupun kata seruan kepada ahl al-kitb dalam ayat ini berupa ajakan kepada kalimat yang sama yang di dalamnya terdapat penengah di antara mereka dan tidak terdapat penyimpangan satu sama lain. selain kaum muslim dan nasrani, nawawi menjelaskan bahwa kalimat yang sama ini juga hendak diturunkan kepada kaum yahudi madinah yang kala itu berselisih dengan kaum nasrani najran perihal agama ibrahim. perselisihan tersebut dihiasi dengan pengakuan bahwa ibrahim as. adalah seorang nasrani, begitu pun kaum yahudi. peristiwa ini juga melibatkan nabi muhammad, hingga beliau pun menyatakan bahwa nabi ibrahim as. adalah seorang muslim yang lurus. pernyataan tersebut terus dibantah oleh nasrani dan yahudi hingga allah menurunkan ayat ‘qul y ahl al-kitb 64 afkaruna ta’lau il kalimatin saw`in bainan wa bainakum’. allah memerintahkan kepada rasul untuk mengajak nasrani dan yahudi kepada kisah yang adil dan lurus antara mereka semua. kisah yang tidak terdapat bantahan dan selisihan atas utusan-utusan dan kitab-kitab suci yang telah diturunkan oleh allah. maka apabila kita semua beriman atas hal itu, berarti kita berada dalam sebuah kesamaan dan ketetapan.44 kalimat yang sama dalam ayat ini ditafsirkan dalam tiga poin, pertama, dalam kalimat ‘all na’buda ill allh’ yakni mengesakan allah swt dengan cara menjadikan ibadah kepada-nya sebagai sebuah kewajiban. kedua, dalam kalimat ‘wa l nusyrika bih syai`an’ yakni tidak menyekutukan-nya dengan suatu yang lain. ketiga, dalam kalimat ‘wa l yattakhidza ba’un ba’an arbban min dnillh’ yakni tidak menaati antar sesama manusia dalam perbuatan maksiat, hal pengharaman dan penghalalan, dan tidak berkata bahwa ‘uzair adalah anak allah ataupun masih adalah anak allah karena sesungguhnya mereka berdua adalah manusia seperti pada umumnya. setelah perintah ajakan dilaksanakan oleh nabi, banyak dari kaum nasrani dan yahudi yang berpaling dari ajakan tersebut, kemudian muncullah perintah untuk mendeklarasikan kesaksian atas kaum muslim. sikap mereka yang bersikeras atas kesyirikan dan mengabaikan peringatan mendesak nabi dan orang-orang mukmin untuk meninggalkan perdebatan dan menyatakan keteguhannya atas agama islam, yakni berpegang teguh pada tauhid dan ibadah hanya kepada allah semata. dua hal tersebut yang mereka ingkari, yakni yang telah tertulis dalam kitab-kitab suci mereka dan telah disampaikan ketetapannya oleh rasul-rasul yang diutus kepada mereka. b. penafsiran surah li ‘imrn: 64 dalam kitab tafsir alqur’anul majid an-nuur penafsiran surah li ‘imrn ayat 64 ini dimulai dengan potongan ayat ‘qul y ahl al-kitb ta’lau il kalimatin saw`in bainan wa bainakum’. dalam terjemahannya, kata kalimatin saw` diartikan dengan ‘suatu pernyataan yang adil dan insf, berdiri seimbang’. sedangkan dalam tafsirannya, potongan ayat tadi bermakna kalimat perintah kepada nabi muhammad saw. untuk mengatakan kepada para ahl al-kitb, “hai ahl al-kitb, marilah kamu berbuat atau menegakkan keadilan, keseimbangan, dan marilah memperhatikan untaian pembicaraan yang disepakati oleh seluruh rasul 65vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 dan oleh seluruh kitab yang telah diturunkan, yang diperintah oleh taurat, injil, dan al-qur’an”. selain berarti keadilan, keseimbangan, kata kalimatun saw` dalam penafsiran di atas berkembang menjadi sebuah untaian pembicaraan yang disepakati oleh seluruh rasul dan kitab yang telah diturunkan yakni zabur, injil dan al-qur’an. ini menunjukkan bahwa ahl al-kitb yang ditunjuk adalah kepada kaum yahudi, nasrani dan islam.45 ajakan yang dilontarkan oleh nabi muhammad saw. berupa ajakan untuk tidak mempersekutukan allah dengan suatu yang lain. ia-lah yang memiliki kekuasaan yang mutlak dalam mensyariatkan hukum, mempunyai hak menghalalkan dan mengharamkan, dan tidaklah sebagian dari manusia menjadikan sebagian yang lain sebagai tuhan selain allah. keterangan ajakan tersebut didapat dalam potongan ayat ‘all na’buda illa allh wa l nusyrika bihi syai`an wa l yattakhidza ba’un ba’an arbban min dnillah’. dalam penjelasannya, hasbi menerangkan bahwa ayat ini merupakan sebuah ketetapan akan keesaaan allah dalam beribadat, yakni tau–d ulhiyyah (all na’buda illa allh) dan tau–d rubbiyyah (wa l yattakhidza ba’un ba’an arbban min dnillah).46 kedua macam tauhid ini telah disepakati oleh segenap agama, baik oleh ibrahim as. maupun musa as. yang sama-sama membawa agama tauhid. dalam kitab taurat terdapat penegasan mengenai keesaan allah, misalnya dalam pernyataan: tuhan itu adalah tuhanmu, tak ada bagimu tuhan-tuhan yang lain. sama halnya dengan ibrahim as. dan musa as., isa as. juga telah membawa agama tauhid. dalam injil yohana diterangkan: hidup yang abadi adalah mengetahui sesungguhnya engkaulah tuhan yang sebenarnya, sendiri engkau. begitu pun yang diserukan oleh muhammad yang mengajak manusia kepada agama tauhid, seperti yang termaktub dalam al-qur’an surah al-baqarah ayat 255: allah, tidak ada tuhan (yang berhak disembah) melainkan dia.47 dari keterangan di atas dapat disimpulkan bahwa sesungguhnya terdapat kepercayaan antara ahl al-kitb, bahwa alam ini diciptakan oleh tuhan yang maha esa. ia-lah yang mengatur segala hukum yang ada di dalamnya. ia pula yang mengutus para nabi untuk menyampaikan perintah-perintah-nya kepada kita. maka, marilah kita bersepakat dalam kata (seia sekata) untuk menegakkan dasar-dasar ini dan menolak segala macam syubhat (keraguan). adapun pendapat yang menyatakan bahwa isa as. adalah anak allah, maka hendaknya kita takwilkan agar tidak berlawanan dengan dasar yang telah disepakati para nabi. tidak pernah 66 afkaruna ditemukan keterangan yang menyebutkan isa as. menafsirkan pernyataan “seorang anak bagi allah” sebagai dirinya yang berhak disembah seperti tuhan. isa as. hanya menyeru umat mausia untuk menyembah allah dan bersikap ikhlas kepada-nya. hasbi juga menjelaskan bahwa sesungguhnya pada mula bangsa yahudi merupakan umat muwa––idin, yakni kaum yang mengesakan tuhan. akan tetapi timbul kerusakan akidah di kalangan mereka yang disebabkan adanya taklid buta (mengikuti para pemimpin agama tanpa sikap kritis) di antara pengikutnya hingga menjadikan pendapat para pemimpinnya tersebut sebagai hukum yang datang dari allah. perilaku ini diikuti oleh orang nasrani, bahkan mereka menambah masalah ampunan dosa (orang yang percaya yesus diampuni dosanya) hingga sangat mempengaruhi keadaan masyarakat masehi kala itu. salah satu sekte dalam agama nasrani atau kristen yakni golongan protestan bahkan bergerak melepaskan umat masehi dari cengkeraman para pemimpin agama mereka dan mengajak umat kristen untuk kembali mengambil agama dari kitab mereka sendiri. adapun jika terdapat orang yang tetap menolak seruan nabi, tetap menyembah tuhan selain allah, selalu mempergunakan orang-orang perantara dan pendeta-pendeta yang menghalalkan dan mengharamkan sesuatu, maka (hai muhammad) katakan saja pada mereka: “sesungguhnya kami menuruti perintah allah, bersikap ikhlas kepada-nya, tidak menyembah tuhan selain dia, tidak menghalalkan sesuatu kecuali yang memang dihalalkan oleh syariat, dan tidak mengharamkan sesuatu, kecuali apa yang diharamkan oleh allah.”48 adapun jika penghalalan dan pengharaman, akidah dan ibadah mengikuti pendapat mujtahid ataupun seperti keterangan di atas, yakni mengikuti pemuka-pemuka agama, hasbi berpendapat bahwa orang yang demikian berarti mereka mempersekutukan-nya dalam kerububiyahan allah dan menyimpang dari petunjuk allah. hasbi dalam catatan kakinya merujuk pada qs. asy-syr [42]: 2149 dan qs. an-na–l [16]: 116.50 hasbi menerangkan bahwa ayat ini merupakan suatu penjelas yang menetapkan bahwa segala persoalan agama (keakhiratan), seperti ibadah, pengharaman dan penghalalan hanya diambil dari ucapan nabi sendiri, tidak dari mujtahid (orang yang berijtihad) dan fuqaha’ (ahli fiqh). apabila dalam hal tersebut mengambil pendapat mujtahid dan fuqaha’ maka 67vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 berarti mempersekutukan mereka dengan allah dalam ke-rububiyah-an allah, yang bermakna pula telah menyimpang dari petunjuk al-qur’an.51 sedangkan dalam masalah-masalah keduniaan, seperti urusan qa‘ (peradilan) dan politik, allah menyerahkannya kepada anggota-anggota dewan syura (ahl al-–alli wa al-‘aqdi) atau sejenis anggota legislatif/ parlemen. apa yang telah mereka tetapkan maka wajib dilaksanakan oleh pemerintah dan dipatuhi oleh seluruh rakyatnya. ayat ini juga menjadi asas dan dasar bagi seruan nabi saw. kepada ahl al-kitb sebagaimana yang ditegaskan dalam surah-surahnya yang dikirim kepada raja heraclius, muqauqis dan lain-lain. di bagian akhir penafsirannya dalam kelompok ayat ini, hasbi memberikan kesimpulan. kesimpulan yang diambil olehnya menitikberatkan pada makna ayat 64, yakni ajakan kepada ahl al-kitb menuju kata yang adil dan tidak berat sebelah yakni menyembah allah yang tidak ada sekutu bagi-nya. adapun jika mereka tetap menolak, maka ucapkan pada mereka, “saksikanlah bahwa kami adalah orang-orang islam, orang yang berserah diri kepada allah semata.” c. penafsiran surah li ‘imrn: 64 dalam kitab al-azhar hamka memulai penafsirannya dengan menjelaskan bahwa ayat ini merupakan lanjutan dari peristiwa mubhalah yang terdapat pada ayat sebelumnya. setelah itu datanglah ayat yang mengandung seruan dan bukan mencari pertentangan. ayat tersebut berisi perintah tuhan kepada rasul-nya agar berseru kepada ahl al-kitb itu: “wahai ahlul-kitab! marilah kemari! kepada kalimah yang sama di antara kami dan di antara kamu.” artinya, betapa pun pada kulitnya terlihat ada perbedaan, ada yahudi, nasrani dan islam, namun pada ketiganya terdapat satu kalimat yang sama, satu kata yang menjadi titik pertemuan kita. seandainya ketiganya rela dan sudi kembali kepada satu kalimat itu niscaya tidak akan ada selisih di antara kita. kalimat tersebut yaitu: “janganlah kita menyembah melainkan kepada allah, dan jangan kita menyekutukan sesuatu dengan dia, dan jangan menjadikan sebahagian dari kita akan yang sebagian menjadi tuhan-tuhan selain dari allah.”52 hamka menjelaskan bahwa umat yahudi yang menegakkan syariat musa as., untuk kembali pada dasar ajaran yang ditinggalkan oleh musa as. sendiri, yang mereka namai taurat. dalam bagian yang dinamai hukum 68 afkaruna sepuluh termaktub: “janganlah padamu ada allah lain di hadapan hadiratku. janganlah diperbuat olehmu akan patung ukiran atau akan barang peta dari barang yang dalam langit di atas, atau barang yang di atas bumi di bawah, atau dari barang yang di dalam air di bawah bumi. jangan kamu menyembah sujud atau berbuat bakti kepadanya, karena akulah tuhan, allahmu, allah yang cemburu adanya.” (keluaran fasal 20, ayat 3 sampai 5) demikian pada orang nasrani diserukan kepada mereka, kalimat yang satu, sama sekali tidak ada perbedaan dalam pokok kalimat itu, seperti yang disebutkan oleh yahya (yohannes) di dalam injil karangannya: “inilah hidup yang kekal, yaitu supaya mereka mengenal engkau, allah yang esa dan benar, dan yesus kristus yang telah engkau suruhkan itu.” (injil karangan yahya (yohannes), fasal 17 ayat 3) dengan demikian, meski nabi muhammad saw. yang hidup setelah musa as. dan isa as. sendiri tidak tahu keberadaan dan isi ayat-ayat tersebut, akan tetapi wahyu telah menerangkan bahwa inti kalimat persatuan itu ada, dan tak hilang meskipun naskahnya telah banyak disalin di berbagai tempat dan waktu. bahkan kalimat tersebut kemudian ditemukan kembali oleh manusia yang datang belakangan, setelah kedua “perjanjian lama” dan “perjanjian baru” beredar di tangan manusia tersebut. sehingga jika membandingkan isi dari tiga kitab tersebut, maka akan didapati pokok pegangan yang sama antara kaum muslimin dan yahudi. di dalamnya berisi tentang pendirian mengenai allah yang maha esa. kepercayaan yang menjadi pokok pegangan hidup dan dengan kepercayaan tersebut dapat menuntun pada kehidupan yang kekal. penghujung ayatnya juga menjelaskan bahwa isa al-masih atau yesus kristus mengakui keadaan dirinya yang sebenarnya, yaitu bahwa dia diutus semata-mata oleh allah ke dunia ini sebagai pesuruh atau rasul, utusan yang membawa perintah. sebab itu dia bukanlah tuhan, karena tuhan hanya esa. oleh karenanya, ketiganya telah bertemu pada titik semula. kami, kaum muslimin juga mengakui bahwa yesus kristus dan musa as. adalah pesuruh atau utusan allah. dan yang mengutus mereka adalah allah yang maha esa dan maha benar, tidak ada sekutu lain bagi-nya. demikian halnya dengan muhammad saw., pesuruh atau utusan allah, yang maha esa. 69vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 setelah menerangkan keesaan allah, hamka juga menerangkan bahwa ayat tersebut juga berisi ajakan agar tidak menjadikan sebagian dari kita sebagai tuhan-tuhan selain allah. meski tidak diakui dengan mulut bahwa mereka yang lain itu adalah tuhan, tetapi kalau perintah atau ketentuannya telah disamakan dengan ketentuan dan perintah allah yang tunggal, maka itu sama saja dengan menuhankan. beberapa contoh menuhankan ketentuan manusia yang diambil oleh hamka, adalah hadis dari ‘adiy bin hatim53 dan akidah menuhankan peraturan pendeta. akidah tersebut yang kemudian menimbulkan pertentangan hebat di antara pemeluk kristen katolik dengan kristen protestan yang dipimpin oleh martin luther dan calvin. sampai-sampai paus yang berperan sebagai kepala gereja kristen dapat mengampuni sendiri dosa orang yang berdosa, dan surah ampunan itu dapat diperjualbelikan juga terjadi tawar-menawar di antara mereka. pemerasan harta benda orang hingga harta benda raja-raja menjadikan gereja mempunyai kekayaan dan kepemilikan tanah sendiri di bawah kuasanya. kejadian ini terus berlangsung meski mengakibatkan terjadinya himpitan dan tindasan terhadap rakyat kecil. inilah salah satu sebab yang menimbulkan revolusi perancis tercetuskan kala itu. usaha penafsiran yang dilakukan hamka ini, merupakan upaya pendekatan sosial atas kondisi keberagamaan masyarakat kala itu, sehingga tafsirannya dapat terasa lebih dekat dengan kehidupan bermasyarakat pada umumnya. dua poin utama di atas yang ingin allah peringatkan kepada seluruh manusia melalui rasul-nya dalam ayat ini. pertama, mengajak kepada pokok ajaran agama yang menjadi pegangan bersama, yaitu bahwa allah adalah esa. kedua, mari bebaskan diri daripada menuhankan sesama manusia, yaitu penguasa-penguasa agama. lanjutan ayat di bagian akhir ayat ini: “maka jika mereka berpaling” artinya tidak mau menerima ajakan kembali kepada pokok kata itu, masih tetap pada pendirian mempersekutukan tuhan, menganggap almasih anak allah, lebih mementingkan talmud (kitab kedua setelah taurat, yang disusun dari sabda-sabda pendeta mereka) sehingga taurat menjadi tertinggal, dan membuang muka seketika diajak kembali ke pangkalan asal itu, maka; “hendaklah kamu katakan: saksikan olehmu bahwasannya kami ini adalah orang-orang islam.” sikap ini merupakan sebuah penegasan, yaitu bahwa pendirian kami (orang-orang muslim) ialah menyerahkan diri kepada allah saja, tidak 70 afkaruna mempersekutukan dia yang lain, tidak menuhankan manusia, baik nabi ataupun pemuka-pemuka agama. dalam pendirian ini kami tidak membuat-buat suatu hal yang baru, bahkan poin tersebut telah ada dalam kitab kaum yahudi dan nasrani, silahkan merujuk kembali kepada pokok ajaran taurat musa dan injil isa. kalau pun saudara tidak mau melakukannya, maka kami akan terus berjalan di atas pendirian kami. dan saksikanlah olehmu bahwa kami adalah orang-orang yang menyerahkan diri kepada allah (muslim). kami telah mengajak kamu kembali kepada kata yang sama di antara kita, sedangkan kamu tidak mau mengikutinya, maka tidaklah kami akan merubah pendirian kami. kami tetap percaya kepada isi kitab yang kamu pegang itu. kami penjunjung tinggi keaslian ajaran kedua kitab itu dan kami percaya bahwa musa adalah pesuruh allah, dan kami menghormatinya sebagaimana menghormati nabi-nabi yang lain juga. kami pun setuju sepenuhnya dengan sabda isa almasih atau yesus kristus itu, bahwa dia adalah semata-mata pesuruh allah yang diutus ke dunia ini. inilah pendirian yang telah digariskan rasul saw. akan tetapi karena zaman telah berganti dan waktu terus berjalan, maka kita (ummat muslim) harus mengakui bahwa kadang-kadang kita dengan tidak sadar terlampau ditantang pula. ada sebagian orang yang lebih mengutamakan kata ulama daripada kata tuhan, sehingga pada suatu waktu al-qur’an tidak lagi untuk dipahami dan dikaji lebih dalam melainkan untuk dibacabaca saja, sedangkan dalam hal hukum halal dan haram, taqlid saja kepada ulama. lama kelamaan orang yang mengajak kembali kepada al-qur’an dan sunnah rasul menjadi bahan celaan orang. syukur saja dalam islam tidak ada peraturan kependetaan, seperti dalam yahudi dan nasrani, sehingga sebagian fatwa ulama dapat disanggah oleh fatwa yang lain. syukur al-qur’an masih tetap terpelihara keasliannya, sehingga dapat menjadi tempat kembali bagi orang yang tersesat di jalannya. bagi ummat islam yang hidup di zaman pergolakan segala agama ini sehingga ada pikiran-pikiran hendak mempersatukan segala agama, ayat ini adalah pokok dakwah yang utama. seorang da’i dan muballigh islam hendaklah sanggup membawa manusia kepada kesatuan pegangan agama dengan mengemukakan ayat ini. inilah ayat dakwah yang wajib dijadikan pokok, yang membawa kepada titik-titik pertemuan. hamka juga menerangkan bahwa ayat ini juga dijadikan rasulullah saw. sebagai alasan ketika beliau berkirim surah seruan (dakwah) kepada heraclius raja romawi di syam agar bersedia memeluk agama islam.54 71vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 d. penafsiran surah li ‘imrn: 64 dalam kitab al-misbh m. quraish shihab mengawali penafsirannya dengan menerjemahkan ayat 64 surah li ‘imrn: “katakanlah: ‘hai ahl al-kitab, marilah menuju kepada suatu kalimat (ketetapan) yang tidak ada perselisihan antara kami dan kamu, bahwa tidak kita sembah kecuali allah dan kita tidak mempersekutukan dia dengan sesuatu pun dan tidak (pula) sebagian kita menjadikan sebagian yang lain sebagai tuhan-tuhan selain allah’. jika mereka berpaling, maka katakanlah: ‘saksikanlah, bahwa kami adalah orang-orang muslim yang berserah diri (kepada allah)’”.55 sebelum membahas lebih lanjut penafsirannya, m. quraish shihab mencatat bahwa perkara nabi muhammad saw. dalam menghadapi delegasi kristen najran telah selesai dengan sikap kristen najran yang masih enggan beriman.56 selanjutnya, ia menjelaskan tentang ahl al-kitb. pengertian ahl al-kitb pada ayat ini bukan hanya delegasi kristen najran seperti yang dituju pada ayat sebelumnya, akan tetapi terdiri dari semua orang yahudi dan nasrani, bahkan sementara ulama memasukkan kelompok yang diduga memiliki kitab suci dalam pengertiannya. sekalipun ahl al-kitb ada yang bertempat tinggal di madinah atau di daerah-daerah lain, namun pesan ayat ini ditujukan terhadap mereka semua, bahkan hingga akhir zaman. dalam menjelaskan pengertian ahl al-kitb, penjelasan m. quraish shihab di atas terlihat sedikit berbeda dengan penjelasan ulama nusantara sebelumnya. hasbi ash-shiddieqy dan buya hamka dalam hal ini berpendapat sama, bahwa ahl al-kitb yang dimaksud adalah yahudi, nasrani, dan islam. mereka adalah umat yang menerima kitab suci yang diturunkan oleh allah swt. berupa taurat, injil dan al-qur’an. namun berbeda dengan m. quraish shihab yang menjelaskan bahwa ahl al-kitb pada ayat ini bukan hanya delegasi kristen najran seperti yang dituju pada ayat sebelumnya, akan tetapi terdiri dari semua orang yahudi dan nasrani. ia juga mengutip pendapat sementara ulama yang memasukkan kelompok yang diduga memiliki kitab suci dalam pengertiannya, baik yang bertempat tinggal di madinah atau di daerah-daerah lain.57 ia pun mengatakan bahwa pesan ayat ini ditujukan kepada mereka semua (dalam artian ahl al-kitb tadi) bahkan hingga akhir zaman. begitu besar kesungguhan dan keinginan nabi muhammad saw. agar 72 afkaruna orang-orang nasrani menerima ajakan islam, sehingga allah swt. memerintahkan agar beliau untuk mengajak mereka dan semua pihak dari ahl al-kitb, agar menerima satu tawaran yang sangat adil, tetapi kali ini dengan cara yang lebih simpatik dan halus dibandingkan dengan cara yang lalu.58 ajakan ini tidak memberi sedikit pun kesan berlebihan bagi beliau dan umat islam. beliau diperintah allah mengajak dengan panggilan “hai ahl al-kitab” demikian panggilan mesra yang mengakui bahwa mereka pun dianugerahi kitab suci oleh allah, tanpa menyinggung perubahanperubahan yang mereka lakukan. marilah menuju ke ketinggian, kata “ketinggian” dipahami dari kata (êúçáæç) ta’lau yang terambil dari kata yang berarti “tinggi”. marilah menuju ke ketinggian yaitu suatu kalimat (ketetapan) yang lurus, adil, tidak ada perselisihan antara kami dan kamu, karena itulah yang diajarkan oleh para nabi dan rasul yang kita akui bersama, yakni tidak kita sembah kecuali allah, yakni tunduk patuh lagi tulus menyembah-nya semata, dan tidak kita persekutukan dia dengan sesuatu apapun walau dengan sedikit persekutuan pun, dan tidak pula sebagian kita menjadikan sebagian yang lain sebagai tuhan-tuhan selain allah, yakni tidak kita menjadikan para pemimpin agama kita menghalalkan atau mengharamkan sesuatu yang tidak dihalalkan atau diharamkan oleh allah. jika mereka berpaling, walaupun hal penolakan mereka diragukan mengingat jelasnya bukti-bukti yang disampaikan, ini dipahami dari kata in yang digunakan ayat ini; maka katakanlah: “saksikanlah, yakni ketahuilah, dan akuilah, bahwa kami orang-orang muslim yang berserah diri (kepada allah)”, sebagaimana yang diajarkan oleh nabi ibrahim as. pernyataan terakhir ini dipahami oleh sementara mufassir59 sebagai bermakna, “jika mereka berpaling menolak ajakan ini, maka semua dalil telah membuktikan kekeliruan kalian, dan dengan demikian kalian harus mengakui bahwa kami (bukan kalian) orang-orang yang benar-benar muslim, yaitu menyerahkan diri kepada allah sebagaimana yang diajarkan oleh ibrahim as. dan diwasiatkan olehnya.” m. quraish shihab dalam tafsirannya menjelaskan lebih lanjut perihal pengakuan ahl al-kitab ini. menurutnya, pengakuan yang dilontarkan oleh ahl al-kitb atas eksisitensi seorang muslim, juga berarti menimbulkan tuntutan bagi ahl al-kitb untuk membiarkan orang muslim melaksanakan tuntunan agamanya. begitu pun sebaliknya, orang muslim yang telah mengakui eksistensi ahl al-kitb, meski tidak mempercayai apa yang mereka percayai, namun tetap mempersilahkan mereka untuk melaksanakan 73vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 agamanya, seperti yang tercantum dalam al-qur’an ‘bagimu agamamu, dan bagiku agamaku.’60 setelah mengkaji lebih lanjut mengenai penafsiran ulama nusantara terhadap surah li ‘imrn ayat 64, maka dapat diketahui bahwa secara garis besar terdapat persamaan pendapat akan kalimatun saw`. kalimatun saw` ialah kalimat yang sama, adil dan berimbang, yakni satu kalimat yang di dalamnya tidak terdapat perselisihan dan yang dapat menjadi titik pertemuan di antara mereka (orang mukmin dan ahl al-kitb). penjelasan lebih lanjut mengenai kalimatun saw‘ dijabarkan pada potongan berikutnya di ayat tersebut yakni ‘all na’buda ill allh wa l nusyrika bihi syai‘an wa l yattakhidza ba’un ba’an arbban min dnillah’ yang artinya ‘bahwa kita tidak menyembah selain allah dan kita tidak mempersekutukan-nya dengan sesuatu pun, dan bahwa kita tidak menjadikan satu sama lain tuhan-tuhan selain allah’. keempat mufassir menyatakan terdapat tiga pokok utama dalam kalimatun saw‘ yakni pertama, mengesakan allah dengan tunduk patuh serta tulus menyembah-nya, kedua, tidak mempersekutukan-nya dengan suatu apapun walau dengan sedikit persekutuan itu, dan ketiga, tidak menjadikan sebagian dari manusia sebagai tuhan selain-nya, yakni tidak menaati mereka dalam penghalalan dan pengharaman selain yang telah ditentukan oleh allah swt. setelah perintah allah agar nabi muhammad saw. mengajak ahl alkitb kepada kalimat yang sama, menyembah allah yang maha esa, banyak dari mereka yang menolak ajakan tersebut. dan rasulullah diperintahkan untuk berkata kepada mereka, ‘isyhad bi ann muslimn’ (bersaksilah kalian bahwa kami adalah orang-orang muslim). keempat mufassir sepakat bahwa sikap tersebut merupakan sebuah penegasan, yaitu bahwa pendirian kami (orang-orang muslim) ialah bersikap ikhlas menyerahkan diri kepada allah saja, tidak mempersekutukan dia dengan suatu yang lain, tidak menuhankan manusia, baik nabi ataupun pemuka-pemuka agama. penegasan tersebut merupakan sikap atas penolakan terhadap ajakan yang telah diajukan kepada mereka (ahl al-kitb). semua dalil telah membuktikan bahwa mereka telah keliru, oleh karena itu mereka harus mengakui bahwa orang-orang muslim adalah yang telah menyerahkan diri hanya kepada allah sebagaimana yang diajarkan dan diwasiatkan pula oleh nabi ibrahim as. 74 afkaruna penutup dalam konteks studi tafsir nusantara tentang tema kalimatun saw‘, dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa secara keseluruhan kalimatun saw‘ yang terdapat dalam al-qur’an surah li ‘imrn ayat 64 dimaksudkan sebagai kalimat yang sama, adil, tidak terdapat perselisihan di dalamnya dan dapat menjadi titik pertemuan di antara mereka (muslim dan ahl al-kitb). keempat ulama nusantara menafsirkan ayat tersebut merupakan sebuah ajakan kepada ahl al-kitb agar mereka kembali kepada kalimatun saw‘ (kalimat yang sama) yakni semata-mata menyembah allah swt., tidak menyekutukannya dengan sesuatu apapun, dan tidak menjadikan sesama manusia sebagai tuhan baginya. jikalau mereka tetap menolak pada ajakan tersebut, maka hendaknya kaum muslimin meninggalkan perdebatan karena sungguh mereka telah mengingkari pokok ajaran yang telah disampaikan kepada mereka oleh nabi-nabi terdahulu yang tertulis dalam kitab suci mereka sendiri. secara global, penafsiran ini menyetujui pendapat dari ulama tafsir klasik seperti al-nabar dan juga banyak mengikuti pendapat ulama kontemporer sebelumnya, seperti sayyid quob dan wahbah zuhaili. namun jika dilihat dari bentuk penafsiran, terdapat perbedaan di antara keempat mufasir, ada yang mengurai makna ayat secara global seperti penafsiran m. quraish shihab, hingga berusaha menghubungkan makna ayat dengan permasalahan yang terjadi di masyarakat seperti yang dilakukan oleh hasbi ash-shiddieqy dan buya hamka. meski terdapat perbedaan tersebut, pada akhirnya dapat dipelajari bahwa penafsiran tersebut saling mendukung dan melengkapi penjelasan mengenai kalimatun saw‘ terutama dalam hubungannya di kehidupan masyarakat plural (majemuk) seperti indonesia. meskipun objek yang dituju pada ayat ini hanyalah kepada hubungan antara kaum muslimin dengan ahl al-kitb, akan tetapi nilai kebersamaan dalam ayat ini dapat diimplementasikan ke dalam hubungan umat beragama dan bernegara secara keseluruhan, hingga dapat menimbulkan keharmonisan dan kedamaian antara satu sama lain. catatan akhir 1 nusantara merupakan sebutan (nama) bagi seluruh wilayah kepulauan indonesia. lihat, tim redaksi, kamus besar bahasa indonesia pusat bahasa edisi keempat, (jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama, 2008). 2 parsudi suparlan, “kesetaraan warga dan hak budaya komuniti dalam 75vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 masyarakat majemuk indonesia” antropologi indonesia, vol. 66, juli 2001. 3 gina lestari, “bhinneka tunggal ika: khasanah multikultural indonesia di tengah kehidupan sara” jurnal pendidikan pancasila dan kewarganegaraan, vol. 28, nomor 1, pebruari 2015. 4 tim redaksi, “damai dalam kalimah sawa’,” kalimatun saw’, vol. 01, no. 01, 2003. 5 peristiwa tersebut berawal dari seorang ibu keturunan etnik tionghoa (cina) yang datang ke masjid untuk memprotes karena kumandang azan mengganggu yang bersangkutan, kemudian masyarakat muslim di sekitar itu marah dan membakar puluhan vihara dan klenteng di tanjung balai, sumatera utara. lihat marsudi utoyo, “akar masalah konflik keagamaan di indonesia” jurnal lex librum, vol. iii, no. 1, desember 2016, h. 369. 6 ekslusif berarti terpisah dari yang lain atau tidak termasuk, eksklusivisme berarti paham yang mempunyai kecenderungan untuk memisahkan diri dari masyarakat. inklusivisme adalah kebalikan dari eksklusivisme. lihat tiim redaksi, kamus bahasa indonesia pusat bahasa edisi keempat, (jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama, 2008). 7 lihat q.s. al-m‘idah [5]: 48. 8 lihat q.s. al-hujurt [59]: 13. 9 lihat q.s. al-baqarah [2]: 148. 10 mujianto solichin, “muslim and christian understanding: theory and aplication of “a common word between us and you” (studi pemikiran mohamed talbi dalam buku ‘iyl allh afkr jaddah f ‘alaqt al-muslim bi nafsihi wa bi al-kharn),” religi:jurnal studi islam, vol. 6, no. 1, april 2015. 11 lexy s. moloeng, metode penelitian kualitatif (bandung: pt. remaja rosda karya, 1988). 12 al-nabar, jmi’ al-bayn ‘an ta`wl ayi al-qur’n, terj. akhmad affandi, (jakarta: pustaka azzam, 2008) jilid 5. 13 al-qurthubi, al-jmi’ li ahkm al-qur’n, 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(semarang: cv toha putra, 1989). 15 ibnu taimiyyah, tafsr syaikh al-islm ibn taimiyyah, ed. iyyad bin abdullatif bi ibrahim, (saudi arabia: dar ibn al-jauzi, 1432 h) jilid ii. 16 sayyid quthb, tafsir fi-zhilalil qur’an: di bawah naungan al-qur’an jilid ii, terj. aunur rafiq shaleh, (jakarta: robbani press, 2001). 17 wahbah zuhaili, tafsir al-munir jilid 2, terj. abdul hayyie al-kattani, dkk, (jakarta: gema insani, 2013). 18 muhammad ali al-shabuni, shafwatut tafasir (tafsir-tafsir pilihan), terj. yasin, (jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar, 2010), jilid 1. 19 seyyed hossein nasr, “we and you let us meet in god’s love” (makalah dipresentasikan pada “love of god, love of neighbour” 1st catholic-muslim forum conference, vatican city, 4-6 nopember 2008). 20 lihat a. guillaume, the life of muhammad, (karachi: oxford university press, 76 afkaruna 1970). lihat juga, a.sjalabi, sedjarah dan kebudajaan islam (djakarta: djajamurni, 1970). lihat juga, badri yatim, sejarah peradaban islam (jakarta: raja grafindo persada, 1993). 21 lihat w. montgomery watt, muhammad at medina (london: oxford university press, 1956). 22 tulisan nurcholish madjid yang penuh dengan nuansa dialog ini disampaikan di taman ismail marzuki 21 oktober 1992, beberapa renungan tentang kehidupan keagamaan unutuk generasi mendatang. lihat nurcholish madjid, “beberapa renungan tentang kehidupan keagamaan untuk generasi mendatang”, jurnal ulumul qur’an, no. 1 vol.iv, 1993. 23 genealogis berarti berhungan dengan genealogi, genealogi berarti garis keturunan manusia dalam hubungan keluarga sedarah, lihat tim redaksi, kamus bahasa indonesia pusat bahasa edisi keempat, (jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama, 2008). 24 nurcholish madjid, “hubungan antar umat beragama: antara ajaran dan kenyataan”, dalam w.a.l stokhof (red.), ilmu perbandingan agama di indonesia (beberapa permasalahan), (jakarta: inis, 1990), jilid vii. 25 jimly assiddiqie, “ideologi, pancasila, dan konstitusi”, mahkamah konstitusi republik indonesia, tt. 26 “ketum mui: pancasila itu kalimatun sawa”, andi nur aminah, akses 28 desember 2018, https://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islamnusantara/18/07/12/pbr14x384-ketum-mui-pancasila-itu-kalimatun-sawa. 27 “pancasila adalah ‘kalimatun sawa’”, koko triarko, akses 28 desember 2018, https://www.cendananews.com/2017/07/pancasila-adalah-kalimatunsawa.html. 28 m. deden ridwan, “membangun teologi kerukunan” dalam nurcholish madjid, dkk. kehampaan spiritual masyarakat modern, (jakarta: media cita, 2000). 29 m. amin abdullah, “etika dan dialog antar agama: persektif islam”, jurnal ulumul qur’an, no. 4 vol. iv, 1993. 30 abdul moqsith ghazali, argumen pluralisme agama: membangun toleransi berbasis al-qur’an, (depok: katakita, 2009). 31 zuhairi misrawi, al-qur’an kitab toleransi, (jakarta: fitrah, 2007). 32 islah gusmian, “tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia: sejarah dan dinamika” nun, vol. 1, no. 1, 2015. 33 howard m. federspiel, kajian al-qur’an di indonesia dari mahmud yunus hingga quraish shihab, tej. tajul arifin, (bandung: mizan, 1996). 34 islah gusmian, “tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia: sejarah dan dinamika” nun, vol. 1, no. 1, 2015. 35 hasani ahmad said, “mengenal tafsir nusantara: melacak mata rantai tafsir dari indonesia, malaysia, thailand, singapura hingga brunei darussalam”, refleksi, vol. 16, no. 2, oktober 2017. 36 hasani ahmad said, “menguhkan kembali tradisi pesantren di nusantara”, ibda’ jurnal kebudayaan islam, vol. 9, no. 2, juli desember 2011. 37 hasani ahmad said, “islam dan budaya di banten: menelisik tradisi debus dan maulid”, kalam: jurnal studi agama dan pemikiran islam, vol. 10, no.1, https://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islamhttps://www.cendananews.com/2017/07/pancasila-adalah-kalimatun77vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 juni 2016. 38 howard m. federspiel, kajian al-qur’an di indonesia dari mahmud yunus hingga quraish shihab, tej. tajul arifin, (bandung: mizan, 1996). 39 hasani ahmad said, “mengenal tafsir nusantara: melacak mata rantai tafsir dari indonesia, malaysia, thailand, singapura hingga brunei darussalam”, refleksi, vol. 16, no. 2, oktober 2017. 1 syaikh muhammad nawawi al-jawi, marh labd tafsr al-nawaw, jilid 1, h. 102 40 syaikh nawawi dalam menjelaskan perihal objek diturunkannya ayat ini yakni kepada nasrani najran dengan mengutip hadis yang diriwayatkan oleh ibnu ‘abbs ra. akan tetapi ia tidak menyebutkan periwayatan hadisnya maupun mukharrijnya dengan lengkap. setelah dilakukan pencarian dalam kitab asbb al-nuzl, yakni dalam lubb al-nuql f asbb al-nuzl, tidak ditemukan hadis yang menyebabkan turunnya surah li ‘imrn ayat 64, akan tetapi terdapat hadis dari ibnu abbs pada sebab turunnya ayat sebelumnya yakni ayat 59-60 mengenai delegasi nasrani najran yang menghadap rasulullah dan menanyakan perihal isa anak allah. hadis tersebut: dikemukakan pula oleh ibnu abi hatim yang bersumber dari al-‘auf dari ibnu ‘abbs ia berkata, “ada segolongan nasrani najran datang menghadap rasulullah saw. termasuk di dalamnya pemimpin mereka dan wakilnya, lalu berkatalah mereka, “mengapa engkau menyebut sahabat kami?”. rasulullah saw. menjawab, “siapakah dia itu?”. mereka menjawab, “isa, yang engkau sangka hamba allah”. lalu bersabdalah beliau, “benar”. maka berkatalah mereka, “apa engkau tahu yang semisal isa, ataukah engkau pernah diberi tahu tentang dia?”. kemudian mereka keluar dan pergi dari rasulullah saw. maka datanglah mailkat jibril, lalu berkata, “katakanlah kepada mereka bila mereka datang kepadamu, (inna matsala ‘is ‘inda allah kamatsali dam), hingga (min al-mumtarn).” (awal ayat 59 hingga akhir ayat 60). lihat al-suyo, lubb al-nuql f asbb al-nuzl, (bairt: dr ihy` al-‘ulm, 1983), h. 52. lihat juga al-imam jalaludin as-suyuti, riwayat turunnya ayat-ayat suci al-qur’an, ed. m. abdul mujieb as., (surabaya: mutiara ilmu, 1986), h. 105. lihat juga, a. mudjab mahali, asbabun nuzul studi pendalaman al-qur’an, (jakarta: rajawali pers, 1989), h. 150. 41 mubahalah ialah masing-masing pihak di antara orang-orang yang berbeda pendapat berdoa kepada allah dengan sungguh-sungguh, agar allah menjatuhkan laknat kepada pihak yang berdusta. nabi mengajak utusan nasrani najran ber-mubhalah tetapi mereka tidak berani dan ini menjadi bukti kebenaran nabi muhammad saw. lihat catatan kaki tentang mubahalah pada kementerian agama ri, al-qur’an dan terjemahnya, (bandung: pt. sygma examedia arkanleema, 2010). 42 jizyah berasal dari bahasa arab jazaya yang berarti upeti, membalas jasa atau mengganti kerugian. lihat adib bisri, munair a. fattah, al-bisri kamus indonesia-arab, arab-indonesia, (surabaya: pustaka progresif) h. 73. sedangkan jizyah dalam ilmu fiqh berarti pajak kepala atau pajak perseorangan yang dikeluarkan terhadap orang-orang non-muslim (ahl al-zimmah) tertentu yang telah mengikat perjanjian dengan pemerintah. lihat abdul fatah, dkk, ensiklopedi islam, jilid 2, (jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar), h. 526. kata jizyah sudah diserap ke dalam bahasa indonesia dan tercantum dalam kbbi, yang berarti upeti atau pajak 78 afkaruna yang dikenakan kepada orang (negeri) bukan islam oleh pemerintah (negeri) islam yang menaklukkannya (terakhir dihapuskan oleh khalifah umar bin khattab). tim redaksi, kamus besar bahasa indonesia pusat bahasa edisi keempat, (jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama, 2008). 43 syaikh muhammad nawawi al-jawi, marh labd tafsr al-nawaw, (dr al-kutub al-islmiyyah, tt.), jilid 1. 44 syaikh muhammad nawawi al-jawi, marh labd tafsr al-nawaw, (dr al-kutub al-islmiyyah, tt.), jilid 1. 45 muhammmad hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-qur’anul majid an-nuur, (semarang: pt. pustaka rizki putra, 2000). 46 tau–d ulhiyyah ialah keesaan allah dalam beribadah dan tau–d rubbiyyah ialah keesaan allah dalam penciptaan alam, lihat muhammmad hasbi ashshiddieqy, tafsir al-qur’anul majid an-nuur, (semarang: pt. pustaka rizki putra, 2000). pernyataan serupa mengenai dua kandungan tauhid dalam ayat ini terdapat dalam tafsir al-munr karya wahbah zuhaili, lihat wahbah zuhaili, tafsir al-munir jilid 2, terj. abdul hayyie al-kattani dkk., (jakarta: gema insani, 2013). 47 muhammmad hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-qur’anul majid an-nuur, (semarang: pt. pustaka rizki putra, 2000). 48 muhammmad hasbi ash-shiddieqy, tafsir al-qur’anul majid an-nuur, (semarang: pt. pustaka rizki putra, 2000). 49 ar tinya: apakah mereka mempunyai sesembahan selain allah yang menetapkan aturan agama bagi mereka yang tidak diizinkan (diridai) allah? dan sekiranya tidak ada ketetapan yang menunda (hukuman dari allah), tentulah hukuman di antara mereka telah dilaksanakan. dan sungguh, orang-orang zalim itu akan mendapat azab yang sangat pedih. lihat kementerian agama ri, al-qur’an dan terjemahnya, (bandung: pt. sygma examedia arkanleema, 2010). 50 artinya: dan janganlah kamu mengatakan terhadap apa yang disebut-sebut oleh lidahmu secara dusta “ini halal dan ini haram”, untuk mengada-adakan kebohongan terhadap allah. sesungguhnya orang yang mengada-adakan kebohongan terhadap allah tidak akan beruntung. lihat kementerian agama ri, al-qur’an dan terjemahnya, (bandung: pt. sygma examedia arkanleema, 2010). 51 dalam penafsirannya akan hal ini, hasbi memberi catatan kaki untuk merujuk pada qs. al-syura [42]: 21; “apakah mereka mempunyai sembahan-sembahan selain allah yang mensyaiatkan untuk mereka agama yang tidak diizinkan allah? sekiranya tak ada ketetapan yang menentukan (dari allah) tentulah mereka telah dibinasakan. dan sesungguhnya orang-orag yang zalim itu akan memperoleh azab yang amat pedih.” dan qs. al-nahl [16]: 116; “dan janganlah kamu mengatakan terhadap apa yang disebut-sebut oleh lidahmu scara dusta “ini halal dan ini haram”, untuk mengadaadakan kebohongan terhadap allah. sesungguhnya orang-orang yang mengada-adakan kebohongan terhadap allah tiadalah beruntung.” 52 hamka, tafsir al-azhar juz iii, (jakarta: pustaka panjimas, 2003) 79vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 53 hamka mengutip hadis dari ‘adiy bin hatim, yang berbunyi: telah menceritakan kepada kami ‘ali bin ‘abd al-‘azz ia berkata, telah menceritakan kepada kami abu ghassn mlik bin ism‘l dan ibn al-ashbahn ia berkata, telah mencertakan kepada kami abu hasn al-q ia berkata telah menceritakan kepada kami yahya al-hassn mereka berkata telah menceritakan kepada kami ‘abd al-salm bin harb dari mas‘ab bin sa‘ad dari ‘adiy bin htim ia berkata, “suatu ketika, saya datang menemui rasulullah saw. dan waktu itu di leher saya terdapat salib yang terbuat dari emas, lalu beliau berkata, “wahai ‘adiy, singkirkan dari dirimu patung salib itu.” saya mendengar beliau membaca ayat 31 surah at-taubah, “mereka menjadikan orang-orang alim (yahudi), dan rahibrahib nasrani sebagai tuhan selain allah.” lalu saya berkata, “wahai rasulullah, tetapi mereka tidak menyembah para agamawan dan rahib-rahib mereka.” lalu beliau berkata, “bukankah mereka membuat-buat hukum, menghalalkan ini dan mengharamkan itu untuk kalian, lalu kalian mengikuti dan menaati hukum-hukum yang mereka buat-buat tersebut?” ‘adiy bin htim berkata, “benar.” lalu beliau berkata, “seperti itulahyang dimaksudkan oleh ayat ini.” lihat sulaiman bin ahmad abu al-qsim al-nabrn, mu’jam al-kabr, (muwassal: maktabah al-‘ulm wa al-hikm, 1983), jilid 17. 54 surat itu berbunyi:“bismillahir-rahmanir-rahim, dari muhammad abdillahi wa rasulihi (hamba allah dan utusan-nya) kepada heraclius orang agung bangsa romawi. selamatlah atas barang siapa yang sudi mengikuti kebenaran. amma ba’du; maka dengan ini aku mengajak engkau dengan membawa seruan islam. islamlah supaya engkau selamat, dan allah akan memberikan pahala-nya atas engkau dua kali. tetapi jika engkau palingkan muka engkau, maka dosa seluruh penduduk erisiyin tertanggung atas pundak engkau. “wahai ahl al-kitb, marilah kemari, kepada kalimat yang di antara kami dan di antara kamu (yaitu) bahwa tidak kita menyembah melainkan kepada allah, bahwa tidak kita mempersekutukan dengan dia sesuatu pun.” (sampai kepada akhir surah kiriman itu). lihat hamka, tafsir al-azhar juz iii. 55 m. quraish shihab, tafsir al-misb–: pesan, kesan dan keserasian al-qur’an, (jakarta: lentera hati, 2006). 56 pertemuan nabi dengan delegasi kristen najran yang dimaksud adalah berhubungan dengan peristiwa sebab turunnya ayat-ayat sebelumnya (qs. li ‘imrn [3]: 59-62) yakni mengenai peristiwa mubhalah antara kaum nasrani najran dengan nabi muhammad saw. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa, meski m. quraish shihab tidak menjelaskan sebab turunnya ayat 64 ini, akan tetapi tetap menghubungkannya dengan ayat sebelumnya. sama dengan yang dilakukan oleh ulama nusantara lainnya. peristiwa tersebut seperti yang dijelaskan dalam kitab lubb al-nuql f asbb al-nuzl karya al-suyo yakni: “dikemukakan oleh ibnu sa’di di dalam al-nabaqt yang bersumber dari alarzaq bin qais, ia berkata, “uskup najran dan wakilnya datang menghadap nabi saw. lalu nabbi saw. menawarkan kepada kedua orang itu memeluk islam. maka berkatalah mereka, “sesungguhnya kami sebelum engkau sudah 80 afkaruna muslim.” nabi saw. bersabda, “kalian berdua telah berdusta, karena ada tiga hal yang menghalangi kalian masuk islam, yaitu: a) kalian mengatakan bahwa allah punya anak, b) kalian makan daging babi, dan c) kalian bersujud kepada berhala.” kedua orang tadi bertanya, “kalau demikian, siapakah ayah isa?” pada saat itu rasulullah saw. tidak tahu bagaimana harus menjawabnya. hingga allah menurunkan ayat ‘inna matsala ‘is ‘indallhi’ sampai ‘wa innallha lahuwal ‘azzul hakm’ (awal ayat 59 hingga akhir ayat 62). lalu rasulullah mengajak dua orang tadi untuk saling bersumpah, akan tetapi kedua orang itu tidak mau dan memilih membayar jizyah (denda). lalu mereka berdua kembali.”” lihat al-suyo, lubb al-nuql f asbb al-nuzl, (bairt: dr ihy` al-‘ulm, 1983). lihat juga al-imam jalaludin as-suyuti, riwayat turunnya ayat-ayat suci al-qur’an, ed. m. abdul mujieb as., (surabaya: mutiara ilmu, 1986). lihat juga, a. mudjab mahali, asbabun nuzul studi pendalaman al-qur’an, (jakarta: rajawali pers, 1989). 57 dalam bukunya yang lain, m. quraish shihab menjelaskan perihal pengertian ahlul kitab dan pendapat sementara ulama lain akan hal tersebut. seperti pendapat imam syafi’i yang menyatakan bahwa yang disebut ahlul kitab adalah orang yahudi dan nasrani keturunan bangsa israel, tidak termasuk bangsabangsa lain yang menganut agama yahudi dan nasrani. imam abu hanifah dan ulama hanafiah menyatakan bahwa yang disebut ahlul kitab adalah siapapun yang mempercayai salah seorang nabi, atau kitab yang pernah diturunkan allah swt., tidak terbatas pada kelompok penganut agama yahudi dan nasrani. dengan demikian, bila ada orang-orang yang hanya percaya kepada su–uf ibrhm atau kitab zabur, maka ia termasuk dalam jangkaun pengertian ahlul kitab. di samping itu sebagian ulama salaf menyatakan bahwa setiap umat yang diduga memiliki kitab suci dapat dianggap sebagai ahlul kitab, seperti halnya orang-orang majusi. kesimpulan yang diambil oleh quraish shihab bahwa yang dimaksud dengan ahlul kitab adalah semua penganut agama yahudi dan nasrani, kapan, dimanapun dan dari keturunan siapapun mereka. lihat m. quraish shihab, wawasan al-qur’an, tafsir maudhu’i atas pelbagai persoalan umat (bandung: mizan, 1997). 58 m. quraish shihab, tafsir al-misb–: pesan, kesan dan keserasian al-qur’an, (jakarta: lentera hati, 2006). 59 m. quraish shihab dalam tafsirannya mengutip pendapat sementara para mufassir namun tidak menerangkan lebih lanjut siapa saja mufassir yang ia kutip. akan tetapi m. quraish shihab mengakui apa yang ia uraikan bukan sepenuhnya ijtihad sendiri, melainkan banyak merujuk karya-karya ulama terdahulu dan kontemporer, diantaranya ibrahim umar al-biqa‘i (w. 885 h/ 1480 m), sayyid muhammad thanthawi, mutawalli sya‘rawi, sayyid quthb, muhammad thahir bin ashur, dan muhammad husain thabathaba‘i. lihat, m. quraish shihab, tafsir al-misb–: pesan, kesan dan keserasian al-qur’an, (jakarta: lentera hati, 2006). 60 lihat qs. al-kfirn [109]: 6 81vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 daftar pustaka al-shabuni, muhammad ali, 2010. safwah al-tafsr. penerjemah kh. yasin. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar. aminah, andi nur. ketum mui: pancasila itu kalimatun sawa. 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[internet] [diakses 28 desember 2018]. tersedia pada https://www.genial.id/pancasila-itukalimatun-sawa-bangsa-indonesia/#. said, hasani ahmad. 2013. “dekonstruksi syariah: menggagas hukum waris perspektif jender”. jurnal al-‘adalah vol. xi, no.1 januari. said, hasani ahmad. 2016. “islam dan budaya di banten: menelisik tradisi debus dan maulid”. kalam: jurnal studi agama dan pemikiran islam, vol. 10, no.1, juni. said, hasani ahmad. 2011.”meneguhkan kembali tradisi pesantren di nusantara”. ibda’ jurnal kebudayaan islam, vol. 9, no. 2, juli desember. said, hasani ahmad. 2017.”mengenal tafsir nusantara: melacak mata rantai tafsir dari indonesia, malaysia, thailand, singapura hingga brunei darussalam”. refleksi, vol. 16, no. 2, oktober. shihab, m. quraish. 2006. tafsir al-misb–: pesan, kesan dan keserasian al-qur’an. jakarta: lentera hati. solichin, mujianto. 2015. “muslim and christian understanding: theory and aplication of “a common word between us and you” (studi pemikiran mohamed talbi dalam buku ‘iyl allh afkr jaddah f ‘alaqt al-muslim bi nafsihi wa bi al-kharn),” religi:jurnal studi islam, vol. 6, no. 1, april. triarko, koko. pancasila adalah ‘kalimatun sawa’. [internet] [diakses 28 desember 2018]. tersedia pada https://www.cendananews.com/2017/07/pancasilaadalah-kalimatun-sawa.html. zuhaili, wahbah. 2013.tafsir al-munir jilid 2. penerjemah abdul hayyie al-kattani, dkk. jakarta: gema insani. https://www.republika.co.id/berita/duniahttps://www.genial.id/pancasila-ituhttps://www.cendananews.com/2017/07/pancasilajurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 reconstruction of general education policy in universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0115.99-113 sadam fajar shodiq1, abas asyafah2 fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta1 universitas pendidikan indonesia2 sadamfajarshodiq@fai.umy.ac.id 1 abstract general education is not a merely portable decoration in university. in recent curriculum of general education, it has collectively played significant role in determining student’s success, achievement, retention and graduation. this research, then, aimed to know how far the implementation of mkdu (general education) policy in university, particularly in umy. technically, the research method employed in this research was descriptive-qualitative method, using data collection technique by in-depth interview, observation, and documentation. as a result, the findings of this research demonstrate that mkdu policy in umy was as follows: (1) mkdu was under coordination of vice rector of academic affairs; (2) mkdu implementation was the responsibility of head of study program respectively; (3) credit of mkdu was regulated by rector through vice rector of academic affairs; (4) majority of mkdu lecturers was in accordance with their field; (5) mkdu development was performed via regular workshop in university; (6) besides special courses, values of mkdu were taught in each subject course by sciences integrity. keywords: reconstruction, policy, mkdu (general education) introduction typically, academic field commonly admits that general education is an educational concept originally derived from severe university professionalism since the industrial revolution. while, epistemologically, the concept comes subsequently from the old greek of liberal education [1]. a general education, indisputably, has inserted new content into goals of liberal education. initially, the concept of “general education” was proposed in the beginning of the 19th century by an american scholar, as packard, and later, it was 100 afkaruna developed and reformulated through “free choice” by cw eliot, “concentration and distribution” by al lowell [2]. since the 20th century, various scholars have attempted to clarify the concept of general education, but there is no concept attracting more intention than general education does, and there is no concept that can elevate interpretations as many as general education does [3]. thus, any attempt to identify general education seemingly becomes a tiresome duty. if we analyze from epistemological view, general education is derived from latin “stadium generale”, studying with people coming from all places [4]. in this case, the word “general” within the term of general education is not understood as “accustomed, order,” but “for all” in latin’s sense. it means that he/she has democratic feeling, “for all people” than elite education, aimed for exclusive group. it seems, then, that the first interpretation of general education is the broad target of education. nonetheless, general education arises to revise any shortage of specialization based-professional education, but there is differed perception related to relationship of both. following three representative points are: (1) general education and specialization based-education are parallel concepts, (2) specialization based-education is a concept above of general education, and (3) specialization based-education is a concept below general education [5]. those three perspectives represent different point of view. in general, the first obtains easier reception from people, since it is deliberately in accordance with awakening of general education. secondly, it is popular in education practice, taking general education as a delusive specialization based-education version. obviously speaking, it misinterprets reality and results on difficulty of general education to accept sufficient stressing, and, even, dissolves into immateriality. the third is an ideal assessment since university goes toward modernity to seize pure knowledge, and professionalism will remain becoming a main theme of contemporary university. practically, in education case, it is useless to underestimate or exaggerate function of general education, and we should consider specialization basededucation and general education as organic organism, as important as and an integral part to achieve objectives of education. this fact shows that general education is not a portable decoration in university, since, no matter how fast human develops, they necessarily muse human’s root, substantially objective of general education. a taiwanese scholar, huang junjie, argued that “what is considered as general education is a type of education building 101vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 someone’s subjectivity, solving self-liberation, and establishing interdependent relationship between humanistic and natural environment of human existence [6] and a type of education supplementing “human awakening” [1]. therefore, purpose of general education is to make students build their completely liberal quality, and facilitate their self-liberation and freedom. in short, general education is an educational process to liberate human wisdom and avoid narrow view, ability, and knowledge. the second interpretation of general education, thus, is to liberate individual wisdom and achieve spiritual freedom. as general education is aimed to “develop actively participating citizen or people in social activity and have social responsibility” developed comprehensively,” and “establish social governance”, which its contents demand following issues: (1) not only consider concept of universal value given, but also actual condition of state or territory; (2) not only demand wisdom enlightenment in theoretical class, but also manage certain activity class to obtain profound experience; (3) not only stress on humanistic value of education, but also consider sciences; and (4) not only design some basic subject courses, but also develop some developing subject courses, freely chosen by students. it means that comprehensive design of general education content must entail four principles, combining universality and locality, theory and practice, humanities and sciences, and basic and development. in doing so, the third interpretation of general education is an equilibrium of education content. those third interpretations of general education, such as a broad target of education, liberating education purpose, and equilibrium of education content, periodically turn as basic consensus on general education. hence, it becomes collectively stepping stone of our analysis against practice of general education. recent curriculum of general education, collectively, has played significant role in determining students’ success, satisfaction, retention, and graduation. such curriculum includes basic subject courses of general education, namely bahasa, history, arts, humanity, mathematics, foreign language, social sciences, physics along with laboratory component. special subject courses, such as development/refining program, diversity or multicultural, and carrier and academical subject courses are significant component, individually or collectively, from general education for requirement of graduation in some universities. as referred to laws number 12 of 2012 on higher education, an education having ability to develop sciences and technology 102 afkaruna and producing a civilized, creative, tolerant, democratic, heroic intellectual, scientist, and/or professional in defending truth for national interest is necessary. in article 35 section 2, curriculum of higher education is a guideline of learning implementation to achieve the goal of university, mandatorily containing following subject courses: a. religion; b. pancasila; c. civic; and d. bahasa, performed through curricular, cocurricular and extracurricular activity. research method this research having been conducted by employing descriptive-qualitative method. qualitative approach was employed since the researcher would like to observe naturally how the process of policy decision-making on mkdu (general education) in university. muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta was research site with research’s subjects comprising of stakeholders, such as rector, vice rector, dean, vice dean, head of study program, lecturer, and students, previously having been decided purposively. data collection technique was done by in-depth interview, observation, and documentation. after the data were collected, analysis using miles & huberman model [7] was utilized, under the following procedures: (1) data collection; (2) data reduction; (3) data displaying; (4) verification/conclusion drawing. discussion according to academic business process and quality point of curriculum and learning process in the study program of pai in umy, the implementation of competence based-curriculum (kbk) had been conducted since 2013. in 2015, there was curriculum adjustment pursuant to kkni and national standard of higher education (snpt), turning into higher education curriculum (kpt) focused to optimize development of learning process and information system through strengthening learning outcome and graduates competitiveness, consisting of improvement on practical skills and soft skills quality and learning effectiveness utilizing student centered learning (scl) model and drafting efficiency of final assignment. hopefully, graduates of the study program of pai, demonstrated in profile of graduates, had competitiveness in work field. review materials were taken (sourced) from discipline of the study program. while, determining review materials was by deciding discipline cluster based on main, supporting, identifier and others related to learning outcome in the study program of pai, based on sciences, technology, and arts. the 103vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 calculation phases were as follows: (1) determining courses’ load by stipulating materials’ coverage and depth of each learning outcome and review materials of each courses based on bloom’s taxonomy; (2) deciding courses’ credit by a mean of dividing courses’ load with total of loads of all courses and multiplied by total of credits compulsory achieved within one learning cycle in the study program. expertise and discipline review public and “stake holder” needs information inventory step and data collection, involving association, stake holder, university, or study program students learning plan forming subject course and credits (sks) constructing curriculum structure selection & credit of review materials critical part where the role of graduates is determined and adjusted with the level referring to kkni and sndikti considering coverage and depth of material mastery referring to sndikti for credit (sks) and a series/sequence of review mastery selecting a precise strategy and describing graduation indicators learning outcome (cp) profile of graduates figure 1. scheme of credit stipulation (as cited from document of curriculum of study program of pai, umy) basic subject courses, or commonly known as mkdu (general education) are compulsory taken by students studying in either undergraduate or diploma level. having self-autonomy in designing its curriculum, university can still add other mkdus to refine learning outcome and desired character building. muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta (umy) implementing four principles of higher education had also added its mkdu within curriculum structure of university, comprising of english, entrepreneurship, and muhammadiyah. provisions of mkdu in umy were as follows: (1) mkdu was under vice rector of academic affairs; (2) implementation of mkdu became responsible of head of study program, respectively; (3) credits of mkdu were regulated by vice rector of academic affairs on behalf of rector; (4) majority of mkdu lecturers was in accordance with their expertise; (5) development of mkdu was performed through regular workshop in university; (6) aside of special subject courses, mkdu’s values were taught in every subject course 104 afkaruna by discipline integration (the result of document analysis). discussion the main curriculum of university assumes that the first two years of study is optimal time for personal development significantly, based on historical and scientific knowledge in order to investigate various patterns and values of culture and develop critical thinking and effective communication. higher education has additional reasons to require taking main course of general education. first, some students have perhaps found a hidden passion on certain major as the result of requirement on taking general education course [8]. after enjoying such class, students may find themselves undergoing lecturing or taking unsuitable major in academic field as they have not considered yet [3]. second, compulsory subject course ensures that each graduate of university has a series of equally basic tools desired by graduates acquittanced with analytical skills and strong sense of writing and basic knowledge of modern society globally [8]. figure 2. diagram of general education and main subject courses taking [1]. curriculum of general education recently, many undergraduate students in universities must complete about 10 up to 20 credits (sks) as requirements of main subject course. these credits, minimally 10 up to 20 credits (sks) can be taken in every undergraduate program, where any students satisfy requirements for registration under guideline stipulated by academic unit of university or department. the basic subject course can broaden students’ knowledge and skills outside of their major; such knowledge and skills can be useful in the future [9]. typically, curriculum of general education minimally comprises of four up to six courses (divided into six semesters), comprising of bahasa, religion, history, humanity, mathematics, foreign language, social sciences, and physics agama 105vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 along with laboratory component. for subject course of bahasa and english, it is compulsory to be taken orderly from similar study program [6]. curriculum of general education, collectively, has around 10-20% of credits (sks) taken by students before graduation. the subject course of general education is scheduled in the afternoon, evening, weekend, and online as distanced learning program [10]. special program (upgrading) many universities also offer special program (supplement) with a series of advanced subject courses to challenge talented students, particularly in the curriculum of general education. beside taking basic subject courses, students have also completed a series of supplementary academic standards. consequently, such subject courses can be officially accepted as special program; minimal credit unit and other administrative requirements must be compulsory to pass from this supplementary program (lei, personal observation). any student participating in special program can obtain substantial achievement of self-interpersonal, self-intellectuality, and artistic interest (astin, 1999). they involving in special program are incliningly more survive in university and expect to graduate soon and achieve professional degree (astin, 1999). therefore, special participation has positive correlation with students’ satisfaction, retention, and relation of students and faculty (astin, 1999). education implication the recent curriculum of general education in indonesia usually consists of 10 up to 20% from undergraduate curriculum of students. many students, averagely, take 2 up to 4 semesters, including “interim” semester, to complete all subject courses of general education (lei, personal observation). students in general are not required to take remedial, supplementary, and carrier courses. however, academic success and multicultural courses or equally have been added as part of general education curriculum in the last few decades. while adding two required courses, any institution can 1) replace existing two basic subject courses with academic success and multicultural subject courses; 2) substitute existing one basic subject course while supplementing academic success and multicultural subject courses; or 3) sufficiently add two new subject courses as part of graduation requirement (lei, personal observation). unfortunately, all students enjoy to take these courses, rela106 afkaruna tively two subject courses. academic success or equal subject courses in some universities, lecturers sometimes underestimate students’ personalized learning skills, since they usually generalize that students have higher motivation and self-discipline every time [1]. students’ personalized learning skills is significantly successful recipe of any student resulting a relatively higher retention and graduation of students in university. in doing so, multicultural subject courses have been implemented to solve campus diversity and work filed, particularly in this contemporary society. diversity can be seen publicly along with massive development of computer and technology where companies recruit and maintain high-qualified employees globally in order to maximize human resources and profit. nowadays, company has ordered its employee to work on various projects under a work team and members of this work team will be appreciated by others based on his/her expertise and skills in english. therefore, students need to know how to work in a team, how mode of communication develops, how to work cohesively with any individual from different background of culture and language in order to be implemented in work place in future. in detail, there are some main factors contributing against students’ retention and satisfaction in university [11]. partially, curriculum of general education determines students’ retention, satisfaction, and success in institution. students’ satisfaction contributes against motivation, motivation is predicting factor of students’ success [12]. the curriculum structure of general education, such as a series of program and total of parallel programs, seems important to motivate students to study regularly [3]. perhaps, students feel bored and demotivated to study regularly if two or more subject courses have highly similar content, mainly as similar instructors use similar teaching and assessing of such subject courses [13]. clearly, students’ satisfaction and retention is two key variables in determining students’ success or failure, subject course, curriculum/program, and university [14]. in short, administrator of university, faculty, and students should satisfy their responsibility respectively; they must also cooperate jointly to produce a directed and healthy academic community in the national level. improving strategies on “selling power” of general education 107vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 it is easily to find contradiction and issues arising from general education within contemporary universities. in one side, the importance of general education has been continuously affirmed in the goal of education, and, on the other hand, general education has been sustainably weakened and ignored practically [5]. basic subject course has significant role in general education, particularly “four courses” (religion, pancasila, civic, and bahasa) having dominant status, but the result of these courses is non-ideal and produces certain restriction effects for other subject courses. based on the fact, it is difficult for subject courses under general education to stimulate students’ interest in studying and they cannot fulfill students’ practical necessity, so it forms common phenomenon “missing subject course required selectively and missing all options”. here, it seems that design of subject of general education in university has a shortage. there is easily changing of review mechanism on subject courses and students can change from subject course of general education to other subject courses in order to “seize credits.” many universities stipulate remedial test or decide regulation for students who are failed in optional subject course to repeat such subject courses, and students only complete required credits for graduation. both policies create a status gap between both subject courses and result on students having concept of “level of subject course”-basic subject source required is the most important, general program required is the next, and option is the most minimal or insignificant. people can easily forecast the fate of optional subject courses. henceforth, it demonstrates that free choice is the biggest risk model in the practice of general education since general education can be ignored simply. coping with “knowledge centered” trend in general education to satisfy the goal of general education, many universities has selected, optimized, and determined which subject course of general education can be basic subject course, which is the most requested and chosen, and which credit must be managed. in example, study program of pai in muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta combined compulsory and optional subject course. there was nothing wrong with those courses, but it was better to think a trend of “knowledge centered” or “discipline centered”, shadowing behind [3]. we must show that “knowledge” in “general education” cannot demon108 afkaruna strate “knowledge” in all disciplines, but it forms “a wide-range insights and outstanding knowledge” and “knowledge wisdom”. we should present that general education is an education concept established under rationalism guidance, stressing on training through rational mode of thinking, and necessary creating liberated people. in disparity, we usually take general education to collect knowledge. therefore, committee of harvard displayed that “if we consider general education as one-by-one class, it is ashamed” [15], since one subject course cannot automatically form a whole and, thus, it cannot reach the goal of analytical thinking. such subject courses are easily separated from individual reality and it cannot attract students’ interest in order to achieve any success. also, they can assist popularity of sustainable teaching method as “feeding a duck”, obviously contradicted with initial intention of general education. as consequence, there are many universities in indonesia trying to break purely knowledge centered-education model, establishing in-house institution and higher education, and utilizing life experience to practice general education and breaking the absence of life education in the “first grade class”. integrating local culture in general education as general education stresses on universal content, it also should consider the importance of local knowledge. local knowledge is often abundant with wisdom and morality. in line with americanization of higher education in recent decade, it is highly important to stress on traditionally cultural resources, being identifier. the question on how to insert this traditionally cultural resources into general education has become a main issue for higher education in indonesia. traditional education of indonesia has broad coverage and profound insights, so the biggest challenge is which culture will be inserted into general education. an outstanding and well-known german sociologist, max weber, had ever compared confucianism and protestant ethics and concluded that “conservative and introvert nature of confucianism delays china modernization” [16]. one of example and comparator is china, having confucianism as the mainstream traditional culture, and it shows that inserting classical culture of confucianism into their general education should exclude their conservative component, if not it will be useless to advance china modernization. similarly, some scholars have demonstrated that, “it is not too realistic to employ agricultural civilization to order the industrial one, to utilize philosophy not having democratic view in the mod109vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 ern term in order to accelerate political democracy, or to use thinking system underestimating the usage of ‘science and commercial practice to promote modernization and post-modernization” [17]. subject of knowledge integrity in general education this study reveals that teaching of specifically main subject course can facilitate students to achieve interdisciplinary synthesis of knowledge on general education. this kind of synthesis is, indeed, a dimension of curriculum integrity. many experts have heatedly debated on subject of curriculum integrity. fang (2018) believed that subject of curriculum integrity minimally had to cover students. however, other experts alleged that students could not integrated knowledge previously having been integrated by educator, so that curriculum integration was established by educator when designing curriculum [8]. meng & huang (2018) argued, then, that students could not be subject of knowledge integration. he further cited jonathan smith, a former rector of liberal arts college in university of chicago, stating, “students will not individually be expected to integrate anything where faculty cannot or will not conduct” [13]. mostly, many experts agree upon a view that educator minimally has to be subject of knowledge integration. zhong qiquan, for instance, believed that both educators and students had to be integrated subject course [8]. this research’s finding demonstrates that students play significant role in knowledge integration of general education. whereas any educator of basic subject course is involved outside of his/her field, their profound and wide-range interdisciplinary knowledge may inspire students’ thinking and broaden their knowledge, and it can be facility function in synthesis of knowledge. viewing situation for students coming from different major, instructor of basic subject course in muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta can, then, inspire students’ interdisciplinary thinking and, at least, presents that knowledge integration of instructor is a pivotal circumstance in the curriculum integration. besides, instructor of general education can absorb curriculum design, lecturing method, and two-ways interaction of lecturer and students with the concept of general education is another condition required for curriculum integration, and, in this study, design of subject course should actively facilitate synthesis of knowledge of students’ interdisciplinary knowledge. the final basic of curriculum integration is still part of students, so that 110 afkaruna they must consciously view from perspectives of various disciplines, or multidisciplines. by integrating past knowledge and experience with recent issues, students can produce new issue and knowledge, which can be a source of innovation. this analysis postulates that it is hard to determine which segment of synthesis of interdisciplinary knowledge takes place in a real teaching environment. we should consider curriculum integration as a comprehensive process of mutual interaction between educator and students, a site of twoways exchange and meaning construction of human’s experience and knowledge, and reducing any dispute on subject of curriculum integration. subject course of general education practices should general education start from either macro level by reforming educational institution and model or meso level by changing school and department organization, or macro level by constructing curriculum of general education? by observing situation in muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta, management may focus on strengthening construction of general education and main curriculum, and it can periodically turn from micro to macro scope of view. it is an effective method to establish purpose of general education. in the level of general education curriculum, it necessary requires to firm relations between subject courses and certain regulations on various types of subject course on general education that can be taken by students from variously different programs and years. further, design of instructional subject course must consider different background of students. as coming to instruction, demonstration, design, evaluation and form of teaching related to subject course of general education, it should be managed correctly. construction of principal subject course must accommodate and facilitate students’ perspective broadening and interdisciplinary knowledge. a process of study and mechanism of interdisciplinary synthesis of case subject course demonstrates us that absorbing all subject courses with the concept of general education is an effective path to solve issue on “separating general education and main education in different segment”. conclusion any successful implementation of general education does not only depend on institutional design, but also require improvement of education method. eventually, the final purpose of general education is to set students free from perspective limitation of overload and exaggerate-based education 111vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 and obtain capacity to self-liberate. clearly speaking, it is hard to achieve such purpose through traditional mode of teaching. contrastingly, otherwise, it can only be achieved by two-ways communications and communication exchange between students and educators in various circumstances. to achieve “spiritually personal development”, students should provide knowledge and wisdom through their daily life experience. internet as one of technological tools for education, particularly a massive development of moocs (massive open online course), has highly contributed and offered a wide opportunity for universities to achieve high-quality general education. in this case, general education should focus on comprehensive application from a diverse teaching method in future, such as discussion, experience, online learning. an integration of general education and subject based-education cannot be solved in short period of time, but it requires periodical phase to establish general education having indonesian characteristic. recommendation as stated in the research’s findings and analysis above, some following suggestions may be as a further consideration: 1. general education should be one of priorities in the next future curriculum development, since university can exercise student character building through general education. 2. general education should be taught by a lecturer having suitably educational background. 3. general education can be turned as university’s identity and superiority. endnotes 1 h. fang, “how to mutually advance general education and major-based education/ : a grounded theory study on the course level,” vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 68–80, 2018. 2 e. a. hanushek, “general education , vocational education , and labormarket outcomes over the lifecycle.” 3 w. meng and w. huang, “institutional problems and solutions of general education in chinese universities,” vol. 34, no. 4, pp. 21–28, 2018. 4 o. malamud and c. pop-eleches, “general education versus vocational training/ : evidence from an economy in transition,” vol. 92, no. february, pp. 43–60, 2010. 5 p. r. a. c. tice, “general education as a gateway for establishing self-directedness ,” 2017. 6 h. wang and d. xie, “twenty years of general education in china/ : progress 112 afkaruna , problems , and solutions,” no. 6, pp. 9–20, 2018. 7 m. b. miles, m. huberman, and j. saldana, qualitative data analysis: a method sourcebook, 3rd ed. los angeles: sage publications, 2014. 8 z. zhong and m. sun, “a rational examination of integrating ‘ classics ’ into university general education curriculum/ : an empirical survey based on n university,” vol. 11, no. 4, pp. 81–89, 2018. 9 y. hanafi, “transformasi kurikulum mata kuliah pendidikan agama islam di perguruan tinggi umum/ : dari paradigma normatif-doktriner,” j. pendidik. dan pengajaran, pp. 27–37, 2016. 10 i. zilic, “general versus vocational education: lessons from a quasi-experiment in croatia,” econ. educ. rev., 2017. 11 s. m. swearer, c. wang, j. w. maag, a. b. siebecker, and l. j. frerichs, “understanding the bullying dynamic among students in special and general education,” j. sch. psychol., vol. 50, no. 4, pp. 503–520, 2012. 12 e. ruskovaara and h. minna, “head teachers managing entrepreneurship education e empirical evidence from general education,” vol. 55, pp. 155–164, 2016. 13 j. m. kauffman, d. ed, m. felder, and d. ph, “inclusion of all students in general education/ ? international appeal for a more temperate approach to inclusion,” vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 1–10, 2018. 14 c. hall, “pt us cr,” econ. educ. rev., 2016. 15 c. poondej and t. lerdpornkulrat, “kasetsart journal of social sciences relationship between motivational goal orientations , perceptions of general education classroom learning environment , and deep approaches to learning,” kasetsart j. soc. sci., vol. 37, no. 2, pp. 100–103, 2016. 16 l. vegas, w. career, t. academy, and l. vegas, “general education curricula affecting satisfaction and retention of undergraduate students/ : a review of literature,” pp. 197–203, 2014. 17 ï. vairis, “how actors of local society ( community ) influence the development of decentralized general education , and their attitude to it .,” vol. 140, pp. 570–575, 2014. reference fang, h. (2018). how to mutually advance general education and major-based education/ : a grounded theory study on the course level, 14(4), 68–80. https://doi.org/10.1080/10611932.2017.1411698 hall, c. (2016). pt us cr. economics of education review. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.econedurev.2016.03.005 hanafi, y. (2016). transformasi kurikulum mata kuliah pendidikan agama islam di perguruan tinggi umum/ : dari paradigma normatif-doktriner. jurnal pendidikan dan pengajaran, 27–37. hanushek, e. a. (n.d.). general education , vocational education , and labormarket outcomes over the lifecycle. https://doi.org/10.3368/jhr.52.1.04157074r kauffman, j. m., ed, d., felder, m., & ph, d. (2018). inclusion of all students in 113vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 general education/ ? international appeal for a more temperate approach to inclusion, 21(2), 1–10. malamud, o., & pop-eleches, c. (2010). general education versus vocational training/ : evidence from an economy in transition, 92(february), 43–60. meng, w., & huang, w. (2018). institutional problems and solutions of general education in chinese universities, 34(4), 21–28. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 10611932.2017.1411138 miles, matthew b.; huberman, michael; saldana, j. (2014). qualitative data analysis: a method sourcebook (3rd ed.). los angeles: sage publications. poondej, c., & lerdpornkulrat, t. (2016). kasetsart journal of social sciences relationship between motivational goal orientations , perceptions of general education classroom learning environment , and deep approaches to learning. kasetsart journal of social sciences, 37(2), 100–103. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.kjss.2015.01.001 ruskovaara, e., & minna, h. (2016). head teachers managing entrepreneurship education e empirical evidence from general education, 55, 155–164. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2016.01.004 swearer, s. m., wang, c., maag, j. w., siebecker, a. b., & frerichs, l. j. (2012). understanding the bullying dynamic among students in special and general education. journal of school psychology, 50(4), 503–520. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.jsp.2012.04.001 tice, p. r. a. c. (2017). general education as a gateway for establishing selfdirectedness. vairis, ï. (2014). how actors of local society ( community ) influence the development of decentralized general education , and their attitude to it ., 140, 570–575. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.04.472 vegas, l., career, w., academy, t., & vegas, l. (2014). general education curricula affecting satisfaction and retention of undergraduate students/ : a review of literature, 197–203. wang, h., & xie, d. (2018). twenty years of general education in china/ : progress , probl ems , an d sol ut ions, (6 ), 9–20. ht tp s://doi.or g/10.1080/ 10611932.2017.1411134 zhong, z., & sun, m. (2018). a rational examination of integrating “ classics “ into university general education curriculum/ : an empirical survey based on n university, 11(4), 81–89. h ttps://do i.org/10.1080/10611932.2017.1411700 zilic, i. (2017). general versus vocational education: lessons from a quasi-experiment in croatia. economics of education review. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.econedurev.2017.10.009 jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kontribusi pemikiran linguistik al-anbari terhadap penafsiran kosa kata kontranimi (at-tadhad) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0088.219-241 mahyudin ritonga fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah sumatera barat e_mail: mahyudinritonga@gmail.com abstract this paper describes the contribution of al-anbari’s thought to the interpretation of the verses of the qur’an. this is inseparable from al-anbari’s expertise not in the field of qur’anic exegesis (tafsir) but in the field of arabic language (lughat al-arab). the main source of this research is the work of al-anbari entitled “al-adhdad” while the secondary source is the work of al-anbari in other fields and the work of others that are related to the research theme. the results showed that al-anbari as a nuhat of kufah (arabic grammar expert from kufah) had different thoughts from other kufah scholars both in the fields of syntax and morfology. his thoughts in the problem of syntax and morfology seem to have a significant contribution in providing a new understanding of the verses of the qur’an, especially the verses in which the words that have at-tadhad meaning are used. the contribution of his thoughts can be understood from his interpretation of the use of letters, idioms, verbs, names of subject, names of object, ccircumstances, and derivations in the qur’ran. keywords: contribution, linguistik, al-anbari, interpretation al-qur’an, contranym abstrak tulisan ini ingin menguraikan kontribusi pemikiran al-anbari dalam penafsiran ayat al-quran, hal ini tidak terlepas dari keahlian al-anbari bukan pada bidang tafsir melainkan ahli bahasa. sumber utama penelitian ini ialah karya al-anbari yang berjudul “al-adhdad” sementara sumber sekunder ialah karya al-anbari pada bidang lain dan karya orang lain yang memiliki kaitan dengan tema penelitian. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa al-anbari sebagai ahli nahwu kufah memiliki pemikiran yang berbeda dengan ulama kufah lainnya baik dalam bidang nahwu maupun sharaf. pemikirannya dalam masalah nahwu dan sharaf terlihat memiliki kontribusi yang signifikan dalam memberikan mailto:mahyudinritonga@gmail.com 220 afkaruna pemahaman terhadap ayat al-quran khususnya ayat yang di dalamnya menggunakan kata at-tadhad. kontribusi pemikirannya dapat dipahami dari penafsirannya terhadap penggunaan huruf, idiom, kata kerja, isim fail, isim maf’ul, zharaf, dan derivasi yang ada dalam al-quran.. kata kunci: kontribusi, pemikiran al-anbari, penafsiran al-qur’an, kontranim pendahuluan fenomena kebahasaan adalah salah satu aspek terpenting yang harus diketahui oleh seorang interpreter ayat al-quran, untuk itu para ahli telah sepakat bahwa kemampuan dalam memahami bahasa arab beserta segala aspek yang berkaitan dengan ilmu bahasa arab adalah salah satu syarat mutlak yang mesti dimiliki oleh ahli tafsir.1 dalam hal ini dewi menyatakan bahwa bahasa arab sarana untuk memahami makna yang terkandung di dalam al-qur’an. bahasa arab pula digunakan sebagai rujukan dalam memahami dan mentafsirkan al-qur’an.2 pernyataan ini mengindikasikan bahwa pemahaman aspek kebahasaan dengan segala yang berkaitan dengannya adalah awal dari lahirnya interpretasi ayat-ayat al-quran secara benar. permasalahan kebahasaan sebagaimana dimaksud ialah setidaknya mencakup ‘ilmu al-lughah an-nazhari al-‘amm (theoretical linguistics) seperti ‘ilmu al-ashwat (phonetics), ‘ilmu al-lughah at-tarikhi (historical linguistics), ‘ilmu ad-dalalah (semantics), ‘ilmu an-nahw (syntax) dan ‘ilmu as-sharfi (morfology).3 aspek linguistik ini akan semakin komprehensif bila dikaitkan dengan ‘ilmu al-lughah at-tathbiqi (applied linguistics), namun dalam kaitannya dengan penafsiran al-quran pemahaman mufassir terhadap linguistik teoritik yang menjadi tuntutan. para mufassir yang dikenal dengan karyanya adalah mereka yang memiliki kemapanan ilmu baik dalam bidang bahasa apalagi hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan ilmu-ilmu al-quran, baik dari timur tengah, asia tenggara maupun indonesia. mengenal dan memahami metode, pendekatan serta arah pemikiran mereka adalah suatu tuntutan dan kebutuhan dalam rangka memahami kandungan al-qur’an untuk pengembangan keilmuwan dan penyebaran ajaran islam secara keseluruhan. urgensi mengetahui dan memahami hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan pemikiran para ahli tafsir serta karya-karya mereka adalah suatu yang tidak dapat dipungkiri, namun tulisan ini akan menganalisis dari sisi yang berbeda, al-anbari bukanlah seorang mufassir melainkan seorang linguis arab yang cukup dikenal dengan karya-karyanya dalam bidang bahasa 221vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 arab. hal ini menarik untuk dianalisis dengan mengaitkannya pada permasalahan penafsiran al-quran, karena dari sebahagian karyanya yang ditemukan tergambar corak pemikiran linguistiknya mewarnai pendekatan dalam memberikan interpretasi terhadap ayat-ayat al-quran khususnya dalam masalah kosa kata. oleh sebab itu, dalam artikel ini akan diungkapkan: 1) sekilas tentang biografi al-anbari, 2) pemikiran pebahasaan al-anbari dalam menentukan makna, dan 3) interpretasi al-anbari terhadap kosakata kontranimi. untuk mendapatkan data tentang aspek yang menjadi fokus pembahasan ini penulis menjadikan karya al-anbari sebagai sumber utama dan karya orang lain yang berkaitan dengan al-anbari serta pemikirannya sebagai sumber skunder. profil al-anbari dan kitab al-adhdhad al-anbari memiliki nama lengkap muhammad ibn al-qasim ibn muhammad ibn basyar ibn al-hasan ibn bayan ibn samma‘ah ibn farwah ibn quthn ibn di‘amah al-anbari, dia diberi gelar abu bakr dan lebih dikenal dengan nama al-anbari. ayahnya adalah al-qasim berkebangsaan anbar.4 dia dilahirkan di samira pada bulan mei tahun 849 m. pada masa kecilnya al-anbari dibawa ke baghdad5 dan kehidupan masa kecil dilalui di rumah ayahnya yang penuh dengan suasana ilmu pengetahuan, karena ayahnya adalah salah seorang ulama besar yang bermazhab kufah dalam bidang nahwu. mazhab kufah memiliki ciri khas tersendiri dalam kajian nahwu seperti kebebasan dalam menggunakan riwayat.6 lebih fleksibel dalam melakukan analogi. selain itu, mereka menggunakan istilah yang berbeda dalam beberapa kata kunci nahwu.7 dilihat dari aliran teolog yang dianutnya, al-anbari diketahui sebagai orang yang bermazhab ahlussunnah dan bermazhab hanbali dalam masalah fiqih, hal ini dipahami berdasarkan sebuah kisah di mana pada suatu saat al-anbari ditanya tentang al-istitsna fi al-iman, al-anbari menjawa b “ka mi b erist isyn a se hingg a kam i ser ing mengatakanنحن مؤمنون إن شآء هللا (nahnu mu’minun insya allah “insya allah kami orang-orang beriman”). pada saat itu juga, seorang penanya kembali mengulangi pertanyaan yang sama karena masih meragukan jaw abannya, al-anbari pun menja wab deng an رضي هللا عنــھ ذا مذھب إمامنا أحمد بن حنبل (had za m adzh abu 222 afkaruna imamuna ahmad bin hanbal radiyallohu ‘anhu “ini mazhab imam kita ahmad bin hanbal semoga allah meridhoinya”).8 jawaban al-anbari ini mengisyaratkan keteguhan hatinya dalam mengikuti ahlusunnah dan mazhab hanbali, dengan tanpa mengulangi jawaban yang sama dan langsung menyebutkan siapa yang menjadi tokoh dan pemimpin mazhabnya adalah sebagai indikasi dia berpegang teguh kepada mazhab tersebut. adapun dalam masalah nahwu, al-anbari diketahui sebagai seorang dari tokoh nahwu yang beraliran kufah. sebagaimana diungkapkan abu al-barakat al-anbari bahwa al-anbari adalah salah seorang tokoh terbesar dan terpopuler di antara nuhat kufah.9 popularitas al-anbari dalam kajian bahasa semakin terlihat dan dirasakan oleh kalangan pemerhati bahasa arab tatkala hadirnya karya monumentalnya yang berjudul “al-adhdad. al-anbari menjelaskan bahwa penulisan buku al-adhdad adalah jawaban untuk permasalahan bahasa yang sangat rumit dalam bahasa arab, sekaligus penolakan terhadap mereka yang memiliki wawasan yang sempit dalam mengetahui makna. dia mengatakan “buku ini memuat beberapa kata yang diakui sebagai kontranimi di kalangan arab”. di antara kata-kata tersebut ada satu kata memiliki dua makna yang saling bertentangan. keberadaan masalah kontranimi oleh sebahagian ahli badi‘ dianggap sebagai pengurangan fungsi bahasa itu sendiri, padahal itu adalah disebabkan kekurangtahuan mereka dalam penggunaan bahasa secara interaktif.9 yasin10 mengatakan bahwa buku yang ditulisnya tentang at-tadhad mengacu pada buku karya al-anbari dan memiliki metode berpikir dan tujuan penulisan yang sama, yaitu mencoba untuk menjawab tentang apa yang menyebabkan orang melakukan inovasi sekaligus sebagai jawaban dan bantahan berbagai bentuk kebingungan yang terjadi di kalangan ahli bahasa arab tentang satu kata yang memiliki dua makna yang berlawanan. al-anbari juga mengatakan sekelompok ahli bahasa telah melakukan pengumpulan kata-kata yang tergolong kepada kontranimi. di antara mereka ada yang menyusun buku yang diklasifikasikan ke dalam beberapa bagian dan sejumlah kosa kata at-tadhad, namun dari sejumlah kitab tentang kontranimi yang ada kitab al-adhdad karya al-anbari merupakan buku yang paling komprehensif. dalam hal ini dapat dilihat bahwa alanbari adalah orang yang memiliki semangat tinggi dalam mengkaji kata at-tadhad, sehingga terkesan dia berusaha untuk membuatnya sebagai 223vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 bagian dari cabang linguistik secara terpisah, sebagaimana usaha yang dilakukan para pendahulunya yang telah menawarkan dan memberikan interpretasi terhadap masalah tersebut. pemikiran al-anbari dalam linguistik 1. an-nahw (sintaksis) dan perubahan makna nahwu dipahami sebagai cabang ilmu bahasa yang mengkaji tentang kaedah-kaedah struktur kalimat yang meliputi kalimat nomina, kalimat verbal dan sebagainya, jabatan komponen kalimat misalnya sebagai subjek, objek, atau yang lainnya. hassan mengungkapkan melalui jabatan kata dalam sebuah kalimat akan diketahui makna kata.11 pernyataan ini menunjukkan kuatnya hubungan semantik dengan sintaksis. salah satu hubungan tersebut ialah dapat dilihat dalam firman allahى هللا ا یخش اء إنم اده العلم ن عب م ى هللا ا یخش اء إنم اده العلم ن عب innama yakhsyalloha min ‘ibadih al-‘ulamau“ sesungguhnya) م yang takut kepada allah ialah para ulama”). jabatan lafaz “هللا ” dalam ayat tersebut adalah objek sementara yang menjadi subjeknya adalah kata dalam artian subjek tidak harus selalu lebih awal posisinya dari ,” العلمآء“ pada objeknya. dari ayat ini terlihat jelas bagaimana hubungan yang erat antara semantik dengan sintaksis, ketika sintaksnya salah maka secara otomatis makna yang dimaksud juga akan berubah. al-anbari adalah salah seorang tokoh nahwu terkemuka dari kalangan kufah, namun walaupun demikian pemikirannya dalam masalah nahwu tidak sepenuhnya sama seperti ulama kufah pada umumnya. dia dikenal sebagai seorang linguis arab yang menawarkan kajian bahasa pada tataran makna dengan melihat kombinasi antara satu unsur bahasa dengan berbagai aspek linguistik lainnya, baik secara inheren maupun eksteren. dari tawaran ini kemudian memberikan pemahaman bahwa nahwu yang disosialisasikan oleh al-anbari tidak bisa dipisahkan dengan masalah attadhad yang terdapat dalam bahasa. para ahli nahwu melakukan istinbat nahwu berdasarkan ungkapanungkapan arab (kalam ‘arab) yang mereka temukan, dimana mereka berusaha menjelaskan dan menghubungkan antara satu sistem bahasa dengan sistem yang lain sehingga membentuk sebuah sistem yang sempurna (kalam mufid).12 sinkronisasi antara satu aspek bahasa dengan aspek yang lain merupakan sesuatu yang harus diperhatikan secara benar, karena kesalahan dalam penggunaan struktur akan mempengaruhi 224 afkaruna perubahan terhadap makna. menurut al-anbari i‘rab adalahیتغیر شكل آخره بتغییر مـوقعھ من الجملة (yataghayyaru syaklu akhirihi bitaghyiri mawqi’ii min al-jumlah “perubahan baris akhir sebuah kata karenan berubahnya posisi kata tersebut dalam kalimat”).13 ibn jinni juga berpendapat bahwa i‘rab berfungsi untuk menjelaskan makna-makna dengan menggunakan lafaz.14 pernyataan yang sama juga diungkapkan al-karim bahwa i‘rab adalah الفارق بین المعانــي المتكافــئة -al-fariq bayn al-ma’ani al-mutakafi’ah “pembeda antara makna) الفارق بین المعانــي المتكافــئة makna yang sama”).15 beberapa pendapat ini menunjukkan bahwa makna bahasa arab tidak hanya muncul dari makna leksikologi tetapi keberadaan atau memfungsikan nahwu dengan segala aspeknya juga akan melahirkan makna atau yang biasa disebut dengan makna gramatikal. aliran nahwu kufah dikenal adanya istilah ash-sharf, yaitu kehadiran kata kerja kedua setelah subjek melalui perantaraan hurufواو، ثم، الفاء، أو (waw, tsumma, al-fau, aw), al-farra berpendapat bahwa fi‘il tersebut dinashabkan karena mawqi‘nya sebagai maf‘ul ma‘ah, sementara aliran basrah berpendapat bahwa nashabnya fi‘il tersebut adalah karena posisinya sebagai ma‘thuf kepada fi‘il yang pertama.16 misalnya جاء محمد وطلوع الشمــس --ulama basrahber ,(jaa muhammadun wa thulu’a al-syamsi) جاء محمد وطلوع الشمــس pendapat bahwa kalimat “طلوع ” dibaca nashab karena ma‘thuf kepada kata kerja sebelumnya, sementara ulama kufah berpendapat bahwa kalimat tersebut dinashabkan karena posisinya sebagai maf‘ul ma‘ah. al-anbari berpendapat bahwa dalam kalimat mashruf belum boleh berhenti sebelum adanya al-sharf.17 misalnya dapat dilihat di dalam surah ali ‘imran: 142 -wa lamma ya’lamallohu al) ” ولما یعلم هللا الذین جاھدوا منكم ویعلم الصابرین“ ladzina jahadu minkum wa ya’lama al-shabirin), menurutnya makna ayat ini belum dapat dipahami kalau berhenti pada kalimat “منكم ” karena kalimat “یعلم ” merupakan al-sharf dari makna kalimat sebelumnya. al-anbari juga menyoroti istilah at-tarjamah wa at-tabyin (penafsiran dan penjelasan) sebagaimana badal (kata ganti) yang dipahami oleh kalangan basrah.18 menurut al-ashmuni istilah at-tarjamah wa at-tabyin digunakan kalangan kufah19, sementara ibn kaisan sebagaimana dikutip as-suyuthi mengatakan bahwa orang kufah terkadang menamainya 225vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dengan at-takrir dan sebagian lagi menggunakan istilah al-itba‘.20 al-anbari dalam nahwunya lebih cendrung menggunakan istilah at-tarjamah dan at-takrir.21 dia menjelaskan bahwa apabila seseorang membaca kata dan ” تنزیل“ dengan merafa‘kan kata (tanzil al-sajadah) ” تنزیل السجدة“ menashabkan kata “السجدة ” maka itu berarti rafa‘nya kata tanzil dikarenakan hikayah yang terdapat di awal surah, sementara nashabnya kata “السجدة ” ialah disebabkan kata itu merupakan tarjamah atau penjelasan dari kata yaitu surah as-sajadah. dalam contoh lain, al-anbari menjelaskan ” تنزیل“ surah al-baqarah: 165, menurutnya membaca kataترى (tara) dengan penggunaan “ta” dan berhenti pada kalimatیرون العذاب (yarawna al‘adzab) berarti menunjukkan kalimatnya baru dalam kategori hasan atau belum bisa dikatakan kategori tam, karena kata “أن ” yang kedua dibaca nashab disebabkan fungsinya sebagai takrir dari “أن ” yang pertama. makna ayat ini menurut al-anbari adalah أن القوة جمیعاترىولو ترى الذین ظلموا إذ یرون العذاب -wa law tara al-ladzinazholamu idz yarawna al) ولو ترى الذین ظلموا إذ یرون العذاب ‘adzab tara anna al-quwwata lillahi jami’a).22 selain itu, al-anbari juga menggunakan istilah at-tafsir untuk menyebutkan tamyiz yang disebutkan oleh kalangan bashrah,23 dia mengatakan bahwa belum dikatakan sebuah waqf tam sebelum sampai pad a ka lima t tafs ir. m isal nya d alam sura h al i ‘im ran: 91 falayyuqbala min ahadihim mil’ul ardhi) فلن یقبل من أحدھم ملء األرض ذھبا dzahaban), berhenti pada kalimat “األرض ” menurut al-anbari adalah qabih, karena kata “ذھبا ” merupakan tafsir bagi kalimat sebelumnya.17 al-anbari juga menggunakan istilah al-nasq untuk menjelaskan ‘athaf, salah satunya dapat dilihat ketika dia menjelaskan kalimat “یخـــش ” dalam ayatومن یطع هللا ورسولھ ویخش هللا ویتقھ (wamay yuthi’illaha wa rasulahu wa yakhsyalloha wayattaqih), dia menjelaskan bahwa huruf “ya” pada kata dibuang karena kata tersebut merupakan nasq kepada kalimat ” یخـــش“ yang jazm yaituیطع (yuthi’i) yang dijazmkan dengan من (man).17 pemikiran al-anbari dalam masalah makna struktural tergambar dari beberapa kritikannya terhadap pemahaman para nuhat terhadap posisi 226 afkaruna kalimat (mawqi‘). al-anbari17 mengatakan bahwa kesalahan dalam memahami i‘rab, waqf ataupun ibtida’ suatu kalimat menyebabkan terjadinya kesalahan dalam memahami makna. hal ini dipahami dari kritikannya terhadap abu hatim yang mengatakan bahwa kata “الكتاب ” yang terdapat di dalam surah al-ra‘d: 1 sebagai na‘at.24 al-anbari menegaskan bahwa abu hatim telah keliru dalam memahami makna, karena dengan menganggap kata “الكتاب ” sebagai na‘at dari kata “تلك ” berarti dia tidak memperhatikan muthabaqah, adapun keberadaan alif dan lam pada kata “الكتاب ” adalah suatu keharusan ketika kalimat isim tersebut didahului oleh isim isyarah seperti ھذا، ذالك، تلك , misalnya kesalahan abu hatim .(hadza al-rajulu, tilka al-mar’ah) ھذا الرجل، تلك المرأة sendiri berawal dari pemahaman akhfasy yang mengatakan bahwa kata yang terdapat di dalam al-quran surah al-baqarah posisinya sebagai ” ذلك“ mub tada ’, d an ka limat b ” الكتاب“ erfungsi s ebaga i na‘ at d an kalimatال ریب فیھ (la rayba fihi) sebagai khabar al-mubtada.25 sanggahan al-anbari di atas menunjukkan bahwa keberadaan i‘rab dalam sebuah kalimat akan mempengaruhi terhadap makna. al-anbari juga mengatakan terjadi kesalahan di kalangan linguis dan mufassir yang menganggap bahwa kata “عوان” dibaca rafa‘ karena na‘at dari kata “البقرة ” seperti pemahaman al-akhfash.25 menurut al-anbari kalau seandainya kata “عوان” berfungsi sebagai na‘at letaknya harus di awal seperti innaha baqaratun ‘awanum bayna) بین ذلك الفارض وال بكرعوانإنھا بقرة dzalik la faridh wa la bikrun), tetapi ayat al-quran merupakan sumber utama yang tidak mungkin berubah, tidak mungkin memiliki kesalahan, oleh karena itu pemahaman terhadap maknalah yang mesti ditingkatkan. al-anbari memberikan pemahaman terhadap kata “عوان” adalah sebagai kinayah dari “فارض ” dan “17.” بكر pemahaman terhadap posisi kata ‘awan sebagai kinayah berpengaruh terhadap makna bahwa yang dimaksud dengan “ال فارض” dan “ال بكر ” sudah jelas dengan adanya lafaz dzalika. aspek lain yang menjadi sorotan al-anbari dalam nahwu ialah masalah istifham, menurutnya tidak ada istifham yang dibuang kecuali ada dalalah sesudahnya huruf أم . pernyataan ini berkenaan dengan penolakannya 227vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 terhadap penafsiran sebagian ahli terhadap ayatوتلك نعمة تمنھا علي (wa tilka ni’matun tamunnuha ‘ala) yang mengatakan bahwa kalimat ini menunjukkan istifham, seperti penafsiran al-akhfash25 dan al-farra26 yang mengungkapkan adanya hamzah mahdzuf sebelum waw sehingga ayat ini ditafsirkan dengan “أو تلك نعـمة ”. pernyataan di atas menunjukkan bahwa adanya huruf istifham yang dibuang dapat diketahui dengan adanya dalalah hurufأم , apabila hurufأم tidak ditemukan maka tidak ada alasan untuk mengatakan adanya huruf istifham yang dibuang. al-anbari juga mengatakan tidak mungkin hurufإن yang terdapat dalam al-quran surah al-a‘la: 9 ditafsirkan denganإن, قد dapat dimaknai dengan قد kalau kalimat tersebut dimasuki hurufل atauأال , misalnya inna qama li ‘abdillah, ala inna qama) إن قام لعبد هللا، أال إن قام عبد هللا ‘abdullah).17 sementara para ulama tafsir memahami bahwa maknaإن dalam ayatفذكر إن نفعت الذكر (fadzakkir inna fa’at al-dzikra) adalahقد , seperti penafsiran al-muradi yang mengatakan bahwa maknaإن dalam ayat ini adalah 27. قد al-anbari mengatakan tidak ada dalalah yang menunjukkan bahwa makna åä dalam ayat tersebutقد , makna yang tepat untuk ayat ini adalah syarth dan ta’wil,17 jadi ayat tersebut dapat dipahami dengan فذكر إن نفعھم تذكیرك (fadzakkir inna nafa’ahum tadzkirak), dia mengatakan bahwa seolah-olah ayat tersebut menunjukkan perintah yang dikhususkan kepada nabi agar selalu memberikan peringatan dan selalu mengajari umat manusia. beberapa data di atas menunjukkan sintaksis yang terdapat dalam sebuah kalimat merubah makna kata, perubahan tersebut bahkan sampai kepada makna yang bertentangan dengan makna dasar masing-masing kata tersebut. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa al-anbari dalam teori linguistiknya senantiasa mengaitkan tata bahasa dengan makna yang akan muncul berdasarkan mawqi‘ sebuah kata. artinya, nahwu yang ditawarkan al-anbari adalah berkaitan struktur dan makna. di mana melalui struktur tersebut dapat dipahami makna sebuah ungkapan, melalui struktur pula sebuah kalimat dapat digunakan untuk makna yang lain dengan merubah pola atau susunan dengan sendirinya akan mengalami perubahan makna. 228 afkaruna 2. as-sharf (morfologis) dan perubahan makna al-anbari mencatat bahwa asal semua kata di dalam bahasa arab baik isim maupun fi‘il terdiri dari tiga huruf, yaitu setimbangan denganفعل (fa fi‘il, ‘ain fi‘il, dan lam fi‘il), seandainya dalam sebuah kata lebih dari tiga huruf, maka hal itu adalah tambahan bukan asli, contohnyaأفرغ، أكرم kalimat ini merupakan timbangan dari أفعل , huruf hamzah dalam kalimat ini adalah tambahan.17 pendapat ini berbeda dengan linguis arab lainnya seperti jabal yang mengatakan bahwa hamzah yang terdapat dalam kataاكرم، أفعل adalah asli.28 bentuk-bentuk proses morfologis dan perubahan makna yang terjadi di dalam bahasa arab cukup banyak timbangannya, mulai dari tsulatsi almujarrad, tsulatsi mazid, adakalanya bi harfin, bi harfayn dan bi tsalatsah al-ahruf, ruba‘i mujarrad, khumasi, sudasi sampai kepada i‘lal, ibdal, qalb, semua ini merupakan pokok bahasan yang dikaji di dalam sharaf. namun yang paling penting dalam kaitannya dengan kajian semantik adalah makna-makna yang dilahirkan dari proses morfologis tersebut. pada dasarnya ada beberapa kata dan makna yang dapat dibentuk dari sebuah kata, seperti fa‘il, maf‘ul, lazim menjadi muta‘addi, musyabahah, shairurah, musyarakah, ta‘ridh, taktsir, muthawa‘ah, isytirak, mubalaghah, takalluf, al-thalab, al-tahawwul wa al-tasyabbuh, dan lain-lain. kalimat yang sewazan denganنَصر ینُصر baik fi‘il shahih, fi‘il mudha‘af seperti سد – یسد , maupun ajwaf dan manqush sepertiقال – یقول dan ,pada umumnya menunjukkan kepada makna al-fawqiyyah , طال – یطول al-tijariyyah, al-wuqu‘. adapun kata yang sewazan dengan ضرب – یضرب , baik yang mudha‘af seperti خف – یخف , maupun mahmuz seperti menggambarkan bahwa peristiwa terjadi pada pelakunya. kata أسر – یأسر yang setimbangan denganفتح – یفتح pada umumnya untuk makna altaqallub dan insiraj, kata yang sewazan denganَل pada umumnya فِعل – یفع untuk makna taghyir, kata yang sewazan denganحُسن – یحُسن pada umumnya digunakan untuk menunjukkan al-ghara’iz, al-thabai‘, awshaf dan al-khishal. sementara kata yang sepola denganحِسب – یحسب 229vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 menunjukkan taqsim.29 adapun kata-kata yang sewazan dengan ruba‘i, maknanya adalah: 1) menunjukkan masuknya kepada sebuah tempat dan dapatnya waktu, misalnya kataیمن ketika ditambahkan hamzah di awal menjadiأیمن “masuk ke yaman”, dan kata صبح ditambah hamzah di awal menjadiأصبح maknanya pun menunjukkan waktu, 2) as-salbi, contohnya kataتِرب أحمد (tariba ahmad “si ahmad fakir”), dengan menambah hamzah di awal menjadiأترب أحمد (atraba ahmad) maknanyapun berubah dari fakir menjadi kaya, 3) al-ta‘rid, misalnya kata 4 , أقتلتھ) tasyhib li al-fi‘l, misalnya kataأثمر pada kalimat 5 , أثمر البسان) ta‘diyah, 6) katsirah,30 7) ad-du‘a sepertiأسقیتــھ dengan maknaدعوت لھ بالسقیا (da’awtu lahu bi al-suqya).31 apabila ruba‘inya dengan penambahan ‘ain fi‘il maka maknanya adalah 1) taktsir seperti 2 , طّوف) ta‘diyyah, seperti 3 , فّرح، فّھم) shara shabihan, seperti 4 , جّجر الطین) ikhtishar al-hikayah, seperti5 , كبّر) al-musyarakah, 6) al-mutataba‘ah, 7) li al-fi‘il seperti 32. سافر، ھاجر، جاوز khusus kata-kata yang mulhaq bi ar-ruba‘i menurut ar-rajihi setidaknya ada empat makna yang dimaksudnya, yaitu 1) al-musyabahah seperti kataعلقم dalam kalimatسافر، ھاجر، جاوز (‘alqama al-tha’am), 2) kata tersebut serapan dari bahasa lain, seperti 3 , تلیفون) al-shayrurah, seperti kata لبنانیا dan 4) annaht, baik dari dua kata atau lebih, contohnyaحوقل ,بسمل ,عبقسي .danجعفل 3 sejumlah kata-kata di atas merupakan kata yang sewazan dengan . فعلى dan فوعل، فعول، فیعل، فعیل untuk menemukan makna perubahan makna yang disebabkan oleh proses morfologi sebagaimana ditawarkan oleh al-anbari ialah dengan melihat sebuah bentuk kata (sighah) pada beberapa teks, karena sebuah bentuk kata terkadang tidak dapat dipahami sesuai dengan shighahnya. dengan kata lain, isim fa‘il dapat bermakna isim maf‘ul, isim maf‘ul bermakna isim az-zaman, isim al-makan, al-mashdar al-mimi, dan lainlain. misalnya kataمجتمع yang shighahnya isim maf‘ul,مجتمع الطلبِة حاشد (mujtami‘u ath-thalabati hasyidun),مجتمع الطلبة عصرا (mujtami‘u ath230 afkaruna thalabati ‘ashran) dan مجتمع الطلبة الیوم في باحة الجامعة (mujtami‘u aththalabati fi bahat al-jami‘ah). dari ketiga contoh ini dapat dilihat bagaimana shighahisim maf‘ul tidak selalu bermakna isim maf‘ul. pada contoh pertama kata مجتمع bermakna sebagai mashdar, dan pada contoh yang kedua مجتمع diartikan dengan zaman, sementara pada contoh yang ketiga kataمجتمع yang berbentuk isim maf‘ul dimaknai dengan tempat. perubahan maknaمجتمع seperti yang terdapat pada ketiga contoh di atas tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kalimat sesudahnya. perubahan makna bentuk kata kebentuk (shighah) lain sering terjadi dalam bahasa arab, al-tsa‘alabi mencontohkan kataمالك dengan shighah isim fa‘il, tapi dalam ungkapan هللا مالك كل شیئ (allahu malik kulli syai’i) kata مالك tidak dimaknai dengan isim fa‘il melainkan shifat musyabbah, begitu juga dengan kata 33, وجد kata ini dengan segala bentuknya memiliki makna yang berbeda sesuai dengan pembicaraan. al-anbari mengatakan bahwa, penggunaan suatu bentuk dengan makna yang lain pada dasarnya digunakan untuk kata yang mengandung makna unsur pujian (al-madh) dan penghinaan (adz-dzamm).17 penggunaan suatu shighah untuk makna yang lain banyak ditemukan di dalam al-quran.1 untuk lebih jelasnya perubahan makna dalam tataran morfologis menurut al-anbari dapat dilihat dalam tabel berikut: tabel: tataran makna dalam sharaf اللفظ المعنى الفاعل المفعول الفاعل المفعول فعول فعیل مفتعل البنیة الصرفیة وعالقتھا بالمعنى لألنباري الفاعل والمفعول فعال 231vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dari tabel di atas dapat dipahami bahwa penggunaan shighah isim fa‘il untuk makna maf‘ul, misalnya penggunaan kataآمن dalam al-quran surah al-‘ankabut ayat 67, kata داحضـة dalam qs: asy-syura ayat 16, penggunaan kata دافق dalam qs: ath-thariq ayat 6, راضیــة dalam qs: al-haqqah ayat 21, kata ساحل dalam qs: thaha ayat 39, kata عاصم dalam qs: hud ayat 43, dan penggunaan kata مبصرة dalam qs al-isra ayat 12. beberapa lafaz ini adalah merupakan shighah isim fa‘il, tetapi maknanya isim maf‘ul. di samping itu, terkadang lafaz maf‘ul dengan makna isim fa‘il, misalnya kata مستور ,lafaz dengan wazan فعول dipahami dengan isim fa‘il dan isim maf‘ul, seperti kata ركوب، لبوس , penggunaan lafaz berupa wazan dari ألیم، أمین، تبیع، ربیبة، سمیع، صریخ، ھضیم dengan makna fa‘il dan maf‘ul, seperti kata فعیـل تّوابbegitu juga dengan penggunaan lafaz . ولي dan ألیم، أمین، تبیع، ربیبة، سمیع، صریخ، ھضیم dengan makna fa‘il, lafaz مرتاب، مضطر dengan makna isim fa‘il dan isim maf‘ul. pemahaman terhadap makna yang ditunjuk dari bentuk kata seperti yang dijelaskan di atas harus memperhatikan berbagai aspek yang terdapat di dalam kalimat. dengan kata lain, seorang yang ingin mengetahui makna melalui tataran morfologis tidak cukup hanya memahami wazan-wazan dalam ilmu sharaf, tetapi yang lebih penting dari itu adalah pemahaman secara totalitas berbagai aspek yang berkaitan dengan penggunaan kata tersebut pada sebuah kalimat. interpretasi al-anbari terhadap kosa kata kontranim dalam al-quran kontranimi (al-tadhad) merupakan fenomena yang terdapat dalam bahasa, yakni sebuah kata yang dapat memiliki beberapa makna.34 defenisi ini berbeda dengan pengertian antonim yang dipahami ahli kontemporer,35 yaitu dua kata yang berbeda memiliki dua makna yang berlawanan, seperti kata qashir (pendek) antonimnya thawil (panjang) dan kata jamil (cantik) antonimnya qabih (jelek).36 leederer menyatakan fenomena al-tadhad ini dengan istilah contranym, menurutnya fenomena kebahasaan ini memiliki sebutan yang berbeda 232 afkaruna pada setiap bahasa. di dalam bahasa arab disebut al-tadhad, sementara pada bahasa yunani disebut dengan istilah enantiosis, enantiodromia dan enantiosemy. di dalam bahasa jerman disebut gegensinn, sementara pada bahasa ibrani disebut dengan i‘shon hefech.37 di antara linguis arab klasik yang telah mengadakan kajian terhadap masalah al-tadhad adalah quthrub (w. 206 h), al-ashma‘i (w. 216 h), alsijistani (w. 255 h). adapun al-anbari memiliki ketertarikan untuk melakukan kajian terhadap al-tadhad tidak terlepas dari munculnya perdebatan di antara linguis arab setelah quthrub, al-ashma’i dan al-sijistani terhadap fenomena al-tadhad dan al-taraduf. pernyataan ini dipahami dari ungkapan al-anbari yang mengatakan penolakan terhadap masalah al-tadhad ialah disebabkan kedangkalan pemahaman makna bahasa dan kaitannya dengan aspek ilmu bahasa dan konteks di luar bahasa.22 pemikiran al-anbari dalam bidang linguistik tampaknya memberikan implikasi perbedaan penafsirannya terhadap ayat al-quran khususnya beberapa ayat yang di dalamnya menggunakan kosa kata at-tadhad, sejumlah kosa kata yang digolongkan al-anbari sebagai bagian dari attadhad dan penggunaannya di dalam al-quran tidak semuanya diungkapkan dalam pembahasan ini, penulis mengungkapkan beberapa at-tadhad yang mewakili: a. huruf, b. idiomatik, c. zharaf, d. fi’il dan e. derivation. 1. kontranimi pada huruf di antara huruf yang digolongkan al-anbari sebagai bagian dari attadhad ialah huruf إن (in), menurutnyaإن dapat digunakan untuk makna nafi dan tawkid.9 sementara al-farra berpendapat bahwaإن digunakan untuk makna tawkid ketika disertai oleh huruf ام (lam) atau punأال (ala),26 misalnya إن قام لعبد هللا danأال إن قام عبد هللا (ala inna qama ‘abdallah). hurufإن pada kedua contoh ini diartikan dengan “sungguh”. al-akhfasy mengatakan bahwa maknaإن yang terdapat di dalam al-quran maknanya tidak keluar dari empat kemungkinan, yaitu:38 1) nafi, 2) syarthiyyah, 3) tawkid, dan 4) za’idah. huruf in dengan makna nafi bisa terjadi apabila huruf tersebut berada pada fi‘il seperti pada surah at-taubah: 107إن أردنا إال الحسنى (in aradna illa al-husna), atau ketikamasuk kepada kalimat jumlah ismiyyah, misalnya surah al-mulk: 20 إن الكافرون إال في غرورإن الكافرون إال في غرور (inilkafiruna illa fi ghurur). dipahami dengan syarthiyyah ialah ketika pola kalimatnya membutuhkan jawab syarat, seperti yang terdapat di dalam surah al-anfal: 38 233vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 pada ayat ini terlihat bahwa ,(in yantahu yaghfirlahum) إن ینتھوا یغفرلھم kalimat یغفر merupakan jawab syarat dari kalimat sebelumnya. makna tawkid lahir dari huruf in ialah ketika masuk kepada jumlah ismiyyah dan posisinya beramal sebagaimana layaknya amal inna, misalnya qs hud: 1 wa inna) وإن كال لما لیوفینھم ربك أعمالھم11 kull a la mma layuwaffiyannahum rabbuka a’malahum), pada ayat ini dapat dilihat bahwa merupakan كال beramal sebagaimana layaknya inna, di mana kata (in) إن isimnya dan huruf ma sebagai khabarnya. di samping posisinya dapat beramal sebagaimana layaknya inna, penggunaan إن dengan makna tawkid juga terkadang ditemukan pada kalimat yang tidak ada pengaruh dari in tersebut, misalnya dapat dilihat pada surah az-zukhruf: 35 wa in kullu dzalik lamma mata’u al-hayat) وإن كلُّ ذلك لما متاع الحیاة الدنیا al-dunya), di dalam ayat ini dapat dilihat bahwa huruf in bermakna inna namun tidak beramal sebagaimana layaknya inna. selain huruf in yang dijelaskan di atas, al-anbari22 juga menggolongkan huruf ال sebagai bagian dari at-tadhad, huruf ال adakalanya digunakan untuk makna nafi, nahi dan itsbat.17 huruf ال dengan makna nafi dan nahi merupakan asli sebagaimana pendapat ahli bahasa dan para mufassir. perbedaan pemikiran al-anbari dengan ahli lainnya terlihat ketika dia memberikan interpretasi terhadap huruf ال dengan itsbat. al-anbari dalam hal ini memberikan interpretasi terhadap ال yang terdapat dalam qs alanbiya: 95 یرجعونالوحرام على قریة أھلكناھا أنھم (wa haram ‘ala qaryatin ahlaknaha annahum la yarji’un). berkaitan dengan pemikiran al-anbari ini dapat dipahami bahwa makna itsbat yang dimaksud al-anbari ialah sebagai penafsiran terhadap ayat tersebut secara keseluruhan bukan itsbat sebagai makna dari huruf ال secara tersendiri. 2. idiomatik dari sejumlah lafaz yang disebutkan al-anbari sebagai bagian dari kata yang memiliki dua makna yang bertentangan ialah disebabkan oleh idiomatik. di antara kata yang bermakna kontranimi dalam bentuk idiom ialah kata راغ . pendapat al-anbari tidak berbeda dengan al-sijistani yang 234 afkaruna mengatakan bahwa kataراغ adakalanya bermakna datang dan pergi.24 di dalam al-quran banyak ditemukan penggunaan lafaz راغ . misalnya di dalam qs ash-shaffat: 91 dan 93, pada ayat 91 allah berfirman .(faragha ila alihatihim faqala ala ta’kulun) إلى آلھتھم فقال أال تأكلونفراغ sementara pada ayat 93 علیھم ضربا بالیمــینفراغ (faragha ‘alayhim dharban bilyamin), kata راغ yang terdapat pada ayat pertama adalah bermaknaذھب , makna kata راغ dalam ayat ini tampaknya sama dengan yang terdapat di dalam surah adz-dzariyat: 26 yaitu فراغ إلى أھلھ فجآء بعجل سمــین (faragha ila ahlihi fajaa bi ‘ijlin samin “dia pergi kepada istrinya dengan bersembunyi, lalu dia membawa daging sapi yang gemuk”). makna kata راغ pada kedua ayat di atas tampaknya berbeda dengan makna yang terdapat di dalam surah ash-shaffat: 93 yang ditafsirkan dengan “datang” 28. أقــبل maksudnya adalah ibrahim mendatangi berhalaberhala dan dia memukul berhala tersebut dengan tangan kanannya. dari pandangan di atas dapat dipahami bahwa keberadaan tadhad pada kata erat kaitannya dengan penggunaan huruf jarr, apabila setelah kata راغ kata tersebut diartikan dengan “pergi”, sebaliknya إلى terdapat huruf راغ apabila sesudah kata راغ terdapat huruf jarrعلـى maka kata tersebut dipahami dengan makna “datang” . 3. keberadaan at-tadhad pada fi’il al-anbari dan sebahagian ahli bahasa mengatakan bahwa kata اشترى termasuk sebagai salah satu kata yang bermakna kontranimi, karena kata tersebut terkadang dapat dimaknai dengan membeli dalam artian menebus sesuatu dengan harga tertentu, dan pada beberapa ungkapan kata tersebut digunakan juga untuk makna menjual, dalam artian sesuatu itu diberikan kepada orang lain ketika telah ditebus atau dibayar dengan harga tertentu. di antara linguis yang memiliki pandangan sedemikian rupa ialah salah satu al-sijistani. dia berpendapat bahwa kata شرى dan اشترى sama-sama digunakan baik untuk makna البیع maupun untuk 24. االشتراء kataشرى dan derivasinya banyak ditemukan di dalam al-quran, kesemua kata tersebut secara umum dapat diartikan dalam dua makna yang bertentangan, yaitu menjual dan membeli, pemahaman terhadap kedua makna tersebut tergantung pada dalalah serta siyaq yang digunakan di dalam sebuah 235vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kalimat. diartikan dengan البیع setidaknya ada empat kali yakni qs albaqarah: 102, 207, qs an-nisa: 74, dan qs: yusuf: 20. pada ayat-ayat ini kata شرى dan derivasinya diartikan dengan menjual berdasarkan pemahaman terhadap dalalah dan siyaq kalimatnya. berkaitan dengan kata isytara yang terdapat di dalam al-quran, terlihat bahwa dia memberikan interpretasi kepada ayat yang menggunakan kata tersebut dengan melihat dalalah yang terdapat dalam setiap kalimat. misalnya lafaz اشتروا yang terdapat di dalam qs al-baqarah: 16 dapat diinterpretasikan dengan menjual, karena adanya kata ربـح sesudahnya, sementara keberuntungan identik dengan perdagangan. 4. zharaf menurut al-anbari kata وراء adakalanya dapat diartikan dengan خلف sebagaimana yang terdapat di dalam qs hud: 71 إسحاق یعقــوب wamraatuhu qaimat fadhahaqat ) وامرأتھ قائمـة فضحقت فبشرناھا بإسحاق ومن fabasysyarnaha bi ishaq wa min wara’i ishaq ya’qub), pada ayat ini kata wara’a diartikan dengan khalfa ialah karena ishak merupakan ayah dari ya‘qub. adapun kata وراء yang bermaknaأمام ialah seperti yang terdapat di dalam qs al-kahf: 79. kata wara’a diartikan dengan amama pada ayat tersebut karena adanya raja yang merusak kapal tersebut memang berada di depan. contoh lain dapat dilihat pada ayat-ayat tentang azab yang menggunakan kata wara’a, seperti ومـن ورائھ عذاب غلیظ (wamin wara’ihi ‘adzabun ghalidzun), kata wara’a dalam ayat ini tidak dapat diartikan dengan khalfa karena hal ini merupakan peringatan terhadap balasan yang mereka terima di hari mendatang, untuk itu arti yang tepat terhadap kata wara’a yang diiringi dengan lafaz azab ialah بــین یدیـھ (bayna yadayh) atau di depan. selain kata wara’a, al-anbari juga mengungkapkan bahwa kata فوق merupakan salah satu dari kata yang memiliki dua makna yang saling bertentangan.17 di mana pada konteks tertentu lafaz tersebut dapat diartikan dengan lebih besar (األعظم) dan lebih hina (دون) . quthrub juga memandang bahwa kata fawq merupakan salah satu dari kata tadhad, 236 afkaruna dia mengartikan kata tersebut dengan yang lebih tinggi (األرفع) dan yang lebih rendah (األدوان) , akan tetapi dia berbeda dalam memposisikan makna kata tersebut, kata fawq akan bermakna al-adwan jika diikuti olehkata sifat, sepertiإنھ لقلیل فوق القلیل (innahu laqalil fawqa qalil), dan kata fawq bisa bermakna al-arfa‘ jika diikuti oleh kata bendasepertiھذه نملة وفوق النملة (hadzih namlah wa fawq al-namlah). sebagaimana pendapat ahli bahasa di atas juga diakui oleh tokoh tafsir, salah satunya adalah al-thabari yang mengatakan bahwa kata fawq merupakan salah satu kata yang memiliki dua makna yang saling berlawanan, yang pertama adalah di atas (besar) dari nyamuk yaitu lalat, dan makna yang lain adalah bawah (kecil) dari nyamuk yaitu bisa berarti molekul.39 ibn katsir40 juga mengatakan bahwa kataفما فوقھا (fama fawqaha) memiliki dua makna yang berlawanan, yang pertama bermakna lebih hina yang diartikan dengan kecil (shaghir) yang kedua diartikan dengan akbar minha yaitu lebih besar seperti lalat. 5. derivasi al-anbari juga menyoroti masalah bentuk kata yang tidak dapat diterjemahkan sesuai dengan shighatnya melainkan harus diterjemahkan dengan makna bentuk lain, seperti fa’il yang harus diterjemahkan dengan maf’ul atau sebaliknya. penggunaan kata dengan bentuk seperti ini banyak ditemukan di dalam al-quran seperti lafaz alim, tabi‘, hadhim dan sami‘. misalnya kata alim terdapat di dalam qs al-baqarah: 10 ألیمولھم عذاب (wa lahum ‘adzabun alimun), kata tabi‘ misalnya dapat dilihat pada qs al-isra: 69 تبیعاثم ال تجدوا لكم علینا بـھ , makna kata tabi‘ dalam ayat ini adalah fa‘il. sementara penggunaan kata hadhim ialah dapat dilihat pada qs asy-syu‘ara: 148 ھضیموزروع ونخل طلعھا , kata hadhim dalam ayat ini juga bermakna fa‘il, penggunaan kata sami‘ sendiri banyak ditemukan di dalam al-quran, salah satunya ialah pada surah al-baqarah: 227 .kata sami‘ pada ayat tersebut ialah bermakna fa‘il , علیمسمیعإن هللا keberadaan makna kontramini pada beberapa contoh di atas menurut alanbari ialah terdapat pada pengalihan makna dari sebuah bentuk kata menjadi makna bentuk lainnya. satu kata memiliki dua atau tiga makna bahkan memiliki arti kontradiksi 237vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 sebagaimana pandangan al-anbari adalah fenomena lumrah dalam bahasa. menurut bloomfield makna satu kata bisa beragam, jika situasi dan kondisinya menghendaki demikian, begitu juga satu kata digunakan pada daerah yang berbeda menentukan makna kata itu sendiri.41 stern juga mengungkapkan dalam proses menyusun dan memahami pesan lewat kode kebahasaan, unsur kejiwaan seperti kesadaran batin, pikiran, asosiasi, maupun pengalaman merupakan hal yang tidak dapat diabaikan.42 karena semua unsur ini dapat membentuk makna sebuah lafaz atau kata, maka untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang utuh terhadap teks seseorang tidak dapat melepaskan diri dari berbagai aspek di luar teks. penutup dari uraian di atas dapat dilihat bahwa pemikiran al-anbari dalam bidang linguistik khususnya pada aspek nahwu dan sharaf menjadi dasar dalam mengungkap makna yang terdapat dalam kalimat. dalam artian pola kalimat dan bentuk kata menurut al-anbari sebagai representasi dari makna sebuah kata. menurut al-anbari setiap aturan yang terdapat dalam sintaksis bahasa arab adalah sebagai wujud dari makna yang dikandung sebuah kalimat. begitu juga di dalam aspek morfologis, al-anbari berpendapat bahwa setiap bentuk derivasi memiliki makna khusus, namun terkadang penggunaan sebuah bentuk kata untuk makna lain sering ditemukan di dalam al-quran. pemikiran linguistik al-anbari sebagaimana diungkapkan di atas menunjukkan dia berpandangan bahwa makna bahasa arab muncul dari tanda-tanda kebahasaan dan tidak cukup hanya memaknai secara leksikal saja. hal ini memberikan kontribusi yang cukup besar terhadap penafsiran ayat-ayat al-quran khususnya ayat al-quran yang menggunakan kosa kata yang tergolong kepada kontranimi. kontribusi pemikiran linguistiknya terhadap penafsiran ayat al-quran ialah terlihat pada konsistensi dan kompleksitas perhatiannya dalam mengungkap makna, yaitu selain melihat makna secara leksikal al-anbari juga mempertimbangkan makna gramatikal, derivasi kata dan konteks di luar bahasa, pertimbangan terhadap konteks kebahasaan dan konteks di luar bahasa inilah yang mengilhami seorang interpreter mendapatkan pemahaman adanya makna kontramini. 238 afkaruna endnotes 1 j. al-subhani, “al-manahij at-tafsiriyyah.” dar al-fikr, beirut, p. 58, 1998. 2 i. s. dewi, “bahasa arab dan urgensinya dalam memahami al-qur’an,” kontemplasi, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 39–50, 2016. 3 a. a. w. wafi, “ilmu al-lughah.” dar al-tsaqafah, beirut, pp. 186–187, 2004. 4 a. b. a. ibn ‘ali al-k. al-baghdadi, tarikh baghdad. kairo: as-sa’adah, 2008. 5 y. al-h. al-rumi, “mu’jam al-udaba’.” dar al-gharb al-islamy, beirut, p. 318, 1993. 6 f. abbas, “mashadir al-dirasah bayn al-bashriyin wa al-kufiyyin,” majallah allughah wa al-ittishal, vol. 12, no. 20, pp. 11–27, 2017. 7 m. kantawi, “al-sima’ bayn al-bashriyin wa al-kufiyin: muqarabah fi almanhaj,” majallah “muntadi al-ustadz,” vol. 11, no. 2, pp. 139–158, 2011. 8 h. s. h. s. ad-damin, “ibn al-anbari abu bakr muhammad ibn al-qasim (w. 328 h) siratuhu wa mu’allifatuh.” dar al-basya’ir, damaskus, p. 24, 2006. 9 a. b. m. ibn al-q. ibn b. al-anbari, kitab al-addad. kuwait: maktabah al’ashriyyah, 1960. 10 m. h. ’ali yasin, “al-adhdhad fi al-lughah al-’arabiyah.” dar al-tsaqafah, baghdad, p. 3, 1997. 11 t. hassan, “al-ushul: dirasah efistimulujiyah li al-fikr al-lughawi ‘ind al‘arab.” al-hay’ah al-mishriyah al-‘ammah li al-kitab, kairo, p. 325, 1979. 12 m. ilyas, “al-qiyas fi al-nahw.” dar al-fikr, beirut, p. 102, 1996. 13 a. b. m. ibn al-q. ibn b. al-anbari, “syarh al-qasha’id as-sab‘i ath-thiwal aljahiliyat.” dar al-ma’arif, kairo, p. 103, 1982. 14 a. al-f. ‘utsman ibn jinni, “al-khashaish.” al-hay’ah al-mishriyah al-‘ammah li al-kitab, kairo, p. 35, 1983. 15 a. a. j. al-karim, “al-ma’na wa al-nahw.” maktabah al-adab, kairo, p. 35, 2002. 16 s. dhaif, al-madaris al-nahwiyyah, 6th ed. kairo: al-halibi, 1972. 17 a. b. m. ibn al-q. ibn b. al-anbari, “al-adhdhad.” majma’ al-lughah al’arabiyyah, damaskus, p. 35, 1971. 18 a. al-q. mahmud bin ’umar, “al-muhajah bi al-masail al-nahwiyyah.” maktabah as’ad, baghdad, p. 78, 1973. 19 al-asymuni, “syarh alfiyah ibn malik.” dar al-fikr, kairo, p. 98, 1974. 20 ‘abdurrahman ibn abu bakr jalaluddin al-suyuthi, “hama‘ al-hawami‘ syarh jam‘u jawami‘.” dar al-kutub al-’ilmiyyah, kairo, p. 125, 1996. 21 a. b. m. ibn al-q. ibn b. al-anbari, “al-mudzakkar wa al-muannats.” dar alraid al-’arabiyyah, beirut, p. 29, 1986. 22 m. bin al-q. al-anbari, kitab al-adhdad, no. 3. kuwait: turats al-’arab, 1960. 23 al-k. bin a. al-farahidi, “kitab al-jumal fi al-nahw.” muassasah al-risalah, beirut, p. 204, 1985. 24 a. h. al-sijistani, “al-adhdhad.” maktabah lubnan, beirut, p. 106, 1981. 25 a. al-h. s. ibn m. al-akhfasy, “kitab ma’ani al-quran.” maktabah al-khaniji, kairo, p. 645, 1991. 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(universitas i. n. r. f. p. albab, “performansi dan gramatika bahasa arab sebagai bahasa kedua,” arab. j. pendidik. bhs. arab dan kebahasaaraban, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 75–85, 2015. 32 b. (universitas m. s. b. ritonga, mahyudin, alrasi, fitri, “dirasah tahliliyah ‘an ahammiyah ma’rifah al-tashrif fi fahmi al-lughah al-’arabiyyah,” arab. j. bhs. arab, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 23–34, 2018. 33 a. m. al-tsa’laby, “fiqh al-lughah wa asrar al-’arabiyyah.” al-maktabah al’ashriyyah, beirut, p. 356, 2008. 34 a.-z. mounah, “zhahirah al-tadhad fi lughat al-dhad wa atsaruha fi tafsir al-quran al-karim,” thesis, vol. 1, no. 1, p. 32, 2008. 35 e. s. obeidat and a.-r. abu-melhim, “lexical relations between english and arabic: the role of the translator,” int. j. english lang. linguist. res., vol. 25, no. 4, pp. 639–651, 2017. 36 i. adrian, “al-adldad: sebuah fenomena pertentangan makna dalam linguistik arab,” okara, vol. 2, no. 6, pp. 149–160, 2011. 37 r. lederer, crazy english, no. 2. 1989. 38 a. al-h. s. bin m. al-akhfasy, kitab ma’ani al-qur’an, vol. 1, no. 29. kairo: maktabah al-khaniji, 2009. 39 i. a. j. bin m. j. al-thabary, “jami’ al-bayan ‘an ta’wil al-quran.” dar al-fikr, beirut, p. 178, 1973. 40 a. bin muhammad, tafsir ibnu katsir, no. 8. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar, 2004. 41 a. m. ’umar, ’ilmu al-dalalah, no. 5. kairo: maktabah lisan al-’arab, 1998. 42 h. . stern, fundamental concepts of language teaching, no. 1. oxford: oxford university press, 1991. daftar pustaka a. bin muhammad. 2004. tafsir ibnu katsir. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar. ad-damin, h. s. h. s. 2006. ibn al-anbari abu bakr muhammad ibn al-qasim (w. 328 h) siratuhu wa mu’allifatuh. damaskus: dar al-basya’ir. al-akhfasy, a. al-h. s. bin m. 2009. kitab ma’ani al-qur’an. 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(universitas i. n. r. f. p. 2015. performansi dan gramatika bahasa arab sebagai bahasa kedua. arabiyat: jurnal pendidikan bahasa arab dan kebahasaaraban, 2 (1), 75–85. retrieved from http://journal.uinjkt.ac.id/ index.php/ arabiyat arabiyât a.-z. mounah, 2008. “zhahirah al-tadhad fi lughat al-dhad wa atsaruha fi tafsir al-quran al-karim,” thesis, vol. 1. no. 1. dewi, i.s. 2016. “bahasa arab dan urgensinya dalam memahami al-qur’an,” kontemplasi, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 39–50. dhaif, s. 1972. al-madaris al-nahwiyyah. kairo: al-halibi. e. s. obeidat and a.-r. abu-melhim. 2017. “lexical relations between english and arabic: the role of the translator,” int. j. english lang. linguist. res. vol. 25, no. 4. f. abbas. 2017. “mashadir al-dirasah bayn al-bashriyin wa al-kufiyyin,” majallah al-lughah wa al-ittishal. vol. 12. no. 20. hassan, t. 1979. al-ushul: dirasah efistimulujiyah li al-fikr al-lughawi ‘ind al-‘arab. http://journal.uinjkt.ac.id/ 241vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kairo: al-hay’ah al-mishriyah al-‘ammah li al-kitab. h. . stern. 1991. fundamental concepts of language teaching. oxford: oxford university press. i. adrian, 2011. “al-adldad: sebuah fenomena pertentangan makna dalam linguistik arab,” okara. vol. 2. no. 6. ibn jinni, a. al-f. ‘utsman. 1983. al-khashaish. kairo: al-hay’ah al-mishriyah al‘ammah li al-kitab. ibn katsir, 1996. tafsir ibn katsir. beirut: dar al-fikr. ilyas, m. 1996. al-qiyas fi al-nahw. beirut: dar al-fikr. jabal, m. h. 2009. difa’ “an al-qur”an al-karim ashalah al-i’rab wa dalalatuhu “ala al-ma”ani fi al-qur’an al-karim wa al-lughah al-’arabiyyah. kairo: al-azhar. mahmud bin ’umar, a. al-q. 1973. al-muhajah bi al-masail al-nahwiyyah. baghdad: maktabah as’ad. m. kantawi. 2011. “al-sima’ bayn al-bashriyin wa al-kufiyin: muqarabah fi almanhaj,” majallah “muntadi al-ustadz,” vol. 11, no. 2. nahar, h. 2007. “ilm al-dalalah al-tathbiqi fi al-turats al-’araby. yordania: dar alamal li al-nasyr wa al-tawji’. r. lederer. 1989. crazy english. new york: cambridge university. ritonga, mahyudin, alrasi, fitri, b. (universitas m. s. b. 2018. dirasah tahliliyah “an ahammiyah ma’rifah al-tashrif fi fahmi al-lughah al-’arabiyyah. arabiyatuna: jurnal bahasa arab, 2 (1), 23–34. retrieved from http:// journal.staincurup.ac.id/ index.php/arabiyatuna/article/view/333/pdf ’umar, ahmad. 1998. ’ilmu al-dalalah. kairo: maktabah lisan al-’arab. wafi, a. a. w. 2004. ilmu al-lughah. beirut: dar al-tsaqafah. yasin, m. h. ’ali. 1997. al-adhdhad fi al-lughah al-’arabiyah. baghdad: dar altsaqafah. http:// jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 da’wah communication of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance at grebeg besar ceremony in demak regency doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0097.113-128 indriana arninda dewi, r.m pramutomo graduate program of isi surakarta, master program of arts creation and studies niindhaonix@gmail.com rmpram60@gmail.com abstract bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance is a group dance existing and developing in demak regency. it is included in a series of processions at grebeg besar religious ceremony in demak regency as a guest welcoming dance. grebeg besar is a religious ceremony taking place in demak regency that is held once a year, precisely on eid al-adha. the existence of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance at grebeg besar is one of the media to harmonize culture and religion. the performance contains da’wah elements, so every part of bedhaya tunggal jiwa contains various messages communicated to the public. the overall message focuses on its efforts to remind people to always do good or call for something good for themselves and others. these messages can be identified through movement, makeup fashion, floor pattern, property, and dance music. the method used in this study was qualitative research method with ethnocoreology approach by adopting the concept of form by suzanne k langer and the concept of art communication by santosa. the field study was carried out to obtain objective data carried out through observation, data analysis, and report writing. keywords: form, da’wah communication of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance. abstrak tari bedhaya tunggal jiwa merupakan tari kelompok yang hidup dan berkembang di kabupaten demak. tari bedhaya tunggal jiwa masuk dalam rangkaian prosesi pada upacara keagamaan grebeg besar di kabupaten demak sebagai tari penyambutan tamu. grebeg besar ialah seremoni keagamaan yang berlangsung di kabupaten demak, upacara tersebut dilakukan setiap tahun sekali tepatnya pada hari raya idul adha. keberadaaan tari bedhaya tunggal jiwa dalam grebeg merupakan salah satu salah satu media penyelarasan antara budaya dan agama. dalam sajian tersebut mengandung unsur dakwah, sehingga setiap elemen mailto:niindhaonix@gmail.com mailto:rmpram60@gmail.com 114 afkaruna bentuk t ari be dhaya tunggal jiwa me ngandung ber bagai pesan yang dikomunikasikan kepada masyarakat, pesan secara kesuluruhan mengerucut pada upaya pengingat kepada manusia agar senantiasa berbuat baik atau ajakan menyerukan sesuatu hal yang baik untuk sendiri dan sesama. pesan-pesan tersebut dapat diidentifikasi melalui gerak, rias busana, pola lantai, properti dan musik tari. metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan pendekatan etnokoreologi dengan mengadopsi konsep bentuk dari suzanne k langer dan konsep komunikasi seni menurut santosa. penelitian lapangan dilakukan guna mendapatkan data yang bersifat objektif yang dilakukan dengan cara pengamatan, analisis data, dan penulisan laporan. kata kunci: bentuk, komunikasi dakwah tari bedhaya tunggal jiwa. introduction according to aep kusnawan, da’wah in a limited capacity is understood by the general public as a lecture or tabligh on the islamic teachings. generally, it is delivered verbally by da’i, kyai, and ulama on the minbar in majlis ta’lim, mosques, or religious spaces.1 etymologically, the term da’wah originates from arabic and the words da’a, ya da’u, and da’watan which mean invitation and call. in fact, da’wah activities in islam are not exclusive activities, limited only to certain groups and only performed in tabligh spaces or on the minbar. sambas explains that da’wah activities consist of several elements, namely the subject or performer (da’i), message (mawdhu’), method (uslub), media (washilah), and object (mad’u).2 furthermore, with the development of time and creativity and innovation, the da’wah packaging is more attractive. the efforts to develop da’wah has long been carried out by many muslims. da’wah that incorporates art elements or combines several art elements is an indication that has contributed to the development of islamic da’wah in indonesia (java). demak regency is one of the cities which has developed a way of da’wah through art media. the government addressed the rapid increase in era development, rapid growth of islamic schools and significant decrease in culture with four strategies, namely creation, art, innovation and preservation. thus, the demak regency government created an innovation at grebeg besar demak ceremony by using dance as a medium for conveying islamic messages and calling for kindness, without losing the essence of the ceremony. grebeg besar ceremony is believed by demak people as a da’wah 115vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 medium of the wali, especially sunan kalijaga. grebeg itself is a term in javanese word means traditional festival and besar means a name of month of javanese calendar. hence, this ceremony is held by the demak regency government every eid al-adha (10 dzulhijjah) as a tradition of expressing gratitude for the endeavor of the ancestors, especially the endeavor regarding islamic syiar made by sunan kalijaga, and obeying the will to clean sunan kalijaga’s heirloom in the form of kotang ontokusuma, a kind of traditional vest (inscribed with syahadad) and kyai carubuk’s kris. since then, the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance choreographed by dyah purwani became a procession of important events at grebeg besar ceremony and an important element of the ceremony. the name of tunggal in javanese term could means one destination, and jiwa in javanese terms means a spirit. that’s why the name of tunggal jiwa connect to a spirit of nine wali’s in java whose belong to one destination to teach islam in java. dyah received guidance from the demak government in choreographing bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance, so several messages presented in bedhaya tunggal jiwa performance were carefully considered. tunggal jiwa is defined by creators as a dance that symbolizes the unity of motion which a representation of the activities of the saints in the activities of islamic propogations. bedhaya tunggal jiwa interpreted by the goverment and local comunity as a medium of unity between officials and the citizens in a grebeg besar ceremony bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance conveys messages reflected in the elements that constitute the dance performance. the moral value can be identified from the performance, meaning of each movement, floor pattern, and meaning of lir-ilir song. it is hoped that bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance can convey messages from the government to the local community, as a medium to remind people to always carry out islamic shari’a as practiced by sunan kalijaga.3 a research problem can be formulated from the background that has been explained: how does da’wah communication of bedhaya tunggal jiwa texts at grebeg besar demak ceremony? this study is to examine things related to the direction of da’wah communication that occurs within the scope of grebeg besar ceremony. the results of this study are expected to be a contribution to the scientific reference of performance arts study and increase the public insight on bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance and can contribute to the demak regency government. 116 afkaruna research method this study used a qualitative method with ethnocoreology approach as a scientific discipline using the suzanne k langer concept that views form as a result of a comprehensive unity of a relationship of various interrelated factors or a way in which all aspects can be arranged.4 in addition, according to santosa, the art communication concept is the process of delivering and receiving ideas that occurs between two sources that have different functions.5 the two concepts were utilized by the author to describe and analyze the direction of communication built through the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance at grebeg besar ceremony in demak regency. discussion bedhaya tunggal jiwa is a dance existing and developing in demak regency. in addition to a welcoming dance for officials and all demak people, it functions as an art development and preservation in demak regency. if it is observed, the activity focuses on invitations and calls for doing good deeds. it is presented as a whole as an accompaniment to the regent and staffs in welcoming guests of grebeg celebration during the procession of handling over the anointing oil at the pendhapa area of demak regency since all the people and city officials gathered at this time. a. bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance forms at grebeg besar ceremony in demak regency dance forms is the creation of artists, which is the result of the point of view and its response to the physical form that can be captured with the five senses, then in the form of dance there is a relationship between the medium and directed experience of the soul of the choreographer expressed, or the relationship between form and content. the form that is shaped is a physical form, an observable form, while the content is an undisclosed form, in it contains the values or experiences of the soul wigati (signification).6 the definition of bedhaya in general based on kph brotodiningrat in his book entitled kawruh joget mataram that: “tata rakitipun bedhaya sanga wahu dipun tata, karakit hing tengah gangsal (5), kiwo tengen sekawan, dados jangkep sanga. tatanan puniko sampun hamujutaken belegering manungso. hing tengah dipun wastani (hendhel, 117vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 batak, jangga, dhadha, buntil), ingkang kiwo tengen kawastanan ( hapit ngajeng, hapit mburi, hendhel wedalan, hendhel ajeg).7 [structuring rakit on the 9th bedhaya consisting of five dancers in the center of rakitan, four are being on the right and the left, so the total of dancers is nine. this order is a scatter of the human body. the middle part consists of (hendhel, batak, jangga, dhadha, buntil), the right and left parts (hapit ngajeng, hapit mburi, hendhel wedalan, hendhel ajeg). the concept of bedhaya in tradition describes that the nine of dancers have their own position, but in the form of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance the nine of dancers is a shape of wali sanga/sembilan wali representation as figures of islamic disseminators in java regency. as a part of bedhaya tunggal jiwa form is a floor patterns. the most interesting thing in this point is creator understand the floor patterns as a position movements in the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance. based on the explanation from hadiwijoyo in the bedhaya ketawang book that in javanese is also found about astrological signs such as lintang suku, kukusan, gemak tarung, panjer rina.8 the floor patterns in the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance by the creator is understood as representation of wali sanga activities in the vision of islamic disseminator in java regency. futhermore, the performance forms in the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance is an image of objective presentation and objective reality, so the dance can be a symbol of inner expression which comes symbolically through the various elements choreography that are related to each other. this statement is also rainforced by suzzane k langer in her book entitled problematika seni translation by widaryanto as follows: bentuk merupakan struktur, sebuah hasil kesatuan yang menyeluruh dari suatu hubungan berbagai faktor yang saling bergayutan atau terkait satu sama lain.9 form is a structure, the result of the unity comprehensively from the relation of the some factors that is related to each other. bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance is the creation and the result of the creative works by dyah purwani setyaningsih which is based on the background of the ability, the motivate and individual perpetuation to her own regency that is demak. dyah is the active artist dyah was an active artist in demak district who was entrusted by the regent to create a dance depicting as demak identity. bedhaya’s single soul was important because the dance began the procession of the delivery of the figures as regent 118 afkaruna and district officials out of dalem ageng regent to pendopo to meet the invited guests. b. bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance structures at grebeg besar ceremony in demak regency bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance is a work which working process is based on the traditional movements of surakarta and yogyakarta styles. dyah used the basic movements of female dance so that everyone can do it, just like wali’s simple teachings that are easy and well received by the community.10 bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance structures are divided into three parts, namely maju beksan, beksan, and mundur beksan. the explanation of the structures is as follows: a. maju beksan maju beksan in bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance begins with nine dancers walking in kapang-kapang from the dalem ageng of the regent to the pendhapa ageng of the regent, accompanying the regent and government staffs in welcoming the guests. walking in kapang-kapang is javanese that means walking slowly. one dancer acts as a leader followed by eight dancers who walk in two lines. then, the dancers slowly face left (facing the regent) and turn their back on the guests. then, the dancers sit crosslegged and form the imam and makmum floor pattern with one of the dancers sitting in the front. figure 1. the procession of walking in kapang-kapang from the dalem ageng of the regent to the regency pendhapa (government documentation, 2018) 119vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 b. beksan beksan is a javanese word which means dance or a form of dance. beksan here means a series of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance from the beginning to the end. the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance begins with sembahan, which means respect for the regent and demak regency government officials, in cross-legged sitting position, then sitting in jengkeng sembahan position followed by standing up to do lembahan separo, sekar suwun, laras sawit, lincak gagak, golek iwak, rimong sampur, perangan, and bersuka ria movements. c. mundur beksan (pagar ayu) mundur beksan is a term taken from javanese that means one of the dance structures arranged to end a dance.11 mundur beksan in the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance begins with jengkeng nikel warti, then sembahan akhir and ends with srisig backward forming two lines of pagar ayu to make way to the leader of patangpuluh soldiers facing the regent to receive the anointing oil. c. da’wah communication of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance in the scope of grebeg besar ceremony in demak regency da’wah patterns are interpreted as communication patterns. da’wah according to hilman latief is ‘a call to islam’ or ‘islamic propagation’. in other contexts da’wah signifies social welfare and missionary activities. legitimized by the idea of universal values of islam (rahmatan li al-alamin). hilman explained that da’wah activities could be in the form of sending da’i to a muslim minority region, zakat, sadaqah and even fighting christianization in the majority muslim region.12 communication is the process of delivering and receiving ideas or codes. in his book, santosa explains that communication occurs between two sources (or two groups), each of which has a different function, namely as the information sender and information recipient.13 if santosa’s study suggests that communication through music is in the aesthetic realm of communication, on this occasion, communication in the aesthetic realm occurs in the atmosphere of religious ceremony, namely the grebeg besar ceremony of demak. looking at the communication process that occurs during the grebeg besar demak ceremony, especially in the procession of handling over the 120 afkaruna anointing oil that begins with the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance containing purposes and goals conveyed to the public. grebeg besar demak is seen as a ceremony which has become a tradition of demak people from generation to generation. in this case, the public acts as the ceremony performers and audience. therefore, the communication occurs between the people who deliver the message and the people who receive the message. according to santosa, there are three stages of communication process, namely message packaging, message delivery, and message content. the followings are the da’wah communication of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance: 1. message packaging in the message packaging process, the activities of developing and considering the message are carried out carefully by dancers and choreographers since the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance is in the context of religious ceremony, so the message packaging process does not stand alone. it was developed with foundation of thinking, concepts and public attitudes since grebeg besar ceremony is very close to community lives. this is confirmed by santosa’s statement in his book that the message packaging process is strongly influenced by the aspirations of some people, both individual and in groups.14 dyah, as the choreographer, further explains that the message packaging process of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance was not carried ouf without careful consideration. the packaging process was done carefully. the interpretation of each performance element was done under the guidance of head of cultural division, so the dance performance is not out of context, performance purpose, and audience orientation. it is hoped that the message packaging through bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance can meet the audience and environment’s needs. an investigation on the environment where the tradition exists and develops is one of the main orientations so that the material presented can adjust and be adjusted to the local culture. the era of demak kingdom is assumed as the era where javanese create art inspired by the acculturation of javanese culture and islamic elements. the communication established later is expected to have a good impact on the atmosphere of grebeg besar ceremony since the public assumes that a series of grebeg besar ceremony is not only a spectacle but also a guidance. 121vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 2. message delivery message delivery in this discussion was done through dance performance performed by dancers and gendhing played by gamelan players. regarding the nature of art communication, desmon morris explains in pramutomo that the anthropology of human movement is important in presenting communication patterns of a choreography. shown in morris concept, there are types of movements communicated in the form of gestures and behaviors. gestures mean meaningful movements produced by the body while behaviors mean behavioral patterns stylized in movement and become human communication needs.15 the followings are meanings that contained in the name of bedhaya tunggal jiwa, the position of dancer philosophy, the meaning in movements, floor patterns, properties, and dance song entitled ilir-ilir. the meanings are communicated to the community as media to deliver messages: a. the name of tunggal jiwa the name tunggal jiwa was chosen by the government of demak regency, it has the important meaning for the government and also the society in demak. the meaning of tunggal jiwa is united from government and society. the meaning of united from the government and the society is the dance can enjoyed by demak society comprehensively. the meaning of the united from the government and the society is that this dance can be enjoyed all the people of demak society and the government before the regent.16 bedhaya’s second meaning is come from the soul symbolizes the unity of motion which is a series of human activities with the teachings of the wali are simple and clear that it is easy to understand and understand then implemented by people. this bedhaya tunggal jiwa name of the soul there is a manunggal conception between government and citizens in the effort to reach ideals through the system and soul and team in creating efforts that utilize natural conditions and build the safety of the world and afterlife. the world-wide affairs encompassed all life in the family, society and the environment (microcosm/macrocosm) that included the universe. where both have to be a reciprocal relationship between humanity and nature. thus the meaning of the singular name conception of the soul that gave the choreographer a limitation in giving the 122 afkaruna meaning of each text of the bedhaya dance single soul. the following is the meaning of the number of dancers, movements, performers, fashion makeup, floor patterns, properties as well as the rotating song used on the bedhaya single soul dance. b. philosophy of standing dancer the position of dancers in bedhaya concept has different meanings. the difference is according to where the tradition lives and develops. if in bedhaya ketawang nine dancers depict the symbolic of jagading manungso, consisting of batak, endel, dada, gulu, boncit, apit meneng, andel ajeg, endel weton, apit mburi, apit ngarep. 17 the concept of the number of odd dancers in the dance bedhaya tunggal soul has its own meaning. the number nine explained about the existence of the number of guardians who broadcast the islamic religion (wali songo) the wali include sunan bonang, sunan gunung jati, sunan kalijaga, sunan ampel, sunan drajat, sunan giri, sunan kudus, sunan gresik, sunan muria. further each dancer on the single bedhaya soul has no standing, explained that nine was one and one was nine.18 the number nine is a unified power of togetherness to reach the ridho allah swt. so there are no different positions like bedhaya in general. bedhaya dance serves as a single life not only for aesthetic needs, but as a symbol of public relations with the regent (microcosm), and the relationship to allah swt (macrocosm) through the ceremony of grebeg besar. a. table of the meaning of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance movement motives movement motives movement meanings sembahan worshipping allah who creates the earth and everything in it. worshipping has a variety of meanings with the same context, namely the expression from the heart as a sign of respect for the existence of the almighty, the almighty can be interpreted as god, the creator of the world, or king who has a high position. lembehan separo human must seek kindness in their lives, if they have got it, it should be transmitted to others. seeking for kindness can be done in various ways, such as interaction with others, nature, and the creator. as social beings who have intelligence, ikhtiar (attempt or effort) that is done has purposes, namely ridho (blessing) from allah swt and establishing good relations with others and the nature. 123vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 movement motives movement meanings laras sawit human must be able to distinguish good and bad deeds in their lives. in interpreting the laras sawit movement, dyah was inspired by human lives which sometimes gets out of control, can no longer distinguish between good and bad deeds. with the existence of the meaning of the laras sawit movement, it is hoped that the people who attend grebeg ceremony will always be able to sort out the bad things in their lives. a reminder which comes through bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance movements can be mutual contemplation. lincak gagak uniting the will/intention in the heart. in this case, uniting the will is an effort to contemplate in the heart. as taught by the wali, we should go through three processes before doing something, namely contemplating in the heart, thinking logically, and contemplating before taking action (arief, 2014, 124). all considerations are necessary in doing things, so heart and mind can be in line. golek iwak looking for a peace of mind, by doing islamic shari’a which has been taught. as in sunan kalijaga teachings, we have to leave all value systems which are not in accordance with islamic teachings. fix the value system which can be improved according to the islamic teachings (arief, 2014, 153). rimong sampur after obtaining things that are considered good (values of islamic teachings) then use or implement them well in life, it is hoped that they can be our salvaltion in the afterlife. this movement also has the meaning of maintaining good relationships that have been build with others and relationship towards god since peace is the goal of religious and state people. perangan regarding the severity of human in fighting personal lusts that are not good and always tempt human faith. accordingly, as servants of god, they must always carry out his commands and stay away from his prohibitions. bersuka ria (revelry) even though they are happy, human cannot be immersed in joy. bersuka ria (revelry) is a movement inspired by prayer beads, which are connected one to another. b. the meaning of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance floor patterns the performance of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance consists of several floor patterns, but there are two floor patterns which have characteristics. the first is the imam and makmum floor pattern, as suggested by the 124 afkaruna demak regency government. the floor pattern highlights one of the dancers as a symbol of the leader in front, like wali and ulama who become the role models in religious and social life. figure 2. the imam and makmum floor pattern (documentation, indriana 2017) second, dyah also adopts the concept of sequential prayer beads that has no end on the bersuka ria movement floor pattern. each dancer moves and ends with rotating on each axis. this pattern means togetherness toward the welfare in the afterlife. overall, the dancers do not raise their hands too high during the entire performance to maintain good manners. c. meaning of makeup and clothing dressing on bedhaya dance single soul using a golden dodot alit prada with the motif of garuda kawung, which is trapped with a black bolero. bolero here used aims to cover the upper part of the chest. it is done so that the body curves are not so visible. the selection of this bolero on the orders of the government of demak district, the reason for the selection of clothing because the social culture of the society in demak is strong religious, thus avoiding the open in the chest. the selection of the black bolero that contains the meaning of the menep (not strange). the black color meaning in javanese society is a type of wisdom and equality, usually black in the life of society, used by people who have experience and insight of various things. 125vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 furthermore, the dressing section using hair dresser, lizards, hair dresser kadal menek has the meaning of humans always in face with various attempts to achieve a goal in his life. the one who is located in the midst of the head that symbolizes god almighty, god is one, so that the kadal menek and the crested to have ties that both have the meaning of a human effort to go to one purpose in life is god. red and white fur color, red has the meaning of a courage and responsible, and the white color symbolizes the purity of life, on the other hand have the courage and responsibility in life must be kept balanced by the sanctity of the heart and soul. furthermore, the number of nine jasmine flowers in kadal menek has the meaning of the number of wali sanga that broadcasts islamic religion in java.19 figure 3. dodot ageng with motif of garuda kawung (documentation indriana, 2018) the used of dodot in the bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance patterned garuda and kawung, the selection of motifs of course has its own meaning. garuda motif means to unipress, as the garuda is an icon of the state of indonesia in which it is written pancasila as the unistate indonesian citizen consisting of various tribes, religions, races and others. so, garuda motifs symbolize as the only official and the people to achieve a peace in the side together. next is the motif kawung, named motif kawung because the motif 126 afkaruna used is a stylus from the cross section of the palm fruit (kawung). the basic shape is four oval circles that almost touch each other by symmetrical, each group is a slender pointed shape. aren as a sugar producer that symbolizes sweetness, has a philosophy of majesty and wisdom. the straight tree without branching symbolizes justice. therefore, batik kawung motif has a very high philosophical value of a fair and wise power.20 c. the meaning of property the property used in bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance is prayer beads. it is a tool used by wali to do dhikr, mentioning allah swt names. the prayer beads are used in the perangan movement, which means the war against worldly lusts. the prayer beads act as a counterbalance so that we always remember allah swt by always mentioning his names on each prayer bead. the selection of prayer beads is considered to be able to represent and support the messages to be delivered at the dance performance. d. the meaning of ilir-ilir song the song which becomes the characteristic of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance performance is ilir-ilir. ilir-ilir song is one of sunan kalijaga’s karamah. here’s what the song means: first verse: ilir-ilir, ilir-ilir, tandure wus sumilir, tak ijo royo-royo. son of the bride, arise from your sleep, the plant has begun to appear green, the passion of newlyweds. second verse: cah ango-cah angon, penekno blimbing kui, lunyu-lunyu yo penekno, kanggo mbasuh dodotiro the shepherd’s son, climb the star of the fruit, even slippery, keep it long, the fruit to wash clothes. third verse: dodotiro-dodotiro, kumitir bedah ing pinggir, dondomana jlumatana, kanggo seba mengko sore those garments, which are torn, then be ignorant, and then, as a provision for a late afternoon. last verse: mumpung padang rembulane, mumpung jembar kalangane, yo soraka, surak hiyo while the light of the month, while a lot of free time, let’s cheer.21 endnotes 1 aep.kusnawan.. berdakwah lewat tulisan. bandung: pt mujahit dakwah press,2004, 15 2 sambas sukriadi... “pokok wilayah kajian ilmu dakwah”, dalam ilmu dakwah 127vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 dalam berbagai perspektif. jakarta: pustaka bani qurasy. 2004, 129—130 3 bowo interview february 28, 2018 4 suzanne k. langer, problemantika seni translation fx. widaryanto bandung: akademi seni tari indonesia bandung, 1988, 15 5 santosa.. komunikasi seni: aplikasi dalam pertunjukan gamelan. surakarta: isi press surakarta,2011., 48 6 santosa.. komunikasi seni: aplikasi dalam pertunjukan gamelan. surakarta: isi press surakarta. 2011, 61 7 kph. brongtodiningrat, falsafah bedaya srimpi dalam kawruh joged mataram; yogyakarta: dewan ahli yayasan siswa among beksa, 1981; 18 8 kgph. hadiwidjojo, “bedaya ketawang: tari-tarian di candi candi hindu”. pidato ilmiah penganugerahan maharsi pada sekolah tinggi hindu, 1981; 21 9 langer ; 1988, 9—10 10 dyah interview on august 24th 2017 11 sunarno,. garan joged sebuah pemikiran sunarno. lpkbm surakarta. 2014, 57 12 hiilam latief,” “islmaic charities and dakwah movements in a muslim minority island: the experience of niasan muslim”. journal of indonesian islam vol 6, no 2. 2012. 13 santosa, 2011; 48 14 santosa 2011, 139 15 rm. pramutomo, “perancangan desain pengalaman turistik melalui ecotourism ruman adat bali kuno di desa mangesta kecamatan penebel kabupaten tabanan provinsi bali. jurnal kawistara vol. 3 no. 3. 2013; 227334. 16 rudi interview, on march 3rd, 2016 17 hadiwidjojo, 1981; 2 18 dyah interview on march 17th 2016 19 dyah interview on march 20th 2016 20 dyah interview on march 20th 2016 21 m. arief, kumpulan karamah dan ajaran wali sanga. yogyakarta: safirah. 2014, 150—151 reference arif, m. kumpulan karamah dan ajaran wali sanga. yogyakarta: safirah. 2014 eka s. 2008. “seni dalam perspektif islam”. islam future vol. vii, no 1. kusnawan. aep. 2004. berdakwah lewat tulisan. bandung: pt mujahit dakwah press. kgph. hadiwidjojo, bedaya ketawang: tari-tarian di candi-candi hindu. pidato ilmiah penganugerahan maharsi pada sekolah tinggi hindu, 1981. kph. brongtodiningrat, “falsafah bedhaya srimpi” dalam kawruh joged mataram. yogyakarta: dewan ahli yayasan siswa among beksa, 1981. langer, k. suzanne. problematika seni, terj widaryanto. bandung: akademi seni tari indonesia, 1988. 128 afkaruna latief hilman. 2012. “islmaic charities and dakwah movements in a muslim minority island: the experience of niasan muslim”. journal of indonesian islam vol 6, no 2. pramutomo, r.m dkk. 2013. “perancangan desain pengalaman turistik melalui ecotourism ruman adat bali kuno di desa mangesta kecamatan penebel kabupaten tabanan provinsi bali. jurnal kawistara vol. 3 no. 3. 227-334. rizal, n. 2012. “kedudukan seni dalam islam”. tsaqafa, jurnal kajian seni budaya islam vol. 1. sunarno. garan joged sebuah pemikiran sunarno. lpkbm surakarta. 2014. santosa. 2011. komunikasi seni: aplikasi dalam pertunjukan gamelan. surakarta: isi press surakarta. sukriadi. sambas. 2004. “pokok wilayah kajian ilmu dakwah”, dalam ilmu dakwah dalam berbagai perspektif. jakarta: pustaka bani qurasy. tasman a. karawitan tari sebuah pengamatan tari gaya surakarta. surakarta. 1987. informants 1. dyah purwani setianingsih, s.pd, m.pd (52 years old), choreographer of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance. 2. ardhito prabowo, sh, mm, (50 years old) head of promotion and marketing division. 3. bibit hartowijoyo, (57 years old), music arranger of bedhaya tunggal jiwa dance. demak. 4. trimia riezqy ayuningrum (27 years old), dancer of bedhaya tunggal jiwa. demak. # layout jan jun 2011 membahas pandangan muslim di indonesia tentang pornografi dengan mengkaji fatwa-fatwa majelis ulama indonesia (mui). dalam masyrakat indonesia yang plural, kaum muslim menggunakan perspektif islam dalam merumuskan cakupan dan makna pornografi juga dalam upaya mendorong penetapan rancangan undangundang anti pornografi. penulis berpandangan bahwa diversitas budaya dan agama menjadi tantangan tersendiri bagi diskursus kaum muslim tentang pornografi karena budaya lokal dan hukumhukum adat di banyak daerah di indonesia memiliki pandangan berbeda tentang apa yang dalam diklasifikasikan ke dalam definisi pornografi. dalam konteks yang lebih luas, artikel ini berargumen bahwa agama semakin berpengaruh terhadap bentuk diskusrsus negara tentang pronografi dan juga ruu pornografi. kata kunci: pornografi, fatwa, mui, hukum islam. introduction pornography is an interesting issue to study. it is clearly a representation of typical problems which the modern world has brought to many people, both on theoretical and practical levels. pornography, though simple it may seem, is a complicated question, which modern media usually intermingled with other issues such as morality, criminality, art and religion. various scholars have studied the issue of pornography in indonesia. to mention a few, pam allen wrote an article about the anti-pornography bill and its potential challenge to the plurality of cultures and religions in indonesia. she describes the resistance to the bill among various pornography in diversity: a study of the mui’s fatwa on pornography novelia musda the ministry of religious affairs at the municipal of padangpanjang, west sumatra. email: mudah_sadar@yahoo.co.id abstract pornography has been one of the most controversial issues among indonesian over decades. this article explores indonesian muslim views and conceptions of pornography by examining mui’s (indonesian ulama council) fatwa. in a plural society like indonesia, muslims have used an islamic perspective to the scope and meanings of pornography in order to support the government plan to issue the porn bill (ruu anti-pornografi). the author argues that religious and cultural diversities in indonesia have challenged muslim discourse about pornography, partly because local culture and customary laws in certain regions of indonesia hold different views in defining what pornography is. in a broader context, this article suggests that religion has become increasingly influential to pattern of state’s discourse about pornography and the porn bill. keywords: pornography, fatwa, mui, islamic law. abstrak pornografi adalah salah satu isu kontroversial di kalangan muslim indonesia selama beberapa dekade. artikel ini doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 96 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna elements of indonesian society as a symbol of their fear of growing islamic influences in the state’s policies.1 she connects the bill with other phenomena such as shari’a by-laws in certain districts in indonesia and the banning of ahmadiyya as well as the increasing number of muslim conservative organizations as a sign that in the future islam will have more power in the state. with the same tone, maren höpfner studied the same porn bill and came to more or less a similar conclusion as allen did. she regards anti-pornography bill and shari’a bylaws as a sign of slow but sure islamisation of the state.2 thomas barker studied the phenomenon of pornography itself by analyzing six porn vcds made by indonesians in 2000 until 2003. he regarded this phenomenon as a new history in indonesia, along with recent technological development which made the rapid widespread distribution of pornographic materials possible, especially in the vcd form. however, he also attributed that phenomenon to the current social fragmentation in the post reformation indonesia.3 on another level, bart barendregt highlights the role of the media, particularly mobile-phone in the development of pornography in indonesia, confirming barker’s conclusion that technology has opened new possibilities for young indonesians to try new things challenging social and religious norms. barendregt also stated that the relation between technology and pornography is not a unique symptom in indonesia among other countries of the world, but the new postsuharto era has sharpened its effects.4 on the other hand, kim andren in her thesis studied indonesian feminists and their reaction against islamic law and the porn bill (ruu anti-pornografi). andren’s work is useful to assess divergent perspectives of different feminist organizations having emerged in indonesia.5 unfortunately, in discussing the issue of pornography in indonesia, those scholars do not put attention to a fatwa on pornography which was issued by mui in 2001. this fatwa is important in the context of debates on pornography in indonesia because it is used as a religious argument by muslim supporters of the anti-pornography. in this paper, i will focus on the fatwa, its background and impact in indonesia with the hope to enrich the studies already available on this subject. definition of pornography first of all, i would like to give a general account of the issue of pornography by accessing its definition and the views of islam on it. the views of christianity and hinduism are also given, because in the contemporary indonesian context, communities of both religions have made important contributions to the debates on pornography. pornography comes from two greek words: porne and graphein. porno means ‘whore’ and graphein means ‘painting’. the definition of pornography by the williams committee, a british committee which was established in 1977 to review the laws dealing with that issue in england and wales, in my view is comprehensive enough to use in this paper: “the term ‘pornography’ always refers to a book, verse, painting, photograph, film or such thing —what in general may be called a representation… a pornographic representation is one that combines two features: it has a certain function or intention, to arouse its audience sexually, and also a certain content, explicit representations of sexual material doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 97vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 (organs, postures, activity, etc.). a work has to have both this function and this content to be a piece of pornography”.6 so, in this definition, a pornographic book or a pornographic photograph is an object which aims at arousing its users sexually by containing explicit sexual materials. but, if it contains sexual materials but not intended to arouse sexually, as we often find in medical books, it cannot be categorized a pornographic book. in the law of anti-pornography (uu anti pornografi) in indonesia, there are lists of the objects or materials of pornography: books, newspapers, magazines, videos, cds, dvds, cassettes, films, radio, television, sms, telephone, multimedia messaging service, the internet, letters, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets, posters, song lyrics, poetry, illustrations, photographs and paintings.7 in indonesia, there is another term closely related with pornography but not identical with it, namely pornoaksi (literally: porno-acts). ade armando, one of the indonesian experts on pornography, excludes pornoaksi from the definition of pornography. in his opinion, pornography always has to deal with media, while pornoaksi can be shown without using media, such as when a woman exposes nudity in a pub.8 in fact, mui’s fatwa in 2001 is entitled fatwa mui tentang pornografi dan pornoaksi. this term began to be very popular in 2003 when inul, a popular dangdut singer, introduced a new style of dancing called goyang ngebor (literally: ‘to bore’ dancing).9 the term pornoaksi refers to acts or behavior which can attract people sexually, including striptease (the extreme form), sexy dancing like inul’s goyang ngebor and madonna’s sexy dancing, music concerts and music shows for parties and feasts in the urban and rural areas in which sexy dancing and “dirty” songs or lyrics are showed to the public. if the behavior is showed in the media (such as on television), it is called pornography. in my opinion, the term pornoaksi was coined because it is difficult to categorize acts which are seen as not only stimulating sexual arousal but also understood as morally improper. the standards of morality, of course, vary from place to place and from people to other people. the traditional clothes among certain tribes in papua, indonesia, are considered as morally improper by many people in other parts of indonesia. in the debates around pornography in the indonesian context, as i will elaborate later in this paper, this concept of pornoaksi and the related-discourse on traditional cultures have attracted different opinions among scholars, artists, and also lay people. this is not only due to the fact that the definition of pornography is socially constructed but is also a modern discourse.10 it is also the reason why the definition of pornography in the ruu app was fiercely debated.11 neng djubaedah, one of the members of the dpr (indonesian lower house parliament) committed with a special task to discuss ruu on pornography, wrote that in the indonesian context, one should consider three categories upon considering the question of pornography, especially when it comes to transforming it into a state law: residence (city or village), religion and culture (adat).12 islamic views on pornography the stance of islam against pornography is clear. pornographic representation of all kinds is haram (forbidden). pornography itself has no exact meaning in the qur’an. but, if we look at the definition of pornography, we have at least two different kinds of haram doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 98 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna activities related to pornography: showing ‘awrat and seeing ‘awrat of other people. ‘awrat refers to things which must be covered by someone because if he or she exposes it to other people, he/she will be ashamed and displeased. in everyday language of muslim communities, also in indonesia, ‘awrat means parts of a person’s body which must be covered or veiled due to religious reasons.13 in islam, it is forbidden or haram not only to show one’s own ‘awrat in public but also to see the ‘awrat of other people which are not a person’s mahram. the qur’an surah an-nur 30-1 states that it is forbidden for the woman to show her ‘awrat, except to some categories of people most of which are called her mahram.14 according to a hadith by muslim, ahmad, abu dawud and tirmidzî, “it is forbidden for a man to see another man’s ‘awrat as also for a woman to see another woman’s ‘awrat.” if it is forbidden to see the ‘awrat of the person of the same sex, it is more detestable in islam to see the ‘awrat of people from the other sex, even if one sees it without lust. a man’s ‘awrat in islam is from his navel until his knee and a woman’s is all the parts of his body except face and palm of both hands. this view is shared by many islamic scholars (‘ulama), including the shafi’ites which is followed by the majority of indonesian muslims.15 the arabic term for showing ‘awrat is tabarruj. a woman is not doing tabarruj if she “lows down her face” (ghaddhul basar) (qur’an: an-nur 30) and does not ikhtilah (associate) with man so that they do not touch each other and not show the ‘awrat.16 islam also forbids men and women alike to approach zina, in the sense that the ways leading to zina which is haram are also haram (al-isra’ 32). pornographic material is seen as a medium which can undoubtedly lead people to approach zina as also khalwat (illicit seclusion of people from different sexes) and obscene songs.17 so, according to islamic law, there is no way to treat a painting as artistic and not haram if it contains pornographic material. pornographic materials have clearly far exceeded the prohibition. unlike the debates whether a muslim woman is obliged to wear headscarf, that pornography is haram, as far as i know, has never been contested by any muslim in religious or intellectual discourses. other religions’ views on pornography just as islam, christianity has also its own view on sexuality and pornography. sexuality in christianity is principally seen as a natural goodness given by god to humanity. however, because this desire is so central in the nature of human being, effects of its corruption are more dangerous than those of any other desire. “human sexuality is a mix of god’s original good design and humanity’s sinful effacement of that design”.18 thus, it is in continuous need of control and right direction in order that humans live according to god’s original design, enabled by active responding to god’s redemptive salvation. pornography is sinful because it dictates human desires, whereas what should dictate the desires is the spirit. pornography is dangerous, especially in the modern world, because it leads people towards fantasy without limits. “pornography creates a certain kind of world, and it is a world out of harmony with the gospel. it is not a world where the truth will set us free, rather it oppresses women as it pollutes the general cultural landscape.”19 the remedy lies in becoming true christians leading a marital doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 99vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 life filled with fidelity, respect and modesty.20 a subject which shows a distinctive christian attitude towards sexuality is art. christianity is criticized of having religious works seemingly containing pornography, such as song of solomon and nude statues of virgin mary. in christian art, especially for religious symbolism, eroticism is admitted but not pornography.21 the difference between pornography and “erotic” christian art is that the latter indeed contains sexual themes but it focuses on commitment and religious feelings and not on sexual arousal as pornography does22. in pornography, both the art and the illusion implied by it are abused; thereby, it has no symbolic meaning. meanwhile, “erotic” christian art puts attention to the relationship between people and not to solely physical pleasure.23 in addition, christian art expresses peculiar christian conceptions of the world, god and human beings.24 thus, we can see that christianity also refuses pornography as islam does, but its “language” is different from the latter. in indonesia, christian communities who are the supporters of anti-pornography tend to use such religious arguments.25 nevertheless, when they attempted to reject ruu app, they did not use religious arguments. the catholic church in indonesia, for instance, rejected ruu app because it held that morality is a religious and private matter and it cannot be regulated by a state legislation.26 hinduism’s views on pornography are not less interesting. one should always differentiate between popular practices and mystical currents in hinduism. in popular hinduism, pornography is seen as a “sin”, in the sense that it is morally improper to show and see pornographic materials.27 in mystical hinduism we are faced with diverse opinions. some currents of hinduism like tantrayana treat sexual themes as a matter of doctrine. it is possible to see nude images of women and sexual scenes in a temple of this mystical current. they do not consider the images as pornographic, but as having symbolic and spiritual meaning.28 however, for hindu communities in indonesia and for some tribes in other provinces like papua, nudity is not always improper or sinful. on the contrary, it can be seen as sublime and symbolic. they do not see the body as a sexual object only, but also a spiritual and philosophical entity. in bali, as in india, it is easy to find artistic works which visualize sexual materials (such as lingga and yoni) and scenes, not only for the purpose of commerce but also in temples. balinese people, especially artists and intellectuals, have different opinions of what pornography actually is. they do not look at such works as sexually arousing, but as aesthetical objects. the phenomenon has been deeply rooted in the daily life of balinese people and transformed into various kinds of arts.29 the view of the balinese on pornography and sexuality in general is indeed influenced by their religion, but it has more to do with mystical aspects of hinduism. for an ordinary balinese, if he is asked whether it is good or bad to see pornographic images and movies as represented in various media, he will say that it is bad, as is the case with most indonesian people. in that sense, religion is understood in its moral dimension. however, if we talk about the forms of balinese art some of which seem to contain sexual scenes, it is not really about morality, but about symbolism. notwithstanding, when there are other hidden motives apart from spiritual symbolism, like making a nude statue or painting in doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 100 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna order to sell it to tourists, the case is more complicated. broadly speaking, christian and hindu communities in indonesia indeed refuse pornography, but some of them cannot fully agree with some interpretation of pornography, especially as elaborated in ruu app, and the regulating of pornography in such a state law as uu.30 this bill, which was finally approved to become law on pornography (uu anti-pornografi), was seen as a threat to arts, customs and the ways of life of some indonesian people or, in general, the plurality of cultures and religions. mui’s fatwa on pornography in this section, an attempt is made to deal with mui’s fatwa on pornography in particular. in the background of the fatwa, i will explain more about the history of pornography itself in indonesia prior to the issuing of the fatwa in order to relate the mui’s religious views to the current conditions in the country. mui (majelis ulama indonesia=indonesian religious council) was founded in 1975 at the initiative of the president soeharto. it was hoped to function as an institution which will connect the government and the muslim community in communication and interaction at the national level. the government initiated this institution because it wanted to involve the ‘ulama in its policies.31 the source of the religious authority of this institution is its composition of religiously qualified and respected indonesian ‘ulama. kaptein also adds another source which is not really related to the religious authority: being a part of the state bureaucracy.32 in the beginning of its foundation, mui was suspected of being the government’s collaborator to control the muslim public opinion in the indonesian society. however, the fatawa issued by mui sometimes went against the government’s policies, such as the fatwa in 1983 on the haram-ness of vasectomy and tubectomy.33 one of the most important activities of mui has been to issue fatawa to indonesian muslims at large and also to the indonesian government. the government tries to find religious legitimation of its developmental activities by asking mui’s opinions on certain socio-religious subjects related to the government’s future policies. the fatawa given by mui cover a wide range of subjects, from the problems of ritual and ceremony to the social and political spheres. since its establishment, mui’s fatawa have not always been welcomed by all indonesian muslims. some controversial fatawa were sometimes challenged, such as the haram-ness of the ideas of pluralism and secularism and also, in more recent time, the haram-ness of smoking.34 as far as i know, the fatwa on pornography by mui has never been challenged by any intellectual muslim or any indonesian ulama. the fatwa is used as a religious ground by the muslim supporters of the anti-pornography movement as we find in the works of neng djubaedah and azimah soebagijo. in order to understand the background of this fatwa, it is important to observe the phenomenon of pornography in indonesia. after the independence of indonesia in 1945, pornography began to pave its way via media, mostly magazines and newspapers. the government was sometimes repressive to this phenomenon by closing the publishers of the pornographic media and by conducting very strong censorship. beginning in the 1950s, there were reports of magazines which doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 101vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 contained pornographic readings and obscene images of western women. they were checked by the governmental institution for controlling proper conduct in media. in the 1960s there were many cases of that kind. on 25 october 1967, the government banned nine publishers in jakarta and bandung because they included pornographic materials in their publications. a decade later, far from declining, pornography reached its peak in the history of indonesia so that some people called that decade as “the golden age of pornography”.35 in this period, not only was pornography found in magazines and newspapers, but also in new media such as porn movie theaters. though the new order government had declared “war” against pornography three times (in 1971, 1984 and 1994), porn media never faded away in indonesia.36 after the reformation of the state’s political and legal systems in 1998, the freedom of press has been guaranteed by the amended constitution. people feel more free than before to express themselves and sometimes they would exercise criticism against the policies of the government. however, the same concept of freedom has also been used by some people to publish with pornographic materials through media. the rapid development of the production of new electronic media, such as vcd, dvd, mobile phone and internet, has helped them to reach many consumers in a relatively short time. before the reformation in 1998, it was very difficult to have videos of young indonesian teenagers who made amateur porn video themselves. barker, after having analyzed six porn vcds made in 2000-2003, maintained that the phenomenon of the production and distribution of such locally made films with very explicit pornographic contents is the first in indonesian history.37 meanwhile, according to barendregt, mobile-phones which can also be used to record and store porn videos have become another feature of the popular culture among young indonesian people.38 the young indonesians have shown the more open attitude towards sexuality because of media and modern technology. mui perceived the need to issue the fatwa on pornography as a response to the situation. the fatwa was issued on 22 august 2001. as far as i know, it is the first fatwa which mui issued in this regard. before uu anti-pornografi was approved at the end of 2008, pornography has been regulated only in kuhp (state criminal laws which do not need the agreement of the parliament as uu does), in articles 281, 282, 532 and 533.39 the cases of pornography in the history of indonesia as indicated in the previous page were handled by considering these articles of the kuhp. the articles themselves are not fully devoted to pornography, but they mainly regulate the proper and improper conduct of the media. when the supporters of ruu app demanded to enhance the regulation on pornography in indonesia to the state of uu, they believed that the kuhp was still not effective to minimize the rapid distribution of pornography. in addition, they were sure that the contents of the kuhp were already obsolete and not suitable in the contemporary indonesian context.40 mui’s fatwa on pornography has been published in an official book issued by lembaga informasi nasional. the most important part of the fatwa is the decision (the “menetapkan” section) or the fatwa itself, especially the sub-section hukum, consisting doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 102 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna of eleven points, namely: 1. to visualize, directly or indirectly, erotic conducts, in the form of painting, images, writing, sound, advertisement, and sayings, both in printed and electronic media is haram. 2. to make ‘awrat open or wear tight or transparent dress with the intention to be visualized in the media is haram. 3. to take the visualization of the second point is haram. 4. to do sexual conducts or performances in the public and to see them is haram. 5. to multiply, distribute, sale and buy products with sexual materials is haram. 6. to do khalwat (intended seclusion between two different sexes not yet married) is haram. 7. to show ‘awrat for muslim men and women is haram. 8. to wear transparent and tight clothing is haram. 9. to do or to say something which can lead to sexual relation outside marriage is haram. 10. to help or to let all the haram things as mentioned above to happen is haram. 11. to get money, gain benefit or facilities from the above mentioned activities is haram.41 we can assume that not all indonesian muslims would follow the exact contents of the fatwa. as in the points 7 and 8, which regulate certain ways of dressing, it is not clear to what extent the haram-ness of wearing tight cloth is different from the explicit or vulgar showing of ‘awrat. it is also not obvious whether the showing of hair for a muslim woman is a minor sin or already a grave one. the phenomenon of showing ‘awrat as indicated in the points 7 and 8 of this fatwa can be observed in many places in indonesia, in cities and villages alike. culture or custom is one of the important reasons why many indonesians do not to observe the dressing conduct as lined by shari’a..42 though many of them are aware that it is forbidden in islam to show ‘awrat, they sometimes find it unpractical to obey all these rules of conduct or sometimes they have different interpretations of the ‘awrat in islam. it is important to note that the fatwa itself was not intended for non-muslims in indonesia. however, it clearly recommends the government to pay due attention to this fatwa. in rekomendasi (recommendation) mui members stressed the significance of four points; the first, the publishers should not be allowed to publish pornographic materials; the second, the government itself should be active in fighting against pornography; the third, the indonesian society in general should participate in combating pornography; and the last, legal institutions in indonesia should enforce laws on it.43 comparison with other fatawa on pornography it is useful to compare mui’s fatwa on pornography with that by other ‘ulama. the database of the famous website www.islamonline.net contains many examples of fatawa on this subject. dating in 2 february 2005, there is a fatwa issued by sheikh ahmad kutty, a senior lecturer and islamic scholar at the islamic institute of toronto, ontario, canada, to a questioner from japan. one of the questions is whether it is permissible in islam to watch porn movies with one’s married couple. to this question, sheikh ahmad kutty replied that it is forbiddoi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 103vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 den in islam to watch pornography either alone or with one’s married couple. it is also forbidden to look at private parts of other people not of one’s mahram. for him, pornography is the sign of degradation to humanity and the root of corruption. pornography is also one among the most hated sins in islam.44 concerning watching porn cartoons, there is also a fatwa issued on 13 september 2007. the questioner was from india. he asked whether it is permissible in islam to see porn cartoons. to this question sheikh muhammad nur abdullah, former president of the islamic society of north america (isna) and a member of the fiqh council of north america, replied that it is a serious sin in islam to watch pornographic cartoons as this may lead to zina (illicit sexual intercourse).45 there are also fatawa on the english section of this site that offer islamic remedy for porn addiction. thus, a fatwa on 13 september 2003 issued by the above-mentioned sheikh ahmad kutty, on answering the question by a newly converted muslim stated that the most important way to overcome porn addiction is to summon the will power. to have this power, it is important to find counseling and therapy, preferably from religiously minded muslim professionals. if they are not available, other people considered to be religiously and ethically excellent are also recommended.46 the fatawa on pornography, by mui or other ‘ulama, tend to use the same religious arguments or dalîl. they quote the qur’an alisra’ (17): 32 as a prohibition to approach zina; an-nur (24): 30-31 and al-ahzab (33): 59 for male and female muslims to stay away from seeing and showing ‘awrat in ways prohibited by shari’ah. there are also hadits in which the prophet, for example, gave the dress code for muslim women and prohibition of khalwah between two different sexes. principles of ushul fiqh and fiqh, such as óï çáðñíúé and ìáè çáãõçáí ïñá çáãýçóï ãþïã úáì are also expressed to support the argument.47 the debates on pornography and impacts of the mui’s fatwa perceiving what they have seen as “dangers” of pornography, some people demanded that the government should transform this fatwa into a state law. this aspiration faced a heated opposition from many groups of people. in what follows, we shall discuss the proponents and opponents of this demand. the socio-religious impact the mui’s fatwa on pornography has its social and religious impact on indonesian communities. a number of books and articles have been published in support of this fatwa in the framework of transforming it into a state law. it is the first time in the history of indonesia that many authors have elaborated on the theme of pornography both in popular and scholarly ways. books’ titles such as pornografi, pornoaksi dan prostitusi: strategi barat untuk menghancurkan generasi muda islam: analisis, fakta, dan filosofi (pornography, pornoaction and prostitution: western strategies to destroy young muslims) and manajemen syahwat: terapi islam menyikapi pornografi (syahwat management: islamic therapy to pornography) are among typical books written on the theme on behalf of indonesian muslims. the mui’s fatwa on pornography is also included in some of the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 104 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna books which have a religious dimension, such as in neng djubaedah and azimah soebagijo, who strongly supported the transformation of the fatwa into a state law. other authors have tried to discuss the phenomenon of pornography from sociological and feminist perspectives. these books and articles counter the religious views by having the opinion that pornography is not a problem as long as it has artistic qualities. this indicates that the fatwa has aroused a new discourse in post-reformation indonesia. it is rather difficult to see the direct impact of this fatwa among ordinary people in indonesia, because mui’s fatawa do not reach all indonesian people, especially if the fatwa is not controversial.48 the fatwa might have invited the beginning of the heated debates on pornography which had their peak in 2006, but it happened when many parts of the indonesian society concerned about the nation’s morality felt pornography as an alarming issue. the role of the media is significant in shaping the process of the emerging awareness on the part of those concerned indonesians. compared to the situation in the history of indonesia before the reformation, this consciousness could be said at its highest level. in 2006, the famous american porn magazine, playboy, wanted to establish itself in indonesia, but the publisher did not intend to make it like playboy in usa which exposes female nudity. however, this initiative was met with fierce opposition among indonesian communities, such as mui, nu, muhammadiyah, even political parties like pdi perjuangan. when the first indonesian edition of this magazine was finally issued, the above mentioned fpi brought it to the court. vice-president yusuf kalla also raised his objection to the publication of the magazine in indonesian version.49 the fatwa on pornography by mui was supposed to be effective in preventing and minimizing the spreading of pornography. however, it seemed that after the issuing of the fatwa, the spread of pornographic materials was still difficult to control. the problem lay in the increasing availability of media and the weakness of legal apparatus. the two factors made the debates on pornography in indonesia take a legal dimension. the political and legal impact the legal discussions about this problem revolved around the question whether it is necessary or not to regulate the production, distribution and consumption of pornography and to what degree it must be regulated. censorship on pornography involving special state laws seems to be a “modern” phenomenon, because in the ancient greeks and in roman times, there were no such laws and many people were not very concerned with the phenomenon. in england itself, the first regulation on pornography was made in the sixteenth century and in usa, in the early nineteenth century.50 the motives to regulate pornography through laws are various. in 1983 for example, the minneapolis city council stated that pornography is a discrimination against women and a serious violation of their rights. the council believed that pornography promotes acts of aggression and contempt for women, taking inspiration from feminist perspectives.51 in many cases, people have tried to promote the legislation of laws regulating pornography by using other arguments, such as religion, morality and, probably the most common one, its harmful effects on viewers. the legal course of action doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 105vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 to minimize the distribution and effects of pornography has always been met with challenges. it can be observed in media that in the debates on pornography, some people would argue that the application of strict legal restrictions on pornography will surely lead to the violation of personal freedom. they tend to opt for educational programs to handle this problem. in contemporary indonesia, political and legal issues of pornography took up more space and energy than the socio-religious ones. the ruu app (anti-pornography and porno-action bill) debates reached its peak in 2006.52 it is important to know that ruu itself was created long before the debates had emerged. djakse, a balinese member of the indonesian parliament, said that ruu app had already been proposed to dpr (the lower house of indonesian parliament) eight years before 2006, i.e. in 1998, but the parliament decided to delay the discussion of the ruu due to other urgent points on political agenda, such as the amendment of indonesian constitution (uud 1945), following the fall of suharto which marked the beginning of the reformation era.53 the sudden reemergence of the bill in 2005 was said to be initiated by muslim members of the parliament and driven by outside pressures, especially from militant islamic groups such as fpi. the head of the balinese national youth comittee, i putu gede indriawan karna, even stated that the bill was apparently an effort to apply islamic laws in indonesia.54 the groups which support the legislation of ruu app are mui, icmi, nu, pks, muhammadiyyah, and many others (from muslims as well as non muslims). they supported the ruu because they held that this state needs to be protected against negative impacts of western influences such as anarchy, free sex, obscenity and hedonism (allen 2007: 104). as minister of religious affairs in indonesia also believed that the country needs the uu in order to fight against pornography and to strengthen the legal system as well as to protect women against exploitation, whose opinion was also shared by the minister of women affairs.55 meanwhile, the opponents of the law were mostly non islamic organizations, such as dewan pers (press committee), komnas ham (national committee for human rights), komnas perempuan (national committee for women) and pgi (the association of indonesian christian churches). several provinces in indonesia also opposed the ruu. some muslim famous figures such as the former president and a leader of nu, gus dur, and muslim organizations such as jil or jaringan islam liberal (liberal islam network) were among the opponents. however, the parties that supported ruu app outnumbered the ones that opposed it.56 each party used its own peculiar arguments and organized demonstrations which were mainly directed against the parliament. as has already been mentioned, out of thirty three provinces in indonesia, only five declared their opposition to the legislation of ruu app. all the five provinces are where other non-muslim communities are the majority, namely bali (hindu majority), ntt, papua, north sulawesi and north sumatra (christian majority). they did not criticize mui’s fatwa, but reacted to the ruu app because they feel discriminated by the muslim majority in indonesia. in fact, there were also many indonesian muslims who opposed the ruu app. al-anshari lists many reasons why the antidoi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 106 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pornography bill was rejected, among which are:57 1. there are already existing laws which regulate pornography in indonesia such as kuhp and other state laws, though not focusing specially on pornography. 2. the bill will restrict the freedom of expression as guaranteed in the indonesian constitution 3. the concept of pornography in the bill is still vague and open to multi-interpretations. 4. the contents of the drafts of the ruu are not suitable in the context of plurality of cultures and religions in indonesia. similar to the fourth point mentioned above, djakse argued that ruu app has no clear-cut definition or obvious standards of pornography and porno-action. she feared that many artistic masterpieces of the past like javanese wayang with the stories of centini and purwakala will not be allowed to be performed in public anymore. djakse saw the ruu as an effort of some people to replace some features of indonesian cultures with those of middle eastern ones.58 her opinion indeed confirmed what höpfner said that for some people pluralism in indonesia is being threatened by the process of islamisation59. bali, the only province in indonesia with the hindu majority, has played an important role in the effort to fight against the passing of the bill on pornography. this province was the first to file the formal rejection of the ruu-app. many elements of balinese community, including government officials, lawmakers, right activists, intellectuals, artists and tourism entrepreneurs, participated in campaigns to refuse the ruu ap. the gouvernour of bali, made mangku pastika, said that the province could not accept the ruu because it went contrary to the cultural and religious life of the balinese people.60 a leader of golkar party from bali, cok budi suryawan, stated that the ruu would threaten pluralism in indonesia and tend to regulate people’s private behavior.61 others said that the legislation will pave the way for muslim extremist groups to force their values on balinese people. they also considered the bill as a serious threat to their customs and to tourism.62 not only have the balinese written books to counter the supporters of ruu ap, but they also arranged and joined in demonstrations to express their protest against the legislation. long before the ruu ap was agreed upon by the indonesian parliament at the end of october 2008, components of balinese people, under the governor of the province and also the local parliament, asserted their refusal of the still processed ruu app.63 even, the parliament of the province had issued two letters of refusal to the ruu, the first on 15 maret 2006 and then on 15 september 2008.64 though the ruu was finally approved, the opposition to the law by the balinese people has not diminished until today. how about christian communities composing the major number of religious minorities in indonesia? as has already been indicated in this paper, some church organizations stated their refusal of the bill and all provinces where indonesian christians are majority also opposed it. if it is true that christianity stands against pornography as we have mentioned before, their position was not really based on religious arguments. they refused ruu app for the same reasons doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 107vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 which al-anshari listed in his book, with the main argument that the contents of ruu app will threaten the plurality of cultures and religions in indonesia.65 some indonesian feminist groups, such as srikandi demokrasi indonesia, also took the opposition side in the debates on the ground that this law implied that women are the most responsible for the nation’s moral degradation.66 kamala chandrakirana, who leads the komnas perempuan (national comitte for women), regarded the ruu app as restricting human rights of indonesian women because it tries to regulate women’s dress codes and behavior.67 they also arranged demonstrations to protest against the ruu app, such as the one on 11 may 2006, which coincided with the international women’s day.68 the debates in the parliament in many ways represented the general debates among the public opinion. in june, pdi perjuangan, a party with many members in parliament, stated that the ruu app should be revised in order to accommodate the more suitable situations in indonesia. it demanded that the title of the bill be changed to ruu penyebaran barang pornografi (the bill on the restriction of the distribution of pornographic materials) and the number of articles of that law be reduced from 93 to only 17.69 on the other hand, the chairman of the parliament, hidayat nur wahid (who comes from pks party that supported the ruu) said that there was no need to revise the contents of the bill because it did not portray particular views of a certain religion (i.e. islam). he indicated that there were no quranic verses in the bill and the supporters of the bill were not only muslims.70 there were some political dimensions of the debate. pks, a party with islam ideology, was criticized by the opponents of the bill as justifying the image that it wanted to establish an islamic state of indonesia if it persisted to approve the bill. if it wanted to avoid being of the image, the party should not support the ruu.71 the islamic party’s strong support of the bill was also ascribed to its ambition to get many muslim voters in the election 2009 (höpfner 2009: 36). the issue also invited indonesian people to reflect on their state ideology, which is pancasila and not islam. pancasila is a pluralistic ideology, which takes account of different cultures and religions adopted by indonesian people. in the debates on pornography this ideology was provoked by opponents of ruu app to prevent the legislation of ruu app, precisely because this bill, in spirit and content, was seen as derived from a particular religion’s point of view and regarded as anti-pluralistic.72 mui was also active in supporting the ruu app. to follow up the fatwa on pornography in 2001, it also participated in the debates on pornography. on 27 may 2006, mui issued some fatawa, one of which was to demand the legislation of ruu app.73 on 9 october 2008, amidhan shaberah, mui’s chairman, said that the delay of passing the bill to be approved as law which was previously scheduled on 23 september was a form of the “tyranny” of minority. the chairman also said that there was no good reason to delay the legislation of the bill because moral decadence had long threatened indonesian people and that the people who refused this were really a-social and a-national.74 the bill itself was, however, finally approved as law (called undang-undang or uu) on 30 oktober 2008 by the lower house of the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 108 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna indonesian parliament (dpr).75 thus, it took 10 years until its complete legislation. the law consists of 44 articles and in many aspects can be considered as a partial fulfillment of the recommendation contained in the mui’s fatwa.76 conclusion in the debates on pornography in indonesia, there is little attention paid to mui’s fatwa on the issue. while there are many articles that discuss the debates on ruu app, the fatwa remains in the background. it may be due to the fact that the mui’s fatwa is not controversial, unlike some of its fatawa which have aroused much attention and reaction on the national level. however, fatwa had its impact on the indonesian society, directly and indirectly. used as a religious argument by some muslim supporters of the ruu app, the fatwa has given the interpretation of pornography an islamic dimension. the assumption of some scholars, such as pam allen and maren höpfner, that there has been increasing influence of islamic groups and discourses upon the state seems to be reasonable. nevertheless, discussing pornography in indonesian context will not be complete without considering the plurality of opinions, cultures and religions. when islam itself has its own view towards pornography, as elaborated in mui’s fatawa, other religions have different views about the same issue. furthermore, different customs from place to place and from island to island in indonesia can produce different interpretations of what pornography is. finally, i hope i have shown in this paper how a fatwa is involved in the social and legal discourse of the time and not made in an empty space. endnotes 1 pam allen, “challenging diversity?: indonesia’s antipornography bill,” asian studies review, vol 31, no. 2 (2007), pp. 101-15. 2 maren höpfner, “das pornografie-gesetz in indonesien: eine gefahr für den pluralismus?”, journal of current southeast asian affairs, vol. 28, no. 1 (2009), pp. 3145. 3 thomas barker, “vcd phornography of indonesia,” in adrian vickers and margaret hanlon (eds.), asia reconstructed: proceeding of the 16th biennial conference of the asaa, 2006, wollongong, australia, p. 10. 4 bart barendregt, “between m-governance and mobile anarchies: pornoaksi and the fear of new media in present day indonesia” (unpublished paper). leiden university (2006), p. 20. 5 see further kim andren, “prostitution, pornography and islamic law: women’s ngos confronting islamic conservatism in post-authoritarian indonesia,” master thesis, the universityof sydney, 2007. 6 quoted in gordon hawkins and franklin e. zimring pornography in a free society (cambridge: cambridge university press 1988), p. 22. 7 pam allen, “challenging diversity?,” p. 102 8 ade armando, mengupas batas pornografi (jakarta: kementerian pemberdayaan perempuan republik indonesia 2004), p. 3. 9 dangdut is one of popular genres of music in indonesia. the genre is typical of indonesia, though elements of india and arabic music can be clearly traced. inul, a newcoming singer, introduced her goyang ngebor to the displeasure of many senior dangdut singers because her style of dancing was seen as pornoaksi and spoiling the image of the dangdut music in indonesia. azimah soebagijo, pornografi: dilarang tapi dicari. (jakarta: gema insani, 2008), p. 32. 1 0 thomas barker, “vcd phornography of indonesia,” p. 2. 1 1 maren höpfner, “das pornografie-gesetz in indonesien”, p. 37. 1 2 neng djubaedah, pornografi dan pornoaksi ditinjau dari hukum islam (jakarta: kencana, 2003), p. 137. 1 3 see ensiklopedi islam indonesia, p. 135. 1 4 nevertheless, it is allowed in islam to show ‘awrat to other people who are not one’s own mahram, for example, to a doctor, when one has to be cured or checked at certain parts of his/her body. there are also other reasons which make the showing of ‘awrat justified, such as for urgency or emergency (darurah). see ensiklopedi islam, p. 135. 1 5 budiatul muchlisin asti, remaja dirantai birahi: kupas tuntas pornografi dalam perspektif islam (bandung: pustaka ulumuddin, 2004), 47. this vew is different from the view of the hambalî madhab, which considers all parts of a woman’s body as her ‘awrat. see ensiklopedi islam indonesia, p. 136. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 109vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 1 6 budiatul muchlisin asti, remaja dirantai birahi, pp. 5051. 1 7 budiatul muchlisin asti, remaja dirantai birahi, pp. 59. 1 8 todd l lake, “worship service,” in robert b. kruschwitz, (ed), the pornographic culture: christian reflection. texas: baylor university, 1989), p. 11. 1 9 susan dolan henderson, “ reeducating our desires,” in the pornographic culture, p. 78. 2 0 susan dolan henderson, “ reeducating our desires,” p. 82. 2 1 john peck, “erotic but not pornographic,” in robert b. kruschwitz, (ed), the pornographic culture, p. 71. 2 2 john peck, “erotic but not pornographic,” p. 76. 2 3 john peck, “erotic but not pornographic,” p. 74. 2 4 john peck, “erotic but not pornographic,” p. 76. 25 we can see their views in christian internet forums in indonesia such as in www.akupercaya.com. 2 6 pam allen, “challenging diversity?,” p. 111. 27 if the materials are indeed pornographic as we define in the page 1 of this paper. 2 8 yogi, p.g., “an analysis of tantrayana (vajrayana).” bulletin of tibetology vol. 3, no. 3, (1998), p. 16. 2 9 see http://www.balebengong.net/kabar-anyar/2008/ 09/13/komponen-bali-tolak-pengesahan-ruupornografi.html (accessed: 26 september 2009) and http://www.balebengong.net/topik/budaya/2008/09/ 18/ruu-pornografi-tubuh-hanya-dilihat-sebagai-objekseksual.html (accessed: 26 september 2009) 3 0 fauzan al-anshari, pornografi no ruu app yes (yogyakarta: hujjah press, 2006). 3 1 n.j.g. kaptein,, the voice of the ‘ulama: fatwas and religious authority in indonesia (working paper). singapore: institute of southeast asian studies, p. 9. 3 2 n.j.g. kaptein,, the voice of the ‘ulama, pp. 9-10. 3 3 n.j.g. kaptein,, the voice of the ‘ulama, pp. 9-10. 3 4 n.j.g. kaptein,, the voice of the ‘ulama, p. 10. 3 5 budiatul muchlisin asti. remaja dirantai birahi: kupas tuntas pornografi dalam perspektif islam (bandung: pustaka ulumuddin, 2004), p. 22. 3 6 thomas barker, “vcd phornography of indonesia,” p. 2. 3 7 thomas barker, “vcd phornography of indonesia,” p. 2. 3 8 thomas barker, “vcd phornography of indonesia,” p. 19. 3 9 alex a. rahim (ed), pornografi dalam pers indonesia, p. 37. 4 0 http://sites.google.com/site/arifbijaksana/antipornografi-dan-pornoaksi/ade-armando (accessed: 9 october 2009) 4 1 i can only give the most essential parts of the sentences, because if all words in all parts of the fatwa are translated it can take up more than seven pages. for the complete text of the fatwa, refer to http:// www.mui.or.id/files/fat-pornografi.pdf. lembaga informasi nasional, 2003, pp. 14-16. 4 2 for example, many muslim javanese women in the villages are accustomed to using very simple dress called kemben in their everyday activities. in other parts of indonesia, especially where the temperature is hot, it is also usual to encounter such a phenomenon. alex a. rahim (ed), pornografi dalam pers indonesia: sebuah orientasi (jakarta: dewan pers, 1977), pp. 1367. 4 3 lembaga informasi nasional 2003, pp. 16-7. 4 4 see http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/ satellite?pagename=islamonline-english-ask_scholar/ fatwae/fatwae&cid=1119503549496 (accessed: 24 september 2009) 4 5 see http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/ satellite?pagename=islamonline-english-ask_scholar/ fatwae/fatwae&cid=1188044109596 (accessed: 24 september 2009) 4 6 see http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/ satellite?cid=1119503547396&pagename=islamonlineenglishask_scholar%2ffatwae%2ffatwaeaskthescholar (accessed: 24 september 2009) 4 7 the first means: all activities leading to haram is haram. and the latter means: it is better to avoid bad things than to do good things (of one and the same situation). 4 8 for example, the fatwa of the haram-ness of smoking by mui. 4 9 pam allen, “challenging diversity?,” p. 104. 5 0 donnerstein et al, the question of pornography: research findings and policy implication (new york: free press, 1987), pp. 145-6. 5 1 donnerstein et al, the question of pornography, p. 137. 5 2 ruu app was changed to ruu ap (anti-pornografi, thus without pornoaksi) in the course of the process of the discussion in the parliament. 5 3 sukmadewi djakse, ruu app bukan tiket ke surga (jakarta: srikandi demokrasi indonesia, 2006), p. 70. 5 4 pam allen, “challenging diversity, p. 103. 5 5 maren höpfner, “das pornografie-gesetz in indonesien”, p. 38. 5 6 fauzan al-anshari, pornografi no ruu app yes. (yogyakarta: hujjah press 2006), p. 59. 5 7 fauzan al-anshari, pornografi no ruu app yes, p. 2. 5 8 sukmadewi djakse, ruu app bukan tiket ke surga, pp. 78-80. 5 9 maren höpfner, “das pornografie-gesetz in indonesien”, p. 32. 6 0 maren höpfner, “das pornografie-gesetz in indonesien”, pp. 40-1. 6 1 maren höpfner, “das pornografie-gesetz in indonesien”, p. 39. 6 2 see http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/exoticbali-up-in-arms-over-indonesia-porn-bill/363006/ (accessed: 8 october 2009) 6 3 see http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/exoticdoi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 110 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna bali-up-in-arms-over-indonesia-porn-bill/363006/ (accessed: 8 october 2009) 6 4 see http://www.kompas.com/read/xml/2008/10/30/ 16292868/rakyat.bali.tegas.tolak.uu.pornografi (accessed: 8 october 2009) 6 5 see http://www.kabarindonesia.com/ berita.php?pil=26&dn=20081012182547 (acessed: 8 october 2009) 6 6 pam allen, “challenging diversity?,” p. 106. 6 7 kim andren, “prostitution, pornography and islamic law,” p. 53. 6 8 pam allen, “challenging diversity?,” p. 105. 6 9 see http://www.indonesiamatters.com/416/ruu-appdebate/ (accessed: 24 september 2009) 7 0 http://www.indonesiamatters.com/416/ruu-appdebate/ (accessed: 24 september 2009) 7 1 http://www.indonesiamatters.com/416/ruu-appdebate/ (accessed: 24 september 2009) 7 2 pam allen, “challenging diversity?,” p. 112. 7 3 see http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/undangundang_pornografi 7 4 see http://www.detiknews.com/read/2008/10/09/ 151635/1017746/10/ruu-pornografi-tak-disahkanmui-ancam-turun-ke-jalan (accessed: 24 october 2009) 7 5 the uu was issued although two political parties, pds (partai damai sejahtera= welfare and peace party) and pdip, walked out from the building of the parliament. see http://www.kompas.com/read/xml/2008/10/30/ 13264812/akhirnya.ruu.pornografi.disahkan (accessed: 24 september 2009) 7 6 i don’t get the book or manual of the uu, so the only way is to search its contents in the internet. see http:// www.detiknews.com/read/2008/09/16/080110/ 1006768/10/inilah-isi-ruu-pornografi. bibliography allen, pam. 2007. “challenging diversity?: indonesia’s antipornography bill”. asian studies review, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 101-15. al-anshari, fauzan. 2006. pornografi no ruu app yes. hujjah press. andren, kim. 2007. “prostitution, pornography and islamic law: women’s ngos confronting islamic conservatism in post-authoritarian indonesia (thesis)”. the university of sydney. armando, ade. 2004. mengupas batas pornografi. jakarta: kementerian pemberdayaan perempuan republik indonesia. asti, budiatul muchlisin. 2004. remaja dirantai birahi: kupas tuntas pornografi dalam perspektif islam. bandung: pustaka ulumuddin. barendregt, bart. 2006. “between m-governance and mobile anarchies: pornoaksi and the fear of new media in present day indonesia” (a paper). leiden university. barker, thomas. 2006. “vcd pornography of indonesia,” in adrian vickers and margaret hanlon (eds.), asia reconstructed: proceeding of the 16th biennial conference of the asaa, wollongong, australia. cholil, suhadi (ed.). 2008. resonansi dialog agama dan budaya. yogyakarta: center for religious and crosscultural studies (crcs). djakse, sukmadewi. 2006. ruu app bukan tiket ke surga. srikandi demokrasi indonesia. djubaedah, neng. 2003. pornografi dan pornoaksi ditinjau dari hukum islam. jakarta: kencana. donnerstein, e. linz, d. et al. 1987. the question of pornography: research findings and implications. new york and london: the free press. hawkins, gordon and franklin e. zimring. 1988. pornography in a free society. camridge: cambridge university press. höpfner, maren. 2009. das pornografie-gesetz in indonesien: eine gefahr für den pluralismus? journal of current southeast asian affairs, 28 (1), 31-45. iain syarif hidayatullah. 1992. ensiklopedi islam indonesia. jakarta: djambatan. kaptein, j.g., nico. 2004. the voice of the ‘ulama: fatwas and religious authority in indonesia (working paper). singapore: institute of southeast asian studies. kruschwitz, robert b. (ed). 1989. the pornographic culture: christian reflection. texas: baylor university. rahim, alex a. (ed). 1977. pornografi dalam pers indonesia: sebuah orientasi. jakarta: dewan pers. sekretariat majelis ulama indonesia. 2003. fatwa mui tentang pornografi dan pornoaksi. jakarta: lembaga informasi nasional. soebagijo, azimah. 2008. pornografi: dilarang tapi dicari. jakarta: gema insani. yogi, p.g. 1998. “an analysis of tantrayana (vajrayana).” bulletin of tibetology, vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 16-38. online sources: http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/ satellite?pagename=islamonline-english-ask_scholar/ fatwae/fatwae&cid=1119503549496 (accessed: 24 september 2009) http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/ satellite?pagename=islamonline-english-ask_scholar/ fatwae/fatwae&cid=1188044109596 (accessed: 24 september 2009) http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/ satellite?cid=1119503547396&pagename=islamonlineenglishask_scholar%2ffatwae%2ffatwaeaskthescholar (accessed:24 september 2009) http://www.detiknews.com/read/2008/10/09/151635/ 1017746/10/ruu-pornografi-takdisahkan-muiancamturun-ke-jalan (accessed: 24 september 2009) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 111vol.9 no.2 juli desember 2013 http://www.kompas.com/read/xml/2008/10/30/ 13264812/akhirnya.ruu.pornografi.disahkan (accessed: 24 september 2009) http://www.indonesiamatters.com/416/ruu-app-debate/ (accessed: 24 september 2009) http://www.balebengong.net/kabar-anyar/2008/09/13/ komponen-bali-tolak-pengesahan-ruu-pornografi.html (accessed: 26 september 2009) http://www.balebengong.net/topik/budaya/2008/09/18/ ruu-pornografi-tubuh-hanya-dilihat-sebagai-objekseksual.html (accessed: 26 september 2009) http://www.kabarindonesia.com/ berita.php?pil=26&dn=20081012182547(accessed:8 october2009) http://www.kompas.com/read/xml/ 2008/10/30/16292868/ rakyat.bali.tegas.tolak.uu.porno grafi (accessed: 8 october 2009) http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/exotic-bali-upin-arms-over-indonesia-porn-bill/363006/ (accessed: 8 october 2009) http://sites.google.com/site/arifbijaksana/anti-pornografidan-pornoaksi/ade-armando (accessed: 9 october 2009) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2013. 0022. 95-111 index a a. wahid hasyim abdul kahar muzakkir abdul moeis abdullah rifa'i abdullah saeed abikusno tjokrosujoso abu abdillah muhammad al-hadi ibn baquni agus salim ahmad bafaqih ba'lawi ahmad dahlan ahmad hasan ahmadiyya al-ghazali al-irsyad ali ahmed ziauddin aman asghar ali engineer ashgar ali engineer asian muslim action network (aman) asian resource foundation (arf) azimah soebagijo b baidhawi bisri musthofa bisri mustofa bpupki c chandra muzaffar cheng ho christian peacemaker teams (cpt) cok budi suryawan d dalhar depati agung depati rencong telang f fred r. von der mahden g goerge kahin h h. samanhoedi hidayat nur wahid i idris imam jalal al-mahalli imam jalaluddin as-suyuthi ishaq damaran k khan abdul ghaffar ki bagus hadikusumo kiai saleh darat komnas ham (national committee for human rights) komnas perempuan (national committee for women) m m. syahid mahfudh salam melayu miai mohamad abdus sabur mubarak ali muhammad muhammad iqbal muhammad natsir muhammad sa'id al-busyiri muhammad shalih bin umar as-samarani muhammadiyah muhibbi mui mutamakkin n nahdlatul ulama (nu) neng djubaedah o omar asghar khan p pam allen partai islam indonesia (pii) partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) persatuan islam persis persyarikatan ulama pgi (the association of indonesian christian churc psii r ra. kartini raden haji muhammad salih ibn asnami kudus raisuddin raudhatut thalibin rifa'i nasuha ruu anti-pornografi ruu app ruu-app s sahal mahfudh saleh darat salih darat serat cebolek shabry chik sheikh ahmad kutty sheikh muhammad nur abdullah soekarno sya'ban syaikh abdul ghani bima syekh ali abd al-raziq t the catholic agency for overseas development (ca tjokroaminoto u uu anti-pornografi z zamakhsyari jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 muhammadiyah’s fatwa about hewan kurban in 2005: a study on muhammadiyah’s method in producing fatwa doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0093.14-31 m. hilali basya1 fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah jakarta1 e-mail: hilaly.basya@yahoo.com abstract the majelis tarjih of muhammadiyah had issued a fatwa about hewan kurban (slaughtered animal for id al-adha) in 2005. the fatwa asked muslims to prioritize their money to support and aid sufferers of natural disaster in in aceh and other places. the fatwa is controversial because it produces new form of idul adha. this article aims to explore the method used by the majelis tarjih in issuing the fatwa and how this religious opinion shapes a new form of a holiday (idul adha) religious observance. keywords: fatwa, controversial, majelis tarjih, muhammadiyah, abstrak dewan tarjih muhammadiyah mengeluarkan fatwa tentang hewan kurban (hewan yang disembelih untuk idul adha) pada tahun 2005. fatwa itu menyarankan umat islam untuk memprioritaskan uang mereka untuk mendukung dan membantu para penderita bencana alam di aceh dan tempat-tempat lain. fatwa itu menuai kontroversi karena seolah-olah membuat ritual idul adha yang berbeda. artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi metode yang digunakan oleh majelis tarjih dalam mengeluarkan fatwa dan bagaimana pendapat keagamaan ini menyebabkan bentuk perayaan keagamaan baru (idul adha). kata kunci: fatwa, kontroversial, majelis tarjih, muhammadiyah, introduction the position of fatwa1 (religious opinion) in muhammadiyah, one of the biggest islamic organization in indonesia, is significant. the fatwas represent religious character of muhammadiyah. although the fatwas do mailto:hilaly.basya@yahoo.com 15vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 not bind muhammadiyah members, they significantly influence religious orientation of its members. consequently, the fatwa would influence the image of the organization and religious preference of its members. in 2005, the majelis tarjih (the council in muhammadiyah that has authority to release religious opinion) issued a fatwa about hewan kurban (slaughtered animal for id al-adha). the fatwa asked muslims to prioritize their money to support and aid the sufferers of tsunami2 in aceh.3 certainly, the fatwa is controversial, since it produces new form of idul adha celebration and observance. usually the holy day (idul adha) is celebrated by slaughtering certain animals such as goats, buffaloes, and beefs. this article aims to explore the method used by the majelis tarjih in issuing the fatwa. it specifically elaborates the influence of hermeneutics in the fatwa. as widely known, in this period the majelis tarjih was led by muhammadiyah scholars who are often associated with hermeneutics as their interpretational method. fatwa in muhammadiyah the majelis tarjih is the institution within muhammadiyah that issues fatwa. there are three types of religious opinion produced by the majelis tarjih.4 the first is keputusan tarjih (tarjih decision). it is formulated by the national tarjih conference that is attended not only by ulama and scholars from muhammadiyah, but also from outside muhammadiyah. the tarjih decision is produced collectively by a forum, and then discussed and considered officially by center board (pimpinan pusat/pp) of muhammadiyah. therefore the tarjih decision binds muhammadiyah as an organization. furthermore, all institutions under muhammadiyah and also its activists and members must refer and follow the decision. the second is fatwa. it is constructed by the majelis tarjih as well. in many cases the fatwas are formulated collectively by the members of the council, but sometimes only by one or two members.5 unlike tarjih decision, fatwas do not bind institutions and the members. it is only regarded as guidance. fatwas are issued to respond questions asked by someone. hence it might be related to ritual problems such as salat, zakat, and pilgrimage, and sometime concerning social, economical, and political problems. the field of fatwas as mentioned above depends on the questioners or so called mustafti’. the third is wacana tarjih. it is formulated and provided by the majelis tarjih to broaden the discourse within muhammadiyah schol16 afkaruna ars. as explained by anwar: “in contrast to a keputusan and a fatwa, both of which constitute a formal opinion, the former binding and the latter persuasive, wacana tarjih represents ideas, thought, or opinions concerning contemporary issues adduced and brought to the fore by the majelis tarjih. this third kind of tarjih resolution is aimed at making majelis tarjih more dynamic and developing islamic thought in muhammadiyah circles in order to be able to anticipate and deal with various contemporary issues.6 “ the wacana tarjih is begun in 2000s when the majelis tarjih was led by amin abdullah. anyway, the position of fatwa within muhammadiyah is significantly important. it is given by the majelis tarjih. the council consists of authoritative muslim scholars. they are ulama and scholars graduated from islamic and social studies.7 their individual competence makes them authoritative in issuing fatwas. that is why, although the fatwas do not bind the organization and the members, they colour the development of muhammadiyah’s nature. the conservative image, for instance, that is associated to muhammadiyah is caused by fatwas that tend to respond ritual problems puritanically more than modernity issues. as mentioned by azyumardi azra, muhammadiyah is less responsive to social contemporary issue than traditionalist organization do.8 it shows that the fatwas represented religious character of muhammadiyah. the fatwa on hewan kurban in 2005, the majelis tarjih has issued a fatwa about hewan kurban. the council called muslims to change hewan kurban to become financial aid for the victims of tsunami. here is the detailed fatwa: “bagi yang mampu untuk memberikan bantuan kepada mereka yang terkena musibah gempa bumi dan tsunami secara memadai dan sekaligus dapat melaksanakan ibadah qurban, dua macam ibadah ini dapat dilaksanakan secara bersama. bagi yang harus memilih salah satu di antara dua macam ibadah tersebut di atas, hendaknya didahulukan memberi bantuan dalam rangka menyelamatkan kehidupan mereka yang tertimpa musibah dari pada melaksanakan ibadah qurban. jika dana telah diserahkan kepada panitia qurban, hendaknya panitia meminta kerelaan calon orang yang berqurban (shahibul qurban) untuk mengalihkan dananya kepada bantuan penyelamatan 17vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 mereka yang tertimpa musibah gempa bumi dan tsunami. namun jika calon shahibul qurban tidak merelakan, dana itu tetap sebagai dana ibadah qurban.” wallâhu a’lam bi as-sawâb.9 for muslims who are able to give proper aid to the victims of earthquake and tsunami, and also to do act of worship of hewan kurban, they can implement both of these acts of worship simultaneously. for those who have to select one of the two kinds of worship, they should choose the first, namely to give finance aid to the victims. it is meant as to preserve the live of the victims. if the money has been given to committees of kurban, the committees should ask their willingness to switch the money to support the solving program for the sufferer of the earthquake and tsunami. yet, if the contributors of hewan kurban do not allow it, the money should be used for hewan kurban. allah knows the best.10 the fatwa means to prioritize a real aid for the victims. since hewan kurban is not as important as money in recovering the destruction in the area. moreover they more need primary food than the meats from hewan kurban. anyhow, the real aid is financial support that would be used by the government and other connected groups that were involved in the program.11 since the government need much money to reconstruct not only the buildings and other infrastructures, but also psyche of the people. the meats given from hewan kurban would only be consumed in couple days, whereas the real problems would not be solved at all. that is why the fatwa was issued. based on the preface of the formal announcement (maklumat) of muhammadiyah, the council has considered several aspects related to the fatwa. the main objective of sharia (maqâsid al-sharî ah), which is to preserve human live, dominated the consideration of issuing the fatwa.12 the disaster that occurred in aceh and other locations of indonesia was the social context where the fatwa was issued. the disaster has destroyed public service buildings such as hospitals, banks, schools, and markets. it disturbs people to get service related to their necessity. those infrastructures are very significant, since it is connected to primer necessary. this kind of situation is a social context that is a background of the fatwa. the background can be seen in the preface of maklumat pp muhammadiyah: “dengan terjadinya gempa bumi dan tsunami di propinsi nanggroe aceh 18 afkaruna darussalam dan propinsi sumatera utara, yang mengakibatkan korban jiwa dalam jumlah yang sangat besar demikian pula harta yang belum terkira banyaknya. mereka yang selamat dari maut dalam bencana ini, pada umumnya rumah dan harta lainnya hancur, rusak dan hanyut, sehingga boleh dikatakan mereka tidak lagi memiliki harta sedikitpun. dapat dibilang mereka sangat payah jika tidak mungkin disebut tidak memiliki kemampuan lagi untuk berupaya mencari rizki demi menyambung kehidupannya. sementara infra struktur yang ada di daerah yang terkena musibah ini mengalami kerusakan yang amat berat, sehingga akan lebih membuat mereka semakin tidak berdaya untuk mempertahankan hidup dengan mandiri. hanya bantuan dari orang lain yang dapat diharap akan membantu untuk menyelamatkan jiwanya”.13 the earthquake and tsunami that occurred in province of nanggroe aceh darussalam and north sumatera have resulted many people death and lost their properties. most of those who are saved from the disaster have been lost their houses and other properties. theirs are damaged and brought by the flood. it can be said that they really don’t have any properties. furthermore, they are weak and hopeless. they are almost incapable to get money for survival. this condition makes them unable to find back their belongings and to continue their life. at the same time, infrastructures in this area have been damaged significantly, so it makes them much more difficult to survive independently. aid or financial support from other people is the only one that can help them to preserve their live.14 the background and the aim to save the life can be categorized as the main objective of sharia (maqâsid al-sharî ah). the fatwa issued by muhammadiyah seeks to interpret the contextual meaning of hewan kurban worship in idul adha. muhammadiyah wants to catch up the relevant aim of the worship. since worships are a frame that covers and symbolizes the real meaning of sharia. those rituals are meaningful when they are transformed to particular context.15 in this term the fatwa seeks to place the worship of hewan kurban in disaster condition. 1. maqâsid al-sharî ah in the fatwa it is obvious that maqâsid al-sharî ah is explained in the fatwa of hewan kurban issued by the majelis tarjih. according to the council, to preserve 19vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 the life of victims is obligated by sharia. in the preface of the fatwa it is said: “ibadah dalam islam ada yang dihukumi wajib dan ada yang dihukumi sunah. di antara yang dihukumi wajib yaitu menyelamatkan jiwa yang terancam kematian. kehidupan adalah salah satu dari lima kemashlahatan dlarury, yang oleh karenanya harus dijaga dan dipertahankan keberadaannya dengan segala kemampuan yang ada. jika seseorang tidak mampu berupaya untuk mempertahankan hidupnya, maka wajib bagi orang lain untuk memberikan bantuan dalam mempertahankan hidup orang yang tak berdaya itu. perbuatan membantu menyelamatkan jiwa orang lain mendapatkan penghargaan dari allah swt sebagai penyelamat kehidupan seluruh umat manusia.” sebagaimana dijelaskan dalam al-qur’an surat al maidah/ 5: 32.16 the position of worship in islam can be categorized as compulsory (wajib) and recommendable (sunnah). one of the compulsory acts of worship is to save human live whom are threatened. live is one of the five necessary matters (kemaslahatan dharury). therefore it is obligated by god to save live. muslim should seek to do it maximally. if someone is unable to save himself, others are obligated to help him. the act to help a person to save live is rewarded by god as preserving all of human life worldwide, as mentioned in qur’an al-mâidah/ 5: 32.17 the fatwa explains that to save life is one of the five necessary matters that are mentioned in the main objective of sharia (maqâsid al-sharî ah). according to shatibi as quoted by fathurahman djamil, those five principles are the preservation of religion (al-dîn), life (al-nafs), reason (al‘aql), offspring (al-nasl), and property (al-mâl).18 to preserve life is the second point of the goals. relating to the concept of maqâsid al-sharî ah, the preface of the fatwa explains that preserving life is a reason behind the fatwa. the statement says that to help one person is rewarded as to help whole people in the world. the concept of maqâsid al-sharî ah is crucial in understanding sharia itself. it occurred in usûl al-fiqh (islamic legal theory) discipline that attempts to formulate islamic jurisprudence.19 the concept guided ulama how to construct the jurisprudence. it also can be implemented in exploring the contemporary aim of sharia. that is why the concept makes the interpretation of sharia become flexible and progressive. it does not mean that the concept will change the sharia that is represented by rituals such 20 afkaruna as salât, fasting, pilgrimage, and hewan kurban. since the sharia is sacred. it is commanded by god. muslims should obey and implement it. yet, the virtue of the worships does not lie in itself. muslims need to elaborate the hikmah or lesson from them. in this context, the importance of maqâsid al-sharî ah is significant. the concept would assist muslims to know the essence of worship. however, the fatwa does not mean to eliminate the sharia of hewan kurban in idul adha. it just emphasizes the urgency to help the victims of disaster.20 that is why the fatwa gives three choices. the first, for muslims who are able to contribute both hewan kurban and financial support for the victims, they could conduct them simultaneously. the second, if they have to choose, they should select the financial support rather than the other. the third, if they have given the money to the committee that is pretended to be hewan kurban, the committee should ask their willingness to switch the pretension for financial support. yet, if they do not allow it, the committee has to obey them. those choices do not show that the fatwa advice or command muslims to change the sharia. 2. istislah method according to nadirsyah hosen istislah is the basis of maqâsid al-sharî ah.21 the use of istislah means that muhammadiyah accepts maqâsid alsharî ah. istislah is one of three methods used by muhammadiyah in performing ijtihad. the first is ijtihad bayani, the second is ijtihad qiyasi, and the last is ijthad istislahi.22 the bayani method is based on text. reason is used only to give further and detailed explanation. and the qiyasi uses analogical reasoning. it still refers to the text by finding same ‘illah (reason or cause) between new problems that are not yet explained and the issue that is mentioned in the quran. istislah is used when the problem issued has not been yet explained by qur’an and the sunnah. that is why the use of reason dominates rather than other methods. relating to this explanation, muhammadiyah believes that muslims are allowed to do ijtihad.23 this position is quite different with other organizations which come from traditionalist or shafi’i school of law. they prohibit ijtihad, since the products of previous ulama is qualified enough. moreover, they argue that in this time there are no such ulama whose competence and capability are same with the medieval ulama. 21vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 however istislah implemented by muhammadiyah in issuing fatwa shows that ijtihad is urgent. furthermore muhammadiyah state that taklid is forbidden).24 taklid is defined by muhammadiyah as following one of the schools of law (madhhab) without critical understanding. the taklid is seen as the obstacle for muslim to find new meaning and understanding about a text, whereas ijtihad is believed as the gate to explore the contextual and contemporary understanding of the text. from the early time of its emergence, muhammadiyah laid ijtihad as the most important factor that should be developed by muslim.25 therefore muhammadiyah established many modern educational, economic, and social institutions that are contemporary interpretation of quran. anyhow the use of istislah needs other tools such as sociology, biology, economic science, and medical science. to do ijtihad istislahi, muhammadiyah invites scholars who are expert in each field. it can enrich the process of formulating contextual islamic jurisprudence. muhammadiyah’s fatwa concerning hewan kurban shows how muhammadiyah defines the objective of sharia and determines the maslahah. the disaster that happened in aceh and north sumatra is a background that led muhammadiyah to examine about the influence of islamic teaching in that condition. the preserving life in the context is urgent, and it is kind of maslahah. istislah in muhammadiyah’s fatwas according to nadirsyah hosen, although muhammadiyah is described as anti-madhhab, by which is meant that it refuses to accept or follow strictly any school, the organization will accept opinions of the schools as long as they are founded upon the qur’an and the sunnah.26 moreover muhammadiyah has never produced a formal and strict method for issuing a fatwa.27 however this does not mean that its fatwas are never based on a method or on islamic legal theory.28 according to muhammadiyah the role of reason (‘aql) in dealing with contemporary fiqih problems is significant, as long as they relate to worldly matters. however this does not mean that muhammadiyah prefers to use reason freely.29 anyway, istislah is considered to be the basis for legal decision.30 as explained above, muhammadiyah often performs ijtihad based on istislah method. referring to the paper presented by the central board of muhammadiyah majelis tarjih entitled “the brief ijtihad methods that have 22 afkaruna been used by majelis tarjih muhammadiyah” in the guidelines of the majelis tarjih conference, muhamadiyah believes that public interest (maslahah al-‘âmmah) should be taken into account in worldly matter (al‘umûr ad-dunyâwiyyah).31 accordingly, the role of reason in dealing with mu’amalah problems is significant.32 according to djamil: imam malik himself, who was regarded as the founding father of this method, required three conditions. firstly, the maslahah should be reasonable (ma’qûl) and suitable (munâsib) to the case that is to be decided. secondly, the aim of maslahah is to preserve the necessity (darûrî) and to prevent or eradicate hardship (raf’u al-haraj) by avoiding injury (madarrah). thirdly, it should not contradict the objectives of the sharia (maqâsid al-sharî ah). the muhammadiyah has tried to apply the method of istislah to several contemporary questions, such as in vitro fertilization and organ transplants. in the case of the former, the muhammadiyah decided that, as long as the semen is from the husband himself, in vitro fertilization is permissible in islam.33 furthermore djamil says that “the reason according to the muhammadiyah is that the quran and the hadits do not rule on this case explicitly, so on the basis of the principle of maslahah, it is permissible. in this case maslahah for the muhammadiyah is considerated to be necessary matters (al-maslahah al-darûriyyah), i.e. to preserve the offspring (hifdh al-nasl)”.34 organizationally, implementing istislah method is not common, particularly in indonesian islam context. it tends to be used by muhammadiyah and not by other. to see how far istislah is used in indonesian islam i will refer to m.b. hooker. in his book entitled indonesian islam: social change through contemporary fatâwâ,35 hooker said that there is different view between muhammadiyah and nahdhatul ulama in responding several problems related to (a) the modern transaction such as sale, sale with promise to repurchase, security, rent, hire, pawn, mail order purchase, buying, sight unseen, and coin and money in the form of notes and cheques. (b) banks and interest-based banking, and (c) insurance. according to hooker, muhammadiyah’s fatwas are based on social benefit (maslahah al-‘ammah) consideration, whereas nu’s fatwas are based on fiqih text.36 the description about the fatwas from those organizations represent different product. certainly the products have significant influence to the development of indonesia. in certain extent, i see that 23vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 muhammadiyah relatively more support to government policies related to modernization of indonesia than nu did, especially during the early time of its emergence (1912) until 1980s. the main factor, as mentioned by hooker, is the method used by both organizations.37 however, fiqih texts were constructed and produced within certain contexts. therefore, those who are using fiqh in responding contemporary social-economical problems do not mean that they will automatically avoid the context. they can learn the context from each classical and medieval fiqh text. this kind of method is able to enrich and enlarge the perspective insight. the fact showed by hooker that fiqih is the factor determining nu become more conservative is not fully sufficient. the method can make a fatwa become either conservative or progressive. it depends on how they use fiqih texts. it can be seen from recent development of nu. they can reinterpret and develop classical and medieval fiqh to be compatible with modernity. it especially occurs since abdurrahman wahid’s leadership. he promotes new method in interpreting fiqh, which is based on public interest (maslahah al-‘âmmah). the implementation of istislah marks the role of dynamization of muhammadiyah. although some times it also leads to be conservative due to the preventive reason as mentioned by djamil concerning interreligious marriage,38 istislah is the proper method to contextualize the meaning and message of islamic doctrines within contemporary society. hermeneutics and istislah it is obvious that muhammadiyah formally performs ijtihad based on istislah method. for me, in certain extent, istislah has similarity with hermeneutics. of course, they are different. however, both of them tend to interpret and produce contextual meaning of a text. this tendency enables some of muhammadiyah scholars to develop hermeneutics in formulating fatwa. it occurred especially when the center board of majelis tarjih was led by amin abdullah.39 he is not alone in the majelis tarjih, there are also some muhammadiyah scholars who have same tendency such as munir mulkhan and syamsul anwar. in addition, other muhammadiyah progressive scholars like syafii maarif, moeslim abdurrahman, amien rais and hamim ilyas perform hermeneutics methods in interpreting islamic doctrines, though they do not mention their tool explicitly. they are often called as liberal or progressive wing of muhammadiyah.40 24 afkaruna hermeneutics is a new discourse in indonesian islam. its emergence was introduced by progressive scholars such as fazlurrahman, mohammed arkoun, nasr hamid abu zayd, and mohammad abid al-jabiri. indonesian muslim scholars develop their thought and method. since the middle of 1990s there are many books discussing hermeneutics. hence hermeneutics does not merely develop in muhammadiyah scholars. it is also adopted by others. nurcholish madjid and abdurrahman wahid are few of the examples. hermeneutics is a philosophical method that is used to interpret and understand a text.41 since a text is produced in certain time and context, so the author has his own meaning in writing. hermeneutics seek to mediate the gap between the reader and the context when the text was written.42 in addition, it is necessary to know the social, political, and cultural situation where the author wrote the text. it will help the reader to understand the meaning of the text better. so far hermeneutics is often used to elaborate the contextual meaning of sacred texts such as bible and the qur’an. yet the use of hermeneutics is controversial, especially in islamic world, for the reason that it tends to deconstruct the textual meaning of text.43 actually, it is a consequence of interpreting text contextually. such interpretation tries to return the text to its time of origin, in order to find its original meaning. and then it is brought to the recent time, to get its contemporary meaning. moreover, hermeneutics needs modern science such as sociology, anthropology, and historical science. in hermeneutics, to understand the contemporary context of text such as social, cultural and political situation is important. it will help the interpreter in producing the new meaning of the text. it is possible that the interpretation produced from this method will leave the textual meaning. but it does not mean that the method leads the interpreters to neglect and eliminate the text. basically, a text is a product of culture.44 the qur’an which is the revelation of god documented within text was produced by causes and events, which is in ‘ulûm al-qur’an called as asbâb an-nuzul. relating to that thesis, abdullahi ahmed an-na’im distinguishes between verses revealed in mecca and madina period. according to an-na’im, the verses in mecca consist of ideas of universal humanity values that are not limited by religious identity, whereas madina’s verses explain about law and islamic jurisprudence.45 in other word, the different nature of both periods is 25vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 caused by social and political context. in hermeneutics approach, religious texts are not revealed in an empty space.46 it was produced in an area where social problems happened, so the texts were constructed culturally and historically. if any interpreters neglect the social-cultural context of the texts, they will be alienated from its message. therefore the meaning of the texts is not universal and permanent. it is dynamic. the verses explaining about heritage, for instance, according to al-jabiri, represented the interaction between text and reality.47 before islam come, arabic society had marriage tradition inter-tribes to establish connection and relationship among those tribes. unfortunately it resulted in conflict. since, when wives got the heritage from their parents, it would belong to their husband. thus the property would accumulate to husbands’ tribe. it stimulated jealous and conflict among them. that was why arabic society eliminated the right of heritage for women. when islam emerged, it considered this social context and the right of women. islam decided to give the heritage for women (daughter) with half proportion of men (son).48 this kind of perspective is offered by hermeneutics. for farid essack, hermeneutics can be defined as a science that seeks to describe how a word, text, and event that occurred in the past can be understood and meaningful existentially in recent time.49 furthermore essack says that hermeneutics want to mediate the gap between the past and the current condition. texts, for hermeneutics, are viewed dependence. there is close relation between the revelation process, language, content, and community that consume texts.50 hence texts were produced within crucial struggle with certain communities’ problems. the texts are not universal. they represent certain cultures as seen in qur’anic texts that are dominantly colorized by arabic culture. in addition, moeslim abdurrahman says that to produce a new and relevant meaning of qur’anic texts, it is important to know and understand the current social context.51 moreover moeslim asserts that recent social context should be read first before reading the texts. it will lead the interpreter to the responsive meaning. hermeneutics in the fatwa of hewan kurban the fatwa issued by the center board of majelis tarjih muhammadiyah is very progressive, because it advices muslims to switch hewan kurban to be financial support to maintain the victims of disaster. moreover the 26 afkaruna fatwa mentions that it will be better for muslims to prioritize helping the sufferers by real contributions.52 although in the preface of fatwa is not mentioned about hermeneutical approach, the mind set behind the fatwa can be traced. furthermore, the members of majelis tarjih were dominated by progressive scholars such as amin abdullah, hamim ilyas, syafiq mughni, and munir mulkhan who often used hermeneutics.53 they reinterpret the objectives of shariah in disaster context. according to their opinion, slaughtering hewan kurban as an act of worship in ‘idul adha is not an obligation.54 it is a symbol that covers a complicated and sophisticated meaning. for them, the emergence of islam (religion) is related to social problems.55 in addition, the prophet muhammad came to eliminate the slavery gradually and support the oppressed people. islam is not ritual religion that appreciates rituals as the highest virtue. therefore to give financial support to the sufferers is better than to participate in the worship of hewan kurban. in other word the religiosity or piousness is measured by actions to help the neediness and sufferers. the fatwa can be seen as an attempt to reinterpret the text of worship “kurban”. etymologically, the term of kurban is meant as to close (qarabayaqrabu). based on this term, the ritual symbolizes muslims who sacrifice their property to get a closer relationship with god. animals in the early time of islam were classified as the property that marked the richness. however, the fatwa does not mean to eliminate the worship of hewan kurban. it just produces the new meaning that responds to the current situation. it had brought “the text” to the early time of its “writing” to find the relevant interpretation and objective, and then brought it again to current context to produce the relevant meaning with contemporary condition. conclusion muhammadiyah’s fatwa on hewan kurban is progressive and controversial. since the fatwa tends to avoid the act of worship of kurban. some ulama questioned the fatwa, especially majelis ulama indonesia (mui). the scare of ulama is that the fatwa would neglect shariah. it can be seen as their awareness to liberal islam’s thought that occurred since the early 2000s. so far liberal islam is associated with organizations or thinkers who promote substantial islam which tend to neglect the classical and 27vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 medieval shariah. the fatwa shows that muhammadiyah has progressive interpretation about rituals. it passes beyond the symbol. although muhammadiyah believes that the worship of kurban is important part of religion, muhammadiyah has contextual meaning. moreover muhammadiyah clearly states that muslims should prioritize the financial support rather than hewan kurban to help the sufferers of disaster. this progressive fatwa is a result of method used by muhammadiyah that asks the interpreter to understand the context of the worship. as explained above that the early time of its emergence, the worship of kurban was relevant with its context. yet after centuries, the worship may be not too relevant. it does not mean that muslims are allowed to eliminate the worship. muhammadiyah reinterpret the worship by understanding the current context. muhammadiyah’s fatwa about kurban does not ask muslims to leave the ritual. it demands them to translate the ritual in line with the social reality. the religious argument used by muhammadiyah is based on the objectives of sharia (maqâsid al-sharî ah). it considered that to preserve live is the main aim of sharia. istislah is believed as the basis of maqâsid al-sharî ah. from the early time, muhammadiyah has implemented istislah as one of the methods in performing ijtihad. in context of fatwa hewan kurban, hermeneutics, in certain extent, has also influenced the process of ijtihad. however, the paper has limitation of sources to elaborate more about how far the role of hermeneutical approach in the fatwa of hewan kurban. in certain extent, the paper found the nature of hermeneutics in the fatwa. since the fatwa interprets the contextual need of the worship. anyhow fatwa implicitly asserts that the public interest is the important point that is emphasized by islam. endnotes 1 fatwa is religious opinion on law that is not legally binding, but it has great influence on muslims’ faith, ritual, and social life (see mohammad syifa amin widigdo, “the power of fatwa in indonesia: an analysis of mui’s controversial fatwâs,” in afkaruna, 14, 2 (2018). 2 tsunami is giant wave deriving from ocean coming into land. this natural disaster is commonly caused by earthquake or volcanic eruptions. 3 number of tsunami victims in aceh are the highest among other islands or countries. 28 afkaruna 4 syamsul anwar, “fatwa, purification and dynamization: a study of tarjih in muhammadiyah”, in journal of islamic law and society, 12, 1 (2005): 33-39. 5 syamsul anwar, 36. 6 syamsul anwar, 38. 7 ahmad jainuri, the formation of the muhammadiyah’s ideology, 1912-1942 (ph.d thesis, mcgill university, 1997), 101. 8 azyumardi azra, konteks berteologi di indonesia: pengalaman islam (jakarta: paramadina, 1999). 9 maklumat pp muhammadiyah no 23/lmm/i.0/e/2005. 10 translated by the author 11 din syamsuddin, 2005 www.lazismu.org/content/view/271/171/. accessed in 10 july 2009. 12 maklumat pp muhammadiyah. 13 maklumat pp muhammadiyah. 14 translated by the author 15 nurcholish madjid, masyarakat religius (jakarta: paramadina, 1997), 18-19. 16 maklumat pp muhammadiyah. 17 translated by the author 18 fathurrahman djamil, “the muhammadiyah and the theory of maqâsid alsharî ah”, in studia islamika, 2, 1, (1995): 60. 19 fathurrahman djamil metode majelis tarjih muhammadiyah (jakarta: logos publishing house, 1995), 35-39. 20 m hilali basya, “semiotika bencana dan idul adha”, in kompas, 20 january 2005. 21 nadirsyah hosen, “revelation in a modern nation-state: muhammadiyah and islamic legal reasoning in indonesia. australian journal of asian law 4, 3, (2002): 238. 22 fathurrahman djamil, “the muhammadiyah and the theory of maqâsid alsharî ah”, 61. 23 fathurrahman djamil, metode majelis tarjih muhammadiyah (jakarta: logos publishing house, 1995), 158-159. 24 nadirsyah hosen, “revelation in a modern nation-state: muhammadiyah and islamic legal reasoning in indonesia”, 236. 25 fathurrahman djamil, metode majelis tarjih muhammadiyah (jakarta: logos publishing, 1995), 159. 26 nadirsyah hosen, “revelation in a modern nation-state: muhammadiyah and islamic legal reasoning in indonesia”, 237. 27 fathurrahman djamil, manhaj istimbat hukum dalam muhammadiyah, paper presented at raker majelis tarjih pwm dki jakarta, 30 november 1997. 28 nadirsyah hosen, “revelation in a modern nation-state: muhammadiyah and islamic legal reasoning in indonesia”, 237. 29 fathurrahman djamil, “the muhammadiyah and the theory of maqâsid alsharî ah.” 30 ahmad azhar basyir, refleksi atas persoalan keislaman (bandung: mizan, 1994). http://www.lazismu.org/content/view/271/171/. 29vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 31 the central board of muhammadiyah majelis tarjih, “the brief ijtihad methods that have been used by majelis tarjih muhammadiyah,” in the guidelines of the majelis tarjih conference, 1989. 32 the central board of muhammadiyah majelis tarjih, “the brief ijtihad methods that have been used by majelis tarjih muhammadiyah,” 21. 33 fathurrahman djamil, “the muhammadiyah and the theory of maqâsid alsharî ah”, 64. 34 fathurrahman djamil, “the muhammadiyah and the theory of maqâsid alsharî ah”, 65. 35 m.b. hooker, indonesian islam: social change through contemporary fatawa (honolulu: university of hawai press, 2003), 197-211. 36 m.b. hooker, 200-211. 37 m.b. hooker, 197-211. 38 fathurrahman djamil, “the muhammadiyah and the theory of maqâsid alsharî ah”, 65-67. 39 boy pradana, in defense of pure islam: the conservative-progressive debate within muhammadiyah (thesis, canbera: australian national university, 2007), 5790. 40 boy pradana, 2. 41 komaruddin hidayat, “arkoun dan tradisi hermeneutika”, in johan hendrik meuleman, tradisi, kemoderenan, dan metamodernisme (yogyakarta: lkis, 1996), 24. 42 komaruddin hidayat, 24. 43 adian husaini dan nuim hidayat, islam liberal: sejarah, konsepsi, penyimpangan dan jawabannya (jakarta: gema insani press, 2002). 44 nasr hamid abu zayd, mafhûm al-nas: dirâsah fî ’ulûm al-qur’ân (cairo: alhay’at al-misriyyah al-‘ammat al-kitab, 1993), 11-12. 45 abdullahi ahmed an-na’im, dekonstruksi syari’ah: wacana kebebasan sipil, ham, dan hubunangan internasional dalam islam (yogyakarta: lkis, 2001). 46 m hilali basya, “the koran was not revealed in an empty space”, in www.islamlib.com, 2004. accessed in 10 july 2009. 47 muhammad abid al-jabiri, post-tradisionalisme islam (yogyakarta: lkis, 2000), 126. 48 muhammad abid al-jabiri. 49 farid essack, qur’an, liberation, and pluralism: an islamic perspective of interreligious solidarity against oppression. (oxford: one world, 2000), 51. 50 moeslim abdurrahman, islam sebagai kritik sosial (jakarta: erlangga, 2003), 192. 51 moeslim abdurrahman, 193. 52 din syamsuddin, 2005 www.lazismu.org/content/view/271/171/. accessed in 10 july 2009. 53 boy pradana, 101. 54 maklumat pp muhammadiyah 55 abdul munir mulkhan, moral politik santri: agama dan pembelaan kaum http://www.islamlib.com http://www.lazismu.org/content/view/271/171/. 30 afkaruna tertindas (surabaya: erlangga, 2003), 146-151. bibliography abdurrahman, moeslim. islam sebagai kritik sosial (jakarta: erlangga, 2003). abu zayd, nasr hamid. mafhûm al-nas: dirâsah fî ’ulûm al-qur’ân (cairo: alhay’at al-misriyyah al-‘ammat al-kitab, 1993). al-jabiri, muhammad abid. post tradisionalisme islam (yogyakarta: lkis, 2000). an-na’im, abdullahi ahmed. dekonstruksi syari’ah: wacana kebebasan sipil, ham, dan hubunangan internasional dalam islam (yogyakarta: lkis, 2001). anwar, syamsul, “fatwa, purification and dynamization: a study of tarjih in muhammadiyah”, in journal of islamic law and society, 12, 1 (2005): 27-44. azra, azyumardi. konteks berteologi di indonesia: pengalaman islam (jakarta: paramadina, 1999). basya, m hilaly. “semiotika bencana dan idul adha”, in kompas, 20 january 2005. basya, m hilaly. “the koran was not revealed in an empty space”, 2004, in www.islamlib.com. accessed in 10 july 2009. basyir, ahmad azhar. refleksi atas persoalan keislaman (bandung: mizan, 1994). djamil, fathurrahman. metode majelis tarjih muhammadiyah (jakarta: logos publishing house, 1995). djamil, fathurrahman. “the muhammadiyah and the theory of maqâsid alsharî ah”, in studia islamika 2, 1 (1995): 53-68. djamil, fathurrahman. manhaj istimbat hukum dalam muhammadiyah, paper presented at raker majelis tarjih pwm dki jakarta, 30 november 1997. essack, farid. qur’an, liberation, and pluralism: an islamic perspective of interreligious solidarity against oppression. (oxford: one world, 3rd edition, 2002). hidayat, komaruddin. “arkoun dan tradisi hermeneutika”, in johan hendrik meuleman, tradisi, kemoderenan, dan metamodernisme (yogyakarta: lkis, 1996). hosen, nadirsyah. “revelation in a modern nation-state: muhammadiyah and islamic legal reasoning in indonesia. australian journal of asian law, 4, 3 (2002): 232-258. hooker, m.b. indonesian islam: social change through contemporary fatawa (honolulu: university of hawai press, 2003). husaini, adian dan hidayat, nuim. islam liberal: sejarah, konsepsi, penyimpangan dan jawabannya (jakarta: gema insani press, 2002). jainuri, ahmad. the formation of the muhammadiyah’s ideology, 1912-1942 (ph.d thesis, mcgill university, 1997). madjid, nurcholish. masyarakat religius (jakarta: paramadina, 1997). maklumat pp muhammadiyah no 23/lmm/i.0/e/2005. muktamar tarjih’s decision, in vitro fertilization, bayi tabung dan pencangkokan dalam sorotan hukum islam (yogyakarta: persatuan). mulkhan, abdul munir. moral politik santri: agama dan pembelaan kaum tertindas (surabaya: erlangga, 2003). pradana, boy. in defense of pure islam: the conservative-progressive debate within http://www.islamlib.com 31vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 muhammadiyah (thesis, canbera: australian national university, 2007). syamsuddin, din. 2005 in www.lazismu.org/content/view/271/171/ accessed in 10 july 2009. the central board of muhammadiyah majelis tarjih, the brief ijtihad methods that have been used by majelis tarjih muhammadiyah (in the guidelines of the majelis tarjih conference, 1989). widigdo, mohammad syifa amin, “the power of fatwa in indonesia: an analysis of mui’s controversial fatwâs,” in afkaruna, 14, 2 (2018): 146-165. http://www.lazismu.org/content/view/271/171/ jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the islamists’ responses to modernity and their notion of active da’wa doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0102.187-202 ai fatimah nur fuad fakultas agama islam, universitas muhammadiyah prof. dr. hamka (uhamka), jakarta. correspondence e-mail: fatimah_nf@uhamka.ac.id. abstract this research examines the the impact of modernity that has been reshaping muslims’ lives in muslim societies. it particularly examines various impacts of modernity such as colonialism, secularism, liberalism, and westernization that led islamist to worry about the decreasing role that islam was playing in society and in the state. their worry about the absence of islam in the public sphere led the islamists to become the front line da’wa group, intensively countering the impact of modernisation in the islamic world. this research employs qualitative approach combining observation and texts review. reviewing the relevant texts and observation to the contemporary da’wa movements and individuals are conducted within both fieldwork and desk work. as the result, i argue that the islamists are the most ‘active’ islamic da’wa movement in the modern societies including in indonesia. activism is their core da’wa characteristics that routinely calls on muslims to respond to the impact of western power. their da’wa, therefore, is an activist ideology. this research contributes to the contemporary da’wa discourses and movements in the muslim world. keywords: da’wa, islam, modernization, muslims, western. abstrak penelitian ini mengkaji dampak modernitas yang telah ‘membentuk ulang’ kehidupan umat islam ditengah masyarakat muslim. penelitian ini, secara khusus meneliti berbagai dampak modernitas seperti kolonialisme, sekularisme, liberalisme, dan westernisasi yang membuat kaum islamis khawatir tentang menurunnya peran yang dimainkan islam ditengah masyarakat dan negara. kekhawatiran mereka tentang absennya islam di ruang publik membuat kaum islamis menjadi kelompok garis depan dalam melakukan da’wa, yang secara intensif melakukan counter terhadap dampak modernisasi di dunia islam. mailto:fatimah_nf@uhamka.ac.id. 188 afkaruna penelitian ini diuji melalui pendekatan kualitatif yang menggabungkan observasi dengan ulasan terhadap teks-teks tertulis yang relevan. melakukan kajian teks dan pengamatan langsung terhadap gerakan da’wa kontemporer dan individu dilakukan dengan cara fieldwork (kerja lapangan) dan desk work (kerja kepustakaan). sebagai hasil dari penelitian ini, saya berpendapat bahwa kaum islamis adalah gerakan da’wa islam yang paling ‘aktif’ dalam masyarakat muslim modern termasuk di indonesia. aktivisme adalah karakteristik utama da’wa mereka yang secara rutin menyerukan umat islam untuk merespons dampak dari kekuatan atau hegemoni barat. da’wa mereka, oleh karena itu, adalah memiliki ideologi aktivis. penelitian ini berkontribusi pada wacana dan gerakan da’wa kontemporer di dunia muslim. kata kunci: da’wa, islam, modernisasi, muslim, barat. introduction modernisation that have been taking place in muslim countries since the nineteenth century and earlier have changed the relationship between islam and the state. the reformulation of laws as a consequence of modernisation, and the adoption of a largely westernised legal system, has had a profound impact on islamic courts and the position of the ulama. modern, western-influenced, ‘secular’ law has occupied a more dominant position in these states, often replacing the role of islamic law with respect to matters of regulation and punishment. the limiting of the role of such shari’ah related institutions in the colonial and now the postcolonial public sphere, and the restriction of islamic authority in modern nation-states is perhaps the main way in which socalled ‘islamists’ – who struggle through various political means to reislamise the public sphere have encountered ‘the downfall of the hegemony of the symbolic muslim system’.1 while many islamists accommodated themselves to the idea of the nation-state, at least in the sense that it became the focus of their projects of islamisation, secular western ideologies, from atheism to consumer capitalism, have been seen as the key factor in undermining the normative muslim systems of authority in the modern world. such key factors have been responded by the islamists through their da’wa movements. this article outlines islamism in indonesian contexts that influenced by islamism in the middle east, and highlighting particular gaps in the existing literature with regard to the tarbiyah movement. previous literatures on this da’wa movement mostly studied the tarbiyah movement in association with the increasingly formal and very public dakwah managed by 189vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the prosperous and justice party (partai keadilan sejahtera, pks). my research maintained that this movement are also shaped by their members in middle and lower levels of the movement which have strong roots in informal networks (different with politics) that mainly emphasise the personal impact of a more private da’wa and embodied religious training in strengthening their individual piety and sense of belonging amongst its members. it is worth in my opinion, to study this movement through both their individual da’wa and their public da’wa, and also to provide a clear perspective on their position to modernity and how they respond through their da’wa movements. this article explains the significance of active da’wa within the islamists in the modern period. this article begins by explaining the impact of modernity to the muslim world, followed by examining the islamists’ response to the impact of globalised modernity, and then exploring the islamist notion of active da’wa. the impact of modernity to muslim society from the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth, european society gradually acquired and expanded its cultural, economic, and political supremacy. this growth was marked by the rise of the natural sciences, new technology which enabled industrial capitalism and new forms of communication (such as the printing press), as well as a new political stability. the structural transformations that europe witnessed in these areas is often collectively known as ‘modernity’.2 the modern period was also the period during which muslim supremacy declined as european economic and political strength increased. thus the european conquest of muslim lands also occurred in this period, with britain, france, and the netherlands having conquered and colonised numerous muslim countries by the end of eighteenth century.3 one by one, the ottoman caliphate’s territories were occupied, and the caliphate itself – which was the only remaining symbol of muslim political supremacy – started to decline, with its final collapse occurring in 1924. the collapse of the ottoman caliphate – ‘the sick man of europe’ was widely taken as the key symbol of muslim political stagnation. european colonisation pushed muslims into an intense encounter with modernity. napoleon bonaparte’s occupation of egypt in 1799 not only brought french troops armed with guns, but also modern science, ad190 afkaruna ministration, and technology. later, egypt was colonised by the british, who built modern hospitals, schools, and scientific laboratories. egypt’s muslim leaders and religious scholars were amazed by these european modern scientific developments, and these encounters made them realise how much islamic countries had declined compared to european (nonmuslim) countries. within this period, then, muslims came to acknowledge the superiority of european society and the end of their own supremacy. they felt that the europeans had left them too far behind in the fields of modern education, economics, politics, and military power, and this loss of power produced a deep psychological impact on muslims. realising their ‘backwardness’, many muslim leaders adopted modernity, particularly within the arena of politics. they built freedom movements which aspired to indigenous modern nation-states, often leaving the idea of the caliphate and other traditional islamic political systems behind. nation-state building began after world war i, and during this period, muslim elites in countries such as turkey, egypt and indonesia endeavoured to establish modern political and social systems. these modernisation programmes transformed the structures of political systems in muslim societies, with turkey, under the leadership of mustafa kemal attaturk, becoming the first muslim country to reject the islamic caliphate and become a modern, secular state. for attaturk, to develop the state required turkey to become westernised and islam largely privatised, and such thinking led to similar modifications soon following in other muslim states. this ‘modernisation’ agenda challenged many muslims’ convictions, particularly those who disagreed with the marginalisation of islamic systems. in the face of such challenges, many muslims felt it necessary to defend islam and to object to the adoption of secular concepts such as rationalism, parliamentary institutions, and the replacement of islamic law with european law. many regarded this reform as being incompatible with islamic principles requiring muslims to use shari’ah as the central source of muslim social life, and saw it as removing islam from muslims’ public lives. as a result, heated debate emerged during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries among muslims, concerning how best to respond to modernity. many scholars including wiktorowicz (2006), rippin (2005), roy (2004), and kurzman (2002) have come up with different but related 191vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 typologies to classify muslim responses to modernity.4 there are three basic types of muslim response to modernity as suggested by these scholars – the traditionalist; the modernist (and to some extent related to secularist position); and the islamist. as rippin (2005) points out, typologies are theoretical categories that can help to identify tendencies, but social realities can rarely be fitted neatly into one position or another. in this article, i will examine only the most relevant typology to this topic; the islamists. islamists’ responses to modernity the absence of islamic values in public spheres, islamic states, and muslim rulers are the main concerns of the islamists. as a result of the impact of modernisation and secularisation brought by colonialism, the role of traditional ulama and religious scholars in conducting da’wa had changed in the modern period. with the developments of new media, the printing press and information technologies, muslims became exposed to new religious discourses from ulama old and new, as well as modernists and islamists. modernists and islamists challenged and criticised the traditionalists’ approach to da’wa through their dakwah movements. modern islamists strongly believe in the need for muslims to be active in islamising the public sphere and the state. in the twentieth century, islamist movements came to represent ideological opposition to the influence of other western ‘isms’, such as liberalism, zionism, and secularism.5 for them, the “cultural imperialism” and the increasing global hegemony of western culture, economic and politics have shifted islamic values of muslims. in responding to the impact of modernity, the islamists rejected the ideas of both traditionalists and modernists or secularists.6 the islamists is characterised by its key ideology that ‘islam(ism) is the solution’ (al-islamu huwa al-hall). in this regard, islam is not only seen as a religion, but also as a political ideology. it is should reformulate all aspects of society, including politics, economics, social life, the law, and so forth,7 with islamists emphasising the absolute character of the source of authority of islam; quran and sunna. in contrast with traditionalists, modernists and secularists, islamists tend to accept changes in a ‘controlled’ fashion.8 they accept more restricted changes than modernists, and use the two authoritative sources 192 afkaruna of the quran and the sunna to accept or legitimate changes in the modern era. islamists have often responded to modernisation in a complex fashion by rejecting westernisation but rooting certain aspects of modernity in the ‘pure’ islam of the quran and sunna. thus, islamists have ‘indigenised and islamised’ many concepts and structures from western political sciences, including ideology, revolution, organisation, democracy, and political parties.9 islamists use political actions to attempt to re-create a ‘true’ and ‘pure’ islamic society utilising shari’ah (islamic law) to govern the state as well as public life. most islamists have sought to establish political parties and have participated in democratic procedures such as general elections whilst trying to show that islam represents the best form of ‘democracy’.10 islamists have claimed that shura (consultation), as mentioned in the qur’an and practiced by the prophet muhammad, is a principle of democracy in islam, but have accepted democracy per se in order to support their goal of establishing an islamic society. the islamists ideology was in many ways inspired and influenced by pre-modern revivalist figures like ibn taymiyya (1263-1328 ce) and muhammad ibn abd al-wahhab (1703-1787 ce). as revivalists, such figures attributed the political decline of muslims to the increasing heterodoxy of the everyday practice of islam. revivalists believe that if muslims return to ‘pure’ islam as found in the qur’an and sunna, they will be able to restore the ‘glory’ of the past. hence, the ideology of islamism is related to revivalism and related complex and criss-crossing orientations in terms of a basic emphasis on seeking to purify and revitalize islam.11 islamists are also to some extent influenced and inspired by the reformist ideas of egyptian scholars such as jamaluddin al-afghani (18381897 ce), muhammad abduh (1849-1905 ce), and rashid ridha (18651935 ce) who are considered amongst the most influential modernist figures.12 however, islamism’s reformist ideas have a complex relationship to such modernist figures. the modernists’ reformist ideas generally attempted to reinterpret islam in such a way so as to support modernity, while the islamists came to focus more on islamising modernity. richard mitchell, writing of the first mass islamist movement, the muslim brotherhood (mb), which was founded in 1920s egypt, explains: “the islamist movements aimed at a total reform of the political, economic, and social life of the country”.13 thus a general characteristic of islamism is the belief 193vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 that islamic teachings should encompass all aspects of life, from the private to the public domain. scholars such as rippin (2005), roy (2004) and nasr (1996) consider abul a’la mawdudi (1903–1979), hasan al-banna (1906–1949) and sayyid qutb (1906–1966) to be amongst the earliest islamist ideologues. they are founding fathers and intellectuals of islamist dakwah movements, namely the muslim brotherhood in egypt (established in 1928) and the jamaat-i islami (ji) in pakistan (established in 1941). their da’wa emphasises the promotion of islamic teachings and the provision of information on islam for both muslims and non-muslims.14 through these dakwah organisations, the afore-mentioned islamist figures advocated a more ‘authentic’ islamic framework for muslim society. also, whilst mawdudi and al-banna believed that the use of persuasion and gradual changes was best suited for achieving islamic goals, qutb believed in the need for more radical change. these three islamists figures had a significant impact on muslims worldwide, especially young educated muslims in urban areas with secular educational backgrounds.15 the muslim brotherhood attracted muslims in the middle east especially, and some of their branches became prominent parties in the sudan, palestine and tunisia. by contrast, the ji became more prevalent among south asian muslims, and their immigrant and diaspora communities in pakistan, india, east africa, the uk, and the caribbean.16 however, the muslim brotherhood also attracted muslims in indonesia, and became the inspiration for an islamist dakwah party, whilst the influence of the ji is not prevalent among indonesian muslims. indeed, movements in the middle east such as the muslim brotherhood or al-ikhwan al muslimun, have had a strong global influence on islamist movements worldwide, including in indonesia. this movement influenced the tarbiyah movement conceptually and ideologically (machmudi, 2016; permata, 2013). the tarbiyah movement designed their da’wa programs/ activities and goals based on the gradual islamisation of the mb (individufamily-society and state). the islamist notion of ‘active’ da’wa as the modernisation brought a shift in islamic worlds in terms of culture, social life, economics, and politics, including the marginalisation of the shari’ah court, the ulama’s role in society, and traditional islamic 194 afkaruna schools, the islamists da’wa have been very active especially in countering western culture, politics, and economics.17 they regarded western culture, economics, and politics as reflecting ‘western’ values, which are characterised as ‘atheistic’, secular, and anti-religion.18 islamist da’wa movements see islam as a comprehensive and active ideology whose role is not only to transform their selves but also their society (especially politics, cultures and economics). these movements, thus propagate da’wa messages, not only focusing on private da’wa or seeking to islamise individuals, but also focusing on public da’wa with the aim of islamising the society and the state.19. the focus of da’wa, for them, should go beyond the level of the individual, and be instrumental in creating an islamic society, either through establishing islamic political parties or producing impacts on the social and spiritual aspects of society through some other media or ‘counter public’.20 in transforming their societies, these movements developed a variety of da’wa models, including religious edification, religious education or training, and islamic charity or social activity, building educational centres, religious places, and social and public services such as hospitals and clinics to support their da’wa agenda. they also travelled to many countries around the world to promote their da’wa ideology and, as a result, transnational da’wa activities and da’wa organisations have been established in many parts of the muslim world.21 these organisations have adopted various new forms of da’wa, with new aims based on their religious interpretations, their responses to public issues, and their involvement in social and political activities. the core message of their da’wa is that islam should be strongly present not only in the private sphere, but in the public sphere as well. for the modern islamists, then, it is not enough simply to be a good muslim just in the personal or private sphere; muslims also need to actively shape the society or state they live in by seeking to make it more islamic. thus, islamist movements focus on both disciplining the self for improving individual piety and controlling public piety.22 for the islamists, strengthening individual piety is a muslim obligation which aims to reject western or modernisation influences to their religious valus. in my previous study (2019), i explained that ‘individual piety’ means the commitment to perform obligatory rituals such as the five-times-dailyprayers, reciting the qur’an, fasting in the month of ramadan, giving 195vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 alms, and dressing and behaving in an ‘islamic’ way. while ‘public piety’ means particular behaviour or practice performed in the public sphere that comes to have political significance. the concept of public piety also implies that there may be attempts at the regulation and standardisation of practices that are regarded by particular constituencies as appropriately ‘pious’. key islamist figures such as hasan al-banna, sayyid qutb, and abul a’la mawdudi have greatly influenced contemporary islamist da’wa movements by strengthening their focus on locating islamic identity within the public sphere and critiquing modernity. they also exemplify more ‘gradualist’ (al-banna and mawdudi) and more ‘radical’/‘revolutionary’ (qutb) forms of islamism. al-banna, the founder of the mb, was deeply concerned about the impact of westernisation on the islamic beliefs and practices of egyptian muslims, perceiving western culture and thought to have had a significant influence on muslims in egypt. he regarded this influence as a cause of the moral and political decline of muslims, and created a new model of da’wa that called on muslims to perform islamic teachings in their daily life to address this, ranging from issues regarding domestic affairs to public matters. for al-banna, islam needed to provide the key guidance for muslim societies, and his influence is clear in the mb’s political views that islam: 1) is a comprehensive, self-evolving system providing the ultimate path to life; 2) emanates from, and is based on, two fundamental sources – the qur’an and the sunna; and 3) is applicable at all times and places.23 however, although he, like other islamists, promoted the establishment of a better islamic state, he did not propose violence as a means for achieving this da’wa goal. like al-banna, sayyid qutb (born in 1906 in asyut-egypt), also criticised modern cultures and thoughts.24 these criticisms are mostly presented in his books, al-adala al-ijtima’iyya fi al-islam (social justice in islam) which was written in 1949 and ma’alim fi al-tariq (milestones) which was first published in 1964. the first book explains that the separation of religion and politics is a characteristic of western societies and thus would be inappropriate for islamic societies. the second book deals with the key concept of jahiliyya (ignorance). according to qutb, although current muslim societies proclaim themselves to be muslim, they do not practice worship (ibadah), and they erroneously believe in sovereignty (hakimiyya) other than god. for qutb, muslims in these societies are also living in 196 afkaruna jahiliyya. 25 according to qutb, any society that is not muslim is an instance of jahiliyya, and everything outside islam must also be included in the category of jahiliyya as it is derived from the spirit of barbarism and is contrary to islamic teachings.26 for qutb, although contemporary muslim governments remain, they can be categorised as ‘infidel’ governments when they do not implement shari’ah. muslim rulers, as they existed in the history of islam are, therefore, not enough for qutb and his followers: muslim rulers must have a commitment to implementing shari’ah and islamic values in their countries. a muslim society, according to qutb, must apply islam across the board, letting it guide their faith, worship, legislation, social organisations and modes of behaviour. as a result of these views, qutb, unlike al-banna, stated that muslims are allowed to fight against such ‘infidel’ governments. qutb therefore promoted a new model of da’wa that emphasised the need for activism and political jihad in order to turn islam into a global power.27 this shows qutb’s goal of making islam the basis of a state – an orientation that demands a total human submission to god.28 qutb thus rejected democracy, rationalism and secularism, and held that islam needed to be purified from western influences. soage (2009: 189) highlights that qutb’s perception on “the corrupt parliamentary democracy of pre-revolutionary egypt has led him to turn to islam as the solution of all problems”.29 for instance, he rejected the western banking system, which he considered to be contrary to islamic law. he also criticised western behaviour, in particular that associated with a concern for material goods.30 likewise, he rejected western ideas about separating religious from secular matters, and the west’s adherence to rationalism. he thus refused to reconcile islamic teachings with european outlooks, viewing islam as a comprehensive ideology that regulates all aspects of human life.31 giles kepel (2005), who studied islamic radical movements in egypt, found that many contemporary radical islamist activists are influenced by qutb’s ideas and, like kepel, rippin (2005) classified qutb and other muslims who oppose their governments as ‘radical’ islamists. qutb was also considered to be responsible for the shift in the outlook of at least some of the mb’s members from holding moderate views under al-banna’s leadership to becoming a radical splinter movement. his concept of jahiliyya marks an obvious fission in the mb’s ideology, as al-banna never accused 197vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the egyptian regime of his day of being non-islamic.32 appealing to such an understanding of sovereignty, mawdudi argued that political sovereignty also belongs to god alone. if there are human agents that seek to constitute the sovereignty of god through implementing the political system of islam in a state, they will never succeed because of the limitations of their power.33 a democratic caliphate, for mawdudi, means that the government is the only institution that is responsible for establishing shari’ah. the islamic caliphate is certainly not a ‘theocratic’ system. it is the antithesis of monarchy, and fundamentally different from the western democratic system, which is based on the sovereignty of the people, whereas the caliphate system is tied to the sovereignty of god. mawdudi was another key islamist figure. he was regarded as an islamist because of his beliefs about god’s unique sovereignty, the universal application and implementation of shari’ah, and the need for a democratic caliphate.34 according to mawdudi, sovereignty over any aspect of life is only for god, since god is the creator and the ruler of the universe.35 he criticised the concept of democracy because he believed that it mislead people about the true concept of sovereignty.36 furthermore, governments that are elected by people should consider their position as being amanah (in trust) from god. therefore, they have to implement god’s commands – shari’ah – in the state and in all muslim society. the ideas of criticising ‘western’ modernity and emphasising islamic identity are most attractive to urban, lower middle class muslims,37 who believe that modernisation programmes in muslim countries cannot succeed in transforming these societies into prosperous ones. for them, religious authenticity is the key for this transformation, and this is one of the central factors that generates their interest in the ‘alternative’ to the state system offered by islamists. their da’wa, as an activist ideology, therefore represents a new or reinvented approach. as an islamist movement, the tarbiyah movement that established officially in early 1980s in indonesia has had an impact on the development of contemporary da’wa movements in the country, attracting large numbers of young muslims. the tarbiyah movement in this country have similar concerns and ideologies regarding the islamisation of society and the public sphere with other contemporary islamist movements worldwide. they are very active in conducting their da’wa agenda and promoting their da’wa messages online. they actively attend the weekly liqo (reli198 afkaruna gious training) sessions in their closest neighborhood and other da’wa activities.38 they also use social media platforms for spreading their da’wa perspectives online. as been highlighted by mandaville (2007) and eickelman and anderson (2003), this is not surprising, given that the islamists have been the quickest in using almost all forms of modern technology, including the printing press, social media, and the internet. they conduct da’wa in public sphere that is more active and powerful form of da’wa, especially nowadays through the use of modern technology; social media and internet, such as whatsapp, facebook, twitter and instagram. conclusion the debate concerning islam and modernity indicates that there is a range of ways in which muslims have dealt with modernity. they differ in approaches regarding the extent to which modernity and its transformations should be accommodated. most muslims realise that islam has been declining – in politics, economics, the military, and sciences – and for the islamists, this decline has been caused by muslims breaking with islamic values, identities and traditions. they view most muslims as failing to practice the ‘true’ islam revealed to the prophet muhammad, and contend that the best way to solve this problem is to return to living by the qur’an and sunna. islamist da’wa movements have played an important role in responding to the absence of islam from public life that colonialism and secularism led to in muslim countries. the islamist da’wa ideology concerning the strengthening of islamic identity and the piety of muslims, together with the creation of a more islamic form of society, have attracted young people from the urban lower and middle classes. these young urban muslims perceive this ideology as representing a revision of islam that is more responsive to the modern period, and that provides a ‘better modernity’ – one that is more islamic, religious, spiritual, just and humane. islamist da’wa groups are regarded as the most prominent adherents of da’wa in modern period. i found that both private da’wa (which concerns the islamisation of the self to create pious individuals) and public da’wa (which concerns the islamisation of society to create a pious society), have different meanings and orientations for contemporary islamist movements. this finding contributes to the current scholarship and fu199vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 ture study on islamist da’wa movements regarding that modern islamists having a stronger commitment to da’wa than was the case historically, believe it necessary to be especially active (and even sometimes aggressive) in preaching and islamising both the private and public domains, not only within individual level but also within society and state level. their focus on public da’wa has resulted in large part from the disappointment that islamists have confronted regarding the relative absence of shari’ah (together with the lack of religious values) within the public sphere in the modern period. modern islamists strongly believe in the need for muslims to be active in islamising the public sphere and the state. endnotes 1 francois burgat, face to face with political islam. (london: i.b.tauris, 2003). 2 ira m lapidus, a history of islamic societies. (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2002). 3 andrew rippin, muslims; their religious beliefs and practices. (london: routledge, 2005). 4 scholars such as wiktorowicz (2006), rippin (2005), roy (2004), and kurzman (2002) have come up with different but related typologies such as tradisionalists, modernists, secularists, islamists and so on and so forth to classify muslim responses to modernity 5 christoph schuck, a conceptual framework of sunni islamism. politics, religion and ideology, 2013, 14: 4, pp.485-506. 6 for further explanation and examples of modernist and traditionalist tendency and ideology, including their emergence and its roots, see charles kurzman, 2002 on modernist movements and twediana budi hapsari 2018 on the history of contemporary indonesian muslim groups and muslim media, jurnal afkaruna, vol. 14, no.1, 104-108. 7 olivier roy, globalized islam. (new york: columbia university press, 2004). 8 andrew rippin, 183 &192. 9 olivier roy, 447. 10 sayyed vali r nasr, mawdudi and the making of islamic revivalism, (new york: oxford university press, 1996). 11 see. wictorowicz 2004 and meijer 2009. 12 these figures have a key position in between modernism and revivalism/ islamism. al-afghani,for instance, through his idea of pan-islamism, attempted to unite islam politically against the power of europe, while rida became a key figure in early salafism (see. rippin, 2005). 13 richard mitchell, the society of the muslim brothers (oxford: oxford university press, 1993). 200 afkaruna 14 peter g mandaville, 2007. global political islam, (london: routledge, 2007). 15 roy, 2004. 16 on ji in britain, see ai fatimah nur fuad, 2012. muslims in britain; questioning islamic and national identity. indonesian journal of muslim societies, vol. 2, no. 2. see also. mandaville, 283. 17 mandaville, 2007. 18 roy, 2004. 19 ai fatimah nur fuad, da’wa and politics; lived experiences of the female islamists in indonesia. contemporary islam, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s11562-019-00442-x. 20 charles hirschkind, the ethical soundscape: cassette sermons and islamic counterpublics. (new york: columbia university press, 2009). 21 mandaville, 283. 22 fuad, 2019. 23 mitchell, 1993. 24 qutb is well known as one of the leading figures of the mb. he became a member of this mb in 1951, then head of its department for spreading islam (qism nashr al-da’wa) in 1952, and an editor of the weekly newspaper al-ikhwan al-muslimun in 1954 (zollner, 2009). 25 gilles kepel, the roots of radical islam, (london: saqi, 2005). 26 kepel, 47. 27 barbara zollner, the muslim brotherhood; hasan al-hudaybi and ideology, (new york: routledge, 2009). 28 khatab, the power of sovereignty: the political and ideological philosophy of sayyid qutb. (new york: routledge, 2006). 29 ana belen soage, islamism and modernity: the political thought of sayyid qutb. journal of totalitarian movement and political religions, 2009, vol. 10, no. 2, 189-203. see also, hilmy, 2010 for detail explanation on islamism and democracy. 30 robert lee, overcoming tradition and modernity; the search for islamic authenticity. (colorado: westview press, 1997). 31 see khatab, 2006; moussalli, 1992; shepard, 1992. 32 kepel, 2005. 33 the agents are called ‘caliphates’, which means that they are not sovereigns in-themselves. such agents are the representatives of the real sovereignty. the agents or systems they construct are under the sovereignty of god, who is the owner of the sovereignty both de jure and de facto. 34 nasr, 1996. 35 mawdudi elaborated his idea of sovereignty in his book, first principle of islamic state, published in 1960. sovereignty is that which de jure belongs to allah, and de facto is manifested in the working of all parts of the universe. mawdudi refers to some verses of al-qur’an (7:3, 12:40, 5:44) in which it is insisted that the acceptance of the de jure sovereignty of god is the meaning of islam, while denying such sovereignty is kufr (unbelief). in other words, https://doi.org/10.1007/ 201vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 there is no space for any other sovereignty in the world, particularly in a state. the sovereignty can be defined as the source of power and law and, for mawdudi, such a source is only found in god. although people elect government representatives, sovereignty does not come from people. 36 sayyid abu a’la mawdudi, first principle of islamic state., (lahore: islamic publication,1960). 37 see. burgat, 2003; eickelman and piscatori, 1996. 38 fuad, 2019. references burgat, francois. face to face with political islam. london: i.b.tauris, 2003. eickelman, d. f. and anderson, j. w. (eds.), 1999. new media in the muslim world: the emerging public sphere. bloomington: indiana university press. eickelman, d. f. and piscatori, j, muslim politics. princeton: princeton university press, 1996. fuad, ai fatimah nur. 2019. da’wa and politics; lived experiences of the female islamists in indonesia. contemporary islam. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s11562-019-00442-x. fuad, ai fatimah nur, 2012. muslims in britain; questioning islamic and national identity. indonesian journal of muslim societies, vol. 2, no. 2, desember. haddad, yyvone. 1983. sayyid qutb: ideologue of islamic revival, in voices of resurgent islam. edited by john l. esposito, new york: oxford university press. hapsari, twediana budi. 2018. the history of contemporary muslim groups and muslim media. jurnal afkaruna, vol. 14, no 1, juni. hilmy, masdar. 2010. islamism and democracy; piety and pragmatism. singapore: institute of southeast asian studies (iseas). hirschkind, charles. 2009. the ethical soundscape: cassette sermons and islamic counterpublics, new york: columbia university press. kepel, gilles. 2003. jihad: the trail of political islam. london: i.b. tauris. kepel, gilles. 2005. the roots of radical islam. london: saqi. khatab, s. 2006. the power of sovereignty: the political and ideological philosophy of sayyid qutb. new york: routledge. kurzman, charles. 2002. modernist islam 1840-1940; a sourcebook. new york: oxford university press. laffan, michael. 2003. islamic nationhood and colonial indonesia: the umma below the winds. london: routledgecurzon. lapidus, ira. m. 2002. a history of islamic societies. cambridge. cambridge university press. lee, robert. 1997. overcoming tradition and modernity; the search for islamic authenticity. colorado: westview press. machmudi, yon. 2006. islamizing indonesia: the rise of jamaah tarbiyah and the prosperous justice party, ph.d thesis, canberra, the australian national university. mandaville, peter. g. 2007; 2014. global political islam. london. routledge. https://doi.org/10.1007/ 202 afkaruna mandaville, peter. g. 2001. transnational muslim politics: reimagining the umma. london. routledge. maududi, sayyid abu a, 1960. first principle of islamic state. lahore: islamic publication. meijer, r. (ed). 2009. global salafism. london: hurst and company. mitchell, richard. 1993. the society of the muslim brothers. oxford: oxford university press. moussalli, a, 1992. radical islamic fundamentalism: the ideological and political discourse of sayyid qutb. beirut: american university of beirut. nasr, sayyed vali r. 1996. mawdudi and the making of islamic revivalism. new york: oxford university press. permata, ahmad norma. 2013. a study on the internal dynamics of the justice and welfare party (pks) and jama’ah tarbiyah. regime change, democracy, and islam: the case of indonesia, leiden, universiteit leiden. qutb, s. 1992. ma’alim fi al-tariq. cairo. dar al-shuruq. rippin, andrew. 2005. muslims; their religious beliefs and practices. london. routledge. roy, olivier. 2004. globalized islam. new york: columbia university press. schuck, christoph. 2013. a conceptual framework of sunni islamism. politics, religion and ideology, 14: 4, pp.485-506. shepard, w. 1992. the development of the thought of sayyid qutb as reflected in earlier and later edition of ‘social justice in islam’. die welt des islams, new series 32 (2), 196-236. soage, ana belen. 2009. islamism and modernity: the political thought of sayyid qutb. journal of totalitarian movement and political religions, vol. 10, no. 2, 189-203. wiktorowicz, quintan. 2006. anatomy of the salafi movement, studies of conflict and terrorism, 29 (3), 217. wiktorowicz, quintan (ed). 2004. islamic activism; a social movement theory approach. indiana: indiana university press. wiktorowicz, quintan, 2001. the management of islamic activism; salafis, the muslim brotherhood, and state power in jordan, new york: state university of new york. zollner, h. e. b. 2009. the muslim brotherhood; hasan al-hudaybi and ideology. new york: routledge. # layout jan jun 2011 qur’an yang diterbitkan di indonesia, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa telah terjadi pergeseran pemikiran tafsir di indonesia kontemporer, termasuk di kalangan pegiat jaringan islam liberal. pergeseran tersebut di antaranya dapat dilihat pada hal-hal sebagai berikut: pertama, pada bagaimana memandang al-qur’an (hakikat, pewahyuan dan kodifikasi); kedua, terkait siapa yang berhak menafsirkan al-qur’an; ketiga, pada metode tafsir dan alat analisa yang dipakai; keempat, pada rujukan; dan kelima, pada tujuan dan hasil penafsiran. kata kunci: hermeneutika, indonesia, literatur islam, metodologi, pemahaman kontekstual. pendahuluan perhatian para sarjana muslim terhadap tafsir1 alqur’an memang tidak pernah berhenti. di era modern ini, kita bisa lihat dalam banyak literatur, terutama dalam buku-buku sejarah pembaharuan pemikiran islam, bahwa salah satu perhatian utama para sarjana muslim—dalam rangka membangkitkan semangat dan kejayaan umat, adalah tertumpu pada soal penafsiran alqur’an.2 hal ini dapat dimengerti, karena al-qur’an adalah sumber pokok ajaran islam dan merupakan sumber inspirasi bagi umat islam dalam kehidupannya.3 perhatian mereka di bidang tafsir al-qur’an ini di antaranya diarahkan pada upaya melakukan penafsiran (interpretation) yang cocok dengan denyut nadi perkembangan zaman.4 berbeda dengan para mufasir pergeseran pemikiran tafsir di indonesia: sebuah kajian bibliografis cucu surahman program ilmu pendidikan agama islam, universitas pendidikan indonesia-bandung. jl. setiabudi no. 229, bandung, jawa barat 40154. email: cucucms@yahoo.com abstract this article portrays the development of quranic exegesis studies in contemporary indonesia by scrutinizing various approaches used by indonesian islamic scholars in understanding the qur’an. through a bibliographical study, the author argues that there has been a shift in the study of tafsir among islamic scholars in indonesia, including among the advocates of the islamic liberal networks (jil). this shift can be seen in the following aspects: 1) the way indonesians define the nature of the qur’an essence, revelation, codification); 2) about the people who have authority to interpret the qur’an; 3) the methodology and tools to analyze the qur’an; 4) references, and 5) the objective of interpreting quran. kata kunci: quranic hermeneutics, indonesia, islamic literature, tafsir methodology, jil. abstrak tulisan ini memotret perkembangan mutakhir pemikiran tafsir di indonesia dengan mengggambarkan bagaimana para sarjana indonesia memahami dan menafsirkan al-qur’an. dengan melakukan kajian bibliografis atas karya-karya tafsir aldoi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 218 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sebelumnya yang lebih banyak bergulat pada tataran bahasa dan perdebatan teologis,5 penekanan para sarjana muslim modern dalam mengkaji al-qur’an adalah pada pentingnya melihat teks al-qur’an dalam hubungannya dengan konteks historisnya.6 hal ini dilakukan dengan maksud untuk menggali secara lebih cermat apa yang menjadi prinsip-prinsip ajaran al-qur’an dan bagaimana relevansinya dengan kehidupan ril yang sedang dihadapi umat sekarang ini. atas usaha mereka tersebut maka pada zaman modern ini, muncullah tiga macam tafsir modern, yang memiliki karakter, yaitu: pertama, tafsir yang menekankan pada signifikansi teks terkait perbuatan atau peran sosial manusia (practical exegesis); kedua, tafsir yang menekankan pada signifikansi teks terkait dengan akal manusia (rational exegesis); dan ketiga, tafsir yang menekankan pada signifikansi teks terkait ilmu pengetahuan (scientific exegesis).7 pada tataran metodologis, para sarjana muslim modern, lalu kemudian dilanjutkan oleh para sarjana muslim kontemporer,8 mencoba menawarkan metode9 dan pendekatan untuk bagaimana kaum muslim bisa memahami dan menafsirkan al-qur’an dengan baik. berbeda dengan metode dan pendekatan tradisional,10 kajian tafsir alqur’an pada perkembangannya, termasuk pemikiran tafsir kontemporer di indonesia, terpengaruh oleh ilmu-ilmu sosial dan sastra yang berkembang di barat, seperti sosiologi, antropologi, sejarah, dan terutama hermeneutika.11 ilmu yang terakhir ini banyak digunakan para sarjana muslim dalam upaya menafsirkan al-qur’an dan membawa mereka untuk lebih kontekstual dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an.12 ilmu hermeneutika ini berkembang juga di indonesia dan salah satu yang menjadi ciri dari adanya pergeseran pemikiran tafsir di indonesia kontemporer. tradisi tafsir di indonesia sebelum kita masuk pada pembahasan tentang adanya pergeseran pemikiran tafsir di indonesia, sebaiknya dibahas terlebih dahulu bagaimana tradisi penafsiran alqur’an di indonesia secara historis. pembahasan tentang hal ini akan menjadi pijakan dasar bagi usaha penentuan bagi adanya pergeseran tersebut. secara garis besar, sejarah tradisi penafsiran al-qur’an di indonesia dapat dibagi kepada tiga periode besar, yaitu: periode klasik, modern, dan kontemporer. periode klasik dimulai sejak awal abad ke-17 hingga akhir abad ke-19. periode modern dimulai sejak paruh pertama abad ke-20 sampai akhir tahun 1980-an, dan periode kontemporer adalah dari awal tahun 90-an sampai sekarang. di antara karya tafsir yang termasuk pada periode klasik adalah turjuman al-mustafîd karya ‘abd al-ra’uf al-sinkili,13 dan tafsîr marah labîd (tafsîr al-munîr), karya nawawi bantani.14 adapun karakter dari karya tafsir di periode ini adalah: pertama, pada teknik penulisannya, biasanya ayat al-qur’an ditulis dengan tinta merah, sedangkan terjemahan dan komentarnya ditulis dengan tinta hitam, serta tidak ada ruang pemisah antara ketiganya; kedua, pada metode penafsirannya. metode yang digunakan masih sangat sederhana dan terlihat belum ilmiah; dan ketiga, pada aspek sumber. pada periode ini, tafsir yang ditulis pasti merujuk pada karyakarya tafsir para ulama timur tengah.15 kemudian, untuk periode modern, karyakarya yang dibahas oleh howard federspiel dalam bukunya popular indonesian literature of doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 219vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 the qur’an,16 dapat dimasukkan di dalamnya. dalam karyanya tersebut federspiel mengkaji 58 buku terkait studi al-qur’an yang dipublikasikan di indonesia selama kurun waktu 1950-1980-an. pada era ini muncul karya-karya yang berkaitan dengan al-qur’an, termasuk di dalamnya adalah terjemahan dan tafsir secara komplit (30 juz) dalam bahasa indonesia.17 di antara karya-karya tersebut adalah: tafsir al-qur’an al-karim karya mahmud yunus (w. 1973), tafsir alhidajah persis (selama 1935-1940), tafsir alazhar karya hamka (w. 1981), tafsir alqur’an al-madjied dan tafsir al-bayan karya t.m. hasbi ash-shidieqy (w. 1975); dan tafsir rahmat karya oemar bakry. pada periode ini sudah muncul pula beberapa karya yang membahas ilmu dan metode tafsir al-qur’an. di antaranya adalah: sejarah dan pengantar ilmu tafsir karya hasbi ash-shiddieqy (1952), ilmu tafsir karya hadi permono (1975), pengantar ulumul qur’an karya masjfuk zuhdi (1979). karya-karya ini telah memberikan informasi tentang sejarah al-qur’an, sejarah dan kegunaan ilmu tafsir, serta kegunaannya dalam mempelajarai alqur’an. tetapi, terkait dengan metode dan syarat-syarat mufasir misalnya, karya-karya tersebut masih memegang paham lama yang konvensional. dari karya-karya di atas, dapat dilihat bahwa di antara karakter yang tampak dalam karya tafsir dan metodologi tafsir pada periode modern ini adalah: pertama,dari sisi teknik penulisan. sejak awal abad ke-20, teknik penulisan yang tadinya tidak ada ruang, menjadi ada jarak di antara ayat, terjemah, dan tafsirannya. bahkan berkembang lagi dengan dibaginya setiap halaman menjadi dua ruang untuk teks dan terjemahan. dan belakangan, setelah ada mesin percetakan, karya-karya tafsir ditulis seperti sebuah buku layaknya sekarang ini; kedua, dari sisi sumber rujukan. sama dengan karya-karya periode klasik, pada periode modern ini, karya-karya ulama timur tengah masih menjadi rujukan pokok; ketiga, dari sisi metode. karya-karya tersebut masih memegang paham lama yang konvensional, yaitu merujuk kepada perkataannya dalam alqur’an sendiri (tafsîr al-qur’an bi al-qur’an), kepada hadits nabi (tafsîr al-qur’an bi alhadîts), dan merujuk kepada pendapat para sahabat dan para tabiin (tafsîr al-qur’an bi alqaul al-shahabî wa al-tabi’în). metode ini disebut tafsîr bi al-ma’tsûr atau tafsîr bi alriwayah;18 dan keempat, dari sisi bentuk dan isi. pada periode ini, khususnya setelah indonesia merdeka, karya tafsir banyak yang ditulis lengkap dan karena tidak ada rintangan dari pihak belanda, tafsir-tafsir ini berusaha memberikan pemahaman kepada umat akan isi kandungan al-qur’an sejatinya. pada akhir periode modern ini, tepatnya sejak tahun 1970-an, sebetulnya sudah mulai muncul pemikiran kritis tentang pentingnya pembaharuan pemikiran islam. di antara para pemikir pembaharu tersebut adalah mereka yang baru kembali dari studinya di timur tengah dan barat, seperti nurcholish madjid (w. (2005), harun nasution (w. 1998), kuntowijoyo (w. 2007), amin rais, dan jalaluddin rahmat. pada periode ini mereka telah mencoba melakukan penafsiran ulang terhadap ayat-ayat al-qur’an terkait dengan wacana kemodernan dan keindonesiaan. dan inilah cikal-bakal bagi perkembangan tafsir pada periode kontemporer.19 periode ketiga, periode kontemporer, dimulai sekitar tahun 1990-an sampai sekarang. untuk melihat karya-karya pada periode kontemporer ini, buku khazanah doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 220 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tafsir indonesia: dari hermeneutika hingga ideologi,20 karya islah gusmian tampaknya bisa membantu. dalam karyanya tersebut ia melakukan survey terhadap 24 buku terkait tafsir al-qur’an yang dipublikasikan di indonesia sejak 1990-2000. di antara karya-karya tersebut adalah konsep kufr dalam al-qur’an: suaru kajian teologis dengan pendekatan tafsir tematik (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1991), karya harifuddin cawidu, konsep perbuatan manusia menurut al-qur’an: suatu kajian tematik (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1992), karya jalaluddin rahman, al-qur’an dan tafsirnya (yogyakarta: pt. dana bhakti wakaf uii, 1995), tim uii yogyakarta, ensiklopedi alqur’an: tafsir sosial berdasarkan konsep-konsep kunci (jakarta: paramadina, 1996), karya m. dawan rahardjo, wawasan al-qur’an: tafsir maudlu’i pelbagai persoalan umat (bandung: mizan, 1996), karya m. quraish shihab, ahl kitab; makna dan cakupannya (jakarta: paramadina, 1998), karya m. ghalib, argumen kesetaraan jender: perspektif al-qur’an (jakarta: paramadina, 1999), karya nasaruddin umar, tafsir kebencian: studi bias gender dalam tafsir (yogyakarta: lkis, 1999), karya zaitunah subhan, jiwa dalam al-qur’an: solusi sosial krisis keruhanian manusia modern (jakarta: paramadina, 2000), karya achmad mubarok, tafsir al-mishbah: pesan, kesan, dan keserasian al-qur’an (jakarta: lentera hati, 2000), karya m. quraish shihab. selain dari karya-karya mufasir indonesia yang dibahas oleh gusmian (karena ia membatasi kajiannya pada karya tafsir yang diterbitkan sampai tahun 2000), masih banyak karya-karya terkait al-qur’an yang muncul, tepatnya dari tahun 2000 sampai sekarang. di antaranya: taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah al-qur’an, (yogyakarta: fkba, 2001), m. dawam rahardjo, paradigma al-qur’an: metodologi tafsir & kritik sosial, (jakarta: psap muhammadiyah, 2005), sahiron syamsuddin, dkk, hermeneutika alqur’an mazhab yogya, (yogyakarta: islamika, 2003), mamat s. burhanuddin, hermeneutika al-qur’an ala pesantren: analisis terhadap tafsir mar’ah labid karya k.h. nawawi banten, (yogyakarta: universitas islam indonesia (uii) press, 2006), ridwan, islam kontekstual: pertautan dialektis teks dengan konteks, (purwokerto: stain purwokerto press, 2008), abdul mustaqim, paradigma tafsir feminis: membaca al-qur’an dengan optik perempuan: studi pemikiran riffat hassan tentang isu gender dalam islam, (logung pustaka, 2008), munzir hitami, menangkap pesan-pesan allah: mengenal wajah-wajah hermeneutika al-qur’an kontemporer, (suska press, 2005); abd moqsith ghazali, argumen pluralisme agama: membangun toleransi berbasis al-qur’an, (depok: katakita, 2009); zuhairi misrawi, al-qur’an kitab toleransi: inklusivisme, pluralisme, dan multikulturalisme, (jakarta: fitrah, 2007); termasuk seri tafsir alqur’an tematik terbitan lajnah pentashihan mushaf al-qur’an departemen agama (20102012); dan masih banyak lagi. di samping karya-karya tafsir al-qur’an di atas, pada periode kontemporer ini muncul juga karya-karya yang membahas tentang metode dan pendekatan dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an. di antara karya-karya metodologis tersebut adalah: taufik adnan amal and syamsu rizal panggabean, tafsir kontekstual al-qur’an: sebuah kerangka konseptual, (bandung: mizan, 1989); kuntowijoyo, paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi (bandung: mizan, 1992); dan m. amin abdullah, falsafah kalam di era postmodernisme, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1995); abdul mustaqim dan sahiron doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 221vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 syamsudin, ed., studi al-qur’an kontemporer, (yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 2002); ilham b. saenong, hermeneutika pembebesan: metodologi tafsir al-qur’an menurut hasan hanafi (jakarta: teraju, 2002); hilman latief, nasr hamid abu zaid: kritik teks keagamaan, (yogyakarta: elsaq press, 2003); kusmana, hermeneutika al-qur’an, (jakarta: uin jakarta press, 2004); sibawaihi, hermeneutika alqur’an fazlur rahman (yogyakarta: jalatustra, 2007); u. syafrudin, paradigma tafsir tekstual & kontekstual: usaha memaknai pesan alqur’an, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2009); aksin wijaya, arah baru studi ulum alqur’an: memburu pesan tuhan di balik fenomena budaya, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2009), dan masih banyak lagi. dari karya-karya tersebut di atas, terlihat ada pergeseran pada sisi sumber rujukan dan objek kajian. dalam karya-karya tafsir kontemporer, karya-karya ulama timur tengah bukan lagi merupakan satu-satunya rujukan. dalam karya-karya di atas, penulisnya juga mengambil sumber-sumber lain seperti: major themes of the qur’an karya fazlur rahman, yang dijadikan referensi pada karya m. ghalib, jalaluddin rahmat, m. dawan rahardjo, dan harifuddin cawidu; qur’an, liberation, and pluralism, karya fard esack, yang dijadikan referensi pada tafsir tematik al-qur’an tentang hubungan sosial antar umat beragama karya pp. muhammadiyah; dan memasuki makna cinta karya abdurrasyid ridha; untuk menunjukkan beberapa. di samping itu, mereka juga menjadikan pemikiran tokoh populer dalam kajian tafsir al-qur’an, seperti hasan hanafi, muhammad arkoun, nasr hamid abu zayd, hasan hanafi, dan muhammad syahrur, sebagai objek kajian baru. mereka juga tidak sungkan untuk merujuk pada karya-karya orientalis, seperti god and man in the qur’an dan ethico-religious concepts in the qur’an karya toshihiko izutsu, yang dijadikan referensi pada buku menyelami kebebasan manusia karya machasin, dan karya-karya theodor noldekeschwally, blachere, bell, welch, daud rahbar, yang dijadikan referensi pada buku tafsir kontekstual al-qur’an: sebuah kerangka konseptual, karya taufik adnan amal and syamsu rizal panggabean. tampak dari semaraknya kajian-kajian di bidang tafsir al-qur’an ini bahwa keberanian dan kepercayaan diri para sarjana muslim indonesia dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an bertambah tinggi. usaha penafsiran kini bukan lagi hanya milik segelintir orang dari kalangan elit ulama yang memiliki latar belakang pendidikan keagamaan tertentu (ahli tafsir), tetapi milik semua kalangan yang berminat dan merasa mampu melakukannya. niat baik untuk menggali pesan-pesan dan menyibak hikmah al-qur’an serta keinginan untuk menyampaikan itu semua kepada umat, telah memotivasi mereka untuk melakukan tugas berat tersebut. kuntowijoyo dan dawam rahardjo adalah contoh sarjana muslim yang tidak memiliki latar belakang pendidikan di bidang tafsir.21 menurut dawam misalnya, setiap muslim memiliki hak untuk mengakses al-qur’an sesuai dengan kadar kemampuan dan keilmuan yang dimilikinya. yang paling utama dalam proses mengakses al-qur’an ini menurutnya adalah sikap hati. di mana seseorang yang hendak menafsirkan alqur’an, ia harus berserah diri kepada allah dan membiarkan hatinya mendapat sinar petunjuk dari kata-kata al-qur’an. penyerahan diri ini, menurutnya akan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 222 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna membawa kepada keterbukaan, penghargaan, dan kecintaan.22 penggunaan hermeneutika: sebuah pergeseran tampak dari judul-judul karya terkait alqur’an di atas, pada masa ini mulai bermunculan usaha-usaha untuk menggunakan pendekatan baru dalam memahami al-qur’an, terutama penggunaan hermeneutika.23 penggunaan hermeneutika dalam proses penafsiran al-qur’an ini kini terus berkembang di kalangan intelektual muda muslim indonesia sampai kini. buku editan abdullah saeed, approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesia,24 juga bisa dijadikan rujukan bagi adanya tren baru dalam pemikiran tafsir al-qur’an di indonesia kontemporer. penggunaan hermeneutika dalam tafsir alqur’an adalah hal baru, termasuk untuk skala internasional. ini adalah fenomena modern, tepatnya di mulai sejak awal abad ke-20. hal ini terjadi di antaranya sebagai hasil dari adanya program pengiriman tenaga dosen dari universitas-universitas di dunia islam, termasuk dari timur tengah, anak benua india dan indonesia, ke universitasuniversitas barat.25 selain dari faktor-faktor lain seperti banyaknya buku-buku terjemahan yang menawarkan pendekatan-pendekatan baru dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an dan berkembangnya teori-teori sosial, pengiriman para sarjana muslim ke barat tersebut tampaknya secara signifikan mempengaruhi cara pandang dan sikap intelektual para sarjana muslim indonesia. sesuai dengan paradigma dan world view barat modern yang humanis-antroposentris, pendekatanpendekatan yang dipakai para sarjana generasi baru indonesia ini dalam mengkaji islam dan masyarakat muslim cenderung lebih historis-humanis. dalam kajian alqur’an, pendekatan ini mengarah kapada desakralisasi teks, berorientasi pada kepentingan manusia, dan lebih kontekstual. pendekatan ini dapat kita temukan dalam teori-teori hermeneutika modern. kecenderungan penggunaan teori hermeneutika yang historis-antroposentris ini tampak terlihat dari pendekatan tafsir kontekstual taufik adnan amal dan syamsu rizal panggabean, yang melihat al-qur’an sebagai dokumen untuk manusia, pewahyuan al-qur’an sangat terkait situasi sejarah, dan oleh karenanya penafsiran terhadap teks alqur’an haruslah kontekstual.26 begitu juga tampak pada pendekatan yang ditawarkan dawan rahardjo dan nasaruddin umar, yang menekankan penggunaan sejarah nabi (sirah al-nabawiyyah), termasuk di dalamnya historiografi sejarah arab pada zaman nabi secara umum, sebagai landasan utama dalam penafsiran al-qur’an.27 metode tafsir jil: potret pergeseran dalam karya-karya sarjana muslim indonesia kontemporer terkait hermeneutika ini, di antara pengkaji ada yang membahas hermeneutika sebagai sebuah metode dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an, dan ada pula yang langsung menggunakan dan mengaplikasikannya sebagai sebuah metode dan pendekatan dalam menafsirkan alqur’an. dan di antara pengkaji yang menawarkan metodologi tafsir adalah para sarjana yang tergabung dalam kelompok yang disebut jil (jaringan islam liberal).28 dalam bukunya metodologi studi al-qur’an,29 jil menawarkan sebuah metode dan pendekatan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 223vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 dalam memahami dan menafsirkan alqur’an. terkait dengan tema pergeseran pemikiran tafsir di indonesia, buku tersebut hemat penulis menunjukkan dengan jelas tentang adanya pergeseran pemikiran tersebut. menurut penulis, dalam buku metodologi studi al-qur’an tersebut, ada beberapa hal penting yang perlu diangkat dalam rangka memotret adanya pergeseran pemikiran tafsir di indonesia. pertama, terkait cara memandang al-qur’an; kedua, terkait metode bagaimana menafsirkan al-qur’an; dan ketiga, terkait tujuan dan hasil penafsirannya. pertama, terkait cara memandang alqur’an. bagi jil, untuk sampai pada pemahaman yang tepat terhadap al-qur’an, maka ia harus dikaji secara historis.30 jil mendekati teks al-qur’an dalam konteks historis, yaitu pada waktu ia ditulis dan disebarkan. melalui pendekatan historis, antropologis, dan humanis ini jil ingin menunjukkan bahwa proses pembukuan dan pembakuan al-qur’an sebagai kitab yang suci dan sakral seperti yang kita yakini sekarang adalah hasil dari proses perjalanan panjang sejarah islam.31 menurut jil, wahyu seharusnya jangan dipandang sebagai teks yang sempurna pada saat ketika ia diturunkan, setiap kitab suci adalah hasil proses panjang pengumpulan, pengeditan, modifikasi dan kodifikasi dari bentuk awalnya yang terserak sampai pada bentuk akhirnya seperti yang kita ketahui sekarang ini.32 jil juga mengkritik konsep pewahyuan seperti yang biasa dijelaskan dalam karya-karya klasik, yaitu sebagai proses pengkopian—di mana al-qur’an yang diturunkan kepada nabi melalui jibril, adalah kopi dari al-qur’an yang komplit yang ada di lauh al-mahfuzh“.33 jil menolak pendapat ini, karena menurutnya, pemahaman tersebut akan mengarah pada keyakinan bahwa pesan tuhan telah diwahyukan secara literal (harfiyah) dan, konsekuensinya, teks (arab) al-qur’an seperti yang kita dapati sekarang adalah dari tuhan.34 berbeda dengan pandangan konvensional yang melihat nabi muhammad sebagai agen yang pasif dalam proses pewahyuan, bagi jil, nabi berperan aktif dalam mentransformasikan ide tuhan ke dalam bahasa manusia (bahasa arab). oleh karena itu, teks al-qur’an sesungguhnya adalah ujaran atau tekstualisasi nabi atas wahyu.35 pendapat ini mengarah pada pandangan bahwa teks al-qur’an itu tidak sakral, yang sakral itu hanya maknanya.36 kedua, terkait metode bagaimana menafsirkan al-qur’an. berdasarkan pada kajian atas historisitas al-qur’an dan hakikat teks al-qur’an, jil menyimpulkan bahwa kita harus menafsirkan al-qur’an secara substansial dengan mempertimbangkan aspek ethico-legis (semangat etis) dari al-qur’an sebagai pusat edarnya. sambil menolak pemahaman literal-tekstual37 terhadap alqur’an, jil menawarkan apa yang mereka sebut dengan penafsiran di balik teks (beyond text interpretation). jil membagi ayat-ayat alqur’an pada dua bagian: pertama, ayat-ayat fundamental (usul) dan kedua, ayat-ayat cabang (fusul). apabila yang pertama bersifat absolut dan tidak bisa berubah, maka yang kedua bisa ditafsirkan dan diubah sesuai dengan perkembangan sejarah manusia, atau dengan apa yang mereka sebut dengan “akal publik” (‘aql al-mujtama‘).38 menurut jil, selain dari ayat-ayat tentang ritual seperti shalat, puasa, dan haji, serta aturan terkait makanan dan minuman, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 224 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna semua ayat-ayat hukum yang diturunkan di madinah harus dilihat sebagai ayat-ayat temporal-kontekstual dan terbatas pada kehidupan masyarakat arab pada abad ke-7 hijriah. ketentuan hukum seperti tentang waris di mana perempuan mendapat setengah dari laki-laki, poligami, hijab, qisas, hukum cambuk, dan hukuman terhadap pencuri, menurut jil adalah termasuk kategori ini.39 menurut mereka, aturan hukum tersebut adalah bagian dari budaya arab dan oleh karenanya tidak perlu diikuti.40 mengikuti teori hermeneutika double movements fazlur rahman,41 jil menawarkan langkah-langkah penafsiran sebagai berikut: pertama, dimulai dengan memahami konteks ayat (di mana, kapan, dan dalam situasi seperti apa ayat itu diturunkan). proses ini dimaksudkan untuk menemukan prinsipprinsip dasar hukum islam (maqasid alsharî‘ah). oleh karena itu, menurut jil, untuk menafsirkan al-qur’an, seorang penafsir harus mengetahui konteks (sejarah), karena teks itu tidak cukup dengan sendirinya (self-sufficient).42 kedua, ketika maqasid al-sharî‘ah-nya sudah diketahui, maka lepaskanlah teks dari konteks arabnya; ketiga, kontekstualisasikan maqasid al-sharî‘ah tersebut, dalam konteks partikular (bukan arab) kontemporer. tiga proses ini (kontekstualisasi, de-kontekstualisasi, dan rekontekstualisasi), menurut jil, adalah kerangkan kerja dalam proses penafsiran alqur’an yang tak pernah akan berhenti.43 jil mengkritik metodologi tafsir tradisional (konvensional), dengan beberapa alasan: pertama, metodologi klasik tersebut kurang apresiatif terhadap kemampuan akal (publik) manusia untuk memilih dan merubah aturan hukum islam formal yang tidak relevan. dalam metodologi klasik, ketika teks dan akal publik bertentangan, maka yang terakhir harus dikalahkan; kedua, metode klasik itu kurang menghargai kemampuan manusia untuk merumuskan konsep maslahah, bahkan untuk kepentingan manusia sendiri. dalam ushul fikih klasik misalnya, manusia tidak memiliki posisi apaapa kecuali sebagai objek hukum yang lemah (mukallaf); dan ketiga, metodologi klasik dicirikan dengan “penyembahan” terhadap teks (bibliolatry) dan pengabaian terhadap realitas. dalam metodologi klasik, teks adalah poros dari proses penafsiran. aktivitas ijtihad hanya bisa dilakukan dalam ranah teks tersebut. dan setiap ijtihad yang jauh melampaui teks maka dianggap sebagai sebuah penyimpangan.44 tidak seperti metodologi klasik yang meletakkan akal setelah teks, jil memposisikan maqasid pada tingkatan paling atas. karena bagi jil, prinsip utama dalam menafsirkan teks adalah maqasid al-sharî‘ah (tujuan utama dari ajaran islam). maqacid adalah sumber dari segala sumber hukum.45 dan untuk menjaga maqasid al-sharî‘ah dalam proses penafsiran, jil menawarkan tiga prinsip penafsiran al-qur’an: pertama, al-ibrah bi al-maqasid la bi al-alfazh“. dengan prinsip ini, jil ingin mengatakan bahwa pengambilan hukum harus berdasarkan maqasid al-sharî‘ah, jangan berdasarkan zahir lafadz-nya; kedua, jawaz naskh nusus (aljuz’iyyah) bi al-maslahah. dengan kaidah ini, jil ingin menegaskan bahwa menghapus ketentuan hukum dalam nash partikular dengan maslahah (kebaikan umum) adalah boleh, dan ketiga, tanqih al-nusus bi ‘aql almujtama‘ yajuz. bahwa akal publik memiliki kewenangan untuk menyortir sejumlah ketentuan partikular agama menyangkut doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 225vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 urusan-urusan publik, sehingga ketika ada pertentangan antara akal publik dengan bunyi harfiah teks ajaran, maka akal publik memiliki otoritas untuk mengedit, menyempurnakan, dan memodifikasinya.46 jil mengkritik supremasi kata (lafzh) yang kini tampak dan menjadi mainstream di dunia muslim. untuk itu mengikuti sarjana lain seperti fazlur rahman dan ahmed alna‘im, jil mencoba mereformulasi teori qat‘i dan zhanni klasik yang hanya didasarkan pada kata (lafzh) saja. bagi jil, teori qat‘i dan “zhanni harus memperhatikan juga unsur nilai.47 mengikuti rahman, jil mengatakan bahwa pembagian ini harus mempertimbangkan unsur etika keagamaan (religio-ethics) sebagai élan vital ajaran islam. jil setuju dengan masdar f. mas’udi, yang mengatakan bahwa ayat-ayat qat‘i adalah ayatayat yang berisi nilai-nilai universal yang tidak akan berubah dengan berubahnya waktu dan tempat, sedangkan ayat-ayat “zhanni adalah ayat-ayat yang berkaitan dengan cara bagaimana ayat-ayat universal itu diimplementasikan pada konteks tertentu.48 mengikuti al-na‘im dan mahmud muhammad thaha (w. 1985),49 jil melihat bahwa ayat-ayat makiyyah berisi prinsipprinsip islam universal dan oleh karena itu dianggap sebagai ayat-ayat qat‘i, sedangkan ayat-ayat madaniyah lebih berisi tentang bagaimana mempraktekkan konsep-konsep etis universal tersebut di dalam konteks madinah dan oleh karenanya bisa diklasifikasikan sebagai ayat-ayat “zhanni. apabila yang pertama itu dapat menghapus (nasikh), maka yang kedua dapat dihapus (mansukh). oleh karena itulah maka moqsith misalnya berkata bahwa syariah klasik seperti hukum potong tangan bagi pencuri, rajam, dan ta’jir adalah “zhanni, tidak qat‘i.50 dengan prinsip al-ibrah bi al-maqasid la bi al-alfazh“, jil ingin mengatakan bahwa hal yang terpenting dalam proses pengambilan hukum (istinbat al-hukm) adalah maqasid (tujuan utama), bukan makna literal dari teks. jil juga ingin meletakkan maqasid sebagai poros (axis) dalam proses penafsiran. maqasid di sini adalah maqasid al-shari‘ah (tujuan utama dari penetapan ajaran islam).51 menurut jil, untuk mengetahui maqasid, seseorang harus memahami konteks. pemahaman terhadap konteks ini menurut mereka adalah prasyarat utama untuk menemukan maqasid. dan bagi jil, memahami maqaid adalah kunci sukses bagi seorang penafsir dalam penafsirannya.52 ayatayat hudud misalnya, jangan dipahami secara literal, tapi harus ditafsirkan secara kontekstual dengan memperhatikan maqasidnya, yaitu untuk memelihara keadilan dan kebahagiaan bagi umat muslim pada saat ayat-ayat itu diturunkan. bagi jil, makna literal ayat-ayat hudud ini tidak relevan dengan konteks indonesia kontemporer.53 bagi jil, untuk merumuskan maqacid, kita harus mempertimbangkan maslahah, karena yang terakhir ini adalah dasar bagi penetapan setiap hukum islam (shari‘ah al-islamiyyah). oleh karena itu pula maka maslahah bisa menghapus beberapa ketetapan literal teks yang partikular, seperti terkait ayat-ayat hudud. berbeda dengan para sarjana klasik yang meletakkan maslahah sebagai sumber hukum setelah al-qur’an, sunnah, ijma’ (konsensus), qiyas (analogi), dan seterusnya, jil menempatkan maslahah sebelum teks, lagi-lagi, dengan alasan karena ia merupakan prinsip dasar dalam penetapan hukum islam. jil membagi maslahah ke dalam dua: subjektif-individual dan objektif-sosial. yang pertama berkaitan dengan kepentingan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 226 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna personal. ia dapat ditentukan secara personal dan sifatnya subjektif. sedangkan yang kedua menyangkut kepentingan publik dan oleh karennya harus ditentukan oleh banyak orang melalui proses musyawarah (syura). terkait dengan urusan publik ini, maka jil membolehkan hasil musyawarah ini (‘aql almujtama’) menyortir atau mengamandemen bunyi literal teks yang sifatnya partikular. ketiga, terkait tujuan dan hasil penafsirannya. dari metodologi dan hasilhasil ijtihad jil dalam beberapa buku dan websitenya, terlihat jelas bahwa tujuan dan kepentingan penafsiran mereka, sesuai dengan misi awal kelahirannya, adalah ingin menampilkan islam yang sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip liberal islam, yaitu kebebasan, liberalisme, sekularisme, kesetaraan jender, dan demokrasi, seperti tampak dalam manifestonya. hal ini harus dipahami, bahwa jil adalah sebuah organisasi yang lahir dan ada dalam konteks partikular indonesia yang dicirikan dengan maraknya konservatisme, radikalisme dan fundamentalisme islam pada awal era reformasi. kelahiran jil adalah respon terhadap maraknya aliran islam tersebut. sehingga tidak mengherankan apabila, metode dan penafsiran al-qur’an jil mengarah pada paham dan ideologi tertentu. di antara paham atau ideologi yang tampak kelihatan dari metode dan penafsiran al-qur’an jil adalah: rasionalisme, humanisme, antroposentrisme, progressivisme, relativisme, liberalisme, sekularisme, pluralisme, dan egalitarianisme.54 dan bisa dikatakan bahwa ini adalah tujuan dan hasil dari pemikiran tafsir al-qur’an jil. terkait dengan rasionalisme. terlihat jelas bahwa jil menempatkan akal pada posisi yang sangat tinggi. jil meletakkan akal sejajar dengan teks. bagi mereka akal bisa mengamandemen dan merubah makna literal teks dan standar kebenaran sebuah penafsiran adalah kesesuaiannya dengan akal manusia. dalam hal ini jil mendasarkan idenya pada posisi mulia (takrîm) manusia seperti tertera dalam al-qur’an. kemudian terkait humanisme. ide humanisme ini tampak dalam dua hal, pertama, dalam bagaimana jil memahami hakikat al-qur’an, dan kedua, pada bagaimana jil menafsirkan al-qur’an. terlihat jelas ketika jil berbicara tentang konsep wahyu dan proses pengkodifikasian alqur’an. dengan pendekatan humanis tersebut, jil ingin menunjukkan bahwa alqur’an itu selayaknya didekati secara humanis juga. kemudian, ketika jil melakukan proses penafsiran terhadap ayatayat al-qur’an, unsur humanisme adalah salah satu hal yang sangat diperhatikan dan menjadi bahan pertimbangan. kepentingan manusia menjadi hal yang sangat diperhatikan. oleh karena itulah jil selalu mempertimbangkan nilai-nilai, seperti pluralisme, kesetaraan jender, dan demokrasi,55 yang menurut mereka sesuai dengan hak asasi manusia (ham). oleh karena itulah, rupanya, jil juga menolak beberapa aturan literal hukum al-qur’an yang terkesan yang tidak humanis, seperti hukum potong tangan, hukum cambuk, dan qisas. di antara ideologi-ideologi di atas, ideologi liberalisme adalah sesuatu yang sangat jelas terlihat dalam pemikiran jil. lebih spesifik lagi, ideologi liberalisme yang dipahami dan dikembangkan jil adalah prinsip-prinsip yang dikembangkan dalam sejarah liberalisme barat, seperti kebebasan berpikir, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 227vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 toleransi, hak-hak individu, demokrasi konstitusional, aturan hukum, pemisahan antara agama dan negara, kesetaraan sosial, hak-hak perempuan dan minoritas, serta kemajuan manusia. terkait dengan paham pluralisme, menurut jil, pluralisme harus diletakkan sebagai poros dalam setiap proses penetapan sebuah hukum di indonseia. apa yang indonesia inginkan, sebagai negara plural, adalah bukan syariah yang klasik, tetapi syariah yang pluralistik. dan mereka yakin, al-qur’an memiliki paradigma pluralistik terkait perbedaan agama. lebih jauh, menurut mereka, keselamatan itu tidak hanya ada dalam islam, tetapi juga pada agama lain. mengikuti madjid, ulil misalnya berkata bahwa setiap agama adalah benar, karena mereka semuanya berada pada jalan yang mengarah kepada tuhan.56 terkait dengan sistem politik, jil seperti halnya para liberalis lain, meyakini bahwa sistem politik khilafah islamiyah (negara islam) bukanlah ajaran fundamental islam (syariat islam). bagi mereka, tidak ada negara islam, karena sistem politik pada masa nabi adalah bagian dari ajaran islam yang partikular, temporal, dan kontekstual. dan oleh karena itu, ia bisa dirubah sesuai dengan konteks. menurut mereka, khilafah islamiyyah itu tidak tidak cocok dengan konteks indonesia, karena indonesia adalah negara yang pluralistik. dalam konteks ini, jil mendukung sistem demokrasi. sampai di sini terlihat jelas apa yang menjadi cara pandang jil terkait usahanya dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an. bagi penulis, apa yang dilakukan jil, terutama penulis buku motodologi studi al-qur’an, yaitu abd moqsith ghazali, luthfi assyaukanie, dan ulil abshar abdalla, telah cukup menunjukkan adanya pergeseran pemikiran tafsir di indonesia. dan pemikiran-pemikiran mereka, walaupun belum menjadi mainstream, pada tingkatan tertentu telah banyak mempengaruhi dan diikuti oleh para sarjana lain, baik yang seangkatan maupun mereka yang lebih muda. kesimpulan dari beberapa karya tafsir dan metodologi tafsir yang disebutkan di atas, termasuk metode tafsir yang ditawarkan jil, tampak bahwa telah terjadi pergeseran paradigma terkait beberapa hal: pertama, terkait siapa yang berhak menafsirkan al-qur’an. pada masa ini, berbeda dari sebelumnya yang menganggap urusan penafsiran adalah hak prerogatif para ulama yang dibesarkan dan didik untuk menghafal dan menafsirkan alqur’an, usaha menafsirkan al-qur’an adalah hak siapa pun, setiap muslim; kedua, terkait bagaimana memandang al-qur’an. berbeda dengan era sebelumnya yang mendekati alqur’an sebagai kitab suci yang sakral dan transenden, pada era kontemporer ini kecenderungan para pengkaji lebih melihat al-qur’an sebagai teks yang humanis (historisantropologis); ketiga, terkait alat analisa, metode, dan pendekatan yang dapat digunakan dalam proses penafsiran. berbeda dengan era sebelumnya, di mana usaha menafsirkan al-qur’an dilakukan dengan hanya menggunakan ‘ulûm al-qur’an, lebih khusus lagi dengan pendekatan tafsîr bi alriwayah, kini proses memahami al-qur’an dilakukan dengan bantuan ilmu-ilmu lain (non-agama), seperti ilmu sosial, linguistik, psikologi dan seterusnya. dalam usahanya memahami al-qur’an para sarjana kontemporer indonesia ini tidak membatasi diri pada pendekatan dan metodologi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 228 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna konvensional (baca: tradisional) seperti biasa dipakai oleh sarjana muslim tradisionalistektualis, tetapi mereka mengambil manfaat dari ilmu-ilmu humaniora modern seperti sosiologi, antropologi, sejarah, filologi, semiotika, terutama hermeneutika; keempat, dari sisi sumber rujukan. dari karya-karya tafsir kontemporer tersebut terlihat bahwa karya-karya ulama timur tengah bukan lagi merupakan satu-satunya rujukan, tetapi mereka juga mengambil sumber-sumber lain yang berasal dari belahan dunia lain, seperti barat dan indonesia sendiri; dan kelima, dari sisi tujuan dan isi. karya-karya tafsir al-qur’an indonesia kontemporer lebih menampakkan subjektivitas (tujuan dan kepentingan) penafsirnya, misalnya terkait pembebasan kaum tertindas, kesetaraan jender, toleransi antar umat beragama, rasionalisme, antroposentrisme, humanisme, liberalisme, sekularisme, egalitarianisme, dan pluralisme agama. catatan akhir 1 kata tafsir secara bahasa artinya al-bayan (menjelaskan) dan al-kashf (menyibak). juga bermakna kasyf al-murad ‘an al-lafzh al-musykil (menyibak makna teks yang sulit). lihat jalal al-din al-suyutsi, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, (beirut: dar al-ma’rifa, tt.), 173; ibn man“ur, lisan al-‘arab, vol. ii, ( tt., muassasa misriyya, tt.), 317; louis ma‘luf, al-munjid fi al-lughah wa ala‘lam, (beirut: dar al-mashriq, tt.), 583. secara teknis, istilah tafsir merujuk pada sebuah ilmu yang mempelajari bagaimana cara memahami al-qur’an yang diwahyukan kepada nabi muhammad, menjelaskan maknanya, menetapkan hukum dan ajaran-ajarannya. lihat badr al-din muhammad b. muhammad al-zarkashi, al-burhan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, vol. ii, (beirut: dar al-fikr, tt.), h. 147. 2 nasr hamid abu zayd, reformation of islamic thought: a critical historical analysis, (amsterdam: amsterdam university press, 2006), h. 22 3 lihat abdullah saeed, ed., approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesa (london: oxford univeristy press, 2005), h. 1. 4 abdullah saeed, the qur’an: an introduction, (new york: routledge, 2008), h. 209. 5 seperti dalam kitab: al-kasyaf, ditulis oleh alzamakhshari (w. 538 h.) tafsir al-qur’an al-a“im, ditulis oleh ibn kathir (w. 774 h.), mafatih al-ghayb, ditulis oleh razi (w. 606 h.), anwar al-tanzil wa asrar al-ta’wil, ditulis oleh bayawi (w. 685 h.), al-bahr al-muhits, ditulis oleh abu hayyan (w. 745 h.), ruh al-ma‘ani, ditulis oleh al-alusi (w.1270 h.), dan masih banyak karya lainnya. karya-karya tersebut dipandang oleh para sarjana muslim modern, alih-alih dapat menghadirkan isi kandungan al-qur’an ke tengah-tengah umat secara lugas dan komprehensif, yang mereka lakukan justru menjauhkan tertangkapnya pesan-pesan al-qur’an oleh umat, karena mereka lebih sibuk memperlihatkan bidang ilmu yang mereka kuasai, terutama di bidang bahasa dan teologi. 6 pendekatan ini telah digunakan oleh sarjana-sarjana muslim abad ke-20 seperti: amin khuli (w. 1966), sayyid qutb (w. 1966), husayn al-tabataba’i (w. 1981), muhammad al-ghazali (w. 1996), ‘aisha ‘abd al-rahman (w. 1998), dan ‘abd hayy al-farmawi. lihat abdullah saeed, ed., approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesia, h. 5. 7 j.j. jansen, the interpretation of the qur’an in modern egypt, (leiden: e.j. brill, 1974), h. 96. lihat juga j.m.s. baljon, modern muslim koran interpretation (18801960), (leiden: e.j. brill, 1968). 8 istilah “kontemporer” berasal dari bahasa inggris, contemporer, yang artinya: masa yang bersamaan, hidup atau terjadi pada masa yang sama, atau ada dan terjadi pada masa kini (collin dictionary). dalam makalah ini, istilah kontemporer merujuk pada masa di saat penulis hidup dan menulis makalah ini, atau lebih tepatnya, sejak tahun 1990-an sampai sekarang. oleh karena itu, tokoh seperti mohamed arkoun (w. 2010), nasr hamid abu zayd (w. 2010), rifat hasan, fatima mernissi, abdullahi ahmed al-naim, dan farid essack dapat dikategorikan sebagai para sarjana muslim kontemporer. 9 istilah method diambil dari bahasa yunani methodos yang artinya cara (way). dalam bahasa arab, bermakna “tariqah” atau “manhaj.” akan tetapi dalam bidang tafsir, istilah manhaj tampaknya lebih sering pakai daripada tariqah. lihat ‘ali iyaz, al-mufassirun wa manhajuhum, (teheran: muassasah tiba’ah, 1919). istilah “methodology” disini secara sederhana dipahami sebagai sebuah cara seorang penafsir dalam memahami al-qur’an. 1 0 secara tradisional, metode tafsir al-qur’an— berdasarkan sumber-nya—biasa diklasifikasikan ke dalam tiga kategori: tafsir dengan riwayat (tafsir bi alriwayat); tafsir dengan akal (tafsir bi al-ra’y); dan tafsir dengan isyarat (tafsir bi al-isyarah). al-farmawi membagi metode tafsir ke dalam empat model, yaitu: tahlili (metode analitik); ijmali (metodel global); doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 229vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 muqaran (metode perbandingan); dan maudu’i (metode tematik). lihat: farid essack, the qur’an: a user’s guide, (oxford: oneworld publication, 2007), 142. sistem pembagian ini didasarkan pada cara bagaimana sebuah proses penafsiran itu dilakukan dan disajikan. lihat: abdul hayy al-farmawi, al-bidaya fi tafsir al-maudu‘i, (kairo: dar kutub, 1977). 1 1 istilah “hermeneutics” berasal dari kata kerja yunani hermêneuein, yang artinya “menafsirkan,” atau kata benda hermêneia, “penafsiran.” istilah hermeneutics merujuk pada suatu ilmu interpretasi yang umumnya digunakan sebagai: 1. teori penafsiran bibel (biblical exegesis); 2. metodologi filologi umum; 3. ilmu semua pemahaman linguistik; 4. dasar metodologi bagi ilmuilmu humaniora (geisteswissenschaften); 5. fenomenologi wujud (existence) dan pemahaman eksistensial; dan 6. sistem interpretasi. lihat richard e. palmer, hermeneutics: interpretation theory in schleiermacher, dilthey, heidegger, and gadamer, (evanston, illinois: northwestern university press, 1969), h. 12 dan h. 33. 1 2 farid essack, the qur’an: a user’s guide, (oxford: oneworld publication, 2007), h. 143 dan abdullah saeed, the qur’an: introduction, h. 221. di antara sarjana yang telah mengaplikasikan hermeneutika adalah fazlur rahman (w. 1988), mohamed arkoun (w. 2010), nasr hamid abu zaid (w. 2010), fatima mernissi, abdullahi ahmed al-naim, dan farid essack. mereka telah mencoba menawarkan pendekatan kontekstual dalam menafsirkan al-qur’an dengan mengambil manfaat dari hermeneutika modern. lihat suha taji-farouki (ed.), modern muslim intellectuals and the qur’an, (oxford: oxford university press, 2004). 1 3 peter riddle, “earliest qur’anic exegetical activity in the malay-speaking states”, archepal, 38 (1989), pp. 107-124. 1 4 pada masa ini sebetulnya ada beberapa karya tidak lengkap yang berusaha menafsirkan al-qur’an, seperti tafsir sufistik tafsir surat al-fatihah di surakarta pada abad ke-18, yang berjudul suluk tegesipun patekah dan suluk suraosipun patekah. lihat michael r. feener, “notes toward the history of qur’anic exegesis in southeast asia”, pp. 55-56. 1 5 michael r. feener, “notes toward the history of qur’anic exegesis in southeast asia”, 47-48. nawawi misalnya merujuk pada lima kitab tafsir, yaitu: alfutuhat al-ilahiyah, mafatih al-ghayb, al-siraj al-munir, tanwir al-miqbas, dan tafsir abi al-su’ud. 1 6 new york: cornell modern indonesia project, 1994. diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa indonesia menjadi kajian al-qur’an di indonesia: dari mahmud yunus hingga quraish shihab (bandung: mizan, 1996). 1 7 kajian al-qur’an di indonesia: dari mahmud yunus hingga quraish shihab, h. 32. 1 8 untuk penjelasan tentang metode konvensional ini bisa dilihat karya jalal al-din al-suyuthi, al-itqan fi ‘ulum alqur’an, cairo, 1278/9, 207-212; muhammad abd al‘azim al-zarqani, manahil al-‘irfan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, (beirut: isa al-babi al-halabi, t.t.), vol. i,; muhammad ali al-shabuni, al-tibyan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an ( t.t.: al-sayyid abbas shari’ati, 1400 h.), h. 63; dan manna’ khalil alqatstsan, mabahith fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, (mekah: dar alsu’udiyyah li al-hashr, t.t.). 1 9 selain dari para tokoh di atas, ada beberapa tokoh lain seperti a. mukti ali (w. 2004), munawir sjadzali (w. 204), abdurrahman wahid (w. 2009), dan m. dawam rahardjo. 2 0 islah gusmian, khazanah tafsir indonesia: dari hermeneutika hingga ideologi, (jakarta: penerbit teraju, 2002). 2 1 kuntowijoyo adalah ahli sejarah dan dawam adalah pakar ekonomi. 2 2 m. dawan rahardjo, ensiklopedi al-qur’an: tafsir sosial berdasarkan konsep-konsep kunci (jakarta: paramadina, 1996), h. 12-14. 2 3 fakhruddin faiz misalnya, dikatakan bahwa hermeneutika adalah sebuah metode penafsiran yang mencakup analisis bahasa (linguistic), psikologi, sejarah, dan sosial. dalam tafsir al-qur’an, hermeneutika dipakai untuk memahami teks-teks alqur’an melalui interpretasi, penerjemahan, dan dialog sehingga ia dapat selalu bermanfaat bagi kehidupan manusia kontemporer. lihat fakhruddin faiz, hermeneutika qur’ani, antara teks, konteks, dan kontekstualisasi, (yogyakarta: qalam, 2002), h. 47. menurut kusmana, sebuah penafsiran hermeneutis (subjektif) biasanya sangat menekankan signifikansi dan relevansi antara sebuah teks dan realitas. di sini, maksud dari sang penulis (teks) bukanlah sebagai tujuan. teks dan penafsir memiliki dunianya sendiri dan dipisahkan satu sama lainnya. akibatnya, penafsir mengambil peran yang dominan dalam proses penafsiran dan cenderung bersifat subjektif. seorang penafsir berusaha sedapat mungkin untuk menghasilkan makna baru dari sebuah teks, yang dipandang memiliki nilai signifikansi dan relevansi bagi realitas kehidupan kontemporer. lihat kusmana, hermeneutika al-qur’an, (jakarta: uin jakarta press, 2004), h. 13-30. 2 4 buku ini berisi 11 tulisan tentang tafsir al-qur’an kontemporer di indonesia. kecuali saeed dan anthony h. johns, para kontributornya adalah sarjana-sarjana indonesia. mereka adalah: nurcholish madjid, azyumardi azra, yusuf rahman, taufik adnan amal, samsu rizal panggabean, muhammadiyah, kusmana, milhan yusuf, ratno lukito, lies marcoes-natsir, dan ro’fah mudzakir. lihat abdullah saeed, ed., approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesia, (london: oxford univeristy press, 2005). 2 5 sejak tahun 1931, universitas al-azhar misalnya doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 230 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna secara teratur telah mengirimkan para dosennya untuk belajar di barat. di antara sarjana tersebut adalah afifi ‘abd al-fattah (yang memperoleh gelar ph.d dalam bidang tasawuf dari sorbonne, perancis), muhammad al-fahham (ph.d dalam bidang nahwu dari sorbonne, perancis), dan ibrahim jama al-din (ph.d di bidang ilmu akhlak dari universitas montpellier, perancis). lihat azyumardi azra, “studi islam di timur dan barat; pengalaman selintas”, jurnal ulumul qur’an, vol. 5, no. 3 (1994), h. 11. muhammad arkoun, seorang pembaru tafsir kontemporer, juga mendapatkan gelar ph.d-nya dari sorbonne, perancis. adapun untuk kasus di indonesia, pemerintah ri, melalui departemen agama telah mengirim 30 orang dosen iain pertahun untuk melanjutkan program master dan doktor di universitas-universitas terkemuka di barat. program ini mendapat bantuan dari cida, the british council, pemerintah belanda, fulbright, ads, dan bappennas. 2 6 taufik adnan amal and syamsu rizal panggabean, tafsir kontekstual al-qur’an: sebuah kerangka konseptual, (bandung: mizan, 1989), h. 34-62. 2 7 dawam rahardjo, paradigma al-qur’an: metodologi tafsir & kritik sosial, (jakarta: psap muhammadiyah, 2005), h. 24-25 dan nasaruddin umar, argumen kesetaraan jender: perspektif al-qur’an (jakarta: paramadina, 1999), h. 30-31. 2 8 jil adalah sebuah jaringan intelektual di indonesia yang mempromosikan gagasan islam liberal. anggotaanggotanya satu sama lain merasa memiliki kesamaan dalam hal perlunya gagasan liberalisme islam. sejak didirikannya pada 2001, jil telah mencoba menafsirkan al-qur’an sesuai dengan ide-ide liberalisme islam yang mereka yakini, yaitu islam yang dipahami secara liberal berdasarkan prinsip-prinsip seperti: terbukanya pintu ijtihad dalam seluruh dimensi islam; penafsiran yang menitikberatkan pada aspek etika-religius, dan bukan pada makna tekstualliteralnya; percaya pada kebebasan menjalankan keyakinan agama; dan pemisahan antara urusan agama dan urusan dunia. dengan membentuk jaringan ini jil bermaksud untuk, pertama, mengembangkan penafsiran yang liberal atas islam sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip jil dan kemudian mempromosikan dan menyebarkannya kepada masyarakat; kedua, mendorong bagi terciptanya ruang bagi dialog yang bebas dari segala bentuk tekanan; dan ketiga, membuat struktur sosial-politik yang adil dan berkemanusiaan di indonesia. lihat http://islamlib.com/en/pages/about/. diakses pada hari rabu 19 februari 2013. 2 9 buku ini ditulis oleh tiga pemikir dan aktivis jil, yaitu: abd moqsith ghazali, luthfi assyaukanie, and ulil abshar-abdalla. lihat metodologi studi al-qur’an, (jakarta: gramedia, 2009). selain dari buku ini, sebelumnya jil juga sudah memenrbitkan beberapa buku, di antaranya: wajah liberal islam di indonesia, (jakarta: jil, 2002), yang diedit oleh luthfi assyaukanie; dan ijtihad islam liberal: upaya merumuskan keberagamaan yang dinamis, (jakarta: jil, 2005), yang di edit oleh abd. moqsith ghazali. 3 0 bagi jil, historisitas al-qur’an ini didasarkan pada empat hal: pertama, tuhan telah memilih bahasa manusia (arab) sebagai alat komunikasi antara tuhan dan muhammad; kedua, keterlibatan nabi muhammad sebagai penerima dan sebagai penafsir telah samasama menentukan proses pengujaran dan tekstualisasi al-qur’an; ketiga, prinsip graduasi (tajrid) yang digunakan oleh al-qur’an dalam mengejawantahkan ajarannya; dan keempat, sejak turunnya (tanzil), alqur’an telah berdialog dengan realitas. lihat abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 142-144. 3 1 bagi jil, al-qur’an yang ada sekarang ini bukanlah hanya merupakan campur tangan tuhan saja, tetapi juga melibatkan nabi, para penafsir, dan umat secara historis. lihat abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 3 dan h. 70. 3 2 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 70. 3 3 lihat burhan al-din muhammad ibn abd allah alzarkashi, al-burhan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, (beirut: dar alma’arif li al-tiba’ah wa al-nashr, 1972), vol. 1, h. 299. 3 4 menurut luthfi, konsep yang mengatakan bahwa alqur’an adalah kitab yang diturunkan secara literal (lafzhan) dan makna (ma‘nan) hanyalah imajinasi teologis (al-khayal al-dini) yang dibuat oleh para sarjana muslim sebagai bagian dari proses formalisasi doktrin-doktrin islam. lihat luthfi assyaukanie, “merenungkan sejarah al-qur’an,” dalam abd. moqsith ghazali, ed., ijtihad islam liberal, 1. 3 5 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 143-151. 3 6 pendapat ini dipegang oleh abu hanifah (w. 148/767). berdasarkan argumentasi ini, dia membolehkan menggunakan terjemah al-qur’an dalam shalat. lihat mahmud shaltut, al-islam aqidah wa shari’ah, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1996), 483. secara teologis, pandangan jil tentang hakikat al-qur’an ini lebih dekat ke mu’tazilah yang meyakini bahwa alqur’an itu baru (hadith) dan makhluk (makhluq), dari pada ke asy‘ariah yang meyakini bahwa al-qur’an itu abadi (qadim) dan bukan makhluk (ghair makhluq). lihat qadhi ‘abd al-jabbar, syarh fi al-usul al-khamsah, (cairo: maktabah wahbah, tt.), 525; abu al-hasan al-ash’ari, al-ibanah ‘an usul aldiyanah,(mesir: dar al-tiba’ah darb al-atrak, tt), 17-34; dan al-sahrastani, kitab nihayah al-iqdam fi ‘ilm alkalam, h. 268-340. 3 7 penafsiran tekstualis adalah penafsiran yang mendasarkan pada makna literal teks al-qur’an. penafsirannya terutama didasarkan pada analisis kebahasaan daripada analisis historis. pendekatan ini doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 231vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 dilandaskan pada keyakinan bahwa bahasa al-qur’an memiliki rujukan yang konkrit dan tidak berubah, serta makna yang cocok bagi segala konteks zaman. lihat abdullah saeed, the qur’an: introduction, h. 220. 3 8 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 164-6. 3 9 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 135-6. 4 0 jil mengajak untuk melakukan penafsiran yang membedakan antara tradisi arab lokal dengan nilainilai fundamental islam. lihat ulil abshar-abdalla, “menyegarkan kembali pemahaman islam”, in dzulmanni, ed., islam liberal & islam fundamental: sebuah pertarungan wacana, (jogjakarta: elsaq press, 2003), h. 2. 4 1 fazlur rahman, islam and modernity: transformation of an intellectual tradition, (chicago: university of chicago press, 1982), h. 6-7. 4 2 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 123. 4 3 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 155. 4 4 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 140. 4 5 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 150. 4 6 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 152-170. 4 7 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 130. 4 8 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 131. 4 9 seperti para sarjana al-qur’an klasik taha membagi ayat-ayat al-qur’an pada makiyyah dan madaniyyah. tetapi berbeda dengan dengan para sarjana klasik, menurutnya yang pertama berisi ayat-ayat qat’i karena berisi nilai-nilai fundamental islam, sedangkan yang kedua adalah ayat-ayat zhanni karena berisi ajaranajaran islam yang teknis-partikular. lebih jauh, tidak seperti teori nasikh-mansukh klasik, dia berpendapat bahwa bagi era modern ini, ayat-ayat madaniyah bisa dihapus oleh ayat-ayat makiyah. lihat mahmud muhammad taha, the second message of islam, terj. abdullah ahmed al-na‘im, (syracuse: university press, 1996). 5 0 mutawalli, h., jil: menggugat digugat, mataram: lkim, 2009, h. 110. 5 1 dalam usul al-fiqh, dijelaskan bahwa maqasid alshari‘ah merujuk pada lima nilai universal (usul alkhams), yaitu perlindungan agama (hifzh al-din), perlindungan diri (hifzh al-nafs), perlindungan akal (hifzh al-aql), perlindungan keturunan (hifzh al-nasl), dan perlindungan harta (hifzh al-mal). lihat abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 136. mengikuti abu zayd, jil menambahkan lima maqasid ini dengan tiga hal lain, yaitu rationalisme, liberalisme, dan keadilan. lihat mutawalli, jil: menggugat digugat, h. 232. 5 2 abd moqsith ghazali, et.al., metodologi studi al-qur’an, h. 152. 5 3 mutawalli, jil: menggugat digugat, h. 110. 5 4 c. surahman, liberal interpretation of the qur’an in indonesia, (leiden: universiteit leiden, 2011), h. 88. 5 5 abd moqsith ghazali, ed., ijtihad islam liberal, h. 37147. 5 6 lihat nurcholish madjid, “interpreting the qur’anic principle of religious pluralism,” dalam abdullah saeed, ed., approaches to the qur’an in contemporary indonesia, h. 209-225. daftar pustaka abdullah, m. amin. 1995. falsafah kalam di era postmodernisme, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. amal, taufik adnan-. 2001. rekonstruksi sejarah al-qur’an, yogyakarta: fkba. ——————————, dan syamsu rizal panggabean. 1989. tafsir kontekstual al-qur’an: sebuah kerangka konseptual, bandung: mizan. assyaukanie, luthfi, (ed). 2002. wajah liberal islam di indonesia jakarta: jil. baljon, j.m.s. 1968. modern muslim koran interpretation (1880-1960), leiden: e.j. brill. barton, greg 1999. gagasan islam liberal di indonesia: pemikiran neo-modernisme nurcholish madjid, djohan effendi, ahmad wahib, dan abdurrahman wahid, 19681980,jakarta: pustaka antara-paramadina. binder, leonard. 1988. islamic liberalism: a critique of development ideologies, chicago and london: the university of chicago press. bleicher, josef. 1980. contemporary hermeneutics: hermeneutics as a method, philosophy, and critique, london: routledge & kagen paul. campanini, 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university, tidak diterbitkan. suyumi, jalal al-din al-, 1318 ah. al-itqan fi ‘ulum alqur’an, vol. i, egypt: al-az%ar. wijaya, aksin. 2009. arah baru studi ulum al-qur’an: memburu pesan tuhan di balik fenomena budaya, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. zarqani, muhammad abd al-‘adzim al-, no year. manahil al‘irfan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, beirut: isa al-babi al-halabi, vol. i. zarkasyi, burhan al-din mu%ammad ibn abd allah al-. 1972. al-burhan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, beirut: dar alma’arif li al-tiba’a wa al-nashr. zayd, nasr hamid abu, 2006. reformation of islamic thought: a critical historical analysis, amsterdam: amsterdam university press. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0039. 217-232 index a abbasiyah abbasiyyah 'abd al-rahman bin 'awf 'abd al-ra'uf al-sinkili abd al-wahhab al-khallaf 'abd allah bin 'umar abd moqsith ghazali abdul halim harahap abdul hamid al-ghazali abdullah saeed abdurrahman shihab abu al-'abbas al-saffah abu bakar abu bakr abu hasan al-qazwini abu ja'far al-mansur abu sufyan adnan nur lubis al-azhar al-azhar university al-dhahabi al-fairuz abadi al-irsyad al-jam'iyah al-washliyah al-muntasir bi allah al-na'im al-qaradawi al-suyuti al-walid bin yazid bin 'abd al-malik al-washliyah al-washliyyah 'ali bin abu talib ali salus anggaran pendapatan belanja negara (apbn) b b.c. smith b.j. boland badan amil zakat (baz) bakri al-sadafi bandung bappenas baz baz kota bandung f fatimiyyah (909-1171 m) g gamal abd al-nasir h haji abdul karim amrullah haji buyung hakikat muhammad harufuddin cawidu harun nasution hasbullah hadi hizb al-tahrir i ibn qayyim al-jauziyyah ibn taymiyyah ijma' (konsensus) ikhwan al-muslimin ismail banda ismail raji al faruqi j jalaluddin rahman jalaluddin rahmat jil jil (jaringan islam liberal) k kazin asar khilafah kuntowijoyo l luthfi assyaukanie m m. arsyad talib lubis m. dawan rahardjo m. ghalib m. haryono m. quraish shihab madrasah madrasah aliyah mamud muhammad thaha masyumi miai muhammad muhammad al-amin muhammad bin maslamah muhammad faraj al-sanhuri muhammad umer chapra muhammadiyah mustahik n nejatullah siddiqi nu nurcholish madjid o oemar bakry ottoman p pan (national mandate party) pedagogik persis pkb (national awakening party) q qiyas (analogi) r riba s sa'ad bin abi waqqas saljuk (1055-1194 m) salmah bin sallamah bin waqsh sayyid atiyya tantawi sayyid qutb seyyed hossein nasr sheikh abdul azim barakat sheikh hamid abu zuwail sheikh muhammad al-ghazali sheikh muhammad faraj al-sanhuri sheikh muhammad sha'at sheikh mustafa ghubarah sheikh rajab zabadi siyasah suhayb sukarno syarekat islam syed muhammad naquib al attas t tafsir talhah bin 'ubayd allah thabathaba'i u ulil abshar abdalla 'umar bin 'abd al-'aziz usamah bin ziyad 'uthman bin affan 'uthman bin 'affan y yusuf ahmad lubis z zakat zakat zayd bin thabit zubayr bin awwam jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah: membangun paradigma hukum islam yang holistik muhammadiya’s new fiqh reasoning: constructing a holistic islamic law paradigm doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0094.32-54 niki alma febriana fauzi fakultas agama islam, universitas ahmad dahlan correspondence e-mail: niki.fauzi@ilha.uad.ac.id abstract this paper attempts to trace muhammadiyah’s new legal (fiqh) reasoning in islamic legal discourse, and its possibility to become a holistic legal paradigm. in the leadership of syamsul anwar, majelis tarjih of muhammadiyah introduced the idea of a new fiqh concept which is considered different from the classical fiqh concept. this fiqh reasoning has produced many tarjih’s products, such as fikih air (jurisprudence on water) and fikih kebencanaan (jurisprudence on disaster). on the basis of that considerations, this paper wants to answer some crucial questions; first, how exactly is muhammadiyah’s new fiqh reasoning and what is the difference between classical fiqh concept; second, where is the position of muhammadiyah’s new fiqh reasoning in the perspective of contemporary islamic law studies that are developing, especially in the west ?; and third, as a concept that produces ijtihad products, then there is a possibility of muhammadiyah’s fiqh reasoning can be a new paradigm of islamic law. the question is, to what extent is such possibility. this article is devoted to address this issue. keywords: fiqh reasoning, islamic law, majelis tarjih, muhammadiyah abstrak tulisan ini mencoba menelusuri posisi nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah dalam diskursus hukum islam, dan kemungkinannya untuk menjadi paradigma hukum yang holistik. dalam kepemimpinan syamsul anwar, muhammadiyah melalui majelis tarjih memperkenalkan gagasan tentang konsep fikih baru yang konon berbeda dengan konsep fikih klasik. nalar fikih ini telah banyak menghasilkan produk tarjih, misalnya fikih air, fikih kebencanaan, dan lain sebagainya. atas mailto:niki.fauzi@ilha.uad.ac.id 33vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 dasar itu, tulisan ini ingin menjawab beberapa pertanyaan krusial; pertama, bagaimana sebenarnya nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah itu dan apa letak perbedaannya dengan fikih klasik; kedua, di mana posisi nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah dalam perspektif kajian hukum islam kontemporer yang berkembang, terutama di barat?; dan ketiga, sebagai nalar yang menghasilkan produk ijtihad, maka ada kemungkinan (probabilitas) nalar fikih muhammadiyah ini dapat menjadi paradigma baru hukum islam. pertanyaannya, sejauhmana kemungkinan itu. artikel ini ditulis untuk menjawab isu tersebut. keywords: hukum islam, majelis tarjih, muhammadiyah, nalar fiqh pendahuluan menurut a. kevin reinhart, salah satu kebingungan yang terjadi dalam diskursus keilmuan barat ketika berbicara mengenai islam adalah kerancuan pikir tentang konsep islam sebagai sebuah sistem keyakinan dan praktik (a religious system of faith and practice) dan islam sebagai sebuah bangunan sejarah dan tradisi umat islam (as the whole of the history and custom of muslims).1 kerancuan ini telah melahirkan dua kutub yang berbeda ketika memandang islam. salah satu upaya untuk menguraikan kebingungan ini telah dilakukan oleh marshal g. s. hodgson yang memperkenalkan konsep “islamic” dan “islamicate” dalam bukunya the venture of islam: the classical age of islam.2 menurutnya, kata sifat “islamic” merujuk kepada islam dalam makna yang sesungguhnya, makna keagamaan. sedangkan “islamicate” tidak merujuk secara langsung kepada agama islam itu sendiri, akan tetapi kepada konteks sosial dan budaya yang amat kompleks secara historis yang seringkali diasosiasikan dengan islam dan umat islam, baik ketika ia ditemukan dalam masyarakat muslim itu sendiri maupun dalam masyarakat nonmuslim.3 bertitik tolak dari penjelasan hodgson ini, reinhart sampai pada kesimpulan bahwa etika islam (islamic ethics) itu didasarkan kepada hukum islam (islamic law).4 etika islam yang menjadi praktik budaya/tradisi dari suatu masyarakat akan menjadi corak yang membedakan antara satu kelompok masyarakat tertentu dengan kelompok yang lain. etika islam yang semacam ini akan masuk pada domain pembahasan etika yang terislamkan (the domain of islamicate ethics).5 argumen reinhart bahwa hukum islam adalah basis dari etika islam dibangun di atas asumsi bahwa ilmu fikih adalah ilmu yang membahas tentang perilaku-perilaku manusia secara rinci agar sesuai dengan wahyu. dalam hal ini, reinhart menulis: 34 afkaruna “the islamic summons has by and large been understood by muslims to be a call to righteous action in conformity with the guidance of revelation. there is no doubt that if most muslims were asked which science is decisive for the determination of right action, they would nominate the islamic legal sciences, namely, the fiqh sciences. among the islamicate intellectual disciplines, only islamic law is both practical and theoretical, concerned with human action in the world, and (stricly speaking) religious. in this sense, islamic law and legal theory must be the true locus of the discussion of islamic ehtics.” (perintah agama islam secara garis besar dipahami oleh umat muslim sebagai ajakan untuk melakukan perilaku-perilaku yang benar sesuai dengan arahan wahyu. tidak ada keraguan sedikitpun apabila kebanyakan muslim ditanya tentang ilmu apa yang paling relevan dan cocok untuk menentukan tindakan yang benar, maka pasti mereka akan menjawab ilmu hukum islam, yaitu ilmu fikih. di antara disiplin keilmuan yang terislamkan, hanya hukum islam baik dari aspek praktis maupun teoritis, yang memberi perhatian terhadap tindakan manusia di dunia, dan (dengan nada yang tegas) agama. pada titik inilah, hukum islam dan teori hukum menjadi tempat yang sangat tepat untuk mendiskusikan etika islam).6 singkatnya, reinhart adalah satu di antara sarjana yang ingin menunjukkan bahwa hukum islam itu tidak melulu tentang hukum, tapi juga menjadi sistem etik dan sistem epistemologis. dalam hal ini, reinhart, menurut pembacaan penulis termasuk sarjana yang mencoba menyintesakan dua kutub yang saling berseberangan jauh, yaitu kutub yang menganggap bahwa hukum islam pada intinya adalah sistem moral dan agama dengan kutub yang berpandangan bahwa hukum islam itu adalah seperti hukum dalam pengertian legal aslinya.7 maka pada titik ini harus disadari bahwa dalam kajian-kajian kontemporer, khususnya di barat, perdebatan tentang hukum islam itu berporos salah satunya pada karakteristik hukum islam itu sendiri. sederhananya, apakah hukum islam itu adalah tentang moral-etik atau tentang hukum itu sendiri sebagaimana makna hukum pada umumnya? tulisan ini secara umum mencoba menelusuri posisi nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah dalam perdebatan tentang hukum islam tersebut, dan probabilitasnya untuk menjadi paradigma hukum yang lebih holistik. secara khusus, pemilihan nalar fikih muhammadiyah sebagai objek kajian dilatar35vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 belakangi beberapa hal: pertama, dalam banyak kesempatan ulama-ulama muhammadiyah, terutama syamsul anwar (ketua majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah) memperkenalkan nalar fikih baru, yang konon, tidak sama dengan nalar fikih klasik. nalar fikih ini telah banyak menghasilkan produk tarjih, misalnya fikih air, fikih kebencanaan, dan lain sebagainya. perlu dicatat bahwa belakangan salah satu ulama muhammadiyah, hamim ilyas, juga memperkenalkan konsep fikih baru dalam bukunya berjudul fikih akbar. ia mengandaikan empat sistem dalam merekonstruksi nalar fikih, yang ia sebut sebagai fikih akbar. empat sistem tersebut adalah (1) sistem kepercayaan keagamaan, (2) sistem peribadatan, (3) sistem nilai, dan (4) sistem gagasan visioner tentang lembaga-lembaga sosial yang diidealkan.8 namun, karena konsep fikih ini secara praktis belum terimplementasikan dan belum menjadi acuan dalam memproduksi produk tarjih, maka konsep fikih ini di luar objek kajian tulisan ini. latar belakang pertama ini menimbulkan beberapa pertanyaan yang harus dijawab, yaitu bagaimana sebenarnya nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah itu? dan apa letak perbedaannya dengan fikih klasik? lalu, pertanyaan yang lebih jauh, di mana letak posisi nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah dalam perspektif kajian hukum islam kontemporer yang berkembang, terutama di barat? kedua, sebagai nalar yang menghasilkan produk ijtihad, maka ada kemungkinan nalar fikih muhammadiyah ini dapat menjadi paradigma baru hukum islam. pertanyaannya, sejauhmana kemungkinan itu? konsep-konsep yang membentuk paradigma hukum islam (islamic law) bagian ini membahas tentang konsep-konsep yang membentuk paradigma hukum islam. bagian ini penting untuk membaca apakah nalar fikih muhammadiyah dapat dijadikan paradigma hukum atau tidak. istilahistilah kunci tentang hukum islam, yang pada gilirannya membentuk dalam sebuah konsepsi khusus, dipaparkan di sini. dalam tradisi keilmuan barat, hukum islam diterjemahkan sebagai islamic law.9 namun sayangnya, istilah “islamic law” dalam kajian-kajian yang mereka lakukan tidak hanya memiliki makna tunggal. ada empat istilah arab yang sering dipertukarkan dan diasosiasikan sebagai hukum islam, yaitu syariah (syarî’ah), fikih (fiqh), kanun (qânûn), dan ‘urf (‘urf).10 dalam pembacaan penulis terhadap kajian mashood a. baderin dan mohammad hashim kamali,11 tampaknya dua 36 afkaruna istilah pertama (syariah dan fikih) mencapai titik penggunaan yang lebih sering dibanding dua istilah terakhir (kanun dan ‘urf). sehingga hanya istilah syariah dan fikih saja yang akan dibahas penulis dalam tulisan ini. syariah, secara literal, bermakna jalan untuk mengairi (path to water) atau jalan yang lurus/benar (right path).12 jasser auda mengartikannya sebagai jalan hidup (a way of life).13 menurut baderin, kata “syariah” biasanya digunakan dalam tiga konteks yang berbeda ketika diidentikkan sebagai hukum islam. pertama, syariah dalam konteks agama secara umum. syariah dalam pengertian semacam ini merujuk pada jalan hidup umat islam secara umum. oleh karena itu ia mencakup hal-hal yang bersifat hukum secara tegas (issues of strict “law”) maupun hal yang tidak ada kaitannya dengan hukum (issues of “non-law”). artinya semua aspek agama menjadi sebuah sistem kesatuan; etika islam, moral, akidah dan ibadah (religious and spiritual stipulations) maupun ketentuan hukum (legal stipulations).14 dalam konteks ini, tidak semua ketentuan syariah ditegakkan secara yuridis. untuk menjelaskan hal ini, baderin mengilustrasikannya dengan tiga perintah berbeda yang terdapat dalam al-quran. pertama, tentang perintah menjawab salam (penghormatan) dengan cara yang lebih baik atau paling tidak setara.15 perintah ini merupakan kewajiban moral-etik yang diberlakukan kepada muslim, tapi penegakannya tidak bersifat yuridis. artinya, ketika ada seorang muslim yang menolak atau tidak mau menjawab salam, maka pelanggaran ini tidak dapat dibawa kepada pengadilan syariah, meskipun secara jelas al-quran memerintahkan menjawab salam. kedua, perintah tentang kewajiban melaksanakan haji.16 sama seperti jenis perintah pertama, kewajiban haji merupakan perintah yang penegakannya tidak bersifat yuridis, karena ia merupakan perintah yang kaitannya dengan ibadah dan akidah. pelanggaran terhadap perintah ini, tidak mengakibatkan si pelanggar diadili dalam pengadilan syariah, meskipun jelas al-quran memerintahkan berhaji. ketiga, perintah atau ketentuan tentang waris.17 berbeda dengan dua jenis ketentuan atau perintah sebelumnya, ketentuan tentang hak waris tidak hanya soal moral-etis tapi juga yuridis. oleh karena itu, seseorang dapat menuntut anggota keluarganya di pengadilan syariah ketika misalnya ia tidak diberikan hak waris yang semestinya.18 dari penjelasan ini jelas bahwa syariah dalam pengertian pertama, yaitu dalam konteks agama secara umum, mencakup hal-hal yang bersifat hukum, moral-etik, akidah dan ibadah. 37vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 kedua, syariah dalam konteks hukum secara umum. syariah dalam pengertian ini merujuk kepada suatu sistem hukum islam yang membedakan dirinya dengan sistem hukum yang lain, seperti hukum umum (common law) dan hukum sipil (civil law). biasanya syariah dalam pengertian semacam ini cenderung dipahami sebagai suatu sistem hukum ilahiah yang sempurna dan karena itu tidak dapat direvisi (inflexible) dan bersifat abadi. di sinilah menurut baderin, perlunya membedakan antara apa itu wahyu yang bersifat abadi dengan pemikiran manusia yang bersifat variatif dalam konteks sistem hukum islam. ini akan membawa kita pada konteks ketiga di mana syariah secara spesifik dihadapkan dengan fikih.19 ketiga, syariah dalam konteks khusus yang berbeda dari fikih. dalam konteks ini, syariah merujuk kepada sumber wahyu, yaitu al-quran dan sunah. oleh sebab itu, dalam pengertian ini syariah berbeda dari fikih, karena ia merupakan produk hukum islam yang dihasilkan dari pemikiran manusia. syariah bersifat abadi, sementara ketentuan-ketentuan yang diderivasi dari syariah melalui fikih bersifat tidak abadi dan beragam.20 dalam bahasa jasser auda, syariah merepresentasikan aspek ilahiah dari hukum islam, sementara fikih merepresentasikan aspek kognitif hukum islam.21 menurut auda, pembedaan konsep syariah dan fikih ini penting karena pengaburan garis demarkasi antara syariah dan fikih akan mengakibatkan apa yang disebut auda sebagai klaim “keilahian” atau “kesucian” (claims of divinity and sanctity) terhadap hasil ijtihad manusia. dalam sejarahnya, klaim tersebut mengakibatkan dua fenomena serius, yaitu saling membid’ahkan dan resistensi terhadap pembaruan hukum islam.22 terlepas dari itu, setidaknya pada titik ini tergambar bahwa paradigma hukum islam dibangun di atas konsep syariah dan fikih. syariah menjadi divine law (ketentuan wahyu) sementara fikih menjadi non-divine law (ketentuan bukan wahyu) yang terderivasi dari syariah. syariah menjadi aspek ilahiah hukum islam, dan fikih menjadi aspek kognitif hukum islam. untuk lebih memahami paradigma hukum islam dengan lebih baik, baderin menawarkan bahwa hukum islam itu harus mengandung tiga elemen, yaitu sumber, metode, dan prinsip.23 tiga elemen ini akan dibahas secara lebih rinci dalam bagian selanjutnya tentang nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah. nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah berbicara soal nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah, maka mau tidak mau 38 afkaruna kita harus meletakkan manhaj tarjih sebagai basis kerjanya. namun sebelum jauh ke sana, perlu dikemukakan konsep fikih klasik terlebih dahulu agar kita tahu letak perbedaannya dengan nalar fikih muhammadiyah. menurut jasser auda, kata fikih dalam al-quran dan hadis digunakan untuk merujuk kepada makna “memahami, pemahaman, dan memperoleh pengetahuan agama secara umum”. baru setelah wafatnya nabi dan berakhirnya era para imam mazhab, istilah fikih didefinisikan secara khusus sebagai “pengetahuan/ilmu tentang hukum-hukum syarak yang bersifat praktis (yang digali) dari dalil-dalil yang terperinci”.24 sebagian yang lain mendefinisikannya sebagai “ilmu tentang seperangkat hukum-hukum syarak yang bersifat furû»iyyah (‘amaliyah) yang berhasil didapatkan melalui penalaran (istinbam) atau istidlal dari dalilnya yang tafcilî (dalil yang langsung atau khusus untuk masalah yang dinalar itu”.25 al yasa abubakar merinci dengan sangat baik apa yang dimaksud dengan definisi fikih tersebut. menurutnya, yang dimaksud dengan “ilmu” dalam definisi di atas adalah pengetahuan (tahu, al-idrâk mumlaqan) baik yang bersifat yaqîn ataupun zhan tentang hukum syarak yang diperoleh dari dalil; artinya diperoleh melalui istinbam (penalaran atau pertimbangan rasional). jadi, menurut al yasa, aturan syarak yang sudah cukup jelas (di dalam nas) sehingga tidak perlu di-istinbam­-kan seperti adanya kewajiban salat dan zakat tidak dianggap sebagai fikih (bukan merupakan pengetahuan yang mendetail yang memerlukan istinbam­). begitu juga pengetahuan yang diperoleh melalui taklid tidak dianggap sebagai fikih (karena diperoleh bukan melalui peng-istinbam­-an sendiri). sedangkan maksud dari ”hukum-hukum syarak (al-%ukm al-syar»î)” adalah hukum (norma hukum) yang disimpulkan dari nas al-quran dan sunah, yang berhubungan dengan perbuatan seseorang.26 adapun istilah “yang bersifat furû»iyyah (‘amaliah)”, masih menurut al yasa, digunakan untuk menunjuk semua “perbuatan lahir” manusia, guna membedakannya dengan “perbuatan batin atau keyakinan” manusia, yang dalam kajian keislaman menjadi objek ilmu kalam. sedangkan istilah “dalil yang tafcilî” digunakan untuk menunjuk dalil yang mendasari sebuah peraturan. jadi, menurut al yasa, pernyataan bahwa sesuatu peraturan adalah berdasar (berdalil) ayat al-quran (secara umum) tidak dianggap cukup, harus menyebut ayat berapa dan surat apa. begitu juga sekiranya menyebut berdasar (berdalil) kepada hadis maka harus disebutkan matan hadisnya disertai dengan kualitas sanadnya. begitu juga kalau dikatakan 39vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 berdalil kepada qiyas atau istihsan, harus menjelaskan bagaimana logika dan urutan berpikirnya sehingga dapat diketahui apakah jalan pikiran tersebut sudah memenuhi syarat atau belum.27 dari penjelasan definisi di atas, tampak dua celah yang dapat dikatakan sebagai kekurangan konsep fikih klasik; (1) masih cenderung berkutat pada aspek amaliah praktis, dan (2) digali dari dalil-dalil tafcilî yang sangat mungkin bersifat parsial-atomistik. dua kekurangan ini, yang dalam asumsi penulis dapat ditutupi oleh nalar fikih muhammadiyah. dalam manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah, nalar fikih tidak dibangun semata melalui dalil-dalil tafcilî dan tidak hanya berkutat pada amaliah praktis. tapi dengan serangkaian metodologi yang tersistem dan menyatu dengan sumber kewahyuan dan prinsip-prinsip hukum islam. untuk itu kerangka berpikir baderin, yang mengasumsikan tiga elemen syariah, digunakan di sini untuk membaca manhaj tarjih yang menjadi basis nalar fikih muhammadiyah itu. 1. sumber hukum islam dalam manhaj tarjih, sumber hukum islam dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi dua. pertama, adalah sumber utama hukum islam yang juga menjadi sumber ajaran islam secara umum, yaitu al-quran dan sunah.28 al-quran yang berisi lebih dari 6000 ayat berbicara tentang semua aspek kehidupan, baik teologi, moral-etik, ibadah, muamalat dan aspek legal kehidupan. sebagian ayat al-quran bersifat qam»î dan sebagian yang lain zhannî, yang membawa kepada konsekuensi perlunya interpretasi dan elaborasi.29 adapun sunah sebagai sumber hukum islam berisi perkataan, perbuatan dan juga ketetapan nabi muhammad. ia memiliki fungsi koroboratif (bayân al-ta’kîd), elaboratif (bayân al-tafsîr), dan suplementatif (bayân al-tasyrî») bagi al-quran.30 dua ini relatif disepakati oleh para ulama dan sarjana muslim sebagai sumber yang bersifat kekal-abadi dan tidak berubah. di samping sumber utama itu, manhaj tarjih juga mengakomodir sumber lain. akan tetapi sumber jenis ini sifatnya adalah pendamping atau tambahan bagi sumber utama. dalam bahasa manhaj tarjih, sumber ini disebut sebagai sumber paratekstual atau instrumental. jenis sumber ini antara lain ijmak, qiyas, maslahat mursalah, istihsan, tindakan preventif, dan ‘urf.31 pada titik ini, kita dapat melihat bahwa sumber hukum islam yang dipedomani dalam manhaj tarjih relatif sama dengan sumber hukum is40 afkaruna lam yang diyakini oleh para ulama. titik perbedaannya terletak pada klasifikasi mana yang disebut sebagai sumber utama hukum islam dan mana yang menjadi sumber pendamping. dalam diskursus teorisasi hukum islam, dikenal istilah al-macadir al-muttafaq ‘alaihâ (sumber-sumber hukum yang disepakati) dan al-macadir al-mukhtalaf fîhâ (sumber-sumber hukum yang diperselisihkan). wa%bah al-zu%ailî dan ‘abd al-wahhâb khallâf mengkategorikan al-quran, sunah, ijmak, dan qiyas ke dalam al-macadir al-muttafaq ‘alaihâ. sedangkan yang masuk dalam kategori al-macadir almukhtalaf fîhâ, menurut mereka, adalah selain yang empat itu, yakni istihsan, maslahat mursalah, isticla%, istic%âb, ‘urf, mazhab sahabat, syariat umat terdahulu, dan al-dzarâ’i».32 pandangan ini berbeda dengan tiga penulis kontemporer yang lain, yaitu mohammad hashim kamali, mashood a. baderin, dan jasser auda. menurut mereka al-macadir almuttafaq ‘alaihâ itu hanya dua, yaitu al-quran dan sunnah. selain dua ini, menurut mereka, masuk dalam kategori al-macadir al-mukhtalaf fîhâ.33 dari sini tampak bahwa sesungguhnya sumber hukum islam dalam manhaj tarjih muhammadiyah lebih selaras dengan pendapat yang kedua ini. menurut penulis, pendapat kedua ini lebih melihat sumber-sumber hukum islam dari perspektif epistemologis, di mana ada pengklasifikasian antara divine sources (sumber yang berdasar pada wahyu) dan non-divine sources (sumber yang berdasar bukan pada wahyu/berdasar pada ijtihad). 2. metode hukum islam: philosophical methodology dan practical methodology dalam pembacaan penulis terhadap manhaj tarjih, metode hukum islam yang terdapat di dalamnya dapat dikategorikan ke dalam dua kelompok. metode pertama, adalah apa yang penulis sebut sebagai philosophical methodology/al-mariqah al-falsafîyah atau metodologi yang bersifat filosofis. artinya metode ini memberikan basis filosofis terhadap praktik berijtihad dalam rangka menggali hukum-hukum dari nas agama yang digali menggunakan metode jenis kedua (practical methodology; jenis metode ini akan dibahas setelah ini). philosophical methodology ini dalam manhaj tarjih diimplementasikan dalam dua asumsi, yaitu asumsi intergralistik dan asumsi hirarkis. asumsi integralistik mengasumsikan teori keabsahan koroboratif tentang norma, yakni suatu asumsi yang memandang adanya koroborasi dan saling mendukung di antara berbagai elemen sumber guna melahirkan suatu 41vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 norma. dalam perspektif manhaj tarjih, suatu norma yang didasarkan kepada satu elemen sumber sesungguhnya sudah absah, hanya saja keabsahan itu bersifat zhannî. zhannî adalah satu tingkatan dalil di mana ia masih mengandung beberapa kemungkinan makna. artinya kepastian tentang kebenaran yang terkandung di dalam dalil semacam itu masih harus perlu dibuktikan. jika terbukti absah, maka ia dapat dijadikan landasan argumentasi. namun apabila tidak, maka ia tidak dapat menjadi sandaran. hal ini berbeda dengan dalil yang bersifat qam»î di mana ia hanya mengandung satu makna dan bersifat pasti, dan karenanya dalil yang semacam itu pasti dapat dijadikan landasan dalam berargumen.34 namun demikian, kekuatan keabsahan dari dalil yang bersifat zhannî tersebut akan meningkat manakala dapat dihadirkan sejumlah elemen sumber yang saling menguatkan dan saling berkoroborasi untuk mendukung norma dimaksud. dalil semacam ini akan naik derajat menjadi ghalabah al-zhann (preponderance of conviction), dan pada suatu tingkat dalam kasus-kasus tertentu kekuatan keabsahan itu juga bisa mencapai derajat qam»î.35 ke-qam»î-an tidak terdapat dalam dalil terpisah satu persatu, tetapi terdapat dalam koroborasi sejumlah dalil yang satu sama lain saling menguatkan dan menunjukkan satu pemaknaan yang sama. sebagai contoh ke-qam»î-an hukum wajibnya salat, zakat, atau puasa dicapai dengan cara integralistik ini.36 adapun asumsi hirarkis adalah suatu anggapan bahwa norma itu berjenjang dari norma yang paling bawah hingga norma paling atas. apabila jenjang norma tersebut dilihat dari atas ke bawah maka jenjang norma pertama ialah nilai-nilai dasar (al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah) baik norma teologis maupun yuristik. norma dasar ini diambil dari: (1) nilai-nilai universal islam seperti tauhid, akhlak karimah, kemaslahatan, keadilan, persamaan, kebebasan, persaudaraan, atau (2) dapat disimpulkan dari kenyataan hidup manusia di bawah sinar sumber-sumber pokok. norma dasar ini memayungi norma di bawahnya, yaitu norma kedua, yang berupa asas-asas umum (al-ucûl al-kulliyyah) yang di satu sisi merupakan deduksi dari nilai dasar atau pada sisi lain merupakan abstraksi dari norma konkret. asasasas umum ini pada gilirannya memayungi norma paling bawah, atau norma ketiga, yakni norma konkret yang berupa ketentuan-ketentuan syar’i yang bersifat cabang (al-a%kâm al-furû»iyyah). dalam perspektif tarjih, struktur norma ini dapat dilihat dari juga bawah ke atas. apabila dilihat dengan cara ini, maka norma dasar terletak pada bagian yang paling bawah 42 afkaruna yang berfungsi melandasi asas-asas umum. asas-asas umum pada gilirannya melandasi norma-norma konkret yang merupakan norma paling atas yang berdiri di atas jenjang dua lapis norma lainnya yang lebih asasi.37 metode kedua, adalah apa yang penulis sebut sebagai practical methodology/al-marîqah al-‘amalî atau metodologi yang bersifat praktis. metode ini lebih bersifat prosedural dibanding metode yang pertama. dalam pembacaan penulis terhadap manhaj tarjih, metode yang dapat dikategorikan ke dalam jenis ini ada empat, yaitu: (1) metode interpretasi, (2) metode kausasi, baik kausasi berdasarkan kausa efisien (al-‘illah al-fâ»ilah) maupun berdasarkan kausa finalis (al-‘illah al-ghâ’iyyah/maqâcid alsyarî»ah), dan (3) metode sinkronisasi dalam hal terjadi ta»âru, dan (4) metode istiqrâ’ (induktif).38 dalam manhaj tarjih metode interpretasi dijelaskan sebagai suatu metode yang ditujukan untuk menjelaskan nas-nas yang sudah ada. metode ini digunakan untuk menangani kasus-kasus yang sudah terdapat nas langsung mengenainya, hanya saja nas itu bersifat masih kabur sehingga perlu diperjelas. sedangkan metode kausasi digunakan untuk memecahkan masalah yang tidak terdapat nas langsung mengenainya prosesnya dilakukan dengan cara menggali kausa, baik efisien maupun finalis yang dapat memberikan landasan bagi hukum kasus tersebut. adapun metode sinkronisasi, menurut manhajr tarjih, digunakan untuk menemukan ketentuan hukum bagi kasus-kasus yang untuknya terdapat dalil-dalil yang saling bertentangan (ta»âru al-adillah).39 sedangkan metode istiqrâ’ adalah pemecahan masalah dengan cara mengumpulkan seluruh dalil, baik yang berkaitan secara langsung maupun tidak, untuk dicari prinsip umum dengan menyimpulkannya secara induktif. 3. prinsip hukum islam: orientational principles dan practical principles sama seperti metode hukum islam, prinsip hukum islam yang terdapat dalam manhaj tarjih dalam pembacaan penulis juga terbagi menjadi dua. prinsip pertama, adalah apa yang penulis istilahkan sebagai orientational principles/al-mabâdi’ al-taujîhî atau prinsip yang menggambarkan orientasi dan wawasan. prinsip ini merupakan landasan yang mejadi spirit secara keseluruhan dalam berijtihad. menurut penulis, ada empat yang dapat dikategorikan sebagai orientational principles dalam mahaj tarjih. orientational principles yang pertama adalah tajdid. prinsip tajdid ini ditegaskan sebagai identitas umum gerakan muhammadiyah termasuk 43vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 pemikirannya di bidang keagamaan. tajdid menggambarkan orientasi dari kegiatan tarjih dan corak ketarjihan. dalam manhaj tarjih, tajdid mempunyai dua arti: (1) dalam bidang akidah dan ibadah, tajdid beramakna purifikasi atau pemurnian dalam arti mengembalikann akidah dan ibada kepada kemurniannya sesuai dengan sunah nabi saw; (2) dalam bidang muamalat duniawiah, tajdid berarti mendinamisasikan kehidupan masyarakat dengan semangat kreatif sesuai tuntutan zaman.40 orientational principles yang kedua adalah toleransi. toleransi dimaknai bahwa muammadiyah tidak menganggap dirinya saja yang benar, sementara yang lain tidak benar.41 orientational principles yang ketiga adalah keterbukaan. keterbukaan mengandung makna bahwa segala ditetapkan oleh tarjih dapat dikritik dalam rangkan melakukan perbaikan, di mana apabila ditemukan dalil dan argumen lebih kuat, maka majelis tarjih akan membahasnya dan mengoreksi dalil dan argumen yang dinilai kurang kuat.42 orientational principles yang keempat adalah tidak berafiliasi mazhab. artinya muhammadiyah tidak mengikuti mazhab tertentu, melainkan dalam berijtihad bersumber kepada al-quran dan sunah dengan metode ijtihad yang ada. namun muhammadiyah juga tidak sama sekali menafikan berbagai pendapat fukaha yang ada. pendapat-pendapat mereka itu dijadikan bahan pertimbangan untuk menentukan diktum norma/ajaran yang lebih sesuai dengan semangat di mana kita hidup.43 prinsip kedua, adalah apa yang penulis sebut sebagai practical principles/al-qawâ»id al-‘amalî atau prinsip yang bersifat praktis. dalam pandangan penulis, prinsip yang bersifat praktis ini terimplementasi dalam pendekatan yang digunakan majelis tarjih, yaitu pendekatan bayani, burhani, dan irfani. aplikasi nalar fikih muhammadiyah dalam produk tarjih untuk mengetahui aplikasi nalar fikih muhammadiyah dalam praktik ijtihad yang dilakukan majelis tarjih, maka salah satu produk fikih muhammadiyah, yaitu fikih air, akan dibahas di sini. ada karakteristik khas yang terdapat dalam produk fikih muhammadiyah, termasuk tentu fikih air ini, yakni kentaranya apa yang disebut syamsul anwar sebagai teori pertingkatan norma.44 teori pertingkatan norma sesungguhnya adalah bahasa lain dari asumsi hirarkis yang terdapat dalam manhaj tarjih, yang oleh penulis dikategorikan sebagai philosophical methodology/al-mariqah al-falsafî. 44 afkaruna dalam pembacaan penulis teori ini mengkaver keseluruhan unsur syariah dalam konteks agama secara umum. artinya fikih muhammadiyah dengan karakteristiknya yang khas ini tidak hanya berbicara pada aspek yuridis, tapi juga moral-etik dan teologis. untuk memperjelas asumsi penulis ini, berikut akan penulis rincikan dalam sub-sub bab tersendiri. 1. al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah sebagai dasar teologis dan moral-etik dalam buku fikih air: perspektif muhammadiyah, ada bebeberapa nilai dasar islam yang relevan yang dimasukkan ke dalam buku tersebut, yaitu: (1) tauhid, (2) syukur, (3) keadilan, (4) moderasi dan keseimbangan (alwasamiyyah wa al-tawâzun), (5) meninggalkan yang tidak bermanfaat/ efisiensi (al-fa»âliyyah), dan (6) kepedulian (al-‘inâyah).45 nilai-nilai ini, menurut penulis, mengandung dua aspek syariah yaitu teologis sekaligus moral-etik. nilai tauhid dan syukur termasuk aspek teologis dari syariah. menurut kamali, salah satu karakteristik penting syariah adalah keterkaitan-eratnya dengan tauhid, yakni keimanan atas keesaan tuhan, yang menjadi pondasi utama agama islam. aspek-aspek lain dari syariah harus dilandaskan pada ketauhidan. dalam kaitan ini kamali menulis: “every discussion of law and morality in islam must, of necessity, proceed from tauhid. its influence on syariah and ethics runs deep, so much so that tauhid manifests itself in ritual devotion and personal piety, in theology and law, in politics and economics, in faith and deeds, all of which are manifestations of the same all-pervasive principle tauhid. god created the unierse, and every part of it reflects the unity of its source: every part of it synchronized with its other part.”46 (setiap wacana tentang hukum dan moralitas dalam islam harus bersumber dari tauhid. pengaruh tauhid terhadap syariah dan etika sangat mendalam, karena saking mendalamnya tauhid mengejawantahkan dirinya dalam praktik ketaatan dan kesalehan individu, dalam teologi dan hukum, dalam politik dan ekonomi, dalam keyakinan dan tindakan. semuanya adalah manifestasi dari prinsip tauhid yang meresap dalam semua aspek itu. tuhan menciptakan alam semesta, dan setiap bagian dari alam semesta itu merefleksikan satukesatuan sumber: setiap bagian dari alam semesta tersinkron satu sama lain). dengan kata lain, tauhid menjadi pijakan teologis bagi semua aspek kehidupan, di mana satu sama lain saling terkait. tauhid menjadi nyawa untuk keberlangsungan moral dan hukum. tanpa tauhid kesemrawutan 45vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 dan ketidakaturan akan melanda aspek syariah yang lain. menurut penulis, tauhid dalam pengertian ini menjadi semacam hub (pusat/inti) bagi keterjalinan dan keteraturan segala aspek kehidupan. grafik yang penulis buat di bawah ini akan meringkas arti penting tauhid sebagai hub. grafik 1. tauhid sebagai pusat/inti (hub) makna tauhid semacam ini juga tergambar secara cukup jelas dalam buku fikih air sebagaimana berikut ini, “tauhid adalah fondasi keimanan dan amal kebaikan dalam islam. kepercayaan tauhid melahirkan kesadaran bahwa seluruh alam semesta termasuk air, diciptakan, diatur, dan diperlihata oleh allah swt yang maha esa. tauhid mengatur hubungan antara manusia dengan tuhan, manusia dengan manusia, dan manusia dengan alam termasuk air. prinsip tauhid menyediakan visi kesatuan bagi umat islam. dengan visi tersebut, umat islam dapat menyadari bahwa manusia dan air adalah bagian dari alam semesta dan diatur keberadannya oleh wahyu” adapun syukur dalam konteks buku fikih air, dapat dikategorikan juga sebagai bagian dari aspek teologis – meskipun dalam tempat lain (maksudnya produk fikih muhammadiyah lain) bisa jadi syukur masuk dalam kategori moral-etik. alasan “syukur” dikategorikan masuk sebagai aspek teologis dalam hal ini didasarkan pada pernyataan majelis tarjih sendiri dalam buku tersebut, “... rasa syukur dapat menjadi landasan bagi setiap aktivitas pemanfaatan dan pengelolaan air. hakikat syukur adalah kesadaran mendalam akan kasih 46 afkaruna sayang allah kepada makhluk-nya. kesadaran tersebut ditunjukkan dengan cara menggunakan karunia allah, yang berupa air itu, pada tempat yang sesuai dengan kehendak pemberinya.”47 dalam perspektif fikih air, syukur adalah basis teologi bagi setiap akitivitas pemanfaatan dan pengelolaan air. semakin seseorang bersyukur, semakin baik tingkat pemanfaatan dan pengelolaan airnya. selain itu dari basis teologi ini akan memunculkan deep awareness tentang keyakinan kepada allah sebagai dzat yang meiliki sifat rahman. keyakinan tentang sifat allah ini termasuk dalam bagian teologis, yang jika kita gunakan perspektif tauhid, dapat dikategorikan sebagai tauhid al-asmâ’ wa al-cifât. adapun nilai-nilai dasar selain tauhid dan syukur dalam buku fikih air, menurut penulis, termasuk dalam kategori moral-etik. dalam bahasa arab, moral-etik biasa diterjemahkan sebagai akhlâq atau adab. dalam bahasa indonesia moral dan etika sering dimaknai secara sinonim sebagai nilai, asas, norma, atau ajaran tertentu yang menjadi pegangan bagi seseorang atau kelompok dalam mengatur tingkah lakunya.48 artinya moral-etik adalah basis bagi tingkah laku praktis yang dilakukan seseorang dalam kesehariannya. maka dalam hal ini nilai keadilan, moderasi dan keseimbangan, meninggalkan yang tidak bermanfaat/efisiensi, dan kepedulian merupakan landasan bagi seseorang untuk berperilaku dan bertingkah laku yang baik, berakhlak, dan beradab. 2. al-ucûl al-kulliyyah sebagai dasar moral-etik dan yuridis al-ucûl al-kulliyyah (asas-asas umum) merupakan turunan atau konkretisasi dari al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah (nilai-nilai dasar). jika al-qiyâm alasâsiyyah adalah sesuatu yang abstrak, maka al-ucûl al-kulliyyah adalah sesuatu yang mengkonkretkan nilai itu – sekalipun dalam batas-batas tertentu sebenarnya ia masih bersifat abstrak, tapi tingkat keabstrakkannya tidak seperti al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah. dalam buku fikih air, yang termasuk dalam al-ucûl al-kulliyyah adalah: (1) keterlibatan publik (musyârakah al-mujama»), (2) penyusunan skala prioritas (tanzhîm al-aulâwiyyât), (3) konservasi air (al-mu%âfazhah ‘ala al-mâ’), (4) regulasi kepemilikan air (nizhâm milkiyyah al-mâ’), dan (5) regulasi pendistribusian air (nizhâm tauzî» al-mâ’).49 dalam pembacaan penulis, enam asas-asas ini terbagi ke dalam dua kategori, yaitu moral-etik dan yuridis. yuridis bermakna segala hal yang terkait dengan proses hukum dan peraturan hukum. english oxford dic47vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 tionary yang mengartikan kata yuridis sebagai juridical memaknainya sebagai “relating to judicial proceedings and the administration of the law”50 (hal yang berkaitan dengan cara kerja pengadilan dan administrasi hukum). hukum sendiri dalam bahasa arab bermakna al-%ukm, yang jika dilihat dari perspektif fikih, akan kita jumpai beberapa jenis hukum, antara lain al-%ukm al-taklîfî (hukum taklifi) dan al-%ukm al-wa»î (hukum wadh’i).51 hukum taklifi adalah apa-apa yang ditetapkan oleh seruan syariat yang berhubungan dengan perbuatan mukalaf, berupa tuntutan, atau pilihan, atau penetapan. sedangkan hukum wadh’i ialah apa-apa yang ditetapkan oleh pembuat syariat, berupa tanda-tanda untuk menetapkan atau menolak, melaksanakan atau membatalkan.52 hukum wadh’i dalam batas-batas tertentu juga dapat dimaknai berupa peraturan-peraturan.53 dalam pembacaan penulis, asas keterlibatan publik, asas penyusunan skala prioritas, dan asas konservasi air masuk dalam ranah moral-etik. ketiganya sesungguhnya merupakan bahasa lain dari nilai moral kepedulian (keterlibatan publik dan konservasi air) dan nilai moral moderasi dan keseimbangan serta efisiensi (penyusunan skala prioritas). sedangkan regulasi kepemilikan air dan regulasi pendistribusian air masuk dalam ranah yuridis yang berupa peraturan-peraturan, meskipun belum terlalu rinci. 3. al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah sebagai bagian dari aspek yuridis al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah merupakan turunan atau konkretisasi dari alucûl al-kulliyyah. jika dalam al-ucûl al-kulliyyah tadi sudah ada yang masuk dalam dan menjadi kategori yuridis, maka al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah merupakan bagian dari aspek yuridis itu sendiri. oleh karena itu hukum taklifi dan hukum wadh’i menjadi perwujudan dari al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah. dalam buku fikih air, bab empat dari buku tersebut merupakan bagian dari al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah itu.54 bab empat menyediakan penjelasan rinci tentang bagaimana kita seharusnya berinteraksi dengan air. ada dua pokok bahasan dalam bab ini, yaitu tentang pendidikan perilaku ramah air dan perilaku ramah air itu sendiri konkritnya seperti apa. pendidikan perilaku ramah air merupakan bentuk edukasi dan bimbingan yang bertujuan untuk menumbuhkan pemahaman dan pembiasaan bagaimana menjaga, mengelola, dan memelihara air bagi kehidupan. tanggung jawab pendidikan ini, menurut buku fikih air, tidak hanya terbatas pada sekolah atau lembaga pedidikan tertentu. akan tetapi tanggung jawab berasama seluruh komponen masyarakat, meliputi negara, dunia usaha, masyarakat, 48 afkaruna keluarga, dan masing-masing individu. seluruh komponen ini dijelaskan secara rinci tanggungjawabnya dalam bab ini.55 setelah itu, pembahasan perilaku ramah air dijelaskan secara rinci dengan contoh-contohnya sesuai level kompoen masyarakat. sebagai contoh pada level komponen individu dan keluarga perlu adanya pembiasaan untuk membetulkan kran atau menyambungkan pipa di rumah, kantor, masjid, atau pipa air irigasi yang bocor, kemudian tidak membiarkan anak-anak bermain dengan kran atau slang air di halaman atau di kamar mandi dan tidak membiarkan kran air terus mengucur pada saat mencuci mobil atau sepeda motor, serta mematikan kran air bila tidak diperlukan. begitu juga pada level masyarakat, dunia usaha, dan negara/pemerintah.56 grafik 2. hubungan aspek-aspek syariah dalam kerangka nalar fikih muhammadiyah perlu diingat di sini bahwa karena nalar fikih muhammadiyah di bangun di atas pondasi manhaj tarjih, dan salah satu elemen penting dalam manhaj tarjih adalah maqâcid al-syarî’ah, maka semua produk fikih muhammadiyah bertujuan untuk menjaga unsur-unsur maqâcid itu agar tetap eksis. hanya dalam kerangka seperti inilah kita bisa memahami bahwa norma hukum konkret (al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah) yang menjadi bagian atau bentuk implementasi dari aspek yuridis sesungguhnya bertujuan untuk menjaga maqâcid itu sendiri. maqâcid sendiri dalam hal ini dapat berupa nilai-nilai dasar atau al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah. maka pada titik ini kita dapat memahami bahwa tujuan dari norma hukum konkret, berupa menutup kran dan membetulkan pipa air, dan lain sebagainya itu sesungguhnya adalah dalam rangka menjaga nilai-nilai dasar islam atau maqâcid al-syarî’ah. lebih jauh lagi, pada gilirannya, kita juga dapat menerjemahkan aspek yuridis dalam buku fikih air itu sebagai bagian dari hukum taklifi atau hukum wadh’i. 49vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 sebagai contoh, membuang sampah di sungai adalah perbuatan haram yang dilarang oleh agama. contoh yang lain, mewujudkan kerjasama yang sinergi antara masyarkat dan dunia usaha untuk gerakan pemeliharaan dan pengelolaan sumber daya air melalui program csr adalah sabab terwujudnya nilai keseimbangan dan moderasi. sebagai penutup, penulis akan tampilkan diagram yang menjelaskan secara ringkas hubungan ketiga aspek syariah (teologis, moral-etik, yuridis) dalam kerangka nalar fikih muhammadiyah. grafik 2 menggambarkan tentang hubungan satu norma dengan norma lain dalam konsepsi nalar fikih muhammadiyah. norma teratas, yaitu al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah, memayungi norma di bawahnya yaitu al-ucûl al-kulliyyah. norma tengah, yakni al-ucûl al-kulliyyah, pada gilirannya memayungi norma yang paling bawah, yaitu al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah. dalam konteks-konteks tertentu, urutan tersebut bisa dibalik. artinya, jika demikian, maka al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah didasarkan pada norma di atasnya yaitu al-ucûl al-kulliyyah. setelah itu alucûl al-kulliyyah pada gilirannya didasarkan pada norma tertinggi, yakni al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah. diagram di atas, selain menunjukkan hubungan satu norma dengan norma lainnya, juga menampilkan tentang produksi yang dihasilkan dari setiap jenjang norma tersebut. dari diagram tersebut tampak bawah al-qiyâm al-asâsiyyah menghasilkan nilai teologis dan moraletik. sedangkan al-ucûl al-kulliyyah, memproduksi prinsip moral-etik sekaligus yuridis. adapun al-a%kâm al-far»iyyah hanya menghasilkan aspek yuridis saja. dalam produk-produk tarjih yang lain barangkali pemroduksian semacam ini bisa berbeda. hal ini dapat dipahami karena bisa jadi satu produk tarjih dengan produk tarjih yang lain memiliki dimensi yang berbeda-beda. tapi satu hal yang mungkin dapat dipastikan adalah bahwa tiga elemen, yakni telologis, moral-etik, dan yuridis akan senantiasa terasa pada konsepsi penutup dari semua pemaparan di atas, dapat disimpulkan beberapa poin penting: pertama, nalar fikih muhammadiyah adalah nalar fikih yang tidak dibangun semata melalui dalil-dalil tafcilî dan tidak hanya berkutat pada ranah amaliah praktis, sebagaimana fikih klasik pada umumnya. tapi dibangun di atas serangkaian metodologi yang tersistem dan menyatu dengan sumber kewahyuan dan prinsip-prinsip hukum islam. sehingga 50 afkaruna nalar fikih muhammadiyah memiliki karakteristik khas dengan kentaranya apa yang disebut dengan teori pertingkatan norma atau dalam bahasa manhaj tarjih disebut sebagai hirarki norma, yaitu nilai-nilai dasar, asasasas umum, dan norma konkret; kedua, dengan nalar fikih baru, fikih muhammadiyah tidak hanya menyapa hal-hal yang sifatnya praktis-yuridis, tapi juga hal-hal yang sifatnya moral-etik dan teologis. nalar fikih muhammadiyah dapat mencapai posisi semacam ini, tidak lain karena muhammadiyah melakukan interpretasi ulang makna fikih dengan mula-mula mengembalikan makna fikih kepada makna asalnya, yaitu “pemahaman/ pengetahuan yang mendalam (fiqh)” lalu setelah itu memberikan tafsiran baru terhadap makna fikih tersebut. upaya ini juga sesungguhnya yang dilakukan oleh ulama muhammadiyah yang lain, yaitu hamim ilyas dengan fikih akbar-nya. jika dilacak lebih jauh, pemaknaan fikih semacam ini (yaitu memaknai fikih kembali ke makna dasarnya) sesungguhnya telah dirintis oleh abu hanifah sebagaimana yang tertuang dalam kitabnya yang berjudul fikih akbar. alih-alih memaknai fikih sebagaimana yang dipahami oleh fukaha pada umumnya, abu hanifah justru memaknainya sebagai al-fiqh fi al-dîn atau pemahaman mendalam tentang pokok-pokok agama islam (ushuluddîn), atau dapat dikatakan secara ringkas sebagai teologi islam.57 dalam perspektif kajian hukum islam kontemporer yang berkembang, terutama di barat, posisi nalar fikih muhammadiyah tersebut dapat dikategorikan ke dalam kutub yang mencoba mensitesakan dua kutub ekstrim yang saling bertentangan; dan ketiga, nalar fikih baru muhammadiyah dibangun di atas pondasi manhaj tarjih yang mengandung di dalamnya tiga elemen yang membentuk paradigma hukum islam, yaitu sumber, metode, dan prinsip. oleh karena itu nalar fikih muhammadiyah telah memenuhi syarat untuk menjadi sebuah paradigma hukum islam. hal ini mengingat bahwa dalam literatur yang berkembang selama ini, fikih senantiasa diidentikkan sebagai sekumpulan hukum praktis yang bersifat furu’iyyah. bahkan dalam batas-batas tertentu fikih seringkali dikambinghitamkan sebagai suatu disiplin yang telah mengakibatkan terjerumusnya umat pada jurang perselisihan dan lembah kejumudan.58 pada titik inilah nalar fikih muhammadiyah sebagai sebuah paradigma hukum menjadi penting dalam konteks kekinian karena menawarkan gagasan yang lebih holistik; memadukan semua aspek syariah, yaitu teologis, moral-etik, dan yuridis. 51vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 catatan akhir 1 a. kevin reinhart, “islamic law as islamic ethics,” the journal of religious ethics, vol. 11, no. 2 (1983), 186. 2 marshall g. s. hodgson, the venture of islam: the classical age of islam (chicago: the university of chicago press, 1974), i: 59. 3 ibid. 4 a. kevin reinhart, “islamic law as islamic ethics,” 186. 5 ibid. 6 a. kevin reinhart, “islamic law as islamic ethics,” 186. 7 pembahasan mengenai dua kutub yang saling berseberangan ini dapat dibaca, misalnya dalam mashood a. baderin (ed.), islamic legal theory: volume i (t.tp: ashgate publishing, t.t.), sub bahasan “nature of islamic law”, 8 hamim ilyas, fikih akbar: prinsip-prinsip teologis islam rahmatan lil ’alamin (jakarta: pustaka alvabet, 2018). 9 lihat misalnya mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” legal information management, vol. 9, no. 3 (september 2009), 186 dan jasser auda, maqâcid al-sharî»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach (london: the internatioal institute of islamic thought, 128/2007), 56. 10 ibid., 56. 11 mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction (oxford, inggris: oneworld publications, 2008), 40 dan mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” 186-187. 12 mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” 186. 13 jasser auda, maqâcid al-sharî»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach, 57. 14 mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” 186-187. 15 ayat tersebut adalah: “apabila kamu diberi penghormatan dengan sesuatu penghormatan, maka balaslah penghormatan itu dengan yang lebih baik dari padanya, atau balaslah penghormatan itu (dengan yang serupa). sesungguhnya allah memperhitungankan segala sesuatu” (qs. 4: 56). 16 ayat tersebut adalah: “mengerjakan haji adalah kewajiban manusia terhadap allah, yaitu (bagi) orang yang sanggup mengadakan perjalanan ke baitullah.” (qs. 3: 97). 17 ayat tersebut adalah: “bagi orang laki-laki ada hak bagian dari harta peninggalan ibu-bapa dan kerabatnya, dan bagi orang wanita ada hak bagian (pula) dari harta peninggalan ibu-bapa dan kerabatnya, baik sedikit atau banyak menurut bahagian yang telah ditetapkan.” (qs. 4: 7). 18 mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” 186-187. 19 mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” 187. 52 afkaruna 20 ibid. 21 jasser auda, maqâcid al-sharî»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach, 57. 22 ibid., 59. 23 mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” 187. 24 jasser auda, maqâcid al-sharî»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach, 56-57. 25 al yasa abubakar, “pengertian fiqih dan perkembangannya,” dalam http:// alyasaabubakar.com/2013/07/pengertian-fiqih-dan-perkembangannya/, diakses pada 27-02-2018. 26 ibid. 27 ibid. 28 syamsul awar, “manhaj tarjih,” 9. (makalah disampaikan dalam rapat kerja tingkat pusat majelis tarjih dan tajdid muhammadiyah di uniersitas muhammadiyah surabaya, pada 19-21 rabiulakhir 1437 h/ 29-31 januari 2016. 29 mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction, 19. 30 mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction, 24-25 dan jasser auda, maqâcid al-sharî»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach, 7980. 31 menurut syamsul anwar, apa yang disebut sebagai sumber paratekstual ini oleh sebagian kalangan di muhammadiyah dianggap sebagai metode, bukan sumber. pandangan itu terjadi karena melihat unsur-unsru tersebut lebih sebagai proses. padahal menurut syamsul, unsur-unsur tersebut tidak harus dilihat sebagai proses. ia memberikan contoh unsur ijmak. menurutnya, jika ia dilihat sebagai proses, maka kesimpulannya ijmak adalah mustahil karena kesimpulannya memerlukan rentang waktu yang panjang yang melampaui usia manusia di satu sisi dan sangat sulit untuk menentukan kualifikasi siapa yang harus berijmak di sisi lain. lihat selengkapnya dalam syamsul anwar, “manhaj tarjih,” 12. 32 wa%bah al-zu%ailî, ucûl al-fiqh al-islâmî (damaskus: dâr al-fikr, 1406/1986), 415 dst dan ‘abd al-wahhâb khallâf, ‘ilm ucûl al-fiqh (kairo: maktabah alda’wah al-islâmiyyah, 2002), 21. 33 lihat selengkapnya dalam mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction, 19 dst; jasser auda, maqâcid al-sharî»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach, 76-87; dan mashood a. baderin,”understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” 187-188. 34 untuk mengetahui lebih mendalam terkait zhannî, ghalabah al-zhann, dan qam»î, lihat selengkapnya dalam mohammad syifa amin widigdo, “imâm alharamayn al-juwaynî and jadal theory in the eleventh century (a critical analysis of imâm al-haramayn’s al-kâfîya fi al-jadal)” qudus international journal of islamic studies, vol. 6, no. 2 (agustus 2018). 35 asy-syâmibî, al-muwâfaqât, disunting oleh abû ‘ubaidah masyhûr ibn $asan http:// 53vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 âl salmân (al-kubar: dâr ibn ‘affân li an-nasyr wa at-tauzî‘, 1417/1997), i: 28; dan ii: 82. 36 syamsul awar, “manhaj tarjih,” 16-17. 37 ibid., 17-18. 38 dalam manhaj tarjih, metode istiqrâ’ tidak masuk dalam ragam metode. ia masuk dalam pembahasan asumsi metode. tapi hemat penulis metode ini justru lebih sesuai masuk dalam kategori ragam metode yang bersifat praktis. 39 syamsul awar, “manhaj tarjih,” 18-19. 40 ibid., 6. 41 ibid., 8. 42 ibid. 43 ibid., 9. 44 syamsul anwar, “teori pertingkatan norma dalam usul fikih,” asy-syir’ah: jurnal ilmu syari’ah dan hukum, vol. 50, no. 1 (juni 2016). 45 tim majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah, fikih air: perspektif muhammadiyah (yogyakarta: majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah, 2015), 37 dan seterusnya. 46 mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction, 17. 47 tim majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah, fikih air: perspektif muhammadiyah, 38. 48 mohammad nu’man, “konsep etika al-mâwârdî,” 21-24. (disertasi, sekolah pascasarjana, uin syarif hidayatullah, jakarta, 2007). 49 tim majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah, fikih air: perspektif muhammadiyah, 55 dan seterusnya. 50 https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/us/juridical 51 mu%ammad ibn bâli% al-‘utsaimîn, al-ucûl min ‘ilm al-ucul (alexandria: dâr al-îmân li al-lab’ wa al-nasyr wa al-tauzî’, 2001), 7 dan seterusnya. 52 ibid. 53 syamsul anwar, kata sambutan pada acara halaqah nasional fikih anak di uniersitas muhammadiyah surakarta, 2017. 54 tim majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah, fikih air: perspektif muhammadiyah, 75 dan seterusnya. 55 ibid. 56 ibid. 57 lihat selengkapnya dalam niki alma febriana fauzi dan ayub, “fikih informasi: muhammadiyah’s perspective on guidance in using social media” international journal of islam and muslim societies (fothcoming). 58 niki alma febriana fauzi, “ushul fikih dan penemuan hukum berbasis paradigma maqasidi” dalam http://www.suaramuhammadiyah.id/2019/03/ 25/ushul-fikih-dan-penemuan-hukum-berbasis-paradigma-maqasidi/, akses 199-2019. daftar pustaka abubakar, al yasa “pengertian fiqih dan perkembangannya,” dalam http:// https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/us/juridical http://www.suaramuhammadiyah.id/2019/03/ http:// 54 afkaruna alyasaabubakar.com/2013/07/pengertian-fiqih-dan-perkembangannya/ al-muwâfaqât, asy-syâmibî, 1417/1997. disunting oleh abû ‘ubaidah masyhûr ibn $asan âl salmân, al-kubar: dâr ibn ‘affân li an-nasyr wa at-tauzî‘. al-‘utsaimîn, mu%ammad ibn bâli%. 2001. “al-ucûl min ‘ilm al-ucul” (alexandria: dâr al-îmân li al-lab’ wa al-nasyr wa al-tauzî’). al-zu%ailî wa%bah. 1406/1986. “ucûl al-fiqh al-islâmî” (damaskus: dâr alfikr), 415 dst anwar, syamsul. 2016. “teori pertingkatan norma dalam usul fikih,” asy-syir’ah: jurnal ilmu syari’ah dan hukum, vol. 50, no. 1. anwar, syamsul. 2017. kata sambutan pada acara halaqah nasional fikih anak di uniersitas muhammadiyah surakarta auda, jasser. 128/2007. maqâcid al-sharî»ah as philosophy of islamic law: a systems approach (london: the internatioal institute of islamic thought). baderin, mashood a. 2009. “understanding islamic law in theory and pratice,” legal information management, vol. 9, no. 3). baderin, mashood a. (ed.), islamic legal theory: volume i (t.tp: ashgate publishing, t.t.). fauzi, niki alma febriana dan ayub, “fikih informasi: muhammadiyah’s perspective on guidance in using social media” international journal of islam and muslim societies (fothcoming). fauzi, niki alma febriana. “ushul fikih dan penemuan hukum berbasis paradigma maqasidi” dalam http://www.suaramuhammadiyah.id/2019/03/ 25/ushul-fikih-dan-penemuan-hukum-berbasis-paradigma-maqasidi/, akses 199-2019. hodgson, marshall g. s. 1974. the venture of islam: the classical age of islam (chicago: the university of chicago press,), i. ilyas, hamim. 2018. fikih akbar: prinsip-prinsip teologis islam rahmatan lil ’alamin, jakarta: pustaka alvabet. ‘khallâf, abd al-wahhâb. 2002. ‘ilm ucûl al-fiqh (kairo: maktabah al-da’wah alislâmiyyah,). kamali, mohammad hashim. 2008. shari’ah law: an introduction (oxford, inggris: oneworld publications,). nu’man, mohammad. 2007.“konsep etika al-mâwârdî,” 21-24. (disertasi, sekolah pascasarjana, uin syarif hidayatullah, jakarta,). reinhart, kevin. 1983. “islamic law as islamic ethics,” the journal of religious ethics, vol. 11, no. 2. widigdo, mohammad syifa amin. 2018. “imâm al-haramayn al-juwaynî and jadal theory in the eleventh century (a critical analysis of imâm alharamayn’s al-kâfîya fi al-jadal)” qudus international journal of islamic studies, vol. 6, no. 2. tim majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah. 2015. fikih air: perspektif muhammadiyah (yogyakarta: majelis tarjih dan tajdid pp muhammadiyah, 2015), 37 dan seterusnya. https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/us/ juridical http://www.suaramuhammadiyah.id/2019/03/ https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/us/ # layout jan jun 2011 keywords: zakat, qardhul hasan, poverty avaliation, revolving fund abstrak artikel ini mengkaji dan mengevaluasi implementasi program penanggulangan kemiskinan yang dilakukan oleh badan amil zakat kota bandung. sebagaimana badan amil zakat lainnya yang ada di indonesia, baz kota bandung memiliki program-program pemberdayaan ekonomi untuk kaum miskin, salah satunya dalam bentuk dana bergulir. dengan menggunakan kajian kualitatif, artikel ini secara khusus menganalisis problematika yang dihadapi oleh baz kota bandung, termasuk hambatan pelaksanaannya ditinjau dari berbagai aspek, yaitu: 1) komunikasi; 2) sumber daya; 3) disposisi; dan 4) struktur birokrasi, dan 5) kondisi sosial ekonomi. berdasarkan hasil kajian lapangan, dapat disimpulkan bahwa hambatan dari implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir ini adalah minimnya komunikasi dua arah antara baz kota dengan baz kecamatan, serta kurangnya kapasitas baz kecamatan dalam melakukan pendampingan terhadap penerima dana bergulir. kata kunci: zakat, qardhul hasan, pengentasan kemiskinan, dana bergulir pendahuluan berdasarkan survei sosial ekonomi daerah (suseda), penduduk kota bandung adalah 2.417.287 jiwa (penduduk laki-laki 1.233.039 jiwa dan perempuan 1.184.248 jiwa). angka tersebut menentukan laju pertumbuhan penduduk (lpp) sebesar 1,81%. diantara kabupaten/kota se-jawa barat kepadatan penduduk analisis penanggulangan kemiskinan melalui implementasi program dana bergulir badan amil zakat kota bandung hani widyani program pascasarjana uin sunan gunung djati, bandung. jl. a. h. nasution no. 105, ujung berung bandung, indonesia. email: hani.widyani@gmail.com abstract this article analyzes and evaluates the implementation of poverty alleviation program run by zakat collector (baz) in bandung mucipality. just like other zakat collectors in indonesia, baz of bandung mucipality has various development programs for poverty alleviation, including what is to be called revolving fund project. the aim of revolving fund project is to support the poor to run micro business. based on fieldwork in bandung, this article exmanines the problems and difficulties faced by the zakat collector in running development-oriented project and how poverty alleviation are still hard to reach. in evaluating the implementation of poverty alleviation program in bandung, this article highlights five aspects, including communication, human resource, disposition, bureaucratic structures, and social-economic condition. this article concludes that one of the problems faced by zakat collector is ineffectiveness of communitation between zakat collectors in district and sub-district levels, as well as lack of capacity among the staff in sub-district level in providing technical assistance for zakat beneficiaries. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 181vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 tertinggi adalah di kota bandung yaitu sebesar 14.491 orang/km2.1 pertumbuhan penduduk adalah perubahan populasi sewaktu-waktu dan dapat dihitung sebagai perubahan dalam jumlah individu dalam sebuah populasi menggunakan “per waktu unit” untuk pengukuran. pertumbuhan penduduk yang makin cepat, mendorong pertumbuhan aspek-aspek kehidupan yang meliputi aspek sosial, ekonomi, politik, kebudayaan, dan sebagainya. perkembangan pendudukan di kota bandung selama ini menunjukkan peningkatan, dapat dilihat dari jumlah penduduk pada tahun 2010 sebanyak 2.394.873 jiwa menjadi sebanyak 2.412.148 jiwa pada tahun 2011, sehingga laju pertumbuhan penduduk (lpp) kota bandung pada tahun 2011 mencapai 1,10%. kemiskinan di kota bandung tentunya selalu menjadi topik utama permasalahan yang terjadi dan menjadi salah satu prioritas pemerintah kota (pemkot) bandung hingga kini. meski dalam lingkup nasional laporan mengenai jumlah penduduk miskin mengalami penurunan yakni pada kurun waktu tahun 2008-2012 diinformasikan jumlah penduduk miskin berkurang 13,11 juta jiwa atau dari 41,7 juta jiwa menjadi 28,59 juta jiwa namun persoalan kemiskinan tetap urgen diperhatikan secara serius. mengacu pada batasan garis kemiskinan yang digunakan bps, jumlah penduduk miskin di kota bandung pada tahun 2008 sebanyak 106.786 jiwa dan meningkat lagi pada tahun 2009 dan 2010 masing-masing sebanyak 110.283 jiwa dan 118.600 jiwa. pada tahun 2011, kemiskinan penurunan di tahun 2011 menjadi 116.940 jiwa. permasalahan sektor ekonomi, sosial, budaya dan lingkungan tidak dapat ditangani oleh pemerintah saja, namun perlu dukungan dunia usaha (swasta dan bumn). paradigma mengenai keberlangsungan bisnis (sustainable business) dimana perusahaan memiliki kewajiban untuk membayar kembali (payback) kepada masyarakat, dengan menanggulangi kemiskinan dan mengurangi kelaparan, mengurangi pencemaran lingkungan, menyadari pentingnya hak pekerja, dan kegiatan sosial lainnya pun berlaku. karena itulah peran korporat sangat penting dalam mereduksi kemiskinan dan pengangguran melalui program csr ini. strategi yang dilakukan adalah melalui inclusive business, yaitu melakukan kerjasama dan memberdayakan orang-orang yang kurang mampu. pendekatan bisnis ini menggabungkan tujuan bisnis perusahaan dengan pengentasan kemiskinan. keterlibatan perusahaan swasta dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan dapat memberikan dampak yang signifikan terhadap efektivitas penanggulangan kemiskinan. di bandung, terdapat sekitar 17 perusahaan yang tergabung dalam forum csr bandung bermartabat dan 11 diantaranya adalah perusahaan bumn. dalam konteks panggulangan kemiskinan itu pula, badan amil zakat (baz) kota bandung dibentuk. salah satu wujud program pemberdayaan adalah menguatkan ekonomi kaum miskin dengan melibatkan mereka dalam program di bidang ekonomi agar mampu keluar dari kemiskinan. bentuk program umumnya adalah introduksi penguatan program usaha bagi kelompok miskin dalam bentuk model pembiayaan kebajikan (qardhul hasan). konsepnya, kelompok miskin diberi pinjaman dana untuk usaha yang besarnya disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan usahanya, kemudian si penerima tadi mengembalikan dalam waktu doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 182 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tertentu hanya senilai pokoknya saja dari nilai yang diberikan baz tanpa tambahan atau biaya apapun. program dana bergulir adalah skim qardhul hasan pada lembaga badan amil zakat kota bandung yang dikhususkan bagi pemberdayaan usaha kelompok miskin. program ini telah berjalan tiga tahun dan selama itu pula telah banyak kelompok miskin yang mengikuti program ini. dana bergulir yang merupakan salah satu program baz dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan di kota bandung, pada akhirnya, keberhasilan program diukur sejauh mana tujuan dan manfaat upaya tersebut dapat dicapai dan dinikmati oleh kelompok masyarakat miskin yang menjadi sasaran program. berdasarkan latar belakang yang sudah dikemukakan di atas, maka masalah yang dianalisis dalam tulisan ini adalah: bagaimana implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir baz sebagai bentuk penanggulangan kemiskinan melalui program dana bergulir di kota bandung? apa saja hambatan dalam implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir sebagai bentuk penanggulangan kemiskinan? metode penelitian penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang dilakukan di kota bandung. fokus penelitian adalah badan amil zakat kota bandung. peneliti mengambil lokasi tersebut karena kota bandung memiliki jumlah penduduk dan kegiatan ekonomi terbesar diantara kota-kota di jawa barat, dan pada saat yang sama masih disertai dengan tingkat kemiskinan yang besar. pertama-tama peneliti akan menggambarkan mengenai kebijakan penyaluran program dana bergulir di badan amil zakat kota bandung serta permasalahan-permasalahan yang timbul dalam pelaksanaannya. berikutnya peneliti juga akan menganalisis implementasi program dana bergulir dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan. filantropi islam dan masalah kemiskinan zakat adalah salah satu rukun islam yang delapan puluh dua ayat al-quran disebutkan bersama-sama dengan sholat. kewajiban zakat dibuktikan dengan adanya ayat al-quran mengenai hal itu dan adanya keterangan hadits nabi muhammad saw serta dengan adanya suatu kewajiban agama.2 dalam konsep islam, zakat menduduki posisi yang sangat penting.3 zakat adalah nama dari sebuah bentuk aktivitas mengeluarkan sejumlah porsi tertentu dari harta yang telah sampai nishab (batas maksimum) dan cukup satu tahun (haul) untuk dibagikan kepada golongan tertentu yang berhak menerimanya (mustahik). kata zakat secara etimologi bermakna suci (at-thahir), tumbuh (an-nuwuw) dan berkembang (az-ziyadah).4 pemilihan kata zakat memang sangat sesuai dengan makna tersebut yang sekaligus menggambarkan fungsi dan tujuan zakat. zakat yang berarti tumbuh, berkembang dan bertambah (nama’, grow, develop, increase) dikenakan kepada harta yang telah melebihi jumlah maksimal atau telah sampai nishab (surplus of wealth, al’afw).5 harta yang surplus (lebih) mesti dialirkan kepada kelompok yang mengalami kekurangan (deficit). islam memandang perlu sebuah mekanisme yang menjamin aliran tersebut benar-benar masuk kepada golongan yang kekurangan tersebut. zakat memastikan transfer harta kepada kelompok atau golongan yang kurang mampu (the have not) sehingga harta tersebut tidak beredar di kalangan mereka yang berlebih (the have) saja.6 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 183vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 dalam ajaran islam setiap perintah untuk melakukan ibadah mengandung hikmah (signifikansi) yang sangat berguna bagi pelaku ibadah tersebut. zakat yang secara etimologis bermakna bersih, tumbuh dan baik maka ibadah ini akan memberikan keuntungan bagi para pelakunya.7 terdapat tiga bentuk signifikansi zakat, pertama signifikansi diniyah (agama), yaitu: (1) dengan berzakat berarti telah menjalankan salah satu dari rukun islam yang menghantarkan seorang hamba kepada kebahagiaan dan keselamatan dunia dan akhirat. (2) merupakan sarana bagi hamba untuk taqarrub (mendekatkan diri) kepada rabb nya, akan menambah keimanan karena keberadaannya yang memuat beberapa macam ketaatan. (3) pembayar zakat akan mendapatkan pahala yang berlipat ganda, sebagaimana firman allah swt, yang artinya: “allah memusnahkan riba dan menyuburkan sedekah” (al-baqarah:276). dalam sebuah hadits muttafaq ‘alaih nabi saw juga menjelaskan bahwa sedekah dari harta yang baik akan ditumbuhkan kembangkan oleh allah swt berlipat ganda. (4) zakat merupakan sarana penghapus dosa, seperti yang pernah disabdakan nabi saw. kedua, signifikansi khuluqiyah (akhlak), yaitu: (1) menanamkan sifat kemuliaan, rasa toleran dan kelapangan dada kepada pribadi pembayar zakat. (2) pembayar zakat biasanya indentik dengan sifat rahmah (belas kasih) dan lembut kepada saudaranya yang tidak punya. (3) merupakan realita bahwa menyumbangkan sesuatu yang bermanfaat baik berupa harta maupun raga bagi kaum muslimin akan melapangkan dada dan meluaskan jiwa. sebab akan menjadi orang yang dicintai dan dihormati sesuai tingkat pengorbanannya. (4) di dalam zakat terdapat penyucian terhadap akhlak. ketiga, signifikansi ijtimaiyyah (sosial kemasyarakatan), yaitu (1) zakat merupakan sarana untuk membantu dalam memenuhi hajat hidup fakir miskin yang merupakan kelompok mayoritas sebagian besar negara di dunia. (2) memberikan dorongan kekuatan kepada kaum muslimin dan mengangkat eksistensi mereka. hal ini tercermin dalam kelompok penerima zakat, salah satunya adalah bagi fi sabilillah. (3) zakat bisa mengurangi kecemburuan sosial, dendam dan rasa dengki yang ada dalam dada fakir miskin. karena masyarakat bawah biasanya jika melihat mereka yang berkelas ekonomi tinggi menghambur-hamburkan harta untuk sesuatu yang tidak bermanfaat akan timbul rasa benci dan permusuhan mereka. jika harta yang demikian melimpah itu dimanfaatkan untuk mengentaskan kemiskinan tentu akan terjalin keharmonisan dan cinta kasih antara golongan kaya (aghniya) dan golongan miskin (fuqara wal masakin). (4) zakat akan mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi pelakunya dan yang jelas berkahnya akan melimpah. (5) membayar zakat berarti memperluas peredaran harta benda atau uang, karena ketika harta dibelanjakan maka perputarannya akan meluas dan lebih banyak pihak yang dapat mengambil manfaat. berdasarkan deskripsi tersebut, maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa zakat sebagai sebuah aktifitas ekonomik religius sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip kepercayaan agama (faith), pemerataan (equity) dan keadilan (social justice), produktifitas dan kematangan, nalar (reason), kebebasan (freedom), dan prinsip etik dan kewajaran.8 kemiskinan dan penduduk perkotaan lembaga-lembaga seperti bank dunia dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 184 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna badan pusat statistik menjelaskan kemiskinan sebagai ketidakmampuan untuk memenuhi standar kebutuhan hidup tertentu. disebutkan dalam strategi nasional penanggulangan kemiskinan (snpk) bahwa kemiskinan adalah kondisi di mana seseorang atau sekelompok orang, baik laki-laki maupun perempuan, tidak terpenuhi hakhak dasarnya secara layak untuk menempuh dan mengembangkan kehidupan bermartabat.9 sementara itu, ekonomhumanis seperti amartya sen (1999) lebih setuju dengan pandangan bahwa kemiskinan adalah bentuk absennya kemerdekaan (lack of freedom) dan kapabilitas (capabilities) atas diri seseorang yang menyebabkan ia tidak mampu mendapatkan apa yang menjadi hak dasarnya sekaligus menjalankan fungsi-fungsi utamanya (functioning) sebagai individu. di pihak lain, oscar lewis (1959) seorang antropolog amerika secara lebih tajam bahkan mengajukan teori kontroversial yang menjelaskan kemiskinan sebagai suatu bentuk budaya (the culture of poverty). sementara itu, ilmuwan indonesia seperti soetandyo wignjosebroto seperti dikutip oleh suyanto (1995) mengajukan kemiskinan struktural dimana kemiskinan dipahami sebagai konsekuensi logis dari kondisi struktur atau tatanan kehidupan yang tidak menguntungkan.10 sementara itu dari bahasa aslinya (arab) kata “miskin” terambil dari kata sakana yang berarti diam atau tenang, yang artinya menjadi diam atau tidak bergerak karena lemah fisik atau sikap yang sabar dan qana’ah.11 menurut al-fairuz abadi dalam alqamus al-muhith “miskin” adalah orang yang tidak punya apa-apa atau orang yang sangat membutuhkan pertolongan. dan bisa dikatakan miskin orang yang dihinakan oleh kemiskinan atau selainnya.12 selain miskin, dalam islam ada istilah yang sangat berdekatan, yakni faqir. faqir berasal dari kata faqr yang pada mulanya berarti tulang punggung. faqir adalah orang yang patah tulang punggungnya, dalam arti bahwa beban yang dipikulnya sedemikian berat sehingga “mematahkan” tulang punggungnya.13 yusuf qardhawi, memberikan berbagai argumentasi tentang kemiskinan dan bagaimana islam memandang kemiskinan. pemikiran qardhawi yang dimaksud adalah sebagai berikut:14 harus disebutkan bahwa di kalangan umat islam terdapat berbagai pandangan tentang kemiskinan. di kalangan kaum sufi, kemiskinan bukan suatu kejahatan atau masalah yang harus dihindari. kemiskinan adalah nikmat allah swt. dengan hidup miskin, manusia akan mampu menggerakkan diri sebagai hamba pilihan-nya. kemiskinan akan mendorong hati setiap hamba untuk selalu terkait dengan akhirat, berpaling dari dunia, yang karenanya selalu berhubungan dengan allah. sikap golongan sufi yang fatalis sebagaimana digambarkan tadi, memandang kemiskinan bukan sebagai kejahatan dan malapetaka. ia merupakan ketentuan samawi yang tidak mungkin dipecahkan dan diatasi, kemiskinan dan kekayaan merupakan kehendak (qudrah) dan iradah allah swt. di kalangan kaum sufi, allah mampu menjadikan semua manusia untuk menjadi kaya raya seperti karun, atau miskin semua. adanya kelompok kaya dan kelompok miskin, diciptakan allah untuk melakukan perlombaan kebaikan. di sisi lain, ada juga kelompok muslim progresif yang memandang kemiskinan sebagai kejahatan dan malapetaka. kemiskinan oleh kelompok kedua ini dianggap sebagai persoalan serius yang harus doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 185vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 tabel 1 jumlah penduduk dan kepadatan per kecamatan, 2010 sumber: bps kota bandung dipecahkan. kemiskinan, utamanya kemiskinan struktural yang terjadi akibat menguatnya ketidakadilan antara penguasa dengan rakyat, jurang yang lebar antara kaum kaya dan kaum papa, harus dieliminir dengan konsep ajaran islam yang justru dalam banyak hal sangat sosialisme meski tidak indentik dengan sosialisme sebagai faham yang bersifat ideologis, ateis. kelompok islam lain adalah pengikut kaum kapitalis yang memandang kemiskinan sebagai salah satu musibah dan problema hidup universal manusia. namun untuk menyelesaikan kemiskinan, tidaklah tepat untuk diselesaikan oleh institusi negara dan lembaga-lembaga formal lainnya. bagi kelompok ini, yang bertanggungjawab untuk mengatasi persoalan kemiskinan adalah orang miskin itu sendiri. dalam hal ini, kemiskinan tidak dapat dianggap sebagai suratan nasib yang ditentukan secara sepihak atas qudrah dan iradah tuhan. kemiskinan dan kemakmuran hidup seseorang akan sangat tergantung dari kualitas hidup seseorang ketika berhadapan dengan realitas masyarakat itu sendiri. bagi kelompok ini, setiap individu hanya bertanggungjawab terhadap dirinya. setiap individu bebas melakukan apa saja terhadap harta yang dimilikinya. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 186 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kemiskinan adalah suatu standar tingkat dan taraf hidup dalam skala ekonomi rendah, yaitu mereka yang tingkat ekonominya kekurangan dibandingkan dengan standar kehidupan umum yang berlaku dalam masyarakat bersangkutan. standar kehidupan yang rendah ini secara langsung nampak pengaruhnya terhadap tingkat keresahan. kehidupan moral dan rasa harga diri mereka yang tergolong sebagai orang miskin menjadi lebih rendah.15 kemiskinan dan penanggulangannya termasuk persoalan kemasyarakatan, yang faktor penyebab dan tolak ukur kadarnya, dapat berbeda akibat perbedaan lokasi dan situasi. karena itu, al-quran dan hadits tidak menetapkan angka tertentu dan pasti sebagai ukuran kemiskinan, dan tidak memberikan petunjuk operasional yang rinci untuk pengentasannya. karena itulah para pakar islam berbeda pendapat dalam menetapkan standar atau tolak ukur dan berusaha menemukan sesuatu dalam ajaran islam yang dapat digunakan sebagai tolak ukur kemiskinan, yakni dengan menggunakan zakat. hasil penelitian dan pembahasan implementasi program dana bergulir badan amil zakat kota bandung kota bandung terletak di wilayah jawa barat dan merupakan ibu kota provinsi jawa barat. secara geografis, kota bandung terletak pada koordinat 107º 36' bujur timur dan 6º 55' lintang selatan. wilayah kota bandung dilewati oleh 15 sungai sepanjang 265.05 km, dimana sungai utamanya yaitu sungai cikapundung beserta anak-anak sungainya pada umumnya mengalir ke arah selatan dan bermuara ke sungai citarum. wilayah kota bandung tersebut dibagi menjadi beberapa wilayah administratif, yang terdiri atas: 30 kecamatan, 151 kelurahan, 1.558 rukun warga (rw), dan 9.678 rukun tetangga (rt). perkembangan pembangunan kota bandung yang pesat, di samping menimbulkan dampak positif bagi kehidupan masyarakat, juga menimbulkan dampak negatif, seperti kemacetan transportasi, dan lain sebagainya. permasalahan ini terus menjadi perhatian dan pekerjaan rumah bagi pemerintah kota bandung untuk terus memperbaiki diri seiring perkembangan jaman yang semakin modern. mengacu pada batasan garis kemiskinan yang digunakan bps, jumlah penduduk miskin di kota bandung pada tahun 2008 sebanyak 108.786 jiwa. meningkat lagi pada tahun 2009 dan 2010 masing-masing sebanyak 110.283 jiwa dan 118.600 jiwa. mengalami penurunan di tahun 2011 dibandingkan tahun sebelumnya menjadi 116.940 jiwa. tabel 2 jumlah dan persentase penduduk miskin dan garis kemiskinan pemukiman atau perumahan kumuh di kota bandung diakibatkan oleh berbagai faktor pemicu baik secara ekonomi maupun keberadaan kota bandung itu sendiri, selain itu faktor urbanisasi yang cukup tinggi ke daerah bandung. pesatnya urbanisasi dari suatu daerah atau wilayah ke wilayah lainnya yang pada umumnya dari desa ke kota, merupakan salah satu penyebab dari doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 187vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 keberadaan pemukiman kumuh. alasan perpindahan penduduk tersebut, adalah merubah keadaan baik secara ekonomi maupun status sosial dengan cara ‘mengais’ rejeki dan mencari peruntungan di kota bandung. namun yang terjadi adalah urbanisasi ke kota bandung menimbulkan persoalan-persoalan baru, antara lain: bertambahnya penduduk miskin, pemukiman kumuh bertambah, meningkatnya kriminalitas, meningkatnya pengangguran dan meningkatnya beban kota bandung. munculnya pemukiman kumuh dilihat dari sisi ketersediaan lahan, yaitu bahwa luas lahan tidak dapat menyediakan warga pendatang. pesatnya pertumbuhan daerah perkotaan menyebabkan terjadinya persaingan dalam penggunaan lahan, misalnya antara penggunaan lahan perumahan dengan penggunaan lahan industri atau penggunaan lahan untuk ruang terbuka hijau, pemukiman atau perkantoran. dari 1556 rw di kota bandung, 194 rw diantaranya termasuk ke dalam daerah pemukiman kumuh. lahan-lahan dengan keadaan seadanya tersebut dapat dijumpai antara lain, lahan sepanjang rel kereta api, pinggiran sungai, dan lain-lain. pemukiman kumuh di kota bandung merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan di bandung. adapun yang termasuk dalam daerah kumuh tinggi yaitu kecamatan astana anyar kelurahan nyengseret, kecamatan bandung wetan kelurahan tamansari, kecamatan kiaracondong kelurahan babakan surabaya, kecamatan sumur bandung kelurahan braga, dan kecamatan bojongloa kidul kelurahan situsaeur. kondisi rumah-rumah kumuh di kota bandung pada umumnya terlihat dalam karakteristik berikut: 1) ketersediaan air bersih kurang dari 30 persen 2) sistem drainase buruk 3) kondisi jalan lingkungan rusak parah lebih dari 70 persen 4) kepadatan penduduk lebih dari 100 unit rumah per hektar 5) tidak memiliki jarak antara bangunan 6) perkembangan bangunan tinggi. selain pemukiman kumuh sebagai gambaran masyarakat miskin kota bandung, wajah kemiskinan kota juga dapat ditampakkan dengan banyaknya warga yang mengais rejeki dengan cara menjadi pengemis atau pengamen yang beroperasi di berbagai sudut dan wilayah kota. pada umumnya kelompok pengamen beroperasi di persimpangan lampu merah, atau terminalterminal bus kota, atau bus antar kota atau pertokoan seperti itc, yogya kepatihan yang banyak ditempati kaki lima. selain dua kelompok yang sudah disebutkan, terdapat pula kelompok warga yang tidak memiliki pekerjaan atau sebagai warga pengangguran. pengangguran pada kelompok-kelompok ini jelas adalah penduduk atau orang yang tidak memiliki “skill” atau keterampilan khusus yang dapat digunakan sebagai “modal” untuk memperoleh pekerjaan secara permanen pada sektor formal, ataupun ketiadaan modal untuk dapat berwirausaha mandiri, dengan keterbatasan tersebut mereka akan tetap menjadi pengangguran. kebijakan penanggulangan kemiskinan di kota bandung seperti telah dijelaskan sebelumnya bahwa kemiskinan merupakan tanggung jawab dari pemerintah pusat (negara) dan pemerintah daerah. kewajiban dan tanggung jawab ini doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 188 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna merujuk pada uud 1945 pasal 34.16 atas dasar itulah, maka penanggulangan kemiskinan merupakan tugas negara, dimana merujuk pada sistem pemerintahan indonesia saat ini yang tidak lagi menerapkan sistem kebijakan pusat, maka otonomi daerah menjadikan pemerintah daerah bagian dari pelaksana kebijakan pusat dengan memperhatikan kemampuan-kemampuan lokal bidang keuangan dan sumberdaya lainnya untuk meneruskan pembangunan nasional. untuk secara bersama-sama menanggulangi masalah kemiskinan sesuai dengan kondisi daerahnya masing-masing. kota bandung adalah salah satu pemerintah daerah yang juga memiliki permasalahan kemiskinan yang harus dapat ditanggulanginya untuk dapat mensejahterakan penduduknya. dalam hal upaya mengurangi jumlah penduduk miskin di bandung, pemerintah kota bandung telah mengeluarkan berbagai kebijakan, khususnya kebijakan penanggulangan kemiskinan. seperti telah dijelaskan sebelumnya, bahwa jumlah penduduk miskin di kota bandung sampai dengan akhir tahun 2011 adalah 116.904 atau 4,78% dari total penduduk kota bandung. menegakkan sistem zakat merupakan salah satu kewajiban utama bagi pemerintah, karena ia memikul tanggung jawab untuk memelihara semua orang fakir-miskin dan orang-orang yang lemah fisik maupun ekonominya. pemerintah wajib membentuk badan yang dikenal dengan badan amil zakat. dalam konteks ini, pengertian pemerintah bisa bermakna pemerintah pusat maupun pemerintah daerah. dengan dikeluarkannya surat perintah walikota no. 451.12/se.056-peg tahun 2004 tentang pelaksanaan zakat profesi untuk pejabat eselon ii sampai dengan iv di lingkungan pemkot; kemudian surat edaran walikota no. 451.12/se.049-kesra tahun 2006 tentang pengumpulan zakat, infaq dan shadaqah bagi jemaah haji; dan surat edaran walikota no. 451.12/se.065-kesra tahun 2006 tentang pengumpulan zakat, infaq dan shadaqah/zakat profesi, merupakan strategi pemerintah kota bandung dengan baz untuk mengoptimalkan penghimpunan zakat, yang tentunya penyaluran dana zakat tersebut menjadi salah satu strategi untuk penanggulangan kemiskinan. badan amil zakat kota bandung badan amil zakat (baz) kota bandung yang berada di jl. wastukencana no. 27 bandung, merupakan institusi yang dibentuk oleh pemerintah beserta masyarakat, memiliki tugas mulia dan strategis sebagai salah satu lembaga resmi pemerintah pengelola zakat di kotamadya bandung, jawa barat. keberadaanya diharapkan mampu menumbuh-kembangkan kesadaran umat jawa barat agar menjadikan zakat sebagai sebuah ruh kehidupannya. dalam pembentukan dan pengelolaan baz kota bandung, terdapat beberapa landasan yuridis mengenainya, yaitu: · seperti tercantum dalam undang-undang ri nomor 38 tahun 1999 tentang pengelolaan zakat. · fatwa mui pusat no. 3 tahun 2003 tentang zakat profesi/penghasilan. · peraturan daerah kota bandung no. 30 tahun 2002 tentang pengelolaan zakat, infaq dan shadaqah. · sk walikota nomor 452.12/kep.434kesra/2009 tentang pembentukan pengurus badan amil zakat (baz kota doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 189vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 periode 2009 – 2012) · keputusan walikota bandung no. 279 tahun 2004 tentang teknis pengelolaan zakat, infaq dan shadaqah. · surat perintah walikota no. 451.12/ se.056-peg tahun 2004 tentang pelaksanaan zakat profesi untuk pejabat eselon ii sampai dengan iv di lingkungan pemkot. · surat edaran walikota no. 863/se.056peg tahun 2006 tentang pembuatan dp3. · surat edaran walikota no. 451.12/ se.049-kesra tahun 2006 tentang pengumpulan zakat, infaq dan shadaqah bagi jemaah haji. · surat edaran walikota no. 451.12/ se.065-kesra tahun 2006 tentang pengumpulan zakat, infaq dan shadaqah/zakat profesi. selama ini pemasukan dana zakat dan infak yang diterima baz kota bandung sebagian besar dari pns di lingkungan pemkot. sampai dengan 31 desember 2011 baru 6.631 pegawai (± 23 %) dari 28.352 para pegawai di lingkungan pemkot bandung dan kementrian agama kantor kota bandung. hasil pengumpulan dari januari sampai dengan desember 2011 sebesar rp. 3. 175. 665. 121,72,rata-rata perbulan rp. 264.638.760,pengurus baz kota bandung susunan kepengurusan baz kota bandung terdiri atas dewan pertimbangan (1 ketua, 1 wakil ketua, 1 sekretaris, dan 3 anggota); komisi pengawas ( 1 ketua, 1 wakil ketua, 1 sekretaris, dan 3 anggota); badan pelaksana (1 ketua umum, 2 wakil ketua, 3 sekretaris, 1 bendahara, dan 1 wakil bendahara), yang dilengkapi dengan beberapa bidang. yakni: bidang pengumpulan 4 orang, bidang pendayagunaan 4 orang, bidang pendistribusian 4 orang, bidang pengembangan 4 orang, dan kesekretariatan 8 orang sebagai tenaga kerja penuh waktu. berdasarkan pendidikan yang dimiliki: tabel 4.3 profil personalia baz kota bandung struktur organisasi baz kota bandung dapat digambarkan sebagai berikut: program kerja baz kota bandung 1) program kerja bidang pengumpulan (lihat tabel 4.4) 2) program kerja bidang pendistribusian (lihat tabel 4.5) implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir badan amil zakat kota bandung implementasi program ini dimulai dengan adanya suatu analisis tentang bagaimana doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 190 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tabel 4.4 tabel 4.5 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 191vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 kondisi kemiskinan di kota bandung. seperti yang telah disebutkan sebelumnya bahwa jumlah masyarakat miskin di wilayah ini adalah sebesar 116.904 jiwa atau 4,78% dari total penduduk kota bandung. analisis tentang kondisi tersebut maka baz kota bandung memberikan dana bergulir berupa bantuan modal usaha untuk peningkatan kesejahteraan para mustahik ataupun para pedagang kecil melalui penghasilan yang layak. pendayagunaan zakat harus berdampak positif bagi mustahik baik secara ekonomi maupun sosial. dari sisi ekonomi, mustahik dituntut benar-benar dapat mandiri dan hidup secara layak, sedangkan dari sisi sosial, mustahik dituntut dapat hidup sejajar dengan masyarakat miskin yang lain. kelemahan utama orang miskin serta usaha yang dijalankannya adalah dari segi permodalan. zakat yang dapat dihimpun dalam jangka panjang harus dapat memberdayakan mustahik sampai pada dataran pengembangan usaha. dana bergulir merupakan salah satu wujud program pemberdayaan, dengan tujuan menguatkan ekonomi kelompok miskin dengan melibatkan mereka dalam program dibidang ekonomi agar mampu keluar dari kemiskinan. bentuk program umumnya adalah introduksi penguatan program usaha bagi kelompok miskin dalam bentuk modal pembiayaan kebajikan (qardhul hasan). konsepnya, kelompok miskin diberi pinjaman dana usaha yang besarnya disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan usahanya, kemudian si penerima tadi mengembalikan dalam waktu tertentu hanya senilai pokoknya saja dari dana yang diberikan oleh baz, tanpa tambahan atau biaya apapun. dana bergulir merupakan salah satu program kerja bidang pendayagunaan baz kota bandung. program dana bergulir baz kota bandung telah diimplementasikan di wilayah kota bandung selama kurang lebih 3 tahun sejak tahun 2010. dan selama itu pula telah banyak kelompok miskin yang mengikuti program ini. tentu saja salah satu indikator keberhasilan program ini adalah peningkatan kualitas ekonomi peserta program. implementasi program dana bergulir baz di kota bandung dapat memberikan gambaran bagaimana kebijakan yang telah dibuat oleh baz kota bandung dalam rangka menanggulangi kemiskinan. masalah kemiskinan merupakan salah satu masalah penting yang harus ditanggulangi oleh pemerintah dan baz sesuai dengan quran dan uud 1945. dalam sasaran jangka panjang kedua sasaran ini ditegaskan kembali dengan menggaris bawahi terciptanya kualitas manusia dan kualitas masyarakat indonesia yang maju dan mandiri. tujuan dana bergulir diarahkan kepada upaya penanggulangan kemiskinan, melalui peningkatan pendapatan dan pengembangan usaha. sasaran penerima manfaat program penanggulangan kemiskinan di kota bandung melalui dana bergulir baz adalah kelompok warga masyarakat/keluarga sangat miskin/fakir miskin, miskin, dan hampir miskin sesuai kategori badan pusat statistik (bps), dengan skala prioritas bagi keluarga sangat miskin dan miskin. penerima dana bergulir ditetapkan dengan kriteria sebagai berikut: kepala keluarga dan/ atau pencari nafkah utama dalam keluarga yang masuk kategori miskin dan sangat miskin; berdomisili tetap; berusia minimal 18 tahun dan maksimal 60 tahun; memiliki potensi dan keterampilan di bidang usaha ekonomi tertentu. calon penerima dana bergulir diharuskan mengajukan usulan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 192 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna usaha yang menggambarkan alasan dan prospek pengembangan usaha, seperti gambaran usaha berisi tentang gambaran detail rencana usaha meliputi jenis usaha, aspek produksi, aspek pemasaran, aspek kebutuhan, dan hal lain yang dibutuhkan, serta analisa keuangan berisi tentang perhitungan keuangan usaha untuk pemodalan (biaya produksi, pemasaran, dll) dilengkapi dengan estimasi harga jual dan keuntungan. baz kota bandung bekerjasama dengan baz kecamatan di kota bandung dalam melaksanakan program dana bergulir di kota bandung. pelaksanaan program dana bergulir diawali dengan pemanggilan ketua baz kecamatan di tiap kecamatan kota bandung untuk rapat koordinasi penyaluran dana bergulir oleh baz kota bandung. baz kecamatan bertugas untuk mensosialisasikan dana bergulir di masing-masing wilayahnya. dan merekomendasikan mustahik yang layak diberi dana bergulir kepada baz kota bandung. tidak semua orang yang direkomendasikan oleh baz kecamatan merupakan warga miskin atau sangat miskin, tetapi sudah ditetapkan per kecamatan diberikan dana bergulir sebesar 5.000.000 rupiah untuk 10 orang pemohon dana bergulir, masing-masing sebesar 500.000 rupiah. penerima dana bergulir menyerahkan cicilan selama 10 – 12 bulan tanpa biaya atau tambahan apapun kepada baz dari masingmasing kecamatan. setiap kecamatan memiliki baz dan upz yang akan membantu dalam keberlangsungan usaha penerima dana bergulir serta sebagai usaha monitoring dari baz kota bandung. namun tidak setiap penerima dana bergulir bisa ditangani oleh baz kecamatannya karena kurangnya intensitas komunikasi yang dilakukan antar baz kecamatan dan penerima dana bergulir. kegiatan pendampingan juga sampai saat ini belum mencakup kegiatan peningkatan skill dan kreatifitas para penerima dana bergulir. kegiatan pendampingan hanya mencakup memberikan saran dan masukan ketika penerima dana bergulir kesulitan. mekanisme program dana bergulir dijalankan berdasarkan keputusan baz kota bandung. mekanisme penyaluran dana bergulir dilakukan dari baz kota bandung menggunakan dana zakat. dana tersebut kemudian diberikan kepada baz di setiap kecamatan di kota bandung untuk disalurkan ke kelurahan-kelurahan. untuk mengetahui bagaimana pelaksanaan program ini berdasarkan teori maka analisis akan dilakukan menggunakan teori dari edward iii. teori tersebut menyatakan tentang model implementasi kebijakan publik. teori ini menyatakan bahwa ada empat variabel yang berperan penting dalam pencapaian keberhasilan implementasi, yaitu komunikasi (communication), sumber daya (resources), disposisi (dispotition), dan struktur birokrasi (bureaucratic structures). keempat variabel tersebut memiliki keterkaitan satu dengan yang lain dalam mencapai tujuan dan sasaran program atau kebijakan. semuanya saling bersinergi dalam mencapai tujuan dan satu variabel akan mempengaruhi variabel yang lain. komunikasi komunikasi dalam implementasi program dana bergulir baz kota bandung dilakukan pada saat sosialisasi, pengumpulan berkas pemohon dana bergulir maupun dalam pencairan dana bergulir. sosialisasi program dana bergulir dilaksanakan di sekretariat doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 193vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 baz kota bandung. strategi yang digunakan untuk memudahkan sosialisasi dari baz kota bandung adalah dengan mengundang baz di tiap kecamatan di kota bandung. sosialisasi tidak berhenti hanya di tingkat baz kota bandung. sosialisasi dilaksanakan sampai tingkat kecamatan dan kelurahan. dalam penyampaian informasi, pelaksanaan sosialisasi program dana bergulir dari baz kota bandung dan baz kecamatan hanya menggunakan media surat dan lisan. sedangkan dari tingkat kelurahan nya hanya melalui lisan kepada warga. para pelaksana program dana bergulir senantiasa menyampaikan kepada para penerima dana bergulir bahwa dana begulir baz kota bandung walaupun merupakan dana hibah, tetapi dana yang ada harus digulirkan untuk modal usaha, karenanya diharuskan membayar cicilan perbulan semampunya tanpa ada tambahan atau biaya apapun, dengan tujuan meningkatkan modal sehingga bisa meningkatkan pendapatan. pelaksanaan program dana bergulir sejak 2010 hingga 2012 belum begitu berjalan baik, misalnya sosialisasi yang dilakukan belum optimal, kebanyakan hanya sebatas pada daerah yang terdekat dari rumah pribadi upz atau orang yang telah dikenal oleh upz. pelaksanaan program dana bergulir di lapangan tidak sepenuhnya berjalan sesuai yang direncanakan. banyak penerima dana bergulir yang tidak mengembalikan dana bergulir tersebut kepada pihak baz kecamatan, karena tidak adanya komunikasi dan koordinasi antara baz kecamatan, upz dan penerima dana bergulir setelah dana bergulir itu dicairkan. seperti yang diutarakan salah satu penerima program dana bergulir dari kecamatan bojongloa kaler, seorang pedagang gorengan, ibu wisah: “saya sempet setor tiga kali. tapi karena ibuibu (penerima dana bergulir) yang lain tidak pada setor, akhirnya saya tidak setor juga. tidak ada yang datang juga dari baz nya. tadinya kan saya berharap kalo yang ini lunas, saya bisa dikasih lagi modal yang lebih besar”. hal ini menyimpang dari rencana disalurkannya dana bergulir agar adanya pemantauan modal usaha melalui pelaporan terkendali sehingga menciptakan mustahik yang produktif. penyimpangan ini terjadi karena para penerima dana bergulir tidak mendapatkan bimbingan ataupun koordinasi dari baz kecamatan untuk pengembalian dana bergulir sehingga mereka tidak ada motivasi untuk mengembalikan. selain itu, karena tidak adanya pemantauan intensif dari baz kota bandung kepada baz kecamatan, berpengaruh pula dari baz kecamatan kepada penerima dana bergulir, sehingga penerima dana bergulir tidak mendapatkan informasi terbaru dari baz kecamatan. sumber daya sumber daya dalam pelaksanaan program dana bergulir baz kota bandung dari sisi staf memiliki kemampuan yang cukup baik dan jumlahnya memadai. dikarenakan untuk menginformasikan program dana bergulir langsung kepada mustahik sendiri pihak baz kota bandung menyerahkan pada baz kecamatan. begitupun dalam hal tanggung jawab pengelolaan dana bergulir diserahkan langsung kepada pihak baz kecamatan. pelaksana teknis program dana bergulir sendiri adalah staf sekretariat baz kota bandung, dikarenakan anggota di bidang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 194 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pendayagunaan ini lebih fokus kepada penyusunan program dan evaluasi hasil dari teknis di lapangan. staf sekretariat sendiri membantu dalam hal proses administrasi, pengecekkan kelengkapan persyaratan pemohon dana bergulir, pengentryan data begitupun ketika pencairan yang diserahkan melalui baz kecamatan ataupun langsung ke penerima dana bergulirnya. tingkat pendidikan para pelaksana program dana bergulir baz kota bandung cukup baik yaitu minimal smu. dari 13 orang staf, 10 orang berpendidikan s1 dan 2 orang berpendidikan s2. tingkat pendidikan ini juga dibarengi dengan tingkat keterampilan yang cukup karena hampir semua sudah terampil menggunakan komputer. dari sisi wewenang, maka ketepatan dan efektifitas pelimpahan wewenang pelaksana sudah cukup baik. fasilitas yang dibutuhkan dalam pelaksanaan program dana bergulir adalah sarana dan pra sarana. sarana dan pra sarana yang dimiliki baz kota bandung antara lain ruang kerja, komputer sebanyak 3 unit, printer 2 unit, faximile, telpon, mesin penghancur kertas, dan sejumlah atk. pada saat observasi, peneliti menjumpai tidak ada tempat pemberkasan tersendiri untuk program dana bergulir. kalaupun ada tempat pemberkasan, semua berkas ditumpuk di lemari berkas sehingga terkesan penuh dan sangat tidak rapi. hal itu tentu saja mempengaruhi kenyamanan para staf dalam melaksanakan pekerjaannya. begitupun untuk koneksi internet, baru dipasang enam bulan terakhir. padahal internet merupakan media yang sangat penting untuk sekarang ini, internet bisa mempermudah surat menyurat melalui email dan mempermudah koordinasi data antar baz kecamatan, ataupun untuk menginformasikan data dan berita terbaru dari baz kota. sedangkan sarana dan pra sarana di hampir semua baz kecamatan kurang memadai. kebanyakan sekretariat baz kecamatan bertempat di kua. disposisi implementor suatu kebijakan akan berhasil secara efektif dan efisien jika para pelaksana kebijakan tidak hanya mengetahui apa yang harus mereka lakukan dan mempunyai kemampuan untuk implementasi kebijakan tersebut, tetapi mereka juga harus mempunyai kemauan untuk mengimplementasikan kebijakan tersebut. sikap para pelaksana program dana bergulir cukup baik dan mendukung sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh ketua baz kota bandung. hal ini diakui juga oleh salah satu penerima program dana bergulir dari kecamatan andir, yang membuka usaha warung kopi. begitupula menurut pengakuan salah satu penerima dana bergulir dari kecamatan astana anyar, yang membuka usaha tambal ban. permasalahan terjadi ketika dana sudah dicairkan dan diberikan kepada pihak penerima dana bergulir. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tidak adanya pendampingan kepada para penerima dana bergulir. begitu juga tidak adanya pelatihan untuk para baz kecamatan dan upz dalam hal pendampingan. pelatihan hanya berupa sosialisasi. dampaknya komitmen baz kecamatan menjadi kurang maksimal dalam pengelolaan dana bergulir. hal ini bisa dilihat dari jumlah baz kecamatan yang aktif dalam pengelolaan dana bergulir hanya 5 kecamatan dari 30 kecamatan yang ada. struktur birokrasi pelaksanaan program dana bergulir di doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 195vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 baz kota bandung ini didukung oleh efektifitas struktur organisasi yang baik. ketua dan semua staf terlibat dan mempunyai andil yang proporsional. pembagian kerja berjalan baik sehingga mampu menyelesaikan tanggung jawabnya sesuai yang dijadwalkan. keterlibatan semua komponen ini juga merupakan syarat keberhasilan implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir. koordinasi internal yaitu dalam pelaksanaan teknis program dana bergulir di sekretariatan baz kota bandung berjalan baik. begitu juga dengan koordinasi eksternal baz kota bandung dengan baz kecamatan, ataupun upz. kesatuan perintah berjalan sesuai yang diharapkan dengan mengacu pada struktur organisasi pelaksana program dana bergulir. jika dalam pelaksanaan program dana bergulir menemui masalah maka para pelaksana teknis dana bergulir bisa konsultasi langsung ke baz kota. badan amil zakat, implementasi kebijakan publik dan penanggulangan kemiskinan implikasi zakat dalam perekonomian, yaitu: pertama, zakat dapat memenuhi kebutuhan masyarakat yang kekurangan. kedua, zakat memperkecil jurang kesenjangan ekonomi. ketiga, zakat dapat menekan jumlah permasalahan sosial, kriminalitas, pelacuran, gelandangan, pengemis dan lain-lain. keempat, zakat dapat menjaga kemampuan beli masyarakat agar dapat memelihara sektor usaha. dengan kata lain zakat menjaga konsumsi masyarakat pada tingkat yang minimal, sehingga perekonomian dapat terus berjalan. ketua umum badan amil zakat nasional (baznas) didin hafidhuddin menyitir hasil penelitian baznas bersama fakultas ekonomi dan manajemen institut pertanian bogor. potensi dana zakat, infak, dan shadaqah (zis) mencapai 217 triliun. nilai itu setara dengan 20% anggaran pendapatan belanja negara (apbn). yang mana, potensi besar zakat itu belum tercermin dalam realitas pengumpulan zis, yang mana jumlah penghimpunan zakat dari seluruh laz di indonesia tahun 2011 sekitar rp. 1,7 triliun. sedang penerima manfaat melalui program penyaluran dana zakat (mustahik) sebanyak 1,7 juta orang. dana yang terkumpul itu meningkat 15,33% dari tahun 2010. apabila mengacu pada penelitian baznas di atas, dana yang terkumpul itu baru 1% dari potensi zakat di indonesia. penghimpunan zakat di baz kota bandung sendiri, sebagian besar bersumber dari zakat para pegawai di lingkungan pemkot bandung dan kementrian agama kantor kota bandung. yang mana zakat yang dibebankan kepada pns itu disebut infak wajib profesi, sesuai dengan surat perintah walikota no. 451.12/se.056-peg tahun 2004 tentang pelaksanaan zakat profesi untuk pejabat eselon ii sampai dengan iv di lingkungan pemkot, dan sesuai dengan surat edaran walikota no. 451.12/se.056-kesra tahun 2006 tentang pengumpulan zakat, infaq dan sadaqah/zakat profesi. adapun potensi yang sudah dilaksanakan oleh baz kota bandung sampai dengan tahun 2011 baru 6.631 pegawai (± 23%) dari 28.352 pegawai di lingkungan pemkot bandung dan kementerian agama kantor kota bandung. yang mana masih banyak satuan kerja perangkat daerah (skpd) yang belum melaksanakan atau mensosialisasikan. kemiskinan yang berkaitan dengan kebijakan ekonomi negara atau kawasan, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 196 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna berkorelasi struktural. kemiskinan struktural yaitu kemiskinan yang terjadi sebagai akibat ketidakberdayaan seseorang atau sekelompok masyarakat tertentu terhadap sistem atau tatanan sosial yang tidak adil, karenanya mereka pada posisi tawar yang sangat lemah dan tidak memiliki akses untuk mengembangkan dan membebaskan diri mereka sendiri dari perangkap kemiskinan. di negara-negara berkembang, kemiskinan sangat terkait dengan aspek struktural. misalnya, akibat sistem ekonomi yang tidak adil, merajalelanya kkn (korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme), adanya diskriminasi sosial, atau tidak adanya jaminan sosial. sehingga cukup jelas bahwa strategi dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan hendaknya diarahkan bukan saja pada orang miskinnya. melainkan pula pada faktor-faktor di luar dirinya yang mempengaruhi kehidupan orang miskin. dana bergulir, yang merupakan pinjaman modal usaha dari baz kota bandung, adalah salah satu strategi kebijakan publik dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan yang berbasis peningkatan ekonomi masyarakat miskin. kebijakan program dana bergulir terutama bagi kelompok miskin yang telah direkomendasikan untuk dipilih oleh policy maker bukanlah jaminan bahwa kebijakan tersebut pasti berhasil dalam implementasinya. keberhasilan implementasi program dana bergulir baz di kota bandung ditentukan oleh banyak faktor dan masing-masing faktor tersebut saling berhubungan satu sama lain. dalam pandangan beberapa ahli maka implementasi kebijakan dipengaruhi oleh banyak faktor. dalam penelitian ini faktor yang mempengaruhi implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir di kota bandung adalah: 1) komunikasi; 2) sumber daya; 3) disposisi; dan 4) struktur birokrasi, dan 5) kondisi sosial ekonomi. pertama, komunikasi. keberhasilan implementasi kebijakan mengisyaratkan agar implementor mengetahui apa yang harus dilakukan. apa yang menjadi tujuan dan sasaran kebijakan harus ditransmisikan kepada kelompok sasaran (target group) sehingga akan mengurangi distorsi implementasi. apabila tujuan dan sasaran suatu kebijakan tidak jelas atau bahkan tidak diketahui sama sekali oleh kelompok sasaran. kedua, sumber daya. walaupun isi kebijakan sudah dikomunikasikan secara jelas dan konsisten, tetapi apabila implementor kekurangan sumber daya untuk melaksanakan, implementasi tidak akan berjalan efektif. sumber daya tersebut dapat berwujud sumber daya manusia, yakni kompetensi implementor, dan sumber daya finansial. sumber daya adalah faktor penting untuk implementasi kebijakan yang efektif. tanpa sumber daya kebijakan hanya tinggal di kertas menjadi dokumen. ketiga, disposisi. disposisi adalah watak dan karakteristik yang dimiliki oleh implementor, seperti komitmen dan kejujuran. apabila implementor memiliki disposisi yang baik, maka dia akan dapat menjalankan kebijakan dengan baik seperti apa yang diinginkan oleh para pembuat kebijakan. ketika implementor memiliki sikap atau perspektif yang berbeda dengan pembuat kebijakan, maka proses implementasi kebijakan juga menjadi tidak efektif. keempat, struktur birokrasi. struktur organisasi yang mengimplementasi kebijakan memiliki pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap implementasi kebijakan. struktur birokrasi yang terlalu panjang akan cenderung melemahkan pengawasan dan menimbulkan red-tape, yakni prosedur birokrasi yang rumit doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 197vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 dan kompleks. ini pada gilirannya akan menyebabkan aktivitas organisasi tidak fleksibel. hambatan implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir faktor pertama yang mempengaruhi implementasi program dana bergulir di baz kota bandung adalah komunikasi. faktor ini meliputi transmisi, konsistensi, dan kejelasan. informasi tentang program dana bergulir harus diteruskan kepada baz kecamatan dan kelompok miskin. tentu saja komunikasi harus akurat dan harus dimengerti. keakuratan informasi ini menjadi hal mutlak yang harus dikuasai oleh para personil pelaksana program karena mereka harus menyampaikan kembali kepada sasaran kebijakan program dana bergulir ini yaitu kelompok miskin dan pedagang kecil. konsistensi dalam komunikasi program dana bergulir merupakan aspek yang menjadi permasalahan. komunikasi program dari pihak baz kota belum optimal kepada pihak baz kecamatan. pihak baz kecamatan sendiri belum mampu menjaga kekonsistenan informasi dan koordinasi pada pihak upz dan penerima dana bergulir. indikatornya bisa dilihat dari 30 baz kecamatan di bandung, yang aktif koordinasi dan pelaporan pengelolaan dalam program dana bergulir hanya 5 kecamatan, yaitu kecamatan cicendo, kecamatan buah batu, kecamatan mandalajati, kecamatan kiara condong, dan kecamatan cibeunying kaler. van meter dan horn menjelaskan bahwa implementasi kebijakan perlu dukungan sumber daya baik sumberdaya manusia maupun sumberdaya non-manusia. faktor sumberdaya sebagai satu penentu keberhasilan implementasi program dana bergulir baz kota bandung. faktor ini meliputi staf, informasi, wewenang dan fasilitas. kurang terpenuhinya sumber-sumber ini berarti ketentuan-ketentuan atau aturanaturan tidak menjadi kuat, pelayanan tidak akan diberikan dan pengaturan yang rasional tidak dapat dikembangkan. hal lain yang harus ada dalam sumber daya adalah kewenangan untuk menjamin atau meyakinkan bahwa kebijakan yang diimplementasikan adalah sesuai dengan yang mereka kehendaki. dalam pelaksanaan program dana bergulir baz di kota bandung, ketua baz kota bandung mampu menjalankan wewenang secara efektif. menurut edward, para pejabat dari yuridiksi tingkat tinggi dalam menangani implementasi biasanya meminta bantuan pejabat-pejabat yuridiksi tingkat rendah. para pejabat pada tingkat yuridiksi yang lebih tinggi sering meminta pandangan (sharing) kepada pejabat di tingkat yang lebih rendah atau para pelaksana tentang bagaimana mengimplementasikan kebijakan. dengan cara seperti ini setidaknya ada dua keuntungan yang dapat diraih, pertama mendorong keterlibatan para pelaksana kebijakan sehingga pada akhirnya akan mendorong partisipasi. kedua, mengeliminasi penolakan yang mungkin timbul dari para pelaksana kebijakan. minimal, para pelaksana kebijakan memberikan apa yang diminta oleh para perumus kebijakan. hal ini terjadi pada implementasi program dana bergulir baz kota bandung. pihak baz kota bandung melibatkan baz kecamatan dan upz untuk membantu dalam pelaksanaan program dana bergulir ini. selain itu, baik baz kecamatan maupun upz diminta membantu pemohon dana bergulir dalam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 198 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna hal pengisian dan kelengkapan berkas administrasi permohonan. peran aktif baz kecamatan dan upz tentu saja sangat dibutuhkan dalam program ini. karena pengelolaan dana bergulir ini secara otomatis menjadi tanggung jawab baz kecamatan. karena itulah mereka pun harus melaksanakan survey dan merekomendasikan mustahik yang layak diberi dana bergulir. yang tidak kalah pentingnya adalah kemauan baz kecamatan dan upz untuk berperan aktif membantu para penerima program dana bergulir dan kemauan mereka untuk mengelola dana bergulir. komponen keempat dalam sumber daya adalah fasilitas. menurut edwards, fasilitas fisik merupakan sumber penting dalam implementasi. seorang pelaksana mungkin mempunyai staf yang memadai, mungkin memahami apa yang dilakukan, dan mungkin mempunyai wewenang untuk melakukan tugasnya, tetapi tanpa bangunan sebagai kantor untuk melakukan koordinasi, tanpa perlengkapan, tanpa perbekalan, maka besar kemungkinan implementasi yang direncanakan tidak akan berhasil. komponen fasilitas dalam pelaksanaan implementasi program dana bergulir baz di kota bandung secara keseluruhan termasuk tidak memadai. untuk fasilitas di sekretariat baz kota bandung bisa dibilang cukup memadai, sedangkan hampir semua baz kecamatan di kota bandung tidak mempunyai fasilitas fisik ruangan atau kantor disposisi implementor atau kecenderungan pelaksana merupakan faktor ketiga dalam implementasi kebijakan yang mempunyai konsekuensi penting bagi implementasi kebijakan yang efektif. menurut edwards, terkait disposisi implementor, ada kebijakan yang dilaksanakan secara efektif, namun kebijakan-kebijakan lain mungkin akan bertentangan secara langsung dengan pandangan-pandangan pelaksana kebijakan atau kepentingan-kepentingan pribadi atau organisasi dari para pelaksana. dalam implementasi program dana bergulir baz kota bandung ini, kecenderungan implementor meliputi sikap pelaksana, tingkat kepatuhan pelaksana, dan komitmen dari pelaksana. secara umum kecenderungan implementor belum begitu baik. para pelaksana program belum memiliki sikap dan atau perspektif yang mendukung kebijakan. indikatornya adalah tidak adanya keaktifan baz kecamatan untuk pelaporan dana bergulir dikarenakan komitmen dari baz kecamatan yang kurang. struktur birokrasi organisasi yang mengimplementasikan kebijakan memiliki pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap implementasi kebijakan. salah satu dari aspek struktur yang penting dari setiap organisasi adalah adanya prosedur operasi standar (standard operating procedures/sop) yang menjadi pedoman bagi implementor di dalam bertindak. struktur organisasi dalam pelaksanaan program dana bergulir baz kota bandung meliputi efektifitas struktur organisasi, pembagian kerja, koordinasi, dan standar keberhasilan. sedangkan sop untuk para pelaksana program dana bergulir baz kota bandung tidak ada acuan baku yang tertulis, hanya secara teknis ada. sehingga tidak adanya pembagian tanggung jawab yang tegas di antara personil. sedangkan untuk menjamin pelaksanaan pekerjaan harus dilakukan pembagian kerja dan dibarengi dengan pengawasan yang efektif. kesimpulan implementasi program dana bergulir doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 199vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 dilakukan dengan memberikan modal usaha dan pendampingan. program ini disertai dengan pendampingan oleh baz kecamatan dan upz, sehingga dana bergulir langsung dikelola dan betul-betul digulirkan untuk modal usaha, sehingga usaha penerima dana bergulir bisa berkelanjutan dan berkembang dengan optimal. keberadaan baz kecamatan sebagai pendamping merupakan salah satu faktor yang sangat menentukan keberhasilan program penanggulangan kemiskinan melalui dana bergulir. pendamping memiliki peranan yang strategis, yakni sebagai narasumber, penggerak sekaligus sebagai fasilitator bagi pemberdayaan keluarga miskin. sudah barang tentu untuk dapat melaksanakan tugas yang cukup berat tersebut para pendamping harus memiliki pengetahuan dan kemampuan yang memadai. pelaksanaan program dana bergulir baz kota bandung mulai dilaksanakan pada tahun 2010. sejak tahun itu, jumlah penerima dana bergulir meningkat seiring dengan adanya sosialisasi dari baz kota bandung melalui baz di tiap kecamatan. hambatan dari implementasi kebijakan program dana bergulir ini adalah minimnya komunikasi dua arah antara baz kota dengan baz kecamatan, sehingga tidak adanya koordinasi yang berkelanjutan, yang menyebabkan tidak adanya komitmen dan motivasi dari pihak baz kecamatan untuk mengelola dana bergulir dan membimbing penerima dana bergulir di daerahnya. hal ini berpengaruh pula pada penerima dana bergulir karena merasa tidak diawasi sehingga perkembangan tidak baik. oleh karena itu, berdasarkan hasil penelitian di atas, maka penulis dapat memberikan saran sebagai berikut: baz kecamatan sebaiknya berhubungan baik dengan baz kota sehingga sinergi diantara keduanya dapat berkelanjutan dan berkembang. hal ini diharapkan sangat membantu di dalam pengelolaan dana bergulir. pelaksanaan sosialisasi program ini harus disampaikan kepada seluruh masyarakat yang ada di lingkungan program yang akan diberikan, sehingga mayarakat dapat mengetahui program yang diluncurkan. sosialisasi program harus dilakukan terhadap beberapa kelompok sasaran, seperti: lurah, tokoh masyarakat, warga secara umum, dan terutama kelompok calon sasaran. pendampingan terhadap para penerima dana bergulir perlu diadakan. begitu pula harus adanya pelatihan untuk pendamping, dalam hal ini pihak baz kecamatan sehingga ketika melakukan pendampingan dilaksanakan secara professional. mulai dari bagaimana manajemen pengelolaan dana bergulir, pengembangan jenis usaha, pengguliran, supervisi dan evaluasi. selain itu, pengembangan komitmen dari baz kecamatan dan upz juga menjadi hal yang sangat penting. catatan akhir 1 http://jabar.bps.go.id/node/63 2 a. rahman 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zakat. moleong, lexy j. 2010. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. muhammad baqir ash-shadar, syahid. 2002. keunggulan ekonomi islam, terj. m. hashem, cet 1. jakarta: pustaka zahra. muhammad hasbi ash-shiddieqy, teungku. 1997. pedoman zakat. semarang: pt pustaka rizki putra. mursyidi. 2006. akuntansi zakat kontemporer. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. nawawi, ismail. 2010. zakat dalam perspektif fiqh, sosial & ekonomi. surabaya: putra media nusantara. n. dunn, william, 1991, public policy anaysis: an introduction, second edition, prentice-hall. inc., a. simon & schuster company, englewood cliffs, new jersey. nugroho, riant. 2011. public policy: dinamika kebijakan, analisis kebijakan, manajemen kebijakan. jakarta: elex media komputindo. parsons, wayne. 2011. public policy: pengantar teori dan praktik analisis kebijakan. edisi pertama. terj. tri wibowo budi santoso. jakarta: kencana prenada media grup. purwanto, erwan agus, dan dyah ratih sulistyastuti. 2012. implementasi kebijakan publik: konsep dan aplikasinya di indonesia. yogyakarta: gava media. qadir, abdurrahman. 2001. zakat dalam dimensi mahadhah dan sosial. jakarta: raja garfindo. qardawi, yusuf. 1997. norma dan etika ekonomi islam. jakarta: gema insani press. ———————. 2005. spektrum zakat dalam membangun perekonomian kerakyatan. jakarta: zikrul hakim. —————————— 2011. hukum zakat. bogor: litera antar nusa. quraish shihab, m. 1992. membumikan al-qur’an: fungsi dan peran wahyu dalam kehidupan masyarakat. bandung: mizan. remi, sutyastie soemitro, dan prijono tjiptoherijanto. 2002. kemiskinan dan ketidakmerataan di indonesia. jakarta: rineka cipta. siswadi, edi. 2012. birokrasi masa depan: menuju tata kelola pemerintahan yang efektif dan prima. bandung: mutiara press. shofwan shalehuddin, wawan. 2011. risalah zakat infaq & sedekah. bandung: tafakur. stamboel, kemal aziz. 2012. panggilan keberpihakan: straregi mengakhiri kemiskinan. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama subandi. 2011. ekonomi pembangunan. bandung: alfabeta. sudewo, eri. 2004. manajemen zakat: tinggalkan 15 tradisi, terapkan 4 prinsip dasar, jakarta: institute manajemen zakat. sugiyono. 2012. metode penelitian kombinasi. bandung: alfabeta. ———————. 2013. memahami penelitian kualitatif. bandung: alfabeta. suharto, edi. 2009. kemiskinan dan perlindungan sosial di indonesia. bandung: alfabeta. sukirno, sadono. 2011. ekonomi pembangunan: proses, masalah, dan dasar kebijakan. jakarta: kencana prenada media grup. sumodiningrat, gunawan. 2011. membangun perekonomian rakyat. yogyakarta: idea. surakhmad, winarno. 1980. pengantar penelitian ilmiah: dasar metoda teknik. bandung: tarsito. thoha, miftah. 2010. perilaku organisasi: konsep dasar dan aplikasinya. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. thoha, miftah. 2011. ilmu administrasi publik kontemporer. jakarta: kencana prenada media grup. wahyu herdianto, ahmad. “peran negara dalam mengoptimalkan zakat di indonesia”. palembang: fakultas syari’ah iain raden fatah. yunus, muhammad. 2008. menciptakan dunia tanpa kemiskinan. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. zuhayly, wahbah. 2008. zakat kajian berbagai mazhab. terj. agus effendi dan bahruddin fananny. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. website http://bps.go.id http://data.tnp2k.go.id/file_data/data/ikd/32_jabar.pdf http://jabar.bps.go.id/subyek/jumlah-dan-persentasependuduk-miskin-dan-garis-kemiskinan-menurutkabupaten kota doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0037. 180-201 index a abbasiyah abbasiyyah 'abd al-rahman bin 'awf 'abd al-ra'uf al-sinkili abd al-wahhab al-khallaf 'abd allah bin 'umar abd moqsith ghazali abdul halim harahap abdul hamid al-ghazali abdullah saeed abdurrahman shihab abu al-'abbas al-saffah abu bakar abu bakr abu hasan al-qazwini abu ja'far al-mansur abu sufyan adnan nur lubis al-azhar al-azhar university al-dhahabi al-fairuz abadi al-irsyad al-jam'iyah al-washliyah al-muntasir bi allah al-na'im al-qaradawi al-suyuti al-walid bin yazid bin 'abd al-malik al-washliyah al-washliyyah 'ali bin abu talib ali salus anggaran pendapatan belanja negara (apbn) b b.c. smith b.j. boland badan amil zakat (baz) bakri al-sadafi bandung bappenas baz baz kota bandung f fatimiyyah (909-1171 m) g gamal abd al-nasir h haji abdul karim amrullah haji buyung hakikat muhammad harufuddin cawidu harun nasution hasbullah hadi hizb al-tahrir i ibn qayyim al-jauziyyah ibn taymiyyah ijma' (konsensus) ikhwan al-muslimin ismail banda ismail raji al faruqi j jalaluddin rahman jalaluddin rahmat jil jil (jaringan islam liberal) k kazin asar khilafah kuntowijoyo l luthfi assyaukanie m m. arsyad talib lubis m. dawan rahardjo m. ghalib m. haryono m. quraish shihab madrasah madrasah aliyah mamud muhammad thaha masyumi miai muhammad muhammad al-amin muhammad bin maslamah muhammad faraj al-sanhuri muhammad umer chapra muhammadiyah mustahik n nejatullah siddiqi nu nurcholish madjid o oemar bakry ottoman p pan (national mandate party) pedagogik persis pkb (national awakening party) q qiyas (analogi) r riba s sa'ad bin abi waqqas saljuk (1055-1194 m) salmah bin sallamah bin waqsh sayyid atiyya tantawi sayyid qutb seyyed hossein nasr sheikh abdul azim barakat sheikh hamid abu zuwail sheikh muhammad al-ghazali sheikh muhammad faraj al-sanhuri sheikh muhammad sha'at sheikh mustafa ghubarah sheikh rajab zabadi siyasah suhayb sukarno syarekat islam syed muhammad naquib al attas t tafsir talhah bin 'ubayd allah thabathaba'i u ulil abshar abdalla 'umar bin 'abd al-'aziz usamah bin ziyad 'uthman bin affan 'uthman bin 'affan y yusuf ahmad lubis z zakat zakat zayd bin thabit zubayr bin awwam jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 the history of contemporary indonesian muslim groups and muslim media doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0082.101-127 twediana budi hapsari universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: twediana@umy.ac.id abstract indonesia as the most populous muslim country in the world is always interesting to be explored. not only consist of more than 300 local ethnics, but also as the third most democratic country after india and usa. however, indonesian muslims are diverse into different groups, which started from the early 20s century, and also developed their own muslim media channels. however, it seems that the political change in indonesia has biggest influence to the growth of muslim groups in indonesia. therefore, this article attempts to describe this influence into both muslim groups and media from early 1900s to 2010. keyword: indonesia, media, moslem abstrak indonesia sebagai negara muslim paling banyak di dunia selalu menarik untuk dieksplorasi. tidak hanya terdiri dari lebih dari 300 etnis lokal, tetapi juga sebagai negara paling demokratis ketiga setelah india dan amerika serikat. namun, umat islam indonesia beragam ke dalam kelompok yang berbeda, yang dimulai dari awal abad 20, dan juga mengembangkan saluran media muslim mereka sendiri. namun, tampaknya perubahan politik di indonesia memiliki pengaruh terbesar terhadap pertumbuhan kelompok muslim di indonesia. oleh karena itu, artikel ini mencoba menggambarkan pengaruh ini ke dalam kelompok dan media muslim dari awal 1900-an hingga 2010. kata kunci: indonesia, media, muslim introduction indonesia is the world’s largest muslim society. according to the 2010 pew research report, 60% of the muslim world’s population is from the asia-pacific, of which 20.37% lives in indonesia.1allowing to the census mailto:twediana@umy.ac.id 102 afkaruna data released by biro pusat statistik indonesia (indonesian statistics bureau) in 2010, the number of muslim inhabitants of indonesia is 207,176,162, which is 87.2% of all indonesian citizens. within this large society, several muslim groups are existed that contributes to variety practices of islamic thought. on the other side, the growth of muslim media also following the growth of these groups, since most of the muslim media are administered by muslim activists from each group. this article will provide a historical overview of indonesian muslim groups and media. the earliest evidence of islam was found on a gravestone with a muslim date of 1082 in leran, east java.2 further proof came from marco polo’s report about his travels in sumatra (one of the largest islands in indonesia) around 1292. he stated that there was a muslim community founded by ‘moorish’ traders at perlak. he also found muslim influence in tombstone names, such as ‘malik al shalih’ from nearby ‘samudra pasai’ port.3 ‘samudra pasai’ is now known as aceh.4 the spread of islam in indonesia grew with the increasing european demand for indonesian herbs and spices from the 13th century onwards. muslim traders from egypt, yemen, and gujarat played important roles in spreading islamic values through international trading routes from indonesia to europe at that time. some areas in indonesia, including northern java, the mollucas, and srivijaya, became centres of spice trading. azumardi azra (2002) explains three patterns of islamisation in indonesia. the first pattern was that certain cities became centres of trading and of islamic communities. in such centres, the sovereigns converted to islam. subsequently the monarchy played an important role in islamisation in their regions. the second pattern was that the elite from those kingdoms studied islam at centres of islamic education, such as giri and gresik in east java. the third pattern was that islamic kingdoms supported other non-islamic kingdoms that wanted to take over other territory, provided that the non-islamic kings converted to islam. for example, support was given by the demak monarchy to the banjar kingdom that wanted to dominate the daha kingdom after the king of the former converted to islam. some factors helped islam become the majority religion in indonesia. according to nurcholis madjid, indonesia is one of the countries that did not employ its military force for the purposes of spreading islam.5 pen103vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 etration pacifique (peaceful penetration) is known as the approach of islamisation in this country, brought by muslim traders from arabia and india. islam became a new trend and offered new political and economic opportunities.6 furthermore, intermarriages between the traders and local residents facilitated mutual acculturation, including that of islamic values. another factor that helped islam spread easily in indonesia was the simplicity of its teaching, which could easily be understood by local residents.7 the form of islam at that time was syncretic and mystical, which was close to hinduism and buddhism, the predominant beliefs of the country. for this reason, it was easily possible to convert people to islam in indonesia (madjid, 1996: maemunah, 2006; pringle, 2010). also for this reason, islamic values can be seen in indonesian culture today. for instance, the names of months in javanese were adapted from the islamic calendar8, the islamic features of the hindu tenggerese community9 were described by robert hefner, and the true story of two javanese islamic kyais in serat cebolek was written by kanjeng raden adipati suryakusuma in 1892, in the form of 32 poems in macapat (one of the famous forms of javanese poems).10 the influence of islam can be seen in the content of pancasila (the five principles), the official ideology in indonesia, even though the term itself is of sanskrit origin. the first sila, ’believe in one god’, resonates with ‘monotheism’, which is in line with islamic teaching that only believes in one god. sukarno, the first indonesian president, was such a worshipper. he was the inventor of pancasila. originally, sukarno put the ‘believe in one god’ precept as the fourth sila, but this idea was rejected by politicians with an islamic orientation. another negotiation that took place between politicians with an islamic orientation and sukarno regarded the idea of ‘nationalism’, which was the original idea of the third principle, ‘the unity of indonesia’. muslims objected to ‘nationalism’ because it was against the concept of islamic universalism and cosmopolitanism, and because it reminded them of the chauvinist nationalism of germany and japan. when discussing indonesia, one cannot exclude islam as the major religion in this country. some phases of islamic movements have affected the history of this nation. this article will explain the phases of muslim groups, from the rise of freedom pressure groups as a reaction to dutch 104 afkaruna colonialism in indonesia from the beginning of the 20th century, to the era of reformation since the fall of suharto and through the first 10 years of the 21st century. this article also presents a brief history of islamic media in each phase within indonesian history from the beginning of the 20th century. the authoritative power of each era seemed to influence the changing life of the majority of religious society in indonesia. indonesian muslim groups in the early 20th century modern islamic movements in indonesia first appeared in the early 20th century, when a lot of muslim leaders realised that it was impossible to compete with dutch colonialism, christian penetration, and other attempts to step forward while they still employed traditional efforts to establish islamic influences.11 according to deliar noer, the root of modern islamic movements has come from two substantial advances within muslim societies: education and social movements on the one hand, and political movements on the other. syaikh ahmad khatib pioneered the modern education and social movements in indonesia. he was born in bukittinggi, minangkabau, sumatera in 1855. he continued his studies in mecca in 1876 and became an imam of syafii mahzab in masjid al haram. although he taught syafii’s mahzab, he never forbade his students to learn about muhammad abduh’s concept of modernisation in islam.12 some of his students from indonesia were syaikh muhammad djamil djambek, haji abdul karim amrullah, and haji abdullah ahmad from minangkabau, kyai haji ahmad dahlan from java (the founder of muhammadiyah), and some traditionalist leaders, such as syaikh sulaimanar-rasuli from bukittinggi, and kyai haji hasjim asj’ari, the founder of tebu ireng pesantren in east java. later, kyai asj’ari became the leader of nu.13 syaikh ahmad khatib’s students disseminated islamic teaching when they returned from mecca. they inspired other local islamic leaders to establish new islamic movements. they taught islam in local traditional communities in minangkabau, such as syaikh djambek and haji abdul karim amrullah. they published islamic magazines, similarly to what haji abdullah ahmad did with al-munir (1911-1916), al-akhbar (1913), and al-islam (1916). kyai haji ahmad dahlan founded muhammadiyah in 1912 as a social islamic organisation that still exists today. some other new islamic 105vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 organisations launched included al-jam’iyat al-khairiyah in jakarta (1905), persyarikatanulama in majalengka, west java (1912), al-irsyad in jakarta (1913), persatuan islam (persis) in bandung (1920), and persatuanmuslimin indonesia (indonesian muslim association) in padang (1929).14 the political movements stemmed from the ethical policy applied under dutch colonialism in indonesia in 1901. this policy was suggested by snouck hurgronje,15 the consultant for local residents’ issues, to limit islamic values for the middle class.16 hurgronje recommended distinguishing between islam as a religion and islamists as anti-dutch colonialists. as a religion, islam was a set of moral guidelines that should be tolerated, similarly to the situation between protestants and catholics in the netherlands itself. related to this issue, he argued that islam was not an enemy. the rebellion of islam extremists in some areas might be caused by inappropriate dutch policy, such as the restriction on the pilgrimage to mecca, and the oppression dealing with the ‘fanatic’ islamist leaders. on the other hand, hurgronje acknowledged that the involvement of javanese aristocracy and traditional leaders in the outer javanese islands could possibly be an effective counterweight to the increase in islam. he cited the case of the balinese, who still upheld the caste system that was successful in keeping the balinese as devout hindus, delegating the political roles to the higher caste. balinese did not, however, call for a separate nation. based on that view, hurgronje advocated the ethical policy that included two main issues: sending young javanese aristocrats to the netherlands for their studies, and giving colonial civil service jobs to the educated upper classes (karim, 2006; pringle, 2010). the effect of more education among people of the upper classes was the increase in awareness of nationalism. although they were becoming secular nationalist groups, they were able to cooperate with islamic nationalist groups to fight for indonesian freedom against dutch colonialism. the earliest awakening movement was led by mas ngabehi wahidin sudirohusodo, a doctor from yogyakarta who spread awareness and collected money to offer scholarships to local citizens in 1906. he promoted the idea of education for gifted children to achieve a better future. his ideas were supported by his colleagues from the medical faculty in jakarta, and he established the first modern organisation named ‘budi utomo’ on may 20th, 1908.17 inspired by budi utomo, other local islamic traders, rm tirtoadisoerjo 106 afkaruna and haji samanhudi, started a new islamic organisation called ‘sarekat dagang islam’, then better known as sarekat islam (si), in 1911 (noer, 1990; karim, 2006). the competition with chinese traders and their arrogance towards local merchants were the reasons for the launch of this institution. si was the first mass islamic movement in indonesia, having more than two million members by 1919.18 from 1918, si had representatives in the volksraad, the parliament during the dutch colonial period. this opportunity opened channels for the islamic voice to be heard by dutch administrators. in 1923, si changed its orientation from a traders’ association to an islamic political party. this party was first named partai sarekat islam indonesia (psii). psii was followed by other islamic parties, such as partai muslimin indonesia (permi) in 1930, and partai islam indonesia (pii) in 1938. during this period, deliar noer (1990) classified muslim activists into two groups: secular nationalists and muslim nationalists. secular nationalists were those who believed in islam but tended to be neutral and tolerant to other values, and some of them ignored their religion’s assertions. in contrast, muslim nationalists were those who took islamic thought as the reference for their movement. moreover, the rising number of educated muslims also influenced the comprehension and practice of this religion. deliar noer (1990) differentiated between two main streams among muslim groups: traditionalists and modernists. traditionalists were those whose application of islam was limited to that of the teaching of the ulama, who lived from the seventh to the 13th century.19 the traditionalists were those who focused on religious teaching and worship practices. for them, islam was about fiqh (the rules of islam), and they accepted taqlid (following the leader without criticising him) and refused ijtihad (decisions about solving contemporary problems that were not anticipated in the qur’an, sunnah, and ijma’ – the ulama’s interpretations).20 the traditionalists tended to follow their kyais (islamic leaders) and totally devoted themselves to their leaders. for these groups, their kyais had no sins, and the kyai’s statement was final: nobody may question it.21 this situation created an education system that focused more on memorising than understanding islamic teachings. the followers did not have the courage to entertain different opinions than those of kyais, and knowledge transfer tend to be a one-way communication process, with107vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 out any discussion. because they focused on religious matters, these groups generally did not become involved in politics. they were not anti-politics, but they were likely to limit themselves to their pesantrens, and spend their whole lives in them. on the other hand, noer (1990) argued the modernists had a more open attitude to the application of islamic thought. islamic teaching was not only deals with fiqh and practical worship, but it also had relevance to daily life. islam was a universal teaching that could be applied to any time, any place, and under any condition. islam was a reformed religion. it would not obstruct the exploration of knowledge, the development of science, or the position of women in society. thus, islam could be understood through a ‘modern’ lens. the modernists, inspired by muhammad abduh’s notion of a reform of islam, only follow al qur’an and sunnah as the resources that inform their thinking. they believed that the ijtihad can still be opened wider, and they refused taqlid.22 the modernists believed that islam offered freedom of thinking that could enhance the quality of a life led by islamic values. this notion was contradictory to that of the traditionalists. ijtihad has led the modernists to pay attention to the argument, rather than to the one who has the argument. this is why the modernist teacher did not monopolise islamic teaching, unlike in the case of the kyai in traditionalists’ view. the modernists agreed that islamic discussion could be held outside of the pesantrens and mosques, and that islamic teaching could be discussed, too. this view is contradictory to that of the traditionalists, who completely trust the man (the kyai) who has the argument. modernist muslim leaders at that time were not only from ulama, like haji rasul and kh ahmad dahlan, but were also businessmen, like haji abdullah ahmad, samanhoeddhi, and ahmad hasan. they were also aristocrats and cultural leaders, like tjokroaminoto, salim, moeis, natsir, as well as government administrators, like gunawan and djajadiningrat. ahmad dahlan pioneered the modernist islamic movement. he established muhammadiyah in 1912. his preaching about islam attracted a wide range of people, from businessmen to educated people. his tolerance, kindness, and helpfulness made him easily accepted within the community. however, his initiative to revise kiblah, the direction of praying, generated a strong reaction from his seniors. later on, muhammadiyah focused its movement on establishing education and health centres in 108 afkaruna marginal societies. besides muhammadiyah, modernists supported other islamic organisations and political parties as well. the other modernist islamic organisations were syarekat islam, al-irsyad, and persatuan islam (persis). some political parties that held islam as their foundation were partai muslim indonesia and partai islam indonesia. nu, founded by kyai hasjim asj’ari23, kh abdul wahab, and kh bisri in 1926, was primarily established as a response to the growth of modernist islam, and particularly muhammadiyah. the fast-growing modern schools run by muhammadiyah threatened the traditional pesantrens’ existence at that time. muhammadiyah had also loosened the kyai-santri relations, which was the main issue in nu traditions. the rivalry between both organisations prompted the dynamics of islamic movements in indonesia until the late 1900s. in his book, kuntowijowo (2008) stated that the nu movement was based on the agricultural islamic traditions and on communal solidarity. this organisation attracted numerous participants mostly from rural areas because the kyais joined it as their islamic leaders. the nu had traditional institution networks that needed to avoid the influence of not only muhammadiyah as the modernising movement, but also si (which became psii in 1923) as the political movement that had great influence on indonesian muslims at that time. indonesian muslim groups in the sukarno era (19451965) the dominant issue in this era was the debate about the ideological foundation of this state after the declaration of independence on august 17th, 1945, when sukarno became the first president of indonesia. the contention took place between muslims, communists, and nationalists.24 the conflict arose from debates about the constitution among politicians, and progressed to the communist rebellion in 1948 and darul islam (di/ tii) from 1948 to 1962; sukarno’s presidency had to be ended in 1965 when the biggest revolt by the indonesian communist party occurred. the debate about ‘seven words’ in the jakarta charter, which became the preamble of the indonesian constitution, took more than 14 years to resolve through debate (pringle, 2010; boland, 1971). the seven words were the added phrase after ‘belief in god’. the phrase was ‘dengan 109vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 kewajiban menjalankan syari’at islam bagi pemeluknya’ (with the obligation for adherents of islam to carry out islamic law). the non-muslim politicians rejected these words because they did not agree with the notion of an islamic state, but the muslim politicians argued that these words were only for muslims and could be the foundation of law in indonesia since muslims constituted the majority religion in indonesia. the debate was ended by president sukarno when he launched the ‘decree of the president of indonesia, commander-in-chief of the armed forces, with regard to the return to the constitution of 1945’ on july 5th, 1959.25 by this decree, sukarno dissolved the constitutional assembly, the place where the debate on the indonesian constitution took place. moreover, the unity of all islamic groups, such as muhammadiyah, nu, and psii, occurred through a change in the form of the masyumi party in 1945. the establishment of masyumi was based on the agreement of kongres umat islam (the congress of muslims) on november 7th, 1945 in yogyakarta.26 the basic objective of this party was to ensure that islamic values were the foundation of indonesia. initially, this party was supported by all elements of islamic groups that existed at the time; but the discordance within those cohorts could not be resisted, and internal disunity happened through the discharge of psii and nu in 1947 and 1952, respectively. finally, sukarno dismissed masyumi in august 1960 after he released his decree in july 1959.27 when sukarno launched the decree in july 5th, 1959, he started the new era of his presidency called ‘demokrasi terpimpin’ (guided democracy) until his fall in 1965. during this era, he dismissed the assembly and built a new ‘parliament’ with no ex-masyumi activists there and eliminated most of the islamic leaders who opposed him. he succeeded in marginalising islamic leaders during his regime. however, nu was still allowed to join parliament and had the opportunity to support sukarno in his cabinet. wahid hasjim, one of nu’s leaders, was appointed as minister of religion in 1950. by his hand, islam had the opportunity to spread more widely by establishing islamic subjects in schools’ curricula (including pesantrens, the traditional schools), from elementary schools to state islamic institutes. previously, while masyumi and other islamic leaders were active before they were dismissed by sukarno, they succeeded in 1950 in introducing the education by law no. 4 of april 4th, 1950 article 20, which deter110 afkaruna mined that religious knowledge had to be taught in all state schools. furthermore, the religious subjects must be delivered over two hours each week, beginning in the fourth year of elementary school. since then, islamic teaching has been boosted extensively all over indonesia via state schools, not only inside the pesantrens, which were previously the only place in indonesia to study islam. indonesian muslim groups in the new order era (1966 – 1998) according to haedar nashir (2013) in his book ‘islam syari’at’, the power of muslim activists in sukarno era was raised against the indonesian communist party (partai komunis indonesia or pki), which had close relations with sukarno in the last years of his presidency.28 the pki was believed to have a mission to arrange a communist revolution to apply the world’s communism dictatorship, which would turn indonesia into an unreligious nation by reducing pancasila (five pillars) into ekasila (one pillar), that is gotong royong (mutual assistance).29 the pki movement was terminated after its coup on sukarno’s presidency, which was known as g30s/pki.30 after the bloody military response to the coup, and after the pki was banned, sukarno instructed suharto to restore national security and suharto took the role of the second indonesian president. suharto’s well-known objective was forging massive development in indonesia under his ‘orde baru’ (new order), especially in the economic sphere. in the beginning, suharto brought a new hope for many islamic leaders who had been repressed during sukarno’s era. however, such hopes were not fulfilled, given suharto’s political performance. in 1973, all four islamic political parties that existed at that time were merged into one political party named partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp, the development unity party), which had no ‘islam’ label in its name.31 suharto also restricted the activities of all political parties (including ppp) under the kabupaten or kotamadya.32 this meant that there were no activities by political parties in rural areas that had direct contact with people in the lowest level of society. it could clearly be seen that suharto wanted to limit the influence of political parties, and use ‘golongan karya’ as the only political tool to support his regime. the other step that drew objections from most islamic organisations in indonesia was suharto’s decision about pancasila as the only funda111vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 mental ideology (asas tunggal) for all indonesian institutions, including political parties and other muslim organisations. this policy was legislated in the government’s regulation number 8 in 1985 about social organisations. there were numerous social organisations that continued to deny pancasila as the only fundamental ideology of the nation, and this could cause serious social disintegration. as a consequence of this regulation, ppp had to change islam to pancasila as its fundamental ideology. this regulation also attracted other islamic-based organisations that disagreed with it. during the new order era, some islamic groups were established that originated from a transformation of previous muslim activists or as a part of transnational islamic movement networks. muhammad natsir was one of the examples of the movement of the existing muslim activist. natsir was the leader of masyumi; he shifted his focus from politics to dakwah33 or an intensive program of religious predication34, following the limitations on the activities of islamic parties. in may 1967, natsir commenced dewan dakwah islamiyah indonesia (ddii, indonesian islamic mission council), an organisation that supports islamic revitalisation and prohibits conversion of muslims to other religions. natsir also supported the establishment of lembaga ilmu pengetahuan islam dan arab (lipia – the islamic and arabic studies institution), a branch of muhammad bin saud university from saudi arabia in 1990. this institution became the source of islamic wahabbi salafism, which includes among its alumni some who became salafi leaders (bruinessen, 2002; pringle, 2010). later, natsir and abu bakar ba’asir were two important figures who supported the fundamentalist movement. abu bakar ba’asyir was the heir to the darul islam movement that had been banned in 1962, and was alleged linked to komando jihad’s activists who were behind ‘terrorist’ actions by bombing several churches, cinemas, clubs, and the borobudur temple in the 1970s and 1980s35. after his release from jail and his return from malaysia, abu bakar ba’asyir found pesantren al mukmin, the salafi school that was widely known as the ‘radical’ salafi. this pesantren is located at ngruki, solo (in central java) and was founded in 1972. in post-suharto era, abu bakar ba’asyir was accused of being the leader of ‘jama’ah islamiyah’, which was responsible for several bombings in the early 2000s. on the other hand, some new islamic activists also emerged as a branch of international islamic movements, such as the muslim brotherhood from 112 afkaruna egypt and hti from jerusalem (noorhaidi, 2012; bruinessen, 2002). in the future, in the post-suharto era, these transnational movements existed in political36 and non-political movements.37 meanwhile, nurcholis madjid was one of the most important figures promoting liberal islam in indonesia. his speech entitled ‘the necessity of renewing islamic thought and the problem of the integration of the umma’, which was delivered on january 2nd, 1970, became the mark of the renewal movement (gerakan pembaharuan) in islam. one of his controversial ideas was the ‘islam yes, islamic party no!’, which invited debates and protests from other islamic activists. his way of confronting the ‘mainstream’ islamic thought was criticised as ‘impolite’ according to senior islamic leaders. a lot of islamic leaders attacked his notions of ‘secularism’ and ‘pluralism’. nurcholis madjid is known as the ‘bourgeois pluralist’ for his belief that all religions in indonesia should be considered as ‘equal’. madjid stated that the problem of pluralism in islam was the problem of muslim adaptation in this modern age, because muslims could not assimilate to rapid changes in global society (madjid, 1996). this statement drew the criticism from conservative muslims that it could be used by christians in their efforts to evangelise christianity. madjid became the father of tolerance and pluralism in indonesia, and a number of modern muslim scholars follow his concepts. his followers are mostly intellectual muslims who have completed tertiary education. madjid’s notion seems to make sense when he tries to see islamic teaching through a liberal interpretive lens. most islamic leaders (including the modernists) reject this approach because there are prescribed methods to interpret the qur’an, one of which is incompatible with the liberal interpretive approach. thirty years later, in 2001, ulil absar abdala continued to promote his way of thinking through the jaringan islam liberal (jil, the network of islamic liberation), which allows ordinary people to interpret islam and offers ideas of a reform movement in islamic teaching in indonesia. this movement has provoked criticism from other islamic leaders. these leaders state that this movement deviates from the original way of understanding islam. the growth of liberal followers, as well as followers of other islamic thought, was caused by the growth of the economy, society, and policy under the new order – an outstanding achievement of suharto’s. the 113vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 new order resulted in the growth of a powerful new middle class that was more educated and wealthier than before. william liddle (1996) correlates this situation with the growth of ‘creative’ islamic thinkers, whom liddle labelled substantialists38 and the growth of ‘reformist’ scriptualists39. fachri ali and bachtiar effendy classify four islamic patterns in the new order: neo-modernism, socialist-democracy, internationalism or islamic universalism, and modernism.40 neo-modernism is the viewpoint that marries islamic values with modern conditions and processes without diluting basic islamic values. the figures who support this view are nurcholis madjid and abdurrahman wahid. the socialist-democracy standpoint calls for islam to be the transforming power for all aspects of national life. based on this notion, islam should be considered in every socio-political process of change. its innovators are adi sasono, m dawam raharjo, and kutowijoyo. the third pattern is internationalism or islamic universalism. the universalism group believes that islam has universal values, including nationalism as long as this does not contradict fundamental islamic teaching. amien rais, jalaludin rahmad, and endang saepuddin anshari are the proponents of this view. the last pattern is modernism, which emphasises the rationality of islamic thought within the modern context. ahmad syafii ma’arif advocates this stance. following the fall of the indonesian rupiah by up to 70% relative to the us dollar over the course of six months in late 1997, a financial crisis was generated in indonesia. this economic frustration became one of the reasons for political reformation instituted by suharto’s opponents, such as megawati sukarnoputri (daughter of sukarno) and amien rais, the leader of muhammadiyah. suharto faced massive demonstrations against him by metropolitan university students and finally resigned his presidency, allowing habibie, his vice-president, to take office in may 1998. indonesian muslims in the early 21st century (1999 – 2010) the collapse of suharto’s ‘new order’ regime of almost 32 years ushered in a new period of indonesian history called ‘orde reformasi’ (reformation order). indonesia became a prime example of a democratic shift in muslim societies.41 everybody, including islamic groups, may express feelings and thought freely after the constraints imposed by suharto had been dissolved. the most striking issues emerging in this era are the dis114 afkaruna course about radical islam and the discussion about jaringan islam liberal (jil), which had been spearheaded by nurcholis madjid in the previous period. noorhaidi hasan (2012) argues that the emergence of radical islam in indonesia is considered to be a response to suharto’s repressive handling of muslim activists during his period, which resulted in the revolutionary idea to fight against the tyrant sovereignty.42 for example, the appearance of majelis mujahidin indonesia (mmi) is closely linked to the underground movement negara islam indonesia (nii), which was banned in sukarno’s era. mmi held its first congress in 2000 as the mark of its establishment and chose abu bakar ba’asyir as its leader. yet, because ba’asyir considered that mmi did not apply the islamic norms in terms of leadership within the organisation, he quit mmi in october 2008 and formed a new organisation, jama’ah ashorut tauhid (jat). hasan (2012) and bruinessen (2002) agreed that the other reason for the rise of indonesian radical movements was rooted was the disappointment relating to the government’s policy. an example pointed by pringle (2010) is the militias formed by some muslim leaders as a response to the slow reaction of government in handling conflicts in several places in indonesia. local conflicts involving religious issues took place in west and central kalimantan from 1996 to 2001, maluku and north maluku from 1999 to 2004, and in central sulawesi from 1998 to 2007. laskar jihad43 and jemaah islamiyah44 were the militia formed to defend the muslims in affected areas. some members of these brigades had been former volunteers in afghanistan’s war to end soviet occupation from 1979 to 1989. the presence of front pembela islam (fpi, islamic defender front) found by habib rizieq syihab in 1998 was also a response to the disappointment in government policy in handling the acts against islamic values within the society. fpi’s movement seeks to transform muslim life from ignorance of living within islam into a pure islamic society.45 fpi pursues its aims in controversial ways, such as closing bars, casinos, hotels, and other places that are viewed as offensive to the values of islam. kuntowijoyo (2008) describes radicalism as being espoused by new fragment groups within indonesian muslim societies that emerge as an effect of globalisation. he mentions two kinds of fragment groups: religious fragment groups and political fragment groups. the religious fragment groups appear as a reaction to marginalisation processes and the 115vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 style of modern life. psychologically, they feel loss of control in dealing with new social processes. sharpening social polarisation can cause these groups to mushroom in society. in the rural areas, polarisation removes them from the folds of communal solidarity, while in urban areas it tends to make people coalesce in groups bearing on rigid beliefs and characteristics. both contexts push people to forge new social identities, which can be done through the making of new islamic groups. examples of this kind of group are darul hadits and islam jama’ah. the second kind of fragmenting groups, according kuntowijoyo (2008), is more political in character. these groups are usually still in the mainstream, but they try to isolate themselves or to be exclusive. they become radical because they are disappointed with their leaders’ response to social and political change. on the other hand, those who are frustrated because of religious issues tend to be radical in actualising their goals. this radicalisation appears because they tend to be close-minded. thus, their ability to analyse social facts is low. according to kuntowijoyo (2008), radicalism is an emotional movement, without a thorough understanding of macro-social analysis. by contrast, as a reaction to these radical movements, jil or liberalist islam became more popular in the early 21st century. liberalism offered a new way of understanding islam and was spread by ulil absar abdala, a young indonesian islamic scholar and the founder of jil. abdala also introduced a new methodology in interpreting islam. normally it is only certain ulama with certain qualifications who may interpret the content of the qur’an. the qualifications are to guarantee that the mufassirin (the interpreter of the qur’an) is a knowledgeable person and has credibility in applying islamic values, so that his or her interpretation of the qur’an will not deviate from the origin of islamic teaching. in addition, the qualifications of the mufassirin have the purpose of ensuring the purity of islamic teaching. abdala suggests a new methodology in interpreting the qur’an. in early 2000, abdalla recommended a controversial ijtihadi methodology in assessing the qur’an.46 according to him, everybody can interpret the qur’an drawing on his or her own knowledge; there are no special requirements needed for interpretation. he also says that all religions are the same and that no religion is better than another. this means that every human being needs a religion, but that he or she does not have to 116 afkaruna be a muslim, because islam is the same as other religions. abdala’s other controversial notion is that syari’ah (islamic law) is a product of human history. abdala’s controversial notion has drawn a striking reaction from most islamic leaders. media dakwah magazine (2004) accused jil of being part of a jewish-zionist plot, because this network was sponsored by usaid. this fact was then used repeatedly to frame jil as a member of ‘a conspiracy’ aimed at undermining islam in indonesia. mui, the official islamic leaders’ assembly, finally released mui fatwa no. 7, 2005, which banned pluralism, liberalism, and secularism in indonesian islam.47 all in all, a variety of muslim groups have been in existence in the postsuharto era. these groups range from militant to liberal muslims. taufik abdullah (2013) defines militant muslims as ‘those who are intolerant to the variation of opinion about islam’. included in militant muslim groups are fpi, laskar jihad, mmi, and hti. on the other hand, liberal muslims are those who have objective perspectives and admit that other religions are equal with islam. the well-known liberal islam network figures are ulil abshar abdala and lutfie assyaukanie. on the other hand, moderate muslim groups, which represent the majority of muslims in indonesia, are in the middle; they tend to tolerate various opinions but do not accept the notion that all religions are similar to islam. nu and muhammadiyah, two largest muslim organisations in indonesia, refer to themselves as moderate. an example of the differences between militant and moderate muslims is in the way they accept democracy applied in indonesia. noorhaidi hasan (2012) argues that militant muslims perceived democracy as a system that does not exist in the two main references for muslims: al qur’an and sunnah. democracy is interpreted as a thogut system, which produces leaders who are unfaithful to islamic law (arrahmah, february 23rd, 2013). abu bakar ba’asyir, a militant muslim leader, stated that the indonesian government since the sukarno era until now has been thogut, because it applied non-islamic law, and led indonesian muslims to become detached from islamic values and unfaithful to them. upholding an islamic state is an ideal goal for all muslims to actualise islamic chaliph into reality.48 since the muslim activists reject democracy, they also refuse to participate in any elections held in indonesia. conversely, hasan (2012) states moderate muslims tend to accept the 117vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 idea of democracy and believe that it is a strategic system to promote good governance. some moderate muslim groups formed political parties after suharto resigned, and the reformation order was begun. haedar nashir (2013) categorises islamic political parties that were born at that time into two groups: the party with islam as the official fundamental principle and the party with the support of muslim society. partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp, development unity party), partai bulan bintang (pbb, moon-stars party), and justice party (pk, which then became prosperous justice party, pks) are examples of the first category. all of those parties have overtly declared to have islam as their fundamental reference. the second category comprises political parties with the support of the muslim community. partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb, national resurrection party) is formed with the support of the nu community, while the partai amanat nasioanal (pan, national mandate party) is supported by the muhammadiyah community. both parties do not openly declare themselves to be islamic parties, and they are more inclusive. both parties allow non-muslims to join.49 a brief history of indonesian muslim media this sub-chapter aims to provide a brief history of indonesian muslim media, which followed the development of muslim movements from the early 20th century. like the growth of muslim groups affected by the social politics at that time, the dynamics of muslim media also relate to the recent situation faced by muslim organisations and their environment. unfortunately, references about the history of muslim media in indonesia are limited compared to references about mainstream media. therefore, this sub-chapter describes the muslim media that existed from early 20th century and relate them to the situational political dynamics and the role of muslim groups during that time. the emergence of islamic media in the early 20th century deliar noer (1990) mentioned the modern islamic movements of the early 20th century developed from educational and social movements. as more muslim scholars returned from their studies in the middle east and europe, there was more awareness among them of being occupied by the dutch government, and they pioneered the nationalism and freedom movements among their societies. 118 afkaruna the first indonesian muslim media outlet was initiated by haji abdullah ahmad, the padangnese ulama, who became the leader of jamaah adabiah in padang, west sumatra in 1908. al munir, the name of the magazine that emerged in 1911, was inspired by al-imam magazine, the fortnightly magazine published in singapore. al-imam was the first islamic reform magazine in southeast asia from 1906 to 1909, and this magazine inspired haji abdullah ahmad to create a similar medium in his hometown. the al munir content included islamic teachings, the story of the prophet muhammad, and translated articles about the international islamic world – an particularly the middle east – from al-manar magazine cairo. haji abdullah ahmad also initiated the news magazine al akbar (1913), and became editor of the religious desk at sarekat islam media, al islam, in 1916. sarekat islam (si) played an important role in expanding islamic media during the 1900s until indonesia’s independence in 1945. hos tjokroaminoto and haji agus salim, both important figures in sarekat islam, gave their full support in promoting islamic media outlets during that time. some media were officially administered by si, such as neraca (1916-1924), hindia baru (1924-1926), laskar (1930-1932), and fajar asia50 (1927-1930). other islamic media were not part of si but were supported by agus salim and tjokroaminoto, including bendera islam (1924-1927), bintang islam (1923-1926), mustika (1931-1932), and utusan hindia (1914-1923) (noer, 1990). both individuals were known as respected figures in the struggle for indonesia’s independence. muhammadiyah and nu, as modernist and traditionalist muslim groups that emerged during that time, also had internal media outlets. muhammadiyah, the modern muslim group, initiated several media outlets, such as soeara muhammadijah (1912), adil (1932-1942), and pancaran amal (1936-1939), as well as some media collaborations between muhammadiyah and si figures, such as bendera islam (1924-1927) and bintang islam (1923-1926). nu also had its own internal media outlets, such as utusan nahdlatul ulama (1928-1930), swara nahdhatul ulama (1937-1941), and berita nahdlatul ulama (1935-1940). beside muhammadiyah and nu, some other muslim organisations also had their own media outlets, such as al-lisan (1935) and pembela islam (1929-1933), owned by persatuan islam (persis, islamic unity). jong islamieten bond, the muslim organisation whose members were those 119vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 who had dutch educational backgrounds, had het licht (the light) (19251940). noer (1990) identified the content of islamic media from 1900 until 1945 was varied. the content was not only about islamic teachings; it also discussed other nations’ circumstances. this fact is interesting, since at that time indonesian audiences had limited access to information about other nations. bintang islam, al munir, and suara muslimin were three islamic media outlets that discussed other nations’ conditions, inspiring the audience to fight for independence against dutch colonialism in indonesia. during world war ii, there were political changes in indonesia when japan occupied indonesia and took over hindia belanda authority. the japanese occupation lasted from 1942 to 1945. during that time, the japanese government strictly oversaw the indonesian papers by taking over all dutch and chinese media, and maintaining japanese newspapers and magazines in the melayu language, which carried japanese propaganda in indonesia (smith, 1986). unfortunately, there is insufficient reference available to explain what happened to islamic media during the japanese occupation. islamic media during sukarno’s era (1945 – 1965) sukarno’s era lasted from indonesia’s independence day on august 17th, 1945 until he resigned as the first president in 1965. during that time, the shift in power in indonesia was not only against the allied forces of the netherlands and the uk, which wanted to return to indonesia after the japanese occupation; the power also spread among indonesian nationalists, islamists, and communists to build power bases in forming a new independent indonesia. the islamic media were also influenced by the situation at that time. almost all muslim activists were involved in politics, forming political parties like the psii (partai sarekat islam indonesia from si), which muhammadiyah and nu activists later agreed to merge into one islamic political party called masyumi. to extend their political influence to broader indonesian society, masyumi published newspapers and magazines. abadi is masyumi’s official newspaper that expresses the party’s position to society. abadi was founded in 1947 and has had a striking influence as islamic media in the general society ever since. this influence can be seen 120 afkaruna from the re-birth of this newspaper in 1968, after it was banned in 1959, in line with the dismissal of masyumi in the implementation of the ‘presidential decree’ on july 5th, 1959. abadi was banned for the second time in 1974, when it was accused of supporting the malari tragedy. malari was the first protest movement during suharto’s presidency, and was sponsored by university students in jakarta. they protested against suharto’s ignorance of public policy, on january 14th to 15th, 1974. unfortunately, the demonstration led to the vandalism of hundreds of building, cars, and motorcycles, which were burned and ruined in the middle of jakarta.51 hariman siregar, the leader of the protest, however, denied that students were responsible for all of the vandalism. the effects of the vandalism were too broad to have been causes solely by the student protest participants. hariman believed that there must be a stronger agent who could have committed the vandalism. hefner (1997) summarises that suharto used this tragedy to rid himself of abadi, the biggest islamic newspaper at that time. besides newspapers, masyumi’s supporters also launched magazines that promoted masyumi’s aims. the two well-known magazines were hikmah (19481958) and pandji masyarakat (1959-1961). masyumi significantly influenced the rise of islamic media in sukarno’s era via its media outlets, which had become the main reference for muslims on current issues. smith (1986) recorded that the circulation of the abadi newspaper was up to 17,000 per day. the momentous role that masyumi had from 1945 until 1957 was not only in islamic media, but also in indonesian politics. masyumi earned second place in the indonesian general election in 1955, after sukarno’s party, pni (partai nasional indonesia, indonesian national party). masyumi activists were also chosen to be involved in the cabinets. therefore, even though this party had been dismissed by sukarno in 1960, the ex-activists of masyumi continued their struggles in different forms, such as via the ddii in suharto’s era. islamic media in the new order era (1966 – 1998) the islamic movements in suharto’s era, also known as the new order era, were limited. suharto not only merged all islamic parties into one party named ‘partai persatuan pembangunan’, but he also removed the symbol of islam in both the name and logo of the party. suharto also forced all organisations – including islamic organisations – to acknowl121vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 edge pancasila as the only fundamental ideology (asas tunggal) within their organisations. in terms of media, suharto enforced control systems that required all media to gather two kinds of licences, a printing permit and a publishing permit, for which in 1982 the ministry of information issued a new media permit called the press publication enterprise permit or siupp.52 all media had to possess a siupp in order to circulate their media to the general public. since the large payment required for a siupp was up to $140,000, only limited islamic media outlets had a siupp at that time. according to hefner’s investigations, only muhammadiyah owned a siupp. therefore, the other islamic media could not be displayed in general bookstores, and were only circulated among limited muslim groups and societies. despite the strict censorship and limited publication access during the new order era, this era was also marked by the widened spectrum of islamic movements, from fundamentalism to liberalism. this spectrum was also projected in islamic media. hefner (1997) mentions in his article that there were media dakwah launched by ddii with a militant background, suara muhammadiyah managed by muhammadiyah, with a moderate background, and ulumul qur’an, administered by lembaga studi agama dan filsafat (lsaf), which consists of liberal muslim activists. in addition, republika, the general muslim newspaper whose stock was offered and owned by the muslim public, was born under the initiative of ikatan cendekiawan muslim indonesia (icmi), the new muslim organisation supported by suharto, founded in 1990. republika published its first newspaper on january 4th, 1993. the online version was launched on august 17th, 1995 and it became the first online newspaper in indonesia. republika is the first national newspaper that is acknowledged as an islamic newspaper, because it was founded by icmi and its initial investment was raised through shares being personally offered to indonesian muslims.53 despite the ownership change to pt mahaka media, the newspaper’s positioning as islamic newspaper remains today. islamic media in the early 20th century (1999 – 2010) the fall of suharto became the momentum for media freedom, since the siupp regulation that limited media circulation was dropped during habibie’s era. press regulation was changed to reflect a liberal press, after the previous regulation (law no 21/1980) had been dismissed and re122 afkaruna placed with the new law no. 40/1999. this new regulation limits the government’s intervention in press freedom. due to the new regulation, a myriad of new media emerged at that time. based on serikat penerbit surat kabar (the newspaper publishers association) data, up to 1997 there were 289 registered media, and this number skyrocketed to 1,687 in 1999.54 islam media also followed this upward trend. large numbers of islamic magazines appeared; even though some of them might have existed in the suharto era, at that time they could only be circulated to internal members. for example, there are some militant magazines from salafi backgrounds such as as sunnah, assyariah, an nashihah, fatwa, qiblati, nikah, and elfata. during this era, the internet as the new medium also began to spread among indonesians. this new technology has also brought some changes in the landscape of indonesian media. muslim activists use the internet to spread more ideas about islam and their concerns about their surroundings, which are related to their ideological backgrounds. griffith et al. (2013) find that the violent ideological group websites use a variety of media to spread their ideological beliefs and may create a larger community of shared values than they presently have. these groups also highlight certain pictures and issues to create the affective process for indoctrination and maintenance of their group members.55 sageman (2008) – as cited by bergin et al. (2009) – highlights the growth of community interest via internet initiated by the nature of anonymity among internet users, which leads them to disclose themselves easily via the internet, and to develop greater feelings of closeness among them. therefore, to spread the ideological interests and to gather a wider society, many new websites with islamic names and symbols have arisen since 2005. some of those websites are salafy.or.id (2005), alsofwah.or.id, eramuslim.com (2005), arrahmah.com (2006), and muslim.or.id (2008). some scholars have investigated the use of websites for spreading radical messages in indonesia. bergin et al. (2009), in a special report for the australian strategic policy institute published in march 2009, reported the number of internet users in indonesia skyrocketed by 900% between 2000 and 2008. bergin et al. also discovered that the number of websites with radical content increased drastically, from 15 in 2007 to 117 within a year. within this report, bergin identifies a variety of administrators of these radical websites: they are radical muslim groups’, pesantren’s, and 123vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 sympathetic groups’ websites, which are run by groups of individuals with no links to any radical or extremist groups.56 in addition, hui (2010) examines the radical websites description that frequently published the injustice concerned with the live threaten received by other muslim jihadist and the compliment for martyrdoms. 57 conclusion in conclusion, the development of muslim groups in indonesia was closely related to political changes and the struggle to of muslims to earn recognition from the indonesian authorities. indonesian muslim activists also played significant roles in the process of spreading awareness of nationalism during dutch colonialism, as well as the struggle to achieve indonesia’s independence. furthermore, they were actively involved in sukarno’s cabinet, until sukarno took a stance against certain muslim activists from masyumi because of the allegations that they were involved in the darul islam rebellion that aimed to create an islamic nation within indonesia. after that, indonesian muslims became marginalised, even in suharto’s era. muslim movements have existed since the fall of suharto until and continue to exist today. islamic media emerged as one of the tools to spread muslim organisations’ ideas from the very beginning of the movements. some of those media took the form of the official outlets of the organisations, seeking to create a commonality of views through the way in which news and issues were framed, while others were general media outlets with islamic values embedded within news content. the form of the media also varied following the communication technology developments of the era. end note 1 pew forum on religion & public life (2011). the future of the global muslim popula ti on proje ction for 2010 – 2030. retri eved f rom http:// www.pewforum.org/2011/01/27/the-future-of-the-global-muslim-population/ 2 pringle, robert. (2010). understanding islam in indonesia politics and diversity. honolulu: university of hawai’i press. 3 laffan, michael. (2011). the making of indonesian islam orientalism and the narration of sufi past. princeton, new jersey: princeton university press. 4 pringle, 2010 5 madjid, nurcholis. (1996). in search of islamic roots for modern pluralism: the indonesian experience. in woodward, mark.(ed), toward new paradigm recent developments in indonesian islamic thought (pp. 89-116). tempe, arizona: arihttp:// http://www.pewforum.org/2011/01/27/the-future-of-the-global-muslim-population/ 124 afkaruna zona state university. 6 pringle, 2010 7 maemunah, 2006 8 madjid, 1996 9 tenggeresse are the traditional communities that live on the slopes of bromo mountain in east java. 10 kuntowijoyo. (2008). paradigma islam interpretasi untuk aksi. bandung: mizan media utama 11 noer, deliar. (1990). gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900-1942. jakarta: lp3es 12 muhammad abduh (1849-1905) was an islamic thought reformist from egypt. together with jamal ad-din al afgani (1839-1897), the islamic politics reformist, he published the al’urwat al-wustqa magazine from paris in 1884. this publication shocked the islamic world as well as the western world. british, egyptian, and indian administration destroyed and banned this magazine at that time. 13 noer, 1990 14 noer, 1990 15 snouck hurgronje was a bureaucrat and scholar of islam. he had visited mecca and met indonesians there. he spoke and read arabic and had completed an islamic education in a pesantren (traditional islamic school in rural indonesia). 16 pringle, 2010 17 karim, m abdul. (2006). kebangkitan nasional: analisis historis peran islam dalam kebangkitan nasional. in mundzirin, yusuf. (ed), sejarah peradaban islam di indonesia (pp. 224-259). yogyakarta: pustaka 18 pringle, 2010 19 dhofier, zamakhsyari. (1982). tradisi pesantren, pandangan hidup kyai.jakarta: lp3es 20 noer, 1990 21 kuntowijoyo, 2008 22 taqlid means following someone’s statement about a matter about which one does not have enough knowledge (utsaimin, a. s. (2007). prinsip ilmu ushul fiqh. (a. s. shilah, trans.) jakarta: tholib). qur’an sura an nahl ayah 43 stated “..so ask the followers of the reminder if you do not know”. this ayah explains that people have to ask to someone that knows and has knowledge about the matter of the question being asked. 23 kyai hasjim asj’ari and ahmad dahlan were students of syaikh ahmad khatib when they studied islam in mecca from 1893 to 1905 (noer, 1990). 24 abdurrahman, 2006; pringle, 2010; bolland, 1971 25 boland, bj. (1971). the struggle of islam in indonesia. holland: the hague martinus nijhoff. 26 abdurrahman, 2006; boland, 1971 27 boland, 1971 28 nashir, haedar (2013). islam syariat reproduksi safiyah ideologis di indonesia. bandung: mizan 29 suryanegara, ahmad mansyur (2010). api sejarah 2. bandung: salamadani 30 g30s/pki is stand for gerakan 30 september (september 30th, 1965), the time 125vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 when pki coup indonesian authority by kidnapping several general who were the leaders of indonesian army. 31 the other nationalist and christian-based parties also merged into partaidemokrasi indonesia. 32 undang-undang no 3 tahun 1975 (government regulation number 3, 1975) about political parties and golongan karya. 33 arifin, s. (2006). sejarah partai politik islam indonesia dari orde lama sampai orde reformasi. in mundzirin, yusuf (ed), sejarah peradaban islam di indonesia (pp. 260-285). yogyakarta: pustaka 34 undang-undang no 3 tahun 1975 (government regulation number 3, 1975) about political parties and golongan karya. 35 bruinessen, martin van. (2002). genealogies of islamic radicalism in postsuharto indonesia. south east asia research, 10 (2), 117-154 36 hefner, robert w. (2000). civil islam muslims and democratization in indonesia. princeton, new jersey: princeton university press 37 bruinessen, 2002 38 islamic brotherhood in indonesia formed the justice prosperous party (partai keadilan sejahtera, pks) (noorhaidi, 2012). 39 hizbut tahrir indonesia and salafy argued that democracy does not exist in islamic teaching, and therefore joining political practices in indonesia that apply a democratic system is against islamic thought (noorhaidi, 2012). 40 substantialists view islam as the content or basic belief, and view the practice as more important than the form. substantialists believe that muslims must be more tolerant of each other, and even of non-muslims. they accept the current structure of government as the final form of the indonesian state (liddle, 1996). the islamic leaders who hold this view are nurcholis madjid and abdurrahman wahid. 41 scriptualists view islam as a set of islamic law (syariah) that should be obeyed. scriptualists always try to implement islam as is done in the qur’an and sunnah (the two fundamental islamic resources). natsir is one islamic leader who follows this view. 42 ali, fachry. & effendy, bahtiar. (1986). merambah jalan baru islam: rekontruksi pemikiran islam indonesia masa orde baru. bandung: mizan 43 hefner, robert w. (2000). civil islam muslims and democratization in indonesia. princeton, new jersey: princeton university press 44 hasan, noorhaidi (2012). islam politik di dunia kontemporer konsep genealogi dan teori. yogyakarta: suka press 45 laskar jihad was formed by ja’far umar thalib, the leader of salafi pesantren in yogyakarta, in april 2000. laskar jihad sent 7,000 troops to maluku to help muslims in that area (bruinessen, 2002) (pringle, 2010). 46 jema’ah islamiyah was founded by abdullah sungkar and abu bakar ba’asyir in 1993 (pringle, 2010). bruinessen does not mention jama’ah islamiyah in his article, but he mentions majelis mujahidin, founded by abdullah sungkar and abu bakarba’asir. 47 eliraz, gloria (2004). islamic radicalism in indonesia: the global and historical context. review of indonesia and malaysia affairs, 38(1), 123-171 126 afkaruna 48 assyaukanie, lutfi. (2008). trajectories of islamic liberalism in contemporary indonesia. australian religion studies review, 21(2), 145-174. doi: 10.1558/ arsr.v21i2.145. 49 keputusan fatwa majelis ulama indonesia no. 7/munas vii/mui/11/2005 50 victoria, adi (2012). khilafah the answer catatan ideologis seputar dakwah syariah & khilafah. yogyakarta: kutilah media 51 nashir, 2013 52 fajar asia was the official medium for partai sarekat islam (sarekat islam party), the transformation of si to become a political party on february 20th, 1923 (noer, 1990). 53 aliansyah, muhammad a. (2014, january 15th). malari, perlawanan terhebat per tama terhadap orde baru. merdeka online. retrieved from http:// www.merdeka.com/peristiwa/malari-perlawanan-terhebat-pertama-terhadap-ordebaru-hariman-dan-malari-1.html 54 aliansyah, muhammad a. (2014, january 15th). malari, perlawanan terhebat per tama terhadap orde baru. merdeka online. retrieved from http:// www.merdeka.com/peristiwa/malari-perlawanan-terhebat-pertama-terhadap-ordebaru-hariman-dan-malari-1.html 55 utomo, arif punto (2010). republika 17 tahun melintas jaman. jakarta: harian umum republika 56 saptohadi, satrio (2011). pasang surut kebebasan pers indonesia. jurnal dinamika hukum. vol 11 (1): pp 127-138 57 griffith, j.a., byrne, c.l., nei, d.s., barret, j.d., hughes, m.g., … mumford, m.d. (2013). online ideology: a comparison of website communication and media use. journal of computer-mediated communication, 18, 137-153. doi:10.1111/ jcc4.12003 58 bergin a, osman, sb, ungerer c & yasin, nam (2009). countering internet radicalization in south east asia, an rsis – aspi joint report, march 2009, issue 22. 59 hui, jenifer yang (2010). the internet in indonesia, development & impact of radical websites, studies in conflict and terrorism. 33 (2). 171-191 bibliography arifin, s. 2006. sejarah partai politik islam indonesia dari orde lama sampai orde reformasi. in mundzirin, yusuf (ed), sejarah peradaban islam di indonesia. yogyakarta: pustaka assyaukanie, lutfi. 2008. trajectories of islamic liberalism in contemporary indonesia. australian religion studies review, doi: 10.1558/arsr.v21i2.145. bergin a, osman, sb, ungerer c & yasin, nam.2009. countering internet radicalization in south east asia, an rsis – aspi joint report, march 2009, issue 22. boland, bj. 1971. the struggle of islam in indonesia. holland: the hague martinus nijhoff bruinessen, martin van. 2002. genealogies of islamic radicalism in post-suharto indonesia. south east asia research http:// http://www.merdeka.com/peristiwa/malari-perlawanan-terhebat-pertama-terhadap-ordehttp:// http://www.merdeka.com/peristiwa/malari-perlawanan-terhebat-pertama-terhadap-orde127vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 dhofier, zamakhsyari.1982. tradisi pesantren, pandangan hidup kyai. jakarta: lp3es eliraz, gloria. 2004. islamic radicalism in indonesia: the global and historical context. review of indonesia and malaysia affairs griffith, j.a., byrne, c.l., nei, d.s., barret, j.d., hughes, m.g., mumford, m.d. 2013. online ideology: a comparison of website communication and media use. journal of computer-mediated communication. doi:10.1111/jcc4.12003 hasan, noorhaidi. 2012. islam politik di dunia kontemporer konsep genealogi dan teori. yogyakarta: suka press hefner, robert w. 2000. civil islam muslims and democratization in indonesia. princeton, new jersey: princeton university press hui, jenifer yang 2010. the internet in indonesia, development & impact of radical websites, studies in conflict and terrorism. karim, m abdul. 2006. kebangkitan nasional: analisis historis peran islam dalam kebangkitan nasional. in mundzirin, yusuf. (ed), sejarah peradaban islam di indonesia (pp. 224-259). yogyakarta: pustaka keputusan fatwa majelis ulama indonesia no. 7/munas vii/mui/11/2005victoria, adi.2012. khilafah the answer catatan ideologis seputar dakwah syariah & khilafah.yogyakarta: kutilah media kuntowijoyo. 2008. paradigma islam interpretasi untuk aksi. bandung: mizan media utama laffan, michael. 2011. the making of indonesian islam orientalism and the narration of sufi past. princeton, new jersey: princeton university press. madjid, nurcholis.1996. in search of islamic roots for modern pluralism: the indonesian experience. in woodward, mark.(ed), toward new paradigm recent developments in indonesian islamic thought (pp. 89-116). tempe, arizona: arizona state university. muhammad abduh. 1849-1905 was an islamic thought reformist from egypt. together with jamal ad-din al afgani.1839-1897, the islamic politics reformist, he published the al’urwat al-wustqa magazine from paris in 1884. this publication shocked the islamic world as well as the western world. british, egyptian, and indian administration destroyed and banned this magazine at that time nashir, haedar. 2013. islam syariat reproduksi safiyah ideologis di indonesia. bandung: mizan noer, deliar. 1990. gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900-1942. jakarta: lp3es pringle, robert. 2010. understanding islam in indonesia politics and diversity. honolulu: university of hawai’i press. saptohadi, satrio.2011. pasang surut kebebasan pers indonesia. jurnal dinamika hukum. vol 11 suryanegara, ahmad mansyur. 2010. api sejarah 2. bandung: salamadani undang-undang no 3 tahun 1975 (government regulation number 3, 1975) about political parties and golongan karya. utomo, arif punto.2010. republika 17 tahun melintas jaman. jakarta: harian umum republika jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 tokoh antagonis dalam kisah al-qur’an antagonist figures in the qur’anic stories doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0105.254-280 muhammad hasnan nahar fakultas agama islam, universitas ahmad dahlan e-mail: prof.060594@gmail.com abstract al-qur’an is a source of learning for both religious and scientific sciences. learning is not only derived from legal verses, because it is dominated by verses stories in al-qur’an that are more effective to be of human concern. however, taking lessons in general from the al-qur’an story only refers to the protagonist only, while the antagonist self is only as a complement to the narrative of the story. in qur’an, the antagonists are divided into three types based on the vision of the role and position of each character; namely the antagonist of the king, the antagonist of the bureaucrat, the antagonist of the prophet’s family. each of the antagonists has blameworthy character and negative value and some of them also have good character and positive value on him. keywords: antagonist, bad character, good character, verse story abstrak al-qur’an merupakan sumber pembelajaran dari segala ilmu, baik ilmu agama maupun ilmu pengetahuan. pembelajaran tidak hanya berasal dari ayat-ayat hukum saja, sebab di dalam al-qur’an didominasi dengan ayat-ayat kisah yang lebih efektif untuk menjadi perhatian manusia. namun pada umumnya dalam pengambilan pembelajaran dari kisah al-qur’an hanya mengacu pada tokoh protagonis saja, sedangkan pada diri tokoh antagonis hanya sebagai pelengkap narasi kisah. dalam al-qur’an tokoh antagonis terbagi menjadi tiga jenis berdasarkan penglihatan peran dan posisi dari masing-masing tokoh, yaitu tokoh antagonis dari kalangan raja, tokoh antagonis dari kalangan birokrat, tokoh antagonis dari kalangan keluarga nabi. masing-masing dari tokoh antagonis memiliki sifat dan karakter buruk (nilai negatif) dan beberapa diantaranya terdapat juga sifat dan karakter baik (nilai positif) pada dirinya. keywords: ayat kisah, karakter baik, karakter buruk, tokoh antagonis mailto:prof.060594@gmail.com 255vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 pendahuluan manusia merupakan makhluk yang diciptakan paling sempurna dalam hal fisik dan akal. beriring dengan hal itu manusia memiliki banyak sekali permasalahan yang tidak dapat diselesaikan dengan hanya menggandalkan akal pikiran, namun memerlukan petunjuk yang disampaikan oleh para nabi melalui ajarannya. al-qur’an diturunkan kepada nabi muhammad oleh allah swt melalui perantara malaikat jibril, memuat banyak ajaran berupa perintah dan larangan untuk dijadikan pedoman bagi manusia dalam menjalankan kehidupannya di dunia.1 pengambilan petunjuk di dalam al-qur’an tidak sebatas apa yang tercantum pada ayat-ayat hukum saja, melainkan banyak pula terdapat pada ayat-ayat kisah, yang lebih banyak porsinya disebutkan di dalam alqur’an, walau bukan merupakan kitab yang khusus memuat kisah-kisah. kisah sendiri merupakan proses pewarisan budaya berbentuk lisan dengan memuat hal pesan kebaikan dan gambaran keburukan.2 ayat-ayat kisah dirasakan lebih efektif untuk dapat menjadi perhatian bagi umat yang membacanya karena penggambaran yang berkaitan dengan peristiwa yang biasa terjadi dikehidupan manusia sepanjang zaman.3 selain itu adanya dukungan faktor pengaruh al-qur’an terhadap psikologis jiwa manusia.4 kebenaran mutlak yang ditujukan bagi al-qur’an tidak hanya berlaku sebatas pada ajaran normatif berupa perintah dan larangan, berlaku pula pada kisah yang diceritakan di dalam al-qur’an yang bukan semata-mata sebuah kisah fiktif yang tidak bisa ditelusuri keberadaannya, melainkan dapat dibuktikan dengan catatan sejarah, penemuan sains dan peninggalan arkeologi dalam bentuk fisik.5 idealnya sebuah kisah dapat diambil makna dan hikmahnya dari semua tokoh yang diceritakan di dalamnya, tidak terkecuali tokoh antagonis. tokoh antagonis adalah tokoh yang diposisikan berlawanan dengan tokoh protagonis (utama), tidak melulu protagonis diartikan baik dan antagonis diartikan jahat. hanya saja nyatanya dalam sebuah cerita, tokoh protagonis selalu identik dengan sifat baik, karena tujuan pembelajaran yang ingin dipenuhi. sedangkan tokoh antagonis identik dengan sifat buruk yang berkonflik dengan tokoh utama, yang dimunculkan guna mengambil hikmah dan makna dalam kisah yang bisa dipetik oleh pembaca.6 sama halnya dengan kisah al-qur’an, tokoh protagonis diperankan oleh para nabi dan orang-orang beriman yang dipilih oleh allah tentu dengan sifat wajib para nabi seperti sidq, amanah, fathanah dan tabligh. 256 afkaruna maka penokohan dari tokoh antagonis adalah yang berlawanan dari sifat (sifat nabi) itu semua seperti berdusta, berkhianat dan lain-lain. dengan penokohan tersebut tentu orang tidak bisa menampik dari reflek dirinya untuk mengambil pembelajaran dari tokoh protagonis dengan maksud agar sifat baik yang disampaikan dapat tertular dalam kehidupan sehariharinya dan serta dapat menghindari dari sifat-sifat yang dimiliki oleh tokoh antagonis. dalam penokohan antagonis, terdapat nilai positif yang tergambarkan dari karakteristik masing-masing, dengan cara melihat dari sisi yang berbeda untuk mendapatkan lebih banyak hikmah atas penokohan antagonis dalam kisah al-qur’an, walau kemudian tidak menyangsikan penafsiran yang telah dilakukan oleh para ulama terkait penggambaran tokoh antagonis sebelumnya. untuk menemukan nilai positif dari tokoh antagonis yang tidak tercantum di dalam al-qur’an dapat ditelusuri melalui informasi ekstrinsik pada teks, dengan landasan tidak ada teks yang bisa dipahami secara tepat tanpa mempertimbangkan konteks di mana perkataan dibuat dan ditujukan.7 menentukan karakter pada tokoh dapat menggunakan dua cara, pertama metode langsung (telling)8 yakni memaparkan karakter tokoh dari eksposisi dan komentar langsung dari pengarang. kedua adalah metode tidak langsung (showing) yakni mengetahui karakter tokoh melalui dialog para tokoh satu sama lain.9 hasil pembacaan karakter tokoh dalam kisah al-qur’an menunjukkan adanya dua metode tersebut, tertera di dalam surat luqmân ayat 12: dan (ingatlah) ketika luqmân berkata kepada anaknya, di waktu ia memberi pelajaran kepadanya: “hai anakku, janganlah kamu mempersekutukan allah, sesungguhnya mempersekutukan (allah) adalah benar-benar kezaliman yang besar”. (q.s. luqmân: 12) karakteristik luqmân diceritakan oleh allah swt sebagai orang tua yang begitu peduli terhadap pendidikan keagamaan dengan mengingatkan anak-anaknya tentang ajaran tauhid, yang merupakan bentuk dari metode langsung ketika allah swt sebagai pengarang menceritakan sendiri mengenai luqmân sebagai tokoh. sedangkan metode tidak langsung tertera di dalam surat al-syu’ara ayat 23-27: fir’aun bertanya: “siapa tuhan semesta alam itu?”, mûsâ menjawab: “tuhan 257vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 pencipta langit dan bumi dan apa-apa yang di antara keduanya (itulah tuhanmu), jika kamu sekalian (orang-orang) mempercayai-nya”, berkata fir’aun kepada orang-orang sekelilingnya: “apakah kamu tidak mendengarkan?”, mûsâ berkata (pula): “tuhan kamu dan tuhan nenek-nenek moyang kamu yang dahulu”, fir’aun berkata: “sesungguhnya rasulmu yang diutus kepada kamu sekalian benar-benar orang gila.” (q.s. al-syu’ara: 2327) dialog merupakan cara yang terbaik untuk mengungkap karakteristik seorang tokoh tanpa penjelasan dari pengarang, pada ayat 23-27 surat al-syu’ara menjelaskan karakteristik dari tokoh fir’aun, sebagai pembaca mendapati karakteristik fir’aun yang tempramen dan sombong yang tidak menerima ajakan mûsâ untuk menyembah tuhan yang maha esa, ditunjukkan dengan kalimat “apakah kamu tidak mendengarkan” dan “sesungguhnya rasulmu yang diutus kepada kamu sekalian benar-benar orang gila.” sebab marahnya fir’aun adalah ajakan mûsâ yang secara langsung bermakna menentang klaim fir’aun sebagai tuhan orang-orang mesir. dapat memahami dialog tersebut tidak hanya memperhatikan isi dialog, tetapi juga memahami substansi pembicaraan. kajian yang membahas tentang tokoh dalam kisah al-qur’an sudah beberapa kali dilakukan. beberapa tulisan yang berkaitan dengan masalah tokoh dalam kisah al-qur’an antara lain sebagai berikut. penelitian yang dilakukan oleh ahmad zaki ali dengan judul “disaster management dalam kisah al-qur’an” memfokuskan kepada kajian kisah bencana pada umat terdahulu. kejadian bencana pada kisah al-qur’an banyak disikapi kini hanya dengan memunculkan wacana keagamaan dari sisi teologis, selayaknya tidaklah demikian, melainkan adanya usaha pengambilan nila-nilai yang kemudian diwujudkan menjadi sebuah konsep. melalui kisah dalam al-qur’an, yakni kisah nabi nûh, nabi lûth, nabi yûsuf dan beberapa lainnya mengajarkan bagaimana perlunya management disaster (pengelolaan bencana), yang mencakup atas pra bencana, saat bencana dan pasca bencana. aplikasinya adalah ketika di dalam kisah nabi lûth dimana seorang nabi mampu memberikan mitigasi kepada kaumnya untuk mengungsi sebelum terjadinya bencana, kisah nabi nûh yang melakukan kesiapsiagaan dengan membuat sebuah bahtera yang mampu menyelamatkan umatnya dan nabi yûsuf dengan manajemennya mampu mengatasi musim tanpa panen dengan melakukan manajemen logistik yang baik.10 258 afkaruna penelitian yang dilakukan oleh robitoh widi astuti dengan judul “komunikasi orang tua dan anak perspektif kisah dalam al-qur’an” ini berusaha mengeksplorasi ragam komunikasi yang terjadi antara orang tua dan anak. meliputi pola, aneka, serta gaya bahasa yang dijalin dan digunakan dalam kisah al-qur’an. dengan menjadikan kisah para nabi serta orang beriman dengan anak-anak mereka sebagai objek penelitian yakni, antara nabi nûh dan kan’an, antara nabi ibrâhim, nabi ismail dan azar, antara nabi yaqûb dan nabi yûsuf, antara nabi mûsâ dan ibunya, antara syaikh madyan dan putrinya serta antara luqmân dan putranya. kemudian menghasilkan pola model stimulus-respons (s-r), model abx dan model interaksional. komunikasi yang terjadi bisa dipetakan menjadi komunikasi langsung maupun tidak langsung. komunikasi langsung bisa berupa komunikasi verbal, nonverbal, maupun interpersonal. sedangkan, komunikasi tidak langsung terjadi ketika komunikator dan komunikan dihubungkan oleh pihak ketiga. adapun gaya bahasa komunikasi yang dipakai setidaknya ada dua kalimat interogatif (pertanyaan) dan kalimat imperatif (perintah dan larangan).11 di atas adalah terkait dengan penelitian dan karya yang menjadikan kisah-kisah dalam al-qur’an, terkhusus kepada sosok para nabi dengan segala perbuatan dan keputusan mereka atas umatnya untuk dijadikan sebagai jalan keluar dari masalah yang terdapat di era sekarang sebagai objek penelitian. sedangkan objek tokoh antagonis yang diangkat penulis tidak terdapat di dalamnya. dalam penelitian dan karya lainnya yang menjadikan tokoh antagonis sebagai objek kajiannya, terdapat beberapa ditemukan yakni pada: pada karya abdurrahman umairah dengan judul asli rijalun wa nisa’un anzalallahu fîhim al-qur’ân yang kemudian diterjemahkan syihabuddin dengan judul tokoh yang diabadikan al-qur’an, menampilkan tokoh sahabat dan juga para penentang risalah islam serta peristiwa yang melatarbelakangi turunnya beberapa ayat al-qur’an, disertai keterhubungan peristiwa dalam al-qur’ân dengan peristiwa yang terjadi pada zaman modern.12 pada karya laha abdur ra’uf dengan judul asli qishashu al-zhalimin wa ‘aqibatu al-mujrimin yang kemudian diterjemahkan dengan judul qabil dan habil kisah orang-orang zhalim. dijelaskan di dalamnya bagaimana runtutan sejarah munculnya perseteruan antara dua saudara qabil dan habil. bermula saat akan ditegakkan syariat adam untuk menikahkan anak259vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 anaknya dengan cara menikahkan anak-anak kembar mereka dengan bersilang. namun, qabil menolak untuk menikahi saudara kembar dari habil, maka adam memberi isyarat untuk mempersembahkaan korban kepada allah, dan korban millik habil yang kemudian diterima oleh allah dengan turunnya api dari langit dan menyambarnya. metode yang digunakan dalam karya ini merupakan kajian sejarah dilengkapi dengan pencantuman ayat-ayat dan hadis yang berkaitaan dengan kisah qabil.13 pada karya afareez abd razak dengan judul misteri fir’aun musuh para nabi, menjelaskan tokoh fir’aun dari sudut pandang sosio-sejarah dan kisah al-qur’an. di dalamnya dilakukan klasifikasi mengenai fir’aun yang merupakan sebuah gelar pada peradaban mesir kuno; pertama, tidak semua fir’aun adalah jahat, melainkan ada fir’aun yang juga baik (raja mesir pada masa yûsuf), kedua, terdapat fir’aun dari kalangan perempuan (fir’aun cleopatra), ketiga, fir’aun yang berhadapan dengan mûsâ dan kemudian tenggelam di laut merah merupakan fir’aun terkejam (fir’aun ramses ii). di dalamnya juga terdapat banyak lampiran gambar-gambar peninggalan peradaban mesir berupa sarchopagus, cartouche, ukiran, dan benda-benda bersejarah lainnya.14 setelah memaparkan beberapa karya terkait kajian tokoh dalam kisah al-qur’an, serta kajian tokoh antagonis menunjukkan belum ada karya yang sama membahas dengan analisis penelitian ini yaitu tafsir maudhu’i atas tokoh antagonis. namun, dari karya-karya tersebut diambil data-data yang diperlukan untuk kemudian dipaparkan dalam penelitian ini. penelitian lebih lanjut mengenai karakteristik tokoh antagonis, penulis mengklasifikasikan menjadi tiga macam, yakni tokoh antagonis dari kalangan raja, tokoh antagonis dari kalangan birokrat dan tokoh antagonis dari kalangan keluarga para nabi. pembagian berdasarkan penglihatan peran dan posisi dari masing-masing tokoh. kalangan raja terdapat, raja namrud, raja fir’aun, raja jâlût. kalangan birokrat terdapat, qârûn dan hâmân, abû lahab dan ummu jamil. kalangan keluarga nabi terdapat, qabil, imra’ah nuh dan kan’an, imra’ah luth. metode penelitian penelitian ini tergolong dalam penelitian library research karena menggunakan sumber data pustaka sebagai acuan dan referensi. lebih spesifik lagi dalam sudut pandang kajian tafsir merupakan ragam dari tafsir maudhu’i. penulis menggunakan teori tafsir maudhu’i milik al260 afkaruna farmawy, dengan beberapa tahapan; pertama, menentukan sebuah tema dalam al-qur’an yang akan dikaji secara tematik, yakni tokoh antagonis yang disebutkan dalam kisah-kisah al-qur’an. kedua, penelitian ini diawali dengan pengumpulan dan penghimpunan ayat-ayat yang menceritakan tokoh antagonis dalam al-qur’an yang tersebar di berbagai surat, baik makkiyah ataupun madaniyyah. ketiga, menyusun ayat-ayat secara berurutan menurut kronologi masa turunnya ayat disertai pengetahuan mengenai latar belakang turunnya ayat (asbâbun nuzûl). keempat, mengetahui korelasi (munâsabah) ayat-ayat tersebut di dalam masingmasing surat dan melengkapi pembahasan uraian dengan hadis bila dipandang perlu sehingga menjadi semakin sempurna dan jelas. sumber data dalam penelitian ini berasal dari bahan pustaka seperti al-qur’an, berbagai tafsir, kitab-kitab hadis, buku biografi, referensi sejarah dan buku-buku lain. al-qur’an dan berbagai tafsir seperti tafsir al-misbah karya quraish shihab15, tafsir al-azhar karya buya hamka16, tafsir amlabari karya ibn jarir al-labari17, fi zhilal al-qur’an karya sayyid qutb.18 berdasarkan kemudahan akses bahasa serta seimbangnya data riwayat dan kontekstualisasi menjadi sumber data primer. sedangkan buku-buku sejarah, kitab suci non-muslim, kisah para nabi, kumpulan biografi dan buku-buku ensiklopedia menjadi sumber data sekunder seperti kisah para nabi karya ibnu katsîr19, kisah para rasul karya yunahar ilyas.20 dikatakan sebagai sumber data primer ditentukan oleh keterkaitan yang kuat dengan tema besar penelitian, sedangkan sumber data sekunder yang keterkaitannya tidak terlalu kuat namun dalam proses penelitian dipertimbangkan untuk mencari kemungkinan tentang objek kajian yang lain. disebabkan semua sumber data adalah sumber pustaka, maka teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara mengumpulkan berbagai data dari sumber yang relevan. kemudian dilakukan seleksi yang merupakan proses penting sebab untuk memisahkan data yang diperlukan dan tidak diperlukan, terutama pada informasi seputar tokoh antagonis dalam alqur’an, terlepas dari itu semua maka tidak dimasukkan karena bukan merupakan objek kajian penelitian. setelah data berupa ayat-ayat yang menceritakan tokoh antagonis dalam, paparan dalam berbagai tafsir, serta data-data sejarah dari berbagai referensi sirah, data-data tersebut kemudian diolah dengan teknik deskriptif analitis yang diaplikasikan dalam dua cara, pertama memberikan gambaran singkat mengenai ayat-ayat maupun tokoh antagonis yang diceritakan 261vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 dalam al-qur’an, kedua menganalisis data tersebut untuk bisa menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang mendasari dilakukan penelitian.21 pembahasan kisah dalam al-qur’an kata kisah berasal dari bahasa arab qishash, dari kata dasar qashasha. disebutkan dalam al-qur’an dengan berbagai macam bentuk, qashasha secara . یقصّ yaqushshu , نقصّ naqushshu , قصصنا qashashna , قصّ etimologi kata qashasha bermakna قصصت أثره mengikuti jejak.22 secara terminologis qashash al qur’an adalah pemberitaan al-qur’an tentang nabi-nabi terdahulu, umat yang telah lalu, pribadi atau tokoh pada masa lalu dan peristiwa-peristiwa yang telah terjadi di masa yang lalu termasuk yang terjadi pada masa nabi muhammad saw.23 dalam al-qur’an disebutkan 26 kali kata qashash dan yang seakar dengannya, tersebar dalam 12 surat dan 21 ayat. termasuk di dalamnya surat-surat al-mufashshal. selain itu juga, terdapat surat yang dinamakan secara khusus dengan nama al-qasas.24 sedangkan, ayat-ayat al-qur’an yang digunakan untuk kisah berjumlah kurang lebih 1.600 ayat dari keseluruhan jumlah ayat kurang lebih 6.342 ayat.25 sebuah kisah terdiri dari tiga unsur, pertama adalah pelaku (al-syaksy), kedua adalah peristiwa (al-haditsah) dan ketiga adalah percakapan (hiwar).26 pelaku adalah siapa saja tokoh yang terlibat dan berperan dalam peristiwa, baik mendapatkan pembagian narasi yang dominan atau sedikit, beriman atau ingkar, kalangan manusia atau hewan sekalipun. berkaitan dengan peristiwa muncul dengan beberapa sebab, yakni dampak suatu pengingkaran serta ketentuan dari qadha’ dan qadhar allah dan pembuktian kebenaran mukjizat dari para nabi dan rasul. adanya sebuah percakapan ketika terdapat banyak pelaku di dalam suatu peristiwa, sebagian besar membicarakan persoalan tauhid, hari pembalasan dan kemanusiaan yang diceritakan dalam bentuk sebuah dialog antara pihak pertama dengan pihak kedua secara langsung. macam-macam kisah dalam al-qur’an, terdapat tiga macam; pertama, kisah para nabi dan rasul. menceritakan di dalamnya perjalanan dakwah nabi dan rasul terhadap suatu golongan umat, turut membawa tanda dan bukti berupa mukjizat-mukjizat untuk meneguhkan posisi sebagai utusan allah swt. terdapat juga gambaran dinamisasi tahapan-tahapan 262 afkaruna dakwah dan serta akibat bagi umat yang mempercayai dan yang menolak ajaran para nabi dan rasul.27 perbedaan dari masing-masing kisah para nabi dan rasul yakni pada kadar rincian kehidupan yang diceritakan. seperti kisah nabi yûsuf, mûsâ dan isa diceritakan mulai dari masa-masa sebelum kelahiran, masa kecil dan kehidupan sebagai nabi dan rasul. sedangkan, sebagian kisah menceritakan lebih menekankan kepada pembelajaran atas pembalasan yang ditimpakan kepada suatu golongan umat, seperti kisah nabi hûd dengan kaum ad, nabi salih dengan kaum tsamud, nabi luth dengan kaum sadum. kedua, kisah yang berhubungan dengan peristiwa di masa lalu yang melibatkan selain para nabi dan rasul. al-qur’an tidak membatasi kisah hanya seputar tokoh para nabi dan rasul saja, terdapat pula tokoh yang bukan berasal dari nabi dan rasul, yakni dari kalangan orang-orang yang beriman dan orang-orang yang durhaka. kisah dari orang-orang beriman seperti kisah para pemuda yang berlindung dari kekejaman seorang raja dan dengan izin allah ditidurkan selama 300 tahun di dalam gua agar dapat menyelamatkan iman mereka semua dari ancaman siksaan, dikenal dengan julukan ashhabul kahfi. kisah dari orang-orang durhaka seperti kisah qârûn, seorang kaya raya yang melupakan ajaran mûsâ dengan menjadi kikir dan serakah, berakhir dengan ditenggelamkan beserta seluruh harta kekayaan ke dalam dasar bumi. ketiga, kisah yang terjadi pada masa nabi muhammad saw. sebagai mukjizat yang diperuntukkan bagi nabi muhammad saw menjadikan alqur’an mempunyai porsi lebih dalam menceritakan kisah seputar kehidupan nabi muhammad saw. seperti peristiwa penyerangan ka’bah oleh pasukan abrahah yang terjadi sebelum kelahiran nabi dan peristiwaperistiwa yang terjadi setelah diangkat menjadi rasul seperti perjalanan isra’ dan mi’raj, peperangan yang diikuti perang badar, perang uhud, perang ahzab, dan perang khandaq. fungsi kisah al-qur’an dalam mencermati kisah al-qur’an agar tepat dalam mengambil pelajaran adalah dengan memperhatikan beberapa indikator, pertama adalah menyadari bahwa kisah merupakan hal ghaib yang terjadi di masa lalu dan yang akan terjadi di masa depan, yakni peristiwa yang benarbenar terjadi di masa lalu dan telah usai, seperti kisah adam as ketika memakan buah terlarang dan terusir dari surga, serta peristiwa yang akan 263vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 terjadi di masa yang akan datang, seperti kisah tanda-tanda terjadinya kiamat. kedua bahwasanya pembaca dan pendengar kisah tidak hadir ketika peristiwa-peristiwa itu terjadi di masa lalu. sebagai tekanan bahwa selain apa yang disampaikan di dalam al-qur’an janganlah mendugaduga dan mengada-ada, karena hanya allah yang mengetahui perkara ghaib. janganlah mengikuti apa yang tidak dimiliki pengetahuan tentangnya, sebagai bentuk tatsabbut (kewaspadaan).28 keseluruhan al-qur’an adalah hudan li al-nas, akan berbeda pemahaman manusia terhadap sesuatu berdasarkan kondisi masyarakat, perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan, pengalaman bahkan teknologi. letak kesamaan ada pada usaha untuk menfungsikan al-qur’an dengan menangkap pesan-pesan dan memasyarakatkannya, melaksanakan petunjukpetunjuk tanpa mengabaikan budaya dan perkembangan positif.29 berkaitan dengan kisah, berfungsi di antaranya adalah merangsang pembaca dan pendengar untuk mencari hikmah dari peristiwa di masa lalu dan pelajaran dari masing-masing tokoh. sebagai media untuk menyampaikan ajaran dapat mempengaruhi orang-orang terpelajar atau orang biasa30 dengan memperkuat jiwa untuk berjuang menegakkan kebenaran.31 allah menceritakan semua kisah agar menjadi pedoman dan petunjuk bagi umat manusia mengenai perilaku yang terpuji. himbauan untuk mengikuti jalan keimanan yang benar, akhlak yang mulia dan ilmu yang bermanfaat. penokohan dalam kisah al-qur’an dalam penokohan suatu karya sastra bukanlah membicarakan tokoh yang berwujud manusia saja, melainkan lebih luas dan umum yakni tokoh kisah yang menjadi pemeran utama kisah di mana semua pembicaraan, peristiwa dan pemikiran hal-hal yang terjadi dalam kisah terjadi seputar dirinya. dengan demikian, maka tokoh kisah dalam al-qur’an dapat berasal dari kalangan jin dan malaikat, kalangan hewan serta dari kalangan manusia baik laki-laki atau perempuan.32 tokoh dari kalangan jin dan malaikat disebutkan dalam beberapa surat, pada surat al-baqarah ayat 34: dan ingatlah ketika kami berfirman kepada para malaikat, “sujudlah kamu kepada adam.” maka mereka pun sujud kecuali iblis. ia menolak dan menyombongkan diri dan ia termasuk golongan yang kafir. (q.s. al-baqarah: 34) 264 afkaruna dalam kisah tersebut iblis menjadi tokoh yang fokus diceritakan. bagaimana keengganan iblis untuk bersujud kepada adam disebabkan merasa diri lebih mulia. dengan pertimbangan karena bahan penciptaan mereka dari api yang lebih baik daripada tanah liat yang digunakan untuk menciptakan adam. tidak berhenti dengan sebuah penolakan saja, iblis kemudian melakukan perlawanan kepada manusia dengan berusaha untuk menjerumuskan melakukan sesuatu yang telah dilarang allah swt di surga, yakni memakan buah khuldi dalam surat al-baqarah ayat 35-36: dan kami berfirman, “wahai adam, tinggallah engkau dan istrimu di dalam surga dan makanlah dengan nikmat yang ada sesukamu. (tetapi) janganlah kamu dekati pohon ini, nanti kamu termasuk orang-orang yang dzalim.”(35) lalu setan memerdayakan keduanya dari surga sehingga keduanya dikeluarkan dari (segala kenikmatan) ketika keduanya di sana (surga). dan kami berfirman, “turunlah kamu, sebagian kamu menjadi musuh bagi yang lain. dan bagi kamu ada tempat tinggal dan kesenangan di bumi sampat waktu yang ditentukan.”(36) (q.s. al-baqarah: 35-36) tokoh dari kalangan hewan disebutkan dalam beberapa surat, pada surat an-naml ayat 18: hingga ketika mereka sampai di lembah semut, berkatalah seekor semut, “wahai semut-semut, masuklah ke dalam sarang-sarangmu, agar kamu tidak diinjak oleh sulaiman dan bala tentaranya, sedangkan mereka tidak menyadari.” (q.s. an-naml: 18) dalam kisah tersebut semut bersikap selayaknya seorang manusia, yang dapat berkata dan memperingati semut lainnya untuk tetap tinggal di sarang agar dapat terhindar dari langkah kaki milik tentara-tentara nabi sulaiman.33 dan terakhir, tokoh dari kalangan manusia menjadi yang dominan dalam beberapa kisah al-qur’an, disebutkan pada surat maryam ayat 16-19: dan ceritakanlah (muhammad) kisah maryam di dalam kitab (al-qur’an), yaitu ketika dia mengasingkan diri dari keluarganya ke suatu tempat di sebelah timur (baitulmaqdis).(16) lalu dia memasang tabir (yang melindunginya) dari mereka, lalu kami mengutus roh kami (jibril) kepadanya, maka dia menampakkan diri di hadapannya dalam bentuk manusia yang sempurna.(17) dia (maryam) berkata, “sesungguhnya aku berlindung kepada tuhan yang maha pengasih terhadapmu, jika engkau orang yang bertakwa.”(18) dia 265vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 (jibril) berkata “sesungguhnya aku hanyalah utusan tuhanmu, untuk menyampaikan anugerah kepadamu anak laki-laki yang suci.”(19) (q.s. maryam: 16-19) pada suatu hari maryam34 menyendiri beribadah kepada allah swt, tiba-tiba dirasakan ketakutan yang tidak pernah dirasakan sebelumnya ketika muncul di hadapannya malaikat berwujud seorang laki-laki. malaikat itu berbicara kepadanya dan mengabarkan bahwa maryam mengandung seorang anak laki-laki. mendengar hal itu, maryam merasa sedih dan bingung bagaimana mungkin mengandung seorang anak sedangkan dia tidak memiliki suami. seberapa besar kemauan untuk tidak mempercayainya, namun waktu berkata lain perut maryam membesar layaknya perempuan yang sedang mengandung, dan akhirnya melahirkan, diceritakan dalam surat maryam ayat 23-25: kemudian rasa sakit akan melahirkan memaksakan (bersandar) pada pangkal pohon kurma, dia (maryam) berkata, “wahai betapa (baiknya) aku mati sebelum ini dan aku menjadi seorang yang tidak diperhatikan dan dilupakan.”(23) maka dia (jibril) berseru kepadanya dari tempat yang rendah, “janganlah engkau bersedih hati, sesungguhnya tuhanmu telah menjadikan anak sungai di bawahmu.”(24) dan goyangkanlah pangkal pohon kurma itu ke arahmu, niscaya (pohon) itu akan menggugurkan buah kurma yang masak kepadamu.(25) (q.s. maryam: 23-25) kategori penokohan dalam kisah al-qur’an penokohan adalah cara pengarang dalam melukiskan tokoh, merupakan bagian yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dari sebuah kisah. pada satu kisah tidak jarang menyebutkan beberapa tokoh yang masing-masing digambarkan secara lengkap dan utuh, adapula yang hanya menyebutkan satu tokoh utama sedangkan tokoh lainnya untuk penguat dari karakter tokoh utama. penyebutan tokoh yang cukup banyak dalam satu kisah dapat diklasifikasikan sesuai dengan dasar yang digunakan, berdasarkan fungsi penampilan dibedakan menjadi tokoh protagonis dan antagonis. tokoh protagonis yang dihadirkan berfungsi sebagai tokoh yang dikagumi, tokoh yang mewakili norma-norma, nilai-nilai yang ideal bagi pembaca, dan tokoh antagonis dihadirkan sebagai tokoh yang berlawanan dengan tokoh protagonis. berdasarkan kepentingan peran dibedakan menjadi tokoh utama dan 266 afkaruna tokoh tambahan. tokoh utama tidak terbatas hanya dengan satu tokoh, melainkan tokoh-tokoh yang diceritakan dengan porsi dan detail yang dominan disebut dengan tokoh utama atau tokoh yang terkait dengan semua peristiwa yang tercantum dalam kisah. tokoh utama disebut pula dengan hero bagi laki-laki dan heroin bagi perempuan, penyebutan berkaitan dengan tindakan heroik yang dilakukan dalam kisah.35 selain dari tokoh utama adalah tokoh tambahan. berdasarkan watak dibedakan menjadi tokoh sederhana dan tokoh kompleks. tokoh sederhana adalah tokoh yang sifat dan tingkah lakunya hanya terpaku pada satu watak tertentu yang diceritakan.36 jika berperan sebagai tokoh baik maka perannya tetap baik sampai akhir kisah. sedangkan tokoh kompleks, sifat dan tingkah lakunya mengalami perubahan yang memberikan efek kejutan bagi pembaca. tokoh sederhana dan kompleks sering disebut juga dengan tokoh statis dan dinamis. demikian pula penokohan dalam qashash al-qur’an dapat menggunakan dasar yang sama dengan klasifikasi pada karya sastra. berdasarkan fungsi penampilan yakni protagonis dan antagonis, dengan merujuk definisi tokoh protagonis maka beberapa tokoh yang disebutkan dalam kisah al-qur’an adalah seperti para nabi dan rasul: nabi nûh, nabi ibrahim, nabi mûsâ, nabi isa dan nabi muhammad saw, orang-orang yang beriman; luqmân, maryam. sedangkan, tokoh antagonis pihak yang berlawanan dengan dengan tokoh protagonis, beberapa tokoh yang disebutkan adalah seperti raja yang zhalim; raja fira’aun, raja namrud, orang-orang yang ingkar; qârûn, qabil, kan’an. berdasarkan kepentingan peran yakni tokoh utama dan tokoh tambahan, dalam banyak kisah tokoh utama dikisahkan seorang diri seperti nabi nûh, nabi ibrâhim, dikisahkan dengan lebih dari satu orang seperti nabi mûsâ bersama hârûn. maka tokoh tambahan adalah tokoh yang diceritakan sebagai penguat dari peran tokoh utama seperti tokoh burung hud-hud dalam kisah nabi sulaiman, yang muncul untuk memberikan informasi bahwa ada kerajaan makmur di suatu daerah hanya saja tidak menyembah allah sebagai sesembahan melainkan matahari. berdasarkan watak yakni tokoh statis dan tokoh dinamis. pertimbangan kuat dari tokoh statis adalah dengan melihat konsistensi peran dari seorang tokoh, maka tokoh-tokoh dalam kisah al-qur’an cenderung sebagai tokoh statis. beberapa diantaranya mengalami peralihan peran watak, baik menjadi buruk seperti; qârûn pada awalnya adalah salah seorang murid 267vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 dari nabi mûsâ yang taat terhadap ajaran agama namun sangat miskin, dalam kisah diceritakan bahwa qârûn menjadi orang yang berhasil dan hidup mapan, hanya saja kekayaan menjadikannya serakah dan kufur kepada allah swt. peralihan dari buruk menjadi baik seperti; ratu bilqis yang semula menyembah matahari, setelah melakukan dialog dengan nabi sulaiman menjadikannya kemudian menyembah allah swt dan turut mengajak seluruh elemen dari kerajaan. penokohan antagonis dalam kisah al-qur’an tokoh antagonis adalah tokoh yang diposisikan berlawanan dengan tokoh protagonis. untuk menemukan spesifikasi dari tokoh antagonis, perlu untuk merumuskan pengertian dari tokoh protagonis. pembacaan lebih lanjut pada kategori penokohan dalam kisah, penulis mendefinisikan tokoh protagonis sebagai berikut: “tokoh yang konsisten sebagai panutan, dengan membawa nilai, norma yang ideal bagi pembaca dan merupakan pusat dari narasi kisah.” kisah dalam al-qur’an menyampaikan nilai dan norma agama islam melalui tokoh para nabi dan rasul, serta orang-orang yang beriman. tokoh-tokoh yang disebutkan di dalamnya termasuk dari tokoh protagonis dalam kisah al-qur’an. setelah mengetahui hal itu maka penulis dapat mendefinisikan tokoh antagonis sebagai berikut: “tokoh yang konsisten hingga akhir berlawanan dengan nilai, norma yang ideal bagi pembaca dan pusat dari konflik narasi kisah.” lebih lanjut sebagai objek penelitian, tokoh antagonis oleh penulis membaginya berdasarkan penglihatan peran dan posisi dari masingmasing tokoh, juga tidak terlepas dari definisi tokoh antagonis, yakni: pertama, tokoh antagonis dari kalangan raja, terdiri dari raja namrud, raja fir’aun, raja jâlût. dalam beberapa kisah dalam al-qur’an, para nabi menghadapi tentangan dari para penguasa yakni para raja. bukan hanya tentangan secara verbal saja, namun disertai pula usaha menyakiti keluarga nabi bahkan melalukan percobaan pembunuhan. raja namrud adalah tokoh antagonis yang dihadapi oleh nabi ibrahim. raja fir’aun adalah tokoh antagonis yang dihadapi oleh nabi mûsâ dan hârûn. raja jâlût adalah tokoh antagonis yang dihadapi oleh nabi daud. penulis tidak memasukkan ratu bilqis dari kerajaan saba’ dikarenakan perubahan sifat yang dialami dari buruk menjadi baik. berawal menentang ajaran nabi sulaiman untuk menyembah allah, setelah melakukan dialog dan penunjukkan bukti kehebatan dari kerajaan nabi sulaiman, maka ratu 268 afkaruna bilqis pun mengikuti ajakan menyembah allah swt semata. kedua, tokoh antagonis dari kalangan birokrat, terdiri dari qârûn dan hâmân. penolakan ajaran para nabi dan rasul tidak hanya dilakukan oleh pimpinan dari suatu wilayah, melainkan penolakan turut diberikan dari para eksekutif pemerintahan. qârûn dan hâmân merupakan menteri dan penasihat dari raja fir’aun, berhadapan dengan nabi mûsâ dan hârûn. walaupun qârûn merupakan salah satu murid nabi mûsâ, namun mengalami perubahan dan tetap konsisten hingga akhir hayatnya menentang ajaran mûsâ. ketiga, tokoh antagonis dari kalangan keluarga para nabi, terdiri dari qabil, imra’ah nûh dan kan’an, imra’ah lûth, abû lahab dan ummu jamil. menjadi sebuah kontradiksi ketika keluarga nabi yang seharusnya menjadi pihak pertama untuk mendukung dan mengikuti ajaran para nabi, ternyata melakukan pertentangan, baik secara terang-terangan dengan verbal seperti yang dilakukan oleh imra’ah nûh dan kan’an kepada nabi nûh, dan penghianatan imra’ah lûth kepada nabi lûth, dengan fisik seperti yang dilakukan oleh abû lahab dan ummu jamil kepada nabi muhammad saw, bahkan pertentangan dengan melakukan sesuatu yang telah dilarang seperti yang dilakukan qabil. nilai negatif-positif tokoh antagonis dalam kisah alqur’an dan relevansinya pada kehidupan a. sifat dasar manusia pada dasarnya manusia mempunyai kemungkinan untuk berbuat dosa, yang membedakan diantaranya adalah ada yang memilih untuk menghentikan melakukan perbuatan dosa serta memohon ampunan dari allah. seperti yang dilakukan oleh nabi adam, tatkala memakan buah terlarang bersama siti hawa di surga, kemudian mengakui kesalahan dan berjanji untuk menjadi hamba yang taat. ada pula yang memilih untuk tetap mengerjakan perbuatan dosa. seperti yang dilakukan oleh fir’aun, bersikeras menolak menyembah kepada allah dikarenakan kesombongannya, hingga akhir hayatnya. masing-masing pilihan dari kedua tipe itu akan mendapatkan balasan yang berbeda, berupa kebaikan dalam bentuk rezeki, kedamaian atau keburukan dalam bentuk adzab. kebaikan yang diterima oleh seseorang merupakan pemberian dari allah swt, barang siapa yang kemudian bersyukur pada-nya maka akan dilipatgandakan. dan keburukan yang diterima oleh seseorang merupakan 269vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 akibat dari perbuatan dosa yang pernah dilakukan, barang siapa yang kemudian bertaubat pada-nya maka akan diampuni dosanya. allah menganugerahkan kepada setiap manusia dilahirkan dalam keadaan suci, yang secara naluri beriman kepada allah. selain itu pula telah diberikan petunjuk berupa ilmu pengetahuan, juga berupa diutusnya seorang rasul dan diturunkannya sebuah kitab. oleh karena itu, perbuatan baik yang dilakukan seutuhnya dapat disandarkan kepada allah swt, sebab manusia berbuat baik karena mengikuti segala ketentuan-nya. sedangkan, pada perbuatan buruk tidak dapat disandarkan kepada allah swt, sebab manusia berbuat buruk akibat melanggar segala ketentuan-nya, “segala kebaikan yang kamu peroleh adalah dari allah dan segala kejelekan yang menimpamu adalah dari kesalahan dirimu sendiri.”37 dengan mengetahui bahwa perbuatan baik dari allah dan perbuatan buruk dari manusia itu sendiri, menjadikan kita semua selalu memohon perlindungan kepada allah untuk dihindarkan dari memiliki perilaku buruk. sedangkan, jika manusia meyakini bahwa tindakan baik dan tindakan buruk dari allah semata, maka orang-orang yang berbuat maksiat tidak mau untuk mengakui perbuatan dosanya dan menolak bertaubat, bahkan beralasan ini semua adalah ketentuan-nya. b. sifat dan karakter tokoh antagonis dalam kisah alqur’an manusia diberikan kemampuan untuk membedakan kebaikan dan keburukan, serta mengarahkannya. kemampuan tersebut menjadikan manusia mempunyai konsekuensi berupa pertanggungjawaban kepada allah. padanan kata dari baik dan buruk adalah ma’ruf dan munkar. menurut hamka (sebagaimana dijelaskan oleh abd haris) makna kata ma’ruf adalah semua hal yang memberikan manfaat walau terlihat menyusahkan ketika mengerjakannya, sedangkan munkar adalah yang membawa kerugian walau terlihat menyenangkan ketika mengerjakannya, ukurannya adalah dari akibat yang ditimbulkan. selain itu ma’ruf secara bahasa dari kata ‘urf yang artinya dapat dikenal, dimengerti, dipahami dan diterima oleh masyarakat, sedangkan munkar berarti yang tidak disenangi, ditolak oleh masyarakat.38 dengan pandangan di atas pengetahuan tentang baik dan buruk masih sangatlah lokal dan temporal, sebab hanya mengandalkan akal. hal ini dikuatkan dengan perkataan “ada yang baik menurut suatu 270 afkaruna kaum, tetapi buruk pada pandangan kaum lainnya”, setelah wahyu datang pengetahuan tentang baik dan buruk kemudian menjadi lebih universal. sebab seorang muslim akan menjadikan al-qur’an dan sunnah sebagai patokan suatu perbuatan itu dikatakan baik atau buruk, dan seseorang muslim yang mengikuti semua ajaran yang diajarkan dan menjadi pandangan mayoritas di dalam islam disebut dengan ahlus sunnah wal jama’ah. mengikuti sifat dan karakter dari ahlus sunnah wal jama’ah adalah muhâjirûn (orang-orang yang hijrah), muqsithûn (orang-orang yang berbuat baik), mujâhidûn (orang-orang yang berjihad di jalan allah), munfiqûn (orang yang menginfakkan hartanya), muqsitûn (orang-orang yang berbuat adil). dan sifat dan karakter yang bertentangan dengannya adalah dahriyûn (orang-orang yang tidak mempercayai adanya tuhan), fujjar (orang-orang yang berbuat maksiat), jabbarun (orang-orang yang berbuat sewenang-wenang), mufsidûn (orang-orang yang berbuat kerusakan), mu’tâdûn (orang-orang yang melampaui batas). tokoh antagonis di dalam kisah al-qur’an mempunyai sifat dan karakter masing-masing yang menjadikannya tercatat abadi di dalam sejarah islam, berikut penjelasannya: 1. kalangan raja a. namrud pada 4000 sm telah berkembang sebuah peradaban di wilayah yang dikenal dengan nama sumire, tepatnya di lembah sungai tigris dan eufrat, sekarang merupakan wilayah negara iraq. terdapat juga nama lain dari sumire yakni mesopotamia, berasal dari bahasa yunani yang berarti mesos tengah potamos sungai. di dalamnya terdiri berbagai bangsa yakni bangsa amoriah, kanaan, yahudi, arab dan akkadia. seiring berjalannya waktu di wilayah tersebut terbagi menjadi beberapa kekuasaan kecil mewakili tiap bangsa. dan kemudian bangsa akkadia-lah yang berhasil menjadi satu kekuataan dominan atas bangsa lainnya, membentang dari teluk persia di selatan, asia kecil di utara dan mencakup iraq, syria, lebanon, bagian di turki dan iran. dinasti ini mencapai masa puncaknya di bawah lima raja, yaitu sargon i, rimush, manishtusu, naram sin dan shar kali sharri. dalam ajaran agama islam, naram sin diketahui sebagai namrud, raja yang berhadapan dengan ibrahim.39 naram sin merupakan seorang raja yang sangat berbakat dalam perang, terhitung merebut sembilan kemenangan dalam satu tahun. dengan prestasi itu naram sin memberikan gelar kepada dirinya “raja keempat 271vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 penjuru dunia” dan “raja alam semesta.” dengan gelar tersebut menjadikan naram sin satu-satunya raja mesopotamia yang mempunyai status sama dengan para dewa. keberhasilan lain dari naram sin adalah mampu menyatukan kota-kota mesopotamia yang saling berperang menjadi satu kerajaan besar.40 b. fir’aun kerajaan mesir kuno berada di bawah kekuasaan fir’aun, sebagai pemilik serta penguasa seluruh daratan dan sumber daya alam. rakyat mesir mengakui fir’aun sebagai perwakilan dewa di dunia. mengingat pada waktu itu kerajaan mengkombinasikan antara agama dan fungsi politik, maka fir’aun selain berperan sebagai seorang pemimpin pemerintahan juga berperan sebagai pemimpin keagamaan. dengan demikian, menjadikan fir’aun mempunyai jarak dalam hal birokrasi antara dirinya sebagai pemimpin dengan rakyatnya. diperkuat dengan pembagian struktur masyarakat, antara kelas atas yang terdiri dari para penguasa dan pendeta, kelas menengah dari kalangan pedagang dan kelas rakyat yang terdiri dari mayoritas kelompok budak.41 dengan jabatan yang dimiliki oleh fir’aun tidak membuatnya menutup istana bagi siapa saja yang mempunyai perbedaan pendapat untuk melakukan dialog. diantaranya mempersilahkan mûsâ dan hârûn masuk ke dalam istana tatkala mereka ingin menyampaikan ajaran tauhid. mengesampingkan respon atau tanggapan dari fir’aun atas apa yang disampaikan oleh mûsâ dan hârûn, menjadikan sebuah kelebihan ketika seorang pemimpin mau membuka istana untuk semua kalangan tanpa melakukan diskriminasi. bukankah isu mengenai ajaran mûsâ sudah sampai kepada telinga fir’aun, jika demikian bukankah untuk menghindari hilangnya kewibawaan seorang raja, maka yang perlu dilakukan adalah hanya mempersilahkan masuk ke dalam istana orang yang sependapat dan sepemikiran, bukan orang yang bertentangan. namun, dalam pelaksanaannya fir’aun tetap membuka istana untuk semua orang, sekalipun berlawanan dengan dirinya. fir’aun di dalam sejarah dikenal sebagai ramses ii, pada masa kepemimpinannya mesir mengalami stabilitas politik, dimana tidak ada kendala dalam negeri dan kekayaan yang melimpah hasil pemberian dari negeri lain sebagai pengakuan terhadap kepemimpinan fir’aun. tidak kalah berkembang pada sektor pembangunan, banyak membangun berbagai 272 afkaruna istana dan kuil beberapa diantaranya adalah kuil abu simbel di nubia, kuil ramesseum di thebes, di karnak, kuil ramses ii di abydos, yang terletak di timur dan barat sungai nil, dan juga memperindah pi ramesses sebagai pusat kota.42 c. jâlût sebagai seorang pemimpin, jâlût mempunyai kewajiban yang harus dipenuhi diantaranya adalah melaksanakan penertiban (law and order) yaitu bertugas sebagai stabilisator untuk terpenuhinya tujuan pemerintahan dan mencegah bentrokan diantara masyarakat. mengusahakan dan mengupayakan kesejahteraan rakyatnya. serta mempersiapkan pertahanan untuk mencegah kemungkinan adanya serangan dari luar, dan melindungi negara dari segala bentuk agresi.43 dengan kehendak allah, kerajaan palestina berhasil menguasai orangorang bani israil yang telah jauh menyimpang dari ajaran mûsâ. akibat dari kekalahan itu bani israil harus meninggalkan perkampungan yang biasa mereka tinggali selama ini, untuk ditempatkan di wilayah lain yang masih merupakan kekuasaan kerajaan palestina. beberapa periode berlalu hingga datang nabi di antara mereka yakni nabi samuel. untuk melepaskan diri dari penguasaan kerajaan palestina, bani israil meminta kepada samuel untuk memohon kepada allah memilihkan seorang raja yang dapat menyatukan mereka dan bersama-sama mengalahkan penguasa kerajaan palestina ketika itu, jâlût. kemudian dipilihlah oleh allah seorang pemuda bernama talut untuk menjadi raja dari bani israil. pertama kali diperkenalkan kepada bani israil, orang-orang merasa kecewa atas pilihan yang diberikan kepada mereka, dengan alasan bahwa sosok talut bukan berasal dari golongan yang terhormat baik golongan lawiy ataupun yahudza44, melainkan hanya berasal dari golongan benyamin. samuel meyakinkan mereka dengan mengatakan “sesungguhnya dalam memimpin kerajaan tidak membutuhkan silsilah nasab, dan telah allah berikan kepada talut kekuatan, juga mengembalikan tabut kepada kita.” maka tenanglah hati bani israil dan bersedia menerima talut. dan diketahui di bawah kepemimpinan talut, bani israil mampu mengalahkan kerajaan palestina, dengan tercatat sejarah seorang pemuda dapat mengalahkan seorang raja yang perkasa, dikenal dengan duel antara daud dan jâlût, dan dalam kisah nasrani dikenal dengan duel david dan goliat. 273vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 jika memperhatikan lebih seksama dalam kisah perlawanan talut dan pasukannya, meninggalkan sesuatu hal yang perlu untuk dilakukan pembahasan lebih lanjut, yakni status dari talut dan jâlût. dengan gambaran sebagai berikut, kondisi saat itu kerajaan palestina yang dipimpin oleh jâlût adalah penguasa yang sah, sedangkan bani israil adalah satu dari beberapa kelompok yang menjadi tanggungan kerajaan. maka dalam sudut pandang kenegaraan tindakan yang direncanakan oleh talut bersama bani israil merupakan bentuk pemberontakan dan makar.45 sedangkan jâlût yang mengetahui bahwasanya ada sekelompok tentara yang akan melakukan serangan ke kerajaan, maka kewajiban dari seorang kepala negara adalah melakukan pertahanan dan berusaha meredam serangan yang dapat mengakibatkan ketidakstabilan pemerintahan. kewajiban tersebut yang kemudian jâlût penuhi, dengan turun langsung melawan pasukan bani israil untuk menjaga kedaulatan kerajaan. 2. kalangan birokrat a. qârûn dan hâmân manusia memiliki potensi di dalam dirinya yang dapat menjadikannya terus berkembang selama hidupnya, baik secara fisik yang terlihat dengan adanya pertumbuhan badan atau secara mental dengan semakin matang dalam berfikir. potensi tersebut merupakan sesuatu hal yang tidak perlu dipelajari dan dapat muncul dengan sendirinya sebagai sebuah naluri (hidayat al-ghariziyat), disebut juga potensi instingtif. potensi ini memberikan beberapa dorongan pada diri manusia, pertama, yakni dorongan melakukan sesuatu untuk kelangsungan hidup, seperti makan, minum, menyesuaikan diri dengan lingkungan. kedua, dorongan untuk mempertahankan diri, seperti membuat senjata, berlatih beladiri dan membuat sebuah rencana. selain potensi instingtif, manusia dianugerahkan potensi akal (hidayat al-’aqliyah) yang berfungsi untuk memahami simbol-simbol, menganalisa, membandingkan dan mampu mengkondisikan lingkungan menjadi lebih nyaman sesuai keinginan sendiri.46 kombinasi dari kedua potensi ini menjadikan manusia memiliki sifat oportunis47, yang membuat seseorang mampu untuk melihat setiap peluang sebagai upaya mempertahankan diri dan menjamin keberlangsungan hidup. pada masa zaman fir’aun berkuasa, masyarakat hidup dengan segala kekurangan. hanya sebagian orang yang hidup berkecukupan dan cenderung mewah, yakni orang-orang yang hidup di sekitar lingkungan 274 afkaruna penguasa. menjadi bagian dari kekuasaan cukup dengan selalu mendukung segala pemikiran fir’aun dan membantu untuk mewujudkannya, maka akan terjamin kebutuhan jasmani berupa harta benda, dan kebutuhan rohani berupa rasa aman dari penindasan. dalam hal ini qârûn dan hâmân melihat kesempatan tersebut, untuk mendapatkan kemudahan hidup di dunia, mereka berdua selalu siap dan bersedia atas segala keinginan fir’aun, termasuk selalu mendukung atas pengakuan dirinya sebagai tuhan, turut serta melawan mûsâ dan hârûn yang merupakan musuh dari fir’aun. posisi yang telah qârûn dan hâmân tentukan, yaitu berada dibarisan pendukung fir’aun, merupakan hasil kombinasi dari potensi naluri dan potensi akal yang dimiliki. potensi naluri, membuat qârûn dan hâmân berusaha menemukan segala sesuatu yang bisa menjamin kehidupannya di dunia, dan potensi akal membuat qârûn dan hamam mempelajari cara untuk mencapainya, yakni menjadi pendukung fir’aun. dan dengan potensi akal pula membuat keduanya menjadi setia kepada fir’aun. sebab jika berusaha untuk bersebrangan dengan penguasa, maka nasibnya akan seperti tukang sihir yang beriman, yaitu dibunuh. 3. kalangan keluarga nabi a. qabil penunjukan manusia sebagai khalifah di bumi diragukan oleh para malaikat kala itu, karena kekhawatiran akan berbuat kerusakan dan saling menumpahkan darah. allah merespon dugaan itu dengan mengatakan, “aku lebih mengetahui apa yang kalian tidak ketahui.” kelebihan dari manusia adalah bekal ilmu pengetahuan yang tidak diberikan kepada makhluk hidup lainnya. dengan akal, mampu untuk mengumpulkan informasi, mengolah dan kemudian mengembangkan. dan dengan akal pula manusia dapat menaikkan derajatnya sebagai hamba allah atau menurunkan derajatnya menjadi hamba yang ingkar. sebagaimana kejadian yang menimpa adam dan hawa di surga, ketika melakukan sebuah kesalahan yakni memakan buah terlarang, adam segera bertaubat dan bersedia bertanggungwajab dengan menerima segala konsekuensi atas tindakannya. pada akhirnya allah menurunkan adam dan hawa ke bumi sebagai hukuman, dan tidak berupaya untuk melakukan negosiasi, bahkan menerima dengan lapang dada. berselang hitungan tahun, manusia kembali melakukan sebuah 275vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 kesalahan yang dilakukan oleh anak adam, yakni qabil yang membunuh saudaranya, habil. tidak jauh berbeda dengan ayahnya, qabil berusaha bertanggungjawab atas tindakan yang diperbuatnya. penjelasan pada bab iii yang telah disampaikan oleh penulis bahwa qabil sempat menggendong jenazah habil selama satu tahun, hingga seratus tahun pada riwayat lainnya. jika bukan karena rasa bertanggungjawab, tentu jenazah cukup ditinggalkan di suatu daerah yang tidak berpenghuni, mengingat ketika itu populasi manusia masih sangat terbatas. pada akhirnya allah memberikan petunjuk melalui perantara burung gagak yang menguburkan gagak lainnya yang telah mati, dengan cara menggali dan kemudian memasukkan bangkai gagak ke dalam tanah dan menutupnya kembali setelahnya. dengan bantuan akal tadi, qabil melakukan hal yang sama, pada akhirnya jenazah habil berada di tempat yang layak. namun akal bukan menjadi satu-satunya faktor menjadikan qabil berusaha untuk menggendong dan kemudian menguburkan habil, melainkan terdapat pula keinginan yang kuat untuk bertanggungjawab. walaupun manusia mempunyai ilmu pengetahuan, tanpa naluri atau motivasi tidak berarti sama sekali. seandainya demikian maka ketika qabil melihat petunjuk dari burung gagak cukuplah sebatas menjadi pengetahuan, tanpa perlu diaplikasikan. oleh karena itu, manusia diberikan oleh allah keinginan, naluri, motivasi sebagai kekuatan dan dorongan untuk bertindak memenuhi tuntutan keinginannya.48 b. abû lahab, ummu jamil kegigihan abû lahab dan ummu jamil menggagalkan dakwah muhammad merupakan bentuk lain dari kesabaran yang selama ini diperlihatkan oleh rasul dan para sahabat, yakni sabar dalam versi buruk. dalam pandangan ibn qayyim pada kitab uddah al-sabirin wa dzakhirah alsyakirin menjelaskan bagaimana manusia mempunyai kesabaran yang bervariasi, terbagi menjadi dua macam yakni sabar yang agung dan sabar yang hina.49 sabar yang agung adalah sabar dalam menjalankan perintah dan menjauhi larangan allah, serta tahan terhadap musibah yang diberikan dan bertambah keimanan karenanya. sedangkan, sabar yang hina adalah sabar dalam menuruti semua hawa nafsu walaupun membutuhkan usaha yang lebih untuk mewujudkannya. kesabaran abû lahab dan ummu jamil dalam menghadang 276 afkaruna menyebarnya islam di jazirah arabia tidak berhasil, sebab tidak adanya pertolongan dari allah dalam sabar tersebut. sebaliknya kesabaran yang ditunjukkan oleh muhammad dan umatnya diberikan keberhasilan berupa menyerahnya kafir quraisy dalam peristiwa fathu makkah, sebagaimana dalam surat an-nahl ayat 127, “dan tiadalah kesabaranmu itu melainkan dengan pertolongan allah.” kesimpulan dengan menggunakan teori tafsir maudhu’i milik al-farmawy penelitian ini memberikan definisi dan klasifikasi mengenai penokohan dalam kisahkisah al-qur’an. terdapat dua bentuk penokohan, yakni tokoh protagonis dan tokoh antagonis. tokoh protagonis adalah “tokoh yang konsisten sebagai panutan, dengan membawa nilai, norma yang ideal bagi pembaca dan merupakan pusat dari narasi kisah,” di dalam al-qur’an yang merupakan tokoh protagonis adalah para nabi dan rasul, serta orangorang yang beriman. tokoh antagonis adalah “tokoh yang konsisten hingga akhir berlawanan dengan nilai, norma yang ideal bagi pembaca dan pusat dari konflik narasi kisah,” di dalam al-qur’an tokoh antagonis terbagi menjadi tiga jenis berdasarkan penglihatan peran dan posisi dari masing-masing tokoh, yaitu pertama tokoh antagonis dari kalangan raja, kedua tokoh antagonis dari kalangan birokrat, ketiga tokoh antagonis dari kalangan keluarga nabi. pembagian tokoh antagonis dalam tiga jenis menjadi sumbangan dalam kajian tafsir al-qur’an, terkhusus kajian qashash alqur’an, sebagai bentuk pemetaan penokohan dalam kisah-kisah alqur’an. penelitian ini dapat dijadikan landasan untuk dilakukan penelitian lanjutan dengan objek tokoh protagonis dalam kisah al-qur’an. catatan akhir 1 acep hermawan, ulumul qur’an (bandung: rosda, 2011). 2 susanti agustina, biblioterapi untuk pengasuhan (jakarta: noura publishing, 2017). 3 mannâ khalil al-qattân, studi ilmu-ilmu qur’an, terj. mudzakir as (bogor: litera antar nusa, 2004). 4 m. quraish shihab, mukjizat al-qur’an (bandung: mizan, 1997). 5 deliar noer, al-qur’ân, sejarah dan studi masyarakat (jakarta: gema press insani,1995). 6 geoffrey galt harpham, a glossary of literary terms (usa: wadsworth cengage learning, 2009). 277vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 7 furqonil aziz, abdul hasim, menganalisa fiksi sebuah pengantar (bogor: ghalia indonesia, 2010). 8 metode telling diketahui melalui penggunaan nama tokoh, penampilan tokoh dan tuturan pengarang. sedangkan metode showing diketahui melalui dialog, lokasi dan situasi percakapan, kualitas mental para tokoh, serta tekanan dan kosa kata. 9 albertine minderop, metode karakterisasi telaah fiksi (jakarta: pustaka obor, 2011). 10 ahmad zaki ali, tesis “disaster management dalam kisah al-qur’an” (yogyakarta: uin suka, 2012) 11 robitoh widi astuti, tesis “komunikasi orang tua dan anak perspektif kisah dalam al-qur’an” (yogyakarta: uin suka, 2011) 12 abdurrahman umairah, tokoh yang diabadikan al-qur’an (jakarta: gema insani press, 2002) 13 laha abdur ra’uf, qabil dan habil kisah orang-orang zhalim (yogyakarta: mitra pustaka: 2004) 14 afareez abd razak, misteri fir’aun musuh para nabi (jakarta: zaytuna, 2012) 15 quraish shihab. tafsir al-misbah (jakarta: lentera hati, 2001) 16 hamka, tafsir al-azhar (jakarta: pustaka panjimas, 1999) 17 abu ja’far muhammad bin jarir ath-labari, tafsir ath-labari, terj. ahsan askan (jakarta: pustaka azzam, 2008) 18 sayyid quthb, tafsir fi zilalil qur’an, terj. as’ad yasin, abdul azis salim basyarahil (jakarta: gema insani press, 2001) 19 ibnu kaaîr, kisah para nabi, terj. m. abdul ghoffar (jakarta: pustaka azzam, 2011) 20 yunahar ilyas, kisah para rasul: tafsir al-qur’an tematis (yogyakarta: itqan, 2016) 21 s. margono, metodologi penelitian pendidikan: komponen mkdk (jakarta: rineka cipta, 2007). 22 syihabuddin qalyubi, stilistika al-qur’an (yogyakarta: lkis, 2009). 23 yunahar ilyas, kuliah ulumul qur’an (yogyakarta: itqan, 2013). 24 muhammad amin suma, ulumul qur’an (jakarta: rajagrafindo, 2013). 25 a. hanafi, m.a, segi-segi kesustraan pada kisah-kisah al-qur’ân (jakarta: pustaka al-husna, 1984). 26 fajrul munawir, al-qur’an (yogyakarta: pokja akademik uin sunan kalijaga, 2005). 27 manna al-qattan, mabahia fi ulumil qur’an (beirut: muassasah ar-risalah, 1976). 28 shalah al-khalidy, kisah-kisah al-qur’an: pelajaran dari orang-orang dahulu, terj. setiawan budi utomo (jakarta: gema insani press, 1996). 29 m. quraish shihab, lentera al-qur’an kisah dan hikmah kehidupan (bandung: mizan, 2014). 30 m. nur kholis setiawan, al-qur’an kitab sastra terbesar (yogyakarta: elsaq 278 afkaruna press, 2005). 31 aris gunawan hasyim, memahami al-qur’an secara tematik (siduarjo: nur al-qur’ân, 2010). 32 muhammad a. khalafullah, al-qur’an bukan kitab sejarah, terj. zuhairi misrawi (jakarta: paramadina, 2002). 33 dalam sastra disebut dengan fabel: cerita yang menceritakan kehidupan hewan yang berlaku menyerupai manusia. 34 ُ ِعْمَراَن َُم اْبنَة َةُ فِْرَعْوَن َوَمْری ِْنُت ُمَزاِحٍم اْمَرأ ُ ب َة ٍد َوآِسی ِْنُت ُمَحمَّ ُ ب ِْنُت ُخَوْیِلٍد َوفَاِطَمة ُ ب َِّة َخِدیَجة َجن َْھِل الْ َْضُل نَِساِء أ َف أ artinya: “sebaik-baik wanita penghuni surga adalah khadijah binti khuwailid, fatimah binti muhammad, aisyah binti muzahim istri fir’aun dan maryam binti imran.” imam ahmad, musnad ahmad, no. 2536 (riyad: darussalam, 1999), maryam berarti hamba. 35 ida rochani adi, fiksi populer: teori & metode kajian (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2011). 36 pujiharto, pengantar teori fiksi (yogyakarta: penerbit ombak, 2012). 37 ibn taimiyyah, baik dan buruk menurut al-qur’an, terj. abd. azis mr (yogyakarta: mitra pustaka, 2004). 38 abd haris, etika hamka: konstruksi etik berbasis rasional-religius (yogyakarta: lkis, 2012). 39 ashadi, peradaban dan arsitektur: dunia kuno sumeria-mesir-india (jakarta: arsitektur umj press, 2016). 40 susan wise bauer, sejarah dunia kuno (jakarta: elex media komputindo, 2011) 41 mustofa umar, “mesopotamia dan mesir kuno: awal peradaban dunia”, jurnal el-harakah, vol. 11, no. 3, tahun 2009. 42 ashadi, peradaban dan arsitektur: dunia kuno sumeria-mesir-india (jakarta: arsitektur umj press, 2016). 43 masyhud, “kewajiban dan hak kepala negara dalam perspektif hukum islam”, jurnal al-manahij, vol. vi, no. 1, januari 2012. 44 lawiy: garis keturunan para nabi-nabi bani israil. yahudza: garis keturunan para raja-raja bani israil. ali muhammad al-bajawi, untaian kisah dalam alqur’an, terj. abdul hamid (jakarta: darul haq, 2007). 45 pemberontakan: tindakan melawan pemerintah dengan senjata. makar: tindakan untuk menjadikan seluruh atau sebagian wilayah negara jatuh ke tangan musuh, atau memisahkan sebagian wilayah negara dari yang lain, atau untuk menggulingkan pemerintahan. hendrick winatapradja, “tindak pidana pemberontakan berdasarkan pasal 108 kuh pidana”, lex crimen, vol. iv, no. 3, mei 2015. 46 siti khasinah, “hakikat manusia menurut pandangan islam dan barat”, jurnal ilmiah didaktika, vol. xiii, no. 2, februari 2013. 47 secara bahasa oportunis berasal dari kata opportune bermakna tepat, pantas, kesempatan. penambahan kata “is” merujuk kepada pelaku, sehingga memiliki makna utuh yakni orang yang menggunakankesempatan untuk mendapatkan hasil bagi diri sendiri, kelompok. john m. echols dan hassan shadily, kamus 279vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 inggris indonesia (jakarta: gramedia, 2002), 406. dapat diartikan juga dengan go od c hanc e kesempat a n baik, favourable occ asio nke sempat an ya ng menguntungkan. the oxford compact english dictionary (oxford: oxford university press, 1996). 48 mohd nakhaie ahmad, masyarakat islam hadari (kuala lumpur: yayasan dakwah islamiah malaysia, 2004). 49 ibn al-qayyim al-jauziyah, kemuliaan sabar dan keagungan syukur, terj. m. alaika salamulloh (yogyakarta: mitra pustaka, 2005). daftar pustaka adi, ida rochani. fiksi populer: teori & metode kajian. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2011. agustina, susanti. biblioterapi untuk pengasuhan. jakarta: noura publishing, 2017. ahmad, mohd nakhaie. masyarakat islam hadari. kuala lumpur: yayasan dakwah islamiah malaysia, 2004. al-alam, jalal. aksi teror dalam islam. jakarta: fikahati aneska, 1992. ashadi. peradaban dan arsitektur: dunia kuno sumeria-mesir-india. jakarta: arsitektur umj press, 2016. aziz, furqonil, abdul hasim. menganalisa fiksi sebuah pengantar. bogor: ghalia indonesia, 2010. bauer, susan wise. sejarah dunia kuno. jakarta: elex media komputindo, 2011. al-bajawi, ali muhammad. untaian kisah dalam al-qur’an, terj. abdul hamid. jakarta: darul haq, 2007. echols, john m. dan hassan shadily. kamus inggris indonesia. jakarta: gramedia, 2002. hamid, ahmad humam. aceh merdeka dalam perdebatan: aceh, kasih tak berbalas. jakarta: cita putra bangsa, 1999. hanafi, m.a, a. segi-segi kesustraan pada kisah-kisah al-qur’an. jakarta: pustaka al-husna, 1984. harpham, geoffrey galt. a glossary of literary terms. usa: wadsworth cengage learning, 2009. haris, abd. etika hamka: konstruksi etik berbasis rasional-religius. yogyakarta: lkis, 2012. hasyim, aris gunawan. memahami al-qur’ân secara tematik. siduarjo: nur alqur’an, 2010. hermawan, acep. ulumul qur’an. bandung: rosda, 2011. ilyas, yunahar. kuliah ulumul qur’an. yogyakarta: itqan, 2013. al-jauziyah, ibn al-qayyim. kemuliaan sabar dan keagungan syukur, terj. m. alaika salamulloh. yogyakarta: mitra pustaka, 2005. khalafullah, muhammad a. al-qur’an bukan kitab sejarah, terj. zuhairi misrawi. jakarta: paramadina, 2002. al-khalidy, shalah. kisah-kisah al-qur’an: pelajaran dari orang-orang dahulu, terj. setiawan budi utomo. jakarta: gema insani press, 1996. khasinah, siti. “hakikat manusia menurut pandangan islam dan barat”, jurnal 280 afkaruna ilmiah didaktika, vol. xiii, no. 2, februari 2013. margono, s. metodologi penelitian pendidikan: komponen mkdk. jakarta: rineka cipta, 2007. masyhud. “kewajiban dan hak kepala negara dalam perspektif hukum islam”, jurnal al-manahij, vol. vi, no. 1, januari 2012, 73. minderop, albertine. metode karakterisasi telaah fiksi. jakarta: pustaka obor, 2011. munawir, fajrul. al-qur’ân. yogyakarta: pokja akademik uin sunan kalijaga, 2005. musnad ahmad, no. 2536. riyad: darussalam, 1999. noer, deliar. al-qur’an, sejarah dan studi masyarakat. jakarta: gema press insani,1995. pujiharto. pengantar teori fiksi. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak, 2012. al-qattân, mannâ khalil. studi ilmu-ilmu qur’an, terj. mudzakir as. bogor: litera antarnusa, 2004. al-qattan, manna. mabahia fi ulumil qur’an. beirut: muassasah ar-risalah, 1976. qalyubi, syihabuddin. stilistika al-qur’an. yogyakarta: lkis, 2009. setiawan, m. nur kholis. al-qur’an kitab sastra terbesar. yogyakarta: elsaq press, 2005. shihab, m. quraish. mukjizat al-qur’an. bandung: mizan, 1997. shihab, m. quraish. lentera al-qur’an kisah dan hikmah kehidupan. bandung: mizan, 2014. suu kyi, aung san. bebas dari ketakutan, terj. sugiarta sri wibowo. jakarta: pustaka utama grafiti, 1993. suma, muhammad amin. ulumul qur’an. jakarta: rajagrafindo, 2013. taimiyyah, ibn. baik dan buruk menurut al-qur’an, terj. abd. azis mr. yogyakarta: mitra pustaka, 2004. the oxford compact english dictionary. oxford: oxford university press, 1996. umar, mustofa. “mesopotamia dan mesir kuno: awal peradaban dunia”, jurnal el-harakah, vol. 11, no. 3, tahun 2009. winatapradja, hendrick. “tindak pidana pemberontakan berdasarkan pasal 108 kuh pidana”, lex crimen, vol. iv, no. 3, mei 2015. yumitro, gonda. “respon dunia internasional terhadap tragedi kemanusiaan rohingya”, jurnal sospol, vol. 3, no. 2, juli-desember 2017. jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal: menjawab tantangan liberalisme dan konservatisme islam doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0080.49-74 dr. irawan, m.s.i iain syaikh abdurrahman siddik bangka belitung email: irsyamsudin@ymail.com abstrak tujuan tulisan ini adalah menjelaskan al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal dalam menjawab tantangan liberalisme islam. kehadiran liberalisme islam dipandang fundamentalisme islam sebagai paham yang mengutamakan rasionalitas dan di luar ajaran islam dalam memahami teks-teks al-qur’an. sebaliknya liberalisme islam memandang fundamentalisme islam terlalu mengekang kebebasan berpikir sehingga menghilangkan kapabilitas nalar yang diberikan tuhan kepada manusia. melalui analisis sejarah dan fenomena yang terjadi pada kehidupan keberagamaan umat muslim, tulisan ini menjelaskan peran penting pemahaman al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal sebagai jalan tengah (the middle path) dalam beragama. moderat (wasatiyah) meliputi berbagai aspek: religiusitas, spiritualitas, intelektualitas, penampilan, sikap, perilaku, hubungan dan aktvitas umat muslim di era kontemporer. berbagai aspek kehidupan ini tentunya perlu dipahami dengan multipengetahuan agar terhindar dari pemikiran ultra-liberal dan interpretasi ekstrimis. altawassut wa al-i‘tidal ini merupakan interpretasi al-qur’an (qs. al-baqarah:143) dan hadis nabi agar umat islam bersikap “pertengahan” dan “berkeadilan”. selain itu, altawassut wa al-i‘tidal ini mengkombinasikan antara “tradisi” (al-muhafazah) dan “tajdid” (al-akhzu). tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal mendidik umat muslim agar menjadi toleran, adil, demokratis, dan tidak merasa benar sendiri. jika setiap umat muslim memahami islam secara “moderat” dan “berkeadilan”, maka perebutan klaim kebenaran (truth claim) tidak akan terjadi dan ummatan wasat}an akan terealisasikan. tulisan ini, secara teoritis, diharapkan dapat memberikan kontribusi pengetahuan yang komprehensif-konstruktif dalam memahami teks-teks keagamaan islam. demikian juga, secara praktis, argumentasi dan analis tulisan ini menjadi referensi bagi setiap aliran dalam islam agar bersikap balance and justice dalam beragama. kata kunci: al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal, al-akhzu liberalism, al-muhafazah, al-akhzu liberalisme islam, mailto:irsyamsudin@ymail.com 50 afkaruna abstract the purpose of this paper is to explain al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal in answering the challenge of islamic liberalism. the presence of islamic liberalism is seen by islamic fundamentalism as a notion that prioritizes rationality and beyond the teachings of islam in understanding the texts of the qur’an. on the contrary, islamic liberalism views islamic fundamentalism as too restrained in the freedom of thought to eliminate the reasoning capabilities that god gives to humans. through historical analysis and phenomena occurring in the religious life of muslims, this paper explains the important role of understanding al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal as the middle path of religion. moderate (wasatiyah) covers various aspects: religiosity, spirituality, intellectuality, appearance, attitude, behavior, relations and activities of muslims in the contemporary era. various aspects of life must be understood by multi-knowledge in order to avoid ultra-liberal thinking and extremist interpretation. al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal is an interpretation of the qur’an (surat al-baqarah: 143) and the hadith of the prophet for muslims to be “balance and justice”. in addition, altawassut wa al-i‘tidal combines the “traditions” (al-muhafazah) and “tajdid” (al-akhzu).this paper concludes that al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal educates muslims to be tolerant, just, democratic, and not self-righteous. if every muslim understands islam “moderately” and “justly”, so the truth claim will not happen and ummatan wasat}an will be realized.this paper, theoretically, is expected to contribute a comprehensiveconstructive knowledge in understanding islamic religious texts. likewise, practically, the arguments and analysts of this paper become the reference for every ism in islam to be balanced and justice in religion. keywords: al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal, al-muhafazah, al-akhzu liberalisme islam pendahuluan dalam analisa carool kersten, umat muslim seharusnya menginterpretasikan islam dan teologinya secara “moderasi dan berimbang” (altawassut wa al-i‘tidal). interpretasi seperti ini dapat dilakukan melalui ijtihad guna memperoleh ‘jalan tengah’ (middle path) untuk menjaga keseimbangan (tawazun) dan toleransi (tasamuh) antara fundamentalisme dan liberalisme agama.1 dengan menggabungkan antara naql dan ‘aql akan ditemukan apa yang disebut ‘melestarikan aspek baik dari tradisi’ (almuhafazah ‘ala al-qadim al-salih) dan ‘mengadopsi alternatif yang lebih baik dari pemikiran modern’ (al-akhzu bi al-jadid al-aslah) atau dalam istilah ahmad baso “bertradisi” (al-muhafazah) dan “tajdid” (al-akhzu).2 namun demikian, tidak semua umat muslim sependapat dengan konsep seperti ini. apalagi islam dikaitkan dengan liberalisme yang diyakini bersumber dari non-islam atau barat (the west). ditambah lagi dengan 51vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 asumsi bahwa agama-agama samawi memiliki keyakinan masing-masing. yahudi, kristen, dan islam secara tradisional mengklaim bahwa mereka masing-masing memiliki doktrin tentang tuhan. konsekuensinya, agamaagama wahyu tidak toleran. demikian juga agama budha, dalam theravada tipitaka dijelaskan bahwa salah satu topik yang paling umum adalah “jalan tengah” (pali: majjhima pamipada), suatu istilah deskriptif yang digunakan untuk menjelaskan karakteristik ‘pertengahan liberasi’. di dalam sutta dijelaskan ‘jalan tengah’ sebagai suatu jalan ‘moderasi’ antara kesenangan sensual yang tinggi dan penyiksaan diri sendiri. moderasi seperti ini adalah jalan kebijaksanaan (the path of wisdom). jalan tengah yang dimaksudkan di sini bukan berarti suatu titik tengah dalam suatu garis lurus yang menggabung dua titik, akan tetapi lebih dimaknai sebagai suatu ajaran dinamis untuk mencapai keharmonisan.3 joshua parens dalam tulisannya whose liberalism? which islam? leonard binder’s “islamic liberalism” menyimpulkan bahwa liberalisme islam dan barat hanya bisa diterima dalam konteks konsensus universal “titik temu” (common good).4 abdallah laroui – melalui pendekatan hermeneutiknya – berusaha menyatukan horizon antara “barat (the west) dan islam”, “the other” and “us”. dalam pendekatan seperti ini, laroui menjelaskan semua horizon agama adalah sama, semua agama dipaksa oleh liberalisme untuk toleransi.5 lain pula dengan jeremy mechik yang mengatakan boleh “toleransi tanpa liberalisme” (tolerance without liberalism), yaitu bertoleransi atas dasar hak asasi, pluralisme hukum, dan pemisahan urusan agama dan sosial yang disebutnya dengan istilah “toleransi komunal” (communal tolerance).6 saat ini, masih terlihat kekhawatiran dan penolakan sebagian umat muslim terhadap islam liberal. tulisan ini akan menjelaskan ber-islam dengan al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal untuk menjawab tantangan liberalisme islam. islam liberal liberalisme adalah paham yang berusaha memperbesar wilayah kebebasan individu dan mendorong kemajuan sosial. dengan kata lain liberalisme merupakan paham kebebasan, yaitu manusia memiliki kebebasan. secara filosofis, liberalisme merupakan tata pemikiran yang bebas karena manusia mampu berpikir dan bertindak sesuai dengan apa yang diinginkannya.7 52 afkaruna istilah islam liberal di indonesia bermula dari gerakan yang menentang munculnya gerakan islam fundamentalisme setelah lengsernya presiden soeharto pada tahun 1998. kemunculan jaringan islam liberal (jil) yang didirikan pada tahun 2010 oleh enam pemuda, yaitu, ulil abshar-abdalla, luthfi assyaukani, hamid basyaib, ihsan ali fauzi, nong darol mahmada, dan ahmad sahal menjadi bagian dari gerakan reformis islam yang terjadi dua abad lalu di dunia muslim. munculnya gerakan ini juga tidak terlepas dari: pertama, pengaruh tradisi reformis islam pada abad ke-17 yang memperdebatkan teologis antara kelompok ortodoksi dan bid’ah, atau legalisme dan mistisisme di asia tenggara. kedua, pengaruh reformis mesir muhammad abduh (1849-1905), rashid rida (1868-1935), dan ali abd al-raziq (1888-1966). gerakan reformis ini menjadi inspirasi berdirinya muhammadiyah (1912) di yogyakarta, yang bertujuan mencari interpretasi ajaran-ajaran islam berdasarkan ‘spirit’ tempat dan waktu penganut islam berada, yang dipengaruhi muhammad abduh,.8 dalam analisa greg barton, pemahaman liberal islam di indonesia telah ada sejak akhir 1970-an dan 1980-an, yang dikenal dengan istilah ‘neomodernisme’.9 bahkan sebelum era ini, soekarno sendiri dapat dikatakan sebagai seorang ‘liberal yang sejati’ (true liberal). hal ini dibuktikan dengan lebih tertariknya dia kepada dunia baru daripada islam. dalam interpretasinya tentang islam, dia selalu simpatik dengan slogan apologis muslim, seperti ‘islam adalah maju’, ‘tidak ada agama yang lebih rasional selain islam’, ‘islam bersikukuh pada penelitian ilmiah’, ‘sains islam adalah pengetahuan yang bersumber dari al-qur’an dan hadis plus pengetahuan umum’, ‘al-qur’an dan hadis harus diinterpretasikan dengan bantuan beasiswa umum’, dan sebagainya.10 di akhir abad ke-20, semakin banyak reformis di timur tengah dan belahan dunia lainnya, termasuk di barat (the west). sebut saja nasr hamid abu zaid (mesir, selanjutnya pindah ke leiden, belanda), abdulkarim soroush (iran), fatima mernissi (feminis maroko), muhammad shahrour (syiria), fazlur rahman (pakistan), mohamed arkoun (algeria), dan ashgar ali engineer (india), meskipun memiliki kecenderungan intelektual yang berbeda, namun telah berkontribusi terhadap dasar intelektual pemikiran jil di indonesia. demikian juga organisasi islam liberal di dunia muslim, seperti al-qalam (afrika selatan), an-nahdha (tunisia), the international institue for islamic studies (amerika dan malaysia), the liberation movement (iran), liberty for muslim world (inggris), progressive dawoodi bohras 53vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 (india), sister in islam (malaysia), dan progressive muslims (amerika), semua ini berbarengan dengan kemunculan jil. sebaliknya, menurut amin ma’ruf, pemikiran liberal (liberal thinking) ini sangat berbahaya karena cara berpikir seperti ini menghasilkan interpretasi “liberalistik” terhadap ajaran islam, yang sering mengarah kepada pemahaman yang berbahaya terhadap agama.11 bagi ma’ruf, cara berpikir liberal ini adalah bid‘ah. untuk mengatasi problem ini dalam islam, ma’ruf mengajak muslim untuk kembali kepada ajaran islam yang benar, salah satunya melalui kegiatan dakwah yang harus diintensifkan pada semua level masyarakat muslim.12 demikian juga menjelang tahun 2005, pandangan modernis dan liberal tokoh-tokoh nahdhatul ulama dan muhammadiyah ditolak. pada kongres tahun 2004, ada beberapa tokoh pada kedua organisasi islam ini dianggap liberal sehingga banyak ulama dan pemimpin-pemimpin muslim menyerukan untuk berperang melawan liberalisme sebagai sekte dan ide “sesat”.13 selanjutnya majelis ulama indonesia (mui) mengeluarkan fatwa pada tahun 2005 bahwa liberalisme tidak sesuai dengan ajaran islam. alasan fatwa ini adalah: a. liberalisme agama adalah memahami nash-nash agama (al-qur’an dan sunnah) dengan menggunakan akal pikiran yang bebas; dan hanya menerima doktrin-doktrin agama yang sesuai dengan akal pikiran semata b. sekularisme agama adalah memisahkan urusan dunia dari agama; agama hanya digunakan untuk mengatur hubungan pribadi dengan tuhan, sedangkan hubungan sesama manusia diatur hanya dengan berdasarkan kesepakatan sosial.14 apa sesungguhnya yang menjadi alasan – jika boleh dikatakan – kelompok muslim liberal berbicara secara lantang untuk menjelaskan islam di indonesia? jika dilihat dari berbagai argumentasi, alasannya adalah untuk menguji apakah ada perbedaan antara nilai-nilai demokratis liberal barat dan nilai-nilai islam.15 bagi sebagian muslim, indonesia harus menerapkan shari‘ah karena demokrasi yang berasal dari luar hukum islam hanyalah bersifat teoritis pemikiran manusia dan dipengaruhi modernitas dan historisitas. penolakan terselubung terhadap modernitas dan historisitas ini, menurut nurcholish madjid (indonesia) dan shabbir akhtar (pakistan), telah membelenggu pemikiran islam, melumpuhkan kemampuan agama untuk menjelaskannya kepada muslim “modern”, dan mengorbankan potensi-potensi positif modernitas.16 kelompok muslim liberal (neo-modernis) ini juga mengembangkan suatu interpretasi baru 54 afkaruna tentang budaya politik muslim yang relevan dengan nasionalisme indonesia yang didukung oleh rezim orde baru. kelompok ini mendukung kebebasan islam secara politis dan reinterpretasi ideologi islam dalam konteks masyarakat saat ini. mereka mengkontekstualisasikan al-qur’an dan hadis yang memungkinkan reinterpretasi teks-teks agama untuk mendukung nilai-nilai sosial progesif17 dan penafsiran al-qur’an dengan hermeneutika.18 pendekatan teks-sentris ini selanjutnya diteruskan oleh kelompok jil, dan pada akhirnya mendapat kritikan dari berbagai umat muslim yang anti jil seperti adian husaini,19 mutawalli,20 dan artawijaya.21 akan tetapi, liberalisme yang didukung oleh kelompok liberal indonesia adalah ambivalent. untuk menghindari liberalisme yang ambivalent, budhy munawar-rachman mengelompokkan liberalisme menjadi good and bad liberalism. good liberalism secara mendasar adalah nilai-nilai politik liberal: anti-teokrasi, pro-demokrasi, hak-hak perempuan dan muslim, dan kebebasan berpendapat. sedangkan bad liberalism adalah kesetaraan ekonomi: kebijakan-kebijakan neoliberal. ekonomi neo-liberalisme adalah ‘liberal sekuler’.22 menurut luthfi assyaukanie paling tidak ada empat agenda islam liberal yang membebaskan. pertama, agenda politik, yang berkaitan dengan sikap politik umat muslim dalam memandang sistem politik yang berlaku, khususnya yang berhubungan dengan bentuk dan sistem pemerintahan. menurut assyaukanie bentuk negara merupakan pilihan, bukan pilihan ilahi. kedua, berkaitan dengan kehidupan antaragama kaum muslim. kehidupan bermasyarakat di negara-negara muslim semakin majemuk sehingga pencarian teologi pluralisme menjadi keniscayaan. ketiga, menghimbau kepada umat muslim untuk memikirkan kembali beberapa doktrin agama yang cenderung menyudutkan dan merugikan perempuan. islam sangat mengakui persamaan dan penghormatan hak-hak semua jenis kelamin (qs.al-ahzab:35;qs.al-hujurat:13;al-nisa’:1). keempat, kebebasan berpendapat. islam sangat menghormati dan memberikan ruang untuk bebas berpendapat, apalagi berkenaan dengan hak asasi manusia (ham) di dunia modern.23 lain pula halnya dengan yudi latif ketika menjelaskan liberalisasi. dalam tulisannya teologi kekhalifahan, latif menginterpretasikan islam sebagai pembebasan (liberalization) manusia dengan hanya menerima tuhan satusatunya sebagai ‘absolut’ dan menganggap lainnya sebagai ‘relatif’. konsep teologi kekhalifahan ini memanusiakan manusia dalam semua 55vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 aspek kehidupan, sambil membebankan manusia dengan tanggung jawab untuk bertindak sebagai wakil allah di bumi. nampaknya, ide latif ini terpengaruh oleh tesis sekularisasi nurcholish madjid. kersten sendiri tidak setuju dengan sebutan teologi, ia lebih setuju dengan istilah “antropologi agama”.24 bagaimana dan apa saja yang dapat dilakukan untuk menghadapi tantangan liberal islam? identitas indonesia sebagai sebuah negara yang mayoritas islam mengusungkan penggabungan antara demokrasi, modernitas, dan islam.25 semua kelompok atau aliran islam harus duduk bersama untuk berdialog sembari meninggalkan terlebih dahulu ideologi untuk mencari solusi secara realistis ‘konteks islam indonesia di era modern”. dalam berdialog, tentunya umat muslim harus benar-benar memahami maqashid al-shari‘ah dan meninggalkan pemikiran sempit dalam memahami ajaran islam. sebagai islamis, para ulama harus lebih fleksibel dan sabar ketika berhadapan dengan situasi baru, bersikap rendah hati terhadap orang yang berbeda paham bahwa mereka tidak memiliki pengetahuan agama yang luas dan berkasih sayang kepada mereka. selanjutnya, para ulama harus menghentikan asumsi bahwa “kebebasan ala barat” sebagai ancaman kekuasaan indonesia. setiap permasalahan harus diselesaikan dengan pengetahuan dan kebijaksanaan sebagaimana yang diajarkan al-qur‘an dan hadis yang telah dicontohkan nabi muhammad. dalam analisa tariq ramadan, pada umumnya umat muslim kurang berperan aktif dalam menerapkan ajaran islam secara tekstual dan kontekstual, bahkan mereka seringkali mengadopsi apa yang telah dipahami tanpa bertindak sebagai agen transformasi (the agent of transformation) sehingga selalu bertentangan dengan etika global ketika dikaitkan dengan keimanan.26 di sinilah pentingnya mediasi antara teks dengan bahasa, bangsa, suku, dan agama di mana umat muslim berada. universalitas islam memerlukan pemahaman dan penghormatan atas keragaman budaya dan kelompok masyarakat dan sosial. ramadan menawarkan dua kerangka kritis yang diperlukan saat ini untuk menghubungkan antara “agama” dan “budaya”, yaitu: pertama, mereduksi dan mengidentifikasi budaya yang berbeda. kedua, mengembalikan apa yang menjadi tujuan kitab suci dengan interpretasi secara kreatif-jujur.27 relevan dengan argumentasi ramadan ini, katharine a. boyd menjelaskan jika konsep moderasi dihubungkan dengan pendekatan ekologi (ecological 56 afkaruna theory), maka pendekatan seperti ini dapat menghindari penafsiran tunggal dan sekaligus memberikan kontibusi yang signifikan dalam menginterpretasikan dan menganalisis kitab suci.28 jadi, untuk menjelaskan agama di tempat yang berbeda diperlukan berbagai pendekatan dengan mempertimbangkan budaya, ekspresi, dan simbol-simbol agama. dalam pemahaman yang lain, apa yang dilakukan oleh pemikir islam liberal ini dipandang giora eliraz sebagai upaya untuk mengembangkan ide ijtihad dan diferensiasi antara yang “suci” dan “profan” (keduanya merupakan warisan muhammad abduh).29 di sisi lain, “midstream” islam atau wasatiyah memiliki kapasitas untuk reformasi dan pembaruan spiritual di tengah-tengah tantangan kelompok ekstrimis30 dan merespon tantangan ekstremis secara efektif.31 al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal: menjawab tantangan islam liberalisme abu abdur rahman faruq post menjelaskan bahwa ciri khas islam dan muslim sejati adalah menjalankan kehidupan beragama secara moderat, yaitu suatu keyakinan yang seharusnya dipahami bagi semua orang secara rasional dan terbuka. islam moderat adalah suatu upaya untuk memulihkan bagaimana islam dan muslim sejati memahami dan mengamalkan ajarannya secara rasional dan terbuka. islam moderat (wasatiyah) merupakan pemahaman dan pengamalan ajaran agama dengan cara tidak berlebihan dan kelalaian.32 dalam berbagai tradisi islam, umat islam diajarkan supaya menjadi masyarakat yang adil dan menjunjung tinggi metodologi moderasi dalam memahami, mengartikan, menginterpretasikan dan mempraktekkan agama. al-qur’an (qs.al-baqarah:143) dan hadis nabi menjelaskan bahwa islam mengajarkan hidup damai dan menegakkan perdamaian. islam tidak menerima atau toleran terhadap radikalisme dan ekstrimisme sama sekali, termasuk pemikiran agama yang fanatik.33 dalam penelitian muhammad kamal hassan ditemukan bahwa moderat (wasatiyah) meliputi berbagai aspek: religiusitas, spiritualitas, intelektualitas, penampilan, sikap, perilaku, hubungan dan aktvitas umat muslim di era kontemporer. namun, semua aspek wasatiyah ini berjumpa dengan gerakan “islam liberal” di indonesia. dalam menyikapi gerakan ini, hassan menegaskan agar istilah wasatiyah dimaknai secara komprehensif yang mengacu kepada ungkapan al-qur’an “ummatan wasatan, yang merujuk kepada komunitas islam universal atau bangsa 57vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 yang menitikberatkan pada keadilan (‘adalah), kebaikan (khairiyah), dan pertengahan agar menjadi “saksi atas umat manusia” di hadapan allah sebagai hamba yang dapat dipercaya di dunia ini dan di akhirat (qs.albaqarah:143).34 istilah wasatiyah secara umum digunakan untuk mengungkapkan sikap moderasi secara personal dan ciri khas perilaku kelompok. sikap moderasi secara sederhana juga mengacu pada suatu sikap atau posisi yang bertentangan dengan ekstrimisme dan berlebihan.35 istilah wasatiyah merupakan bentuk verbal noun dari kata wasat. alih-alih menetapkan satu makna harfiah dan sepihak, ada beberapa sinonim lainnya, seperti i‘tidal, tawazun, dan iqtisad yang diterjemahkan sebagai moderasi, keadilan, keseimbangan, dan kehati-hatian. lawan dari wasatiyah adalah tatarruf, yang mengacu pada kelompok “ekstrimisme” atau “radikalisme”.36 felipe souza menerjemahkan wasatiyah dengan “moderasi”, “penghematan”, atau “kederhanaan”.37 menjalani kehidupan dengan moderat (wasatiyah) dan pertengahan (i‘tidal) merupakan bagian dari penerapan keadilan dan etika bagi setiap muslim. namun, dua hal ini sulit dipraktekkan dalam kehidupan. dalam memperjuangkan dan menerapkan wasatiyah ini, menurut muhammad hashim kamali, diperlukan nilai-nilai pendidikan dan tanggung jawab media. kedua unsur ini berkontribusi terhadap pluralitas dan keharmonisan sosial. umat muslim juga semestinya berpartisipasi aktif menjadi khair ummah dan kemanusiaan.38 masyarakat muslim akan lemah ketika fanatisme dan ekstrimisme menjadi sifat dan perilaku mereka. perilaku fanatisme dan ekstrimisme terhadap pemahaman agama bertentangan dengan ajaran islam yang mengajarkan keadilan dan pertengahan. setiap permasalahan di dunia ini memerlukan kestabilan. ketika unsur-unsur ketenangan hilang, maka berbagai permasalahan akan muncul dan kehidupan berada di bawah ancaman.39 wasatiyah, sebagaimana dikatakan muneer kuttiyani muhammad dan adibah abdul rahim, mengajarkan bagaimana menempatkan sifat manusia sesuai kodratnya dan seimbang dalam kehidupan seperti diajarkan nabi muhammad. dalam perspektif shari‘ah, wasatiyah bertujuan memberikan manfaat dan kesejahteraan manusia, mencegah sesuatu yang membahayakan. universalitas moderasi menitikberatkan pada keadilan (justice) yang dapat diterapkan kapan saja pada setiap kesempatan, ruang, dan waktu. semua nabi yang diutus allah telah melakukan tanggung 58 afkaruna jawabnya untuk menyampaikan keadilan kepada masyarakatnya.40 begitu pula dengan umat islam saat ini yang harus mengimplikasikan islam wasatiyah. muhamadul bakir yaakub dan khatijah othman menjelaskan wasatiyah bukan hanya sekedar dimaknai bersikap dan bertingkah laku moderasi – antara ekstrimisme dan berlebihan – tetapi juga meliputi semua konsep keseimbangan, keadilan, rajin, kebaikan di dalam perfoma kerja (itqan) seperti digambarkan di dalam al-qur’an (2:143) bahwa allah menjadikan umat islam sebagai umat pilihan dan saksi agar bersikap adil dan seimbang di muka bumi.41 dengan demikian, esensi moderasi islam itu sesungguhnya adalah realisasi keadilan (fairness) dan kebaikan moral (moral excellences) terhadap kesulitan atau beban orang lain.42 esensensi holistik keadilan, kebaikan, dan ummah pertengahan ini, dalam pandangan muhammad kamal hassan, menjadi konsep dasar wasatiyah. konsep wasatiyah dalam aplikasi prakteknya mendorong agar hidup bersama dengan damai dan saling menerima.43 nilai keadilan ini, dalam perspektif khaled aboe el fadl, berfungsi untuk mengendalikan dan membimbing manusia dalam menginterpretasikan dan memahami hukum tuhan (devine law). bersikap adil merupakan perintah tuhan. tuhan menggambarkan diri-nya sebagai maha adil, yang menjadi rahmat atas diri-nya (6:12,54). pesan tuhan untuk berbuat adil selanjutnya ditujukan kepada nabi muhammad saw, kemudian ditujukan kepada manusia.44 istilah moderatisme ini sebenarnya tidak begitu popular dalam pemikiran islam klasik. akan tetapi, menurut masdar hilmy, padanan kata dalam bahasa arab dapat digunakan dengan kata-kata al-tawassut atau al-wasat (moderasi), al-qist (keadilan), al-tawazun (keseimbangan), al-i‘tidal keselarasan/kerukunan), dan sejenisnya.45 dalam pandangan hilmy, pemilihan istilah al-tawassut dalam konteks islam indonesia dapat digunakan kata moderatisme, yang memiliki beberapa karakteristik: “the concept of moderatism in the context of indonesian islam has at least the following characteristics; 1) non-violent ideology in propagating islam; 2) adopting the modern way of life with its all derivatives, including science and technology, democracy, human rights and the like; 3) the use of rational way of thinking; 4) contextual approach in understanding islam, and; 5) the use of ijtihad (intellectual exercises to make a legal opinion in case of the absence explicit justification from the qur’an and hadith). those characteristics are, however, can be expanded into several more characteristics such as tolerance, harmony and cooperation among different religious groups”.46 59vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 dari penjelasan hilmy ini dapat dipahami bahwa islam moderat bukan hanya melarang penganutnya untuk melakukan tindakan kekerasan terhadap non-muslim dan kelompok minoritas muslim, tetapi bagaimana umat muslim menguasai sains dan teknologi, berdemokrasi, membela hak-hak asasi manusia, memahami islam dengan pendekatan kontekstual, dan melakukan ijtihad. sebaliknya, muslim fundamentalis masih beranggapan bahwa muslim “moderat” tidak konsisten dengan ajaranajaran islam, dan kampanye ‘islam yang baik’ tidak persuasif bagi kelompok fundamentalis.47 kata “moderat” berasal dari bahasa latin “moderate”, yang berarti “menjinakkan”, “mengontrol”, “mengurangi” dan “menahan”. moderasi adalah strategi diskursif untuk menjinakkan dan mengatur agama yang sesuai dengan nalar sekuler liberal. dengan kata lain, moderasi berusaha memanusiakan manusia dan menetralisir agama sehingga bisa diterima secara liberal sekuler. sherali k. tareen berkesimpulan bahwa tuntutan islam ‘moderat’ saat ini erat hubungannya dengan kritikan politik sekuler yang menginginkan pemurnian agama, sehingga pemikiran kelompok ini bercorak sekuler.48 islam moderat dalam konteks indonesia, seperti dikatakan ahmad najib burhani, dimaknai secara teologis,49 bukan politis, sehingga tercipta toleransi beragama. toleransi agama ditandai dengan adanya keinginan seseorang untuk bertoleransi terhadap praktek, orang atau kepercayaan agamanya. dengan demikian akan terbentuk perdamaian dan keselamatan indonesia. langkah-langkah yang perlu ditegaskan dalam upaya membangun toleransi dan rekonsiliasi muslim liberal dan fundamental, yaitu: pertama, rekonsiliasi perlu penguatan. di sini, dialog antar berbagai aliran harus dijadikan sebagai proses perdamaian, bukan sebaliknya mencari siapa yang menang dan kalah. kedua, agama esoteris dapat dijadikan sebagai pembuka jalan untuk membina pendekatan non-kekerasan terhadap konflik. sufisme menjadi penengah berbagai konflik. sufisme cenderung mengakomodasi dan merangkul berbagai perbedaan. agama esoteris menganggap bahwa konflik dan kekerasan dapat merusak pikiran dan pemurnian jiwa (tazkiyah al-nafs). ketiga, pemerintah dan petugas keamanan harus berdiri di barisan terdepan dan memberi contoh dengan perilaku yang baik. keempat, konflik agama memerlukan resolusi kultural.50 konsep tawassut, menurut mustapa bisri, secara khusus di dalam al60 afkaruna qur’an (2:143) menggambarkan muslim yang beriman sebagai ummatan wasatan (masyarakat moderat). sejarawan dan mufasir ibn jarir altabari(838-923)51 sebagai contoh, menintepretasikan ummatan wasatan dengan ‘udul (suatu komunitas yang adil). masyarakat yang adil dalam pandangan al-tabari adalah orang-orang moderat dan pertengahan (ahl al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal) dalam beragama.52 konsep bisri ini tidak bisa dipisahkan dari prinsip al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal yang berkembang di nahdhatul ulama. ahmad siddiq (1926-1991), yang dianggap sebagai penggagas utama khittah nahdliyyah, memposisikan beberapa ide tawassut wa al-i‘tidal, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan implementasi dalam prakteknya, yaitu: a.‘aqidah b. shari‘ah c. tasawwuf d. mu‘amalah e. kehidupan bangsa f. budaya, dan g. dakwah. dalam bidang dakwah, sebagai contoh, harus merujuk kepada beberapa acuan: a. dakwah tidak ditujukan untuk “menyatakan atau mendeklarasikan seseorang sebagai bersalah”, melainkan bertujuan untuk mengajak dan mendorong manusia untuk melakukan kebaikan b. dakwah dilakukan untuk menyampaikan “maksud dan tujuan yang jelas” c. dakwah dilakukan secara bijaksana dan perkataan-perkataan yang baik sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat.53 apa selanjutnya yang perlu dilakukan agar pemahaman wasatiyah ini bisa menjadi alternatif dalam masyarakat plural? tentunya, salah satu solusi yang bisa dilakukan adalah kebijakan pendidikan harus mendorong masyarakat untuk hidup damai dan mengutamakan kebersamaan. dengan menerapkan ide-ide pendidikan untuk damai dan toleran di dalam kurikulum akan membimbing para siswa sebagai generasi penerus terjebak di dalam interpretasi yang ekstrimis terhadap teks-teks islam. multipengetahuan akan menjadikan para siswa memahami islam secara komprehensif dan moderat, dan pada akhirnya terhindar dari pemikiran ultra-liberal (tadrit) dan interpretasi ekstrimis (ifrit).54 suatu bangsa yang menerapkan wasatiyah dan dilengkapi dengan berbagai integrasi pengetahuan akan menjadikan bangsa tersebut modern dan maju. bahkan presiden soekarno telah menganalisis pada era pra-modern, negara di asia pos-kolonial, termasuk indonesia, secara konstituate harus menghubungkan antara kekuasaan dan ilmu pengetahuan.55 abdurrahman wahid semasa hidupnya senantiasa memperjuangkan identitas muslim yang beragam aliran dan merespon tradisi islam ketika berhadapan dengan kehidupan modern. pilar-pilar yang diusulkannya adalah ‘kebebasan’ dan ‘hak semua muslim’ – baik awam maupun ulama 61vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 – untuk melakukan ijtihad al-qur’an dan hadis karena “situasi manusia terus berubah’.56 menurut wahid muslim indonesia harus menerapkan islam moderat dan toleran dalam kehidupan modern. tetapi, menurut wahid, modernisme harus disertai dengan spiritualitas karena kelemahan terbesar dari modernisme islam adalah hilangnya aspek-aspek spiritual. hilangnya sufisme pada diri muslim modernis menghilangkan panduan moral yang diajarkan di dalam tradisi islam.57 yang tidak kalah pentingnya lagi dalam toleransi adalah peran media di dalam memberikan informasi dan tayangan. media seringkali menjadi referensi tindakan-tindakan yang mengarah kepada intoleran. di sisi lain, pasca serangan 9/11, media juga memberikan tontonan bahwa islam adalah agama yang mengajarkan teroris. oleh karena itu, perlu adanya diskusi tentang pandangan-pandangan interkultural etika komunikasi sekiranya media serius untuk membangun kepercayaan dan menjunjung tinggi standar etika dalam pelaporan. paradigma budaya di dalam studi media sangat diperlukan dalam menyampaikan di lingkungan budaya yang berbeda. islam sangat tegas mengajarkan bagaimana berkomunikasi yang efektif, bahkan termasuk menyampaikan pesan agama, yaitu komunikasi yang diajarkan al-qur’an dan hadis. dalam berkomunikasi harus dibedakan antara komunikasi yang mengandung propaganda dan persuasif. propaganda hanyalah komunikasi satu arah (one-way communication), di mana proses komunikasinya lebih banyak dikendalikan oleh komunikator sehingga tidak seimbang dan tidak bermanfaat. sedangkan persuasi digambarkan sebagai komunikasi dua arah asimetris (two-way asymmetrical communication) dan beretika dan efektif.58 di sini jelas sekali bahwa komunikasi islam sangat memperhatikan aspek etika, efektivitas, kebaikan, kebenaran, ketegasan, dan sebagainya. persuasi dalam islam adalah bukan bagaimana orang lain dipaksa untuk mengikuti pendapat seseorang, melainkan mendorong ekspresi keyakinan dan berbagi pandangan tanpa penipuan dan pemaksaan. komunikasi islam yang efektif sesungguhnya mengenali perbedaan dan mencapai saling pengertian. sebagian muslim tertarik dengan mempelajari dan mengembangkan pengetahuan agama islam melalui sarana non-formal, termasuk pembicaraan, pidato, dialog dan perdebatan dengan orang-orang yang belum tentu paham (juga internet, facebook, whatsapp, twitter, blog, dan sebagainya) harus berhati-hati dalam memverfikasi sumber-sumber dan konten. presenter dan penceramah islam memiliki beragam latar 62 afkaruna belakang intelektual dan orientasi akademik, dan kemungkinan menggunakan sumber-sumber yang tidak otentik, bias, dan sektarian ketika mempersembahkan pesan mereka. orang-orang seperti ini tentunya bisa menyebabkan perselisihan dan kekacauan. saat ini, jelasnya ummah global dipengaruhi oleh trend tidak sehat yang meyebabkan perpecahan dan kehancuran sosial,59 padahal islam menuntun umatnya kedamaian. sebagaimana dikatakan mohd. najib bahwa salah satu cara menempuh perdamaian adalah melalui dialog konstruktif sehingga dengan cara seperti ini akan membantu terciptanya suatu pemahaman yang mendalam dan sikap saling menghormati dalam hal keimanan, dan pada akhirnya tercipta masa depan yang lebih baik bagi semua masayarakat dunia. masyarakat dunia tidak mungkin akan lepas dari pandangan-pandangan yang bernuansa kekerasan. kekerasan akan menghasilkan kekerasan. oleh karena itu, menurut najib, cara terbaik untuk merawat toleransi dan saling pengertian adalah tidak membungkam ujaran kebencian tetapi menyuarakan alasan bahaya ujaran kebencian dengan lebih lantang.60 najib juga menjelaskan bahwa moderasi adalah nilai yang telah ada sejak lama dan menjadi pusat kajian agama-agama besar. dalam islam, nabi muhammad saw mengatakan bahwa “moderasi adalah perbuatan yang terbaik (khair al-umur ausatuha)”, dalam kristen, bibel mengatakan “biarkan moderasimu diketahui semua manusia”, dan dalam yahudi, taurat mengajarkan moderasi dalam semua hal sebagai “pedoman hidup” yang paling benar bagi penganut yahudi.61 moderasi dalam pengamalan agama adalah salah satu alternatif yang begitu penting. tanpa adanya moderasi ini, tujuan pembangunan alam semesta yang berkesinambungan akan menjadi sebuah ilusi. moderasi bisa menjadi tulang punggung dialog peradaban yang mana semua umat beragama perlu saling mengenal dan berbagi. dengan demikian moderasi adalah salah satu pesan setiap agama.62 moderasi juga dihubungkan dengan kepemimpinan. sejumlah pemimpin besar dunia telah menggunakan istilah ini. para pemimpin besar malayonesia (abad ke-7 hingga 17 m) secara eksplisit menggunakan istilah moderasi dengan doktrin wustaisation kepemimpinan. seorang pemimpin terkenal pra-islam sri-jayanasa, pendiri kerajaan sriwijaya, sumatera (abad ke-7 m), mengimplementasikan waropaya (suatu kebijakan toleran, semacam moderasi) bagi rakyatnya untuk memperoleh sukha (rasa senang). sri jaya indarawarmadewa, yang terkenal dengan kerajaan champa, viet63vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 nam (abad ke-11 m) juga mempraktekkan sanama (moderation) dan paksapata (pertengahan dan keadilan). pemimpin yang lainnya, patih gajah mada, prabu terbesar kerajaan majapahit, jawa tengah (pada abad ke14) adalah sarjawa upasama (baik hati dan tidak sombong) dan dia mempraktekkan prasaja (semacam moderasi). demikian juga pada masa kerajaaan malayonesia islam (sepanjang masa kerajaan aceh, johor-riau dan patani pada abad ke-17), para pemimpin diajarkan atau dinasehati agar menjadi wusta (moderat islam) oleh pemimpin dan guru-guru manajemen, yang ditulis oleh bukhary al-jawhary di dalam magnus opusnya taj al-salatin.63 dari analisis aspek sejarah ini jelas sekali bahwa moderasi sangat penting untuk diimplikasikan dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara, terutama pemimpin atau kepala negara. dalam magnus opus bukhary al-jawhary (1603/1992), taj al-salatin, yang ditulis tahun 1603 dalam bahasa melayu kuno, karakter jawi, secara tidak langsung menyediakan sebuah daftar kepemimpinan dan aksioma manajemen yang baik. di antara aksioma-aksioma tersebut, ada satu istilah yang disebut sebagai “berhemat” yang mengandung arti lain “tidak membesarkan diri” dan “tidak suka kemewahan”. kemudian ada aksioma lain yang disebut “budiman” (dalam bahasa arab ulil albab), yang berarti “tahajjud” secara regular dengan tujuan mengakui kelemahan diri sebagai manusia di hadapan tuhan, mengenal kebesaran-nya, memohon ampun dan meminta petujuk-nya seperti ditemukan di dalam al-qur’an (ada sekitar 22 surat yang merujuk kepada ulil albab).64 al-tawassut wa al-i‘tidal: tantangan dari kalangan konservatif dan kalangan tekstualis dalam analisa nur syam, munculnya gerakan salafisme disinyalir menjadi cikal-bakal munculnya radikalisme islam, walaupun pendapat ini disanggah oleh beberapa kelompok salafi yang tidak setuju dengan kekerasan sebagai mekanisme perubahan politik dan sosial. selanjutnya nur syam mengklasifikasikan tiga tipologi salafisme yang mendorong gerakan radikalisme islam, antara lain: salafiyah ‘ilmiah (salafisme intelektual), salafiyah harakiyah (salafisme gerakan), dan salafisme jihadiyah (salafisme jihadis).65 pertama, salafisme intelektual adalah kelompok salafi yang berorientasi pada kajian teks suci dan doktrin. kelompok ini juga dikenal sebagai salafiyyah taqlid (salafiyah tradisionalis) atau salafiyyah rasmiyyah 64 afkaruna (salafiyah resmi). kelompok ini meyakini bahwa penyebaran agama yang efektif dapat dilakukan melalui aspek keilmuan dan konsentrasi pada pendidikan, pembinaan, purifikasi tauhid, dan memerangi segala bentuk bid‘ah. kelompok ini cenderung menjauhkan diri dari orientasi politik, meskipun juga tidak harus menolak dan membenci pembentukan jamaah islamiyyah atau partai politik berasaskan islam sebagai representasi politik umat islam. kedua, salafiyyah harakiyyah (salafisme gerakan), yaitu kelompok salafi yang tidak aktif di politik. akan tetapi, kelompok ini menempati beberapa posisi penting di berbagai jabatan politik dan melakukan kegiatan sosial dengan bantuan jaringan salafi yang dimiliki. kelompok ini juga disebut sebagai salafiyyah islahiyyah (salafisme reformis). dalam prakteknya, kelompok ini tidak melakukan kekerasan dan kekuasaan untuk melakukan perubahan. perubahan dilakukan dengan membangkitkan semangat nasionalisme agama dan perang terhadap korupsi dan kerusakan moral. ketiga, salafiyyah jihadiyyah (salafisme jihadis), yakni kelompok salafi yang berusaha untuk menggabungkan dakwah tauhid dan jihad fisik secara bersamaan dan menyeluruh. kelompok ini merupakan kelanjutan dari kelompok salafiyyah wahabiyyah (salafisme wahabi). kelompok ini merupakan pengikut fikih ahmad ibn hanbal yang tekstualis, meskipun kelompok ini lebih diwarnai oleh pemikiran muhammad ibn al-wahhab (pendiri wahabiyyah). kelompok salafisme jihadis ini terpengaruh oleh pemikiran ahmad ibnu taimiyah, muhammad ibn abd al-wahhab, sayid qutb, dan gerakan ikhwan al-muslimin.66 pendapat nur syam ini menjelaskan bahwa kelompok salafi dan wahabi tidak sejalan dengan konsep islam ahlussunna wa al-jamaah di indonesia. islam ahlusunnah wa al-jamaah sangat menghargai perbedaan pendapat, agama, dan kultur. ideologi salafi telah menjadi inisiator utama gerakan radikalisme di kalangan umat islam di banyak negara dalam beberapa tahun terakhir. pemikiran salafi dan islam wahabi yang telah menjangkau ke berbagai negara muslim dilakukan dengan dua cara, yaitu dunia nyata (seperti melalui khutbah)67 dan dunia maya (seperti facebook, twitter, youtube, tv kabel, radio dan lainnya).68 salafi dan wahabi memang berbeda, namun jika dilihat dari sejarahnya, gerakan salafi pada awalnya dilakukan oleh ibnu taymiyah di mana penyebarannya hanya sebatas mesir dan syam. selanjutnya, gerakan salafi 65vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 menyebar lebih luas pada era wahabi. dengan demikian, kelompok yang menyebut dirinya salafi di luar arab adalah wahabi atau salafi wahabi. sebagian menyebutkan bahwa salafi dan wahabi adalah dua gerakan yang berbeda, namun pada tahun 1960-an kedua kelompok ini bersatu. ada juga pendapat lain yang mengatakan bahwa wahabisme sebagai “subkultur aliran salafi”, atau salafi untra-konservatif versi arab saudi. pendapat yang terakhir ini lebih mendekati realitas. karena ajaran yang dibawa muhammad bin abdul wahab sesungguhnya mengikuti dan meneruskan ajaran teologi ibn taimiyah yang meliputi: a. pembagian tauhid: tauhid rububiyah, tauhid uluhiyah, dan asma wa al-shifat b. teologi tajsim atau memfisikkan allah c. mengingkari perilaku yang dianggap “syirik” dengan memerangi praktik tasawuf, tabruk pada para rasul, para nabi, para wali, dan orang soleh baik dalam keadaan hidup atau mati d. anti pada perilaku bid’ah dan khurafat, seperti membangun kuburan.69 kelompok wahabi melihat apa yang dipraktekkan oleh kaum muslim – seperti ziarah kubur, aliran-aliran tasawuf, dan perbuatan bid’ah lainnya – adalah islam yang salah, yaitu menyimpang dari yang diajarkan oleh nabi muhammad saw. kelompok wahabi merasa berkewajiban untuk mengembalikan ajaran islam yang benar menurut al-qur’an dan hadis. gerakan wahabi ini juga terjadi di indonesia yang dimulai awal abad ke20, yang sangat berpengaruh terhadap gerakan sosial keagamaan di indonesia. dalam gerakan-gerakan fundamentalisme, seperti yang dilakukan oleh kelompok wahabi di indonesia, tidak lagi bertujuan untuk kembali kepada ‘ajaran yang benar’ yang berdasarkan al-qur’an dan sunnah, tetapi bagaimana islam menjadi dasar hukum kenegaraan dan maju bersama islam. dengan demikian, kelompok fundamentalisme (seperti salafi wahabi) pada perkembangan selanjutnya lebih merupakan gerakan politik. mereka beralasan bahwa jika secara politis negara sudah bisa dikuasai, maka syariat islam bisa dilaksanakan sepenuhnya.70 gerakan wahabi atau salafi ini, sebagaimana dikatakan azyumardi azra, sangat eksklusif. berbeda dengan bentuk islam inklusif yang sangat menghargai kultur masyarakat multikutural.71 indonesia adalah negara yang memiliki multikultural dan multireligious. kemajemukan ini menjadi modal dan sumber pemikiran dan studi islam bagi negara-negara di dunia. pluralitas budaya dan agama di indonesia bisa terwujud apabila adanya konsep berislam yang damai. salah satu 66 afkaruna konsep yang bisa diimplementasikan adalah islam wasat}i>yah atau islam moderat. bahkan kerajaan saudi arabia, sebagaimana dikatakan raja salman bin abdulaziz al saud ketika berkunjung ke gedung dewan perwakilan rakyat republik indonesia tanggal 2 maret 2017, mengajak umat muslim untuk berislam secara moderasi dan memerangi konservatisme dan bersatu untuk mengatasi “clash of civilizations (benturan-benturan peradaban)” dan terorisme.72 e. penutup islam liberal masih menjadi perdebatan bagi umat muslim. islam liberal dipandang sebagai kelompok yang memahami teks-teks al-qur’an dengan lebih mengutamakan rasionalitas oleh kelompok tekstualis-fundamentalis dan salafi-wahabi. penolakan terhadap liberalis islam karena cara berpikir seperti ini di luar ajaran islam. sebaliknya, kelompok liberalis islam menentang fundamentalis islam yang mengekang kebebasan berpikir kritis dan analisis terhadap teks-teks al-qur’an. liberalis islam berupaya untuk mengkontekstualisasi teks-teks suci sesuai konteks kehidupaan saat ini dalam hubungan antaragama, antarbudaya, antarsuku, dan antargolongan. perbedaan sudut pandang ini dapat diatasi dengan konsep al-tawassut wa al-i’tidal. al-tawassut wa al-i’tidal secara garis besar mengandung makna “moderat” dan “berkeadilan”. konsep yang diajarkan al-qur’an dan hadis ini mendidik umat muslim agar menjadi toleran, adil, demokratis, dan tidak merasa benar sendiri. jika setiap umat muslim memahami islam secara “moderat” dan “berkeadilan”, maka perebutan klaim kebenaran (truth claim) tidak akan terjadi dan ummatan wasatan akan terealisasikan catatan akhir 1 carool kersten, “al-jabri in indonesia: the critique of arab reason travels to the lands below the winds,” dalam islam, state, and modernity: mohammed abed al-jabri and the future of the arab world, eds. zaid eyadat, et. al. (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2018), 251-252. pendapat carool kersten ini sebagai penegasan atas pemikiran muh}ammed abed al-ja>biri >yang sangat relevan dengan ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama> ‘ah muslim tradisional indonesia yang bercorak pada pemikiran arab – atau yang disebut sebagai tura>thi>yu>n (heritage thinkers). 2 ahmad baso, al-jabiri, eropa dan kita: dialog metodologi islam nusantara untuk dunia kumpulan tulisan muhammed abed al-jabiri terkait tafsir kontemporer 67vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 manhaji islam nusantara “al-muhafazhah” (bertradisi) dan “al-akhdzu” (tajdid), cet. 2 (jakarta: pustaka afid, 2017). 3 christoph marcinkowski, “balance, moderation, and the ‘middle path’: toward trust between muslims and theravada buddhists in southern thailand,” islam and civilisational renewal, kuala lumpur, vol. 2, iss. 3 (april, 2011), 557. 4 joshua parens, “whose liberalism? which islam? leonard binder’s “islamic liberalism”, political science and politics, vol. 27, no. 3 (september, 1994), 514515. 5 abdallah laroui, the crisis of the arab intellectual (berkeley: university of california press, 1976). 6 jeremy menchik, islam and democracy in indonesia: tolerance without liberalism (new york: cambridge university press, 2016), 124; jeremy menchik, “review of islam and democracy in indonesia: tolerance without liberalism,” by nico j g. kaptein, bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde; leiden, vol. 172, iss. 4 (2016), 580-581. 7 budhy munawar-rachman, argumen islam untuk liberalisme (jakarta: grasindo, 2010), 3. 8 muhamad ali, “the rise of the liberal islam network (jil) in contemporary indonesia,” american journal of islamic social sciences, 22, 1 (2005), 1-27. 9 greg barton, “indonesia’s nurcholish madjid and abdurrahman wahid as intellectual ulama: the meeting of islamic traditionalism and modernism in neo modernist thought,” islam and christian–muslim relations, 8, 3 (1997), 323–350. narasi islam liberal seringkali diasosiasikan dengan gerakan neomodernisme atau yang dikenal dengan gerakan pembaruan lslam pada akhir 1960-an dan awal 1970-an. karena itu istilah neo-modernisme, liberalisme islam, dan islam liberal dalam konteks indonesia dipandang sama. ada beberapa pionir neo-modernisme islam di lndonesia, seperti nurcholish madjid (1939-2005), abdurrahman wahid (1940-2009), harun nasution (1919-1998), munawir syadzali (1925-2004), djohan effendi (1939-2017), dan ahmad wahib (1924-1973). giora eliraz, “distinctive contemporary voice liberal islam thought in indonesia,” studia lslamika, vol. 15, no. 3 (2008), 379-416. 10 b. j. boland, the struggle of islam in modern indonesia (leiden: springer science business media, b.v, 1971), 126. buku ini telah dicetak ulang pada tahun 1982. 11 amin ma’ruf, “kebijakan mui tentang aliran sesat,” mimbar ulama, suara majelis ulama indonesia, no. 341, rabi’ul awwal 1429/maret; al makin, challenging islamic orthodoxy: accounts of lia eden and other prophets in indonesia (switzerland: springer, 2016), 130. 12 ibid., 131. 13 martin van bruinessen, “introduction: contemporary developments in indonesian islam and the “conservative turn” of the early twenty-first century,” dalam contemporary developments in indonesian islam explaining the ‘con68 afkaruna servative turn’, ed., martin van bruinessen (singapore: iseas, 2013), 3. 14 keputusan fatwa majelis ulama indonesia nomor: 7/munas vii/mui/ 11/2005 tentang pluralisme, liberalisme, dan sekulerisme agama. 15 hamid hadji haidar, liberalism and islam (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2008), 2. 16 charles kurzman, “introduction: liberal islam and its islamic context,” dalam liberal islam: a source book, ed. charles kurzman (new york and oxford: oxford university press, 1998), 26. 17 farabi fakih, “reading ideology in indonesia today,” bijdragen tot de taal, landen volkenkunde, 171 (2015), 350. 18 budhy munawar-rachman, argumen islam untuk liberalisme, 105. 19 kritikan adian husaini tentang islam liberal sebagai ‘islam yang sesat’ dapat dilihat di dalam tulisannya, adian husaini, hegemoni kristen-barat dalam studi islam di perguruan tinggi (jakarta: gema insani, 2006) dan virus liberalisme di perguruan tinggi islam (jakarta: gema insani, 2009). dalam tulisannya, adian juga mengatakan ‘virus liberalisme’ telah melanda perguruan tinggi islam yang disebutnya dengan “sekularisme, pluralisme, dan liberalisme (sipilis). lihat carool kersten, islam in indonesia: the contest for society, ideas and values (oxford and new york: oxford university press, 2015), 2. 20 mutawalli, jil menggugat digugat (yogyakarta: lkis, 2009). 21 artawijaya, indonesia tanpa liberal (jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar, 2012). 22 fakih, “reading ideology in indonesia today”, 351. 23 luthfi assyaukanie, islam benar vs islam salah (jakarta: kata kita, 2007), 7176. 24 kersten, islam in indonesia, 56. 25 jurgen ruland, “democratizing foreign-policy making in indonesia and the democratization of asean: a role theory analysis,” trans: trans-regional and national studies of southeast asia, seoul, vol. 5, iss. 1 (january, 2017), 69. 26 tariq ramadan, radical reform: islamic ethics and liberation (oxford and new york: oxford university press, 2009), 118-119. 27 ibid., 192-193. 28 katharine a. boyd, ecology of terrorism: cross-national comparison of terrorist attacks, dissertation (new york: the city university of new york, 2014), 127. 29 giora eliraz, islam and polity in indonesia: an intriguing case study (washington: hudson institute, 2007), 11. 30 raymond william baker, one islam, many muslim worlds: spirituality, identity, and resistance across islamic lands (new york: oxford university press, 2015); raymond william baker, “review of one islam, many muslim worlds: spirituality, identity, and resistance across islamic lands,” by s. zuhur, choice; middletown, vol. 53, iss. 10 (june, 2016), 1507. 31 mohammad a. quayum and hassan ahmed ibrahim, eds., readings in the humanities and revealed knowledge (kuala lumpur: silverfish books, 2017); mohammad a. quayum and hassan ahmed ibrahim religion, eds., “review 69vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 of society: readings in the humanities and revealed knowledge,” by mohd. helmi mohd sobri, intellectual discourse; kuala lumpur, vol. 25, iss. 2, (2017), 435-438. 32 abu abdur rahman faruq post, the moderate religion: clarification of the moderate, balanced religion of islam and the true muslim between the extremes of other religions and their followers (makkah al mukaramah, dar ul itibaa publicatios, 2013), 13. 33 thameem ushama, “historical roots of extremist and radical islamist thinking”, intellectual discourse, special issue (2017), 527–551. 34 muhammad kamal hassan, “the concept of wasatiyyah and the challenge of islam liberal in indonesia,” social sciences and humanities, international islamic university malaysia, 2010. 35 muhammad bakir yaakub and khatijah othman, “a textual analysis for the term “wasatiyyah” (islamic moderation) in selected quranic verses and prophetic tradition,” journal of education and social sciences, vol. 5 (2006), 67. 36 muhammad hashim kamali, the middle path of moderation in islam: the quranic principle of wasatiyya (oxford: oxford university press, 2015), 9; muneer kuttiyani muhammad and adibah abdul rahim, “the principle of wasat}iyyah as a higher objective of the shar>‘ah: a historical survey,” intellectual discourse, 25:2 (2017), 341–355. 37 muhammad hashim kamali, “review of the middle path of moderation in islam: the qur’a>nic principle of wasamiyyah,” by felipe souza, intellectual discourse, 24, 2 (2016), 319. 38 ibid., 319–332. 39 muhamadul bakir and khatijah othman, “wasatiyyah (islamic moderation): a conceptual analysis from islamic knowledge management perspective,” journal of islamic thought and civilization, vol. 1, issue 7 (2017), 16-17. 40 muneer kuttiyani muhammad and adibah abdul rahim, “the principle of wasamiyyah as a higher objective of the shari>‘ah: a historical survey,” intellectual discourse, 25, 2 (2017), 341-355. 41 yaakub and othman, “a textual analysis for the term ‘wasatiyyah’, 61-68. 42 aida binti mokhtar, “a framework for islamic advertising: using lavidge and steiner’s hierarchy of effects model,” intellectual discourse, 24, 2 (2016), 287. 43 muhammad kamal hassan, the need to understand al-wasamiyyah as part of i.i.u.m’s mission of islamisation (kuala lumpur: centris, iium, 2013). 44 khaled aboe el fadl, islam and the challenge of democracy: a boston review book (princeton and oxford: princeton university press, 2004), 21. 45 masdar hilmy, “whither indonesia’s islamic moderatism? a reexamination on the moderate vision of muhammadiyah and nu,” journal of indonesian islam, vol. 07, number 01 (june, 2013), 27. lihat juga toto suharto, gagasan pendidikan muhammadiyah dan nu sebagai potret pendidikan islam moderat,” islamica: jurnal studi keislaman, vol. 9. no. 1 (september, 2014), 81-109. 70 afkaruna 46 ibid., 28. 47 hisanori kato, “philanthropic aspects of islam: the case of the fundamentalist movement in indonesia,” comparative civilizations review, manassas, iss. 74 (spring, 2016), 110. 48 sherali k. tareen, “islam, democracy, and the limits of secular conceptuality,” journal of law and religion, 29, no. 1 (2014), 206–222. 49 ahmad najib burhani, “al-tawassut}} wa a-l i‘tida>l: the nu and moderatism in indonesian islam,” asian journal of social science, vol. 40, issue 5-6 (2012), 564-581. 50 donny syofyan, “some notes on religious radicalization and terrorism in indonesia,” islam relitas: journal of islamic and social studies, vol. 2. no. 2 (julydesember, 2016), 132-141. 51 selain al-t{abari>, ada juga mufasir yang membicarakan pentingnya wasat}i>yah dalam kehidupan beragana, seperti al-ra>zi>, al-qurtubi> atau ibn kathi>r. 52 asfa widiyanto, religious authority and the prospects for religious pluralism in indonesia: the of traditionalist muslims scholars (zweigniederlassung zürich: lit verlag münster, 2016), 58. 53 ibid., 57-58. 54 zaleha kamaruddin1 and umar a. oseni, “coexistence and acceptance as a means of global peace: the case of malaysia,” the journal of rotterdam islamic and social sciences, vol. 4, no. 1 (2013), 15. 55 alan chong, “an unfinished ‘diplomacy of encounter’ – asia and the west 1500–2015,” japanese journal of political science, 17, 2 (2016), 219. 56 abdurrahman walid, “reflections on the need for a concept of man in islam,” memorandum to the rector of the un university, 1 may 1983, 3; john l. esposito, “practice and theory”, dalam islam and the challenge of democracy: a boston review book, eds., joshua cohen and deborah chasman (princeton and oxford: princeton university press, 2004). 57 kersten, islam in indonesia, 88. 58 khairiah a. rahman, “dialogue and persuasion in the islamic tradition: implications for journalism,” global media journal, canadian ed., ottawa, vol. 9, iss. 2 (2016), 14. 59 ushama, “historical roots of extremist and radical islamist thinking”, 548. 60 mohd. najib, speech dato’ sri najib tun razak prime minister of malaysia at global movement of moderate conference, putrajaya: kuala lumpur convention centre, january 7, 2012; lukman thaib, “muslim politics in malaysia and the democratization process,” international journal of islamic thought, vol. 3 (june, 2013), 53. 61 ibid., 54. 62 hilal wani, et. al., “an islamic perspective in managing religious diversity,” religions, 6 (2015), 644. 63 shaharir b. m.z., “the significance of moderation as a heritage in the preislamic and islamic malayonesian leadership,” katha, vol. 9, no. 1 (2013), 31-41. 71vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 64 ibid. 65 nur syam, menjaga harmoni menuai damai: islam, pendidikan, dan kebangsaan (jakarta: kencana, 2018), 106. 66 syam, menjaga harmoni menuai damai, 106-107. 67 "under the scanner”, the assam tribune, 13 july 2016. 68 a. fatih syuhud, ahlussunnah wal jamaah: islam wasathiyah, tasamuh, cinta damai (malang: pustaka alkhoirot, 2017), 139. 69 syuhud, ahlussunnah wal jamaah, 387-309. 70 endang turmudi dan riza sihbudi, islam dan radikalisme di indonesia (jakarta: lipi press, 2004), 285. 71 fathiyah wardah, “survey finds sentiment against islamic state rising in indonesia”, voice of america news/find, wahington, june 6, 2017. 72 "saudi king calls for moderate islam in indonesia”, bbc monitoring asia pacific, london, 3 march 2017. daftar pustaka aboe el fadl, khaled. 2004. islam and the challenge of democracy: a boston review book. princeton and oxford: princeton university press. ali, muhamad. 2005. “the rise of the liberal islam network (jil) in contemporary indonesia”. american journal of islamic social sciences. artawijaya. 2012 indonesia tanpa liberal. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar. assyaukanie, 2007. luthfi. islam benar vs islam salah. jakarta: kata kita. baker, raymond william. 2016. “review of one islam, many muslim worlds: spirituality, identity, and resistance across islamic lands,” by s. zuhur. choice; middletown, vol. 53, iss. 10, 1507. one islam, 2015. many muslim worlds: spirituality, identity, and resistance across islamic lands. new york: oxford university press. bakir, muhamadul and othman, khatijah. 2017. “wasatiyyah (islamic moderation): a conceptual analysis from islamic knowledge management perspective”. journal of islamic thought and civilization, vol. 1, issue 7. barton, greg. 1997. “indonesia’s nurcholish madjid and abdurrahman wahid as intellectual ulama: the meeting of islamic traditionalism and modernism in neo modernist thought”. islam and christian–muslim relations, 8, 3.. baso, ahmad. al-jabiri, 2017. eropa dan kita: dialog metodologi islam nusantara untuk dunia kumpulan tulisan muhammed abed al-jabiri terkait tafsir kontemporer manhaji islam nusantara “al-muhafazhah” (bertradisi) dan “al-akhdzu” (tajdid), cet. 2. jakarta: pustaka afid. binti mokhtar, aida. 2016. “a framework for islamic advertising: using lavidge and steiner’s hierarchy of effects model”. intellectual discourse.. boland, b.j. 1971. the struggle of islam in modern indonesia. leiden: springer science business media, b.v. boyd, katharine a. 2014. ecology of terrorism: cross-national comparison of terrorist attacks, dissertation. new york: the city university of new york. burhani, ahmad najib. 2012. “al-tawassut}} wa a-l i‘tida>l: the nu and moderatism 72 afkaruna in indonesian islam”. asian journal of social science, vol. 40, issue 5-6. chong, alan. 2016.”an unfinished ‘diplomacy of encounter’ – asia and the west 1500–2015". japanese journal of political science, 17. eliraz, giora. 2007.”distinctive contemporary voice liberal islam thought in indonesia”. studia lslamika, vol. 15, no. 3 (2008), 379-416. islam and polity in indonesia: an intriguing case study. washington: hudson institute. esposito, john l. 2004. “practice and theory”, dalam islam and the challenge of democracy: a boston review book, eds., joshua cohen and deborah chasman. princeton and oxford: princeton university press. fakih, farabi. 2015.”reading ideology in indonesia today”. bijdragen tot de taal, landen volkenkunde, 171. haidar, hamid hadji. 2008. liberalism and islam. new york: palgrave macmillan. hassan, muhammad kamal. 2010. “the concept of wasatiyyah and the challenge of islam liberal in indonesia”. social sciences and humanities, international islamic university malaysia. . 2013. the need to understand al-wasamiyyah as part of i.i.u.m’s mission of islamisation. kuala lumpur: centris, iium. hilal wani, et.al. 2015. “an islamic perspective in managing religious diversity”. religions,. hilmy, masdar.2013. “whither indonesia’s islamic moderatism? a reexamination on the moderate vision of muhammadiyah and nu”. journal of indonesian islam, vol. 07, number 01. husaini, adian. 2006. hegemoni kristen-barat dalam studi islam di perguruan tinggi. jakarta: gema insani. . 2009.virus liberalisme di perguruan tinggi islam. jakarta: gema insani, kamali, muhammad hashim. 2015. “review of the middle path of moderation in islam: the qur’anic principle of wasamiyyah,” by felipe souza. intellectual discourse, 24, 2 (2016), 319. the middle path of moderation in islam: the quranic principle of wasatiyya. oxford: oxford university press. kamaruddin, zaleha and oseni, umar a. 2013 “coexistence and acceptance as a means of global peace: the case of malaysia,” the journal of rotterdam islamic and social sciences, vol. 4, no. 1. kato, hisanori. 2016 “philanthropic aspects of islam: the case of the fundamentalist movement in indonesia”. comparative civilizations review, manassas, iss. 74 (spring,). keputusan fatwa majelis ulama indonesia nomor: 7/munas vii/mui/11/ 2005 tentang pluralisme, liberalisme, dan sekulerisme agama. kersten, carool. 2015. islam in indonesia: the contest for society, ideas and values. oxford and new york: oxford university press, 2015. ____________.2018. “al-jabri in indonesia: the critique of arab reason travels to the lands below the winds,” dalam islam, state, and modernity: mohammed abed al-jabri and the future of the arab world, eds. zaid eyadat, et. al. new york: palgrave macmillan. kurzman, charles.1998.”introduction: liberal islam and its islamic context,” dalam 73vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 liberal islam: a source book, ed. charles kurzman. new york and oxford: oxford university press. laroui, abdallah. 1976. the crisis of the arab intellectual. berkeley: university of california press. m.z., shaharir b.2013.”the significance of moderation as a heritage in the preislamic and islamic malayonesian leadership”. katha, vol. 9, no. 1. ma’ruf, amin. “kebijakan mui tentang aliran sesat”. mimbar ulama, suara majelis ulama indonesia, no. 341, rabi’ul awwal 1429/maret. makin, al. 2016. challenging islamic orthodoxy: accounts of lia eden and other prophets in indonesia. switzerland: springer. marcinkowski, christoph. 2013. “balance, moderation, and the ‘middle path’: toward trust between muslims and theravada buddhists in southern thailand”. islam and civilisational renewal, kuala lumpur, vol. 2, iss. 3. menchik, jeremy.2016. “review of islam and democracy in indonesia: tolerance without liberalism,” by nico j g. kaptein. bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde; leiden, vol. 172, iss. 4. .2016.islam and democracy in indonesia: tolerance without liberalism. new york: cambridge university press. muhammad, muneer kuttiyani and rahim, adibah abdul. 2017 “the principle of wasat}iyyah as a higher objective of the shari>‘ah: a historical survey”. intellectual discourse, 25:2. munawar-rachman, 2010. budhy. argumen islam untuk liberalisme. jakarta: grasindo. mutawalli. 2009. jil menggugat digugat. yogyakarta: lkis. najib, mohd. 2012. speech dato’ sri najib tun razak prime minister of malaysia at global movement of moderate conference. putrajaya: kuala lumpur convention centre, january 7. parens, joshua.1994. “whose liberalism? which islam? leonard binder’s “islamic liberalism”. political science and politics, vol. 27, no. 3. post, abu abdur rahman faruq. 2013 the moderate religion: clarification of the moderate, balanced religion of islam and the true muslim between the extremes of other religions and their followers. makkah al mukaramah, dar ul itibaa publicatios. quayum, mohammad a. and ibrahim, hassan ahmed, eds. 2017. “review of society: readings in the humanities and revealed knowledge,” by mohd. helmi mohd sobri. intellectual discourse; kuala lumpur, vol. 25, iss. 2. . 2017. readings in the humanities and revealed knowledge. kuala lumpur: silverfish books. rahman, khairiah a. 2016. “dialogue and persuasion in the islamic tradition: implications for journalism”. global media journal, canadian ed., ottawa, vol. 9, iss. 2. ramadan, tariq. 2009. radical reform: islamic ethics and liberation. oxford and new york: oxford university press. ruland, jurgen. 2017. “democratizing foreign-policy making in indonesia and the 74 afkaruna democratization of asean: a role theory analysis”. trans: trans-regional and national studies of southeast asia, seoul, vol. 5, iss. 1. “saudi king calls for moderate islam in indonesia”, 2017. bbc monitoring asia pacific, london. suharto, toto. 2014. “gagasan pendidikan muhammadiyah dan nu sebagai potret pendidikan islam moderat”. islamica: jurnal studi keislaman, vol. 9. no. 1. syuhud, a. fatih. 2017 ahlussunnah wal jamaah: islam wasathiyah, tasamuh, cinta damai. malang: pustaka alkhoirot. syam, nur. 2018. menjaga harmoni menuai damai: islam, pendidikan, dan kebangsaan. jakarta: kencana. syofyan, donny.2016.”some notes on religious radicalization and terrorism in indonesia”. islam relitas: journal of islamic and social studies, vol. 2. no. 2. tareen, sherali k.2014. “islam, democracy, and the limits of secular conceptuality”. journal of law and religion, 29, no. 1. thaib, lukman.2013 “muslim politics in malaysia and the democratization process”. international journal of islamic thought, vol. 3. turmudi, endang dan sihbudi, riza. 2004.islam dan radikalisme di indonesia. jakarta: lipi press. “under the scanner”, 2016. the assam tribune. ushama, thameem.2017. “historical roots of extremist and radical islamist thinking”. intellectual discourse, special issue. van bruinessen, martin.2013.”introduction: contemporary developments in indonesian islam and the “conservative turn” of the early twenty-first century,” dalam contemporary developments in indonesian islam explaining the ‘conservative turn’, ed., martin van bruinessen. singapore: iseas. wahid, abdurrahman.1983. “reflections on the need for a concept of man in islam,” memorandum to the rector of the un university. wardah, fathiyah. 2017. “survey finds sentiment against islamic state rising in indonesia”, voice of america news/find, wahington. widiyanto, asfa. 2016. religious authority and the prospects for religious pluralism in indonesia: the of traditionalist muslims scholars. zweigniederlassung zürich: lit verlag münster. yaakub, muhammad bakir and othman, khatijah. 2006. “a textual analysis for the term “wasatiyyah” (islamic moderation) in selected quranic verses and prophetic tradition”. journal of education and social sciences, vol. 5. jurnal afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 the emerging islam in america doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0125.288-293 sholawati pmsi universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta book tittle : geliat islam di america author : prof. dr. k.h. nasaruddin umar, m.a. publisher : amzah city : jakarta 13220 publication year : 2020 number of page : 218 isbn : 978-602-0875-92-7 islam has an essential role in the development of human civilization. as a relatively new religion, islam has developed very rapidly for over 1500 years. currently, islam is recorded as the second-largest religion in the world after christianity, with followers of more than 1.5 billion. based on several official survey institutions, in 2025, it is predicted that muslims will reach 30% of the earth’s population and become the largest religion in the world.1 islam was born in the arabian peninsula and has spread throughout the world. muslims can be found in almost all countries, including underdeveloped countries, developing countries, and developed countries. even the united states, with the most substantial economic, political, and military power globally, is inseparable from muslims in its development process. edward e. curtis, in his book muslim americans in the military, mentioned various historical evidence showing muslim participation in america. according to this professor of religion from the university of indianapolis, muslims had played a significant role, from discovering the americas to defending the north’s victories in the united states civil war.2 also, he added that even though christopher columbus was the sailor who discovered america, that discovery would be impossible to happen without muslims. ironically, starting in the 20th century, there was an anti-muslim sentiment in america and worsened by the bombing of the wtc building on 289vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 september 11, 2001, known as the 9/11 incident. the tragedy was carried out by a handful of people who acted in islam’s name, had provoked both fear and hatred of the public towards islam. there is a lot of discrimination against muslims in america, as reported by several international media. this discrimination had an impact on muslims in other countries, especially indonesia, which later became anti-american. america is considered an anti-islamic country and has a significant share in the never-ending wars in islamic countries in the middle east.3 the above assumption is not entirely correct since it does not represent america as a whole, as stated by the professor of uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta, nasaruddin umar, in geliat islam, about how muslims in america are. regardless of the occurring islamophobia, islam is proliferating in america. in fact, he repeatedly quoted hillary clinton’s speech, which stated that “islam is the fastest-growing religion in us america.” the number of muslims in america continues to grow every year. the phenomenon eliminates prejudices and assumptions about america being anti-islamic.4 this book by nasaruddin contains 18 chapters. it started from a brief description of the history of the united states’ formation and the involved muslim figures. nasaruddin denies the notion that america is a secular country. he mentioned the phrase “one nation under god,” which was included in the (pledge of allegiance) of the united states. according to him, the pledge proves that america is not entirely anti-religious. the next chapter about the influx of muslim immigrants from african countries is quite large in the 19th century. muslims from various countries are interested in living in america because america is a free country, prioritizing recognition and respect for human rights so that muslims can live peacefully and carry out religious practices without any intervention. nasaruddin said that as a free country, america is a country with good tolerance. he quoted an article from prof. osman bakar, entitled “the intellectual impact of american muslim scholars on the muslim world, with special references to southeast asia,” which calls america “the second mecca.” this view is based on the fact that there are various ethnic and muslim components from africa, arab, persian, south asia, southeast asia, and different other parts of the world in mecca. muslims in america perform their respective schools and traditions. there are those with hanafi, maliki, syafi’i, and hanbali schools of thought in fiqh. some belong to rational and conservative theology. some are sunni, syi’ah, wahabi, and various kinds of tarekat. al290 afkaruna though they come from multiple types of sects and schools of thought, they carry out their worship according to their respective beliefs and maintain mutual tolerance toward other muslim groups. in several parts, nasaruddin does not only describe the harmony that occurs between muslim groups of different sects. but balance also occurs between followers of other religions. abrahamic religion’s phenomenon or beliefs were born from the grandchildren of the prophet abraham, judaism, christianity, and islam. these religions, which usually conflict with open wars in other countries, get along very well in america. they invite each other if there is a special event or important moments. it is not uncommon to find families with members of different religions. freedom in america supports these things. religious people who feel like minorities support each other and display excellent religious behavior, especially muslims who always campaign for islam as rahmatan lil alamin, full of compassion for everyone. the stigmatization of islam as a radical, anti-tolerant religion has been refuted because the muslim community in the united states is a professional group. this is different from muslim minority groups in other countries, which are dominated by manual labor. in america, in general, muslims are professionals, intellectuals, and educated. the american muslim community falls into the upper-middle category or middle up. of course, muslim groups like this are more considered by the state. this muslim group then also built various islamic organizations, which were quite influential in building america. nasaruddin umar said that in america, there are various types of islamic organizations. the islamic organization strives to create a harmonious and peaceful life for the muslim community in its environment, regardless of the origin of the country or different schools. muslims in america can build cooperation and live side by side without any significant problems within the organization. tolerance is very well made. islamic organizations also provide various services, for example, in the fields of education, economics, health, and so on. for example, these islamic organizations (amc founded in chicago in 1990) are engaged in empowering muslims, including fighting for their rights through political channels. the council on american-islamic relations (cair) is also one of the major islamic organizations in washington, dc. this organization aims to provide advocacy for muslim communities who often do not understand their civil rights and obligations as citizens of the united states. 291vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 there are more than thirteen islamic organizations mentioned by nasaruddin umar in his book. these organizations help the american government provide education for the muslim community in complying with the rules applicable in the united states. they also promote inter-religious and inter-ethnic tolerance in america. these organizations also teach about universal islamic values, which are paralleled with the importance of independence that america upholds. an influential organization for muslims living in america is camri (center for american muslim research and information). this institution is responsible for conducting thorough and in-depth research, checking, and investigating various products and ingredients directly to food companies. in other words, this institution helps provide halal food, which is one of the necessities that may be difficult to find in america. in general, this book by nasaruddin umar gives us essential information that america is a very suitable country for muslims to live in. even though being a minority is definitely more difficult than being the majority as in indonesia. the image of muslims who have the most expansive freedom possible, as with followers of other religions, gives us a new perspective that america is not genuinely anti-islam. in this case, i agree with what the author said. it’s just that this book was written with an extended emphasis on the positive aspects of america. the negative aspects are not addressed. thus, there is potential for discrepancies and differences between the reality on the ground and the book’s contents. for example, various facts or events covered by mixed mass media such as national geographic indonesia.5 the occurrence of oppression of muslim children in america is increasing rapidly, which is generally caused by cultural and religious misunderstandings. then, the mosque’s burning on january 28, 2017, which several hours earlier, president donald trump issued an executive order banning entry to people coming from seven muslim-majority countries. president donald trump, who was elected and officially sworn in on january 20, 2017, once proposed banning muslims from entering america to improve domestic security. the american president said clearly, “i am establishing new scrutiny measures to guard the us against the outside threat of radical islamic terrorists. we only want to include people into our country who will support our country and love its citizens… “this is not discussed further in the book by nasarudin umar, which is clearly titled” geliat islam.” the book geliat islam’s discussion in the united states focuses on positive 292 afkaruna things, such as president donald trump inviting muslim figures to break the fast together at the white house, even though that is only an excuse in the context of diplomacy. or how about president barack husein obama, who once lived in indonesia where the environment is predominantly muslim, or when giving a speech at cairo university stating to solve the problem of radicalism and terrorism with a soft power approach. or information about muslims, the majority of whom are professional groups, but forget the fact that many muslim women have been fired from companies for refusing to remove their hijab. in my opinion, this book was written not through long research; some parts are unedited copies of wikipedia. for example, regarding malcolm x., some features do not explain the exact time and place when and where the situation occurred. it would be impossible to make the reader believe that this condition really happened in america with a considerable area. in my opinion, the delivery is not systematic enough; several things are being repeated. for example, such as the statement “america is a country with an exemplary level of tolerance, america is very open to islam and its adherents,” or the pledge of allegiance, which is written many times, and various repetitions that i think are unnecessary. endnote 1 moeflich hasbullah, “islam di amerika : sebuah keajaiban bernama 9/11”, epaper pikiran rakyat, 28 februari 2008, akses 9 mei 2020, 12:57:37am pada https://www.aca demia.edu/3668805/i slam_di_amerika_sebuah_keajaiban_bernama_9_11?auto=download 2 edward e curtis iv, muslim americans in the military: centuries of service, (bloomington, : indiana university press, 2016) 3 nashih nasrullah, “alasan mengapa amerika ambisi perangi timur tengah”, repubilka news, akses 8 mei 2020 15:10:31am pada https://republika.co.id/ berita/qbcd9k320/alasan-mengapa-amerika-ambisi-perang-di-timur-tengah 4 nasaruddin umar, geliat islam di amerika serikat, (jakarta : amzah, 2020) 5 rahmad azhar hutomo, “kisah muslim di amerika, kerap ditindas tapi semakin berkembang”, national geographic indonesia, edisi minggu 3 maret 2019, akses 6 mei 2020 12:30:31am pada https://nationalgeographic.grid.id/ read/131652089/kisah-muslim-di-amerika-kerap-ditindas-tapi-semakinberkembang?page=all reference curtis, e. e. (2016). muslim americans in the military: centuries of service. bloomington indiana universiry press. 293vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 hasbullah, m. (2008). islam di amerika: sebuah keajaiban bernama 9/11. e-paper pikiran rakyat. https://www.academia.edu/3668805/islam_di_amerika_sebuah_keajaiban_bernama_9_11. hutomo, r. a. “kisah muslim di amerika, kerap ditindas tapi semakin berkembang”. national geographic indonesia. edisi minggu 3 maret 2019. https:/ /nationalgeographic.grid.id/read/131652089/kisah-muslim-di-amerika-kerapditindas-tapi-semakin-berkembang?page=all nashrullah, n. 2020. “alasan mengapa amerika ambisi perangi timur tengah”. republica news. https://republika.co.id/berita/qbcd9k320/alasan-mengapaamerika-ambisi-perang-di-timur-tengah umar, n. (2020). geliat islam di amerika serikat, (jakarta : amzah, 2020). jurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 evolution and modernization of islamic education in minangkabau doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0114.82-98 alfurqan social science faculty, universitas negeri padang correspondence email: alfurqan@fis.unp.ac.id abstract surau is an islamic educational institution that is the prototype of other islamic educational institutions in minangkabau. historically, the existence of surau began to decline due to modernization, which permeated the islamic world. the evolution of the islamic education system from halaqah to classical, changes in curriculum, levels in the world of education, mixing of islamic education with basic colonial lessons and so on are the effects of modernization and the development of the technology industry in the early 20th century and the millennial era today. the evolution of islamic education in minangkabau is caused by several factors, including the modernization of ideology and the influence of culture from other regions, the developing system of government, and the rapid advances in industrial technology. the method used is library research with historical and philological approaches. keywords: islamic education, evolution. minangkabau abstrak surau merupakan lembaga pendidikan islam yang merupakan prototipe dari lembaga pendidikan islam lainnya di minangkabau. secara historis, keberadaan surau mulai menurun akibat modernisasi yang merambah dunia islam. evolusi sistem pendidikan islam dari halaqah ke klasik, perubahan kurikulum, jenjang dunia pendidikan, pencampuran pendidikan islam dengan pelajaran dasar kolonial dan sebagainya merupakan efek dari modernisasi dan perkembangan industri teknologi pada awal abad 20. abad dan era milenial saat ini. evolusi pendidikan islam di minangkabau disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor, antara lain modernisasi ideologi dan pengaruh budaya dari daerah lain, sistem pemerintahan yang berkembang, serta kemajuan teknologi industri yang pesat. metode yang digunakan adalah studi pustaka dengan pendekatan sejarah dan filologi. kata kunci: evolusi, minangkabau, pendidikan islam 83vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 introduction the history of islamic education in minangkabau began in the 17th century after the return of sheikh burhanuddin from studying in aceh and establishing an education center, surau. surau is the first islamic education base and institution in minangkabau. surau had produced many ulama in the minangkabau archipelago, and become famous far from the minangkabau region, such as malaysia, singapore, and even the middle east. some examples are sheikh ismail al-minangkabawi, sheikh thaher jalaluddin, sheikh ahmad khatib al-minangkabawi, sheikh janan thaib bukittinggi and so on1. in minangkabau, islamic education in surau is considered a traditional islamic education because education in surau has not yet agreed with modernization, such as the madrasa in minangkabau and islamic boarding schools in java. an education system that still teaches islam without general knowledge such as in schools and madrassas and pesantren today2. the originality of islamic education in minangkabau began to change from the beginning of the 20th century, which was considered a renewal and enlightenment called the renaissance.3 the process of change towards modernization is the renewal of modern science and technology in the western world, which entered the islamic world in the 19th century. in islamic history, it is considered as the beginning of modernization. islamic education, which was initially traditional, began to be tampered with and led to modern education in accordance with the times and the development of science. old ideas that are considered irrational, customs, institutions, and so on try to be adapted to the advancement of modern science and technology. it has been realized with the emergence of educational institutions such as madrasahs and schools in minangkabau, including sumatra thawalib education institution in padang panjang and adabiah school in padang. in 1909 m abdullah ahmad founded an educational institution in the form of a madrasah with the name adabiah which made religious science education the subject matter. however, in 1915 adabiah received subsidies from the government and changed to his under the name hollandsh malaiche school adabiyah 4. when the adabiah school changed to his, adabiah lost its identity as a religious education school because the education system had been replaced so that adabiah schools were not much different from schools established by the dutch, which prioritized general material and did not teach religious education. however, adabiah schools try to maintain the main points of the values of islamic teachings such as the quran and hadith even 84 afkaruna though general material dominates. the implementation of the education system made adabiah considered a pioneer in the pattern of national education in indonesia, which first combined general education plus religion and as a plus general religious education. the dutch government and educational institutions established by the dutch influenced the strong foundation of the traditional education system coupled with the spirit of renewal that occurred in the early 20th century by muslim reformers due to the development of western knowledge and technology that influenced the islamic world and made the traditional islamic education system more unsteady. in addition to the development of knowledge and influence of the west, the emergence of thoughts from muslim reformers who think that the need for reform in the islamic education system to be able to answer the challenges of colonialism and christian expansion.5 coupled with the influence of the increasingly advanced technology industry brought major changes to the world of education. the education system which initially only sat cross-legged, with technological advances and the influence of the western world education system that used benches, tables, and blackboards, then the education system including islamic education also changed using these tools. especially nowadays, the technology industry has become more rapid, the emergence of computer technology, android and so on has increasingly influenced the education system in indonesia in general and minangkabau in particular. this technology is also supported by the government to be applied to educational institutions that are developing in minangkabau. traditional education system in minangkabau surau is a place of worship and the first islamic educational institution in minangkabau created by burhanuddin. it is from surau that all aspects of islamic education are carried out, starting from religious learning through religious manuscripts to the practice of the learning. the process of islamic education carried out by sheikh burhanuddin is not extreme, but it blends with the behavior and customs of the minangkabau people. so that surau is not purely teaching islamic education, but also teaches about developing customs which will gradually be adjusted to islamic law. this can be seen in some minang philosophies in west sumatera such as; adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah (custom is based on the islamic legal tradition (syarak). it is on the basis of the kitabullah, al-quran), syarak mangato adat mamakai 85vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 (syarak says; adat applies), adat basisampiang syarak batilanjang (traditional sideways wide open syarak). from the philosophy used by the minangkabau people, it can be seen that islam has been embedded in the lives of people in minangkabau. the society that has been understood as social order is a reality that consists of a set of behaviors for each pattern in the corridors of cultural order, customs, and traditions. developing customs are also influenced by islamic religious values and uphold customary and religious values.6 therefore all customs must be returned to the law of god originating from the quran and the sunnah of the prophet, namely the hadith, that is the meaning of adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah. in addition, whatever is considered to be in accordance with syarak (islamic shari’a) then that is what will be used by adat. this is the meaning of the philosophy of syarak mangato adat mamakai. the books used in surau at the beginning are books that are commonly used in madrasah and traditional islamic pesantren in minangkabau. for example in fiqih lessons, the books are commonly used by the shafi’ scholars, such as fathul qarib and minhâj al-thalibîn, umm al-barahain in islamic theology (ushul al-din); jalalain in the qur’anic exegesis (tafsir); and matan al-ajurumiyah and matan minâ’ in the arabic grammar (nahw). the books used in surau are considered to have a high level of use in madrasah and pesantren in the era of the 20th century ad so that some of the books used in the past are not used anymore in madrasah and pesantren in minangkabau. the system used in surau education in minangkabau is not much different from the system used in traditional islamic pesantren, such as:7 1. wetonan; namely the kiyai or the shaykh reads the book in front of the students who also hold and pay attention to the same book. the santri only listens to the recital of the book that is read by the kiyai or the sheikh. 2. sorogan; which is a private system where students come to the teacher and read the book in front of the teacher, also called review. 3. mudhakarah; namely a kind of scientific meeting that addresses early issues such as; worship and creed as well as religious issues in general. this mudhakarah system has two ways, firstly the deliberation of fellow students to solve a problem through the existing books. it aims to train students to solve problems through books. second, mudhakarah led by kiyai or sheikh to assess santri in solving problems, both in the form of books used and the skills of students in arabic. 86 afkaruna in addition, surau has two models or two levels of religious education; first, basic level religious education, and secondly, deepening religious education. the basic level of religious education is for children aged 5-9 years with learning materials to read the quran, fiqih of worship, tajwid, and other basic knowledge of islamic religion. students who study in surau are fully handed over to teachers who teach. after they finished the study and wanted to deepen the study, the study will be continued at the muslim cleric. surau ulama is like surau sheikh burhanuddin and surau from sheikh burhanuddin’s students who helped establish surau in his hometown after completing studies such as; surau sheikh muhammad natsir in koto tangah padang, surau sheikh buyuang mudo puluik-puluik in pesisir selatan, surau sheikh abdurrahman in bintungan tinggi and so on 8. in addition to providing religious education, surau also offers spiritual education for students through the tarekat path. spiritual education is the planting of the love of god in the hearts of students, which makes him expect the blessing of allah swt. in every speech, action, attitude, and behavior, and stay away from things that cause god to be angry 9. spiritual education is also interpreted as an attempt to find a relationship with god through the process of education and training (riyadhah) so that one can meet and unite themselves with their lord 10. therefore surau, which was founded by sheikh burhanuddin, is also famous for the center of the syattariyah congregational genealogy in minangkabau.11 it can be said that in general, surau in minangkabau is now better known as surau tarekat compared to surau as a center of education because for the people today, islamic education is identical to madrasah and pesantren. verker pistorius in his article entitled en zijn invloed op de samenleving in de padangsche bovelanden (influence of ulama in minangkabau society) recorded the surau which developed in minangkabau along with the number of students until 1868 ad as follows:12 1. surau taram, around 1000 students. 2. surau koto tuo, around 220 to 300 students. 3. surau cangkiang, around 400 students. 4. surau pasir, around 300 students. 5. surau laboh, tanah datar, around 200 students. 6. surau simabur, around 200 students. 7. surau padang gantiang, tanah datar, around 100 students. 87vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 8. surau pangean, around 100 students. 9. surau pie (laras salajoe), around 300 students. 10. surau muara panas, around 100 students. 11. surau kota hanau, around 200 students. 12. surau kasih, larang saniang bakar, around 150 students. 13. surau singkarah, around 100 students. 14. surau calau (sijunjung), around 300 to 400 students. 15. surau padang sibusuk, around 150 students. from surau islamic education, this is the birth of minangkabau scholars and other educational institutions in minangkabau. some are known as sufism experts in different parts of the world such as the famous sheikh ismail alminangkabawi to the middle east, riau, pakistan and singapore, sheikh thaher jalaluddin and sheikh jamil jambek astronomers, sheikh ahmad khatib alminangkabawi who once held the position of mufti in the middle east and sheikh janan muhammad thaib bukittinggi the first indonesian to obtain the ‘natural title’ from al-azhar in 1924 and the founder of the al-makkiyah indonesian madrasah in 1923 in the middle east 13. everything from them is the result of surau education. some of the students who were born from surau education were then contaminated with modernist thoughts when they continued their studies in the middle east, namely saudi arabia, which began education reformation at the end of the 19th century. this reform was caused by a meeting and mixing of muslim regions of saudi arabia with muslims in other areas around it through the hajj so that the hajj and mass media are one of the significant factors in channeling the idea of educational reform.14 evolution of islamic education in minangkabau a. modernization of education in the early 20th century the modernization of islamic education is due to the influence of the western world on the islamic world and other cultural influences. the greatest possibility of outside cultural cultures and reformist thought permeated minangkabau students who went to study in the middle east. hurgronje gives an overview of the social life in mecca in the mid-19th century as a multicultural and dynamic life. many community groups from various parts of the islamic world interact, and there is a cultural exchange process. hurgronje also provides information on the activities of the nusantara community or also called the jawi community as a very dynamic community.15 this dyna88 afkaruna mism has the potential to make the jawi community one of them minangkabau contaminated with reformist thoughts and other cultures in mecca. according to caskel, two conditions must be met to make a civilization ready to accept cultural stimuli from the outside; first, an awareness that the person concerned is lacking; second, contact between the cultures involved must occur at more than one point and last for a certain period of time. these two things are clearly seen from the current wave of renewal in minangkabau. in history, minangkabau experienced two islamic reforms; the first stream is marked by the appearance of paderi. the emergence of paderi movement was due to the development of islam, which was considered impure. the dissemination of sufism-style islam with motivational and tolerant persuasive steps carried out by ulama does provide fertile results for the spread of islam in the minangkabau. however, this method also has a negative impact on the purity of islamic teachings with the implementation of things that are not in accordance with islamic teachings such as cockfighting, gambling, and drinking. quantitatively islamization with tasawuf style can be said to be successful, but qualitatively, islam that develops is still very far from true islam. in addition, religious practices were mixed with aspects of the animist tradition that had developed in society before the entry of islam, resulting in the impurity of the teachings of islam.16 some people from the minangkabau who returned from the middle east, such as haji miskin, haji abdurrahman, and haji muhammad arif tried to purify the behavior of the minangkabau people to the true islamic shari’a. their renewal movement was due to their inspiration for the movements carried out by wahhabis in the middle east 17. the second stream is the emergence of a modernization movement of thought that was realized in the form of religious understanding and the education system. scholars who have modern thought or reformed scholars are referred to as young people in minangkabau, while scholars who maintain old traditions in religion are referred to as the elderly. both of these groups have different understandings in several ways so that this religious polemic has become a golden age in terms of literacy in the minangkabau.18 four scholars became the foundation of the renewal or modernization movement in minangkabau. they are h. abdullah ahmad, h. abdul karim amrullah, sheikh jamil jambek, and sheikh thaib umar. the renewal of the islamic education model in minangkabau was initially started by h. abdullah ahmad by opening an islamic education institution in surau jembatan besi, 89vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 but did not last long and continued in padang in 1909 with the name adabiah school. the establishment of surau jembatan besi was not the result of the hard work of h. abdullah ahmad himself, but also the results of the assistance of sheikh daud rasyidi and his brother abdul lathif rasyidi. before moving to padang, abdullah ahmad handed over the management of surau jembatan besi to sheikh daud rasyidi and abdul lathif rasyidi. then in 1912, m abdul lathif passed away, and to continue to carry out islamic education at the surau iron bridge sheikh daud rasyidi asked h. abdul karim amrullah to lead as well as foster surau jembatan besi.19 surau jembatan besi was later named after thuwalib, as was followed by surau in parabek under the name thawalib. this naming was an initiative of the students of jembatan besi and parabek, and then this name was incorporated into sumatra thawalib. based on that, it can be seen that sumatra thawalib is a manifestation of surau jembatan besi and surau parabek.20 the change occurred in 1918 to the classical system, not halaqah as written by imam maulana: at first, they taught in a halal way (sitting cross-legged around the teacher). as for mr. haji abdul karim amrullah, who initially taught sitting crosslegged by him in muara pauh sungai batang maninjau. he was often called by people to give recitations to padang panjang, located in surau jembatan besi, namely one of his friends who were equally demanding in mecca, namely mr. haji abdullah ahmad. since there were many students in padang panjang, he wanted people to be able to divide the teaching day, which is a week on the batang river and a week in padang panjang. by looking at the many students in padang panjang and looking at the importance of a long field, mr. haji abdul karim amrullah decided to move to settle in padang panjang with his family in 1914 ad. in the beginning, he taught in padang panjang that was a way of being hindered as well. four years later, namely in 1918 ad, his method of teaching was modern, namely by using tables and benches and given classes which were given the name of the school thawalib. to strengthen and advance the school, an association was named, also called sumatra thawalib 21. in addition to changes in how to learn from halaqah to classical, thawalib sumatra also introduced class levels and diplomas, which began in the 1920s.22 not only thawalib, adabiah also formed a model of the education system similar to thawalib, namely classical and also introduced a system of hierar90 afkaruna chical levels based on the age of the child, not based on their estimated level of learning ability. abdullah ahmad’s first formal textbook entitled titian kesoerga was the first attempt by minangkabau people to produce a work that followed the principles of islamic reformers and progress. the combination of middle eastern reformist pedagogy and the progressivism of the progress of european influence produced what is called islamic modernism.23 titian kesoerga suggests weighing information obtained through the five senses, through external news, and through one’s own thoughts to produce conclusions that are especially important to filter and consider war news. the war news written by abdullah ahmad as quoted by hadler was like the conflicts between russia and japan (1904) and between italy and turkey (1912) as events that were not directly related to the minangkabau people but had an impact on political consciousness in west sumatra.24 not only educational institutions formed by minangkabau people who are present in minangkabau. educational institutions established by colonialism with a combination curriculum between islamic studies and other colonial standard subjects also developed in minangkabau, such as the information provided by nasution and muhammad including gouvernment inlandsvhe school (native low school), normal school (school teacher education) in padang panjang and modern islamietes school (islamic teacher education school) in bukittinggi. modern islamietes school applies a combination curriculum between islamic studies and basic lessons in the colonial period, such as dutch and english. b. form of post-century islamic education the development of the technology industry or technological knowledge that is so rapid in the millennium is one of the factors eroding the existence of islamic education in minangkabau. the emergence of advanced technologies that aim to help alleviate human work has positive and negative impacts. the emergence of computers, internet networks, smartphones, and so on provides many features that are considered necessary to help humans. the development of the technology industry or technological knowledge that is so rapid in the millennium century is one of the factors eroding the existence of islamic education in minangkabau. the emergence of advanced technologies that aim to help alleviate human work has positive and negative impacts. the emergence of computers, internet networks, smartphones, and so on provides many features that are considered necessary to help humans. 91vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 behind that goal, it turns out that technological advances also have a negative impact on the world of education, one of which causes laziness and immerses humans into the features provided. indeed this technological advancement can also make it easier for humans in the teaching and learning process, such as giving a lot of information from various sources, facilitating teaching facilities, providing sources or books in part for free without having to go to the bookstore, providing religious and other material videos so. the use of information and communication technology (ict), better known as ict, especially the use of computers and internet networks in learning, is a form of development in the technology industry.25 the positive impact above is not always a good thing for the world of islamic education. the world of islamic education, in addition to the understanding of religion, also requires noble human character in accordance with the prophet as a role model and also needs religious practices to be studied. education must be able to develop and touch all aspects, and potential possessed by students optimally, and strive to minimize the traits of limited human weakness appearing on the surface. education is the most effective and strategic means to help people recognize themselves and understand the teachings of god.26 the purpose of islamic education is the formation of personality based on islamic religious laws towards the formation of the main personality in accordance with islamic measures, besides that islamic education is also an effort to guide and nurture students so that later after they complete islamic education can practice it and make it as a way of life (sadulloh, 2004). based on a philosophical approach, islamic education can be interpreted as a study of educational processes that are based on the values of islamic teachings according to philosophical conceptions sourced from the holy books of the quran and the hadith of the prophet muhammad. this goal can only be achieved through learning and getting used to the teachings. however, now due to technological advances, ordinary people have been able to study religion through videos tutorial provided via youtube. in addition, religious issues can also be sought from the sites provided. so that the function of the scholars as religious experts around them began to erode. not only this, but it will also have the potential to mislead understanding and lead to divisions within the community because nothing will guide them to know the details of the furu’iyah that developed in islam. islamic education is a basis for understanding and practicing islamic teach92 afkaruna ings in human life. islamic education is known and believed by its adherents as an educational activity derived from the philosophy of islamic teachings with universal values contained in it, which always consider the development of human nature.27 this education is not only obtained from educational institutions, this education can also be obtained from the living environment, especially both parents. parents in this matter also play an essential role in shaping the character of children, especially in providing them with spiritual education so that they can easily carry out a life that is moral and virtuous in accordance with islamic law 28. the inner closeness between parents and children is one way to make them listen to each parent’s words and follow the behavior of parents. in addition to the position of parents, it is crucial to foster and to educate their children.29 however, due to technological advancements aimed at helping human work, some parents use technological services to educate their children, such as using smart hafizh media to introduce their children to alquran recital and their muratals, so that they can remember and memorize them. then the quran and iqra al-qalam, which the quran and iqra can be recited by the pen used as the sensor. with this, it can be said that the function of parents and teachers as educators can be replaced by technology30. education of both parents is more pronounced than teachers in schools in this millennium because, at this time, islamic religious education was only used as a comparative lesson in state schools in minangkabau. in addition to minimal lessons, religious practices will also be carried out minimally, except for public schools based on madrasah new religious education will be more pronounced. therefore, madrasah and pesantren as the leading institutions of islamic education that still exist in the millennium prevented their students from coming into contact with modern technology, so that their period of education was not disrupted and neglected by developing technology. like being banned from carrying cellphones, musical instruments, and so on, they are also prohibited from watching tv media except on specified days.31 the drastic change in islamic education in the millennium has generally occurred in urban communities because that is where the center of technological development, so that religious life is less visible in the city center. but in small areas, religious communities can still be seen today. this can be seen in one example of the surau simaung in sijunjung, which still survives with 93vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 its sura tradition, not islamic pesantren and madrasahs. at present surau simaung is led by tuanku a. malin bandaro and teacher of islam in surau. tuanku a. malin bandaro provides free education and housing in surau for children who have aspirations to become scholars32. learners taught by tuanku a. malin bandaro is taught to socialize in religious matters to the sijunjung community, so they are often called upon in marriage, marriage, and salvation by the villagers around sijunjung, even once in a while, they are asked to go home by their parents to take care some things related to religion in their village.33 from this, it can be said that the real purpose of islamic education is more visible and felt in small areas than in the city center, which becomes the touchpoint of modernization and object targets from the advancement of the technology industry. in this case, zohar argues that the most fundamental crisis faced by modern humans is a spiritual crisis 34. modern humans who live today are in the periphery of their existence and move away from their center, while the center of their essence is spiritual. goleman also argues that the last few decades are more appropriately called the melancholy era, which has a higher risk compared to the previous era in terms of suffering from severe depression and crippling lethargy of the soul.35 in addition, intellectual intelligence through the advancement of science and technology is one of the factors in the emergence of a spiritual crisis. that is because the values in human life prioritize the usability side, the abundance of materialistic, secularistic, hedonistic, and agnostic life that negates aspects of religious ethics, morality, and humanism. based on this, it is clear that the advancement of the technology industry can erode humans rather than being religious, which is the goal of islamic education. therefore spiritual education as one of islamic education must be revived and preserved at home and in educational institutions spread in minangkabau because spiritual education in practice and theory is currently less taught in schools. conclusion based on the history of islamic education in minangkabau from the 17th century to the millennium today, islamic education in minangkabau has undergone a series of evolutions, both teaching media, and learning systems. surau, as the first islamic educational institution is a place of education that truly teaches islam in depth and educates its students to live religiously in accordance with the islamic shari’a that they are studying. the close relation94 afkaruna ship between teacher and student when the teaching and learning process in surau becomes an advantage over the education system in surau. surau provides not only islamic education in the form of understanding and practice but also supports islamic education with students’ spiritual intelligence to students through the tarekat. it aims to make students not only intelligent from thinking and understanding but also intelligent in the soul, in attitude, civilization, and morality. surau education began to evolve when the influx and development of renewal in the islamic world were referred to as the modernization of islam and the contact of minangkabau people with various cultural cultures and modern thinking that developed in the middle east. in addition, the developing (colonial) government system at the beginning of the 20th century was also a factor in the change in the model of islamic education in minangkabau. in addition to teaching about islam, early 20th-century education also taught basic lessons from colonial countries such as dutch, english, geography, and so on.   equally important in the evolution of islamic education is the advancement in the technology industry, which began in the western world in the early 19th century. the progress of the technology industry is increasingly rapid in the millennium so that the industrial technology produced is not often a teacher for the community in understanding the teachings of islam. this certainly can disrupt the actual pace of islamic education and the existence of teachers as real educators. the relationship between teachers and students that forms the basis of early islamic education in minangkabau began to be replaced by advanced technology so that people can learn selftaught with the facilities provided by today’s technology. the contribution of islamic educational institutions in minangkabau which tries to integrate imtaq and iptek (science and technology). so as to produce students who are able to dialogue with modernity, without eliminating the main task as the bearer of the moral mandate. endnotes 1 teguh hidayat, “surau syech gadang burhanuddin dan surau tinggi calau”, kementerian pendidikan dan kebudayaan balai pelestarian cagar budaya sumatera barat, 2016 2 m. furqan, “surau dan pesantren sebagai lembaga pengembang masyarakat islam di indonesia (kajian perspektif historis)”, 2019. 3 lombard, “k. a. steenbrink, pesantrèn, madrasah, sekolah. recente 95vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 ontwikkelingen in indonesisch islamonderricht, meppel, 1974, 366 p.” 4 celarent, “the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, 1900–1942 by deliar noer.” 5 siregar, “pondok pesantren antara misi melahirkan ulama dan tarikan modernisasi.” 6 furqan, “islamic education values in minangkabau wedding ceremony (study of traditional mariage in pauh, padang, west sumatera).” 7 akhiruddin, “lembaga pendidikan islam di nusantara.” 8 afdayeni, “dinamika sistem pendidikan islam (surau) minangkabau pra dan pasca pembaharuan.” 9 suhailah zain al-‘abidin hammad, mas’uliyah al-usrah fi tahhin al-syabab min al irhab, lajnah al-‘ilmiyah li al-mu’tamar al-alami ‘an mauqif al-islam min al-irhab. 10 abu bakar aceh, pengantar ilmu tarekat: kajian historis tentang mistik (solo: ramadhani, 1996), 42 11 meigalia, “oman fathurahman, tarekat syattariyah di minangkabau; teks dan konteks. jakarta.” 12 zelfeni wimra,”keterlibatan tuanku dalam pergesekan identitas adat, agama, dan negara di minangkabau”. analisis: jurnal studi keislaman, 2020 13 taufik hidayat dan chairullah, bibliografi karya ulama minangkabau awal abad xx, dinamika intelektual kaum tua dan kaum muda. 14 yatim, sejarah sosial keagamaan tanah suci. 15 roff, “c. snouck hurgronje, mekka in the latter part of the 19th century. translated by j. h. monahan. leiden, e. j. brill, photomechanical reprint, 1970, pp. vi + 309, index, plates, plans. 42 guilders.” 16 dobbin, islamic revivalism in a changing peasant economy. 17 dobbin. 18 kahn, questioning modernity in indonesia and malaysia. 19 daya, gerakan pembaharuan pemikiran islam. 20 daya. 21 abdul manaf, “naskah sejarah tarbiyah islamiyah.” 22 abdullah, schools and politics. 23 hadler;, sengketa tiada putus. 24 hadler; 25 engkizar dkk., “the importance of integrating ict into islamic study teaching and learning process.” 26 harmonedi, “pandangan islam terhadap manusia : terminologi manusia dan konsep fitrah serta implikasinya dengan pendidikan” 27 alfurqan, konsep pendidikan islam pondok pesantren dan upaya pembenahannya. 28 aziz, “pendidikan spiritual berbasis sufistik bagi anak usia dini dalam keluarga.” 29 furqan dan murniyeeti, “profil pendidik dalam lingkaran terminologi ayatayat alquran.” 30 idawati & hesti, “pengenalan karakter anak usia dini melaui smart hafiz” in prosiding seminar nasional stkip pgri bandar lampung, 2019 96 afkaruna 31 gumgum gumilar, “pemanfaatan internet oleh santripesantren modern (islamic bo arding school”)”. jipsi-jurnal ilmu politik dan komunikasi unikom, 4. 2015 32 wawancara dengan tuanku a. malin bandaro di surau simaung sijunjung, sabtu 6 juli 2019 33 a. malin bandaro, evolusi dan modernisasi pendidikan islam di minangkabau. 34 zohar dan marshall, spiritual intelligence. 35 daniel goleman, emotional intelligence: why it can matter more than iq learning, 24(6), 49-50 references a. malin bandaro, tuanku. evolusi dan modernisasi pendidikan islam di minangkabau, 6 juli 2019. abdul manaf, maulana. 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2004, t.t. taufik hidayat, ahmad, dan chairullah chairullah. bibliografi karya ulama minangkabau awal abad xx, dinamika intelektual kaum tua dan kaum muda. padang: ko munitas suluah, 2012. wimra, z. (2020). keterlibatan tuanku dalam pergesekan identitas adat, agama, dan negara di minangkabau. analisis: jurnal studi keislaman, 20(1), 69-94. yatim, badri,1999. sejarah sosial keagamaan tanah suci: hijaz (mekah dan madinah) 1800-1925. logos. zohar, danah, dan ian marshall, 2001. spiritual intelligence: the ultimate intelligence. new edition edition. london: bloomsbury publishing plc. jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 tipologi filsafat pendidikan islam: kajian konsep manusia dan tujuan pendidikan berbasis filsafat islam klasik doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0081.75-100 m. abdul fattah santoso1, azaki khoirudin2 universitas muhammadiyah surakarta1,2 e-mail: fattah.sant@gmail.com1, e-mail: azakikhoirudin@gmail.com2 abstract this study discusses typology of islamic education philosophy derived from educational discourses in the classical islamic philosophy. while existing construction of the philosophy of islamic education is still heavily influenced by the western philosophy, the current study investigates philosophical views of islamic education from several philosophers in classical islam. this research focuses on the question of human essence to discover the nature and purpose of islamic education. the investigation of educational ideas is conducted on the branches of classical islamic philosophy namely, peripatetic philosophy (ibn sina), hermeneutic-pythagorean philosophy (ikhwan al-shafa), illumination philosophy (suhrawardi), theosophy-transcendent philosophy (mulla sadra). this study shows four typologies of islamic studies philosophy, namely: rationalism (ibn sina), religious-rationalism (ikhwan al-shafa), enlightenment-spiritualism (suhrawardi), and substantive-spiritualism (mulla sadra). keywords: education essence, human essence, and philosopher of classical islam.philosophy of islamic education, and typology abstrak artikel ini akan mendiskusikan tentang tipologi filsafat pendidikan islam yang digali dari aliran filsafat islam klasik. sementara konstruksi filsafat pendidikan islam yang ada sangat dipengaruhi oleh filsafat barat, artikel ini menggali pandangan filosofis tentang pendidikan islam dari pemikiran para filsuf islam klasik. penelitian ini akan memfokuskan pada persoalan hakekat manusia untuk menemukan hakikat dan tujuan pendidikan islam. penelusuran gagasan pendidikan dilakukan pada aliran-aliran filsafat islam klasik yakni, peripatetik mailto:fattah.sant@gmail.com mailto:azakikhoirudin@gmail.com 76 afkaruna (ibnu sina), hermeneutik-phitagorean (ikhwan al-shafa), iluminasi (suhrawardi), teosofi-transenden (mulla sadra). hasil penelitian ini menemukan empat tipologi aliran filsafat pendidikan islam: rasionalisme (ibnu sina), rasionalisme-religius (ikhwan al-shafa), spiritualisme cahaya (suhrawardi), dan spiritualismesubstantif (mulla sadra). kata kunci: filsafat pendidikan islam, filsuf islam klasik, hakikat manusia, tujuan pendidikan, dantipologi pendahuluan kegelisahaan tentang “ketiadaan” filsafat pendidikan islam (fpi) dalam tradisi ilmu pendidikan islam telah diungkap oleh abdul munir mulkhan. 1 hal itu dinyatakan dalam laporan penelitiannya yang berjudul “jejak filsafat islam dalam filsafat pendidikan islam: analisis struktural fungsional filsafat islam dalam buku filsafat pendidikan islam terbitan dalam negeri dan terjemahan” oleh lembaga penelitian dan pengabdian kepada masyarakat uin sunan kalijaga tahun 2013. menurutnya selama ini praktik tarbiyah cenderung mengadopsi teori dari filsafat barat. padahal tradisi tarbiyah telah tumbuh sejak sebelum manusia mengenal pedagogy, education, learning, dan teaching. seharusnya filsafat pendidikan islam disusun sebagai terapan filsafat islam di bidang pendidikan sebagaimana george r. knight membangun filsafat pendidikan (barat) disusun dari para filsuf barat.2 hasil penelitian tersebut, menyatakan bahwa buku-buku filsafat pendidikan islam di indonesia tidak dibangun dari filsafat islam. kajian tipologi filsafat pendidikan islam yang berpijak pada pandangan filsuf islam telah dimulai oleh muhammad jawwad ridla dalam bukunya yang berjudul tiga aliran utama teori pendidikan islam (perspektif sosiologis-filosofis). menurutnya, setidaknya ada tiga tipologi/aliran utama dalam filsafat pendidikan islam, yaitu: (1) aliran agamis-konservatif, (2) aliran religius-rasional, dan (3) aliran pragmatis-instrumental.3 menurut munir mulkhan, hasil kajian jawwad ridla telah memberikan sumbangan penting pemikiran pendidikan islam yang berpijak pada filsafat islam, ketika pemikiran dan praktik pendidikan islam kebanyakan dipandu filsafat barat. walaupun jawwad ridla belum berhasil menjelaskan secara memadai mengapa al-ghazali disebut konservatif, apakah karena al-ghazali adalah sosok yang anti-filsafat?4 kalau demikian alasannya, mengapa seorang yang menolak filsafat dimasukkan dalam filsafat pendidikan islam? mengapa ikhwan al-shafa disebut religious-rasional dan ibnu khaldun disebut pragmatis? tidak cukup di situ, mengapa tiga aliran tersebut dipilih 77vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 sebagai aliran utama pemikiran pendidikan islam? mengapa jawwad ridla tidak menggunakan aliran aliran filsafat islam klasik, sebagaimana diperkenalkan syeed hossein nasr,5 yaitu madzhab peripatetik (masya’i), madhab hermeneutik-phitagorean (ismaili), madzhab iluminasi (isyraqi), dan madzhab teosofi-transenden (al-hikmah al-mutaaliyah)? karena itu, penelitian ini menjadi penting dalam rangka menggali filsafat pendidikan islam dari aliran utama filsafat islam klasik sebagaimana disebut di atas, yaitu: masya’iyah (peripatetisme) dengan tokoh ibnu sina, ismaili (hermenetik-phitagorean) oleh ikhwan al-shafa, isyraqiyah (iluminasionisme) dengan tokohnya suhrawardi, dan aliran hikmah muta’aliyah (teosofi-transenden) dengan tokohnya mulla sadra. penelitian ini membatasi pada persoalan tentang hakikat manusia dan kemungkinannya ke arah rumusan pendidikan berbasis filsafat islam. hakekat manusia diperlukan karena subjek didik (masukan mentah) dalam pendidikan adalah manusia. supaya tidak salah ke mana arah tujuan pendidikan, maka diperlukan pengetahuan tentang hakekat manusia. untuk itu, penelitian ini berangkat dari asumsi dasar bahwa filsafat secara struktural-fungsional ialah (the body of knowledge) sumber dari ilmu.6 maka dari itu, teknologi dan ilmu (teori) pendidikan islam berarti bersumber dari filsafat islam. bagi george r. knight, filsafat pendidikan islam adalah turunan dari filsafat islam.7 sebagaimana al-syaibany bahwa filsafat pendidikan tidak lain ialah pelaksanaan falsafah dalam bidang pendidikan.”8 dengan kata lain, filsafat pendidikan islam adalah pelaksanaan metodologi filsafat islam dalam membicarakan persoalan dan isuisu bidang pendidikan terutama untuk mencari konsep tentang arah & tujuan pendidikan. atas dasar itu, hasil kajian ini diharapkan berguna bagi pengembangan ilmu (teori) pendidikan islam sebagai panduan praktik tarbiyah (pendidikan islam) di dunia islam, khususnya indonesia. kajian filsafat pendidikan islam: pendekatan tipologi secara umum, tipologi aliran filsafat pendidikan islam tidak bisa terlepas dari pola pemikiran yang dikembangkan oleh para pemikirnya. karya-karya pendidikan islam yang sebagiannya menyinggung filsafat pendidikan, yang berbau pemikiran, dan atau yang berlabel “filsafat pendidikan islam” mulai berkembang sejak tahun 1980-an, seperti prinsip dasar konsepsi pendidikan islam karya syahminan zaini (1986), filsafat pendidikan islam karya 78 afkaruna m. arifin (1987), filsafat pendidikan islam oleh tim proyek dibinpertais (1984), karya-karya hasan langgulung, seperti asas-asas pendidikan islam (1988), pendidikan islam menghadapi abad ke-21 (1988), manusia dan pendidikan (1986), dan beberapa pemikiran tentang pendidikan islam (1980).9 buku-buku yang khusus membahas tentang “filsafat pendidikan islam” pada tahun 1990-an hanya ditemukan 2 buku yang khusus membahas filsafat pendidikan islam, yaitu: filsafat pendidikan islam karya jalaluddin & usman said (1994), dan filsafat pendidikan islam karya abuddin nata (1997). selebihnya sekedar bersifat pengantar, seperti paradigma intelektual muslim pengantar filsafat pendidikan islam dan dakwah karya abdul munir mulkhan (1993). kalaupun ada yang sekedar mengandung unsur pemikiran (filsafat), seperti: pemikiran pendidikan islam (kajian filosofis dan kerangka dasar operasionalnya) karya muhaimin & abdul mudjib (1993), konsep pendidikan islam, sebuah telaah komponen dasar kurikulum, karya muhaimin (1993), kreativitas dan pendidikan islam analisis psikologi dan falsafah karya hasan langgulung (1990), ilmu pendidikan dalam perspektif islam karya a. tafsir (1992), visi pembaharuan pendidikan islam karya a. malik fadjar (1998), pendidikan islam tradisi dan modernisasi menuju millenium baru karya azyumardi azra (1999), memberdayakan sistem pendidikan islam karya mastuhu (1999), dan lain-lain. di samping itu, terdapat buku-buku pemikiran para tokoh pendidikan islam, misalnya buku berjudul pemikiran pendidikan islam kajian tokoh klasik dan kontemporer yang ditulis oleh dosen-dosen fakultas tarbiyah iain semarang (1999); buku pemikiran para tokoh pendidikan islam (seri kajian filsafat pendidikan islam) oleh abuddin nata (2000), buku-buku filsafat pendidikan islam karya jalaluddin, abuddin nata; dan buku hasan langgulung, manusia dan pendidikan (1986), juga memuat tokoh-tokoh pendidikan islam. upaya penerjemahan buku-buku berbahasa asing juga dilakukan untuk penggalian pemikiran tokoh-tokoh pendidikan islam, antara lain buku arabic contributions to educational thought oleh tedd d. beavers (2001), dan lain-lain.10 tesis munir mulkhan yang menyatakan bahwa filsafat pendidikan islam (tarbiyah) merupakan penerapan filsafat islam di bidang pendidikan islam sebagaimana filsafat pendidikan (barat) disusun dari filsuf barat, mendorong penelitian ini.11 beberapa buku tentang filsafat pendidikan islam kenyataanya telah menggunakan berbagai aliran filsafat pendidikan 79vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 (barat) untuk menjelaskan filsafat pendidikan islam. buku-buku tersebut telah ditulis antara lain: zuhairini dkk,12 m. arifin,13 abd. rachman assegaf, 14 meskipun berjudul filsafat pendidikan islam, namun didalamnya malah membahas aliran-aliran filsafat pendidikan (barat) seperti: perenialisme, 15 esensialisme, 16 progresivisme17 dan rekonstruksionisme.18 zuhairini dkk, tim yang dibentuk kementerian agama, selain menggunakan filsafat barat, buku ini justru mengutip pernyataan imam barnadib dua corak, yaitu filsafat tradisional dan filsafat kritis.” ironinya “aliran filsafat dalam islam” dan “sistem filsafat dalam islam” tidak dibahas secara detail. m. arifin dalam filsafat pendidikan islam, juga tidak membahas pandangan filsuf muslim, justru dimulai membahas pengertian filsafat pendidikan menurut john dewey, thomson, van cleve morris, dan brubacher. nasib serupa terlihat dalam buku omar mohammad al-toumy al-syaibani, berjudul falsafah tarbiyyah al-isl-amiyah. baginya buku filsafat pendidikan di negaranegara arab dan negara islam, mengambil pemikiran barat seperti plato, aristoteles, thomas hobbes, john locke, jean jack rousseau, john dewey, tanpa membahas pemikiran ahli arab.19 yang paling kontemporer adalah abd. rachman assegaf mencoba merumuskan filsafat pendidikan islam berbasis paradigma keilmuan integrasi-interkoneksi amin abdullah. assegaf mencoba menghadirkan khasanah filsafat pendidikan islam altoumy al-syaibani dan barat john dewey, namun belum memberikan “titik temu” atau tawaran alternatif dari filsafat pendidikan islam baru. kajian muhaimin menyatakan bahwa selama ini pemikiran pendidikan islam dikategorikan ke dalam dua kelompok utama, yaitu aliran filsafat kritis, yakni madzhab pemikiran yang berkemajuan atau progresif dalam pendidikannya, dan madzhab pemikiran filsafat pendidikan yangbersifat tradisional.20 khususnya di indonesia, kajian tipologi filsafat pendidikan islam telah dilakukan oleh muhamin dalam sebuah disertasi. hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa pemikiran (filsafat) pendidikan islam mengarah pada lima tipologi, yaitu: perenial-esensialis salafi,21perenial-esensialis mazhabi,22 modernis,23 perenial-esensialis kontekstual-falsifikatif,24 dan rekonstruksi sosial.25 dari kelima tipologi tersebut, terlihat kecenderungan pemikiran filsafat pendidikan islam di indonesia nampak bervariasi. ada yang mengarah pada tipologi perenial-esensialis salafi yang tampak pada karya jalaluddin & usman said, perenial-esensialis mazhabi pada karya abuddin nata, dan tipologi modernis pada karya arifin dan ahmad tafsir. meskipun tipologi pemikiran mereka berbeda-beda, tetapi memiliki karakteristik yang 80 afkaruna hampir sama, yakni kurangnya kritisisme yang memadai.26 mastuhu menawarkan tipologi perenial-esensialis kontekstual-falsifikatif, serta azyumardi azra dan noeng muhadjir cenderung menawarkan tipologi rekonstruksi sosial.27 dalam melakukan tipologisasi filsafat pendidikan islam di atas, muhaimin terjebak pada madzhab-madzhab pemikiran islam di indonesia. muhaimin membawa filsafat pendidikan ke pada madzhab pemikiran islam di indonesia seperti salafi dan modernis yang bersifat ideologis. selain itu muhaimin juga masih menggunakan filsafat pendidikan (barat) untuk menjelaskan pendidikan islam, sehingga di sini masih menyisakan pekerjaan rumah untuk merumuskan flsafat pendidikan islam berbasis filsafat islam. kajian tipologi filsafat pendidikan islam yang dikonstruksi dari pemikiran filsuf islam telah dimulai oleh muhammad jawwad ridla dalam bukunya yang berjudul tiga aliran utama teori pendidikan islam (perspektif sosiologis-filosofis). ada tiga aliran utama dalam filsafat pendidikan islam, yaitu: (1) agamis-konservatif, (2) religius-rasional, dan (3) pragmatisinstrumental,28 pertama, agamis-konservatif fokus pada persoalan pendidikan yang cenderung murni dalam menyikapi urusan keagamaan. mereka memaknai ilmu dalam pemahaman sempit, mencakup ilmu-ilmu yang dibutuhkan saat di dunia, yang membawa manfaat untuk kehidupan di akhirat kelak. materi pembelajaran harus dimulai dari al-qur’an. segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan al-quran harus dipelajari dan dipahami, mulai dari menghafal hingga tafsirnya. menurut jawwad, tokoh utama pendidikan ini adalah imam al-ghazali, selain itu jawwad juga menyebut nasiruddin at-thusi, ibn jama’ah, ibn hajar al-haitami dan al-qabisi. kedua, religius-rasional. golongan ini cenderung bersikap rasional dalam menghadapi persolan pendidikan. menurut jawwad ridla, ikhwan al-shafa merupakan representasi dari aliran ini, yang juga memasukkan al-farabi, ibn sina, dan ibn maskawaih sebagai golongan aliran ini. mereka juga dijuluki sebagai ‘pemburu hikmah’, karena pergumulan mereka dalam berbagai rasionalitas yunani. ketiga, ibn khaldun, menurut jawwad ridla adalah satu-satunya tokoh dalam aliran pragmatis-instrumental. pemikirannya dalam bidang pendidikan terkesan pragmatis dan cenderung aplikatifpraktis. manusia mampu bereksperimen dengan akal keduanya, selanjutnya mampu mengkonseptualkan dalam realitas empiris dan non-empiris melalui akal tertingginya. 81vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 uraian buku tersebut menurut abdul munir mulkhan dinilai kurang praktis jika dibanding buku sejenis yang dipakai di kalangan perguruan umum membuat buku ini belum banyak memberikan pengaruh yang berarti. 29 meskipun demikian, jawwad ridla telah memberikan sumbangan penting pemikiran filosofis bagi pendidikan yang berpijak pada filsafat islam. hal yang perlu diperhatikan, bahwa jawwad ridla belum menjelaskan secara memadai alasannya mengapa ikhwan al-shafa disebut rasional, al-ghazali disebut konservatif, dan ibnu khaldun disebut pragmatis? mengapa al-ghazali yang memerangi filsafat dimasukkan dalam tiga aliran pemikiran pendidikan islam? bagaimana mungkin seorang yang tidak menerima filsafat memiliki gagasan filosofis untuk menjelaskan pendidikan islam?30 jawwad ridla membangun tiga aliran utama pendidikan islam berdasarkan pada historis-sosiologis. artinya jawwad ridla membawa pemikiran pendidikan islam tunduk pada logika sejarah. selain itu, jawwad ridla belum menjelaskan secara fungsional-filosofis, bahwa filsafat islam digunakan untuk menjelaskan pemikiran pendidikan. jawwad ridla hanya memilih tiga tokoh (filsuf) yang mempunyai “konsepkonsep” tentang pendidikan islam, bukan menjelaskan filsafat pendidikan islam sebagai bagian dari gagasan filsafat islam. tawaran gagasan jawwad ridla lebih tepat disebut sebagai ilmu (pemikiran) pendidikan islam, daripada filsafat pendidikan islam. di sinilah pentingnya menggali gagasan filsafat pendidikan islam dari tradisi besar filsafat islam klasik yang telah ada dan sangat kaya akan gagasan filosofis. jika jawwad ridla menjelaskan tipologi pemikiran pendidikan islam dengan memahami posisi dan fungsi ilmu, maka pada penelitian ini akan menjelaskan filsafat pendidikan islam dengan mencari konsep manusia dari para filsuf klasik untuk mendapatkan tujuan pendidikan islam. mencari tipologi baru filsafat pendidikan islam berbasis filsafat islam sebelum memetakan tipologi, diperlukan terlebih dahulu melakukan pemetaan terhadap gagasan dari filsafat islam. secara garis besar gagasan filsafat islam bisa dibedakan dalam empat sudut pandang, yaitu: masya’i (peripatetik), isyraq (ilmuninasi), irfan (gnonis), dan kalam (teologi). peripatetis (masyaiyah) berbasis deduksi, logika, dan spekulasi rasional, mengadopsi filsafat yunani, sintesis aristoteles dan plato. sementara irfan (gnosis atau makrifat) berbasis intuisi mistik supra-rasional, melalui suatu 82 afkaruna penyucian batin (sufisme). pemikiran irfani tumbuh dan berkembang dalam hikmah muta’aliyah (teosofi transenden) sebagai sintesis filsafat islam.31 filsafat islam mencapai puncaknya di tangan mulla sadra karena berhasil menggabungkan unsur terbaik dari filsafat peripatetik (terutama ibnu sina) dan filsafat iluminasionis, dan kemudian memperkaya-nya dengan fisafat wujudiah sufi (khususnya) ibnu arabi, sehingga melahirkan ajaran filsafat baru. suhrawardi (hikmat al-isyraq) dan semua filosof islam sesudahnya memandang hikmah sebagai al-hikmah al-ilahiyyah (secara harfiah, kebijaksanaan ilahi atau teosofi) yang harus direalisasikan dalam sosok utuh manusia dan bukan hanya secara mental. sebelum munculnya rasionalisme aristotelian, dan mengidentifikasi hikmah dengan pelepasan diri dari tubuh dan pendakian ke dunia cahaya, sebagaimana halnya plato. dia menandakan bahwa tingkat dan derajat tertinggi hikmah mensyaratkan kesempurnaan daya rasional dan kesucian jiwa.”32 perbedaan mendasar antara ibnu sina dan mulla sadra, terletak di bidang psikologi. bagi ibnu sina, psikologi merupakan cabang filsafat alam (thabi’iyyat) yanglebih membahas fakultas-fakultas jiwa. sebaliknya, mulla sadra memandang psikologi sebagai cabang metafisika (ilahiyyah) dimana fakultas jiwa lebih secara bathiniyah daripada lahiriyah.33 adapun perbedaan mulla sadra dengan suhrawardi terletak pada hakikat realitas. bagi sadra, hakikat realitas adalah pada eksistensi (prinsipalitas eksistensi/ ashalat al-wujud), sementara suhrawardi mempercayai prinsipalitas esensi (ashalat al-wujud). perbedaan mendasar ini disebut oleh corbin sebagai revolusi filsafat islam. akhirnya dalam filsafatnya, sadra meninggalkan gagasan suhrawardi dan mengikuti doktrin hilomorfisme34 ibnu sina. lalu, sadra menerjemahkan doktrin tersebut ke dalam kerangka prinsip gerakan substansial (al-harakah al-jauhariyyah) yang menjadi salah satu dasar ajaran teosofi transenden.35 meskipun suhrawardi dan mulla sadra berbeda dalam memandang metafisika atau hakikat realitas, tetapi memiliki titik temu pada epistemologi, yakni berhasil mengawinkan pengetahuan rasional dan pengetahuan intuitif. jika suhrawardi memandang bahwa hakikat realitas adalah pada esensinya, maka mulla sadra berpandangan wujud sebagai realitas. walaupun demikian, orientasi kedua filsafat ini adalah perenialisme atau spiritualisme. menurut hossein nasr, teosofi transenden mulla sadra menjadi salah satu ekspresi filsafat akhir dalam sejarah manusia, yakni filsafat perennial sekaligus universal, shopia perennis (al-hikmah al-khalidah). 36 83vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 selanjutnya, menurut abdul munir mulkhan dengan merujuk karya seyyed hossein nasr dan oliver leaman ensiklopedi tematik filsafat islam, secara umum filsafat islam terbagi menjadi dua aliran: pertama, peripatetik yang cenderung rasionalisme yunani. kedua, iluminasionis atau teosofitransendental yang lebih menekankan spiritualisme. dua aliran tersebut adalah pembagian secara global, namun senada dengan pembagian syeed hossein nasr dalam bukunya islam tradisi.37 nasr membagi aliran filsafat islam menjadi empat madzhab, yakni masya’i (peripatetik) dengan tokoh ibnu sina, hermetik-pitagorean (ismaili) oleh ikhwan al-shafa, isyraqi (iluminasionisme) dengan tokohnya suhrawardi, dan aliran al-hikmah almutaaliyah (teosofi transendental) dengan tokohnya mulla sadra. 38 dua aliran pertama dipengaruhi oleh tradisi filsafat yunani kuno (neoplatonisme dan neo-pitagorean-isme), dan dua aliran terakhir dipengaruhi tradisi yang sama dan tradisi filsafat perenial (keabadian) lainnya, terutama persia kuno. wajar jika kedua aliran pertama yakni peripatetik dan hermenetik-phitagorean lebih bernuansa “rasionalisme”. hanya saja rasionalisme peripatetik lebih menonjol karena dipengaruhi logika yunani, sedangkan hermenetik-pitagorean selain rasionalisme juga mengedepankan aspek religiusitas, maka dengan ini bisa penulis menyebutnya dengan “rasionalisme-religius”. berbeda dengan dua aliran terahir yakni iluminasi dan teosofi-transenden, keduanya cenderung bercorak spiritualisme, hanya saja ilmuminasi menggunakan konsep spiritualisme-cahaya, sedangkan teosofi-transenden lebih pada spiritualisme-substantif. empat madzhab di atas yang akan menjadi pijakan menjelaskan tipologi filsafat pendidikan islam klasik. karena sejatinya filsafat pendidikan islam ialah teori pendidikan yang berpijak pada filsafat islam. menurut abd. rachman assegaf, pemikiran filosofis menjadi dasar dan sumber pemikiran pendidikan.39 jadi, pemikiran pendidikan tidak memisahkan diri dari landasan pemikiran filsafat, karena membentuk pemikiran pendidikan. sebagaimana dinyatakan george r. knight filsafat adalah kerangka dasar yang melandasi praktik pendidikan.40 selain itu, berbicara tentang filsafat, termasuk filsafat islam, objek kajiannya—mengikuti francois bacon—akan mencakup tiga kategori: tuhan, alam, dan manusia.41 karena itu, berbicara filsafat pendidikan tidak lepas dari konsep manusia. sebab, sejatinya pendidikan adalah usaha dan proses “memanusiakan manusia”. bagian ini akan menggali filsafat pendidikan islam dari aliran utama filsafat islam klasik sebagaimana pembagian penggalian gagasan 84 afkaruna filsafat pendidikan islam, akan dimulai dari penelusuran terhadap hakikat manusia sebagai dasar merumuskan tujuan filosofis pendidikan dari masing-masing aliran. dengan berpijak pada pandangan filosofis dari empat madzhab utama filsafat islam klasik, yaitu: masya’iyah (peripatetik) ibnu sina, hermenetik-phitagorean ikhwan al-shafa, isyraqiyah (iluminasi) suhrawardi, dan aliran hikmah muta’aliyah (teosofi-transenden) mulla sadra, tulisan ini fokus pada kajian konsep hakikat manusia dan tujuan pendidikan untuk menggali kecenderungan tipologi filsafat pendidikan islam, maka ditemukan lima aliran, yakni: rasionalisme, rasionalismereligius, spiritualisme-cahaya, spiritualisme-substantif. madzhab peripatetik dan filsafat pendidikan islam rasionalisme dalam menjelaskan filsafat pendidikan islam (fpi) aliran rasionalisme, penulis mengelaborasi dengan konsep filsafat islam (fi) madzhab peripatetik (masya’iyyah) ibnu sina. filsafat islam peripatetik berkembang antara abad 3h/9m s.d. 6h/12m di wilayah timur dunia islam dengan pusatnya baghdad, dan secara khusus di wilayah barat (spanyol) pada abad 6h/12m. secara konseptual, fi peripatetik merupakan sintesis pemikiran plato, aristoteles, pitagoras dan kaum stoik (disebut neoplatonisme) dalam wacana pandangan-dunia islam. pengaruh plato tampak pada etika dan politik, aristoteles pada logika dan fisika, pitagoras pada metafisika, dan kaum stoik pada kosmologi. fi peripatetik dirintis oleh al-kindi (w. 873) dan dikembangkan oleh ar-razi (w. 925), al-farabi (w. 950), ibnu miskawaih (w. 1030), ibnu sina (w. 1036), ibnu bajjah (w. 1138), ibnu thufail (w. 1185), ibnu rusyd (w. 1198). tiga filsuf terakhir mengembangkan fi di wilayah barat (spanyol). untuk mendapatkan gagasan filosofis tentang pendidikan menurut filsafat islam aliran peripatetik, maka perlu digali terlebih dahulu hakikat manusia menurut ibnu sina. adapun pandangan ibnu sina tentang hakikat manusia dapat dilihat bagaimana konsepnya tentang jiwa manusia. ibnu sina mengikuti pembagian jiwa yang telah disusun oleh al-kindi dan alfarabi. ia membagi potensi jiwa (nafs) ke dalam tiga bagian. pertama, nafs nabati (jiwa tumbuhan), yaitu kesempurnaan utama bagi kebutuhan fisik alami dari aspek reproduksi, pertumbuhan, dan makan. makanan merupakan suatu fisik yang menyerupai sifat fisik yang dikatakan sebagai makanannya. di sana ia bertambah menurut kadar yang terurai darinya, 85vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 bisa lebih banyak atau lebih sedikit. kedua, nafs hewani (jiwa tumbuhan), yaitu kesempurnaan utama bagi fisik alami mekanik dari aspek persepsi terhadap partikular-partikular dan bergerak atas kehendak sendiri. ketiga, nafs insani (jiwa rasional), yaitu kesempurnaan utama bagi fisik alami mekanik dari aspek melakukan aktivitas-aktivitas yang ada atas pilihan menurut pertimbangan dan kesimpulan pikiran, serta dari aspek persepsi terhadap hal-hal universal. dari sini dapat didapatkan bahwa hakikat manusia menurut ibnu sina adalah jiwa rasionalnya.42 jiwa rasional memiliki dua daya, yaitu “practical faculty” dan “theoritical faculty”. jiwa rasional kelebihannya terletak pada fungsi akal sebagai “the first intellegency of rational and rational deduction and in so far as it perceives universe”. 43 jiwa berfungsi menjadi sebab hidup, penggerak, dan pengendali tubuh. bila tubuh mengalami perubahan dan penyusutan (sesuai dengan biologi modern tentang pergantian sel), maka tidak demikian halnya jiwa. sifat manusia bergantung pada jiwa mana dari ketiga macam jiwa yang paling berpengaruh pada dirinya. jiwa manusia akan bersifat seperti malaikat bila jiwa berpikirnya dapat mengaktual sampai ke taraf akal mustafad dan—bersama akal praktis—berpengaruh besar pada jiwa binatang dan tumbuhan. namun, bila pada dirinya berkuasa jiwa tumbuhan dan binatang, maka sifatnya hanya menyerupai binatang saja. akal praktis mengendalikan jiwa tumbuhan dan binatang agar akal teoritis mampu mengaktual secara sempurna. berdasarkan teori jiwanya ini, karena hakikat manusia adalah jiwa rasionalnya, maka hakekat pendidikan adalah aktualisasi dan penyempurnaan potensi akal manusia, baik akal praktisnya maupun akal teoritisnya. pendidikan rasionalisme merupakan terapan aktualisasi akal teoritis, sementara pendidikan akhlak merupakan terapan aktualisasi akal praktis dan teoritis. pendidikan dilaksanakan secara moderasi dengan memperhatikan perkembangan usia dan jiwa anak.44 proses pendidikan dimulai dengan peran orang tua sebagai guru pertama, lalu peran guru sekolah, dan ditutup peran akal aktif— diidentifikasikan dengan malaikat—sebagai guru pada hirarkhi teratas yang mencerahkan jiwa. selain itu, keluarga dan sekolah saling melengkapi dalam mempromosikan tujuan pendidikan dasar, yaitu menguatkan iman, membina akhlak dan kesehatan, serta mengajarkan literasi, berfikir benar, dan keterampilan. guru harus mempunyai pengaruh besar terhadap pikiran dan akhlak siswa. adapun peranan sekolah, selain transmisi pengetahuan, 86 afkaruna adalah memberi pengalaman hidup individual dan sosial. pengalaman hidup individual berupa mengontrol emosi. siswa tidak dikondisikan untuk marah, takut, sedih, dan sulit tidur, namun diberi yang menye-nangkan hati dan membangkitkan selera. sebagai implikasinya, pikiran terbiasa dengan emosi positif, kebiasaan yang baik dikembangkan, dan badan pun memperoleh manfaat dari kondisi tersebut. adapun pengalaman hidup sosial berupa hidup bersama, menambah kawan, saling belajar, saling memotivasi, saling berkompetisi secara sehat, saling berdiskusi yang meningkatkan pemahaman, dan saling menguat-kan nilai-nilai. dengan demikian, pendidikan dilaksanakan secara moderasi dengan memperhatikan perkembangan usia dan jiwa peserta didik. madzhab hermenetik-pythagorean dan filsafat pendidikan islam rasionalisme -religius filsafat islam madzhab hermenetik-pythagorean berkembang pada abad ke-4 h/ke-10 m sebagai aliran alternatif di tengah perkembangan aliran peripatetik. lahir di irak, aliran ini berkembang di persia, yaman dan akhirnya india (rumah intelektual terakhirnya). aliran ini disebut juga aliran ismailiyah dengan para tokohnya: abu hatim ar-razi, abu sulaiman assijis-tani, hamiduddin al-kirmani, dan nasir khusrau. termasuk dalam aliran ini para filsuf kelompok ikhwan al-shafa. ikhwan al-shafa adalah nama kelompok filsuf muslim yang berarti ‘saudara-saudara (yang mementingkan) kesucian (batin/jiwa)’, didirikan dan ber-kembang di basrah pada abad ke-4 h/ke-10 m (al-faruqi mencatat 313-363 h/927-975m, sementara at-tauhidi—dengan berpijak pada data internal risalah mereka mencatat 347-373 h/958-983 m). kelompok ini merahasiakan identitas dan aktivitas mereka, diperkirakan untuk keselamatan diri mereka, baik dari pihak yang mencurigai dan memusuhi filsafat maupun dari pihak penguasa yang secara politik berseberangan (penguasa yang sunni dan ikhwan al-shafa yang syiah ismailiyah). ikhwan al-shafa memperoleh dukungan dari dinasti fathimiyah di mesir pada saat mulai memudarnya pamor kekhalifahan abbasiyah, dan di antara pemukanya yang dapat teridentifikasi: abu sulaiman al-bisti/al-maqdisi, abu al-hasan az-zanjani, abu ahmad almihrajani, abu al-hasan al-aufi, dan zaid bin rifa’ah. secara konseptual, ikhwan al-shafa lebih dipengaruhi tradisi neopitagoreanisme daripada neoplatonisme, karena karakter religius dan mistis, kecenderungan esoteris, dan obsesi matematika sebagai jalan pasti menuju 87vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 kebenaran yang terdapat pada tradisi pertama, sangat sesuai dengan keyakinan kaum ismailiyah. ikhwan al-shafa terbagi dalam kelompokkelompok yang mengadakan pertemuan secara berkala untuk mengkaji ilmu, filsafat dan agama. kajian mereka mewariskan karya ensiklopedi tentang ilmu dan filsafat, dikenal dengan rasâ’il ikhwan ash-shafa terdiri dari 51/52/53 risalah, yang berisi aneka pemikiran filsafat, matematika, fisika, metafisika, dan politik yang ditulis dengan kemasan populer sehingga tersebar ke seluruh wilayah dunia islam waktu itu, timur dan barat (andalusia/spanyol).45 ikhwan al-shafa memang sangat terkenal dalam bidang science. bagi ikhwan al-shafa permulaan filsafat adalah kecintaan terhadap sains. filsafat sains ada 4 jenis, yaitu: matematika, logika, filsafat alam dan metafisika. sebaiknya manusia mempelajari terlebih dahulu matematika dan bilangan, sebelum mengkaji cabang-cabang keilmuan lain yang lebih tinggi seperti fisika, logika, dam ketuhanan. ikhwan al-shafa memegang keyakinan pythagorean bahwa sifat dasar hal-hal yang diciptakan adalah sesuai dengan sifat dasar bilangan. bagi ikhwan al-shafa seseorang dapat belajar tentang keesaan tuhan dengan mengetahui hal-hal yang berkenaan dengan angka-angka.46 mereka menolak gagasan pythagorean tentang “perpindahan jiwa” (reinkarnasi), dan lebih berpegang pada gagasan penyucian yang tercapai dalam satu kali kehidupan di bumi yang dapat memasukkan manusia ke surga. ikhwan al-shafa secara imajinatif-filosofis mengajukan teori tentang “manusia” dan kebutuhan-kebutuhan perkembangannya yang bersifat pedagogis. manusia terdiri dari jiwa dan jasad yang hidup di dunia. ikhwan al-shafa mengakui prinsip dasar material bagi pengetahuan manusia. hal ini menegaskan pentingnya indera bagi penataan relasi makhluk hidup dengan lingkungan eksternalnya. mereka membedakan antara indera (alhawas) dan daya indera (al-quwwah al-hassah). yang pertama adalah “tempat” bagi yang kedua. indera adalah sarana jasadiyah yang berjumlah lima (mata, telinga, lidah, hidung dan tangan), sedangkan daya inderawi adalah daya jiwa yang secara spesifik dimiliki oleh masing-masing organ tubuh.47 seperti para filsuf peripatetik, ikhwan al-shafa memandang manusia terdiri dari dua unsur, yaitu jiwa yang bersifat immateri, dan tubuh yang merupakan campuran dari tanah, air, udara dan api. dari dua unsur itu, hakekat manusia terletak pada jiwanya. jiwa manusia adalah substansi 88 afkaruna yang memiliki lima potensi, yaitu: spiritual, melangit, bercahaya, hidup, dan memiliki pengetahuan. masuknya jiwa ke dalam tubuh merupakan hukuman karena jiwa melakukan pelanggaran (kasus adam dan hawa yang diusir dari surga/alam rohani). dengan hukuman itu, jiwa yang semula memiliki pengetahuan yang banyak secara aktual, setelah memasuki tubuh, menjadi lupa sama sekali dengan pengetahuannya, sehingga pengetahuan berada di dalam jiwa secara potensial saja. secara berangsur-angsur manusia dapat memiliki kembali pengetahuan secara aktual dengan bantuan panca indera, akal dan hati sebagai alat jiwa. 48 dengan demikian, hakikat pendidikan ikhwan al-shafa adalah aktualisasi potensi-potensi jiwa (yang berjumlah lima tersebut), menyempurnakan dan menyiapkannya untuk kehidupan abadi. dengan demikian, pendidikan bertujuan untuk mengantarkan jiwa manusia menjadi bersih (dengan lima dayanya) disebut ikhwan al-shafa sebagai ‘malaikat dalam potensi’. karena itu, dalam proses pendidikan, potensi jiwa diaktualisasikan dengan ajaran-ajaran yang diwahyukan dan pengajaran filsafat, sehingga mengaktual pada jiwanya pan-dangan, keyakinan dan pengetahuan yang benar, baik tentang realitas maupun tentang apa yang seharusnya dibiasakan manusia. ikhwan al-shafa tidak menafikan syariah/ wahyu, karena dengannya manusia dapat mendekati rahmat allah melalui ketaatan, dan dengan kearifan/ hikmah dia mendapatkan rahmat allah melalui pemahaman tanda-tanda kekuasaan dan pemeliharaan-nya di alam semesta. karena itu, pendidikan bagi aliran ini selain menekankan pengembangan potensi jiwa rasionalisme, juga memperhatikan dimensi religiusitas. proses pendidikan (aktualisasi potensi jiwa) tersebut dilakukan dengan melalui empat tahap: tahdzib (penanaman akhlak atau penghalusan budi), tathhir (penyucian jiwa dari kotoran), tatmim (penyempurnaan jiwa dengan penge-tahuan eksoterik melalui pemahaman ayat kauniyyah), takmil (penyempurnaan jiwa untuk menerima pengetahuan esoterik/ilham). pada seluruh tahap tersebut, disajikan kepada peserta didik moral dan pengetahuan sebagai makanan jiwa, keduanya tidak terpisahkan.49 madzhab iluminasionis dan filsafat pendidikan islam spiritualisme-cahaya filsafat islam madzhab iluminasionis (isyraqiyyah) digagas oleh syihabuddin as-suhrawardi pada abad ke-6 h/ke-12 m di syria pada saat filsafatperipatetik dikritik oleh mutakallimun (para teolog). secara 89vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 konseptual, aliran ini membangkitkan kembali filsafat perenial (keabadian) yang ada dalam tradisi yunani kuno, persia kuno, dan arab-persia, yang mengutamakan intuisi intelektual (dzauq) tanpa me-ngesampingkan pemikiran diskursif. jalan mencapai pengetahuan yang benar, menurut tradisi tersebut, ialah membina sikap jiwa zuhud dan penyucian jiwa. dikembangkan oleh muh. syamsuddin as-syahraruzi dan qutbuddin assirazi pada abad ke-7 h/ke-13 m, aliran ini memiliki banyak eksponen dan pengikut beberapa abad berikutnya, khususnya di persia dan anak benua india. tema utama pembahasan fi iluminasionis adalah konsep ‘cahaya’. cahaya di sini dimaksudkan sebagai pancaran dari rahasia ketuhanan. ia merupakan realitas yang tidak memerlukan definisi karena sudah nyata dan jelas dengan sendirinya. ia juga merupakan realitas yang menjadikan segala sesuatu tampak, dan substansi yang masuk ke dalam komposisi semua substansi yang lain, baik materiil maupun immateriil. hakekat segala sesuatu terdiri dari cahaya dan kegelapan, masing-masing dengan peringkatnya. cahaya ketuhanan (al-nur al-ilahi) berada pada peringkat tertinggi dalam tatanan realitas, karenanya disebut cahaya dari segala cahaya. ia tidak bergerak dari kedudukannya dan kekal dalam keadaan demikian sepanjang waktu, namun secara terus-menerus memancarkan sinarnya ke seluruh jagat raya. dengan konsep cahayanya, -suhrawardi menjelaskan penciptaan alam dengan emanasi di mana cahaya memiliki dua bentuk, yaitu cahaya yang terang pada dirinya sendiri dan cahaya yang terang dan menerangi selainnya. dari cahaya pertama (dalam fi peripatetik dikenal akal pertama) beremanasi cahaya-cahaya sekunder, benda-benda langit, dan unsur-unsur fisik yang membentuk alam fisik. 50 ada dua ajaran pokok filsafat isyraqi, yaitu “gradasi esensi” dan “kesadaran diri”. berkaitan dengan gradasi esensi menurut suhrawardi apa yang disebut dengan eksistensi adalah sesuatu yang ada dalam pikiran dan tidak dalam realitas. karena itu, realitas sebenarnya adalah esensiesensi yang tidak lain manifestasi “cahaya”.51 menurut suhrawardi, masingmasing cahaya berbeda tingkat entitas penampakannya, tergantung pada tingkat “kedekatannya” dengan nur al-anwar (cahaya segala cahaya). dengan demikian realitas tersusun atas gradasi esensi, yang tidak lain merupakan bentuk-bentuk cahaya mulai dari yang paling lemah sampai ke yang paling kuat.52 adapun ajaran suhrawardi “kesadaran diri” (idrak al-ana’iyah) berkaitan dengan konsepnya tantang pengetahuan. dalam 90 afkaruna pandangan suhrawardi, sebuah pengetahuan yang benar hanya bisa dicapai melalui hubungan langsung (al idhafah al isyraqiyah: hubungan iluminasi) tanpa halangan antara subyek yang mengetahui dengan obyek yang diketahui. pengetahuan diperoleh tidak hanya dengan kekuatan intuitif, melainkan kekuatan rasio. 53 pada hakikat manusia, yaitu cahayanya yang terletak pada jiwa rasional (al-nafs al-natiqah) yang memimpin daya-daya rohani lainnya. setiap jiwa rasional, betapapun sempurna peringkatnya, senantiasa mencari cahaya. berbahagialah jiwa rasional apabila ia sedang disinari oleh-nya atau mendapat pencerahan dari-nya. itulah tujuan hidup manusia sekaligus hakekat eksistensinya: memperoleh iluminasi (cahaya pengetahuan) dari tuhan. dengan demikian hakekat pendidikan menurut fi iluminasionis adalah pengembangan manusia seutuhnya dalam rangka memperoleh iluminasi. jika pada pendidikan peripatetik hanya menghasilkan pengetahuan diskursif yang baik, namun belum memadai untuk mencapai tujuan muta’allih (pencari tuhan) yang ingin tiba pada tingkat pengalaman memperoleh hikmah. dalam pendidikan spiritualisme-cahaya, tujuan pendidikan, dengan demikian, membentuk manusia utuh, theosopher (alhakim al-ilahi), yang tidak saja menemukan pengetahuan diskursif, namun juga memperoleh pengetahuan teosis (hikmah). sebagai implikasi, proses pendidikan berlangsung sepanjang proses kehidupan manusia. dengan kata lain, proses kehidupan sama dengan proses pendidikan.54 tahap-tahap dalam proses pendidikan: 1) mencari pengetahuan, tapi belum mencapai tataran ilmu; 2) pengembangan nalar, diperoleh pengetahuan diskursif; 3) pendisiplinan nafsu dan pensucian jiwa, diperoleh pengetahuan gnosis (hikmah); dan 4) penemuan pengetahuan teosisdiskursif (theosoper). di atas theosopher ada nabi/imam yang memiliki pengetahuan sempurna tentang metafisika, kosmologi, dan metafisika, dan menjadi teladan kesempurnaan bagi manusia. dengan demikian, tugas pendidikan ialah mendukung tercapainya iluminasi melalui: 1) penyempurnaan semua daya manusia, baik mental maupun psikologis; 2) keterlibatan elemen rasional dan kejiwaan lainnya dalam semua aspek dan dimensi kehidupan. dalam proses pencapaian iluminasi, malaikat memainkan peranan sentral (jibril, jiwa suci, the holy spirit, mursyid). jadi, pendidikan tidak terpisahkan dari kehidupan spiritual yang berbasis pada pancaran cahaya ilahiyah. 91vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 ma dzha b teosofi-tra nsendental dan filsafat pendidikan islam spiritualisme-substantif fi teosofi transendental (al-hikmah al-muta¿aliyah) dikembangkan oleh shadr al-dîn asy-syîrâzî pada abad ke-11h/ 17m ketika filsafat di dunia arab tidak berkembang lagi, tetapi terintegrasi ke ilmu kalam dan tasawuf dalam aspek intelektualnya, sementara di persia, irak, turki dan anak benua india, filsafat (baik peripatetik maupun iluminasionis), metafisika, ilmu kalam dan tasawuf semakin mendekat. filsafat islam mencapai puncaknya di tangan mulla sadra karena berhasil menggabungkan unsur terbaik dari filsafat peripatetik dan filsafat iluminasionis, dan kemudian memperkayanya dengan fisafat wujudiah sufi (khususnya) ibnu arabi, sehingga melahirkan ajaran filsafat baru, yakni al-hikmah al-muta’alliyah. menurut mulla sadra, hakekat manusia dapat dilihat pada tujuan atau cita-cita hidupnya, yaitu memperoleh pengetahuan sempurna tentang tuhan dan kebahagian yang dihasilkan oleh pengetahuan tersebut. pengetahuan berfungsi mentransformasikan eksistensi manusia. berdasar prinsip gerak lintas-substansi (al-harakah al-jawhariyah) setiap makhluk selalu dalam proses transformasi; gerak atau perubahan tidak semata dalam bentuk sifat, namun juga dalam bentuk substansi. dalam kasus manusia, transformasi digambarkan sebagai proses pendakian substansi dari embrio yang masih berupa mineral ke tumbuhan, kemudian dari tumbuhan ke hewan, dari hewan ke manusia, dari manusia ke malaikat, dan akhirnya ke ‘dekat allah’ sebagai substansi puncak manusia dalam kehidupan dunia sekaligus tasykik al-wujud dan wahdat al-wujud melandasi bersifat kondusif bagi kehidupan akhiratnya.55 berdasarkan teori mulla sadra, gerakan substansial (motion in substance) tidak akan pernah mengubah esensi dari substansi, contohnya seseorang tetap merasa bahwa dirinya adalah orang yang sama (sejak lahir) walaupun dia mengalami perubahan selama hidupnya.56 hal lain yang dijelaskan dari teori dasar gerakan substansial-nya sadra adalah mengenai jiwa manusia. sadra meyakini bahwa jiwa muncul dari tubuh manusia kemudian jiwa mengalami perkembangan dalam cahaya gerakan menuju kesempurnaan, hingga akhirnya menjelma sesuatu yang independen. inilah hakikat pendidikan sebagai proses berkelanjutan gerak substansi manusia mencapai kualitas tertinggi yaitu jiwa yang dekat dengan tuhan.57 berdasar prinsip gerak lintas-substansi, setiap makhluk selalu dalam proses transformasi; gerak atau perubahan tidak semata dalam bentuk sifat, 92 afkaruna namun juga dalam bentuk substansi. menurut fazlur rahman “gerak substansi: wujud terus bergerak menuju bentuk-bentuk yang lebih tinggi dan “modus-modus” evolusioner wujud itu berpuncak pada insan kamil (manusia sempurna).58 mulla sadra berpendapat bahwa kesadaran diri manusia merupakan bukti adanya esensi non-materialistik dalam manusia yakni jiwa. jiwa membutuhkan ruang materialistik untuk kemunculan dan ketampilannya. jiwa yang merupakan elemen kesadaran manusia, bagian internal manusia inilah yang memberikan esensi gerakan dan keadaan eksternal yang mempersiapkan ruang bagi gerakannya. keduanya diarahkan menuju kesempurnaan dan dikendalikan oleh sebuah jiwa superior. kesempurnaan jiwa hanya dapat dicapai dengan pendidikan.59 dalam pandangan mulla sadra, hakikat pendidikan dapat didapatkan dari konsep gerak substansi (al-harakah al-jauhariyah). pandangan metafisika pandangan mulla sadra tentang pengetahuan. baginya merupakan gerak substantif (al-harakah al-jauhariyyah) yang berakhir dengan bersatunya intelek manusia dengan intelek transenden dan karenanya, mencapai tingkat wujud yang baru yakni, intelek murni dan tunggal. gerak evolusioner ini bersifat akumulatif, ia menggambarkan sesuatu yang positif, termasuk tingkat-tingkat wujud yang lebih rendah, dan tidak menghilangkan mereka. wujud pada tingkat yang lebih rendah merupakan bagian yang terpisah dan saling eksklusif, sedangkan wujud pada tingkat yang lebih tinggi saling inklusif dan menyatu.60 pendidikan dibutuhkan untuk mengisi eksistensi manusia dan kesempurnaan merupakan intervensi jiwa dalam proses penciptaan yang berlangsung terus-menerus. jiwa seseorang dibangun selama hidupnya dengan ditopang oleh pendidikan yang dicapainya dan tindakan-tindakannya.61 sistem pendidikan mulla sadra memandang bahwa perkembangan rasional dan berfikir intuitif sebagai salah satu tujuan penting dari pendidikan. sistem pendidikan harus dapat menyediakan sarana atau suasana yang membuat siswa memahami semua aspek pengetahuan melalui proses berfikir rasional dan intuitif.62 pendidikan sebagai gerak substansi dalam tradisi filsafat islam, mulla sadra,63 menyebut di dalam magnup opus-nya al-asfar al-arba’ah alaqliyyah (empat perjalanan intelektual). perjalanan pertama adalah perjalanan makhluk kepada kebenaran (safar min al-khalq ila al-haqq); perjalanan kedua adalah perjalanan bersama kebenaran di dalam kebe93vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 naran (safar bi al-haqq fi al-haqq); perjalanan ketiga adalah kebaikan dari perjalanan pertama, sebab perjalanan ini dari kebenaran menuju makhluk (safar min al-haqq ila al-khalq); dan perjalanan keempat adalah kebaikan dari perjalanan kedua, karena perjalanan ini adalah perjalanan bersama kebenaran di dalam makhluk (safar bi al-haqq fi al-khalq).64 hakekat manusia dapat dilihat pada tujuan atau cita-cita hidupnya, yaitu memperoleh pengetahuan sempurna tentang tuhan dan kebahagian yang dihasilkan oleh pengetahuan tersebut (karena dekat dengan tuhan). pengetahuan berfungsi mentransformasikan eksistensi manusia. jadi, hakikat pendidikan adalah membantu pendakian manusia menuju kondisi pengetahuan sempurna yang menjadi tujuan penciptaannya, dan tujuan pendidikan adalah istikmal al-nafs (penyempurnaan manusia dan jiwanya). teori gerak substansial menurut rahman adalah sumbangan orisinil sadra terhadap filsafat islam.65 ajaran ini adalah uraian lebih lanjut tentang filsuf/ aliran manusia pendidikan filsafat pendidikan peripatetik: ibnu sina manusia rasional filsafat jiwa : (1) nafsu nabati, (2) nafsu hewani, (3) manusia – yakni jiwa yang rasional aktualisasi dan penyempurnaan potensi akal manusia, baik akal praktisnya maupun akal teoritisnya. rasionalisme hermetik phytagorean: ikhwan al-shafa manusia makhluk rasional dan religius aktualisasi potensi-potensi jiwa (lima unsur: spiritual, melangit, bercahaya, hidup, dan berpengetahuan) untuk menyempurnakan dan menyiapkannya untuk kehidupan abadi. rasionalismereligius iluminasi: suhrawardi manusia bijaksana: theosopher (al-hakim alilahi) pencerahan iluminasi untuk pengembangan manusia seutuhnya dalam rangka memperoleh iluminasi meraih pengetahuan diskursif dan intuitif tentang tuhan. spiritualismecahaya teosofi transenden: mulla sadra insan kamil: jiwa manusia dekat dengan tuhan. gerak substantif (al-harakah al-jauhariyah) untuk membantu kondisi jiwa manusia menuju kondisi pengetahuan yang sempurna (intelektualspiritual) memperoleh pengetahuan sempurna tentang tuhan. spiritualismesubstantif 94 afkaruna “gradasi wujud” yang tidak bersifat statis, tetapi dinamis, bergerak dari eksistensi terendah menuju eksistensi tingkat tinggi. bagi sadra, selain ada gerak aksiden, ada gerak yang fundamental yakni gerak substansi.66 berdasarkan penjelasan empat aliran filsafat pendidikan islam di atas, maka untuk mempermudah dapat dilihat dalam bentuk table. kesimpulan dalam wacana tentang manusia, sejak era filsafat islam aliran peripatetik (dari al-kindi sampai ibnu rusyd) sampai era filsafat islam aliran teosofi transendental (mulla sadra), wacana tentang hakikat manusia lebih menekankan pada manusia sebagai individu (pengembangan potensi individu manusia). ibnu sina dari aliran filsafat peripatetik, misalnya, memandang hakikat manusia pada jiwanya yang bersifat hierarkis, dimulai dari jiwa yang terendah, yaitu jiwa tumbuhan (al-nafs al-nabatiyyah) yang memiliki tiga daya: daya tumbuh, daya makan, dan daya reproduksi, lalu jiwa binatang (al-nafs al-hayawaniyyah) yang memiliki dua daya: daya gerak dan daya menangkap pengetahuan, dan akhirnya jiwa paling atas, yaitu jiwa manusia, jiwa rasional (al-nafs al-natiqah), yang memiliki dua daya: daya akal praktis dan daya akal teoritis. jiwa rasional inilah basis filsafat pendidikan islam aliran “rasionalisme” ala ibnu sina yang membedakan manusia dari makhluk lainnya, baik binatang maupun tumbuhan.67 sementara itu, mulla sadra dari aliran teosofi transendental menyempurnakan wacana tentang hakikat manusia dengan jiwa material yang mendahului jiwa tumbuhan, sehingga berada pada hierarki terbawah, dan menambah di atas jiwa rasional dua jiwa lainnya, yaitu jiwa malaikat dan jiwa dekat dengan allah. selain menyempurnakan hierarki jiwa manusia, mulla sadra menjelaskan bahwa masing-masing kategori pada hierarki jiwa manusia itu merupakan substansi manusia dan jiwa manusia mengalami apa yang disebut gerak lintas-substansi. artinya substansi jiwa manusia bisa berkembang secara linear menuju kesempurnaannya: dari jiwa binatang ke jiwa manusia, lalu ke jiwa malaikat, dan akhirnya ke jiwa dekat dengan tuhan. dalam artikel ini tidak memasukkan al-ghazali dan ibnu khaldun dalam sebagaimana jawwad ridla memasukkan al-ghazali sebagai aliran konservatif dan ibnu khaldun dimasukkan ke dalam aliran pragmatis. ibnu khaldun lebih bertumpu pada “filsafat sejarah” yang fokus pada isu “peradaban manusia” dan “organisasi sosial, karena itu ibnu khaldun lebih 95vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 tepat diposisikan sebagai sosiolog, daripada seorang filsuf.68 pemikiran ibnu khaldun lebih bercorak teologis sebagai “neo-hambalisme” bercorak teologi ortodok, daripada filosofis.69ada persamaan mendasar antara alghazali dan ibnu khaldun adalah keduanya mereka membuang jauh pretense neoplatonisme karena secara religious membahayakan manusia dan organisasinya.70 perbedaannya, jika al-ghazali menjadikan agama sebagai jawaban dari dahaga akan kepastian, sementara ibnu khaldun menjadikan negara sebagai pusat pembicaraannya. baik ibnu khaldun maupun al-ghazali, menurut penulis tidak tepat diposisikan sebagai filsuf yang memiliki gagasan filosofis untuk menjelaskan pendidikan. mereka berdua hanya mempunyai pemikiran tentang pendidikan, tetapi bukan gagasan filosofis. karena itu, artikel ini menawarkan hanya empat tipologi aliran filsafat pendidikan islam klasik, yakni rasionalisme (ibnu sina), rasionalismereligius (ikhwan al-shafa), spiritualisme cahaya (suhrawardi), dan spiritualisme-substantif (mulla sadra). setiap aliran menghargai pemikiran dari tradisi filsafat yunani kuno dan/atau tradisi filsafat perenial sejauh tidak bertentangan dengan ajaran pokok islam. catatan akhir 1 abdul munir mulkhan, “jejak filsaf islam dalam filsafat pendidikan islam: analisis struktural fungsional filsafat islam dalam buku filsafat pendidikan islam terbitan dalam negeri dan terjemahan”, laporan penelitian, (yogyakarta, lppkm uin sunan kalijaga, 2013). lihat abdul munir mulkhan, “tarbiyah sebagai ilmu dan dasar keilmuan pendidikan islam” dalam imam machali & adhi setiyawan, ed., antologi kependidikan islam, (yogyakarta: jurusan kependidikan islam fak tarbiyah dan keguruan uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta, 2010), 3-34; abdul munir mulkhan, “filsafat tarbiyah berbasis kecerdasan ma’rifat”, jurnal pendidikan islam vol ii, no. 2, desember 2013. 2 george r. knight, filsafat pendidikan, terj. oleh mahmud arif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2007), 62-206. 3 muhammad jawwad ridha, tiga aliran utama teori pendidikan islam (persfektif sosiologis-filosofis), terj. (yogyakarta: pt tiara wacana, 2002), 74. buku ini terjemahan dari “al-fikr al-tarbawiyy al-isl-amiyyu; muqaddim-at fi ushul alijtima’iyy-ati wal al-halaniyyat”. 4 dalam memandang filsafat, al-ghazali menggolongkan tiga kelompok filsuf yang hidup di zamannya, yaitu: filsuf materialistic (yang menyangkali adamya tuhan), filsuf naturalistic (mereka yang melakukan riset alam semesta dan seisinya), dan filsuf teistik (mereka yang mampu mementahkan argument 96 afkaruna dua aliran di atas). al-ghazali menyikapi ketiga kelompok di atas dengan langkah-langkah: apabila menyangkut ketuhanan berarti kufur, maka harus ditolak; apabila mengenai penciptaan berarti kategori bid’ah; dan apabila menyangkut filsafat alam, tinggal menunggu pembuktian semata. lihat sobri washil, tesis: filsafat peripatetik dan kritik al-ghazali terhadapnya, 147-148. 5 seyyed hossein nasr, islam tradisi di tengah kancah dunia moden,(bandung: penerbit pustaka, 1994), 133-135. 6 ali mudhofir, “pengenalan filsafat” dalam tim dosen filsafat ilmu fakultas filasat ugm filsafat ilmu. (yogyakarta: penerbit liberty yogyakarta bekerja sama dengan yp fakultas filsafat ugm, 1996), 9. 7 george r. knight, filsafat pendidikan, terj. oleh mahmud arif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2007), 4-6. 8 omar mohammad al-toumy al-syaibany, falsafah pendidikan islam, terj. oleh hasan langgulung, (jakarta: bulan bintang, 1979), 28-31. 9 andik wahyun muqoyyidin, “tipologi pemikiran modernis pendidikan islam”, jurnal el-hikmah fakultas tarbiyah uin malang. 10 ibid. 11 abdul munir mulkhan, “filsafat tarbiyah berbasis kecerdasan makrifat”, jurnal pendidikan islam:: volume ii, nomor 2, desember 2013/1435. 12 zuhairini dkk, filsafat pendidikan islam, (jakarta: bumi aksara, 1992). 13 m. arifin, filsafat pendidikan islam, (jakarta: bumi aksara, 1996). 14 abd. rachman assegaf, filsafat pendidikan islam: paradigma baru pendidikan hadhari berbasis integratif-interkonektif (jakarta: pt radjagrafindo persada, 2011). 15 perenialisme adalah paham filsafat pendidikan yang muncul pada awal abad xx sebagai reaksi dari gerakan progresivisme di amerika serikat. perenialisme sering juga disebut sebagai aliran filsafat pendidikan yang regresif, yaitu menengok ke belakang; ke zaman yunani kuno dan abad pertengahan di eropa. perenialisme memandang pendidikan lebih pada persiapan untuk hidup daripada kondisi kehidupan nyata. ibid. 16 essensialisme dipengaruhi juga oleh filsafat idealisme dan realisme dengan tokoh plato dan aristoteles. essensialisme merupakan aliran filsafat pendidikan yang ingin kembali kepada kebudayaan-kebudayaan lama sebagai warisan sejarah yang telah membuktikan keunggulan dalam kebaikan-kebaikan bagi kehidupan manusia. menurut esensialisme pendidikan harus berpijak pada nilai-nilai yang dapat memiliki kejelasan dan tahan lama yang memberikan kestabilan dan nilai-nilai yang mempunyai tata yang jelas. tugas sekolah adalah menyiapkan peserta didik supaya berfungsi di masyarakat, sehingga belajar menuntut kedisiplinan. ibid. 17 pendidikan dalam aliran progresivisme berakar pada pragmatisme. progresivisme melihat peserta didik sebagai makhluk yang aktif dan kreatif. aliran progresivisme yang menekankan pada “learning by doing”, belajar melalui pengalaman, belajar aktif, belajar secara kelompok serta problem solving. karena itu, proses belajar berbasis pada siswa (child-centered school) dan kurikulumnya 97vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 mengutamakan aktivitas (activity-centered curriculum). program sekolah terefleksi pada kebutuhan dan minat peserta didik, partisipatif dan demokratis. ibid. 18 rekonstruksionisme adalah perkembangan dari aliran pendidikan progresif. pendidikan rekonstruksionisme berangkat dari asumsi bahwa pendidikan progresif belum bisa memperbaiki masyarakat. rekonstruksionisme memandang bahwa pendidikan adalah rekonstruksi pengalaman hingga mampu menambah makna pengalaman tersebut, serta dapat meningkatkan kemampuan untuk menentukan arah pada pengalaman berikutnya. ibid. 19 omar mohammad al-toumy al-syaibany, falsafah pendidikan, 30, 31, 38-39. 20 muhaimin, disertasi, “filsafat pendidikan islam di indonesia (suatu kajian tipologis)”, (yogyakarta, iain sunan kalijaga, 2002). 21 secara epistemologi kualitas akal-budi manusia hanya akan memiliki nilai guna bilamana mampu menghargai tradisi dan warisan nilai-nilai budaya islam dari para pendahulunya, terutama generasi era salaf. ibid. 22 secara epistemologi, kualitas akal budi manusia hanya akan memiliki nilai guna bilamana ia mampu menghargai tradisi dan warisan nilai-nilai budaya islam dari para pendahulunya, yang telah mampu menyelesaikan berbagai persoalan sebagaimana terwujud dalam sejarah (peradaban) islam. ibid. 23 secara epistemologi, kualitas akal-budi manusia akan berguna dan memenuhi harapan bilamana ia mampu menyesuaikan diri dengan tantangan-tantangan yang ada dan dengan dilandasi oleh iman dan takwanya mampu menyelesaikan problem dan tantangan-tantangan kehidupan yang dihadapinya secara terus menerus sesuai dengan tuntutan perubahan sosial. ibid. 24 secara epistemo-logi, kualitas akal-budi manusia akan berguna dan memenuhi harapan bilamana ia mampu menghargai tradisi dan warisan nilai-nilai budaya islam dari para pendahulunya sebagaimana ter wujud dalam sejarah (peradaban) islam, untuk selanjutnya mengembangkannya secara kontekstual dalam merespon tuntutan perkembangan ipteks dan perubahan sosial yang ada. 25 secara epistemologi, sejarah budaya manusia membuktikan bahwa kreativitas akal-budi manusia telah memperbesar jarak manusia dengan makhluk yang lain. tuntutan kualitas kehidupan manusia berkembang eksponensial dan menjadi lebih global, sehingga rekonstruksi sosial berkelanjutan atau postparadigmatik perlu dijadikan filsafat ilmu pendidikan. ibid. 26 ibid, 48. 27 ibid, 117. 28 muhammad jawwad ridha, tiga aliran utama, 5. 29 abdul munir mulkhan, “filsafat tarbiyah, 221 30 sobri washil, tesis: filsafat peripatetik dan kritik al-ghazali terhadapnya 147148 31 lihat seyyed hossein nasr & oliver leaman (ed), ensiklopedi tematis filsafat islam (buku pertama & kedua). (bandung, mizan, 2003). lihat juga seyyed hossein nasr (ed), ensiklopedi tematis spritualitas islam; manifestasi. (bandung: mizan, 2003). juga seyyed hossein nasr (ed), ensiklopedi tematis spritualitas 98 afkaruna islam;fondasi (bandung: mizan, 2003). 32 syeed hosen nasr, al-hikmah muta’aliyah mulla sadra, 33. 33 syeed hosen nasr, al-hikmah muta’aliyah mulla sadra, 108 34 hilomorfisme adalah suatu paham yang mempercayai bahwa semua obyek fisik merupakan gabungan dari materi dan bentuk. istilah ini berasal dari penggabungan dua kata dalam bahasa yunani, yakni hyle yang artinya materi dan morphe yang bermakna bentuk atau rupa. dalam hal ini, materi merupakan potensialitas, sedangkan bentuk adalah aktualitasnya. ibid., 105. 35 syeed hosen nasr, al-hikmah muta’aliyah mulla sadra, 107 36 ibid., 112 37 seyyed hossein nasr, islam tradisi di tengah kancah dunia moden,(bandung: penerbit pustaka, 1994), 133-135. lihat, seyyed hossein nasr, traditional islam in the modern world, (new york: columbia university press, 1987),149. 38 seyyed hossein nasr (ed), “teologi, filsafat, dana spiritualitas” dalam seyyeh hossein nasr, ensiklopedi tematis spritualitas islam; manifestasi. (bandung: mizan, 2003), 558. 39 abd. rachman assegaf, filsafat pendidikan islam, 175 40 george r. knight, filsafat pendidikan isu-isu kontemporer & solusi alternatif, (terj.) oleh mahmud arif, (yogyakarta: idea-/press, 2004), 39. 41 fu’ad farid isma‘il dan abdul hamid mutawalli, cara mudah belajar filsafat (barat dan islam), terj. didin faqihudin, (jogjakarta: ircisod, 2012), 52. 42 seyyed hossein nasr, traditional islam,149. 43 henry corbin, avicenna and the visionary ratical, diterjemahkan dari bahasa perancis oleh williard r. trask (princeton: princeton university press, 1988), 350. 44 seyyed hossein nasr, traditional islam,151. 45 seyyed hossein nasr, traditional islam,149. 46 seyyed hossein nasr & oliver leaman (ed), ensiklopedi tematis filsafat islam, 277. 47 muhammad jawwad ridha, tiga aliran utama, 82. 48 seyyed hossein nasr, traditional islam,156. 49 ibid., 157. 50 seyyed hossein nasr, traditional islam,156. 51 armahedi mahzar, ‘pengantar’ dalam fazlur rahman, filsafat shadra, xv. 52 syeed hossein nasr, tiga pemikir islam, 88-89. 53 seyyed hossein nasr & oliver leaman (ed), ensiklopedi tematis filsafat islam, 36. 54 seyyed hossein nasr, traditional islam,157. 55 syeed hossein nasr, traditional islam,158. 56 ibid., 10. 57 tahereh javidi kalateh jafarabadi, mullah sadra’s idea about “existence” and “motion in substance” and its educational implications, ferdowsi university of mashhad, 11. 58 fazlur rahman, filsafat sadra, 17. 99vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 59 tahereh javidi, mullah sadra’s idea, 12. 60 fazlur rahman, filsafat sadra, (bandung: penerbit pustaka. 2000), 310. 61 ibid., 13. 62 ibid., 14. 63 syaifan nur, filsafat wujud mulla sadra (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2002), 1. 64 syeed hosen nasr, al-hikmah muta’aliyah mulla sadra, 108. 65 fazlur rahman, filsafat sadra, 48 66 ibid, 127. 67 ‘abd al-rahman al-naqib, “avicenna” dalam prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education, (paris, unesco: international bureau of education, 2000), vol. xxiii, no. 1/2: 54-55. 68 seyyed hossein nasr & oliver leaman (ed), ensiklopedi tematis,446. 69 jika dikaitakn dengan kontroversi ibnu rusy dan al-ghazali tentang filsafat, maka ibnu khaldun lebih berpihak pada al-ghazali, ibid, 451-453. 70 ibid., 454. daftar pustaka abd al-rahman al-naqib,2000. “avicenna” dalam prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education, (paris, unesco: international bureau of education), vol. xxiii, no. 1/2. abd. rachman assegaf, 2011. filsafat pendidikan islam: paradigma baru pendidikan hadhari berbasis integratif-interkonektif jakarta: pt radjagrafindo persada. abdul munir mulkhan, 2013. “filsafat tarbiyah berbasis kecerdasan ma’rifat”, jurnal pendidikan islam vol ii, no. 2. abdul munir mulkhan, 2013.”jejak filsaf islam dalam filsafat pendidikan islam: analisis struktural fungsional filsafat islam dalam buku filsafat pendidikan islam terbitan dalam negeri dan terjemahan”, laporan penelitian, yogyakarta, lppkm uin sunan kalijaga. ali mudhofir, 1996.”pengenalan filsafat” dalam tim dosen filsafat ilmu fakultas filasat ugm filsafat ilmu. yogyakarta: penerbit liberty yogyakarta bekerja sama dengan yp fakultas filsafat ugm. andik wahyun muqoyyidin, “tipologi pemikiran modernis pendidikan islam”, jurnal el-hikmah fakultas tarbiyah uin malang. c. a. qadir, 1990. philosophy and science in the islamic world, london: routledge. fazlur rahman, 2000. filsafat sadra, bandung: penerbit pustaka. fu’ad farid isma‘il dan abdul hamid mutawalli, 2012.cara mudah belajar filsafat (barat dan islam), terj. didin faqihudin, jogjakarta: ircisod. george r. 2007. knight, filsafat pendidikan, terj. oleh mahmud arif, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. hussein shahab, 2003. “filsafat wujud”, jurnal al-huda, vol. 3, no. 1. m. arifin,1996.filsafat pendidikan islam, jakarta: bumi aksara. muhaimin, 2002. disertasi, “filsafat pendidikan islam di indonesia (suatu kajian tipologis)”,yogyakarta, iain sunan kalijaga. 100 afkaruna muhammad jawwad ridha, 2002. tiga aliran utama teori pendidikan islam (persfektif sosiologis-filosofis), terj. yogyakarta: pt tiara wacana. omar mohammad al-toumy al-syaibany, 1979 falsafah pendidikan islam, terj. oleh hasan langgulung, jakarta: bulan bintang. seyyed hossein nasr & oliver leaman (ed), 2003. ensiklopedi tematis filsafat islam (buku pertama & kedua). bandung, mizan. seyyed hossein nasr (ed), 2003. ensiklopedi tematis spritualitas islam;fondasi bandung: mizan seyyed hossein nasr, 2017. al-hikmah al-muta’aliyah mulla sadra,(jakarta: sadra press. seyyed hossein nasr, 1994.islam tradisi di tengah kancah dunia modern,(bandung: penerbit pustaka. seyyed hossein nasr, 1987. traditional islam in the modern world, (new york: columbia university press. sobri washil, tesis, “filsafat peripatetik dan kritik al-ghazali terhadapnya”, (jakarta: ui). syaifan nur, 2002 filsafat wujud mulla sadra yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. tahereh javidi kalateh jafarabadi, mullah sadra’s idea about “existence” and “motion in substance” and its educational implications, ferdowsi university of mashhad. jurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 teaching islamic studies in the age of isis, islamophobia, and the internet doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0117.131-139 tumin email: tumin@umy.ac.id universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta title : teaching islamic studies in the age of isis, islamophobia, and the internet editor : courtney m. dorroll publisher : indiana university press, bloomington, indiana, usa year of publication : 2019 no. of pages : 294 isbn : 9780253039835 teaching islamic studies in the age of isis, islamophobia, and the internet is a collection of articles by contributors who have been teaching classes about muslims and islam especially in the western contexts. this book is edited by courtney m. dorroll, an assistant professor of middle eastern and north african studies at wofford college in south carolina. as an academic at a small college, the editor is alert to the challenges presenting advices on how to teach this important but sensitive issue of islam to new academics and students in the communities. in the age of misrepresentations and stereotypes of islam, this book is considered important to teachers and students as a means to encourage them to thoughtfully engage with the topic of islam. the original idea of teaching islamic studies in the age of isis, islamophobia, and the internet is initiated from a talk given by richard c. martin, a professor emeritus of religion at emory university. he gave a talk at wofford college under an invitation from the editor of this book, courtney m. dorroll. professor martin has written and edited several books including defenders of reason in islam: mutazilism from medieval school to modern symbol and 132 afkaruna rethinking islamic studies: from orientalism to cosmopolitanism. in this book, the contributors especially shared their personal struggles and address the challenges of teaching about islamic religion while the media mostly promote islamophobia and violence. they proposed some approaches to islamic studies pedagogy and provided some suggestions to better structure the course. these approaches and suggestions are based on their own experiences facing the students and parents who might initially fear the topic related to muslims and islam. in order to encourage a deeper engagement in this course, the contributors include collaborative teaching models by doing reading and media suggestions. this approach will result in a broader thinking of students on this subject. it can be said that by reading this particular book, students are exposed to challenging ideas of islamophobia and encouraged to confront these ideas fairly and objectively. more importantly, this book provides a fair and open discussion of an important issue in teaching about islam. the present of this edited book is welcome and timely, especially in a time where islam is seen as promoting violence and muslims are seen as extremists. in term of its structure, this book consists of fourteen chapters and divided into three parts. they are approaches and theories (part i), islamophobia and violence (part ii), and applications (part iii). the foreword of the book is provided by richard c. martin, while the introduction was written by the editor herself, courtney m. dorroll. richard c. martin wrote a foreword for this book entitled from khomeini to trump: a reflection on islamic studies in america. he shared his perspectives on teaching the courses of islam to university undergraduates. it all began with the iranian revolution in 1979 in which the image of islam was portrayed by the media during the 444-day iran hostage crisis in tehran. commenting on the essays written by the contributors, professor martin raised up some questions related to teaching the topic of islam in the modern era. “should scholars well trained in islamic studies adjust the curriculum they teach to speak to contemporary events? are courses on the qur’an, islamic history, islamic religious thought, and other traditional curriculum topics less relevant today? how do we make the curriculum relevant to today’s undergraduates who learn and communicate largely through the internet and social media?” professor martin shared his personal experiences studying and teaching the subject of islam in the past and in the modern era. compared to the 133vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 previous era, today everyone can access the information freely from the internet. however, sometimes the information is misleading. on the other hand, the previous era focused more on a direct interaction with muslims. professor martin described that (p. 10): when i was an undergraduate student in the late 1950s, on the other hand, only one muslim student, an exchange student from jordan, was enrolled in the university where i attended. muslim immigrants had arrived and settled in america at mid-twentieth century, but in small numbers. atiyyeh and i became good friends during our four years of undergraduate studies. however, there was little opportunity or effort to learn about his faith, sunni islam. presumably, he prayed and practiced his religion in private, necessarily without the benefit of a masjid, a common place of prayer, an imam to lead the prayer and provide guidance and counsel, or family and friends with whom to celebrate the ¿uyud, the ritual festivals. in the introduction part of the book, courtney m. dorroll as an editor described a little background pertaining the formulation of the book and this particular topic. she mentioned that she has been teaching about religion and middle eastern and north african studies at a small liberal arts college since 2013. she specifically described that (p. 14): as a new teacher and a southern transplant, i first viewed my students and my classroom as somehow unique to this particular place, but as i began to share stories with scholars in the same field at conferences such as the american academy of religion, the middle east studies association, and the american anthropological association, i found that the issues related to teaching islam in the united states are not tied to a particular place. instead, the national media and general american opinion on islam and the middle east is similar from massachusetts to colorado to south carolina. this realization allowed for fruitful conversations and techniques to be passed along from scholars across the united states on the themes that ran through our pedagogical experiences. these conversations revolved around the role of the media (particularly the internet), islamophobia, and the specific challenges that the age of isis had brought to our classroom. hence, realizing the challenges faced by the academics and students on the topic of islamic studies, the editor invited an expert to give a talk on the subject and decided to make a collection of articles portraying different perspectives of and voices from “muslim and non-muslim scholars, us and international scholars, us scholars from various regions of the country, and 134 afkaruna full professors to phd candidates. as mentioned earlier, the book teaching islamic studies in the age of isis, islamophobia, and the internet has three main parts with fourteen chapters. part 1, approaches and theories has six chapters. in this part, the contributors discussed approaches to and theories of islamic studies pedagogies. it includes the contributions from muslim and non-muslim scholars who are working in the united states, germany, switzerland, and egypt. chapter one, on teaching islam across culture: virtual exchange pedagogy, is written by courtney m. dorroll, kimberly hall, and doaa baumi. the first two authors teach middle eastern studies courses at a small liberal arts college in spartanburg, south carolina, united states of america. while the third author is a phd student at the birmingham university in the department of theology and religion. she also teaches at al-azhar university in cairo, egypt, in the department of creed and philosophy. the focus of chapter one is on the use of virtual exchange platforms such as facebook, wordpress, youtube, and skype to connect students in the usa and in the middle east countries. this virtual exchange provides opportunities for students to connect with their peers through online activities so that they can build trusts within the classroom and across the cultures among themselves. on the other hand, using virtual exchange platforms is not simple. it needs a proper time and planning in addition to taking care of intercultural sensitivity of different culture. chapter two, questions of taste: critical pedagogy and aesthetics in islamic studies, is written by manuella ceballos, an assistant professor of islam at the university of tennessee – knoxville. this topic focuses on the role of aesthetics in teaching and learning about islam. in this chapter, the author used aesthetic systems to invoke desire in her students and to produce certain emotions that are necessary for engagement. ultimately, it hopes to shape the students’ moral and political responses. according to the author, “i “unteach” these discourses: i reveal their internal contradictions and make visible the racism and misogyny that underlie and sustain them, racism and misogyny that we have all learned not to see. however, in order to do that, i must teach these discourses first and teach them effectively. by “effectively,” i mean develop a “taste” for them, if only so that the students can, through emotions such as guilt at their enjoyment, and pleasure in overcoming that enjoyment, move through and past them. that “taste,” however, cannot be completely “undone” through deconstruction.” 135vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 chapter three, training scholars to study non-scholarly life, is written by benjamin geer, a research fellow at the digital humanities lab, university of basel. in this chapter, the author explained, “when students carry out research on canonical texts, they should be encouraged to historicize those texts, understanding each one as a stance taken in relation to the state of a particular field at a particular historical moment, by an author occupying a particular position in that field, rather than as a timeless expression of broader social phenomena. this approach requires humility based on the recognition that, with only texts as evidence, one can try to answer some questions but not others.” chapter four, islamic religious education and critical thought in european plural societies is written by mouez khalfaoui, a professor of islamic jurisprudence at the university of tubingen, germany. this chapter portrays that certain institutional structures can shape students’ research topics and methodologies in doing their research abroad. the author argued that the main objectives of teaching islamic religious education in europe especially in germany, austria, great britain, and france should be to “promote integration and political participation of and among muslims; reduce extremism; “produce” a new moderate islam and “muslims,”; solve social and religious problems that muslims are facing in europe; help muslims to gain a better understanding of their own religion; and improve the dialog between the majority of the population and the muslim minority.” chapter five, studying islam and the ambivalence of the concept of “religion”, is written by alfons h. teipen, an associate professor of religion at furman university. the topic of this chapter suggests to be critical of religion making in our day-to-day teaching and learning. the author explained that, “yet not only is the question of an essentialized alterity being challenged in such comparative reading, but the very question of a neat division between the religious and “the secular” is opened to scrutiny. commonalities between the religious and “the secular” highlight the conceptual problems of the construction of religion as binary opposite to “the secular.” religion and the secular do not only mutually constitute each other, as anidjar reminds us, but the secular itself may be no more than a child of european enlightenment, itself nothing more than western christianity in disguise.” chapter six, paradigm shifts for translation and teaching is written by william maynard hutchins, a professor of philosophy and religion at appalachian state university. in this chapter, the author presented several paradigms 136 afkaruna shifts within teaching and translating arabic literature. the paradigm shifts include the turning from orientalism to area studies, the announcement of naguib mahfouz as the noble laureate for literature in 1988, the opening of internet access for the general public approximately in 1995, the series of political and military disasters during which autocratic governments in the middle east crashed into the arab spring, and the heralded by the new thinking of kahlil gibran and the success of literature written in english by middle eastern authors such as the prophet in 1923. part 2, islamophobia and violence has three chapters focusing on islamophobia and violence. as a continuation from the previous chapters, chapter seven, interdisciplinary education for teaching challenging subjects: the case of islam and violence, is written by laila hussein moustafa, an assistant professor and middle eastern and north african studies librarian at the university of illinois at urbana-champaign. in this chapter, the author examined and evaluated islam and violence through interdisciplinary approaches. this lens encourages scholars to go beyond traditional textbooks and focus more on the lives of ordinary people to reveal the different contexts of islam. to do so, the author proposed a team-teaching model which involves two or more instructors working together to teach one course. chapter eight, the immanent imminence of violence: comparing legal arguments in a post 9/11 world, is written by nathan s. french, an assistant professor of comparative religion and an affiliate of middle east and islamic studies at miami university. in this chapter, the author introduced a reading exercise to his students in the intersection of religion and its political instrumentalization. in this exercise, all symbolic discourse, such as jihad, americans and infidel, is removed from the texts so that the students can focus on the argument. following the reading, students are asked to answer five subsequent questions: (1) who is writing? describe the author. what is his or her education level? (2) to what is the text calling the reader? why should one fight? (3) whom should one fight and why? (4) what are the methods that may be used to fight? (5) who is the intended audience of the passage? chapter nine, teaching islamophobia in the age of isis, is written by todd green, an associate professor of religion at luther college, and a former us state department advisor on islamophobia in europe. in this chapter, the author argued about the significance of teaching islamophobia in the current age and proposed a more effective ways to address biases, stereotypes, and 137vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 misinformation concerning islam. the author commented on the consequence of islamophobia, “on my course evaluations, students’ most common complaint was the dire note on which the course ended. they appreciated the exploration of the historical and political causes of islamophobia. they found the widespread discrimination experienced by muslims both eye-opening and appalling. but how do we respond to islamophobia? what can we do to combat islamophobia? the pilot version of the course did a great job of deconstructing anti-muslim prejudice, but it left much to be desired when it came to exploring constructive ways forward.” part 3, applications, has five chapters. it discusses specific hands-on approach how to set up and teach the courses of islamic studies. chapter ten, from medina to the media: engaging the present in historically oriented undergraduate courses on islam, is written by sabahat f. adil, an assistant professor of pre-modern arabic literature and culture in the department of asian languages and civilizations at the university of colorado at boulder. in this chapter, the author explained about the meaning of teaching islamic history in the contemporary american undergraduate classroom. to facilitate opportunities for students to deal with the pre-modern past and nurture productive learning spaces, the author address three main questions for the students: “(1) how do students encounter islam, the middle east, and muslims before they enter our classrooms? (2) should we address their encounters and conceptions in a course that is historically oriented, particularly toward the pre-modern past? (3) if so, how do we harness students’ preexisting conceptions to create a productive space for learning, given the vast diversity of students in our classrooms?” chapter eleven, muslims are people; islam is complicated, is written by kecia ali, a professor of religion at boston university. in this chapter, the author explained and gave examples of how to understand the concepts of muslims are people and that islam is complicated. the author argued that, “undergraduates arrive in college and university classrooms across america already knowing a great deal about islam and muslims. much of what they know is wrong; some of it is technically correct yet fragmentary and misleading. myriad challenges confront us as we attempt to correct outright errors in their knowledge and provide useful frameworks to think about islam and muslims using the tools of religious studies specifically as well as the humanities more broadly. although my topics and strategies vary depending on the course, my main goal is always the same. by the end of the semester, 138 afkaruna students should understand that muslims are people and that islam is complicated.” chapter twelve, the five questions about islam your students did not know they had: teaching islamic studies to an american audience, is written by phil dorroll, an assistant professor of religion at wofford college. this chapter basically suggests to take into account contemporary political and cultural discourses when designing islamic studies courses. this is important in order to make the academic goals of the introductory islam understandable in the current american classroom. according to the author, there are at least five major frames through which students approach the topic of islam. they are: (1) religion and violence, (2) religion and politics, (3) religion and patriarchy, (4) religion and foreign policy, and (5) religion and national identity. based on these five frames, five specific questions should be addressed: (1) is islam violent? (2) does islam want to dominate non-muslim societies or politics? (3) does islam oppress women? (4) who are the terrorists and where do they come from? (5) is islam a threat to the united states? chapter thirteen, reflective practice in online courses: making islamic studies interactive and approachable, is written by lyndall herman, a global risk analyst with care usa. she is also an affiliate researcher with the center for middle eastern studies at the university of arizona. in this chapter, the author provided step-by-step online courses in islamic and middle eastern studies by applying the concept of reflective learning. in particular, the author argued that, “guided reflection has an important place in making the study of non-western cultures and traditions more approachable and relatable. in the instance of my courses, this meant encouraging students to address any biases of islam, muslims, and the greater middle east through their guided reflection assignments.” finally, chapter fourteen, teaching islam, and gender, is written by shehnaz haqqani, an assistant professor of religion at mercer university. in this chapter, the author offered some pedagogical strategies and tips for teaching islam and gender. they include debates, dialogues, role plays, and guest speakers. among the productive ways to address the questions on gender and islam in an american college classroom include blogs, films, everyday ‘conversations’ with muslims. from the above description, overall, the book teaching islamic studies in the age of isis, islamophobia, and the internet has successfully achieved its goal to help undergraduate students understand about islam and lecturers 139vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 about pedagogical approaches and techniques in teaching islam in the twentyfirst century. since it focuses on broader issues of pedagogy, this edited book is useful not only for islamic studies lecturers but also for non-islamic studies specialists in engaging with islam in the general study of religion. looking closely to the book, there are several weaknesses that can be presented in this review. the first one is no list of contributors at the beginning or introduction of the book. they are, however, presented in brief at the end of each chapter portraying their position and affiliation only. on top of that, most of the contributors are academics and scholars who are just beginning their career in teaching islamic studies. the positive side is the contributors agreed that the primary driver for islamophobia is a lack of accurate information about islam and its practices. the second one is not all references in the endnotes are collected and cited in the bibliography at the end of the book. the bibliography should contain all references cited in the endnotes of each chapter. more importantly, since the book aims to present the experiences of teaching islamic studies in the internet era, the contributors should also emphasize more on the role of social media as the primary sources for students’ biases and prejudices in seeing the truth about islam. lastly, teaching islamic studies in the age of isis, islamophobia, and the internet provides no easy solutions for the problems about islam and muslims. nonetheless, the essays have captured some beneficial food for thoughts and provided practical hands-on ideas to try to solve the problems.** jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 komodifikasi islam dalam ekonomi pasar: studi tentang muslim perkotaan di banten the commodification of islam in the market economy: urban muslim studies in banten doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0096.82-112 yanwar pribadi1, zaki ghufron2 uin sultan maulana hasanuddin banten1 email : yanwar.pribadi@uinbanten.ac.id1, zakighufron@yahoo.com2 abstrak tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan hubungan timbal balik atau koeksistensi antara komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar pada masyarakat muslim banten. penelitian antropologi politik ini menggunakan metode etnografi dengan fokus pada studi kasus lapangan (fieldwork case study) di kota serang dan kota cilegon, provinsi banten. fokusnya adalah aktivitasaktivitas masyarakat muslim dan bentuk-bentuk keagamaan yang menjadi komoditas pasar di organisasi atau perkumpulan muslim baik yang eksklusif maupun non-eksklusif dan juga pengajian di perkotaan. argumen tulisan ini adalah bahwa upaya kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan untuk mempertahankan dan melestarikan identitas islam yang “sesungguhnya” dengan kembali ke alquran dan sunnah telah terakumulasi dalam kekuatan yang menghadirkan tantangan bagi negara dan masyarakat secara luas. di banten, khususnya kota serang dan kota cilegon, sebagai daerah yang dipengaruhi oleh kesultanan banten di masa lalu, keduanya secara umum dikenal sebagai wilayah agama tradisional. namun, kemunculan kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan baru yang kebanyakan bermigrasi dari kota-kota yang lebih besar dan lebih maju, juga munculnya generasi-generasi baru kaum muslim di kota serang dan kota cilegon dan kota-kota lain di sekitarnya yang tinggal di perkotaan, telah secara signifikan mengubah lanskap ekspresi budaya dan agama dan tradisi islam di kedua kota tersebut. secara garis besar, perubahan di kedua kota tersebut salah satunya terlihat jelas pada komodifikasi agama—dalam hal ini islam—dalam aspek ekonomi pasar di mana islam, dalam beragam tingkat dan aspek, berinteraksi, bersaing, dan bernegosiasi dengan penetrasi ekonomi pasar yang mailto:yanwar.pribadi@uinbanten.ac.id mailto:zakighufron@yahoo.com 83vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 tak terhindarkan di mana pada akhirnya islam dibuat menjadi komoditas dan bagaimana pemeluknya membuatnya menjadi masuk akal. kata kunci: komodifikasi islam, ekonomi pasar, muslim perkotaan, kota serang, kota cilegon, banten abstract this paper aimed to explore and explain the interrelationship or coexistence between the commodification of islam and the market economy in the bantenese muslim community. this study of political anthropology used ethnographic methods with a focus on fieldwork case studies in the city of serang and cilegon, in the province of banten. the focus was on the activities of muslim communities and religious forms that became market commodities in muslim organizations or associations, both exclusive and non-exclusive, as well as urban islamic congregations (pengajian). this paper argued that the efforts of urban middle-class muslim groups to maintain and preserve a “true” islamic identity by returning to the quran and the sunnah had increased significantly and posed challenges to the state and society massively. in banten, specifically the city of serang and the city of cilegon, as areas influenced by the sultanate of banten in the past, both are generally known as traditional religious territories. however, the emergence of new urban middleclass muslim groups who mostly migrated from more prominent and more developed cities, as well as the emergence of new generations of muslims in the city of serang and the city of cilegon and other surrounding towns that live in urban areas, had significantly changed the landscape of cultural and religious expressions and islamic traditions in both cities. in general, one of the changes in the two towns was in the commodification of religion—in this case islam—in aspects of the market economy where islam, in varying degrees and aspects, interacts, contends, and negotiates with the inevitable penetration of the market economy wherein the end islam turned into a commodity and how its adherents made sense of it. keywords: islamic commodification, market economy, urban muslims, the city of serang, the city of cilegon, banten pendahuluan artikel ini mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan hubungan timbal balik atau koeksistensi antara komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar pada masyarakat muslim banten di kota serang dan kota cilegon, provinsi banten. penelitian antropologi politik ini menggunakan studi kasus lapangan (fieldwork case study) di kota serang dan kota cilegon dengan fokus pada aktivitas-aktivitas masyarakat muslim perkotaan banten dan bentuk-bentuk keagamaan yang menjadi komoditas pasar. penelitian lapangan yang mencakup observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi dilakukan di organisasi atau perkumpulan muslim baik yang eksklusif maupun non-eksklusif, organisasi sosial/amal muslim, dan pengajian perkotaan yang berlokasi di kota serang dan kota cilegon. sasarannya adalah muslim kelas menengah yang terlibat 84 afkaruna aktif dalam proses komodifikasi islam dan pembentukan ekonomi pasar. komodifikasi (commodification) menurut the oxford english dictionary (1989) adalah tindakan mengubah sesuatu menjadi, atau memperlakukan sesuatu, sebagai komoditas; komersialisasi sebuah aktivitas, dan lain sebagainya yang tidak alami secara komersial. pada mulanya komodifikasi hanya mencakup hal-hal seperti perburuhan, tanah, urusan kesehatan, dan kesenian. namun, dalam perkembangannya agama dan simbol-simbol keagamaan juga dikomodifikasi oleh masyarakat. oleh karena itu, secara ringkas, komodifikasi islam berarti suatu proses di mana norma-norma dan nilai-nilai sakral keislaman telah dikembangkan menjadi komoditas yang diproduksi, didistribusikan, dan dikonsumsi melalui mekanisme ekonomi pasar. menurut pattana kitiarsa, komodifikasi keagamaan telah membentuk dimensi krusial dalam pembentukan aspek-aspek keagamaan dan budaya di asia saat ini. ia telah menghasilkan keyakinan yang mendapat dukungan dari komersialisasi barang dan jasa keagamaan yang intensif yang bersifat tidak alami secara komersial. komodifikasi telah mengubah simbol-simbol kunci agama-agama di asia menjadi barangbarang ekonomi dalam “pasar keyakinan” (the market of faiths) di mana ia beroperasi di pasar yang termanifestasi dalam momen-momen ‘ekonomi simbolis’1. di indonesia, komodifikasi islam semakin terlihat dan berkembang dengan pesat sejak reformasi politik 1998 yang menghasilkan daerahdaerah desentralisasi baru. desentralisasi yang dimulai secara terstruktur sejak 1999 telah menghasilkan daerah-daerah administratif baru, termasuk provinsi-provinsi baru yang merupakan hasil dari pemekaran. hingga tahun 1998 hanya ada 27 provinsi, sementara itu, setelah pemekaran, saat ini pada tahun 2019 ada 34 provinsi di indonesia. daerah-daerah baru tersebut diharapkan dapat menghasilkan komoditas publik seperti infrastruktur transportasi, pekerjaan, akses pendidikan, dan pertumbuhan ekonomi pasar yang pesat yang menyediakan barang dan jasa baru. akibatnya, terjadi kemunculan kelas menengah baru dan penguatan kelas menengah lama yang berkontribusi terhadap transformasi sosial-ekonomi dan sosialbudaya daerah-daerah baru tersebut. provinsi banten yang dibentuk pada tahun 2000 merupakan daerah hasil pemekaran dari provinsi jawa barat, dan merupakan dampak nyata kebijakan desentralisasi yang telah dijalankan oleh pemerintah indonesia. dua kota yang menjadi lokasi penelitian di provinsi banten adalah kota serang yang terbentuk pada tahun 2007 dan kota cilegon yang terbentuk 85vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 sebagai kota administratif pada tahun 1987 dan sebagai kota pada tahun 1999. kota serang adalah ibukota provinsi banten yang memiliki banyak pusat perdagangan dan jasa yang sedang berkembang pesat, sedangkan kota cilegon adalah kota industri yang juga memiliki banyak pusat perdagangan dan jasa yang perkembangannya sangat pesat setelah banten menjadi provinsi. secara umum, keduanya adalah kota yang sedang mengalami pertumbuhan perekonomian yang sangat pesat dengan diringi oleh pertumbuhan kelas menengah baru. di kedua kota tersebut, pertumbuhan perekonomian yang paling terlihat adalah bermunculannya perumahan-perumahan kelas menengah baru yang diiringi oleh berdirinya pusat-pusat perbelanjaan modern. pertumbuhan keduanya adalah hasil dari pertumbuhan penduduk, baik pertumbuhan alami dari kelahiran maupun terutama dari pertumbuhan penduduk yang berasal dari proses migrasi, dan juga pertumbuhan ekonomi. pertumbuhan penduduk tersebut memunculkan kelas menengah perkotaan baru yang mayoritas adalah muslim. kehadiran masyarakat muslim kelas menengah baru tersebut akhirnya menghasilkan dampak komodifikasi islam yang di antaranya tercermin dari kemunculan dan perkembangan organisasi atau perkumpulan muslim baik yang eksklusif maupun non-eksklusif, organisasi sosial/amal muslim, pengajian eksklusif, toko busana muslim, dan restoran atau kafe ‘muslim’, dan lain-lain di mana komodifikasi islam diproduksi dalam konteks budaya spesifik yang inovatif dan melekat dalam trajektori lokal-global dari ekonomi pasar dan ekspresi keagamaan post-modernism. kemunculan muslim kelas menengah perkotaan baru ini secara langsung dan tidak langsung membuat islam menjadi komoditas dan juga menciptakan konsumerisme islam dan muslim yang konsumtif. perubahan sosial di tingkat lokal ini juga pada akhirnya berpengaruh terhadap proses islamisasi politik yang sedang berjalan di seluruh pelosok indonesia, di antaranya adalah dalam proses politik elektoral di mana calon anggota badan legislatif atau eksekutif (kepala daerah) dalam upayanya untuk terpilih harus mampu menampilkan citra muslim yang ideal. ada dua pertanyaan utama yang diajukan dalam artikel ini, yaitu bagaimanakah koeksistensi antara komodifikasi islam serta ekonomi pasar dan tumbuhnya muslim kelas menengah baru di kota serang dan kota cilegon serta bagaimanakah pengaruh koeksistensi antara komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar terhadap kondisi politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya masyarakat muslim banten. 86 afkaruna kami berpendapat bahwa upaya kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan untuk mempertahankan dan melestarikan identitas islam yang “sesungguhnya” dengan kembali ke alquran dan sunnah telah terakumulasi dalam kekuatan yang menghadirkan tantangan bagi negara dan masyarakat secara luas. di banten, khususnya kota serang dan kota cilegon, sebagai daerah yang dipengaruhi oleh kesultanan banten di masa lalu, keduanya secara umum dikenal sebagai wilayah agama tradisional. namun, kemunculan kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan baru yang kebanyakan bermigrasi dari kota-kota yang lebih besar dan lebih maju, juga munculnya generasi-generasi baru kaum muslim di kota serang dan kota cilegon dan kota-kota lain di sekitarnya yang tinggal di perkotaan, telah secara signifikan mengubah lanskap ekspresi budaya dan agama dan tradisi islam di kedua kota tersebut. secara garis besar, perubahan di kedua kota tersebut salah satunya terlihat jelas pada komodifikasi agama— dalam hal ini islam—dalam aspek ekonomi pasar di mana islam, dalam beragam tingkat dan aspek, berinteraksi, bersaing, dan bernegosiasi dengan penetrasi ekonomi pasar yang tak terhindarkan di mana pada akhirnya islam dibuat menjadi komoditas dan bagaimana pemeluknya membuatnya menjadi masuk akal. di dalam tulisan ini kami menunjukkan bahwa organisasi-organisasi keagamaan dan pengajian-pengajian di kompleks perumahan telah menjadi tempat yang signifikan untuk mendiskusikan, mempraktikkan, dan menyebarkan kombinasi budaya pop dan islam “sesungguhnya” oleh kelas menengah muslim yang kebanyakan tidak memiliki latar belakang pendidikan islam dan yang relatif baru dengan ide-ide ajaran islam. pembuatan otoritas keagamaan secara terus-menerus melibatkan interaksi yang rumit antara dua sisi: ekspresi lokal islam dan pemahaman dan praktikpraktik islam asing. akibatnya, telah terjadi fragmentasi umat, suatu kondisi yang diperburuk oleh polarisasi politik yang merajalela sejak pemilihan presiden 2014. secara garis besar, kondisi seperti yang terjadi di kota serang dan kota cilegon tidaklah unik untuk kasus indonesia karena kondisi seperti itu dapat juga kita amati di kota-kota besar lainnya, seperti di jakarta, bandung, surabaya, yogyakarta, medan, atau makassar. yang menarik adalah bahwa sebagai daerah yang dulunya pernah dikenal sebagai wilayah keagamaan tradisional yang dipengaruhi oleh sebuah kerajaan islam, kota serang dan kota cilegon tidak luput dari pengaruh budaya pop islam dan islam “sesungguhnya” yang diusung oleh kelompok muslim kelas mene87vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 ngah perkotaan di indonesia. artinya, secara garis besar komodifikasi islam dalam ekonomi pasar yang sedang terjadi pada muslim perkotaan banten turut membantu menjelaskan fenomena umum yang terjadi di asia di mana menurut kitiarsa ada ‘alur rasional’ yang membuat agamaagama di asia dapat membentuk hubungan yang intim dengan ekonomi pasar melalui proses modernisasi2. tulisan kami ini berkontribusi dalam penguatan proposisi tersebut, sekaligus berkontribusi memberikan penekanan bahwa proses koeksistensi antara komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar dapat terjadi pada masyarakat di mana mereka sebelumnya secara sangat kuat dipengaruhi oleh budaya keagamaan yang tradisional, seperti yang terjadi pada komunitas muslim banten di kota serang dan kota cilegon. komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar indonesia telah mengalami perkembangan yang cepat dan fundamental dalam hubungan antara islam, ekonomi, dan politik sejak runtuhnya orde baru pada tahun 1998. kondisi tersebut telah memunculkan islamisasi politik yang diekspresikan dalam, di antaranya, penerapan hukum islam lokal dalam konteks demokratisasi; pertumbuhan islam politik atau islamisme3 yaitu islam sebagai ideologi politik, bukan islam sebagai agama atau teologi; dan pertumbuhan fundamentalisme islam politik modern yang mengklaim dapat menciptakan (kembali) masyarakat islam yang sesungguhnya4. islamisasi politik di indonesia telah memunculkan sebuah teka-teki besar. di satu sisi, dukungan politis terhadap partai-partai islam (dan yang secara tidak langsung bernuansa islam) telah mengalami penurunan yang konstan sejak 1998 ketika indonesia menjadi negara demokrasi. di sisi lain, di indonesia telah muncul islamisasi politik seperti yang diekspresikan dalam penerapan peraturan daerah (perda) syariah di seluruh pelosok negeri. selanjutnya, di satu sisi, perkembangan islam dalam bidang hukum dan politik mengindikasikan bahwa islam indonesia telah menjadi sangat konservatif atau radikal. namun, di sisi lain, perkembangan komodifikasi islam, konsumerisme, dan pertumbuhan kelas menengah telah membentuk budaya dan pemikiran keagamaan yang lebih fleksibel5. komodifikasi keagamaan mengubah agama menjadi barang dan jasa yang dapat dipasarkan dan membawa mereka menuju skala dan mode transaksi pasar. proses seperti itu berlawanan dengan kedudukan rasional yang diadopsi oleh para ahli teori sekulerisasi yang memprediksi bahwa 88 afkaruna agama akan mengalami penurunan yang signifikan sebagai sebuah determinan aksi sosial ketika masyarakat dan individu mengalami modernisasi dan sekulerisasi, seperti yang terlihat dalam fenomena menurunnya tingkat keyakinan publik terhadap tuhan, menurunnya kepercayaan kepada halhal yang bersifat mistis dan supranatural, dan berkurangnya tingkat kehadiran jemaah tempat ibadah. dengan kata lain, modernisasi mengarahkan masyarakat kepada menurunnya tingkat keberagamaan masyarakat6. menurut peter berger, amerika, asia dan seluruh dunia, dengan pengecualian eropa barat dan eropa utara, menjadi semakin religius7. kini, bahkan agama sedang menjalin hubungan yang intim dengan ekonomi pasar melalui proses modernisasi. komodifikasi menjelaskan makna agama sebagai komoditas pasar dan pertukaran dalam pasar spiritual studi greg fealy dan sally white mendiskusikan praktik-praktik keislaman sehari-hari di luar batasan-batasan tradisional konservatif selama ini. di buku tersebut, diskusi-diskusi tentang islam di indonesia dipresentasikan sebagai tiga nilai yang berbeda, yaitu ekspresi kesalehan individu (individual expression of piety); ekspresi politik, sosial, dan hukum islam (political, social, and legal expression of islam); dan pasar (market). dalam mendiskusikan ekspresi kesalehan islam individual, sebuah cara baru mengekspresikan islam kini cenderung lebih berorientasi ekonomis karena hal tersebut berhubungan dengan makna tradisi islam baru dalam hal konsumerisme dan teknologi. di bagian terakhir buku tersebut, fokus diskusi adalah mengenai ekonomi islam atau pembiayaan islam dalam tingkat ekonomi mikro. sejauh ini, berkaitan dengan islam sebagai produk atau komoditas, ada lima sektor yang menjadi produk yang paling banyak dikonsumsi di negara-negara muslim. yang paling utama adalah pembiayaan pasar islam yang diikuti oleh makanan halal, produk kecantikan halal, pariwisata islam, dan terakhir adalah obat-obatan halal. mengingat pentingnya produk-produk tersebut, pengeluaran yang dibelanjakan oleh muslim di seluruh dunia di sektor-sektor tersebut adalah sekitar satu per tiga dari total seluruh pembelanjaan dunia. persentase ini akan terus naik setiap tahunnya di masa yang akan datang. dengan pola-pola yang menjanjikan seperti ini, bisnis “islami” ini diprediksi akan bertambah berkali-kali lipat di masa yang akan datang. di indonesia konsumsi yang terus naik ini dimulai sejak tahun 1970 ketika pertumbuhan ekonomi dan kesejahteraan masyarakat meningkat. akibat pertumbuhan ekonomi, perbaikan infrastruktur dan penguatan 89vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 akses pendidikan, masyarakat terdorong untuk melakukan urbanisasi yang akhirnya membuat jumlah masyarakat yang berpendidikan meningkat. pertumbuhan ekonomi tersebut pada akhirnya membuat produk-produk islam diiklankan dan disebarluaskan di masyarakat. produk-produk tersebut di antaranya adalah jasa, publikasi, kosmetika, pakaian, perjalanan (wisata) religi, dan makanan. dalam jangka waktu dua dekade, pasar religi mencapai banyak orang, menghasilkan permintaan yang tinggi, dan menciptakan dampak yang besar8. di antara budaya pasar komersialisme dan konsumerisme islam global, pasar religi di indonesia adalah pasar yang potensial mengingat indonesia adalah negara dengan jumlah penduduk muslim terbesar di dunia sekaligus negara demokrasi terbesar ketiga di dunia. oleh karena itu, indonesia benar-benar telah menjadi pasar potensial dengan potensi terus bertambahnya konsumen di masa yang akan datang. perkembangan politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya banten banten adalah sebuah provinsi di tatar pasundan yang merupakan wilayah paling barat di pulau jawa. provinsi ini pernah menjadi bagian dari provinsi jawa barat, tetapi ia menjadi wilayah pemekaran sejak tahun 2000 dengan keputusan undang-undang nomor 23 tahun 2000. pusat pemerintahannya berada di kota serang. pada tahun 2017, provinsi banten memiliki penduduk sebanyak 12.448.160 jiwa. secara historis, banten memiliki budaya yang berbeda dari daerah lain di jawa dan kepulauan indonesia yang lebih luas. dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, separuh bagian utara, khususnya daerah-daerah dekat jakarta dan pesisir laut jawa, telah mengalami peningkatan pesat dalam populasi dan urbanisasi, sementara bagian selatan, khususnya yang menghadap samudra hindia, mempertahankan lebih banyak karakter tradisionalnya. banten terletak di dekat jalur laut strategis selat sunda yang menghubungkan australia dan selandia baru dengan asia tenggara. selain itu, banten adalah penghubung antara jawa dan sumatera. dikaitkan dengan posisi geografis dan juga pemerintahan, tangerang (kota tangerang, kabupaten tangerang, dan kota tangerang selatan) adalah daerah penyangga untuk jakarta. secara ekonomi, wilayah banten memiliki banyak kawasan industri. provinsi banten juga memiliki beberapa pelabuhan laut yang dikembangkan sebagai antisipasi untuk menangkap kelebihan kapasitas pelabuhan di jakarta, dan dimaksudkan untuk menjadi alternatif ke pelabuhan singapura. 90 afkaruna posisinya yang terletak di ujung barat jawa membuat banten menjadi pintu gerbang ke jawa dan sumatera dan daerah-daerah yang berdekatan dari jakarta yang merupakan ibu kota negara. posisi strategis ini tentunya menyebabkan banten menjadi penghubung utama jalur perdagangan sumatera – jawa, bahkan sebagai bagian dari sirkulasi perdagangan asia dan internasional serta lokasi aglomerasi ekonomi dan potensi permukiman. batas wilayah utara yang berbatasan dengan laut jawa, sebelah barat dengan selat sunda, serta di bagian selatan dengan samudra hindia, membuat kawasan ini memiliki potensi sumber daya laut yang besar. di kota serang dan kota cilegon, kebangkitan muslim perkotaan disebabkan oleh kenyataan bahwa kota ini telah berkembang pesat sejak awal tahun 2000-an dan ketika kota serang menjadi ibukota provinsi banten. setelah jatuhnya rezim orde baru pada tahun 1998, indonesia telah menyaksikan kemunculan provinsi baru dan perubahan pola politik regional. retorika yang paling umum tentang pembentukan daerah administratif baru adalah bahwa mereka meningkatkan efisiensi ekonomi dan demokrasi. daerah administrasi baru diharapkan dapat menyediakan barang-barang publik seperti infrastruktur transportasi, pekerjaan dan peluang, dan sistem pendidikan yang mudah diakses, sehingga daerahdaerah tersebut akan menyaksikan semakin kompleks dan terspesialisasinya penyediaan barang dan jasa. akibatnya, muncul kelompok kelas menengah baru dan penguatan yang lama yang berkontribusi pada transformasi sosioekonomi dan sosial-budaya. kelompok kelas menengah baru dan lama terutama terdiri dari umat islam sebagai elit politik tingkat lokal, pejabat dan pegawai lembaga negara pusat dan daerah, pengusaha, pegawai negeri, dan pekerja kerah putih lainnya. sebelumnya sebagai sebuah kabupaten berukuran menengah dan sebagai sebuah kota administratif, kota serang dan kota cilegon telah menyaksikan pertumbuhan kaum muslim kelas menengah dan pada gilirannya memberi kontribusi pada bangkitnya komersialisme dan konsumerisme islam. berbagai layanan dan barang di bawah label islam telah ditetapkan karena tingginya permintaan, membuat citra daerah tersebut dikenal sebagai salah satu daerah yang ditandai dengan komodifikasi islam yang kuat. di kota yang baru berkembang tersebut, umat islam di kota serang dan kota cilegon telah berkontribusi terhadap peningkatan konsumsi barang-barang keagamaan yang berkisar dari berbagai layanan, publikasi, kosmetik, pakaian, perjalanan keagamaan, dan pariwisata dan makanan. 91vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 sejak tahun 1998, pasar agama telah menjangkau banyak orang dan menciptakan dampak besar dan permintaan yang tinggi. hal ini bisa terjadi tidak hanya di kota serang dan kota cilegon. singkatnya, kemunculan provinsi baru telah memberi kontribusi pada pertumbuhan muslim kelas menengah dan komodifikasi islam. jalinan antara komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar di kota serang dan kota cilegon bagian ini menjelaskan tentang unsur-unsur komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar di kota serang dan kota cilegon dan produk-produk serta bentuk-bentuk komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar di kedua kota tersebut. selain itu, bagian ini juga menjelaskan tentang bagaimana sikap sosial-politik kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan yang sedang tumbuh saat ini di seluruh daerah perkotaan di indonesia. sebagian besar kelompok-kelompok muslim perkotaan, dengan latar belakang kelas menengah, pada umumnya adalah pendukung fanatik populisme islam. mereka cenderung merindukan sebuah dunia ideal dengan menciptakan cara hidup islam mereka sendiri dan cenderung menolak tradisi islam yang ada yang mereka anggap tidak sesuai untuk muslim yang “sesungguhnya”. dalam politik, mereka percaya pada gagasan populis yang disuarakan oleh partai atau kandidat untuk jabatan resmi di mana partai-partai atau politisi-politisi tersebut melakukan pendekatan kepada masyarakat. selain itu, mereka juga cenderung menyetujui gagasan-gagasan populis religius terbaik, seperti yang dilakukan oleh partai-partai dan politisi-politisi yang mendekati para pemimpin agama, menghadiri upacara keagamaan, atau berpartisipasi dalam perayaan keagamaan rakyat. di wilayah di mana tradisi budaya dan agama sering saling bertemu dan kadang bertabrakan, seperti di banten, partai-partai dan politisi-politisi yang mampu menyesuaikan pendekatan mereka dengan keinginan masyarakat akan mendapatkan suara yang signifikan dari kaum muslim kelas menengah perkotaan ini. seperti yang telah diungkapkan oleh vedi hadiz, populisme islam adalah manifestasi spesifik dari politik populis. politik populis kontemporer sangat terkait dengan kontradiksi sosial yang memiliki kaitan erat dengan partisipasi dalam proses globalisasi neoliberal9. sebagai pendukung populisme islam, kelompok-kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan ini juga mempromosikan islam yang “sesungguhnya”. islam yang “sesungguhnya” bagi beberapa kalangan muslim berarti 92 afkaruna ‘kembali ke alquran dan sunnah’. salwa ismail mengemukakan bahwa istilah islamisme digunakan untuk mencakup baik politik islam maupun islamisasi, proses di mana berbagai ranah kehidupan sosial diinvestasikan dengan tanda dan simbol yang terkait dengan tradisi islam. contoh dari proses ini meliputi pemakaian jilbab/hijab/kerudung, bercakap-cakap satu sama lain dalam bahasa arab yang terpotong-potong untuk menandakan bahwa mereka adalah muslim yang “sesungguhnya”, konsumsi literatur agama dan komoditas religius lainnya, kecenderungan untuk terlibat dalam pertemuan keagamaan eksklusif, publikasi simbol identitas agama, dan pembingkaian kegiatan ekonomi dalam istilah islam. karena ismail tidak membedakan syarat-syarat islamisme dan re-islamisasi, ia berpendapat bahwa islamisme bukan hanya ungkapan dari sebuah proyek politik; tetapi ia juga mencakup seruan dengan rujukan islam di bidang sosial dan budaya10. sementara itu, ernest gellner mengusulkan dua model masyarakat muslim: high islam untuk muslim perkotaan dan low islam untuk muslim pedesaan. yang pertama bergantung pada teks-teks keislaman dan menyukai kehidupan asketis, sesuai dengan karakter perkotaan, sementara yang terakhir bersifat sangat gembira, dan memenuhi kebutuhan penduduk desa. seiring dengan urbanisasi yang semakin kuat, low islam menurun dan high islam menjadi berpengaruh. hal ini terjadi karena high islam mampu menangkap keinginan strata perkotaan untuk belajar dan menunjukkan mobilitas yang tinggi. keinginan ini terganggu oleh kelemahan negara untuk memodernisasi negara, dan karena itu islamisme dipandang sebagai penegasan semangat berbasis teks-teks keagamaan yang mengekspresikan rasa frustrasi dengan jalan yang terhalang menuju modernisasi11. muslim perkotaan kontemporer sering mencari dunia yang didefinisikan secara religius, yang menyediakan tatanan moral dan perlindungan spiritual bagi manusia. dalam kata-kata peter berger, dunia semacam ini disebut ‘kanopi suci’12. bagi muslim perkotaan, islam melambangkan berbagai kanopi suci yang menyuburkan ikatan dan kesalehan komunal serta menerapkan perintah sakral secara moral pada aktivitas duniawi kosmologis dan sehari-hari. kita telah terbiasa melihat bagaimana masyarakat muslim yang religius berusaha untuk mengatasi dunia yang selalu sekuler. di satu sisi, modernisasi telah memicu banyak sekali tren-tren yang bertentangan dengan keyakinan keagamaan sebagaimana dibuktikan oleh gerakan-gerakan kebangkitan agama di seluruh dunia13. namun, di sisi lain, religiusitas sering dibangun di atas ketidakpuasan terhadap kondisi 93vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 kehidupan duniawi. transformasi sosial yang cepat yang ditandai oleh industrialisasi, urbanisasi, dan modernisasi dapat menghasilkan gagasangagasan tentang ketercerabutan dan kekecewaan di antara segmensegmen masyarakat tertentu, seperti kaum muda, borjuis kecil, dan anggota kelas menengah lain yang mengalami frustrasi untuk mobilitas sosial dan ditetapkan untuk memprotes melawan cara hidup modern14. dalam hal pendidikan, banyak aktivis muda islam yang berasal dari keluarga kelas menengah yang baru mengalami urbanisasi yang belum tentu mengalami pelatihan agama formal15. sebaliknya, banyak yang telah dididik di lembaga ‘sekuler’ di mana perintah atas pengetahuan dan keterampilan dihormati sebagai kunci untuk kemajuan sosial meritokratis. kota serang dan kota cilegon telah menyaksikan pertumbuhan kaum muslim kelas menengah dan mereka pada gilirannya berkontribusi pada kebangkitan komersialisme dan konsumerisme islam. berbagai layanan dan barang di bawah label islam telah didirikan karena permintaan yang tinggi, menghasilkan citra bagi kedua daerah tersebut sebagai salah satu daerah yang dicirikan oleh komodifikasi islam yang kuat. pada saat yang sama, kedua kota ini juga ditandai oleh banyaknya kelompok-kelompok islam baru yang menunjukkan penguatan kesalehan komunal islam. baik kesalehan komunal dan komodifikasi keagamaan adalah karakteristik yang jelas dari budaya islam pop atau apa yang disebut ‘pop islam’, perpaduan antara iman muslim dengan budaya pop. james bourk hoesterey menunjukkan bahwa konsumsi dan tampilan publik produk-produk islam telah menjadi semakin penting melalui mana kaum kelas menengah perkotaan yang bersemangat di seluruh dunia mencari makna dan mengekspresikan kesalehan. ia menunjukkan bahwa fenomena islam pop di indonesia meliputi novel dan film bertema islami, busana islami dan aspirasi mobilitas kelas, “seksolog muslim”, pengkhotbah selebritis, jaringan new age sufism di kalangan elit perkotaan, dan muslim sebagai “pelatih spiritual”16. ariel heryanto mengusulkan bahwa perkembangan budaya islam pop saat ini di indonesia sebagian besar merupakan perluasan dari keberhasilan politik islam di masa pasca orde baru17. selain itu, berkembangnya islam pop telah difasilitasi oleh perluasan teknologi komunikasi baru, seperti radio, televisi, media cetak, dan internet; proses yang telah melibatkan perampasan barang-barang keagamaan18. dampak industrialisasi media terhadap ekspresi keagamaan yang dimediasi di indonesia sangat substansial. ada persimpangan antara perdagangan dan ekspresi islam dalam narasi 94 afkaruna menggunakan ajaran islam untuk mengatasi masalah-masalah sosial yang dialami oleh muslim kelas menengah. hal tersebut pada gilirannya memproyeksikan citra islam indonesia yang mengaburkan perpecahan politik yang ada dalam masyarakat indonesia19. dalam kasus indonesia, sebagian besar perdebatan tentang kesesuaian islam dan modernitas menolak gagasan kelompok modernis sekuler bahwa untuk mencapai modernitas diperlukan privatisasi agama dan penghapusan wacana religius dari ranah publik. sebenarnya, menurut sulfikar amir, ada kaum modernis muslim yang menyerukan kombinasi iptek (ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi) dan imtaq (iman dan taqwa) untuk membangun bangsa indonesia yang didukung oleh islam yang kuat. visi ini terlihat jelas di tangan bj habibie yang merupakan seorang menteri pada masa orde baru dan yang kemudian menggantikan suharto sebagai presiden pada tahun 1998. ia, melalui industri pesawat terbang di indonesia (iptn) dan sebuah organisasi islam yang kuat, icmi, mengembangkan semacam ‘nasionalisme teknologi’ dengan memanfaatkan wacana iptek dan imtaq. oleh karena itu, terciptanya bangsa yang kuat harus dicapai sebagian melalui perpaduan efektif antara agama dan teknologi20. lebih jauh lagi, daromir rudnyckyj melihat bagaimana transformasi yang cepat setelah jatuhnya rezim suharto di dunia sosial dan ekonomi telah memicu refleksi etis yang kuat dalam masyarakat indonesia. globalisasi ekonomi yang dialami indonesia dianggap oleh pekerja kerah putih sebagai masalah agama. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa islam disebarluaskan melalui sarana yang mencerminkan kesesuaiannya dengan modernitas21. dalam konteks asia tenggara, islam telah menonjol dalam kehidupan publik dengan berbagai cara. di negara yang berpenduduk mayoritas muslim seperti indonesia, islam adalah bagian integral dari ideologi pendirian, dan elemen ideologis islam tergambar dalam partai politik dan organisasi dalam masyarakat sipil22. unsur-unsur komodifikasi islam yang menonjol di kota serang dan kota cilegon adalah penggunaan busana muslim dan umrah sebagai wisata religi. ada banyak toko busana muslim di kedua kota tersebut yang ramai dikunjungi oleh muslim kelas menengah perkotaan. pada umumnya warga yang datang adalah perempuan, walaupun ada juga sebagian kecil laki-laki yang datang untuk tujuan serupa. perempuan yang datang umumnya mencari busana muslim dengan model terbaru seperti yang dikenakan oleh selebriti dan tokoh-tokoh publik lainnya. di sini tampak jelas bahwa media massa berpengaruh besar terhadap proses95vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 proses komodifikasi islam di masyarakat tidak jarang para perempuan ini adalah mereka yang tergabung dalam organisasi-organisasi keislaman atau kelompok-kelompok pengajian yang tersebar banyak di kedua kota tersebut. pertemuan-pertemuan mereka di organisasi-organisasi dan pengajian-pengajian tersebut sering kali diwarnai oleh pembicaraan mengenai hal-hal terkait ritual-ritual keagamaan, seperti perbincangan mengenai busana muslim terkini dan juga produk-produk yang berkaitan, misalnya kosmetika dan produk-produk perawatan tubuh lainnya. “saya biasa membeli pakaian di pasar rau di kota serang, tapi ketika saya memiliki rekan baru di tempat kerja saya dari bandung, jakarta, atau surabaya, saya mulai mengikuti gaya hidup mereka. pasar rau bukan lagi tempat bagi saya. sepertinya saya sudah ketinggalan zaman. kami pergi berbelanja ke mal di jakarta atau setidaknya tangerang untuk menemukan pakaian muslim yang baik. untungnya, sekarang juga ada pusat perbelanjaan atau gerai busana muslim di serang dan cilegon, sehingga kami tidak perlu pergi ke jakarta atau tangerang untuk membeli pakaian”23. selain busana muslim, produk-produk yang juga menjadi bagian penting dari komodifikasi islam adalah umrah sebagai wisata religi. di kedua kota tersebut, terdapat banyak biro jasa perjalanan yang menawarkan umrah dengan harga yang bervariasi. sasarannya adalah kelompok-kelompok kelas menengah perkotaan. beberapa paket yang ditawarkan sering juga meliputi perjalanan ke tempat-tempat lain di luar mekah dan medinah, seperti turki, mesir, dan bahkan andalusia di spanyol. selain umrah, beberapa biro jasa lainnya menawarkan paket perjalanan ziarah ke negara-negara di luar timur tengah, yaitu malaysia, singapura, dan thailand yang sebelumnya tidak pernah terpikirkan menjadi kawasan tujuan wisata religi. sama seperti busana muslim, banyak masyarakat yang tergabung dalam organisasi-organisasi keagamaan dan pengajian-pengajian adalah orangorang yang sangat menggemari perjalanan spiritual tersebut. mereka meyakini bahwa perjalanan spiritual akan semakin mempertebal keimanan mereka. namun, tidak dipungkiri juga bahwa ada unsur-unsur lain yang tidak terlihat, tetapi dapat dirasakan bahwa ada prestise tertentu ketika mereka dapat menjalankan ibadah mahal ini sebagai sebuah bentuk kebanggaan dan sekaligus sebagai sebuah bentuk refreshing dari rutinitas sehari-hari. “saya merasakan ada sesuatu yang luar biasa yang tidak dapat saya 96 afkaruna jelaskan ketika saya melaksanakan panggilan allah dalam bentuk umrah. dapat melaksanakan salat di mekah dan medinah adalah suatu berkah bagi saya yang tidak sering salat di masjid karena kesibukan saya sebagai ibu rumah tangga dan pebisnis online. alhamdulillah rezeki yang saya dapat, dan juga rezeki suami, sering membuat kami bisa melaksanakan umrah. selain beribadah, kami juga merasa bahwa umrah memberikan waktu kepada kami untuk liburan bersama teman-teman pengajian”24. dengan demikian nampak jelas bahwa unsur-unsur komodifikasi islam ini berkaitan erat dengan ekonomi pasar di mana ada hubungan yang erat antara supply dan demand. tumbuhnya muslim kelas menengah perkotaan di kota serang dan kota cilegon membuat geliat usaha religius semakin berkembang di kedua kota tersebut. kini, kedua kota tersebut kedudukannya sama dengan kota-kota lainnya di indonesia yang diwarnai oleh koeksistensi antara komodifikasi islam dan ekonomi pasar. di kedua kota yang baru berkembang, umat islam di kota serang dan kota cilegon telah berkontribusi terhadap peningkatan konsumsi barangbarang keagamaan yang berkisar dari berbagai layanan, kosmetik, perawatan kecantikan, pakaian, perjalanan keagamaan, dan makanan. di masa pasca-orde baru, pasar keagamaan telah mencapai banyak orang dan menciptakan dampak besar dan permintaan yang tinggi. singkatnya, munculnya wilayah administratif baru telah berkontribusi pada pertumbuhan kelas menengah muslim, prevalensi kesalehan komunal, dan komodifikasi islam. “ketika suami saya mendapat pekerjaan baru di serang pada tahun 2001, saya sangat sedih karena saya harus meninggalkan kelompok pengajian saya di bogor. saya mengalami kesulitan menemukan teman dengan siapa saya bisa belajar islam dan berbagi pemikiran dan pengalaman religius saya. ada beberapa kelompok pengajian yang saya temui, tetapi tidak ada yang membuat saya merasa nyaman karena perbedaan dalam ajaran, subjek, dan afiliasi kelompok. segalanya berubah dan berjalan dengan baik ketika saya pindah ke kompleks perumahan yang baru dibangun pada tahun 2007. saya punya tetangga baru yang memperkenalkan saya kepada kelompok pengajian di mana saya menjadi anggota aktif hingga sekarang. kami belajar tahsin (konsep yang mengatur pelafalan dalam bacaan alquran), hadis, dan ajaran islam lainnya. tentu saja, kami juga berbagi pemikiran kami dalam isu-isu kasual lainnya, seperti di mana menemukan toko jilbab yang bagus, agen perjalanan umrah yang direkomendasikan, dan hal-hal lain”25. 97vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 islam rupanya telah menjadi pop, chic, muda, dan keren di kalangan muslim kelas menengah perkotaan. di indonesia, religiusitas sejak tahun 1980-an berangsur-angsur menjadi faktor penting dalam pernyataan politik yang terang-terangan terhadap pemerintahan suharto dan sebagai simbol kebanggaan politik identitas agama setelah runtuhnya rezim otoriter. seperti yang dikatakan hoesterey dan clark, budaya populer telah menjadi arena penting di indonesia di mana umat islam menyusun gagasan tentang islam dan kesalehan26. di tempat lain, munculnya islam pop telah memberi muslim sebuah landasan penting untuk melanggar peran gender tradisional, membangun modal sosial, dan memperoleh keterampilan partisipatif yang diperlukan untuk membawa ‘masyarakat sipil’ ke dalam komunitas mereka sendiri27. banyak anggota perempuan dari kelompok pengajian adalah calon ibu rumah tangga yang mencari kenyamanan duniawi dan kehidupan akhirat yang abadi. sebagian besar dari mereka percaya bahwa pengajian berfungsi sebagai media untuk membawa mereka lebih dekat kepada tuhan. tidak semua peserta yang datang ke acara-acara ini dapat membaca tulisan berbahasa arab atau memahami arti dari ayat-ayat dalam alquran. namun demikian, mereka tertarik oleh pahala yang menggiurkan yang mungkin mereka peroleh. oleh karena itu, di samping pengajian biasa di lingkungan mereka, mereka juga menghadiri pengajian lain yang kadangkadang diadakan di tempat lain, seperti di masjid tetangga atau dalam acara yang diselenggarakan oleh kantor pemerintah lokal dan organisasi massa. dengan menghadiri banyak pengajian, para perempuan ini juga merasa perlu tampil menawan karena hal tersebut berfungsi sebagai tampilan kekayaan, kekuasaan, status, dan kelas sosial. dalam hal ini, tidak mengherankan jika merek-merek dan produk-produk islami dari kosmetik, perawatan kecantikan, dan fashion telah menikmati kesuksesan penjualan mereka melalui pemasaran yang merajalela dan menarik. jelas, pengajian perkotaan adalah tampilan sempurna dari kesalehan komunal dan komodifikasi keagamaan. “suami saya ingin saya terlihat cantik. saya tidak keberatan dengan hal itu. jadi, saya selalu berusaha terlihat menarik di depannya. menjadi cantik di depan jemaah lain dalam pengajian juga penting karena saya tidak mau mempermalukan suami saya. tapi, menjadi cantik itu tidak murah. perempuan muslim membutuhkan kosmetik dan perawatan kecantikan. saya senang bahwa saya dapat menemukan toko kosmetik dan pusat perawatan kecantikan dengan mudah. tapi, semuanya menjadi rumit 98 afkaruna ketika saya mulai mengenakan jilbab pada tahun 2014. saya tidak bisa pergi ke pusat perawatan kecantikan sembarangan. saya harus menemukan yang islami. awalnya saya harus pergi ke jakarta atau tangerang untuk mencari apa yang saya cari. saat ini, serang dan cilegon juga memiliki beberapa pusat perawatan kecantikan muslim yang bagus. saya senang dengan hal itu”.28 seperti yang telah kita ketahui, religiusitas telah menjadi masalah yang signifikan di kalangan komunitas muslim dalam beberapa dekade terakhir di indonesia. menjadi seorang muslim berarti bahwa seseorang tidak hanya harus melakukan tugas-tugas keagamaan dan menghindari kegiatan amoral dan tidak pantas, tetapi juga dengan bangga dan gigih untuk menunjukkan identitas islamnya. dalam kelompok pengajian, menjadi religius dapat berarti menunjukkan dengan jelas penampilan ‘islami’ mereka. bagi para perempuan, pakaian khas keagamaan, seperti jilbab mahal dan jilbab yang panjang dan longgar bisa menjadi simbol utama. bagi para lelaki, menumbuhkan janggut dan mengenakan celana cingkrang (celana dengan panjang di bawah lutut tetapi di atas pergelangan kaki yang dianggap sebagai celana paling tepat untuk pria muslim) adalah identitas utama. mereka rajin mengklaim bahwa mengenakan dan menunjukkan pakaian dan penampilan islami adalah langkah pertama untuk menjadi muslim yang “sesungguhnya”. mereka juga lebih suka berbicara— atau sebenarnya menyebutkan istilah-istilah tertentu—dengan bahasa arab yang terpatah-patah untuk istilah tertentu, daripada menggunakan istilah bahasa indonesia. selain itu, mengkonsumsi apa yang dianggap sebagai komoditas keagamaan juga sangat penting untuk ekspresi religiusitas mereka. contohnya adalah buah kurma, habbatus sauda (jintan hitam), dan susu unta; semuanya adalah komoditas impor. bagi orang-orang ini, kebiasaan-kebiasaan tersebut, bersama dengan partisipasi dalam kegiatan keagamaan, sekarang dianggap sebagai ekspresi religius yang paling sesuai dengan identitas keislaman. namun, kondisi ini tidak eksklusif untuk indonesia saja. p.j. vatikiotis berpendapat bahwa tidaklah mengejutkan bahwa di dunia muslim, agama bertindak sebagai penentu identitas politik, fokus kesetiaan, dan sumber otoritas29. singkatnya, kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan di indonesia lebih dinamis, cenderung mengadopsi ide-ide transnasional islam, tetapi pada saat yang sama juga lebih eksklusif dan cenderung menentang ekspresi islam tradisional-lokal. di indonesia, islam telah menjadi bagian dari budaya konsumerisme 99vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 dan juga sebagai tanda status sosial dan afiliasi politik. kekuatannya terletak pada fakta bahwa ia telah berkembang menjadi semacam jaringan yang memungkinkan banyak orang dari latar belakang sosial yang berbeda untuk berbagi dan membuat kontak, baik nyata maupun virtual. melalui jaringan ini, pesan-pesan kebangkitan islam global telah secara signifikan diperkuat, mempengaruhi banyak bidang sosio-politik dan mendorong identitas kolektif islam yang “sesungguhnya”. beberapa identitas utamanya adalah mengenakan pakaian islami yang tepat, menonton program televisi islami, berkumpul di kafe muslim dan salon kecantikan, berjilbab, menghadiri lingkaran studi dengan pengkhotbah populer, melakukan olahraga ‘islami’, seperti memanah dan berkuda, atau melakukan ziarah ke mekah, menghubungkan seorang individu, secara tidak langsung kepada kelompok sosial dan umat yang lebih besar dalam pengertian umum30. kitiarsa menunjukkan bahwa komodifikasi membantu mendefinisikan kembali agama sebagai komoditas pasar serta pertukaran di pasar spiritual yang semakin diperluas oleh koneksi transnasional jaringan organisasi dan pasar religius31. pasar untuk produk pembaruan agama dan spiritual agak beragam. di satu sisi, banyak muslim dengan giat memilih merek dan produk yang secara simbolis terkait dengan islam dalam preferensi untuk yang tidak bertanda agama. di sisi lain, beberapa program promosi kesalehan yang paling sukses secara komersial menggabungkan ajaran agama dengan elemen budaya sekuler untuk meningkatkan daya tarik mereka dan menunjukkan relevansi mereka dengan kehidupan modern.32 respon yang bertentangan dan fragmentasi umat bagian ini menjelaskan bagaimana terjadinya fragmentasi umat di masyarakat ketika kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan mencoba menawarkan islam gaya baru mereka sekaligus di saat yang bersamaan memandang rendah tradisi keislaman masyarakat kota serang dan kota cilegon yang telah ada selama ratusan tahun. lebih spesifik, bagian ini menjelaskan tentang sejauh mana koeksistensi antara kedua kelompok islam yang berbeda tersebut memunculkan islam “gaya baru” dan sejauh mana penerimaan dan resistensi masyarakat terhadap islam “gaya baru” tersebut. di kota serang dan kota cilegon, promosi dan penyebaran islam yang “sesungguhnya” disebabkan oleh munculnya gerakan keagamaan baru yang berusaha mengubah dan bahkan mengganti “islam lokal” dengan “islam asing”. serang, cilegon, dan juga banten pada umumnya, terkenal 100 afkaruna dengan sejarah mistisisme dan sejarah orientasi islam tradisional masyarakatnya yang panjang. banten memiliki tradisi yang mapan untuk menjadi pusat berbagai ilmu esoteris. di masa lalu, terutama sebelum abad ke-20, kelompok-kelompok keagamaan (kyai dan haji) memiliki reputasi tinggi dan dianggap bergengsi secara sosial di banten, di mana hampir setiap orang adalah seorang muslim.33 “saya biasa menghadiri tahlilan, yasinan, atau kegiatan bid’ah lainnya. saya tidak sadar bahwa praktik semacam itu bisa menyebabkan syirik. seorang teman mulai meminta saya untuk bergabung dengan kelompok pengajiannya pada tahun 2013. sudah empat tahun, dan sekarang saya merasa telah belajar banyak dari kelompok tersebut. para ustadz utama berasal dari bogor, tapi ada juga ustadz lain dari cirebon dan madiun. kami belajar tentang fiqh, tauhid, sunnah nabi, dan ajaran islam lainnya yang berbeda secara signifikan dari pengajian sebelumnya. terkadang saya menyesal bahwa saya tidak bergabung dengan kelompok ini lebih awal. inilah islam yang sesungguhnya karena kita kembali ke alquran dan sunnah saja, bukan untuk menemukan tradisi yang sebenarnya tidak ada pada masa nabi muhammad. tapi banten masih dipengaruhi oleh islam yang menyimpang. ini tidak baik”.34 hartono bukanlah satu-satunya contoh seorang muslim kelas menengah perkotaan baru di serang dan juga di indonesia yang memiliki pandangan serupa tentang islam. saat ini ada banyak umat islam seperti hartono yang tampaknya telah menentang kelompok muslim lainnya secara terbuka. kenyataannya, saat ini banyak kelompok-kelompok muslim yang tampaknya tidak terkendali dalam menyuarakan keprihatinan mereka, dan kekhawatiran ini, beberapa telah beralih ke isu-isu politisasi yang menyebabkan masalah. selain itu, sejumlah peraturan daerah yang diilhami oleh hukum-hukum syariah secara parsial dapat membahayakan kebebasan hak-hak perempuan dan kelompok minoritas lainnya. namun, ternyata peraturan-peraturan ini dalam banyak kasus benar-benar didukung oleh masyarakat. kondisi ini menjadi perhatian dari gerakan-gerakan keagamaan baru, termasuk pendukung re-islamisasi dan pendukung populisme islam. sebagaimana disarankan oleh rachel rinaldo, ide-ide baru tentang islam berkisar seputar kesalehan. sementara muslim indonesia, seperti muslim lainnya di banyak negara, sering kali bersikap lebih santai dalam praktik islam mereka, ide-ide ini menekankan bahwa menjadi muslim yang “sesungguhnya” berarti mempraktikkan agama melalui kepatuhan terha101vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 dap norma-norma agama tertentu. rinaldo berpendapat bahwa sejak akhir 1980-an, banyak orang indonesia telah mempraktikkan ajaran-ajaran islam secara lebih hati-hati sebagai proses penting untuk menjadi muslim. banyak ide-ide baru tentang kesalehan muslim menyangkut perempuan. ada banyak seruan bagi perempuan untuk mengenakan pakaian muslim yang pantas dan untuk berperilaku dengan cara yang sederhana35. inilah yang juga menjadi fokus gerakan keagamaan baru, pendukung reislamisasi, atau pendukung populisme islam dan islamisme. “indonesia harus mendukung pembentukan negara palestina yang bebas dan merdeka karena orang-orang muslim di negara itu adalah saudara kita. pemimpin kita saat ini di indonesia tidak peduli dengan islam, dan faktanya, mereka mengabaikannya. jika mereka tidak memperhatikan umat islam di negara kita sendiri, bagaimana mereka peduli tentang muslim di negara lain? kita membutuhkan pemimpin yang akan membawa islam kembali ke kejayaan. revolusi harus dimulai sekarang, sehingga seorang muslim yang baik dapat memimpin negara, berpihak pada rakyat, dan tidak tunduk pada asing dan aseng (kekuatan asing, masing-masing mengacu pada barat dan cina), dan dengan demikian kita dapat menjadi tuan rumah di negara kita sendiri”.36 nampak jelas bahwa sejak pemilihan presiden 2014, polarisasi politik populer di indonesia yang membagi warga menjadi golongan ‘nasionalissekuler’ dan kelompok ‘nasionalis-islami’ telah meningkat, dan ketegangan politik juga berfluktuasi. tingkat ketegangan dipengaruhi oleh faktor politik, dan situasi yang terjadi di jakarta sangat terasa di daerah, termasuk di kota serang dan kota cilegon. sebagian besar anggota kelompok pengajian mengklaim bahwa mereka tidak tertarik dalam politik, dalam arti mereka bukan anggota partai politik. namun, banyak, jika tidak sebagian besar, berbagi pendapat tentang persyaratan bahwa kepala negara, kepala daerah, dan pejabat publik lainnya harus muslim; syariah harus diimplementasikan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari; perlunya pembatasan pengaruh asing; dan penghapusan komunisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme agama. jelas sekarang bahwa roh-roh islam yang “sesungguhnya” adalah faktor-faktor penentu yang memperkuat kebangkitan populisme islam dan islamisme di indonesia. ini juga merupakan tanda yang jelas bahwa islamisasi masih terus berlangsung di negara ini. perlu dicatat, bahwa islamisasi tidak selalu menunjukkan kebangkitan islamisme. seperti yang telah disarankan oleh andreas ufen, dalam banyak contoh, islamisasi di asia 102 afkaruna tenggara menandakan penguatan islam konservatif, bukan islamis. selain itu, ia berpendapat bahwa selama beberapa dekade, sebagian besar umat islam di indonesia telah menjalani islamisasi yang diradikalisasi di beberapa daerah setelah jatuhnya orde baru. perkembangan ini, sejak kemerdekaan, sebagian difasilitasi oleh negara dan oleh elit politik. negara jelas telah membatasi kegiatan para pelaku agama tertentu. namun demikian, sebagian besar proses ini benar-benar tampak sebagai hasil dari dinamika masyarakat. saat ini dalam sistem partai negara, islamisasi politik bersifat moderat, sedangkan masyarakat luas menunjukkan kecenderungan menjadi lebih konservatif.37 selanjutnya, populisme islam yang baru jelas tidak terbatas pada benteng tradisi pedesaan atau yang disosialisasikan secara politis melalui institusi pendidikan agama konvensional, tetapi melalui struktur perkotaan dan sebagian besar informal yang sering ditemukan di universitas atau sekolah menengah atas.38 sosialisasi politik anggota kelas menengah melalui pengalaman di institusi pembelajaran, termasuk yang sekuler, bersifat sangat penting. hadiz menyebutkan bahwa ilustrasi untuk hal ini bisa dilihat dari cara kerja sistem usroh yang ada pada masa orde baru yang otoriter di indonesia, di mana siswa ‘senior’ di universitas dan sekolah menengah bertindak untuk mendisiplinkan ‘junior’ melalui penanaman nilai-nilai islam. hal tersebut adalah sarana yang menciptakan budaya ketaatan dan kesetiaan kepada berbagai pemimpin gerakan islam. sistem ini akhirnya menjadi basis pengembangan sumber pendukung penting bagi partai tertentu, seperti pks pada masa pasca suharto.39 jelas sekarang bahwa mempromosikan islam yang “sesungguhnya” adalah cara tertentu untuk mengklaim dan memperkuat identitas islam mereka sendiri. semua contoh tampaknya menunjukkan bahwa sikap mereka akan bertahan lama jika mereka didukung oleh rasa identitas mereka yang kuat. sebenarnya, mereka telah mendorong budaya kontra mereka melawan budaya tradisional islam, yang sangat berpengaruh di masyarakat banten. meski demikian, orang-orang ini tidak secara terbuka menyerang budaya tradisional islam karena pendukung utamanya, kyai, masih sangat dianggap penting oleh banyak kalangan masyarakat. di banten, melawan seorang kyai adalah pelanggaran etiket yang serius, dengan konsekuensi sosial dan spiritual. pada tingkat spiritual, murid “pemberontak” memiliki risiko kualat (dikutuk dan terdampak oleh bencana).40 situasi ini masih berlaku di banten. 103vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 identitas keislaman di kota serang dan kota cilegon dengan memanfaatkan kemampuan dan sumber daya mereka, para ustadz dan kelompok-kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan di kota serang dan kota cilegon tampaknya, secara terbuka atau tidak, ‘menantang’ kyai sebagai otoritas keagamaan utama untuk mengamankan kepentingan mereka sendiri. sementara itu, melalui jaringan pesantren dan organisasi massa islam, kyai dengan hati-hati menanggapi tantangan itu dengan menjauhkan diri dari kegiatan-kegiatan religius yang diadakan oleh kelompok yang pertama. kebanyakan ustadz dikenal sangat adaptif dan responsif terhadap transformasi sosio-politik. memang, mereka dapat membentuk hubungan yang saling menguntungkan dengan negara dan kyai ketika kekuatan negara dan pengaruh kyai terlalu kuat untuk ditentang atau ketika membuat aliansi semacam itu dipandang sebagai opsi yang membantu. sementara banyak penduduk di kompleks perumahan elit yang mendukung sepak terjang para ustadz dan banyak penduduk di pinggiran kota menyukai gaya dakwah kyai, sebagian besar penduduk kota di kompleks perumahan non-elit dan pemukiman kota (perkampungan di tengah kota) tidak memiliki preferensi khusus dalam hal ibadah dan aliran. para ustadz dan para pengikut mereka mewakili pengaruh-pengaruh islam yang lebih terbuka. area samar-samar ini telah menjadi medan terbuka bagi ustadz yang aktif dan agresif dan para pengikutnya untuk ‘menginsyafkan’ orang-orang dengan misi evangelikalisme mereka. hal ini telah menciptakan situasi yang canggung, karena kebanyakan orang yang tidak memiliki latar belakang pendidikan agama yang memadai sekarang dalam keadaan bimbang, mencoba untuk memutuskan siapa dan apa yang harus diikuti karena pada umumnya mereka terus menerus mencari kesesuaian agama yang tepat. keadaannya, bagaimanapun, tidak unik untuk indonesia. yanwar pribadi berpendapat bahwa politik muslim mendorong orang untuk terlibat dalam aliansi dan kompetisi atas interpretasi simbol-simbol islam dan budaya, dan pengendalian negara dan lembaga-lembaga publik. aliansi dan kompetisi dengan tujuan yang pasti untuk memastikan penegakan islam yang telah diartikulasikan secara terus-menerus, adalah hal yang umum di negara-negara berpenduduk mayoritas muslim, meskipun mereka beragam dalam konsepsi dan bentuk. hubungan antara islam dan politik telah sangat rumit ketika mereka diubah menjadi simbol publik, wacana, dan praktik. namun demikian, di indonesia, tantangan substantif terhadap 104 afkaruna otoritas negara di bawah bendera islam belum direalisasikan.41 negara, di satu sisi, pada tahun 1990-an—dan sekarang terlahir kembali dalam bentuk lain—ditandai oleh keprihatinan atas gagasan ghazwul fikri (invasi gagasan) yang menjadi istilah yang bergairah untuk merujuk pada berbagai bentuk invasi budaya barat, yaitu film amerika, musik, mode, makanan, dan yang paling penting gaya pemikiran dan sikap religius tertentu, seperti sekularisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme agama. di sisi lain, sebagai tanggapan, banyak yang peduli pada apa yang mereka anggap sebagai upaya untuk menirukan islam indonesia dan menghapus praktikpraktik lokal dan interpretasi liberal. melawan islam politik ala timur tengah ini, para intelektual terkemuka muslim mengajukan apa yang mereka sebut ‘islam budaya’, ekspresi nilainilai islam dalam bentuk budaya indonesia. kedua belah pihak muncul untuk berbagi persepsi bahwa islam indonesia berada di bawah ancaman untuk ditumbangkan oleh pengaruh asing dan asumsi bahwa budaya lokal sebagian besar adalah penerima arus global yang pasif.42 saat ini, justru para pendukung arabisasi yang peduli dan secara aktif berusaha untuk menghindari gagasan islam nusantara yang disebarkan oleh faksi-faksi tradisional islam indonesia (terutama nahdlatul ulama) dan didukung oleh segmen luas penduduk yang menentang arabisasi, termasuk para intelektual terkemuka yang terkait dengan sekularisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme agama. saat ini sebagian besar masyarakat muslim ditandai oleh perbedaan pendapat yang mendalam tentang siapa yang memenuhi syarat untuk berbicara sebagai otoritas agama dan tentang betapa seriusnya umat muslim ‘awam’ harus mengambil pernyataan dari para ahli.43 di indonesia, citra islam indonesia tetap merupakan wacana yang diperebutkan. ini tentu saja bukan produk tanpa pengaruh asing. seperti yang telah dinyatakan oleh martin van bruinessen, islam indonesia bukanlah produk isolasi dari pengaruh asing, tetapi ia dipengaruhi selama berabad-abad oleh unsur-unsur yang melibatkan interaksi aktif dengan aliran budaya yang sangat beragam, termasuk timur tengah dan barat yang telah menjadi sumber yang dominan dan bersaing, dengan tidak mengecilkan juga pengaruh dari cina dan asia selatan.44 rupanya, mempromosikan islam yang “sesungguhnya” adalah sarana tertentu untuk mengklaim dan memperkuat identitas islam kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan. semua contoh-contoh di atas tampaknya menunjukkan bahwa sikap mereka akan berlangsung lama 105vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 jika mereka didukung oleh rasa identitas yang kuat. bahkan, mereka telah mendorong budaya-kontra mereka vis-à-vis budaya islam tradisional lokal, yang sangat berpengaruh dalam masyarakat banten. kini, jelas terlihat bahwa banten memiliki pandangan dunia islam yang beragam. di satu sisi, islam tradisional yang memiliki akar di era kesultanan masih berlaku di era kontemporer, dan dengan demikian tradisi dan adat istiadat seperti tahlilan, panjang mulud, ziarah, dan lainnya masih dipraktikkan oleh banyak muslim di banten. di sisi lain, revivalisme agama di abad kesembilan belas yang menghasilkan banyak pemberontakan melawan pemerintah kolonial belanda tampaknya telah muncul kembali dan telah menghasilkan peningkatan kegiatan keagamaan yang tidak hanya karena fakta bahwa orang banten adalah pengikut islam yang taat, tetapi juga karena fakta bahwa telah terjadi gangguan tatanan sosialpolitik pada periode pasca-orde baru, dan, secara bersamaan, menghasilkan re-islamisasi atau kembali ke islam yang “sesungguhnya”. sebagai kota yang sedang tumbuh, kota serang dan kota cilegon adalah tempat yang paling mencolok di mana “islam lokal” yang diwakili terutama oleh penghuni kelas bawah muslim bertemu dan berinteraksi dengan “islam asing” yang kebanyakan diwakili oleh muslim kelas menengah, dengan yang terakhir menjadi pendukung populisme islam dan islamisme di satu sisi dan kesalehan komunal dan komodifikasi keagamaan di sisi lain. tampaknya sejak tahun 1998, ada upaya terus menerus untuk mewujudkan negara-negara mayoritas muslim atau daerah mayoritas muslim oleh berbagai organisasi muslim dan partai politik, seperti hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti) yang dilarang secara resmi oleh pemerintah pada tahun 2017 dan partai keadilan sejahtera (pks) serta kelompok-kelompok lain yang diilhami salafisme, termasuk di banten. sementara itu, ada upayaupaya moderasi oleh kelompok islam tradisional dan pendukung sekularisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme agama terhadap ‘idealisasi’ ini. sebagai contoh, pendukung utama dari kelompok-kelompok ini, presiden indonesia keempat, abdurrahman wahid (1940-2009) menyatakan bahwa indonesia harus menjadi contoh dari kecocokan islam dan demokrasi dengan melawan baik mayoritanisme agama dan sekularisme anti-agama45, meskipun itu bukanlah tugas yang mudah karena mui mengeluarkan fatwa no. 7 tentang pluralisme, sekularisme, dan liberalisme (2005) yang menolak tiga pemikiran barat tersebut.46 pembuatan dan kontestasi untuk otoritas keagamaan jelas sedang terus terjadi, tidak hanya di tingkat pusat, tetapi juga di ranah publik daerah, termasuk di banten. 106 afkaruna penutup kegagalan terpenting dalam reformasi dan hambatan terhadap konsolidasi kerangka demokrasi liberal adalah ketidakmampuan untuk memastikan peraturan hukum. politik muslim melibatkan kompetisi dan kontes baik interpretasi simbol dan kontrol lembaga, formal maupun informal, yang menghasilkan dan mendukung mereka. interpretasi simbol dimainkan dengan latar belakang kerangka dasar yang umum bagi umat islam di seluruh dunia. sistem politik, entah di dunia muslim atau di tempat lain, mau tidak mau melibatkan manajemen kepentingan bersaing. keistimewaan politik muslim dapat dikatakan mengacu pada nilai, simbol, gagasan, dan tradisi tertentu yang bersifat “islami”.47 upaya kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan di indonesia untuk mempertahankan dan melestarikan identitas islam yang “sesungguhnya” dengan kembali ke alquran dan sunnah telah menghasilkan kenyataan bahwa sekarang islam benar-benar tertanam dalam aspek-aspek budaya, sosial, politik, dan ekonomi. segmen besar dari orang-orang ini telah mampu membentuk ikatan informal dan beroperasi di dalam hierarki kewenangan mereka sendiri. sebelumnya, perkembangan hubungan sehari-hari antara islam dan politik dan antara negara dan masyarakat di indonesia sebagian besar bersifat budaya daripada politik. saat ini, identitas religius orang-orang ini telah terakumulasi dalam kekuatan yang telah menghadirkan tantangan budaya bagi negara dalam politik nasional dan lokal, terutama dalam pemilihan umum, pembangunan ekonomi dan masyarakat, dan urusan keagamaan. secara umum, pengelolaan identitas keagamaan dan kewargaan (citizenship) di indonesia oleh negara dalam interaksi sehari-hari telah menjadi sangat kompleks karena kewargaan di indonesia bukanlah sekadar transformasi post-colonialism (paska-kolonialisme) yang memandang hakhak warga negara sebagai proses idealisasi norma yang ditetapkan dari atas ke bawah. hal tersebut justru dirancang untuk memasukkan norma dan nilai sosio-politik ke dalam sebuah visi terpadu tentang negara-bangsa yang memiliki kepentingan bersama. upaya negara indonesia untuk mengkonsolidasikan kekuasaan negara dan perluasannya ke dalam hierarki administrasi yang lebih rendah umumnya didasarkan pada anggapan bahwa komunalitas di masyarakat yang lebih besar dan lebih tinggi memerlukan penciptaan warga negara yang memiliki status sosial politik. meski demikian, di masa pasca orde baru, masyarakat tidak begitu banyak menerima kebijakan negara secara pasif. proses menciptakan warga negara 107vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 tersebut secara bersamaan menghasilkan perjuangan khusus masyarakat dalam politik identitas, terutama dalam hal identitas islam. sebagai daerah yang dipengaruhi oleh kesultanan banten di masa lalu, kota serang dan kota cilegon secara umum dikenal sebagai wilayah agama tradisional. jelas, kekhawatiran komunal di kota serang dan kota cilegon dalam masalah agama dipengaruhi oleh lingkungan dan pengalaman budaya dan agama di sekitarnya. namun, kedatangan kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan baru yang kebanyakan bermigrasi dari kotakota yang lebih besar dan lebih maju, serta munculnya generasi-generasi baru kaum muslim di kota serang dan kota cilegon dan kota-kota sekitarnya lainnya yang tinggal di perkotaan telah secara signifikan mengubah lanskap ekspresi budaya dan agama, dan tradisi islam di kota serang dan kota cilegon. kelompok-kelompok muslim kelas menengah perkotaan yang tergabung dalam organisasi-organisasi keagamaan dan pengajian-pengajian di kompleks perumahan telah menjadikan ajang tersebut sebagai tempat yang signifikan untuk mendiskusikan, mempraktikkan, dan menyebarkan kombinasi antara budaya pop dan islam yang “sesungguhnya” di mana mereka kebanyakan tidak memiliki latar belakang pendidikan islam dan relatif baru dengan ide-ide ajaran islam. tren ini telah mendapatkan popularitas sejak jatuhnya pemerintahan orde baru di daerah perkotaan indonesia. pembuatan otoritas keagamaan secara terus-menerus melibatkan interaksi yang rumit antara dua sisi: ekspresi lokal islam dan pemahaman dan praktik-praktik islam asing. akibatnya, telah terjadi fragmentasi umat, suatu kondisi yang memburuk oleh polarisasi politik yang merajalela sejak pemilihan presiden 2014. kota serang dan kota cilegon hanyalah dua contoh, sementara keadaan yang sama juga terjadi di daerah perkotaan lain di indonesia. artinya, secara garis besar, seperti yang sudah dikemukakan di bagian pendahuluan, komodifikasi islam dalam ekonomi pasar yang sedang terjadi pada muslim perkotaan banten turut membantu menjelaskan fenomena umum yang terjadi di asia di mana menurut kitiarsa ada ‘alur rasional’ yang membuat agama-agama di asia dapat membentuk hubungan yang intim dengan ekonomi pasar melalui proses modernisasi.48 ucapan terimakasih kami mengucapkan terima kasih kepada lembaga penelitian dan pengabdian kepada masyarakat uin sultan maulana hasanuddin banten yang telah mendanai penelitian ini dalam kategori block grant penelitian 108 afkaruna kompetitif kelompok, klaster penelitian dasar interdisipliner tahun anggaran 2018 hingga akhirnya hasil penelitian tersebut dapat kami publikasikan. selain itu, kami juga mengucapkan terima kasih kepada anonymous reviewers dari jurnal afkaruna: indonesian interdisciplinary journal of islamic studies yang telah memberikan saran dan masukan yang berharga bagi tulisan ini. untuk kepentingan privasi, kami menyamarkan seluruh nama, tempat, dan organisasi dalam tulisan ini. catatan akhir 1 pattana kitiarsa, “introduction: asia’s commodified sacred canopies”, in religious commodification in asia: marketing gods, edited by pattana kitiarsa, (london and new york: routledge, 2008). 2 ibid. 3 mohammed ayoob, the many faces of political islam: religion and politics in the muslim world, (ann arbor: the university of michigan press, 2007). 4 olivier roy, globalized islam: the search for a new ummah, (london: hurst & co, 2004). 5 yanwar pribadi, islam, state and society in indonesia: local politics in madura, (london and new york: routledge, 2018). 6 pattana kitiarsa, op. cit. 7 peter berger, a far glory: the quest of faith in an age of credulity, (new york: doubleday, 1992). 8 greg fealy and sally white (eds.), expressing islam: religious life and politics in indonesia, (singapore: iseas, 2008). 9 vedi r hadiz, islamic populism in indonesia and the middle east, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2016). 10 salwa ismail, rethinking islamist politics: culture, the state and islamism, (london and new york: i.b. tauris, 2006). 11 ernest gellner, muslim society, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1981). 12 peter berger, the sacred canopy: elements of a social theory of religion, (garden city, ny: doubleday, 1967). 13 pattana kitiarsa, op. cit. florian pohl, “islamic education and civil society: reflections on the pesantren tradition in contemporary indonesia”, (comparative education review 50, no. 3: 389-409, 2006). 14 salwa ismail, rethinking islamist politics: culture, the state and islamism, (london and new york: i.b. tauris, 2006). 15 charlene tan, islamic education and indoctrination: the case in indonesia, new york and abingdon: routledge, 2011). 16 james b hoesterey, “prophetic cosmopolitanism: islam, pop psychology, and civic virtue in indonesia”, (city & society 24, issue 1: 38-61, 2012). 17 ariel heryanto, “upgraded piety and pleasure: the new middle class and islam in indonesian popular culture”, in islam and popular culture in indonesia and malay109vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 sia, edited by andrew n. weintraub, (london and new york, 2011). 18 noorhaidi hasan, “islamizing formal education: integrated islamic schools and a new trend in formal education institution in indonesia”, (working paper no. 172, s. rajaratnam school of international studies, singapore, 2009) 19 inaya rakhmani, “the commercialization of da’wah: understanding indonesian sinetron and their portrayal of islam”, (the international communication gazette 76, no. 4-5: 340-359, 2014). 20 sulfikar amir, “a message from ashabirin: high technology and political islam in indonesia”, in mediating piety: technology and religion in contemporary asia, edited by francis khek gee lim, (leiden and boston: brill, 2009). 21 daromir rudnyckyj, “powerpointing islam: form and spiritual reform in reformasi indonesia”, in mediating piety: technology and religion in contemporary asia, edited by francis khek gee lim. (leiden and boston: brill, 2009). 22 hui yew-foong, “introduction: encountering islam”, in encountering islam: the politics of religious identities in southeast asia, edited by hui yew-foong, (singapore: iseas, 2013). 23 untuk kepentingan privasi, kami menyamarkan seluruh nama, tempat, dan organisasi dalam tulisan ini. 24 untuk kepentingan privasi, kami menyamarkan seluruh nama, tempat, dan organisasi dalam tulisan ini. 25 untuk kepentingan privasi, kami menyamarkan seluruh nama, tempat, dan organisasi dalam tulisan ini. 26 james b hoesterey and marshall clark, “film islami: gender, piety and pop culture in post-authoritarian indonesia”, (asian studies review 36, issue 2: 207226, 2012). 27 joyce marie mushaben, “gender, hiphop and pop-islam: the urban identities of muslim youth in germany”, (citizenship studies 12, issue 5: 507-526, 2008). 28 untuk kepentingan privasi, kami menyamarkan seluruh nama, tempat, dan organisasi dalam tulisan ini. 29 p.j vatikiotis, islam and the state, (london and new york: routledge, 1991). 30 noorhaidi hasan, “islamizing formal education: integrated islamic schools and a new trend in formal education institution in indonesia”, (working paper no. 172, s. rajaratnam school of international studies, singapore, 2009). 31 pattana kitiarsa, op. cit. 32 j.d howell, “’calling’ and ‘training’: role innovation and religious de-differentation in commercialised indonesian islam”, (journal of contemporary religion 28, no. 3: 401-419, 2013). 33 yanwar pribadi, islam, state and society in indonesia: local politics in madura, (london and new york: routledge, 2018). 34 untuk kepentingan privasi, kami menyamarkan seluruh nama, tempat, dan organisasi dalam tulisan ini. 35 rachel rinaldo, “muslim women, middle class habitus, and modernity in indonesia”, (contemporary islam 2: 23-39, 2008). 36 untuk kepentingan privasi, kami menyamarkan seluruh nama, tempat, dan 110 afkaruna organisasi dalam tulisan ini. 37 andreas ufen, “mobilising political islam: 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modernity and the remaking of muslim politics”, in remaking muslim politics: pluralism, contestation, democratization, edited by robert w. hefner, (princeton: princeton university press, 2005). 44 martin van bruinessen, op. cit. 45 myengkyo seo, “defining ‘religious’ in indonesia: toward neither an islamic nor a secular state”, (citizenship studies 16, no. 8: 1045-1058, 2012). 46 mohamad abdun nasir, “the ¿ulamâ¾, fatâwâ and challenges to democracy in contemporary indonesia, (islam and christian–muslim relations 25, no. 4: 489-505, 2014). 47 dale f eickelman and james piscatori, muslim politics, (princeton: princeton university press,1996). 48 pattana kitiarsa, op. cit. daftar pustaka amir, sulfikar. 2009. “a message from ashabirin: high technology and political islam in indonesia”, in mediating piety: technology and religion in contemporary asia, edited by francis khek gee lim. leiden and boston: brill. ayoob, mohammed. 2007. the many faces of political islam: religion and politics in the muslim world. ann arbor: the university of michigan press. berger, peter. 1967. the sacred canopy: elements of a social theory of religion. garden city, ny: doubleday. berger, peter. 1992. a far glory: the quest of faith in an age of credulity, new york: doubleday. bruinessen, martin van. 2015. “ghazwul fikri or arabization? indonesian muslim responses to globalization”, in southeast asian muslims in the era of globalization, edited by ken miichi and omar farouk. basingstoke: palgrave macmillan. eickelman, dale f. and james piscatori. 1996. muslim politics. princeton: princeton 111vol. 15 no. 1 juni 2019 university press. fealy, greg and sally white (eds.). 2008. expressing islam: religious life and politics in indonesia. singapore: iseas. gellner, ernest. 1981. muslim society. cambridge: cambridge university press. hadiz, vedi r. 2016. islamic populism in indonesia and the middle east. cambridge: cambridge university press. hasan, noorhaidi. 2009. “islamizing formal education: integrated islamic schools and a new trend in formal education institution in indonesia”. working paper no. 172, s. rajaratnam school of international studies, singapore. hefner, robert w. 2005. “introduction: modernity and the remaking of muslim politics”, in remaking muslim politics: pluralism, contestation, democratization, edited by robert w. hefner. princeton: princeton university press. heryanto, ariel. 2011. “upgraded piety and pleasure: the new middle class and islam in indonesian popular culture”, in islam and popular culture in indonesia and malaysia, edited by andrew n. weintraub. london and new york. hoesterey, james b. 2012. “prophetic cosmopolitanism: islam, pop psychology, and civic virtue in indonesia”. city & society 24, issue 1: 38-61. hoesterey, james b. and marshall clark. 2012. “film islami: gender, piety and pop culture in post-authoritarian indonesia”. asian studies review 36, issue 2: 207-226. howell, j.d. 2013. “’calling’ and ‘training’: role innovation and religious dedifferentation in commercialised indonesian islam”. journal of contemporary religion 28, no. 3: 401-419. ismail, salwa. 2006. rethinking islamist politics: culture, the state and islamism. london and new york: i.b. tauris. kitiarsa, pattana. 2008. “introduction: asia’s commodified sacred canopies”, in religious commodification in asia: marketing gods, edited by pattana kitiarsa. london and new york: routledge, 2008. lukens-bull, ronald. 2008. “commodification of religion and the ‘religification’ of commodities”, in religious commodifications in asia: marketing gods, edited by pattana kitiarsa. london and new york: routledge. mushaben, joyce marie. 2008. “gender, hiphop and pop-islam: the urban identities of muslim youth in germany”. citizenship studies 12, issue 5: 507-526. nasir, mohamad abdun. 2014. “the ¿ulamâ¾, fatâwâ and challenges to democracy in contemporary indonesia. islam and christian–muslim relations 25, no. 4: 489-505. pohl, florian. 2006. “islamic education and civil society: reflections on the pesantren tradition in contemporary indonesia”. comparative education review 50, no. 3: 389-409. pribadi, yanwar. 2013. “another side of islam in banten: the socio-political roles of jawara during the new order era 1966-1998”. journal of indonesian islam 7, no. 2: 314-336. pribadi, yanwar. 2018. islam, state and society in indonesia: local politics in madura. london and new york: routledge. 112 afkaruna rakhmani, inaya. 2014. “the commercialization of da’wah: understanding indonesian sinetron and their portrayal of islam”. the international communication gazette 76, no. 4-5: 340-359. rinaldo, rachel. 2008. “muslim women, middle class habitus, and modernity in indonesia”. contemporary islam 2: 23-39. roy, olivier. 2004. globalized islam: the search for a new ummah. london: hurst & co. rudnyckyj, daromir. 2009. “powerpointing islam: form and spiritual reform in reformasi indonesia”, in mediating piety: technology and religion in contemporary asia, edited by francis khek gee lim. leiden and boston: brill. seo, myengkyo. 2012. “defining ‘religious’ in indonesia: toward neither an islamic nor a secular state”. citizenship studies 16, no. 8: 1045-1058. tan, charlene. 2011. islamic education and indoctrination: the case in indonesia. new york and abingdon: routledge. the oxford english dictionary 1989. tihami, m.a. 1992. kiyai dan jawara di banten: studi tentang agama, magi, dan kepemimpinan di desa pasanggrahan serang, banten. ma thesis, universitas indonesia. ufen, andreas. 2009. “mobilising political islam: indonesia and malaysia compared”. commonwealth & comparative politics 47, no. 3: 308–333. vatikiotis, p.j. 1991. islam and the state. london and new york: routledge. wilson, ian douglas. 2003. “the politics of inner power: the practice of pencak silat in west java”. ph.d thesis, murdoch university. yew-foong, hui. 2013. “introduction: encountering islam”, in encountering islam: the politics of religious identities in southeast asia, edited by hui yew-foong. singapore: iseas. jurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 metaphysics in the epistemology: a critical analysis of the islamic and western philosophical tradition. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0111.22-39 lukman atmaja1, ridho ramazani bin cecep mustopa2 institut teknologi sepuluh nopember1,university of darussalam gontor2 correspondence email: ridho.ramazani@unida.gontor.ac.id abstract western epistemology was greatly influenced by greek philosophical ideas. in the course of history, epistemology has been dominated by patterns of thought that are rational, secular and free from religious values and beliefs. history shows that the western epistemology turned into a large school that became dominant: in the form of rationalism, empiricism, criticism, and intuition. although it has various methods and approaches to acquire knowledge, in principle the building and its foundation have the same way of thinking that comes from a philosophy that upholds the mind and also relies on human sensory abilities. the west generally denies revelation as a source of knowledge and for islam, qur’an and hadith are the main source of knowledge from authentic revelation. the result of this paper shows western epistemology has a foundation and roots that are based on philosophical thinking that is far from the touch of religious values. western epistemology in its manifestations is then limited to the acquisition of knowledge about the visible world such as sensory nature and not touching on other realms. western epistemology focuses more on reason and senses as the main source of science, dichotomization, anthropocentrism, opposition to the spiritual dimension, relentless uncertainty, secularization, desacralization, and empiricism. while the islamic epistemology views both sensory and metaphysical objects and recognizes the three sources of knowledge at once namely senses, reason, intuition. each of these sources has different levels of ability so they cannot be separated and must be used proportionally. the object of knowledge in islam is not only empirical, but also metaphysical. the source of knowledge in islam is also different from western epistemology. if the west only recognizes the senses and ratios, then in the muslim view, knowledge comes from god obtained through: the senses, true narrative (khabar sadiq), and intuition. keywords: epistemology, islam, metaphysics, revelation, west 23vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 abstrak epistemologi barat sangat dipengaruhi oleh ide-ide filosofis yunani. dalam perjalanan sejarah, epistemologi didominasi oleh pola pikir yang rasional, sekuler, dan bebas dari nilai-nilai dan kepercayaan agama. sejarah menunjukkan bahwa epistemologi barat berubah menjadi mazhab besar yang menjadi dominan: berupa rasionalisme, empirisme, kritik, dan intuisi. meski memiliki berbagai metode dan pendekatan untuk memperoleh ilmu, namun pada prinsipnya bangunan dan fondasinya memiliki cara berpikir yang sama yang bersumber dari filosofi yang menjunjung tinggi pikiran dan juga mengandalkan kemampuan indera manusia. barat pada umumnya menyangkal wahyu sebagai sumber ilmu dan bagi islam, alquran dan hadis adalah sumber utama ilmu dari wahyu otentik. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa epistemologi barat memiliki landasan dan akar pemikiran filosofis yang jauh dari sentuhan nilai-nilai agama. epistemologi barat dalam manifestasinya kemudian terbatas pada perolehan pengetahuan tentang dunia yang terlihat seperti alam inderawi dan tidak menyentuh alam lain. epistemologi barat lebih menitikberatkan pada akal dan indera sebagai sumber utama ilmu pengetahuan, dikotomisasi, antroposentrisme, penentangan terhadap dimensi spiritual, ketidakpastian yang tiada henti, sekularisasi, desakralisasi, dan empirisme. sedangkan epistemologi islam memandang baik objek inderawi maupun metafisik serta mengenal tiga sumber ilmu sekaligus yaitu indera, akal, intuisi. masing-masing sumber tersebut memiliki tingkat kemampuan yang berbeda sehingga tidak dapat dipisahkan dan harus digunakan secara proporsional. objek ilmu pengetahuan dalam islam tidak hanya empiris, tetapi juga metafisik. sumber ilmu dalam islam juga berbeda dengan epistemologi barat. jika barat hanya mengakui indra dan rasionya, maka dalam pandangan muslim, ilmu berasal dari tuhan yang diperoleh melalui: indera, narasi yang benar (khabar sadiq), dan intuisi. kata kunci: barat, epistemologi, islam, metafisika, wahyu preface historically, philosophy is originated from metaphysics. what kind of questions are the universe; what is its origin; what is reality; what is the nature of the soul; what is the body; how is the relationship between soul and body? these are the first questions that made humans think then they made themselves try to answer them.1 from this curiosity, various kinds of efforts were made to get the answer yet made various kinds of answers are arose, which not only as complement to each other but also often conflict with each other. as for this, metaphysics is inextricably related with epistemology.2 this confrontation is related to the “legality” of scientific metaphysics as one of the achievements of human knowledge. various critical questions were asked to sue metaphysics. that is, the objection to metaphysics is because the 24 afkaruna concepts of metaphysics cannot be verified, are not concrete, and are not positive. in addition, metaphysics is also considered unpracticable. the term metaphysics is just coincidence. the name metaphysics is not from aristotle but the term was given by andronikos from rodhos (rodi). they compiled aristotle’s works in such a way about the first philosophy, concerning metaphysics which was placed after physics. so metaphysics is a word that is accidentally placed after physics.3 same goes to knowledge in a civilization, it has a certain style in accordance with the paradigm and worldview that develops in it, so does the pattern of knowledge that develops in the western world. according to adian, knowledge that develops there has characteristics such as rational, secular, pragmatic and tends to lead to forms of exploitation of the surrounding environment. this fact is inseparable from the influence of culture and the origin of sources rooted in greco-roman and judeo-christian traditions, which in the middle ages sought to separate themselves from the hegemony and confinement of religious (christian) authority.4 as for what it meant by epistemology of science is to provide clarity on issues related to how to obtain knowledge. therefore, the epistemology of science deals with the procedures and processes that enable a person to acquire knowledge. it should be remembered that the senses and reason are not the only tools that can be used to capture non-physical realities because besides reason, humans are also gifted by god with the heart (intuition) that can be used for that purpose. although the senses, intellect, and heart are both capable of capturing non-physical objects, they actually use different approaches and methods (methods). the epistemology of scientific development in the west which is minus the transcendental axiology delivered the paradigm of rationalism and empiricism,5 which means it has degraded human integrity and scientific culture. with the empirical paradigm, it means only recognizing the meaning and source of knowledge from the senses and ratios, this paradigm is then supported by the idea of secularization.6 the progress of the field of rationalismempiricism in the west, inevitably spread to the islamic world, and even possessed the substance of islamic sciences. such a historical position is often not understood by some muslims, they then love the progress achieved by the west and want to transform it into the islamic world. in the sentence of hossein nasr, the islamic world today has caused chaos and confusion in the islamic education curriculum, because it imitated blindly on western models that were blended with the models maintained in the islamic educa25vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 tion system.7 so this paper will attempt to describe metaphysics in the epistemology of islam and the west including the weaknesses and negative effects of western epistemology.8 departing from the background above, there are two formulations of the problem related to this, such as: what is metaphysics in the epistemology of islam and the west? and what are the weaknesses and negative impacts that they cause? definitions of metaphysics and epistemology etymologically, metaphysics comes from greek term, ta metata physika, meaning “after or behind physical reality”9. the metaphysical study explains the study of existence or reality. humans unconsciously always have curiosity about the origin or nature of objects (physical) in the world. every knowledge known to man requires scientific interpretations. talking about the reality of an object is an activity that has no starting point because the problems studied cannot be solved by the scientific paradigm. science seeks to solve existing problems with theoretical conceptions, assumptions, postulates, theses, new paradigms, new problem solving, and imagination will be able to open possibilities or opportunities to get answers. the existence of metaphysics in science provides many insights into how metaphysics is a substantive thing in examining further scientific concepts in supporting human glory in thinking and analysing. while the definition of epistemology comes from greek (episteme: knowledge, science and logos: knowledge, information). it can be said that epistemology is a theory of knowledge or knowledge of knowledge. this term later became popular in the west as a term to refer to theories relating to problems of knowledge that can be obtained by humans. epistemology in english is better known as the “theory of knowledge”. epistemology comes from the word “episteme” which means knowledge and “logos” means theory or science. whereas according to the term arab scholars are referred to as nazhariyah al-ma’rifah.10 more specifically, epistemology is one branch of philosophy that examines deeply and radically about the origin of knowledge, structure, methods, and validity of knowledge.11 whereas islamic epistemology in terminology is a branch of philosophy that discusses the basics of knowledge, sources of knowledge, characteristics of knowledge, measures of truth in knowledge and ways to obtain knowledge based on the development of islamic thought.12 26 afkaruna the object of epistemology is “all the processes involved in our efforts to acquire knowledge.”13 the process of acquiring this knowledge is the target of the theory of knowledge and at the same time serves to deliver the achievement of the objectives of epistemology. epistemology is essentially more related to and closer to philosophy. in epistemology there are efforts to gain knowledge and then develop it. these activities are pursued through philosophical and analytical contemplation. in addition, there are those who think that epistemological problems are part of psychological problems. this difference in the view of the existence of epistemology (whether it is philosophical or psychological) seems to be a consideration to justify and judge the epistemology is essentially a complicated and controversial matter.14 metaphysics in western epistemology in the context of thought, culture and civilization, the western term (western) refers to civilization and culture that was formed through elements of greco-roman and judeo-christian culture mixed with other cultures such as germany, celtics and slavs. later, western culture and civilization also consisted of elements of thought movements such as humanism, renaissance, protestant renewal movements and enlightenment century thought movements (age of enlightenment) which were later formed through the colonialist movement in the 15th to 20th century ad but at the level of epistemological studies, the foundation on which western epistemology was founded was cartesian philosophical thought or rene descartes (1596-1650 ad) with its rationalism flow.15 the method developed by descartes in building epistemology which later became a milestone for this modern epistemology was a sceptical method (also called methodical doubt). on this methodological building, western epistemology then stands with the dominance of rationalism and foundationalism. it is called rationalism because it uses ratios or reason as the only tool to arrive at definite and certain knowledge. it is called foundationalism because according to western epistemology, the foundation for the truth of a knowledge is the existence of a priori propositions that are rationally convincing and indubitable. the issue of western scientific epistemology which is only materialistic pragmatic is certainly not separated from the ontological view of science that does not recognize the existence of metaphysical realities, as understood by western society that at this time the era is positivistic. science has left the theological and metaphysical era. only rational-empirical truths (positivism 27vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 characteristics) can be trusted. the consequences of this view are of course the values of morality that cannot easily be understood positively are abandoned, even though in fact those values can be taken into consideration in determining the direction of the development of science and even underlying it. the journey of the history of western epistemology then produced four schools of epistemology which were quite dominant in the modern western world. the four schools are rationalism, empiricism, criticism and intuitionism. the first is rationalism. it can be defined as a notion that strongly emphasizes reason as the main source of human knowledge and the last authority in determining the truth of human knowledge.16 this flow is usually attributed to several western scholars, including rene descartes, spinoza, leibniz and christian wolf. although the actual roots of thought have been found in the thinking of classical philosophers such as plato and aristotle.17 this notion assumes that there are certain basic principles of the world, which are rightly recognized by the human ratio. these first principles originate in the human mind and are not explained from experience, even empirical experience depends on this principle. even though rationalism strongly emphasizes the function of ratios in achieving knowledge, it does not mean that rationalism denies the role of the senses in gaining knowledge. sensory experience is needed to stimulate the work of reason and provide materials so that reason can work. however, for the arrival of humans in the truth is solely with reason.18 for rationalism the data carried by the senses is still unclear and chaotic and sometimes even deceptive. mind then arranges the sense reports so that correct knowledge can be formed. second is empiricism. it comes from greek name as “empiria” which means experience. this flow appeared in england which was initially pioneered by the bacon franciscans (1561-1626 ad). empiricism is a school that makes experience a source of knowledge. this stream assumes that knowledge is gained through experience by means of observation or sensing. in contrast to the rationalism that makes human reason the source and guarantor of the certainty of the truth of human knowledge, empiricism views only sensory experience as the only source of truth and certainty in human knowledge.19 the flow of empiricism is attributed to several western scholars including francis bacon, thomas hobbes, john locke, george berkeley, david hume.20 inductive verification method is a method offered by empiricism in testing the validity of human knowledge.21 this method works by testing 28 afkaruna human knowledge based on empirical scientific evidence and using inductive methods; to draw general conclusions from specific things or phenomena. third is criticism. it is a stream of epistemology developed by immanuel kant (1724-1804 ad). he was a german philosopher who tried to make efforts to resolve sharp differences between the two schools.22 kant still recognizes that reason can attain the truth, for that he then set out the conditions for achieving the truth of reason. kant’s philosophy sought to overcome the contradictions of the two schools (rationalism and empiricism) by showing which elements exist in reason. fourth is intuitionism. in subsequent developments western epistemology was then supplemented by the emergence of the school of intuitionism pioneered by henry bergson (1859 1941 ad). for bergson, the senses and human reason are both limited in understanding the reality as a whole. based on the weakness of reason and senses henry bergson then developed high-level abilities possessed by humans name as intuition.23 according to him, intuition means to know directly and instantly. the main element of knowledge is the possibility of a form of direct (intuitive) appreciation, in addition to experience by the five senses. empiricism is the most decisive in rejecting metaphysics, even the school of philosophy that reached maturity, the rejection of metaphysics has become its goal. the phrases about everything outside exist things need to be rejected because pretending to be a cognitive expression, the metaphysical expression actually does not say anything so it is meaningless.24 western epistemology has its own characteristics that are influenced by paradigms, rationale and other influences which then form a characteristic that distinguishes from one another. first, intellect and five senses as the main sources of human knowledge. second, dichotomisation. third, anthropocentrism. fourth, opposition to the spiritual dimension. fifth, secularization. sixth, desacralisation and the last is empiricism. the interest in modern science that is so strong with its physical law, has made humans as materialist beings who are biologically bound to and driven by mechanical laws, just as in machines or animals. this situation of development has finally undermined human integrity, (the potential of humans capable of reaching supra-empirical and transcendental entities has been degraded to empirical matters with all the consequences of its methodology) and devastated the basic foundations of the integrity of its dynamic existence and ignore the nature of his majesty. this attitude has given birth to what it’s called the disease of civilization. the choice of scientists towards modern 29vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 science that is practical-technology is accompanied by building epistemology,25 then gave birth to a new epistemology flow in modern science that was practical-technology and tended to let go of the axiology of science (moral, religious, and humanist values). every epistemology stream of science is built to strengthen the building of knowledge (the body of knowledge) to compete with each other in the name of progress, whereas in fact it cuts off the human body and life into small parts that are mutually separate, under the pretext that they are easily analysed based on scientific specifications. on the other hand, the nature of life which has been understood as a sign of god’s authority has been changed and claimed by the epistemological schools to become a workshop for exploration and exploitation to fulfil its desires then the material object of metaphysics is that all reality is seen from the side of existence. however, it is precisely at this point that many metaphysics get rejected. some philosophical schools reject, at least doubting, the existence of metaphysics. scepticism doubts the ability of human cognition. this stream does not believe that humans are able to get to such distant abstractions. empiricism and positivism reduce human knowledge to mere sensory knowledge. materialism reduces reality to the extent of material order, so the study of metaphysics as a study has no meaning. as a civilization which sourced and influenced by roman greek rational civilization, science in the west has its own epistemological style that is different from the knowledge that developed in other civilizations. the western epistemology of knowledge is more empirically rational and separates itself from irrational and non-rational things. the schools of ancient greek philosophy greatly influenced the formation of this epistemological style. it can almost be said that the formation of western epistemology is entirely rooted in philosophical ideas that developed without any touch of religious style at all. this is understandable because the west had experienced psychological trauma and self-confidence in dealing with religion (christianity) which had imprisoned freedom of ratio and the minds of its people. in relation to religion and spiritual life, western epistemology appears as an unbalanced epistemology. unbalanced between physical and spiritual aspects, between material and immaterial, between the world and the hereafter, between the ratio and the soul. likewise in religious matters, western epistemology seeks to distance itself from the influence and involvement of religion in an effort to develop and produce knowledge. 30 afkaruna metaphysics in the epistemology of islam al-quran explicitly invited prophet adam’s descendants to knowledge. in the qur’an, there are various commands and suggestions to pay attention to, see, and meditate on the universe according to the words of his verse: قُِل اْنظُُروا َماذَا فِي السََّماَواِت َواْألَْرِض ۚ َوَما تُْغنِي اْآلیَاُت َوالنُّذُُر َعْن قَْوٍم َال یُْؤِمنُونَ “say, “observe what is in the heavens and earth.” but of no avail will be signs or warners to a people who do not believe.” (qs. yunus: 101) in the epistemology of islam, science is equally valid in both physicalempirical and non-physical or metaphysical sciences. in his book ihsha ‘al’ulum (classification of sciences), al-farabi (d. 950 ad) included in his classification of knowledge not only empirical sciences such as physics, botany, mineralogy, and astronomy but also non-empirical sciences such as mental concepts and metaphysics.26 it means, in the epistemology of islam in contrast to western epistemology, which has questioned the ontological status of metaphysical objects. muslim scientists have a strong belief in the ontological status of not only visible physical objects, but also occult metaphysical objects. although the metaphysical objects cannot be seen by the senses, they are believed to have an ontological status that is as real as physical objects, even more real than sensory objects.27 in addition, the epistemology of islam is very different from the western epistemology which only relies on empiricism or rationalism, but the islamic epistemology recognizes the three sources of knowledge at once such as senses, reason, intuition. each of these sources has different levels of ability so they cannot be separated and must be used proportionally.28 mind in carrying out its performance requires the role of the heart and guidance of revelation (wahyu) so that what a human does and thinks causes benefit both for himself and for others. there are three methods in islamic epistemology to capture or know the objects of science according to mulyadhi kartanegara.29 first, through the senses that are very competent to recognize the physical objects of material nature by observing them. sensory perception includes the five senses of hearing, seer, feeling, kissing, touching, plus the sixth sense called al-hiss almusytarak or senses communis which includes memory or memory (dzakirah), imagination, and estimated power (wahm). second, with qiyas (syllogism) or demonstration (burhan) as a form of practice carried out by human ratios. a ratio that is able to recognize not only sensory objects by abstracting the 31vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 universal meaning from sensory data, but also non-physical objects by deducing from what has been known to the unknown. the process of reason includes reason (vow) and flow of thought. with reason and flow of thought, humans can articulate, compile propositions, express opinions, make analogies, make decisions and draw conclusions. third, the heart (qalb) is capable of capturing non-physical or metaphysical objects through direct contact with objects that are present in one’s soul through purification of the soul (tazkiyah an-nafs) in order to capture occult messages, divine signals, receive inspiration, kasyf, and others.30 there are two realms mentioned in the qur’an, the non-physical realm (‘al-ghayb) and the physical or visible nature (‘alam al-syahadah). in explaining the object of science, muslim philosophers gave an explanation of the objects of science according to their ontological status. so far, western philosophers have only recognized the existence of objects that have clear ontological status and material; physical objects. in contrast to muslim philosophers who have the view that the entity that exists is not only limited to the physical world, but also to non-physical entities, such as mental concepts and metaphysics. although the qur’an mentions the difference between physical and metaphysical realms, both are inseparable from one another. because the purpose of studying the physical realm is to show the knowledge of the metaphysical world.31 humans are blessed with qalb that can receive experiences of the metaphysical realm. knowing this metaphysical realm cannot be done directly but must go through the medium of revelation (wahyu). science without the guidance of revelation will only cause damage. as stated in surah al-‘alaq, knowledge cannot be separated from revelation as: ْنَساَن َما لَْم یَْعلَمْ َعلََّم اْإلِ “taught man that which he knew not.” (qs. al-‘alaq : 5) in the unity (tauhid) of the existence above, the understanding of science requires a formula that is consistent with the character of the unity of existence. the issue of the position of the nature of science encourages subsequent scientific activities; the procedure of discovering and developing knowledge in religion (islam) which has its own model of thought building. the central point of his frame of mind is allah swt, and at the same time becomes a reference for the overall structure of its existence. as a sign of god’s love, swt lowers revelation as a guide that illuminates the overall potential of humanity.32 complementing the qauliyah revelation, allah swt also bestowed 32 afkaruna nature with all its phenomena as revelation kauniyah, a part to strengthen the unity (tauhid) of that existence. islamic epistemology addresses issues of epistemology in general and also specifically talk about revelation and inspiration, as sources of knowledge in islam.33 revelation is only given by god to the prophets and apostles through the angel and ends with the prophet muhammad, the closing of the prophets and messengers.34 revelation is only specific to the prophets, because it is a consequence of prophecy and apostolate.35 inspiration (ilham) is the inspiration or divine emanation that the holy spirit blows into the heart of the prophet or guardian.36 inspiration or intuition in principle is acceptable to everyone.37 therefore, on the one hand, the epistemology of islam is centred on god, in the sense of allah as a source of knowledge and truth, but on the other hand, the epistemology of islam is centred on humans, in the sense that humans are the perpetrators of knowledge seekers. problems with views in western epistemology errors in the way of thinking and the western epistemology model can be inferred to five things. according to al-attas, reflecting the core of western civilization: first, absolute belief in reason (rational) as a guide in life. second, dualistic views of reality and truth. third, the acceptance of the here-andnow aspect has led to a secular world view. fourth, acceptance of humanism and fifth, making drama and tragedy as reality that greatly influences human nature and existence.38 the western tradition of scientific epistemology has a major influence on the pattern of thought, the way of thinking and human behaviour that becomes the motor of the development of a civilization. this influence is not only on western society itself, but also has expanded into a global influence that also influences the viewpoint of muslims. the influence caused by western science and epistemology, among others, in more detail include the following. first, secularization and liberalization of theology.39 second, the spread of atheism in various scientific disciplines.40 analysis western epistemology has a foundation and roots that are based on philosophical thinking that is far from the touch of religious values. western epistemology in its manifestations is then limited to the acquisition of knowledge about the visible world such as sensory nature and not touching on other realms. western epistemology focuses more on reason and senses as the 33vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 main source of science, dichotomization, anthropocentrism, opposition to the spiritual dimension, relentless uncertainty, secularization, desacralization, and empiricism. such an epistemological character ultimately raises several aspects which are fundamental weaknesses. this weakness includes excessive rationalism, dualism in addressing reality and truth, secularism as a view of life, humanism and existentialism as the highest values and drama and tragedy in epistemological processes. western epistemology has a serious impact not only in western society, but also in influencing scientific traditions in the islamic world. among these impacts is the emergence of secularization, liberalization and the development of scientific disciplines that reject the existence of god as creator. as the back of western science, which does not pay attention to aspects outside the material, it will certainly lead to unbalanced life. the backrest is certainly different from that used by islam. the way that can be done to understand valid science according to muslim philosophers is through a holistic and systematic perspective by knowing the epistemology of science through the views of muslim philosophers. modern science controlled by idealism, rationalism and empiricism has brought about an acute humanitarian crisis. in the realm of epistemology, religion provides knowledge that is not provided by ratios or empirical findings that guarantee the existence of human values. in relation to religion and spiritual spiritual life, western epistemology appears as an unbalanced epistemology. unbalanced between physical and spiritual aspects, between material and immaterial, between the world and the hereafter, between the ratio and the soul. likewise in religious matters, western epistemology seeks to distance itself from the influence and involvement of religion in an effort to develop and produce knowledge. the epistemology of islam is different from western epistemology. these differences include defining science and looking at the object as a whole. western epistemology considers what can be known is everything insofar as it can be observed sensory which is only limited to the fields of physical or empirical science while the islamic epistemology views both sensory and metaphysical objects and recognizes the three sources of knowledge at once namely senses, reason, intuition. each of these sources has different levels of ability so they cannot be separated and must be used proportionally. the concept of science in islam is very different from the concept of western science. the object of knowledge in islam is not only empirical, but also metaphysical. the source of knowledge in islam is also different from west34 afkaruna ern epistemology. if the west only recognizes the senses and ratios, then in the muslim view, knowledge comes from god obtained through: the senses are healthy, khabar sadiq, and intuition. other scientific results. science in islam can deliver to absolute truth, while the west results from science are relative. it is from this western scientific tradition that secularism, rationalism, empiricism, dichotomous ways of thinking, desacralization, pragmatism, disclaimer of metaphysical (religious), capitalism, humanism, liberalism, and the like are born. especially when postmodernism arises which forces someone to new ideas such as nihilism, relativism, pluralism, and gender equality (feminism) which are generally anti-worldview. therefore, a muslim should hold fast to the islamic scientific tradition and not be dazzled by western scientific traditions even though zahir looks more attractive as the object of science in islam is not only related to physical objects or that which is seen in the senses and human reason but it includes physical and metaphysical objects and the truth of the science or things that contain scientific value in islam, are not only those that can be verified or falsified by empirical facts and rationalized through mere experimentation or logic. humans are blessed with hearts that can receive experiences of the metaphysical realm. knowing this metaphysical realm cannot be done directly but must go through the medium of revelation. science without the guidance of revelation will only cause damage. therefore, knowledge in islam cannot be separated from revelation (wahyu). conclusion the conclusion of the paper above shows the differences on metaphysics between the epistemology of islam and the west. this is due on how these two put its position in its epistemology. for the west, it is proved by the four epistemological schools which are quite dominant in the modern western world such as rationalism, empiricism, criticism and intuitionism which do not involve metaphysics until errors happened and gave bad influences to other civilizations. in the contrary, islamic epistemology have the existence of a unified realm (tauhid) which gives an understanding of science requires a formula that is consistent with the character of the unity of existence. the issue of the position of the nature of science encourages subsequent scientific activities; the procedure of discovering and developing knowledge in religion (islam) which has its own model of thought. the central point of its frame of mind is allah 35vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 swt, and at the same time becomes a reference for the overall structure of its existence. as a sign of the love of allah swt decreases revelation as a guide that illuminates the overall potential of humanity such as the revelation of qauliyah, allah swt also grants nature with all its phenomena as revelation kauniyah, is part of strengthening the unity (tauhid) of that existence. the islamic epistemology addresses epistemological issues in general and also specifically addresses revelation and inspiration, as sources of knowledge in islam. the results of this discussion indicate that humans have limited abilities. not everything in this world can be explained simply by logic and senses. the tendency to distrust the metaphysical aspects makes someone stay away and do not believe in religious teachings. many things in religious teachings are metaphysical such as the believe in heaven and hell. if someone does not believe in heaven and hell, they will do things in the world at will, forgetting that there will be a reward and punishment according to what is done. endnotes 1 james iverach, “epistemology,” encyclopaedia of religion and ethics, ed. james hastings, vol. 5, (new york: charles scribner’s son’s, 1995), p. 337. 2 alfred cyril ewing, the fundamental question of philosophy, (new york: collier books, 1962), p. 20-21. 3 joko siswanto, sistem-sistem metafisika barat dari aristoteles sampai derrida, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1998), p. 1. 4 adian husaini, wajah peradaban barat; dari hegemoni kristen ke dominasi sekular liberal (jakarta: gema insani press, 2005), p. 50. 5 rationalism only recognizes reason as the basis of science, and humans gain knowledge through the activity of reason (deduction) in capturing objects, sensory functions just to stimulate reason to be able to work. his characters like rene descartes, spinoza, leibniz, and wolff who have roots from plato and aristotle. meanwhile in empiricism it is stated that humans acquire knowledge through experience both outward and inward experience. characters like francis bacon, thomas hobbes, john locke, david home, and others. by only recognizing the sources and products of rationalism and empiricism, means negating intuition which is one of the sources and truths of science. like henry bergson’s opinion, that intuition is a means to know directly and instantly. mohammad muslih, filsafat ilmu; kajian atas asumsi dasar paradigma dan kerangka teori ilmu pengetahuan, (jogjakarta: belukar, 2004), p. 58-84. 6 secular terminology is usually interpreted as “not connected with spiritual or religious matters” is an adjective of “the belief that religion should not be involved in the organization of society, education, etc.” see: john l. esposito, 36 afkaruna oxford encyclopedia: modern islamic world, vol. 6, (bandung, mizan, 2001), p. 128. the word “secularism” comes from the latin saeculum, which means “period” or “generation” in the sense of temporal time. this word then becomes meaningful in all matters relating to this world, which are distinguished from spiritual things which are intended to reach heaven. suparlan suhartono, filsafat ilmu pengetahuan; persoalan eksistensi dan hakekat ilmu pengetahuan, (jogjakarta: ar-ruzz media, 2008), p. 20. 7 osman bakar, hierarki ilmu; membangun rangka-pikir islamisasi ilmu, (bandung, mizan, 1990), p. 11. 8 light explanations of schools from western scholars such as rene descartes, spinoza, leibniz, christian wolf, francis bacon, thomas hobbes, john locke, george berkeley, david hume, and immanuel kant. 9 joko siswanto, metafisika sistematik, (yogyakarta: penerbit taman pustaka kristen) p. 2. 10 murtadha muthahhari, pengantar epistemologi islam: sebuah pemetaan dan kritik epistemologi islam atas paradigma pengetahuan ilmiah dan relefansi pandangan dunia, trans. muhammad jawad bafaqih, (jakarta: shadra press, 2010), p. 1. 11 sudarsono, ilmu filsafat suatu pengantar, (jakarta: rineka cipta, 2001), p. 137. 12 zaprulkhan, filsafat islam: sebuah kajian tematik, (jakarta: rajawali press, 2014), p. 134. 13 mujamil qomar, epistemologi pendidikan islam: dari metode rasional hingga metode kritik, (jakarta: erlangga, 2007), p. 26. 14 mujamil qomar, epistemologi pendidikan islam…, p. 26. 15 listyono santoso, “kritik hassan hanafi atas epistemologi rasionalitas modern,” di epistemologi kiri, (yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media, 2010), p. 286. 16 donny gahral adian, menyoal objektivisme ilmu pengetahuan: dari david hume sampai thomas kuhn, (bandung: teraju, 2002), p. 43. 17 mohammad muslih, filsafat ilmu: kajian atas asumsi dasar, paradigma dan kerangka teori ilmu pengetahuan, (yogyakarta: belukar, 2010), p. 60. 18 ahmad tafsir, filsafat umum, (bandung: remaja rosda karya, 2001), p. 25. 19 donny gahral adian, menyoal objektivisme ilmu pengetahuan: dari david hume sampai thomas kuhn, (bandung: teraju, 2002), p. 49. 20 i. r. poedjawijatna, pembimbing ke arah alam filsafat, (jakarta: rineka cipta, 1997), p. 103–106. 21 donny gahral adian, menyoal objektivisme ilmu..., p. 49. 22 i. r. poedjawijatna, pembimbing ke arah alam filsafat, (jakarta: rineka cipta, 1997), p. 107. 23 ahmad tafsir, filsafat umum, (bandung: remaja rosda karya, 2001), p. 27. 24 kaelan, filsafat bahasa, masalah dan perkembangannya, (yogyakarta: paradigma, 1998), p. 122. 25 noeng muhadjir, filsafat ilmu: positivisme, post-positivisme, dan post-modernisme, (yogyakarta: rake sarasin, 2001), p. 63. 26 mulyadhi kartanegara, menembus batas waktu: panorama filsafat islam, (bandung: mizan pustaka, 2002), p. 58. 37vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 27 mulyadhi kartanegara, menembus batas waktu…, p. 67. 28 adian husaini, filsafat ilmu perspektif barat dan islam, (jakarta: gema insani, 2013), p. 47-48. 29 mulyadhi kartanegara, menembus batas waktu…, p. 66. 30 adian husaini, filsafat ilmu perspektif barat dan islam, (jakarta: gema insani, 2013), p. 114-115. 31 adian husaini, filsafat ilmu perspektif…, p. 88-89. 32 muslim a kadir, dasar-dasar praktikum keberagamaan dalam islam, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2011), p. 14. 33 miska m. amien, epistemologi islam, (jakarta: universitas indonesia, 1983), p. 10-11. 34 amatullah amstrong, khazanah istilah sufi, kunci memasuki dunia tasawuf, trans. nasrullah dan ahmad baiquni, (bandung: mizan, 1996), p. 312-313. 35 mulla sadra, iksir al-arifin, (tokyo: jami’ah tokyo, 1984), p. 913. 36 amatullah amstrong, khazanah istilah sufi…, p. 112. 37 jumantoro dan syamsul munir, kamus ilmu tasawuf, (wonosobo: amza, 2005), p. 86. 38 syed muhammad naquib al-attas, islam and secularism, (kuala lumpur: istac, 1993) p. 137. 39 leading christian theologians of the twentieth century such as karl barth, dietrich bonhoeffer, paul van buren, thomas altizer, william hamilton and others, modified christian theology to conform to secular modern western civilization. they asserted that christian teaching must be adapted to the life view of secular modern science. they made a new interpretation of the bible and rejected the old interpretation that stated that there was another world that was greater and more religious than this nature. they revisit christian teachings in order to remain relevant to the development of the life of a secular modern society. secularization and theological liberalization in christianity caused religion to become a private matter and became the periphery in the flow of modern western civilization. read: adnin armas, krisis epistemologi dan islamisasi ilmu, (ponorogo: cios, 2007), p. 7–8. secularization encourages people not to respect nature and the life of the world and eliminate this symbolic relationship. as a result, nature does not need to be respected. the harmonious relationship between humans and nature has been divorced and destroyed. as a result, humans will be compelled to do all kinds of tyranny, destruction, destruction on the face of the earth. as a result, nature is a victim of exploitation that is only valuable for the sake of scientific research and scientific research. secularization has made humans “care for themselves” to then be unfair to nature. syed muhammad naquib al-attas, islam and secularism, (kuala lumpur: istac, 1993) p. 38–40. 40 the development of rational and secular western epistemology without ties to things and beliefs that are metaphysical and supernatural in nature has led to the birth of science which is anti-belief in god or atheists. various scientific disciplines, such as in theology, philosophy, science, sociology, psychology, poli38 afkaruna tics, economics, and others are inseparable from atheism. one of the pioneers of atheism in the modern age was ludwig feurbach (1804-1872 ad). feurbach, a christian theologian, affirms the highest philosophical principle is human. adnin armas, krisis epistemologi dan islamisasi ilmu, (ponorogo: cios, 2007), p. 3. references adian, donny gahral. 2002. menyoal objektivisme ilmu pengetahuan: dari david hume sampai thomas kuhn, (bandung: teraju) al-attas, syed muhammad naquib. 1993. islam and secularism, (kuala lumpur: istac) amien, miska m., 1983. epistemologi islam, (jakarta: universitas indonesia) amstrong, amatullah. 1996. khazanah istilah sufi, kunci memasuki dunia tasawuf, trans. nasrullah dan ahmad baiquni, (bandung: mizan) armas, adnin. 2007. krisis epistemologi dan islamisasi ilmu, (ponorogo: cios) bakar, osman. 1990. hierarki ilmu; membangun rangka-pikir islamisasi ilmu, (bandung, mizan) esposito, john l. 2001. oxford encyclopedia: modern islamic world, vol. 6, (bandung, mizan) ewing, alfred cyril. 1962. the fundamental question of philosophy, (new york: collier books) husaini, adian. 2005. wajah peradaban barat; dari hegemoni kristen ke dominasi sekular liberal, (jakarta: gema insani press) ______________. 2013. filsafat ilmu perspektif barat dan islam, (jakarta: gema insani) iverach, james. 1995. “epistemology,” encyclopaedia of religion and ethics (new york: charles scribner’s son’s) jumantoro. 2005. kamus ilmu tasawuf, (wonosobo: amza) kadir, muslim a. 2011. dasar-dasar praktikum keberagamaan dalam islam, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar) kaelan. 1998. filsafat bahasa, masalah dan perkembangannya, (yogyakarta: paradigma) kartanegara, mulyadhi. 2002. menembus batas waktu: panorama filsafat islam, (bandung: mizan pustaka) muhadjir, noeng. 2001. filsafat ilmu: positivisme, post-positivisme, dan post-modernisme, (yogyakarta: rake sarasin) muslih, mohammad. 2004. filsafat ilmu; kajian atas asumsi dasar paradigma dan kerangka teori ilmu pengetahuan, (jogjakarta: belukar) muthahhari, murtadha. 2010. pengantar epistemologi islam: sebuah pemetaan dan kritik epistemologi islam atas paradigma pengetahuan ilmiah dan relefansi pandangan dunia, trans. muhammad jawad bafaqih, (jakarta: shadra press) poedjawijatna, i. r. 1997. pembimbing ke arah alam filsafat, (jakarta: rineka cipta) qomar, mujamil. 2007. epistemologi pendidikan islam: dari metode rasional hingga metode kritik, (jakarta: erlangga) sadra, mulla. 1984. iksir al-arifin, (tokyo: jami’ah tokyo) 39vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 santoso, listyono. 2010. “kritik hassan hanafi atas epistemologi rasionalitas modern,” di epistemologi kiri, (yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media) siswanto, joko. 1998. sistem-sistem metafisika barat dari aristoteles sampai derrida, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar) ______________. metafisika sistematik, (yogyakarta: penerbit taman pustaka kristen) sudarsono. 2001. ilmu filsafat suatu pengantar, (jakarta: rineka cipta) suhartono, suparlan. 2008. filsafat ilmu pengetahuan; persoalan eksistensi dan hakekat ilmu pengetahuan, (jogjakarta: ar-ruzz media) tafsir, ahmad. 2001. filsafat umum, (bandung: remaja rosda karya) zaprulkhan. 2014. filsafat islam: sebuah kajian tematik, (jakarta: rajawali press) jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 islamic education in the inclusive school: experimental study of the application of differentiated instruction for slow learners doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0106.281-301 anita aisah, dwi santosa ab. faculty of islamic studies universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: anita.aisah@umy.ac.id abstract one of competences that teachers need to achieve is readiness to teach students with various characteristics. teachers of islam religion subject in some schools do not have adequate competence to teach diverse students. slow learners are mostly found in both regular and inclusive schools. the researchers offer a method which can adjust a curriculum to be compatible to students’ conditions namely differentiated instruction method (di) to be applied in islam religion subject. the goal of this research serves to figure out whether or not di method can improve learning motivation and achievement for slow learners. the research respondents are three slow learners in inclusive schools. it applied pretest-posttest experiment research method. the research was conducted in april and may, 2019 in primary school xx in bantul regency. data were collected using observation technique, pretest in the form of knowledge test covering previous theme namely sholat (praying) and posttest in the form of the result of knowledge test. finding revealed that two out of three slow learners did not attend complete experiment process so that there was only one student left. there was a significant increase on knowledge score between pretest and posttest (sig 0,000). this student’s learning motivation improved as well from someone who was previously crying when being asked to come to the front of the class or to answer questions becoming a student who was more communicative. keywords: slow learner, differentiated instruction, islamic religious education, inclusive school, abstrak salah satu kompetensi guru adalah siap mengajar pada variasi siswa. guru pai di beberapa sekolah tidak memiliki bekal yang cukup untuk mengajar siswa yang beragaam. mailto:anita.aisah@umy.ac.id 282 afkaruna siswa slow learner paling banyak ditemui di sekolah reguler maupun sekolah inklusi. peneliti menawarkan metode yang menyesuaikan dengan kondisi siswa yaitu metode differentiated instruction atau di untuk diterapkan pada mata pelajaran pai. tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui apakah metode di dapat meningkatkan motivasi dan prestasi belajar bagi siswa slow learner. responden pada penelitian ini adalah tiga siswa slow learner di sekolah inklusi. metode penelitian menggunakan metode eksperimen pretest-posttest. penelitian dilakukan selama bulan mei sampai april 2019 di sekolah dasar negeri xx di kabupaten bantul. metode pengambilan data menggunakan observasi, pretest berupa tes pengetahuan pada tema sebelumnya yaitu sholat dan posttest berupa hasil tes pengetahuank. hasil dari penelitian ini adalah ada dua dari tiga siswa slow learner yang tidak mengikuti proses eksperimen secara penuh, sehingga hanya ada satu responden penelitian. skor pengetahuan terjadi peningkatan secara signifikasi antar pretest dan posttest (sig 0,000). motivasi belajar siswa ini mengalami peningkatan dari sebelumnya yang menangis ketika diberikan tugas menjawab pertanyaan, sekarang menjadi lebih komunikatif. kata kunci: slow learner, differentiated instruction, pendidikan agama islam, inclusive school introduction the topic of religious education in islamic teaching has been laid out in the surah (chapter) ‘abasa. in this chapter, it is cited that individuals with the special needs deserve a decent education. in 1984, the world started to recognize education for diversity through the declaration of human rights by united nation assembly. after the declaration, a number of countries began to declare education for all one of which was thailand in 1990. indonesia government officially started implementing diversity education or known as inclusive education in 1993 through standard regulation about equality for the disabled. in 2004 in bandung, indonesia legally declared a program towards inclusive education. the declaration of “indonesia towards inclusive education” aimed at encouraging all schools to prepare education for all including for children with special needs. the concept of education for all or known as inclusive education is implemented in indonesia through a policy stating that each school has to accept students with a variety of conditions. education agency in yogyakarta has pointed out some schools to be inclusive schools. other schools which have not officially announced as inclusive schools do not have the right to refuse students with special needs who wish to study there. inclusive schools should not only serve as a label; instead they should gain support from all human resources and 283vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 facilities in the respected schools. one of human resources which seems to be not ready yet is the teachers’ class management skills in inclusive education setting. this research focuses on one subject taught in each inclusive school namely “pendidikan agama islam” or islamic education subject. this subject is a field delivering religious materials, developing positive attitude, islamic trait, and students’ skills in actualizing religious teaching. islam religion subject serves seven crucial functions in building students’ character. in 2013 curriculum, islam religion subject is integrated with manner education. islamic education subject and manner education are taught for four hours per week in primary schools and three hours in secondary schools. number of meeting and duration of each meeting will be higher and longer in schools under islamic institution. each student deserves islam religion education. according to syarifudin, et al.1 islam religion subject is one of essential educations since through this education the national education goal will be accomplished. one of national education goals is equipping students with strong faith in god2. pilot studies have been carried out by the researchers in 2011 and 2016-2018. in 2011, the researchers were conducting profession practice handling eight problematic students in four levels of school. researchers completed interview, observation, and psychodiagnostics assessment. the finding showed that four out of eight students were diagnosed with cognitive impairment or slow learner. some practicing students from ugm majoring in psychology revealed the same finding; slow learners studied at regular schools. the next pilot study was conducted by researchers through interview and observation while supervising students of islam religion education program in school-based field study (praktek pengalaman lapangan/ ppl) both in primary schools and senior high schools in yogyakarta between 2016-2018. findings of pilot study indicated that teachers did not conduct a detail assessment on students’ psychological state, evaluation was completed in classic manner, and various learning methods existed from lecturing up to role-play. several teachers utilized powerpoint media in delivering learning material or playing videos. the practicing students discovered some students with indicators of students with special needs such as low learning motivation, under average scores, concentration impairment in the classroom causing them to be passive, and problematic social 284 afkaruna behavior. in the schools where students did their school-based field study, there were no supervisor teachers. basically, the schools did not know how to assess both students with special needs and normal students. based on an interview, three islam religion subject teachers in three schools admitted that some of their students showed the characteristics of slow learners. types of students’ diversity in classroom can be viewed from a number of aspects. however, the most frequently happening impairment in class is cognitive impairment. this idea is supported by aisah3, an inclusion expert, who states that students’ most frequent diversity is from intellectual intelligence aspect. learners’ diversities of this aspect consist of some categories namely genius students, above-average students, average students, under-average students or slow learners, and mentally retarded students4. based on data reported by indonesia social ministry (kemenkes ri), it showed that in 2011, students with special needs in indonesia reached 7 million or around 3% of total indonesian citizens. out of those 7 million, most of them were signified to have characteristics of slow learners, autism, and other intellectual disabilities (indonesia health ministry, 2014). amelia conducted a research addressing types and characteristics of slow learners. it turns out that most slow learner subjects possess the same characteristics. those traits are low understanding ability, slow academic task accomplishment, low learning achievement, and a grade failing5 the learning process of islam religion subject for slow learners in schools where the pilot studies were completed can be concluded that its process applies concept of ‘students adjust themselves with the curriculum’. teachers did not modify curriculum in more detail to meet students’ needs. basically, teachers did not have the capability to assess students. there were a lot of students indicated with special needs, but teachers did not know how to diagnose and make intervention in class. the findings of researchers’ initial research are supported by some other studies. a study was carried out by pramuji6 in purwokerto. pramuji found out that learning process of students with special needs was conducted in classical manner applying the same curriculum although companion teachers existed there. it caused by the fact that there was only one islam religion subject teacher and he was not capable of modifying the curriculum. referring to research finding by hanum7 regarding method in learn285vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 ing islam religion in a special school kota langsa, it was mentioned that islam religion subject teacher had not played his role optimally in teaching students with special needs. besides, he was lack of knowledge about methods in teaching islam religion subject for students with special needs. the teacher still applied classical teaching. grounded from observation by hanum8, many students seemed to be passive during islam religion learning process in the classroom. hanum suggested the necessity of training to teach a variety of students. in 2019, nugrahayati and mustadi did a research about the learning process of slow learners. it resulted in similarities of learning process between regular students and slow learners. it was viewed from aspects of planning, implementation, evaluation, and follow-up. there was no specific lesson plan for slow learners. common lesson plan components for slow learners cover method, media, and evaluation which were also used for other students. one of special treatments for slow learners was additional time to complete assignment after school9. in an effective classroom, an educator consistently pays attention to four elements namely students, learning environment, learning content, and the way they teach or called as instruction10. in inclusive education, there are various students in each class including students with special needs. teachers should have methods for various classes. teaching islam religion to slow learners requires specific skills. if those students exist in inclusive class, teachers need to modify the curriculum so that the instructional process can be adapted to students’ condition. curriculum modification has been proven to be successful at improving active behavior of those students with cognitive impairment to participate in classroom learning11. one of suggested methods is differentiated instruction (di). di contains aspects of students’ condition, teaching environment, and teaching method. the main purpose is ensuring that teachers focus on process and procedures for learning effectiveness within students’ various conditions12. started being developed in romania as an attempt to educate students with special needs13, differentiated instruction (di) is an appropriate method to be applied in classrooms with various students. one of di phases is psychological assessment on students’ cognitive ability and learning styles. students who do not undergo such assessment will be risked of getting negative label or stimulating stigma for both smart and less smart students. george14 exposes several reasons on the significance of 286 afkaruna implementing di in inclusive class. differentiated instruction method is going to raise teachers’ awareness on individual differences in the classroom so that students will grow and undergo self-development in inclusive class. students are offered great chance for fairness in talent development when learning in inclusive class. di method is applicable for all students’ types including those with above-average intelligence or gifted students. teachers who implement di will pay more attention to planning phase as gifted students are expected to be able to accomplish the learning assignment excellently, persistently, and easily with good grades. the researchers formulate research question as the following: how is differentiated instruction implemented in islam religion subject learning context for slow learners? how do learning behavior and achievement change before and after differentiated instruction method is applied to slow learners in inclusive schools? this study aims at examining whether or not differentiated instruction is effective to be implemented in islam religion learning process for slow learners in inclusive classes. researchers will observe enthusiastic behavior of slow learners and take a look at daily exam score documentation during experiment process. theoretical framework a. differentiated instruction-based curriculum modification differentiated instruction (di) is a teaching and learning approach in a class setting where students have a range of abilities and this method allows them to learn in the same class. di-based curriculum modification method is applied to enable teachers to know students better in terms of their knowledge proficiency level, learning readiness, linguistic competence, and students’ interest and interaction15. the basic concept of di is that curriculum accommodates students instead of students adapt themselves to curriculum. di is employed so that same learning materials can be taught to all students using numerous learning strategies. it enables students with a range of knowledge levels can optimally meet learning objectives. in implementing di method, there are several elements which can be modified such as planning a lesson based on students’ learning styles, 287vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 grouping students based on their similar interest, theme, or task, evaluating students’ learning using formative assessment, managing the classroom to be a conducive environment, conducting sustainable evaluation, and adapting learning content to meet students’ needs16. specifically, di responds to students’ sustainable learning progress, what they already know as well as what they want to know and learn so that students who learn under di method implementation get the learning process according to their needs17. andini18 elaborates specific characteristics about di covering the following ideas. 1. differentiated learning is different from individual learning concept. during learning process, teachers often teach whole class or big group, small group, or individual. those variations are important to do to improve students’ knowledge and skills, and build a sense of togetherness. 2. differentiated instruction is not similar to unsystematic or chaotic instruction. educators who implement di will manage and maintain classes using composed activities. differentiated instruction in the class will improve the effectiveness of students’ learning achievement; not a class with no planning and discipline. 3. di determines heterogenic and flexible grouping. in classes which employ di, the formed groups will have the flexibility where students with strength on particular field will join other students and cooperate with them. in di, groups will always change referring to students’ experience and learning needs. 4. di is proactive and is based on accomplished assessment. in di-based classes, they hold a basic concept that students have numerous learning needs which are different from one another. educators have to be proactive to find and arrange planning with a variety of methods to express how students can study conveniently. tomlinson, et al19 elaborate aspects of differentiated instruction. di aspects are explained based on the steps in formulating di. basic steps in di cover two main aspects namely teacher-based method and studentbased method20. teacher-based method consists of content, process, and product. content deals with what students will comprehend and what they will learn. in content aspect, teachers modify how each student learns 288 afkaruna a topic. for students with high readiness or independence and understanding towards learning content, it will present them more ease to be optimal during the learning process. on the other hand, for students with low readiness, educators need to create some modification and adaptation based on their readiness levels. the second aspect is process. process is related to how students retain information or how students learn. process is students’ activities in perceiving knowledge, understanding, and skills based on the themes that they are going to study. the third aspect on teacher-based method is product. product refers to evidence or something that students have learnt and understood. learners will demonstrate or apply what they have studied. aspects on student-based method consist of learning readiness, interest and profile. the first aspect in student-based method is student readiness. it addresses students’ development level of understanding and achievement in the classroom. students with high learning readiness will be prepared to learn, understand, and have excellent skills. those students are certain to be successful and are able to complete given tasks. the second aspect is students’ interest. interest is the greatest students’ internal factor to study. if the given learning tasks stimulate students’ curiosity and learning motivation, students will allocate decent attention on learning activities which later display positive impact on achievement. the next aspect is learning profile. basically, learning should encourage students to do activities according to their preferences. students’ learning profile will be correlated with a number of factors like language, culture, health, family condition, and other specific elements. learning profile deals with learning style. some students have visual learning style (reading, seeing), some are auditory (listening to lecture or discussion), while some others are kinesthetic (movement). beside learning style, learning profile is also linked with multiple intelligences. the concept of howard gardner theory of multiple intelligences fosters students to view their attitudes toward ways of learning islam religion so that students can learn conveniently. multiple intelligences refer to visual, verbal, logical, rhythmic/ auditory, interpersonal, intrapersonal, kinesthetic, and naturalistic intelligence. di implementation has to refer to steps by tomlinson et al21. those di steps aim at maximizing each student’s capability and achievement level 289vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 in which teachers will provide guidance during the learning process. di steps are explained in the following schema. the above schema explains the process of di implementation. it begins with initial assessment. educators carry out initial assessment through pretest to figure out each student’s capability. it is expected that teachers can plan, design, and modify curriculum based on students’ readiness, learning style, intelligence, and preliminary knowledge. students’ learning ability is classified into three levels one of which is independent level. students on this level do not need any assistance and are able to complete tasks independently. the next level is instructional level. on this level, students need guidance in understanding a concept and completing tasks. the lowest level is frustration level. students locate difficulties in keeping up with the lesson because they have not achieved full understanding on basic concepts and attain limited knowledge which cause them to easily give up and become frustrated in doing the learning tasks. b. characteristics of slow learners slow learner is a term used to refer to students with under-average ability to learn academic skills compared to their peers. slow learners’ ability in understanding language, number, and concepts is very limited. capability to perceive situation or environment condition is below the average of their peers. slow learners possess characteristics as below: 290 afkaruna 1. slow learners need physical assessment. it aims at figuring out their senses’ ability like their hearing, sight, and speaking skills. besides, nutrition assessment is also necessary when they are still babies. 2. mental development of slow learners is affected by physical growth. lack of oxygen when being born causing wound in particular brain part, bleeding from the womb, and lost opportunities to receive stimulation in particular development tasks during their lives are some examples of physical impairment. 3. intellectual development is affected by mental development. slow learners’ intellectual state can be detected through intelligence test. the iq scores of slow learners range from 50-89. 4. social economic condition can give impact on students’ learning progress at school. a lot of slow learners come from middle to low economy class. research reveals that slow learners have less educated parents. 5. the characteristic of slow learners is finding it difficult to adapt themselves to the surrounding. this causes slow learners to have low selfefficacy and low confidence. 6. slow learning behavior of slow learners is manifested by slow response in experiencing and reacting to the surrounding environment, low curiosity, being inattentive towards their academic tasks, less fluency in speaking, dependence on teachers or other students, weak memorization, difficulty in knowledge transfer, and complexity in understanding abstract concept. c. the nature of islamic education according to an interpretation islamic education is an activity to educate people about islam. islamic subject is a part of islamic education22. this subject appears as an effort to educate people about islam or islamic teachings and values to be someone’s way of life. islamic education subject can be in the form of set of activities to help individual or group students to actualize islamic values in their daily attitude and skills. it denotes to meeting between two people or more resulting in embedding islamic teachings. the general goal of islam religion subject is to reach a quality mentioned in al-quran and hadith so that teachers of islam religion education have the duties to guide and direct their students to be powerful 291vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 moslems as a reflection of their faith. the coverage of islam education covers three fields namely aqidah, sharia, and moral. aqidah is a field of faith in islam addressing everything someone believes on. sharia is allah’s rules to regulate human relationship with allah, among human, and human with the nature. moral is a part in islam to control human behavior. reseearch methode this research is an experiment with quantitative approach. pretest posttest group design is the experiment method used. according to latipun23 experiment method of pretest posttest group design is a method involving one group only namely experiment group. pretest and posttest were given to one group before and after treatment was given. at the end of the research, comparison was accomplished to the result of observation between students’ learning behavior and learning outcomes of students with special needs. pretest treatment posttest pretest differentiated instruction method on islam religion education subject for slow learners in primary schools posttest the site of this research was a primary school in bawuran, bantul. there were some students identified to have the characteristics of slow learners in the school. the research subjects were three slow learners of inclusive school. the independent variable of this research was the implementation of differentiated instruction on islam religion subject for slow learners. phases in implementing di were 1) researchers and teachers discussed the characteristics of slow learners; 2) teachers and researchers decided the topic of learning; 3) researchers conducted class observation, 4) researchers modified the curriculum; 5) experiment process was completed; 6) experiment evaluation was carried out. the dependent variable was learning achievement before and after the treatment. data collecting method of this research was quasi experiment method. experiment method was applied to conduct curriculum modification method using differentiated instruction on islam religion education. the next data collecting method was observation method. observation was completed to see slow learners’ learning behavior within di context in the 292 afkaruna classroom. observation was performed with non-participant technique by anecdotal recording model. observation by anecdotal recording is a cumulative recording of several individual’s extraordinary behavior24. interview method was as well accomplished by researchers towards the teachers. the interview aimed at figuring out the difference of slow learners’ behavior before, during, and after the experiment. researchers employed semi-structured interview in which the interviewer has a list of topic or issue called as interview guide25. content validity of this research was obtained through consultation to professional judgment; in this case they are inclusion experts in center of inclusion study in tumbuh primary school and education psychologist. professional judgement checked the module of the implementation of modified curriculum using differentiated instruction on islam religion subject. this study employed data analysis method of non-parametric quantitative approach. non-parametric quantitative is utilized if data distribution is not normal and the number of research subjects is really small26. difference test used in this study was wilcoxon test. the goal of administering this test was to examine whether or not there was a significant difference between pretest and posttest scores on islam religion knowledge of slow learners. findings and discussion in this chapter, this research is divided into three elements namely preresearch, research, and discussion. a. pre-research the first session in pre-research was an initial assessment of school condition, students, and the process of learning islam religion subject. pre-research was conducted between 24th up to 29th of august, 2019 in primary school xx in bantul. the teacher gave a description about students’ condition at the school. the teacher suggested researchers to take class iv b as the experiment class. there were 28 students in the respective class. islam religion subject was given 2x2 learning hours each week. researchers conducted class observation and spotted three students with slow learners’ characteristics. student a had under-average score, was hard to concentrate in the classroom, and his sight was empty. student b was quieter, was passive during the learning process, had under-average scores, and was hard to participate in classical learning. student c had 293vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 ever failed a grade, did not desire to participate in the learning, cried when being asked to come to the front of the class, and had low ability in reading. researchers decided those three students as the research subjects. the second session in pre-research was training of trainer (tot). tot was held to teachers of islam religion subject who would do the experiment. tot prepared teachers’ competence in implementing di. based on di theory by thomlonson et al27 teachers need to be prepared to be able to apply di based on student-based and teacher-based method. studentbased method prepares teachers to be capable of assessing students in the classroom regarding their learning readiness, interest, and profile. researchers created a table accommodating the three aspects in studentbased method and teachers then filled it in according to the condition of students’ diversity in the classroom. the table is presented below. table of student-based method implementation no name of student learning readiness interest in learning islam religion subject learning style referring to the categorization of students’ characteristics based on the table above, 28 students could be divided into three categories namely independent student group, guided student group, and frustrated student group. there were 4 independent students, 21 guided students, and 3 frustrated students. the next training for trainer session was delivering knowledge about di implementation on the aspects of teacher-based method. the approval between researchers yielded the theme of kisah keteladanan wali songo or role model stories of the nine guardians. this theme contains four core competencies and three basic competencies. teachers were trained to modify indicators, learning methods or activities, learning sources, time allocation, media, and evaluation. core competency and basic competency followed the predetermined rules in guidance book. the followings were the preset curriculum modifications. 1. modifying basic competence which was translated into indicators. 294 afkaruna the basis of modification on basic competency is based on bloom taxonomy28. researchers modified the basic competency to embrace the class diversity. there were three slow learners so that basic competence needed to be adjusted to students’ condition. modification on indicator aspect is presented as follow: table of modifying basic competence basic competency modified basic competency believing the faith of wali songo towards allah knowing that wali songo is allah’s messengers to spread islam in java island. knowing who wali songo are and where they come from. showing care and humility as an implementation of wali songo role model stories. figuring out forms of generous deeds by wali songo. understanding the meaning of the generous deeds by wali songo. explaining the benefits of being generous by wali songo. understanding the role model stories of wali songo reading the stories of wali songo. identifying the characteristics of wali songo’s journey. retelling the role model stories of wali songo knowing the characteristics of wali songo’s stories and being able to distinguish the story of each wali songo. 2. modifying learning method based on the modified basic competency, the learning method which was going to be performed was cooperative learning method. it was cooperative stad learning method. this method was chosen as it has ever been employed by aziz, sugiman & prabowo29 for slow learners and it was proven to improve slow learners’ learning motivation. steps in cooperative stad learning method were: 1. teach, means presenting learning materials; 2. team study, consists of four or five students composed on preparation session to implement stad learning method. students learned the materials together in their groups; 3. test, in which students were individually tested through quiz; 4. team recognition, in which group score was based on each group member’s score and the student with the highest score would receive gifts. 3. modifying learning sources learning sources in di implementation are not only teachers’ handbook but also books about wali songo. 295vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 4. modifying time allocation the time allocation for wali songo theme was two meetings modified into three meetings or 3x learning hours (50 minutes). it has been decided by considering allotted time for other themes. 5. modifying learning media and tools the implementation of di-based learning modification utilized map of java island, sugar paper, and stationary to utilize three-dimension property. 6. modifying evaluation evaluation could be accomplished in groups or individual. group test was completed by circling the origins of wali songo. individual test was 10 essays. scores were divided into three classifications namely independent student group, guided student group, and frustrated student group. the following is the detail of the evaluation modification: table of evaluation modification type of test group of independent students and guided students (25 students) group of frustrated students score of each number range of score score of each number range of score individual essay test score of 10 for each number 10 100 score of 15 for each number. the maximum traget was 7 questions. 15-105 b. research research was completed within five times face-to-face meetings in grade iv classroom during the islamic education learning. differentiated instruction method was implemented on april 2019. the teacher was obliged to deliver materials according to training of trainer result completed before. researchers had collected scores from teachers. the scores on islam religion subject were used as pretest reference for three students indicated as slow learners. the scores are described as follow: the activity on the first meeting was giving explanation on brief history of wali songo. this applied new cooperative stad teaching phase. students were divided into nine groups according to the nine guardians (wali). the names of the groups were each name of the guardian. each group consisted of various students from all types of students. 27 stu296 afkaruna dents were present while another one was absent. all slow learners were there. the activity on the first day of the research was giving each student one clue about the history of a guardian. they would be in the same group if their clue inferred to the same guardian. the teacher and researchers had set it up so that each group consisted of variety of students. next, the teacher explained the history of the guardians. all students were asked to read the history of wali songo from the books they brought. special observation was carried out to the three slow learners called as a, b, and c. student a participated in the group, but it only happened for a short period of time. for the rest, he seemed to be daydreaming. the teacher tried to ask each student in each group to support each other. student b tended to be quiet and passive. on the first day, he did not utter a word in the group. the teacher involved student b by asking something trivial but he could not provide an answer. student c seemed to be more cheerful and verbally active. the activities on the second meeting were team study phase. it targeted at enabling students to learn more deeply about good traits of the guardians. 25 students were present on the second meeting. one of slow learners did not come to school (student a). the first step on the day was researchers shared a map of java. every group circled the places where the guardians came from and spread islam. all groups were then required to formulate questions according to the name of their group (one of the guardians). the teacher demanded all students to have a discussion in every group. students b looked inactive. the group chief where b became the member in asked student b to read the book and chose questions. however, this student did not contribute in formulating questions. student c was cheerful and active in his group. referring to the observation, student c was spotted to disturb his friends in his group. activities on the third meeting were test and team recognition phase. the number of students present on the day was 25. one of the slow learners was absent. prior to the test, the teacher gave 30 minutes for students to re-read materials about wali songo. the teacher motivated students to help each other during test preparation. test was administered individually. the teacher reminded that there would be the best team with the highest mean score. during the test preparation, teacher let students ask. after the phase was done, the test started. the test consisted of short answer essay consisting of 10 questions. researchers im297vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 mediately checked students’ answers. one of the winners was sunan giri team. its mean was 90. the score for student a was 70 and for student c was 60. c. discussion this research reveals that slow learners improved their achievement score on islam religion subject through daily examination. initially, there were three slow learners as the research respondents. however, only one student managed to complete all series in this study. two slow learners were absent with no obvious reasons. based on the interview with the teacher of islam religion subject, the two slow learners (student a and b) did not come to class several times with no permission. qualitative analysis could be carried out for the student who took a part in the experiment from the very beginning to the final step. it meant only student c was qualified to do so. student c achieved pretest score of 50 and posttest score of 60. pretest score turned out to be 90 after it was adjusted to the modified evaluation calculation. researchers ran wilcoxon test and it yielded 0,000. sig value of 0,000 means that there was a significant increase between pretest and posttest of student c. modification of curriculum using di method causes teachers to pay more attention to students with special needs in the class. teachers know how to assess students so that curriculum is made appropriate to students’ diversity in class30. learning objectives as well as the evaluation are adjusted to students’ condition. students should be feeling comfortable in attending the class. based on the observation, two students were still passive while another student began to be active at keeping up with the class learning process. di is implemented through modification towards the curriculum employed by teachers. a class only has one curriculum called as whole curriculum. in a research conducted by krihnakumar, geeta & palat31, they found out that individual approach curriculum could encourage the development of slow learners significantly. slow learners could improve their self-esteem after being involved in learning with individual approach. on the contrary, that idea was rejected by sebba, byers & rose32 who declared that slow learners who were given individual learning treatment could reduce the opportunities to be involved in team study. field condition also showed that slow learners were assisted by their team mate in 298 afkaruna accomplishing the learning tasks. referring to cooperative learning theory, it is called as positive interdependence among group members. when the teacher assigned reading task, student a, b, and c depicted low motivation. the teacher and students on other groups motivated those students to be willing to read. there was even no idea coming up from the students when they were demanded to find idea for formulating questions. according to cooter & cooter jr33, slow learners did not have interest in reading and retrieved low reading comprehension ability. student a came from a middle to low class family. student a was absent due to the less harmonious family condition. one cause of slow learner is economy condition. hallan and kauffman34 stated that one factor affecting slow learners was under-average economy condition. evaluation was completed by the researcher by dividing the 28 students into 9 groups. one group consisted of three students. one of characteristics of cooperative learning is the existence of positive interdependence. the ideal state for strengthening the positive interdependence is four up to five groups35. curriculum development for students with special needs causes narrowing of the curriculum especially on the focus of the targeted goal36. curriculum modification which has been completed is making learning objectives to be more focused to enable frustrated students to meet these objectives. conclusion the conclusion of this study is that curriculum modification succeeds to significantly increase pretest scores to posttest scores. this method can be applied sustainably for the next themes in islam religion subject. di method requires teachers to have decent knowledge in implementing di on both teacher-based and student-based method. it is also necessary for teachers to conduct periodic evaluation so that slow learners can optimally participate in classroom learning process. the application of di in slow learner students follows three stages, firstly the student-based method is analyzing the characteristics of slow learner students and their needs. secondly, modify the curriculum of islamic religious education subjects from the content, process and evaluation. thirdly is implementing the di method through the learning process in the classroom. fourthly is follow-up activities. the activity of modifying 299vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the curriculum is highly recommended for islamic education learning with a variety of mental conditions student. implementers of curriculum modification need to discuss with developmental psychologists regarding the characteristics and needs of students with special needs. endnotes 1 fitriyani, a. l. (2013). efektifitas remedial teaching pai dalam meningkatkan hasil belajar siswa: studi kuasi eksperimen pada bahasan sholat untuk siswa kelas viii di smp negeri 3 lembang ta 2012/2013. bandung: fakulras pendidikan ilmu sosial universitas pendidikan indonesia. 2 tafsir. (2010). filsafat pendidikan islami. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. 3 aisah, a. (2018). laporan wawancara tentang inklusi di sd tumbuh. yogyakarta: fakultas agama islam universitas. 4 susan, j.ko. (2018). creating trauma information system: child welfare, education first. responden health care. profesional psycology: research and practice. vol 29, no 4, 396-402. doi 10370735 – 7028.39.4.396 5 amelia, w. (2016, desember). karakteristik dan kesulitan anak belajar slow learner. aisyah: jurnal ilmu kesehatan, 1(2), 53-58. 6 pramuji, e. (2015). metode pembelajaran pai di sd negeri tanjung 1 kecamatan purwokerto selatan kabupaten banyumas ta 2014/2015. purwokerto: program studi pai fakultas tarbiyah dan ilmukeguruan iain purwokerto. 7 hanum, l. (2014, desember). pembelajaran pai bagi aanak berkebutuhan khusus. jurnal pendidikan agama islam, xi(2), 50-62. 8 hanum, l. (2014, desember). pembelajaran pai bagi aanak berkebutuhan khusus. jurnal pendidikan agama islam, xi(2), 50-62 9 nugrahayati, w., & mustadi, a. (2019). slow learner learning facts in their inclusion class. 6th international conference on educational reserach and innovation (iceri 2018) (pp. 149-152). atlantis press. 10 tomlinson, c. a., & mctighe, j. (2006). integrated differentiated instruction and understanding by design. alexander virginia: assosiation for supervision and curriculum development. 11 d’amico, & kate, g. (2010). differentiated instruction for middle school science teacher activities and strategies for inclusive classroom. san fransisco: john wiley & sons, inc. 12 tomlinson, c. a., brighton, c., hertberg, h., callahan, c. m., moon, t. r., brimijpon, k., et al. (2003). differentiating instruction in response to student readiness, interest and learning profile in academically diverse classrooms. journal for the education of the gifted, 119-105. 13 ghergut, a. (2011). education of chiildren with special needs in romania; attitudes and experiences. precedi-social and behavioral sciences, 595-599. 14 george, p. s. 2005. a rationale for differentiating instruction in the regular classroom. theory into practice, 44(3), 185-193. 15 hall, t. (2002). differentiated instruction. wakefield: ma centre on. 300 afkaruna 16 d’amico, & kate, g. (2010). differentiated instruction for middle school science teacher activities and strategies for inclusive classroom. san fransisco: john wiley & sons, inc. 17 heacox, d. (2002). differentiating instruction in the regular classroom. usa: free spirit publising. 18 andini, d. w. (2016, mei). differentiated instruction: solusi pembelajaran dalam keberagaman siswa di kelas inklusif. trihayu: jurnal pendidikan ke-sdan, 2, 340-349. 19 tomlinson, c. a., brighton, c., hertberg, h., callahan, c. m., moon, t. r., brimijpon, k., et al. (2003). differentiating instruction in response to student readiness, interest and learning profile in academically diverse classrooms. journal for the education of the gifted, 119-105. 20 tomlinson, c. a., brighton, c., hertberg, h., callahan, c. m., moon, t. r., brimijpon, k., et al. (2003). differentiating instruction in response to student readiness, interest and learning profile in academically diverse classrooms. journal for the education of the gifted, 119-105. 21 tomlinson, c. a., brighton, c., hertberg, h., callahan, c. m., moon, t. r., brimijpon, k., et al. (2003). differentiating instruction in response to student readiness, interest and learning profile in academically diverse classrooms. journal for the education of the gifted, 119-105. 22 muhaimin. (2005). pengembangan kurikulum pendidikan agama islam di sekolah, madrasah dan perguruan. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. 23 latipun. (2011). psikologi eksperimen. malang: universitas muhammadiyah malang press. 24 walgito, b. (2010). pengantar psikologi umum. yogyakarta: penerbit andi. 25 silalahi, u. (2015). metode penelitian sosial kuantitatif. bandung: refika aditama. 26 silalahi, u. (2015). metode penelitian sosial kuantitatif. bandung: refika aditama. 27 tomlinson, c. a., brighton, c., hertberg, h., callahan, c. m., moon, t. r., brimijpon, k., et al. (2003). differentiating instruction in response to student readiness, interest and learning profile in academically diverse classrooms. journal for the education of the gifted, 119-105. 28 adams, n. (2015). bloom’s taxonomy of cognitive learning objectives. journal of the medical library assosiation, 152. 29 aziz, a. n., sugiman, s., & prabowo, a. (2016). analisis proses pembelajaran matematika pada anak berkebutuhan khusus (abk) slow learner di kelas inklusif. kreano, jurnal matematika kreatif-inovatif, 111-120. 30 heacox, d. (2002). differentiating instruction in the regular classroom. usa: free spirit publising. 31 krishnakumar, p., geeta, m., & palat, r. (2006). effectiveness of individualized education program for slow learners. indian journal of pediatrics, 73 (2), 135-137. 32 sebba, j., byers, r., & rose, r. (2019). redefining the whole curriculum for 301vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 pupils with learning difficulties. london: routledge, taylor & francis group. 33 cooter, k. s., & cooter jr, r. b. (2004). one size doesnot fit all: slow learners in the reading classroom. the reading teacher, 57-80. 34 hallahan, d. p., & kauffman, j. m. (1988). exceptional children: introduction to special education. new jersy: prentice hall, inc. 35 lim, t. l., shahrill, m., mundia, l., tengah, k. a., tan, a., & mahadi, m. a. (2016). an alternative approach to teaching: implementing a cooperative learning strategy stad at the junir college level. advanced science letters, 17251729. 36 sebba, j., byers, r., & rose, r. (2019). redefining the whole curriculum for pupils with learning difficulties. london: routledge, taylor & francis group. jurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 islamic philanthropy and muhammadiyah’s contribution to the covid-19 control in indonesia doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0116.114-130 muchammad ichsan magister of law program, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta correspondence email: drichsan65@yahoo.com abstract philanthropy is one of the most significant islamic teachings, and it has been practiced by muhammadiyah, one of indonesia’s moderate islamic organizations. as the pandemic of covid-19 broke out, many parties — including muhammadiyah — were motivated to get involved in handling it. this research aims to reveal the consistency of muhammadiyah in islamic philanthropy through what has been done and is being done to overcome the covid19 pandemic and the extent of its impact in the broader community. for this purpose, the descriptive-analysis method is employed in its writing. among the findings of this study is that in the covid-19 issue, muhammadiyah has contributed significantly and continues to take a significant role in overcoming it. among other things, muhammadiyah has formed the muhammadiyah covid-19 command center (mccc), which is a special team formed to handle covid-19. this team has been working since it was founded and continues to work on this case. the results of the work included assistance in the field of health, education, and the social sector. besides, through the tarjih and tajdid assembly, muhammadiyah has provided religious guidance for its members during this pandemic so that they are not confused about practicing worship. the impact of these programs and actions is that the members of muhammadiyah, and in general, the wider community, receive significant assistance in the health, education, social and religious fields. keywords: consistency, muhammadiyah, islamic philanthropy, covid-19, indonesia. abstrak filantropi adalah salah satu ajaran islam yang paling signifikan, dan telah dipraktikkan oleh muhammadiyah, salah satu organisasi islam moderat di indone115vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 sia. ketika pandemi covid-19 merebak, banyak pihak termasuk muhammadiyah termotivasi untuk terlibat dalam penanganannya. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan konsistensi muhammadiyah dalam filantropi islam melalui apa yang telah dilakukan dan sedang dilakukan untuk mengatasi pandemi covid-19 dan sejauh mana dampaknya terhadap masyarakat luas. untuk tujuan ini, metode analisis deskriptif digunakan dalam penulisan. di antara temuan penelitian ini adalah bahwa dalam masalah covid-19, muhammadiyah telah memberikan kontribusi yang signifikan dan terus mengambil peran penting dalam mengatasinya. antara lain, muhammadiyah telah membentuk muhammadiyah covid-19 command center (mccc), yang merupakan tim khusus yang dibentuk untuk menangani covid-19. tim ini telah bekerja sejak didirikan dan terus mengerjakan kasus ini. hasil kerjanya, termasuk bantuan di bidang kesehatan, pendidikan, dan sosial. selain itu, melalui tarjih dan majelis tajdid, muhammadiyah telah memberikan bimbingan agama bagi para anggotanya selama pandemi ini sehingga mereka tidak bingung dalam melakukan ibadah. dampak dari program dan tindakan ini adalah bahwa anggota muhammadiyah, dan secara umum masyarakat luas, menerima bantuan yang signifikan dalam bidang kesehatan, pendidikan, sosial dan keagamaan. kata kunci: konsistensi, muhammadiyah, filantropi islam, covid-19, indonesia. introduction coronavirus disease 19 (covid-19) is an infectious disease caused by the most recently discovered coronavirus. this new virus and infection were unknown before the outbreak began in wuhan, china, in december 2019. the phenomenon similar to pneumonia with unknown causes was first reported to the world health organization (who) office in china on december 31, 2019.1 who declared the outbreak as a public health emergency of international concern on january 30, 2020. on february 11, 2020, who announced the name for the new coronavirus disease: covid-19.2 before covid-19, the disease was called as the new coronavirus 2019 or 2019-ncov.3 covid-19 is now a global pandemic affecting many countries. to overcome covid-19, the government of indonesia has established a corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19) handling task force, and it has to coordinate interagency activities to prevent and mitigate the impact of new coronaviruses in indonesia.4 this task force was formed on march 13, 2020, based on presidential decree no. 7 of 2020 concerning the task force for the acceleration of corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19) and is under and directly responsible to the president of indonesia.5 also, the task force is within the scope of the national disaster management agency (bnpb), involving other ministries, institutions, and government units such as the ministry of 116 afkaruna health, the indonesian national police, the indonesian national armed forces, and regional governments.6 additionally, the task force was formed not only at the national level but also at the provincial and district/city levels.7 head of the national disaster management agency doni monardo was appointed as the chief executive of the task force, while the coordinating minister for human development and culture muhadjir effendy was appointed as head of the steering committee.8 until now, on may 26, 2020, the indonesian government is still struggling to overcome covid-19. despite many developed and implemented policies and strategies, and substantial funds have also been disbursed to overcome covid-19, the government’s efforts have not yet produced encouraging results so that the impact of covid-19 increasingly burdens all fields: health, social, religious, economic, and others. the development of the covid19 pandemic case in indonesia as of may 26, 2020, was as follows: 23,165 people were confirmed positive, 5,877 patients recovered, and 1,418 people died. also, 65,748 people were monitored as monitored people (odp), and 12,022 people were treated as patients under supervision (pdp). the data were taken from 34 provinces and 406 districts/cities in the country.9 considering the very rapid spread of covid-19, the muhammadiyah central leaders responded by immediately formed the muhammadiyah covid-19 command center (mccc) on march 14, 2020. based on the declaration of muhammadiyah central leadership number 02/mlm/i.0/h/2020 about the corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19), mccc has to coordinate the implementation of the program and action to handle covid-19.10 muhammadiyah encourages the government to involve all parties to work together and synergize, accompanied by open and comprehensive socialization and suitable policy measures. mccc was formed because covid-19 is an extraordinary event that must be immediately carried out prevention and action seriously, massive, and well-coordinated. the formation of the mccc is one day after the establishment of the government task force for the acceleration of corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19). this shows how fast the muhammadiyah’s response was in matters involving the interests of many people. muhammadiyah is already trained and accustomed to dealing with various types of disasters and abnormal situations and conditions. the mccc is an extension of the muhammadiyah disaster management center (mdmc) owned by muhammadiyah organization, which is experienced and contributes a lot in 117vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 managing disasters in indonesia. to what extent is muhammadiyah’s consistency in practicing islamic philanthropy? what has been done and is being done by muhammadiyah in handling covid-19? how is the impact of muhammadiyah’s contribution to the affected communities and the broader community in general? these are the things that will be described and analyzed as lessons and enlightenment for all. this study needs to be done to indicate the consistency of muhammadiyah in implementing islamic philanthropy from its establishment to the present day. covid-19 until this study was written still surrounds the world and has not abated, so the novelty of this research lies in the description and analysis of muhammadiyah’s contributions to islamic philanthropy, especially regarding the handling of covid-19 and its impact on muhammadiyah members and the public that have not been done by other researchers as long as known. discussion philanthropy within muhammadiyah philanthropy means the love of humankind. it is derived from two greek words, philos (love), and anthropos (humankind). amelia11 defines philanthropy as voluntary activities of private giving and service for the public good. while robert d. putnam, as quoted by amelia 12 demonstrates that philanthropy (including altruism and volunteering) is a form of social capital that binds society together in the spirit of supporting the welfare of others. in almost the same sense, muhtada13 refers philanthropy to the act of donating something to help people or improve the quality of human lives regardless of any personal return. saidu and mulkat 14 also refer philanthropy to the art of giving that are aimed at enhancing productive capacities cum development of the recipient or beneficiary. all of the above definitions, although differing in the use of expressions, it can be concluded that basically, philanthropy is an activity that arises from one’s love to benefit others regardless of who they are or the return profits or other interests. thus, the feeling of love to give is what drives a person or society or company to practice philanthropy. feelings of love to give can arise from the desire to give back to society, family and personal values, religion, desire to change, personal experience, personal affiliation, prestige, and status.15 philanthropy can be divided into two distinct classifications, given its characteristic: traditional philanthropy and philanthropy of social justice. tradi118 afkaruna tional philanthropy is founded upon kindness charity. it is commonly practiced through the provision of direct social services, such as providing food, clothing, and housing for the poor. the concept of traditional philanthropy is generally on the grounds of direct giving services to fulfil the immediate and basic needs of the recipients. at the same time, social justice philanthropy focuses on removing social injustice, which is assumed to be the root of poverty and injustice. it observes the bridge because it associates the gap between the rich and the poor by mobilizing philanthropy resources in society. the social justice philanthropy is organized for its purposes through the collective action of social movement organizations 16. all religions teach philanthropy to their followers. likewise, islam teaches it to its followers and encourages muslims to practice philanthropy. even islam considers philanthropy as one of its most essential teachings. according to amelia,17 philanthropy is one of the five fundamental pillars of islam. it’s because the five fundamental pillars of islam, as set out in the qur’an and the prophet’s (hadith) traditions, are: declaration of belief in one god and mohammed is his prophet, daily prayer, fasting during the month of ramadan, the pilgrimage to mecca, and sharing the wealth with the less fortunate. generally, philanthropy is understood in islam as, in the words of robert mcchesney, as quoted by amelia,18 the believer ‘s moral obligation to do good work on god ‘s behalf. in islam, this moral obligation has been institutionalized into many forms, which in islamic teaching is either recommended or compulsory. zakat is one of the three most practiced forms of philanthropy in the islamic world, the other two being sedekah (donations), and waqf endowment (foundations, trusts).19 as religious acts subject to god’s judgment, zakat, sadaqa, and waqf could be employed to both improve quality of life and relieve suffering, depending on one’s interpretation of what constitutes a need that demands a religious response.20 benthall argues that the main concept of islamic philanthropy is found in quranic verse q. 9: 60 which states that the following parties are entitled to enjoy religious almsgivings: (1) the very poor/al-fuqara, (2) the needy /almasakin, (3) those employed to collect zakah/amylin, (4) those who bring their hearts together for islam/mu’allafah qulubuhum, (5) for freeing captives/riqab, (6) in debt/gharimin, (7) fight for the cause of allah/fi sabilillah, and (8) for the (stranded) traveler/ibn sabil.21 the objectives of islamic philanthropic organizations, as reflected in their organizational mission, include fostering social justice and bettering the welfare of society. in practice, is119vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 lamic philanthropic organizations provide aid for those in need, including low-income families, orphans, disaster victims, and refugees in city slums and disaster-affected areas.22 indonesia, like other southeast asian countries, has strong cultural traditions of giving and deeply rooted in religious practices and social values. in indonesia, islamic giving practices of “zakat” (almsgiving), “sadaqa” (donation), and “waqf” (religious endowment) are common, leading to philanthropic giving and voluntary work.23 indeed, theological and belief systems are often credited with motivating individual giving and forming norms in certain societies. therefore, it seems inappropriate to isolate religious beliefs from the dynamics of society and culture, politics, and economics 24. the practices of zakat, sadaqa, and waqf are a vital part of voluntary activism that, from the end of the nineteenth century, started to be institutionalized as voluntary and non-profit associations. the notion and practices of philanthropy are subject to change over time, especially in terms of management and control over the practices, which is often contested.25 candland, as quoted by alawiyah,26 points out that islamic faith in indonesia has been a source of social formation in building religious non-profit organizations. the muhammadiyah – the second-largest religious organization – is the best example of a non-profit organization that has applied islamic belief as its basis. in addition, this organization has made use of muslim philanthropy to expand its programs mainly on community development, education, and health services. kato corroborated this statement 27 by saying that in indonesia, large muslim organizations, which are usually considered moderate, have sponsored many social activities. for example, muhammadiyah, the second-largest muslim organization in the country, is always ready to provide financial assistance to victims of natural disasters through its sub-organization called the muhammadiyah zakat institution (lazismu). there are three central facets of the philanthropic reforms of muhammadiyah: al-ma’un theology, modernism, and puritanism. theology of al-ma’un applies to the qur’an chapter 107, titled al-ma’un. the verses in the chapter generally promote kindness, particularly support for orphans and the needy. they show an appreciation of religious existentialism and make it clear that religious practices can have social consequences, such as prayers. they are wary of labeling those who are unkind to orphans and the poor as hypocrites. the concept of religious morality, particularly from this al-ma’un chapter, has been given serious attention by muhammadiyah ‘s founder, kyai haji ahmad dahlan (1868-1923) 28. 120 afkaruna modernism and puritanism, in addition to al-ma’un theology, contributed significant elements to the creation of a strong movement to organize charity and change the culture of direct giving. modernism contributed to the organization of muhammadiyah with some mechanism that creates longterm and legal effects, while modernists themselves brought a culture of rational thinking. the creation of modern schools, hospitals, orphanages, the registration of donors and waqf properties, and a culture of transparency and accountability were among the products of modernism. the puritan spirit has contributed to a rationalized approach to the philanthropic religious teachings. in other words, in charitable matters, muhammadiyah ‘s war against superstition, non-authentic religious inventions, and religious delusions (tahayul, bid’ah dan khurafat, abbreviated as tbc) were also initiated. among the products were ijtihad on organized payment and distribution of zakat and use of zakat for the organization. al-ma’un theology would not have had its strong effect without modernism and a puritan spirit.29 it is not far from the truth to state that from its establishment to the present day, these three main aspects, namely al-ma’un theology, modernism, and puritanism, made muhammadiyah, the most consistent islamic philanthropic organization. what is interesting is that muhammadiyah keeps growing and expanding even though it gives a lot without expecting anything back. also, muhammadiyah has never been absent from addressing disasters and the community’s hardships, and it is growing and progressing. muhammadiyah and covid-19 handling as soon as covid-19 began to spread in indonesia, on march 14, 2020, muhammadiyah immediately formed the muhammadiyah covid-19 command center (mccc). the team consists of representatives from the muhammadiyah council, institutions and business charities, namely the public health development board (mpku), the muhammadiyah disaster management center (mdmc), ‘aisyiyah, lazismu, the higher education and research development council (dikti litbang), basic and secondary education assembly (dikdasmen), tabligh assembly, muhammadiyah student association (ipm), muhammadiyah student association (imm), nasyiatul ‘aisyiyah (na), hizbul wathan (hw), muhammadiyah student association (tspm), and muhammadiyah youth association. the mccc is chaired by agus samsuddin, and the mccc was also formed at the regional level, and up to may 26, 2020, it has reached 30 regions.30 121vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 once formed, the mccc immediately moved to carry out its task, namely, to coordinate the implementation of programs and action handling covid-19 among the institutions and charitable businesses owned by muhammadiyah in all regions of indonesia. the following describes what has been done by muhammadiyah in tackling this outbreak in all corners of indonesia until may 26, 2020. the first is in the health sector. consequently, muhammadiyah does the following: (1) provides 77 muhammadiyah-‘aisyiyah hospitals as hospitals that serve covid-19 patients. the hospitals are spread in various regions of indonesia, and the most are in central java and east java. (2) distribution of masks totaling 349,955 inhabitants. (3) spraying of 49,198 points of disinfectant. (4) 92,050 hand sanitizers were distributed. (5) distribution of 56,136 medical ppe packages. (6) distribution of vitamins as many as 9,828 people. (7) distribution of 2,503 inhabitants of an infrared thermometer. (8) distribution of disinfectant to 2,895 people. (9) portable sink aid for 2,123 people. (10) making 75610 decontamination booths. the second is in the field of education. the contributions of muhammadiyah include: (1) making educational media with 7,105 points. (2) phone credit subsidies for 187,667 students. (3) online discussions engaging 33,634 people. (4) student tuition assistance for 44,000 students. (5) covid-19 risk factor (safari) awareness program for 6,952 people. the third is in the social field. some programs are as follows: (1) socialization and education of 79,560 people. (2) fast food for 59,098 people. (3) the assistance of 9,800 kg of eggs. (4) cash assistance amounting to rp 737,175,000, (5) distribution of 472,139 packages of food supplies. (6) 26,160 kg of rice assistance. (7) free sahur (food before fasting) and takjil (food after fasting) in ramadhan 1441h for 6,330 people. the total disbursement of funds until may 26, 2020, at 16:00 was rp 149,121,734,496. this is outside the cost of treatment at the muhammadiyah‘aisyiyah hospital. and the total beneficiaries of all programs organized by muhammadiyah are 2,467,787 people.31 muhammadiyah has also provided psychological consultancy services for residents affected by covid-19. and as of may 26, 2020, 84 people have utilized the service, namely 79 citizens and five foreigners.32 in addition to contributions in the fields above, muhammadiyah also contributes to the religious field. until may 26, 2020, at 4:00 p.m. muhammadiyah has issued two circulars containing religious guidance. the first circular dated march 24, 2020, contained the guidance for worship in 122 afkaruna covid-19 emergency conditions following the fatwa of the tarjih and tajdid assembly of muhammadiyah central leadership 33. the second circular dated may 14, 2020, contains the eid al-fitr prayer in emergency conditions pandemic covid-19 in accordance with the fatwa of the tarjih and tajdid assembly of muhammadiyah central leadership 34. this religious guidance is crucial for muhammadiyah members so that they can carry out worship well in the conditions of the covid-19 pandemic outbreak. many people were confused and hesitant to carry out the five daily prayers, friday prayers, tarawih, and witir prayers, i’tikaf at the mosque, eid al-fitr prayers, and other worship services during the time of the plague, then the guide made by mtt pp muhammadiyah was very useful and eagerly awaited by muhammadiyah members spread across all corners of indonesia, which number in the tens of millions of people. in carrying out its duties, mccc, until may 27, 2020, has collaborated with various institutions in the war against covid-19. in addition to institutions and business charities within muhammadiyah and ‘aisyiyah, mccc has also collaborated with partner institutions outside muhammadiyah including communities, universities, private companies and international donor agencies, such as the australian government department of foreign affairs and trade (dfat), unicef, ministry of health of the republic of indonesia, indonesian ulema council (mui), indonesian economic scholar association (isei), pt. erlangga, pt. tirta investama (danone), kks fisipol ugm, alumni of nursing masters of umy, tvmu, kompas tv, kompas gramedia, buddy ambyar, kitabisa.com, wardah, alfamidi, pt kelola mina laut, alfamart, bank mega syariah, hajj financial management agency bpkh), bank bukopin syariah, cimb niaga syariah, reindo, uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta, baznas, gojek, and narasi. as well as influencers, including teuku wisnu, ihsan tarore, dewi sandra, dhini aminarti, vebby palwinta, and tiara “indonesian idol.”35 in carrying out its programs in collaboration with the partners above, mccc is independent and transparent. this is because the main proponents of mccc activities in terms of funding are the charity institution of zakat, infaq and shodaqoh muhammadiyah (lazismu) and the form of partnerships with external partners is only in the form of funding which is general in design and operational support for mccc which can be audited.36 likewise, many of the programs and actions were undertaken by muhammadiyah in handling covid-19 are in line with government policy. but even so, muhammadiyah remained independent and did not justify all 123vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 government policies. for example, muhammadiyah disagrees with the “peaceful with corona” and “new normal” policies adopted by the government. on the issue of “peaceful with corona”, the government adopted a policy to relax the large-scale social restrictions (psbb) and declare peace with the coronavirus on may 20, 2020. muhammadiyah disagrees with this policy because various indicators of the development of the covid-19 outbreak in the country continue to show an upward trend, both in terms of the number of cases and deaths. this should make all of us increase our efforts to fight it. also, there is the fate of health workers and community members who are at stake with this policy. health workers are now betting on the lives of those exposed to covid-19. they must be protected so that they can work well.37 and in the ‘new normal” issue, muhammadiyah issued a press release questioning the policy. on the one hand, the government still applies the psbb but, on the other hand, conveys the application of relaxation. this confusion is often a source of tension between the authorities and the people. to carry out the rules, sometimes some elements of the authorities use violent methods. likewise, with “new normal.” there needs to be an explanation from the government about the “new normal” policy. do not let people make interpretations of each. on the one hand, malls and shopping areas are opening, while mosques and places of worship still need to be closed. this has the potential to cause tension between government officials and the community and worshipers. furthermore, muhammadiyah asked the government to examine the implementation of “new normal” carefully and asked for an objective and transparent explanation, primarily related to (1) the basis of the “new normal” policy from the main aspects of the current condition of covid-19 transmission in indonesia, (2) the intent and purpose of “new normal”; (3) the consequences of the existing regulations, especially the psbb and various public services, (4) guarantee of areas that have been declared safe or green zones imposed “new normal” (5) careful preparations so that the community does not become victims, including to guard against the possibility of the spread of the covid-19 epidemic.38 all muhammadiyah philanthropy programs and actions in handling covid19 certainly have a positive impact on the wider community. in terms of health, for example, by providing 77 hospitals to handle covid-19, muhammadiyah has had a significant role in helping the government in the field of public health. the number of hospitals owned by muhammadiyah‘aisyiyah is 103 and 30 under construction 39. however, not all hospitals have 124 afkaruna facilities, doctors, and medical personnel who can handle covid-19 patients. therefore, only 77 hospitals are prepared and prepared for this purpose. despite that, 77 hospitals are not a small number. there is no other organization in indonesia that provides many hospitals for this noble cause. without contributions from muhammadiyah, government hospitals would be overwhelmed by the increasing number of covid-19 patients. patients who have been treated by the muhammadiyah hospital until may 26, 2020, at 16:00, were 3,126 odp (monitored people), 1,623 pdp (patients under supervision), and 235 people were confirmed positive, so the total number of treated patients was 4,984. in terms of education, with the assistance mentioned earlier, muhammadiyah supported education and teaching activities during the pandemic outbreak. muhammadiyah’s contribution in the field of education as above was made by as many as 39 universities owned by muhammadiyah‘aisyiyah. the total funds they have spent until may 22, 2020, at 9:00 a.m. are as much as rp. 90,566,492,596, -, and the total beneficiaries are 485,521 people. it should be noted that until november 2018, muhammadiyah has 174 universities in the form of universities, colleges, academies, polytechnics, and institutes spread throughout indonesia.40 from a social perspective, the community has been helped by the programs carried out by muhammadiyah. the public has received socialization and education on how to avoid contracting or transmitting pandemic outbreaks. they have also received social assistance in the form of fast food, eggs, basic food, rice, and even a small amount of cash. the role of muhammadiyah that is no less important in the handling of pandemic outbreaks is in religious terms. this is because even though the community is surrounded by covid-19, they still have religious obligations such as the fiveday compulsory prayer, friday prayer, and ramadan fasting. more than that, they are also highly recommended to do such as eid al-fitr prayer, tarawih prayer, witir prayer, i’tikaf (staying for some moment) at the mosque, and so on. muhammadiyah appeared through the tarjih and tajdid assembly to guide the wider community, and in particular, to members of muhammadiyah, in carrying out religious orders during the pandemic while still following health protocols established by the government so as not to transmit covid-19 or be infected by it. of course, the community feels enlightened and helped by the existence of this worship guide. 125vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 conclusion muhammadiyah, since its establishment, aims to practice philanthropy as advocated by islam. many charitable efforts carried out by muhammadiyah as evidence of this. even when the covid-19 outbreak spread throughout the world, muhammadiyah did not remain silent. with the command of the mccc, muhammadiyah has contributed to the health, education, and social fields. in doing so, muhammadiyah has collaborated with fellow institutions within and outside of muhammadiyah. muhammadiyah works and contributes to the good of the people in a consistent, independent, and responsible manner. the larger society, therefore, significantly profits from what muhammadiyah has presented. this study is believed to be timely and is one of the first studies conducted because it was conducted when covid-19 was still haunting the world and has not subsided until now. this study has contributed studies in the field of muhammadiyah and islamic philanthropy by presenting evidence of the consistency of muhammadiyah in implementing islamic philanthropy through the handling of covid-19 so as to provide a very beneficial impact for the entire community. acknowledgement the author received no financial support for the research and authorship of this article(footnotes) endnote 1. organization, world health. “events as they happen,” 2020. https:// www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/events-as-they-happen. 2. organization, world health. “q&a on coronaviruses,” 2020. https:// www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/question-and-answers-hub/q-a-detail/q-a-coronaviruses. 3. covid-19, gugus tugas percepatan penanganan. “tanya jawab,” 2020. https:/ /covid19.go.id/tanya-jawab?page=4. 4. bisnis.com. “jokowi resmi bentuk gugus tugas penanganan covid-19, kepala bnpb jadi ketua,” 2020. https://kabar24.bisnis.com/read/20200313/15/ 1213167/jokowi-resmi-bentuk-gugus-tugas-penanganan-covid-19-kepalabnpb-jadi-ketua. 5. indonesia, presiden republik. keputusan presiden (keppres) nomor 7 tahun 2020 tentang gugus tugas percepatan penanganan corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19) , pub. l. no. nomor 7 tahun 2020 (2020) . https:// peraturan.bpk.go.id/home/details/134544/keppres-no-7-tahun-2020. 126 afkaruna 6. post, the jakarta. “indonesia scrambles to contain coronavirus as most hospitals not ready,” 2020. https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/03/13/ indonesia-scrambles-to-contain-coronavirus-as-most-hospitals-not-ready.html. 7. media, kompas cyber. “mendagri keluarkan surat edaran soal pembentukan gugus tugas penanganan covid-19 di daerah,” 2020. https:// nasional.kompas.com/read/2020/03/30/11234971/mendagri-keluarkansurat-edaran-soal-pembentukan-gugus-tugas-penanganan. 8. indonesia, cnbc. “jokowi tunjuk doni monardo jadi panglima pemberantas corona,” 2020. https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/news/20200313212424-4144838/jokowi-tunjuk-doni-monardo-jadi-panglima-pemberantas-corona. 9. covid-19, gugus tugas percepatan penanganan. “pasien sembuh covid-19 bertambah 235 orang, kasus positif naik 415, meninggal 27,” 2020. https:// covid19.go.id/p/berita/pasien-sembuh-covid-19-bertambah-235-orangkasus-positif-naik-415-meninggal-27. 10. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. “surat maklumat pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah nomor 02/mlm/i.0/h/2020 tentang wabah corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19).” yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, 2020. http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/muhfile/download/edaran tuntunan ibadah di masa darurat covid-19.pdf. 11. fauzia, amelia. “faith and state: a history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia.” the university of melbourn, 2008. 12. ibid. 13. muhtada, d. “islamic philanthropy and the third sector: the portrait of zakat organizations in indonesia.” islamika indonesiana 1, no. 1 (2014): 106–23. 14. saidu, oluwaseun s, and mulkat a oguntola. “recent philanthropy strides/ : lessons for islamic philanthropy.” research in islamic studies 2, no. 2 (2015): 59–81. doi:10.15364/ris15-0202-05. 15. pauline tan and swee-sum lam. “philanthropic foundations in asia.” asia centre for social entrepreneurship & philanthropy, no. february (2018). 16. fuadi, ariza. “towards the discourse of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia.” afkaruna jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman 8, no. 2 (2012): 92–102. doi:10.18196/aiijis.2012. 17. fauzia, amelia. “philanthropy, social justice, and the islamic tradition.” alliance 15, no. 4 (2010): 31–32. 18. fauzia, amelia. “faith and state: a history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia.” the university of melbourn, 2008. 19. ibid. 20. ghaneabassiri, kambiz. “u.s. muslim philanthropy after 9/11.” journal of muslim philanthropy & civil society 1, no. 1 (2017): 4–22. 21. benthall, jonathan. “financial worship/ : the quranic injunction to almsgiving.” the journal of the royal anthropological institute 5, no. 1 (1999): 27–42. 22. latief, hilman. “philanthropy and ‘ muslim citizenship ’ in post-suharto indonesia.” southeast asian studies 5, no. 2 (2016): 269–86. doi:10.20495/seas.5.2. 127vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 23. ali, shazia maqsood and muhammad. “region report southern and southeastern asia overview of the region,” 2016. https://scholarworks.iupui.edu/ bitstream/handle/1805/15964/southern and southeastern asia.pdf?sequence=1&isallowed=y. 24. singer, amy. “the politics of philanthropy.” journal of muslim philanthropy & civil society ii, no. i (2018): 2–20. doi:10.2979/muslphilcivisoc.2.1.01. 25. fauzia, amelia. “faith and state: a history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia.” the university of melbourn, 2008. 26. alawiyah, tuti. “religious non-governmental organizations and philanthropy in indonesia.” indonesian journal of islam and muslim societies 3, no. 2 (2013): 203–21. 27. kato, hisanori. “philanthropic aspects of islam: the case of the fundamentalist movement in indonesia.” comparative civilizations review 74, no. 74 (2016): 101–114. ht tp s://sch olarsarchive .byu.edu/ccr av ailable at :http s:// scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol74/iss74/8. 28. fauzia, amelia. “faith and state: a history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia.” the university of melbourn, 2008. 29. ibid. 30. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. “tentang kami,” 2020. https:/ /covid19.muhammadiyah.id/tentang-kami/. 31. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. “laporan penanganan covid19 muhammadiyah per 26 mei 2020,” 2020. https://covid19.muhammadiyah.id/laporan-penanganan-covid-19-muhammadiyah-per-26-mei2020/. 32. ibid. 33. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. “edaran pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah nomor 02/edr/i.0/e/2020 tentang tuntunan ibadah dalam kondisi darurat covid-19.” yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, 2020. http:/ /www.muhammadiyah.or.id/muhfile/download/edaran tuntunan ibadah di masa darurat covid-19.pdf. 34. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. “edaran pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah nomor 04/edr/i.0/e/2020 tentang tuntunan salat idulfitri dalam kondisi darurat pandemi covid-19.” yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, 2020. http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/muhfile/download/edaran 04 tahun 2020-shalat id di masa darurat covid-19 final.pdf. 35. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. “kolaborasi mccc dan berbagai lembaga dalam perang melawan corona.” yogyakarta, 2020. https:/ /covid19.muhammadiyah.id/kolaborasi-mccc-dan-berbagai-lembaga-dalamperang-melawan-corona/. 36. ibid. 37. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. “muhammadiyah menolak berdamai dengan covid-19,” 2020. https://covid19.muhammadiyah.id/ muhammadiyah-menolak-berdamai-dengan-covid-19/. 38. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. “pernyat aan pers pimpinan pusat 128 afkaruna muhammadiyah nomor: 002/per/i.0/i/2020 tentang pemberlakuan new normal.” yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, 2020. https:// covid19.muhammadiyah.id/pernyataan-pers-pp-muhammadiyah-tentangpemberlakuan-new-normal/. 39. umum, majelis pembina kesehatan. “data rumah sakit muhammadiyah‘aisyiyah,” 2020. https://www.mpku.or.id/data-rumah-sakit-muhammadiyahaisyiyah/. 40. muhammadiyah, suara. “daftar perguruan tinggi muhammadiyah dan ‘aisyiyah,” 2020. https://www.suaramuhammadiyah.id/2018/11/23/daftarperguruan-tinggi-muhammadiyah-dan-aisyiyah-2018/. references alawiyah, tuti. 2013. “religious non-governmental organizations and philanthropy in indonesia.” indonesian journal of islam and muslim societies 3, no. 2, pp. 203–221. ali, shazia maqsood and muhammad. 2016. “region report southern and southeastern asia overview of the region,” https://scholarworks.iupui.edu/bitstream/handle/1805/15964/southern and southeastern asia.pdf?sequence=1&isallowed=y. benthall, jonathan. 1999. “financial worship/ : the quranic injunction to almsgiving.” the journal of the royal anthropological institute 5, no. 1, pp. 27–42. bisnis.com. 2020. “jokowi resmi bentuk gugus tugas penanganan covid-19, kepala bnpb jadi ketua,” https://kabar24.bisnis.com/read/20200313/15/ 1213167/jokowi-resmi-bentuk-gugus-tugas-penanganan-covid-19-kepalabnpb-jadi-ketua. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. 2020. “kolaborasi mccc dan berbagai lembaga dalam perang melawan corona.” yogyakarta. https:// covid19.muhammadiyah.id/kolaborasi-mccc-dan-berbagai-lembaga-dalamperang-melawan-corona/. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. 2020. “laporan penanganan covid-19 muha mma diyah pe r 26 mei 2020,” h ttp s://covi d19.muhammadiyah.id/laporan-penanganan-covid-19-muhammadiyah-per-26mei-2020/. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. 2020. “muhammadiyah menolak berdamai dengan covid-19,” https://covid19.muhammadiyah.id/ muhammadiyah-menolak-berdamai-dengan-covid-19/. center, muhammadiyah covid-19 command. 2020. “tentang kami,” https:// covid19.muhammadiyah.id/tentang-kami/. covid-19, gugus tugas percepatan penanganan. 2020. “pasien sembuh covid19 bertambah 235 orang, kasus positif naik 415, meninggal 27,”. https:// covid19.go.id/p/berita/pasien-sembuh-covid-19-bertambah-235-orangkasus-positif-naik-415-meninggal-27. covid-19, gugus tugas percepatan penanganan. 2020. “tanya jawab,”. https:// covid19.go.id/tanya-jawab?page=4. 129vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 fauzia, amelia. 2008. “faith and state: a history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia.” the university of melbourn. fauzia, amelia. 2010. “philanthropy, social justice, and the islamic tradition.” alliance 15, no. 4, pp. 31–32. fuadi, ariza. 2012. “towards the discourse of islamic philanthropy for social justice in indonesia.” afkaruna jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman 8, no. 2, pp. 92–102. doi:10.18196/aiijis.2012. ghaneabassiri, kambiz. 2017. “u.s. muslim philanthropy after 9/11.” journal of muslim philanthropy & civil society 1, no. 1, pp. 4–22. indonesia, cnbc. 2020. “jokowi tunjuk doni monardo jadi panglima pemberantas corona,” https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/news/20200313212424-4144838/jokowi-tunjuk-doni-monardo-jadi-panglima-pemberantas-corona. indonesia, presiden republik. 2020. keputusan presiden (keppres) nomor 7 tahun 2020 tentang gugus tugas percepatan penanganan corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19), pub. l. no. nomor 7 tahun 2020. https:// peraturan.bpk.go.id/home/details/134544/keppres-no-7-tahun-2020. kato, hisanori. 2016. “philanthropic aspects of islam: the case of the fundamentalist movement in indonesia.” comparative civilizations review 74, no. 74, pp. 101– 14 . h t tp s :// scho l a rs a rch i ve. byu .e d u /c c r av a i la b l ea t : ht t p s: // scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol74/iss74/8. latief, hilman. 2016. “philanthropy and ‘muslim citizenship’ in post-suharto indonesia.” southeast asian studies 5, no. 2, pp. 269–286. doi:10.20495/seas.5.2. media, kompas cyber. 2020. “mendagri keluarkan surat edaran soal pembentukan gugus tugas penanganan covid-19 di daerah,”. https:// nasional.kompas.com/read/2020/03/30/11234971/mendagri-keluarkansurat-edaran-soal-pembentukan-gugus-tugas-penanganan. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. 2020. “edaran pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah nomor 02/edr/i.0/e/2020 tentang tuntunan ibadah dalam kondisi darurat covid-19.” yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. http:// www.muhammadiyah.or.id/muhfile/download/edaran tuntunan ibadah di masa darurat covid-19.pdf. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. 2020. “edaran pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah nomor 04/edr/i.0/e/2020 tentang tuntunan salat idulfitri dalam kondisi darurat pandemi covid-19.” yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/muhfile/download/edaran 04 tahun 2020-shalat id di masa darurat covid-19 final.pdf. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. 2020. “pernyataan pers pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah nomor: 002/per/i.0/i/2020 tentang pemberlakuan new normal .” yogya ka r t a: pimp inan pusat muhammad iyah . ht tp s:// covid19.muhammadiyah.id/pernyataan-pers-pp-muhammadiyah-tentangpemberlakuan-new-normal/. muhammadiyah, pimpinan pusat. 2020. “surat maklumat pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah nomor 02/mlm/i.0/h/2020 tentang wabah corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19).” yogyakarta: pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 130 afkaruna http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/muhfile/download/edaran tuntunan ibadah di masa darurat covid-19.pdf. muhammadiyah, suara. 2018. “daftar perguruan tinggi muhammadiyah dan ‘aisyiyah,” https://www.suaramuhammadiyah.id/2018/11/23/daft arperguruan-tinggi-muhammadiyah-dan-aisyiyah-2018/. muhtada, d. 2014. “islamic philanthropy and the third sector: the portrait of zakat organizations in indonesia.” islamika indonesiana 1, no. 1, pp. 106–123. organization, world health. 2020. “events as they happen,”. https://www.who.int/ emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/events-as-they-happen. organization, world health. 2020. “q&a on coronaviruses,”. https:// www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/question-and-answers-hub/q-a-detail/q-a-coronaviruses. pauline tan and swee-sum lam. 2018. “philanthropic foundations in asia.” asia centre for social entrepreneurship & philanthropy, no. february. post, the jakarta. 2020. “indonesia scrambles to contain coronavirus as most hospitals not ready,”. https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/03/13/ indonesia-scrambles-to-contain-coronavirus-as-most-hospitals-not-ready.html. saidu, oluwaseun s, and mulkat a oguntola. 2015. “recent philanthropy strides/ : lessons for islamic philanthropy.” research in islamic studies 2, no. 2, pp. 59– 81. doi:10.15364/ris15-0202-05. singer, amy. 2018. “the politics of philanthropy.” journal of muslim philanthropy & civil society ii, no. i, pp. 2–20. doi:10.2979/muslphilcivisoc.2.1.01. umum, majelis pembina kesehatan. 2020. “data rumah sakit muhammadiyah‘aisyiyah. https://www.mpku.or.id/data-rumah-sakit-muhammadiyah-aisyiyah/ . jurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 2020 representation of hijab muslim women as seen in american advertisements: ability, egalitarianism, and resistance doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0110.1-21 moona maghfirah interdisciplinary islamic studies uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta corespondence email: maghfirahmoona96@gmail.com abstract since muslim women fashion has risen in the world, many companies are showing muslim women who wear hijab in their advertisements, including american brands advertisements. they are nike, american eagle, covergirl, fenty beauty, and gap. this case is important to be discussed because it is the opposite. america is a major country that is facing islamophobia in which the hijab muslim woman is seen as an agent representing the identity of islam. therefore, the study aims to reveal the meaning of the muslim women model in these advertisements. the method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive method and applies roland barthes semiotic theory and religiofication of commodities theory. this article found the meanings of muslim women models refer to the current phenomena of muslim women life such as the modern beauty and lifestyle of muslim women, and the freedom in showing their status and skill, and the diversity in the representation of women beauty. three myths (ideologies) implied in this article are a deconstruction of a negative stereotype of muslim women in america, beauty standard, and egalitarianism values. thus, this article argues that the advertisement is an underground movement of muslim women as their resistance to negative stigmas in american society by expressing their identities, ability, and egalitarianism values. keywords: muslim women, american advertisement, resistance. abstrak sejak berkembangnya fashion muslim women di dunia, ada banyak perusahaan – perusahaan yang menayangkan perempuan muslim berhijab pada iklan mereka, salah satu contohnya iklan pada produk amerika. iklan-iklan tersebut ialah nike, 2 afkaruna american eagle, fenty beauty, covergirl,dan gap. fenomena ini layak untuk dikaji, karena terdapat sesuatu yang sangat bersifat kontradiktif. amerika dikenal sebagai negara utama yang menghadapi problem islamofobia, sedangkan perempuan muslim berhijab merupakan agen yang menunjukan identitas agama islam. oleh karena itu, artikel ini hendak mengungkap makna dari model muslim women pada iklaniklan produk amerika tersebut. metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif deskriptif dan menerapkan teori semiotika roland barthes dan teori religiofikasi komoditas. artikel ini menemukan bahwa makna perempuan muslim berhijab dalam iklan tersebut merujuk kepada fenomena kehidupan perempuan muslim saat ini. seperti, standar kecantikan dan gaya hidup para muslim women, kebebasan dalam berekspresi dan menampilkan kemampuan muslim women, serta diversitas representasi kecantikan pada perempuan. terdapat tiga mitos (ideologi) yang ditemukan pada artikel ini adalah bentuk resistensi dan dekonstruksi stereotip negatif terhadap perempuan muslim berhijab di amerika, standar kecantikan, dan nilainilai egalitarianisme. demikian, artikel ini berargumen bahwa iklan merupakan sebuah gerakan bawah tanah bagi para perempuan muslim sebagai bentuk resistensi mereka terhadap stigma-stigma negatif yang ada di masyarakat amerika, dengan cara mengekspresikan identitas, abilitas, dan nilai-nilai egalitarianisme. kata kunci: iklan-iklan amerika, perempuan muslim dan resistense introduction in the globalization era, the mass media has an important role in conveying information to the public. the media can build public opinions which ultimately become one of the factors in the change process. borrowing c. wright mills’ opinion who argued that primary experience had been replaced by secondary communication, such as mass media. 1 the media plays a substantial role in transforming the social order into a mass society. dealing with the mass media, a communication expert, abdul muis, also believes that the function of the mass media is to maintain the identification of community members with values and symbols for the community. noam chomsky also discussed in his book and documentary, entitled “manufacturing consent”, that the media has its way of operating and trying to control public thought. 2 media content certainly has a message to be conveyed to the public which has been designed in such a way by the product owner. the messages are designed with symbols and choices of interface that affect the meaning of the symbols so that they are easily captured by the recipient of the message. media content is the result of a reality construction using language as a basic tool.3 as revealed by pamela j. shoemaker and stephen d. reese (2013) in mediating the message: theories of influence on mass media content, various factors influence media content, one of them is media ideology. the 3vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 function and position of the ideology is built to maintain or utter a new perspective adjusting to the status quo in the community. furthermore, through media technology, chaney argued advertising plays a major role in establishing the image and taste culture, through the onslaught of advertisements that offer a lifestyle visually.4 similarly, althusser stated that advertising as part of the culture industry which plays a role as an apparatus for constructing meaning by infusing value to a product. 5 in advertising, language is used as a means of exchanging messages and a medium of communication between producers and consumers. through visual images, words, and text, an advertisement produces signs containing signifier and signified which then form denotative explicit or literal meanings and connotative implicit meanings or that involve emotions, feelings, and culture. advertisement can also be interpreted from various perspectives because humans have a huge capacity in looking at things in a variety of ways.6in this case, some famed american advertisements also carry an implicit message that is necessary to review and look at the way they are framing the packaging. this problem departs from the findings of muslim women who are shown in the visual advertisement of products coming from the united states. as seen from the period time, this phenomenon appears along with the increasing muslim population in their countries. the pew article center study estimates that the muslim population in america has expanded greatly in the last decade. of the 326 million americans, 3.45 million are muslims of various ages living in america in 2017.7 this case has seemed quite phenomenal, especially after the world was shocked by the september 11, 2001 wtc tragedy. along with the increasing muslim population in the world and even in america itself, this has also become one of the factors of interest in the number of muslim women to start stylish with the current muslim fashion trends, even worldwide. this is proven by the emergence of indonesian designers as representatives to present the hijab for the first time at an america fashion mode event, couture fashion week (cfw), new york. they are zaskia sungkar, dian pelangi, and barli asmara. indonesian ulama’ living in new york, shamsi ali, in his interview, claimed that representatives of three indonesian designers to promote the hijab america had opened the opportunity to influence the development of hijab (islamic hijab) fashion and spread islam in america8, even though the event was held in america, which was under the hegemony of a president who is considered to be ‘anti-islam’, donald trump. precisely, the case of the proliferation of muslim women trends has also attracted the 4 afkaruna attention of american companies to take part in promoting and marketing products using the attribute ‘hijabed woman’. five big american industrial products that use muslim women who wear the hijab as advertising models and brand ambassadors. first, nike, a manufacturer of american apparel, shoes, and sports equipment, which is one of the largest industries in the world, is located in oregon, usa. second, american eagle is a manufacturer of jeans and american lifestyle accessories based in pennsylvania, usa. third, fenty beauty which is a cosmetics manufacturersponsored by a famous singer, rihanna, under the auspices of kendo holdings, san francisco, usa. fourth, covergirl is an american cosmetics brand manufacturer based in maryland, usa. finally, gap, an american public company that is active in the retail industry, including fashion. gap is headquartered in california, usa. the five advertisements were released at the end of 2016 up to the end of 2017 where the period time is the beginning of donald trump’s leadership. picture 1. scheme of roland barthes semiotic  it is not a problem if a muslim woman wearing a hijab is shown in an advertisement where a muslim majority country lives. whereas, it is engaging when it appears in several american industrial advertisements. accordingly, the above phenomenon is an interesting fact to explore further. the problem is two conflicting things here, which are related to the encounter between hijab muslim women and american media. then the question arises as to what representation is contained in the depiction of muslim women models in american advertisements and what is the meaning beyond it?. therefore, the purpose of this article is to interpret the depiction of the hijab muslim women symbols in american advertisements and then uncover the meaning behind it by employing semiotic analysis. the type of this article is 5vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 the qualitative analysis of semiotics, structural roland barthes. roland barthes developed a semiotic system which he used as the key to his analysis. he used the term ‘order of signification’. in the barthes concept, the order of signification means the study of the meaning of symbols in language or signs. barthes has three stages to break the sign on the media: denotation, connotation, and myth. (see picture 1-ed) in the concept of barthes9, the above scheme explains the first order signification, namely the relationship between the signifier and the signified as external reality. as pointed from saussure semiotic theory, the signifier is the material aspect, for instance, a physical object. meanwhile, the signified is a mental concept or idea and meaning conveyed by the signifier. barthes called it ‘denotation’ which means the most obvious sign meaning. denotation is described as literal, clear, or plausible meaning. in other words, denotation is what an image shows and is immediately visible, rather than an assumption made by a reader about the picture. on the contrary, the connotation is the second order of signification of this concept. this connotation occurs when signs come in contact with the emotions or feelings of readers and their cultural values. the meaning of connotation is subjective. therefore, denotation is simply what is symbolized by a sign of an object, while the connotation can be said as a meaning that contains emotions or feelings believed by someone about an image. briefly, the connotative can be a figurative meaning of the denotation itself or not the real meaning. the myth itself is an ideology that reflects the sign through certain cultural glasses.10 barthes’ semiotic framework becomes a knife of analysis to uncover the meaning of the symbols of the muslim women model in the american advertisement. as roland barthes defines that semiotics is a branch of science that analyzes the meaning of symbols and signs as representations of something that also refers to human life, or simply about how humanity signifies something. 11 every aspect of life can be constructed as a trust in society which will become a way of thinking or ideology. thus, the main purpose of using roland barthes’s semiotic theory is to criticize ideologies in a pop culture or mass culture.12 by employing roland barthes’s semiotics, this article focuses on the phenomena that escape general attention about the meaning beyond the representation of hijab muslim women in american advertisements. many previous studies concentrated on muslim women on media, but those researches were still rare focusing on how hijab muslim women represented in western 6 afkaruna advertisements. for this reason, this article considers to fill this gap by analyzing the hijab muslim women in five american advertisements and contributes to academic discussion associated with the positive correlation between muslim women representation and american media. based on reading some literature and exploring the data, this article indicated that there is significantly different muslim women representation from previous western media. these five american advertisements have tried to go with the flow of the current hijab muslim women lifestyle as well as the demand for race equality. as a result, this article argues that the existence of advertisement is an underground movement of hijab muslim women as their resistance to negative stigmas in american society by expressing their identities, ability, and egalitarianism values. discussion the face of hijab muslim women in american after the september 11th attacks on the world trade center, hijab muslim women get antagonistic attitude from some non-muslim americans. they have been the ones who often get the discrimination and prejudice in america, because of their religious identity. in 2019, pew research centre estimated that 82% of american adults, acknowledged muslims, are discriminated against a lot, especially veiled muslim women.13 as examined by the federal bureau of investigation (fbi), there are various violence they get as a victim of hatred, for instance, an insult, a harassment, and a crime.14 moreover, the latest incidents reported the number of veiled muslim women were intentionally harmed. they get some violent actions, such as some american pull their hijab in the street, pushed them to the train, punch and kick them out of the bus, and attack them while picking their children home from school living to be a hijab muslim woman in america is quite troublesome. this position places them in what the canadian government defines as “clearly visible minorities,”. in contrast to the appearance of a muslim man in america who is not necessarily identified as an islam believer, a muslim woman who wears a hijab will be directly identified with islam. hijab will usually give a negative impact to the wearer, in case of the target of discrimination. jim everett et al (2014), in covered in stigma? the impact of differing levels of islamic head-covering on explicit and implicit biases towards muslim women states that women who wear the hijab will tend to be more often targeted and accept the burden of discrimination because they are among the most 7vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 visible parts of muslims to be stigmatized. 15 in consequence, hijab muslim women also often face problems in having a job just because of the use of the hijab. eman abdelhadi’ research found the hijab in america have a negative context with a job field, since the likelihood of being accepted into a job is lower compared to women who do not wear the hijab.16 sandhya somashekhar, a washington post reporter, wrote the story on august 29, 2005, “the hijab is currently a point of controversy related to women’s human rights, religious extremism, and terrorism”. a symbol by some points of view is more on islamic radicals. 17 this context seems real when viewed from american media that highlights the lives of the afghan people. by using the image of pressures on muslim women, the imperialistic policy, through the american invasion of afghanistan, is true. at the time when american soldiers and journalists entered afghanistan, they discovered the terrible conditions experienced by women under the taliban regime. this situation further strengthens the stigma and perception that muslim women are objects and even victims. afterward, the tragedy of the september 11, 2001 wtc attack, afghanistan became the initial focus for american society to pay attention to hijab muslim women in the “islamic” community. the majority of women living in afghanistan wear burqa, clothes that cover the entire body from head to toe, and face coverings. not surprisingly, some american society assumed hijab and burqa are a symbol of emphasis for muslim women. 18 historically, the negative stigma against hijab muslim women has been shown since a long time ago. zeni in muslim women and the politics of representation examines the politics of representation of hijab muslim women in colonial-era literature and texts in western libraries. the results of his article found that the knowledge built in literature and text has created the image of hijab muslim women as oppressed and weak.19 in hijabs and daggers: a century of national geographic representation of the arab world, linda streets also revealed that the icons in the magazine for many years tend to display the image of underdeveloped muslim women, and other negative stereotypes.20 the antagonistic attitude also spreads to the western media space. the news media, both print and online, stated that fundamentalism in islam has increased the oppression of women. journalists are more inclined to tell stories about hijab muslim women living in muslim countries and the middle east by emphasizing the theme of violating women’s rights, gender inequal8 afkaruna ity, and oppression. scholars21 have examined several western print and online media points out that the west often spreads sexist perceptions towards hijab muslim women. the news media, both print and online, stated massively that fundamentalism in islam has increased the oppression of women. this issue eventually spreads in western society, especially in america. as observed by michelle byng in 72 articles from the new york times and the washington post published between january 2004 and december 2006, both newspapers represented the hijab as a sign of islamic violence and radicalism.22 consequently, muslim women are presented as inferior and marginal human beings. in the end, the power and hegemony of the media greatly influence and control people’s attitudes in viewing an issue related to muslims. the media has very broad access to knowledge and forms a definition of political and social meaning about muslims to the audience. 23 this can be seen from the first image that comes to people’s minds about hijab muslim women is those who are restricted and isolated because of their gender, racial, cultural, and even religious identity. interpretation of hijab muslim women model in american brands advertisements picture 2: nike pro hijab and gap 9vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 this case refers to two very contradictory things; the hijab muslim women are agents representing islamic identity and america that has a problem of islamophobia. the meanings of the representation of the hijab muslim women model tend to contain issues that are alluding to hijab muslim women life. such as the late popularity of muslim women, the reconstruction of beauty standards, modern muslim women lifestyle, and freedom of rights. denotation meaning: the sign 1 are three women wearing hijab and playing a role like sports activities. first, an athlete woman is jumping-skipping. second, an athlete woman is playing skating on one foot. third, athlete woman is playing fencing. besides, the next picture also depicts a woman wearing a white headscarf and breaking her smile. there is a caption in the image, i.e. ‘i am swimmer’ dan a mama’s girl. connotation meaning: expression of freedom and ability of hijab muslim women the three hijab muslim women in the nike advertisement are international athletes. they are zeina nassar as a boxer, ibjtihad muhammad as a fencing athlete, and zahra lari as an ice ski athlete. meanwhile, a hijab muslim woman in a gap advertisement named hbyutalla who is a mother, but also a swimming athlete. therefore, the screenshots in this advertisement have the connotation meaning that hijab muslim women are capable of being active and dynamic personalities. besides, this meaning also can be found in the gap advertisement that illustrates the multi-role played by a hijab muslim woman, as well as the caption mentioned on the gap advertisement, “kind-hearted and hard-working”. the interpretation is although muslim women wear hijab and are identical with domestic life, they have the right to express freedom, engage in hobbies or ability that they have, and are even competent in the field of sports. myth: resistance and deconstruction of stereotype. afterward, the tragedy of the wtc 9/11 that sparked the public 18 years ago, the negative stigma against hijab muslim women still spread out attached to the lives of hijab muslim women in america. in addition to being a threat, hijab muslim women are also considered as human beings with many restrictions. the council on american-islamic relations (cair) survey in 2004 reported that fifty-one percent of americans believe that islam is indeed suppressing women. in its 2006 annual report, cair also claimed that the hijab was “a picture of identifying significant discrimination”. similar 10 afkaruna reports in the same year, it was also revealed that 166, or 8.4 percent of 1279 complaints of discrimination, according to cair, were triggered by the hijab.24 eber in his article argues that the american public is still largely in the circle of negative assumptions of powerless and uneducated muslim women. western perspectives on hijab muslim women are based on what they see. 25 according to him, women in the middle east who wear the hijab, become a symbol of all that is not liked by american society, thus representing the fear they assume to islam. furthermore, nizmi (2015) also explained hirsi ali’s writings in the newsweek media which criticized american mass media only to represent muslim women from ancient stereotypes, the weak and not independent hijab muslim women.26 now, the role of the media is slowly beginning to help hijab muslim women in america to voice their existence and deconstruct negative stigmas against them. therefore, through the media, especially large and well-known media, hijab muslim women in america are fighting for their self-esteem to refute and deconstruct the dominant ideological image of muslim women as helpless human beings. then, this myth is being reconstructed by american advertising. nike and gap present hijab muslim models that have a strong personality and masculine side. this is a mouthpiece for hijab muslim women to echo their resistance to the perceptions of american society. the hijab muslim women are competent beings, have the ability and freedom to express themselves. this is a form of recognition, the presence of advertised muslim women who try to invite breaking the shackles that have limited the space for women’s expression. picture 3: covergirl and fenty beauty denotation meaning: as described, the sign in the picture above is the appearance of a hijab muslim woman. some pieces of the image are displayed in a zoom shot on the face of a hijab muslim woman who is using makeup and has a sharp nose and eyes. connotation meaning: dressing for muslim women. these two 11vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 american cosmetic products, covergirl and fenty beauty, represent the beauty of a hijab muslim woman with cosmetic or makeup. fenty beauty accentuates the lipstick on her model, while covergirl with lashes and full makeup. implicitly, the advertisement above illustrate that hijab muslim women have the space to be beautiful and charming with cosmetic makeup on their faces. they have the same rights as other women do. myth: standardization of beauty (outer beauty). talking about beauty cannot be separated from the myths surrounding the demands on women, including hijab muslim women. being beautiful seems to have become a necessity. a woman can be said to be beautiful if she meets the criteria for the beauty standards adopted by her environment.27 for example, the stereotypical image of women as passive, patient, beautiful, and often translated in a narrowespecially-virgin dichotomy in the case of white women. the concept of beauty is a form of cultural institution so that the standard used is based on the dominant groups in society, namely white people until the beauty standards emanate from white people as a form of hegemony practice in american society. unconsciously, the image of women like this has been internalized in the community, entrenched, and formed a standardization.28 naomi wolf called it as ‘beauty myth’, that is standards of beauty that grow and are then fostered by the community. according to wolf, this myth is a new form and system of repressing women. with such an assumption, in the end, many women are trying to meet the standards and ideals of beauty that are developing in the community.29 in the modernization era, the media are very instrumental in shaping the standardization. sherrie innes explained that the images formed by the media often experience changes, especially if made by popular media.30 since the massive phenomenon of the beauty world, women are being excited by the emergence of beauty bloggers who wrestle with various kinds of brands and cosmetic tools. this myth is what advertisements rise in their brands, which is the standard of beauty of a hijab muslim woman. the embodiment of hijab muslim women in the american advertisement also deconstructs the mainstream beauty industry which has always been dominated by non-hijab and white women. 12 afkaruna picture 4: fenty beauty, covergirl, and american eagle denotation meaning: next, the sign in the picture above is that hijab muslim women are gathering with other women. they pose and embrace one another. in every picture, there is one woman who wears a hijab. they also have differences in terms of skin color and appearance. connotation meaning: all women are beautiful in their way. the three advertisements above, fenty beauty, covergirl, and american eagle, collaborate on their models by displaying diverse characteristics. no matter how the race, skin color, hairstyle, body posture, or religious symbols (hijab). including muslim women in it. halima eden for the fenty beauty and american eagle advertisements came from somali-african muslim descent, and nura afia for the covergirl advertisement. by representing the diversity of various models, this advertisement seems to claim that there is no absolute definition of beauty, because all women are beautiful in their ways. especially for hijab muslim women who have limited space to express themselves, especially in america myth: egalitarianism. america is a big country where people have white racial hegemony. besides, some americans have a problem with islamophobia. this triggers a gap between the african-american population and muslims who live in the superpower country. a survey conducted by the national public radio, the robert wood johnson foundation, and harvard t.h chan (2017) estimates that 92% of african-american residents believe discrimination against them still exists today. americans (white men) tend to see afroamericans reflecting common perceptions of slaves and blue-collar workers or are at the bottom of the social strata.31 in other cases, muslims also get the same negative stigma and threats in america. based on a pew article center survey related to the issue of religious discrimination, the muslim population in america has the most experience of injustice, prejudice, and discrimination.32 13vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 from the social facts above, the value of egalitarianism needs to be echoed in america, for the sake of equal rights, both for the degree of women, black people, and followers of islam. this ideology of egalitarianism was implied in advertisements. they do this by displaying models, including hijab muslim women models, which have their unique appearance. this reflects that there is unity indifference. religiofication of commodity in american brands advertisements. bryan turner as a sociologist who is involved in religious phenomena once said that modern society is being hit by the globalization of religion which also gave birth to the globalization of piety, the commodification of religion, and spirituality.33 this is what the muslim community face in the world. islamic popular culture can be observed from various aspects of people’s lives. for example, from the lifestyle of hijab muslim women. they present a variety of muslim fashion clothes and beauty products that are promoted massively in advertising media. along with the rise of muslim women consumers, do not be surprised if many market companies that claim that their products are muslim friendly. this phenomenon is familiarly called the commodification of religion. in the discussion about the commodification that accompanies religious appendages in it, lukens-bull comes with his thoughts in ‘the commodification of religion’ and the ‘religification of commodities’.34 that there are two processes of ‘religiofication’ of commodities and the commoditization of religion which essentially describes two variations of the same process. the first process begins with a product and infuse it with meaning. by investing in commodities with an ideological meaning, namely religion, capitalists can make their products more than just a product of commerce. they become a way to show national loyalty to consumers, maintain faith, and fulfill ritual obligations. meanwhile, the second process begins with meaning and tries to express it in material form. manufacturers and sellers of these products seek to express pre-existing consumer sentiment to create the desired product. a significant observation is that the commodification of religion involves the production of commodities which contain religious meanings and the inclusion of religious (or ideological) meanings into commodities. significantly, this is not so new, but only an extension of the standard practice of 14 afkaruna product creation, advertising, and branding. within this context, the american advertisement products are considered as an embodiment of the first process, a product that is infused with an ideological meaning (religion). this is seen from the form of marketing products that are not islamic nuances at all and the trace of their product promotion also has never presented muslims before, especially hijab muslim women. this can be seen from the following online media: 15vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 the online news media come from various western sites. from the five news sources above, it can be concluded that previously they had never touched the islamic symbols or attributes in their marketing. thus, this is the first time for nike, fenty beauty, covergirl, american eagle, and gap to display and use hijab muslim women in their product promotion campaigns, and even some of them release hijab products. given that the five products are original products manufactured and centered in america (non-muslims), this certainly ensures their products are not specifically intended for the muslim community. this fact indicates a process referred by lukens-bull with the religiofication of meaning (religion) implanted or infused in a product, or familiarly called ‘islamization of product’. it can be simply understood as the inclusion of religious values into a commodity product. if people look at the five american advertisement products that feature hijab muslim women and recruit them as brand ambassadors, of course, this only seems to be a gateway to enter a large market opportunity, namely the commercialization of islam 16 afkaruna symbols become tangible commodities that can be traded to pursue benefits of consumers of the muslim community.35 moreover, marketing activities are carried out along with the explosion of demand (needs) from muslim women around the world. however, the existence of hijab muslim women american advertisements is not just a phenomenon for reaching the target market or getting money. if noorhaidi hasan sees the fact of the commodification of religion in indonesia as a form of da’wah revitalization and more modern, progressive, and inclusive religious practice,36 while it is not the same as what happens in a country where muslim communities are a minority or even oppressed. a little to discuss what the previous author has explained previously that america is a country with the problem of islamophobia. however, this superpower cannot escape the influence of the development of islamic popular culture, one of which is the lifestyle of muslim women. it can be observed from the beginning of emerging forms of islamic fashion shows in america, there are even specifically for muslim fashion shows called usa islamic fashion week. this was also followed by nike, fenty beauty, covergirl, american eagle, and gap by following the current market opportunities of hijab muslim women’s lifestyles. indeed, this fact seems like commercialized, yet it implies a form of resistance. this can be seen from the way these advertisements represent hijab muslim women, as explained earlier. these advertisements represent the dominant hijab model with the interpretation of freedom, equality, and competence of a hijab muslim woman. the fifth step of american advertisements is considered to be brave amid the rise of anti-muslim right-wing in the united states and europe. additionally, these five product brands come from a country that is now led by a president who is famous for hating islam and muslims, donald trump. of course, there is a process of adaptation in this great american product with the country where they take shelter. interestingly, this phenomenon is a paradox. these american advertisements are a resistance to the stigma of society, but they are globally accepted. the resistance in question is a form of resistance to stereotypes that are formed also globally. hijab muslim women in american advertisements are a response and reaction to the stigma of society which considers that hijab muslim women are restricted and oppressed human beings. 17vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 conclusion in summary, despite being a minority and shadowed by negative stereotypes, these hijab muslim women try to prove and express that they can still excel in their respective fields. they can show that despite their limitations, they were able to fight against the slanted judgments they received every day. given the threats they often receive from the public sphere, muslim women in america end up struggling through advertising media. they use official sources, such as those owned by giant and well-known media. they did to refute the image of the dominant ideology of muslim women as being weak. referring to what gramsci said that mass media as space for all ideologies.37 it means that the media can be a tool of authority, legitimacy, as well as control of the public sphere. in this case, however, the media can also be an instrument of the struggle of the oppressed to build a counter-culture and ideology. the picture in the american advertisement is not such a new thing where there is a process of infusing religious symbols in a product, namely the commodification of religion, precisely the ‘religiofication’ of commodities. as stated by luckens-bull and other religious commodity theories, it means to use the religious symbol to become a commodity that can be traded and obtain profits (business interests). meanwhile, noorhaidi said the religious commodity is a framework of the moral order of society through objectification and systemization of religious values and practices. different from others, the religiofication of commodities by using of hijab muslim women in american advertisements is not only as making-money or commoditization of religion, but this is a form of resistance or borrowing the term arlene elowe macleod as a form of accommodating protest. they kind of want to protest and deconstruct the stereotype that arises in the public, instead they exist in media and express what they want to reconstruct. as a result, their existence in the advertising frame is an underground movement (underground movement) which as a form of their resistance to negative stigmas that are assumed and internalized in american society. through advertising media, they have space to express the identity, ability, and essence of egalitarianism. endnotes 1 william l rivers, theodore peterson, and jay walbourne jensen, the mass media and modern society (san francisco: rinehart press, 1971). 2 andi abdul muis, komunikasi islami, cet. 1 (pt. rosdakarya remaja, 2001). 18 afkaruna 3 dendy triadi bharata addy sukma, ayo bikin iklan: memahami teori & praktek iklan media lini bawah (elex media komputindo, t.t.), 10. 4 david chaney, life styles/ : sebuah pengantar komprehensif (jalasutra, 2008), 19. 5 morissan, periklanan: komunikasi pemasaran terpadu / morissan) (jakarta: kencana, 2015), 23. 6 louis althusser, tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies# louis althusser, cet.3. (jala, n.d.), 20. 7 media inquiries, “a new estimate of u.s. muslim population,” pew article center (blog), diakses 22 agustus 2019, https://www.pewarticle.org/fact-tank/ 2018/01/03/new-estimates-show-u-s-muslim-population-continues-to-grow/. 8 “busana muslim indonesia berkiprah di new york couture fashion week,” voa indonesia, diakses 7 september 2019, https://www.voaindonesia.com/a/ busana-muslim-indonesia-berkiprah-di-new-york-couture-fashion-week/ 2979530.html. 9 roland barthes, elements of semiology 1st edition, 1977, 10 roland barthes dan annette lavers, mythologies (farrar, straus and giroux, 1972), 11 daniel chandler, semiotics: the basics, 2nd ed, basics (routledge (firm) (london/ ; new york: routledge, 2007). 12 chandler. 13 media inquiries, “many americans see religious discrimination in u.s. – especially against muslims,” pew research center, n.d., accessed december 15, 2019, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/05/17/many-americans-see-religious-discrimination-in-u-s-especially-against-muslims/. 14 wan ulfa nur zuhra, “serangan anti-islam di amerika dalam statistik,” tirto.id, accessed march 5, 2020, https://tirto.id/serangan-anti-islam-di-amerika-dalamstatistik-b5hb. 15 jim everett dkk., “covered in stigma? the impact of differing levels of islamic head-covering on explicit and implicit biases toward muslim women,” journal of applied social psychology 45 (1 agustus 2014): 90–104. 16 eman abdelhadi, “religiosity and muslim women’s employment in the united states,” socius 3 (january 1, 2017): 2378023117729969. 17 eman abdelhadi dan paula england, “do values explain the low employment levels of muslim women around the world? a withinand betweencountry analysis,” the british journal of sociology 70, no. 4 (2019): 1510–38. 18 carol a. stabile dan deepa kumar, “un hijabing imperialism: media, gender and the war on afghanistan,” media, culture & society 27, no. 5 (1 september 2005): 765–82, 19 jasmin zine, “muslim women and the politics of representation.,” journal of islamic social sciences 19, no. 04 (2002): 1–22. 20 linda steet, hijabs and daggers: a century of national geographic’s representation of the arab world, 2000. 21fauzia ahmad, “still ‘in progress?’ – methodological dilemmas, tensions and 19vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 contradictions in theorizing south asian muslim women,” 2003, 43–65; sajad kabgani, “the representation of muslim women in non-islamic media: a critical discourse analysis study on guardian,” international journal of women’s research 2, no. 1 (may 1, 2013): 57–78; muhammad khan and sadaf zahra, “portrayal of muslim women by western print media: a textual analysis in feministic & orientalist perspective” 17 (september 19, 2016): 41–57; amanda pichette, “representations of muslim women in the quebec news print media” (masters, concordia university, 2012), accessed december 14, 2019. 22 michelle byng, “symbolically muslim: media, hijab, and the west,” critical sociology 36 (february 1, 2010): 109–129. 23 elfriede fürsich, “media and the representation of others,” international social science journal 61, no. 199 (2010): 113–30. 24 council on american-islamic relations, “american public opinion about islam and muslims,” 2006, : www.cair.com. 25 paula holmes-eber dkk., conceptions and misconceptions of women in the middle east (seattle: uwtv, 2001), 43. 26 yusnarida eka nizmi, “american view of muslim women after eleven september 2001 post-attack,” jurnal kajian politik dan masalah pembangunan vol. 11 no. 01 (2015): 1623–1632. 27 sarah santi, “perempuan dalam iklan: otonomi atas tubuh atau komoditi?,” jurnal komunikologi (ilmu komunikasi) 1, no. 1 (2004), 28 carolyn kitch, “changing theoretical perspectives on women’s media images: the emergence of patterns in a new area of historical scholarship:,” journalism & mass communication quarterly, 25 juni 2016. 29 naomi wolf, the beauty myth: how images of beauty are used against women (new york: w. morrow, 1991). 30 sherrie a. inness, tough girls/ : women warriors and wonder women in popular culture (university of pennsylvania press, 1999), 56. 31 martin n. marger, race and ethnic relations: american and global perspectives, 8 edition (belmont, ca: wadsworth publishing, 2008). 32 nw, suite 800washington, and inquiries, “many americans see religious discrimination in u.s. – especially against muslims.” 33 bryan s. turner, sosiologi agama (pustaka pelajar, 2013), 153. 34 patta kitiarsa, religious commodifications in asia: marketing gods (routledge studies in asian religion and philosophy), 1 ed., 2008, 233. 35 greg fealy, sally white, dan institute of southeast asian studies, expressing islam: religious life and politics in indonesia. 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religious commodifications in asia: marketing gods (routledge studies in asian religion and philosophy). 1 ed. marger, martin n. 2008. race and ethnic relations: american and global perspectives. 8 edition. belmont, ca: wadsworth publishing,. morissan. 2015. periklanan: komunikasi pemasaran terpadu / morissan). jakarta: kencana. muis, andi abdul. 2001. komunikasi islami. cet. 1. pt. rosdakarya remaja. muttaqin, farid. 2001. teroris serang islam/ : babak baru benturan barat islam / editor: sukidi. pustaka hidayah,. nizmi, yusnarida eka. 2001. “pandangan amerika terhadap perempuan muslim pasca serangan sebelas september.” politik 11, no. 1 (20 mei 2015). http:/ /journal.unas.ac.id/politik/article/view/122. nw, 1615 l. st, suite 800washington, dan dc 20036usa202-419-4300 | main202-857-8562 | fax202-419-4372 | media inquiries. “a new estimate of u.s. muslim population.” pew article center (blog). diakses 22 agustus 2019. tersedia pada: https://www.pewarticle.org/fact-tank/2018/01/03/new-estimates-show-u-s-muslim-population-continues-to-grow/. pichette, amanda. 2012. “representations of muslim women in the quebec news print media.” masters, concordia university. rivers, william l, theodore peterson, dan jay walbourne jensen. 1971.the mass media and modern society. san francisco: rinehart press. santi, sarah. 2004. “perempuan dalam iklan: otonomi atas tubuh atau komoditi?” jurnal komunikologi (ilmu komunikasi) vol 1, no. 1. shoemaker, pamela j., dan stephen d. reese. 2013. mediating the message in the 21st century: a media sociology perspective. 3 ed. routledge,. simon, roger, gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci (pustaka pelajar, 2004). stabile, carol a., dan deepa kumar. “unhijabing imperialism: media, gender and the war on afghanistan.” media, culture & society. vol 27, no. 5. steet, linda. 2000.hijabs and daggers: a century of national geographic’s representation of the arab world, turner, bryan s. 2013. sosiologi agama. pustaka pelajar. wolf, naomi. 1991.the beauty myth: how images of beauty are used against women. new york: w. morrow, zine, jasmin. 2002. “muslim women and the politics of representation.” journal of islamic social sciences 19, no. 04. # layout jan jun 2011 96 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna régis blachère seputar kodifikasi dan promulgasi mushaf ‘utsmani yang didasarkan pada asumsi bahwa peristiwa kodifikasi teks alqur’an tersebut merupakan peristiwa sejarah yang perlu diungkap dengan pendekatan historisisme internal maupun eksternal. tulisan ini menemukan bahwa argumen blachère tentang motif politik di balik pengumpulan mushaf ‘utsmani tidak didasarkan pada argumen historis yang kuat: keliruannya dalam menentukan kronologi sejarah proyek kodifikasi, ketidakmampuannya dalam melakukan talfiq terhadap riwayat-riwayat yang bertentangan, dan ketidakobjektifannya dalam melihat dan memperlakukan sumbersumber yang dirujuk. gagasan rekonstruksi edisi kritis al-qur’an— yang turut dipengaruhi tesis blachère, sulit dilakukan akibat tidak tersedianya sumber-sumber otentik al-qur’an lainnya pasca pemusnahan mushaf-mushaf non-usmani. kata kunci : al-qur’an, kodifikasi, mushaf ‘utsmani, tafsir. pendahuluan bagi mayoritas umat islam, terutama kaum sunni, alqur’an hasil kodifikasi pada masa khalifah ‘utsman b. ‘affan (23 h/ 644 m – 35 h/ 655 m) adalah teks standar yang historisitas dan otentisitasnya tidak mungkin diperdebatkan lagi. hingga kini, teks tersebut senantiasa diperlakukan individu muslim sebagai sebuah teks yang dibaca dan dikaji (recited text), dilafalkan dalam shalat, dilantunkan dalam untaian doa dan ritus-ritus keagamaan. mushaf ini secara menakjubkan juga menjadi sumber pokok dalam aktivitas penafsiran yang melibatkan bentuk, metode dan corak yang tidak monoteori kodifikasi mushaf usmani: telaah kritis atas karya régis blachère andar nubowo ecoles des hautes etudes en sciences sociales/ehess, paris, perancis. email : andar.nubowo@gmail.com abstract this article analyzes three régis blachère’s major theses pertaining to codification and promulgation of mushaf ‘utsmani (utsmanic manuscript) based on the assumption that codification of the quranic texts is a historical event that needs to be examined through internal and external historicism approach. this articel argues that blachère’s arguments about the political motives behind the codification of mushaf ‘utsmani is not based on a solid historical argument: his fault in presenting historical chronology of the codification of the qur’an, his weakness in combining or compromising (talfiq) conflicting historical naratives, as well as his unobjetive in examining sources that he refers to. therefore, the idea to reconstruct the critical edition of the qur’an—which is influenced by blachère theses, is hard to accomplish due to the absence of other authentic sources subsequent to abolition of nonutsmanic manuscripts. keywords: the qur’an, codification, utsmanic manuscript, exegesis. abstrak tulisan ini menganalisis tiga tesis utama doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 97vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 vokal, tetapi multi-vokal semenjak berabadabad lamanya.1 sebaliknya bagi para orientalis pengkaji al-qur’an,2 proses kodifikasi al-qur’an pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan masih menyimpan misteri. theodore noldeke-frederick schwally,3 richard bell,4 arthur jeffery,5 john burton,6 misalnya, mengaku kesulitan untuk mengevaluasi riwayat yang saling bertentangan satu sama lain. mereka juga dihadapkan pada ribuan jenis bacaan tekstual al-qur’an, sehingga upaya rekonstruksi sejarah al-qur’an juga mengalami kendala berat.7 dibandingkan dengan orientalis lainnya yang sibuk dengan analisis historis terhadap validitas dokumen-dokumen sejarah alqur’an,8 profesor sastra universitas sorbonne perancis régis blachère dalam buku introduction au coran, di samping mengkritik historisitas riwayat, juga melihat bahwa kajian terhadap sejarah al-qur’an mutlak memerlukan pelacakan terhadap kondisi faktual yang mengitari proses transmisi wahyu yang masih terpelihara dalam tradisi lisan (la tradition orale) menjadi wahyu yang disakralkan dalam bentuk tulisan (la sanction de l’ecriture).9 oleh sebab itu, dengan metode historisisme eksternal (almanhaj al-tarikhi al-khariji).10 blachère menganggap perlu adanya pelacakan dan pengungkapan “fakta historis” di balik peristiwa kodifikasi al-qur’an zaman ‘utsman b. ‘affan. selanjutnya, blachère mengritik bahwa, pertama, riwayat yang diberitakan oleh ibn syihab al-zuhri dari anas b. malik, yang oleh sarjana muslim dijadikan sebagai out line besar sejarah al-qur’an, mengandung kerancuan historis dan bertentangan dengan riwayat lainnya. kedua, ia memandang bahwa di balik peristiwa tersebut terdapat— meminjam terminologi michel foucault, “relasi kuasa-pengetahuan”11 yang teramat kuat dan telanjang : motif ‘utsman b. ‘affan membakukan dan mempromulgasikan sebuah “teks resmi” tidak lain adalah untuk menegakkan supremasi kaum aristokrat mekah quraisy di kalangan umat islam. ketiga, ia menyatakan bahwa pembakuan bentuk konsonantal yang dilakukan pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan masih menyisakan problem pembacaan dan penulisan bagi kaum muslim. tesis ini dinilai melanggar kredo umum sarjana muslim, bahwa pembakuan mushaf ‘utsmani dilakukan demi persatuan umat islam dan kemurnian al-qur’an dari tambahan (ziyadah), pengurangan (naqsh). lebih jauh, dalam pandangan mereka, apa yang diungkap blachère dan juga para sarjana barat pengkaji al-qur’an dianggap sebagai bagian dari misi orientalisme klasik yang giat menghidupkan keraguan dan kebimbangan terhadap kesahihan mushaf ‘utsmani.12 untuk itu, tulisan ini akan mengkaji tiga tesis blachère di atas yang terdapat dalam buku introduction au coran yang diterbitkan di paris oleh g.p. maisonneuve pada tahun 1959 serta menganalisis pengaruhnya bagi studi alqur’an. tulisan ini diharapkan dapat memetakan dan menganalisis teori blachère dalam menganalisis fakta dan data di balik proyek pengumpulan al-qur’an pada masa khalifah ‘utsman b. affan. untuk itu, tulisan ini pertama-tama akan memerikan biografi régis blachère guna mengetahui dan memetakan posisi blachère dalam konteks studi al-qur’an di barat. kedua, tulisan ini akan memaparkan tiga tesis sentral blachère terhadap sejarah kodifikasi mushaf ‘utsmani dan menganalisisnya secara kritis, dengan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 98 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna rujukan-rujukan dokumen yang dimiliki sarjana muslim. selanjutnya, tulisan ini akan menjabarkan kritik sarjana muslim bagi teori kodifikasi blachère dan upaya rekonstruksi edisi kritis al-qur’an yang dipengaruhi, salah satunya, oleh teori yang dikemukakan oleh blachère dan sarjana barat pengkaji alqur’an lainnya. régis blachère dan studi alqur’an di barat régis blachère dilahirkan pada awal abad ke-20, tepatnya 30 juni 1900, di kota paris perancis. bersama kedua orang tuanya, ia tiba di maroko pada tahun 1915. karena ayahnya dimutasikan sebagai pegawai administrasi di maroko, awalnya sekolahnya tersendatsendat.13 setelah tamat sekolah tingkat keduanya di kota casablanca, ia bekerja sebagai seorang penterjemah. mengingat potensi yang dimiliki blachère, guru-gurunya selalu menyarankan blachère untuk menjadi tenaga pengajar.14 akhirnya, ia benar-benar menjadi tenaga pengajar dan ditugaskan sebagai pengawas sekolah di madrasah maula yusuf di rabat. selanjutnya, ia meneruskan pendidikan tingginya di universitas aljazair dan memperoleh gelar sarjana mudanya pada tahun 1922. pada 1924 setelah ia mengikuti kuliah-kuliah yang diampu oleh william marçais, ia memperoleh gelar sarjana. ia kembali ke rabat dan menjadi staf pengajar, lagi-lagi, di madrasah maula yusuf.15 karir pekerjaan dan pendidikan blachère semakin menanjak tatkala e. levi provençal menugaskannya menjadi direktur studi di institut des hautes etudes marocaines yang baru didirikan hingga tahun 1935. sebelumnya, provençal meramalkan régis blachère suatu hari nanti akan menjadi seorang peneliti handal.16 dan pada tahun yang sama, ia menyelesaikan dua tesis doktoralnya di universitas sorbonne perancis : mengkaji penyair besar syiria abad ke-11 h, abu thayyib al-mutannabi, dan menerjemahkan kitab tabaqat al-umam karya filosof besar toledo, sa’id al-andalusi dari bahasa arab ke bahasa perancis.17 karena keahliannya dalam bahasa dan sastra arab, ia diangkat sebagai dosen bahasa arab fushah di ecole nationale des langues orientales. pada tahun 1950, ia dinobatkan sebaga guru besar filologi dan sastra arab abad pertengahan di universitas sorbonne. pada 1942, ia menggantikan gurunya william marçais di ecole pratique des hautes etudes. selain itu, blachère juga pernah menjabat sebagai direktur institute des etudes islamiques di académie de paris sejak 1956 sampai 1965, menjadi anggota akademi kairo dan damaskus. setahun sebelum ia meninggal pada 7 agustus 1973, ia terpilih sebagai anggota intitute de france pada 1972. ia juga pernah menjabat sebagai direktur pada centre de lexicographie arabe dan wakil presiden asosiasi bagi perkembangan kajiankajian islam.18 di sorbonne, blachère berguru kepada william marçais,19 orientalis perancis pakar bahasa barbar dan dialek bahasa arab maghribi, dan berinteraksi secara akademik dengan e. levi provençal 20 yang juga dikenal sebagai orientalis perancis ahli sastra dan bahasa arab serta islam spanyol. pada perkembangan berikutnya, ia menyadari bahwa sastra hanyalah salah satu metode untuk mengenal peradaban islam. untuk mengenal dan memahami peradaban islam secara lebih baik, seseorang tidak boleh mengabaikan fenomena sentral sejarahnya.21 hal inilah yang mendorong blachère untuk secara tekun melakukan riset serius terhadap doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 99vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 sejarah muhammad dan al-qur’an. sebab, menurutnya, tidak ada upaya yang paling esensial untuk memahami peradaban islam selain dengan cara mengetahui asal-usul sejarah dan perkembangan nabi muhammad saw dan kitab suci al-qur’an.22 kesadaran intelektual ini, tampaknya, juga dipengaruhi dan diinspirasi oleh ‘hiruk-pikuk’ kajian al-qur’an dan sejarah muhammad yang saat itu berkembang pesat di dunia barat.23 pada abad ke-19, kajian al-qur’an mengalami perubahan dan perkembangan pesat — dipelopori oleh terbitnya karya gustave fluegel, corani textus arabicus (1834).24 praktis, setelah itu, kajian al-qur’an di barat tidak lagi didominasi oleh karya terjemahan dan suntingan al-qur’an yang bias dan tendensius, tetapi lebih mengarah pada studi al-qur’an dan sejarah muhammad.25 selanjutnya, perkembangan terpenting kajian al-qur’an dilakukan oleh sarjana yang juga tertarik dengan sejarah muhammad. misalnya gustav weil dalam historische – kritische enleitung in der koran (1844),26 william muir dalam life of mahomet (18581861),27 aloys sprenger dan william muir dalam the coran, its composition and teaching; and the testimony it bears to the holy sciptures (1878).28 pada 1857, theodore noldeke memenangkan monografi ‘sejarah kritis alqur’an’ (critical history of the quran) yang diselenggarakan académie parisienne des inscriptions et des belles-lettres. karya majistralnya, geschichte des qorans,29 inilah yang belakangan menjadi tonggak baru kajian historiografi al-qur’an dan banyak berpengaruh, atau paling tidak memberi inspirasi, terhadap kajian orientalis belakangan. sarjana orientalis yang terinspirasi—untuk tidak mengatakah terpengaruh, dengan kajian noldeke antara lain g. bergstrasser dan otto pretzl yang pada 1929 berkolaborasi dengan arthur jeffery dalam sebuah “proyek ambisius” penyusunan edisi kritis al-qur’an. r. blachère dalam pengantar buku introduction au coran yang sedang diteliti ini, juga secara ekplisit mengakui bahwa karya th. noldeke dkk, geschichte des qorans, banyak dirujuk dalam penelitiannya. karya majistral geschichte des qorans noldeke-schwally-bergstrasser banyak dirujuk dalam penelitian ini, sebagaimana mestinya, dan digunakan, secara keras, untuk menyingkap “tambang” yang begitu kaya, tetapi masih belum terungkap, bagi pembaca berbahasa perancis.30 pernyataan ini berarti bahwa pada saat penelitiannya, wacana qur’anic studies yang dikaji melalui pendekatan filologi dan historisisme banyak dibicarakan dalam karya noldeke dan literatur barat maupun muslim lainnya. selain itu, di dalam pendahuluan le coran ia juga menyatakan bahwa pengaruh reklasemen surat yang disusun noldekeschwally tidak bisa dihindarkan. reklasemen surat ini bukan untuk “menciptakan” alqur’an baru ataupun untuk menyusun kronologi al-qur’an (tartib al-nuzul) baru, akan tetapi ditujukan untuk mengungkap fase-fase historis al-qur’an berdasarkan risalah kenabian muhammad, yakni mekah dan madinah.31 selain itu, karya-karya arthur jeffery materials for the history of the text of the qur’an (1937(, foreign vocabulary of the qur’an (1938), dan a variants text of al-fatiha (1939)32 juga turut mendorong blachère untuk melakukan ktitik menyeluruh terhadap sumber-sumber historis, filologis dan literer al-qur’an dengan bertumpu pada elaborasi kondisi “di doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 100 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna balik” pengumpulan al-qur’an dalam satu mushaf.33 hal ini dimaksudkan, supaya “kabut hitam” yang menyelimuti sejarah alqur’an dapat tersingkap dengan lebih jernih dan komprehensif. oleh karena itu, sebagai sarjana yang paham betul dengan sastra dan filologi, blachère berpendapat studi terhadap kitab suci tidak dapat dilepaskan dari kondisi di mana kitab suci itu “turun”, dan juga harus dihubungkan dengan “sang penerima wahyu”.34 meskipun karya-karya blachère tidak bisa dilepaskan begitu saja dari literatur dan konteks kajian barat saat itu, tetapi ia bukanlah tipologi sarjana yang hanya bisa “mengimitasi” atau “membeo” pendapat guru atau orang lain tanpa reserve. sebaliknya, meski tidak radikal, ia melakukan pengembangan atau bahkan berbeda dengan gagasan-gagasan yang ia terima sebelumnya. misalnya, ketika membahas jam’ al-qur’an yang dilakukan di bawah otoritas ‘utsman, blachère mengungkap fenomena di balik pengumpulan al-qur’an tersebut dengan metode historisisme eksternal, tidak seperti noldeke yang terjebak pada analisis internal dokumen-dokumen tentang kodifikasi tersebut. tak pelak, kajian blachère unik dan memicu kontroversi. kontroversi dan keunikan tersebut, sebagaimana akan dikaji, adalah bahwa peristiwa pengumpulan alqur’an pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan tidak hanya sekedar fenomena historis yang tidak berimplikasi apa pun, akan tetapi di balik itu semua terdapat ketegangan, intrik, motivasi politik dan etnis yang secara apik diperankan oleh ‘utsman b. ‘affan. setelah kurang lebih enam puluh tahun mendedikasikan hidupnya bagi dunia akademik, terutama secara eksklusif pada dunia arab dan islam, blachère menyusun banyak karya tentang bahasa, sastra, agama, sebagai instrumen penting bagi kemajuan riset dan ilmu pengetahuan. sastra merupakan perhatian dan kegemaran akademik utamanya. ia pernah menyendiri pada minggu-minggu terakhir hidupnya untuk menganggit karya tentang penyair bashar. ia juga mempublikasikan artikel tentang ibn darraj al-qasthalani, ibn zamrak, al-ma’arif; artikel tentang al-’abbas b. al-ahnaf, abu sahr al-hudzali al-ahtal, ‘amr b. kultsum, dzu rumma, basshar b. burd al-farazdaq dan lain sebagainya dalam encyclopédie de l’islam, menulis abu nuwas, syauqi, al-ma’arif dalam grand encyclopédie. meski tidak behasil diselesaikan, histoire de la literature à la fin du xve siecle, karya utamanya dalam bidang sastra, merupakan instrumen esensial bagi dunia sastra, karena mengandung kekayaan dan kebaruan pendekatan yang digunakan dalam kajian arab. dalam bidang linguistik, ia bersama maurice gaudefroy-demombynes sempat menerbitkan grammaire de l’arabe classique (1937), dan dictionnaire arabe-français-anglais. seiring dengan kematangan intelektualnya, blachère kian sadar bahwa sastra hanyalah salah satu jalan untuk mengenal peradaban arab.35 oleh karena itu, untuk memahami fenomena sentral sejarahnya, yakni islam, kendaraan ekspansinya, dan arab, dibutuhkah karyakarya kunci tentang agama dan bahasa, yakni karya tentang al-qur’an dan nabi muhammad. dalam rangka itulah, pada tahun 1952 ia menyusun le problème de mahomet,36 sebuah karya yang memaparkan ikhtisar nabi muhammad dan peran sentralnya bagi dakwah islam. selain itu, blachère juga menyusun tiga jilid buku yang diabdikan untuk studi al-qur’an. karya ini doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 101vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 dapat dianggap sebagai salah satu karya penting dalam kajian islamologi di perancis. jilid pertamanya yang berjudul introduction au coran terbit tahun 1949 dan 1959, menyajikan metode kritik yang sangat tegas terhadap seluruh sumber—historis, filologis, literer—tentang mushaf al-qur’an dan latar belakang penetapannya menjadi sebuah textus receptus, teks yang diakui secara resmi. adapun jilid berikutnya, le coran; traduction nouvelle selon une reclasement des sourates, merupakan terjemahan al-qur’an dalam bahasa perancis yang didasarkan pada reklasemen surat menurut empat periode dakwah muhammad yang disertai dengan catatan dan tafsir historis-filologis beserta indeks. terjemahan ini dipengaruhi susunan kronologis karya patungan noldeke-schwally. sebab, asumsi dasar penanggalan empat periode beserta kriterianya sepenuhnya diterima oleh blachère.37 sedangkan jilid iii, le coran (al-qur’an); traduction nouvelle, merupakan terjemahan al-qur’an dalam bahasa perancis berdasarkan susunan kanonik surat disertai anotasi, glosari, dan indeks. setelah itu, bersama fotografer frederique duran dan sejarahwan sekaligus arkeolog hélène delattre, ia menyusun sebuah buku bertitel dans les pas de mahomet.38 buku ini bercerita tentang jejak muhammad yang berperan besar bagi perkembangan dakwah islam dipadukan dengan gambar fotografis dan arkeologis yang merefleksikan perkembangan dakwah islam semenjak praislam hingga beberapa abad kemudian. karya lainnya adalah le coran: que je sais?.39 karya ini mengupas posisi al-qur’an dalam perkembangan peradaban islam dan dalam kehidupan kaum muslim sehari-hari. kontradiksi dan kerancuan dokumen historis al-qur’an untuk memahami tiap fase kesejarahan al-qur’an, seseorang mesti membutuhkan bantuan dokumen, baik berupa tradisi riwayat ataupun inskripsi arkeologis. sayangnya, dokumen-dokumen yang merekam —meminjam istilah m. arkoun, fakta al-qur’an40 tersebut acap kali tidak memberikan sekuritas yang memadai, karena kontradiksi dan inkonsistensi.41 dalam konteks sejarah pengumpulan al-qur’an, riwayat yang diberitakan oleh ibn syihab alzuhri dari anas b. malik merupakan dokumen paling dominan dan populer untuk merekonstruksi sejarah pengumpulan alqur’an. riwayat mayoritas tersebut, sepenuhnya, menyatakan bahwa; hudzaifah b. al-yaman menghadap ‘utsman. ia tengah memimpin penduduk syria dan irak dalam suatu ekspedisi militer ke armenia dan azerbaijan (30 h/ 650 m). hudzaifah merasa cemas oleh pertengkaran mereka (penduduk syria dan irak) tentang bacaan alqur’an. maka berkatalah hudzaifah kepada ‘utsman, “wahai amirul mukminin, selamatkanlah umat ini sebelum mereka bertikai tentang kitab (allah) sebagaimana yang telah terjadi pada umat yahudi dan nasrani pada masa lalu.” kemudian ‘utsman mengirim utusan kepada hafshahdengan pesan, “kirimkanlah kepada kami suhuf yang ada di tanganmu. sehingga bisa diperbanyak serta disalin ke dalam beberapa mushaf dan setelah itu akan dikembalikan kepadamu.” hafshah mengirim suhuf-nya kepada ‘utsman yang kemudian memanggil zaid b. tsabit, ‘abd allah b. al-zubair, sa’id b. al-’ashsh dan ‘abd al-rahman b. al-harist, dan memerintahkan mereka untuk menyalinnya menjadi beberapa mushaf. ‘utsman berkata doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 102 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna kepada tiga orang quraisy (dalam tim) itu, “jika kalian berbeda pendapat dengan zaid mengenai al-qur’an, maka tulislah dalam dialek quraisy, karena al-qur’an itu diturunkan dalam bahasa mereka.” mereka mengikuti perintah tersebut, dan setelah berhasil menyalin suhuf itu menjadi beberapa mushaf, ‘utsman mengembalikannya kepada hafshah. mushaf-mushaf salinan yang ada kemudian dikirim ke setiap propinsi dengan perintah agar seluruh rekaman tertulis alqur’an yang ada, baik dalam bentuk fragmen atau kodek dibakar habis.42 orientalis besar jerman theodore noldeke menganggap hampir keseluruhan aspek riwayat—status komisi pengumpulan alqur’an, pemilihan dialek quraisy, susunan dan kronologi surat, perbedaan di antara salinan mushaf usmani dan sebagainya, secara historis mengandung persoalan.43 muridnya, schwally, lebih jauh menambahkan bahwa teks ‘utsmani tidak didasarkan pada dialek quraisy dengan dalil bahasa al-qur’an sebagiannya adalah bahasa artifisial dan sastrawi.44 selain itu, schwally berpendapat bahwa nama-nama yang disebut dalam banyak riwayat sebenarnya bukanlah kandidat yang ditunjuk ‘utsman b. ‘affan sebagai anggota komisi, perbedaan bacaan alqur’an di antara para prajurit islam pada ekspansi-ekspansi awal tidaklah menyebabkan perselisihan dan perdebatan.45 ia juga berpendapat bahwa kisah mushaf hafshah, sebenarnya, dihadirkan untuk menghubungkan dua kisah pengumpulan alqur’an pada masa abu bakr dan ‘utsman b. ‘affan. pendapat schwally bahwa tugas pokok komisi hanya menyalin dari mushaf hafshah ditolak oleh richard bell. ia berpendapat bahwa anggota komisi tidaklah menjadikan mushaf hafshah sebagai satu-satunya basis tekstual bagi mushaf usmani, tetapi dari banyak materi-materi lainnya.46 alasannya, tidaklah mungkin khalifah marwan gegabah memusnahkan mushaf hafshah, jika mushaf tersebut merupakan satu-satunya basis teks resmi. sebaliknya, marwan justru khawatir dengan bacaan tak lazim yang ada di dalam mushaf hafshah yang bisa menyebabkan perselisihan di antara kaum muslim.47 richard bell, secara diskriminatif, hanya mengakui dua poin penting dalam riwayat mayoritas; pertama, tugas komisi pengumpulan adalah untuk mengumpulkan seluruh lembaran-lembaran wahyu yang dapat mereka temukan. kedua, ketika terjadi perbedaan dialek, mereka menuliskannya dengan dialek quraisy mekah sebagai bentuk baku.48 tidak adanya riwayat yang dapat menanggalkan atribusi teks resmi kepada ‘utsman b. ‘affan sebagai pemegang otoritas politik proyek pengumpulan al-qur’an mendorong sarjana barat, termasuk régis blachère, untuk mengakui bahwa al-qur’an yang ada sekarang ini, setidak-tidaknya jumlah dan susunan surat, serta basis struktur teks konsonantalnya adalah hasil pengumpulan pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan. sebagian besar sarjana barat juga mengakui elemen riwayat lainnya, yakni peran zaid b. tsabit dalam proyek penetapan teks ‘utsman b. ‘affan tersebut. tetapi, peran apa yang dimainkannya sulit dipastikan.49 john burton dalam bukunya the collection of the qur’an, menganggap bahwa dua riwayat yang merekam pengumpulan pada masa abu bakr dan ‘utsman b. ‘affanadalah fiktif dan bahwa nama zaid menonjol dalam banyak riwayat karena ia dikenal sebagai sekretaris doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 103vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 muda nabi muhammad, dan pakar alqur’an yang terakhir dari kalangan sahabat.50 tetapi, burton meragukan peran zaid dalam kodifikasi al-qur’an, sembari menyatakan bahwa ilmu hadis dan fikih telah mempengaruhi perkembangan kisah-kisah pengumpulan al-qur’an. dan secara implisit, ia menyatakan bahwa kodifikasi al-qur’an tidak dilakukan oleh ‘utsman b. ‘affan, tetapi oleh nabi muhammad sendiri di masa hidupnya. pendapat lain diungkap casanova yang mengatakan bahwa kontradiksi-kontradiksi inheren dalam riwayat pengumpulan alqur’an baik pada masa abu bakr maupun ‘utsman b. ‘affan menunjukkan, bahwa al-qur’an baru ditulis untuk pertama kali oleh al-hajjaj pada masa khalifah ‘abd al-malik yang kemungkinan besar bertumpu pada sebuah legenda teks yang dibuat ‘utsman b. ‘affan. mungkin saja, sebelumnya sudah ada transkripsi-transkripsi wahyu, tetapi tidak resmi dan tentu saja tidak terkumpul dalam satu mushaf. hal ini disebabkan karena kaum muslim sebelumnya tidak merasa butuh terhadap tulisan wahyu.51 dengan demikian, casanova menyatakan bahwa jam’ al-qur’an pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan adalah sebuah mitos yang dilegendakan oleh generasi sezaman dengan al-hajjaj pada masa khalifah umayyah ‘abd al-malik, dengan maksud mencari legitimasi reformasi mushaf resmi yang dilakukannya. pandangan ini senada dengan alphonse mingana— yang menurut estelle whelan pendekatannya sangat tendensius,52 bahwa al-qur’an tidak pernah terkodifikasi dalam satu mushaf hingga dekade pemerintahan kelima dinasti umayyah, ‘abd al-malik b. marwan (65-86 h/ 685-705 m).53 orientalis ignaz goldziher, bahkan, menegaskan bahwa penguasa (the ruling powers) bukanlah orang yang malas. tetapi, sebaliknya ketika mereka menginginkan pendapatnya diakui dan diterima secara luas, mereka harus mengetahui cara untuk “menciptakan” hadis sesuai dengan kepentingan mereka, supaya perlawanan dari lawan politiknya menjadi “diam”. mereka harus melakukan apa yang dilakukan lawan mereka, yakni memalsukan hadis-hadis sesuai dengan kepentingan politiknya.54 pendapat ini, enam puluh tahun kemudian, diikuti oleh islamolog joseph schacht yang karyanya tentang hukum islam dianggap sebagai karya klasik dalam studi keislaman (islamic studies). bahkan, pandangan schacht lebih radikal dan menggemparkan. dalam bukunya, the origins of muhammadan jurisprudence, ia menyatakan bahwa; secara umum dapat dikatakan bahwa kritik terhadap riwayat yang dilakukan sarjanasarjana muslim tidaklah akurat dan bahwa, meskipun banyak hadis-hadis palsu yang telah dieliminasi, kumpulan atau literatur klasik hadis, ternyata, merekam banyak hadis yang tidak pasti otentik... buku ini hendak menkonfirmasi pandangan goldziher, dan melampaui pandangannya dalam hal-hal berikut; sejumlah besar riwayat hadis dalam koleksi klasik hadis atau pun lainnya baru beredar setelah masa syafii (w. 820); hadishadis nabi tentang hukum dari pertengahan abad kedua muslim, yakni abad ke-8, dinisbatkan kepada hadis-hadis yang berasal dari para sahabat dan otoritas lainnya, dan kepada living tradition madzhab-madzhab hukum klasik; hadis-hadis yang berasal dari para sahabat dan otoritas lainnya melalui proses perkembangan yang sama, dianggap doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 104 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sebagai hadis-hadis yang berasal dari nabi; studi terhadap isnad memperlihatkan adanya tendensi (generasi belakangan-pen) untuk menarik mata rantai isnad kepada perawiperawi yang lebih tinggi hingga sampai pada nabi; fakta bahwa hadis-hadis hukum diciptakan pada sekitar tahun 100 h.55 orientalis berpengaruh keturunan yahudi, john wansbrough, dengan analisis tekstual dan linguistik, juga berpendapat bahwa tidak ada bukti empiris adanya mushaf al-qur’an sebelum akhir abad ke-8 m. pendapat yang tampaknya mengimitasi dan mewarisi pandangan goldziher dan schacht di atas ini berargumen bahwa teks itu sendiri mensyaratkan adanya sebuah perkembangan organis yang berasal dari riwayat-riwayat yang sejatinya independen selama periode panjang periwayatan, kemudian dibentuk oleh sejumlah kesepakatan-kesepakan retoris yang terbatas. selanjutnya, ia mengatakan bahwa riwayat-riwayat hadis tentang sejarah wahyu baru dikenal dalam literatur muslim belakangan, misalnya, dalam tafsir al-qur’an yang baru muncul sejak akhir abad ke-8 m.56 régis blachère tidaklah seradikal casanova, ignaz goldziher, joseph schacht, dan wansbrough, riwayat anas b. malik di atas jelas tidak memberikan sekuritas yang berarti. sebab, blachère menemukan adanya “tumpang tindih” dan kontradiksi dengan riwayat lainnya. dalam riwayat di atas, penyusunan mushaf yang didasarkan pada “lembaran-lembaran” hafshah sangat gamblang disebutkan. padahal, riwayat tradisional lainnya57 melaporkan bahwa ketika ‘utsman berada di atas mimbar, ia meminta kepada setiap orang yang memiliki catatan atau tulisan wahyu untuk menyerahkan kepadanya, kemudian menugaskan kepada sa’id b. al-’ashsh dan zaid b. tsabit untuk menyusun mushaf berdasarkan materi-materi tersebut. riwayat lain, bahkan, memberikan kesan bahwa sebelum melakukan proyek tersebut ‘utsman b. ‘affan berkonsultasi terlebih dahulu kepada para sahabat lainnya, sebagaimana direkam dalam sebuah riwayat, seringkali kami tidak bersepakat terhadap satu ayat yang tidak diketahui siapa orang yang merawikannya dari lisan nabi. jika orang tersebut tidak diketahui, kami tulis ayat sebelumnya dan sesudahnya, dan kami tinggalkan ruang kosong [untuk ayat yang diperselisihkan tersebut], hingga perawi yang tidak ada tersebut datang kembali atau mengirimkan [teks yang sudah pasti]58 tidak berhenti di situ, blachère lalu mencurigai riwayat-riwayat yang merekam bagaimana cara (la façon) pemusnahan terhadap objek-objek catatan wahyu; lembaran-lembaran kulit binatang, tulang unta dan sebagainya. apakah dibakar, dirobek atau ditenggelamkan ke dalam air? riwayat-riwayat tersebut terdapat dalam kitabnya ibn abu dawud.59 di antara kontradiksi riwayat tersebut yang paling logis dan mendekati kebenaran adalah riwayat bukhari yang menyebutkan metode pemusnahan manuskrip lainnya dengan “membakar”. dengan “membakar”, tujuan mengikis dan menghapus perbedaan teks dan bacaan yang disebabkan oleh manuskripmanuskrip non-resmi lebih dapat diraih dengan mudah daripada dengan “menyobek” atau “menggelamkannya ke dalam air”. celah yang paling banyak dimanfaatkan blachère untuk memperkuat tesisnya adalah perbedaan pada riwayat-riwayat yang menyebut nama anggota komisi. selain doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 105vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 empat nama dalam riwayat mayoritas, yakni zaid b. tsabit, ‘abd allah b. al-zubair, sa’id b. al-’ashsh, dan ‘abd al-rahman b. al-h harits, terdapat nama-nama lain dalam berbagai riwayat minoritas. riwayat-riwayat minoritas itu, menurut blachère agaknya kurang serius dan tidak bersungguhsungguh.60 misalnya, riwayat yang menyebutkan anggota komisi berjumlah dua belas orang tanpa menyebutkan nama secara lengkap,61 atau riwayat yang menyebutkan nama ubay b. ka’ab, padahal yang bersangkutan meninggal dunia kurang lebih dua tahun sebelum proyek pengumpulan dilaksanakan,62 atau ada juga riwayat yang mengurangi anggota komisi tersebut menjadi tinggal dua orang, yakni zaid b. tsabit dan sa’id b. al-’ashsh.63 namun, blachère yang memperlakukan secara diskriminatif riwayat sejarah pengumpulan al-qur’an masa ‘utsman bertolak belakang dengan pandangan kaum muslim. bagi mereka, riwayat hadis yang dirawikan oleh bukhari dan ibn dawud ini termasuk hadis yang sahih, meskipun mata rantainya tidak kembali kepada orang yang langsung menyaksikannya, tetapi kepada anas b. malik (w. 711/2 h) dan terdapat perbedaan dalam detail anggota komisi dan jumlah salinan mushaf.64 meskipun demikian, garis besar sejarah jam’ alqur’an pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan dalam riwayat mayoritas ini tidaklah menjadi bahan yang diperselisihkan di antara mereka.65 hal ini disebabkan karena otoritas muslim mampu memahami perbedaan tersebut dengan cara mengkompromikan perbedaan riwayat dan menentukan kapan terjadinya peristiwa kodifikasi secara tepat. misalnya, seperti yang telah disebut pada bab sebelumnya, riwayat bukhari yang hanya menyebut empat orang, dan riwayat-riwayat lainnya yang menyebut dua, atau menambahkan lima atau tujuh tidaklah saling menegasikan. riwayat bukhari menyebut anggota inti komisi, sedangkan riwayat lainnya menyebutkan sahabat-sahabat yang membantu anggota inti dalam mendikte (al-imla’) dan menulis (al-kitabah).66 jika kodifikasi tersebut dilaksanakan pada akhir tahun 24 h atau awal tahun 25 h, maka keterlibatan ubay yang meninggal pada 28 h dan sa’id yang menjadi gubernur kufah pada 30 h adalah fakta yang tak terbantahkan. dengan demikian, anggapan blachère bahwa dokumen historis sejarah pengumpulan diliputi kerancauan dan kontradiksi, pada dasarnya, berasal dari ketidaktepatan blachère dalam menentukan tahun dilaksanakannya jam’ al-qur’an dan ketidakmampuannya untuk melihat secara jernih kontradiksi (al-ta’arudlat) antara riwayat mayoritas dengan minoritas tersebut. di samping itu, sarjana muslim juga tidak merasa cukup untuk merekonstruksi keseluruhan sejarah pengumpulan teks mushaf usmani hanya dengan riwayat bukhari saja, akan tetapi mereka membutuhkan elaborasi dan dukungan dari riwayat-riwayat lain. hal ini berbeda dengan régis blachère dan sarjana-sarjana barat lainnya, yang menurut hemat penulis, cenderung mengabaikan dan menyembunyikan riwayat-riwayat lain yang sangat signifikan bagi upaya rekonstruksi sejarah teks ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan, sehingga terdapat perbedaan pemahaman antara sarjana muslim dan barat terhadap subjek yang sama dalam banyak hal. sebaliknya, sarjana-sarjana barat sering kali menampakkan rasa tidak simpatik, curiga, dan niat yang samar dengan menghadirkan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 106 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna riwayat-riwayat “aneh” dan berkebalikan dengan riwayat bukhari yang diterima mayoritas sarjana dan umat islam. blachère mengabaikan fakta yang diajukan sarjana muslim bahwa sebelum melaksanakan pengumpulan ‘utsman b. ‘affan berkonsultasi dulu terhadap seluruh sahabat-sahabat nabi termasuk di dalamnya ‘ali b. abi thalib.67 apa yang menjadi keputusan ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan, pada dasarnya, adalah kesepakatan para sahabat-sahabat nabi yang terkemuka, karena para sahabat menyadari bahwa niat ‘usman mengumpulkan al-qur’an adalah untuk membersihkan ayat-ayat yang sudah dihapus (mansukhat), bacaan tidak populer (ahad) atau penafsiran sahabat yang dimasukkan ke dalam al-qur’an.68 di antara sahabat tersebut adalah ‘ali b. abi thalib. ia menyatakan dukungannya kepada ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan, sebagaimana dikisahkan riwayat ibn dawud berikut; diriwayatkan dari suwaid b. gaflah, ‘ali b. abi thalib berkata, “janganlah kalian berkata tentang ‘utsman b. ‘affan kecuali kebaikannya, demi allah ia tidak mengerjakan apa yang ia kerjakan dalam mashahif kecuali berdasarkan kesepakatan kita”. kemudian ia berkata, “apa pendapat kalian terhadap qira’ah ini?” sebagian mereka berkata, “sesungguhnya bacaanku lebih baik dari milikmu”. dan hal ini hampirhampir menyebabkan saling mengkafirkan. kemudian kami berkata, “apa pendapat anda?” ia berkata, “saya berpendapat supaya manusia bersepakat terhadap satu mushaf, dan janganlah terjadi perpecahan dan perselisihan.” maka kami berkata, apa yang kau lihat adalah yang terbaik”.69 dalam riwayat lain, ‘ali dilaporkan pernah bersitegang dengan sahabat yang tidak sepakat dengan tindakan ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan. ia menyatakan kepada mereka bahwa ‘utsman b. ‘affan hanya membakar mushafmushaf non-kanonik yang berbeda dan bertentangan dengan wahyu yang disepakati secara ijma’.70 ‘utsman b. ‘affan melakukan tugas besar tersebut setelah berkonsultasi kepada seluruh sahabat dan, lebih jauh, ia mengatakan seandainya berada dalam posisi ‘utsman b. ‘affan maka ia akan melakukan tindakan yang sama.71 riwayat ‘ali inilah yang menurut blachère merupakan hasil “rekaan” yang dilakukan oleh generasi belakangan untuk mengesankan bahwa ‘ali sependapat dengan tindakan yang diambil khalifah. tetapi, di lain tempat, anehnya, blachère sendiri mengakui bahwa ia tidak mendapatkan informasi yang cukup untuk menggambarkan sikap penolakan yang dilakukan para sahabat seperti ‘ali b. abi thalib. hal yang sama juga dilakukan blachère terhadap riwayat yang melaporkan sikap ibn mas’ud. ibn mas’ud dilaporkan tidak sependapat dan menentang tindakan ‘utsman b. ‘affan. dalam hal ini, blachère mengutip riwayat ibn dawud yang menurutnya sangat tendensius. tetapi, blachère tidak menyebutkan tendensi apa yang ada di balik kemunculan riwayat tersebut.72 di kalangan sarjana muslim, memang, terdapat pengakuan bahwa pada awalnya ibn mas’ud menolak dan menentang tindakan ‘utsman b. ‘affan untuk membakukan teks mushaf usmani dan memusnahkan mushafnya.73 sikap ibn mas’ud yang diikuti sebagian penduduk kufah ini, menurut pandangan muslim, akhirnya melunak berkat bimbingan allah swt dan menyetujui apa yang dilakukan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 107vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan, demi kepentingan dan persatuan umat islam.74 namun, pandangan sarjana yang juga bertolak dari riwayat ibn dawud ini ditolak oleh blachère sembari menuduh mereka melakukan rekayasa terhadap riwayat untuk meringankan kesan marah dan penentangan yang dilakukan ibn mas’ud. selanjutnya, blachère menyatakan bahwa riwayat ibn dawud tentang penolakan ibn mas’ud tidak bisa dibantah dan dipatahkan oleh riwayat-riwayat lainnya. dalam riwayat tersebut, ibn mas’ud menolak mengadopsi mushaf usmani karena ia merasa lebih senior dari zaid b. tsabit yang ditunjuk sebagai ketua komisi. tampaknya, menurut penulis, blachère ingin mengesankan bahwa figur sahabat sekaliber ibn mas’ud pun merasa cemburu dengan yuniornya zaid b. tsabit, dan ia pun—mengingat perannya sebagai sahabat nabi dan sebagai imam qira’ah yang lebih senior, merasa kecewa dengan ‘utsman b. ‘affanyang tidak melibatkannya sebagai anggota komisi. dalam konteks ini, lagi-lagi blachère mengabaikan dan menyembunyikan keseluruhan riwayat yang merekam sikap ibn mas’ud. ibn hajar al-asqalani mengulas kisah ibn mas’ud dalam kitabnya fath al-bari, sebagaimana berikut; ibn mas’ud tidak berada di madinah, tetapi di kufah sewaktu khalifah ‘utsman b. ‘affan mendadak mengangkat sebuah komisi pengumpulan al-qur’an. lebih jauh, ‘utsman b. ‘affan tidak lebih sekedar mereproduksi lembaran-lembaran yang dikumpulkan zaid atas perintah abu bakr ke dalam mushaf. lagi pula, pada masa abu bakr dan ‘utsman b. ‘affan zaid b. tsabit mempunyai status sosial yang tinggi sebagai penulis kompilasi wahyu.75 dengan demikian, argumen blachère yang mengesankan bahwa proyek pengumpulan al-qur’an diliputi banyak misteri akibat kontradiksi dan kerancuan riwayat dan bahwa proyek tersebut merupakan murni otoritas tunggal ‘utsman b. ‘affan layak untuk didiskusikan lebih jauh. tambahan lagi, menurut penulis, blachère tidak fair ketika hanya mengutip sebagian riwayat dan menutup mata terhadap sebagian lainnya, padahal sumber dan kualitas riwayat tersebut sama dan sepadan. pengutipan sebagian riwayat ibn dawud dan pengabaian informasi lainnya pada sumber yang sama seperti di atas adalah contoh yang terbaik dari ketidakobjektifan dan sikap bias régis blachère. motif aristokrasi quraisy mekah banyaknya riwayat-riwayat yang secara lahir bertentangan dan saling menegasikan tersebut mendorong blachère untuk bertanya; spirit apa yang sebenarnya melatari pengumpulan karya agung tersebut? baginya, jika riwayat mayoritas diterima, niat khalifah tersebut merupakan sesuatu yang ekselen. yakni, untuk memangkas dan meminimalkan perbedaan-perbedaan yang terjadi dalam teks dan bacaan al-qur’an. akan tetapi, blachère menangkap adanya salah penunjukkan (maladresses) atau niat tersembunyi (intention déguissée) pada diri ‘utsman b. ‘affan, ketika menunjuk kerabat dan loyalisnya serta menjadikan mushaf abu bakr atau mushaf hafshah sebagai basis tekstual.76 motif apa sebenarnya yang menggerakkan ‘utsman untuk mengumpulkan al-qur’an? apa keistimewaannya mushaf abu bakr di banding mushaf sahabat lainnya, padahal mushaf tersebut sama-sama sebagai mushaf pribadi? doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 108 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna régis blachère merasa bahwa karya-karya kuno sama sekali tidaklah memberikan garansi terhadap keotentikannya. banyak unsur-unsur rekaan, khayalan, tiruan yang ada di dalamnya. begitu juga dengan suatu korpus. ia terbentuk oleh suatu latar dengan kronologi yang sangat kuat yang penyusunnya tidak dapat diidentifikasi, atau sekurangkurangnya sedikit sekali informasi mengenainya.77 untuk itu, yang paling penting menurut blachère adalah menemukan apa yang ada di balik sebuah teks, yakni dasar yang menyangga suatu perbuatan manusia; apakah itu orangnya, atau lebih tepatnya kelompok sosial yang memproduksi, ataukah kehidupan dan gagasan-gagasan mereka; bagaimana hal itu lahir dan bagaimana ia merefleksikannya. teori ini disebut dengan historisisme eksternal (external historicism) yang diaplikasikan dalam tradisi biblikal untuk mengungkap faktor eksternal dari sebuah karya atau teks. faktor-faktor yang diungkap tersebut antara lain; kepribadian perawi, lingkungan kemasyarakatan, bukti-bukti historis dan keadaan-keadaan khusus, proses tersusunnya sebuah teks.78 penelitian leone caetani dalam annali dell’ islam mirip dengan kajian blachère dari sisi pendekatan dan metodologinya yang menggunakan metode historisisme eksternal dengan mengaitkan konteks sosio-politik kultural masyarakat islam pada saat peristiwa besar standardisasi al-qur’an terjadi. dalam penelitiannya itu, caetani menemukan bahwa ; pertama, tidak ada alasan kuat untuk meyakini bahwa al-qur’an sekarang ini bukanlah representasi ipsissima verba muhammad. kedua, pengumpulan pertama di bawah abu bakr atau ‘umar b. khaththab adalah sebuah mitos. ketiga, pengumpulan yang dilakukan ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan lebih disebabkan oleh motif-motif politik dari pada keagamaan.79 dalam penelitian ini, dengan posisi sosial kaum qurra’ sebagai titik tolaknya, caetani menunjukkan bahwa langkah ‘utsman b. ‘affan membakukan teks resmi, menghapus perselisihan, dan membakar kodeks-kodeks lainnya merupakan keberanian politik (political braveness) yang besar sebagai upaya efektif mengakhiri monopoli teks suci yang masing-masing qurra’ klaim. berbeda dengan blachère yang menyebutkan bahwa ‘utsman b. ‘affan sebagai ruh kodifikasi adalah pribadi yang penakut dan mudah dipengaruhi oleh kerabat dekat atau orang-orang disekelilingnya, caetani menunjukkan bahwa apa yang dilakukan ‘utsman b. ‘affan dengan mengkodifikasi teks, memusnahkan mushaf tak resmi dan menghapus konflik adalah langkah berani dan ‘utsman b. ‘affan sendiri adalah figur yang jauh dari rasa takut. sebab, tindakannya ini memicu pertentangan dari para qurra’ yang terancam eksistensi mereka sebagai imam besar kiraat yang klaim dan pengaruhnya sangat besar di kota-kota propinsi. tindakan ‘utsman b. ‘affan memicu protes hebat dari para imam qurra’. hal ini terjadi, menurutnya, karena pada saat itu qurra’ adalah kelompok sosial yang menempati status sosial tinggi, elit, dan memiliki pengaruh dan pengikut yang kuat di tiap-tiap kota atau propinsi. selain itu, apa yang dilakukan ‘utsman b. ‘affan adalah hal baru yang tidak memiliki akar sejarah sebelumnya. oleh karena itu, untuk menghadapi protes antara lain dari para pengikut ‘ali, ahli hadis yang merasa khawatir kemudian menciptakan dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 109vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 mereka-reka kisah kompilasi yang dilakukan abu bakr, sehingga ‘utsman b. ‘affan dikesankan hanyalah pengkopi dari teks yang ditinggalkan abu bakr tersebut yang selanjutnya dikenal dengan mushaf hafshah.80 blachère tidak melihat kompilasi abu bakr atau ‘umar sebagai kisah rekaan. tetapi ia meragukan banyak aspek kesejarahan kompilasi tersebut; siapa yang berinisiatif, sebab-musabab, kontradiksi riwayat dan sebagainya. blachère berpendapat bahwa mushaf abu bakr atau ‘umar adalah mushaf pribadi yang, sebenarnya, dibuat sekedar untuk menghilangkan rasa inferior pada diri sang khalifah dari sahabat-sahabat lainnya yang memiliki mushaf pribadi. blachère selanjutnya melihat bahwa pengatribusian mushaf usmani kepada mushaf abu bakr atau hafshah yang dilakukan ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan, memang, untuk meredam protes dan gejolak kaum muslimin. figur abu bakr atau ‘umar dinilai sebagai seorang khalifah yang suci dan diterima melalui konsensus. selain itu, keduanya berasal dari kaum muhajirun mekah quraisy yang dihormati atas jasanya bagi perkembangan islam. oleh karena itu, tujuan dari pengadopsian mushaf hafshah sebagai basis teks menurut blachère, tidak lain adalah untuk menguatkan peran dan pengaruh faksi mekah quraisy dalam kehidupan relijio-sosio politik dan budaya masyarakat islam. faktor inilah yang menyebabkan manuskrip-manuskrip lainnya dimusnahkan.81 untuk memperkuat argumentasi ini, blachère menganalisis anggota komisi yang ditunjuk khalifah sebagai manifestasi kepentingan kelompok aristokrat. ketika blachère menganalisis komposisi anggota komisi, kecurigaan blachère semakin kuat. menurutnya, khalifah ‘utsman b. ‘affan yang menjadi “ruh” pengumpulan tersebut, adalah seorang yang saleh dan alim, akan tetapi sayangnya ia sangat peka terhadap pengaruh orang-orang sekelilingnya. sebagai seorang khalifah yang berasal dari keluarga aristokrat mekah, ‘utsman seringkali mengkaitkan dirinya dengan dan bertindak atas nama kelompok aristokrat. wajar jika di dalam anggota komisi, hanya orang-orang yang setia dengan kepentingan kota sucilah yang diangkat.82 ketiga anggota komisi lainnya sama-sama satu klan dengan ‘utsman dan berasal dari keluarga aristoktrat quraisy mekah. mereka masih kerabat dekat khalifah yang dihubungkan oleh istri-istri mereka, dan dipertemukan dalam kepentingan yang sama (al-mashalih al-musytarikah) secara lugas, blachère bahkan menyatakan bahwa sa’id, ‘abd al-rahman dan ibn al-zubair tidaklah dapat menyusun al-qur’an jika tidak lahir di kota suci mekah.83 zaid sendiri meski berasal dari madinah dan kaum anshar, loyalitas dan kecintaannya terhadap khalifah dan keluarganya tidak kalah dari mereka. selain itu, pada masa ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan, zaid adalah sahabat yang menduduki jabatan penting, karena loyalitasnya kepada umayyah dan menolak berpihak kepada ‘ali.84 mungkinkah ‘utsman b. ‘affan bertindak sepicik dan sekerdil itu? hanya karena alasan etnisitas dan loyalitas menunjuk sahabatsahabat yang ia sukai sebagai anggota komisi? bagi blachère, penunjukkan ini terasa aneh dan agak sulit diketahui alasan pokoknya, kecuali seperti yang dikabarkan riwayat; hanya untuk menjaga kesejatian dialek quraisy dalam penyalinan mushaf.85 kemudian, blachère berusaha keras menunjukkan sisi politik aristokrat kodifikasi ynag dilakukan ‘utsman dengan bertumpu doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 110 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna pada mushaf hafshah. menurutnya, ‘usman tidaklah mungkin memilih mushaf para sahabat lainnya dengan berbagai alasan; mushaf ubay adalah mushaf penduduk madinah yang tetap setia pada kota kelahirannya, mushaf abu musa al-asy’ari dianut oleh penduduk arab selatan, begitu juga mushaf ibn mas’ud dan ‘ali b. abi thalib yang dianggap menentang keluarga dekatnya.86 memilih salah satu di antara mushaf-mushaf pribadi tersebut, bagi ‘‘utsman adalah pilihan yang sangat sulit. misalnya, memilih mushaf ibn mas’ud, jelas akan menyebabkan kekesalan di kalangan penduduk syiria dan basrah yang menganut mushaf ubay dan abu musa al-asy’ari. di lain sisi, hal tersebut jelas menistakan kenangan pada mushaf abu bakr dan penerusnya ‘umar.87 untuk itu, secara cerdas ‘utsman menjadikan mushaf abu bakr menjadi basis tekstual dengan alasan dua sahabat agung quraisy tersebut adalah nenek moyang bangsa arab yang dihormati dan juga figur agung yang berjasa besar terhadap dakwah islam, sehingga perpecahan umat islam tidak terjadi, dan misi standardisasi teks dapat diterima secara luas.88 oleh karena itu, alasan dan maksud ‘‘utsmanbeserta anggota komisi sangatlah terang. yakni, memberikan kesempatan kepada faksi mekah (baca: kelompok aristokrat mekah) untuk menanam jasa bagi masyarakat islam dengan menyusun sebuah mushaf resmi.89 hanya sahabat-sahabat yang setia terhadap kepentingan kota sucilah yang dipilih. ketiga anggota tersebut adalah para aristokrat mekah yang masih ada hubungan kerabat dengan khalifah dari pihak istri-istri mereka, dan mempunyai kepentingan yang sama. zayd sendiri, meski berasal dari madinah, loyalitasnya terhadap khalifah ‘utsman b. ‘affan dan kerabat dekatnya tidak kalah dengan mereka. namun bila ditelusuri kapabilitas dan integritas keempat anggota komisi, tuduhan blachère tersebut sama sekali tidak berdasar. ‘‘utsman tampaknya menunjuk mereka tidak sepicik yang dibayangkan blachère hanya karena alasan etnisisme dan loyalisme. zaid b. tsabit dikenal sebagai hafiz, sekretaris nabi, pengumpul al-qur’an pada masa abu bakr, dikenal jujur, amanah, alim, cerdas dan menjadi rujukan dalam masalah agama pada masa ‘umar dan ‘utsman.90 ‘abd allah b. alzubair adalah salah satu dari sahabat yang dijuluki ‘abadilah, karena kedalaman ilmu yang dimiliki dan hafalan al-qur’annya.91 sa’id b. al-‘ashsh adalah yang terfasih bahasanya di antara kaum quraisy dan yang paling dekat dialeknya (lahjah) dengan nabi muhammad saw.92 adapun ‘abd al-rahman b. al-harits adalah kaum quraisy yang paling mulia, masa kecilnya diasuh ‘umar b. alkhaththab dan menikahi putri ‘utsman b. ‘affan.93 di samping itu, zubair tidaklah lahir di mekah, tetapi di madinah, sehingga dakwaan blachère bahwa ‘utsman hanya memilih orang-orang yang setia terhadap mekah dan lahir di sana tidak relevan dan lemah. oleh sebab itulah, shalih menganggap tuduhan asumtif blachère ini tiada lain adalah kisah khayalan yang direka dan tidak berdasar.94 blachère juga dinilai berlebihan dalam mengasosiasikan ketiga tokoh terkemuka quraisy tersebut dengan “aristokrat”, padahal aristokrat pada masyarakat islam kala itu tidaklah berarti rendah dalam memegang ajaran-ajaran islam. kisah khayalan blachère semakin terbukti, ketika ia menganggap zaid yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 111vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 berasal dari kaum anshar madinah dan jauh dari kepentingan aristokrat mekah justru menjadi ketua komisi membawahi anggota lainnya.95 bila blachère konsisten mengakui peran dan fungsi yang diemban oleh zaid b. tsabit, seharusnya, ia tidak perlu mengatakan bahwa ‘utsman b. ‘affan dan keempat anggota komisi bertalian erat dengan motif aristokrasi mekah. selain itu, seperti yang telah diungkap di muka, sahabat-sahabat yang terlibat dalam proyek pengumpulan tersebut tidaklah terbatas keempat anggota inti komisi, tetapi juga sahabat-sahabat lainnya yang berasal dari kaum muhajirun dan anshar seperti ubay b. ka’ab, anas b. malik, malik b. abi ‘amir (kakeknya malik b. anas), kutsayir b. aflah, dan ibn ‘abbas. sahabat-sahabat tersebut dilibatkan untuk membantu anggota inti dalam mendikte dan menulis salinan-salinan al-qur’an. dengan demikian, motif aristokrasi yang dituduhkan blachère menjadi tidak relevan dan sama sekali ahistoris. ketidaksempurnaan mushaf’ ‘utsmani régis blachère mengatakan bahwa setelah teks definitif dibakukan, ‘utsman kemudian menyalinnya menjadi empat mushaf (atau ada yang mengatakan tujuh salinan).96 salinan mushaf tersebut, kemudian, dikirim beserta para qurra’ ke kota-kota besar seperti mekah, basrah, kufah dan damaskus. pendapat ini berbeda dengan pendapatnya alsuyuthi yang mengatakan bahwa salinan tersebut berjumlah lima salinan, dan jika ditambah salinan yang ada di madinah menjadi enam.97 sementara shubhi al-shalih lebih condong kepada pendapat yang menyatakan bahwa komisi menyalin tujuh salinan, yang keenam salinan tersebut dikirim ke berbagai kota besar, dan ‘utsman menyimpan satu salinan.98 bagi blachère, jumlah salinan yang dikirim ke kota-kota besar tidaklah penting. yang lebih penting untuk dicermati adalah bagaimana proses promulgasi mashahif itu dilakukan? dan bagaimana sikap dan penerimaan kaum muslim terhadapnya? dalam riwayat bukhari dikesankan bahwa penyebaran mushaf yang diiringi pemusnahan berbagai catatan wahyu berjalan dengan lancar dan tanpa hambatan. dan sudah barang tentu, hal ini terjadi di kota penting mekah atau madinah. sebab, figurfigur berpengaruh seperti ummu salamah, hafshah atau ‘aisyah, istri nabi, atau seperti ‘abd allah b. al-zubair memiliki manuskrip yang diambil dari mushaf ‘utsmani.99 kondisi seperti ini juga kemungkinan besar terjadi di luar kedua kota suci tersebut. bahkan, terdapat riwayat yang “mengesankan” bahwa ‘ali dengan terburu-buru mengadopsi mushaf yang disusun khalifah. “jikalau ‘‘utsman tidak melakukan pengumpulan itu”, kata ‘ali, “aku yang akan melakukannya”.100 blachère menyangkal deskripsi riwayat tersebut, sebab kenyataannya tidaklah seperti yang dituturkan. ia mencatat sikap penentangan dan penolakan yang dilakukan oleh sahabat pemilik mushaf pribadi. ibn mas’ud yang mushafnya dianut di kufah, misalnya, menolak untuk mengadopsi teks ‘utsman. rasa marahnya terhadap ‘‘utsman sangat keras, tetapi riwayat belakangan yang tendensius mengurangi kesan marahnya. blachère menyanggah literatur islam yang menyatakan bahwa ibn mas’ud, berkat bimbingan allah, akhirnya menerima keputusan ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan demi persatuan umat islam.101 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 112 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna menurutnya, tidak ada yang dapat memodifikasi bukti riwayat yang menunjukkan bahwa pelayan tua nabi muhammad ini dengan terang melawan ketidakadilan yang ditimpakan kepadanya. dalam sebuah riwayat, ibn mas’ud dikabarkan pernah berkata; “bagaimana anda menyuruh saya untuk mengikuti bacaan zaid yang tatkala saya sedang membaca enam puluh dan beberapa surat dari lisan nabi, zaid saat itu sedang membawa perisai kanak-kanak dan bermain dengan anak-anak kecil sebayanya”.102 suatu kali, ia juga berkata, “aku menjauhi salinan mushaf resmi alqur’an yang dikerjakan oleh seseorang yang, saat aku masuk islam, ia masih berada didalam pelukan bapaknya”.103 bagi blachère, kisah detail di atas tidaklah penting. yang pasti, hal itu merupakan sebuah sikap penolakan ibn mas’ud yang diikuti tindakan untuk menyembunyikan mushafnya yang akan dimusnahkan khalifah. akibat penolakan dan kesetiaan warga kufah terhadap ibn mas’ud dan mushafnya, pertentangan berlangsung lama.104 blachère mengatakan bahwa perlawanan yang dilakukan ibn mas’ud pada dasarnya berhubungan dengan fakta-fakta yang ditunjukkan oleh mushaf-mushaf non-resmi yang selamat, juga akibat dibakukannya mushaf ‘utsmani. tidaklah wajar jika faksi mekah yang berkuasa cenderung meminimalkan oposisi yang terjadi, di beberapa tempat, dengan menstandarkan mushaf. tidak masuk akal juga bila faksi mekah tersebut berupaya keras menyandingkan ‘alidi sampingnya dengan memalsukan salah satu pernyataannya.105 begitu salinan-salinan teks resmi dibuat dan disebarkan ke kota-kota besar, mushafmushaf heterodoks atau non-resmi dan materi catatan wahyu lainnya kemudian dimusnahkan. blachère mempertanyakan,106 karena tidak ada riwayat yang pasti tentangnya, bagaimana mushaf dan materi catatan wahyu tersebut dimusnahkan; apakah dibakar, dirobek atau dihanyutkan di air? mengikuti keraguan casanova107 ia mempertanyakan bagaimana mungkin para sahabat memiliki keberanian untuk memusnahkan objek-objek yang merupakan “bayangan langsung” (directe phantome) dari tindakan dan kalam yang mahakuasa? kalau terjadi pemusnahan, seberapa besar kekuatan pemusnahan tersebut sehingga tidak menyebabkan lenyapnya lembaran-lembaran korpus yang dipelihara oleh sahabat lainnya? walaupun blachère tidak memiliki data akurat tentang kondisi teks al-qur’an resmi yang asli—karena tidak ada yang sampai ke tangannya, ia menduga beberapa salinan mushaf (al-mashahif) yang dikirimkan ke kotakota besar terdapat ketidaksempurnaan dan kekurangan.108 menurutnya, meskipun ‘‘utsman sekedar menyalin, merevisi dan mengoreksi mushaf hafshah—yang untuk membuktikan otentisitas ayat per ayat membutuhkan bukti testimonial dari dua orang saksi109 dan dilakukan secara hati-hati dan disiplin tinggi, tidak ada jaminan produk yang dihasilkan sempurna. hal ini dikarenakan, sistem grafik penulisan mushaf ‘utsmani adalah grafik hijaziyah, yakni tulisan tak berkonsonan dan bervokal, sciptio defectiva110 dan juga tidak ada jaminan bahwa mereka terlepas dari kesalahan yang tak terduga, seperti kesalahan dalam mengungkap bukti-bukti, atau dari motif, kepentingan dan inisiatif individu.111 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 113vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 keraguan blachère ini, bila ditelaah lebih jauh, bertentangan dengan pernyataan awal bahwa seluruh anggota komisi melaksanakan tugasnya dengan disiplin dan kehati-hatian yang tinggi. dengan demikian, tujuan blachère tampaknya untuk menyusupkan keraguan terhadap proses penulisan mushaf menjadi kian kentara. sebagaimana telah dibahas di muka, jumlah salinan mushaf yang disusun atas perintah khalifah terbatas hanya di kota-kota besar. menurut blachère, di kota-kota besar metropolitan situasinya sangat sederhana, yakni menerima dan menjadikan salinan mushaf sebagai norma yang dirujuk. tetapi, di kota-kota sekunder yang kurang penting, teks apa yang memainkan otoritas? apakah mereka menggunakan salinan mushaf ‘utsmani ? ataukah mereka membatasi diri pada hafalan yang ada dalam kepala mereka? blachère menunjukkan bahwa penduduk di kota-kota sekunder, atau bahkan di tempat terpencil, hanya mampu membaca al-qur’an secara baik dan benar bila mereka telah menghafalnya. mereka merasa kesusahan untuk membaca al-qur’an menurut salinan mushaf resmi. karena masih dalam bentuk scriptio defectiva, mereka bisa tergelincir atau salah dalam membaca teks, akibat kekhasan dialektikal yang dimiliki tiap individu, atau bahkan bacaan-bacaan yang berasal dari mushaf heterodoks bisa masuk tanpa sadar atau secara sadar.112 memang, tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa salinan mushaf resmi menuntun “pembaca” untuk membetulkan dan memperbaiki kekurangan atau kelemahan hafalan, mencegah pencampuradukan atau meloncati uruturutan ayat. akan tetapi cara membacanya tetap berdasarkan hafalan atau catatan wahyu yang dimiliki sebelumnya. selain itu blachère merasa heran dengan hilangnya atau musnahnya salinan-salinan mushaf yang otentik. padahal, salinan-salinan mushaf ‘utsmani, dalam waktu yang lama, di mata para penganutnya tetap memiliki nilai istimewa. mereka, tentunya, bekerja keras untuk memelihara dan melindunginya untuk waktu yang tak terbatas. sejumlah dokumen yang tersebar dalam kronik-kronik atau kompilasi-kompilsasi historis, yang tersusun selama berabad-abad, juga memberikan informasi bahwa manuskrip-manuskrip kuno tersebut, sebagian atau seluruhnya, terpelihara dengan baik.113 salah satu salinan kitab yang mulia tersebut pernah berada di kairo pada awal abad ke-4 h; beberapa di antaranya, juga pernah terlihat di amartous, cordoba, marakesh, basrah (ketika ekspedisi ibn batutah) dan di kota-kota lainnya.114 meskipun demikian, dengan menguji secara detail manuskrip-manuskrip tersebut, blachère mencurigai orisinalitas dan historisitasnya: manuskrip yang pernah ada di kairo pada awal abad ke-4 h/10 m, untuk menyebut misal, dianggap sebagai manuskrip palsu oleh manuskrip-manuskrip yang sezaman dengannya.115 dengan demikian, sudah sejak lama sebenarnya, salinan-salinan mushaf ‘utsmani telah musnah. yang juga mengagetkan adalah fragmen manuskrip kuno paling belakang hampir tidak ada yang masih terpelihara hingga kini. apakah pengumpulan pada masa ‘utsman merupakan sebuah mitos yang dikarangkarang oleh generasi belakangan, yakni pada masa ‘abd al-malik, untuk memberikan landasan yang lebih kuat bagi reformasi mushaf yang dilakukan? blachère tidak mengikuti konklusi casanova tersebut,116 akan tetapi ia kemudian menyatakan bahwa doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 114 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna secara sederhana, manuskrip-manuskrip tersebut telah digandakan dan digunakan di kota-kota yang sama atau di mana manuskrip itu dianut, kemudian secara berangsur-angsur mushaf-mushaf tersebut digantikan oleh salinan mushaf yang ketepatan grafiknya lebih akurat atau bentuknya lebih baik.117 selama tiga puluh tahun, sejak penobatan ‘ali b. abi thalib 35 h/656 m-periode ‘abd al-malik 65 h/685 m, terjadi perbedaan dan perselisihan di antara aliran dalam islam mengenai mushaf ‘utsmani. mushaf ‘utsmani tidak pernah kehilangan pengaruhnya karena didukung faksi yang sedang berkuasa dan yang menguasai tempat-tempat penting di syiria. blachère menduga, pada rentang waktu inilah, muncul pendapat yang menyatakan betapa reformasi terhadap mushaf ‘utsmani menjadi sebuah keniscayaan. sementara penganut imam qira’ah yang lain beranggapan bahwa makna (esprit) yang tersirat lebih penting dari pada huruf (lettre) yang tersurat. oleh karena itu, bagi pengikut teori ini, sinonim kata yang beraneka ragam mempunyai pilihan makna yang sama.118 blachère melihat bahwa teori yang menyatakan “bacaan menurut maknanya” (alqira’atu bi al-ma’na) ini sangat berbahaya, karena teori ini memungkinkan seseorang membaca teks baku berdasarkan fantasi tiap individu. sikap semacam ini, meski tidak berasal dari penganut korpus heterodoks, cenderung rentan dari penyimpangan (altahrif). lagi-lagi, blachère tidak memahami bahwa hal tersebut terkait dengan keragaman qir’aah (wujuh al-qira’at) yang terkandung dalam mushaf ‘utsmani dan salinannya. oleh karena itu, pandangan blachère cenderung politis dan bias ketika melihat khalifah-khalifah awal umayyah menjaga dan memberlakukan mushaf ‘utsmani. menurutnya, mereka sebenarnya mewarisi langkah politik ‘utsman, tetapi dilakukan secara halus dan tanpa tergesa-gesa. dengan keluwesan dan kontinuitas tindakan yang sangat khas pada diri seorang khalifah seperti mu’awiyah, setiap hari pengaruh mushaf tak resmi dikurangi. misalnya, khalifah marwan b. al-hakam, di masa berkuasanya yang singkat pada tahun 64 h/ 684 m, meminta dokumen hafshah yang dijadikan basis bagi mushaf ‘utsmani. hafshah menolaknya. dengan sabar, marwan menantikannya hingga hafshah wafat. setelah itu, ia merebutnya dan kemudian memusnahkannya.119 padahal, tindakan khalifah-khalifah tersebut sebenarnya berkaitan dengan perbedaan bacaan alqur’an yang disebabkan semakin luasnya wilayah kekuasaan islam dan kesulitan bagi non-arab untuk membaca al-qur’an dalam bentuknya yang tak ber-syakal dan berharakat. dalam konteks ini blachère, secara tidak tegas, berpendapat bahwa meski terjadi upaya pemusnahan, tidak semua manuskrip berhasil dilenyapkan. hal ini dikarenakan, terdapat perbedaan riwayat yang merekam cara pemusnahan tersebut; apakah dibakar, dirobek, atau ditenggelamkan ke air.120 sebagian besar literatur muslim menyebutkannya dengan “merobek”, (kharaqa), yang bersinonim dengan (syaqqaqa) dan (mazzaqa), dan riwayat bukhari dan ibn dawud yang diterima mayoritas menyebutnya dengan “membakar”, (haraqa).121 menurut hemat penulis, pemusnahan dengan cara membakar, haraqa lebih dekat dengan maksud ‘utsman menyingkirkan pengaruh dan perbedaan yang terdapat dalam manuskrip-manuskrip doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 115vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 lainnya; supaya hilang, lenyap tak berbekas. berbeda, jika hanya menyobeknya atau mencabik-cabiknya. sisa-sisa sobekan tersebut, bisa jadi, dapat dikumpulkan lagi dan disalahgunakan. perbedaan satu titik diakritik ini, kemungkinan besar, terjadi saat proses transmisi penulisannya, sebab keduanya, “merobek” dan “membakar” sama-sama berasal dari ragam konsonantal yang sama yakni, h, r, q, dan perbedaannya terletak pada ada tidaknya titik pada huruf pertama.122 setelah salinan-salinan mushaf dimusnahkan dan disebarkan ke kota-kota besar, yang berlaku secara resmi adalah mushaf usmani. bagi penduduk di kota-kota besar, mereka tidak menemukan kesulitan yang besar dalam mengadopsi teks baku tersebut karena ada rujukan resmi yakni, seorang imam qira’ah yang dikirim ‘‘utsman b. ‘affan. yang menjadi pertanyaan dan keraguan besar blachère adalah bagaimana dengan reseptifitas penduduk di tempattempat terpencil? apakah kondisinya sama sebagaimana penduduk kota? menurut blachère, karena mushaf usmani dan salinannya tertulis dalam bentuk scriptio defectiva, penduduk di tempat-tempat terpencil masih mendasarkan bacaan konsonantal dan syakal-nya pada kekhasan dialektikal masing-masing, yakni berdasarkan hafalan dan fragmen wahyu yang dimilikinya. dengan begitu, mereka mudah tergelincir dan salah membaca atau memasukkan bacaan mushaf heterodoks ke dalamnya tanpa sengaja atau tidak sengaja. hal ini menyebabkan perbedaan bacaan dan teks tulisan di tiap-tiap penduduk yang berbedabeda. welch memberi daftar perbedaanperbedaan tersebut. misalnya, skrip yang bentuknya sama digunakan untuk dua atau lebih huruf konsonantal, dan , dan dan bahkan bentuk-bentuk fonem seperti dan , , , , , dan . karena tidak adanya titik atau tanda bunyi vokal (syakal), maka pembacaannya tergantung pada siapa yang membaca. meskipun bentuk konsonannya sama, tetapi karena tidak berharakat atau ber-syakal maka kata tersebut dapat dibaca pasif atau aktif, kata benda (ism) dibaca dengan akhiran yang berbeda-beda, atau bisa jadi isim dibaca kata kerja (fi’il) atau sebaliknya.123 arthur jeffery juga menghimpun beberapa variasi kanonik atau non-kanonik dari bentuk tulisan yang tidak dapat dibedakan dalam scriptio defectiva. dalam banyak kasus, maknanya sedikit berubah, misalnya kata kabir, “besar” atau katsir, “banyak”, dalam surat al-baqarah, 219 (yang terakhir dibaca oleh ibn mas’ud, hamzah dan kisai), atau , (hadab), “gundukan tanah kuburan”, atau , (jadats), kuburan” dalam surat al-anbiya’, 96 (yang terakhir dibaca oleh ibn mas’uddan lainnya). dalam banyak hal, perubahan rima akhir atau sedikit perubahan dalam pengucapan (vowelling) merubah arti secara signifikan.124 fakta bahwa keempat atau lebih salinan mushaf tersebut berbeda-beda satu sama lain tidak dapat dinegasikan. al-asqalani termasuk sarjana yang pernah menyaksikan adanya perbedaan-perbedaan tersebut. ia memberi contoh, dalam al-tawbah, 100 kata min ada dalam mushaf mekah, tetapi terhapus dalam salinan mushaf di kota-kota lainnya.125 sejumlah riwayat lain melaporkan tentang ditemukannya sejumlah kekeliruan atau perbedaan di dalam salinan-salinan mushaf. yang paling masyhur adalah riwayat tentang ‘utsman b. ‘affan sendiri, ketika doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 116 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna memeriksa salah satu eksemplar yang telah selesai ditulis, menemukan ungkapanungkapan keliru dan mengatakan bahwa kekeliruan itu tidak dapat diubah, karena orang-orang arab—dengan lisan mereka, bisa membetulkannya.126 riwayat populer lainnya mengemukakan bahwa ‘aisyah menemukan sejumlah kekeliruan penulisan di beberapa tempat; dalam al-baqarah, 17, wa almufuna...wa al-shabirina (untuk wa alshabiruna), dalam al-nisa’, 162, lakini alrasikhuna...wa al-muqimina...wa al-mu’tuna (untuk lakinna...wa al-muqimuna).127 kondisi yang membingungkan ini, pada rentang periode ‘ali dan ‘abd al-malik, memunculkan dua pendapat yang saling bertentangan; perlunya reformasi grafik skriptural teks ‘utsman b. ‘affan yang diwakili oleh kubu pemerintah dan anti-reformasi yang diwakili oleh anas b. malik yang dilaporkan pernah memperbolehkan membaca ayat dengan aqwamu atau aswabu. perbedaan di antara dua kubu tersebut, pada dasarnya, terletak pada perbedaan pandangan di antara mereka apakah mushaf utsmani mengandung tujuh huruf (al-ahruf alsab’ah) ataukah tidak. pendapat al-thabari bahwa al-qur’an ditulis dalam satu huruf, yakni dialek quraisy untuk meminimalkan perbedaan bacaan di antara kaum muslim memperkuat kubu reformasi.128 al-thabari berargumen bahwa diperbolehkannya menggunakan tujuh huruf bukanlah kewajiban, tetapi sekedar rukhshah, sehingga ketika terjadi perselisihan di kalangan umat ‘utsman b. ‘affan mengumpulkannya menjadi satu huruf.129 sarjana muslim belakangan, seperti manna’ al-qaththan, shubhi shalih, dan ahmad ‘ali al-imam cenderung berpendapat sama.130 adapun kubu anti-reformasi diperkuat oleh ibn hazm dan al-baqilani yang berpendapat bahwa mashahif tersebut mengandung al-ahruf al-sab’ah. alasannya, ‘utsman b. ‘affan tidaklah membuat perubahan dalam al-qur’an dan tidak pula melarang kaum muslim untuk membaca dalam tujuh huruf, ‘utsman b. ‘affan hanya menyatukan kaum muslim dan membuat salinannya untuk mengoreksi kesalahan beberapa qurra’ dan manuskrip pribadinya dan menjadikan salinan teks ‘utsman b. ‘affan tersebut sebagai referensi. baqilani menambahkan, bahwa kaum muslim tidaklah berbeda pendapat tentang ahruf yang mutawatir dan otentik, tetapi hanya pada bacaan-bacaan yang tidak populer (ahad).131 dengan demikian, pandangan blachère bahwa teori “bacaan menurut maknanya” (alqira’atu bi al-ma’na) dinilai berbahaya, karena teori ini mengandaikan seseorang membaca teks baku berdasarkan fantasi tiap individu dan menyebabkan perubahan (tabdil), penyimpangan (tahrif) dalam teks al-qur’an menjadi gugur dengan sendiri. blachère tampaknya tidak memahami bahwa hal tersebut terkait dengan keragaman qir’aah (wujuh al-qira’at) yang terkandung dalam mushaf usmani dan salinannya. shubhi alshalih berpendapat bahwa diprioritaskannya dialek quraisy dalam penulisan al-qur’an pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan tidak berarti menegasikan penulisan al-qur’an dalam tujuh bacaan (al-ahruf al-sab’ah). karena tulisan tersebut tidaklah bertitik (mu’jamah) dan berharakat (masykulah) maka keragamaan pembacaan (wujuh al-qira’at) tidak bisa dihindarkan.132 namun, seiring dengan kian luasnya wilayah islam dan beragamnya kaum muslim, perbedaan penulisan dan pembacaan teks ‘utsmani tersebut menimbulkan perselisihan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 117vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 hebat di kalangan umat islam yang multibahasa, multi-kultur, akibat ketidaktahuan mereka terhadap bahasa arab dan al-ahruf alsab’ah. dengan alasan yang sama seperti saat kodifikasi ‘utsman b. ‘affan, khalifahkhalifah umayyah seperti marwan b. alhakam dan ‘abd al-malik mengikis keanekaragaman teks dan bacaan terhadap mushaf ‘utsmani. misalnya, khalifah marwan b. al-hakam, di masa berkuasanya yang singkat pada tahun 64 h/ 684 m, meminta dokumen hafshahyang dijadikan basis bagi mushaf utsmani. hafshahmenolaknya. dengan sabar, marwan menantikannya hingga hafshah wafat. setelah itu, ia merebutnya dan kemudian memusnahkannya.133 kemudian pada masa ‘abd al-malik terjadi reformasi mushaf ‘utsmani dengan membakukannya dalam bentuk scriptio plena, huruf yang berharakat dan bertitik. pandangan blachère terlalu monolitik ketika melihat tindakan khalifah-khalifah awal umayyah dalam memelihara al-qur’an dan persatuan umat islam sebagai sematamata untuk mewarisi semangat aristokrasi mekah quraisy. berkaitan dengan tidak adanya mushaf ‘utsmani dan salinannya yang terpelihara hingga sekarang ini—karena mushaf yang asli terakhir tersimpan di masjid damaskus hingga terbakar pada tahun 1310,134 harus diakui bahwa pandangan blachère tidaklah bias dan tendensius. menurut blachère, lenyapnya mushaf asli tidak berarti kodifikasi pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan adalah sesuatu yang diadakan untuk kepentingan generasi belakangan, tetapi secara simpatik ia mengatakan bahwa manuskrip-manuskrip tersebut telah digandakan dan digunakan di kota-kota yang sama atau di mana manuskrip itu dianut, kemudian secara berangsur-angsur mushafmushaf tersebut digantikan oleh salinan mushaf yang ketepatan grafiknya lebih akurat atau tampilannya (performance) lebih baik. mushaf ‘utsmani dan tafsir alqur’an yang mencerahkan tesis régis blachère di atas seperti sarjana orientalis lainnya, pada dasarnya, tidak terlepas dari anggapan bahwa teks al-qur’an adalah teks historis yang masa formatifnya dipengaruhi oleh faktor-faktor eksternal. sebagai teks historis, al-qur’an dianggap tunduk pada faktor-faktor sejarah yang melingkupinya. asumsi semacam ini, pada mulanya, lahir dari tradisi kritik bible (perjanjian baru atau perjanjian lama) terhadap historisitas dan validitas kitab suci tersebut. bagi sebagian sarjana muslim, metode kritik biblikal tidak tepat diterapkan pada teks al-qur’an. al-qur’an adalah teks suci, verbum dei, yang melampui ukuranukuran manusia. teks al-qur’an yang sejak awal dipelihara oleh kaum muslim tidak sama dengan bible yang baru tertulis setelah puluhan atau ratusan tahun lamanya.135 tesis blachère seputar kodifikasi mushaf usmani dinilai sebagai contoh dari “pemaksaan metodologis” tersebut. hal ini diperkuat oleh kelemahan tesis blachère tersebut yang disebabkan ; pertama, kesalahannya dalam menentukan tahun dilaksanakannya proyek kodifikasi. kedua, ketidakmampuannya dalam melakukan talfiq terhadap riwayat-riwayat yang bertentangan. ketiga, ketidakobjektifannya dalam melihat dan memperlakukan sumber-sumber yang dirujuk. oleh karena itu, tesis blachère tersebut dengan sendirinya tidak mampu menunjukkan bahwa kodifikasi al-qur’an pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan dilaksanakan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 118 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna lebih karena alasan dan kepentingan politis. meskipun demikian, pandangan régis blachère turut mendorong perlunya rekonstruksi edisi kritis al-qur’an (critical edition of the qur’an) di kalangan sejumlah sarjana muslim. kebutuhan ini lebih disebabkan dampak negatif paska diberlakukannya teks ‘utsmani b. ‘affan sebagai satu-satunya mushaf resmi bagi kaum muslim berkaitan dengan timbulnya klaim dan monopoli kebenaran atas tafsir tertentu, bukan karena otentisitas teks al-qur’an. menurut mohammed arkoun, kodifikasi ‘utsman b. ‘affan menyebabkan sejumlah keputusan yang patut untuk disesalkan; pemusnahan sejumlah korpus individu dan materi-materi wahyu lainnya, pereduksian arbitaire terhadap ragam qira’ah menjadi lima, eliminasi terhadap mushaf ibn mas’ud, dan kelemahan teknik dalam grafik tulisan harus bertumpu pada qurra’ tertentu, yakni kesaksian lisan (temoignage oral).136 mushaf ‘utsmani, tambah arkoun, adalah mushaf resmi tertutup (corpus officiel clos) yang struktur kata, kalimat, susunan surat dan ayat yang ada di dalamnya sudah final, resmi, dibakukan dan distandardisasikan oleh otoritas tertentu yang tidak steril dari aspekaspek historis yang tergantung pada agenagen sosial dan politik, bukan tuhan, mirip tesis blachère di atas.137 melalui teks yang dibakukan, ortodoksi islam yang didukung rejim penguasa, sebagaimana yang ditunjukkan oleh régis blachère, memaksakan sistem pengetahuan sebagai sebuah kredo ke dalam seluruh lini kehidupan umat islam. fakta ini menyebabkan wacana al-qur’an (discours coraniques)138 atau pewahyuan al-qur’an yang direkam dalam teks-teks wahyu pra-’utsman b. ‘affan atau materi-materi lainnya tidak dapat diakses lagi. pemaksaan mushaf ‘utsmani sebagai satu-satunya mushaf otoritatif,139 tentu saja, melahirkan bentuk represifitas baru dalam bentuk tafsir hegemonik dan represif yang dibakukan sebagai “kebenaran tunggal” oleh sekelompok ortodoksi islam yang didukung elit penguasa. inilah yang menyebabkan adanya “yang tak terpikirkan” dalam pemikiran kontemporer islam.140 untuk mereduksi bias-bias, dogmatisme dan kebekuan ideologis dalam ranah penafsiran al-qur’an yang dihasilkan oleh mushaf ‘utsmani dan diwarisi oleh penguasa dan elit-elit keagamaan ortodoks, arkoun memandang perlunya rekonstruksi sejarah kritis al-qur’an. sejarah kritis ini bukan hanya diartikan untuk merekonstruksi edisi kritis al-qur’an, tetapi juga rekapitulasi bacaan-bacaan (qira’at) yang beragam yang ada semenjak manifestasinya. dengan kata lain, arkoun memandang perlu untuk merekonstruksi sebuah korpus yang otentik dari seluruh ungkapan-ungkapan yang diujarkan oleh muhammad saw yang disebut wahyu (tanzil, wahy).141 dengan pendekatan dekonstruksi derida, arkoun menegaskan bahwa; sepanjang al-qur’an diperhatikan, harus dinyatakan bahwa istilah ini menjadi sarat dan dipenuhi penyelidikan teologis, instrumentalisasi legalistik dan manipulasimanipulasi ideologis dari gerakan-gerakan politik kontemporer yang harus didekonstruksi untuk mengungkap fungsi dan signifikansinya yang telah lama disingkirkan, dihapus dan dilupakan oleh tradisi dan juga filologi yang berorientasi pada teks (text-oriented philology).142 persoalannya, mungkinkah proyek tersebut dilakukan di tengah ketiadaan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 119vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 manuskrip-manuskrip otentik? sarjana orientalis sendiri meragukan kemungkinan berhasilnya proyek tersebut, karena manuskrip-manuskrip yang pernah dikumpulkan oleh bergstrasser, pretzl dan jeffery telah musnah akibat dihajar bom pada perang dunia ii.143 di samping itu, rekonstruksi sejarah al-qur’an menjadi persoalan rumit ketika literatur-literatur klasik mencatat ribuan variasi tekstual, yang tidak ketahui oleh sarjana yang yang berambisi dalam proyek “ambisius” tersebut. meskipun pernah ditemukan mushaf shan’ani yang memiliki ragam qira’ah yang bersumber pada manuskrip lama, temuan tersebut tidak dapat dijadikan acuan untuk merekonstruksi edisi kritis al-qur’an dan memberikan “terobosan baru” dalam studi al-qur’an yang ada, karena otentisitas riwayat mushaf shan’ani belum dapat diketahui secara pasti— sebagaimana gerard puin katakan berikut ini, “meskipun kumpulan lengkap variasi qira’ah dapat ditemukan, hal ini kemungkinan besar tidak akan melahirkan sebuah terobosan baru dalam studi al-qur’an.”144 kesimpulan harus diakui, pemberlakuan mushaf ‘utsmani melahirkan anomali otoritas, dogmatisme dan klaim kebenaran (truth claim) yang dilakukan oleh elit atau institusi politik atau keagamaan tertentu. tetapi pada dasarnya, penyimpangan tersebut tidak terkait dan terletak pada otentisitas dan historisitas teks al-qur’an, akan tetapi lebih pada level produk penafsiran. yang perlu dikritik adalah produk penafsiran yang membelenggu, represif dan otoriter sebab penafsiran apapun adalah produk anak sejarah yang bersifat historis dan temporal. oleh karena itu, penulis sependapat dengan taufik adnan amal yang melihat pentingnya upaya penafsiran yang bertumpu pada ragam plural bacaan yang pernah ada, untuk memberikan khazanah tafsir yang terbuka dan tidak dogmatis.145 salah satu caranya adalah seperti yang dilakukan oleh mufasir muslim klasik thabari dalam tafsirnya jami’ al-bayan ‘an ta’wil ayat al-qur’an, yang merujuk juga pada ragam bacaan al-qur’an yang ada. menurutnya, langkah penafsiran yang demikian, untuk konteks kekinian sangat tepat. meskipun, kadang ia memilih pendapat yang paling “benar” atau pendapatnya sendiri. dengan demikian, diharapkan, hasil penafsiran yang ada tidak diyakini sebagai sebuah kebenaran yang tunggal dan tidak bisa diperdebatkan lagi. catatan akhir 1 dalam ilmu tafsir, terdapat (1) dua bentuk penafsiran, yakni tafsir bi al-riwayat dan tafsir bi al-ma’tsur, (2) metode penafsiran, yakni ijmali, tahlili, muqaran dan maudlu’i, (3) corak penafsiran, yakni tasawuf, fikih, filsafat, ilmiah, sosial-kemasyarakat dan lain-lain. lihat ulasan selengkapnya dalam nashrudin baidan, metodologi penafsiran al-quran (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1998). 2 kata “orientalis” dalam tulisan ini sepenuhnya mengacu pada definisi yang diberikan oleh wasim ahmad yang mendefinisikan orientalisme sebagai “sebuah upaya atau usaha barat untuk “memahami” timur, khususnya kaum muslim dan agama islam”. wasim ahmad. “orientalism: its changing face and nature”, hamdard islamicus, xxiv, oktober-desember 2001, h. 73. 3 theodore noldeke-frederick schwally, geshichte des qorans (leipzig: dieterich’se verlagsbuchhandlung, 1909-1938. sayang sekali, penulis tidak dapat mengakses karya geschichte des qorans-nya th. noldeke karena kendala bahasa. yang dapat penulis akses adalah karyanya dalam bahasa inggris, the koran, yang ekstensifitasnya lebih rendah dari pada karya pertamanya tersebut. lihat th. noldeke, “the koran”, dalam ibn warraq (ed.), the origins of the koran: classic essays on islam’s holy book (new york: promotheus books, 1988) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 120 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 4 w. montgomery watt, bell’s introduction to the qur’an (edinburg: edinburg univ. press, 1970) 5 arthur jeffery, “materials for the history of the text of the quran”, dalam ibn warraq (ed.), the origins of the koran: classic essays on islam’s holy book (new york: promotheus books, 1988), h. 123. 6 john burton, the collection of the qur’an (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1977) 7 a.t. welch, “al-kur’an”, the encyclopaedia of islam (ei) (leiden: ej. brill, 1986), vol. v, h.404. 8 dalam tradisi kritik bible, analisis semacam ini disebut dengan historisisme internal, yakni mengkaji teks atau riwayat guna mengungkap kontradiksi atau kerancuan di dalamnya. oleh karena itu, tesis blachère melampaui kajian sarjana barat lainnya. theodore noldeke dalam the koran, misalnya, tidak membahas “apa di balik” fenomena pengumpulan tersebut. ia cenderung menganalisis fenomena tersebut dengan bertumpu pada riwayat atau data historis yang tersedia, sehingga ia terjebak pada analisis terhadap validitas dan reabilitas riwayat atau data tersebut yang digunakan untuk menggambarkan potret historis fenomena tersebut. arthur jeffery dalam buku yang berhasil ia susun selama bertahun-tahun, materials for the history of the text of the qur’an, juga hanya mengungkap adanya materi-materi tekstual al-qur’an pra kodifikasi. ia mencatat lebih dari dua puluh delapan mushaf pra’utsmani yang ia klasifikasikan ke dalam tiga kategori; (a) mushaf primer; mushaf ibn mas’ud, ubay b. ka’ab, ‘ali b. abi thalib, ibn. ‘abbas, abu musa al-asy’ari, hafshah,anas b. malik, ‘umar, zaid b. tsabit, ibn. alzubair, ibn. amr, ‘a’isyah, salim, ummu salamah dan ‘ubaid b. ‘umair (b) mushaf sekunder: al-aswad, alqamah, sa’id b. zubair, thalhah, ikrimah, mujahid, ‘asa b. abi rabih, al-rabi’ b. khusaim, al-a’masy, ja’far alshadiq, shalih b ; kaisan, dan al-harits b. suwaid (c)mushaf anonim. materi-materi tersebut, menurutnya, berguna bagi penyusunan kembali edisi kritis teks alqur’an (a critical text of qur’an). namun, ia tidak secara khusus dan mendetail mengungkap faktor “lain” seputar proyek pengumpulan masa ‘utsman. baca selengkapnya dalam th. noldeke, the koran, h. 56-59; arthur jeffery, materials for the history, h. 123. 9 régis blachère, introduction au coran (paris: g.p. maisonneuve. 1959), h. 1-2. 1 0 metode ini mengkhususkan pada kajian konteks atau latar belakang teks seperti sikap penyusun dan tujuantujuannya, dan atau latar belakang sosio-historis suatu teks. metode ini menuntut adanya; (1) sikap skeptis terhadap perawi. (2) berkaitan dengan perawi, harus ditelusuri siapa orangnya, riwayat hidup, moralitas dan tujuan-tujuan hidupnya, kapan sebuah karya ditulis dan siapa penulisnya. jika perawi tersebut jelas, maka riwayatnya diterima vice versa. (3) menelusuri lingkungan kemasyarakatan, bukti-bukti historis dan keadaan-keadaan khusus. (4) bagaimana sebuah teks disusun atau dikumpulkan dan siapa yang pertama kali menerimanya, adakah ayat yang terhapus (naskh) di dalamnya? lihat dalam muhammad sa’id jamal al-din, al-syubhat al-maz’umah haula al-qur’an al-karim fi dairatai al-ma’arif al-islamiyyah wa al-brithaniyyah (tt), h. 9-10. 1 1 michel foucault berkeyakinan bahwa kekuasaan yang terlihat baik dan diterima masyarakat, ternyata, juga melintasi dan memproduksi benda-benda, menginduksi kesenangan, membentuk pengetahuan dan memproduksi wacana. michel foucault, power/ knowledge: wacana kuasa/pengetahuan, terj. yudi santosa (yogyakarta: bentang, 2002), h. 148. 1 2 lihat ‘ali b. sulaiman al-’abid, jam’ al-qur’an al-karim hifdlan wa kitabatan (tt), h. 38. bandingkan dengan ‘abd al-qayum ‘abd al-ghafur al-sundi, jam’ al-qur’an al-karim fi ‘ahdi al-khulafa’ al-rasyidin (tt), h. 28-29. 1 3 abdurrahman badawi, ensiklopedi tokoh orientalis terj. amroeni drajat (yogyakarta: lkis, 2003), h. 93. 1 4 david cohen, “regis blachère (1900-1973)”. journal asiatique (ja). vol. 262, 1974, h. 1-2 1 5 david cohen, “regis blachère”, h. 1-2 1 6 david cohen, “regis blachère”, h. 1-2 1 7 david cohen, “regis blachère”, h. 1-2 1 8 abdurrahman badawi, ensiklopedi tokoh, h. 94. 1 9 abdurrahman badawi, ensiklopedi tokoh, h. 385-386. 2 0 abdurrahman badawi, ensiklopedi tokoh., h. 362-365. 2 1 david cohen, “regis blachère”, h. 5. 2 2 david cohen,”regis blachère”, h.5 2 3 kajian al-qur’an di barat, pada awalnya bermula ketika peter yang mulia, abbot de cluny, mengunjungi toledo pada paruh kedua abad xii. ia tertarik dengan islam, lalu membentuk sebuah tim untuk memproduksi sejumlah karya yang menjadi basis pertemuan intelektual dengan islam. salah satu hasilnya, terjemahan al-qur’an ke dalam bahasa latin berhasil diselesaikan oleh robertus retensis, orang inggris yang bernama asli robert of ketton. terjemahan tersebut, kemudian, dikenal dengan sebutan cluniac corpus, yakni terjemahan al-qur’an yang ada di gereja cluniac. sayangnya, cluniac corpus dan suntingan atau terjemahan al-qur’an sesudahnya masih memosisikan islam sebagai musuh yang ditakuti sekaligus disegani, dan apa yang seringkali ditulis lebih bersifat apologetik dan polemik, bahkan kadang-kadang pornografik dan cabul.w. montgomery watt, bell’s introduction to the qur’an (edinburg: edinburg univ. press, 1970), h. 173-174. 2 4 gustav l. flugel (ed.), corani textus arabicus (leipzig: e. bredtii, 1834). buku ini dicetak ulang dalam berbagai versi. 2 5 w. montgomery watt, bell’s introduction, h. 173-174. 2 6 gustav weil, historische –kritische enleitung in der koran (leipzig: bielefeld, 1878). doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 121vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 2 7 william muir, life of mahomet (london, 1858-11861). buku ini mengalami pemendekan dan revisi dalam beragam edisi. 2 8 aloys sprenger dan william muir, the coran, its composition and teaching and the testimony it bears to the holy sciptures (london, 1978). 2 9 karya noldeke ini, uniknya, baru dapat terpublikasikan seluruhnya setelah enam puluh delapan tahun sejak pertama kali diterbitkan tahun 1860 di gottingen. selama rentang waktu tersebut, karya tersebut diterbitkan sebanyak tujuh kali; 1) 1860 di gottingen; 2) edisi kedua 1898 yang diedit oleh muridnya, frederich schwally; 3) volume pertama tentang ‘asalusul al-qur’an di leipzig 1909; 4) volume kedua tentang ‘pengumpulan al-qur’an 1919; 5) volume ketiga di kerjakan oleh gotthelf bergstrasser di konigsberg 1926 dan 1929; terakhir, pada tahun 1938 oleh otto pretzl, h. 175-176. 3 0 régis blachère, introduction, h. viii. 3 1 régis blachère, le coran, traduction nouvelle, paris: g.p. maisonneuve, 1949-50, vol.2. baca bagian pendahuluan. 3 2 arthur jeffery, materials for the history, h. 123. 3 3 david cohen, “regis blachère”, h. 5 3 4 régis blachère, introduction, h. vii 3 5 david cohen “regis blachère”,, h. 5. 3 6 régis blachère, le problème de mahomet: essai de biographie critique du foundateur de l’ islam (paris, presses universitaires de france, 1952) 3 7 taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah al-qur’an, yogyakarta: fkba, 2001, h. 100. 3 8 régis blachère (dkk.), dans les pas de mahomet (paris: libraire hachette, 1956) 3 9 régis blachère, le coran: que je sais? (paris: presse universitaires de france, 1966), no. 1245. 4 0 fakta al-qur’an adalah peristiwa kebahasaan, kebudayaan, dan keagamaan yang berfungsi sebagai garis pemisah dalam sejarah arab antara “pemikiran primitif” dan “pemikiran berbudaya”. kodifikasi alqur’an merupakan satu momen penting yang amat menentukan bagi keberlangsungan sejarah dan peradaban islam. lihat m. arkoun, la pensée arabe (paris: press univ. de france, 1975), h. 7. 4 1 blachère tampaknya tidak lepas dari mainstream kajian orientalis semacam ini. meskipun blachère mengakui bahwa sebagian besar riwayat dapat dilacak hingga generasi sezaman dengan muhammad saw, ia berasumsi bahwa riwaya-riwayat hadis baru dicatat dalam bentuk tulisan pada abad ke-2 h/ 8 m dan banyak hadis-hadis yang merupakan kisah rekaan yang diciptakan generasi belakangan. oleh karena itu, menurutnya, data-data kesejarahan al-qur’an yang merekam peristiwa besar kompilasi teks al-qur’an pada masa ‘utsman b. ‘affan masih menyimpan kalkulasi, tendensi dan sekumpulan kebisuan atau kontradiksi yang parah. baca régis blachère, introduction, h. 2-3 4 2 baca bukhari, shahih al-bukhari (maktabah dahlan, tt), kitab fadlail al-qur’an, bab jam’ al-qur’an. lihat juga shubhi al-shalih, mabahits fi ‘ulum al-qur’an (beirutlibanon: dar al-‘ilm li al-malayin, 1988), h. 78; ‘ali sulaiman al-’abid, jam’ al-qur’an al-karim hifdzan wa kitabatan (tt), h. 36. 4 3 theodore noldeke, “the koran”, h. 56-63. 4 4 a.t. welch, “al-kur’an”, h. 405. 4 5 a.t. welch, “al-kur’an”, h. 54-57. 4 6 w. montgomery watt, bell’s introduction, h. 44. 4 7 w. montgomery watt, bell’s introduction, h. 43. 4 8 w. montgomery watt, bell’s introduction, h. 44. 4 9 a.t. welch, “al-kur’an”, h. 405 5 0 john burton, the collection, h. 120-124, 228. 5 1 paul casanova, mohammed et la fin du monde: etude critique sur l’islam primitif (paris: libraire paul geuthner, 1911), h. 141. 5 2 estelle whelan, “forgotten witness: evidence for the early codification of the qur’an”, journal of the american oriental society, vol. 118, 1998, h. 2. 5 3 alphonse mingana, “the transmission of the kur’an”, ibn warraq, op. cit., h. 113. 5 4 ignaz goldziher, muslim studies terj. barber dan stern (london: 1967-1971), vol. 2, h. 43. 5 5 joseph schacht, the origins of muhammadan jurisprudence (oxford: 1959), h. 4-5. 5 6 john wansbrough, qur’anic studies: sources and methods of scriptural interpretation (oxford, 1977), h. 47. 5 7 régis blachère, introduction, h. 54. 5 8 manna’ khalil al-qaththan, mabahits fi ‘ulum al-qur’an, tt, h. 130. 5 9 ibn abi dawud, al-mashahif, tt, h. 13, 16, 20. 6 0 régis blachère, introduction, h. 56. 6 1 ibn dawud dari muhammad b. sirin ini tidak menyebutkan seluruh nama anggota komisi. alasqalani menemukan sembilan dari dua belas nama yang disebutkan pada tempat yang berbeda-beda oleh ibn dawud. mereka itu adalah zaid b. tsabit, sa’id b. al’ashsh, ‘abd allah b. al-zubair, ‘abd al-rahman b. alhisyam, maik b. abi ‘amir (kakeknya malik b. anas), kutsayir b. aflah, ubay b. ka’ab, anas b. malik dan ‘abd allah b. ‘abbas. riwayat-riwayat tersebut, menurut literatur lain, mengandung tendensi dan kepentingan generasi belakangan. penyebutan ubay, sebetulnya, dikaitkan dengan dua belas anggota komisi yang terdiri dari kaum muhajirun dan anshar. penyebutan sejumlah besar anggota komisi yang terdiri dari muhajirun dan anshar ini agaknya bertujuan untuk melibatkan masyarakat madinah dalam pengumpulan resmi tersebut. lihat dalam ahmad ‘ali al-imam, variant readings of the qur’an (usa: iiit, 1998), h. 28; taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah, h. 198-199. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 122 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 6 2 régis blachère, introduction, h. 56 6 3 sementara dalam riwayat yang hanya menyebutkan zaid dan sa’id, disebutkan bahwa zaid merupakan penulis wahyu pada masa nabi—karena itu ia ditugaskan untuk menulis, dan sa’id adalah yang terfasih bahasanya—karena itu ia ditugaskan untuk mendikte. tetapi terkadang posisi itu terbalik: zaid mendikte dan sa’id menulis. varian lainnya menyebutkan nama aban sa’id b. al-’ashsh—paman sa’id, dan zaid. aban memang pernah berperan sebagai sekretaris nabi, tetapi menurut riwayat lainnya ia meninggal dalam pertempuran yarmuk pada 14 h, sehingga keterlibatannya sebagai anggota komisi merupakan rekayasa belakangan atau secara tidak sengaja nama sa’id tertukar dalam proses periwayatan. lihat dalam ibn abu dawud, al-mashahif, h. 22-25; ibn hajar al-asqalani, fath al-bari bi syarhi shahih albukhari, vol. 9, h. 19; ibn jarir al-thabari, jami’ al-bayan ‘an ta’wil ayat al-qur’an. beirut: dar al-fikr, 1978, vol. i, h. 20 6 4 lihat juga komentar taufik a. amal tentang riwayat ini dalam taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah, h. 196. 6 5 estelle whelan, “forgotten witness”, h. 1 6 6 ‘ali b. sulaiman al-‘abid, -. jam’ al-qur’an, h. 38 6 7 manna’ khalil al-qattttan, mabahits, h. 131 6 8 ahmad ‘ali al-imam, variant readings, h. 27 6 9 menurut qaththan, riwayat ini diriwayatkan oleh ibn dawud dengan sanad yang shahih, mabahits, h. 130 7 0 riwayat ini juga di-takhrij oleh ibn abi dawud dalam kitabnya. ahmad ‘ali al-imam, variant readings, h. 27. 7 1 ahmad ‘ali al-imam, variant readings, h. 27. 7 2 lihat régis blachère, introduction, h. 54. 7 3 shubhi shalih, mabahits., h. 82-83 7 4 shubhi shalih, mabahits., h. 82-83 7 5 ibn hajar al-asqalani, fath al-bari, vol. 9, h. 19. 7 6 régis blachère, introduction, h. 57. 7 7 david cohen,”régis blachère”, h. 4. 7 8 muhammad al-sa’id jamal al-din, al-syubhat almaz’umah, h. 9-10 7 9 lebih lengkapnya, baca leone caetani, “uthman and the recension of the quran”, ibn warraq (ed.), the origins of the koran, h. 67-75. 8 0 leone caetani, “uthman and the recension”, h. 67-75 8 1 régis blachère, introduction, h. 34. 8 2 régis blachère, introduction, h. 34 8 3 régis blachère, introduction, h. 58. 8 4 taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah, h. 197. 8 5 di dalam al-qur’an, terdapat banyak ayat yang mengindikasikan bahwa al-qur’an diturunkan dalam bahasa arab, bukan dalam dialek quraisy. kadangkala diungkap dengan kalimat bi lisan ‘arabiyin mubinin, misalnya qs; al-nahl, 103; al-syu’ara’, 195, dan kadangkala menggunakan kalimat qur’anan ‘arabiyyan, misalnya qs; yusuf, 2; thaha, 113; al-zumar, 28. alqur’an juga ditulis dalam bahasa arab yang disaring mendekati gaya bahasa puitik suku-suku mekah, tetapi sama sekali tidak mengikuti pola bahasa lama. ia pun menjadi dasar bagi bahasa arab klasik. saat ini bahasa al-qur’an dengan arab resmi merupakan dua bahasa berbeda yang mempunyai banyak karakteristik khusus. yves calais, “le coran”, esprit et vie, no. 28, juli 1996, h. 428. suatu riwayat mengungkapkan bahwa ketika terjadi perselisihan di antara anggota komisi yang bersuku quraisy dengan zaid yang berasal dari madinah tentang penulisan suatu kata dalam 2: 248 dan atau 20:39, di mana zaid berpendapat bahwa kata tersebut musti ditulis tabuhun (dengan å), sementara yang lain beranggapan mesti ditulis tabut , maka ‘utsman menjelaskan bahwa bentuk tulisan terakhir adalah dialek quraisy asli. pandangan ini jelas keliru, karena tabut sendiri bukanlah bahasa arab asli, apalagi dialek quraisy, tetapi berasal dari bahasa abisinia (habsyi). lihat bahasan rev. w. goldsack, the qur’an in islam: an inquiry into the integrity of the qoran (london: the christian society, 1906). dapat juga diakses melalui www.bible.ca. 8 6 régis blachère, introduction, h. 58 8 7 régis blachère, introduction, h. 59. 8 8 régis blachère, introduction, h. 60. 8 9 régis blachère, introduction, h. 58. 9 0 nama lengkapnya zaid b. tsabit b. al-dlahak al-anshari al-khazraji. lahir di kota madinah dan tumbuh besar di mekah. ketika ayahnya terbunuh ia masih berumur enam tahun. pada saat sebelas tahun, ia berhijrah bersama muhammad saw ke madinah. ia juga mengetahui bahasa suryani ketika berumur tujuh belas tahun. ia berhasil menghafal seluruh al-qur’an pada masa nabi muhammad, menjadi sekretaris nabi dan penulis wahyu. ia terkenal kejujuran, amanah, dan kedalamannya dalam hal agama sehingga menjadi ulama terkemuka di madinah dalam urusan peradilan (al-qadla) dan fatwa, qira’ah dan ilmu fara’idl pada masa ‘umar dan ‘utsman.ia juga dihitung sebagai orang yang cerdas dalam ilmu. ia meninggal pada tahun 45 h. lihat dalam ibn hajar al-asqalani, al-ishabah fi tamziz al-shahabah (dar sadr, 1328), vol. 4, h. 561; ibn hajar al-asqalani, tahdzib al-tahdzib (india: masturah t, 1325), vol. 3, h. 399. 9 1 nama lengkapnya ‘abd allah b. al-zubair b. al-‘awam al-quraisyi al-asadi. ibunya adalah asma’ bt. abu bakr al-shiddiq. ia termasuk sahabat yang dijuluki ‘abadilah. ia lahir pada awal-awal hijrah di kota madinah. bangsawan terkemuka kaum quraisy pada zamannya dan sedikit dari orator ulung yang dimiliki kaum quraisy. ia dikenal, relijius dan pandai. ia juga mengabdikan hidupnya untuk menghafal al-qur’an. beliau meninggal dunia karena terbunuh di mekah karena pertempuran sengit antara dirinya dengan panglima perang al-hajaj b. yusuf al-tsaqafi pada doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 123vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 jumadil-awal tahun 73 h. lihat dalam ibn hajar alasqalani, al-ishabah, vol. 6, h. 83. 9 2 sa’id b. al-‘ashsh b sa’id b. al-‘ashsh b. umayyah alumawi al-quraisyi. masuk agama islam pada saat penaklukan kota mekah. ia dididik oleh ‘umar dan diangkat ‘utsman b. ‘affan menjadi gubernur kufah pada 30 h ketika ia masih sangat muda. ia adalah yang paling fasih bahasanya di kalangan kaum quraisy dan paling dekat dialeknya dengan rasulullah muhammad saw. ia juga dikenal sebagai sahabat yang tangguh, berilmu, cerdas dan bijaksana. ketika terjadi revolusi terhadap ‘utsman ia dipanggil ke madinah untuk memerangi musuh-musuh ‘utsman hingga khalifah wafat terbunuh. setelah itu ia pergi ke mekah hingga mu’awiyah menjadi khalifah dan kemudian ia diangkat menjadi gubernur di madinah hingga wafat pada tahun 59 h. ibn hajar al-asqalani, al-ishabah, vol. 4, h. 41. 9 3 ‘abd al-rahman b. al-harits b. hisyam berasal dari keluarga al-makhzum yang bersuku quraisy yang tinggal di madinah. ia adalah bangsawan terkemuka kaum quraisy. sewaktu kecil diasuh oleh ‘umar b. alkhaththab dan menikahi putrinya ‘utsman b. ‘affan . ia adalah tabi’in yang tsiqah dan mempunyai kekuatan yang agung. lahir pada masa nabi muhammad, tetapi ia belum pernah mendengar sesuatu pun dari-nya. ia meninggal di madinah pada tahun 43 h. lihat dalam ibn hajar al-asqalani, al-ishabah, vol. 6, h. 83; ibn hajar al-asqalani, tahdzib, vol. 6, h. 156. 9 4 shubhi al-shalih, mabahits, h. 79. 9 5 lihat elaborasi shubhi al-shalih dalam footnotes, mabahits, h. 79-78. 9 6 manna’ al-qaththan, mabahits, h. 134. 9 7 jalal al-din al-suyuthi, al-itqan fi ‘ulum al-qur’an ed. muhammad abu al-fadl ibrahim. (mesir: al-hai’ah al‘amah li kitab, 1974), h. 103. 9 8 shubhi al-shalih , mabahits, h. 84. 9 9 régis blachère, introduction, h. 62. 100 hadis ini ditransmisikan dalam dua versi yang berbeda. hadis di atas, menurut blachère, harus dicurigai. sebab, jika niat ‘ali benar-benar terealisasikan, maka catatan primitif wahyu pada masa muhammad tersebut, sudah dimusnahkan oleh ‘utsman. régis blachère, introduction, hlm . 63. riwayat yang kedua yang dirawikan oleh ibn abi dawud dengan sanad yang shahih menunjukkan kalau ‘ali tidak berniat membakukan al-qur’an dalam satu mushaf. tampaknya, riwayat yang kedua inilah yang sering dikutip dan dijadikan legitimasi oleh sarjana muslim bahwa ‘ali sependapat dengan tindakan ‘utsman. untuk kasus ini, lihat paparan manna’ alqaththan, mabahits, h. 130. 101 shubhi al-shalih, mabahits, h. 82-83. 102 régis blachère, introduction, h. 63-64 103 régis blachère, introduction, h. 63-64 104 ibn mas’ud dikabarkan menolak untuk memusnahkan mushafnya atau untuk menghentikan ajarannya, ketika khalifah ‘utsman membakukan mushaf resmi. warga kufah terus menggunakan bacaan ibn mas’ud hingga beberapa saat setelah ia meninggal dunia. lihat a.t. welch, op. cit., h. 406. 105 régis blachère, introduction, h. 65. 106 régis blachère, introduction, h. 55-56. 107 casanova, mohammed, h. 141. 108 régis blachère, introduction, h. 65. 109 régis blachère, introduction, h. 60. 110 scriptio defectiva adalah sistem grafik tulisan al-qur’an yang huruf konsonantalnya tidak diberi titik diakritik ataupun tanda-tanda pengucapan (syakal), tidak adanya heading dan pembatas antara surat-surat ataupun jenis pembatas lainnya, serta tidak adanya tanda formal akhir suatu ayat. para sarjana membedakan dua tipe bentuk scriptio defectiva ini; 1) kufi dan hijazi. beberapa sarjana menyakini bentuk hijazi lebih tua daripada kufi, sedangkan yang lain mengatakan kedua-duanya dipakai pada waktu yang sama, tetapi hijazi adalah gaya yang kurang formal. kebalikan dari sistem grafik scriptio defectiva adalah scriptio plena, yakni sistem grafik tulisan yang bertitik diaktritis dan ber-syakal. lihat ahmad von denver, ‘ulum al-qur’an: an introduction to the science of the qur’an (leicester: the islamic foundation, 1994), h. 5960. 111 régis blachère, introduction, h. 6162. 112 régis blachère, introduction, h. 66. 113 régis blachère, introduction,h. 67. 114 régis blachère, introduction,h. 67-68. 115 régis blachère, introduction, h. 67-68 116 casanova, mohamed h. 141. 117 regis blachère, introduction, 67-68. 118 thabari meriwayatkan sebuah hadis yang melaporkan bahwa sahabat nabi anas b. malik (w. 91 h/ 709) kadang kala membaca aqwamu atau ashwabu pada surat 73. kemudian, ia meriwayatkan dua buah hadis nabi yang menyebutkan bahwa seluruh bacaan itu baik asalkan tidak diganti dengan antonimnya, atau kata yang berlawanan dengannya. jika teori tersebut berasal dari perkataan anas, maka dapat ditentukan bahwa munculnya teori itu sekitar pada masa hidupnya. lihat ibn jarir al-thabari, jami’ al-bayan, h. 10 baris 27 dan 17 baris 13, 119 régis blachère, introduction, h. 70. 120 blachère merujuk pada riwayat-riwayat yang dirawikan oleh ibn dawud dalam kitab al-mashahif. 121 manna’ khalil al-qaththan, mabahits, h. 131. 122 taufik adnan amal, rekonstruksi sejarah, h. 203. 123 a.t. welch, al-kuran, h. 408. 124 a.t. welch, al-kuran, h. 409. 125 ibn hajar al-asqalani, fath al-bari, h. 30. 126 al-suyuthi, al-itqan, h. 184. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0033. 96-125 124 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 127 al-suyuthi, al-itqan, h. 183. 128 ibn jarir al-thabari, jami’ al-bayan, vol 1, hlm, 63-64. 129 ibn jarir al-thabari, jami’ al-bayan, vol. 1, h.58-59. 130 manna’ khalil al-qaththan, mabahits, h. 131; shubhi alshalih, mabahits, h. 80. ahmad ‘ali al-imam, variant readings, h. 67 131 ahmad ‘ali al-imam, variant readings, h. 65. 132 lihat shubhi al-shalih, mabahits, h. 80. 133 shubhi al-shalih, mabahits, h. 70. 134 shubhi al-shalih, mabahits, h. 89. 135 muhammad al-sa’id jamal al-din, al-syubhat alma’zumah. h. 7. 136 mohammed arkoun, la pensée, h. 10. 137 mohammed arkoun, “explorations and responses: new prespectives for a jewish christian muslim dialouge”, journal of ecumenical studies, 26, 3 (summer 1989), h. 5 2 6 138 mohammed arkoun membedakan antara “wacana alqur’an” (discours qoraniques) dengan “fakta al-qur’an” (fait coranique). yang pertama adalah perkataan allah yang diwahyukan kepada muhammad dan diujarkan di dalam suatu lingkungan yang sekarang ini tidak dapat dialami lagi, sedangkan yang terakhir adalah ujaranujaran wahyu sebagaimana yang termaktub dalam mushaf ‘utsmani. 139 dua pemikir muslim mesir lainnya, hassan hanafi dan nasr hamid abu zaid, melihat bahwa setiap teks, termasuk di dalamnya teks ‘utsmani, senantiasa tunduk pada faktor-faktor sejarah. hanafi melihat tujuan penulisan teks tidak lain adalah bersifat etis dan ideologis. etis, karena penulisan suatu momentum sejarah ke dalam teks berkaitan dengan keinginan memberi petunjuk tertulis kepada generasi mendatang. sementara ideologis, karena langsung atau tidak, teks merupakan sarana efektif untuk mewariskan kekuasaan. nasr hamid, lebih jauh, melihat sebagai medium kuasa, teks tidak hanya berfungsi sebagai preservasi makna, tetapi juga merefleksikan otoritas tertentu dalam kapasitasnya sebagai petunjuk, hukum dan keputusan. teks merupakan sarana intrumen penting untuk membakukan pemikiran atau doktrin tertentu ke dalam memori umat, yang sering kali diiringi pertarungan ideologis pada masa transisi dari budaya lisan (hadlarat al-lisan) menjadi budaya tulisan (hadlarat al-nash). ilham b. saenong, hermeneutika pembebasan: metode tafsir al-quran hassan hanafi (jakarta: teraju, 2002), h. 125; 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provençal f fazlur rahman fiai g g.p. maisonneuve h hanafi school himpunan putusan tarjih (hpt) i iain ibn darraj al-qasthalani ibn 'arabi ibn batutah ibn hajar al-asqalani ibn mas'ud ibn taymiyah ibn taymiyya ignaz goldziher ikhwan al-shafa' imam al-nawawi imam al-shafi'i imam malik j jalal al-din rumi jesus john the baptist k khuzistan kuntowijoyo m mahfud md mahmud zubaidi malik b. abi 'amir manhaj tarjih manna' al-qaththan margoliouth marwan b. al-hakam matan keyakinan dan cita-cita hidup muhammadiyah mohammed arkoun montgomery watt muhammad muhammad al-shaybani muhammadiyah mui mukaddimah anggaran dasar muhammadiyah mushaf ibn mas'ud mushaf abu bakr mushaf ubay n nabi muhammad saw nahdlatul ulama (nu) nakamura newton p perwataatmadja pesantren q quraisy r r. blachère régis blachère rene descartes robert k. merton s sa'id b. al-'ashsh salman al-farisi sarwono shams al-din muhammad b. qudama al-maqdisi sheikh abû daqiqa shihab al-din al-suhrawardi al-maqtul shubhi shalih sultan sulayman syafii antonio t th. noldeke titus burkchardt u ubay b. ka'ab uii umayyah 'abd al-malik 'utsman b. 'affan w william marçais william muir y ya'cub yusdani yusman roy yusuf al-hamadani z zaid b. tsabit zakaria jurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 the impact of religious institutions on economic growth in indonesia: evidence from selected province doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0112.40-57 listiono1 sharia economics, faculty of islamic studies, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta1 correspondence email: listio.tl@gmail.com abstract in recent years, the study of the influence of religion on the economy is rising. however, in indonesian context there is limited number of literature that specifically explores the relationship between religion and economic. to fill this gap, this article aims to investigate the effect of religion –with religious institutions as proxieson economic growth using panel data from 2010 to 2017 of selected provinces. this model based on the cobb-douglas model and estimated using fixed-effects. the result shows that economic growth positive significantly affected by protestant and hindu variables. on other side, there in no strong evidence that islam and catholic have siginificant impact on economic growth. this paper does not claim that one religion is better than others in terms of economic activity, as measured by economic growth, but rather on how the role of religious institutions on social networks encourage economic growth. an important point of this paper is that in indonesian context, religion has significant influences on the economic growth as in many other countries. keywords: religion, economic growth, indonesia, fixed-effects. abstrak dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, studi tentang pengaruh agama terhadap ekonomi sangat populer. namun, dalam konteks indonesia belum ditemukan literatur yang secara khusus mengeksplorasi hubungan antara agama dan ekonomi. untuk mengisi gap tersebut, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pengaruh agama -dengan proksi institusi agamaterhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi menggunakan data panel dari tahun 2010 hingga 2017 dari beberapa provinsi terpilih. model ini berdasarkan pada model cobb-douglas dan diestimasi menggunakan fixed-effects. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pertumbuhan ekonomi secara positif dan signifikan dipengaruhi oleh variabel institusi agama protestan dan hindu. di sisi lain, tidak ditemukan bukti yang kuat pengaruh institusi agama islam dan katolik terhadap 41vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 pertumbuhan ekonomi. paper ini tidak mengklaim bahwa satu agama lebih baik daripada yang lain dalam hal kegiatan ekonomi, yang diukur dengan pertumbuhan ekonomi, tetapi lebih pada bagaimana peran institusi agama dalam jaringan sosial dan mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi. poin penting dari tulisan ini adalah bahwa di indonesia, agama juga memiliki pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi, sebagaimana negara-negara lain di dunia. kata kunci: agama, pertumbuhan ekonomi, indonesia, fixed-effects introduction economic growth as one of the objectives of macroeconomics always interesting to investigate, where capital, labor and technology are the basic factors of economic growth as the focus of discussion. in its development, the study of economic growth does not only focus on that factors, but also began to include other variables that were considered influential on economic growth, one of which was cultural variables as done by franke, hofstede, and bond 1, abrams and lewis2, adams3, maridal4, as well as petrakis and kostis.5 however, in the fact classical economists such as adam smith and torstein veblen had first seen that culture was one of the instrument forming economic outcomes, but at the end of the 19th century the study of culture was the domain of sociology, anthropology and organizational studies6, so the study of the relationship between culture and economics became less popular. in the study of relationship between cultural and economic have been carried out that mentioned before also includes religious variables, where religion is considered as the basic of the formation of a community culture. qayum, anjum, and sabir argued that religion is the main factor outside economic that construct primary of institutional structure in the community 7. the study of the relationship between religion and the economy certainly cannot be separated from the idea of weber (1930) in “the protestant ethics and the spirit capitalism”, where one of them is the specific relationship between protestant ethics and the emergence of the spirit of capitalism in the 16th and 17th centuries in europe.8 more specific studies of the relationship between religion and economics have been carried out by several scholars such as blum and dudley9, barro and mccleary10, noland11, mccleary and barro12, eum13, wang and lin14, also sequeira, viegas, and ferreira-lopes.15 mccleary and barro stated in their study that the relationship between religion and economics at least can be seen from two sides .16 first, religion as the dependent variable is to understand the influence of economic and politi42 afkaruna cal developments on religion. second, religion as an independent variable is to tell the influence of religion in economic and political development. religion as the dependent variable tends to be seen how economic activity and political policy influence religious activities. meanwhile, religion as an independent variable is more seen in how religion influences individual behavior which ultimately impacts on political-economic decisions and activities. meanwhile, according to palanca the influence of religion on economic development is at least through two channels, namely motivation and institutional factors.17 according to him, non-economic factors such as politics, culture, religion and ideology should be present and provide motivation and form the right institutional order. the presence of enthusiasm motivated by religious teachings will certainly encourage economic behavior to be more ethical in working (entrepreneurship). in addition, well-understood religious teachings can also motivate someone to be more productive, and increase philanthropic activities, which in turn can encourage equitable income (development). on the other hand, the influence of religion through institutional factors such as the provision of education, health services, and social activities such as charity and empowerment. indonesia with a diversity of ethnicities, religions and cultures certainly has more or less influenced economic growth. however, the author has not found a study of the relationship between religion and economic growth in indonesia. in the international literature the study of economic growth in indonesia examines more how economic growth is influenced by other factors outside of religion such as technological developments18, populations19 20, and open trade, real exchange rates and domestic investment.21 in relation to religious conditions, indonesia has different characteristics compared to other asean countries, such as malaysia and thailand. based on data from the 2005-2009 world value survey (wvs), 94 percent of indonesians consider religion to be very important, while malaysia and thailand only account for 80.45 percent and 56 percent respectively. next, 75.3 percent of indonesians consider themselves religious, while malaysia and thailand account for 88.8 percent and 35.5 percent. finally, 85.2 percent of indonesia’s population stated that in daily life god is very important, for malaysia and thailand each only 40.3 percent and 18.1 percent. from the data above, it can be seen that religion and god are two things that cannot be separated from the lives of both individuals and society in indonesia context. 43vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 table 1.1. the importance of religion (%) answer total countries indonesia malaysia thailand very important 78,3% 94% 80,4% 56% not too important 17,8% 4% 15,5% 37,7% very unimportant 2,9% 0,9% 3,3% 5,3% absolutely not important 0,4% 0,3% 0,7% 0,4% no answer 0,5% 0,6% 0,1% 0,5% tidak tahu 0,1% 0,1% 0% 0% (n) (4.750) (2.015) (1.201) (1.534) source: worl d values sur vey wa ve 5: 2005-2009 based on the description above, the researcher is interested in examining religious relations and economic growth in indonesia. considering that indonesia has a diversity of religions, where the behavior of the indonesian people is much influenced by the teachings of the religion followed and there are many public institutions (education, health and social activities) provided by religious institutions. indonesia, besides being the country with the largest population in the world, is also known as a country with a diversity of tribes, races and religions. in addition, the indonesian population is also said to be a religious population. this means that in addition to adhering to and believing in a particular religion, the community also adheres to the teachings of religion well, therefore it will be interesting to know whether religious variables influence the growth of the indonesian economy. literature review according to palanca the relationship between religion and growth (economy) is a reciprocal relationship.22 on one side of religion is a factor that stimulates economic activity and shows the transformation of changes in the structure of society and the economy. but on the other hand, religion changes as influenced by social and economic developments. according to him the influence of religion in development involves motivation and institutional factors, where both (motivation and institutions) are important factors in the development of a country. as weber’s thesis argues that in a motivational approach, economic growth is stimulated by economic ethics provided by religion, especially in protestant ethics which encourages entrepreneurial activity and wealth gathering. ethics encourages a person not only to work and raise money, but also how to save and invest his money in a pro44 afkaruna ductive place. palanca further sees that this attitude towards business and work is what weber calls rational, being careful, planning and considering everything in action. meanwhile from the institutional approach, religion influences culture, behavior and changes in social and economic structures. rationalism encourages new patterns in human relations, building new organizations and institutions in education, law, science, and technology. the impact of protestant ethical reform not only affected the economy, but also on the legal system, political structure and all fields of knowledge. mccleary and barro argue that in religious and political economy studies, religion has two lines of interaction, namely religion as the dependent variable and religion as the independent variable.23 in the first path, economic development reduces individual participation in formal religious services and personal worship, reduces religious beliefs, and reduces the influence of religious organizations in politics and government. while the second pathway, religion as an independent variable is through the influence of religious beliefs in cultivating attitudes such as ethics in work, honesty, frugality, charity (wealth distribution), friendliness and so on. salvation, punishment and heaven are great motivators for human behavior in this world. trust in these three things can increase productivity by cultivating characteristics such as honesty, work ethics and frugality. according to wang and lin the mechanism of the influence of religion on economic growth is, first through religion influencing political preferences, the quality of government and economic policy. second, religion influences education, health and the accumulation of human capital. finally, religion is useful in reducing transaction costs through work ethics.24 studies of the influence of religion on the economy have been carried out by many experts, including barro and mccleary according to him religion as an important dimension of culture, where culture influences outcomes economically through its influence on individual traits such as honesty and work ethics.25 barro and mccleary conducted a study using international religiosity survey data collected by the world value survey (1981-1984, 1990-1993, and 1995-1997), international social survey program (1990-1998 and 19982000) and the gallup millennium survey (1999). the sample used is as many as 59 countries using panel data. in this study the variables used to analyze the influence of religion on economic growth are variables of economic growth, attendance to places of worship (monthly), belief in hell and heaven, and the proportion of adherents of each religion (eastern, jewish, islamic, orthodox, 45vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 protestant, and other religions). the results of the study indicate that increasing attendance at places of worship tends to reduce economic growth. conversely, increasing trust in hell and heaven tends to increase economic growth. while the proportion of hindus, muslims, orthodox and protestants has a significant negative effect on economic growth. in addition, barro and mccleary also analyzed how the influence of economic variables (gdp per capita), demographics and religion had an effect on individual religiosity. the results showed that per capita gdp did not significantly influence religiosity. noland examined the relationship between religion and economic performance using cross-country data which was then estimated by ordinary least squares regression and two-stage least squares iv (instrumental variables) in a variety of models.26 the independent variable used is the growth of total factor productivity and growth in real income per capita. while for religious variables using data on affiliations of catholic, protestant, orthodox, muslim, jewish, hindu and buddhist religions. in addition, several variables such as per capita gross domestic product, investment, government spending, international trade and education are also included in the model. the estimation results with the first model of the study show that the proportion of jews, catholics and protestants has a negative correlation with the growth of per capita income. for the estimation results with the second model the results show that the proportion of buddhists as well as christians is positive and significant towards the growth of per capita income. in addition, noland also conducted cross-country analysis specifically for arab and muslim countries, this was motivated by the condition of muslims who were relatively poor both individually and in the country. the results showed that the proportion of muslim population had a significant positive effect on total factor productivity, interestingly the distance weighted muslim inverse variable also had a significant positive effect on the total factor of productivity. finally, noland also conducted an analysis of countries with different ethnicities and different earth states, namely india, malaysia and ghana. according to him, crossnational analysis is not able to control the country’s economy specifically, political and institutional influences. estimated results in india show that buddhist affiliation, jain and other religions have a positive and significant effect on real income per capita. meanwhile for malaysia, muslim, christian, hindu and buddhist shares have a negative and significant effect. christianity in ghana has a negative and significant effect on regional per capita income, in contrast islam is positive and significant. according to noland, the results of 46 afkaruna this study break the notion that islam is a religion that impedes economic growth. mccleary and barro developed a previous study (2003) by analyzing religion from two sides, namely religion as an independent variable and religion as the dependent variable.27 in the first analysis, mccleary and barro estimated how individual religiosity was influenced by economic variables (gdp per capita) and religion (state religion, regulations on religion, pluralism, communism and fractions of religions) using instrumental variables in 81 countries. the results in variety models showed that, gross domestic product per capita had a significant and negative effect on individual religiosity. the results of this study are also different from previous studies, where gdp percapita did not significantly influence of religiosity. while in the second analysis, only trust in hell has a significant positive effect on economic growth, while other variables such as attendance to places of worship, muslims and protestant shares have a negative and significant effect on economic growth. wang and lin analyzed the impact of religious beliefs on economic growth using provincial panel data in china over 2001 until 2011.28 wang and lin’s research differs from several previous studies, namely by developing the cobbdouglas theory and including the number of religious institutions as religious proxies. according to him, the number of religious institutions shows the breadth and depth of the influence of religion on social life. the estimation model used hausman and tailor generalized least squares (gls), amemiya and mccury (am) and fixed effects vector decomposition (fevd). the results showed that islamic and buddhist institutions had a negative and significant effect on economic growth, and only christian institutions had a significant effect on economic growth. sequeira et al examined the relationship between religion and income, using panel data from 1925-1990 for 30 countries.29 the religious variable used is the presence of children and adult places of worship, then estimated by error correction model (ecm) in a variety of models. the results of the study indicate that the presence of places of worship both by children and adults on the whole model does not significantly influence gross domestic product per-capita. in other word, this finding confirm that participation on religius activities (measured by church attendance) have no impact on economic growth. several previous studies analyzed the relationship betwee religion and macro variables. research related to the influence of religion on micro vari47vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 ables or individual has also been carried out, including kirchmaier, prufer, and trautmann30 as well as lu and wu31. kirchmaier, prufer, and trautmann investigated relationship between religion and economic behavior in dutch setting.32 variable religion include religious status, church attendace, private prayer, belief in god, and belief in theological concepts. they found that religious people more holding stringent ethical attitudes, more spending time on voluntary activities and informal care, and lower preference on distribution. interestingly, they found religious people were less accepting immoral economic activities, such as bribery and tax evasion. the protestants have less preference on redistribution, but employ more time in voluntary activities, while catholics are more philanthropist. lu and wu studied effect of religiosity on private firms performance including corporate governance in china.33 the variable of religion is dummy one if the entrepreneur or follows religion, while return on asset (roa) and return on equity (roe) are performance firms indicator. shareholding reform, external ceo, family ownership, inheritance, and safety insurance are corporate governance indicators. in this research also include variables control, such as individual and firm characteristic. they argued that entrepreneur behavior is effected by religion principle. lu and wu found that firm with religious enterpreneurs more better performance, and better on credit acces. religious enterprenuer in china also spend more on insurance as a form atlruism and risk aversion for employees, more trust to others, employ external ceo, and shareholding reform. nevertheless fims with religious entrepreneur are more greater share of family members on firm ownership, and firms tend to inheritance by family members. previous studies have analyzed the influence of religion on the economy, emphasizing personal aspects such as believing in heaven and hell, attendance to places of worship, and so on. this research tries to explore from a different side, namely the role of religious institutions on the economy. if personal aspects influence the economy through motivation and attitudes, religious institutions play a greater role through social networks in the community. karacuka argued that religious institutions are very important in social structures, that is by construction networks, consequently as to foster trust, cooperation, and reciprocity.34. in other words, religious institutions are one source of social capital in society. the positive impacts of social capital include growing norms of reciprocal relations, facilitating communication and information distribution within the community.35 in addition, the influ48 afkaruna ence of religious institutions on the economy is related to economic development programs.36 in indonesia, a lots of religious institutions such as mosques, churches, temples, and monasteries are involved in economic development, especially in surrounding communities. research method this paper used panel data over the period 2010-2017 for nine provinces, there are sumatera utara, sumatera barat, bangka belitung, kepulauan riau, di yogyakarta, bali, nusa tenggara timur (ntt), kalimantan barat, and sulawesi utara. we used that provinces based on share of religion believers in population in each region (based on population census 2010 by bps-statistics indonesian). the first, both of di yogyakarta and sumatera barat dominate by islam. second, sumatera utara and sulawesi utara dominate by protestan. third, nusa tenggara timur and kalimantan barat dominate by catholic. fourth, bali dominate by hindu. fifth, kepulauan riau and bangka belitung share of buddhist and konghucu more than other regions. the data collected from bps-statistic indonesia. this paper attempt to analyze the impact of religious-with religious institutions as proxieson indonesia economic growth. the model in this paper duplicated from wang and lin.37 the basic model in this paper based on cobb-douglas model and then placed in religious institution such as mosque, church, temple, and monastery as religion variable. besides limited of data, especially personal aspects such as previous studies, the use of religious institutions is to investigate the influence of religion on the economy through social networks. the empirical model as follows: ln(𝑌𝑖𝑡) = α+ 𝛽1 𝑙𝑛 𝐾𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽2 𝑙𝑛 𝐿𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽3 𝑙𝑛 𝐸𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽4 𝑙𝑛 𝑅𝑖𝑡 + 𝜇𝑖 + 𝜀𝑖𝑡 (1) where y is output (gross regional domestic products), k is capital consists of foreign direct investment (fdi) and domestic direct investment (ddi). since, the data units of foreign direct investment (fdi) and domestic direct investment (ddi) are different, one of them on rupiah and each other on u$ dollar, so they are separated. l is working population, r is religious institutions that are mosque (muslim), church (protestan and catholic), temple (hindu), and monastery (buddhist). the religious instititions that are houses of worhip potentially increases networks and interactions among believers then become element of social capital and positive impact on economic 49vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 growth.38 the confucius data excluded from the model because incomplete data for all provinces. in this model also used average scholl duration (e) as capital knowledge indicator. tabel 1. statistical description of variables variabels description mean std. min max y gross regional domestic products 30,250.64 17,013.63 9,316.79 80,330.54 l number of worker 2,126,713.00 1,511,813.00 555,258.00 6,365,989.00 fdi foreign direct investment 324.38 353.90 2.40 1,514.90 ddi domestic direct investment 1,667.39 2465.48 0.10 12,380.90 educ average school duration 8.17 0.98 6.27 9.79 islam the number of mosque 5,510.89 6520.08 614.00 20,872.00 protestan the number of protenstan cruch 2,890.09 3677.22 150.00 12,401.00 catholic the number of catholic church 911.85 1122.63 29.00 3,356.00 hindu the number of temple 568.79 1509.88 1.00 4,897.00 buddhist the number of monastery 88.14 126.58 2.00 393.00 sources: author ’s calculati on discussion this paper used fixed-effects to identify the impact of religion -with religious institutions as proxieson economic growth. according to wooldridge for units of observation is a large (provinces or states level) and assumes that each á i as a separate intercept to each cross-sectional unit, we can use fixed effects.39 besides that, to ensure that the model using is appropriate we did hausman test for formaly statistic test. the result of hausman test shows that the null hypothesis is rejected, therefore fixed effects is properly. to ensure that model is robust, we construct two models, first model without basic variabels (labor, capital, and education) and model with labor, capital, and ducatio as control variables. the results are showed in table 2, in the second model both of labor (number of worker) and education (average school duration) have positive impact and significant on economic growth. therefore, provinces with a large of labor and higher on average of education have higher economic growth. surprisingly, there is no strong evidence that both of capital variables namely foreign direct investment (fdi) and domestic direct investment (ddi) have significant impact on economic growth. nevertheles this paper focuses on religion variables. the main findings in this paper namely, first the islam institutions as islam proxy does not influence economic growth significantly. these result are consistent with pryor40 who conducted research in countries with a majority of muslim population indicating that the presence of islam in a muslim country 50 afkaruna is relatively a little influence on economic. however the result on full of variables (with basic variables) estimate show that islam institutions has a negative sign on economic growth, although no significant effect. this finding consistent with noland41, barro and mccleary42, as well as eum43. noland found that islam in cross-country analysis, even in malaysia and india have negative impact on growth althought not significant.44 nevertheless, the result was difference with wang and lin45 they found that islam institutions in china significantly have negative impact on economic growth. kuran also found that muslim share has negative impact and significant on income per capita.46 in international level, in the most countries with muslims majority tend poores than non-muslims countries. pryor in his article argued that the content or substance of islam doctrine often ignored, such as on prohibition of interest.47 table 2. estimation results variables fixed-effects without basic variables with basic variables l 0.5722*** (0.165) fdi 0.0087 (0.008) ddi -0.0013 (0.004) educ 1.8502*** (0.309) islam 0.1378 -0.0332 (0.109) (0.054) protestan 0.2347*** 0.0738** (0.068) (0.035) catholic -0.0506 -0.0425 (0.061) (0.028) hindu 0.0980** 0.0418** (0.038) (0.018) buddhist 0.1185** 0.0157 (0.051) (0.024) constant 6.9972*** -2.1386 (0.855) (1.899) observations 71 71 r-squared 0.400 0.888 standard errors in parentheses *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.10 sources: author’s calculat ion second, the protestan institutions have positive and significant impact on economic growth. the result are consistent with wang and lin.48 they argued that cristian interpreted principle of economic as uphold freedom based 51vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 on private property right, so it will encourage to making values, given that a improved life for the social order. moreover, this result might as weber claim on his book “the protestant ethic and the spirit of capilism” that the protestant facilitated the rise of modern capitalism. however this result is different from the barro and mccleary49 as well as mccleary and barro.50 they found that protestant share have negative impact on economic growth, and statisticaly significant. third, there is no strong evidence that catholic institutions have significant impact on economic growth, although negative sign. it is consistent with noland51 and eum.52 however barro and mccleary53 found that catholic have negative impact and significant on economic growth. the difference result on protestan and catholic was confirmed by putnam54, la porta et al55, as well as benjamin, choi, and fisher56 that protestans more contribution on public goods than catholics. in other case, blum and dudley found that in europe the higher growth occurred in protestant cities than catholic cities.57 fourth, hindu has positif impact and significant on economic growth. this finding is differerence with barro and mccleary58,noland 59, and eum60. deheija and deheija argued that the living in hindu aims to balancing between spiritual freedom (moksa) and material satisfaction (artha).61 in other words, the lessons of hindu religion emphasize the balance between happiness of the world and the hereafter. perhaps, this is what can encourage individuals to engage in more economic activities. fifth, the result for buddhist does not consistent, both of estimation. in the first model buddhist institution have positive and significant effect on economic growth. however in the second model or full variable budhist institution have no impact on economic growth, insignifican statisticaly. this finding is difference with wang and lin.62. they found that buddhist institution have negative impact on economic growth in chinese setting. noland also found that in malaysia, budhhist proxy have negative impact on economic growth, yet insignificant statisticaly. however, in india setting buddhist proxy have positif and significant effect on economic growth.63 conclusion this paper aims to investigate the impact of religion institutions on economic growth. the result shows that protestan and hindu institutions has positive and significant impact on economic growth. in contrast, islam and catholic institution do not have influence on economic growth significantly. 52 afkaruna the results of this study emphasize that the religious institutions in protestant and hindu are more effective to encourage social networks than islam and catholic institutions. an important point of this finding is that, in indonesian context, religion also has influences on economic growth as in other countries. in other words, religion is one of the driving forces of economic activity, both at the individual and national level. this study has two limitations, in terms of data availability and religious proxies. first, not all provinces in indonesia have a complete data, making it difficult to estimate with more precision. second, perhaps the religious institutions (number of places of worship) are not the right proxy to represent religion, therefore we need to find more appropriate variables two limitations in this paper open up for further research, particularly in indonesia. in addition, more research needs to be done related to the influence of religious institutions on the economy with a qualitative approach, in order to be able to capture more deeply the phenomenon.*** endnotes 1 richard h. franke, geert hofstede, and michael h. bond. “cultural roosts of economic performance: a research note”, strategic management journal, vol. 12, special issue: global strategy (summer, 1991), pp. 165-173. 2 burton a. abrams and kenneth a. lewis, “cultural and institutional determinants of economic growth/ : a cross-section analysis”, public choice, 83, no. 3/4 (1995): 273–289. 3 john adams, “culture and economic development in south asia”, the american journal of economics and sociology 52 (2001): 152–175 4 j. haavard maridal, “cultural impact on national economic growth”, journal of socio-economics 47 (2013): 136–146. 5 panagiotis petrakis and pantelis kostis, “economic growth and cultural change.” journal of socio-economics 47 (2013): 147–157. 6 j. haavard. maridal, “cultural impact on national economic growth.” journal of socio-economics 47 (2013): 136–146. 7 unbreen qayyum, sohail anjum, and samina sabir, “religion and economic development: new insights”, empirica. springer us, 2019. 8 m. s. a. rao, “religion and economic development,” sociological bulletin, no. 18, 1 (1969): 1–15. 9 ulrich blum and leonard dudley, “religion and economic growth: was weber right?”, journal of evolutionary economics 11, no. 2 (2001): 207–230. 10 robert j barro, and rachel m. mccleary, “religion and economic growth across countries.” american sociological review 68, no. 5 (2003): 760 11 marcus noland, “religion and economic performance.” world development 53vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–32 12 rachel m. mccleary and robert j. barro, “religion and economy.” journal of economic perspectives 20, no. 2 (2006): 49–72. 13 wonsub eum. “religion and economic development -a study on religious variables influencing gdp growth over countries,” thesis in university of california, berkeley. 2011. 14 qunyong wang and xinyu lin, “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? evidence from provincial-level panel data in china”, china economic review 31 (2014): 277–287. 15 tiago neves sequeira, ricardo viegas, and alexandra ferreira-lopes, “income and religion: a heterogeneous panel data analysis”, review of social economy 75, no. 2 (2017): 139–158. 16 rachel m. mccleary and robert j. barro, “religion and economy”, journal of economic perspectives 20, no. 2 (2006): 49–72. 17 ellen h. palanca, “religion and economic development”, philippine studies 34, no. 2 (1986): 162–180. 18 ewout frankema and j. thomas lindblad, “technological development and economic growth in indonesia and thailand since 1950”, asean economic bulletin 23, no. 3 (2006): 303–324 19 aris ananta and udi h pungut, “population change and economic development in indonesia”, asean economic bulletin 9, no. 1 (1992): 55–65. 20 wong hock tsen and fumitaka furuoka, “the relationship between population and economic growth in asian economies.” asean economic bulletin 22, no. 3 (2005): 314–331. 21 mohammed b. yusoff and febrina, ilza, “trade openness , real exchange rate , gross domestic investment and growth in indonesia”, margin-the journal of applied economic research 81, no. 1 (2014): 1–13. 22 ellen h. palanca, “religion and economic development” philippine studies 34, no. 2 (1986): 162–180. 23 rachel m. mccleary and robert j. barro, “religion and economy”, journal of economic perspectives 20, no. 2 (2006): 49–72. 24 qunyong wang and xinyu lin, “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? evidence from provincial-level panel data in china” china economic review 31 (2014): 277–287. 25 robert j barro, and rachel m. mccleary, “religion and economic growth across countries”, american sociological review 68, no. 5 (2003): 760 26 marcus noland, “religion and economic performance” world development 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–32 27 rachel m. mccleary and robert j. barro, “religion and economy”, journal of economic perspectives 20, no. 2 (2006): 49–72. 28 qunyong wang and xinyu lin, “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? evidence from provincial-level panel data in china”, china economic review 31 (2014): 277–287. 29 tiago neves sequeira, ricardo viegas, and alexandra ferreira-lopes, “income 54 afkaruna and religion: a heterogeneous panel data analysis”, review of social economy 75, no. 2 (2017): 139–158. 30 isadora kirchmaier, jens prüfer, and stefan t. trautmann, “religion, moral attitudes and economic behavior”, journal of economic behavior and organization 148 (2018): 282–300. 31 liping lu and yiping wu, “does religion enhance firm performance? evidence from private firms in china”, china economic review 62, no. may (2020) 32 isadora kirchmaier, jens prüfer, and stefan t. trautmann, “religion, moral attitudes and economic behavior”, journal of economic behavior and organization 148 (2018): 282–300. 33 liping lu and yiping wu, “does religion enhance firm performance? evidence from private firms in china”, china economic review 62, no. may (2020) 34 mehmet karaçuka, “religion and economic development in history: institutions and the role of religious networks”, journal of economic issues 52, no. 1 (2018): 57–79. 35 robert d. putnam, making democracy work: civic tradition on modern italy, (princeton university press, 1993). 36 m. s. a. rao, “religion and economic development”, sociological bulletin 18, no. 1 (1969): 1–15. 37 qunyong wang and xinyu lin, “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? evidence from provincial-level panel data in china”, china economic review 31 (2014): 277–287. 38 robert j barro, and rachel m. mccleary, “religion and economic growth across countries”, american sociological review 68, no. 5 (2003): 760 39 jeffrey m. wooldridge, introductory econometrics: a modern approach. 4e ed. (usa: south-westerncengage learning, 2009). 40 frederic l. pryor, “the economic impact of islam on developing countries”, world development 35, no. 11 (2007): 1815–1835. 41 marcus noland, “religion and economic performance”, world development 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–1232. 42 robert j barro, and rachel m. mccleary, “religion and economic growth across countries”, american sociological review 68, no. 5 (2003): 760. 43 wonsub eum, “religion and economic development -a study on religious variables influencing gdp growth over countries,” university of california, berkeley. 2011. 44 marcus noland, “religion and economic performance”, world development 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–1232. 45 qunyong wang and xinyu lin, “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? evidence from provincial-level panel data in china”, china economic review 31 (2014): 277–287. 46 timur kuran, islam and mammon, (princeton university press, 2004). 47 frederic l. pryor, “the economic impact of islam on developing countries”, world development 35, no. 11 (2007): 1815–1835. 48 qunyong wang and xinyu lin, “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? 55vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 evidence from provincial-level panel data in china”, china economic review 31 (2014): 277–287. 49 robert j barro, and rachel m. mccleary, “religion and economic growth across countries”, american sociological review 68, no. 5 (2003): 760 50 rachel m. mccleary and robert j. barro, “religion and economy”, journal of economic perspectives 20, no. 2 (2006): 49–72. 51 marcus noland, “religion and economic performance”, world development 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–1232 52 wonsub eum, “religion and economic development -a study on religious variables influencing gdp growth over countries,” university of california, berkeley, 2011. 53 robert j barro, and rachel m. mccleary, “religion and economic growth across countries”, american sociological review 68, no. 5 (2003): 760 54 robert d. putnam, making democracy work: civic tradition on modern italy. (princeton university press, 1993). 55 rafael la porta, florencio lopes-de-silanes, a. shleifer, and r. w vishny, “trust in large organizations”, the american economic review 87, no. 2 (1997). 56 daniel j. benjamin,, james j. choi, and geoffrey fisher, “religious identity and economic behavior”, review of economics and statistics 98, no. 4 (2016): 617– 637. 57 ulrich blum and leonard dudley, “religion and economic growth: was weber right?”, journal of evolutionary economics 11, no. 2 (2001): 207–230. 58 robert j barro, and rachel m. mccleary, “religion and economic growth across countries”, american sociological review 68, no. 5 (2003): 760. 59 marcus noland, “religion and economic performance”, world development 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–32 60 wonsub eum. “religion and economic development -a study on religious variables influencing gdp growth over countries,” university of california, berkeley. 2011. 61 rajeev h. deheija and vivek h. deheija, “religion and economic activity in india: an historical perspective”, the american journal of economics and sociology, vol. 52, no. 2 (april 1993) pp. 145-153. 62 qunyong wang and xinyu lin, “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? evidence from provincial-level panel data in china”, china economic review 31 (2014): 277–287. 63 marcus noland, “religion and economic performance,” world development 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–1232 reference abrams. lewis. “cultural and institutional determinants of economic growth/ : a cross-section analysis.” public choice 83, no. 3/4 (1995): 273–89. adams, john. “culture and economic development in south asia.” the american journal of economics and sociology 52 (2001): 152–75. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/1049019. 56 afkaruna ananta, aris, and udi h pungut. “population change and economic development in indonesia.” asean economic bulletin 9, no. 1 (1992): 55–65. barro, robert j., and rachel m. mccleary. “religion and economic growth across countries.” american sociological review 68, no. 5 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“technological development and economic growth in indonesia and thailand since 1950.” asean economic bulletin 23, no. 3 (2006): 303–24. https://doi.org/10.1355/ae23-3b. karaçuka, mehmet. “religion and economic development in history: institutions and the role of religious networks.” journal of economic issues 52, no. 1 (2018): 57–79. https://doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2018.1430941. kirchmaier, isadora, jens prüfer, and stefan t. trautmann. “religion, moral attitudes and economic behavior.” journal of economic behavior and organization 148 (2018): 282–300. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2018.02.022. kuran, timur. islam and mammon. princeton university press, 2004. https://doi.org/ 10.1515/9781400837359. lu, liping, and yiping wu. “does religion enhance firm performance? evidence from private firms in china.” china economic review 62, no. may (2020): 101480. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chieco.2020.101480. maridal, j. haavard. “cultural impact on national economic growth.” journal of s oc i o -e c o no mics 47 (2013): 136–46. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.socec.2012.08.002. mccleary, rachel m., and robert j. barro. “religion and economy.” journal of economic perspectives 20, no. 2 (2006): 49–72. https://doi.org/10.1257/ jep.20.2.49. mccleary, rachel m, and robert j barro. “religion and economy.” the journal of economic perspectives 20, no. 2 (2006): 49–72. noland, marcus. “religion and economic performance.” world development 33, no. 8 (2005): 1215–32. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2005.03.006. 57vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 palanca, ellen h. “religion and economic development.” philippine studies 34, no. 2 (1986): 162–80. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42633590. petrakis, panagiotis, and pantelis kostis. “economic growth and cultural change.” journal of socio-economics 47 (2013): 147–57. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.socec.2013.02.011. porta, r. la, f. lopes-de-silanes, a. shleifer, and r. w vishny. “trust in large organizations.” the american economic review 87, no. 2 (1997). https:// www.jstor.org/stable/2950941. pryor, frederic l. “the economic impact of islam on developing countries.” world development 35, no. 11 (2007): 1815–35. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.worlddev.2006.12.004. putnam, robert d. making democracy work: civic tradition on modern italy. princeton university press, 1993. qayyum, unbreen, sohail anjum, and samina sabir. religion and economic development: new insights. empirica. springer us, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s10663-019-09456-3. rao, m. s. a. “religion and economic development.” sociological bulletin 18, no. 1 (1969): 1–15. sequeira, tiago neves, ricardo viegas, and alexandra ferreira-lopes. “income and religion: a heterogeneous panel data analysis.” review of social economy 75, no. 2 (2017): 139–58. https://doi.org/10.1080/00346764.2016.1195640. tsen, wh, and fumitaka furuoka. “the relationship between population and economic growth in asian economies.” asean economic bulletin 22, no. 3 (2005): 314–31. https://doi.org/10.1355/ae22-3e. wang, qunyong, and xinyu lin. “does religious beliefs affect economic growth? evidence from provincial-level panel data in china.” china economic review 31 (2014): 277–87. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chieco.2014.10.006. wooldridge, j. m. introductory econometrics: a modern approach. 4e ed. usa: southwestern cengage learning, 2009. yusoff, mohammed b. febrina, ilza. “trade openness , real exchange rate , gross domestic investment and growth in indonesia.” margin-the journal of applied economic research 81, no. 1 (2014): 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0973801013506398. jurnal af ka ru na vol. 17 no . 1 juni 2021 developing a philosophy of scientific advancement in muhammadiyah higher education institutions based on al-islam and kemuhammadiyahan (aik) principles doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i1.9017 syamsul anwar faculty of law and sharia, universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga e-mail: syamsanw@yahoo.com abstract this article addresses critical ideas about constructing scientific philosophy within the muhammadiyah and ‘aisyiyah higher learning institutions (ptma) circles through the concept of integrating al-islam and kemuhammadiyahan (islam and muhammadiyah principles), abbreviated as aik, into the process of developing knowledge and science. thus, the author provides a broad definition of aik and distinguishes it into three main aspects. in the next step, the author explains two reasons for developing scientific philosophy in ptma, including internal reasons in muhammadiyah and islam and external ones related to the development of modern science. consequently, two approaches can be applied to integrate aik into scientific development through objective and subjective approaches. in definition, the objective approach is a way of dealing with the issues through analyzing and re-building the structure of science it including paradigm (ontology), theories and methods (epistemology), and applications (axiology). in contrast, the subjective approach is the enrichment of the scientist through considering science and religion as complementary instead of contradictory. keywords: aik, ipteks, religion, science, scientific development philosophy, muhammadiyah education philosophy abstrak tulisan ini mengkaji upaya membangun filosofi keilmuan di lingkungan perguruan tinggi muhammadiyah dan ‘aisyiyah (ptma) dengan konsep integrasi al-islam dan kemuhammadiyahan, yang sering disingkat sebagai aik, ke dalam proses 99vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 pengembangan keilmuan. untuk itu dalam tulisan ini, penulis memberikan definsisi luas terhadap aik dan membedakannya ke dalam tiga aspek. berangkat dari definisi dan klasifikasi ini, penulis menjelaskan ada dua alasan pokok mengapa perlu dilakukan integrasi aik dalam pengembangan ilmu di ptma, yang meliputi alasan internal dalam muhammadiyah dan islam sendiri, dan alasan eksternal terkait perkembangan ilmu modern. menurut penulis ada dua pendekatan yang dapat diikuti dalam upaya integrasi aik dan pengembangan ilmu, yaitu pendekatan objektif dan pendekatan subjektif. dengan pendekatan objektif dimaksudkan pendekatan melalui analisis dan rekonstruksi struktur ilmu itu sendiri, yang meliputi paradigma (ontologi), teori dan metode (epistemologi), dan aplikasi (aksiologi). dengan pendekatan subjektif dimaksudkan pengayaan jiwa ilmuan yang melaluinya dilakukan produksi ilmu pengetahui dengan suatu pandangan dunia yang melihat ilmu dan agama tidak saling menolak, tetapi saling melengkapi satu sama lain. kata kunci: aik, ipteks, agama, ilmu, filosofi pengembangan keilmuan, filosofi pendidikan muhammadiyah introduction muhammadiyah, as an islamic da’wah movement with the tagline of amar makruf nahi mungkar, has run educational businesses for more than a century. from that long experience, the essence of an educational philosophy has been crystallized as a reference for implementing the intellectual development process.1 for education at the tertiary level, muhammadiyah’s experience has passed at least half a century. muhammadiyah and aisyiyah higher education (ptma) has been around since the middle of the last century. now the number of ptmas throughout indonesia has experienced significant developments both quantitatively and qualitatively. the number of ptmas, both organized by muhammadiyah and aisyiyah, has now reached 166 with details: 55 universities, 89 high schools, 9 academies, 8 institutes, and 5 polytechnics. the study programs were managed under 166 ptmas with 1,720 departments, involving 589,421 students and 17,729 lecturers (including 112 professors).2 with a large number of ptmas and the involvement of humongous human resources, muhammadiyah does not only organize higher education just to get a lot of students, be able to build magnificent buildings, can technically and formally meet the demands of accreditation and ranking. instead, ptma has special characteristics in terms of implementing the higher education’s tasks. in common tertiary institutions, three tasks are obliged to carry out, known as tri dharma of higher education, including education/ teaching, research, and community service. meanwhile, ptma applied the 100 a f k a r u n a catur dharma of college, where the fourth dharma is the development of alislam and muhammadiyah (aik). the fourth dharma is a logical consequence of muhammadiyah’s identity as emphasized in its articles of association as the islamic movement of da’wah of amar makruf nahi mungkar and tajdid, originated from the al-quran and as-sunnah.3 therefore, the essence of muhammadiyah’s educational philosophy related to the development of science, technology, and arts (ipteks) emphasized. science and technology are the results of rational thinking holistically and comprehensively on the reality of the universe (kauniah verses) and on revelation and sunnah (kauliah verses), which is an integral unit through continuous research and development activities for human glory in a sustainable life.4 the educational philosophy above, when linked to the dharma of the two universities (namely research assignments), clearly shows an integrative concept of developing science, in which the reflection on the verses of the kauniah and the verses of the lecture is an integral whole. this philosophy shows firmly that muhammadiyah educational institutions, especially ptma, are not just consumers of knowledge developed by others but must play a role in its development efforts on the basis of views, philosophies, values, and cultural traditions that are suited with or owned by muhammadiyah. therefore, of course, ptma personnel must pay attention to this problem seriously and strive to build an integrated philosophy of scientific development in ptma. afterward, the following discussion focused on exploring ideas on the issue. through historical, philosophical, and integrative approaches, the author tries to answer the following questions: why is aik integration and science development in ptma necessary, and how to build a philosophy of science development based on aik values. the definition of aik aik is loosely defined as the entire teachings of islam, including faith, morals, worship, and muamalat sourced from the al-quran and sunnah as understood by muhammadiyah and set forth in the various enterprises in the society. in the broad sense, aik can be divided into three dimensions, as explained in the previous study. first, aik’s role is as a learning material taught to students programmatically. aik within formal learning is through aik courses given to students in accordance with the curriculum and syllabi. in another channel, aik is also 101vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 taught through coaching and education of students outside of the classroom, for example, through the campus mosque, islamic study, al-quran recital training, or through the student activity unit. second is aik as a value, which is a frame of reference for the behavior of campus residents derived from the principles of faith, morals, worship, and worldly muamalat as understood by muhammadiyah. aik as a frame of reference for this behavior includes both practical daily behavior on campus, including the behavior of managing the relevant charity business itself as well as behavior outside the campus as well as academic behavior. with regard to aik as a frame of reference for practical behavior, it is hoped that every ptma and in real terms there are those who already have an islamic life guideline for campus residents which is socialized to all campus residents, such as educators, educational staff, and students. aik as a frame of reference in academic life is related to the first dharma (education/teaching) and the second dharma (research/development of knowledge). in relation to the principles of education/teaching, it is hoped that all teaching staff for courses other than aik courses can contribute to the education/teaching process that they run with the aik spirit as a value. related to aik as a value (framework of reference for behavior) in the implementation of the second dharma, research in the context of developing science and technology, there is a need to seek a philosophical basis for the development of alternative science in accordance with the views, beliefs, philosophies and cultural traditions in the organization’s environment. thus, the above phenomena are the focus of the paper. third, aik is one of the assets for implementing the third dharma, the community service. each tertiary institution carries out community service by utilizing the knowledge and technology it controls to build its society towards a better direction. however, ptma, apart from utilizing the existing knowledge and technology, also utilizes its spiritual capital in the form of aik values to carry out community service.5 why constructing aik-based philosophy for scientific advancement is necessary there are two reasons why ptma needs to build a distinctive scientific development philosophy (aik-based), which are internal and external reasons. internal reasons are from within the muhammadiyah environment in particular and within islam in general. in contrast, external reasons are related to the development of modern science. 102 a f k a r u n a internal reasons within the muhammadiyah environment are the educational ideals of ahmad dahlan, the founder of muhammadiyah, with an integrative mind. through the establishment of muhammadiyah, dahlan integrated the western education system, which tended to be secular, so that it gave birth to intellectuals who did not care about religion with traditional islamic education, which only taught traditional religious lessons. this integrative thought continues to animate muhammadiyah education. almost a century later, muhammadiyah education experts formulated muhammadiyah educational philosophy formulated in the one century congress (2010) in jogjakarta, especially related to the development of science and technology. previously, the essence of muhammadiyah’s educational philosophy has been cited, which, especially in the development of science and technology, combines the principles of faith and science. furthermore, in this philosophy, it is also emphasized that, mastery of science and technology is the first step in the growth of spiritual awareness so that rational thinking is the beginning of divine spiritual awareness. the devotion of worship to allah includes worship which is summarized in the pillars of islam, research and development of science and technology, a sustainable living environment in a civilized, just and prosperous life, and liberation of everyone from suffering due to ignorance and poverty.6 this formulation provides a clear direction for the second principle in ptma’s duties in developing science and technology in line with the spiritual provisions possessed by muhammadiyah in the values of aik. the formulation of integration of aik and science and technology in muhammadiyah educational philosophy is, of course, not just decorating the organization’s official documents. this formulation clearly aims to provide a framework for implementation in the educational process at muhammadiyah educational institutions, which in this case, in accordance with the focus of this paper, at ptma. who is responsible for developing and lowering this educational philosophy to become the foundation of the ptma scientific development philosophy, of course, is none other than the ptma academic person itself, in addition to muhammadiyah academics outside ptma in general. the concept of integrating aik and science and technology is, of course, in line with islamic teachings in general because muhammadiyah’s identity itself as a da’wah movement amar makruf nahi mungkar originated from alquran and sunnah of the prophet muhammad and is based on islam. it is 103vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 undeniable that islamic teachings emphasize the importance of harmonizing knowledge with faith as a high virtue in human life and civilization. in the alquran, it is reiterated that allah’s respect for the elevation of the level of believers and knowledge (q 58: 11). on the other hand, the holy prophet made the law demand and develop knowledge as something mandatory in syar»i (narrated by ibn mâjah and validated by al-albânî). he also made the activity of demanding and developing knowledge as a path to heaven (hr attirmiýî and am-labarânî.7 historically these theological impulses have aroused the preoccupation of early muslims with the development of science which made islamic civilization in the past a beacon of world civilization. muslims in the past made a penchant for the development of this knowledge as an ethos that energized their civilization. this can be seen in a number of slogans that are sometimes used as hadiths, such as “demand knowledge even if it comes to china because studying is obligatory for muslims.”8 this statement and other similar statements, despite the status of dhaif hadith, actually represent and reflect the muslim ethos that animated the lives of muslims in the past, who were later attributed to the prophet.9 the development of knowledge in early islam was also a factor in the acceleration of the spread of islam to various parts of the world at that time. on the other hand, when the development of the scientific study of the muslim community retreated, islamic civilization also experienced ups and downs like in the last centuries. the thing to note from the history of islam is that, although faith and science in islamic doctrine are compatible and mutually supportive, in historical reality, there is often friction between the two, although not to the level of persecution and inquisition of scientists as has happened in europe history. some scientists in europe were persecuted because the scientific views were contrary to the religious doctrines that were considered standard at that time. this happened, for example, giordano bruno (d.1600), who was convicted and executed on the gallows in rome in 1600. in the history of islam, the friction of science and faith, although not to the point of bloody conflicts, still exists in a softer form as exemplified by the case of tahâfut al-falâsifah (incoherence of the philosophers) written by algazzâlî (d. 505/1111). in this work, he stated that the muslim philosophers who represented scientists (at that time, philosophy had not been separated from science) were kafirs because of their views: (1) nature is kadim (has no beginning), (2) allah only knows global things and do not know the details, and (3) the philosophers deny bodily resurrection in the afterlife.10 ibn rushd 104 a f k a r u n a (d. 595/1198) responded to al-gazzâlî’s heavy accusation that the philosophers (scientists) disbelieved because of the above three views by writing tahâfut at-tahâfut (the incoherence of tahâfut al-falâsifah).11 even ibn rushd also wrote another book entitled facl al-maqâl wa taqrîr mâ baina al-asysyarî’ah wa al-$ikmah min al-itticâl (‘description of the relationship between religion and philosophy’) in which he explains the interrelations and linkages of philosophy (read: science) with religion (faith). the essence of ibn rushd’s view in this book is that there is no contradiction between religion and philosophy (science) because the latter is an investigation of nature in a rational manner that can increase the meaning of the creator. on the other hand, religion orders an investigation of nature (kauniah verses) using the rational method (burhani).12 it should be noted that ibn rushd was fortunate in that he combined religion education and scientific education. he is not only a scientist, but at the same time also a fakih who wrote the famous fiqh book bidâyat al-mujtahid wa nihayat al-muqtacid,13 and a-arûrî fî ucul al-fiqh.14 the debate between al-gazzâlî and the philosophers as cited above in which al-gazzâlî judged them as kafir shows the friction between religion and science on the plains of reality in islamic history. this fact is the reason for the need for a philosophy of scientific development that maintains compatibility between the principles of faith and science, philosophy of science based on the integration of aik and science and technology. external reasons are reasons related to the development of science itself. based on modernism, which carries out differentiation (separation) and autonomization (independence) in which social, economic, and political life is separated from religion, science also experiences the same thing. each of them stands alone, apart from each other, which is called objective secularization. the objective secularization that occurs at the socio-structural level when it enters consciousness (subjective secularization) will lead to secularism in societal ideology and scientific atheism in science. thus, we need dedifferentiaton and deautonomization.15 scientists themselves tend not to believe in god. french s. collins mentions that in 1916 researchers conducted a survey of biologists, physicists, and mathematicians about whether they believed in a god who communicates to humans and to whom prayers are expected to come. the results show that only 40% of respondents answered affirmatively (belief in god). the same survey was repeated in 1997, and it turned out that there was no change in the attitude of the scientists on this matter and the survey results 105vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 were more or less the same.16 the modern science that applies today is based on the main paradigm of “secular” scholarship from the west which is based on materialism. the consequence of the understanding of materialism for scientific ontology is that only the world that can be sensed becomes the object of knowledge, and only through the senses is it possible to make knowledge claims about the concrete world. therefore, in a scientific paradigm like this, knowledge and investigation are limited to the world which can be known through the senses, and thus only statements about the concrete world are meaningful.17 immanuel kant (1724-1804), although acknowledging the importance of religion as a postulate of moral rules, emphasized that religion is another area outside the scientific zone. according to kant, the area of science is a perceptual world in which it is highly competent, and the laws are universal.18 a further consequence of this understanding is the exclusion of religion from the zone of scientific activity by arguing that religion is a metaphysical area where reason cannot be used. religion is a realm of belief in which religion and reasoning can often repel each other.19 modern science developed from the 17th century in europe and spread throughout the world until now and interprets nature as nothing more than a tool governed by the mechanisms of ansich’s law of cause and effect, and there is nothing behind it all but of the centrality of the human role. these are among the reasons why it is necessary to develop a philosophy of scientific development that can bridge and avoid the inconsistencies of religious and scientific views. rediscovering integrative scientific epistemology nidhal guessoum raised the question, “could an islamic science be developed?” this question is the title of chapter 4 in his work islam and modern science.20 in the spirit of an affirmative answer to that question, a number of muslim thinkers tried to make academic efforts to realize this belief, and nidhal guessoum discussed the aforementioned views. if the question is formulated from the perspective of muhammadiyah’s educational philosophy, the question reads, “is it possible to develop an integrative scientific epistemology?” when referring to the word of allah in q 58: 11 that allah elevates the position of believers and knowledgeable people to several degrees, we can make an affirmative answer hypothesis. this means that the question can be answered as possible. this is the belief of the majority, if not all, of muslim thinkers. even non-muslim scientists also believe that 106 a f k a r u n a religion and science are not mutually exclusive. an american scientist who has served as head of the international human genome project, francis s. collins, who started his scientific career as an agnostic, then turned into an atheist, eventually returned to being a devout believer in god. he stated that faith in god completely can be a rational choice and that between the principles of faith and science have a complementary relationship.”21 two steps can be taken to build an integrative scientific epistemology, through objective and subjective approaches. 1. objective approach approach through an objective path means to build scientific constructions combining knowledge and values with factual and metaphysical understanding. a number of models in this pathway have been put forward by some experts, such as the anas az-zarqâ and louay safi’s model.22 the integration of religion into scientific construction can be carried out through four domains, namely the realm of paradigm, the realm of theory, the realm of methods, and the realm of applicative. science, in general, has a paradigm, basic assumptions that are not tested empirically but are taken for granted in science. the materialistic paradigm of modern science postulates positivism in which science works only in areas of the concrete world that are within reach of human sensory experience. therefore legal knowledge is knowledge of the concrete, perceptual world. therefore, religion must be excluded from the zone of scientific activity because it is an area of belief that cannot be ascertained by reason. even the latter can reject each other with religion. on the other hand, the faith paradigm states that the principles of faith and scientific principles do not contradict each other but can complement each other. the consequence of this view is that knowledge is not limited to knowledge of the concrete perceptual realm which is interpreted based on reason or ansich’s sensory experience but also includes knowledge interpreted based on the sources of revelation. a person who does not believe in the existence of god and prophethood will see the concept of repentance (in the history of the prophet) as a mere political phenomenon in which those who initially opposed the prophet’s political authority then returned to the bosom of the motherland and accepted the political authority of the prophet muhammad in medina. on the other hand, those who believe in god and see the phenomenon of repentance as a religious concept in which the person concerned confesses his sins and returns to the way of god taught by his prophet. even in the history of the holy prophet, those who do not 107vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 believe in god are seen as a phenomenon of ansich’s social renewal, and there is nothing else behind it. for those who believe in god, the history of the prophet is not only a phenomenon of social renewal like other social reforms but also as a form of divine intervention in human history. it should be noted that the principles of religion (faith) that are offered as the building blocks of the scientific paradigm are not all fixed costs. perhaps core principles such as belief in allah, his oneness, and that he is the creator are indeed non-negotiable basic principles. but understanding these principles in the scientific paradigm can be contextualized. the theoretical orientation is the realm of science in which the contribution of religion can be considered. maybe various definitions are given to put a theory back on. still, at least it is a set of systematically arranged concepts and propositions that can be used to explain a phenomenon. universal statements of revelation can contribute to the formulation of theories together with materials derived from the empirical world.23 a theory will survive when it is able to answer the falsification addressed to it and must be rejected if it is not confirmed by the research that tested it. muslim thinkers try to build theories according to their respective fields of study by utilizing statements in islam that are considered universal. for example, islamic economists try to formulate theories in islamic economics, for example, the theory of consumer behavior. because of its more technical and procedural nature, the method is the domain of knowledge that may be at least in touch with value preferences. in other words, the method is the part of the most objective science. the probability that value enters the method is not in the technical construction of the method but rather in the theoretical direction that underlies the selection and use of a particular method. the application of science can be seen as a domain in the construction of knowledge that may be in contact with values (religion, faith) more broadly because the application of science is directly related to human life. the application of science is an axiological area of science. hence the value preferences of religion may greatly affect it. the medical science to predict the serious consequences of a patient’s acute illness that is less likely to recover cannot in itself be applied to the decision that the patient can be euthanized. also, other considerations from ethics, philosophy, and religion are necessary. 108 a f k a r u n a 2. subjective approach in contrast to the increasingly criticized positivism view, which sees science as a replica of the external nature as it really is, the postmodern view sees science as a human activity in which its position as the knowing subject is central. our knowledge of empirical reality is not a direct and empirical perception of the environment but is based on a theory that describes reality.24 knowledge develops in a historical and cultural context which is why it is limited by the limitations of the technical and conceptual tools and language facilities provided by its environment and used by the subject of the knowledge agent. hence in this view, knowledge is no longer a certainty, and knowledge is fallible. knowledge is the best explanation that can be reached and which we believe are the most worthy of being used as a basis for action.25 the creative imagination of scientists is also very important in the process of developing science, especially in the creation of new findings, which encourages them to connect existing materials of knowledge that may not actually be related.26 in the social and humanity sciences, the role of humans as agents of knowledge is getting more significant. to be able to create the development of science that is compatible with religious beliefs, of course, it requires a scientist’s soul who has sufficient empathy and understanding of the principles of faith related to certain knowledge. so the integration of science is not only how to place the principles of faith in a certain scientific structure, but also the problem of how a scientist as a subject of knowledge can provide a space within himself where he is able to develop a spirit of empathy and an adequate understanding of certain principles of faith. people will act according to what he thinks. a scientist armed with faith will produce a knowledge model that maintains the compatibility of faith and knowledge production. conclusion based on the above discussions, the following points are necessary to be noted: 1. from a historical perspective, the education system and scientific development in islam is an integrative system. ibn rushd (d. 595/1198) is one of the pioneers of the integration of religion and science in islamic history. consequently, the legacy was carried on by ahmad dahlan (d. 1923) when he founded muhammadiyah, where the education system he found 109vol. 17 no. 1 juni 20 21 combines religion and science. 2. there are two steps to reconstruct a philosophy of scientific development in the ptma environment through objective and subjective approaches. endnotes 1 muhammadiyah’s educational philosophy was formulated in the decree of the 46th muhammadiyah congress in jogjakarta in 2010. see “tanfidz decision of the muhammadiyah first century congress (46th muhammadiyah congress),” muhammadiyah official news, no. 1/2010-2015 (shawwal 1431 h / september 2010 ad), p. 220-221. 2 november 2019 data. source: report of the pp muhammadiyah dikti council on the pp muhammadiyah coordination meeting with the assembly, institutions, bureau on december 14-15, 2019 in jakarta 3 article 4 (1) of muhammadiyah’s articles of association affirms, “muhammadiyah is the islamic movement of da’wah amar makruf nahi mungkar based on the al-quran and as-sunnah.” 4 “tanfidz,” p. 220. 5 syamsul anwar, “prolog: epistemologi qurani,” dalam mukhlis rahmanto dan naufal ahmad rijalul alam, ed., epistemologi qur’ani dan ikhtiar pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan (yogyakarta: lppi umy, 2017), p. 1-2. 6 “tanfidz,” p. 220-221. 7 at-tirmiýî, al-jâmi ‘al-kabîr (sunan at-tirmiýî), edited by syu’aib al-arna’ûm and haiaam’ abd al-gafur (damascus: dâr ar-risâlah al-’âlamiyyah, 1430/2009 ), iv: 590, hadith nonor 2838; am-labarânî, al-mu’jam al-kabîr, edited by $amdî ‘abd al-majîd as-salafî (cairo: maktabat ibn taimiyyah, 1415/1994), viii: 79, hadith number 7388. 8 al-khamîb al-bagdâdî, ar-ri%lah fî lalab al-$adîa, edited by nûruddîn ‘itr (damascus: damascus university, 1395/1975), p. 72-76. this hadith has many lines of transmission, but all of them are dhaif and even some of them are accused of being liars, and denying hasan degree. however, the end of this hadith is shahih. 9 syamsul anwar, islam, ilmu dan kebudayaan (jogjakarta: uad press, 2018), p. 22-23. 10 al-gazzâlî, tahâfut al-falâsifah, diedit oleh sulaimân dunyâ (kairo: dâr alma‘ârif, t.t.), p. 307-309. 11 ibn rusyd, tahâfut at-tahâfut, diedit oleh sulaimân dunyâ (kairo: dâr al-ma‘ârif, 1964). 12 ibn rusyd, fac al-maqâl wa taqrîr fî mâ baina asy-syarî‘ah wa al-$ikmah min alitticâl, edited by a. nacrî nâdir (beirut: dâr al-masyriq, 1968), p. 27-29. 13 ibn rusyd, bidâyat al-mujtahid wa nihayat al-muqtacid, 6 jilid, diedit oleh ‘alî mu%ammad mu‘awwa dan ‘âdil mu%ammad ‘abd al-maujûd (beirut: dâr al-kutub al-‘ilmiyyah, 1416/1996). 14 ibn rusyd, a-arûrî fî ucul al-fiqh, diedit oleh jamâluddîn al-‘alawî (beirut: dâr 110 a f k a r u n a al-garb al-islâmî, 1994 m). 15 kuntowijoyo, islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi dan etika (jakarta: teraju, 2004), p. 58-60. 16 collins, the language of god (new york: free press, 2000), p. 4. 17 arif, “the islamization of knowledge and some methodological issues in paradigm building: the general case of social science with a special focus on economics,” ajiss, vol. 4, no. 1 (1987), p. 53-54; zakâriyâ bashîr, “towards an islamic theory of knowledge, part 1,” arabica: the islamic world review, maret 1986 / jamâdâ ii 1406, p. 74-78. 18 barbour, isu dalam sains dan agama, translated by darmayanti dan ridwan (jogjakarta: universitas islam megeri sunan kalijaga, 2006), p. 102 and 106. 19 zakâriyâ bashîr, “towards,” p. 74-5. 20 guessoum, islam dan sains modern, translated by maufur (bandung: pt mizan pustaka, 2014), p.186. 21 collins, the language of god, p. 3. 22 regarding the model proposed by anas az-zarqâ, see his writing “ta%qîq islâmiyyat ‘ilm iqticâd: al-mafhûm wa al-manhaj,” in towards islamization of disciplines, a collection of seminar papers (herndon, virginia: international institute of islamic thought, 1989), h. 316-351; and safi, the foundation of knowledge (selangor darul ihsan: the international islamic university malaysia and the international institute of islamic thought, 1996), chapter 8. 23 safi, the foundation of knowledge (selangor darul ihsan: the international islamic univerity malaysia dan the international institute of islamic thought, 1996), p. 191. 24 ibid., h. 176. 25 polkingshorn, methodology, p. 242. 26 barbour, isu, p. 200. references 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al-maqâl wa taqrîr mâ baina asy-syarî‘ah wa al-$ikmah min al-itticâl. diedit oleh a. nacrî nâdir. beirut: dâr al-masyriq. ibn rusyd, abû al-walîd mu%ammad. 1964.tahâfut at-tahâfut. diedit oleh sulaimân dunyâ. kairo: dâr al-ma‘ârif. jâbirî, mu%ammad ‘âbid al-. 2002. madkhal ilâ falsafat al-‘ulûm. beirut: markaz dirâsât al-wa%dah al-‘arabiyyah. majelis dikti litbang. 2019. “laporan majelis dikti litbang pp muhammadiyah” dalam rakor pp muhammadiyah bersama majelis, lembaga, biro dan ortom 14-15 desember di jakarta. polkinghorne, donald. 1983. methodology for human sciences: systems of inquiry. albany: state university of new york press. roston iii, holmes. 2006. ilmu dan agama: sebuah survei kritis (jogjakarta: universitas islam negeri. safi, lousy. 1996. the foundation of knowledge. selangor darul ihsan: the international islamic univerity malaysia dan the international institute of islamic thought. labarânî, abû al-qâsim sulaimân ibn a%mad am-. 1415/1994. al-mu‘jam al-kabîr. diedit oleh $amdî ‘abd al-majîd as-salafî, 25 jilid. kairo: maktabat ibn taimiyyah. “tanfidz keputusan muktamar satu abad muhammadiyah (muktamar muhammadiyah ke-46).” berita resmi muhammadiyah. no. 1 / 2010-2015 (syawal 1431 h / september 2010 m), h. 217-234. tirmiýî, abû ‘îsâ at-. 1430/2009. al-jâmi‘ al-kabîr (sunan at-tirmiýî). diedit oleh syu‘aib al-arna’ûm dan haiaam ‘abd al-gafûr, 6 jilid. damaskus: dâr arrisâlah al-’âlamiyyah. yazdi, mehdi ha’iri. 1994. ilmu hudhuri: prinsip-prinsip epistemologi dalam filsafat islam dari suhrawardi via wittgenstein. alih bahasa ahsin muhammad. bandung: penerbit mizan. 112 a f k a r u n a zarqâ, mu%ammad anas az-. 1989. “ta%qîq islâmiyyat ‘ilm iqticâd: al-mafhûm wa al-manhaj.” dalam towards islamization of disciplines. kumpulan makalah seminar. herndon, virginia: international institute of islamic thought, h. 316351. jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the participation of muslim women in islamic philanthropy in the digital era: a malaysian experience doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0101.165-186 mek wok bt mahmud, nor amni bazilah bt mohd zain department of fiqh & usul fiqh, kuliyyah of islamic revealed knowledge & human sciences, international islamic university malaysia (iium), malaysia. raudlotul firdaus bt fatah yasin department of qur’an & sunnah, kuliyyah of islamic revealed knowledge & human sciences, international islamic university malaysia (iium), malaysia. correspondence e-mail: (rawda@iium.edu.my) abstract in general, islamic philanthropy is an important instrument that can solve the socioeconomic problems of a country. the ultimate goal of islamic philanthropy is to benefit the economy and the society, which began during the time of prophet muhammad s.a.w. and has been continuously developed to this day. this research aimed to investigate the participation of muslim women in islamic philanthropy in the digital era, specifically their contributions to the waqf institutions in malaysia. history and present times have shown evidence of significant contributions of women in islamic philanthropy as founders, beneficiaries, and mutawallis or trustees. this research conducted a library search, seeking evidence of selected malaysian experiences of women’s participation in islamic philanthropy in the past and at present. the expected result was an analysis of malaysian experiences in the participation of muslim women in islamic philanthropy institutions in this digital era, and to identify the need for improvements of the socio-economic conditions of the society. keywords: islamic philanthropy, women, participation, society, malaysia abstrak secara umumnya, filantropi islam merupakan sebuah instrumen penting yang dapat menyelesaikan masalah sosioekonomi sebuah negara. tujuan utama filantropi islam adalah untuk memberi manfaat kepada ekonomi dan masyarakat. sejarah filantropi islam bermula sejak zaman nabi muhammad s.a.w. dan telah berkembang hingga hari ini. artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji partisipasi mailto:(rawda@iium.edu.my) 166 afkaruna wanita islam dalam filantropi islam pada zaman era digital khususnya dalam sumbangan institusi wakaf di malaysia. sejarah masa lalu dan dan kenyataan hari ini telah menunjukkan bukti-bukti sumbangan golongan wanita dalam filantropi islam sebagai pendiri, penerima manfaat, dan mutawalli atau pemegang amanah wakaf. metodologi yang telah digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian perpustakaan, mencari bukti keterlibatan wanita islam dalam filantropi islam berdasarkan pengalaman malaysia pada masa dahulu dan masa kini. hasil kajian merupakan sebuah analisis penglibatan wanita islam dalam institusi filantropi islam dalam era digital berdasarkan pengalaman malaysia serta untuk mengenal pasti keperluan untuk memperbaiki keadaan sosio-ekonomi masyarakat tersebut. keywords: filantropi islam, wanita, penglibatan, masyarakat, malaysia introduction the accumulation of wealth and its redistribution are closely related in islamic teaching and tradition. once wealth is accumulated, muslims are ordained to voluntarily redistribute their wealth. income redistribution by voluntarily helping the poor, primarily through waqf, is definitively preferred.1 waqf refers to the act of surrendering one’s own property so that it can be used to benefit all muslims. the main reason for a person to commit the ownership of his or her property to waqf is to seek the blessings of allah s.w.t. and to bring oneself closer to him. waqf is a mechanism for the redistribution of wealth that can help ensure the socio-economic welfare of the community. 2 the terms waqf (plural: awqaf) and habs (plural: ahbas) are masdar (verbal nouns in arabic), and they both literally mean ‘to stop’, ‘to prevent’, or ‘to restrain’.3 waqf is an arabic word that may be simply translated as endowment. in islamic terminology, waqf, or also known as the islamic endowment is defined as the dedication of a certain property made by a muslim. this property will be used for a charitable or religious purpose, as recognised by the islamic law.4 waqf and zakat are similar in terms of their potential to alleviate poverty, but their concepts are totally different, especially in terms of the beneficiaries. waqf beneficiaries are not clearly mentioned in the qur’an, whereas the recipients of zakat are clearly stated in the qur’an and are known as the eight asnaf, or categories. furthermore, waqf is voluntary, while zakat is compulsory. the purpose of waqf should be for any religious purposes, as long as it does not contravene the concept of the sharia law. zakat also has specific approaches, as prescribed in the qur’an 167vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 and al-hadiths, whereby waqf generally has no direct qur’anic injunction, except for various verses. for example, in surah ali-imran says: never will you attain the good [reward] until you spend [in the way of allah] from that which you love. and whatever you spend – indeed, allah is knowing of it. (surah ali-imran: 92) this verse states that muslims will not be rewarded with goodness unless they are willing to give their best to others, and the gift must be of value and can benefit the beneficiary. people are encouraged to help and give to each other to make life more orderly and harmonious. allah s.w.t. further commands in surah al-hajj: o you, who have believed, bow and prostrate and worship your lord, and do good – that you may succeed. (surah al-hajj: 72) in this verse, allah commands human beings to do good things, especially waqf because it will bring benefits for the maslahah (public interest) of the ummah, thus it is considered as a righteous deed. doing good things is also considered as an act of worship or ibadah towards allah s.w.t. and allah will reward all believers, man or woman, for all their good deeds. it can be inferred here that the act of waqf is not constrained only to muslim men, it is also open to women, and verily allah is the most gracious and the most merciful. 5 there is also a hadith on umar ibn al-khattab, who acquired a piece of land in khaibar and he went to see the prophet s.a.w. to ask about his new asset. this hadith is narrated by sahih al-bukhari: ibnu umar r.a. reported a hadith on waqf from rasulullah s.a.w.: ‘umar ibn al-khattab gained possession of a piece of land in khaibar, and he went to see the prophet, peace and blessings of allah be upon him, to consult him about it. he said, “o messenger of allah! i have got a piece of land in khaibar, of which i have never obtained more valuable property than this. (although i aspire to reach out to allah) what is your advice or suggestion about it and the best course of action to take?” the messenger of allah (pbuh) said, “if you wish, make the property itself to remain inalienable and give (the profit from) it to charity”. 6 based on this hadith, umar r.a. endowed his land in khaibar after hearing the prophet muhammad’s recommendation. the prophet (pbuh) did not advise umar to leave his property to the state, even though he 168 afkaruna (prophet) was the head of state at that time. this advice indicates that the prophet saw the importance of the role of waqf to public welfare. abu talha, one of the prophet’s companions and a very rich man in madinah, has also endowed his most favourite garden, bairuha in madinah, for the purpose of welfare and to seek the blessing of allah. the first waqf in the islamic jurisprudence was set by the prophet muhammad s.a.w. himself, who contributed his own funds to masjid quba’, which was built when he arrived in madinah. he also endowed seven farms in madinah, which were given to him by mukhairiq. these actions have proven that our prophet muhammad (pbuh) is a good role model for our society, who encouraged muslims to perform righteous and good deeds in their lives. basic concept of waqf there is a consensus among the majority of fuqaha’ (muslim jurists) regarding the conditions of waqf. according to the fuqaha’, there are four conditions or elements that must be fulfilled: 7 1. waqif: the person who will be the endower or the founder, who must have achieved the age of baligh (puberty) and be of sound mind. the act must also be done voluntarily, and not being forced by anyone else; 2. mawquf: the property or capital; an existing property or capital must be completely owned by the waqif and be free from any burden of ownership or encumbrances. to dedicate a property for waqf, it must be under the absolute ownership of the waqif because in islam, earning and owning a property relates to the human effort and work; 3. mawquf ‘alaih: beneficiaries, whether family members, descendants, or the poor and the public. the recipients must not be an enemy of islam; and 4. sighah: ijab and qabul of waqf, which is to offer and the acceptance of the property. according to magda ismail 8, beneficiaries of a waqf property can be classified into three categories, namely, waqf khayri (public waqf), waqf dhurri (family waqf), and al-waqf al-mushtarak (a combined waqf for both the public and family). 1. waqf khayri or waqf ‘am (public waqf) is an endowment that aims to 169vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 support the welfare system for the poor and the needy in society. this type of waqf is made by the waqif, or founders in the form of buildings, such as mosques, schools, hospitals, orphanages, and guesthouses, and by providing basic infrastructures, dedicating books, or enclosing lands for use as cemeteries and for digging wells for dedicating weapons. the revenue generated by these awqaf is spent entirely on charity or philanthropy. 2. waqf dhurri, waqf ahli, and waqf ‘ala awlad refer to family waqf. in this case, the founder would endow his/her property to his/her children, grandchildren, relatives, or to other persons whom he/she specifies. if the beneficiaries specified by the founder are no longer alive, then only in this case will the waqf property be given for public welfare purposes. the revenue should be spent for the family members of the founder.9 as our prophet also approved this type of waqf and encouraged his companions to make endowments for their closest relatives. moreover, the prophet (pbuh) declared that the most pious offering is to one’s family by providing for their wants, which is better than giving alms to beggars. 3. waqf mushtarak (a combination of public and family waqf) is a waqf created by the founder to support both the public and his family, for example, the founder dedicates a part of his property to his family and another part to the public. the founder will specify the targeted beneficiaries and designate the profits from the property for religious and welfare purposes. in this case, the legal conditions from waqf khayri (general waqf) and waqf dhurri (posterity waqf) will be used. in malaysia, only waqf khayri is available, while the existence of waqf zurri and waqf mushtarak is hardly traceable.10 waqf contribution of muslim women in islamic civilisation previously, islamic activities were successful because all muslim men and women participated in the activities. although the wealthy has established mosques, hospitals, libraries, schools, and other institutions, the on-going success of these institutions has been possible due to the small, but continued donations made by the immense number of ordinary people who are enlightened by the spirit of islamic charity. 11 women also made small continuous donations where they play important roles in increasing 170 afkaruna the rate of endowments. for example, by the mid-sixteenth century in istanbul, 37% of all officially recorded founders of awqaf were female. a study conducted in the 1930s has indicated that 128 of 491 fountains built in istanbul were endowed by women belonging to various social classes.12 among the contributions of muslim women in islamic civilisation, whereby they are the founders in these awqaf are as follows:13 1. contributions to mosques abu hurairah narrated that the prophet (pbuh) said, “among the acts and good deeds that will reach a believer after his death are knowledge that he learned and then spread, a righteous son whom he leaves behind, a copy of the qur’an that he leaves as a legacy, a mosque that he built, a house that he built for wayfarers, a canal that he dug, or charity that he gave during his lifetime when he was in good health. this deed will reach him after his death.”14 zumurrud khatoon, the wife of the abbasid caliph al-mustadhi’e, constructed a mosque to the south of the mustansiria school, which was located on the banks of the tigris river. this mosque is known as the mosque of khafaffin, whose minaret is reported to be the oldest in baghdad. she is well-known as a lover of charity and doing good deeds, in addition to her interest in learning. among the rarest contributions by female in awqaf for mosques is that of fatima al hadhena, who dedicated a number of invaluable books and works, some of which still exist, to oqba ibn nafie mosque in alqairawan. a gilded qur’an in kufi handwriting is among those wonderful works. furthermore, princess zainab is the only woman who took the initiative to dedicate awqaf to al-azhar mosque in egypt after the death of muhammad ali pasha, the ottoman governor of egypt. she set up a large waqf in 1266 a.h. (1860 a.d.) and recommended that spending for charitable purposes, such as salaries and bread for the hanafi scholars should be made out of its proceeds. 2. health services the women of the ottoman rulers were keen to endow hospitals, for example, the awqaf established by the mother of sultan abdul majid and the mother of sultan murad iii, as well as sultana hafiza and sultana turiana. the hospital of sultana turiana remained functional until 1927, and the contributions by muslim rulers in spain for their hospital facilities 171vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 were made available to muslims and non-muslims alike. these women’s awqaf has benefitted the health services, which received the lion’s share, as depicted by the establishment of hospitals offering free treatments to poor patients, as well as establishing waqf for medical education. with a full waqf, there were children’s hospitals to meet their medical needs, including nurses to attend them. for illegitimate children, who were born outside of marriage, nurseries were set up to provide them with the necessary medical aids and wet nurses who breastfeed them.15 3. educational development waqf for educational financing has the freedom of education approach, which means it is not restricted to religious studies. it would usually cover books, libraries, stipends to students, and salaries for teachers and other staff. this financing helped to create a learned class separate from the ruling and rich classes.16 the stability of a society can be achieved through progress and the evolution of education. this is considered as an investment in human capital, which in turn may improve human resources, and develop skills and qualifications to increase the positive impacts on the society. in the field of education, some of the most significant endowments were as follows: 1. the wife of the abbasid caliph, al-musta’sim billah, endowed books and money to the al-bashiriya school and library, both established in 1255 a.h., in baghdad. it was established under a great endowment allocated by the abbasid caliph himself. it was a replica of almustansiriya school, in which all four schools of islamic thoughts were taught. 2. zumurrud khatoon, wife of the caliph al-mustadhi’e, has endowed a waqf hostel for international students. through this waqf, she dedicated all of her properties to the construction of this hostel for the benefit of the students. 3. shams al-dhuha, the granddaughter of salah al-din al-ayubi, founded the famous al-mutasammia school in baghdad, which she dedicated to the four schools of islamic thoughts. princess fatima binti ismail was the foremost among these women, who generously spent her time promoting charitable work in the fields of education and culture in egypt. a considerable portion of the proceeds from her waqf was earmarked to support civil and military education in 172 afkaruna the seat of the ottoman caliphate. she takes the credit for establishing the egyptian university, which is currently known as the university of cairo. once she knew that this project was suffering from financial difficulties, she allocated six acres of her own best lands for the project. moreover, she allocated 661 acres in the daqahlia governorate, out of the 3,357 acres, for charitable work in this project. the university’s portion of the proceeds of these lands amounted to 40% annually. this support from princess fatima was expanded to cover sending talented students on scholarships inside and outside of egypt. the function and role of waqf has such a big impact on the country’s development. it should be developed not only by the government, but in cooperation with society. al-azhar university in cairo is an example of the cooperation between the government and civil society. al-azhar university managed to raise funds through waqf donations from the public. as a result, this university has turned itself into a well-respected institution, free of government intervention.17 the history of waqf in malaysia malaysia is the one of the most peaceful, developed, and integrated muslim countries, with a multicultural population and society. it has a long and rich waqf legacy that stretches over the country’s 13 states and three federal territories. the state islamic religious council (sirc) of each state governs waqf properties with its own legislative procedures. 18 the institution of waqf in malaysia is believed to have been in existence for more than 800 years. it is believed to have started when arab muslim traders brought islam to the land in the 10th century.19 in short, the history of waqf in malaysia can be traced back since hundreds of years ago, and recently started anew with selangor as the first state that authorises the sirc as the manager of waqf properties in 1952. this move was soon followed by other states, such as kelantan in 1953, terengganu in 1955, and pahang in 1956.20 in the context of malaysia, the two most commonly discussed forms of waqf are waqf am (general waqf) and waqf khas (specific waqf). meanwhile, waqf ahli (family waqf) is not available in malaysia. 21 awqaf are administered by the respective state islamic religious councils, or locally known as majlis agama islam negeri (main). all main have to be held accountable as the sole trustees in their respective states in malaysia by 173vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the existence of related acts and special waqf guidelines. 22 the various main have been very active in discharging their roles and performing their functions. on the 27th of march 2004, the government established the jabatan wakaf, zakat dan haji (jawhar), or the department of awqaf, zakat, and hajj, in an effort to upgrade and boost their services and expertise in waqf management. jawhar has its own administrators and funding to assist main in developing new methods to improve the administration of the states’ awqaf. these management teams are operated under the same roof for the development of the ummah. 23 the malaysian awqaf foundation or yayasan wakaf malaysia (ywm) was established on 23 july 2008 as a business arm to the jawhar. in 2013, ywm was upgraded to waqf corporation in an announcement by the 6th prime minister of malaysia. the purpose of establishing this institution is to uphold the development and management of waqf properties in malaysia, in relation to various commercial projects built on waqf lands to benefit the society.24 since the inception of ywm in 2008, 16 physical development projects and four non-physical projects were completed in the form of hotels, educational complexes, shop houses, rehabilitation centres, haemodialysis centres, islamic complexes, and orphanages. the ywm operates on funds given by the government under the ninth and tenth malaysian plan (rmk 9 & rmk 10) amounting to rm256.4 million and rm72.76 million, respectively, as well as other sources of waqf.25 diagram 1: contribution of muslim women in malaysia 174 afkaruna significance of the contribution by malaysian women in waqf both men and women played significant roles in the formation of social networks in malaysia. the presence of women, who play increasingly dynamic roles in society, will more than likely expedite the development of the islamic endowment26, as shown in the following diagram 1. first: participation of women as the creators, founders, or benefactors the founder of the waqf is the one who owns the property, either by having bought it or through inheritance. he/she must be able to transfer it from his/her ownership to the ownership of allah. the founder of the waqf also must be ‘aqil (in full possession of his physical and mental faculties), baligh (adult), and hurr (a free man or woman). the property, whether movable or immovable, may be dedicated as endowment or waqf property. according to the islamic law, an individual may not establish more than one third of his or her properties in waqf, so as not to deprive the heirs of their due heritage.27 generally, endowing property is attributed to the elite and rich women. however, recent studies showed that women from all classes have performed this act of endowment for various reasons, such as under political, social, economic, and cultural conditions.28 among the contributions of malaysian women as founders of awqaf is setee aishah’s endowed land, which is located in seberang jaya, pulau pinang. this waqf land was donated by setee aishah binti haji mahmood on 30 september 1901. it was developed into a housing estate by the majlis agama islam negeri pulau pinang (mainpp), in collaboration with uda land north sdn. bhd. as the developer of this project. this waqf land is strategically located near shopping malls, such as carrefour, tesco extra, sunway carnival, billion, and giant. 29 setee aishah’s waqf land was originally a paddy field and she allocated 9.86 acres (39,902.04 square metres) for charitable work. the development project included nine units of three-storey shops and 76 units of double-storey houses. the development of this project totalled up to approximately rm15 million and was developed in phases. the first phase was completed on 3 may 2012, followed by the second phase, within 36 175vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 months after the completion of the first phase. 30 this is a significant contribution because the most critical problem currently faced by muslims in malaysia is the lack of access to decent and affordable housing for low and middle income families. this problem, which is relatively widespread, appears to be more acute among families residing in rural areas. consequently, many of the low and middle income families have to endure staying in cramped and often unfavourable living conditions.31 in the provision of low cost housing, or its equivalent for needy muslims, the setee aishah waqf land had contributed to provide a housing estate with lower prices, ranging between rm281,800 and rm439,600 per unit.32 this estate has helped most of the muslim families in pulau pinang, especially those who earn lower income, to live a harmonious life. another significant contribution made by muslim women in malaysia is the endowment of lands by noor chahaya abdul majid and hajjah fatimah abdullah. they allocated 3,397.68 acres of land for charitable projects. these lands, which are located in kuala lumpur, were then sold to naza motors trading sdn. bhd. through the process of istibdal. both lands were sold within market value, which totalled up to rm 300,000, with the permission from the chief justice of majlis agama islam wilayah persekutuan kuala lumpur (maiwpkl). the revenues generated from the sales were used to buy 3 housing units, namely, no. 151, no. 153, and no. 155, at taman pelangi jaya, sentul.33 according to magda ismail (2009), the terminology of istibdal (substitution) and ibdal (exchange) are two common transactions needed in the development of waqf in malaysia. ibdal is the actual selling of non-profitable waqf property, while istibdal is the purchase of another property to replace the former waqf property. this is an extremely important requirement, which can be applied by the founder or trustee, with the permission of the chief justice, even if the founder did not include this prerequisite in his/her written deeds. this stipulation gives the trustee the right to exchange unprofitable waqf property with another valuable property. the two waqf lands from two generous women, noor chahaya and hajjah fatimah, are very significant in the waqf development in malaysia. in this case, the waqf administrator was legally authorised, through the process of istibdal, to exchange the worn or damaged property for a more productive one.34 nonetheless, there are cases where corruption occur, 176 afkaruna for example, the case where a piece of land was leased to a man for rm250, who afterwards rented it to another person for over rm2,500. such differences between the leased value and the market value of properties may open the doors to numerous threats, including corruption.35 in the early 2013, a new waqf product was released by the name of “gold waqf” (wakaf emas). this product incorporates a prominent cultural factor among malaysian muslims. malay women have the tendency to buy gold jewelleries as part of their savings and assets for the future. when they are desperate for financial liquidity, especially in emergency cases, they would then sell their jewelleries. hence, it is fair to assume that the gold waqf is a useful mechanism to capture the current market as the price of gold is rising with time. this waqf product allows individuals to endow their gold assets, which then will be sold, and the cash received will be given to the cash waqf fund. by april 2013, the amount of cash collected from the gold waqf was more than rm40,000.36 the purpose of introducing the gold waqf is to generate more cash waqf and revenue for the development of waqf projects. this is due to the problem of insufficient waqf revenues to bear the operational costs. furthermore, when waqf properties are unproductive to self-generate income, the earning of the compensation of waqf properties will be delayed, which may cause irregularity in receiving the benefits of the waqf properties by the beneficiaries.37 by introducing the gold waqf, the problem of insufficient income, which would lead to an ineffective waqf management system in malaysia, can be solved. by endowing their properties and assets, women are able to safeguard them from confiscation and appropriation, as well as gain benefits from the waqf during their lifetime, while maintaining their rights to manage the property.38 there is a wrong perception among muslims that waqf endowment could only be done if they have land and that it is not possible to do so with cash. many muslims have missed the chance to participate in waqf endowment because of this false belief. the existence of gold waqf proves that it is possible to do so by cash, hence, would encourage muslim women to contribute to waqf for the development of society. 177vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 second: participation of women as the administrator, manager, or mutawalli in principle, waqf founders (waqif) have the right to determine the type of management for their waqf. the waqf manager, who is also known as mutawalli or nazir, is responsible for managing the waqf property to the best interest of the beneficiaries. among the duties of the mutawalli are to preserve and maintain the waqf property to make sure it can generate revenues and maximise the benefits of the beneficiaries.39 the mutawalli, as appointed by the waqif, must meet the following requirements; sound of mind, baligh, amanah (trustworthy), and has the ability to administer and manage the waqf property. all of these requirements must be fulfilled, otherwise, a new mutawalli has to be appointed to ensure a better supervision of the waqf property.40 waqf property development has been implemented by university malaya awqaf as a trustee for the endowment of university malaya, as approved by majlis agama islam wilayah persekutuan (maiwp). it operates under the governance of the vice chancellor of universiti malaya. it was established on 14 disember 2016 and it started its operation on 1 january 2017. the main purpose for the establishment of um awqaf is to generate income for the benefit and welfare of the students, staff, and patients of the um medical centre (ppum). um awqaf is managed by a group of committee members, led by dr siti mashitoh mahamood as the manager and 11 staff members at the university. among the waqf instruments provided by um awqaf are cash waqf, online banking through cimb islamic on behalf of universiti malaya, money orders, bank drafts, and deduction from salaries.41 among other ways in developing waqf fund is through the investment of waqf property using the mudharabah concept, or by creating a specific cash fund for endowment. therefore, the khadijah international waqf foundation (kiwf) was established to serve as part of the international waqf fund, to give and impact socio-economic activities at the global level. the main mission for the establishment of kiwf is to raise funds and to establish endowments from individuals, companies, and other entities around the world. the impact of such activities would be in the form of community development that supports socio-economic initiatives for the empowerment of 178 afkaruna women and children. the role model of this institution is mazlina binti saidi, who has been appointed as the director of kiwf. kiwf is an institution of waqf khayri (general waqf) that was established under section 107 of the islamic financial services act (ifsa 2013) and labuan securities 2010. it was formed by taking an example of the first woman who believed in allah and his messenger, saidatina khadijah binti khuwailid, who was also the wife of the prophet muhammad s.a.w. she was also known as a woman with high self-respect and was called ath-thahirah (the holy woman). this institution consists of experts in islamic finance, such as dr fauziah bt hasan, dr abdul rahman bin bidin, tuan haji abdul aziz peru mohamed, prof engku rabiah adawiyah bt engku ali, and hajjah rohani bt datuk haji mohd shahir. meanwhile, members of the shariah advisory department consist of dr zurina shafii and prof engku adawiyah rabiah. among the roles of kiwf is to raise funds through public donations for their endowment funds. they also accept any valuables and donations from muslims worldwide. in addition, kiwf aim to manage and organise waqf funds endowed according to the sharia low risk investments and focus on sustainable initiatives with social impact. they are also responsible for distributing the profits from these investments, which may go directly to the beneficiaries, or indirectly passed through other institutions. these institutions are believed to be the pillars for women and children, and the poor around the world, regardless of races, religions, and beliefs. some examples that have been highlighted by this institution are shown in diagram 2.42 diagram 2: kiwf financing investment model for women source: khadijah international waqf foundation, 2018 179vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 according to md. shahedur et.al 43, malaysia is facing several accumulated problems in the waqf management system. this is based on the observations and opinions of waqf practitioners and researchers in this field. the main issue is related to the mutawalli or waqf manager, who is fully responsible for managing the waqf asset. some mutawalli were found to be unqualified, for example, in the case of waqf lands being managed by non-muslims, who lack the knowledge of islamic law. the authorities could not trust them with their non-islamic fundamentals, beliefs, and ideologies. waqf properties should be managed by qualified persons with vast knowledge in islamic philosophy, or by professional managers who are competent in both civil and islamic jurisprudence. these individuals would be able to effectively manage awqaf to attain the ultimate performance goals in the waqf system. this means that the right mutawalli, or waqf manager should manage the waqf assets by utilising their skills, abilities, and beliefs effectively. the participation of women in waqf as mutawalli or waqf manager has clearly been approved by saidatina hafsah binti umar, who was appointed to manage a garden and its revenue for the benefit of the ummah. the garden belonged to her father, saidina umar r.a. this example shows the significance of appointing muslim women as managers due to the rising number of educated women around the world. therefore, women can also play a more active and dominant role in islamic endowment. third: participation of women as the beneficiaries or mawquf ‘alaih the waqif would specify the beneficiaries or mawquf ‘alaih and the proportion of distribution from the proceeds of the endowed investment. depending on the type of waqf being created, the beneficiaries can range from family members to specific groups, such as the poor and needy. the proceeds of the endowed investment can also be distributed for general purposes, such as the building and upkeep of masjids, schools, and hospitals. among the contributions of waqf that are focused on women as the beneficiaries is the establishment of the terengganu culinary college. this college was established from the collaboration between waqf and zakat. the malaysia awqaf foundation (maf) built the terengganu culinary col180 afkaruna lege on waqf land through a joint venture, with a cost of rm2.5 million. the joint venture involved the majlis agama islam dan adat istiadat melayu terengganu (maidam) as the client. this project was managed and financed by maf and giatmara (a skills training institute under mara) as the service provider by providing teaching staff. this project was completed on 30 july 2012, and they started their operation on 2 september 2012. the state zakat institution sponsored the fees for asnaf children, women who were categorised as needy, and those who were between 15 years old and above. confectionary and bakery courses are among the offered courses, and hostels are provided during the 6-month course.44 the courses offered in this project allow women to develop their skills in confectionary and bakery. this will benefit them, especially those who are not working in any companies or industries. the skills learnt from these courses can help them to generate income and to start their own business. this can motivate them to live their life to its fullest potential. it is recorded that the number of older widows, and widowed mothers and their children, face destitution and sometimes marginalisation due to several reasons. in some cases, widows find themselves without financial support or completely dependent on the charity of relatives. the poverty faced by widows can also be further exacerbated by illiteracy, and lack of education or training, which would render them incapable of supporting themselves or their families.45 waqf fund can be used to provide loans to small and medium enterprises since sme is an emerging sector in underdeveloped and developing nations.46 thus, cash waqf can be a very useful tool in developing effective schemes to alleviate the struggles faced by widows, as shown in diagram 3. access to capital through profit and loss sharing (pls) can motivate widows to become economically secure. for small businesses run by widows, the capital can be provided through profit and loss sharing (pls) instruments, such as mudharabah and musharakah. 47 mudarabah financing will be used to provide capital to widows, who want to start business ventures to support themselves. this type of financing using the waqf fund will generally involve the contribution of capital by the waqf endowment, acting as rabbul mal to the widow (as the mudarib), to set up and run a small business. lending capitals based on mudarabah will help the poor widows and keep a large number of people from sins of interest as interest is strictly prohibited in islam.48 in 181vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 cases where the women have a small amount of capital in their possession, but it is insufficient to start a business, a musharakah agreement can be established using the waqf fund. the fund will make contribution to start the business and the widow will also chip in her money. at the end of the day, the profit is distributed based on the ratio of capital contribution. parts of waqf funds are also allocated for benevolent loans or “qard al-hasan”, which are loans without interests. these funds will be given to women in need, especially in cases of emergency, such as fire, and accident. this kind of help will provide some moral and material support in the form of cash, to help these women face such moments and will also help to fulfil their needs. payment of qard al-hasan will be equal to the initial loan without any extra charges. diagram 3: financing model for widowed women source: y.j amuda et al., 2016 conclusion women can play more active and dominant roles in islamic endowment. it is recommended to review the law that would empower women, especially in malaysia, to contribute to waqf as founders, trustees, and beneficiaries. nowadays, the number of educated and working women is increasing around the world. hence, they are well equipped to be parts of the founders and trustees in waqf development. if women decide to be waqf founders, they can generate more waqf assets and funds. if they choose to be managers, they can contribute towards waqf management 182 afkaruna and administration in religious institutions and government agencies. in fact, women tend to be more committed and loyal to the entity that they serve. their commitments are mostly driven by their affection for knowledge and experiences. furthermore, women have the ability to make detailed plans that would be beneficial during the development process of any waqf project. therefore, by providing better opportunities that will facilitate the contribution of women to the islamic endowment system, they can raise and sustain the potential of waqf for the benefit of the society. endnote 1 murat cizakca, the waqf, its basic operational structure and development. (waqf and socio-economic development), iium press. 2018. page 1. 2 farhana mohamad suhaimi, & asmak ab rahman, is society willing to donate to waqf? opinions of the state islamic religious councils in malaysia. jurnal syariah, vol.25 no.2. 2017. 3 magda ismail abdel mohsin. cash waqf: a new financial product. prentice hall. 2009. 4 farahdina abd manaf, & siti mashitoh mahmood. “developing healthcare service through waqf funds.” um awqaf. 2013. 5 hisyam yaacob. waqf history and legislation in malaysia: a contemporary perspective. journal of islamic and human advanced research, vol.3 no.6. 2013. 6 muhammad bin ismail al-bukhari, sahih al-bukhari, dar tuq najah, vol.4, page 12, no.2772. 1422h. 7 wahbah zuhaili. al-wisoya wal wakaf fi fiqh islami. lubnan: dar al-fikr. 2007. 8 magda ismail abdel mohsin. cash waqf: a new financial product. prentice hall. 2009. 9 murat cizakca, the waqf, its basic operational structure and development. (waqf and socio-economic development), iium press. 2018. 10 hisyam yaacob. waqf history and legislation in malaysia: a contemporary perspective. journal of islamic and human advanced research, vol.3 no.6. 2013. 11 md shahedur, mohd fahmi, & mohd faisol. economics of cash waqf management in malaysia: a proposed cash waqf model for practitioners and future researchers, african journal of business management, vol.5 no.30. 2011. 12 engin isin & ebru üstündað, wills, deeds, acts: women’s civic gift-giving in ottoman istanbul. gender, place and culture, vol.15 no.5, oktober 2008, page 526 13 iman mohammad al-humaidan. a series of translations on philanthropic and voluntary workwomen and waqf. kuwait: kuwait awqaf public foundation. 2007. 14 ibn majah abdullah mohd, sunan ibn majah. dar ihya’ kutubul ‘arabi, vol.1, page 88, no.242 183vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 15 muhammad tariq khan, contribution of islamic waqf in poverty reduction, university of haripur, pakistan, 2013, page 9. 16 muhammad tariq khan. historical role of islamic waqf in poverty reduction in muslim society. the pakistan development review. 2015. 17 farhana mohamad suhaimi, & asmak ab rahman. is society willing to donate to waqf? opinions of the state islamic religious councils in malaysia. jurnal syariah, vol.25 no.2. 2017. 18 jasmin omercic. socio-economic potential of waqf in bosnia and herzegovina. centre for advanced studies, sarajevo. 2018. 19 hisyam yaacob. waqf history and legislation in malaysia: a contemporary perspective. journal of islamic and human advanced research, vol.3 no.6. 2013. 20 che zuina ismail, nor jana salim, nor jawanees. administration and management of waqf land in malaysia: issues and solutions. mediterranean journal of social sciences, vol.6 no.4. 2015. 21 hisyam yaacob. waqf history and legislation in malaysia: a contemporary perspective. journal of islamic and human advanced research, vol.3 no.6. 2013. 22 farhana mohamad suhaimi, & asmak ab rahman. is society willing to donate to waqf? opinions of the state islamic religious councils in malaysia. jurnal syariah, vol.25 no.2. 2017. 23 khairuddin abdul rashid, sharina farihah hasan, azila ahmad sarkawi, jamilah othman & srazali aripin, preliminary discussion on the potential of zakatwaqaf collaboration in the provision of housing for the needy muslims. 2015. page 252. 24 farhana mohamad suhaimi, & asmak ab rahman. is society willing to donate to waqf? opinions of the state islamic religious councils in malaysia. jurnal syariah, vol.25 no.2. 2017. 25 khairuddin abdul rashid, sharina farihah hasan, azila ahmad sarkawi, jamilah othman & srazali aripin, preliminary discussion on the potential of zakatwaqaf collaboration in the provision of housing for the needy muslims. 2015. page 258. 26 margaret l.meriwether, women and waqf revisited: the case of aleppo, 17701840, denison university page 1. 27 randi deguilhem. “gender blindness and societal influence in late ottoman damascus: women as the creators and managers of endowments. hawwa, vol.1, no.3. 2003. 28 engin isin & ebru üstündað, wills, deeds, acts: women’s civic gift-giving in ottoman istanbul. gender, place and culture, vol.15 no.5, oktober 2008, page 525. 29 hydzulkifli hasyim & asmak ab. rahman. pengurusan pembangunan harta wakaf: pengalaman majlis agama islam negeri pulau pinang (mainpp) terhadap wakaf setee aishah. international journal of management studies, vol.19 no.2. 2012. 30 khairuddin abdul rashid, sharina farihah hasan, azila ahmad sarkawi, jamilah othman & srazali aripin, preliminary discussion on the potential of zakatwaqaf collaboration in the provision of housing for the needy muslims. 2015. 184 afkaruna 31 hydzulkifli hasyim & asmak ab. rahman. pengurusan pembangunan harta wakaf: pengalaman majlis agama islam negeri pulau pinang (mainpp) terhadap wakaf setee aishah. international journal of management studies, vol.19 no.2. 2012. 32 hydzulkifli hasyim & asmak ab. rahman. pengurusan pembangunan harta wakaf: pengalaman majlis agama islam negeri pulau pinang (mainpp) terhadap wakaf setee aishah. international journal of management studies, vol.19 no.2. 2012. 33 randi deguilhem. “gender blindness and societal influence in late ottoman damascus: women as the creators and managers of endowments. hawwa, vol.1 no.3, 2003. page 334. 34 md. shahedur, mohd fahmi & mohd faisol. economics of cash waqf management in malaysia: a proposed cash waqf model for practitioners and future researchers, african journal of business management, vol.5 no.30. 2011. page 12159 35 farhanah mohd mokhtar, emira sidin & dzuljastri abd razak, operation of cash waqf in malaysia and its limitations. journal of islamic economics, banking and finance. 2015. 36 md. shahedur, mohd fahmi & mohd faisol. economics of cash waqf management in malaysia: a proposed cash waqf model for practitioners and future researchers, african journal of business management, vol.5 no.30. 2011. page 12159. 37 engin isin & ebru üstündað, wills, deeds, acts: women’s civic gift-giving in ottoman istanbul. gender, place and culture, vol.15 no.5. 2008, page 525. 38 monzer kahf. al-waqf al-islami wa tathowwaruhu wa idarotuhu wa tanmiyyatuhu. damsyiq, syria. 2006 39 hisyam yaacob. waqf history and legislation in malaysia: a contemporary perspective. journal of islamic and human advanced research, vol.3 no.6. 2013. 40 university of malaya awqaf. 2018. jom berwakaf untuk um. retrieved may 12, 2019, from https://www.facebook.com/2030178570560985/photos/ pcb.2272081126370727/2272080849704088/?type=3&theater 41 khadijah international waqf (l) fund, kiwf. retrieved may 13, 2019 from https://khadijahwaqf.org.my 42 md. shahedur, mohd fahmi & mohd faisol. economics of cash waqf management in malaysia: a proposed cash waqf model for practitioners and future researchers, african journal of business management, vol.5 no.30. 2011. page 12159. 43 yayasan wakaf malaysia. akademi kulinari terengganu. retrieved may 12, 2019, from https://ywm.gov.my/kulinari. 2013. 44 yusuf jelili amuda, dzuljastri abdul razak & aminath amany ahmed. application of cash waqf in the empowerment of widows in malaysia. journal of advanced management science, vol.4 no.3. 2016. page 255. 45 md. shahedur, mohd fahmi & mohd faisol. economics of cash waqf management in malaysia: a proposed cash waqf model for practitioners and future https://www.facebook.com/2030178570560985/photos/ https://khadijahwaqf.org.my https://ywm.gov.my/kulinari. 185vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 researchers, african journal of business management, vol.5 no.30. 2011. page 12161 46 yusuf jelili amuda, dzuljastri abdul razak & aminath amany ahmed. application of cash waqf in the empowerment of widows in malaysia. journal of advanced management science, vol.4 no.3. 2016. page 256. 47 md. shahedur, mohd fahmi & mohd faisol. economics of cash waqf management in malaysia: a proposed cash waqf model for practitioners and future researchers, african journal of business management, vol.5 no.30. 2011. bibliography abd manaf, f., & mahmood, s. m. 2013. “developing healthcare service through waqf funds.” um awqaf. abdul rashid, k., hasan, s. f., ahmad sarkawi, a., othman, j., & aripin, s. 2015. preliminary discussion on the potential of zakat-waqaf collaboration in the provision of housing for the needy muslims. page 250-281 iman mohammad al-humaidan. 2007. a series of translations on philanthropic and voluntary workwomen and waqf. kuwait: kuwait awqaf public foundation murat cizakca, the waqf, its basic operational structure and development. (waqf and socio-economic development), iium press. 2018. page 1. amuda, y. j., razak, d. a., & ahmed, a. a. 2016. application of cash waqf in the empowerment of widows in malaysia. journal of advanced management science, vol.4 no.3. cizakca, m. 1998. awqaf in history and its implications for modern islamic economies. deguilhem, r. 2003. “gender blindness and societal influence in late ottoman damascus: women as the creators and managers of endowments. hawwa, vol.1 no.3. hashim, hydzulkifli and ab. rahman, asmak.2012. pengurusan pembangunan harta wakaf: pengalaman majlis agama islam negeri pulau pinang (mainpp) terhadap wakaf setee aishah. international journal of management studies, vol.19 no.2. isin, e., & üstündað, e. 2008. wills, deeds, acts: women’s civic gift-giving in ottoman istanbul. gender, place and culture, vol.15 no.5, page 519-532 ismail abdel mohsin, m. 2009. cash waqf: a new financial product. prentice hall. ismail, a.g., ali, k.m., & sukmana, r. 2018. waqf and socio-economic development. cizakca, m., the waqf, its basic operational structure and development. malaysia: iium press. ismail, c.z, salim, n.j, ahmad hanafiah, n.j. 2015. administration and management of waqf land in malaysia: issues and solutions. mediterranean journal of social sciences, vol.6 no.4. khan, d. m. t. 2013. contribution of islamic waqf in poverty reduction. khan, m. t. 2015. historical role of islamic waqf in poverty reduction in muslim society. the pakistan development review. mokhtar, f. m., sidin, e. m., & abd razak, d. 2015. operation of cash waqf in malaysia and its limitations. journal of islamic economics, banking and fi186 afkaruna nance. omercic, j. 2018. socio-economic potential of waqf in bosnia and herzegovina. centre for advanced studies, sarajevo. rahaman, m. s., fahmi, m., & faisol, m. 2011. economics of cash waqf management in malaysia: a proposed cash waqf model for practitioners and future researchers, african journal of business management, vol.5 no.30. rashid, s.k. 2017. waqf laws and management. abdel muhsin, m.i. past, present and future family waqf. malaysia: iium press. suhaimi, f. m., & ab rahman, a. 2017. is society willing to donate to waqf? opinions of the state islamic religious councils in malaysia. jurnal syariah, vol.25 no.2. university of malaya awqaf. 2018. jom berwakaf untuk um. retrieved may 12, 2019, from https://www.facebook.com/2030178570560985/photos/ pcb.2272081126370727/2272080849704088/?type=3&theater yaacob, h., 2013. waqf history and legislation in malaysia: a contemporary perspective. journal of islamic and human advanced research, vol.3 no.6. yayasan wakaf malaysia. 2013. akademi kulinari terengganu. retrieved may 12, 2019, from https://ywm.gov.my/kulinari zuhaili, w. 2007. al-wisoya wal wakaf fi fiqh islami. lubnan: dar al-fikr. sanu, mustafa. 2000. al-istismar ahkamahu wa dhawabithahu fi fiqh islami. dar an-nafa’is. ibn majah abdullah mohd, sunan ibn majah. dar ihya’ kutubul ‘arabi, vol.1. cizakca, m. 2018. the waqf, its basic operational structure and development. (waqf and socio-economic development), iium press. muhammad bin ismail al-bukhari, sahih al-bukhari, dar tuq najah, 1422h, vol.4, page 12, no.2772 https://www.facebook.com/2030178570560985/photos/ https://ywm.gov.my/kulinari jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 keislaman, kemanusiaan, keindonesiaan, dan budaya: studi perbandingan pemikiran ahmad syafii maarif, nurcholish madjid dan abdurrahman wahid islamity, humanity, indonesianity, and culture: a comparative study on ahmad syafii maarif, nurcholis madjid, and abdurrahman wahid doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0104.226-253 zuly qodir ketua program studi doktor politik islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: zuliqodir@umy.ac.id; zuly_qodir@yahoo.com, haedar nashir guru besar program studi doktor politik islam, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: haedarnashir@umy.ac.id abstract the study on indonesian and nation state is inseparable. nation state is an indetity on nationality. indonesia is a country of multy religions and ethnicity that live under the same destiny, under the dutch colonialism. islam is majority religion in indonesia, but it does not mean become islamic state. pancasila is gentlemen agreement for founding fathers for indonesian ideology and formaly foundation. ahmad syafii maarif, abdurrahman wahid and nurcholish madjid agreed with pancasila’s norm, because it similar with islamic norm. nation state with pancasila is not rejected by islam and indonesia muslim population majority. nationalism and nation-state is compatible with islam. nationalism and islam it is two entities that support nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity in modern state. this study based on literature from ahmad syafii maarif, nurcholish madjid and abdurrahman wahid in 2001 until 2018 that is composed by muhammadiyah’s and nu’s independent intellectuals. this article also applied in interpretative approach. key words: indonesia, islam, nation, humanity abstrak kajian tentang islam dalam kaitannya dengan kebangsaan dan keindonesiaan mailto:zuliqodir@umy.ac.id; mailto:zuly_qodir@yahoo.com, mailto:haedarnashir@umy.ac.id 227vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 merupakan hal yang tidak bisa dipisahkan. sebagai bangsa, indonesia berada pada posisi yang sangat beragam. sedangkan sebagai negara indonesia, merupakan negara dengan penduduk beragam suku, agama, etnik, dan golongan. di antara semuanya menjadi satu dalam rumpun keindonesiaan karena mengalami nasib yang sama di bawah penjajah kolonial belanda. pikiran ahmad syafii maarif, abdurrahman wahid, dan nurcholish madjid, tiga tokoh dari organisasi islam terbesar di indonesia berada pada pemikiran yang secara substansial terdapat kesamaan. ketiganya sepakat bahwa indonesia telah pada posisi yang ideal dengan pancasila sebagai dasar negara bukan negara agama. islam sebagai agama mayoritas penduduk indonesia, tidak dijadikan sebagai dasar negara. ahmad syafii maarif, abdurrahman wahid dan nurcholish madjid sepakat bahwa nilai-nilai pancasila merupakan nilai yang tidak bertentangan dengan islam. negara pancasila sebagai pilihan adalah negara yang tidak bertentangan dengan islam. nasionalisme dan islam merupakan dua hal yang saling mendukung tidak bertolak belakang. tulisan ini memberikan kesimpulan bahwa di indonesia, dengan pancasila sebagai dasar negara, merupakan bagian dari kosmopolitanisme-kebangsaan yang modern. kajian dalam tulisan ini mendasarkan pada karya yang ditulis oleh ahmad syafii maarif, abdurrahman wahid dan nurcholish madjid, terutama karya yang ditulis setelah tahun 2001. tulisan ditulis dengan pendekatan interpretative atas teks yang tersaji da lam ka ranga n dua intele ktual muslim kena maan dari muhammadiyah, nu dan non afiliasi organisasi keislaman. kata kunci: indonesia, islam, kebangsaan, kemanusiaan pendahuluan persoalan penting di indonesia salah satunya adalah persoalan hubungan islam dan negara atau islam dan keindonesiaan dalam kaitannya dengan gagasan islam dalam hal kemanusiaan, budaya dan dasar negara. sebenarnya substansi islam adalah dalam hal etika islam itu sendiri, bukan formalisasi yang bersifat fikih.1 sekalipun sebagian para aktivis islam dan penulis islam indonesia mempertentangkan tentang islam dengan dasar negara di indonesia yang tidak mendasarkan pada islam tetapi pancasila. sebagai negara mayoritas berpenduduk muslim dianggap seharusnya indonesia berdasarkan islam bukan pancasila, bukan yang lainnya dalam kaitan dengan masalah umat islam dan negara telah banyak dibahas bagaimana agar umat islam tidak mengalami “mati suri”. selain itu, terdapat pula persoalan yang beranggapan bahwa antara islam dengan budaya local merupakan hal yang bertabrakan karena islam itu adalah bersumber al-quran dan sunnah sementara budaya bersumber pada adat kebiasaan yang berkembang di masyarakat. oleh sebab itu, islam sering bertabrakan dengan budaya local. sementara itu dapat 228 afkaruna ditemukan bahwa islam itu sebagian juga beradaptasi dan mengadopsi budaya local dalam praktek sehari-hari sehingga islam tidaklah anti budaya local. islam itu gerakan kultural bukan ideologis, karena itu menempatkan hal-hal yang bersifat budaya merupakan karakter khas islam indonesia.2 oleh sebab itu gagasan pribumisasi islam, bukan arabisasi merupakan suatu yang sangat penting.3 persoalan-persoalan kemanusiaan dan keindonesiaan merupakan hal yang terus menjadi perdebatan, sekalipun secara universal kemanusiaan tidaklah bertentangan dengan islam. menghadirkan dimensi kemanusiaan dari islam di indonesia merupakan hal yang sangat relevan pada saat menghadapi globalisasi dimana masalah semakin banyak.4 namun ada saja yang mempersoalkan ketika kemanusiaan menjadi salah satu landasan berislam di indonesia. demikian pula dengan keindonesiaan. persoalan indonesia yang menjadi negara nasion state diangap menjadi problem yang akan terus didiskusikan oleh pihak-pihak yang mengangap demokrasi dan pancasila tidak sesuai dengan islam. islam itu sesuai dengan kultur local dan demokrasi.5 tampaknya apa yang diperjuangan atau dipikirkan oleh ahmad syafii maarif, nurcholish madjid dan abdurrahman wahid, dapat kita kategorikan sebagai sebuah strategi memperjuangkan pemikiran gagasan dari umat islam indonesia. strategi tersebut harusnya saling komplementer (saling melengkapi) bukan saling membunuh dan juga strategi islamisasi masyarakat, bukan sekedar islamisasi negara.6 dalam strategi tersebut tergambar tentang negara dan dasar negara indonesia. tiga cendekiawan yang dibahas pikirannya dalam artikel ini dapat dikatakan telah final menempatkan pancasila sebagai dasar negara di indonesia. suatu yang dianggap sia-sia belaka jika ada kelompok masyarakat yang berkeinginan menghidupkan lagi islam sebagai dasar negara. hal itu menguras energy belaka, padahal sejatinya energy tersebut dapat diarahkan untuk menyelesaikan berbagai persoalan kebangsaan yang lebih fundamental. 7 artikel ini hendak memberikan penjelasan terkait pemikiran keislaman, keindonesiaan dan budaya local dari tiga cendekiawan muslim indonesia yang memiliki karakteristik pemikiran sama yakni dalam kategori substansialisme islam atau islam sebagai etika bukan islam sebagai doktrin (formalisasi islam di indonesia).8 penjelasan dalam artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan hermeneutika atas apa yang dituangkan oleh ketiganya yang bersifat tematik. empat tema besar terkait keislaman, keindonesiaan, 229vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 kemanusiaan dalam hubungannya dengan negara indonesia yang tidak berdasarkan islam, tetapi pancasila hendak mendapatkan perhatian dalam artikel ini. oleh sebab itu secara berurutan hendak dibahas dari tiga cendekiawan muslim indonesia yang tersohor tersebut. keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan pada bagian ini penting dikemukakan bahwa tokoh muhammadiyah ahmad syafii maarif memiliki posisi intelektual yang kuat dalam kaitannya dengan paham (pikiran keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan) sebagai bagian tak terpisahkan dari apa yang dikehendaki oleh mantan ketua umum muhammadiyah. kita dapat membaca pikiran tokoh muhammadiyah tentang keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan sebagaimana dibawah ini. ahmad syafii maarif, salah seorang cendekiawan muslim indonesia, murid fazlur rahman memberikan gambaran yang relative jelas tentang sosok islam dan keindonesiaan dalam kaitannya dengan kemanusiaan. demikian kita kutipkan kata-kata ahmad syafii maarif: “di indonesia, antara islam, keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan tidak saja bisa berjalan bersama dan seiring, tetapi ketiganya dapat menyatu dan saling mengisi untuk membangun sebuah taman sari yang khas indonesia. ketiga kekuatan nilai itu mestilah saling melengkapi. di taman sari ini, watak universal islam tampil dalam wujud “kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab”. sebagai agama yang dianut oleh mayoritas penduduk indonesia, semua gerakan bercorak islam harus senantiasa mempertimbangkan dengan cermat dan cerdas realitas sosio-historis indonesia, demi keamanan, kedamaian dan kejayaan agama ini dalam mencapai tujuan mulia, harus pula ditempuh dengan cara-cara mulia dan beradab. di luar koridor itu, islam hanya akan berhenti pada tataran ritual yang kehilangan ruh, sedangkan misi utamanya tercecer di tengah jalan. hal yang tersisa hanyalah kerangkanya dalam bentuk formal, jika bukan monster, tetapi sepi dari nilai-nilai kemanusiaan yang tulus, elok, dan sejuk; ia bukan lagi islam yang hidup dan menghidupkan; bukan pula islam kenabian atau qur’ani yang selalu memberi inspirasi untuk berbuat yang terbaik bagi semua makhluk. bukankah allah “menciptakan mati dan hidup untuk menguji siapa di antara kita yang paling bagus amal perbuatannya.9 pernyataan buya syafii di atas dengan tegas dapat dibaca bahwa salah satu bentuk paling nyata dari islam indonesia adalah “sesuai kondisi sosio230 afkaruna historis indonesia”. kondisi sosio historis indonesia, salah satunya adalah pluralis dan multikulturalis sehingga tidak perlu lagi umat islam alergi dengan kedua kata tersebut. pluralism dan multikulturalisme telah menjadi diskusi panjang kalangan cendekiawan muslim seperti abdul azis sachedina dan farid esack.10 esack bahkan dengan sangat ajam menjelaskan bahwa islam itu berprinsip non diskriminatif terhadap semua bangsa, termasuk kulit hitam afrika sekalipun.11 kita mesti memahami dua kata modern ini, sebab islam sendiri sebenarnya demikain afirmatif terhadap pluralisme dan multikulturalisme yang sering disalah pahami oleh sebagian umat islam. disinilah umat islam tidak boleh lagi terjebak dalam ketakutan bahasa dan istilah yang masih dianggap aneh kedengarannya sehingga membuat merah telinga, gerah dan menciptakan cara berislam yang “pendek akal”, bukan panjang akal. kondisi islam yang belakangan memiliki jargon utama sebagai islam berkemajuan dan nusantara, perkawinan antara jargon resmi muktamar muhammadiyah makassar 2015 dan jargon resmi muktamar nu di jombang tahun 2014, tampak jelas sekali sesuai dengan kondisi real sosio historis dapat dikatakan sebagai “islam yang pribumi”, bukan islam yang asing dan terasing dari bumi nusantara. oleh sebab itu, menempatkan islam nusantara dalam konteks nasional atau indonesia sesungguhnya merupakan gagasan islam yang paling sesuai untuk tidak mengatakan paling otoritatif, di tengah maraknya gagasan islam transnasional yang mengusung tema kekhalifahan dunia dan islam model timur tengah bahkan sahara afrika. islam di nusantara jelasnya merupakan gambaran islam yang “membumi” dengan kerangka keindonesiaan, bukan islam dalam kerangka ke-arab-an apalagi kerangka islam yang penuh dengan keganasan, fanatisme public, kekerasan dan terorisme yang menjadi penyakit dair sebagian umat islam di dunia karena kekalahannya terhadap bangsa bangsa lain yang lebih maju dan sejahtera. 12 bahkan, pada saat muktamar nu yang diselenggarakan di kelahiran nu, jombang jawa timur, 2014, nu dengan semangat khasnya mengusung tema islam nusantara sebagai bagian dari upaya untuk membedakan bahwa islam di indonesia, sekalipun memiliki satu nabi dengan islam yang ada di timur tengah, tetaplah memiliki kekhasan dalam hal praktekpraktekkebudayaan yang berbeda dengan islam ditimur tengah. islam nusantara adalah islam yang dapat berakomodasi dengan konsisi kontsktual dengan kultur nusantara. islam yang bersifat universal adalah 231vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 yang bersifat ibadah mahdhah. namun yang berkaitan dengantata cara social merupakan islam yang beradaptasi dengan kebudayaan local.13 gagasan pribumisasi islam sebenarnya bukan gagasan baru, sebab jauh sebelum tahun 2014 telah dilakukan oleh ahmad syafii maarif, abdurrahman wahid, dan nurcholish madjid bahkan sebelumnya telah dilakukan oleh para wali di tanah jawa melalui wali songo (wali sembilan) dalam mengembangkan dakwah islam di nusantara ketika itu.14 kita perhatikan kembali pernyataan buya syafii terkait islam indonesia yang kontekstual atau “membumi” bukan yang asing di indonesia. demikian dikatakannya: “…khusus untuk islam, sekiranya gerakan-gerakan seperti di/tii, dan seterusnya mewakili arus besar islam indonesia, maka sudah bisa dibayangkan nasib islam di indonesia. mungkin islam hanya tinggal kenangan. islam tinggal puing-puing belaka. untunglah arus besarnya islam di nusantara masih mengedepankan akal sehat dan hati nurani, sekalipun gangguannya juga tidak kecil. tarikan politik kekuasaan sering melemahkan misi utama dari arus utama. pada saat politik menjadi mata pencaharian, memang tidak banyak pemimpin yang bisa bertahan di ranah idealism. di kawasan budaya kumuh sungguh sulit bagi kita untuk mempertahankan keyakinan yang benar, tetapi bukan sesuatu yang mustahil”. 15 gagasan buya syafii dengan jelas mengatakan bahwa islam indonesia haruslah yang “santun”, ramah dan berjalan dalam ideology kemanusiaan dan keadilan, selain keadaban. bukan islam yang dibangun dalam ideologi kekerasan, kebencian dan anti kemanusiaan. islam model seperti itu hanya akan terlindas oleh hempasan politik kekuasaan yang jauh lebih bengis dan menghilangkan idealism para pemeluknya. islam dengan demikian haruslah dibangun untuk mempertahankan adanya keragaman, kedamian dan menebarkan keselamatan untuk semua mahkluk hidup di muka bumi indonesia. islam tidak pernah anti terhadap realitas heterogen dan benci atas adanya perbedaan-perbedaan. perbedaan dan keragaman adalah sunatullah dan harus syukuri bersama. islam harus memahami keragaman dan memahami adanya perbedaan. keramahan islam indonesia diuji dengan hadirnya berbagai macam persoalan social yang mendera bangsa ini. mungkinkah islam indonesia ramah dan menyapa semuanya? inilah yang juga merupakan kondisi islam indonesia yang harus diciptakan. pertanyaan bahwa mungkinkah islam indonesia hadir dalam wajah 232 afkaruna yang ramah, santun, damai dan afirmasi terhadap kemanusiaan merupakan pertanyaan fundamental bagi dua ormas besar islam indonesia, muhammadiyah dan nu, yang merepresentasikan kekuatan arus utama islam di indonesia. pelbagai halntaman kemanusiaan, hantaman anti demokrasi, hantaman anti heterogenitas dan bangkitnya radikalisme sesungguhnya menjadi musuh bersama islam rahmatan lil alamin yang dibawa syafii maarif dari muhammadiyah dan abdurrahman wahid dari nu, serta nurcholish madjid. kita akan menelisik kembali pikiran ahmad syafii maarif dalam kaitannya dengan kemanusiaan. segala macam jenis kemungkaran harus dilawan dengan kebaikan. ketidak-manusiawian harus dilawan dengan kemanusiaan, kebencian dilawan dengan kecintaan, dan seterusnya. perhatikan kembali pernyataan buya syafii dalam konteks tersebut: “melawan kemungkaran harus didahuli dengan perbuatan makruf. artinya kita kita harus mampu menyediakan alternative yang lebih baik jika sebuah system kita nilai sudah tidak adil dan tidak islami. semua itu hanya bisa terjadi dan mungkin dilakukan oleh otak-otak besar yang tulus, sabar, dan cerdas. ini bukan pekerjaan hura-hura dan demonstrasi dengan pekik “allahu akbar”, tetapi pekerjaan harus dimulai dengan sangat serius dan terarah. kelemahan peradaban islam di abad ini adalah karena umat islam masih gagal menyuguhkan sebuah system kehidupan yang lebih baik sebagai perwujudan dictum “rahmat bagi sleuruh semesta”.16 pendapat ahmad syafii maarif dapat kita perhatikan bersama, betapa perhatian cendekiawan muhammadiyah ini memiliki semangat yang tajam dan mendalam untuk menghadirkan islam di indonesia, yang bersifat santun, ramah dan perhatian terhadap persoalan bangsa yang melanda. kita tidak perlu membuat atau mencari system politik atau ekonomi yang lain, jika tidak jelas apa yang hendak kita tawarkan. masalah bangsa adalah masalah besar dan bersama. tentu dalam sebuah negara, tidaklah sempurna dalam mengurus warganya, namun perlu terus dikoreksi dan didampingi (dibantu) sehingga bangsa ini tidak oleng oleh gelombang yang anti peradaban, anti realitas dan sejarah. persoalan realitas sejarah umat islam indonesia yang masih “kumal” dan kumuh. oleh sebab itu, peran islam arus utama (mainstream) muhammadiyah dan nu sangat perlu. terkait dengan naluri islam arus utama yang dibawa oleh muhammadiyah dan nu, ahmad syafii maarif dengan tegas memberikan penilaiannya 233vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 sebagaimana dibawah ini. “pihak mainstream islam indonesia adalah muhammadiyah dan nu, bukan yang lainnya. dengan segala kekurangannya telah dapat dikatakan tidak diragukan lagi, semacam hak paten menjadi gerakan islam moderat, modern, terbuka, inklusif dan konstruktif. ini tidak berarti bahwa tidak ada oknum-oknum radikal dalam arus besar ini, tetapi mereka tidak menentukan, dan biasanya tersingkir dari kepengurusan inti, karena kimia pemikirannya terasa asing untuk dapat menyatu dengan arus utama yang bercorak keindonesiaan dan dalam bingkai islam yang ramah. indonesia kontemporer beruntung karena dua arus besar ini tidak semakin jauh, tetapi malah semakin mendekat untuk saling mengisi dan menutupi kekurangan dan kelemahan masing-masing. sekalipun kekuatan nu hampir terkonsentrasi di jawa dan kalimantan selatan, pengaruhnya secara nasional selalu diperhitungkan. memang naluri politik kekuasaan sebagian tokoh-tokohnya sering mengganggu gerak laju nu sebagai gerakan kultural dan intelektual. ini masalah tersendiri yang harus mereka pikirkan dan pikir ulang dalam kerangka islam indonesia masa depan. bagi saya gerakan kultural harus ditopang oleh kualitas intelektual yang tangguh dan berani, tetapi juga harus diikuti oleh sikap yang penuh kesabaran dan kesantuanan. tekad yang kuat tentang menjaga kelangsungan indonesia harus terus dijaga. tidak boleh mudah sesak napas. dari sisi perkembangan intelektual ini, nu mencatat kemajuan yang luar biasa, berkat pendidikan modern yang telah merambah jauh kedunia pesantren.17 “radikalisme dan terorisme bukanlah watak asli islam indonesia yang ramah dan menyantuni semua makhluk hidup terutama sesama umat manusia yang beriman kepada tuhan dengan berbeda-beda agama sekalipun. oleh karena itu, masa depan islam indonesia dapat dikatakan tergantung pada dua arus besar islam di indonesia yakni kondisi muhammadiyah dan nu, lebih khusus lagi adalah pada kaum atau generasi mudanya. jika dua arus besar islam indonesia terbawa arus radikalisme dan terorisme maka islam indonesia akan turut pula terpuruk di sana, bahkan islam indonesia akan semakin terjerembab dalam kubangan dan terseok-seok dalam jalan terjal yang terus menganga di hadapan kita. arus islam indonesia dengan demikian akan tergantung pada muhammadiyah dan nu sebagai dua gerbong islam yang dianut oleh mayoritas penduduk muslim indonesia yang berada nusantara.18 pandangan ahmad syafii maarif tersebut dapat dikatakan sebagai 234 afkaruna pijakan yang kuat untuk dua ormas islam terbesar di indonesia, sebagai arus utama pergerakan dan pemikiran islam dimasa depan. jika pemikiran dan gerakan arus utama islam indonesia, mengarah pada intoleran, radikal, ekstrem dan apalagi menjadi teroris maka nasib islam indonesia benabenar menjadi mala petaka. islam indonesia tidak menjadi rahmat seluruh umat manusia, dan menyelamatkan indonesia dimasa depan. jika kita sepakat bahwa islam indonesia merupakan islam yang ramah dan bukan radikal, maka sekarang tinggal bagaimana gagasan seperti itu dibangun secara menyeluruh sehingga menjadi bangunan yang kokoh. saya akan kutipkan pendapat buya syafii (sebutan akrab ahmad syafii maarif), untuk menegaskan kembali soal islam yang ramah pada kemanusiaan. islam ramah tersbeut agaknya, dalam pandangan ahmad syafii maarif juga sesuai dengan gagasan islam yang sesuai dengan kebudayaan. kebudayaan yang ramah, bukan kebudayaan yang despotic dengan keadaan suatu negara. demikian kata mantan ketua umum pp muhammadiyah seperti dibawah ini: “gagasan untuk membangun islam berkultur nusantara atau islam indonesia merupakan gagasan islam dalam bingkai kemanusiaan dan keindonesiaan yang berada dalam satu tarikan napas sebagai bagian dari dakwah dan kebudayaan, ketimbang kerja politik. melalui pendekatan dakwah dan kebudayaan, nilai-nilai dasar islam, keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan dapat dirancang lebih rinci dan teliti, sabar dan berdaya jangkau jauh. jika nilainilai dasar ini sudah kuat, maka pengaruhnya di ranah politik juga akan terasa, yaitu tampilnya politik yang berkeadaban, bukan politik kekuasaan yang kerjanya menyikut kiri-kanan, tidak peduli orang lain tersingkir dan tersungkur. politik yang dibimbing oleh nilai-nilai profetik pastilah akan bermuara pada kedamaian dan keadilan, selakipun para pelakunya berbeda ideology”. 19 beberapa pikiran ahmad syafii maarif terkait islam dan kemanusiaan di atas dengan jelas memperlihatkan betapa perhatiannya pada sesama umat manusia, apapun agamanya, asalkan manusia harusmendapatkan perlindungan, perhatian dan pertolongan jika memang membutuhkan. selain itu, juga terkait dengan kultur islam indonesia yang santun, ramah dan mendamaikan menjadi ciri khususnya sepanjang menjadi ketua pimpinan muhammadiyahatau sesudahnya. sangat jelas apa yang menjadi perhatian murid fazlur rahman terhadap perlunya mendakwahkan 235vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 (mengembangkan) perspektif islam yang ramah dengan kondisi objektif masyarakat, tidak a historis dan anti realitas kebudayaan. islam dengan budaya local yang tidak bertentangan dengan prinsp agama harus dipelihara. kita tidak perlu alergi dengan budaya local yang berkembang di indonesia. gagasan islam yang ramah budaya gagasan islam yang ramah budaya dalam bagian ini hendak memberikan penjelasan tentang pikiran cendekiawan muslim nurcholish madjid yang memiliki karakteristik pemikiran keislaman seperti ahmad syafii maarif. nurcholish madjid memiliki pandangan khas yang tidak memperhadap-hadapkan antara islam dengan budaya. bahkan nurcholish memperlihatkan bahwa dalam islam ada banyak yang diadopsi dari budaya bukan agama itu sendiri.setelah kita kemukakan pikiran ahmad syafii maarif, berkaitan dengan gagasan islam yang ramah budaya hendak dikemukakan di bagian ini pikiran, temannya buya syafii maarif, nurcholish madjid, cendekiawan muslim yang satu ini dikenal memiliki pemikiran islam yang luas, bagaikan “kamus berjalan” atau ensiklopedia islam,20 sehingga tak khayal jika menempatkannya dalam salah satu cendekiawan muslim yang pantas dikemukakan pendapatnya terkait islam kultural nusantara atau islam indonesia. kita akan perhatikan beberapa gagasannya terkait islam nusantara sehingga makin mempertegas posisi islam indonesia dikancah dunia islam internasional.21 gagasan yang paling termasyhur dari cak nur hingga kini adalah islam yes, partai islam no yang dikeluarkan pada tahun 1970-an, ketika saat itu kondisi politik indonesia sedang bersemangat dengan pelbagai labelisasi dan formalisasi politik islam. umat islam sangat keras gagasannya untuk membentuk partai-partai berlabel islam, bahkan merombak dasar negara pancasila menjadi dasar negara islam. di tengah pertarungan ideologis semacam itu, cak nur menggagas tidak perlunya formalisasi islam dalam politik, yang dibutuhkan adalah substansi islam untuk indonesia, sehingga indonesia lebih sejahtera, lebih maju dan perjuangan meraih keadilan akan dapat dilakukan dengan baik dan maksimal. sebenarnya gagasan cak nur dapat dikatakan sebagai gagasan yang sangat modern untuk konteks saat itu sebab pada masa itu tidak banyak tokoh muslim atau cendekiawan muslim yang mengintrodusir karena sebagaian besar mendukung gagasan negara islam.22 236 afkaruna selain gagasan tentang islam yes, partai islam no yang terus mendapatkan respons sampai sekarang, dan tampaknya saat ini mendapatkan relevansinya, gagasan tentang menata ulang pemikiran islam indonesia, antara yang budaya dan hal yang bersifat substansi dalam islam merupakan gagasan yang sangat patut dicermati bersama.23 bagi cak nur, ada banyak gagasan pemikiran dan praktek keislaman yang sebenarnya berupa budaya, tetapi kemudian dibakukan. umat islam indonesia seakan-akan tidak bisa membedakan mana yang berupa kultur dan mana yang berupa substansi islam. padahal yang kultur merupakan sesuatu yang terdapat di beberapa negara atau tempat, bisa berbeda dan berobah-robah, sementara yang substansi merupakan hal yang tidak berobah dari islam, sejak muhammad saw meninggalkan kita semua. ada banyak masalah disana tentang budaya dan substansi islam yang tidak jarang mengakibatkan adanya pertengakaran sengit sesame umat islam di indonesia, bahkan di dunia islam. perhatikan pendapat cak nur tentang islam dan budaya, yang seringkali mengacaukan pandangan umat islam indonesia, sehingga tidak mengakui dan mengesahkan keberadaan umat islam atau umat lain yang ada di dalam sebuah negara. demikian cak nur berkata: “bagi kalangan muslim indonesia sendiri, pandangan mengenai budaya dan agama itu kebanyakan belum jelas benar. ketidakjelasan itu dengan sendirinya berpengaruh langsung pada bagaimana penilaian tentang abash atau tidaknya sesuatu ekspresi kultural yang khas indonesia, bahkan mungkin khas daerah tertentu di indonesia. banyak ahli menyatakan antara budaya dan agama itu tidak bisa dipishkan, tetapi bisa dibedakan. agama an-sich bernilai mutlak, tidak berubah menurut perubahan waktu dan tempat. sementara kebanyakan budaya berdasarkan agama, namun tidak terjadi sebaliknya, agama berdasarkan budaya. sekurang-kurangnya seperti itulah keyakinan kita berdasarkan informasi dari quran dan para rasul allah. oleh karena itu agama adalah primer, sementara budaya adalah sekunder. budaya dapat merupakan ekspresi hidup keagamaan, karena itu subordinat terhadap agama, dan tidak pernah sebaliknya. sementara agama adalah absolut, berlaku untuk setiap ruang dan waktu, sementara budaya terbatasi oleh ruang dan waktu, dank arena itu relative”.24 meneliti pendapat cak nur di atas kita dapat mengatakan bahwa islam di indonesia, bukanlah islam yang berkultur arab, tetapi berkultur indonesia. islam indonesia bukanlah islam yang bersifat timur tengah, 237vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 tetapi lebih asia tenggara. banyak budaya di indonesia terpengaruh oleh islam, tetapi mungkin juga islam melakukan akomodasi atas berbagai budaya yang tidak bertentangan dengan islam sebagai agama yang tidak berubah-rubah sesuai zaman dan tempat. terdapat budaya yang tidak sesuai dengan ajaran islam tidak harus menjadi bagian dari agama, tetapi ada banyak budaya yang sesuai dan berdasarkan islam, karena itu dapat menjadi bagian dari hal-hal yang dapat dikerjakan oleh umat islam indonesia. contoh hal yang sederhana terkait budaya dan agama adalah masalah bedug dan kentong di masjid. sebelum orang indonesia mampu membuat menara yang tinggi dan mempergunakan speaker, sehingga suara azan dapat terdengar jauh dank eras, maka mempergunakan bedug dan kentongan untuk memanggil orang sholat dilakukan. mempergunakan hal tersebut meminjam budaya hindu-budha. dan harus diingat di daerah tropis yang banyak pepohan seperti di indonesia, suara azan akan terdengar tidak keras dan tersangkut di pohon-pohon, daripada di padang pasir yang jarang pohon. maka setelah orang mampu membuat menara dan meng guna kan s peake r sek alip un ma de in jap an, m aka mempergunakan bedug dan kentongan bisa dikatakan tidak relevan, harus dievaluasi, dan didesakralisasi bahwa semua itu bukanlah agama, melainkan masalah budaya belaka). demikikian pula soal padusan pada saat jelang bulan suci ramadhan yang merupakan bagian dari kehidupan masyarakat indonesia. ketika makin banyak sungai yang tidak bersih lagi, bahkan tidak ada sungai yang bersih, dan makin banyaknya air ledeng, air sumur, maka padusan dirombak dari mandi disungai menjadi mandi dengan air ledeng, air sumur yang tujuannya adalah membersihkan badan (tubuh manusia) dari kotoran ragawi. oleh sebab itu, mandi padusan adalah bagian dari budaya belaka yang bisa dilakukan dimana saja dan dengan air apa saja yang tujuannya adalah membersihkan badan atau ragawi sebelum menjalankan ibadah puasa. perhatikan pernyataan nurcholish tentang reformasi yang dikakukan muhammadiyah, persis dan al irsyad yang umumnya dianut di indonesia yang hendak memurnikan paham islam dari budaya, adalah berada dalam level seperti itu, bukan pada level substansi agama. paham seperti itu adalah paham yang berupaya memurnikan agama dari unsur bidah, khurafat dan tahayul tahayul lainnya. perhatikan pernyataan cak nur berikut: 238 afkaruna “gerakan reformasi islam di negeri kita awal abad 19 adalah gerakan padangan dalam kerangka besar mereka untuk memurnikan agama dan memerangi “bidah”, khurafat dan tahayul, namun kenyataannya, upaya pemurnian tersebut tidaklah bisa diterima secara mudah. bagi kebanyakan orang di masyarakat kita, bedug merupakan bagian integral dari masjid, dan bedug bagi mereka merupakan hal yang harus ada dalam masjid, sehingga jika masjid tanpa bedug merupakan hal yang tidak masuk akal, bagaikan sayur tanpa garam. demikian pula padusan jika dihilangkan bagiakan berpuasa tanpa kebersihan badan (ragawi). hal seperti itu memberikan ilustrasi sederhana namunj cukup substantive tentang bagaimana sulitnya orang umum menempatkan nilai-nilai hidup dalam susunan atas bawah, tinggi rendah, primesr sekunder, universal particular yang tepat dan benar, dan bagaimana kekacauan itu dapat berakibat pembelengguan mental, sampai pada sikap menghadapi hal hal yang amat sederhana seperti bedug, kentongan dan padusan. bagi sebagian masyarakat hal seperti itu sebagai symbol (merupakan) hal yang lebih penting daripada fungsi atau substansi dan makna telah tergantikan oleh kerangka”.25 hal apa yang dapat kita petik dan hikmah dari pernyataan nurcholish madjid di atas, bahwa masalah substansi dan symbol dalam keislaman maasih merupakan hal yang sulit dibedakan bahkan dijelaskan pada umum (awam). padahal hal haln yang berupa budaya dan agama merupakan hal yang biasa dan wajar saja adanya. di indonesia pemakaian budaya merupakan hal yang wajar saja. membuang sedikit dari unsur budaya juga seharusnya merupakan hal yang biasa. mengkaitkan antara budaya dan agama selama tidak bertentangan dengan substansi juga hal yang biasa-wajar sebab agama tanpa symbol juga “kering”. tetapi agama yang terlalu dominan symbol juga menjadi kurang substansial. oleh terkerangkeng symbol melupakan substansi, atau pun sebaliknya menganggungkan substansi menghilangkan symbol juga tidak meyakinkan. dua duanya merupakan hal yang boleh ada dalam agama dan islam indonesia. oleh sebab itu, islam di indonesia sebenarnya bisa dikatakan sebagai hasil dari dialog antara budaya dan substansi ajaran agama itu sendiri. selama budaya yang dipakai dan dianut tidak bertentangan dengan substansi maka budaya dapat menjadi bagian dari praktek keislaman di indonesia. hasil dialog tersebut membuahkan pemahaman tentang keagamaan (keislaman) yang akomodatif, particular universal, bukan saja 239vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 merupakan sesuatu yang abash tetapi merupakan sesuatu yang sangat berharga sebagai sebuah kreatifitas kultural orang beragama (berislam). dengan kreativitas itulah suatu system ajaran universal seperti ajaran agama islam menemukan relevansinya dengan tuntunan khusus dan nyata bagi para penganutnya, menurut ruang dan waktu, dan dengan begitu menemukan dinamkia dan vitalitasnya. menilik dari kondisi semacam itu, dalam masalah ibadah, islam memang mengharuskan merujuk pada ada tidaknya dasar mengerjakan perintah ibadah tersebut, dari yang shahih-qoth’i (mashur dan kuat) sampai dengan yang dhoif (lemah) dan kurang mashur namun pernah dilakukan oleh para sahabat nabi, sebab para sahabat nabi pun merupakan sumber dari praktek ibadah dalam islam. kita memang boleh merujuk pada adanya kaidah dalam ushul fiqih yakni: pada dasarnya ibadah adalah dilarang, kecuali jika ada petunjuk yang sebaliknya. hal tersebut artina dilarang membuat dan menciptakan cara ibadah sendiri. kita hanya harus melihat dan mempelajari apakah ada bukti dalam sumber agama, yakni kitab suci dan sunah nabi, baha suatu bentuk ibadah memang dibolehkan, dianjurkan atau malah diwajibkan. masalah ibadahnmurni itu haruys ditempuh dengan seketat mungkin dan sebersih mungkin, dipahami dari sumbernya (qur’an dan sunah) sehingga perlu dilakukan dnegan usaha yang sunggguh-sungguh untuk mempe-lajarinya yaitu dengan ijtihad, tidak boleh ditambah dan dikurangi. tetapi dalam maslaah bukan ibadah, kita bukan hanya dibolehkan, bahkan dianjurkan, untuk berdaya cipta dan berkreativitas sebanyak banyaknya. oleh karena itu hal yang merupakan perkara di luar ibadah, pada dasarnya diperkenankan atau halal dikerjakan, tidak sebagaimana dalam hal ibadah kepada allah. disitulah islam indonesia yang telah “bersentuhan” dengan budaya local yang sifatnya particular harus bisa bersifat akomodatif, bisa berdialog tidak “kaku” sehingga segala hal yang sifatnya budaya harus dilenyapkan dari dunia islam indonesia. lokalitas islam indonesia adalah ciri khas islam indonesia yang sangat berharga dan harus dilestarikan, sebab tidak bertentangan sama sekali dengan substansi agama. symbol tidak saja boleh tetapi merupakan bagian penting dalam islam indonesia, sebaliknya substansi merupakan hal yang tidak boleh dikalahkan dengan sekedar hal hal yang sifatnya simbolik. keduanya harus dapat berdialog, dapat berdialektika dank arena itu harus akomodatif dengan konteks lokalitas. likalitas islam indonesia adalah islam yang tidak bertentangan dengan 240 afkaruna islam di saudi arabia atau di kawasan timur tengah lainnya. tidak semua yang berbau timur tengah adalah islam dan harus diikuti oleh umat islam indonesia. umat islam indonesia, harus memiliki landasan yang kuat tentang islam dan budaya lokal (lokalitas indonesia) sebab hal itu akan memunculkan pelbagai kreatifitas dan perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan yang telah berkembang lama di eropa dan america bahkan asia lainnya. di jepang misalnya, mereka memiliki nilai-nilai local dalam beragama selain keyakinannya pada ajaran shinto dan tokugawa religi sebagaimana disampaikan robert n bellah.26 di jawa (kediri) tentang masyarakat islam memiliki keyakinan-keyakinan terhadap islam yang tidak lepas dari tradisi local (hindu budha) serta semangat ekonomi calvinis reformis kristiani, yang weberian sehingga tumbuh semangat wirausaha (enterpreunership) bagi orang orang muslim di kediri (jawa) dalam kajian clifford geertz.27 selain, clifford geertz, antropolog robert hefner memberikan penjelasan yang sangat tajam tentang keberadaan islam yang diakomodasikan dengan tradisi hindu di akalangan masyarakat lereng gunung tenger.28 bahkan, mark woodward, secara spesifik memberikan penjelasan terkait adanya praktek keislaman di tanah jawa yang berhaluan formalisasi syariah dan haluan sufisme jawa.29 disitulah pemahaman islam dan budaya di indonesia harus dtempatkan secara seimbang, tidak boleh pincang sehingga memperlakukan islam seakan-akan imun dari budaya. memperlakukan budaya seakan-akan murni dari islam yang berkembang di nusantara (indonesia) sejak zaman penyebar islam awal mula sampai dengan para wali di tanah jawa dan guru-guru agama di belahan nusantara. gagasan kosmopolitanisme islam bagian ini merupakan penjelasan yang secara khusus memberikan perhatian pada pikiran islam yang dibawa abdurrahman wahid yang memiliki kesamaan pemikiran dengan ahmad syafii maarif dan nurcholish madjid ketika menghadirkan islam di indonesia. abdurrahman wahid memandang bahwa islam itu sebagai agama bersifat cosmopolitan sehingga tidak perlu diragukan jika islam itu akan sesuai dengan gagasan moderniatas dan universal, sehingga tidak akan bertabrakan dengan perubahan dan perkembangan modernitas. oleh sebab itu, berikut pada bagian ini untuk lebih mendetailkan membaca tentang islam yang 241vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 mendunia -universal (kosmopolitanisme islam) di indonesia, saya akan memberikan ilustrasi dari kutipan-kutipan pemikiran abdurrahman wahid alias gus dur, seorang cendekiawan muslim nu yang snagat berpengaruh dalam jagat pemikiran dan praktek islam di indonesia selama beberapa kurun waktu lamanya. sebagaimana dua temannya yang saya kutipkan pendapatnya di atas syafii maarif dan nurcholish madjid, gus dur memiliki pandangan yang bisa dikatakan sangat fundamental dan penting terkait islam indonesia yang sering salah dipahami umum. terkait masalah islam dan kosmopolitanisme misalnya, abdurrahman wahid dengan tegas menyatakan bahwa kosmopoltanisme islam adalah bersumber pada al quran dan sunah. kosmopolitanimisme islam bersumber pada sejumlah unsur dominan seperti batasan etnis, kuatnya pluralitas budaya, dan heteroginitas politik. bahkan kosmopolitanisme islam menampakkan dirinya dalam unsur dominan yang menakjubkan, yakni kehidupan agama yang eklektik (sebuah sikap untuk memilih stau sleektif dari berbagai sumber dan bentuk pemikiran yang berkembang) selama berabad-abad lamanya.30 lebih lanjut abdurrahman wahid berpendapat tentang kosmopolitanisme adalah sebagai berikut: “kosmopolitanisme peradaban islam tercapai atau berada pada titik optimal, manakala tercapai keseimbangan antara kecenderungan normative kaum muslim dan kebebasan berpikir semua warga masyarakat (dalam hal bukan agama) tetapi budaya yang tidak bertentang dengan agama (islam). bahkan termasuk yang berklembang dalam masyarakat non muslim dapat diadopsi. kosmopolitasnisme semacam itu adalah kosmopolitanisme yang kreatif, karena di dalamnya warga masyarakat mengambil inisiatif untuk mencari wawasan terjaduh dari keharusan berpegang pada kebenaran. situasi kreatif yang memungkinkan pencarian sisi-sisi paling masuk akan dari kebenaran yang ingin dicari dan ditemukan, situasi cair yang memaksa universalisme ajaran islam untuk terus menerus mewujud diri dalam bentuk bentuk nyata. namun demikian, proses tersebut bukanya nyata dalam postulat-postulat spekulatif belaka (tapi) ijtihad.31 dalam konteks islam indonesia, jelaslah bahwa kosmopolitanisme merupakan hal yang universal, namun ada banyak hal yang sifatnya particular dan dapat didiskusikan serta dikembangan dari masyarakat local (indonesia) sendiri. abdurrahman wahid melihat antara budaya dan is242 afkaruna lam di indonesia sebagaimana syafii maarif dan nurcholish madjid adalah merupakan hal yang ambivalen. dia ambevalen antara unsur teologis (yang murni) dan kemanusiaan (akal) yang bersifat bebas dan relative-partikular. ada banyak contoh dalam hal ini seperti symbol-simbol dalan masjid, bangunan keislaman dan yang dipakai umat islam seperti janggut, sorban dan sterusnya. oleh sebab itu umat islam harus mampu memahami mana yang susbtansi dan mana yang symbol. oleh karena itu, abdurrahman wahid kemudian berpandangan demikian: “jelas bahwa antara norma agama yang ingin diterapkan dan kondisi manusia yang mengembangkan kebudayaan terdapat ketidaksesuaian. padahal, berkebudayaan artinya meninggalkan kebudayaan pada titik terteu untuk sampai kepada titik tertentu yang lain. mestinya, yang paling berkebudayaan adalah tidak berzina, sehingga yang paling beradab disitu. namun manusia selalu sepotong-sepotong, tidak pernah utuh, dan kesepotongan manusia ini ditunjukkan dengan nyata dalam kaus perempuan yang berbuat zina. konsekuensinya, karena seluruh manusia berdosa, maka kebudayaan yang dikembangkab juga kebudayaan yang terpotong, tidak utuh. jadi disini, terlihat suatu kesenjangan antara agama dan kebudayaan. disitu pula akhirnya pola piker umat islam yang berkembang adalah selalu memperhadap-hadapkan antara kebudayaan dengan islam. dengan kata lain, pola piker demikian menciptakan kesenjanjangan bahkan ketegangan antara islam dan kebudayaan. hal ini terjadi karena, kebudayaan merupakan hasil perkembangan pemikiran manusia yang tidak pernah statis, selalu berkambang. sementara ajaran substansial islam tidak pernah berubah-ubah bahkan perubahan ajaran substansial islam merupakan hal yang dilarang”.32 oleh karena itu, islam di indonesia, menurut abdurrahman wahid haruslah menghargai dan meninggikan martabat manusia, dan memposisikan manusia yang setinggi-tingginya. kita tidak dapat memandang rendah atas sesama manusia di mana pun berada dan agamanya. demikian perkataan abdurrahman wahid: “menurut pendapat saya, rumusan islam yang sederhana adalah mengagungkan dan meninggikan martabat manusia atau posisi kemanusiaan haruslah diutamakan. manifestasinya adalah memelihara hak-hak asasi manusia dan mengembangkan struktur masyarakat yang adil dimana kaum muslim hidup. gugus pikiran ini karena quasi norma (bukan sekedar norma) tetapi sama dengan norma itu sendiri. kalau perkembangan kebudayaan 243vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 tidak sesuai dengan ukuran tersbeut, maka harus dihentikan. juga sebaliknya, jika ada ajaran agama yang bertentangan dengan quasi norma maka harus pula dhentikan dan kita mesti mengeremnya”.33 di indonesia pluralitas agama dan kebudayaan merupakan hal yang nyata adanya, dia tidak bisa ditolak karena itu pikiran kreatif untuk mendialogkan antara agama dan kebudayaan harus dilakukan sehingga islam indonesia benar-benar dapat akomodatif, berdalektika dan bersknergi dengan realitas keindonesiaan. akhirnya, penting bagi kita umat islam indonesia untuk mencari jalan tengah ketika menghadapi ketegangan antara agama dan kebudayaan. ketagangan yang selalu terjadi itu bukan sesuatu yang harus ditangisi dan disesali, karena justru dapat memberi peluang bagi kita untuk selalu berusaha menjembataninya. disitulah beberapa gagasan abdurrahman wahid tentang islam dan negara, islam dan kemodrenan, islam dan nu, islam dan pesantren, serta islam dan dasar-dasar kebangsaan akan menemukan relevansinya jika kita secara sungguh-sungguh bersedia mendiskusikannya dengan kepala dingin.34 demikian jelas pandangan abdurrahman wahid tentang universalitas islam dalam hal yang substansial. namun demikian lokalnya ketika terkait dengan hal yang sifatnya kultur. kosmopolitanisme islam itu terkait dengan hal yang sifatnya nilai-nilai universal seperti menghargai kemanusiaan, meninggalkan sektarianisme, mengangap paling hebat dari kelompok lain dan menegakkan keadilan. prinsip-prinsip keadilan, kemanusiaan, dan menghargai ham adalah pandangan universal dan kosmopolit dari islam yang kita pegang. namun demikian tidak semua yang universal itu telah berjalan dengan baik di indonesia. inilah tantangan yang dihadapi arus utama islam indonesia, muhammadiyahdan nu sebagai pembawa islam yang moderat, terbuka dan ramah. sifat-sifat islam yang mendamaikan, menentramkanumat manusia, menegakkan keadilan dan menghargai perbedaan merupakan pandangan islam yang universal dan karena itu kosmopolit tidak kuno atau pun ketinggalan zaman. disinilah jargon islam li kuli makan wa likuli zaman, sesuai adanya. pandangan abdurrahman wahid yang sering salah dipahami umat islam, bahkan warga nahdliyin, disebabkan karena pemikirannya yang berbeda antara dirinya dengan jamaahnya. terdapat gap yang cukup menganga dengan kebanyakan jamaah nu dan umat islam indonesia, sehingga sebagian menganggap pemikiran abdurrahmanwahid 244 afkaruna bertentangan dengan pemikiran keislaman itu sendiri. demikian pula yang menimpa nurcholish madjid, dan syafii maarif, seringkali pikirannya dianggap bertentangan dengan pemikiran islam indonesia disebabkan karena perbedaan cara memabca dan pendekatan yang dilakukan oleh ketiganya dalam memahami teks -teks suci keagamaan dari al-qur’an dan sunnah. pikiran abdurrahman wahid yang menghadirkan islam dalam konteks kosmopolitanisme dan universalisme merupakan metode menghadirkan substansialisme islam, bukan formalism islam juga bukan arabisme islam.35 di sini islam abdurrahman wahid mengkritik kehadiran keislaman yang dalam pergaulan sehari-hari lebih menampakkan penggunaan bahasa arab, berpakaian gaya timur tengah dan menggunakan istilah-istilah yang sebenarnya telah lazim di masyarakat dan tidak bertentangan dengan substansi islam, seperti penyebutan hari minggu dengan hari ahad, peringatan hari kelahiran dengan milad dan seterusnya.36 islam dan pancasila bagian ini secara ringkas hendak menjelaskan pandangan (pikiran) tiga cendekiawan muslim indonesia terkait dengan dasar negara pancasila dalam kaiatnnya dengan islam sebagai agama yang dipahami dan dipraktekkan di indonesia bukan sebagai dasar negara tetapi nilai-nilai etik bernegara, berbangsa dan bermasyarakat. ahmad syafiii maarif tentang pancasila sudah sangat tegas menyatakan tidak bertentangan dengan islam. bahkan menurut maarif sebagian kelompok umat islam yang hendak menjadikan islam sebagai dasar negara dianggap sebagai gagasan yang utopis dan sia-sia belaka, karena banyak masalah banyak yang dapat menjadi perhatian sehingga bangsa ini lebih maju, dapat bersaing dengan bangsa lain sehingga tidak tertinggal dari bangsa-bangsa lain di asia dan dunia yang terus berkembang menuju perubahan sangat drastic. perhatikan pernyataan syafii maarif terkait pancasila di indonesia; “perdebatan soal islam dan pancasila sebagai dasar negara sebenarnya telah menjadi pertarungan ideologis yang using dan tidak perlu dihidupkan lagi. perdebatan itu hanya menguras tenaga (energy) dan perhatian bangsa ini pasa suatu yang sia-sia belaka. sejatinya energy tersebut dapat diarahkan untuk menyelesaikan pelbagai masalah kebangsaan yang lebih fundamental”. 37 245vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 syafii maarif lebih mengutmakan substansi islam diterapkan di indonesia, ketimbang simbolisme. pandangan ini merupakan cermin yang kuat seorang substansialisme islam yang tidak lagi mengusung gagasan formalisasi islam dalam bentuk menjadikannya sebagai dasar negara. syafii maarif dalam kaitan islam di indonesia mengitip pandangan hatta yang lebih mengutakan substansi islam ketimbang simbolisme islam. simbolisme islam itu lebih bersifat seremonial, dan perjuangannya menjauhkan nilai substansi dari kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara yang sifatnya ideologis. perhaitkan pandangan syafii maarif dengan menutip hatta; “… jika orang ingin memperjuangkan ajaran islam di indonesia, pakailah “ilmu garam”, tidak “ilmu gincu”. ketika garam larut dalam makanan, bekasnya tidak kelihatan, tetapi pengaruhnya dalam cita-rasa makanan sangat menentukan. sebaliknya, gincu yang dipakai kaum perempuan, terbelalak merah di bibir, tetapi tuna rasa….. hatta dengan imannya yang tulus tidak rela menyaksikan islam indonesia seperti gincu.38 39 oleh sebab itu, seruan-seruan yang mempertentangkan pancasila dengan islam adalah suara yang sia-sia belaka tanpa makna substansial. malahan menjadi tak penting lagi untuk diwujudkan. persoalan yang nyata saat ini adalah bagaimana mewujudkan nilai-nilai pancasila dalam cara kita mengelola bangsa dan negara dalam kehidupan masyarakat yang luas dan pluralistic. 40 riak-riak kaum ideologis di indonesia tentu akan terus ada. hal ini tidak akan hilang begitu saja. namun tidak akan besar sebab kultur indonesia merupakan kultur yang sangat akomodatif dengan keindonesiaanke-nusantara-an, bukan kearaban dan formalism ideologis belaka. perdebatan ideologis tahun 1945 saat dasar negara ini hendak di rumuskan, para pendiri bangsa telah dengan semangat ijtihad dan perjuangan yang keras memperhadap-hadapkan antara ideology islam, komunisme, dan nasionalisme yang akhirnya dikompromikan yakni nasionalisme-religious sebagai dasar negara indonesia, yakni kemanusiaan, kebangsaan, ketuhanan. sementara itu, kita juga dapat memperhatikan pandangan-pikiran nurcholish madjid tentang dasarn negara pancasila dalam kaitannya dengan islam yang dihubungan dengan tidak perlunya atau tidak adanya negara islam. dalam surat-surat nurcholish madjid dengan mohammad roem kita dapat memperhatikan perhatian nurcholish madjid tentang perlunya 246 afkaruna hal yang substansial ketimbang formalitas; “… seperti pak roem, banyak orang alergi dengan istilah “negara islam”. begitu pula banyak orang alergi dengan istilah “sekularisasi”. hanya saja ada perbedaan di sana yang saya lihat: yang alergi dengan istilah “negara islam” adalah mereka yang tidak simpati dengan islam, timbul curiga kalau kalau benar orang diam-diam atau dengan cara dibawah tanah mendirikan negara islam. sedangkan yang alergi dengan istilah “sekularisasi” adalah umat islam sendiri. saya sendiri setuju sekali dengan kesimpulan ini, tulis pak roem. saya setuju tidak memakai “sekularisasi”. memang orang tidak tahu atau sulit membedakan antara sekularisasi dengan sekularisme. karangan saya, jika orang dapat menangkap apa yang saya maksud, di negara kita ini kita jangan main-main dengan istilah “negara islam”. 41 jejak tentang pemikiran nurcholish terkiat islam dan pancasila menjadi salah cirikhas pemikir neo-modernis yang dibimbing prof. fazlur rahman di chicago university amerika sebagimana ahmad syafii maarif. yang menarik adalah abdurrahman wahid, sekalipun tidak dibimbing fazlur rahman namun memiliki pemikiran yang sama dengan nurcholish dan syafii maarif. gagasan nurcholish tentang islam dan pancasila semakin jelas ketika zaman orde baru semasa (era asas tunggal) diterapkan di indonesia. umat islam sangat resisten dan alergi dengan pancasila karena perilaku negara atas umat islam. hal ini tampaknya sampai ke telinga para pemegang kebijakan era orde baru dibawah soeharto. salah satu ilmuwan yang turut mencairkan hubungan ketegangan antara umat islam dengan negara karena dampak asas tunggal adalah nurcholish madjid. nurcholish madjid ketika itu menemui sahabatnya prof, emil salim, saat itu mentri pengawasan pembangunan dan lingkungan hidup, kerumahnya dan kemudian pak emil salim menjadi kawan diskusi nurcholish madjid. pada tahun 1985, presiden soeharto mengundang nurcholish madjid berceramah maulid nabi muhammad saw di istana merdeka agar menguraikan tentang hubungan islam dan pancasila. saat memberikan uraian, soeharto sangat terkesan dengan urainnya, sehingga saat soeharto mengundurkan diri, memintanya untuk menggantikannya, dengan terlebih dahulu menjadi ketua komite reformasi, namun nurcholish menolak. 42 nurcholish madjid kemudian mengembangkan paramadina sejak tahun 1984 dengan misi mengembangkan keislaman dan keindonesiaan yang 247vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 merupakan perwujudan nilai-nilai islam universal, menyeleraskan antara nilai islam dengan peradaban dan budaya local (indonesia). oleh sebab itu, islam harus dipahami secara kontestual di indonesia. dan pancasila itu sejatinya merupakan praksis etik nilai-nilai islam yang tidak bertentangan dengan islam itu sendiri.43 sebagai negara, indonesia itu majemuk. oleh sebab itu, indonesia itu sudah memiliki tradisi yang sesuai dengan kondisi politik dan demografis tersebut. disini gagasan tentang perlunya meninjau kembali perjuangan islam dengan mendirikan negara islam, menjadi mengarah pada perlunya membangun masyarakat islam. masyarakat yang dicita-citakan nurcholish madjid adalah bangunan masyarakat yang beradab, adil, makmur, ramah, toleran dan tidak diskriminatif. ini semua sebenarnya merupakan cita-cita pancasila yang sesuai dengan islam. cita-cita islam yang fitri adalah kemanusiaan, dan cita-cita kemanusiaan itu tertuang dalam pancasila sebagai dasar negara indonesia.44 tentang sekularisasi nurcholish madjid dengan mengutip harvey cox dalam the secular city: secularization and urbanization in theological perspective,45 menjelaskan perbedaan tentang apa itu sekularisasi dan sekularisme yang sering disalahpahami masyarakat islam indonesia, seperti dilaporkan oleh bahtiar effendy: “sekularisasi tidaklah dimaksudkan sebagai penerapan sekularisme, sebab secularism is the name for an ideology a new closed world view wich functions very much like a new religion. dalam hal ini, yang dimaksudkandengan sekularisasi ialah setiap bentuk liberating development. proses pembebasan ini diperlukan karena umat islam dakibat perjalanan sejarahnya sendiri tidak sangup lagi membedakan nilai-nilai yang disandangkan islami itu, mana yang trancendental; dan mana yang temporer (demikian juga), sekularisasi tidaklah dimaksudkan sebagai penerapan sekularisme dan mengubah kaum muslimin menjadi sekularis. tetapi dimaksudkan untuk menduniawikan nilai-nilai yang sudah semestinya bersifat duniawi, dan melepaskan umat islam dari kecenderungan untuk meng-ukhrawi-kannya. 46 beberapa kutipan diatas menunjukkan bahwa nurcholish madjid sebagai cendekiawan muslim memiliki pemikiran tentang islam dan pancasila yang telah sesuai dengan ajaran islam. pancasila bahkan dapat dikatakan sebagai implementasi dari ajaran-ajaran islam yang bersifat substansial, sebagaimana di dalamnya ajaran kemanusiaan dan keadilan. 248 afkaruna selain musyawarah dan tidak berpecah belah atau perlunya persatuan umat. dalam hal yang hampir sama dengan syafii maarif dan nurcholish madjid, kita akan melihat pandangan abdurrahman wahid terkait dasar negara pancasila dan islam di indonesia sebagiamana di bawah ini ketika membahas soal system kenegaraan di indonesia. dibawah tema adakah system islami? abdurrahman wahid berkata demikian: “di dalam al-qur’an di sebutkan “masuklah kalian dalam islam secara penuh (udkhulu fi al-silmi kaffah). disini terletak perbedaan pendapat sangat fundamental di antara kaum muslim. jika kata al-silmi diterjemahkan dengan kata islam maka dengan sendirinya harus ada entitas islam formal, dengan keharusan menciptakan system yang islami. sedangkan jika diterjemahkan kata al silmi dengan kata sifat yakni kedamaian, menunjuk pada sebuah entitas universal, maka tidak diperlukan sebuah system tertentu, termasuk system islami. bagi mereka yang terbiasa dengan formalisasi, tentu digunakan terjemahan kata as-silmi dengan kata islami, maka dibutuhkan sebuah system yang dianggap mewakili keseluruhan perwujudan ajaran islam dalam kehidupan sebagi suatu yang lumrah sehingga berimplikasi pada perlunya sebuah system yang dianggap mewakili aspirasi kaum muslim. dibutuhkan partai politik islam, system islam dan kemudian negara islam. kita memang harus menghormati partai-partai islam tetapi tidak harus mengikutinya sebagai kesesuaian demokrasi.47 selain itu kita dapat memperhatikan pandangan abdurrahman wahid terkait islam dan negara dalam hal ini terkait dasar negara atau formalisasi dasar negara islam dan bukan islam. diperlukan pemikiran mendalam tentang konsepsi yang jelas tentang negara dan agama, jika kita inginkan keselamatan sebagai bangsa dan negara terpelihara dikawasan ini. jika kita belum-belum sudah menyearakan adanya negara islam, tidak memiliki konsep yang jelas, berarti kita telah melakukan perbuatan gegabah dan sembrono.48 dalam kaitanya dengan negara islam, bukan negara pancasila, abdurahman wahid berpendapat bahwa negara islam, tidak perlu didirikan. pandangan abdurrahman wahid berdasarkan muktamar nu di banjarmasin tahun 1935. bahwa mendirikan negara islam perlu dipertanayakan kembali urgensinya. abdurrahman wahid beranggapan bahwa dengan kesempuraan islam itu, merujuk pada al-qur’an surat al249vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 maidah (5: 3), jelaslah islam tidak perlu mendirikan negara agama, melainkan berbicara soal kemanusiaan secara umum, yang sama sekali tidak memiliki sifat memaksa, yang jelas terdapat pada tiap-tiap konsep negara. begitupun terkait dengan qur’an surat al-baqarah (2: 208) bahwa islam mewajibkan seluruh pemeluknya untuk menegakkan ajaran-ajaran kehidupan yang tidak terbatas, yang disempurnakan adalah prinsip-prinsip islam. hal ini mengandung maksud, bahwa islam itu sesuai dengan kondisi tempat dan waktu bukan dasar negara.49 dengan mendasarkan pada prinsip-prinsip seperti itu, abdurrahman wahid menyatakan bahwa tidak perlu mendirikan negara islam. demikian pula nu tidak perlu mendirikan negara islam indonesia. cukuplah pancasila sebagai dasarnya karena semua nilai yang terkandung dalam pancasila sesuai dengan prinsip islam dan tidak bertentangan satu sama lain. hal yang diwajibkan adalah menegakkan prinsip-prinsip yang sesuai dengan ajaran islam, bukan mendirikan negara islam. namun hal ini sering dikacaukan oleh orang islam sendiri. 50 mendasarkan pada uraian pendapat diatas jelaslah pandangan abdurrahman wahid sebagai cendekiawan muslim indonesia bersama ahmad syafii maarif dan nurcholish madjid sepakat tidak perlunya mendirikan negara islam indonesia. cukuplah pancasila sebagai dasar negara sebab telah sesuai dengan prinsip islam. kesimpulan dari penjelasan yang telah dikemukakan, dapat dikatakan bahwa pemikiran ketiga cendekiawan muslim indonesia di atas sangat sesuai dengan gagasan islam yang ada di indonesia. ketiganya mengintrodusir pemikirannya yang fundamental berdasarkan pemahaman yang dilakukan atas pembacaan teks al-quran dan fenomena social yang terjadi. persoalan keislamanan, keindonesiaan, kemanusiaan, dan budaya local di indonesia tidak bertentangan jika dilihat dalam perspektif ketiga cendekiawan muslim tersebut. secara tegas pula dapat dikatakan bahwa ketiga cendekiawan muslim sepakat tidak perlunya indonesia menjadi negara islam, sebab negara pancasila telah sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip islam. gagasan tentang keindonesiaan dan kebangsaan sangat jelas tertuang dalam karya yang dihasilkan sehingga dapat menjadi referensi umat islam indonesia. baik syafii maarif, nurcholish madjid maupun abdurrahman wahid sangat jelas di sana menekankan adanya jiwa terbuka, toleran serta 250 afkaruna berpikiran jauh ke depan untuk merumuskan masalah-masalah kebangsaan dan keindonesiaan. umat islam tidak perlu lagi kembali ke belakang untuk mengisi negara indonesia yang telah dimerdekakan oleh para pendiri bangsa. menurut ketiganya, tidak ada dasar yang otentik tentang keharusan negara berdasarkan islam karena negara adalah bentukan masyarakat modern. hal yang perlu dilaukan umat islam adalah bagaimana mengisi negara ini dengan hal-hal yang bermanfaat untuk bangsa dan negara. kosmopolitanisme (kebangsaan), serta kenegaraan berdasarkan pancasila merupakan gagasan yang tidak bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai prinsip dari ajaran islam. sebuah negara yang berdasarkan pada nilainilai universal tidak akan bertentangan dengan agama apapun dan hak asasi manusia yang dilundungi oleh agama. ketiganya sepakat bahwa islam itu berbeda dengan budaya ataupun lokalitas. terdapat ajaran islam yang universal namun terdapat banyak hal yang sifatnya lokalitas sehingga kita harus membedakannya secara cermat. sifat akomodatif islam memberikan warna islam indonesia. berdasarkan pendapat tiga cendekiawan muslim di atas, dapat disimpulkan bahwa antara islam, keindonesiaan, kebangsaan dan budaya tidaklah bertentangan. namun saling mendukung di antara tiga entitas tersebut. budaya menjadi perekat dan kekayaan dalam praktek kaum beragama islam di indonesia, sehingga tidaklah dapat dikatakan semua budaya local di indonesia itu bertentangan dengan islam. bahkan banyak praktek budaya local menjadi cirikhas keislaman di indonesia. seperti telah dijelaskan, pancasila sebagai dasar negara indonesia oleh ketiganya tidak dianggap bertentangan dengan ajaran islam, bahkan pancasila itu merupakan nilai-nilai yang diambil dari islam karena itu sesuai dengan indonesia yang majemuk-beragam. endnotes 1 abdurrahman wahid. islamku, islam anda dan islam kita (jakarta: the wahid institute, 2006) 2 abdurrahman wahid, 63. 3 abdurrahman wahid. islamku, islam anda dan islam kita (jakarta: the wahid institute, 2006) 4 madjid nurcholish, islam doktrin dan peraban, (jakarta: paramadina, 1992) 5 budi munawar rachman, ensiklopedia nurcholish madjid, jilid 1-3, (bandung: mizan, 2014) 6 arief afandi, islam: demokrasi atas bawah, polemik strategi perjuangan umat 251vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 model gus dur dan amien rais, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1996) 7 ahmad syafii maarif. islam dan pancasila sebagai dasar negara, (jakarta: mizan dan maarif institute, 2017) 8 m. syafi’i anwar, pemikiran dan aksi islam indonesia: sebuah kajian politik tentang cendekiawan muslim orde baru. (jakarta: paramadina, 1995) 9 ahmad syafii maarif, islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan, mizan, 2009. cetakan ulang, 2010 hlm: 301-302) 10 abdul azis sachedina, the roots of democratization in islam, sage publication. 2000, buku ini diterjemahkan menjadi setara di hadapan tuhan, akar-akar demokrasi dan multikulturalisme dalam islam, serambi 2001 11 farid esack, qur’an liberation and pluralism: an islamic perspective of interreligious solidarity against oppression, onewrd book, johanesburg, 2008 12 mujiburrahman, mengindonesiakan islam, pustaka pelajar, 2010. 13 ahmad sahal dkk, islam nusantara, lakpesdam nu, 2015 14 agus sunyoto, islam di tanah jawa, nusantara publishing, 2010 15 opcit, ahmad syafii maarif, 2010: 301-302 16 opcit, ahmad syafii maarif, 2010: 304) 17 opcit, ahmad syafii maarif, 2010: 304) 18 ahmad syafii maarif, 2010: 309 19 ahmad syafii maarif, 2010: 315-316 20 budi munawar rachman, ensiklopedia nurcholish madjid, jilid 1-3, mizan bandung, 2014 21 nurcholish madjid, islam agama perdaban: doktirn islam dalam sejarah, paramadina, 2005 22 nurcholish madjid, tidak ada negara islam, surat menyurat dengan mohammad roem, paramadina, 2007 23 nurcholish madjid, islam keindonesiaan dan kemodernan, mizan, 2010, cetak ulang edisi ke-6. 24 nurcholish madjid, islam doktrin dan peradaban, kontekstualisasi doktirin islam, dalam kemodernan, keindonesiaan dan kosmopolitanisme, paramadina, jakarta, 1995: 36 25 nurcholish madjid, islam agama kemanusiaan, paramadina, jakarta, 1995: 35, lihat pula nurcholish madjid, islam doktrin dan peraban, paramadina, jakarta, 1992: 454-455). dalam dua bukunya ini, nurcholish madjid dengan luas menjelaskan posisi islam yang sering berjalan beriringan antara kultur dan islam serta antara islam dan kemanusiaan serta kemodernan yang tidak ada tabarakan disana. 26 robert n bellah, religi tokugawa, gramedia, 1994. 27 clifford geertz, the religion of java, mit, 1959 28 the political economy of mountain java: an interpretive history. university of california press. 1999. translated and published in indonesia as, geger tengger: perubahan sosial dan perkelahian politik (yogyakarta: lkis press, 1999). 29 woodward, mark r. (1989) islam in java: normative piety and mysticism in the sultanate of yogyakarta university of arizona press. diterjemahkan menjadi 252 afkaruna islam jawa: antara formalisasi syariah dan sufisme, lkis, 2006 30 abdurrahman wahid, islam kosmopolitan, agus maftuh abigabriel (ed), the wahid institute, jakarta, 2007: hlm. 237. dalam buku yang ditulis oleh mantan ketua pbnu selama lima belas tahun ini menjelaskan dengan luas mengenai posisi islam yang sangat mondial tanpa harus menjadi dasar negara di indonesia sebab islam sebenarnya sangat compatible dan available dengan demokrasi sebagai paham politik modern di dunia sekarang ini. abdurrahman wahid dengan baik menguraikan tentang islam dan negara islam, islam dan keindonesiaan serta islam dan dunia pesantren sehingga jelaslah posisi islam sekaligus nu di sana. 31 abdurrahman wahid, ibid, 2007: 11 32 abdurrahman wahid, ibid, 2007: 297 33 abdurrahman wahid, 2007: 303 34 abdurrahman wahid, islamku, islam anda dan islam kita, the wahid institute, 2006 35 abdurrahman wahid. islamku, islam anda dan islam kita (jakarta: the wahid institute, 2006) 36 ahmad syafii maarif, titik kisar perjalananku, (jakarta: maarif institute, 2009) 37 ahmad syafii maarif. islam dan pancasila sebagai dasar negara, (jakarta: mizan dan maarif institute, 2017) 38 ahmad syafii maarif, 290. 39 ahmad syafii maarif. islam dan pancasila sebagai dasar negara. 40 santoso, edy. “agus, tidak ada negara islam; surat-surat politik nurcholish madjid-mohammad roem.” (1997). 41 ahmad gaus af,. api islam nurcholish madjid: jalan hidup seorang visioner. (jakarta: penerbit buku kompas, 2010), 153. 42 ahmad gaus af, 155-156. 43 nurcholish madjid. cita-cita masyarakat islam era reformasi. (1999). 44 harvey cox, the secular city, secularization and urbanization in theological perspective, (pinguin book, 1965) 45 bahtiar effendy. islam dan negara: transformasi gagasan dan praktik politik islam di indonesia. (jakarta: paramadina, 2009), 156. 46 abdurrahman wahid, 3-4. 47 abdurrahman wahid, 9. 48 abdurrahman wahid, 103. 49 abdurrahman wahid, 104-105. daftar pustaka bellah, robert n, religi tokugawa, gramedia, 1994. barton, greg, islam liberal: gagasan progresif islam di indonesia, paramadina, 2005 cox, harvey, the secular city, secularization and urbanization in theological perspective, pinguin book, 1965 effendy, bahtiar, islam dan negara: transformasi gagasan dan praktik politik islam di indonesia, paramadina, 2009) 253vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 esack, farid, qur’an liberation and pluralism: an islamic perspective of interreligious solidarity against oppression, onewrd book, johanesburg, 2008 geertz, clifford, the religion of java, mit, 1959 hefner, robert w, the political economy of mountain java: an interpretive history. university of california press. 1999. translated and published in indonesia as, geger tengger: perubahan sosial dan perkelahian politik (yogyakarta: lkis press, 1999). maarif, ahmad syafii, titik kisar perjalananku, maarif institute, jakarta, 2009 ________________________, islam dalam bingk ai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan, mizan, 2010. madjid, nurcholish, islam doktrin dan peradaban, kontekstualisasi doktirin islam, dalam kemodernan, keindonesiaan dan kosmopolitanisme, paramadina, jakarta, edisi 51995 ______________________, islam agama kemanusiaan, paramadina, jakarta, 1995 madjid, nurcholish, cita-cita politik islam era reformasi, paramadina, 1999 mujiburrahman, mengindonesiakan islam, pustaka pelajar, 2010. rachman, budi munawar, ensiklopedia nurcholish madjid, jilid 1-3, mizan bandung, 2014 sachedina, abdul azis, the roots of democratization in islam, sage publication. 2000, buku ini diterjemahkan menjadi setara di hadapan tuhan, akar-akar demokrasi dan multikulturalisme dalam islam, serambi 2001 sahal, ahmad, dkk, islam nusantara, lakpesdam nu, 2015 sunyoto, agus, islam di tanah jawa, nusantara publishing, 2010 wahid, abdurrahman, islamku, islam anda dan islam kita, the wahid institute, 2006 _________________________, islam kosmopolitan, agus maftuh abigabriel (ed), the wahid institute, jakarta, 2007 woodward, mark r. (1989) islam in java : normative piety and mysticism in the sultanate of yogyakarta university of arizona press, diterjemahkan menjadi islam jawa: antara islam syariah dan sufisme, lkis, yogyakarta. 2000 jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the contextualisation of siyar in the era of nation-states and globalisation doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0100.140-164 hasnan bachtiar university of muhammadiyah malang, indonesia email: bachtiar@umm.ac.id abstract this article examines the concept of siyar and its relation to the dynamisation of islamic law. siyar is a discipline in islamic law covering issues of law of war and international relations in islamic traditions, which means conducting muslim states in relation with other communities. the efforts of the contextualisation of siyar have been critical primarily when muslims have faced challenging realities of nation-states, globalisation and post 9/11. this article arguably states that siyar needs to be reinterpreted and revitalised due to its classical idea is not compatible with the modern ideas and practices of modern polity. its main doctrine of bifurcation of the world (dâr al-islâm and dâr al-%arb) encourages arguments and practices of the defensive and offensive jihâd amongst islamist agencies. accordingly, muhammadiyah contextualised siyar through its very idea of the negara pancasila sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah emphasising indonesia as the state of negotiation between the arenas of dâr al-islâm and dâr al-%arb. keywords: siyar; dynamisation of islamic law; dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah; muhammadiyah; ijtihâd; contemporary ijtihâd. introduction this article will discuss a theoretical framework of siyar, its relation to the dynamisation of islamic law,1 its contextualisation in the era of nation-states and globalisation, and its representation by the case of muhammadiyah,2 indonesia. siyar itself is a special discipline in islamic law which terminologically means conducting islamic or muslim states in relation with other communities.3 conceptually, this discipline discusses the discourse of law of war and international relations in islamic traditions.4 this study is essential due to covering some crucial gaps. first of all, the literature on siyar, which has mainly been produced in arab-ismailto:bachtiar@umm.ac.id 141vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 lamic academic traditions, has not discussed the concept in a wider regional perspective, such as that of southeast asia. for example, some kitâb al-siyar(s) have merely focused on the discussions on the scriptural texts of the qur’an and hadith, and on muslim jurists’ opinions.5 their further contextualisation is limited to the arab-islam lands and primarily to middle eastern countries. even the most important literature of siyar, kitâb al-siyar authored by al-shaybani never goes further, but within its regional boundary.6 second, siyar has not covered the discourse of dynamisation of islamic law and its current contextualisation. in spite of the fact that prominent muslim scholars such as tariq ramadan, khaled abou el fadl and ahmad atif ahmad have strongly encouraged to undertake contemporary ijtihad (dynamisation and contextualisation of law) in order to solve the current problems, in the field of siyar, the suggested ijtihad has remained in stagnant.7 furthermore, since the time of inception (800s ce) to the current, specific studies that are concerned with the law of war and international relations in islamic traditions have never dealt with the contemporary politics of indonesia, let alone the muhammadiyah.8 the discourse of islam in the region seems to be considered the peripheral that is not as important as the centre (the middle east). this article argues that siyar needs to be reinterpreted and contextualised in accordance with the dynamic changes of era. it is because the classical notion of siyar is not compatible with the modern western political ideas and practices such as modern state, governance and system of law. its primary doctrine which divides the world into dâr al-islâm and dâr al-%arb, has conditioned ideas of defensive and offensive jihad. these ideas, moreover, have been often instrumentalised by islamists in order to legitimate their political and ideological activities. in dealing with this part, muhammadiyah proclaimed a notion of contextualisation of siyar namely negara pancasila9 sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah (the state of pancasila as the state of consensus and witness) in their 47th congress in 2015.10 in the context of indonesia and southeast asia, it can be claimed that muhammadiyah is the only one which has initiated the alternative notion of siyar. generally in the case of muhammadiyah’s siyar, dâr al-‘ahd is neither dâr al-islâm (the state of islam) nor dâr al-%arb (the state of war). it is an idea of negotiation between both arenas. indeed, this southeast asian version of siyar might 142 afkaruna contribute to the current development of the scholarly discipline siyar. in the particular case of muhammadiyah, the idea was offered in the context of a massive growth of islamist sentiment in the post-reformation era in indonesia. islamist sentiments have sharpened ideologies of islamism which controversially have been articulated using the jargon of islamisation or formalisation of sharî‘ah in the country.11 although there have been various islamist groups, they have tended to have a similar understanding that the indonesian political system is un-islamic. in the siyar perspective, since they believed that indonesia is dâr al-%arb (a non-islamic state or a state of war), it should be transformed into dâr al-islâm (an islamic state). in considering it, sydney jones’ reflection on the political reformation that has resulted in not only democratisation but also the emergence of religious conservatism,12 is relevant. while the new order regime fell in 1998, it not only ended the authoritarianism of suharto, but also opened the wider and contentious door of islamist conservatism. in this case, as a consequence, indonesia and also muhammadiyah faced the undeniable challenges of islamist ideologies and movements which were strongly antidemocracy. siyar in islamic traditions (siyar and its position in islamic law) siyar as a part of islamic law developed as a non-monolithic tradition. it is represented by various muslim jurists (fuqahâ’) and scholars (‘ulamâ’) whose ideas engaged with the sunni schools of law – the hanafi, maliki, shafi‘i and hanbali schools.13 since it was the intellectual product of both fuqahâ’ and ‘ulamâ’, it can be considered a specific part of fiqh. accordingly, some have named it fiqh al-siyar, which means the fiqh or the islamic jurisprudence covering the issues of siyar.14 where is the position of siyar as a part of fiqh in islamic law? in the system of islamic law, there are producers or law makers, sources of law, methodology of making law and products of law. producers of law are the fuqahâ’ and ‘ulamâ’. their sources in making law (macâdir li al-istinbâm al-a%kâm al-shar‘iyyah) are primarily al-qur’ân and %adîth (the prophetic tradition), and secondarily ijmâ‘ (consensus), qiyâs (analogy), isti%sân (preference) and macla%ah (public interests).15 when there is a case of law that cannot be solved referring to these sources, ijtihâd (the earnest effort of rational and critical reasoning which is based on various common val143vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 ues contained in the qur’ân and %adîth) is undoubtedly needed.16 the process when they are producing law is istinbâm al-a%kâm. the methodology of their istinbâm al-a%kâm is ucûl al-fiqh (islamic legal theory). the product is fiqh – that is, the muslim jurists’ and scholars’ informed understanding of the ‘law’. this is where we must position siyar in the larger corpus of islamic law. furthermore, the application of fiqh is only possible when it becomes qânûn (legislation). in the context of siyar, it should be qânûn al-siyar. its applications, however, should not undermine the higher values of morality inherent in islamic law, such as rightness, justice, peace and humanity.17 siyar and the pluralism of law since there have been diverse opinions of the fuqaha’ and ulama’, islamic law is characterised by pluralism. this pluralism occurs due to different abilities among muslim intellectuals in terms of their expertise in islamic sciences such as târîkh (history), falsafah (philosophy), tacawwuf (mysticism), tafsîr (quranic exegesis), al-%adîth wa ‘ulûmuha (prophetic tradition and its specific sciences), kalâm (theology) and many others. their expertise strongly influences their understanding of macâdir al-a%kâm (sources of law), marîqah li al-istinbâm al-a%kâm al-shar‘iyyah (ucûl alfiqh) (methodology in making law), fiqh (product of law), and qânûn (legislation) and al-a%kâm al-tashri‘yyah (its applications). as a consequence, since siyar is a product of muslims’ creativity and not the divine law that comes from the heaven, there is no single, fixed and definite islamic siyar. it means, borrowing muhammad sa’id al-ashmawi’s critical reflection, that the ‘manifestation’ of islamic law or sharî‘ah (fiqh) is a mundane and secular thing due to muslims as law makers cannot free from their own possible fallibility.18 accordingly, the validity of all products of muslims’ understanding is totally relative.19 siyar, its scope and objective siyar terminologically means paths or ways20 taken when muslims interact with other communities. in the history of islam, when the modern state institution had not been established yet, there was the pre-modern state based on a religious identity. when muhammad became a religious and political leader in medina, he also regulated certain rules in dealing with other communities such as jews, christians and pagans.21 his rules 144 afkaruna consisted of the ways to behave justly and fairly in many aspects of life, including trade and taxation, safety and security, as well as war and peace. his rules inspired muslims over the centuries to develop the notion of siyar. as mentioned by majid khadduri, siyar as a discipline of islamic law was popularised by a hanafi jurist, muhammad ibn al-hasan al-shaybani (749-805).22 in general, siyar distinguishes two categories of community, muslims and non-muslims. non-muslims are divided into three categories, namely mu%âribûn (those in constant war with muslims), ahl al-‘ahd (those in covenant with muslims) and ahl al-dhimma (the protected non-muslims under muslim authority).23 according to these categories, moreover, the territory in siyar is divided into two parts: the first is the territory of muslims (dâr al-islâm) and the second is the territory of mu%âribûn (dâr al%arb). muslim jurists from hanafi, maliki and hanbali circles tended to agree with this notion of the dichotomous division of territory, except shafi‘i jurists who articulated a third category, the territory of ahl al-‘ahd (dâr al-‘ahd or dar al-sul%).24 a territory or a state can be classified as dâr al-islâm because it meets some fundamental requirements such as the state should be governed by an islamic authority, islamic law should be enforced, and muslims have the right to carry out their religious duties. while these requirements cannot be fulfilled, a state will be classified as dâr al-%arb due to the reason that it will threaten the security of muslims (amân).25 however, if the state remains in the category which is neither dâr al-islâm nor dâr al-%arb, but muslims have their own religious freedom and security because of the protection of either muslim or non-muslim authority, it may be categorised as dâr al-‘ahd. it means, there must be such a certain agreement or consensus between the ruler and the people that the state will guarantee the people’s amân, particularly allowing muslims to practise the faith uninterrupted. however, although the majority views of various schools of law do not make a consensus (ijmâ’), they seem to disagree with the concept of dâr al-‘ahd, with shafi‘i jurists representing a minority view.26 the fundamental objective of the establishment and protection of the dâr al-‘ahd is to create “baldatun mayyibatun wa rabbun ghafûr” (the great state with god’s blessings).27 when in the prophetic era, the prototype of this ideal state was manifested in the state of medina, in the following era of the rightly guided caliphs (al-khulafâ’ al-râshidûn), abu 145vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 bakr, umar ibn khattab, uthman ibn affan and ‘ali ibn abu talib expanded the territory of islam with the assumption that they must proselytise the islamic teachings.28 after al-râshidûn, the political power of islam developed massively, as represented by three great muslim empires: the ottoman, safavid and moghul.29 despite the vast expanses of muslim lands, for many believers the idealised objective of dâr al-islâm has not yet been fully realised. when islam is understood by its believers generally as the grace for the universe, it is assumed that islam should spread its great virtue throughout the world. whether this achievable or not, there is no doubt that islam can be viewed as a cosmopolitan religion. in the context of politics, governance system and international relations, of course ideally, the cosmopolitan character of islam intends to subdue all mankind under the umbrella of islamic salvation. this idea is usually framed in a special theme of islam, namely the development of the ummah. there are various meanings regarding the notion of the ummah. one views the ummah as a micro community of believers,30 while others understand it as the state institution31 or some scholars more creatively even regard it as the league of nations, either in the sense of panarabism or pan-islamism,32 and one extreme position believes that the ummah is the global islamic state.33 given that the concept means different things, the cosmopolitan character of islam should be problematised, primarily in terms of whether it is only a moral inspiration or should be embodied in a political institution within territorial boundaries. in dealing with the notion of the ummah, siyar offers relevant guidance. according to majid khadduri, when islam is understood as the true religion and its embodiment is the political institution of dâr al-islâm, it follows that there is an obligation to expand this realm in line with the obligation of proselytising the salvation narrative of islam.34 in this context, siyar covers the issues of territorial expansion through offensive jihâd, and the issues of territorial defence and security in defensive jihâd. siyar thus not only governs muslims’ relations with other communities and international relations, but also the law of war. siyar and the dynamisation of islamic law in the context of defensive jihâd, fuqahâ’ tend to agree that this idea is important. it is also equal to the western law of war (just war) which governs the concept jus ad bellum (law governing resort to war) and jus 146 afkaruna in bello (the law governing conduct in war).35 in the context of offensive jihâd, however, this idea developed mainly from the history of the prophet muhammad, and also the practices and attitudes of muslim companions of the prophet and the leaders of muslim empires (caliphs or sultans).36 the idea of offensive jihâd in the current period, however, conjures up disturbing images of unbridled radicalism and suggests pursuit of the goal of the ummah at the cost of the fundamental values of islam. the sub-field of islamic law that deals with international relationships, which has conventionally dealt with war, needs also to provide a regime for counter-movements – that is, those that seek to promote peaceful relations. however, to do so, siyar itself has to be reformed and in turn be contextualised following the current changes of muslim life. philosophically, this effort is tied to what i have called the dynamisation of islamic law in general and of siyar in particular. from the perspective of the philosophy of islamic law, there are three assumptions that underlie the dynamisation of islamic law and the contextualisation of siyar. first, islamic law needs constantly to keep pace with evolving social conditions so as to remain relevant. second, when islamic law is not continually renewed, it runs the risk of becoming rigid and formalistic, opening it even to manipulation and political abuse. third, the ideas and practices of islamic law must not contradict maqâcid alsharî‘ah (the higher objectives of islamic law) which, in the view of modern writers, prioritise the values of rightness, justice, peace, safety and security, and also humanity and human dignity.37 first, in order to maintain its relevance in light of societal changes, islamic law has to evolve as well. philosophically, islam is perceived as the religion that is always relevant across space and time (islam, sâli% li kulli makân wa zamân). one muslim intellectual emphasises that islam’s values are is elevated and surpass others (al-islâm, ya’lu wa lâ yu’la ‘alaih); they are inspirational for the development of human civilisation. yet, when these values have been reformulated as fiqh and legislation (qânûn wa tashrî’), both of them should reflect these fundamental values of islam.38 in addition, while it is obvious that the texts of law are limited, at the same time they have to face unlimited human problems. accordingly, the hermeneutics of law should be based on the values behind the texts rather than the texts themselves (al-‘ibrah fî al-maqâcid, lâ bi al-alfâ“).39 in this context, prominent muslim intellectuals such as fazlur rahman, abdullah 147vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 saeed and tariq ramadan emphasise the importance of elaborating intertextuality and intercontextuality of the sources of islamic law in order to extract ‘global messages’ behind them, and also of understanding the complexities of current situations.40 second, when islamic law is not being dynamised, it results in two kinds of taqlîd (imitation or stagnation): the first is taqlîd in terms of imitating everything that is mentioned in the fiqh;41 and the second is taqlîd in applying the ucûl al-fiqh. in this context, ali ahmad said’s critical reflection on the arab-islamic archaeology of knowledge is apt. he argues that the stagnation of law is caused by the absence of dynamisation.42 in his view, it is due to muslim jurists believing that the form of law is more important than its substance. furthermore, he diagnoses there is a problem of taqlîd in terms of methodology, which means muslim jurists tend to accept the operationalisation of certain methods without any critical consideration.43 the controversial egyptian scholar, nasr hamid abu zayd, who fell foul of islamists with his hermeneutic approach to quranic interpretation, argued that islamic civilisation resulted in the ‘civilisation of the text’ (%aârah al-nac)44 — a kind of textual dogmatism. consequently, the complex realities of life were reduced to a textualist-scripturalist and legalistic framework. khaled abou el fadl cautions that, in certain cases, scripturalism and legalism of islam have led to religious despotism and authoritarianism.45 for example, jihâd as a part of siyar can wrongly be interpreted as an offensive action that is permissible in the name of religion, even though it damages core islamic principles. third, according to the first and second argument, it can be understood that the product of islamic law must not contradict the higher moral values of islam (maqâcid al-sharî‘ah). this argument is based on a proposition of the islamic law, al-‘ibrah fî al-maqâcid (the essentials of the law are inherently available in the higher objectives of the law).46 indeed, some muslim reformers assert that in understanding islam we should emphasise its substantive values rather than the formal application of fiqh. they argue that this is accord with prophetic mission: “and we have not sent you, [o muhammad], except as a mercy to the worlds.”47 this approach privileges contextualisation and an effort at ‘neo-ijtihâd’ in order to avoid the stagnation of law.48 148 afkaruna the contextualisation of siyar in the era of nationstates and globalisation the contextualisation of siyar means not only its practical applicability in a new situations, but also the revitalisation of its values in order to maintain its relevance. this is based on two arguments: first, the classical siyar cannot be applied in the context of nation-states; second, in the context of globalisation, siyar tends to be instrumentalised as a legitimation of the ideology of islamist conservatism which, in turn, can open larger possibilities for the radicalisation of religion. first, it cannot be doubted that the classical notion of siyar almost entirely cannot be applied in the context of nation-states. the trend of the modern state institution that was initiated by western civilisation has been relatively practised throughout countries in the world since the nineteenth century. regarding this phenomenon, james piscatori highlights that at least some muslim countries tend to ‘partially’ adapt this trend into their political systems.49 this partial adaptation pertains to saudi arabia and iran, for instance. saudi arabia was established as an islamic monarchy led by a king. the symbol of this state is “lâ ilâha illa allâh wa muhammad rasûlullâh” (there is no god but allah and muhammad is the messenger of allah). this state is governed – at least in official self-presentations – with the qur’ân and sunnah (the prophetic tradition) as its constitution. in addition, although iran is a republic, which is similar to a modern state institution, its political system was modified with islamic political thought in a modern shia form (velâyat-e faqîh). whatever their official narratives of islamic legitimacy, their political behaviour in terms of international relations combines their ideological, political and economic interests. bilateral relations between saudi arabia and the united states, or between iran and russia, have eliminated in practice the operationalisation of the majority view of the classical siyar which strictly distinguishes between dâr al-islâm and dâr al-%arb.50 for other muslim countries, furthermore, the concept of nation-states that reflects european values of such as westphalianism has been popularly practised, although religious values are still important in shaping and colouring their constitutions. in this context, turkey, egypt, malaysia and indonesia can serve as examples.51 despite the fact that siyar would not be unknown, at least to the religious elites, they do not apply it because it tends to undermine the principle of autonomy of the state. the relevance 149vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 of siyar has been understood as inspirational ideas that support their values of nationalism and patriotism. in indonesia, the two biggest muslim organisations, nahdlatul ulama (nu) and muhammadiyah, have clearly declared that a politically secular republic of indonesia (negara kesatuan republik indonesia, nkri) is final.52 therefore, siyar as classically understood does not pertain to the modern state system as it applies to modern muslim states: those that might be considered ‘islamic’ states do not adhere to the bifurcated idea of the world; those that have a majority muslim population do not institutionalise islamic law as integral to the state order – that is, they are not dâr al-islâm. second, in the context of globalisation, one of the main doctrines of siyar, jihâd has accompanied, and may have ideologically encouraged, the rise of islamist resurgence and possibly terrorism.53 in this era of globalisation, when human migrations have occurred massively and global communications – due to the development of science and technology – have been widely accessible, interchanges of identities, cultures, traditions, and religions have happened easily. as olivier roy argues, globalisation has resulted in not only the openness with which muslims have encountered differences, but also crises of identity that have led to the protectionist behaviour of islamist revivalism.54 furthermore, the terrorist attack of 11 september 2011 dramatically delineated the impact of islamist radicalism on a global scale and thus a new, and troubling, instrumentalisation of siyar. the confidence in distinguishing between the identity of muslims and that of the infidels (kâfirûn) and promoting war in the name of religion is a discernibly widespread feature of the current landscape.55 both these points suggest that the siyar needs to be reconsidered today in order to respond to the new challenging realities. it needs to respond to the persistence of the modern state system at the same time as it re-affirms the underlying core values of moderation and pluralism that the majority of muslims believe to be inherent in the scriptural sources of islam. the modern contextualisation of siyar: the case of muhammadiyah it is important to examine the concept of siyar that has been developed by muhammadiyah in the multiple contexts of nation-state, 150 afkaruna globalisation, and the post-9/11 and post-authoritarian era of indonesia. as mentioned before, in 2015, this organisation conceptualised the notion of negara pancasila sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah (the state of pancasila as the state of consensus and witness)56 as a representation of the current development of the concept of siyar. in considering it, this paper highlights two essential things: first, the way muhammadiyah reconciles the state principles of pancasila and siyar, and, second, its way of relating the notion of negara pancasila sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah to its views of indonesian democracy. this can also be understood as the former emphasising “what is the thought that muhammadiyah has produced,” whereas the latter underlines “how does muhammadiyah construct this thought.” in the perspective of islamic legal thought, this exploration has brought us to the development of a key concept of islamic law, ijtihâd.57 ijtihâd literally means a strong effort, but conceptually it involves a strong endeavour to think rationally, critically and creatively in order to overcome problems whose solution cannot be found in the qur’ân and %adîth, and also other sources such as ijmâ‘ (consensus), qiyâs (analogy), isti%sân (preference), and icticla% (public good).58 this exploration, furthermore, relates the discourse of ijtihâd to the specific discipline of siyar that has been practised by muhammadiyah. accordingly, it invites us to discuss the significance of muhammadiyah’s ijtihâd to the development of both the discipline of siyar and the discourse of ijtihâd in general, which, more broadly, connect with the issue of the dynamisation of islamic law and islamic thought that underpins our entire analysis. as a result of its ijtihâd, muhammadiyah offers the notion of negara pancasila sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah as an intellectual reconciliation between the state ideology of pancasila and the doctrine of siyar.59 this ijtihâd is based on its fundamental basis of thought and self-styled movement called islam berkemajuan (progressive islam),60 whereby islam should be viewed progressively as a problem-solving religion. muhammadiyah argues that it should provide solutions for current human and societal problems.61 in the context of its ijtihâd, however, it has faced challenging realities in the significant spread of conservative and radical islamism throughout the post-political reformation in indonesia. this spread, from muhammadiyah’s perspective, is a serious threat that can potentially lead to national disintegration since the islamists have criticised the status of 151vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 indonesia as a state (due to the fact it is not considered dar al-islam or an islamic state) and its political system (it is not a sharî‘ah system). in dealing with this threat, muhammadiyah promotes one of the concepts of siyar, namely dâr al-‘ahd (the state of consensus), instead of dâr al-islâm (the islamic state) or dâr al-%arb (the state of war). muhammadiyah argues that indonesia is the state based on pancasila (negara pancasila), and since pancasila was conceptualised through the national consensus by its founding fathers, indonesia should be understood as the state of consensus (dâr al-‘ahd) – that is, neither the islamic state nor the state of war. through this argument, muhammadiyah emphasises that it supports a moderate islamic concept of democracy. however, support is not enough; rather, it believes that guaranteeing the process of substantial democratisation and the state development of indonesia is needed. accordingly, muhammadiyah adds the concept of dâr al-shahâdah (literally means the state of witness, or the space of testimony). with this conceptual addition, muhammadiyah intends at encouraging its activists and indonesian muslims to strongly bear a witness or testimony that muhammadiyah is an important part of indonesia. as a consequence, in dealing with the testimony, both muhammadiyah activists and indonesian muslims generally should involve themselves in an agenda of state democratisation and development in order to ensure that the ideal of indonesia becoming “the sovereign, just and prosperous state which is granted by god’s blessing” (baldatun mayyibatun wa rabbun ghafûr) will be achieved. in this context, muhammadiyah suggests that all indonesians, and mainly indonesian muslims, should become “witnesses” to the development of indonesian civilisation (indonesia berkemajuan). thus, through the ijtihâd of islam berkemajuan which is represented by the concept of negara pancasila sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah, muhammadiyah wants to make the ideals of indonesia berkemajuan come true. in addition, closely relating to its way of ijtihâd, muhammadiyah attempts to build a connection between its concept of negara pancasila sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah and its idea of democracy. in building this connection, muhammadiyah has conducted an approach of theologising democracy. this approach means developing democracy as a paradigm built on a theological interpretation of islam that emphasises the importance of democratic values such as shûra (people’s sovereignty or consultation), ‘adâlah (justice), musâwah (equality), and %urriyyah (free152 afkaruna dom) among others. muhammadiyah has tended to undertake this task via the two ways of objectification and substantialisation of islam. while the former means transforming pancasila into an objective language of islam that can, at the same time, be understood and accepted by all indonesian citizens beyond their religious, ethnic, racial and cultural identities, the latter means reinterpreting pancasila as a manifestation of the substantial values of islam. muhammadiyah has undertaken both these efforts based on historical, political, sociological and theological arguments. historically, muhammadiyah contributed to the conceptualisation of pancasila and the establishment of the state of indonesia through its elites, activists and activities mainly in the fields of education, health and philanthropy (this consensual activity is thought to be consistent with the dâr al-‘ahd idea). in a related way, muhammadiyah recognises that it is a part of indonesia and must take a responsibility in developing the state and nation (thus consistent with its ‘witness’ responsibilities under the concept of dâr alshahâdah). politically, muhammadiyah tends to view that pancasila is a manifestation of the secularisation of the political system, since it is perceived as neither the concept of islamism nor a secularism that is antifaith. accordingly, muhammadiyah with its moderate islamic thought attempts to bridge the essential values of sharî‘ah (maqâcid) and the modern political system of democracy. in another words, pancasila is inherently islamic due to its conceptualisation and comprehension based on islamic values, but it is not dogmatically islamic or the model for an islamic state. sociologically, the majority of muhammadiyah activists have tended to believe in the doctrine of islamic moderatism (wasatiyyah), which is consistent with the intellectual elaborations we have explored. last but not least, theologically, muhammadiyah offers an interpretation of islam that affirms it has democratic values, while, at the same time, arguing that a democracy, by its very nature, is essentially islamic. in another words, muhammadiyah argues that while pancasila is not an islamic ideology, its values of democratic pluralism are fully consistent with the teachings of islam: there is thus no contradiction between the ideologies of pancasila and of ‘progressive islam’. however, on the level of implementation, muhammadiyah has seriously struggled in both theologising democracy and implementing the product of its ijtihâd. it has done so because of the challenges it faces. in 153vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 terms of theologising democracy, its main challenges have been the formalisation of sharî‘ah, maududian political thought, which calls for islamising politics, and takfiri ideology that has been exclusivist and judgemental. moreover, in terms of disseminating and implementing the result of its ijtihâd, muhammadiyah has had to deal with the rise of islamist ideology among some of its own members and of the emergence of islamist populism. despite these concerning trends for muhammadiyah, its application of a modern ijtihâd can be seen as a significant contribution to the dynamisation of islamic legal thought in indonesia, specifically in the context of the development of the discourse of siyar. its effort at theologising democracy (objectification and substantialisation of islam) and producing a concept of moderation linking islam and democracy, is viewed as having potential for the future. din syamsuddin argues that one contribution that muhammadiyah can make, in terms of the dynamisation of its spirit, is transforming its philosophical basis of “retaining the good from the past and adopting a better present” (al-mu%âfa“ah ‘ala al-qadîm al-câli% wa al-akhdhu bi al-jadîd al-acla%) into “maintaining the best from the past and creating the most excellent in the present” (al-mu%âfa“ah ‘ala al-qadîm al-acla% wa al-ijâd bi al-ajdâd al-câli%ah).62 muhammadiyah’s achievement could possibly be considered as a model of the revival, even energising, of islamic law for other muslim countries. wael hallaq, an expert of islamic law, argues that the islamic state is ‘impossible’ to adopt and to practice in the modern system of states – a view consistent with the siyar discussion of this article.63 however, the notion of negara pancasila sebagai dâr al-‘ahd wa al-shahâdah is suggestive as a way to reconcile islamic understandings with modern political ones. muhammadiyah is not alone in this quest: indonesian muslim intellectuals such as nurcholish madjid, abdurrahman wahid and ahmad syafii maarif have argued along similar lines. another scholar of islamic law, ahmad atif ahmad, argues that sharî‘ah as many muslims either understand or practice it has been problematic.64 the ‘fatigue’ of the sharî‘ah has been caused by the lack of ijtihâd and its agencies (mujtahidîn) in the muslim world.65 in this regard, the effort of muhammadiyah’s ijtihâd can be seen as consistent with atif ahmad’s suggestion. whether it can also be a model of islamic secularity66 – ‘progressive’, ‘moderate’, and ‘democratic’ as muhammadiyah claims to represent – remains to be seen. 154 afkaruna concluding remarks this article has reviewed the importance of siyar in the system of islamic law. it has shown that siyar is not equivalent to sharî‘ah, since siyar is fiqh that covers the issues of the law of war and international relations in islamic traditions. accordingly, as the product of muslim juristic thought, siyar is possible to be redeveloped. this redevelopment is important because of two things. first, the classical notion of siyar is not compatible with the modern state system as it has been practised by modern muslim states. second, in the context of globalisation, the classical doctrines of siyar such as the bifurcated idea of the world (dâr al-islâm and dâr al%arb) and of community (muslims and infidels), and the idea of either defensive or offensive jihad, have been often instrumentalised by both revivalist and radical muslims in order to legitimate their political and ideological activities. regarding these double challenges, the siyar needs, therefore, to be reformed and recontextualised. in other words, some muslims argue that it is important to maintain the modern state system but also revitalise the values of moderation and pluralism that the majority of muslims believe in. the idea of conte xtual isat ion of siyar wa s undert aken by muhammadiyah through its concept of negara pancasila sebagai dâr al‘ahd wa al-shahâdah. the concept means that indonesia that fundamentally was established by principles of pancasila is the state of consensus and witness. the state of consensus emphasises that the state establishment is based on the consensus of all indonesian people as well as muslims and muhammadiyah activists. accordingly, this concept puts indonesia as not the islamic state (dâr al-islâm) nor the state of muslims’ enemy (dâr al-%arb). it is the very notion of negotiation between both arenas (dâr al-‘ahd). the state of witness highlights the importance of muslims’ involvements in the process of state development in order to evolve the progressive civilisation of indonesia (peradaban indonesia berkemajuan). this muhammadiyah initiation and achievement, indeed, conceptually might reflect the southeast asian version of siyar which is different from its arab-islam version. accordingly, it is really possible to offer the concept as an alternative in the field of law of war and international relations in islamic traditions which tends to be neither exclusivist nor expansionist. yet, the concept needs to be scholarly contested further. the development of the concept would be dependent on the roles played by 155vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 scholars have supported and it has remained open to be seen.[] acknowledgement this paper is a part of the unpublished advanced research submitted and reviewed at the centre for arab and islamic studies (cais) middle east and central asia, the australian national university (anu). we thank to prof amin saikal and my supervisor, prof james piscatori for their great valuable contributions during the process of research. endnotes 1 the word ‘dynamisation’ comes from the verb ‘dynamise’ which means to make more powerful, vital, or energetic. accordingly, dynamisation means the persistent efforts at making or maintaining something to be in its powerful, vital, or energetic condition. in the context of islamic law, i borrow this term from izomiddin’s conceptualisation that, “...dinamisasi hukum islam merupakan bagian dari upaya memahami hukum islam agar berjalan sesuai dengan konteks zamannya.” (…the dynamisation of islamic law is a part of efforts to understand islamic law in order to evolve following the context of the era). thus, by this term, i mean the ability of islamic law to evolve and to meet the changing exigencies of modern societies. see izomiddin, “dinamisasi hukum islam,” pemikiran dan filsafat hukum islam, (jakarta: prenadamedia group, 2018), p. 96; 95-998. 2 muhammadiyah is the largest modernist muslim organisation in indonesia. some have argued that muhammadiyah’s movement has emphasised the ideology of i sla mic re formism. see fur t h er ah ma d najib burha ni, “muhammadiyah,” in oxford islamic studies online. oxford islamic studies online, http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t343/e0296 (accessed may 5, 2019). 3 majid khadduri, “the islamic theory of international relations and its contemporary relevance,” in harris proctor (ed.), islam and international relations, (london; dunmow: pall mall press, 1965), p. 25; muhammed ibn alhasan al-shaybani, the islamic law of nations, translated by majid khadduri, (baltimore, maryland: johns hopkins university press, 1966), p. 3. 4 majid khadduri, “islam and the modern law of nations,” in mashood a. baderin (ed.), international law and islamic law, (aldershot, hampshire, england; burlington, vermont: ashgate, 2008), pp. 3-17, and also christopher a. ford, “siyar-ization and its discontents: international law and islam’s constitutional crisis,” in mashood a. baderin (ed.), international law and islamic law, pp. 19-53. 5 there are some essential works on siyar, such as muhammad ibn ishaq almuththalibi, kitab al-siyar wa al-maghazi, edited by suhayl zakkar, (beirut: dar al-fikr, 1978), muhammed ibn al-hasan al-shaybani, the islamic law of http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t343/e0296 156 afkaruna nations, translated by majid khadduri, (baltimore, maryland: johns hopkins university press, 1966), and muhammad ibn ahmad al-sarakhsi, sharh kitab al-siyar al-kabir li muhammad ibn al-hasan al-shaybani, 5 volumes, (cairo: mahad al-makhthuthat bi jami’at al-duwal al-arabiyah, 1971-2). 6 muhammed ibn al-hasan al-shaybani, the islamic law of nations, translated by majid khadduri. 7 see mainly tariq ramadan, radical reform: islamic ethics and liberation, (oxford; new york: oxford university press, 2009); khaled abou el fadl, and god knows the soldiers: the authoritative and authoritarian in islamic discourses, (lanham, md: university press of america, 2001); ahmad atif ahmad, the fatigue of the shari’a, (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2012). 8 al-dawoody’s work on the theme of the islamic law of war, for instance, is one of the modern works that mostly concerns about the classical arguments of the practices of the law. his work does not even touch any discourse relating to non-arab muslim contexts. this work seems to be similar to many others presuming that the islamic world is the arab-islam lands. see further, ahmed al-dawoody, the islamic law of war: justifications and regulations, (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2011). 9 pancasila is the state principles of indonesia. it consists of five basic ideas which are belief in god, nationalism, humanitarianism or just and civilized humanity, democracy, and social justice. see “pancasila,” in oxford islamic studies online. oxford islamic studies online http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t125/e1818 (accessed may 5, 2019). 10 muhammad ali, “the muhammadiyah’s 47th congress and ‘islam berkemajuan’,” studia islamika: indonesian journal for islamic studies, vol. 22, no. 2 (2015), p. 378. 11 see greg barton, indonesia’s struggle, jamaah islamiyah and the soul of islam, (sydney: university of new south wales press, 2004); gregory fealy and anthony bubalo, joining the caravan: the middle east, islamism and indonesia, (alexandria, new south wales: the lowy institute for international policy, 2005); burhanuddin muhtadi, “the quest for hizbut tahrir in indonesia,” asian journal of social science, vol. 37, no. 4 (2009): 623-645; muhammad tito karnavian, explaining islamist insurgencies: the case of al-jamaah al-islamiyyah and the radicalisation of the poso conflict 2000-2007, (london: imperial college press, 2015). 12 sydney jones, “sisi gelap reformasi di indonesia: munculnya kelompok masyarakat madani intoleran,” in sydney jones et. al., sisi gelap demokrasi: kekerasan masyarakat madani di indonesia, (jakarta: pusad paramadina, 2015), pp. 3-29. 13 in addition to sunnis, there is another islamic tradition, that of the shia. differences between sunni and shia were first based on political disputes and then theological debates. see marshall g.s. hodgson, the venture of islam, volume 1: the classical age of islam, (chicago: the university of chicago press, 2009), pp. 241-279; karen armstrong, islam, a short history, (new york: http://www.oxford157vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 the modern library, 2002), pp. 33-37. this article emphasises only the sunni schools of law. 14 wael b. hallaq, authority, continuity, and change in islamic law, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2004), pp. 1-23; 24-56. 15 mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction, (oxford: oneworld library, 2008), pp. 14-38; wael b. hallaq, the origins and evolution of islamic law, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2005), pp. 122-149. 16 mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction, pp. 162-178; wael b. hallaq, a history of islamic legal theories, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1997), pp. 117-124; wael b. hallaq, authority, continuity, and change in islamic law, pp. 24-56; wael b. hallaq, the origins and evolution of islamic law, p. 130. 17 as a discipline of islamic science, the term islamic law is interchangeably understood as sharî‘ah. see mohammad hashim kamali, shari’ah law: an introduction, p. 3; however, i disagree with this understanding, due to islamic law is a wider discipline of islamic science and sharî‘ah included in it. sharî‘ah in this context is ‘moral inspirations’ in making and applying islamic law. as abdul hamid abu sulayman highlights, islamic law consists more of moral inspirations than legislated and enforceable rules. abdul hamid abu sulayman, towards an islamic theory of international relations: new directions for methodology and thought, (herndon, virginia, usa: the international institute of islamic thought, 1993), p. 7. 18 muhammad sa’id al-ashmawi, al-sharî‘ah al-islâmiyyah wa al-qânûn al-masri, (cairo: madbuli, 1996), p. 25. 19 abdullahi ahmed an-na’im, toward an islamic reformation: civil liberties, human rights, and international law, (new york: syracuse university press, 1996), p. 1. 20 terminologically, siyar (plural) means ways. its singular form of siyar is sîrah. however, as a discipline of islamic science, while siyar is put under the particular theme of islamic law, sîrah is categorised as a part of history (târîkh) which specifically covers the biographical history of the prophet muhammad. for the further history of formative period of siyar, see anke iman bouzenita, “the siyar, an islamic law of nations?,” asian journal of social science, vol. 35 (2007), pp. 20-26. 21 majid khadduri, “translators’s introduction,” in muhammed ibn al-hasan al-shaybani, the islamic law of nations, translated by majid khadduri, p. 19; abdul hamid abu sulayman, towards an islamic theory of international relations: new directions for methodology and thought, pp. 98-115. 22 majid khadduri, “translators’s introduction,” p. 22. 23 muhammed ibn al-hasan al-shaybani, the islamic law of nations, pp. 130141; labeeb ahmed bsoul, “theory of international relations in islam,” digest of middle east studies, vol. 16 (2007), p. 72. 24 labeeb ahmed bsoul, “theory of international relations in islam,” p. 72, 85; majid khadduri, “translator’s introduction,” p. 12; abdul hamid abu 158 afkaruna sulayman, towards an islamic theory of international relations, p. 19. 25 labeeb ahmed bsoul, pp. 71-96. 26 ibid., p. 72, 85. 27 zainal abidin ahmad, membangun negara islam, (yogyakarta: pustaka iqra, 2001), p. 13. 28 majid khadduri, “translator’s introduction,” p. 19-22. 29 see marshall g.s. hodgson, the venture of islam, volume 3: the gunpowder empires and modern times, (chicago: the university of chicago press, 2009), pp. 1-162; philip k. hitti, history of the arabs, tenth edition, (london: macmillan, 1977); albert hourani, a history of the arab peoples, (london: faber and faber, 2013). 30 james piscatori, islam in a world of nation-states, p. 31, 31 sayyid qutb, ma‘âlim fî al-lâriq, (cairo: dar al-syurûq, 1979); abul a’la almaududi, al-khilâfah wa al-mulk, (kuwait: dar al-qalam, 1978); khomeini, islamic government: governance of the jurist, (tehran: institute for compilation and publication of imam khomeini’s work, 2002). 32 tahir amin, nationalism and internationalism in liberalism, marxism and islam, (islamabad: the international institute of islamic thought, 1991), pp. 64-65. 33 reza pankhurst, hizb-ut-tahrir, the untold history of the liberation party, (london: hurst and company, 2016), pp. 205-242. 34 majid khadduri, “translator’s introduction,” p. 15. 35 ibid., majid khadduri, p. 16; majid khadduri, war and peace in the law of islam, (baltimore and london: the johns hopkins press, 1955), pp. 169-170, 172; charles w. amjad ali, “jihad and just war theory: dissonance and truth,” dialog, vol. 48, no. 3 (2009), p. 243; jamila hussain, islam, its law and society, (sydney: federation press, 2011), pp. 58-60. 36 see andrew g. bostom (ed.), the legacy of jihad: islamic holy war and the fate of non-muslims (amherst, new york: promoteus book, 2005), and also roxanne euben and muhammad qasim zaman (eds.), princeton readings in islamic thought: texts and contexts from al-banna to bin laden, (princeton: princeton university press, 2009). 37 a creative reinterpretation of the higher objectives of islamic law that will be used in this discussion is found in jasser auda, maqasid al-shariah as philosophy of islamic law, a systems approach, (london; washington: the international institute of islamic thought, 2007), pp. 1-25. his interpretation expands the classical meanings of maqâsid. it means, it is not limited to only five protections or preservations (asâs al-khamsah): the protection of religion (%if“ al-din), of life (%if“ al-nafs), of mind (%if“ al-‘aql), of wealth (%if“ al-mâl) and of offspring (%if“ al-nasl). maqâcid has remained opened to be reinterpreted and recontextualised. see also mohammad hashim kamali, “maqasid al-shari’ah made simple,” islamic studies, vol. 38 (1999), pp. 193-209. 38 pradana boy ztf., fikih jalan tengah: dialektika hukum islam dan masalahmasalah masyarakat modern, (jakarta: penerbit hamdalah, 2008), pp. 4-14. 39 abd. moqsith ghazali, luthfi assyaukanie and ulil abshar-abdalla, metodologi 159vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 studi al-qur’an, (jakarta: gramedia, 2009), pp. 139-170. 40 fazlur rahman, islamic methodology in history, (islamabad: central institute of islamic research, 1995), p. 189; abdullah saeed, interpreting the qur’an: towards a contemporary approach, (new york: routledge, 2006), pp. 116-125; abdullah saeed, islam in australia, (new south wales: allen & unwin, 2003), p. 65; tariq ramadan, western muslim and the future of islam, (new york: oxford university press, 2004), pp. 23-24, 55-61. 41 wael b. hallaq, authority, continuity, and change in islamic law, pp. 86-120. 42 see ali ahmad said (adonis), al-thâbit wa al-muta%awwil, vol. 1, (beirut: dar al-saqi, 1994). 43 this is questioning the methodology which prefers privileged rules rather than principles. see ali ahmad said (adonis), al-thâbit wa al-muta%awwil. this critical view is consistent with arkoun’s argument, that the absence of critical understanding has happened unconsciously in a deeper level of the faculty of reason, which in turn results in something called ‘unthinkable’ or ‘unthought’. see mohammed arkoun, islam: to reform or to subvert?, (london: saqi essentials, 2002). 44 nasr hamid abu zaid, mafhum al-nac: dirâsah fî ‘ulûm alqur‘ân, (cairo: alhai‘ah al-micriyyah al-‘âmmah li al-kitâb, 1993). 45 khaled abou el fadl, and god knows the soldiers: the authoritative and authoritarian in islamic discourses, (lanham, md: university press of america, 2001). 46 abd. moqsith ghazali, luthfi assyaukanie and ulil abshar-abdalla, metodologi studi al-qur’an. 47 al-qur’ân, surah al-anbiyâ’: 107. 48 for the further elaboration of the concept of neo-ijtihâd, see tariq ramadan, radical reform: islamic ethics and liberation, (oxford; new york: oxford university press, 2009), pp. 11-40. 49 james piscatori, islam in a world of nation-states, p. 150. 50 in this context, saudi rulers have never seen the united states as dâr al-%arb (the state of war that should be islamised), just as iran has not viewed russia as dâr al-%arb. 51 ibid., james piscatori, pp. 117-143. 52 see akhmad sahal and munawir aziz (ed.), islam nusantara: dari ushul fiqh hingga konsep historis, (bandung: mizan, 2015). 53 abdul aziz [imam samudera], aku melawan teroris!, (solo: jazeera, 2004); greg barton, indonesia’s struggle, jamaah islamiyah and the soul of islam; roxanne euben and muhammad qasim zaman (eds.), princeton readings in islamic thought: texts and contexts from al-banna to bin laden; fawaz a. gerges, isis: a history, (princeton: princeton university press, 2017). 54 olivier roy, globalized islam: the search for a new ummah, pp. 201-231. 55 ibid., olivier roy, pp. 232-289. 56 dâr al-‘ahd literally means the state of consensus or agreement. it was conceptualised by al-shafi‘i to bridge the territory of the state of islam (dar al160 afkaruna islam) and the state of war/enemy (dar al-harb). see halil ýnalcýk, “dâr al¿ahd,” in p. bearman, th. bianquis, c.e. bosworth, e. van donzel, w.p. heinrichs (eds.), encyclopaedia of islam, second edition, consulted online on 03 september 2018 http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_sim_1698 (accessed september 6, 2018). from the perspective of muhammadiyah, it is consistently defined the state of consensus. 57 in islamic legal thought, ijtihâd means “a serious intellectual effort in formulating a certain legal issue based on the scriptural texts.” ali ibn muhammad al-jurjani, kitâb al-ta‘rîfât (cairo: matba’at al-hamîdiyyah al-misriyyah, 1903), p. 5. regarding the term of ijtihâd, muhammadiyah, more or less, follows this definition. see asjmuni abdurrachman, “sorotan terhadap beberapa masalah sekitar ijtihad,” in pramono u. tanthowi (ed.), begawan muhammadiyah: bunga rampai pidato pengukuhan guru besar tokoh muhammadiyah, (jakarta: psap, 2005), pp. 57-84. but in the process of ijtihâd, it involves an approach of “critical hermeneutics” to ensure its way of exegesis is productive (al-qirâ‘ah almuntijah). see amin abdullah, “kritis hermeneutis ala muhammadiyah,” suara muhammadiyah, vol. 85, no. 12 (2000), p. 11. 58 ahmad azhar basyir, “pokok-pokok ijtihad dalam hukum islam,” in jalaluddin rahmat (ed.), ijtihad dalam sorotan, (bandung: mizan, 1988), p. 47. 59 muhammad ali, “the muhammadiyah’s 47th congress and ‘islam berkemajuan’,” studia islamika: indonesian journal for islamic studies, vol. 22, no. 2 (2015), p. 378. 60 din syamsuddin, “gerakan pencerahan menuju indonesia berkemajuan: refleksi, proyeksi dan rekomendasi,” in abdul mu’ti et. al. (eds.), kosmopolitanisme islam berkemajuan, (surakarta: muhammadiyah university press, 2015), p. 11. 61 al-ma’un theology (teologi al-ma’un) is the concept of theology emphasises values respecting the essentials of social relations, justice, equality and universal humanism. it was extracted from al-qur‘ân, surah al-ma’un. meanwhile, al-‘ashr theology (teologi al-‘ashr) underlines the essentials of hard working and respecting time adopted from surah al-‘ashr. see ahmad najib burhani, muhammadiyah berkemajuan: pergeseran dari puritanisme ke kosmopolitanisme, p. 45-48. 62 din syamsuddin, “menjadi gerakan berkemajuan berkelanjutan,” in ahmad fuad fanani, reimagining muhammadiyah: islam berkemajuan dalam pemikiran dan gerakan, (yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah, 2018), p. xxxv. 63 wael b. hallaq, the impossible state: islam, politics, and modernity’s moral predicament, (new york: columbia university press, 2013). 64 ahmad atif ahmad emphasises it as “the sharia problem” and he does not “assume that sharia is a problem.” see ahmad atif ahmad, the fatigue of the sharia, (new york: palgrave, 2012), p. 182. 65 ahmad atif ahmad, the fatigue of the sharia, pp. 1-56. 66 abdullahi ahmed an-na’im, islam and the secular state: negotiating the future http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_sim_1698 161vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 of shari’a, (cambridge: harvard university press, 2008), pp. 223-266. bibliography abdullah, amin. 2000. “kritis hermeneutis ala muhammadiyah,” suara muhammadiyah, vol. 85, no. 12. p. 11. abdurrachman, asjmuni. 2005. “sorotan terhadap beberapa masalah sekitar ijtihad,” in pramono u. tanthowi (ed.), begawan muhammadiyah: bunga rampai pidato pengukuhan guru besar tokoh muhammadiyah. jakarta: psap. ahmad, ahmad atif. 2012. the fatigue of the shari’a. new york: palgrave. ahmad, zainal abidin. 2001. membangun negara islam. yogyakarta: pustaka iqra. al-ashmawi, muhammad sa’id. 1996. al-sharî‘ah al-islâmiyyah wa al-qânûn almasri. cairo: madbuli. ali, muhammad. 2015. “the muhammadiyah’s 47th congress and ‘islam berkemajuan’,” studia islamika: indonesian journal for islamic studies, vol. 22, no. 2. p. 378. amin, tahir. 1991. nationalism and internationalism in liberalism, marxism and islam. islamabad: the international institute of islamic thought. amjad ali, charles w. 2009. “jihad and just war theory: dissonance and truth,” dialog, vol. 48, no. 3, p. 243. an-na’im, abdullahi ahmed. 1996. toward an islamic reformation: civil liberties, human rights, and international law. new york: syracuse university press. an-na’im, abdullahi ahmed. 2008. islam and the secular state: negotiating the future of shari’a. cambridge: harvard university press. arkoun, mohammed. 2002. islam: to reform or to subvert?. london: saqi essentials. armstrong, karen. 2002. islam, a short history. new york: the modern library. pp. 33-37. auda, jasser. 2007. maqasid al-shariah as philosophy of islamic law, a systems approach. london; washington: the international institute of islamic thought. aziz, abdul [imam samudera]. 2004. aku melawan teroris!. solo: jazeera. barton, greg. 2004. indonesia’s struggle, jamaah islamiyah and the soul of islam. sydney: university of new south wales press. basyir, ahmad azhar. 1988. “pokok-pokok ijtihad dalam hukum islam,” in jalaluddin rahmat (ed.), ijtihad dalam sorotan. bandung: mizan. p. 47. bostom, andrew g. 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new york: oxford university press. roy, olivier. 2004. globalized islam: the search for a new ummah. new york: columbia university press. saeed, abdullah. 2003. islam in australia. new south wales: allen & unwin. saeed, abdullah. 2006. interpreting the qur’an: towards a contemporary approach. new york: routledge. http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t125/e1818 164 afkaruna sahal, akhmad and munawir aziz (ed.). 2015. islam nusantara: dari ushul fiqh hingga konsep historis. bandung: mizan. said, ali ahmad (adonis). 1994. al-thâbit wa al-muta%awwil, vol. 1. beirut: dar al-saqi. al-sarakhsi, muhammad ibn ahmad. sharh kitâb al-siyar al-kabîr lî muhammad ibn al-hasan al-shaybani, 5 volumes. cairo: ma’had al-makhmûmât bi jamî’ah al-duwal al-arabiyah, 1971-2). al-shaybani, muhammed ibn al-hasan. 1966. the islamic law of nations, translated by majid khadduri. baltimore, maryland: johns hopkins university press, 1966. p. 3. sulayman, abdul hamid abu. 1993. towards an islamic theory of international relations: new directions for methodology and thought. herndon, virginia, usa: the international institute of islamic thought. syamsuddin, din. 2015. “gerakan pencerahan menuju indonesia berkemajuan: refleksi, proyeksi dan rekomendasi,” in abdul mu’ti et. al. (eds.), kosmopolitanisme islam berkemajuan. surakarta: muhammadiyah university press. p. 11. syamsuddin, din. 2018. “menjadi gerakan berkemajuan berkelanjutan,” in ahmad fuad fanani, reimagining muhammadiyah: islam berkemajuan dalam pemikiran dan gerakan. yogyakarta: suara muhammadiyah. p. xxxv. zaid, nasr hamid abu. 1993. mafhum al-nac: dirâsah fî ‘ulûm alqur‘ân. cairo: al-hai‘ah al-micriyyah al-‘âmmah li al-kitâb. jurnal afkaruna vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 prof. h. abdul kahar muzakkir dan perkembangan gerakan islam reformis di indonesia (prof. h. abdul kahar muzakkir and the development of islamic reformist movement in indonesia) mitsuo nakamura emeritus professor of chiba university, fellow of the research institute of languages and cultures of asia and africa (ilcaa) of the tokyo university of foreign studies (tufs). email: mitsuon@za.tnc.ne.jp abstract this article discusses the life, struggle, and personality of abdul kahar muzakki in 2019 that was appointed as a national hero. this study is based on the fact that information and studies on figures who play essential roles and contributions in the journey of the indonesian nation are limited. as a result, it is not uncommon for people to mistake and confuse him with another figure, abdul kahar muzakkar, who was a di/tii leader. therefore, this article that had been adapted from an academic lecture is translated and presented again for today’s audience. the first discussion focused on the early formative period of abdul kahar muzakkir and his work in the world of education and national politics. then, this article discusses abdul kahar muzakkir’s position and role in the dynamics of the islamist movement and political exemplary at the local and national level. by seeing his example in attitude, religion, and politics, the writer can even refute the views of harry j. benda and clifford geertz who argued that indonesian politics is based on contestation between priyayi, secular, and islam (h.j. benda) or sectarian politics (c.j. geertz). abdul kahar muzakkir’s personality and political role show that politics is also a battle between authorities and ordinary folks where islam acts as a source of inspiration and moral aspirations for people to realize a just and prosperous society. keywords: kotagede, muhammadiyah, cairo, reformist islamic movement, abdul kahar muzakkir. abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang hidup, kiprah, dan kepribadian abdul kahar muzakkir yang pada tahun 2019 lalu diangkat menjadi pahlawan nasional. studi ini didasari atas doi 10.18196/aiijis.2019.0103.203-225 mailto:mitsuon@za.tnc.ne.jp 204 afkaruna kenyataan bahwa informasi dan studi tentang tokoh yang berperan dan berkontibusi penting dalam perjalanan bangsa indonesia ini masih sedikit. akibatnya, tak jarang orang kemudian salah dan merancukannya dengan tokoh lain, abdul kahar muzakkar, yang merupakan tokoh di/tii. oleh sebab itu, artikel yang diadaptasi dari ceramah ilmiah ini diterjemahkan dan disajikan kembali untuk audien masa kini. pembahasan pertama difokuskan masa formatif awal abdul kahar muzakkir dan kiprahnya di dunia pendidikan dan politik nasional. lalu, artikel ini mendiskusikan posisi dan peran abdul kahar muzakkir dalam dinamika gerakan islamis dan keteladanan politik di tingkat lokal maupun nasional. dengan melihat keteladanan pribadinya dalam bersikap, beragama, dan berpolitik, penulis bahkan dapat membantah pandangan harry j. benda dan clifford geertz yang beranggapan bahwa politik indonesia didasari oleh kontestasi antara golongan priyayi, sekuler, dan islam (h.j. benda) atau politik aliran (c. geertz). kepribadian dan peran politik abdul kahar muzakkir menunjukkan bahwa politik juga merupakan pertarungan antara penggede dan wong cilik yang mana islam dapat dijadikan sumber inspirasi dan aspirasi moral bagi wong cilik untuk mewujudkan masyarakat yang adil dan makmur. kata kunci: kotagede, muhammadiyah, kairo, gerakan islam reformis, abdul kahar muzakkir. pendahuluan tulisan ini diadaptasi dari pidato saya dalam sebuah pertemuan yang digelar pada 1975 atas prakarsa centre of southeast asian studies, monash university, dan the australia-indonesia association dalam rangka memperingati kemerdekaan republik indonesia yang ke-30. dalam kesempatan itu, selain saya ada pula dua pembicara lain, yaitu ben anderson dan mohammad slamet, dan versi tulisan dari pidato kami diterbitkan oleh centre of southeast asian studies, monash university, dengan tajuk religion and social ethos in indonesia pada 1977. dalam pembuka acara tersebut, dr. jamie mackie (direktur centre of southeast asian studies, monash university sekaligus penyunting buku tersebut di atas) menyebut pidato saya sebagai “a rare glimps into the life of an islamic leader” (tinjauan sekilas yang jarang ada perihal kehidupan seorang tokoh islam). komentarnya itu sekaligus menunjukkan bahwa prof. abdul kahar muzakkir merupakan tokoh yang agak “tak terlihat,” bahkan di kalangan peneliti kajian indonesia kala itu. harapannya, gelar pahlawan nasional yang baru-baru ini disematkan oleh pemerintah republik indonesia kepada prof. abdul kahar muzakkir dapat memantik penelitian akademik yang lebih serius tentang salah satu bapak bangsa itu, yakni penelitian yang bersendi pada sumber-sumber primer—sumber-sumber yang tidak dapat 205vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 saya gunakan dalam menyusun makalah ini (sebagaimana ditunjukkan di “daftar pustaka”). di samping kekurangan ini, banyak catatan kaki yang asli pun kiranya juga agak usang, tetapi saya meminta kepada sang penerjemah, sdr. aditya pratama, untuk mempertahankan catatan kaki itu, sebab catatan kaki itu merefleksikan situasi akademik dalam kajian indonesia di awal 1970-an dan menunjukkan seberapa jauh kita telah berkembang. ada dua tujuan yang bertengger di benak saya tatkala menuangkan kenangan tentang kehidupan prof. h. abdul kahar muzakkir.1 pertama, kisah hidupnya benar-benar mencerminkan kemajuan dan kemunduran yang dirasakan oleh gerakan islam reformis di indonesia sejak awal abad xx. di samping itu, pernah pula dua kali—sebagaimana akan kita saksikan sebentar lagi—dia memainkan peran menonjol dalam beberapa peristiwa amat penting dalam masa yang paling menggemparkan dalam sejarah indonesia, khususnya dalam bulan-bulan sebelum proklamasi kemerdekaan indonesia. kedua, ada banyak lagi alasan pribadi yang mendorong saya untuk berbagi kisah tentang sejarah islam di indonesia melalui kisah hidup dan kepribadiannya. harapan saya, dengan memberitahu anda tentang halhal yang saya pelajari darinya selama delapan belas bulan saya hidup di kotagede2—kota kecil di dekat yogyakarta tempat dia dilahirkan dan dibesarkan—setidaknya saya dapat membalas kebaikannya, yang dulu pernah membantu saya saat meneliti gerakan islam reformis di kotagede.3 saya begitu berduka mendengar kematiannya yang mendadak akibat serangan jantung di usia 65 tahun pada 2 desember 1973, sebelum saya sempat membalas kebaikan yang telah ia berikan. jadi, melalui kenangan ini saya ingin mengungkapkan rasa terima kasih saya kepadanya. abdul kahar muzakkir: hidup dan kiprahnya abdul kahar muzakkir lahir pada 1908 di kotagede. ayahnya adalah kiai haji muzakkir, seorang guru agama yang juga aktif mengurusi hajat masjid besar kesultanan yogyakarta. kakek buyutnya, kiai hasan busyari merupakan syekh tarekat syattariyah4 setempat yang hidup di awal abad xix dan pernah pula ikut berjuang dalam perang diponegoro (perang jawa [1825–1830]) sebagai komandan gerilya lokal namun kemudian dicekal dan diasingkan bersama sang pangeran dan rekan-rekannya di tondano (sulawesi utara). di sana pula kakeknya wafat. 206 afkaruna abdul kahar mengenyam pendidikan di sekolah dasar muhammadiyah5 di kotagede hingga kelas dua. lantas dia melanjutkan pendidikannya di pesantren mambaul ulum6 di solo, lalu pesantren jamsaren dan pesantren tremas di jawa tengah. pada 1925, di usia 16 tahun, dia bertolak ke kairo untuk menimba ilmu, disokong oleh haji muchsin (pamannya dari pihak ibu) yang merupakan juragan grosir di kotagede. di kairo, dia bersekolah di darul ulum (rumah ilmu), sebuah fakultas baru di universitas fuad i (kemudian berganti nama menjadi universitas kairo), dan lulus dari sana pada 1936 dengan mengantongi gelar pascasarjana dalam kajian hukum islam, pedagogi, bahasa arab, dan bahasa ibrani. selama dua belas tahun tinggal di kairo, dia aktif bergulat dalam politik pelajar, mewakili para pelajar dari jawah7 (istilah yang kala itu digunakan untuk menyebut nusantara). dia adalah pendiri jamiyatul syubban muslimin dan seorang pemimpin jamiyah khairiyah indonesia.8 abdul kahar muzakkir pernah juga ikut serta dalam publikasi jurnal seruan azhar, organ dari jamiyah khairiyah indonesia yang juga merupakan instrumen penting dalam mengumandangkan seruan reformisme islam dan kesatuan antar umat islam dari kairo hingga asia tenggara islam.9 pada 1933, abdul kahar muzakkir memainkan peran penting dalam pendirian perhimpunan indonesia raya di kairo (sebuah organisasi paralel perhimpunan indonesia di belanda), dan dia terpilih sebagai ketuanya yang pertama. di awal 1930an abdul kahar muzakkir menghadiri sejibun konferensi islam tingkat internasional di timur tengah, mewakili para pelajar indonesia di kairo maupun juga umat islam di indonesia. di usia 28 tahun dia kembali ke indonesia dan mulai mengajar di madrasah mu’allimin muhammadiyah (sekolah guru muhammadiyah) di yogyakarta, dan tak lama kemudian menjadi direkturnya. hingga perang pasifik meletus, dia menjabat sebagai salah satu pengurus pemuda muhammadiyah dan bahagian penolong kesengsaraan oemoem. pada 1938, abdul kahar bergabung dengan partai islam indonesia (pii),10 dan terpilih sebagai salah satu komisarisnya hingga 1941. pada 1939 dia diundang ke jepang bersama tiga orang muslim sebagai delegasi indonesia untuk menghadiri kongres islam asia timur jauh di tokyo. saat jepang menduduki indonesia, abdul kahar muzakkir sempat bekerja di departemen hubungan ekonomi kesultanan yogyakarta hingga 1943. kemudian dia dipilih oleh badan intelijen militer jepang (beppan) untuk menempati sebuah posisi di jakarta, tepatnya sebagai komentator berita 207vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 untuk siaran luar negeri berbahasa arab dan inggris. selama di jakarta, pada 1944 abdul kahar dipindahkan ke departemen urusan agama, lalu menjadi kepala deputi departemen tersebut. dia juga pernah ditunjuk sebagai anggota dewan penasihat pusat dan kemudian menjadi anggota badan penyelidik usaha-usaha kemerdekaan indonesia (bpupki) mewakili umat islam.11 dua bulan sebelum berakhirnya perang pasifik dan proklamasi kemerdekaan indonesia, abdul kahar ditunjuk menjadi anggota panitia sembilan, bersama sukarno, hatta, dan enam tokoh lainnya. tugas mereka adalah menyusun dokumen yang semula dimaksudkan sebagai pembuka undangundang dasar 1945, yakni piagam jakarta. piagam jakarta ini merupakan wujud kompromi tuntutan umat islam atas berdirinya negara islam dan kehendak golongan nasionalis sekuler menjadikan pancasila sebagai ideologi dasar negara.12 menjelang berakhirnya masa pendudukan jepang, kahar muzakkir juga berperan penting dalam mendirikan lembaga pendidikan tersier islam bernama sekolah tinggi islam (sti) yang didirikan di jakarta satu bulan sebelum jepang menyerah kepada sekutu. dalam susunan kepengurusan sti, mohammad hatta ditunjuk sebagai direktur, sedangkan abdul kahar menjabat sebagai rektor. sti kemudian diboyong ke yogyakarta pada 1947 dan berganti nama menjadi universitas islam indonesia (uii), tempat abdul kahar muzakkir berkhidmat sebagai pendidik hingga ajal menjemputnya. selama masa agresi militer belanda, abdul kahar muzakkir menjabat sebagai penasihat agama angkatan perang sabil di yogyakarta. dalam era pascakolonial, dia banyak meluangkan waktu memajukan pendidikan tinggi islam. di samping tanggung jawab akademik dan administratifnya di uii, abdul kahar muzakkir juga ikut serta mendirikan sebuah perguruan tinggi islam milik pemerintah di yogyakarta, yang kelak dikenal sebagai institut agama islam negeri sunan kalijaga (sekarang menjadi universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga—[penj.])13 dan menjadi tokoh yang dihormati oleh komunitas muslim di yogyakarta. dari 1946 hingga kematiannya, dia berulang kali terpilih untuk mengawaki pengurus besar muhammadiyah (kini pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah—[penj.]). selain itu, abdul kahar muzakkir juga aktif berpolitik dan memimpin masyumi 14 cabang yogyakarta saat berlangsungnya pemilu pertama pada 1955 dan terpilih menjadi anggota dewan konstituante dari faksi masyumi, posisi yang dijabatnya hingga dewan tersebut dibubarkan oleh sukarno pada 1959. 208 afkaruna nama abdul kahar muzakkir juga berkibar di luar negeri dan juga kerap mewakili umat islam indonesia di berbagai konferensi internasional. abdul kahar muzakkir juga merupakan perwakilan permanen dalam kongres islam dunia di indonesia. saat meninggal dunia ia sebetulnya tengah mengemban amanah yang cukup banyak, beberapa di antaranya adalah sebagai dekan fakultas hukum universitas islam indonesia, anggota pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah, anggota dewan dakwah islamiyah indonesia. namun demikian, yang membuat kisah kehidupannya menjadi penting dan menarik bukanlah jabatan-jabatan formal di atas semata, melainkan juga kepribadian dan nilai-nilai islam yang diamalkannya. pasalnya, itu semua banyak menceritakan kepada kita, dan dari situ kita mengerti apa makna hal-hal di atas bagi umat islam. dari sekian banyak penghormatan kepada abdul kahar muzakkir yang tampil di berbagai media cetak islam, satu tulisan yang terbit dalam suara muhammadiyah (organ resmi muhammadiyah)15 menyanjungnya sebagai “pemimpin teladan,” yang patut dicontoh oleh seluruh umat islam di indonesia. tulisan-tulisan lainnya mencandrakannya sebagai “perintis kebangunan ummat islam” dan sebagai “pejuang kemerdekaan,” sementara salah satu kawan dekatnya sewaktu kecil dan sewaktu studi di mesir menceritakan pencapaiannya yang luar biasa luas. “dalam rentang hanya beberapa tahun pemuda santri dari kotagede berhasil menjadi pemimpin pelajar dalam percaturan politik islam internasional yang berpusat di sekitar kairo; dan tatkala kembali ke indonesia mantan pemuda santri tersebut segera dikenal sebagai ulama intelek dan sebagai sarjana muslim, alhasil tidak hanya meraih status guru besar, melainkan lebih dari itu, menjadi ustaz.” citranya yang gemilang di mata khalayak mengajak kita memahami perannya sebagai tokoh gerakan islam reformis di indonesia. latar kolonialisme dan gerakan islam reformis perlu diingat pula bahwa keluarga abdul kahar muzakkir pernah berjasa menentang kekuasaan kolonial. sebagaimana telah disebutkan di awal, kakek buyutnya mendukung perlawanan pangeran diponegoro terhadap belanda dan akhirnya diasingkan ke tondano. abdul kahar muzakkir begitu terharu tatkala mengunjungi makam kakek buyutnya di sana, demikian ungkap haji abdul maluk karim amrullah (hamka) yang kala itu menemaninya.16 bagi muslim jawa perang diponegoro merupakan episode 209vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 perlawanan bersejarah yang dilancarkan oleh seorang muslim saleh terhadap intrusi kolonialisme belanda, dan kekalahannya menandai mulainya masa kemunduran total. ayah abdul kahar muzakkir, yakni kiai haji muzakkir, juga berkongsi dengan sekelompok ulama yang teguh pendiriannya. ayahnya hidup sezaman dengan kiai haji ahmad dahlan (pendiri muhammadiyah, yang kala itu merupakan ketib amin di masjid besar yogyakarta), dan berkawan dekat dengannya. sesungguhnya, haji dahlan pernah menikahi adik ipar haji muzakkir, meski pernikahan ini tak bertahan lama. dahlan tinggal di kauman yogyakarta, di dekat masjid besar yogyakarta. memang benar, di akhir abad xix dan awal abad xx banyak ulama dan kiai di kauman, kotagede, dan karangkajen memiliki hubungan personal yang dekat antara satu sama lain, terkadang berkat pertalian perkawinan. sejak dahulu, kauman, karangkajen, dan kotagede (tiga k) dikenal sebagai benteng islam-nya yogyakarta. dari lingkaran ulama tersebut langkah awal untuk mendirikan gerakan islam reformis muhammadiyah pada 1912 mulai muncul. langkah itu mulanya berwujud bermacam kritik soal kendurnya ortodoksi keagamaan di keraton dan di tengah kaum priayi. contohnya, banyak ulama dan kiai menyayangkan perilaku para penghuni keraton yang sering mengabaikan shalat wajib dan puasa. mereka juga mengkritisi kiblat di berbagai masjid milik kesultanan yogyakarta—termasuk masjid besar yogyakarta—yang tidak mengarah tepat ke mekkah.17 para ulama dan kiai juga tersinggung lantaran kalender yang digunakan oleh kesultanan tidak berdasar pada perhitungan astronomis yang tepat, melainkan hanya berdasar pada kalender bulan jawa, sehingga penentuan ramadhan tidak sesuai dengan pegerakan fisik bulan, sebagaimana diperintahkan oleh al-qur’an. selama bertahun-tahun kritik-kritik itu dilancarkan secara sporadis dan tak sistematis, pun begitu kritik-kritik itu turut memperlebar jurang antara ulama dan penghuni keraton. barangkali, perbedaan antara golongan saleh-ortodoks dan penghuni keraton bukanlah cerita baru dalam sejarah jawa di masa kerajaan islam. tetapi, kali ini ada elemen baru yang hadir, sebab di senjakala abad xix para ulama mulai menggencarkan usaha mereka dalam memurnikan dan memperbaiki akidah dan praktik keagamaan yang bobrok. mereka berhasil mendapatkan pengikut yang bersemangat dari kalangan dagang bumiputra yang hidup di kawasan perkotaan; di samping itu, kelak usaha mereka berevolusi menjadi 210 afkaruna organisasi yang lebih mantap dan terstruktur, muhammadiyah. pada titik ini, saya harus menjelaskan hubungan antara hubungan ekonomi yang ada di penghujung abad xix dan kemunculan gerakan islam reformis, sebagaimana yang dapat diamati di kotagede. pertama, kebijakan liberal pemerintah kolonial melahirkan perubahan sosial-ekonomi yang dahsyat. sejak sekitaran 1860-an dan 1870-an, ketika jalur kereta api mulai merasuk ke daerah pedalaman jawa tengah, daerah itu mulai dibanjiri oleh kehadiran berbagai perusahaan swasta eropa. perusahaanperusahaan itu memperoleh hak sewa atas lahan yang luas dari para patuh (pemilik apanase), dan menyulapnya menjadi kebun (atau ladang) tanaman komersial yang diolah oleh kaum buruh atau tani yang hidup di situ. dalam sekejap banyak desa didorong untuk ikut menyemarakkan ekonomi uang. dalam satu generasi, berbagai sudut di jawa yang tanahnya subur dan dapat menghasilkan tanaman komersial—yang paling terpencil sekalipun—berhasil dihubungkan dengan pusat-pusat industri oleh untaian rel kereta api dan jalan yang begitu panjang. rupanya, perubahan drastis ini banyak memengaruhi kotagede. dahulu, kotagede dan kota-kota lain di tingkat lokal pernah menjadi kawasan dagang dan industri kerajinan bumiputra di jawa tengah bagian selatan—sebuah wilayah yang kala itu masih diwarnai oleh ekonomi pertanian swasembada-subsisten. ekonomi liberal meruntuhkan itu semua. jumlah penduduk kotagede membengkak dengan cepatnya, demikian pula tuntutan atas barang dagang (kebutuhan harian) seperti batik dan kain-kain lainnya, perkakas pertanian, peralatan dapur, perhiasan, serta barang-barang ornamen dan dekoratif, tanaman industri-papan, dan makanan siap saji. alahsil, seketika itu penduduk kotagede secara umum memperoleh kemakmuran yang bukan kepalang hebatnya dan, lebih khususnya, kaum dagang yang sukses pun bertumbuh. di akhir abad xix, kotagede kondang akan kehadiran sekitar setengah lusin raja dagang yang kekayaannya melampaui kekayaan para priayi setempat dan bahkan menyaingi keraton. akan tetapi, kaum dagang itu tidak diizinkan untuk mengenakan jubah kebangsawanan. pendidikan belanda juga hanya boleh diakses oleh anak priayi saja. menghadapi rintangan sosial semacam itu, tentu saja bumiputra kelas menengah perkotaan lebih memilih jalan yang sudah terbuka, yakni mendongkrak gengsi mereka dengan menunaikan haji ke mekkah. meroketnya prestise pesantren sepertinya juga mencerminkan perkembangan itu. 211vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 perkembangan-perkembangan itu dilambangkan oleh kehidupan abdul kahar muzakkir. dia lahir di tengah keluarga ulama berbekal kemandirian yang sudah bercokol sejak lama, dan kini kian terdorong oleh hayat kesalehan dan kepatuhan yang kuat dalam beragama. selain itu, dia juga diuntungkan oleh kemakmuran yang baru saja menghampiri keluarganya; pamannya, haji muchsin, merupakan salah satu raja dagang di kotagede, dan memiliki lisensi untuk mengimpor dan mendistribusikan kain katun halus, mori, dan zat pewarna kimia di jawa tengah (atau vorstenlanden). sebagaimana telah disinggung sebelumnya, haji muchsin pula yang menyeponsori studi abdul kahar di kairo dari 1925 hingga 1936. abdul kahar muzakkir dan gerakan islam reformis tahun-tahun di kairo memberi pengalaman penting bagi abdul kahar, demikian pula bagi para perantau indonesia yang lain. meski sarjanasarjana lain berpendapat bahwa ajaran islam reformis di indonesia berasal dari universitas al-azhar dan para tokoh reformis seperti muhammad ‘abduh dan rashid rida, saya tidak menemukan bukti bahwa kehadiran reformisme islam langgam mesir berdampak langsung terhadap gerakan muhammadiyah di jawa dalam perkembangan awal gerakan itu.18 yang pertama kali terpapar oleh pengaruh reformisme islam mesir adalah generasi kedua muhammadiyah—yang dilambangkan oleh orang seperti abdul kahar muzakkir. di samping itu, perlu pula diperhatikan bahwa kebanyakan pelajar jawah di kairo (yang jumlah keseluruhannya mencapai sekitar 200 orang di akhir 1920-an) lebih tertarik pada kota kairo yang “tradisional” ketimbang al-azhar sendiri. para pelajar jawah lebih tertarik pada universitas kairo lantaran kurikulumnya yang tersistematis, mencakup banyak mata kuliah sekuler yang diajarkan menggunakan bahasa arab modern dan juga inggris.19 fakta itu dapat diamati dari pengalaman para pemuda kotagede di kairo. antara 1925–1936 enam pemuda kotagede menghabiskan beberapa tahun untuk belajar di kairo. abdul kahar menimba ilmu di darul ulum. dua saudara sepupunya (putra haji muchin sendiri) pun segera menyusulnya, yang satu menyelesaikan pendidikan sekolah menengah atas dalam bidang perniagaan, sedangkan yang satunya lagi menyelesaikan pendidikan vokasi (certificate) dari sekolah persiapan untuk mengenyam pendidikan di the american university in cairo (kemudian juga memperoleh gelar dokter di universitas amsterdam). seorang anak raja dagang lainnya memperoleh gelar sarjana muda dalam 212 afkaruna bidang perbandingan agama dari universitas kairo. jika dibandingkan dengan reformisme islam langgam indonesia, reformisme islam langgam mesir sifatnya lebih teologis, elitis, dan berorientasi intelektual. tentu saja, tafsir qur’an karangan muhammad ‘abduh pernah—dan masih—memengaruhi reformisme islam langgam indonesia. tetapi, dalam hal aktivitas organisasi yang aktual gerakan reformisme islam langgam indonesia mengungguli model gerakan islam langgam mesir, baik menyangkut keragaman maupun besarnya basis massanya. jadi, reformisme islam langgam indonesia dikembangkan secara mandiri dari dalam, dan peran komunitas pelajar indonesia di luar negeri bukan sekadar berperan sebagai penghubung semata. reformisme islam langgam mesir disaring dan ditafsirkan ulang oleh mereka. di samping itu, yang lebih penting adalah pengalaman dan keterlibatan para pelajar indonesia dalam kehidupan politik riil dengan nasionalisme mesir dan internasionalisme muslim. sebagaimana telah kita lihat, di kairo pula cita-cita persatuan umat islam se-nusantara (yang mencakup indonesia, malaysia, thailand, dan filipina) diwujudkan dalam bentuk organisasi.20 akan tetapi, pada medio 1930-an, para pelajar indonesia mulai menghadapi kesulitan keuangan dan, kemudian, ancaman perang memutus aliran perantau dari indonesia ke mesir. namun demikian, reformisme islam indonesia mampu terus berkembang, dan itu membuktikan bahwa utamanya reformisme islam indonesia mampu bergerak secara mandiri dengan daya sendiri. pada 1930-an jawa sepi dari hiruk-pikuk politik, tetapi 1930-an adalah masa ketika kaum muslim reformis bertarung habis-habisan dalam urusan keagamaan guna memapankan kedudukan mereka sebagai umat yang merdeka. di kotagede proses ini dicerminkan oleh konflik antara para pejabat keraton dan muhammadiyah dalam memperebutkan hak penggunaan masjid ageng mataram. sebelumnya, masjid ageng mataram adalah lembaga yang mendominasi kehidupan penduduk kotagede. dipayungi oleh sepasang pohon beringin raksasa, dengan dikelilingi oleh dinding dan gerbang bergaya hindu-bali yang menaungi pemakaman kerajaan mataram, terang sekali kompleks masjid ageng mataram adalah situs yang paling keramat di antara berbagai situs keramat lain di kotagede. kompleks masjid ageng mataram adalah salah satu tempat amat penting untuk menyelenggarakan pusparagam upacara resmi kerajaan mataram, dan untuk menyelenggarakan upacara-upacara itu sumber daya manusia dan material dikerahkan dan dimanfaatkan dalam bentuk kerja bakti, pajak, 213vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 dan berbagai layanan pribadi lainnya. masjid ageng mataram pun tak pelak menjadi target serangan gencar reformisme muhammadiyah. dipelopori oleh haji masyhudi (salah satu paman abdul kahar dari pihak ibu) para pegiat muhammadiyah di kotagede mengajukan permohonan untuk menggulirkan reformasi islam di hadapan para pejabat keraton yang mengurusi masjid ageng mataram. adapun permintaan muhammadiyah antara lain adalah, (1) agar masjid dapat dibuka dengan bebas dan dimanfaatkan secara sukarela oleh penduduk setempat, (2) agar shalat jumat dibuka untuk khalayak dan khotbahnya disampaikan dalam bahasa jawa, (3) agar kebiasaan “tak islami” seperti pembagian uang kepada pada jamaah shalat tarawih selama bulan puasa segera ditinggalkan, (4) agar praktik perdukunan di kompleks masjid dilarang, dan seterusnya. perlawanan pihak keraton terhadap reformasi itu juga tak kalah sengitnya, sebagian akibat adanya dukungan laten dari pemerintah belanda yang berusaha mempertahankan kekuasaan para raja bumiputra. akhirnya, di penghujung 1930-an muhammadiyah memutuskan untuk memisahkan diri dari masjid ageng mataram dan mendirikan masjid baru atas biaya sendiri, yang pembangunannya selesai pada 1939. masjid baru ini dinamai masjid perak, dan namanya mencerminkan bahwa sebagian besar sumbangan untuk pendiriannya mengalir dari kantong-kantong para juragan perak yang luar biasa makmur pada 1920-an dan 1930-an. kata perak merupakan kata serapan dari bahasa arab, firaq, yang berarti ‘pemisahan’ dan ‘kemerdekaan,’ yang menyiratkan kemerdekaan kaum muslim reformis dari kesultanan yogyakarta dan para pejabat agama tradisional. haji muzakkir (ayah abdul kahar muzakkir) menjadi salah satu anggota takmir masjid tersebut. tak lama kemudian, kaum muslim reformis menghadapi keadaan yang sama sekali baru, yakni keadaanya yang muncul akibat menyerahnya belanda ke tangan jepang. tak lama berselang, kaum muslim reformis kembali menghadapi tantangan yang dihadirkan oleh perang kemerdekaan pada 1945. tokoh-tokoh muhammadiyah, yang kala itu begitu berpengaruh dalam partai masyumi, kian dalam terlibat dalam politik nasional. di waktu yang bersamaan abdul kahar muzakkir pun mulai banyak terlibat dalam politik nasional. kemunculan dramatis masyumi sebagai kekuatan politik utama tak belangsung lama, partai itu meredup secara dramatis pula di medio 1950-an, adapun alasannya sudah cukup 214 afkaruna banyak disinggung dalam sumber lain.21 tenggelamnya masyumi seringkali digambarkan hanya sebagai kekalahan politik para tokoh islam, meski sebetulnya lebih rumit dari itu—itu akan kita saksikan dalam bahasan tentang hubungan antara agama dan politik di indonesia. meski kahar muzakkir adalah salah satu begawan politik indonesia di masa revolusi kemerdekaan dan demokrasi parlementer, ketika bertemu dengannya saya begitu heran lantaran tak tampak dalam dirinya ciri-ciri politisi pada umumnya. abdul kahar muzakkir yang saya kenal bukanlah tokoh yang lapar kekuasaan dan tidak pula dia senang memamerkan kekuasaannya. baginya, signifikansi politik masih jauh di bawah komitmennya pada pendidikan agama dan dakwah. manakala keadaan memaksanya untuk terjun ke arena perkelahian politik, abdul kahar muzakkir tidak ragu-ragu untuk bertarung, tetapi jika keadaannya sedang tenang, dia pun tidak aktif dalam urusan politik. anggapan kita tentang homo politicus sama sekali tidak berlaku bagi tokoh muslim seperti abdul kahar muzakkir, orang yang telah menemukan sesuatu hal yang jauh lebih berharga ketimbang kekuasaan dan gengsi. ketika orang-orang semacam itu tersingkir dari arena politik, mereka tidak panik, tidak pula putus asa atau frustrasi, melainkan mereka memilih untuk mengurusi hal yang menjadi perhatian utamanya, agama. abdul kahar muzakkir, islam, dan politik: revisi pandangan benda dan geertz ben anderson pernah menunjukkan aspek diplomatis dari hubungan antara umat islam dan politik sekuler.22 paparannya tampak cukup menarik. tetapi, saya perlu menambahkan bahwasannya para diplomat jarang berasal dari eselon tertinggi pemimpin sebuah negara, demikian pula “diplomat” umat islam, mereka tidak menduduki struktur tertinggi dalam umat islam. para “diplomat” umat islam yang berpolitik jamaknya adalah tokoh periferi atau kelas dua, namun mereka memiliki keterampilan “diplomatik” sehingga mereka dipercaya untuk mengemban kepentingan umat dalam berurusan dengan pemangku kekuasaan. umat islam membiarkan “politisi muslim” tersebut untuk berbuat semaunya, sekalipun itu pekerjaan kotor. “biarlah,” kata mereka, meski mereka tidak begitu percaya dan menghormati para “politisi muslim.” jadi, dukungan yang diterima para politisi dari umat islam memang agak lemah, dan hubungan antara mereka pun dangkal. alhasil, tak jarang ada politisi muslim kelas 215vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 dua—yang komitmennya terhadap umat islam tidak teguh—yang dibutakan oleh kekuasaan dan gengsi yang sama sekali sekuler hingga akhirnya meninggalkan umat islam demi orang yang berkuasa. di sini, saya akan menyajikan pandangan umum tentang islam dan politik. jika pengamatan saya sejauh ini dapat dipertahankan, maka pandangan saya berseberangan dengan pendekatan benda-geertz di beberapa poin penting. benda memandang politik indonesia pascakolonial sebagai perkelahian segitiga antara golongan priayi (bangsawan dan birokrat), nasionalis sekuler, dan umat islam.23 geertz merevisi pendekatan itu sebagai perkelahian antar aliran dengan orientasi nilai dan pandangan dunia yang berkorelasi dengan basis institusional, komitmen politik, dan afiliasi organisasi.24 ia menemukan ada empat aliran yang sejalan dengan empat partai politik, yakni pni, pki, nu, dan masyumi. geertz sendiri kemudian berusaha menyesuaikan situasi terkini dengan memperkenalkan gagasan perihal perkembangan denominalisasisme; di bawah kuasa militer yang tak tertandingi, aliran-aliran lama pun mulai melunak dan tak lagi bersikap eksklusif antara satu sama lain, mereka berjuang mencari cara untuk dapat hidup bersama dengan damai.25 terlepas dari kebenaran pandangan ini dalam hal-hal detail, salah satu ciri fundamental dari pendekatan aliran-aliran itu adalah mereka dibangun di atas premis bahwa politik indonesia adalah permainan kekuasaan yang dapat dipahami sebagai kompetisi antar kelompok dalam memperebutkan kekuasaan dengan berbekal hak yang kira-kira setara. bagi saya, premis ini dapat dipertanyakan. kendati kita boleh menggunakan metafora bahwa politik adalah permainan, kontes, kompetisi, yang digulirkan berdasarkan aturan yang telah disepakati oleh orang banyak, terkadang politik bukanlah permainan yang adil, khususnya di indonesia. berbagai kelompok yang saling bersaing—jika mereka memang benar-benar bersaing—tidak mulai di posisi yang sama antara satu sama lain. pada kenyataannya, permainan politik ini umumnya sudah tidak adil sejak awal, pasalnya beberapa kelompok sebelumnya sudah memiliki kekuasaan, sedangkan kelompok lain tidak. mozaik politik indonesia pascakolonial selalu diwarnai oleh pembagian antara penguasa dan yang dikuasai, atau antara penggede dan wong cilik. lantas, apa relevansi islam dalam situasi seperti itu? menurut hemat saya, pada umumnya islam utamanya selalu memikat perhatian wong cilik. inilah ironi sejarah. tidak walaupun, tetapi melainkan karena pernah 216 afkaruna ditolak sebagai ideologi negara republik indonesia (penolakan piagam jakarta) maka islam mampu menjadi inspirasi sekaligus menjelma menjadi ungkapan keluhan orang-orang tak berdaya di pinggiran kekuasaan, khususnya tatkala korupsi, penyelewengan wewenang oleh penguasa, dan amat timpangnya pendistribusian kemakmuran merajalela. dalam situasi seperti ini, islam menjadi pedoman untuk menegakkan kejujuran, mempererat ikatan antarmanusia, dan tempat mencari nasihat etis, pedoman yang diambil dari sang absolut, sang maha kuasa tempat berlindung bagi orang-orang lemah. inilah mengapa aspirasi rakyat akan terwujudnya masyarakat yang adil dan makmur sering dijiwai oleh semangat islam. inilah mengapa keluhan khalayak berulang kali diungkapkan dalam bahasa islam, dan yang demikian itu sulit dicegah. namun demikian, dari yang telah saya katakan di awal tidaklah tepat jika kita menganggap ungkapan politik umat islam berusaha membentuk elite tandingan atau elite alternatif yang tujuannya adalah menumbangkan pemerintah petahana. aspirasi politik umat islam yang sejati belum pernah, dan tidak pernah, diarahkan untuk memperebutkan kekuasaan dalam pengertian sekuler. mereka tidak berusaha untuk merebut kekuasaan sekuler, melainkan berjuang keras menciptakan dan mengalami kekuasaan dalam bentuk yang berbeda. politik hanyalah salah satu aspek (aspek sekunder) dari kehidupan umat islam, dan menerjemahkan perilaku politik mereka menggunakan bahasa sekuler hanya akan dapat menghadirkan kebenaran yang setengah benar saja. tujuan mereka berbeda, dan aturan main mereka—atau permainan mereka sendiri—pun juga berbeda, maka seyogianya harus dilihat melalui perspektif mereka sendiri. kepribadian abdul kahar muzakkir: sederhana, ramah, dan ikhlas sesungguhnya, saya dapat melukiskan poin di atas dengan memaparkan kepribadian prof. kahar muzakkir sendiri. jelaslah sekarang bahwa saya begitu terkesan padanya dan menghormatinya secara pribadi. guna meminimalkan subjektivitas yang muncul akibat kekaguman saya kepadanya, dalam menggambarkan kepribadiannya bolehlah kita menggunakan istilah yang biasa digunakan oleh orang jawa.26 tiga istilah itu, yakni sederhana, ramah tamah, dan ikhlas, adalah istilah yang umumnya dipakai untuk menggambarkan kepribadian dan gaya hidupnya. rumahnya, yang diwariskan kepadanya oleh haji muzakkir, berdiri di atas 217vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 sebuah lahan luas dan bangunannya sendiri pun besar. tetapi, tidak ada barang-barang mewah pula bergaya di dalamnya. begitu masuk ke dalam rumah itu, kita dapat melihat furnitur ruang tamu sederhana di pendopo, yang belakang hari dirubah menjadi kamar tamu berdinding. dahulu, salah satu sentong rumah yang sederhana dengan ukuran kira-kira 2,5 meter x 3,5 meter dan berlantai kayu digunakan sebagai kamar studinya dan ruang penginapan tamu. di sana dia biasa duduk di atas tikar, tanpa ada furnitur lainnya selain meja pendek dan beberapa bantal. buku-buku yang ditimbun menghadap dinding hanyalah barang-barang berharga yang ditemukan di sana. satu-satunya kendaraan “modern” milik abdul kahar muzakkir hanyalah motor skuter bekas yang diberikan oleh salah satu mahasiswanya beberapa tahun yang lampau, dan kerap rusak. saat skuternya rusak, untuk pergi menuju universitas islam atau kantor pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah (yang berjarak lima atau enam kilometer dari kotagede) dia pun bersepeda atau naik andong atau becak. sambil mengenakan pakaian sederhana (kemeja putih tua tak berdasi, sarung, sepasang sandal, dan selalu mengenakan peci) abdul kahar muzakkir membalas sapaan orangorang yang dijumpainya di sepanjang jalan. abdul kahar muzakkir benar-benar seorang sosok yang ramah tamah, bersahabat, “informal”, dan murah hati. meski saya cukup jarang bertemu dengannya saat saya tinggal di kotagede, dia selalu meluangkan waktu untuk menerima tamu di jumat pagi, baik itu tamu lokal, nasional, maupun internasional. dia bertemu dengan mereka dalam satu kelompok, mendiskusikan masalah atau permintaan yang diajukan tamu-tamunya satu per satu, meminta komentar dari orang lain yang hadir dalam pertemuan itu. lalu, ketika waktu shalat jumat tiba, sang tuan rumah dan tamu-tamunya bergegas melangkahkan kaki menuju masjid ageng mataram yang berjarak seputaran 200 meter dari rumahnya dan shalat di sana (meski pada 1930-an muhammadiyah sempat memisahkan diri dari masjid ini, tak lama selepas kemerdekaan hubungan antara keduanya kembali baik). lepas itu, tamu-tamunya kembali ke rumahnya dan makan siang bersama. rumah yang saya tempati kala itu hanya berjarak 150 meter dari rumahnya, dan sebetulnya saya dapat dengan mudahnya pulang untuk makan siang, tetapi prof. abdul kahar muzakkir tidak pernah mengizinkan saya untuk “nuwun pamit”. kebanyakan tamunya adalah mahasiswanya, baik dari uii, universitas 218 afkaruna gadjah mada, institut agama islam negeri (iain) sunan kalijaga, ataupun perguruan tinggi dan universitas lain di jawa tengah. salah satu pemandangan khas adalah kerap kali pelajar muslim dari malaysia, thailand, dan filipina pun ikut bertamu ke rumahnya. solidaritas muslim senusantara yang tercipta saat dia belajar di kairo masih terpelihara dan dihidupkan kembali di pendoponya. tamu-tamu yang menghampirinya juga mencakup mantan mahasiswanya yang kini bekerja di sekolah menengah atas, perguruan tinggi, universitas, atau di kantor urusan agama (kua) di berbagai sudut jawa dan tempat-tempat lain di indonesia. sekarang kita beralih ke istilah ketiga, ikhlas. istilah ini jamak digunakan oleh kolega muslim abdul kahar muzakkir untuk melukiskan kepribadiannya. contohnya, suara muhammadiyah menggambarkannya sebagai “pejuang yang ikhlas dan sederhana” dalam orbituarinya. ikhlas—yang artinya tulus hati—adalah kata yang diambil dari al-qur’an dan ada salah satu surat yang bertajuk “al-ikhlas”. sebagai istilah berkenaan etika yang bersifat umum, ikhlas berlawanan dengan pamrih.27 kehidupan prof. abdul kahar muzakkir tentu dapat digambarkan sebagai kehidupan penuh keikhlasan, diwarnai oleh usaha yang tiada putus untuk mengabdi kepada allah, membuang segala keinginan untuk memikirkan kepentingan pribadi, demikian yang diakui oleh lawan politiknya dan umat agama lain. kini muncullah masalah yang menantang dari pengamatan ini. jika kehidupan almarhum prof. abdul kahar muzakkir dapat dikatakan penuh ikhlas dan tanpa pamrih, kita perlu menyadari bahwa istilah-istilah itu berasal dari bahasa yang berbeda. secara etimologis, ikhlas adalah kata dari bahasa arab yang lekat dengan islam, sedangkan pamrih adalah kata dari bahasa jawa dan merupakan kata jadian dari dunia epos hindu-jawa. dengan meninggalkan pamrih seseorang dapat mencapai peringkat kesatria. kedua istilah itu dapat dipandang sebagai istilah kunci dalam dua pandangan dunia yang berbeda, yakni islam dan hindu-jawa. jika demikian, beberapa pengamat boleh jadi kebingunan ketika mengetahui bahwa prof. kahar muzakkir yang seorang muslim reformis digambarkan sebagai sosok yang ikhlas tanpa kenal pamrih oleh kolega-koleganya yang agaknya telah memurnikan islam dari elemen-elemen tak islami. sekarang, masalahnya lebih eksplisit seperti ini, pengamat asing jamak melukiskan bahwa islam—khususnya islam reformis—merupakan berseberangan, antitesis, atau tidak sesuai dengan kejawaan yang tulen.28 akan tetapi, prof. kahar muzakkir dan tokoh-tokoh lain asal kotagede yang sekaliber 219vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 dengannya adalah orang jawa tulen sekaligus muslim yang taat. jika pikiran kita dipenuhi oleh konsep semu tentang antagonisme antara islam dan kejawaan, mustahil bagi kita untuk memahami sosok seperti prof. abdul kahar muzakkir. dia bukanlah seorang penderita skizofrenia budaya. dan dia bukanlah kasus istimewa. terang sekali, “sepi ing pamrih, rame ing gawe” (tidak berpamrih, banyak bekerja)—kata-kata yang oleh ben anderson disebut sebagai motonya kaum priayi jawa—merupakan moto pergerakan muhammadiyah juga.29 lantas, melalui pengamatan ini saya ingin menegaskan bahwa ada bias yang besar dalam lensa pengamatan kita. lensa yang dirancang untuk memilah asal-usul budaya mungkin cocok untuk mengklasifikasi benda mati, tetapi tidak sesuai untuk memahami manusia yang masih hidup. satu hari setelah wafat, jenazah prof. abdul kahar muzakkir ditempatkan di serambi masjid ageng mataram di kotagede, dan ribuan orang datang melayat. kemudian jenazahnya dikebumikan di permakaman kampungnya, dekat makam keluarga dan kerabatnya, termasuk haji muzakkir, haji muchsin, dan haji masyhudi. jumlah para pelayat itu begitu banyak, dan kiranya selama beberapa tahun belakangan kotagede belum pernah dipadati oleh para pelayat sebanyak itu. garibnya, tiada seorang pun perwakilan pemerintah pusat yang hadir kala itu. prosesi pemakaman itu sifatnya sama sekali swasta (tanpa peran pemerintah), sekaligus menjadi saksi atas kesatuan dan kemerdekaan umat islam yang sejenak muncul untuk acara ini. besarnya jumlah pelayat menunjukkan betapa prof. abdul kahar muzakkir begitu dihormati sebagai tokoh dan penasihat oleh banyak orang. dari luar dia boleh tampak tak terkenal, tetapi di tengah umat islam dia adalah sosok cemerlang pemelihara silaturahmi antara masyarakat yang tiada putusnya. kesimpulan kini, mohon izinkan saya mengemukakan poin akhir tentang implikasi kehidupan prof. abdul kahar muzakkir bagi pengetahuan kita tentang indonesia. jika prof. abdul kahar muzakkir terlupakan, maka kitalah yang kurang berpiki r panjang dan melupakannya, tetapi bukan muslim indonesia. jika kita terheran-heran akan keuletan islam di indonesia saat ini (sebagaimana dicerminkan oleh kisah kehidupan dan kematian prof. abdul kahar muzakkir), kitalah yang silap karena telah mengambil fenomena kulit luar untuk dicerna secara mendalam. jika kisah tentang kehidupan 220 afkaruna allahuyarham prof. h. abdul kahar muzakkir ini entah bagaimana berhasil membagikan releksi saya kepada anda sekalian akan kekurangan pengetahuan kita tentang studi indonesia, maka tercapailah maksud utama pembicaraan saya. endnote 1 abdul kahar muzakkir (1908–1973) kerap kali dirancukan dengan kahar muza kka r (qa h ha r mudzakk a r, sekit ar 1919–1965), p emimpin pemberontakan darul islam/tentara islam indonesia sulawesi selatan di sepanjang 1950-an dan awal 1960-an. contohnya, dalam sukarno: a political biography (london: pelican books, 1973) j.d. legge awalnya membedakan ada dua kahar yang berbeda, tetapi kemudian di bagian indeks yang dimunculkannya hanyalah satu kahar saja. william r. roff—dalam “indonesian and malay students in cairo in the 1920’s,” indonesia, no. 9 (april 1970), hlm. 73–87—juga silap mata dalam membaca penulis dokumen yang ditelitinya sebagai abdul kahar muzakkar, yang betul adalah abdul kahar muzakkir. kerancauan ini sebagian adalah akibat dari beragam cara yang sah dalam mentransliterasikan kata dari bahasa arab, yang biasanya membuat pilihan huruf vokal menjadi ambigu ketika dituliskan dalam transkrip inggris atau indonesia. kerancauan ini juga disebabkan oleh terbatasnya pengetahuan pengamat asing soal kahar muzakkir (yang belakangan hari undur diri dari panggung politik nasional), sementara nama kahar muzakkar justru melesat dan mendapatkan perhatian sebagai pemimpin pemberontakan. terkait kahar muzakkar, lihat barbara harvey, “tradition, islam and rebellion, south sulawesi, 1950-1965” (disertasi doktoral di cornell university, 1974). 2 kotagede terletak sekitar enam kilometer di sebelah tenggara kota yogyakarta. dewasa ini, di mata pelancong kota tersebut mahsyur sebagai pusat kerajinan perak. selain itu, kotagede juga merupakan pusat urban tertua dalam sejarah jawa, telah berdiri sejak akhir 1500 ketika kota itu menjadi ibukota pertama kerajaan mataram. menyangkut latar belakang kesejarahan dan catatan kontemporer kota itu pada 1920-an, lihat h.j. van mook, “kuta gede”, dalam w.f. wertheim (peny.), the indonesian town: studies in urban sociology (the hague: w. van hoeve, 1958), hlm. 275–331. 3 terkait perkembangan gerakan islam reformis di kotagede, lihat disertasi saya yang belum diterbitkan, “the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of muhammadijah movement in a central javanese town” (disertasi doktoral di cornell university, 1976). 4 rupanya tarekat syattariyah (atau sadariyah) populer di tengah warga yogyakarta hingga masuknya tarekat naqsyabandiyah dan qadiriyah—yang kemunculannya ditunjang oleh kian eratnya hubungan dengan timur tengah di penghujung abad xix. bandingkan dengan l.w.c. van den berg, “over de devotie der naqsjibendijah in den indischen archipel,” tijdschrift voor indische taal-, landen volkenkunde (bataviaasch genootschap van kunsten en 221vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 wetenschappen), xxviii (1883), hlm. 158–175. tentang peran tarekat dalam pemberontakan petani di abad xix, lihat sartono kartodirdjo, the peasant revolt of banten in 1888. its conditions, course and sequel: a case study of social movements in indonesia (the hague: de nederlandsche boeken steendrukkerij v/h smits, 1966), hlm. 157–165. 5 muhammadiyah sejak awal didirikan untuk memurnikan ibadah dan membangkitkan kembali iman (akidah) di tengah umat islam jawa. persyarikatan ini menekankan pada pembaruan pendidikan tradisional (pesantren) dan mengembangkan aktivitas kesejahteraan sosial. tentang sejarah muhammadiyah di era pra-perang dunia ii, lihat alfian, “islamic modernism in indonesian politics: the muhammadijah movement during the dutch colonial period, 1912-1942” (disertasi doktoral di university of wisconsin, 1969). 6 umumnya, sebagai sekolah agama tradisional, pesantren dapat dijumpai di kawasan perdesaan jawa dan dipimpin oleh ulama atau kiai. pemuda-pemudi lajang menghabiskan beberapa tahun di beberapa pesantren untuk memelajari kurikulum islam tradisional dari berbagai kiai yang berbeda. semua pesantren yang didatangi oleh abdul kahar muzakkir untuk menimba ilmu merupakan pesantren-pesantren terkenal di jawa tengah. terkait pembahasan singkat nan mencerahkan tentang signifikansi pesantren bagi masyarakat jawa, lihat benedict r. o’g. anderson, java in a time of revolution: occupation and resistance, 1944-1946 (ithaca: cornell university press, 1972), hlm.4-10. 7 jawah adalah istilah umum yang digunakan di timur tengah untuk menyebut dunia islam asia tenggara (mencakup thailand, semenanjung malaya, kepulauan indonesia, dan filipina). di senja abad xix dan dekade-dekade awal abad xx, orang-orang jawah yang datang ke mekkah untuk berhaji jumlahnya adalah yang paling dominan jika dibandingkan dengan jamaah haji dari tempat lain. di samping itu jumlah pelajar jawah di timur tengah pun cukup banyak. lihat c. snouck hurgronje, mekka in the latter part of the 19th century: daily life, customs and learning of the moslims of the east-indian archipelago, diterjemahkan oleh j.h. monahan (leiden: brill, 1931). 8 untuk nama-nama organisasi ini, saya mengikuti orbituari prof. abdul kahar muzakkir yang ditampilkan dalam suara muhammadiyah. untuk aktivitas organisasi kedua, dan pemimpin-pemimpinnya, lihat william r. roff, “indonesian and malay students...” dalam tulisan itu roff menyebutnya sebagai “djama‘ah al-chairiah al-talabijja al-azharian al-djawiah,” atau perhimpunan kesejahteraan pelajar “jawa” di universitas al-azhar, ibid., hlm.73. 9 ibid. 10 bandingkan dengan deliar noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, 1900-1942 (oxford university press, 1973), hlm. 157–161. 11 terkait pembahasan mendasar soal partisipasi organisasi islam dalam pemerintahan pendudukan jepang, lihat harry j. benda, the crescent and the rising sun: indonesian islam under the japanese occupation, 1942-1945 (the hague: w. van hoeve, 1958). terkait pembahasan lebih khusus soal 222 afkaruna perkembangan politik yang mengemuka dalam beberapa bulan terakhir masa pendudukan jepang, lihat benedict r. o’g. anderson, some aspects of indonesian politics under the japanese occupation, 1944-1945 (ithaca: cornell modern indonesia project, 1961). 12 menghadapi tuntutan umat islam yang ingin menjadikan islam sebagai dasar negara indonesia yang merdeka, sukarno mengajukan kompromi dalam wujud preambul undang-undang dasar 1945 (uud 1945) yang secara khusus menyebutkan—di samping pancasila—kewajiban menjalankan syariat islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya. dokumen ini kemudian dikenal sebagai piagam jakarta. akan tetapi, di tengah huru-hara di pertengahan agustus 1945 (ketika uud 1945 secara resmi digunakan) bagian kontroversial dari preambul di atas dihapus. di akhir 1950-an, dalam perdebatan di dewan konstituante berbagai partai politik islam menuntut agar piagam jakarta kembali dijadikan preambul resmi untuk undang-undang yang sedang diajukan untuk menggantikan uuds 1950. lihat legge, sukarno: a political biography, hlm. 188–189, 208, dan 303–304. 13 kampus ini dan beberapa iain lainnya dibentuk pada 1950-an untuk mengakomodinir permintaan umat islam atas lembaga pendidikan tinggi islam negeri yang dikelola di bawah kementerian urusan agama, terpisah dari perguruan-perguruan tinggi yang dikelola oleh kementerian pendidikan dan kebudayaan yang sekuler itu. lihat daniel s. lev, islamic courts in indonesia: a study in the political bases of legal institutions (berkeley: the university of california press, 1972), hlm. 104–112. 14 partai masyumi adalah kendaraan politik bagi muhammadiyah dan beberapa organisasi islam reformis lainnya, berkebalikan dengan nahdlatul ulama yang merupakan partainya muslim tradisionalis. soal sejarahnya di era pra-perang dunia ii, lihat deliar noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia. 15 suara muhammadiyah, no. 24, th. ke-53 (desember 1973). 16 hamka, “kenang-kenangan kepada professor abdul kahar muzakkir,” suara muhammadiyah, hlm. 3 dan 20. hamka, atau haji abdul malik karim amrullah, putra seorang tokoh islam reformis yang begitu disanjung di minangkabau, haji abdul karim amrullah. barangkali, hamka sempat menjadi penulis yang paling produktif di lingkungan muhammadiyah, dan pernah pula menjadi pengurus pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. 17 arah kiblat amat sangat penting bagi muslim reformis, pasalnya itu bukan hanya diperintahkan oleh kitab suci, melainkan juga dapat diperhitungkan dengan akurat berbekal pengetahuan dan teknik ilmiah. dahulu, masjidmasjid di yogyakarta dibangun menghadap barat saja, bukan menghadap mekkah, dan hal itu dianggap sebagai pelanggaran terhadap agama sekaligus pertanda bangkrutnya pengetahuan masyarakat. kritik serupa juga berlaku pada kebiasaan-kebiasaan yang menyertai mulainya bulan puasa. bandingkan dengan deliar noer, the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, hlm.74, 76, 81, 224. 18 terkait reformisme muhammad ‘abduh dan rashid ridha, lihat malcolm 223vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 h. kerr, islamic reform: the political and legal theories of muhammad abduh and rashid rida (berkeley and los angeles: the university of california press, 1966). menyangkut contoh pandangan “ortodoks” tentang pengaruh reformisme islam langgam mesir di indonesia, lihat clifford geertz, the religion of java (the free press of glencoe, 1960)·, hlm. 137–138. 19 roff, “indonesian and malay students...”, hlm. 74. 20 ibid. 21 pembahasan yang terperinci soal perkembangan politik di indonesia sepanjang 1950-an (periode demokrasi parlementer) tersaji dalam tulisan herbert feith, the decline of constitutional democracy in indonesia (ithaca: cornell university press, 1962). soal ikhtisar gerakan-gerakan islam dalam periode tersebut dan setelahnya, lihat b.j. boland, the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, verhandelingen van het koninklijk instituut voor tall-, landen volkenkunde, no. 59, (the hague: martinus nijhoff, 1971). 22 benedict r. o’g. anderson, “the idea of power in javanese culture,” dalam claire holt (peny.), culture and politics in indonesia (ithaca: cornell university press, 1972), hlm. 1–69, khususnya hlm. 61–62. 23 benda, the crescent and the rising sun, khususnya hlm. 195–204. 24 terkait konsep aliran yang diadopsi dan diuraikan ke dalam bahasa analisis, lihat clifford geertz, “the javanese village,” dalam g. william skinner (peny.), local, ethnic and national loyalties in village indonesia: a symposium. southeast asia studies, cultural report series no. 8 (new haven: yale university, 1959), hlm.37–41; dan the social history of an indonesian town (cambridge, mass.: the mit press, 1965), hlm. 127–129, 147–149. 25 clifford geertz, “religious change and social order in soeharto’s indonesia,” asia, no. 27 (autumn 1972), hlm. 62–84. 26 selain karya hamka yang bertajuk “kenang-kenangan kepada professor abdul kahar muzakkir,” ada pula karya lain berbahasa indonesia tentang kehidupan dan kiprah prof. abdul kahar muzakkar, di antaranya: tjiptoning, “over prof. abdul kahar muzakkir,” cultureel nieuws indenesie (amsterdam), no. 20, islam-numer, 1952, hlm. 370–372; toana rusdy, “prof. abdul kahar muzakkir,” hikmah, tahun ke-x, no. 46 (desember 14, 1957), hlm. 16-17; k.h.s. agustjik, “prof: abdul kahar muzakkir fi zimmatillah,” abadi (desember 7, 1973); prof. dr. h.m. rasjidi, “mengenang almarhum prof. a. kahar muzakkir,” abadi, (desember 12 dan 13, 197 3). 27 terkait pamrih, lihat juga anderson, “the idea of power,” hlm. 39–40. tentang ikhlas, lihat anderson, java in a time of revolution..., hlm. 5–6. 28 harry j. benda, “continuity and change in indonesian islam,” asian and african studies (jerusalem 1965), hlm. 123–138; khususnya hlm. 133. 29 bandingkan dengan verslag moehammadijah di hindia-timoer, tahun ke-x (djokjakarta: pengoeroes besar moehammadijah, 1923), hlm. 11; peringatan congres moehammadijah ke-xxi (yogyakarta: hoofdbestuur moehamadijah hindia-timoer, 1932), hlm. 42. 224 afkaruna daftar pustaka agustjik, k.h.s. 1973. “prof: abdul kahar muzakkir fi zimmatillah,” abadi (desember 7, 1973). alfian. 1969. “islamic modernism in indonesian politics: the muhammadijah movement during the dutch colonial period, 1912-1942.” disertasi doktoral di university of wisconsin. anderson, benedict r. o’g. 1961. some aspects of indonesian politics under the japanese occupation, 1944-1945. ithaca: cornell modern indonesia project. ______. 1972. “the idea of power in javanese culture.” dalam claire holt (peny.). 1972. culture and politics in indonesia. ithaca: cornell university press. ______. 1972. java in a time of revolution: occupation and resistance, 1944-1946. ithaca: cornell university press. benda, harry j. 1958. the crescent and the rising sun: indonesian islam under the japanese occupation, 1942-1945. the hague: w. van hoeve. ______. 1965. “continuity and change in indonesian islam,” asian and african studies (jerusalem 1965). van den berg, l.w.c. 1883, “over de devotie der naqsjibendijah in den indischen archipel,” tijdschrift voor indische taal-, landen volkenkunde. batavia: bataviaasch genootschap van kunsten en wetenschappen, xxviii. boland, b.j. 1971. the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, verhandelingen van het koninklijk instituut voor tall-, landen volkenkunde, no. 59. the hague: martinus nijhoff. feith, herbert. 1962. the decline of constitutional democracy in indonesia. ithaca: cornell university press. geertz, clifford. 1959. “the javanese village.” dalam g. william skinner (peny.). 1959. local, ethnic and national loyalties in village indonesia: a symposium. southeast asia studies, cultural report series no. 8. new haven: yale university. ______. 1960. the religion of java. the free press of glencoe. ______. 1965. the social history of an indonesian town. cambridge, mass.: the mit press. ______. 1972. “religious change and social order in soeharto’s indonesia,” asia, no. 27 (autumn 1972). hamka, “kenang-kenangan kepada professor abdul kahar muzakkir,” suara muhammadiyah, no. 24, th. ke-53 (desember 1973). harvey, barbara. 1974 “tradition, islam and rebellion, south sulawesi, 19501965”. disertasi doktoral di cornell university. hoofdbestuur muhammadiyah. 1923. verslag moehammadijah di hindia-timoer, tahun ke-x. djokjakarta: pengoeroes besar moehammadijah. ______. 1932. peringatan congres moehammadijah ke-xxi. yogyakar t a: hoofdbestuur moehamadijah hindia-timoer. hurgronje, c. snouck. 1931. mekka in the latter part of the 19th century: daily life, customs and learning of the moslims of the east-indian archipelago. leiden: brill. 225vol. 15 no. 2 desember 2019 kartodirdjo, sartono. 1966. the peasant revolt of banten in 1888. its conditions, course and sequel: a case study of social movements in indonesia. the hague: de nederlandsche boeken steendrukkerij v/h smits. kerr, malcolm h. 1966. islamic reform: the political and legal theories of muhammad abduh and rashid rida. berkeley and los angeles: the university of california press. legge, j.d. 1973. sukarno: a political biography. london: pelican books. lev, daniel s. 1972. islamic courts in indonesia: a study in the political bases of legal institutions. berkeley: the university of california press. van mook, h.j. 1958. “kuta gede.” dalam w.f. wertheim (peny.). 1958. the indonesian town: studies in urban sociology. the hague: w. van hoeve. nakamura, mitsuo. 1976. “the crescent arises over the banyan tree: a study of muhammadijah movement in a central javanese town.” disertasi doktoral di di cornell university. noer, deliar. 1973. the modernist muslim movement in indonesia, 1900-1942. oxford university press. rasjidi, m. 1973. “mengenang almarhum prof. a. kahar muzakkir,” abadi, (desember 12 dan 13, 1973). roff, william r. 1970. “indonesian and malay students in cairo in the 1920’s,” indonesia, no. 9 (april 1970), hlm. 73–87. rusdy, toana. 1957. “prof. abdul kahar muzakkir,” hikmah, tahun ke-x, no. 46 (desember 14, 1957) suara muhammadiyah, no. 24, th. ke-53 (desember 1973). tjiptoning. 1952. “over prof. abdul kahar muzakkir,” cultureel nieuws indenesie (amsterdam), no. 20, islam-numer. afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 the inefficiency of zakat management in baznas sragen indonesia doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0121.209-227 agus wahyu triatmo1, ravik karsidi2, drajat tri kartono3, suwarto4 community development department1, postgraduate school universitas sebelas maret2, surakarta, indonesia, faculty of social and political sciences3, universitas sebelas maret surakarta, indonesia, faculty of agriculture universitas sebelas maret4, surakarta, indonesia correspondence email: aguswt69@gmail.com1 abstract the purpose of this paper is to analyze the problems of zakat governance in indonesia, with the case study of baznas in sragen regency. this study was qualitative research with the perspective of institutional theory. results indicated that: (1) baznas sragen has a relatively high transaction cost due to several factors, particularly the costs of seeking information and monitoring; (2) baznas sragen conducts asymmetric information which is characterized by the lack of transparency, accountability, and fairness; (3) baznas sragen has a potential to perform opportunistic behavior in the form of political contamination in the distribution of zis funds. the less efficient governance causes the less optimal performance of baznas sragen, either in the limited amount of zakat fundraising or in its performance in empowering the poor. keywords: philanthropic institutions, governance, transaction cost, asymmetric information, performance introduction the tradition of philanthropy among muslims in indonesia in the last three decades has developed dynamically. among those phenomenal developments is the emergence of various zakat institution, either conducted by the government or several private sectors. the indonesian government establishes the national zakat board (badan amil zakat nasional, baznas) at the level of central, provincial, and regency. the zakat institution presents in every province or regency in indonesia. according to the head of baznas, there are at least 520 regency baznas, 34 provincial baznas, and 1 central baznas. meanwhile, there are 255 zakat board organization (lembaga amil 210 afkaruna zakat, laz) from private sectors.1 nevertheless, the large number of zakat institution is not ensued with the people’s awareness in fulfilling zakat activities through these zakat institutions. most people prefer to pay zakat directly to the mustahik or the recipients who are eligible to receive zakat. as an illustration, dompet dhuafa republika in 2009 had conducted a survey on people’s assumption about zakat mal in jabotabek (jakarta, bogor, tangerang, and bekasi). it was found out that there are only 2,1% who submitted zakat through zakat institution. meanwhile, 33,2% submitted zakat through mustahik, 18,3% to mosques, 2,1% to kiai or ulama, 2,1% to social organizations, the rests did not answer.2 the phenomenon of the low public awareness in submitting zakat through zakat management organizations is a challenge for the zakat institution. on the other hand, it also shows that the performance of the zakat management organization has not been optimal. according to lisa, and bukowski, the low performance of a zakat management organization is caused by many unresolved problems surrounding the management of the zakat institution.3 according to them, the problems of zakat management are at least caused by two factors, internal and external. the internal problems are: (1) the zakat institution leadership is not way professional, (2) the low availability of the infrastructures of the zakat management, such as the office buildings, administration system, and information technology. meanwhile, the external factor is the low level of public trust to the zakat management organization due to the lack of intensive publication through media. baznas sragen can be considered as a unique zakat management organization. it has gained a lot of achievements but, unfortunately, its performance has not been optimal. institutionally, during three consecutive years (2013, 2014, 2015), baznas sragen has successfully achieved zakat award, a national award given by the government. the first zakat award in 2013 was achieved for its success in integrating the poverty alleviation program between baznas and the local government of sragen regency. the integration was seen in the form of the synergy of mustahik data and the poverty management integrated service unit (unit pelayanan terpadu penanggulangan kemiskinan, uptpk) of sragen regency. the second zakat award was achieved in 2014 for its quick response in serving the public. the third zakat award was achieved in 2015 for its well-defined and systematic procedure, stated in the form of a standard operational procedure (sop), in 211vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 organizing zakat, including the mustahik data collection, data verification, and zakat distribution.4 however, the aforementioned achievements and awards do not affect the public trust to pay zakat through baznas sragen. civil employees, who are the target of its operation, have not entirely become the muzakki (zakat payers) in this organization. from the total of 13.500 civil employees, only 36% becomes the muzzaki of baznas. likewise, there are no companies, private or government business entities which pay their zakat through baznas sragen. the zakat, infak and shodaqoh (zis) funds successfully collected by baznas sragen are still in the range of 150-200 million idr per month.5 compared to baznas in karanganyar regency, which managed to collect its zis funds reaching 1 billion idr every month, the funds of baznas sragen are still minimal.6 the paradox between the organization’s governance and performance in collecting zis funds raise questions: (1) why is the performance of baznas sragen considered not optimal?, (2) are there any problems in the governance of baznas sragen? this article aims at describing the problems in the institutional governance of baznas sragen. literature review a. previous research the interesting theme of zakat management has invited many scholars to conduct research on this field. kadir (et.al) conducts a research on the muzzaki of 462 companies in malaysia.7 the research finds that the components of the company, including the board of directors, the stock ownership, the size of the company, and the profitability level do not influence the zakat payment of the business organizations. merlinda (et.al) in their research finds that the understanding of moderate law, nishab (the limit of wealth ownership), and the period of zakat payment are the factors influencing the decision of a muslim in submitting zakat.8 meanwhile, lisa conducts a research about factors that support and obstruct the implementation of zakat management.9some of the supporting factors are the socialization of zakat in the society and the support of the public figures. on the other hand, the obstructing factors are the lack understanding of the people, the quality of human resources of the administrators, the lack of facilities and infrastructures. norazlina conducts a research on zakat institutions organized by the government.10 the research states that the system of zakat payment, the computerized zakat, the audit committee, and 212 afkaruna the decentralization are the factors influencing zakat management in malaysia. thus, norazlina suggests that modernization in zakat management is needed.11 bukowski states that zakat has not been able to give contribution to the economic development in pakistan due to the mismanagement and corruption in zakat management.12 kadir and merlinda focus on factors influencing individual and company muzzaki in submitting zakat.13 meanwhile, bukowski, lisa and norazlina focus their research on the management of zakat organizations.14 however, those research stated above have not analyzed zakat management organizations comprehensively. therefore, the perspective of institutional theory, as used in this research, is needed. b. institutional theory as perspective this research uses institutional theory as the perspective. according to williamson institution is formal and informal rules as well as its enforcement mechanism forming individual and organizational behaviors in society.15 institution has four reciprocal interconnected stages, they are: social embeddedness or informal institution embedded within society; institutional environment consisting of formal rules; good governance to reduce transaction cost; and agency theory or the management of natural and human resources. within the perspective of institutional governance, zakat payment by muzakki to zakat institution is a contractual relationship between the principal and the agent. muzakki or the principal is a property right holder. the property is in the form of zakat, infaq, shodaqah, or wakaf (usually called as ‘ziswaf’) which is prepared to be transferred to the agent or the zakat institution. meanwhile, zakat institution is an organization arranged to distribute the mandated-funds or ziswaf funds to mustahik based on the rules. zakat institution must be responsible for this zakat management and report it to muzzaki or other stakeholders. the relationship between the principal and the agent would run efficiently if the governance system applied are able to minimize the transaction cost.16 governance system is the rule of the game forming the behaviors of other parties involved in the transaction process. rule of game aims to create good order that can reduce uncertainty and conflict, as well as create mutual gains.17 rule of game also aims to reduce the transaction cost and to prevent asymmetric information. 213vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 transaction cost is fund used to negotiate, measure, and force an exchange.18 transaction cost may also include three wide categories, including: (1) the cost of seeking information, (2) the cost of bargaining, the decision to execute contract, (3) the cost of monitoring, forcing, and fulfilling/conducting.19 transaction cost is often used to measure the efficiency of the institutional design. the higher the transaction cost the less efficient the designedinstitution.20 agency theory states that, occasionally, there is a conflict of interest in the contractual relationship between the principal and the agent, where the agent has more access to the company information compared to the principal. this phenomenon is called as “asymmetric information”.21 the unbalanced ownership of information causes the agent to perform “opportunistic behavior”, or acts that benefit themselves but harming other (the principal), including moral hazard and diverse selection.22 consequently, the institutional governance can be more efficient when asymmetric information can be prevented. in the context of muzzaki and zakat institution relationship, transaction cost can be reduce when muzakki gets: (1) adequate information about the quality, the types, and the prize of the programs, (2) easiness in zis payment transaction, (3) easiness to conduct monitoring program to the agent in fulfilling the contract. on the other hand, asymmetric information in the context of zakat management can be prevented when the agent accommodate the principles of good governance in organizing zakat institution. good governance is actually a concept originated from agency theory. it has four main principles, they are: transparency, accountability, responsibility, and fairness.23 methodology this is a qualitative research.24 qualitative is used for its naturalistic characteristic. thus, it is possible to identify, describe the background, define systematically, and provide details about institutional governance. this research is also a case study in an islamic philanthropy organization managed by the local government of sragen regency, namely badan amil zakat nasional (baznas) sragen regency, central java, indonesia. 25 the technique of data collection is in-depth interview with the board of leaders, either the consideration board, daily executive board, muzakki, and mustahik. besides, the data is also collected through observation. the secondary technique documentation used in collecting the data is available in the organization archives. the data collected were analyzed inductively; by means of conclusion 214 afkaruna which was broaden, developed, and started in field; from a fragmentary to an interrelated data. the data analysis was done in four stages: data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusion.26 result and analysis a. profile of baznas sragen similar to other baznas, the establishment of baznas sragen was based on the opinions of several ulama stating that the management of zakat is the responsibility and the authority of the government.27 according to the head of the indonesian ulema council (majelis ulama indonesia, mui) sragen regency, based on surah at-tawbah 9:103 the management of zakat is the government’s domain.28 the management of zakat conducted by the local government of sragen regency was started in 1991, when the minister of religious affairs and the minister of home affairs released joint decree letter or no.29 of 1991 on the management of national board of zakat, infaq, and shodaqah (badan amil zakat infak shodaqoh, bazis). in response to the joint decree letter, the local government of sragen along with the ulama from various islamic community organizations, including nahdlotul ulama (nu), muhammadiyah, indonesian islamic dakwah institution (lembaga dakwah islam indonesia, ldii), and majlis tafsir al-quran (mta); decided to found bazis. the establishment of this organization was based on the decision letter of sragen distric head no. 451.5/06/212/1991. following the issue of act no.38 of 1999 and act no. 23 of 2011 on zakat management, bazis adjusted its organization and changed its name into board of zakat (badan amil zakat, baz) and national zakat board (baznas) sragen regency. according to act no. 23 of 2011, baznas is a non-structural government organization (article 5, verse 3) having two functions: (1) as a government representation in managing zakat with the main duty as a facilitator, coordinator, and supervisor of all zakat institution in sragen regency, (2) as an operator of zakat management in the district. regency baznas obliges to report the realization of their main duties and functions to province baznas and the regency government (verse 29). in the context of baznas sragen, the report of the zakat management implementation is done in plenary session, attended by all the members of considering board, principals, and employees of baznas. even though there are no obligatory rules, the principals of baznas is 215vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 designed to be integrated with the regency government. structurally, baznas principals are under the board of consideration, consisting of the regent and the vice regent, the chairman of mui sragen, and the head of ministry of religious affairs of sragen regency. the slightly feudalistic leadership is a form of a local wisdom, which is obtained to get legitimacy before the people of sragen regency, particularly among the civil employees as the prospective muzzaki. as the operator of zakat management, baznas sragen is asked to collect, distribute, and empower the zis funds. in order to conduct these responsibilities, all zakat institution in sragen regency are agreed to divide their working areas. this effort aims to avoid overlapping and seizure working areas among the zakat organizations. thus, conducive working environment can be gained. in the division of the working areas, baznas acquires special operating areas among the civil employees, indonesian army (tentara nasional indonesia, tni), indonesian national police (kepolisian republik indonesia, polri), stateowned enterprises (badan usaha milik negara, bumn), local governmentowned enterprises (badan usaha milik daerah, bumd), and other private companies.29 based on the division of the working areas as stated above, it is found out that muzakki baznas is a community of fixed income people, including the civil employees, tni and polri, as well as the chairman of bumd and private companies. baznas uses fundraising strategy or sallary deduction. in this strategy, the chairman of baznas approaches the chairman of all government or local institutions and persuades them so that the chairman and the staffs are willing to pay zakat through baznas. however, even until this research was completed not all civil employees were willing to pay zakat through baznas. in the era of digital information, baznas organizers also utilize information technology (it). among those applications is management information system (sim), in which virtual office (kantor maya, kantaya) exists. using this application, baznas is connected through internet to all the government bureaucracy in sragen regency. in the distribution of zakat, baznas utilizes harmonious management information system of sukowati residents (sistim informasi manajemen serasi warga sukowati, simsaraswati). simsaraswati is a data service center for the poors in sragen regency organized by integrated service unit of poverty alleviation (unit pelayanan terpadu penanggulangan kemiskinan, upt pk). all mustahik are registered on this 216 afkaruna system. the whole services are finally inserted in the center of data and information (pusat data dan informasi, pusdi), which is functioned as filtration, so that mustahik would not receive the same aids for several years.30 even though the amount of its zakat collection have not been large, the management of baznas sragen can be categorized as the best compared to other identical organizations in other regions. among those predominance is that baznas sragen has a sop in zakat management, started from the collection, the submission, to the empowerment. besides, there is a technology information based zakat management. as an appreciation given by the government, baznas sragen received zakat awards in three consecutive years: 2013, 2014, 2015. b. baznas sragen from institutional perspective islamic norm as the rules islam in the source of norm and law of zakat management. in order to guarantee that the zakat management is based on islamic teaching, baznas is guided by the fatwa and guidance of mui. the islamic concept of zakat is very clear. however, there are a lot of development during the implementation. thus, modernization of thought or ijtihad is needed.31 in conducting ijtihad, mui does not only hold on one madzhab, but it also compares four imam madzhab. after comparing, mui searches for the most appropriate one to be implemented in sragen. in the case of muzakki for instance, mui follows the imam malik (711–795 m) statement, who states that people who are eligible to conduct zakat are all professions which earn money. it is different from conventional mahdzab stating that muzakki are only those come from agricultural, farming, mining, trading professions. in response to profession zakat, mui states that the haul (the limit of the wealth owned by muzakki) is one year. according to mui, almost all people who have fixed income are actually considered as fulfilling the criteria of one year haul for the estimation of salary is actually defined for the period of a year, thus, only the payment is given on each month. therefore, profession zakat has been fulfilled the criteria of haul. the next issue is the use of zakat for public facilities. in contrast to conventional thinking, which is oriented towards imam shafi’i (767-819 m), the recipient of zakat is an independent servant (abdun harun), not for public facilities. in this case, the mui follows the opinion stated in the tafsir book written by munir khalil al bantani, tafsir fauzi, that the name fi sabilillah is fi 217vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 sbilil khair (for the path of goodness). therefore, the use of zakat for public facilities, including building bridges, highways, and mosques; is permissible.32 among those opinions stated by mui as the board of consideration, it can be concluded that baznas management is actually based on modern and inclusive islamic thoughts. consequently, there is actually no reason for baznas for not becoming a professional organization equipped with good governance. the transaction cost in baznas governance based on the point of view of institutional, the efficiency of the organizational governance of baznas sragen is determined by the ability of minimizing the transaction cost.33 transaction cost can be divided into three components: information cost, negotiation cost, and monitoring cost. these three components are used to analyze the management of baznas sragen. n information cost baznas sragen does not provide adequate information about the quality, the types, ang the program cost; either from printed, electronic, or social media; to the muzakki or potential muzakki. zakkaaha as the media connecting baznas and muzakki or the public, only provides photo gallery portraying the organization’s activities without any narration, and the financial report about the amount of zakat received by each uptd.34 baznas would give information about the report of its program implementation every year in the plenary meeting. this report is given to the board of consideration, not to the muzakki.35 fundraising strategy conducted by baznas to gain prospective muzakki’s trust is by establishing zakat collector unit (unit pengumpul zakat, upz) which are available in various governmental offices in the local government of sragen. this fundraising strategy does not aim to “sell” the programs but to expect for the muzakki to participate on the programs. therefore, baznas sragen does not provide detail information about the quality, the types, and the cost of the programs to the public. consequently, the public or the muzakki find difficulties in gaining information about the management of zakat. on the other words, the public needs high cost to gain information about the quality, the types, and the cost of the programs. this high cost is possibly the reason why people are reluctant to submit zakat through baznas sragen. n negotiation cost in the context of zakat management, negotiation cost is the cost that 218 afkaruna must be submitted by the muzakki to conduct zakat payment transaction with zakat organization as the agent. baznas relies on salary deduction as the transaction technique of zakat payment. based on the map of muzakki division, almost all benefactors of baznas are civil employees achieving fixed income for their institution. thus, the technique of salary deduction is the most efficient technique with low cost of negotiation. on the other hand, the system of salary deduction cannot be applied to people having no fixed incomes. in order to attract people with no fixed income, baznas prepares zakat technique payment through bank account though it is seldom used. seen from the negotiation cost, salary deduction technique facilitates potential muzakki to submit their zakat through baznas. therefore, negotiation cost component is suspected as the obstacle for the potential muzakki, particularly the civil employees to pay zakat through baznas. n monitoring cost the qualified monitoring system becomes a warranty that an institution is managed well. according to act no.23 of 2011, the monitoring system of zakat institution can be conducted by the government or the society. baznas uses internal and external monitoring systems. the internal monitoring system is conducted by the board of internal supervisor included in the structure of the management of baznas sragen. this board of supervisor monitors the financial management regularly, once in three months. the results of this monitoring activity becomes the material for internal evaluation. on the other hand, for the external monitoring system, baznas sragen prefers to rely on the monitoring system owned and used by the government institution, the regional inspectorate department. the monitoring activity managed by the inspectorate department is an obligatory. baznas has not invited professional auditor for its external monitoring activity. seen from the efficiency of the monitoring cost, both supervisors of baznas are actually considered as internal supervisors as both of them come from the same institution. they are actually under the local government of sragen regency. therefore, the results of the monitoring from both supervisors contain less legitimate value. it would be different if baznas uses professional auditors. on the other words, the cost of the monitoring system is high or people need higher cost to find out the result of the valid and credible results. this factor is probably the cause that makes the people reluctant to pay zakat through baznas. 219vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 asymmetric information in baznas governance asymmetric information is the information mastery which is unbalance between the agent and the principal. in a contractual relationship between the agent and the principal, there is a tendency where the agent owns more information rather than the principal. if the asymmetric information occurs, the agent has the potential to carry out opportunistic behavior that benefits him unilaterally and is detrimental to the principal.36 in the context of zakat management, the principal is the muzakki while the agent is the zakat institution. according to afif, a good zakat organization is an organization which can prevent asymmetric information.37asymmetric information can be prevented when the organization apply good governance in managing its duties. good governance has four indicators: transparency, accountability, fairness, and responsibility.38 in this research, these indicators, except the responsibility, are used to observe the management of baznas sragen. n transparency the organizers of baznas sragen has actually realized the importance of transparency in managing zakat organization. as an indication, as stated above, baznas has accommodated the implementation of various internet applications in managing ziswaffunds. with the establishment of internet technology, mistakes and all types of inefficiency in the management of baznas can be avoided. this aspect, probably, gives contribution to the trust shared by the stakeholders towards baznas sragen. baznas sragen also develops transparency by making use of various media. some of the media are “zakkaaha” magazine and bulletin, social mediain the form of facebook application or websites. the utilization of these significant media is due to the popularity of social media for the people of sragen. however, the awareness of the media utilization is not in accordance with the capability of managing the media. almost all of those media are not managed professionally. consequently, the contents or the period of the publication have not been ideal. “zakkaaha” has various contents, including the editor’s preface, main paper, “teladan”,”tazkiyah”, “motivasi”, “pojok zakat”, “jendela keluarga”, “laporan keuangan”, “muslimah”, and “senyum”. however, almost all of the contents are not the original works of the editors or the magazine’s team. the contents are the result of “copy-then-paste” activity from other media.39 consequently, the media does not have the ability to attract readers. one of the indications is the aloofness of the muzakki towards 220 afkaruna those media stated above.40 the information of the zakat management is only available in the laporan keuangan (financial report) menu, particularly about the amount of zakat received by baznas for the last three months. the activities of baznas are only reported in the form of photos without any adequate description. as stated before, baznas also uses its website on http://baznassragen.com as well as its facebook account. however, similar to its printed media zakkahaa, up until this research has been done, the use of its social media and website is not optimal. furthermore, the management of the social media and the website is not professional. the website and the facebook account of baznas sragen rarely share update information. the use of the media as the transparency tool is not optimal due to the less capability of the human resources who become the organizers of the media, either from the quality or the quantity. from the quality aspect, the organizers of baznas’ media are not the professionals. they are actually the staffs of baznas who are asked to manage the social media. in terms of quantity, the number of the organizers are not adequate. there are only one or two staffs who are assigned to manage all baznas’ media. consequently, the public, particularly the muzzaki, find difficulties in gaining information about the zakat management. it means that baznas sragen has not exerted its maximum efforts in accommodating transparency, as part of good governance. seen from transparency aspect, baznas sragen has performed asymmetric information which leads to the potential of performing opportunistic behavior. n accountability as the feedback of the mandate given by the muzzaki, baznas as the zakat organizer must be responsible to the muzzaki related to the management of the zakat fund. the public’s trust is expected to increase if the organizers perform good accountability. this the importance of accountability for zakat organizers. baznas implements the accountability through plenary meeting held once a year. the plenary meeting is attended by the board of considerations, the board of supervisors, the board of managers, as well as the daily administrators and staffs. in this plenary meeting, the board of managers reports the management of zakat, infak, shadaqah, and wakaf (ziswaf) funds during one year. besides, programs for the following year are also arranged in this plenary meeting.41 221vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 in accordance with the logic of accountability as stated above, the managers of baznas should also be responsible to the muzakki. however, baznas sragen does not hold responsible to the muzakki as the principle. baznas sragen shares its responsibility to the government through the board of considerations consisting of the regent, the vice regent, the chairman of mui sragen, and the head of ministry of religious affairs sragen. on the other hand, as the plenary meeting is used as the media of sharing its responsibility, actually baznas has not conducted accountability to the muzakki. therefore, muzakki as the principle do not have any information whether their mandates are delivered to the muzakki or not. this phenomenon shows the asymmetric information done by the agent which potentially leads to opportunistic behavior. the procedure of responsibility above shows that, institutionally, baznas has two organizational structures: under the principal or the muzakki, and under the government represented by the board of considerations. this structures create an ambiguous attitude performed by the organizers. on one side, baznas needs the public’s trust or the prospective muzakki. the trust would emerge as the result of the responsibilities conducted by baznas. on the other hand, baznas needs the leadership legitimacy of the regent and the vice regent in order to conduct its duty in collecting zakat from the civil employees under the local government of sragen. n fairness fairness can be seen in the democratic leadership system. democratic leadership system enables people to divide the authorities into three fields: legislative, executive, and judiciary. this division of authorities prevent the injustice behaviors. baznas sragen has performed democratization on its leadership system. among those democracy activities are: the presence of the board of considerations as the legislative representation, the board of supervisors as the judiciary representation, and the board of managers as the executive representation. however, the regent and the vice regent are included in the board of considerations. thus, there is a domination of authority on one field towards the others. the board of managers that gets legitimacy from the board of consideration becomes powerfull before the muzakki. most of the muzakki are the civil employees who are considered as powerless. this kind of structure may potentially create injustice condition in the management of baznas sragen. at this point, baznas could potentially violate the fairness that leads to asymmetric information then to opportunis222 afkaruna tic behavior. some of the forms of opportunistic behaviors are moral deviation. moral deviation is not always in the form of financial benefit for the agent but also in the form of unethical other behaviors. in the context of baznas sragen, the moral deviation is probably seen in the political contamination of zakat management, particularly in the distribution of zakat which is usually conducted by the regent. the regent, in this activity, is the representation of the head of the government as well as the representation of a particular political group. zakat as a religious institution should be free from this kind of practical politics.42 the performance of baznas sragen the lower the transaction cost, the more efficient the institutional design. the more efficient the institutional design, the higher the performance of the institution. one of the performance done by baznas is zakat collection. the result of zakat collection is 150-200 million rupiah per month. this amount is still considered low compared to the zakat potential of the operation area. as stated above, from the total number of the civil employees in sragen regency, only 34% pays their duty of zakat through baznas. if it is compared with the results of the zakat submission done by baznas of karanganyar regency, it is still considered low. baznas karanganyar could receive 1 billion rupiah every month although, seen from its social-geographical aspect, it has a similar socio-economic background with baznas sragen. the other performance indicator is the empowerment of the zakat for empowering the poor. in 2016-2017, most of the zakat funds were distributed in the form of charity. the empowerments were only done in the field of economic, particularly on small and middle scale business (usaha mikro kecil menengah, umkm). in this field, baznas has two programs of empowerment: capital financial for the poor (modal usaha dhuafa, mud) and productive economic program (program ekonomi produktif, pep). mud was implemented by providing capital assistance in the amount of 2 million rupiah to the poor who have initiated business. while pep was done by providing capital assistance in the amount of 3 million rupiah to the volunteers (mujahid), who also hadinitiated productive economic business, in various religious institutions. according to the process, the empowerment should fulfill three stages, including enabling, capacity building, and empowering.43 however, in fact, 223vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 baznas sragen only conducts empowering stage. due to its constraint, baznas do not conduct enabling and capacity building stages. based on the interview with dewi, the constraint emerged as the result of the limited number of its human resources. based on those data stated above, it can be concluded that the performance of baznas sragen is not optimal.44 based on the results and discussions, it can be concluded that this research justifies the theory stated by yustika, who says that the transaction cost shows the efficiency of the institutional design.45 the result indicated that the insignificant performance of baznas sragen occurs because its governance has not been efficient. this inefficiency of the governance is due to the high transaction cost and the opportunistic behavior. conclusion and recommendation baznas sragen relies its organizational design to the islamic doctrines. according to baznas, the islamic doctrines about zakat has been remarkably perfect. however, the perfectness of the doctrine does not close the chance for the renewal of islamic thoughts, by means of actualizing the islamic doctrines, based on the renewable sociocultural facts. unfortunately, within its intuitional design, baznas sragen is trapped on its governance which tends to be exclusive and static. this tendencyaffects the less efficient institutional design, reflected on the high cost of transactions and the asymmetric information. a further consequence is the performance of baznas; either in collecting, distributing, or empowering the zakat funds the zakat funds that have been collected by baznas sragen are still considered low compared to other institutions with almost the same social, economic, and geographical background. the same case also happens in the use of the zakat funds which is only applied for empowering the economic field, particularly on small and middle scale business. the steps taken during the empowering activities are not complete. baznas only conducts empowerment but shares no activities on enabling and capacity building. this paper recommends that, baznas sragen regency should make improvements to its institutional design by implementing the principles of good governance. thus it will have an impact on more efficient management and more optimal performance. 224 afkaruna endnotes 1 sudibyo, “strategi zakat nasional (ppt presentasi pada seminar nasional “filantropi islam kontemporer) di iain surakarta pada 31 agustus 2016.” 2 huda, zakat perspektif mikro-makro: pendekatan riset. 3 lisa, “implementation of management zakat as a local revenue.” also see bukowski, “social role of alms (zakat) in islamic economies.” 4 ulin, wawancara dengan ulin tenteng baznas sragen pada 20 mei 2017. 5 baznas karanganyar, “profil baznas karanganyar.” 2016 6 baznas karanganyar. 2016 7 kadir, “factors influencing a business towards zakat payment in malaysia.” 8 merlinda, burhan, and ekawaty, “the determinant of moslem’s decision in performing commerce zakat payment: case study in malang city, east java province.” 9 lisa, “implementation of management zakat as a local revenue.” 10 wahab and rahman, “determinants of efficiency of zakat institutions in malaysia: a non-parametric approach.” 11 wahab and rahman. 12 bukowski, “social role of alms (zakat) in islamic economies.” see also lisa, “implementation of management zakat as a local revenue.” and merlinda, burhan, and ekawaty, “the determinant of moslem’s decision in performing commerce zakat payment: case study in malang city, east java province.” 13 kadir, “factors influencing a business towards zakat payment in malaysia.”see also merlinda, burhan, and ekawaty, “the determinant of moslem’s decision in performing commerce zakat payment: case study in malang city, east java province.” 14 bukowski, “social role of alms (zakat) in islamic economies.” 15 williamson, “the new institutional economics/: taking stock, looking ahead.” 16 yustika, ekonomi kelembagaan definisi, teori dan strategi. 17 williamson, “the new institutional economics/: taking stock, looking ahead.” 18 yustika, ekonomi kelembagaan definisi, teori dan strategi. 19 mburu, collaborative management of wildlife in kenya: an empirical analysis of stakeholders; participation, costs and incentives. 20 yustika, ekonomi kelembagaan definisi, teori dan strategi. 21 sufi, “information asymmetry and financing arrangements: evidence from syndicated loans.” 22 yustika, ekonomi kelembagaan definisi, teori dan strategi. 23 veronica and bachtiar, “corporate governance, information asymmetry, and earnings management.” 24 mohajan, “qualitative research methodology in social sciences and related subjects.” 25 gerring, case study research principles and practices. 26 miles and huberman, qualitative data analysis: a sourcebook of new methods. 27 fauzia, filantropi islam: sejarah dan kontestasi masyarakat sipil dan negara di indonesia. 225vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 28 minan, wawancara dengan k.h. minan tentang penggunaan zakat untuk fasilitas umum pada 26 mei 2017. 29 mahmudi, wawancara dengan mahmudi tentang implementasi prinsip akuntabilitas dalam rapat pleno pada 27 april 2017. 30 dewi, “wawancara dengan dewi pada 27 april 2017.” 31 fazlurrahman, islam, sejarah perkembangan pemikiran. 32 minan, wawancara dengan k.h. minan tentang penggunaan zakat untuk fasilitas umum pada 26 mei 2017. 33 yustika, ekonomi kelembagaan definisi, teori dan strategi. 34 “zakkaaha,” july 2014. 35 “zakkaaha,” october 2017. 36 amaliah, “suatu tinjauan asimetri informasi dan implikasinya terhadap manajemen laba.” 37 afif, “asimetri informasi dan dampaknya dalam kebijakan perusahaan.” 38 baridwan, “‘good corporate governance: aturan-aturan dalam governing mechanism’. seminar sehari: issues application & research in corporate governance dalam rangka launching pusat studi corporate governance fe uty.” 39 “zakkaaha,” april 2014. 40 arif, wawancara dengan wawan dan arif tentang majalah zakkaaha tidak menarik pembaca. 41 mahmudi, wawancara dengan mahmudi tentang implementasi prinsip akuntabilitas dalam rapat pleno pada 27 april 2017. 42 latief, politik filantropi islam di indonesia negara pasar dan masyarakat sipil. 43 wrihatnolo, r.r. dan dwidjowijoto, menejemen pemberdayaan sebuah pengantar dan panduan untuk pemberdayaan masyarakat. 44 dewi, wawancara dengan dewi tentang digitalisasi pengelolaan baznas pada 20 april 2017. 45 yustika, ekonomi kelembagaan definisi, teori dan strategi. references afif, m. (2015, june). “asimetri informasi dan dampaknya dalam kebijakan perusahaan,” rasail j. pemikir. islam, 2(1), pp. 23–32. amaliah, t. h. (2017, june) “suatu tinjauan asimetri informasi dan implikasinya terhadap manajemen laba,” -, pp. 10. amir sufi. (2007, apr.). “information asymmetry and financing arrangements: evidence from syndicated loans,” journal finance, 62, pp. 629–668 bambang sudibyo. (2016, august). “strategi zakat nasional” papper was presented in a national seminar filantropi islam kontemporer, iain surakarta, 31-aug2016. baridwan,a. (2003). “good corporate governance: aturan-aturan dalam governing mechanism,” pesented in one day seminar: issues application & research in corporate governance dalam rangka launching pusat studi corporate governance. yogyakarta: fe uty. 226 afkaruna baznas karanganyar. (2016). “profil baznas karanganyar.” baznas sragen, majalah zakkaaha, vol. 1, no. 1, apr-2014. baznas sragen, majalah zakkaaha, vol. 1, no. 2, july-2014. baznas sragen, majalah zakkaaha, vol. 1, no. 3, oct-2017. bukowski a. (2014).“social role of alms (zakat) in islamic economies,” ann. etyka w ̄ yciu gospod. ann. ethics econ. life lodz univ. press, 17(4), pp. 123–132 fauzia, a. (2016). filantropi islam: sejarah dan kontestasi masyarakat sipil dan negara di indonesia. yogyakarta: gading publising. fazlurrahman. (2016). islam, sejarah perkembangan pemikiran. bandung: mizan. gerring, j. (2007) case study research principles and practices. new york: cambridge university press. interview with dewi, apr 20, 2017. interview with kh. minan, may 25, 2017. interview with mahmudi, may 23, 2017. interview with ulin, may 20, 2017. interview with wawan & aris, sept 5, 2017. kadir,m.r. zulkifli, z. a. juliana a.r. dan surbaini,k.n. (2014, apr.). “factors influencing a business towards zakat payment in malaysia,” int. j. sci. commer. humanit., 2(3) latief, h. (2013). politik filantropi islam di indonesia: negara, pasar, dan masyarakat sipil. yogyakarta: ombak lisa,o. (2015). “implementation of management zakat as a local revenue,” journal asian sci. res., 5(8), pp. 418–430, 2015. mburu, j. (2002). collaborative management of wildlife in kenya: an empirical analysis of stakeholders; participation, costs and incentives, socioeconomic studies on rural development. 130. wissenschaftsverlag vauk kiel kg. meleong, j.l. (1994). metologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. merlinda, s. u. burhan, dan m. ekawaty (2016,apr.). “the determinant of moslem’s decision in performing commerce zakat payment: case study in malang city, east java province,” int. j. soc. local econ. gov., 2(1), pp. 59–68. miles, m. b. dan a. m. huberman, (1984) qualitative data analysis: a sourcebook of new methods. sage publications. mohajan, h. a. (2018). qualitative research methodology in social sciences and related subjects,” j. econ. dev. environ. people, vol. 7, no. 01, pp. 23–48. mutahhari, a. m. (2019, mart). “the principle of ijtihad in islam,” al-islam., 10(1), pp. 2-4 n. huda.(2015). zakat perspektif mikro-makro: pendekatan riset, first edition. rawamangun. jakarta: prenadamedia group, 2015. rodoni, a. dan b. yaman. (2018, may). “asymmetric information and non-performing financing: study in the indonesian islamic banking industry,” aliqtishad j. ilmu ekon. syariah, 10(2). soetopo. (1998). pengantar penelitian kualitatif, dasar-dasar teoritis dan praktis. surakarta: pusat penelitian uns. ujiyantho, m. a. dan bambang a.p. (2007). “mekanisme corporate governance, 227vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 manajemen laba dan kinerja keuangan,” simp. nas. akuntasi x, pp. 26. veronica, s. dan y. s. bachtiar. (2005). corporate governance, information asymmetry, and earnings management. journal akunttasi dan keuangan indonesia. 2(1), pp. 77-106–106. wahab, n. a. dan rahman, a. r. a. (2013, des.). determinants of efficiency of zakat institutions in malaysia: a non-parametric approach, ajba, 6(2), pp. 33–64. williamson, o. e.(2000). the new institutional economics: taking stock, looking ahead. j. econ. lit., 38(3), pp. 595–613. wrihatnolo, r. r dan dwidjowijoto, r. n. (2007). menejemen pemberdayaan sebuah pengantar dan panduan untuk pemberdayaan masyarakat. jakarta: pt. elex media komputama. yustika, a. e.(2008) “ekonomi kelembagaan: definisi, teori, dan strategi,” malang bayumedia publ. “zakkaaha.” majalah zakkaaha, april 2014. “zakkaaha.” majalah zakkaaha, july 2014. “zakkaaha.” majalah zakkaaha, october 2017. # layout jan jun 2011 keywords: interest, islamic economics, yusuf al-qaradawi, islamic legal thought abstrak kontribusi al-qaradawi terhadap perkembangan gagasan ekonomi islam sangat besar. banyak ekonom muslim yang merujuk dan mengkaji opininya, dan beberapa lembaga keuangan (bank) dan perusahaan asuransi mengadopsi pandangan-pandangannya dalam kebijakan mereka. sayang sekali, kontribusi besar al-qarawi ini belum banyak ditelaah dengan baik. oleh karena itulah tulisan ini mencoba mengisi kekosongan dengan menjadikan gagasan dan karya al-qaradawi lebih terbaca oleh khalayak umum. tujuan dari studi ini adalah mengenalkan pemikiran ekonomi al-qaradawi dan relevansinya bagi perkembangan wacana pemikiran ekonomi islam kontemporer. untuk itu, penelitian ini mencoba mengkaji beberapa kontribusi yang telah diberikannya terhadap wacana tentang bunga dalam sistem perbankan. terkait dengan itu, konsepsi dan pendekatan terkait dengan masalah-masalah ekonomi islam kontemporer juga akan didalami. artikel ini berargumen bahwa karya-karya al-qaradawi dalam ekonomi islam kehilangan uji empirisnya yang dapat memberikan bukti tentang kekuatan dan reliabilitas tentang teori dan konsepnya, terutama tentang zakat, kemiskinan dan lingkungan. kata kunci: bunga, ekonomi islam, yusuf al-qaradawi, fatwa introduction yusuf al-qaradawi (born 1926) is considered one of the most outstanding contemporary muslim jurists, and banking interest in the contemporary jurist’s perspective: a yusuf al-qaradawi’s economics thought yuli utami the international program for islamic economics and finance, faculty of economy, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. jl. lingkar selatan tamantirto, kasihan, yogyakarta, indonesia. email: yulut321@yahoo.com abstract al-qaradawi’s contribution to the development of contemporary islamic economics is very profound. many muslim economists subscribe to his opinions, and some banking institutions and insurance companies have even adopted his views as their general policies. it is very unfortunate, however, that such a great contribution has not been well researched. it is the intention of this research to fill up this lacuna by making it accessible to the prospective readers. the objective of this study is mainly to introduce al-qaradawi’s economic thought and its relevance to contemporary development of islamic economics discourse. for this purpose, the research attempts to shed some light on selected contributions that he has made to the current discourse of interest in the banking system. in connection to this, his conceptions and approaches to issues and problems in contemporary islamic economics are also explored. it argues that al-qaradawi’s works on islamic economic missed the empirical test to provide evidence of the strength and the reliability of his data theories and concepts, particularly on the topic of zakat, poverty and environment. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 127vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 stands as one of the major authoritative references in matters pertaining to islam; his ideas and views are often sought and referred by muslims for various purposes. he is now commanding substantial followers in the muslim world and over. his fatâwâ exert a considerable influence especially on young and educated section of urban muslim society. that is why the political establishment in the west cannot just slightly look into his juristic opinions. his verdict on economic boycott of american and israeli products for instance,1 though admittedly gives less significant impact on international and u.s. economy, has left considerable effect on political scenario in the middle east. mainly due to this fact, the us government has to take the issue into consideration seriously; for it is not sure where it will lead to future domestic and foreign-policies.2 a great number of muslim scholars have written about islamic economics,3 investigating various aspects related to it. however, their contribution seems to have been somehow different from the one espoused by alqaradawi. he differs for instance from such muslim economists as muhammad umer chapra, nejatullah siddiqi, monzer kahf, and others. and that difference is discernible in the approach they employ in dealing with contemporary problems of economics. this difference perhaps stems from the educational background they had. while chapra and siddiqi are trained as economists, alqaradawi is only educated as a jurist and muslim preacher. thus, the latter often approaches his subject matter from legal perspective, while the the other two scholars from economic perspective. but this does not mean that his position is inferior to those western-educated muslim economists. on the contrary, his, it seems, is more respected than others’. this is in evidence from a trust given to him by several banks and financial institutions to head shari’ah board committee in the last couple of years. this study attempts to analyze the economic context and social background reflected in the selected books such as concept, chronology and terms which contribute to the selected topics. by doing so, it will be easy for the researcher to value and evaluate his real contribution in contemporary islamic economics discourse for being a jurist, not an economist, and al-qaradawi does not use standard economic terms. the concern of this study is also to survey the approach he had devised as he has employed a different set of methodologies in each topic and addressed economic issues from fiqh perspective; hence he uses usul al-fiqh methodologies in contemporary real cases in economics and finance. this study surveys the main contribution of al-qaradawi to the current development of islamic economics thought as found in his books namely fawâ’id al bunûk hiya al-ribâ alharâm. it traces his methodological approaches and discusses the debate that results from his selected writings. in this regard, the views of his opponents shall be explored. this study is a library research, thus it is qualitative. all books, journals, articles, papers, sermons, interviews in printed mass media or in internet, and speeches written and delivered by al-qaradawi, including books, articles, interviews and websites where his views and thoughts are discussed will form as the secondary sources. biographical sketch yusuf bin abdullah bin ali bin yusuf aldoi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 128 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna qaradawi was born as the only child to abdullah al-qaradâwi, on september 9th, 1926 in safi al-turâb, an egyptian village in the nile delta crisscrossed by irrigated cotton farms in gharbiyya province (between tanta and al mahallah al kubra). his father passed away when he was two years old, followed by his mother when he was fifteen years old. he was raised by his aunts and uncles; farmers and agriculture grocery family. he grew up in the environment where farmers were struggling to pay land rent; the situation which somehow has given an influence upon his thought. al-qaradawi opts the view which says that paying money for empty land for farming is prohibited.4 the economic climate at that time preferred a barter system to a trade economy which gave low exchange value impact to the economy. the most used currency was white iron known as milim (qirsy) or ta’rifah whose value equals to two and half qirsy. only certain people held gold currency such as franc (two qirsy), barizah (five and ten qirsy), riyal (twenty qirsy) and paper money junaih (hundred qirsy).5 the gap between rich and poor was quite apparent. socio-economic condition at that time classified the rich as the one who had a lot of cattle and lands, while the poor was the one who only owned a piece of land and a cow or rented it from the rich. under the supervision of sheikh hamid abu zuwail, al-qaradawi can memorize qur’an and kitab tuhfah al-asfal6 before he reached ten.7 by seven, he already entered elementary school in saft al-turâb. he was registered at the institute of religious studies in al-azhar at the age of fourteen and by eighteen years old he continued his senior high school ma’had thanawi and graduated in 1950 after being released from the prison with other ikhwan al-muslimin members.8 he pursued his tertiary education at al-azhar university, majoring in usul al-din, and completed in 1956. and in 1954, for the second time he was again put in prison for another two and half months.9 in 1958, he received his arabic linguistic diploma certificate from ma’had dirasat alarabiyyah al-aliyah and obtained a master degree in al-quran and al-sunnah from the faculty of usul al-din of al-azhar university in 1960. he secured a doctorate degree in 1970 after defending his dissertation entitled alzakat wa atharuhia fi hall al-mashakil alijtima’iyyah (zakat and its effects on solving social problems).10 he got his first scholarship in 1937 and the second during high school. he won the first place among 500 students of three faculties in al-azhar in 1954, and lastly was honored with the highest distinction for his ph. d dissertation in 1970. he was once a teacher and khatib in ali ùaha mosque in mahallah al-kubra.11 in 1954 he was appointed as a supervisor at the institute of imam at the egypt awqaf ministry (ministry of religious endowments), and worked as an editor in da‘wah publication at the department of islamic culture of alazhar university. in 1961, he left egypt for qatar in which time he eventually distanced himself from the ikhwan politic. here he was trusted to lead high school and managed to establish a new educational system where traditional and modern education was fused together. but after five years, he decided to stay in doha-qatar due to political uncertainty. in 1973 he led the establishment of islamic studies and shariah faculty in qatar university and by 1977 he was appointed as doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 129vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 the dean of the faculty until 1989.12 in 1989, al-qaradawi founded the research center of sunnah and biography of the prophet at the university of qatar, where he is in charge of up till now. in 1997, after establishing the european council on fatwa and research which is headquartered in dublin, he is tasked to lead it until today.13 in 1990-1991, the qatar government sent him to algeria as a visiting lecturer where he was given a responsibility by the algerian government to be the chairman of the academic council of the university of al-’amir ’abd al-qadir for islamic sciences in constantine, algeria. simultaneously, he was appointed as an advisor on islamic affairs to the ministry of islamic affairs in algeria. young al-qaradawi was actively involved in da’wah activities. he sat as one of the board members of ikhwan al-muslimin, who is responsible for da’wah department, foreign affairs department, usrah department and student affairs department. he was also the president of representative council of ushul al-din faculty during his student life.14 up to present, he is still involved in many islamic institutions, da‘wah activities, social and economy researches. apart from that, alqaradawi is listed as a founder member of egypt islamic economics organization, member of international islamic aid-centered in kuwait, vice president of international shariah board for zakat affairs in kuwait; a board member of qatar islamic fund for zakat and charity; a trustee member of awqaf islam for al-muslim al-mu’asir magazine, the shariah board member of rajhi investment company in saudi, chairman of shariah board of bank islam-qatar, chairman of shariah board of bank islamqatar international, and chairman of shariah board of bank taqwa-swiss.15 having grown in poor environment and fought for the right of poor people when he was in ikhwan al-muslimun, al-qaradawi pays quite serious attention to economic issues. this is evidence from his doctorate dissertation which concentrates on zakat and poverty. in appreciation of his great service to development of islamic economics, islamic development bank (idb) has selected him as the winner of idb award 1411 h (1990 ac).16 qaradawi’s intellectual & social legacy his first master was sheikh abdul muthallib al-battah, an al-azhar university graduate. he taught al-qaradawi informally in the mosque before he entered elementary school. al-battah was an astonishing personality. he came to al-qaradawi’s homeland to bring the truth of islam and wipe out the heresies. he was the one who asked alqaradawi to put hanafi school of thought in his al-azhar application letter. al-qaradawi was once trusted to read battah’s sermon which led him later to be his assistant at the age fifteen. al-qaradawi’s interest is not in geography but in nahw and sarf which he learnt from sheikh muhammad sha’at, sheikh rajab zabadi, and sheikh mustafa ghubarah. alqaradawi believes that revealed knowledge as a main purpose (maqasid) and arabic linguistics as a tool to reach the maqasid (wasa’il).17 in al-azhar, the teaching methodology was that students were only taught to memorize what is in books without being provided arguments from quran, sunnah, and the purposes of shari’ah (maqasid al-shari’ah).18 this methodology had put al-qaradawi in bad position. because of his nature, he used doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 130 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna to discuss the subject in class. he was once thrown out of class for the question he raised that incited his teacher’s anger; he refused to accept any extremist without rationales from the quran and sunnah.19 al-qaradawi pays a serious attention to the problem of methodology of islamic teaching as seen in ibn al-qaryah wa al-kuttab wherein he addressed critiques to the ways the subjects were taught in his almamater.20 al-azhar during al-qaradawi’s era has introduced reformation in teaching system and curricula content (under sheikh mussafa al-maraghi leadership) but al-maraghi received negative response from the conservative jurists, for they considered that the requirement to be a mujtahid cannot be achieved by anybody any longer.21 he inspired al-qaradawi’s thought of ijtihad and tajdid. although he never teaches al-qaradawi personally, sheikh’s idea of being independent from any mazhab has impressed him so much.22 al-qaradawi read ’ihya’ ulum al-din of alghazali at the age of thirteen and at the same age he also listened to hassan albanna’s speech for the first time. little alqaradawi, who had an idea to become an alazhar’s sheikh, understood all al-banna’s sermon and even memorized it.23 he became a member of ikhwan al-muslimin on his third year of junior high school (ibtida’iy), wherein his awareness and understanding of the importance of collective da’wah started to grow. he took the opportunity to visit ikhwan al-muslimin office in cairo every year on his vacation expected to see al-banna and other ikhwanis to have a talk with them. the chance was widely open when he participated in banna’s road show in several cities in tanta province and when he was imprisoned with other ikhwanis such as sheikh muhammad al-ghazali, sheikh sayyid sabiq and sheikh bahi al-khuli, in 1949.24 one of the speeches of al-banna in ikhwan al-muslimin conference after world war ii which impressed al-qaradawi was the idea of muslim unity and that of setting all muslim countries free from colonialism and feudalism of western and jewish by way of negotiation. if it were unsuccessful, muslim can bring about economy boycott strategy against colonizer’s products and asked the muslim jurist to issue a fatwa for this purpose: to forbid muslims in dealing with them in any kinds of business.25 it is the same way that al-qaradawi opted in his attempt to denounce israeli, american aggression against palestine and afghanistan and danish government which did nothing when one of its national newspapers caricatured the prophet muhammad. however, western powers called his action as “indirectly funds terrorism.”26 he also propagates to boycotting the banks which cooperated with jews to refuse the distribution of starving aids from the world to the palestinian. although educated in such prestigious university as al-azhar, al-qaradawi felt more comfortable in ikhwan al-muslimin where he learned a comprehensive understanding of applied islam, moderate thinking,27 jihad and defending islam, developing islamic civilization, thinking for the progress of the ummah, anti-discrimination and dichotomy in education, and the sincerity of being muslim.28 one of the ikhwan agendas is the economic reformation i.e. the improvement of the economic condition of the people as a way to eradicate poverty in egypt. in this regards, it is required that the state should play its role to totally eliminate riba in all its forms, nationalize all national resources and doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 131vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 banks by putting into a halt foreign intervene and creating its own currency. this is in addition to elimination of the stock exchange operation, reformation of the political properties, reformation of the tax law, reformation of the regulation of labor and minimum wage, and contribution of zakat to their social security.29 all such ideas have given valuable inspirations to al-qaradawi. for al-qaradawi, ikhwan is not only a base where he can broaden his intellectual horizon, but also provides him a space to interact with people of high intellectual caliber like sayyid qutb. young al-qaradawi, who was interested so much in arabic linguistic, was unduly impressed with qutb’s literary style. qutb has written a number of books, but his al-‘adalah al-ijtima’iyyah is one of the best. the book discusses the principles of justice in islam and compares it with western principles. it quite controversial and receives severe critiques when he criticized the attitudes of sayyidina uthman and the authority of bani umayyah.30 he learnt the habit of writing from one of the leading ikhwan scholars, sheikh muhammad al-ghazali, a prolific writer and moderate jurist. according to al-qaradawi, ghazali has given him some excellent ideas concerning zakat and tax, profession and property zakat31 in fact, he is the former fiqh iqtisady that has unduly given al-qaradawi a great inspiration to write fiqh al-zakah.32 ibn taymiyyah and ibn qayyim aljauziyyah are the original thinkers that he quotes most in several approaches in his works in economy and finance. this does not mean, however, that he would always be in line with their point of views. however, it is not the nature of al-qaradawi to devise a statement whenever he disagrees with any scholar. for him, truth should take precedence over any thing. thus, he once expresses that, “ibn taymiyyah is a love one to my heart, but the truth is lovelier than ibn taymiyyah.” he is quoted to have said, “i love sheikh thantawi and it is because of this love that i will not leave him falling into trap and pressure. my critiques will not reduce my love to him.”33 literally works in economy and finance al-qaradawi published his first poem book in his first year senior high school,34 but he only started writing books seriously in the third year of his university level. for retrenchment purpose during his study, al-qaradawi moved to ikhwan al-muslimin office, and worked as part-time khatib in a new mosque in cairo.35 one of the ikhwanis would always accompany him in the sermon and recorded all his sermons. to express his gratitude, alqaradawi published this recorded sermon after being edited.36 once he was asked by some ikhwanis, who find difficulties in hadith, to write a simple book on hadith.37 realizing his talent on writing, al-qaradawi decided to devise this method for the purposes of da‘wah. he wrote more than hundred books in various fields of study, ranging from the quran, hadith, arabic and fiqh. in his writings, al-qaradawi always puts a high consideration to the purpose of shari’ah (maqasid shari’ah) while appreciating the views of preceding ‘ulama. in so doing, he actually wants to make a sort of unification between the salafi traditions with that of tajdid line of thought. he rarely immerses himself in discussing furu’iyyah problems. one of his books that received a wide attention is fiqh al-zakat. the method that he used in completing this is that he would first doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 132 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna collect every single text from the qur’an and the hadith, and then assemble all opinions and suggestions put forward by ‘ulama concerning the issue under consideration. only when this is accomplished would he embark on work of analyzing them to free from any sense of fanaticism to any particular legal school of thought and applying his capability of ijtihad that is often identified as ijtihad intiqa’iy (selective ijtihad or inductive approach). but sometimes he also devises ijtihad insha’iy (innovative ijtihad deductive approach) whenever necessary, especially in producing concepts and terms. another his celebrated book is al-halal wa al-haram fi al-islam, which was written under the supervision of the department of islamic culture, al-azhar university. perhaps due to the nature of book which touches upon issues of muslims daily concern, the book has assumed an outstanding position in contemporary time. it was published dozens of times and translated into a variety of languages. this book was characterized by its moderate (wasatiyyah) and easiness (taysir) nature, characteristics peculiar to al-qaradawi’s approach. the late sheikh nasr al-din albani had written a book entitled ghayat almaram fi takhrij ahadith al-halal wa al-haram to verify the authenticity of the hadiths found in the book, some of which have been answered by al-qaradawi again in his fatawa mu’asirah. again al-bani has taken an initiative to study hadiths used by alqaradawi in his book mushkilat al-faqr wa kaifa ‘ajalaaé fi al-islam. apart from the above, al-qaradawi has written a few number of books dealing with economic issues. this includes fawaid albunuk hiya al-riba al-haram. the book deals with the legal injunction of bank interest, which has become one of the controversial issues in current islamic economic system. nothing can be said innovation in this book, but reinforces the mainstream opinion that emphasizes on illegality of bank interest. al-qaradawi and the development of contemporary islamic economic the first international conference on islamic economics in februari 1976 at mecca were brought together for the first time both muslim economists and shariah experts (‘ulama) to discuss the need for the discipline of ‘islamic economics’. this conference represented a watershed in developing muslim thinking on economics and saw the birth of the islamic economist.38 we now have the second and third generations of islamic economists, whose works still need to be evaluated against those of the first generation to see if ‘progress’ has been made. in order to develop this body of islamic economics, there are two alternate ways offered, first, by islamizing the conventional economics, and second, by developing a framework from the quran and sunnah. but, it remains a big question as to which alternative is better, if not the best, whether to islamize the conventional economics or to introduce a new system of islamic economic. whilst some are in favor of the second alternative, like taha jabir al-alwani and m. baqir al-sadr and most are inclined towards the first by negate the un-islamic theories and assimilate relevant knowledge and then transmute it into a new frame of thought or construct a distinct discipline based on islamic worldview and epistemological foundation like ismail raji al faruqi, syed muhammad naquib al attas and their proponents. as one of the presenters in the first doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 133vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 international conference on islamic economics, al-qaradawi received warm response for his paper ‘role of zakat in the solution of economic problem.’39 this topic was a representation of his two books fiqh al-zakât and mushkilat al-faqr. since 1976, this topic has been reaching major position in islamic economics up to now and his book fiqh alzakât has been publishing dozen times in multi languages. however, during the eighties al-qaradawi was absent from islamic economics world and cameback in the nineties with contemporary topics such economic morality, trade financing, bank interest and environment in 2001. al-qaradawi elaborates the islamic economics system through methodology from usul fiqh and others.40 in order to discover principles and theories, he uses both approaches deductive (istinbath) which can be done only by jurist on mujtahid level and inductive (istiqra’) which can be analyzed from fact observation and intellectual reasoning from the muhaddiths, founders school of thought or earlier scholars. both he called ijtihad intiqa’i and ijtihad insha’i respectively. in his books bay’ almurâbahah and fawâ’id al bunûk, alqaradawi used to construct islamic economics general principles and rules from quran and sunnah to deduce the concepts and policies that are suitable for all time and places base on maslahah and jurisprudence approach. this effort sounds in line to the methodology proposed by al-alwani41 and anwar42. in spite of the fact that this issue is still problematic since it keeps depending on the analysis tool43, the progress of the development of islamic economics insists on the need of review and evaluation to the theory and policy implementation to distinguish true and false knowledge, and framework of conventional economics.44 the discussions of the current islamic economists mainly concern on the integration of conventional economics and islamic heritage resulting on the need on how to appraise the islamic economic theories and how to prove the reliability.45 most scholars like chapra,46 and naqvi47 agreed on the use of tools of analysis developed by conventional economists as long as the paradigm does not root from secularist. some argue on the danger of justifying theories and principles from the revealed sources, like ibrahim48 and some are firmly prudent in the use of the empirical test by preventing it to use on the permanent reality (definitive texts), like al-attas49. unfortunately, however, al-qaradawi’s works on islamic economics missed the empirical test to provide evidence of the strength and the reliability of his data theories and concepts, particularly on the topic of zakat, poverty and environment. hence, all his works in contemporary islamic economics will be judged as a merely normative work without having positive assumptions to diagnose the reality. al-qaradawi rationale on against al-azhar’s banking interest fatwa introduction allah has promoted the spirit of justice and anti-despotism as the principles of islamic economics and explained clearly usurious concept in the end verses of al-baqarah (275281).50 while some of the mistakes of the banks are being negligence of several aspects of maslahah and applying interest in some of their products, the people who understand the authentic text of the prohibition of riba51 come to reinterpret it by means of new approach in order to legalize their new systems. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 134 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna there are some sections of scholars who still dispute the validity of such notion as qat’i texts of riba which has been settled fourteen centuries ago, and has been agreed in the first islamic economic international conference in mecca 1977 (that bank interest is unlawful). for them, what is important not the text itself, but the objective that lies behind the text. they permit banking interest as an economic necessity that allows financial intermediaries to mobilize savings of variety of products by paying interest to depositors and charging interest to borrowers. one of them is dr. sayyid atiyya tantawi (oct 28, 1925 -.......) who issued a fatwa stating that interest paid by government bonds and ordinary savings accounts do not violate the spirit of islam.52 he also discussed the fatwa issued by the egyptian house of fatwas (dar al-ifta al-masria) involving investment bonds, transactions of real estate banks (mortgages), and us dollar bonds. this fatwa affirms that all of these transactions and income deriving from them are halal (permissible) according to the shari’ah, as they do not involve any kind of riba. this issue raised important controversies among islamic countries.53 qaradawi considered this as an effort to weaken the islamic system, strike the muslim thought and islamic resurgence (al-sahwah al-islamiyah) and dissolve the islamic institution by permitting banking interest and legalizing riba through ‘ordered’ fatwa. in his book fawaid al-bunuk hiya riba al-haram, qaradawi identifies a certain kind of misusing islamic jurisprudence in interpreting riba and bank interest in justifying some banking products, especially in the use of analogy, ‘illah, and ijma’. this happens because the methodology they (tantawi and dar al-ifta al-masria) apply does not meet the conditions required and there are many more rebuttals of qaradawi confronting tantawi’s rationale on this fatwa. many scholars and writers are also criticizing this fatwa and showing the danger of its existence. the significance of fatwa in the state of egypt a fatwa is a decree or a ruling. the usual sequence is that a muslim puts an issue before an authority and the latter rules on the matter.54 the authorities that can issue a fatwa are well organized. they can be individuals or institutions.55 the mufti issuing a fatwa has to have encyclopedic knowledge, for he will be required to pronounce all the matters on this life; and the problems of belief and law which confront the believer are thus answered by the fatawa56. a mufti has to fulfill the criteria of a mujtahid and fiqih.57 the modern muftis vary according to the type of overarching legal and political system in which they operate as well as according to their educational formation. some contemporary muftis describe their freedom from the constraint of interpretive school (mazhab) doctrine. such muftis refer directly to the source texts of the quran and the sunnah of the prophet, without citing the positions of the old schools.58 the issuance of fatwé in modern organizational development appears in specialized committees charged with collective fatwa giving.59 the fatwa accumulates from time to time as they are compiled. these compilations become both the high literature of the community, as well as the islamic version of supreme court reports. the conduct and the mind of the community are set by them.60 siyasah (islamic politic) must be promuldoi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 135vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 gated to further social benefit (maslahah) and does not contradict the shari’ah (quran and sunnah). siyasah, under colonial models and later with the emergence of the newly independent muslim nation-states, has gradually encroached on the territory of fiqh law. under muhammad ali pasha, egypt’s modernizing ruler began the process attacking the legitimacy of ulama’s role in the legal affairs of egypt,61 president gamal abd al-nasir replaced religion as the binding ideology of the state. however, under the presidency of anwar sadat, islamic presence increased into public sphere. al-azhar university was chosen to be ‘the bastion of official islam,’ and sheikh al-azhar soon became the islamic ‘stamp approval’ for several sadat’s controversial policies and programs. but in 1980, he introduced an amendment into the constitution elevating shariah’s role as the primary source for the legislation which was profoundly impacted the legal system in egypt.62 it also permeates tantawi’s argumentation in the al-azhar fatwa. the issue of the shari’ah role in state legislation is then widening beyond the particulars of riba and finance.63 socio politic histories of tantawi’s fatwa 28 november 2002 the socio politic aspect of the controversial fatwa on bank interest can historically be described as follows: in 1907, egyptian mufti, sheikh bakri al-sadafi endorsed a fatwa of prohibition of bank interest, in the year 1930, 1943, 1943, 1944 and 1945 sheikh abdel majeed saleem respectively issued fatawa that investing deposited money for a fixed interest is prohibited, interest of bonds is prohibited, taking interest for money deposited in banks is prohibited, practicing work that involves riba in helping to do something is prohibited, and investing money by depositing it in a bank in return for interest is not permitted. the previous mufti, sheikh jadul haq ali jadul haq, endorsed fatawa respectively: fatwa of february 11, 1979 says that development bonds and treasury bonds of fixed return are considered forbidden riba instruments; fatwa of december 9 1979 says that interest on investment certificates and on saving accounts is a prohibited riba, not a reward or a promise of a prize; fatwa of january 12, 1980 says that prizes won by the owners of investment certificates of category c are considered to be a promise for a prize; fatwa october 2, 1980 says that depositing money in banks in return is a prohibited riba whether or not the banks belong to the government; fatwa february 2, 1980 says that borrowing for interest from government institutions or from banks is prohibited because it is riba; fatwa august 1980 says that benefiting from bank interest is prohibited by shari’ah, it must be given away as charity; and fatwa january 1981 says that depositing money in return for a fixed interest rate is prohibited by shari’ah; investing money for actual profits arising out its investment operations is acceptable by shari’ah.64 on january 15, february 20, and march 12, 1989, the egypt mufti at that time, dr. muhammad tantawi pronounced a prohibition fatwa of lending money and/or taking an interest from bank saving and deposit account with predetermined interest. however, his fatwa on september 8, 1989 announced that government bond certificate (shahadah al-istithmar) and saving account with fixed interest rate are permitted by shari’ah. the problem is the fatwa was kept silent as to the bank interest issues. 65 fatwa novemdoi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 136 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna ber 2002 says that deposit and safe-deposit with fixed interest rate are permitted. tantawi added the principle of al-wakalah (agency) to this fatwa whereby bank is an agent doing a prospective business on behalf of depositor. for his trustfulness and the chance given to the bank, bank promises the depositor a predetermined return.66 tantawi’s fatwa on september 8, 1989 was issued at a time when the validity of westernstyle banking was being called into question in militant islamic circles. antonio (2003) noted that an islamic investment company al-rayyan in late 1980s has been dominating the investment sectors in egypt which squandered millions of pounds entrusted to it by egyptian citizens. many analysts said if alrayyan were still in existence, government and other private investment company would lose their market. on 1989, al-rayyan was closed with a charge of malpractice and money scandal. months after that, tantawi issued a fatwa of permissibility of bond “fixed interest rate.” simultaneous issuance of this fatwa prior to the scandal associated with alrayyan indicates a relationship between tantawi’s fatwa with egyptian bond market competition.67 mallat sounded to antonio that tantawi ‘s fatwa took place in a highly charged political atmosphere.68 two months before endorsing his fatwa on september 8, 1989, tantawi visited alqaradawi and had a discussion on bonds certificate with him and other two al-azhar professors (prof. ali salus and prof. dr. abdul hamid al-ghazali). tantawi realized that his opinion toward bond certificate was wrong. he told al-qaradawi the draft of fatwa a month after and make an appointment to discuss the draft in sheikh muhammad al-ghazali (the late) house which was finally cancelled for some reasons. alqaradawi and his colleagues were surprised for tantawi finally issued the fatwa which was totally different to their previous dialog. 69 moreover, an egyptian intelligent has warned al-qaradawi to stop criticizing the authority which makes al-qaradawi believes that the authority had a provocation behind the endorsement of the fatwa.70 what are tantawi ‘s controversy fatawa said a) to understand the issue better the fatwa on september 8, 1989,71 the state’s financing of the development plan that the certificate is not loan but a deposit and to encourage the population to increase its level of savings, tantawi explains, as if he himself sent a detailed letter containing four questions to the chairman of the board of the bank ahli bank and (provided with answer) from tantawi as a mufti. b) in supporting his controversial fatwa on the legality of predetermined return capitalization certificate (bonds certificate), tantawi argues by referring to the views of muslim jurist committee of fourteen jurists belonging to the four schools of law under the chairmanship of sheikh muhammad faraj al-sanhuri. two arguments cited by tantawi are yasr suwaylem (from maliki school) and sheikh abdul azim barakat (from hambali school). according to suwaylem, a transaction in which individuals provide capital that the state puts to use is nowhere mentioned in classical books. all transactions are allowed in principle unless expressly forbidden. barakat viewed the first two types of certificates as legal because they are similar doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 137vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 to the mudarabah transaction in which the return of money is shared by the provider of capital and the worker. this is economic projections in which results are guaranteed. the assessment of the third type (denomination c) which includes a bonus based on lottery is more straightforward. according to barakat, this bonus represents a gift from the state to the investor who holds the certificate and therefore is legal. c) these views, tantawi continues, corroborate the fatwa previously issued by sheikh shaltut (the late) with regard to the egyptian saving fund (postal saving fund) who said the money which is deposited is not a debt of the bank to its owner nor a loan contracted by the bank. rather, the owner presented it of his own free will to the postal administration, asking the bank to accept it, with the knowledge that the administration puts the deposited money to use in commercial transactions in which it is rare, perhaps even impossible, for these moneys to be wasted or lost. d) tantawi cites abd al-wahhab al-khallaf that determination of the profit in advance is for the sake of the owner of the capital and is done to prevent a dispute between him and the bank. therefore, if the owner of the capital did not receive a share in the profit, he would be “swallowed” by his partner. e) in his summary tantawi (dar al-ifta’) suggested to the director of the ahli bank to rename the word interest (fa’idah) or profits with a capitalization return (‘a’id istithmari), due to its connection with riba. he also suggests the bank to establish a fourth certificate with a variable or nonfixed return.72 f) on november 28, 2002 tantawi (rector of al-azhar) reiterates his 1989 fatwa by carrying the support of the azhar islamic research institute (iri) (majma’ buhuth alislamiyah) with a slight difference from its predecessors in term of substance. the essence of the fatwa is that bank depositors should be viewed as passive investors, and banks should be viewed as their investment agents. it also specifies predetermined return to which depositors are entitled to a percentage of the capital, instead of specification of a percentage of actually realized profits that are mutually agreed upon. g) pre-specified profits vary from one time period to another (for example: initially specified return is 4% then increased more than 15%, now returning to near 10%). h) pre-specification of profits is beneficial for both parties. the investor allowed knowing his right, therefore, he may arrange the affairs of his life and it gives incentive to the bank to work hard to keep all access to the profits. if the bank loses in one transaction, they win on many others but if losses are incurred, the dispute will have to be resolved in court.73 the critics of al-qaradawi toward tantawi’s fatwa and his legal proof inappropriate introduction and question and answer session according to al-qaradawi, tantawi starts the introduction with inappropriate hadith mashhur, for the hadith will give shubhat image to tantawi himself. some of the sentences used by tantawi such as “to banks which describe themselves as islamic and to those which do not”, etc. give a connotation that all doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 138 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna of islamic banks and their product are impugned while each bank has its own shari’ah boards to supervise the bank operation. tantawi also gives the example of riba jaly (truly riba) which gives the connotation that islam categorizes forbidden riba and permissible riba. according to al-qaradawi this argument also tries to perceive that prohibited interest is doubled and multiplied interest. however, al-qaradawi argues that albaqarah: 278-279 actually refers to the entire genus of riba, in this regard, all kinds of riba, i.e. riba al-fadl and riba al-nasiah, including any increase, small and large is forbidden in the loans and sales.74 inapt maslahah concept for who still dispute the validity of such notion as qat’i texts, what important is not the text itself, but the objective that lies behind the text. every text has its own end and objective, which is commonly identified as maslahah. since the very purpose of the text is to materialize and preserve this maslahah, every legal ruling must be measured on this basis. thus, if bank interest, for instance, can preserve such an objective, it should not be declared forbidden. in this regard, this group of people usually appeals to a maxim which says that haythu tûjad almaslahah fathumma shuri’a allâh (wherever there is maslahah, there must be shariah law.)75 although such a maxim contains some truth, al-qaradawi criticizes the way it is applied. for him, such a maxim is only appropriate for ijtihadiyyah problems, and not for an issue such as riba which prohibition has been clearly made and transparent, both in the qur’an and the sunnah. alqaradawi found that this legal has not been appropriately quoted from ibn qayyim. although al-qaradawi is of the view that maslahah should take precedence while formulating the ruling, he, nonetheless, disapproves the maxim just stated. he rather appeals to a maxim which says “ haythu tûjad shara’i’ allâh, fathamma al-maslahah (where there is shariah law, there must be maslahah). when applied to the case of riba, we then will arrive at a conclusion that allah prohibited riba, and that prohibition would bring maslahah to the people at large. it will create justice and balance in society.76 in recent years, there have been a number of muslim scholars and intellectuals to make it as a measure and a sole basis for islamic law. however, it has been refuted by many. khan nyazee notes that the main objection against the concept of maslahah in general is that it is based upon hikmah (wisdom),77 and the muslim jurists have been very cautious in the use of it for the determination of laws. this is because wisdom is not definitive, but subjective, and could be manipulated by certain people for certain whimsical purposes. al-qaradawi argues that hikmah is obvious and transparent. not every one can grasp it easily; it is concealed and only those who have deep knowledge would be able to comprehend it. due to this nature, it is sometimes not verifiable. people may view hikmah differently according to his own capacity of intellectualism. here khan nyazee asserts that concealed reason is not qualified to an ‘illah (cause) for the ruling.78 that is why al-qaradawi encourages using illat rather than hikmah, for it brings constant characteristic. hikmah can be accepted only when it fulfils a condition of being comprehensive and binding (jami’ah mani’ah).79 riba is prohibited to avoid extortion and oppression by the creditors over the doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 139vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 debtors. but it can no longer be conceived as relevant hikmah, because the real wisdom behind this prohibition is that to prevent people from producing wealth with the same wealth; but rather obligate them to produce wealth with risks. the reason why wisdom cannot be used as a basis of law is because the legal system must ensure that the professionals observe the proper methodology that meets conditions prescribed above. relationship between bank and bank deposit customer is not rich-weak relationship according to tantawi the funds given to the bank cannot be considered as form of loan (qard), for the bank is not in need. bank has a main function as intermediary (agent) that channels fund from the surplus party to the deficit party. however, a bank, in order to attract bank-customer has actively advertised its rate of return which shows clearly that the bank needs to get fund from the bank-customer. while according to alqaradawi, deposit lexically is a wadi’ah (entrust). the entrust holder (bank) is not responsible for any lost or stealing if they were negligent. the only deposit system according to islamic system that is similar to the conventional product is safe deposit box (al-khazânat al-muajjirah). this relationship whether in current account deposit or longterm deposit is considered as relationship between debtor and creditor. bank position is as a guarantor not a trust holder (wadi’ah yad amanah). it is because customers do not put their money in this account as deposit (entrust goods) but as a loan to the bank. alqaradawi also stresses that the bank depositor status is not the rich party who lends the money to the weak party (bank). but inversely, bank is the rich party, while bank depositor is the weak party and this position will not change predetermined return status to be legal.80 mudarabah and muzara’ah void contract one of tantawi reason to permit predetermined return is due to this contract which is similar to the mutual partnership that is based on mudarabah and muzara’ah contract.81 however, according to al-qaradawi it will disqualify the legality of contract, for in mudarabah the profit is shared according to the percentage without additional nominal or predetermined return. moreover, bank cannot be bipartite, who stands as a mudharib as well as a guarantor and customer as financier and then in relationship between a bank and a third party, bank stands as financier and the third party stands as mudharib.82 al-qaradawi was against83 the erroneousness analogy of riba and the land rental.84 this opinion by simplifying that the analogy of money with land and interest with rental are invalid, for the analogy has to have the same reason (‘illah) wherein the similarity can not be found here, and also an analogy should have strong based (aslun thabit) from the text and ijma’. under the same subtitle, al-qaradawi, discuss’ the text basis for forbidding respecification of profits for either party is based on many narrations of rafi’ ibn khadij regarding pre-islamic sharecropping arrangements.85 nullification of ijma’ the institute of islamic research al-azhar cairo (majma’ al-buhuth al-islamiyah), almajma al-fiqhi rabithah alam islami mecca and majma’ al-fiqhi jeddah (oic) on may 1965 have agreed that the nullification of doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 140 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna ijma’ is only by the equivalence ijma’ and all of them conformed that riba is haram. though minority muslim jurist said that bank interest is an ijtihadi case but it cannot be replaced with a new ijma’ of small number of jurists. the proscribed riba is the doubled and multipled profit (ad’afan muda’afah) some of those who wish to permit conventional banking interest rely on the argument that their interest payments are not doubled and multiplied but constitute a low percentage which is not familiar before islam and not covered in the verse. in defining riba, alqaradawi has answered by claiming that albaqarah: 278-279 refers to the entire genus of riba, in this regard all riba al-fadl and riba al-nasiah, including any increase, small or large is forbidden in the loans and sales.86 the hadith “every loan that results in a benefit is riba” is used to define riba terminology.87 responding to the statement, al-qaradawi and also majority of scholars said it is not a hadith but an opinion used in discussion with intention to resist opposition. in all such cases, the increase was forbidden as long as it is stipulated as a condition or conventionally implied in the loan contract. however, if it was neither stipulated as a condition nor was it conventionally expected, and then such increase was permitted, because it was worthy to note that prophet (pbuh) said “the better among you is the one who can pay more if he can afford to do so.” the emergency reason al-qaradawi noted two mistakes from the opinion of sheikh shaltut who permitted the use the bank interest in the personal emergency or public emergency. first, he had enlarged the definition of “emergency”; second, he used to say deposit money is a different activity with taking bank interest. based on quran al-mâidah verse 3 and shariah maxims adh-dharûrât tubîh al mahzûrât (necessity renders prohibited things permissible) and mâ ubîha li adh dharûrati yuqaddaru biqadariha (necessity is determined by the extent thereof) to complete the first shariah maxim, al-qaradawi considered the “emergency” reason in this case is the condition of unchangeable faith.88 another critics to tantawi’s fatwa a rebuttal by the islamic fiqh institute of qatar (ifi), dated january 16, 2003 summarizes the majority of opinion and response among islamic scholars to tantawi’s ruling.89 the ifi council rejects tantawi’s characterization of the depositor/bank relationship as a principle/agent. it states that pre-specification of profit used to guarantee the principle capital is categorically impermissible, because it violates the essence of the mudarabah relationship – the sharing of risk in the outcome of the funds invested by the bank. furthermore, its opinion of tantawi’s ‘reach’ in invoking maslahah in the absence of a clear ruling in the quranic texts is unequivocal. this consensus is well established, and no dissent has been reported. in this regard, ibn qudamah wrote in al-mughni90: “all scholars whose opinions are preserved are in consensus that silent partnership is invalidated if one or both partners stipulate a known amount of profit. in this regard, consensus of religious scholars is a legal proof on its own. el-gamal stressing on one interesting aspect of the two opinion of tantawi that is doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 141vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 they deal exclusively with the relationship between bank depositors and the bank, without addressing the nature of bank asset. iri’s fatwa focuses on the liabilities (deposit) side91 of banks and ignored the fact that the bulk of conventional banks’ asset (investment)92 take the form if interest bearing loan, which majority of jurist, including tantawi, are denounce as the forbidden riba.93 the practice of islamic financial institution should examine both sides of their balance sheet. the return given by bank to the bank-depositors in conventional banks is permissible, since according to tantawi their relationship is principal and agency relationship (not under loan relationship). however, we should recall that permissibility of return is not solely based on the relationship exist between parties but also affected by way the return itself has been generated. as conventional banks, by definition, put their asset mostly interest bearing asset and engage with any kind of investment including haram investment. thus the return from this bank’s asset is considered unlawful. though it is permissible to get return under tantawi’s fatwa, however, the source of asset is unlawful; therefore, this conventional return will be voided. tantawi and iri’s opinion deal exclusively with the relationship between bank depositors and the bank as principle and agent relationship in which bank-customer acts as a principle and bank acts as an agent to invest principal fund. therefore no loan would be created from this relationship. however, antonio (2003) sees this opinion as a void assumption, for the relationship will consider as wakalah (agency) transaction. in wakalah the agent should be paid which means he is not the one who pays the depositor. conclusion al-qaradawi then tried to perceive tantawi’s true intention by choosing mudharabah without full supporting bondfixed interest rate, when he and dâr ifta asked the chairman of al-ahli bank (government side who asked fatwa) to change interest word to “the investment yield” (â’id istihmari) and suggested them issuing bond with loss-profit sharing system. however, the government thoroughly needs legal support for their products and these facts supported al-qaradawi to oppose completely the idea behind it. al-qaradawi’s critique toward tantawi’s fatwa on september 8, 1989 was consist of the following: (i) an inappropriate introduction as well as question and answer session, (ii) an inapt maslahah concept, (iii) a weak rationale of relationship between bank and bank deposit customer, (iv) a defective analogical reasoning of mudharabah and muzara’ah to the pre-specified return contract, (v) a wrong argument that sees proscribed riba as only the doubled and redoubled charge/rate profit (ad’afan mudha’afah), (vi) a misuse of the hadith “every loan that results in a benefit is riba” to redefine the term riba and (vii) the unacceptable use of rationale emergency. however, al-qaradawi’s book missed the latest fatwa of november 28, 2002 for he had published his book in 1990. al-qaradawi allowed an ease and leniency in the logic of rectifying muslims transaction. in this relation, al-qaradawi has introduced ijtihad juz’i for analytical tool to conclude a well organized opinion in some speculative issues. his notion of ijtihad juz’i in islamic jurisprudence, which in nature upholds doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 142 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna consensus of jurists and public interest, and of ijtihad intiqa’i (selective ijtihad) and ijtihad insha’i (innovative ijtihad) are very beneficial in solving problem of public law in islamic economy and are potentially utilized by capable scholars, thinkers or professionals (who has fulfilled the criteria of mujtahid) as an approach to other issues. the discussions of current islamic economists mainly concern with the integration of conventional economics and islamic heritage which resulting on the need of how to appraise the islamic economic theories and how to prove the reliability as well as the use of tools of analysis developed by conventional economics as long as the paradigm does not root from secularist. unfortunately, however, al-qaradawi’s works on islamic economic missed the empirical test to provide evidence of the strength and the reliability of his data theories and concepts, particularly on the topic of zakat, poverty and environment. hence, as an outstanding contemporary muslim jurist who stands as one the major authoritative references today, al-qaradawi is necessarily suggested to have a trained economist partner in order to achieve ‘reliability’comprehensive work in the development contemporary islamic economics. the contemporary islamic economics has moved faster in line with the globalization competitiveness. there are so many researches and findings on it. some are using al-qaradawi’s books as reference, some are criticizing it. therefore, there is a need to publish a revised version of his works; especially of the former books such fiqh al-zakat and mushkilat al-faqr so that it is accessible to the latest generation reader. there are abundance of contributions for islamic economics discourses made by traditional and contemporary muslim jurists which are still remained in the library collection that need to be studied. therefore, it is quite interesting to explore them for the future research. endnotes 1 see data on: www.inminds.co.uk/boycottnews.html#eurboy, and fatwa on “shiri’i al badi’i’ alisrailliyah wa al amrikiyyah fi al-wakti haza kabirah min al kabair”, www.al-qaradawi.net, doha, qatar, 2002, pp: fatawa wa ahkam. see also omer bin abdullah, will the boycott pinch the perpetrators of injustice?, www.islamonline.net, doha, qatar, 2000, article 9. 2 christopher dickey, newsweek, http:// www.inminds.co.uk/boycott-news-0154.html (beirut, 2002). 3 earlier economic issues, although may not be dominant, have occupied the minds of philosophers, jurists, sufis, etc., each responding in their own way, for the discussion was not systematically independent on economic, but merged in the works of fiqh, tasawwuf and falsafah that was dominated by revealed knowledge. in 1954, schumpeter disregarded intentionally the muslim’s contribution of more than 500 years (the ‘great gap’) in his book ‘history of economic analysis.’ however, the fact showd that contributions of avicenna, averoes and maimonides appeared almost in all books of the 13th century philosophers. see umer m. chapra, the future of economics-an islamic perspective (leicester: islamic foundation, 2000), pp. 253-257. in 1940s sayyid abu’l a’la mawdudi was coined for the first time the term of islamic economics. others who talked were sayyid qutb and muhammad baqir sadr (see kuran, timur, the economic system in contemporary islamic thought, 1993). the wake of islamic awakening which commenced to gain its momentum towards the end of 1960s, islamic economics again began to attract attention with the establishing of islamic banking (see saeed, abdullah, islamic banking and interest: a study of the prohibition of riba and its contemporary interpretation (leiden: brill, 2nd edition, 1999), p. 15; and hindi, munir ibrahim, shubhat al-riba fi mu‘amalat al-bunuk al-taqlidiyyah wa al-islamiyyah: dirasah iqtisadiyah wa shar‘iyyah (iskandariyyah: al-maktab al-‘arabi alhadith, 1996), pp. 5-6. hence, after cited abdullah saeed, islamic banking)), many muslim scholars have argued for it, though not few also ridiculed its visibility. according to thomas phillip (1990), actually the original discourse on islamic economics can be dated back to 1950s as evidence from the publication of books, articles, or pamphlets by pakistani or indian muslim scholars. philip estimated that up to 1975 there were already about 680 titles pertaining islamic economics, 30% were in arabic, 33% in english, and doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 143vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 27% in urdu. of all this total work, almost 70% were authored by pakistani or indian muslim scholars (see thomas philipp, the idea of islamic economics, die welt des islams, band xxx (leiden: e.j. brill, 1990), pp. 117. these data show that subcontinent scholars have really made a great contribution to the development of the discourse on islamic economics. 4 yusuf al-qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku (jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar, 2003) 52. translation of ibn alqaryah wa al-kitab mulamah sirah wa musirah (cairo, dar el-syuruq, 1st edition, 2001) 5 yusuf al-qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku, p. 51 6 yusuf al-qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku, p. 130. altuhfah is a compilation book of alfiyah ibn malik (kitab nahwu and saraf or grammar book), al-jauharah alqani (kitab tauhid or monotheism book), al-rahbaiyah (kitab faraid or heir book), sulam al-munawaraq (kitab mantiq or logic book) and al-shatibiyah (kitab qiraat or quran recitation book) 7 yusuf al-qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku, p. 119. 8 he was imprisoned from december to february 1948 9 yusuf al-qaradawi, kenanganku bersama ikhwanul muslimin (jakarta: aulia publisher, 2003) p. 170. translation of muszakkirah duktur yusuf qaradawi, hayati ma’a al-ikhwan al-muslimun. according to isam talimah, qaradawi was imprisoned again in november 1954 for twenty months as well as in 1963. see isam talimah, al-qaradawi faqihan. 1 0 esam talimah, manhaj fikih yusuf al-qaradawi (jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar, 2001), p. 4. translation of alqaradawi faqihan. 1 1 yusuf qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku, pp. 427-429. this mosque was later famous as sheikh yusuf mosque 1 2 talimah, isam, al-qaradawi faqihan, pp.4-5 1 3 http://www.islamonline.com/cgi-bin/news_service/ profile_story.asp?service_id=670 and www.eramuslim.com 1 4 yusuf al-qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku, pp. 436-347 1 5 talimah, isham, al-qaradawi faqihan, 19; and www.qaradawi.net 1 6 www.qaradawi.net 1 7 yusuf al-qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku, pp. 225 1 8 in the university level, qaradawi chose faculty of ushul al-din for it provided variety of knowledge he like, such tafsir, hadith, tauhid, prophethood history, philosophy, usul al-fiqh, mantiq, psychology and english. however, he still found the weaknesses in the al-azhar teaching methodology for the research analysis to the problem was left behind, yet they put priority to the linguistic analysis. 1 9 ibid, pp. 204 2 0 ibid, pp.186-190, pp.220-242, pp.482-488 2 1 sheikh mustafa al-maraghi is the author of modern exegesis “tafsir maraghi” he is the 26th and 28th alazhar’s grand sheikh. 2 2 ibid, pp. 198-200 2 3 yusuf al-qaradawi, al-shahwah al-islâmiyyah baina aljuhûd wa al-tatharruf. (n.c.: bank al-taqwa, 1402h) back cover. qaradawi said: “among the most influential person in our thought and spiritual life is sheikh alshahid al-banna”. 2 4 yusuf al-qaradawi, al-shahwah al-islâmiyyah, p.350. 2 5 yusuf al-qaradawi, ibn al-qaryah wa al-kitab mulamah sirah wa musirah, 2003, pp. 248 2 6 http://www.muslimnews.co.uk/news/ news.php?article=3320 30-08-2002 2 7 yusuf al-qaradawi, education and hassan al-banna, (calcutta: hilal publications, 1983), pp. 132-139 translation of al-tarbiyah al-islamiyyah wa madrasah hasan al-banna, al-ittihaad al-islamiy al-‘aalamiy (1985). 2 8 yusuf qaradawi, muzakkirah duktur yusuf qaradawi, hayati ma’a al-ikhwan al-muslimun (2003). 2 9 yusuf qaradawi, 70 tahun al-ikhwan al-muslimun kilas balik dakwah, tarbiyah dan jihad (jakarta: pustaka alkautsar, 1999), pp. 273-277. translation of ikhwan almuslimun; 70 ‘aaman fid dakwah wa at tarbiyah wal jihad. 3 0 yusuf qaradawi, 70 tahun al-ikhwan al-muslimun, pp. 410. 3 1 muhammad al-ghazali, al-islam wa al-audha’ aliqtisadiyyah, pp. 92-94. 3 2 yusuf qaradawi, syaikh yusuf muhammad al-ghazali yang saya kenal (jakarta: robbani press, 1999), p. 219. translation of al-sheikh al-ghazali kama ‘araftuhu rihlah nisf qarn 3 3 yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk hiya riba al-haram, p. 91. 3 4 ibid, yusuf qaradawi, perjalanan hidupku, 196. under the title yusuf al-sidiq 3 5 since he regularly gives serial sermons, the mosque fulled up by jamaah which come from cairo and border cities, people called this mosque as sheikh yusuf alqaradawi mosque. 3 6 ibid, yusuf qaradawi, ibn al-qaryah wa al-kitab mulamah sirah wa musirah, p. 431. the title is nafahat al-jum’at 3 7 the title is quthuf daniyah min al-kitab wa al-sunnah. 3 8 kurshid ahmad, “introduction” in muhammad nejatullah siddiqi, muslim economic thinking a survey of contemporary literature. 3 9 kurshid ahmad (ed.) studies in islamic economics. papers presented at the international center for research in islamic economic king abdulaziz university, jeddah, saudi arabia, ix, 1976. 4 0 he also use usul al-din, tasawwuf, fiqh, quranic and sunnah approach. 4 1 taha jabir al-alwani, “islamization of knowledge: yesterday and today,” american journal of islamic studies, 1 (12), (1995), pp. 81-101 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 144 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 4 2 muhammad anwar, “islamic economic methodology,” journal of objectives studies 2 (1) (1990), pp. 28-46. 4 3 m. umer chapra, the future of economics: an islamic perspective, 49. 4 4 ugi suharto, “paradigma ekonomi konvensional dalam sosialisasi ekonomi islam,” isefid review, 3 (3) (2004), 40-61. 4 5 haneef, mohamed aslam, “islam, the islamic worldview and islamic economics,” iium journal of economics and management 5(1) (1997), pp. 39-65; and mohamed aslam haneef and hafas furqani, “usul al-iqtisad as a pre-requisite in developing contemporary islamic economics.” paper presented at the international conference on a universal paradigm of socio-scientific reasoning, dhaka, bangladesh (2005). 4 6 m. umer chapra, what is islamic economics (jeddah: irti-idb, 1996), pp. 38-46. 4 7 syed nawab haider naqvi, islam, economics and society (london:kegan paul international, 1994), p. 21. 4 8 anwar ibrahim, “ towards a contemporary philosophy of islamic science,” american journal of islamic studies, 7 (1) (1990), pp. 3-7. 4 9 syed muhammad naquib al-attas, “islamic philosophy: an introduction,” journal of islamic philosophy, 1 (1), (2005), pp. 11-43. 5 0 the islamic prohibition of riba is made on the basis of qur’anic text that belongs to the samiyah evidence qat’i al-thubut wa al-dilalah, whose interpretation receives no variety. and one of the legal maxims stipulates that “where there is a text there is no room for interpretation” (la masagha li al-ijtihadi fi mawrid al-nass). the jurists unanimously agree that any legal rulings that are considered valid in transmission and meaning (qat’iy wurud wa dalalah), muslims are obliged to observe them. surah al-baqarah verse 275-281, which are unalterably fixed (muhkamat) and definitive text (qat’i), clearly prohibit riba and contain a warning message for those who fail to comply with them. it implies that ijtihad cannot be exercised on this matter as it is already prescribed that there is no ijtihad on the qat’i text. see yusuf al-qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk hiya riba al-haram (bahrain: bank ‘araby al-islamy, n.y), p. 14 5 1 the most popular riba committed by people is riba alnasiah (interest-bearing loan or the real interest or riba jahiliyyah) and riba al-fadl (all additional upon countervalue or riba on trading). qaradawi is of the opinion that sunnah prohibits riba al-fadl, not because of its substance, but rather it can act as a mediator that can lead people to perform a real riba. therefore, the sunnah prohibition of this sort of riba is based on the notion what is known in jurisprudence as sadd aldhari’ah (blocking the lawful means to an unlawful end). qaradawi says that ibn qayyim believes the sunnah prohibits riba al-fadl due to the substance of the prohibition itself. yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk, pp. 18-19. 5 2 interest-based banking instruments are not necessarily corrupted, says tantawi, because they may benefit everyone involved, including the third parties. generally beneficial and, hence, legitimate instruments including high-yielding government bonds and interestbearing savings accounts. 5 3 fatima akaddaf, “application of the united nations convention on contracts for the international sale of goods (cisg) to arab islamic countries: is the cisg compatible with islamic law principles?,” http:// www.cisg.law. pace.edu/ cisg/ biblio/akaddaf.html 5 4 luis ma’luf, al-munjid (beirut:1952), p. 598 5 5 arun shourie, the world of fatwas or the shariah in action (new delhi: asa, 1995), pp. 3-5 5 6 muhammad khalid masud, brinkley messick, david s. power (eds.), islamic legal interpretation muftis and their fatwa (london: harvard university press, 1996), pp. 89. 5 7 othman haji ishak, fatwa dalam perundangan islam, (kuala lumpur: fajar bakti, 1981), pp. 14-15. 5 8 masud, messick and power note that qaradawi always refer to an equivalent conception of chosen scholars in identifying his own interpretive work as involving “ijtihad al-juz’i”, an applied ijtihad is connected with detailed matters. islamic legal interpretation, pp. 30. 5 9 muhammad khalid masud, brinkley messick, david s. power (ed), islamic legal interpretation, p. 27 6 0 arun shourie, the world of fatwas, p. 5 6 1 by refusing to seek the jurist’s council in the state affairs, ceased channeling religious taxes to them and silenced their participation in the political process. miriam sophia netzer, “riba in islamic jurisprudence: the role of interest in discourse on law and state,” unpublished thesis, the fletcher school, 2004, pp. 343 7 6 2 lastly he was assassinated by a member of a splinter of the ikhwan al-muslimun, pp. 38 6 3 netzer concluded that for this reason tantawi’s fatwa led to a great agitation in the islamic legal community, exacerbating the issue of islam and legal authority. 6 4 source: islamic fatwa, the office of the mufti, fatawa of sheikh jadul haq ali jadul haq issued in volume 9, fatwa no. 1248-pp. 3311, fatwa no. 1252-pp. 3335, fatwa no. (n.a)-pp. 3337, fatwa no. (n.a)-pp. 3341, volume 10 fatwa no. 1301-pp.3561, fatwa no. 1303pp. 3565, volume 9, fatwa no. 1258-pp.3347, the supreme council for islamic affairs, al-awkaf ministry, cairo. see abdul hamid al-ghazali, profit versus bank interest in economic analysis and islamic law, islamic economics translation series no. 2 (jeddah: idb-irti, 1994), p.37 and see also yusuf al-qaradawi, fawaid albunuk hiya riba al-haram, pp. 87-89. 6 5 yusuf al-qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk hiya riba al-haram, pp. 89 and 150-168. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 145vol. 10 no. 2 juli desember 2014 6 6 el-gamal, mahmoud a. interest and the paradox of contemporary islamic law and finance, http:// www.ruf.rice.edu/~elgamal/files/interest.pdf, pp. 9-11 6 7 syafi’i antonio, “fatwa kontroversi riba al-azhar” (1) may 28, and (2) may 31, 2003, www.tazkia.co.id, retrieved july 6, 2005 6 8 chibli mallat, “tantawi on banking operations in egypt,” in muhammad khalid masud, brinkley messick, david s. power (ed), islamic legal interpretation, p. 289 6 9 yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk hiya riba al-haram, pp. 81-82 7 0 antonio, syafi’i, may 28, 2003. 7 1 in the opening passage of first controversy fatwa september 8, 1989, tantawi discusses the crucial role of ifta’ and the necessity for dar al-ifta’ to perform its role in current issues such banking transactions. then he refers to the complexity of banking operations where tantawi all banking transactions in three categories, 1) transaction that all ulama agree are legal and in which profit are halal, 2) transactions that the ulama agree are not legal and in which profits are haram, 3) transactions and profits about which the ulama are in disagreement. tantawi also adduces four types transactions i.e., mudarabah, musharakah, ijarah and murabahah in banking operation. he also turns to transactions that are illegal categories such as any transaction that is based on fraud, exploitation, deceit or injustice, including transactions that are new and innovative (mustahdatha) such capitalization certificates. to better understand the issue of capitalization certificates. 7 2 see cibli mallat, tantawi on banking operations in egypt, pp. 289-294 7 3 el-gamal, m.a., the recent azhar fatwa and the potential for real riba-free banks, presented in dubai & ca 2003, retrieved august, 1, 2006, http:// www.ruf.rice.edu/%7eelgamal/files/ azharfatwa.pdf, pp. 2-6 7 4 the definite article on the word “al-riba” whether it is an adverb of “lil’ahd” (common known) or “lil jinsi” (kind/sort) or “lil istighraq” (common), the meanings undoubtedly point to the prohibition of all kinds of riba (usury and interest). see http://islamonline.net/fatwa/ english/fatwadisplay.asp? hfatwaid=4600. the definite definition of riba according to qaradawi is albaqarah: 279: “if ye do not [give up riba], take notice of a war from god and his apostle; but if ye turn back ye shall have your capital sums, without increase or diminution.” this verse indicates the predetermined additional which is required before transaction, to get a return that is higher than its capital as “the only purpose” of time compensation. this quranic term has shown a “time value” as the basis on which the interest rate is based. see qaradawi, yusuf, fawaid al-bunuk. pp 5 8 7 5 yusuf qaradawi, (1999). fawaid al-bunuk, pp.50 7 6 jauziyyah, ibn qayyim. i’lam al-muwaqi’in. vol 3: cited from malaikah, mustafa (1997). fi usuli al-da’wah muktabasit min kitabi al-duktur yusuf al-qaradawi. cairo: darut taqwa, trans. manhaj dakwah yusuf alqaradawi harmoni antara kelembutan dan ketegasan, jakarta: al-kautsar pp: 315 7 7 imran ahsan khan nyazee, islamic jurisprudence, pp. 2 4 8 7 8 imran ahsan khan nyazee, islamic jurisprudence, pp. 2 2 2 7 9 imran ahsan khan nyazee, islamic jurisprudence, pp. 51. 8 0 qaradawi describes this relationship to the experience of zubair r.a. when his friends and their family entrusted their money to him, he refused to accept because they consider it as a loan so that the money will be under his quarantee. determining additional nominal in mudharabah and muzaraah has no basis in the shariah law. this opinion is based on the consensus of jurist (ijma’) such imam malik, al-auzai, syafii, abutsaur, ashaburra’yi, ibn qudamah, and ibn munzir. yusuf al-qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk, pp. 46-48 8 1 prophet muhammad (pbuh) prohibited exemption practice on possessing specific area in muzara’ah contract. yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk, pp. 64. 8 2 yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk, pp. 48-54 8 3 qaradawi chooses the opinion of ibn hazm who stated mu’ajjarah (land rental) is unlawful rather than the opinion of ibn taymiyah who allowed mu’ajjarah by considering the loss of the renter. 8 4 some have argued that the bank investor has the same status to the landlord lender who receives the rental either for the land that yields agriculture harvest or not. 8 5 “we used to lease land with the produce of one part earmarked for the landlord. sometimes, one part will produce and the other won’t. the prophet (pbuh) forbade use from doing so. we did no rent land for gold and silver at that time” (narrated by al-bukhari). other narrations of rafi’ indicate the prohibiton of any geographical, temporal or quantitative pre-specification of the return to either party of sharecropping. yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk, pp. 48-54 8 6 yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk, pp. 74-75 8 7 yusuf qaradawi, fawaid al-bunuk, p. 37 8 8 the unchangeable faith has to fulfill the criteria of: (1) the emergency intolerable fact is proven by the expertise; (2) no alternative is permitted to save him from emergency condition; and (3) the permission ia allowed for a temporary as long as emergency exist. therefore, in this sense, qaradawi wants to remind that the emergency terminology can only be exercised under the limitations of power prescribed by a constitution. thantawi’s opinion was taken based on doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 146 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna sheikh mahmoud shaltout’s fatwa of the permissibility of post-safe account, i.e. deposit account in the form of share paper. unfortunately, sheikh shaltout never knew the post institution never invested the fund in the any business or project development but invested it to the bank and take the benefit (interest) from it. sheikh abu zahrah told qaradawi that sheikh shaltout was willing to withdraw the fatwa, but abu zahrah suggested to revise it only. very unfortunately, he passed away before he can actualize his intention. 8 9 el-gamal, mahmoud a, interest and the paradox of islamic law and finance, p. 13. 9 0 see al-mughni vol. 3, pp. 34 netzer, miriam shopia, (2004), p. 47 9 1 liabilities side is the side of funds owed by a bank, including time deposits and demand deposits, borrowing from a federal reserve banks and federal funds in the interbank market. deposit liabilities, representing claims by a banks customer in the assets of the bank are the major source of fund for bank lending. see thomas fitch, dictionary of banking term, 2nd ed. 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(pakistan: islamic finance, 2003. http://www.darululoomkhi.edu.pk/fiqh/islamicfinance/ issuemurabaha.html usmani, maulana taqi, murabahah, pakistan: the weekly newslatter of accountancy september 26, 2003 issue # 0 3 9 www.accountancy.com.pk/docs/islam_murabahah.pdf vogel, frank e and l.hayes iii, samuel. 1989. islamic law and finance religion, risk and return. netherlands: kluwer law international. vogel, frank. e and hayes, samuel. l. 1998. islamic law and finance religion, risk and return. netherlands: the haque. william h. shaw 1991. business ethics. belmontca:wadsworth. wikipedia, islamic dictionary, http://www.answers.com/ topic/zakat www.inminds.co.uk/boycott-news.html#eurboy, www.qaradawi.net doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0034. 126-148 index a abbasiyah abbasiyyah 'abd al-rahman bin 'awf 'abd al-ra'uf al-sinkili abd al-wahhab al-khallaf 'abd allah bin 'umar abd moqsith ghazali abdul halim harahap abdul hamid al-ghazali abdullah saeed abdurrahman shihab abu al-'abbas al-saffah abu bakar abu bakr abu hasan al-qazwini abu ja'far al-mansur abu sufyan adnan nur lubis al-azhar al-azhar university al-dhahabi al-fairuz abadi al-irsyad al-jam'iyah al-washliyah al-muntasir bi allah al-na'im al-qaradawi al-suyuti al-walid bin yazid bin 'abd al-malik al-washliyah al-washliyyah 'ali bin abu talib ali salus anggaran pendapatan belanja negara (apbn) b b.c. smith b.j. boland badan amil zakat (baz) bakri al-sadafi bandung bappenas baz baz kota bandung f fatimiyyah (909-1171 m) g gamal abd al-nasir h haji abdul karim amrullah haji buyung hakikat muhammad harufuddin cawidu harun nasution hasbullah hadi hizb al-tahrir i ibn qayyim al-jauziyyah ibn taymiyyah ijma' (konsensus) ikhwan al-muslimin ismail banda ismail raji al faruqi j jalaluddin rahman jalaluddin rahmat jil jil (jaringan islam liberal) k kazin asar khilafah kuntowijoyo l luthfi assyaukanie m m. arsyad talib lubis m. dawan rahardjo m. ghalib m. haryono m. quraish shihab madrasah madrasah aliyah mamud muhammad thaha masyumi miai muhammad muhammad al-amin muhammad bin maslamah muhammad faraj al-sanhuri muhammad umer chapra muhammadiyah mustahik n nejatullah siddiqi nu nurcholish madjid o oemar bakry ottoman p pan (national mandate party) pedagogik persis pkb (national awakening party) q qiyas (analogi) r riba s sa'ad bin abi waqqas saljuk (1055-1194 m) salmah bin sallamah bin waqsh sayyid atiyya tantawi sayyid qutb seyyed hossein nasr sheikh abdul azim barakat sheikh hamid abu zuwail sheikh muhammad al-ghazali sheikh muhammad faraj al-sanhuri sheikh muhammad sha'at sheikh mustafa ghubarah sheikh rajab zabadi siyasah suhayb sukarno syarekat islam syed muhammad naquib al attas t tafsir talhah bin 'ubayd allah thabathaba'i u ulil abshar abdalla 'umar bin 'abd al-'aziz usamah bin ziyad 'uthman bin affan 'uthman bin 'affan y yusuf ahmad lubis z zakat zakat zayd bin thabit zubayr bin awwam jurnal afkaruna vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 the da’i (muslim preachers) and social change challenges: a study of da’i professionalism in dumai, riau doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0113.58-81 toni hartono1, masduki2, imron rosidi3, pipir romadi4 faculty of da’wah and communication,uin sultan syarif kasim riau1,2,3,4 correspondence email: toni.hartono@uin-suska.ac.id abstract the development of information technology is one of the causes of social changes that occur and currently shows the complexity of the problems faced by people and preachers. this requires professional preachers to be able to become agents of change. this was then responded to by the pmd in dumai. this article examines the preacher’s professionalism in the dynamics of social change in the dumai muballigh (muslim preacher association/ pmd). this study does not focus on whether the efforts done by the pmd to improve the professionalism of muslim preachers in dumai are successful or not. this article focuses on efforts done by the pmd to improve their professionalism. in preaching, the development of preaching resources is emphasized in various aspects such as material, mental, skills, knowledge, and psychic. this article used observation and interviews to collect data. the results showed that the effort to create professional preachers in the pmd is doing human resource development through mudhakarah (discussion on islamic issues) and preaching guidance to strengthen science and skills, training and use of it (information technology) as a form of transformation, conducting preaching certification as an effort to assess and qualify the quality of preachers’ abilities, improving education levels through further education cooperation agreements among preachers and companies, universities and government, and the development of contemporary preaching material through the study of books, and hadith. abstrak perkembangan teknologi informasi merupakan salah satu penyebab terjadinya perubahan sosial yang terjadi dan saat ini menunjukkan kompleksitas permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh umat dan dai. ini membutuhkan da’i yang profesional untuk bisa menjadi agen perubahan. hal tersebut kemudian ditanggapi oleh persatuan muballigh dumai (pmd) di dumai. artikel ini mengkaji profesionalisme da’i dalam dinamika perubahan sosial di pmd. studi ini tidak fokus pada apakah upaya yang 59vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 dilakukan oleh pmd untuk meningkatkan profesionalisme da’i dumai berhasil atau tidak. artikel ini berfokus pada upaya yang dilakukan oleh pmd untuk meningkatkan profesionalisme mereka. dalam dakwah, pengembangan sumber daya da’i ditekankan pada beragam aspek seperti materi, mental, skill, pengetahuan, dan psikis. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa upaya menciptakan da’i profesional yang dilakukan pmd adalah pada pengembagan sdm melalui mudhakarah dan bimbingan dakwah untuk memperkuat keilmuan dan skill, pelatihan dan pemanfaatan it sebagai bentuk transformasi perubahan yang terjadi, melakukan sertifikasi da’i sebagai upaya penilaian dan kualifikasi kualitas kemampuan da’i, peningkatan jenjang pendidikan melalui perjanjian kerjasama pendidikan lanjutan bagi da’i dengan perusahaan, perguruan tinggi dan pemerintah, dan pengembangan materi dakwah kekinian melalui kajian kitab, dan hadis. keywords: professional, preachers, social change, propaganda, pmd introduction along with the development and change of time, especially in today’s digital era, islamic da’wah (mission) experiences complexity related to the problems of human life. as a religion, islam provides a solution to the problems faced by the people. one of the solutions to the problem of muslims is depending on the role of the preachers. it is about the extent to which the preacher’s insight in seeing social reality. as a result, the preacher is able to understand the da’wah map related to diverse problems, culture, and character. in such a complex problem, the preacher should be able to play a constructive role in society by considering the socio-historical nature of a community.1 da’wah can be literally meant “call,” which then has a broad definition referring to many activities. the broad concept of da’wah, however, is limited in this article. it focuses on the oratory or da’wah bil-lisan. millie argues that da’wah bil lisan is the authentic da’wah activity because it is a central element of islamic activities such as tabligh akbar (great preaching), pengajian (study groups), tausiyah (short preaching) and many others.2 the challenges of da’wah such as christianization, ignorance, poverty, the influence of the internet and digitalisation of media, brawls, the emergence of splinter groups in the name of islam, disharmony, press freedom and uncontrolled and responsible mass media, are a series of examples of the many problems of da’wah (preaching). these become a challenge for preachers to improve their competence and insight and hone their intelligence and creativity to solve public problems.3 along with the development of an increasingly modern and sophisticated era, of course, the object of da’wah receives more attention. the preachers 60 afkaruna can carry out new strategies that are adaptive to synchronize culture with the methods and media used. with the changes in social structure, social strata, and technology culture of the community, the task of preachers to utilize the latest media in conveying the message of preaching is crucial. at present, humans are very dependent on the existence of technology. in spite of all the effects it has caused, people unknowingly gave birth to a new culture related to the use of technology. the reality of the world of da’wah at this time is causing anxiety because of the condition of the structure of society in such a way, not comparable to the expertise of preachers in preaching messages.4 in this context, preachers have an essential role as agents of change. they become agents of change in muslim social life. since change is sunnatullah (the laws of god), it always happens and impacts everyone. the impact of changes is like two sides of a coin which is interconnected. if the changes are massive and have a negative impact on human life as a whole, an active role of the preacher is needed so that the preacher becomes a stronghold of faith, creed, and worship of the people. for this reason, professional da’i (muslim preachers) must be prepared in a broad context. research related to professionalism by risdiana5 examines the process of developing the role of a preacher so that they can perform optimally with the five criteria. the five criteria are as a communicator, counselor, problem solver, manager, and entrepreneur. meanwhile, perdamaian et al.6 studied the electronic media-based da’wah strategy by utilizing local radio and television media in dumai city.  meanwhile, fahrurrozi,7 annur,8 and arsam9 focus more on the certification of preachers. risdiana10 states that a professional preacher must meet at least five criteria, namely: 1) preacher as a communicator must have the rhetoric ability, basic knowledge of individual and social psychology, and the ability to utilize the media for propaganda activities. 2) da’i (preacher) as counselors must be able to foster and assist the community, convert, foster religious social organizations, and young people. 3) da’i, as a problem solver, should be able to enrich data on various kinds of da’wah problems, understand social settings, blend in, and collaborate with religious social organizations. 4) da’i as managers must be able to lead themselves, become motivators of the ummah, manage and organize preaching activities, and 5) da’i as entrepreneurs never give up, and ready to work hard. however, perdamaian et al. stated the importance of the use of electronic media by the dumai preacher association (pmd), mainly through radio and television, with expert guidance.11 fachrurrozi12 empha61vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 sizes the importance of standardization efforts in all aspects of religion, especially in aspects of mosque management and religious institutions, under the guidance of the indonesian ministry of religion and islamic social organizations. however, his findings do not suggest the importance of preacher certification. several studies on the da’wah generally do not focus on the importance of local preachers to organize their efforts for the improvement of oral da’wah. the above studies leave a gap in which several local da’i (preachers) in dumai has organized themselves into an organization called the pmd. this organization was established as an effort to improve its professionalism in preaching or da’wah. zaini,13 for instance, proposes a theoretical analysis of da’wah on television. this study, based on the normative perspective, neglects empirical milieus, which needs in-depth observation and analysis. basit14 also explains about da’wah in this modern era. his study, however, fails to capture the dynamics of local da’wah, which needs empirical study. the study conducted in the city of dumai shows the phenomena in other regions in general. however, dumai, as a metropolitan city in riau province, faces significant social dynamism so that constructive and persuasive preaching efforts are needed. one of the efforts made is through increasing professional preachers. the number of preachers registered in the dumai muballigh association (pmd) is about 450 people.15 these preachers have joined in several da’wah organizations like the majelis da’wah islamiyah (mdi), ikatan kemakmuran masjid indonesia (ikmi), and ikatan da’i indonesia (ikadi). da’wah institutions and the government of dumai city are developing in increasing the professionalism and quality of the preaching by the preachers. the vast field of da’wah and increasingly complex challenges prove that the da’wah movement will be more effective and efficient if its implementation is carried out professionally in order to achieve maximum results. regardless of the preaching activities carried out personally or collectively, the most fundamental thing lies in the quality and moral integrity of the preacher. preachers’ mistakes in conveying religious messages also influence mad’u (the object of da’wah) as recipients of religious messages. in preaching, the preachers should not judge the success of preaching only in terms of quantity and formality, such as the number of mad’u, the number of students, and so on. but it should be more on the quality and impact caused by the da’wah delivered to the community. therefore, it is necessary to develop the resources of preachers in order to grow the attitudes and profes62 afkaruna sional abilities of a preacher in carrying out his missionary duties. this article is based on the fact that the community as the target of da’wah experiences dissatisfaction with the preachers who carry out their missionary duties. this dissatisfaction is caused by unattractive material, inappropriate methods, and even differences in understanding the da’wah, which may cause conflict in the community. indeed, a preacher is demanded to be able to overcome conflict rather than trigger conflict. departing from this fact, this study discusses how to improve the professionalism of the preachers of dumai city, especially those who are members of the dumai preacher association (pmd) and the efforts made by the preachers so that their preaching is well received by the community. this article contributes to the discussion of dumai city preachers’ professionalism. da’wah and social changes in the social movement theory proposed by horton and hunt, the notion of resource mobilization is known to describe the importance of effective resources to support the social movement goals.16 social change is considered a goal of this social movement. it needs organization and effective efforts. in this context, da’wah should be a social change movement that has succeeded in reforming society as exemplified by the prophet. to achieve the goals, da’wah then needs an organization which then makes serious efforts to implement the da’wah mission includes various aspects, including strengthening the socio-religious aspects in the form of strengthening the aqidah of the people starting with the construction of the mosque and strengthening the socio-political and socio-economic aspects by implementing zakat orders and prohibiting usury and encouraging work ethics.17 the implementation of the da’wah movement needs to face the social changes prevailing in the society. today, muslim communities, in particular, are facing increasingly rapid and stretching technological challenges that have an impact on the structure of their lives. this fact forces the preachers to prepare and adjust to social changes,18 especially related to media digital changes. the community and preachers are not able to avoid the development and changes so that they should be able to adapt to these changes. it is undeniable that indonesia and the world are facing very rapid changes in terms of economic, socio-cultural, technological, and social systems. the changes have an impac t on the preachers in carrying out their da’wah. da’wah is expected to foster ummah’s (muslim community) self63vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 awareness related to perception, understanding, and perfect awareness of islam. islam is a source of values that can substitute strength and motivation. muslims then should internalize, realize, and actualize these islamic values in their lives.19 although da’wah emphasizes more on the process, the results or objectives of da’wah are expected to change the mad’u, including knowledge, understanding, attitudes, and actions concerning aqidah, worship, mu’amalah, and morals. these changes are made possible due to changes in values that are actually shared by mad’u.  da’wah is also a process of social change because changes in value at the individual level can influence the community level as a result of social interaction between individual members of the community. since preaching is a process of communication and the process of social change, the preaching focusing on oral speech becomes inadequate anymore, especially when the preaching activities are dealing with various social problems and challenges in the current new media era.20 therefore, da’wah also cannot be separated from the process of communication. as a result, da’wah, communication, and social change are integral. da’wah, without communication, cannot implement the desired targets, namely the positive changes in society. therefore, preaching as a process of social change plays a role in changing values in society in accordance with the objectives of islamic da’wah. thus, the da’wah of islam (da’i) as an agent of change provides a philosophical basis for “self-existence” in individual, family, and sociocultural dimensions. therefore, the actualization of da’wah is related to the efforts to organize society continuously in the midst of the dynamics of social change.21 the preaching carried out by the preachers is currently increasing in quantity. recently, preachers use various media such as television, radio, newspapers, magazines, mobile phones, and the internet. with the increasing use of media, the da’wah has positive implications for increasing religious understanding among muslims. however, this is certainly expected to be directly proportional to the increase in the productivity of the people. to realize that, there is a need to support the da’wah steps that motivate and develop mad’u (object of da’wah) at a more established level both in terms of religious scholarship and the economic sector. as a result, it balances the spiritual and physical needs.22 da’wah is a process of planned social change designed to improve the standard of living of the people, in which it is complementary to social devel64 afkaruna opment. social development is a development approach aimed to improve the quality of human life in a complete manner by meeting human needs that range from physical to social needs, but the most important thing is how to maintain the level of religion as the principal capital in every aspect of life. therefore, social change is going in a certain direction, so the islamic da’wah functions to provide the ideal direction and style of society.23 the professionalism of the da’i the word of professionalism comes from a professional, which means a profession that requires a special skill.24 professionalism is “ the combination of all qualities that are connected with trained and skilled people”25 based on this definition, professionalism is central for any profession, including muslim preachers. this phrase of professionalism of the preacher is then juxtaposed with the term of preacher certification, the legitimacy to the preachers, or standardized echoed by the indonesian ulema council (mui). the certificate given to the preacher is intended to provide protection and as a guarantee that the preacher does not have a problem.26 the mui, as an official institution appointed by the government, issues the criteria of preachers who gain legitimacy, certification, or standardization as professional preachers by a) having profound religious competence, b) having an insight into national commitment, and c) having moral commitment and experience.27 at that time, 200 preachers certified issued by the ministry of religious affairs emerged and later became a controversial phenomenon. the list of 200 preachers certified by the ministry of religion has a negative impact on other preachers. even hamdan zoelva, as chairman of the serikat islam, criticised this case. he regretted the decision issued by the ministry of religion of the republic of indonesia so that it was as if the preacher who was not included in the list of 200 preachers did not love the republic of indonesia and the trouble maker. this phenomenon is actually troubling the community, especially the preacher standardization discourse and preacher certification. the term of preaching certification was proposed by the director-general of islamic community guidance of the ministry of religious affairs, machasin. he said that the certification of preachers was crucial because not all preachers understood indonesian culture.28 the controversy over the preacher standardization and preacher certification discourse takes place between the 65vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 government and a number of groups. on the one hand, the government states that preaching certification and pre-standardization of preachers are vital. preachers must have competence in the field of religion and not against government regulations, let alone to anti-nkri and anti-pancasila.29 the discourse on certification and standardization for preachers emerged because of complaints from the public. some people view that friday sermons and religious lectures invite religious debates in society, like disseminating the issue of khilafiyah (differences of religious opinions), hate speech, and even against the pancasila. as a result, this should be prevented by issuing regulations in order that deviations do not become increasingly disturbing.30 however, this discourse is not without rejection. there is a number of figures rejecting the existence of preacher certification and preacher standardization. sodik mujahid, deputy chairperson of commission viii dpr ri from the gerindra faction, rejected the ministry of religion’s proposal. he considered the standardization of preachers and the preachers’ certifications would be a way to limit the sermon. according to him, only preachers who have the certification can preach. factually, it was also noted that the establishment of preachers and preachers in mosques and mushallas (small mosques to pray) was determined through a meeting of takmir and community leaders. the fact is that there is very little news related to the rejection of preachers and preachers even if there were, only cases such as the rejection of ustadz abdul somad, lc., ma (uas) on the grounds of being involved in hti and radicalism as well as some threats and intimidation from various regions such as central java, malang, yogyakarta, solo, jombang, kediri, and several other areas in indonesia. 31 a muhammadiyah activist, mora harahap, also rejected this discourse. he said that the ministry of religious affairs’ plan to certify preachers was considered inappropriate. according to him, this policy will only cause controversy, high sensitivity, and disturbing muslims. 32 currently, a preacher who can deliver his da’wah to the ummah well is needed, certainly with the scientific competence possessed. the da’wah institutions have also conducted a rigorous selection of preachers. zainut tauhid sa’adi, gave a response related to the preacher certification discourse. he delivered three conditions as an important proposal for preacher certification. first, the preacher certification program was intended to increase the capacity, capability, and competency of preachers, both in mate66 afkaruna rial and methodological aspects. according to sa’adi, the condition of indonesian people, in particular, is changing with the rapid development of information technology. this encourages all people to adapt, as well as the preachers who will deliver their da’wah. second, the program is voluntary and not an obligation. the da’wah program is essentially the right and obligation of every muslim to carry out religious orders. if the preacher certification is required, it is also feared that there will be an appearance of intervention from the government. instead, this can be counter-productive. third, the certification program should ideally be carried out by islamic organizations or the community, not the government. in this context, the government only acts as a facilitator, thus encouraging community participation and is responsible for preparing qualified preachers from both material and methodological aspects.33 it cannot be denied that the profession carried by a preacher is a job that requires knowledge, skills, abilities, expertise, to create a society as expected. 34 amin35 proposed that, in the da’wah guidelines compiled by the indonesian ulema council, specifically, the actors of da’wah, including khatib, require 1) integrity and quality of preachers, 2). da’i competence. in the context of this study, it can be said that the government is present to guarantee the quality of friday sermons because there are indications of material that is not in accordance with the shari’a. for this reason, it is necessary to make criteria for the minimum threshold of competence that must be possessed by a preacher.   dumai and the pmd dumai is the second metropolitan city after pekanbaru in riau province, indonesia.  dumai city is approximately 188 km from pekanbaru, riau. in historical records, dumai city is a small village on the east coast of riau province that began to squirm into pearls on the coast of sumatra because it is dealing directly with the malacca strait. administratively, dumai city before 1999 was in bengkalis regency. but, it was separated into the city on april 20, 1999, through law no. 16 of 1999.36  until now, dumai has an organization that manages the preaching movement of the preachers, namely the missionary association of dumai (persatuan muballigh dumai, pmd). this religious organization is located at habiburrahman mosque, jln. hr soebrantas dumai. since the establishment of pmd until now, all preaching activities are arranged and scheduled 67vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 online. friday sermon activities, ramadan spiritual splash, eid al-fitr, eid aladha, isra mi’jraj of the prophet muhammad, islamic new year, prophet muhammad’s birthday and others are a series of activities scheduled by pmd in a structured and systematic manner. their da’wah activities accommodate the time, place, theme, title, and preacher who will carry out the da’wah. this certainly has a positive impact on the people of dumai.37 the pmd of dumai initially conducted da’wah with various media, such as; da’i voice bulletin, radio, cable tv, and live streaming tv. however, as time goes, the pmd only utilizes two da’wah media through radio and television. pmd propaganda activities and movements through radio and television are evidenced by the collaboration with ar-rahman 102.2 fm radio, dumai vision, and dumai tv documentation. this pmd missionary activity is presented in the form of a live broadcast. in addition, the coverage of preaching activities in the pmd was also consistently broadcast by the television and radio media.38 the pmd missionary movement through radio and television is still just ordinary preaching broadcast material. da’wah, that is packaged by radio and television is a monologic da’wah like the commemoration of religious holidays. through television and radio, preaching was delivered in the form of pmd preaching activities report, such as preaching cadre training, preaching certification, workshops, mudhakarah, and so on.39 da’wah’s collaboration between pmd and ar-rahman radio is implemented in the form of live dialogic da’wah on the radio. da’wah, through the radio, can be packaged dialogically (talking) can also be monologue (a preacher alone appears in the radio channel through radio can be heard directly by viewers through electromagnetic waves.  as a movement organization, the pmd is a neutral da’wah organization. its members are not exclusively categorized into several terms and organizations. it is not a salafi da’wah organization. it is also not linked to mainstream islamic organizations like nahdlatul ulama and muhammadiyah. therefore, the pmd is accepted among muslims in dumai because of its inclusive character and its role as an umbrella organization. it is different from ikmi (ikatan masjid indonesia or indonesian mosque association), for instance, which is linked to pks (partai keadilan sejahtera) or mdi (majelis da’wah islamiyah) which is associated with golkar party. 68 afkaruna efforts to improve the professionalism of the pmd preacher da’i professionalism in da’wah is paramount in this era. da’wah is realized as an effort to transform the values of goodness. da’wah should be done professionally, dynamically, and flexibly. the preachers are also required to have a high vision and moral values , as well as to be a figure whose behavior can be emulated by anyone. as preachers are required to have skills, skills, and knowledge, to achieve this position, educational institutions and da’ wah org ani zations ar e nee ded to pr epare prof essional preachers. cooperation, good communication, and ongoing between these institutions is in order to prepare professional da’wah cadres.40 da’i cadres in delivering islamic teachings are required to have high credibility and integrity. credibility arises through the role of preachers as agents of change that are innovative, creative, and dynamic to develop a sense of crisis of the preachers. the da’i are required to be responsive, decisive, and wise. they are often used as an example and community reference so that they will always be valued by the people. the people see the preachers as teachers who must be heard and respected. the morality of the preachers must be implemented in social life.41 in delivering their da’wah, the preachers are required to have the ability to master a variety of competencies and expertise, both substantive and methodological. mulkhan puts forward the substantive ability as, “... mastering the teachings of islam correctly and appropriately, having a good character or having good character, and knowing the development of science. methodological competence is the ability of a preacher to make preaching plans ranging from preparation, implementation, and evaluation of preaching activities.42 the pmd prepares professional preachers through planning. preaching planning begins with the unification of preachers, which are accommodated by preaching institutions in dumai, such as ikmi, mdi, and others. the unification of preachers in the same place is intended to facilitate coordination, equal ization of perc epti ons and material, and other technical matters. coordination is important in the organization of da’wah, especially in terms of preaching schedule, the location where da’wah is held, and the time of preaching. while the equalization of perceptions and material is related to the simplicity of da’wah especially related to khilafiyah issues. 69vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 in planning, the pmd distributes preachers, according to the community, needs thorough online scheduling, as stated by widodo.43 online scheduling is intended to facilitate the implementation of da’wah that will be carried out by the preacher. through the existing application, the preachers can easily access the preaching schedule wherever and whenever. technology is truly capable of deciding the time and place space associated with many problems faced by humans, including the preachers at the pmd. the problem of the lack of professional preachers in carrying out their da’wah is a global problem, so it takes maximum effort from various elements, such as academics and practitioners of da’wah. both of them are expected to be able to develop a formative scientific formulation of da’wah, from classical and modern literature, and through scientific studies starting from empirical experience 44so that the concept of da’wah can be obtained. this can be used as a reference in the implementation of da’wah, especially in dealing with the diversity of mad’u and the complex da’wah field. the development of a preacher’s expertise does not stop in the area of just being able to speak in public. if you only have that intelligence, then it can not be denied if one day, the preacher can deceive the congregation. this is certainly not wanted by anyone. therefore, it is necessary to develop the potential of expertise to the preachers to the maximum. having knowledge of religion is not enough for preachers. the preachers are required to have cross-scientific knowledge and must understand as well as be sensitive to the current problems of the people. the pmd in carrying out preaching makes careful planning by analyzing the problems faced when preaching. in this context, the pmd preachers preach based on the needs of the community as the object of preaching. as a result, the preaching carried out touches the needs of the community. this is also done by the pmd preachers with the concept of mudhakarah. the presence of the pmd becomes essential as a basis for developing the professionalism of preachers. the pmd is as a forum to improve the quality and quality of management as well as assessing and evaluating preachers’ performance. in addition, the pmd has the role and duty to discipline preachers in order to become an example for the community. the roles and tasks of the pmd are all inseparable parts to increase the professionalism of the preachers. efforts to improve professionalism are carried out through mudhakarah activities, training for preachers, the use of it, preacher certification, improvement of education levels, and the development of contemporary 70 afkaruna preaching materials. the six findings are described below: 1. mudhakarah mudhakarah or known as the discussion45 is an essential activity for preachers in an effort to improve the quality of knowledge and material propaganda. the pmd conducts mudhakarah activities in an effort to update the da’wah material in relation to the present context. material update through discussion or mudhakarah is vital to be done among the pmd because the situation and condition of the congregation are getting wider sources of information, especially in the millennial era. the pmd adjusting the da’wah material to the conditions of the congregation is a must and is done through mudhakarah activities. this activity is carried out consistently and continuously. muzakarrah is done periodically in the weekly and quarterly. it aims to provide a refreshing theme and da’wah material. the mudhakarah is done by bringing da’wah experts from outside the city, such as ust. h. abdul somad, lc., ma, dr. h. mawardi m. saleh, ma, and dr. fahri, m.ag. these three mudhakarah resource persons shared da’wah material such as about aqidah (theology), fiqh (islamic jurisprudence), muamalah (human relationship), and others. this activity is intended to improve the scientific abilities and skills of the da’í in developing the mission of islamic da’wah in dumai city. mudhakarah or discussion is done in a relaxed, dynamic, and dialogical manner. each preacher involved in the discussion activity is given the opportunity to ask the actual problems faced in the da’wah field. with this activity, each preacher will get an overview and solution that can be applied in every da’wah activity. in addition, it also adds scientific insights related to da’wah material that will be delivered to the public. the material of mudhakarah is always adjusted to the conditions encountered by preachers in the field related to some crucial issues such as khilafiah and differences in the religious understanding of the preachers and pilgrims. this is done with the intention of equalizing perception and understanding so that conflicts do not occur between jama’ah (congregation). the fact is that there are still many khilafiyah problems that occur but can be resolved properly through understanding agreements. therefore, the mudhakarah is very important for all preachers to address these conditions. 2. the training and the use of it (information technology) community life continues to evolve so that preaching activities must be 71vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 dynamic, innovative, and creative. the dynamics and creativity of da’wah are not only on material that must always be relevant to the needs of the community (mad’u), but also on the theory, methodology, and media used. in addition, da’wah must also be based across disciplines using a variety of approaches, communication, psychology, and sociology. on this basis, preachers who are members of the pmd are given the training to develop their preaching abilities. the success of da’wah is determined by how the da’wah is carried out, for example, the procedures for preaching, packaging material, attitudes and ways of preaching,46 media usage, and preaching training. in pesantren, for example, preaching training is known as muhadharah47 and khitabah training for students to form professional preachers cadres.48 the  pmd provides training to the preachers periodically with the support of the local government. of a large number of pmd preachers, they were classified into two training periods with a total of 70 preachers for preaching training. training is an important activity carried out to improve the ability of science in a planned and well programmed. training is a short education for preachers to get additional skills regarding da’wah, including material, methods, use of facilities, and others. the importance of this training is part of the conditions of the technology community, who are very familiar with the technology. therefore, each preacher is expected to be able to master the existing technical facilities as a means or medium for delivering messages. the use of it is part of the effectiveness of preaching messages that can be received by all people at the same time and in different places so that preaching can be conveyed anytime, anywhere and to anyone. da’i training is conducted for the purpose of providing knowledge and skills in da’wah. if no training is included, the preachers in carrying out their da’wah seem to ‘appear as they are.’ the da’i training is also carried out to familiarize the preachers to appear in front of the public.  as a result, the training is needed in the face of a complex da’wah field. knowledge and skills gained through training then become an essential capital of the preacher in preparing the preachers’ da’wah. each preacher is classified according to the level of preaching ability, then given intensive training by senior preachers and mentors. the mentors were brought from higher education institutions of uin sultan syarif kasim riau and uin imam bonjol padang. da’i is also equipped with the ability to use it in da’wah to add insight and material. to strengthen the training efforts for 72 afkaruna the da’í, several collaborations were made between the pmd and radio arrahman 102 fm and dumai tv. for example, the collaboration was carried out by preachers doing live preaching on radio and dumai tv. the training for pmd preachers was carried out in response to the phenomenon of social change that was increasingly “suffocating.” there are many changes that occurred due to the emergence of communication and information technology that sometimes surprised many people. as a result, it affects the governance of societies, as well as for the preachers who carry out their da’wah. implementation of da’wah is required to “adjust” to the conditions of the congregation, both in terms of psychological and sociological. no matter how perfect the material, if the da’wah does not place the media as the basis of the da’wah movement, then it is certain that the da’wah will fail. da’wah, without the media, seems ineffective and tends to be abandoned by the congregation. therefore, the media plays an important role in every da’wah movement carried out, as stated by marshall mcluhan, that the medium is the message.49 the pmd preachers preached through the media resulting from their collaboration, for example, on radio and tv. it will be developed on the internet and others. this fact is to answer the challenges of da’wah in the millennial era that led to what was expressed by mcluhan. various forms and ways of preaching in islam indicate that the obligation to preach must also be adjusted to the abilities and expertise of each person. everyone does not have to preach like a preacher because preaching can be done anywhere and by anyone. the most important thing is all done with the main goal, as stated through amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. 50 the actualization of da’wah using the internet today has provided a new paradigm regarding the success of da’wah. the da’i is no longer a major factor of preaching because, in the context of a networked society, the mad’u does not only accept preaching messages passively. instead, they actively process and interpret the messages they receive and are often not affected by the identity of the messenger. in the context of a networked society, there is no longer a preacher (author) or mad’u (reader) but merges in the same status, the user.51 as a result, it can be understood that the presence of internet access cannot be avoided because it has become a new civilization in the world of information and communication at a global level. with internet access, much information is feasible to be accessed by the public for personal interests, education, religion, business, and others. the mad’u who are internet users 73vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 (users) not only look for information but with the information they get, they will share it again (reshare) through social media owned by adding other da’wah messages according to their appropriateness and understanding.52 3. the da’i certification certification for some people is a kind of giving certificates to preachers who meet the qualifications according to government or community organization standards as a sign that the person concerned has the eligibility to do da’wah. 53 this certification marks preachers as professional work that is measured according to islamic institutional authority through the indonesian ulema council and the indonesian ministry of religious affairs. for them, this certification is essential as a public demand related to comfort in the da’wah of islam. professional enhancement of the pmd preachers is also carried out with the certification program. this certification is carried out in some stages to all preachers who are members of the pmd. the stages are processes to find, categorize, and classify the abilities possessed by each preacher so that with this classification, preachers can continue to improve their competence through formal and non-formal learning activities. the classification and level of ability do not intend to distinguish preachers but rather efforts to improve their professionalism. in these processes, the preachers with good qualifications will be given an a with the location of the da’wah placed in large mosques and companies. b certification grade qualifications are placed in mosques, and small mosques are located in certain sub-district areas. c qualified preachers are placed in mosques and prayer rooms on the outskirts of the city. this was also done as an effort to motivate the preachers to continue to develop their preaching abilities so as to be able to improve their certification value qualifications in a better direction. this certification process involves many parties, especially companies that provide accommodation, funds, and facilities. the company directly involved at the moment is pertamina dumai by providing accommodation in the form of lodging, transportation, and funding such as consumption and pocket money/honoraria. in addition, the educational institution selected is uin imam bonjol padang to be a certification team that assesses the quality and ability of the pmd preachers in preaching. the certification team makes a competency assessment model that will 74 afkaruna be tested on preachers, in the form of compulsory material which is recommended to be mastered. the material being tested includes jurisprudence (without prioritizing the khilafiyah), monotheism, morals, worship, interpretation, hadith, muamalah, and general knowledge of indonesia. therefore, certification activities are a long process that must be passed by each preacher in the following standardization through pre-certification. mastery of the material that is tested to each preacher is then a reason and answer for the preachers to get certified with ratings a, b, and c. 4. increased education level education is one of the most important aspects of life. education as a means to increase knowledge is an obligation for every muslim. all activities carried out by humans are inseparable from the knowledge possessed, including da’wah activities. the quality of da’wah can be influenced by the educational status of a preacher. the higher the education level of the preacher, the better the preaching process will be carried out. realizing this, the pmd city of dumai made efforts to increase the professionalism of preachers. the pmd, as an organization, has the duty to facilitate all preachers who want to continue their education to a higher level. the da’i who have graduated from high school are facilitated to continue to undergraduate level, magistral level, and then to doctoral level. this is done because there are still many preachers of dumai city who are still educated below the average of senior high school / islamic boarding school. this is an important concern for the pmd to improve the scientific abilities of the preachers. educational levels that are relatively in great demand are s1 (undergraduate) and s2 (master) in religious studies in several universities in riau province, such as uin sultan syarif kasim riau, riau islamic university (uir), stai and others. through the improvement of education levels, it is hoped that the preacher will be able to compete and answer the problems faced by the jama’ah when preaching is carried out. in order to improve education, the pmd can collaborate with companies such as pertamina in providing educational assistance (scholarships) to preachers who wish to continue their education. scholarships are provided as a fund for semester tuition fees and daily needs. this level of education then also determines the competence and expertise in preaching activities. 75vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 5. development of contemporary da’wah material/content in the process of da’wah, one of the crucial things is the da’wah material. the da’wah material delivered to the congregation must be appropriate material, and the current problems faced by the muslim community in dumai city. da’wah material must be packaged as attractive as possible so that its values and meanings are received by the congregation well. in addition, the material must be adjusted to the ability of the congregation who receives the material. therefore, preaching material is expected not to bore the congregation. the preacher’s profession, whose orientation is to communicate a number of religious messages to worshipers, must also adjust to social change. this certainly has an impact on the material that will be delivered to the congregation. in other words, a preacher must master the material preaching at the same time understanding the pilgrims, both in terms of psychological and sociological. the most important question of this issue is how the preacher’s readiness in packaging the material for preaching and then communicate to the middle of the congregation.54 the importance of developing da’wah material is a necessity so that the preachers have a thorough preparation.55 the preachers at the pmd does the development of material with various methods such as book review, hadith, pointer making, and writing or preaching concepts. material or content is significant as the primary substance in every preaching done. therefore, it is necessary to develop material that is appropriate to the situation and needs of the people who will receive the messages of da’wah. the effort made by the pmd is to prepare the most current and conditional preaching materials. the latest da’wah material is intended to answer the actual problems in the da’wah field encountered. da’wah material developed by the pmd is in the form of da’wah books that can be guided in da’wah activities. the materials are collected according to the real conditions that occur in the community. strengthening the material carried out by pmd is in the form of equipping the preachers. the pmd prepares the latest da’wah materials as the concept of da’wah for the preachers so that there is a uniformity of the preaching material delivered by the pmd preachers in each preaching activity. the preachers were also asked to make various da’wah concepts, and selection would be conducted by the pmd. the good material with the best concept will be used as a topic of discussion in da’wah. this activity was 76 afkaruna carried out in collaboration with other da’wah institutions and da’wah experts in preparing the preachers for the continuity of the preaching material delivered to the dumai community. conclusion the development of preacher professionalism is an urgent need at a time when social change is increasingly ‘pushed’ to the surface. the rise of the crisis of human values, one of which is caused by the presence of technology, has resulted in the emergence of such complex social problems. to anticipate phenomena and the impact of the technology as well as to meet the challenges of an increasingly complex social change, the necessary da’wah professional movements are needed. under such conditions, the pmd has tried to improve the professionalism of preachers in dumai. this article does not study whether or not the efforts done by the pmd was successful. it only focuses on activities done by the pmd as a way to improve the professionalism of muslim preachers in dumai. in realizing professional preaching human resources, the pmd preachers are given several activities namely mudhakarah and religious dialogue as a form of da’wah guidance to strengthen the ability and skills of preachers;  training and it utilization activities are carried out to familiarize the preachers in preaching in public spaces and mastering the stage. likewise, the presence of technology makes it easier for preachers to carry out their da’wah in accordance with the needs of the congregation. preaching certification is conducted in an effort to assess and qualify the quality of preachers in accordance with the level decided. training is done to improve the preachers’ quality and their mastery of various fields; the increased levels of education among the pmd preachers is done through cooperation agreements with companies, universities, and government; and the development of contemporary da’wah material for the pmd preachers is done through the study of books, hadith and actual phenomena which are then evaluated periodically as a reference for preachers in da’wah. this article provides an overview of the da’wah done in local indonesia in dumai. this study benefits for islamic studies focusing on realistic da’wah, which is neglected by scholars. several studies on da’wah mostly focus on normative aspects. this can be seen from some studies done by zaini and basit, for instance. they may contribute to islamic studies in general. however, the focus on empirical research can be done for the specific benefits of indonesian islam. this will denote the significance of da’wah, which cannot 77vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 be done in a monolithic way. indonesian islam requires multiple da’wah since da’wah in indonesian islam can be done based on the local context. this study then suggests that da’wah in indonesia entails local culture to support the success of da’wah. da’wah’s studies on the local context need to be explored further so that they can contribute to islamic studies, especially indonesian islam. endnotes 1 aris risdiana, “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan (studi terhadap manajemen sdm),” jurnal dakwah 15, no. 2 (2014): 433–51, https://doi.org/10.14421/jd.2014.%x. 2 julian millie, “spiritual meal” or ongoing project ? the dilemma of dakwah oratory” in greg fealy and sally white (eds), expressing islam : religious life and politics in indonesia, singapore: institute of southeast asian studies, 2008, pp. 80-94. 3 risdiana. 4 perdamaian perdamaian, kodarni kodarni, dan dony arung triantoro, “strategi dakwah berbasis media elektronik di persatuan mubaligh dumai (pmd) kota dumai,” idarotuna 1, no. 1 (9 oktober 2018), http://ejournal.uinsuska.ac.id/index.php/idarotuna/article/view/6071. 5 risdiana, “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan (studi terhadap manajemen sdm).” 6 perdamaian, kodarni, dan triantoro, “strategi dakwah berbasis media elektronik di persatuan mubaligh dumai (pmd) kota dumai.” 7 fahrurrozi fahrurrozi, “sertifikasi atau standarisasi khatib? respons para da’i di kota mataram,” jurnal komunikasi islam 8, no. 1 (1 oktober 2018): 155–78, https://doi.org/10.15642/jki.2018.1.1.155-178. 8 saipul annur, “respon masyarakat terhadap sertifikasi ulama di kota palembang,” medina-te/ : jurnal studi islam 18, no. 1 (16 juli 2018): 102–20. 9 arsam arsam, “persepsi para mubaligh terhadap wacana kontroversi standardisasi khatib dan sertifikasi mubaligh,” komunika: jurnal dakwah dan ko muni k as i 11, no. 2 ( 2017): 235–4 9, h ttp s://doi.org/10.24090/ komunika.v11i2.1367. 10 risdiana, “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan (studi terhadap manajemen sdm).” 11 perdamaian, kodarni, dan triantoro, “strategi dakwah berbasis media elektronik di persatuan mubaligh dumai (pmd) kota dumai.” 12 fahrurrozi, “sertifikasi atau standarisasi khatib?” 13 ahmad zaini, “dakwah melalui televisi,” at-tabsyir : jurnal komunikasi penyiaran islam, vol. 3 no.1 (juni 2016), h. 1-20. 14 abdul basit, “ dakwah cerdas di era modern” jurnal komunikasi islam, vol. 3, no. 1 (2013), h. 76-94. 78 afkaruna 15 wawancara dengan ketua pmd, drs. h. asyari, tanggal 8 oktober 2018. 16 nanang martono, sosiologi perubahan sosial, jakarta : rajawali press, 2014, h.397 17 abu bakar madani, “dakwah dan perubahan sosial: studi terhadap peran manusia sebagai khalifah di muka bumi,” lentera 1, no. 01 (18 mei 2017), https://doi.org/10.21093/lentera.v1i01.851. 18 madani 19 efa rubawati, “media baru: tantangan dan peluang dakwah,” jurnal studi komunikasi 2, no. 1 (1 maret 2018), https://doi.org/10.25139/jsk.v2i1.586. 20 rubawati. 21 rubawati. 22 asep iwan setiawan, “dakwah berbasis pemberdayaan ekonomi dan peningkatan kesejahteraan mad’u,” ilmu dakwah: academic journal for homiletic studies 6, no. 2 (2012): 347–262, https://doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v6i2.342. 23 madani, “dakwah dan perubahan sosial.” 24 https://kbbi.web.id/profesional, 2019. 25 h t t p s : / / d i c t i o n a r y c a m b r i d g e o r g . c d n . a m p p r o j e c t . o r g / v / s / dictionary.cambridge.org/amp/english/professionalism?amp_js_v=a3&... 26 https://www.merdeka.com., 23 mei 2018. 27 https://www.merdeka.com., 23 mei 2018 dan https://www.merdeka.com, 22 mei 2018 28 arsam, “persepsi para mubaligh terhadap wacana kontroversi standardisasi 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muni k as i 11, no. 2 ( 2017): 235–4 9. h ttp s://doi.org/10.24090/ komunika.v11i2.1367. basit, abdul .” dakwah cerdas di era modern” jurnal komunikasi islam, vol. 3, no. 1 (2013), h. 76-94. budiantoro, wahyu. “urgensi manajemen dalam pengembangan aktivitas dakwah.” komunika: jurnal da’wah dan komunikasi 10, no. 2 (2016): 278–91. https://doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v10i2.949. 80 afkaruna fahrurrozi, fahrurrozi. “sertifikasi atau standarisasi khatib? respons para da’i di kota mataram.” jurnal komunikasi islam 8, no. 1 (1 oktober 2018): 155–78. https://doi.org/10.15642/jki.2018.1.1.155-178. fuadiyah, ainiatul. “manajemen pelatihan khitobah dalam meningkatkan kemampuan santri menjadi muballigh profesional di pondok pesantren salaf tahfidz al-qur’an al arifiyyah pekalongan.” undergraduate, uin walisongo, 2015. http://eprints.walisongo.ac.id/4764/. kholili, h. m. kholili h. m. “pondok pesantren dan pengembangan potensi dakwah.” jurnal dakwah 13, no. 2 (2012): 177–202. 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http://ejournal.uin-suska.ac.id/ index.php/idarotuna/article/view/6071. prasanti, ditha. “perubahan media komunikasi dalam pola komunikasi keluarga di era digital.” commed/ : jurnal komunikasi dan media 1, no. 1 (17 juli 2017): 69–81. risdiana, aris. “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan (studi terhadap manajemen sdm).” jurnal dakwah 15, no. 2 (2014): 433–51. https://doi.org/10.14421/jd.2014.%x. rubawati, efa. “media baru: tantangan dan peluang dakwah.” jurnal studi komunikasi 2, no. 1 (1 maret 2018). https://doi.org/10.25139/jsk.v2i1.586. setiawan, asep iwan. “dakwah berbasis pemberdayaan ekonomi dan peningkatan kesejahteraan mad’u.” ilmu da’wah: academic journal for homiletic studies 6, no. 2 (2012): 347–262. https://doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v6i2.342. shodiqin, asep. “reposisi muballigh: dari ‘personal’ menuju ‘agent of change.’” ilmu dakwah: academic journal for homiletic studies 6, no. 2 (2012): 363–82. https://doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v6i2.343. stiawan, eko. “strategi muhadharah sebagai metode pelatihan dakwah bagi kader da’i di pesantren daarul fikri malang.” fenomena 14, no. 2 (23 maret 2016). http://ejournal.iain-jember.ac.id/index.php/fenomena/article/view/210. 81vol. 16 no. 1 juni 20 20 widodo, pulla pandika, dan elisawati elisawati. “penjadwalan mubaligh online pada persatuan mubaligh dumai (pmd) kota dumai.” i n f o r m a t i k a 9, no. 2 (10 januari 2019): 25–32. zaini, ahmad. “dakwah melalui televisi,” at-tabsyir : jurnal komunikasi penyiaran islam, vol. 3 no.1 (juni 2016), h. 1-20. https://dictionary-cambridge-org.cdn.ampproject.org/v/s/dictionary.cambridge.org/amp/ english/professionalism?amp_js_v=a3&... http//www.republika.co.id, diakses pada 26 juli 2018. http//www.tribunnews.com/nasional, diakses pada 6 september 2018. http//www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional, diakses pada 3 september 2018. https://kbbi.web.id/profesional, diakses pada 2019. https://www.pelajaran.id/2017/14/pengertian-profesionalitas-menurut-paraahli.html. https://www.merdeka.com., diakses pada 23 mei 2018. https://www.merdeka.com, diakses pada 22 mei 2018 uu no. 16 tahun 1999 diakses melalui www.bpkp.go.id diakses pada 6 september 2019. # layout jan jun 2011 merestrukturisasi pandangan kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’. pandangan tentang alam yang berkembang pada abad ke-10 m adalah pandangan khas yang telah menempatkan alam dengan lebih utuh sebagai entitas spiritual-metafisik dan entitas material secara bersamaan. model pandangan seperti ini menurut penulis lebih relevan untuk konteks hari ini, setelah selama beberapa abad lamanya, sains modern, khususnya melalui kosmologi modern telah menanggalkan aspek spiritual-metafisik alam semesta, dan hanya mengakui alam sebagai entitas material-fisik. selama berabad-abad lamanya itulah alam semesta telah mengalami pereduksian makna dari hakikatnya, yang dalam bagian-bagian tertentu telah menyebabkan alam dipersepsi dan diperlakukan tidak sebagaimana adanya. hal fundamental inilah yang menurut penulis telah menyebabkan terjadinya krisis lingkungan global yang melanda dewasa ini. sehingga dengan ini pandangan kosmologis ikhwan alshafa’ yang mempersepsi alam dengan holistik menemukan titik relevansinya. kata kunci: ikhwan al-shafa’, kosmologi, struktur spiritual, struktur material/fisikal, akal aktif universal. pendahuluan pandangan tentang alam semesta dalam kosmologi modern telah tunduk pada pandangan mekanistik yang diyakini berasal dari pemikiran bapak filsafat modern, rene descartes (1596-1650). pandangan tersebut menyatakan bahwa alam semesta tidak lain hanyalah sebuah mesin. secara substansial, dalam pandangan descartes, alam tidak memiliki tujuan (purposes), kehidupan (life), dan spiritualitas (spirituality). alam kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’ muhammad abdullah darraz direktur program maarif institute for culture and humanity. . email: darrazophy@yahoo.com abstract this article is an attempt to examine and restructurize ikhwan al-shafa’s cosmological views. people’s perception of nature developing in the 10th century was that the nature was viewed in a more holistic approach. nature is perceived as spiritualmetaphysic and material entity. this kind of approach is relevant to the current context after for centuries modern science, especially modern cosmological concept, has neglected spiritual-metaphysical dimension of the nature, and has only recognized the physical-material dimension of the nature. therefore, over centuries teh meaning of nature has been reduced and this has led to inappropriate treatment toward nature. the author argues that the current perception of nature which neglects spiritual dimension has led to global environment crisis. therefore, the holistic ikhwan al-shafa’s cosmological perspective is worth and relevant to current needs of humankind. kata kunci: ikhwan al-shafa’, cosmology, spiritual structure, material structure, universal active intellect. abstrak tulisan ini berupaya menelaah dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 69vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 semesta ini oleh karenanya bagi descartes, berjalan tunduk pada hukum-hukum mekanik, dan segala sesuatu dalam alam materi ini dapat dijelaskan dalam pengertian tatanan dan gerakan dari bagian-bagiannya1. gambaran alam semesta yang mekanis seperti ini menjadi paradigma sains modern yang dominan pada masa-masa setelah descartes. gambaran tersebut telah menuntun semua pengamatan ilmiah dan perumusan semua teori tentang fenomena alam hingga saat ini. capra mencatat demikian, seluruh penjelasan tentang ilmu mekanistik pada abad ketujuh belas, delapan belas, dan sembilan belas, termasuk teori agung newton, tidak lain adalah perkembangan dari gagasan pemikiran cartesian. descartes telah memberikan pemikiran ilmiah pada kerangka umumnya, yakni sebuah pandangan tentang alam sebagai sebuah mesin sempurna, yang diatur oleh hukum-hukum matematis yang pasti.2 bukan hanya mempersepsi alam semesta, pandangan mekanistik cartesian juga diperluas pada organisme kehidupan seperti tumbuhan dan hewan. bagi descartes, hewan dan tumbuhan tak lain baca secara fonetikdiperluas dibagi hanya hanya sekedar mesin. begitupun ketika mempersepsi manusia, dualisme cartesian antara akal dan tubuh, telah menempatkan manusia sejauh ia hanya berhubungan dengan tubuhnya, maka manusia tidak dapat dibedakan dari sebuah mesin-binatang. pandangan ini telah lama mengubah gambaran alam semesta yang organis menjadi alam yang mekanik dengan berlandaskan pada hukum-hukum alam mekanik.3 bukan hanya itu, implikasi praktisnya adalah, pandangan ini telah mengubah pola hidup dan sikap manusia dalam memperlakukan alam. perilaku ramah lingkungan yang dijalankan pada abad-abad sebelum era cartesian bergulir, perlahan telah musnah dan tergantikan oleh perilaku yang cenderung merusak lingkungan, sebagaimana digambarkan oleh langdon gilkey4. sehingga carolyn mercant menyatakan tentang kondisi ini sebagai berikut, bahwa gambaran bumi sebagai organisme hidup dan sebagai ibu yang mengasihi dianggap sebagai hambatan budaya yang membatasi perilaku manusia. seseorang tidak akan tega menyembelih ibunya, menggali isi perutnya untuk mendapatkan emas, atau merusak tubuh ibunya. selama bumi dianggap memiliki kehidupan dan perasaan, melakukan tindakan yang merusak dapat dianggap sebagai suatu pelanggaran terhadap perilaku etis manusia5. pandangan yang telah menghapuskan gambaran semesta sebagai entitas hidup seperti di atas telah mengakibatkan perilaku dan tindakan manusia tidak lagi ramah dalam memperlakukan bumi dan alam semesta. pandangan di atas telah memberikan legitimasi bagi manusia untuk mengeksploitasi dan memanipulasi alam secara sewenang-wenang. dengan mengatasnamakan sains, alam semesta dan seluruh entitas di dalamnya sah untuk ditundukkan dan dikontrol. jika kita menelaah lebih lanjut, sains modern yang mengkaji tentang alam telah melepaskan sakralitas substansi alam semesta dan menjadikan alam sebagai sesuatu yang profan. bahkan ilmu alam modern telah kehilangan inteligibilitas simboliknya. “kosmologi modern”6 sebagai sebuah kajian keilmuan tentang alam semesta, sebagai doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 70 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna bagian dari sains modern, juga tidak luput dari proses tersebut. di dalam kosmologi modern, kita tidak akan menemukan lagi dimensi spiritual dan metafisik yang seharusnya merupakan bagian integral dari kosmologi itu sendiri.7 kritik yang lebih mendalam disampaikan oleh titus burkchardt terkait kosmologi modern yang dikembangkan oleh para ilmuan barat. baginya kosmologi modern atau kosmologi barat (western cosmology) sebenarnya bukanlah kosmologi yang genuin, namun ia telah tereduksi hanya sebatas menjadi kosmografi8. konsepsi tentang dunia fisik yang dipersepsi oleh ilmuwan modern telah mengabaikan tatanan spiritual yang sebenarnya terintegrasi dengannya. lebih lanjut, sains modern, terutama kosmologi modern telah mereduksi hirarki realitas menjadi sebuah entitas empirik yang datar. oleh karena itu, manusia modern kerap mempersepsi alam semesta hanya sebagai entitas yang tidak tergantung bahkan tidak memiliki hubungan sama sekali dengan dunia metafisik dan spiritual. pandangan di atas akan menggiring pada satu anggapan bahwa alam semesta tak lain hanya sebatas sebagai objek mati dan oleh karenanya dapat diperlakukan secara semena-mena. dampak negatif pandangan ini menjadikan kehidupan alam terancam, dan menyebabkan terjadinya krisis lingkungan di dunia ini. berdasarkan latarbelakang di atas, tulisan ini berupaya menghadirkan satu pandangan alternatif tentang alam, yakni pandangan kosmologi holistik, yang sebenarnya telah berkembang jauh sebelum kosmologi modern lahir. secara khusus, tulisan ini akan memaparkan kosmologi yang lahir dalam salah satu tradisi ilmiah islam abad ke-10, dengan menghadirkan pandangan filosofis sebuah kelompok intelektual asal basrah, irak, yang bernama ikhwan al-shafa’9. struktur kosmologi ikhwan alshafa’ pandangan kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’ setidaknya dapat dilacak secara rinci dalam rasail pada risalah ke-16 yang berjudul al-sama wa al-‘alam10. ikhwan al-shafa’ memandang semesta ini sebagai sebuah entitas yang utuh. ia menyebutnya sebagai satu alam yang utuh (‘alam wahid).11 dalam penjelasan lain, ia menyebut semesta sebagai jasad yang satu yang dialiri oleh jiwa yang satu.12 ikhwan al-shafa’ mengibaratkan alam semesta ini sebagai sebuah kota, ia juga mengibaratkannya sebagai seekor hewan, atau sesosok manusia. sebagai sebuah kota, alam memiliki sistem perkotaan yang saling berhubungan satu dengan yang lain. sama halnya ketika alam ini diibaratkan sebagai manusia, maka antara satu anggota tubuh dengan anggota tubuh lainnya memiliki kaitan dan hubungan yang sangat erat. ketika tangan terluka, maka seluruh anggota tubuh lainnya juga merasakan hal yang serupa. pandangan semacam ini ingin mengukuhkan prinsip unisitas keberadaan alam (the unicity of nature), sebagaimana telah dibincangkan oleh seyyed hossein nasr dalam karyanya an introduction to islamic cosmological doctrines.13 yakni konsep kesatuan semesta dalam kaitannya dengan kesalinghubungan antara satu elemen dengan berbagai elemen lainnya pada alam ini. namun yang pertama kali penting untuk dijelaskan dalam pendahuluan ini adalah pembagian struktur entitas semesta yang dilakukan oleh ikhwan al-shafa’ pada 2 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 71vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 bagian: pertama adalah entitas spiritual (aljawahir al-ruhaniyyah) yang berada pada alam spiritual, atau dibahasakan sebagai alam transenden (al-‘alam al-a‘la). sedangkan yang kedua adalah entitas fisik (al-jawahir aljismaniyyah) yang diklasifikasikan berada pada 2 alam lainnya, yakni alam atas (al-‘alam al‘alawi) yang sering disebut sebagai celestial universe dan alam bawah (al-‘alam al-sufla), yakni alam orbit-orbit dan bintang, serta alam yang mengalami proses kejadian dan kehancuran yang letaknya di bawah bulan, atau sering disebut sebagai alam sublunar, yakni terrestrial universe. semuanya terkandung di alam semesta ini.14 di antara alam-alam ini memiliki keselarasan dan keharmonisan yang majemuk (tanasub muta’addid)15. keselarasan-keselarasan ini yang menyebabkan antara keduanya memiliki hubungan dan kaitan yang sangat erat16. hal ini yang membedakan antara tuhan sang pencipta dengan semesta. ketika tuhan tunggal dengan keesaan-nya, maka semesta memiliki padanan-padanan dan pasangannya dalam multisegi. dalam al-risalah al-jami’ah dinyatakan, “dan di alam ruhani (transcendental) itu memiliki kesamaan di alam fisik/alam bawah. sebab segala sesuatu di luar diri tuhan yang maha suci, ada pasangan-pasangan ganda, untuk membuktikan bahwa tuhan itu esa, unik, dan tunggal, yang tidak beranak dan tidak diperanak” 17. sedangkan tuhan sebaliknya dari alam, sebagaimana diyakini oleh para nabi dan para filosof, dinyatakan sebagai realitas tunggal dari berbagai segi. justru kegandaan dan komposisi alam semesta menjadi bukti akan keesaan-nya. ikhwan al-shafa’ memaparkan, para nabi dan filosof telah berketetapan bahwa allah yang maha mulia dan maha agung, yang tidak memiliki sekutu dan tidak ada yang menyerupai-nya, adalah realitas tunggal dari berbagai segi. sedangkan segala sesuatu selain-nya berupa entitas-entitas wujud di alam ini adalah berpasangan (couple), tersusun (composed), dan terkomposisi secara kompleks (complex)18. ketika alam ruhani memiliki akal universal, maka alam jasmani memiliki akal partikular. alam ruhani memiliki jiwa universal, sedangkan alam jasmani memiliki jiwa partikular19. begitupun dengan keberadaan materi orisinal (al-hayula al-ula) di alam spiritual, maka pasangannya di alam jasmani adalah materi di alam rendah (al-hayula alsufliyyah). seluruh entitas ini memiliki ikatan dan kesalinghubungan satu sama lain, dan berada dalam jangkauan tuhan yang maha meliputi. dalam penjelasannya, ikhwan alshafa’ menyatakan, “segala sesuatu yang mewujud ini seluruhnya memiliki ikatan dan keterkaitan satu sama lain. dan amr allah meliputi seluruhnya” 20. dalam penjelasan yang lebih rinci ikhwan al-shafa’ menegaskan, sedangkan para filosof dan golongan yang berilmu tinggi, mereka dapat menyaksikan – melalui kejernihan jiwa dan cahaya akal mereka– substansi-substansi nonfisik (spiritual/metafisik) mengalir dalam benda-benda alam. ia menampakkan aktivitas dan pengaruhnya pada benda-benda tersebut sesuai dengan keterkaitan antara satu dengan lainnya. pengaruh tersebut nampak jelas ada pada setiap benda-benda fisik sesuai dengan daya, upaya, dan kemampuannya. dan entitas spiritual ini merupakan inti dari setiap ciptaan. oleh karenanya, segala aktivitas yang nampak pada entitas-entitas fisik, maka pasti ia disandarkan pada entitas ruhaninya. 21 doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 72 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna secara ringkas, ikhwan al-shafa’ mendefinisikan entitas alam ruhani sebagai segala sesuatu yang dapat dipersepsi oleh akal dan diabstraksi oleh pikiran. sedangkan entitas alam jasmani adalah segala sesuatu yang dapat dipersepsi hanya oleh indra saja. alam ruhani itu meliputi/melingkupi alam orbital yang merupakan alam jasmani22. sebagaimana alam orbital ini melingkupi alam sublunar yang terdiri dari elemenelemen dan entitas-entitas derivatif berupa mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan. menurut ikhwan al-shafa’, penciptaan berbagai entitas jasmani dilakukan secara berangsur-angsur, bertahap sesuai dengan perjalanan masa (al-dahr) dan waktu (alazman). sedangkan penciptaan berbagai entitas transenden-spiritual terjadi secara sekaligus dalam satu kali waktu tanpa melalui proses kejadian ruang, waktu, dan materi.23 dalam penjelasan nadiah jamaluddin, tuhan telah menciptakan potensi keberadaan (bi al-quwwah) seluruh entitas alam ini –baik entitas alam ruhani maupun entitas alam jasmani– secara bersamaan. namun setelah itu, tuhan mengaktualkan potensi eksistensial seluruh semesta ini secara berurutan, satu persatu sehingga seluruhnya mewujud secara aktual.24 yang dimaksud dengan potensi eksistensial ini adalah bentuk (shuwar) dan arketip (a’yan).25 ikhwan alshafa’ menyebutkan bahwa keberadaan seluruh entitas secara utuh ada dalam akal universal secara potensial. dimulai dari penciptaan alam ruhanitransenden dan dilanjutkan pada penciptaan alam fisik-jasmani. oleh karena itu keberadaan alam ruhani lebih awal dan lebih dahulu dibandingkan dengan keberadaan alam fisik-jasmani. dalam teori emanasi ikhwan al-shafa’, secara tegas dinyatakan, bahwa akal universal adalah pancaran pertama yang langsung berasal dari tuhan. dan melalui akal universal inilah segala entitas diwujudkan. di dalam akal universal ini, seluruh bentuk entitas terdapat –secara potensial. inilah cikal bakal keberadaan seluruh entitas alam ini mewujud secara aktual.26 secara hirarkis, ikhwan al-shafa’ membagi struktur entitas ruhani menjadi 3 macam: 1. akal aktif universal (al-‘aql al-kulli al-fa’’al); 2. jiwa universal (al-nafs al-kulliyyah); 3. materi orisinal (al-hayula al-ula). akal universal adalah substansi sederhana yang dapat menangkap hakikat dan realitas segala sesuatu. sedangkan jiwa universal merupakan substansi sederhana yang aktif (fa’alah) dan memiliki daya untuk mengetahui (‘allamah). adapun materi orisinal dimaknai sebagai substansi sederhana (jawhar basith) yang pasif (munfa’il), dapat dicerap secara rasional (ma’qul) dan menerima berbagai bentuk. sedangkan struktur entitas fisik terdiri dari 3 macam, yaitu; pertama, benda-benda orbital (al-ajram al-falakiyyah); kedua, 4 elemenelemen alamiah yang terdiri dari api, udara, air, dan tanah; ketiga, 3 organisme turunan yakni, hewan, tumbuhan, dan benda mineral. struktur spiritual (al-jawahir alruhaniyyah) di bawah ini kita akan mengurai satu persatu berbagai entitas kosmik yang telah dikategorikan oleh ikhwan al-shafa’ pada dunia spiritual. akal aktif universal akal merupakan inti dari hirarki teori emanasi ikhwan al-shafa’. bahkan teori emanasi ikhwan al-shafa’ dilandasi oleh keberadaan akal. hal ini disebabkan karena doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 73vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 akal dalam keyakinan ikhwan al-shafa’ merupakan entitas pertama yang diciptakan oleh tuhan maha pencipta, dan menjadi perantara antara tuhan dan keberadaan semesta. allah ta’ala merupakan wujud sempurna, yang penuh dengan keutamaan-keutamaan dan kebaikan. ia mengetahui segala sesuatu sebelum mereka semuanya mewujud. maka atas dasar kehendak dan kekuasaan-nya, allah tidak menyimpan keutamaan dan kesempurnaan-nya hanya untuk diri-nya sendiri, namun dia menebarkannya melalui proses pelimpahan (emanasi). proses emanasi ini berlangsung secara terus-menerus, berkelanjutan, tanpa henti. dan emanasi pertama ini disebut akal aktif universal (al-‘aql al-fa’al al-kulli). ia merupakan substansi spiritual sederhana, bahkan ia dikatakan sebagai cahaya murni. berbagai bentuk seluruh entitas semesta telah tercakup di dalamnya, sebagaimana seluruh bentuk dari objek pengetahuan telah tercakup dalam pikiran alam27. dengan keberadaan akal universal, tuhan menciptakan alam semesta ini. dalam salah satu penjelasannya dinyatakan bahwa seluruh entitas wujud alam ini, baik itu entitas alam fisik yang kasar, maupun entitas alam spiritual yang halus, bumi dan langit, surga dan neraka, seluruhnya berasal dari sumber yang tunggal, yakni akal.28 betapa pentingnya posisi akal universal dalam pandangan ikhwan al-shafa’. bahkan dalam penjelasan lain, mereka meyakini bahwa keberadaan seluruh entitas alam semesta ini –baik alam ruhani maupun alam jasmani– tergantung pada keberadaan akal universal ini. karena dalam akal universal-lah segala entitas semesta mewujud secara potensial. melalui akal universal ini semua bentuk dan arketip entitas semesta berada, untuk kemudian diwujudkan secara aktual dalam realitas.29 dalam hal ini posisi akal menempati posisi paling tinggi di antara entitas lainnya dalam kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’. karena akal merupakan ciptaan pertama, yang berasal dari allah swt secara langsung tanpa perantaraan. untuk menguatkan pandangannya, ikhwan al-shafa’ bersandar pada hadits yang diriwayatkan dari nabi muhammad saw. “rasulullah bersabda: makhluk pertama yang allah ta’ala ciptakan adalah akal. lalu allah berfirman padanya: terimalah, lalu ia menerimanya. lalu allah berkata lagi: pergilah!, lalu ia pun pergi. lalu allah berfirman: demi kemuliaan dan keagunganku, tidak ada makhluk yang ku ciptakan lebih agung daripadamu, melaluimu aku merenggut, melaluimu aku memberi, denganmu aku memberi pahala, dan melaluimu aku memberi balasan hukuman.” akal merupakan makhluk pertama yang menerima amr tuhan. dan akal adalah makhluk paling dekat dengan tuhan sebagai penciptanya, karena ia menempati posisi pertama dalam hirarki emanasi. lalu setelah itu tuhan menciptakan jiwa universal dan materi pertama. akal universal ini disebutkan sebagai hijab agung (al-hijab al-a’zham) antara tuhan dan seluruh makhluk-nya dan pintu besar (al-bab al-akbar) menuju keesaan allah ta’ala. meskipun ia disebut sebagai pintu tawhid – karena ia adalah pancaran pertama dari eksistensi tuhan, namun ia diakui memiliki pasangan yang disandingkan kepadanya. ikhwan al-shafa’ menjelaskan, bahwa sebab keberadaan (al-‘illah al-wujudiyyah) akal doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 74 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna adalah keberadaan/wujud tuhan sang maha pencipta dan pancaran tuhan terhadapnya. sedangkan sebab keberlangsungan (al-‘illah albaqaiyyah) adalah pertolongan tuhan melalui wujud dan pancaran yang bersumber darinya. adapun sebab keutuhan (al-‘illah altamamiyyah) akal adalah penerimaan yang dilakukan oleh akal terhadap pancaran dan pertolongan tuhan sang pencipta. sedangkan sebab kesempurnaan (al-illah alkamaliyyah) akal adalah kemampuannya untuk meneruskan pancaran yang berasal dari tuhan kepada jiwa universal. oleh karena itu keberlangsungan akal menjadi sebab bagi keberadaan jiwa universal. dan keutuhan akal menjadi sebab bagi keberlangsungan jiwa. dan kesempurnaan akal menjadi sebab bagi keutuhan jiwa.31 kini tiba saatnya untuk menguraikan penjelasan tentang jiwa universal yang mewujud sebagai pancaran dari akal universal. jiwa universal jiwa universal merupakan entitas kedua dalam hirarki teori emanasi ikhwan al-shafa’ setelah akal universal. hubungan antara jiwa universal dengan akal universal seperti hubungan antara cahaya bulan yang didapatkan dari cahaya matahari. melalui cahaya mataharilah bulan dapat menerima cahaya. oleh karenanya cahaya bulan teramat bergantung pada cahaya matahari. seperti itulah ketergantungan jiwa universal terhadap akal universal. bila akal universal tidak ada maka secara pasti jiwa universal tidak akan mewujud. dalam hal ini mereka menyatakan sebuah teori, bahwa dalam diri akibat (al-ma’lul) terdapat pengaruh-pengaruh (jejak-jejak) sebab (al-‘illah). oleh karena itu akal universal yang nota bene merupakan sebab bagi keberadaan jiwa universal pasti meninggalkan pengaruh dan jejak dalam jiwa universal. ketika jiwa telah menerima limpahan cahaya akal, dan cahayanya telah sempurna sebagaimana cahaya akal, maka aktualitasnya pun telah mewujud dan serupa dengan aktualitas akal. proses pelimpahan bentuk oleh akal pada jiwa universal ini dilakukan secara sekaligus tanpa mengalami waktu. bila dianalogikan prosesnya seperti pancaran cahaya matahari ke udara.32 begitu saja terjadi, ketika matahari mewujud, secara otomatis cahayanya memancar. oleh karena itu dalam hirarki eksistensial phytagorean, jiwa universal menempati posisi ketiga, setelah tuhan dan akal universal. sebagaimana angka 3 didahului oleh angka 2 dan angka 1 dalam pandangan kosmologi mereka. mereka berpendapat bahwa bentuk entitas di alam ini tidak lain selaras dengan bentuk-bentuk angka, dan segala entitas wujud di alam ini tersusun berdasarkan karakteristik angka. karena ia merupakan entitas yang terdapat antara akal universal dan materi orisinal (al-hayula al-ula), maka ia mengalami beberapa peristiwa, karena keterkaitannya tidak hanya dengan akal tapi juga dengan entitas yang ada di bawahnya. oleh karena itu, menurut ikhwan al-shafa’, kadangkala jiwa universal menerima pancaran bentuk dari akal universal, dan di pihak lain ia juga memancarkan bentuk terhadap materi orisinal.33 ikhwan al-shafa’ menyebut jiwa universal ini sebagai akal pasif (al-‘aql al-munfa’il/passive intellect), yakni sebuah substansi spiritual, sederhana, yang secara pasif menerima berbagai bentuk, serta berbagai kualitas positif dari akal universal berdasarkan urutan dan keteraturan. ia diibaratkan sebagai doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 75vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 seorang murid yang secara pasif menerima pengajaran dari gurunya.34 yang dimaksud dengan jiwa universal ini adalah jiwa alam semesta yang menjadi subjek penggerak semesta. jiwa universal ditopang oleh akal universal sebagai kekuatan ketuhanan yang menopang keberadaannya. jiwa sebagai agen yang menggerakkan semesta dilengkapi oleh keberadaan daya atau kekuatan yang disebut sebagai universal nature (al-thabi’ah al-kulliyyah)35 atau daya aktual (al-thabi’ah al-fa’ilah)36. fungsi dari daya ini melekat pada jiwa universal dan bekerja dalam seluruh tubuh semesta, sehingga semesta dapat mengalami kehidupan, melakukan pergerakan, pertumbuhan, dan berjalan dengan teratur. bahkan ia juga bekerja secara lebih mendetil pada seluruh bagian-bagian dan individuindividu (asykhash) orbit-orbit dan berbagai benda-benda orbital. ikhwan al-shafa’ menyebut daya-daya yang bekerja secara terperinci ini sebagai jiwa particular (nafs juz’iyyah). misalnya adalah daya yang mengatur dan memanifestasikan pergerakan planet saturnus maka dinamai sebagai jiwa saturnus. begitupun yang terjadi dengan planet jupiter, mars, matahari, venus, merkurius, bulan, dan benda-benda di bawah bulan berupa 4 elemen (api, udara, air, tanah), dan barang mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan serta manusia. semuanya dilengkapi daya-daya khusus dan disebut sebagai jiwa partikular. dan semua daya-daya ini milik dari jiwa universal, sebagai jiwa bagi seluruh alam semesta. kita bisa dengan mudah mendapatkan beberapa penjelasan dari mereka terkait apa yang dimaksud sebagai daya jiwa universal ini. bahkan dalam sebuah sub-judul khusus yang menjelaskan tentang esensi daya ini (fi mahiyah al-thabi’ah), mereka mengkritik pandangan kaum empiris (al-maddiyyun) yang pada masa itu berpegang teguh pada sebuah keyakinan bahwa alam semesta ini hanya dibangun oleh entitas-entitas fisik saja, dan menafikan keberadaan daya spiritual yang berpengaruh pada seluruh entitas alam fisik ini. ikhwan al-shafa’ mengutarakan bahwa kekeliruan ini berawal dari kesalahan epistemologis kaum empiris yang tidak mau mengakui kehadiran entitas spiritual sebagai bagian dari subjek pengetahuan rasional manusia. bagi mereka, kalangan empiris telah kehilangan satu pengetahuan berharga mengenai realitas ini secara utuh. oleh karenanya pengetahuan mereka tentang realitas alam ini tidak lagi utuh. dalam konteks pengingkaran terhadap adanya daya jiwa universal ini, kaum empiris telah kehilangan makna daya (thabi’ah) yang sebenarnya, sehingga mereka tidak mampu mengetahui berbagai pengaruh dan aktivitas yang dilakukan oleh daya-daya ini terhadap benda-benda fisik alam raya ini.37 bagi kaum empiris, pengaruh dan aktivitas semesta itu hanya bersumber dari entitas hidup dan memiliki kekuatan. namun kekeliruan mereka dalam hal ini adalah dengan serampangan telah mengindentikkan entitas yang hidup dan memiliki kekuatan itu pada keberadaan benda-benda fisik yang secara eksistensial mereka itu tidak lain adalah benda mati bila dipisahkan dari substansi-substansi spiritualnya. di sinilah letak kekeliruan epistemologis mereka yang tidak mau mengakui adanya entitas lain, yakni substansi spiritual yang tidak bisa dicerap oleh indera dan merupakan substansi yang telah membuat benda-benda fisik semesta ini memiliki kehidupan. substansi doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 76 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna spiritual tersebut adalah jiwa universal yang melekat pada seluruh benda-benda fisik di alam semesta ini. kekeliruan ini dimungkinkan, karena kaum empiris terlalu bergantung pada kemampuan alat-alat inderawi sebagai sumber pengetahuan mereka yang sangat terbatas. dalam penjelasannya lebih lanjut, ikhwan al-shafa’ mengungkapkan bahwa thabi’ah adalah sebuah daya dari berbagai daya yang dimiliki oleh jiwa universal. ia bersumber dari keberadaan jiwa universal ini, yang tanpanya, daya tersebut tidak akan ada. daya ini melekat pada seluruh benda-benda yang ada di alam sublunar tanpa kecuali. ia mengalir dalam setiap bagian-bagian dari semua entitas di alam sublunar. dalam bahasa agama, daya ini disebut sebagai para malaikat yang bertugas untuk menjaga alam dan mengatur semua pergerakan makhluk. dan dalam bahasa filsafat, ia dinamai sebagai daya-daya alamiah (natural forces). semua itu berjalan dengan izin tuhan sang pencipta. posisi jiwa universal ini berada di atas orbit terluar (outer sphere/al-falak al-muhith), dan daya-dayanya bekerja pada seluruh bagian orbit serta benda-benda partikular yang ada pada semesta ini. ia melakukan pengaturan, kreativitas, dan penetapan (hukum alam) pada seluruh benda-benda semesta.38 oleh karena itu, bagi ikhwan al-shafa’, jiwa universal merupakan agen spiritual yang keberadaannya memiliki peran dan pengaruh terhadap entitas fisik semesta. karena ia bekerja dengan daya-daya spiritual terhadap semesta. secara lebih terperinci, ikhwan alshafa’ menjelaskan bahwa jiwa universal memiliki dua daya yang keduanya mengalir dan bekerja pada seluruh entitas semesta di bawah orbit terluar39. bila diilustrasikan aliran kedua daya tersebut, seperti pancaran sinar matahari yang menembus segala penjuru udara. dua daya tersebut adalah daya pengetahuan (al-quwwah al-‘allamah) dan daya aktual (al-quwwah al-fa’’alah). fungsi dari daya pengetahuan adalah menyempurnakan diri jiwa universal secara internal dengan memanifestasikan keutamaan-keutamaan potensial yang dimilikinya menjadi keutamaan-keutamaan aktual40. sedangkan daya aktual berfungsi untuk mengutuhkan dan menyempurnakan raga semesta dengan berbagai hiasan dan ukiran yang indah, berupa berbagai bentuk, gambar, corak, dan hiasan yang indah penuh warna warni.41 selanjutnya, mereka membagi wilayah kerja jiwa universal ini kepada dua bagian; pertama, wilayah alam orbit-orbit (‘alam alaflak), atau alam tinggi (‘alam al-‘alawi) yang batasannya dari puncak permukaan orbit terluar (al-falak al-muhith) hingga permukaan orbit eter (al-atsir)42 yang terbawah, yakni orbit bulan dan lapisan atmosfir yang mengitarinya. kedua, wilayah alam elemenelemen/unsur-unsur (’alam al-arkan), atau alam kejadian dan kehancuran (‘alam al-kaun wa al-fasad) yang batasannya antara permukaan orbit bulan terbawah hingga ujung bumi43. wilayah kedua ini sering disebut sebagai alam rendah (al-‘alam al-sufla). dan kita menyebutnya sebagai alam sublunar. kedua alam ini yang disebut sebagai semesta menjadi area kerja dan tempat beraktivitas jiwa universal dalam mengaktualkan daya-daya yang dimilikinya sehingga dapat menggerakkan dan menghidupkan alam semesta ini. ikhwan alshafa’ menyatakan, adapun posisi di atas orbit terluar ditempati oleh jiwa universal yang daya-dayanya bekerja (mengalir) pada seluruh entitas benda-benda doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 77vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 (baik fisik maupun non-fisik) yang terdapat pada dua alam (alam tinggi dan alam rendah) seluruhnya, dari puncak orbit terluar hingga ujung pusat bumi, dengan seizin allah sang maha pencipta.44 berdasarkan pembagian area tersebut, maka jiwa universal dilengkapi dengan keberadaan daya-daya nonfisik (spiritual). daya-daya ini bekerja pada seluruh entitas alam. berdasarkan klasifikasi dua alam yang dijelaskan di atas, maka ikhwan al-shafa’ membagi daya-daya jiwa universal tersebut pada dua bagian. pertama, daya yang bekerja pada alam orbit-orbit –yang di dalamnya terdapat berbagai bintang dan planet. daya ini disebut sebagai daya orbit-orbit dan planet (thabi’ah al-aflak wa al-kawakib). aktivitas dan pengaruhnya terlihat dari pergerakan terus menerus yang dialami oleh orbit dan bintangbintang. kedua, di dalam jiwa universal ini terdapat sebuah daya yang secara khusus bekerja pada seluruh entitas fisik yang ada di alam sublunar. dan daya tersebut menjadi pengatur, penggerak, dan memanifestasikan seluruh aktualitas dan aktivitasnya. kaum filosof dan fisikawan menyebutnya sebagai daya-daya alam kejadian dan kehancuran (thabi’ah al-kaun wa al-fasad/ the nature of generation and corruption).45 ikhwan al-shafa’ menyebutnya sebagai satu jiwa yang memiliki pelbagai macam daya yang bekerja pada seluruh bagian organisme yang ada di bawah alam sublunar, seperti pada mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan, dari bawah alam sublunar hingga ke pusat inti bumi. keberadaan jiwa inilah yang membuat semesta ini hidup. karena ia menjadi perantara bagi pemberian kehidupan dan pergerakan secara teratur yang terus menerus berlangsung pada alam semesta. jiwa universal menjadi salah satu rantai ontologis keberadaan, keberangsungan, keutuhan, dan kesempurnaan semesta ini. secara lazim, mereka mencocokkan keberadaan jiwa universal beserta seluruh aktivitasnya di seluruh bagian alam semesta ini dengan keberadaan jiwa particular yang bekerja dan mengalir dalam seluruh bagian dari tubuh manusia46. inilah pangkal penjelasan dari konsep tentang semesta sebagai manusia besar dan manusia sebagai alam kecil. secara mendetail, ikhwan al-shafa’ merinci pengaruh dari daya-daya jiwa universal terhadap berbagai entitas di alam sublunar ini, terutama terkait dengan kehidupan di bumi. penjelasan secara terperinci ini menjadi pembuktian tentang eco-cosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’, yang bukan hanya mempersepsi alam dengan penuh penghormatan, namun juga memposisikan alam sebagai entitas yang hidup sebagaimana manusia. materi orisinal (al-hayula al-ula) secara umum, ikhwan al-shafa’ menjelaskan materi (al-hayula) sebagai sesuatu yang sering disandingkan dengan bentuk (alshurah), yakni segala substansi yang dapat menerima bentuk, atau yang dapat dibentuk. seperti besi sebagai materi yang dapat dibentuk menjadi gunting, gergaji, pisau, garpu, sendok, dan lain sebagainya.47 pandangan seperti ini merupakan pandangan umum yang diterima oleh para filosof pada zaman itu. ikhwan al-shafa’ membagi materi menjadi 4 macam: pertama, materi produksi (hayula alshina’ah), yakni bahan yang dipakai oleh manusia untuk membuat sebuah barang atau doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 78 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna produk. seperti kayu sebagai bahan yang dipakai oleh para pengrajin kursi dan meja, atau tanah dan semen yang dipakai sebagai bahan bangunan rumah; kedua, materi alam (hayula al-thabi’ah) adalah empat elemen yang membentuk alam sublunar, yakni api, udara, air, dan tanah. dari keempat elemen ini terbentuk adanya bebatuan, tumbuhan, dan hewan; ketiga, materi universal (hayula al-kull). ikhwan al-shafa’ memaknai materi universal ini sebagai benda mutlak (al-jism al-muthlaq)48, yakni benda-benda yang membentuk kesatuan alam semesta. sebagaimana dijelaskan, bahwa semesta ini terdiri dari berbagai benda-benda yang beragam yang bersatu secara utuh membentuk alam semesta. ikhwan al-shafa’ menguraikan benda-benda tersebut diantaranya adalah orbit, planet, bintang, elemen-elemen, dan seluruh entitas alam semesta ini. bagi ikhwan al-shafa’, seluruh benda alam semesta ini adalah materi-materi yang telah membentuk alam semesta secara utuh. namun yang membedakan antara satu benda dengan benda lainnya hanyalah terletak pada bentuknya saja. keempat, materi utama/materi orisinal (hayula al-ula). yang dimaksud sebagai materi orisinal dalam pandangan ikhwan al-shafa’ adalah bentuk wujud murni yang tidak memiliki kuantitas maupun kualitas49. ia merupakan substansi murni, sederhana, yang hanya bisa dipersepsi oleh akal dan tidak dapat ditangkap secara indrawi. oleh karenanya ia disebut sebagai bentuk wujud murni50. ia dibedakan dengan materi (hayula) dalam kajian benda-benda fisik (al-jismaniyyat al-thabi’iyyat). dalam pembahasan ini kita akan mendalami apa yang dimaksud dengan materi orisinal dan bagaimana perannya sebagai bagian dari entitas kosmologis, serta apa hubungannya dengan jiwa universal. materi orisinal adalah entitas ketiga dalam penjelasan teori emanasi ikhwan al-shafa’ setelah akal universal dan jiwa universal. ia mendapatkan pelimpahan dari jiwa universal dan menerima berbagai bentuk dan rupa darinya melalui perjalanan waktu.51 ia merupakan entitas pasif yang mendapatkan aktualitas dari jiwa universal. bahkan dikatakan bahwa secara potensial ia adalah sebuah esensi, namun secara aktual keberadaannya tidak ada. ia menjadi ada secara aktual ketika telah menerima bentuk dan ia menjadi sebuah entitas yang mengada.52 oleh karenanya ia disebut sebagai bentuk spiritual yang melimpah dari jiwa universal. dan bentuk pertama yang diterima olehnya adalah sebuah bentuk yang memiliki panjang, lebar dan tinggi. namun ketika ia telah menerima bentuk-bentuk tersebut, maka ia tidak dikatakan lagi sebagai materi orisinal, namun ia telah menjadi materi kedua (al-hayula al-tsaniyyah) dan disebut sebagai benda absolut (al-jism al-muthlaq). adapun sebab keberadaan materi orisinal ini ada 3; pertama, sebab aktualitasnya adalah tuhan sang pencipta, sedangkan sebab formalnya adalah akal universal, dan sebab kesempurnaannya adalah keberadaan jiwa universal.53 pandangan seperti ini tidak lain bersumber dari pandangan aristoteles yang menyatakan bahwa keberadaan segala sesuatu selain tuhan diakibatkan oleh adanya beberapa sebab. hanya tuhan yang tidak memiliki sebab, karena ia merupakan sebab utama atau prime cause (al-‘illah al-ula). penjelasan lain mengenai materi orisinal ini adalah bahwa ia diposisikan sebagai lokus dimana jiwa universal memanifestasikan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 79vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 dirinya dengan serangkaian daya-daya yang dimilikinya. manifestasi ini dilakukan melalui keberadaan benda-benda fisik, yang cikalbakalnya tercipta melalui materi orisinal. inilah salah satu alasan mengapa jiwa mesti dikaitkan dengan materi. ini penting untuk ditekankan, karena materi orisinal ini adalah salah satu bahan dasar awal –bersama bentuk– dimana segala entitas semesta ini diwujudkan. tanpa keberadaanya, maka tidak akan ada materi universal yang disebut pula benda mutlak (jism mutlaq). karena sebagaimana telah dijelaskan dalam paragraph di atas bahwa keberadaan benda mutlak baru akan ada setelah materi orisinal mendapatkan bentukbentuk dari jiwa universal. dan oleh karenanya ia disebut sebagai materi sekunder (al-hayula al-tsaniyyah) setelah materi orisinal. selanjutnya melalui keberadaan benda mutlak ini, berbagai benda yang ada di alam semesta disusun. yakni pembentukan elemenelemen yang empat, api, udara, air, dan tanah. dan dari 4 elemen ini diciptakan segala sesuatu yang ada di permukaan bumi, baik itu berupa benda-benda mineral, tumbuhan, maupun hewan54. selain itu, signifikansi keberadaan materi orisinal bagi semesta adalah bahwa ia menempati posisi sebagai titik peralihan antara entitas-entitas spiritual menuju entitasentitas material, seperti keberadaan orbitorbit, bintang-bintang, elemen-elemen, hingga berbagai organisme yang ada di bumi. meskipun ia sendiri secara esensial merupakan substansi spiritual, sama halnya seperti akal universal dan jiwa universal, namun ia menjadi cikal-bakal adanya entitas lain di luar entitas spiritual yang mengutuhkan semesta ini, yakni keberadaan berbagai entitas material. tanpa keberadaan materi orisinal, maka semesta ini hanya terdiri dari entitas-entitas spiritual saja. dan penjelasan mengenai adanya benda-benda fisik menjadi cacat adanya. untuk mengakhiri penjelasan tentang struktur metafisik kosmologi ikhwan alshafa’, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa proses terbentuknya struktur metafisik tersebut sering disebut sebagai proses emanasi (faydh). teori emanasi ikhwan al-shafa’ bersumber dan terinspirasi dari teori emanasi plotinus yang dikenal sebagai golongan neoplatonis. dalam teori tersebut, pelimpahan yang bermula dari tuhan, memancarkan entitas kedua yakni akal aktif universal, dan memancarkan entitas ketiga yakni jiwa universal, dan berakhir pada entitas keempat yakni materi orisinal. pelimpahan ini terjadi tanpa mengalami perjalanan waktu. setelah materi orisinal terwujud, ia sekaligus diberi bentuk-bentuk oleh jiwa universal, sehingga menghasilkan benda mutlak. setelah terbentuknya benda mutlak yang merupakan materi sekunder ini, maka tidak ada lagi pelimpahan yang terjadi. proses pewujudan benda mutlak ini dilakukan dengan mengalami perjalanan waktu sedikit demi sedikit, tidak sekaligus. secara lebih detail proses emanasi tersebut dijelaskan sebagaimana berikut, karena kebijaksaan menjadi keniscayaan yang tak terbantahkan, maka tuhan memancarkan kebaikan dan seluruh keutamaan-nya sebagaimana keniscayaan pancaran cahaya dan sinar matahari. dan pancaran yang berasal dari-nya terjadi secara berkelanjutan, berkesinambungan, dan tanpa terputus. pancaran pertama dinamai sebagai akal aktif. yaitu substansi spiritual sederhana, cahaya murni yang benar-benar utuh, sempurna, dan utama. di dalam akal aktif doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 80 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna tersebut terkandung bentuk-bentuk seluruh entitas, sebagaimana dalam pikiran seorang yang berilmu terkandung seluruh gambaran objek-objek yang diketahui (shuwar alma’lumat). dari akal aktif ini terpancar pancaran lain yang ad di bawah urutannya yakni akal pasif (al-‘aql al-munfa’il) yaitu jiwa universal. jiwa universal adalah substansi spiritual sederhana yang dapat menerima bentuk-bentuk dan keutamaan dari akal aktif berdasarkan urutan dan keteraturan. ibaratnya seperti seorang murid yang menerima pengajaran dari gurunya. dari jiwa universal ini terpancar pancaran lain yang urutannya berada di bawahnya dan dinamai materi orisinal, yakni substansi spiritual sederhana yang menerima berbagai benuk dan rupa dari jiwa universal dalam perjalanan waktu sedikit demi sedikit. maka bentuk pertama yang diterima oleh materi orisinal ini adalah panjang, lebar dan tinggi (dalam). dengan pemberian bentuk-bentuk ini pada materi orisinal, maka terbentuklah benda mutlak, dan ia merupakan materi sekunder. pancaran berhenti ketika benda mutlak mewujud dan ia tidak memancarkan substansi lain karena keberadaannya kurang memiliki substansi ruhani, dan ia merupakan substansi yang berat, dan jauhnya ia dari keberadaan sebab utama.55 struktur fisikal (al-jawahir aljismaniyyah) setelah memaparkan struktur kosmologis entitas-entitas spiritual menurut ikhwan alshafa’, saat ini kita akan beranjak pada penjelasan mengenai klasifikasi kedua tentang benda-benda fisik semesta yang dalam pandangan ikhwan al-shafa’ terdiri dari 3 macam; pertama, benda-benda orbital (al-ajram al-falakiyyah) yang terdiri dari orbitorbit dan bintang-bintang; kedua, 4 elemenelemen alamiah (al-arkan al-thabi’iyyah) yang terdiri dari api, udara, air, dan tanah; ketiga, 3 organisme derivatif (al-kainat al-muwalladat) yakni, hewan, tumbuhan, dan benda mineral. asal mula keberadaan ketiga macam entitas ini berawal dari keberadaan benda mutlak yang merupakan materi kedua setelah materi orisinal. ketika materi orisinal diberi (atau menerima) bentuk dari jiwa universal, maka dengan melalui perjalanan waktu, terbentuklah apa yang disebut sebagai benda mutlak. adapun yang menjadi benda mutlak pertama adalah benda yang memiliki 3 segi; panjang, lebar, dan tinggi. ketiganya diberikan oleh jiwa universal kepada materi orisinal, sehingga dapat membentuk benda mutlak. sejalan dengan perjalanan waktu, keberadaan benda mutlak semakin menjadi utuh dan sempurna, mengalami keragaman, dan tidak sederhana lagi sebagaimana materi orisinal yang menjadi cikal bakal keberadaannya. maka dalam hal ini ikhwan al-shafa’ mengartikan benda mutlak ini sebagai kumpulan seluruh benda-benda fisik yang ada di semesta ini.56 benda mutlak ini terbagi kepada 2 kelompok bagian, yakni; 1) tubuh-tubuh universal sederhana (al-ajsam alkulliyyah al-basithah) yang terdiri dari bendabenda orbital, bintang-bintang, dan elemenelemen alamiah yang empat. 2) tubuh-tubuh partikular yang terdiri dari hewan, tumbuhan, dan mineral.57 sebelum memperinci penjelasan tentang entitas-entitas fisik ini, perlu disampaikan, bahwa ikhwan al-shafa’ membagi ketiganya ke dalam dua wilayah, yakni wilayah alam atas (al-‘alam al-‘alawi) dan alam bawah (al‘alam al-sufla). sedangkan entitas-entitas doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 81vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 spiritual berada melampaui kedua alam ini, yakni yang berada pada alam tertinggi (al‘alam al-a’la). meskipun ikhwan al-shafa’ mengkategorikan entitas-entitas ini ke dalam struktur alam yang berbeda, namun mereka tetap menegaskan bahwa seluruhnya merupakan satu kesatuan yang utuh, sebagaimana satu manusia yang utuh. adapun al-‘alam al-‘alawi terdiri dari orbitorbit dan benda-benda orbital. ini disebut juga sebagai alam orbit-orbit (‘alam al-aflak). benda-benda orbital atau juga disebut bendabenda langit terdiri dari orbit-orbit dan bintang-bintang. sedangkan ‘alam al-sufla terdiri dari 4 elemen dan 3 organisme turunan. alam ini disebut juga sebagai alam kejadian dan kehancuran (‘alam al-kaun wa al-fasad). orbit-orbit (al-aflak) dan bintang-bintang (alkawakib) sebagaimana telah disinggung dalam penjelasan di atas, bahwa awal mula keberadaan orbit-orbit dan berbagai benda yang mengitarinya berasal dari diciptakannya materi orisinal yang telah mendapatkan bentuk, dan menjadi benda mutlak yang merupakan materi sekunder. lalu benda mutlak ini diberi rupa berupa bulat (al-syakl alkurawi) sebagai bentuk yang paling utama.58 dan rupa bulat adalah bentuk pertama yang diberikan oleh jiwa universal pada benda mutlak. selain diberi bentuk bulat, maka gerakan pertama dan gerakan utama yang diberikan oleh jiwa universal pada benda mutlak adalah gerak berputar (al-harakah aldauriyyah). dengan seketika tercipta orbitorbit. dan orbit pertama yang diciptakan adalah orbit terluar (al-falak al-muhith). dalam risalah tentang astronomi yang mengkaji bintang-bintang dan penyusunan orbit-orbit, ikhwan al-shafa’ menjelaskan orbit-orbit sebagai benda bulat yang transparan (bening) dan melengkung (melingkar).59 tersusun berlapis-lapis seperti lapisan bawang. lapisan paling dalam yakni yang terdekat pada keberadaan manusia adalah orbit bulan, ia melapisi orbit udara dari segala penjuru. orbit bulan yang melingkupi lapisan udara ini diibaratkan seperti cangkang telur yang melapisi putih telur. sedangkan bumi berada di bagian terdalam yang dilapisi oleh lapisan udara. keberadaannya seperti kuning telur yang dilapisi oleh putih telur. namun selain itu, yang dimaksud dengan orbit-orbit ini adalah apa yang kita kenal sebagai gugusan langit (al-samawat). ia dikatakan sebagai langit karena keberadaannya di atas (karena posisinya yang tinggi) bila dilihat dari bumi sebagai dasar pijakan penilaian. sedangkan alasan atas penyebutan kata orbit (al-falak) karena ia merupakan lintasan dimana benda-benda langit berputar.60 dalam pandangan ikhwan al-shafa’, ada sembilan orbit-orbit yang mengitari bumi. di atas orbit bulan terdapat orbit merkurius, lalu di atasnya terdapat orbit venus, lalu dilapisi oleh orbit matahari, lalu di atas orbit matahari terdapat orbit mars, lalu di atasnya terdapat orbit jupiter, lalu setelahnya terdapat orbit saturnus. setelah orbit saturnus, maka terdapat orbit-orbit yang berisi bintang-bintang tetap (al-kawakib altsabitah). setelah orbit bintang-bintang tetap ini ada orbit terluar yang menyelimuti seluruh lapisan orbit. orbit terluar merupakan benda tertinggi dalam entitas-entitas fisik-jasmani. karena keberadaannya sangat dekat dengan materi orisinal, dan ia langsung berhubungan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 82 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dengan jiwa universal yang melapisi atau menyelimutinya. bahkan dikatakan bahwa ia merupakan benda fisik yang paling halus dan paling kuat aspek ruhaninya, serta paling bening cahayanya dibandingkan dengan benda-benda fisik orbital lainnya. orbit terluar menjadi orbit yang paling pertama digerakkan dengan gerakan berputar oleh jiwa universal melalui daya-daya alamiah yang dimilikinya. lalu setelah itu orbit-orbit yang berada di bawahnya secara berurutan ikut berputar mengikuti putaran dari orbit terluar. menurut ikhwan al-shafa’, orbit terluar senantiasa berada dalam keadaan berputar seperti putaran roda. gerak berputarnya tidak pernah berhenti61. bahkan kecepatan gerak berputar orbit terluar menjadi factor utama keadaan semesta tetap terjaga secara teratur hingga saat ini62. karena ia digerakkan oleh kekuatan di luar dirinya, yakni daya-daya spiritual yang disebut sebagai al-thabi’ah al-kulliyah dari jiwa universal. gerakan berputar yang terjadi pada orbit terluar ini menjadi bukti keberadaan dan penyertaan jiwa universal pada orbit-orbit. oleh karena itu, dalam skema kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’, jiwa universal adalah penggerak utama (the prime mover)63. ketika orbit-orbit ini diam dan berhenti berputar, maka alam semesta ini menjadil batal adanya.64 penjelasannya adalah ketika orbit berhenti dari perputarannya, maka bintang-bintang dan planet yang bergerak bersamanya pun akan ikut berhenti bergerak. mereka berhenti melakukan perjalanan di semesta ini. ketika hal tersebut terjadi, maka semesta tidak lagi berbentuk, dan keberlangsungannya pun menjadi batal. dan keadaan seperti ini disebut sebagai kiamat besar (al-qiyamah al-kubra). ikhwan al-shafa’ menyatakan, dan ketahuilah bahwa berhentinya orbit-orbit dari melakukan rotasi merupakan kematian semesta dan batalnya kehidupan universal, serta terpisahnya jiwa universal orbital dari raga semesta sekaligus. itulah kiamat besar, kehancuran universal, dan batalnya keberadaan semesta. karena kematian setiap individu hewan-hewan ditandai dengan terpisahnya jiwa dari raganya, dan itu dikatakan sebagai kiamatnya. 65 diam dan berhentinya aktivitas perputaran orbit-orbit dan bintang-bintang menjadi bukti dari berhentinya aktivitas yang dilakukan oleh jiwa universal melalui berbagai daya-daya yang dimilikinya. keadaan seperti ini hanya bisa terjadi manakala jiwa universal tidak lagi menyertai keberadaan benda-benda fisik tersebut. yakni ketika jiwa universal terpisah dari kesatuannya dengan benda-benda fisik semesta. inilah yang dimaksud dengan terjadinya kiamat besar. karena kiamat terjadi manakala jiwa dan tubuh berpisah. sebagaimana jika seorang manusia mati, yakni terpisahnya jiwa dari raganya, maka manusia tersebut disebut telah datang kiamatnya. keyakinan ini diakui oleh ikhwan al-shafa’ dengan mengutip sebuah riwayat, rasululah saw bersabda: “barang siapa yang telah mati, maka kiamatnya telah terjadi” orbit terluar ini terdiri dari 12 bagian, dan setiap bagian dinamai sebagai barj, atau rasi bintang. keduabelas bagian tersebut membentuk sebuah gugusan rasi bintang. keduabelas rasi bintang ini dinamai sebagai berikut; aries, taurus, gemini, cancer, leo, virgo, libra, scorpio, sagitarius, capricornus, aquarius, dan pisces. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 83vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 adapun planet-planet (al-kawakib) diartikan sebagai benda-benda bulat yang bergerak melingkar dan bercahaya. menurut ikhwan al-shafa’ jumlahnya ada 1029 buah planet-planet besar. namun yang bisa diketahui secara pasti hanya 7 buah saja, yakni saturnus, jupiter, mars, matahari, venus, merkurius, dan bulan. penyebutan planet-planet tersebut disusun secara hirarkis, dengan menempatkan saturnus sebagai planet tertinggi. ikhwan al-shafa’ menyebut planet-planet tersebut sebagai bintangbintang yang bergerak (al-kawakib al-sayyarah). setiap planet-planet ini memiliki orbitorbitnya masing-masing. sedangkan sisanya yang berjumlah 1022 disebut sebagai bintang-bintang yang tetap (fixed stars) atau yang disebut pula sebagai alkawakib al-tsabitah. keberadaannya berada di atas planet-planet. mereka menyatakan, bahwa di atas planet saturnus terdapat bintang tetap, dan di atas bintang tetap terdapat orbit terluar.67 berdasarkan hirarki kosmologi seperti itu, maka yang lebih dahulu mendapatkan daya-daya dari jiwa universal adalah bintang tetap. lalu setelahnya adalah planet-planet atau bintangbintang bergerak dan berlanjut pada bendabenda di bawah sublunar. ini tak lain karena posisi bintang tetap lebih tinggi dibandingkan planet-planet.68 berbeda dengan keberadaan tujuh bintang bergerak yang masingmasingnya berada dalam satu orbit yang khusus, maka bintang-bintang tetap yang berjumlah 1022 berkumpul dalam satu orbit tertentu yakni, orbit bintang tetap (falak alkawakib al-tsabitah). tentu perlu untuk diberi catatan, bahwa struktur alam semesta terkait benda-benda fisikal yang dikemukakan oleh ikhwan alshafa’ sudah lama usang bila dibandingkan dengan berbagai penemuan kontemporer dewasa ini. jumlah planet yang telah disebutkan oleh ikhwan al-shafa’ pada pertengahan abad ke-10 itu, kini jumlahnya tidak lagi sama. namun demikian, penelitian ini tidak bertujuan untuk menyingkap penemuan-penemuan baru terkait objekobjek angkasa. lebih dari itu, penelitian ini berupaya menghadirkan kembali model kosmologi abad pertengahan ala ikhwan alshafa’ yang telah mempersepsi alam secara utuh, dengan mengaitkan antara struktur fisik alam semesta dengan struktur spiritual yang melekat di dalamnya. oleh karena itu, bagi penulis, yang menarik dari penjelasan ikhwan al-shafa’ tentang kosmologi dan keberadaan bendabenda angkasa adalah masuknya penjelasanpenjelasan keagamaan dalam teori-teori kosmologi mereka. dalam pandangan carmela baffioni, ikhwan al-shafa’ telah secara mendalam menggunakan pendekatan keagamaan dalam menjelaskan keberadaan alam69. contoh yang kongkret adalah ketika ikhwan al-shafa’ mengidentikkan keberadaan bintang tetap ini dengan para malaikat. bagi mereka, bintang-bintang tetap yang mengelilingi sembilan planet itu tidak lain merupakan para malaikat yang tengah mengelilingi arasy.70 bila diimajinasikan dalam bentuk-bentuk yang nyata di dunia ini, keberadaan mereka ibarat jemaah haji yang tengah melakukan tawaf mengelilingi ka’bah seraya bertasbih memuji allah tuhan pencipta semesta. kesemua entitas-entitas orbital ini berada pada satu alam yang menjadi bagian dari alam semesta secara keseluruhan, yakni berada pada alam orbit-orbit (‘alam al-aflak). karena bagi ikhwan al-shafa’ yang dimaksud dengan alam semesta adalah sesuatu yang doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 84 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna menunjukkan pada seluruh benda-benda yang mewujud disertai berbagai sifat dan karakteristik masing-masingnya. dan semua itu merupakan satu alam yang utuh seperti satu kota yang utuh atau sebuah hewan yang utuh. sedangkan di bawah alam orbit-orbit, terdapat alam 4 elemen (api, udara, air, dan tanah), yang disebut pula sebagai alam kejadian dan kehancuran (‘alam al-kaun wa alfasad). di bawah ini kami akan melanjutkan penjelasan mengenai alam kejadian dan kehancuran yang di dalamnya terdapat dua kelompok entitas, yakni 4 elemen dan 3 organisme sebagai derivasi dari keberadaan 4 elemen. di atas telah dijelaskan bahwa batas keberadaan alam orbit-orbit dimulai dari puncak permukaan orbit terluar (al-falak almuhith) hingga permukaan orbit eter (al-atsir) yang terbawah, yakni orbit bulan dan lapisan atmosfir yang mengitarinya. sedangkan batas alam elemen-elemen/unsur-unsur (’alam alarkan), atau alam kejadian dan kehancuran (‘alam al-kaun wa al-fasad) dimulai dari permukaan orbit bulan terbawah hingga ujung bumi.71 empat elemen (al-arkan al-arba’ah) yang dimaksud dengan empat elemen (elemen) adalah api, udara, air, dan tanah. penjelasan mengenai keempat elemen ini disajikan dalam satu bidang keilmuan yang disebut oleh ikhwan al-shafa’ dengan nama ‘ilmu al-kaun wa al-fasad, yakni ilmu tentang kejadian dan kehancuran. ilmu ini mengkaji tentang hakikat substansi empat elemen (api, udara, air, dan tanah), lalu membahas tentang bagaimana empat elemen tersebut dapat berubah sebagiannya menjadi bagian yang lain dengan bantuan pengaruh bendabenda langit, sehingga dari empat elemen tersebut dapat tercipta benda-benda seperti barang mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan. lalu bagaimana benda-benda tersebut dapat kembali terurai menjadi elemen-elemen yang empat. keempat elemen ini tersusun dari materi dan bentuk. materi dari empat elemen ini adalah raga yang melekat dalam dirinya, sedangkan bentuk dari keempat elemen ini tidak lain adalah hal-hal yang memperinci dan membedakan antara satu dengan lainnya. menurut ikhwan al-shafa’ keberadaan empat elemen ini senantiasa dalam keadaan berubah (al-taghayyur) dan menjadi bentuk yang berbeda (al-istihalah)72 dari satu bentuk ke bentuk lainnya. keberadaannya tidak stagnan, namun selalu bergerak dan dinamis. perubahan ini terjadi karena adanya pengaruh yang diterima dari daya-daya dan kekuatan yang berada di luar dirinya, yakni yang berasal dari alam tinggi. karena sesungguhnya segala sesuatu yang terjadi pada alam kejadian dan kehancuran yang berada di bawah sub lunar ini diatur oleh daya-daya orbital dan kekuatan-kekuatan langit. dan semua ini terjadi disebabkan karena keberadaan alam bawah (al-‘alam alsufla) terkait erat dengan keberadaan alam atas (al-‘alam al-‘alawi) dalam segala sesuatunya.73 keterkaitan itu –sebagaimana dijelaskan sebelumnya, bersumber dari keberadaan jiwa universal beserta daya-daya yang dimilikinya yang bekerja baik itu di alam orbital maupun di alam kejadian dan kehancuran, dari puncak orbit terluar hingga ke ujung inti bumi. oleh karenanya, segala peristiwa yang terjadi di alam sublunar mendapatkan pengaruh dari alam orbital di atasnya, dan begitupula alam orbital mendapatkan pengaruh dari alam yang lebih doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 85vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 tinggi darinya. karakteristik utama yang terjadi pada entitas-entitas di alam sublunar berupa perubahan bentuk ini tidak terjadi pada entitas-entitas di alam orbit-orbit. dalam pandangan ikhwan al-shafa’, dijelaskan bahwa alam orbit-orbit dan segala entitas yang terdapat di dalamnya tidak mengalami percampuran antara satu entitas dengan entitas lainnya. dari keberadaan mereka yang sudah utuh itu tidak pula melahirkan berbagai macam bentuk-bentuk selain mereka. karena keberadaan benda-benda orbital tersebut stagnan dam tetap hingga detik ini, meskipun semuanya itu melewati perjalanan waktu dan masa yang sangat panjang. oleh karena itu benda-benda tersebut tidak mengalami perubahan, pergantian, dan kerusakan, maupun kejadian. mereka tetap dalam keadaannya melakukan gerakan berputar dan bentuknya tetap bulat utuh. hal yang perlu digarisbawahi dari pandangan ikhwan al-shafa’ terhadap 4 elemen ini adalah cara pandang mereka yang memperlakukan elemen-elemen ini sedemikian terhormat dan dimuliakan. ini tak lain karena mereka sangat memahami akan hirarki entitas-entitas semesta ini. karena bagi mereka keempat elemen ini merupakan materi utama dalam membentuk kehidupan di muka bumi ini. bahkan keempat elemen ini merupakan cikal bakal keberadaan benda mineral, tumbuhan, hewan, dan juga manusia. tanpa keberadaan empat elemen ini sulit dibayangkan adanya manusia dan seluruh entitas yang ada di permukaan bumi ini. oleh karena itu ketika menjelaskan definisi udara, maka mereka menyatakan bahwa udara adalah substansi mulia yang memiliki manfaat dan keutamaan yang sangat banyak, serta keistimewaan yang sangat unik.74 begitupun ketika menjelaskan api, air, dan tanah. kesemuanya dipandang memiliki keistimewaan khusus masing-masing yang memungkinkan menjadi objek potensial bagi terciptanya dan berlangsungnya kehidupan di muka bumi. bumi ini tersusun dari empat elemen utama dan universal ini. keempat elemen ini membentuk satu bumi yang utuh yang di dalamnya terdapat gunung, lautan, sungai-sungai, pulau-pulau, dan daratan. pengkomposisian keempat elemen ini telah mewujudkan entitas benda mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan. melalui proses kreatif yang unik, pada awalnya empat elemen ini berubah menjadi dua komposisi baru yang disebut dengan asap (al-bukharat) dan saripati bumi (al-‘usharat), lalu kedua komposisi ini saling bercampur dan menghasilkan entitasentitas derivatif. asap berasal dari partikelpertikel inti dari laut, sungai, dan semak belukar yang naik ke atas udara melalui proses pemanasan yang dilakukan sinar matahari dan bintang-bintang ke permukaan laut, sungai, dan belukar. sedangkan saripati bumi berasal dari air hujan yang terbawa masuk ke dalam perut bumi, lalu bercampur dengan bagian-bagian benda bumi dan mengalami pengerasan, lalu mematang akibat panas yang dihasilkan di dalam perut bumi, lalu terwujudlah saripati bumi. kedua komposisi ini (asap dan saripati bumi), merupakan materi dan bahan bagi terbentuknya benda-benda fisik di permukaan bumi. keduanya saling bercampur satu sama lain. melalui proses penguapan yang dilakukan oleh matahari dan bintang-bintang bersinar lainnya terhadap air di permukaan laut, sungai, dan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 86 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna dalam hal ini ikhwan al-shafa’ memberikan penjelasan siklus hidrologi sebagai sebuah penjelasan bagi terciptanya entitas-entitas yang ada di bumi tiga organisme (al-muwalladat al-tsalatsah) ketika benda-benda orbital berputar mengelilingi atmosfer dan empat elemen, lalu keempat elemen-elemen tersebut menjadi saling menyatu satu sama lain, bercampur antara satu bagian dengan bagian lainnya, elemen yang halus bercampur dengan elemen yang padat, elemen yang berat dengan elemen yang ringan, yang panas dan yang dingin, yang lembab dan yang kering, dan daya-daya spiritual yang bersumber dari jiwa universal mengalir di dalam percampuran tersebut, maka melalui perjalanan waktu, terbentuklah organismeorganisme bentukan yang terdiri dari barang mineral, tumbuhan dan hewan. di dalam perut bumi misalnya, terbentuk barang mineral yang sangat kaya, yang beragam bentuk dan substansinya. di permukaan bumi tumbuh tanaman dan tumbuhan yang beranekaragam jenis, warna dan manfaatnya. muncul pula berbagai jenis hewan baik yang merayap, melata, dan berdiri. sedangkan di udara banyak terdapat hewan-hewan beterbangan yang beragam, unik dan indah bentuknya, serta banyak jenisnya. ketiga jenis organisme ini memiliki tatanan dan hirarki yang berhubungan erat satu sama lain. dimana ada pertemuan antara awal dari satu tatanan organisme dengan akhir dari tatanan organisme lainnya. tatanan tersebut bila diibaratkan persis seperti tatanan angka-angka dan tatanan orbit-orbit. penjelasan rincinya sebagai berikut, tingkatan paling rendah dari barang mineral bertemu dengan debu (tanah), sedangkan tingkatan tertingginya bertemu dengan tingkatan terendah dari tumbuhan. adapun tingkatan tertinggi dari tumbuhan bertemu dengan tingkatan terendah dari hewan. dan tingkatan tertinggi hewan bertemu dengan manusia. sedangkan tingkatan tertinggi manusia bertemu dengan malaikat. adapun malaikat sendiri memiliki hirarki dan tingkatan yang awal dan akhirnya saling bertemu.75 ketiga jenis organisme tercipta secara hirarkis berdasarkan keutamaan dan perjalanan waktunya. hirarki ini didasarkan pula pada kemampuan dan daya-daya particular yang dimiliki oleh tiap-tiap organisme. dari ketiganya, maka yang pertama mewujud adalah benda mineral, lalu disusul oleh keberadaan tumbuhan, dan dilanjutkan dengan keberadaan hewan, dan diakhiri dengan penciptaan manusia. benda mineral sebagai organisme yang lebih awal diciptakan, secara kualitas ia menempati kualitas paling sederhana. karena ia tidak diberikan daya-daya particular tertentu yang bisa menyebabkan dirinya memiliki keutamaan yang lebih. selain itu keberadaannya yang terbentuk secara alami dan berkaitan langsung dengan empat elemen-elemen, api, udara, air dan tanah. bahkan hirarki terendah dalam organisme benda mineral ini bertemu dengan tanah (debu). namun posisinya yang paling rendah ini dalam hirarki organisme-organisme, tidak berarti menunjukkan pada kesia-siaan keberadaannya. karena sesungguhnya keberadaannya menopang terhadap keberadaan organisme di atasnya, yakni tumbuhan. adapun tumbuhan berada pada satu level di atas benda mineral. ada kesamaan antara doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 87vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 keduanya, yakni bahwa keduanya terbentuk secara alami dari empat elemen-elemen. namun berbeda dari benda mineral, maka tumbuhan diberi kelebihan dan spesifikasi tambahan berupa daya mencerap nutrisi, daya untuk tumbuh berkembang, dan diberi bentuk-bentuk teratur yang memiliki panjang, lebar, dan tinggi, serta warna-warni yang beragam. sedangkan hewan berada satu tingkatan di atas tumbuhan karena memiliki spesifikasi dan kemampuan tertentu yang tidak dimiliki oleh tumbuhan apalagi benda mineral. meski demikian, hewan memiliki kesamaan dengan tumbuhan dalam hal kepemilikan atas daya nutrisi dan daya tumbuh kembang. namun kemampuan tambahan lainnya adalah kemampuan untuk bergerak dan mengindera (al-hassas). sedangkan manusia yang merupakan puncak dari hirarki organisme ini, memiliki kesamaan dengan hewan dan tumbuhan dalam hal kemampuan untuk mencerap makanan, tumbuh, bergerak, dan mengindera. namun satu hal yang membedakan manusia dari organisme lainnya adalah bahwa manusia diberikan kemampuan untuk bernalar dan berfikir dengan menggunakan akalnya. dan kemampuan inilah yang menyebabkan ia bisa terhubung dengan malaikat-malaikat dan entitas-entitas spiritual di langit. berdasarkan penjelasan di atas, kita mengetahui bahwa penciptaan entitas-entitas di alam jasmani di alam sublunar berawal dari organisme terendah dan berujung pada penciptaan organisme tertinggi dan paling sempurna yakni manusia. hal ini berkebalikan dengan penciptaan entitasentitas di alam ruhani, dimana awal penciptaan terjadi pada entitas yang paling sempurna, yakni akal aktif universal dan berujung pada entitas yang lebih rendah, yakni materi orisinal (al-hayula al-ula). ini tak lain karena penciptaan alam ruhani yang lebih dahulu dari penciptaan alam jasmani, langsung mendapatkan pancaran dari tuhan maha pencipta yang penuh dengan kesempurnaan, keutuhan, keutamaan, dan kebaikan. dia sendiri merupakan kesempurnaan murni yang utuh, keutamaan murni, dan kebaikan murni. ketika ia melimpahkan kesempurnaan dan keutamaannya kepada akal aktif universal, maka kesempurnaan-nya melimpah pada keberadaan akal aktif universal. begitupun ketika akal aktif universal melimpahkan keutamaannya sehingga mewujudkan jiwa universal, dan seterusnya hingga materi orisinal. namun keutamaan materi orisinal tidak lebih tinggi dari keutamaan jiwa universal. pun demikian, keutamaan yang dimiliki jiwa universal tidak lebih tinggi dibandingkan keutamaan akal aktif universal. ini tak lain karena keberadaan akal aktif universal lebih dekat dan paling dekat kepada sumber keutamaan dan kesempurnaan itu sendiri, yakni allah sang maha pencipta. namun keadaan di atas berlainan dengan keadaan pada entitas-entitas di alam jasmani, dimana di dalamnya penciptaan bermula dari entitas-entitas fisik sederhana dan berujung pada entitas fisik yang lebih utuh dan sempurna, yakni manusia. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa penciptaan manusia jauh lebih akhir dibandingkan dengan penciptaan hewan, tumbuhan, dan barang mineral. alasannya adalah karena penciptaan manusia butuh pengkondisian yang menjadikan manusia ketika telah mewujud dapat bertahan dalam kehidupan ini. oleh karenanya, bagi ikhwan al-shafa’, doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 88 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna jika manusia diciptakan lebih dahulu sebelum barang mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan, maka proses penciptaan tersebut akan berujung pada kesia-siaan saja. karena keberadaan barang mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan, dibutuhkan lebih awal ada untuk menopang kehidupan manusia. karena manusia tidak dapat bertahan hidup jika tidak diberi kemudahan hidup berupa tersedianya berbagai bahan-bahan pokok kehidupan yang berasal dari barang mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan. alasan yang lebih rinci mengapa benda mineral yang sangat sederhana diciptakan lebih awal dari tumbuhan, hewan, dan manusia, adalah karena benda-benda mineral ini merupakan dasar bagi pembentukan tumbuh-tumbuhan yang merupakan organisme yang berada di atasnya. maka berlakulah hukum kausalitas yang meniscayakan keterikatan antara benda mineral dan tumbuhan ini. karena bagi ikhwan al-shafa’ benda mineral merupakan salah satu sebab keberadaan tumbuhan, dimana tidak bisa dibayangkan keberadaan tumbuhan tanpa adanya benda mineral yang telah menjadi perantara bagi keberadaan tumbuhan. dalam hal ini ikhwan al-shafa’ menyatakan, ketahuilah wahai saudaraku, bahwa di antara hikmah dan pertolongan ilahi di alam semesta ini adalah seluruh entitas-entitas wujud di alam semesta ini telah diikat satu sama lain dalam satu ikatan, dan telah disusun sehingga menjadi satu susunan yang utuh. oleh sebab itu, maka sebagian entitas ada yang berperan sebagai sebab dan ada pula yang beran sebagai akibat.76 selain itu juga karena benda mineral tersebut memiliki manfaat, keistimewaan dan keutamaannya masing-masing yang dapat digunakan bagi kemaslahatan hidup organisme di atasnya, terutama bagi hewan dan manusia. sedangkan alasan bagi dijadikannya tumbuhan lebih dahulu dibandingkan hewan adalah karena tumbuhan adalah materi dan bahan bagi keberadaan hewan seluruhnya. tumbuhan adalah materi bagi pembentukan hewan (hayula li shuwariha), dan ia merupakan nutrisi/bahan makanan bagi raga hewan (ghidza’un li ajsadiha). tumbuhan diibaratkan sebagai orangtua bagi para hewan. karena ia merupakan pangkal dan asal bagi keberadaan dan kehidupan hewan. ini tak lain karena tumbuhan telah berandil memberikan kehidupan kepada hewan (termasuk manusia), yakni ketika tumbuhan berperan melakukan penyerapan kelembaban air dan zat-zat kehidupan dari tanah dengan menggunakan akarnya. lalu menempatkan zat-zat yang bersumber dari tanah tersebut di dalam tubuhnya. lalu ia menciptakan daun, buah, dan biji yang mematang. tumbuhan ini lalu memberikan kehidupan bagi para hewan dengan memberikan apa yang telah ia hasilkan sebagai bahan makanan yang lembut, lezat, manis, dan bergizi bagi hewan, layaknya seorang ibu yang memberikan makanan kepada anaknya. jikalau tumbuhan tidak melakukan pekerjaan yang sedemikian hebat dan mulianya tersebut, maka niscaya hewanhewan hanya akan memakan lumpur dan debu saja, yang sesungguhnya hanya menyusahkan kehidupan mereka.77 adapun alasan dijadikannya hewan-hewan lebih dahulu dibandingkan manusia adalah karena keberadaan hewan diperuntukkan bagi kemudahan hidup manusia dalam melakukan perannya sebagai wakil tuhan di bumi ini. segala sesuatu yang diciptakan doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 89vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 untuk sesuatu yang lain, maka keberadaannya mesti lebih dulu ada dari yang lain. dan kewajiban manusia lah untuk dapat bersyukur kepada tuhan dan berterima kasih atas keberadaan hewan dengan cara menjaga dan memelihara keberadaan dan keberlangsungan kehidupan mereka. karena jika keberadaan hewan diletakkan setelah keberadaan manusia, niscaya manusia akan hidup sengsara, tidak bahagia, tidak ada kenikmatan dalam kehidupan manusia. hal ini merupakan keniscayaan, sebab manusia membutuhkan keberadaan hewan-hewan bagi kemudahan kehidupannya. perbedaan lain yang perlu disampaikan terkait antara penciptaan di alam ruhani dan penciptaan di alam jasmani adalah, bahwa di alam ruhani penciptaan terjadi dalam sekejap tanpa mengalami proses perjalanan waktu. sedangkan penciptaan entitas di alam jasmani mengenal dan mengalami apa yang disebut sebagai proses evolusi. yakni proses perubahan meningkat dan perkembangan secara gradual melewati perjalanan waktu yang panjang yang terjadi pada seluruh entitas (organisme) di alam jasmani. pandangan evolusi entitas-entitas di alam jasmani ini merupakan salah satu pandangan ontologis ikhwan al-shafa’. pandangan ini berasal dari pandangan aristoteles yang menyatakan bahwa segala entitas di alam fisik ini berkembang secara gradual (mutadarrijah fi al-raqqi).78 pandangan ini menandaskan tentang adanya proses evolusi dalam kreasi entitas-entitas di alam jasmani. kesimpulan pandangan kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’ secara tegas menyatakan bahwa alam semesta memiliki dua substansi fundamental yang dengan keduanya alam semesta menjadi. keduanya adalah jiwa universal yang merupakan substansi spiritual dan tubuh fisik semesta yang tak lain adalah substansi material. keduanya menurut ikhwan al-shafa’ tak terpisahkan. karena jika keduanya terpisah, itu akan menandai terjadinya kehancuran besar (al-qiyamah al-kubra), yakni kebangkitan jiwa universal dari tubuh universal. ketika hal ini terjadi, maka semesta tidak lagi berbentuk, bahkan keberadaan semesta menjadi batal. karena substansi-substansi utama penopang keberadaannya telah tercerai-berai. konsep ini sangat identik dengan pandangan mengenai manusia partikular yang di dalamnya terdiri dari tubuh dan jiwa. ikatan antara jiwa dan raga menjadikan manusia ada dan hidup. namun ketika jiwa manusia tercerabut dari raga fisiknya, maka keadaan ini disebut sebagai kematian atau disebut pula sebagai kiamat kecil (al-qiyamah al-shugra). begitu tegas ikhwan al-shafa’ mengidentikkan semesta dengan manusia, karena bagi mereka sosok manusia merupakan penjelmaan yang utuh untuk menjelaskan keutuhan alam semesta. apa yang ditekankan oleh ikhwan alshafa’ tentang semesta sebagai manusia besar adalah keberadaan semesta yang terdiri dari dua substansi, jiwa dan raga, sebagaimana hal tersebut terdapat pada manusia. lalu mereka menguraikan, bahwa daya yang dimiliki oleh jiwa universal benar-benar mengalir dalam tubuh universal ini, sebagaimana aliran dari daya jiwa partikular pada tubuh partikular manusia. raga semesta disebut pula dengan istilah raga universal (al-jism al-kulli), yaitu akumulasi dari keseluruhan semesta, terdiri dari berbagai entitas di puncak orbit terluar hingga ke ujung pusat bumi. ikhwan al-shafa’ doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 90 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna menegaskan keberadaannya sebagai raga semesta seluruhnya dan seutuhnya (jism al‘alam bi asirrih)79. pada bab sebelumnya dalam tesis ini, telah dijelaskan susunan bendabenda fisik yang menjadi bagian yang membentuk semesta. secara umum ikhwan al-shafa’ menjelaskan bahwa tubuh fisik semesta berada pada dua alam, yakni alam tinggi (al-‘alam al-‘alawi) dan alam rendah (al‘alam al-sufla). yang pertama terdiri dari orbitorbit, bintang, planet, sedangkan alam kedua terdiri dari empat unsur, dan tiga organisme berupa hewan, tumbuhan, dan barang mineral. sedangkan jiwa semesta adalah jiwa yang menyatu dalam tubuh semesta secara keseluruhan. jiwa ini mendapat dukungan dan topangan dari daya ilahi (al-quwwah alilahiyyah) yang disebut sebagai akal universal (al-‘aql al-kulli). dengan dukungan daya ilahi, jiwa universal memiliki daya-daya yang bekerja pada seluruh benda-benda fisik semesta. daya ini disebut sebagai daya alam universal (al-thabi’ah al-kulliyyah/universal law of nature). ikhwan al-shafa’ menegaskan, bahwa hukum yang berlaku pada tubuh semesta berlaku seperti hukum yang terjadi pada raga seorang manusia atau seekor hewan. dan hukum yang berlaku pada jiwa semesta seperti hukum yang berlaku pada jiwa seorang manusia.80 pandangan ini secara kuat ingin mengidentifikasi semesta sebagai sosok manusia, dan menjadi dasar bagaimana seharusnya alam diperlakukan secara lebih terhormat sebagai entitas yang hidup. catatan akhir 1 capra, fritjof, the turning point: science, society and the rising culture, new york: bantam books, 1982, hal. 60 2 fritjof capra, the turning point, hal. 60 3 fritjof capra, the turning point, hal. 60-61 4 menurut gilkey, “relasi-relasi modern terhadap alam semesta, bahkan sikap dan pandangan manusia modern terhadap alam, telah mendorong berbagai bencana yang terjadi dewasa ini”. hal ini berlangsung karena fondasi dunia modern dibangun di atas pandangan dunia sains-empirik yang selama ini telah mempersepsi alam hanya sebatas sebagai materi kasar untuk digunakan dan dijadikan objek bagi keuntungan hidup manusia yang meragukan. lebih jauh dari itu, modernitas yang didukung oleh sains modern telah menyediakan legitimasi intelektual bagi eksploitasi alam secara komersial dan industrial. langdon gilkey, nature, reality, and the sacred the nexus of science and religion, (minneapolis: augsburg fortress, 1993), hal. 79. 5 fritjof capra, the turning point, hal. 61 6 meskipun menurut seyyed hossein nasr, istilah ini sebetulnya tidak ada, karena melalui keberadaan kosmologi modern ini, konsep kosmologi telah dikaburkan dari maknanya yang genuine, yakni dicerabut dari akar metafisik dan spiritualnya. lihat, sh. nasr, man and nature, hal. 22 7 s.h. nasr, man and nature…, hal. 23 8 titus burckhardt, “cosmology and modern science”, dalam jacob needleman, the sword of gnosis: metaphysics, cosmology, tradition, symbolism, (london: arkana, 1986), hal. 125 9 ikhwan al-shafa’ adalah kelompok intelektual basrah. kelompok ini diyakini sebagai pengarang kitab ensiklopedia keilmuan rasa’il ikhwan al-shafa’. abu hayyan al-tawhidi dalam karyanya al-imta’ wa almu’anasah menyebutkan beberapa person yang tergabung dalam kelompok para ilmuwan dan filosof ini, di antaranya abu sulayman muhammad ibn ma’shar al-busti, dikenal juga dengan nama al-maqdisi; abu alhasan ‘ali ibn harun al-zanjani; abu ahmad almihrajani; dan al-‘awfi. 1 0 judul lengkap risalah ini adalah al-mausu’ah bi al-sama wa al-‘alam fi ishlah al-nafs wa tahdzib al-akhlaq. (risalah yang dinamai langit dan semesta dalam rangka perbaikan jiwa dan penanaman moral”. lihat ikhwan al-shafa’, rasa’il ikhwan al-shafa’ wa khullan alwafa’, (qum, iran :markaz al-nasyrmaktabah a’lam islami, 1405 h), ii, hal.31. untuk selanjutnya akan disebut rasail. 1 1 rasail, i, hal. 146; rasail, ii, hal. 398; rasail, iv, hal. 42; risalah al-jamia’ah, (ed. mushtafa galib), (beirut: dar shadir, 1974), hal. 534; lihat juga, al-risalah al-jami’ah (ed. arif tamir), hal. 299. 1 2 rasail, ii, hal.31 1 3 lihat s.h. nasr, an introduction to islamic cosmological doctrines, cambridge: harvard university press, 1964. hal. 4-5. lihat dan bandingkan dengan ‘abd al-latif muhammad al-‘abd, al-insan fi fikr ikhwan al-shafa’, cairo: dar al-’ilm li al-thaba’ah, 1976, hal. 64-69. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 91vol. 10 no. 1 januari juni 2014 dalam karyanya ini, al-‘abd menggunakan term wahdah al-‘alam (the unity of universe) sebagai bagian dari inti ajaran kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’. 1 4 rasail, iii, hal. 237; 352; 361. lihat juga al-risalah aljami’ah, hal. 373-374; lihat dan bandingkan dengan george periggo conger, theories of macrocosms and microcosms in the history of philosophy, new york: columbia university press, 1922, hal. 47. ia menggunakan tiga istilah untuk menjelaskan skema kosmologi ikhwan al-shafa’; spiritual stages, the intermediate stages, dan the lower stages. 1 5 wajih ahmad, al-wujud ‘inda ikhwan al-shafa’, (iskandaria: dar al-ma’rifah al-jami’ah, 1989), hal.185 1 6 menarik untuk memperdalam teori al-tanasub fi al‘alam atau teori al-nisbah, yakni teori keselarasan dan harmoni alam yang dijelaskan oleh ikhwan al-shafa’. bagi mereka, pada hakikatnya alam semesta yang memiliki keragaman ini berjalan secara selaras dan harmoni. jika diibaratkan, harmoni alam ini seperti harmoni nada-nada lagu dan suara musik yang merdu terdengar. lihat. rasail, i, hal. 252. namun penulis tidak akan memperpanjang penjelasan tentang ini di sini, namun akan dijelaskan pada bab-bab berikutnya. 1 7 risalah al-jami’ah, hal. 351. lihat juga jami’ah aljami’ah, hal. 79. 1 8 lihat rasail, i, hal. 251 1 9 jiwa universal ini adalah jiwa yang meliputi dan mengalir dalam substansi-substansi orbit langit. sedangkan jiwa particular meliputi dan mengalir di seluruh entitas organisme yang ada di alam fisik (hewan, tumbuhan, dan mineral). 2 0 ikhwan al-shafa’, al-risalah al-jami’ah, hal. 352; lihat juga rasail, i, hal. 404; rasail, iv, hal. 339. 2 1 ikhwan al-shafa’, al-risalah al-jami’ah, hal. 376 2 2 rasail, iii, hal. 362. 2 3 rasail, iii, hal. 352 2 4 nadia jamaluddin, falsafah al-tarbiyah ‘inda ikhwan alshafa’, cairo: dal al-kitab al-mishri, 2002, hal. 155. 2 5 penjelasan lebih detail mengenai asal berbagai wujud entitas alam ini dari bentuk dan arketip disampaikan sebagai berikut, “maka tampak jelas dengan missal ini bahwa seluruh entitas wujud berupa bentuk yang berbeda-beda. ia merupakan arketip-arketip segala sesuatu. semuanya terjadi dan berlangsung secara berurutan, sebagaimana urutan angka-angka yang bermula dari angka 1. dan semuanya berasal dari allah sebagai tempat asalnya dan kepada-nya sebagai tempat kembalinya. sebagaimana dinyatakan dalam al-quran melalui lisan nabinya. allah berfirman: kepada allah tempat kembali kalian semua. (q.s. al-maidah: 48, 105). allah juga berfirman: dan kepada allah semua perkara akan kembali. (q.s. al-baqarah: 210). allah juga berfirman: sebagaimana kami memulai awal penciptaan maka kami akan mengembalikannya. (q.s. al-anbiya: 104). sebagaimana semua angka akan kembali kepada angka 1, sebagaimana pula dari angka 1 semua angka tersusun pada awalnya, sebagaimana telah kami jelaskan. demikian pula semua entitas wujud, tempat kembalinya kepada allah yang maha esa dan tunggal”. lihat rasail, iii, hal. 236. 2 6 lihat al-risalah al-jami’ah, hal. 370. 2 7 rasail, iii, hal. 196-197 2 8 al-risalah al-jami’ah, hal. 460. 2 9 lihat rasa’il, iii, hal. 233-234. penjelasan ini secara tegas disampaikan sebagaimana berikut, “pengetahuan tentang seluruh entitas-entitas semesta secara potensial berada dalam akal universal: ketahuilah wahai saudaraku bahwa semua entitasentitas alam semesta ini merupakan bentuk-bentuk dan arketip-arketip. lalu tuhan memancarkannya kepada akal universal –yang merupakan entitas pertama yang ada karena tuhan. dengan kalimat-nya, tuhan mewujudkan akal universal yang merupakan substansi spiritual sederhana. di dalam akal tersebut terdapat seluruh bentuk-bentuk entitas semesta ini”. lihat juga al-risalah al-jami’ah, hal. 370; lihat juga jami’ah al-jami’ah, hal. 163. dalam bagian lain disebutkan, “sesungguhnya segala sesuatu itu telah ada secara potensial dalam akal universal”. lihat al-risalah aljami’ah, hal. 29 3 0 al-risalah al-jami’ah, hal. 460. 3 1 rasail, iii, hal. 185 3 2 rasail, iii, hal. 234 3 3 rasail, iii, hal. 234; lihat juga rasail, iii,hal. 185. 3 4 rasail, iii, hal. 197 3 5 “yang kami maksud dengan daya universal (al-thabi’ah al-kulliyyah) adalah daya jiwa universal yang mengalir dalam seluruh benda-benda yang dapat menggerakkan dan mengatur benda-benda tersebut, dan memanifestasikan seluruh aktivitas dan pengaruhnya”. lihat rasail, iii, hal. 213 3 6 rasail, ii, hal. 6 3 7 rasail, ii, hal. 63-64; bandingkan dengan shabir abduh aba zaid muhammad, fikrah al-zaman ‘inda ikhwan alsafa’: dirasah tahliliyyah muqaranah, p, 265. 3 8 rasail, iii. hal. 190 3 9 orbit terluar adalah orbit atau lintasan tertinggi dalam sistem astronomi yang dianut oleh ikhwan al-shafa’. keberadaannya meliputi seluruh orbit di bawahnya. ikhwan al-shafa’ mendeskripsikan orbit terluar sebagai orbit yang menghimpun seluruh orbit, dari orbit yang substansinya paling halus dan orbit yang paling sederhana hingga ke orbit di bawah bulan. lihat rasail, iii, hal. 187. 4 0 keutamaan-keutamaan yang dimaksud adalah berupa ilmu hakiki, akhlak yang indah, pandangan yang benar, dan amal-amal shaleh, karya yang dibuat dengan penuh ketelitian, dan kerja-kerja professional. doi 10.18196/aiijis.2014. 0032. 68-95 92 j u r n a l i l m u i l m u k e i s l a m a n afkaruna 4 1 lihat rasail, iii, hal. 189. 4 2 orbit eter adalah lapisan udara yang panas dan lembut, yang tidak memiliki cahaya, dan di bawahnya terdapat lapisan udara dingin yang disebut falak zamharir. lihat. rasail, iii, hal. 334 4 3 rasail, i, hal.146-147 4 4 rasail, i, hal. 146. teksnya sebagai berikut, 4 5 rasail, iii. hal. 191, lihat juga rasail, ii, hal. 64-65 4 6 wajih ahmad, al-wujud ‘inda ikhwan al-shafa’, hal. 229 4 7 rasail, ii, hal. 6. 4 8 rasail, ii, hal. 6 4 9 rasail, ii, hal. 8 5 0 rasail, ii, hal. 7. dalam penjelasannya lebih lanjut, ikhwan al-shafa’ mendeskripsikan materi orisinal ini sebagai esensi (al-huwiyyah). ketika esensi disandingkan dengan berbagai aksiden (al-a’radh), maka ia tidak lagi disebut sebagai materi orisinal, namun ia akan menjadi benda mutlak. contohnya adalah bila sebuah esensi disandingkan dengan kuantitas, maka yang muncul adalah benda mutlak yang memiliki 3 segi, yakni benda yang memiliki panjang, lebar, dan tinggi. contoh lain adalah, bila sebuah esensi disandingkan dengan aksiden kualitas, maka ia akan menjadi sebuah benda mutlak yang memiliki kualitas berbentuk (shape), seperti lingkaran, segitiga, segi empat, dan berbagai rangka/bentuk lainnya. 5 1 rasail, iii, hal.197 5 2 rasail, i, hal. 42. 5 3 rasail, iii, hal. 238. 5 4 rasail, i, hal. 251-252 5 5 rasail, ii, hal. teks aslinya demikian, 5 6 rasail, ii, hal. 6-7 5 7 rasail, ii, hal. 24 5 8 bagi ikhwan al-shafa’ alasan utama mengapa bentuk bulat ini merupakan bentuk.yang paling utama dan paling sempurna adalah karena; (1) areanya lebih luas dibanding bentuk lain; (2) gerakannya lebih cepat dan tangkas; (3) potensi untuk mengalami kehancuran sangat jauh; (4) diameternya sama; (5) letak pusatnya berada di tengah; (6) dan yang lebih penting adalah karena bentuk tersebut memungkinkan untuk melakukan pergerakan dengan luwes tanpa mesti mengalami tubrukan dan gesekan dengan benda lain, kecuali jika pergerakan tersebut berada pada titik yang saling berdekatan. (7) selain itu juga bentuk bulat bisa lebih memungkinkan benda-benda langit melakukan pergerakan secara melingkar dan teratur, kecil kemungkinan mengalami penyimpangan dari orbit tempat perputarannya. lihat rasail, iii, hal. 187; 197; 209. 5 9 rasail, i, hal. 115; rasail, iii, hal. 209 6 0 rasail, ii, hal. 26 6 1 rasail, i, hal. 115, 126, 147 6 2 rasail, i, hal. 447-448 6 3 rasail, ii, hal. 34 6 4 rasail, i, hal. 448 6 5 rasail, ii, hal. 88; 333-334. ikhwan menuliskan, 6 6 rasail, ii, hal. 49-50; 88; 334 6 7 rasail, i, hal. 115 6 8 rasail, iv, hal. 285-286 “ketahuilah wahai saudaraku, bahwa daya pertama yang diberikan oleh jiwa universal terhadap alam semesta dalah terdapat pada entitas-entitas utama yang bercahaya, dan ia adalah bintang-bintang tetap (fixed stars), lalu setelah itu diberikan pada bintangbintang berjalan (planet-planet), lalu diberikan pada entitas di bawahnya yakni 4 elemen-elemen yang terdapat pada individu-individu organisme berupa barang mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan.” 6 9 carmela baffioni, “the religious approaches to natural science: the case of mineralogy in the ikhwan al-shafa’ and hamid al-din al-kirmani”, in anna akasoy dan wim raven (ed.), islamic thought in the middle ages; studies in text, transmission in honour of hans daiber, leidenboston: brill, 2008. 7 0 rasail, ii, hal. 142; lihat juga rasail, i, hal. 145 7 1 rasail, i, hal.146-147 7 2 contohnya adalah ketika api dipadamkan, maka ia berubah menjadi udara (asap), lalu ketika udara dipadatkan, maka ia akan berubah menjadi air, dan air apabila dipadatkan maka akan menjadi tanah. sedangkan keberadaan benda mineral, tumbuhan, dan hewan, tidak lain karena hasil dari penyatuan di antara empat elemen-elemen tersebut. lihat rasail, ii, hal. 8, 57-58 7 3 rasail, iv, hal. 386, 412 7 4 rasail, ii, hal. 53-54. 7 5 rasail, ii, hal. 115; lihat juga rasail, iii, hal. 1234 7 6 rasail, iii, hal. 276-277. teks lengkapnya sebagai berikut, 7 7 rasail, ii, hal. 180 7 8 ahmad amin and zaki najib 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'affan w william marçais william muir y ya'cub yusdani yusman roy yusuf al-hamadani z zaid b. tsabit zakaria jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kaum muda pecinta habaib: kesalehan populer dan ekspresi anak muda di ibu kota doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0086.166-189 syamsul rijal1 uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta email: syamsul.rijal@uinjkt.ac.id abstract this paper examines the rising popularity of hadhrami arab preachers among muslim youths in contemporary indonesia. the preachers who claim their descent to the prophet are popularly called as habib (sing.) or habaib (plr.). this study focuses on the late habib munzir al-musawa and his sermon group, i.e. majelis rasulullah, as well as his young followers in jakarta. majelis rasulullah is arguably the most popular majelis in indonesia and has attracted tens of thousands of people in its public preaching. in order to explain its popularity, this study analyses the views and and experiences of his young followers on their participation and activism within the group. it explores both structural and cultural factors that drove young followers to participate in the sermon group. borrowing bayat’s perspective on muslim youth and leisure, this paper argues that indonesian muslims participate in the habaib dakwah not only for spiritual shelter but also because they see the majelis as sites to express both their piety and their ‘youthfulness’ in the midst of uncertainty, discontent, and limited spaces for urban youth in jakarta. keywords: blessing, habaib, habib munzir, majelis rasulullah, youth expression abstrak artikel ini berupaya menjelaskan menaiknya popularitas penceramah yang berketurunan arab hadhramawt (yaman) di kalangan anak muda muslim di indonesia. penceramah tersebut memiliki silsilah sampai ke nabi muhammad saw. mereka yang diakui keilmuannya dalam bidang agama dipanggil dengan gelar habib atau habaib (jamak). beberapa tahun setelah runtuhnya orde baru, ruang publik indonesia diramaikan dengan munculnya beberapa habib muda di kota besar, terutama di jakarta, yang mampu menarik ribuan jamaah. di antara mereka yang paling populer dan memiliki jemaah terbesar adalah almarhum habib munzir b. fuad al-musawa (1973-2013) dengan majelisnya, majelis rasulullah. untuk menjelaskan popularitasnya, studi ini menganalisis pandangan mailto:syamsul.rijal@uinjkt.ac.id 167vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 dan pengalaman para jemaahnya ketika masuk dan berkecimpung di majelis rasulullah. studi ini mengkombinasikan analisis struktural dan kultural untuk memahami secara utuh partisipasi anak muda di majelis taklim. meminjam perspektif bayat tentang anak muda muslim di iran dan di mesir, artikel ini berargumen bahwa keikutsertaan anak muda di majelis habaib bukan hanya untuk belajar agama dan memperoleh naungan spiritual, namun juga untuk mengekspresikan ‘kemudaan’ (youthfulness) dengan rekan seusia mereka di tengah kehidupan kota yang penuh masalah dan tantangan hidup. keywords: habaib, habib munzir, majelis rasulullah, berkah, ekspresi anak muda pendahuluan salah satu fenomena keagamaan yang menarik di tanah air adalah maraknya pengajian di ruang terbuka di kota-kota besar. pengajian ini diorganisir oleh habaib muda dengan menggunakan majelis taklim masingmasing. berbeda dengan pengajian habaib senior yang berlokasi di satu tempat, pengajian habaib muda biasanya berpindah-pindah tempat dan diadakan di ruang terbuka, seperti lapangan monumen nasional (monas), halaman gedung atau rumah, atau jalanan umum yang telah diblokir. berbagai program kegiatannya telah menarik belasan ribu jemaah dari kalangan remaja dan anak muda di jakarta dan sekitarnya. kebanyakan pengikutnya mengendarai sepeda motor dengan mengenakan sarung dan jaket khusus yang bertuliskan nama dan logo majelis. sebagian berkendara sepeda motor secara konvoy sambil mengibarkan bendera majelis. di area pengajian, sejumlah anak muda sibuk mengatur arus lalu lintas untuk membantu jemaah yang datang dari berbagai arah. sebagian dari mereka sibuk mempersiapkan fasilitas majelis seperti audio system, lighting (pencahayaan), kamera video, dan layar putih. sebagian lainnya sibuk berjaga di pintu masuk sembari membagikan secarik kertas yang berisi materi hadits kepada jemaah yang datang. pemandangan di atas menggambarkan partisipasi anak-anak muda di pengajian tradisional yang dipimpin oleh habaib. menariknya, pengajian tersebut marak di kota-kota besar yang identik dengan simbol kesuksesan materi, konsumerisme, dan modernitas. jika dahulu, majelis taklim didominasi oleh jemaah dewasa, terutama ibu-ibu, saat ini mayoritas jemaah majelis didominasi oleh anak-anak muda. hal ini adalah ekspresi keberagamaan unik yang baru muncul pasca orde baru. untuk memahami fenomena ini, artikel ini mengajukan beberapa pertanyaan: mengapa anak 168 afkaruna muda kota mengikuti majelis taklim? apa daya tarik habaib dan majelisnya bagi kalangan anak muda urban? studi terhadap anak muda muslim di indonesia telah banyak ditulis dengan beragam perspektif. sebagian penulis telah menganalisis keikutsertaan anak muda dalam gerakan dan aktivisme islam serta pengaruhnya terhadap mereka.2 sebagian besar perhatian mereka tertuju pada gerakan islam transnasional seperti hizbut tahrir indonesia, gerakan tarbiyah dengan pks-nya, jama’ah tablig, dan gerakan salafi. tetapi, hanya ada sedikit tulisan tentang gerakan traditionalis, seperti majelis habaib. karya arif zamhari, julia day howell, dan ismail fajrie alatas adalah segelintir contoh. mereka memotret maraknya majelis zikir para habaib di jakarta sebagai bagian dari perkembangan gerakan tasawuf di tanah air. keberhasilan majelis ini, menurut zamhari dan howell, tidak lepas dari kreatifitas para pemimpinnya yang membawa gerakan sufi ini ke “jalanan” yang sifatnya terbuka, sehingga bisa diikuti oleh berbagai kalangan.3 sementara itu, alatas melihat terjadinya pergeseran pola majelis zikir di ibu kota sebagai upaya adaptasi para habaib dalam mempertahankan gerakan tarekat seiring dengan terjadinya kebangkitan islam (islamic revival) di indonesia pasca orde baru.4 meskipun penulis setuju dengan analisisanalisis tersebut, namun studi mereka lebih terkonsentrasi pada level elit agama (habaib), sehingga kurang menggali lebih jauh suara anak muda dalam kaitannnya dengan partisipasi dan kontribusi mereka pada majelis. artikel ini berupaya mengisi kekosongan studi tersebut dengan menganalisis suara anak muda pengikutnya, juga perasaan dan pengalaman mereka selama berkecimpung di majelis. terinspirasi dengan karya asef bayat tentang kaum muda muslim di iran dan mesir, artikel ini berargumen bahwa keikutsertaan anak muda dalam majelis habaib bukan hanya semata-mata untuk mencari ilmu agama dan spiritualitas, tetapi juga karena mereka melihat majelis sebagai wadah untuk mengekspresikan ‘kemudaan’ (youthness) di tengah kota besar yang penuh dengan berbagai permasalahan sosial dan ekonomi. sekilas tentang majelis rasulullah majelis rasululullah didirikan oleh almarhum habib munzir fu’ad almusawa. ia dilahirkan tahun 1973 di cipanas, jawa barat, dan meninggal tgl 15 september 2013 setelah lama mengidap asma dan kanker otak. ia adalah anak keempat dari lima bersaudara. berbeda dengan habib lainnya 169vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 yang orang tuanya berlatar belakang ulama, ayah habib munzir berasal dari pendidikan umum. ayahnya, fu’ad b. abdurrahman al-musawa, memperoleh sarjana s1 jurusan jurnalisme dari the new york university di amerika serikat dan kemudian bekerja sebagai wartawan di koran berita yudha. habib munzir menempuh pendidikan sd sampai sma di cipanas. namun, ia berhenti dari sekolah sma pada saat kelas dua karena sibuk mengelola penginapan ayahnya. karena keseringan begadang menjaga penginapan, habib munzir muda terkena penyakit asma.5 perjumpaan habib munzir dengan pengetahuan agama dimulai ketika aktif mengikuti pendidikan di lembaga non-formal majelis taklim dan pesantren. ia mulai belajar hukum islam di madrasah al-tsaqafah al-islamiyyah milik habib abdurahman assegaf di bukit duri, jakarta selatan. setelah dua bulan di madrasah tersebut, ia mengikuti kursus bahasa arab di lpba (pembaga pendidikan bahasa arab) assalafy yang dikelola oleh habib bagir alatas di jakarta timur. habib munzir kemudian mendalami pengetahuan agama di pesantren al-khairat milik habib hamid nagib b. syeikh abu bakar di bekasi timur. selama nyantri di tempat inilah ia bertemu dengan ulama terkenal dari yaman, habib ‘umar b. hafiz, yang pada saat itu sedang mengunjugi pesantren tersebut tahun 1994 dalam rangka mencari santri yang akan dikirim ke hadramawt. habib munzir terpilih sebagai salah satu dari 30 santri angkatan pertama yang dikirim.6 ia menghabiskan empat tahun masa studi di darul musthafa, sebuah lembaga pendidikan baru yang didirikan oleh habib ‘umar. lembaga pendidikan ini telah memiliki nama besar dan telah menarik banyak mahasiswa dari berbagai negara, baik dari benua eropa, amerika, afrika, dan asia. setelah menyelesaikan studinya di yaman, habib munzir kembali ke tanah air dan mulai aktivitas dakwahnya tahun 1998. ia mengawali dakwahnya di kampung halamannya, cipanas, namun tidak berkembang seperti yang ia harapkan. ia kemudian pindah ke jakarta mengadakan pengajian yang pindah-pindah dari satu rumah ke rumah lainnya. awalnya ia hanya mendapati enam jemaah yang setia menyediakan rumahnya untuk pengajian serta tempat untuk istrahat karena saat itu ia pulang pergi dari cipanas ke jakarta. karena sejumlah saran dari jemaahnya, habib munzir akhirnya mendirikan majelis taklim yang ia namakan majelis rasulullah (mr). penamaan ini menurutnya karena ajaran dan ceramah yang ia tonjolkan berkaitan dengan pesan-pesan dakwah dari nabi. karena jumlah jemaahnya makin membludak, ia akhirnya memindahkan tempat penga170 afkaruna jiannya dari rumah-rumah ke masjid besar demi menampung jemaahnya. masjid ini adalah masjid al-munawwar yang berlokasi di pasar minggu, jakarta selatan. ia menetapkan malam senin sebagai jadwal tetap pengajian, mengikuti jadwal gurunya di hadhramawt. habib munzir sukses mengelola dakwahnya. ini terbukti dari jemaahnya yang berjumlah ribuan yang kebanyakan dari kalangan muda-mudi. untuk fokus mengelola majelis taklim, ia menyewa satu rumah di pancoran sebagai gedung sekretariat atau basis operasi dakwah. ia mengangkat beberapa staf dan crew untuk membantu aktivitas dakwahnya. para stafnya ikut membantu mengatur jadwal pengajian, mengelola media seperti publikasi dan website majelis, dan menjaga gedung sekretariat. ia juga mendirikan kios majelis yang menjual merchandises seperti buku, stiker, dvd, jaket seragam majelis, busana muslim dan lain-lainnya. sebagian staf juga dipekerjakan untuk mengelola kios islami, kios nabawi, termasuk memproduksi dan menjual produk majelis. jika para staf digaji secara professional sesuai pendapatan yang masuk, para crew bekerja secara sukarela di lapangan ketika majelis akan diadakan, seperti memasang spanduk dan baliho, menggelar tikar, dan mengatur jemaah di lapangan.7 komposisi jemaah majelis rasulullah berdasarkan observasi di lapangan, jumlah jemaah di pengajian mr tergantung dari jenis kegiatannya. pada pengajian rutin seperti malam senin (jalsah itsnain), jumlah peserta sekitar 5.000 sampai 10.000 orang. namun, di event khusus, seperti perayaan maulid nabi, jumlah jemaah bisa mencapai 80.000 s/d 100.000 orang. karena kapasitas jemaah yang besar, habib munzir berinisiatif mengadakan maulid akbar setiap tahunnya di lapangan monumen nasional (monas). kebanyakan jemaah mr berasal dari kalangan remaja/muda, berusia sekitar 12-30 tahun. mereka biasanya memakai jaket hitam mr, kopiah putih, dan sarung (bagi pria), sementara wanita memakai gamis hitam (abaya) dan sebagian memakai cadar. secara ekonomi, pengikut mr kebanyakan berasal dari keluarga golongan kelas menengah ke bawah dan golongan miskin. sebagian besar mereka adalah siswa sltp dan slta yang orang tuanya bekerja dengan penghasilan rendah seperti buruh pabrik, karyawan mall, sopir angkutan umum (angkot), pedagang kaki lima dan sebagainya. sebagian jemaah dewasa bekerja dengan penghasilan rendah karena tidak memiliki gelar pendidikan diploma dan sarjana. sebagian besar jemaah didominasi oleh 171vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 etnis betawi, namun sebagian lainnya dari etnis jawa, sunda, palembang, dan banjar. etnis-etnis ini secara kultural dekat dengan tradisi islam nahdlatul ulama (nu). etnis betawi, pada khususnya, tidak bisa dipisahkan dari tradisi islam seperti maulid, haul, ziarah, dan tahlilan. muslim betawi memberikan penghormatan yang sangat tinggi kepada habaib dan kyai. keterikatan muslim betawi dengan islam tradisi tidak bisa dipisahkan dari peran habaib dan ulama lokal yang menyebarkan islam sunni (aswaja) sejak abad ke 19 m.8 banyak jemaah mr berasal dari keluarga yang akrab dengan doktrin dan tradisi nu, namun mereka tidak mengecap pelajaran agama di lembaga pendidikan formal, seperti madrasah dan pesantren. mereka merasa bahwa mengikuti pengajian di mr telah menambah pengetahuan agama, dan ritual-ritual tersebut membuat mereka merasa sebagai muslim yang shaleh. sebagian jemaah mulai ikut di majelis taklim semenjak usia remaja. mereka pada awalnya penasaran melihat sejumlah baliho besar dan bendera majelis yang tersebar di jakarta dan sekitarnya. selain itu, mereka tertarik melihat ragam kegiatan dan merchandise mr yang memikat. baliho-baliho besar menampilan gambar seorang tokoh bertampang arab yang dipanggil habib dengan memakai jubah dan surban putih, serta berpenampilan saleh, berwibawa, dan karismatik. keriuhan dan solidaritas yang diperlihatkan oleh pengikut mr, seperti konvoy sepeda motor dan ajang kopi darat, menjadi salah satu daya tarik bagi kalangan muda. sebagian jemaah ikut karena diajak kawan dan keluarganya untuk mendalami agama. walaupun ada berbagai sebab yang mendorong mereka ikut, namun sebagian besar mereka terpesona dengan karisma seorang habib munzir. bagi mereka habib munzir adalah sosok penceramah yang ramah dan lembut dalam berdakwah. mereka merasa bahwa sang habib telah memikat hati mereka sejak pertama kali mengikuti majelis, dan hal ini membuat mereka berkomitmen kepada majelis tersebut. indri, salah satu jemaah, mengatakan “habibana menggunakan gaya lembut dan gaya sastra dalam berbicara, serta selalu merujuk kepada nabi muhammad sebagai model teladan bagi muslim”.9 di majelis habaib, tidak ada aturan keanggotaan yang ketat seperti halnya organisasi islam. jemaah bebas mengikuti majelis manapun tanpa ada syarat. oleh karena itu, tidak heran jika kita melihat ada jemaah berjaket mr yang juga mengikuti majelis habib ali kwitang atau majelis nurul musthofa. bagi mereka, semua majelis habib adalah sama dalam hal 172 afkaruna tujuan, tetapi berbeda dalam pendekatan dan strategi. mereka mencontohkan habib munzir dan habib rizieq yang sama-sama bertujuan mempertahankan islam al-sunnah wa al-jama’ah (aswaja), namun strategi keduanya berbeda. habib yang pertama memakai metode lembut dan damai, tetapi habib yang kedua memakai cara tegas dan konfrontatif. meskipun ada kesamaan tujuan, para jemaah cenderung berkomitmen pada satu majelis. komitmen ini diekspresikan melalui partisipasi rutin dalam satu majelis dan jaket seragam yang dikenakan. berbeda halnya dengan anggota biasa, para staf dan crew mr memiliki peran khusus dan fokus bekerja untuk keberlangsungan kegiatan. selain mengadakan acara keagamaan, para staf dan crew juga bertugas mengumpulkan dana melalui berbagai program dan penjualan produk mr. dana besar biasanya dibutuhkan ketika mengadakan perayaan besar maulid nabi saw setiap tahun di lapangan monas, jakarta pusat. jakarta, kaum muda urban, dan kesenangan aspirasi kesalehan dan kesenangan untuk memahami popularitas habaib di kalangan anak muda di jakarta dan kota lainnya, kita mesti menganalisa hubungan antara lahan kota (urban space) dan masalah sosial anak muda. jakarta adalah ibu kota negara dan kota terbesar dengan jumlah penduduk terpadat di indonesia. sebagai pusat pemerintahan dan bisnis, jakarta menjadi destinasi utama bagi mereka yang tinggal di daerah dan pedalaman, untuk memperoleh kesuksesan materi dan popularitas. meningkatnya urbanisasi telah membuat kota tersebut menjadi kota terpadat di asia tenggara. pada tahun 2014, jumlah penduduknya mencapai hampir 10 juta jiwa.10 adanya kesenjangan antara para pencari kerja terdidik dan pekerjaan yang tersedia memicu persaingan di antara penduduk kota. berbagai masalah bermunculan, seperti kesenjangan ekonomi, pengangguran, perumahan yang tidak layak, dan kondisi transportasi dan lingkungan yang buruk.11 bappeda dki jakarta melaporkan bahwa tingkat kemiskinan telah meningkat dari 312.200 jiwa pada tahun 2010 ke 412,790 pada tahun 2014.12 belum lagi pembangunan ekonomi yang meningkat selama beberapa dekade, seperti pembangunan pusat pertokoan, mall, dan pemukiman elit, menyebabkan terjadinya penggusuran kampung-kampung di mana rakyat kecil menjadi korban. akibat dari semua ini, jakarta menjadi terlampau padat, macet, dan juga menimbulkan kesulitan ekonomi dan 173vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 stress di kalangan penduduk kota. berbagai problem kota di atas berdampak pada anak-anak muda kota, khususnya yang berasal dari keluarga kelas menengah ke bawah. mereka ini berada dalam fase transisi dari masa remaja ke masa dewasa. anak muda indonesia memiliki sifat unik. mereka sangat suka bersosialisasi dan menyukai suasana yang ramai, di tempat di mana mereka dapat berinteraksi dengan sesamanya dan mencari pengalaman baru yang seru dan mengasyikkan.13 namun demikian, jakarta, karena keterbatasan lahan, hanya menyediakan tempat yang terbatas bagi anak muda untuk bersosialisasi dan mengekspresikan diri. menurut atmodiwirjo, para remaja di jakarta sangat jarang menggunakan pusat kegiatan remaja yang disediakan oleh pemerintah sebab tidak terawat dan terlihat kurang menarik. mereka lebih suka menghabiskan waktu di pusat perbelanjaan (mall) dan di area fasilitas publik seperti halte bus, terminal, lahan parkir, halaman sekolah, sudut-sudut jalanan dan jembatan. nongkrong di tempat tersebut memungkinkan mereka untuk menghibur diri dan lebih bebas dari pantauan orang tua.14 karena faktor ekonomi, anak-anak muda ini juga tidak mampu menikmati waktu senggang di tempat-tempat yang berbayar, tidak mampu membeli pakaian mahal, dan juga tidak mampu menikmati hobi olahraga dan kesenian yang membutuhkan biaya. banyak jemaah anak muda, dari keluarga berpenghasilan rendah, yang akhirnya menemukan aktivitas keagamaan sebagai saluran untuk berekspresi dan menunjukkan eksistensi mereka. jika sebagian gerakan islam cenderung menekan kesenangan dan melarang hiburan yang terkait dengan budaya barat, gerakan dakwah habaib cenderung lunak dan mengakomodasi aspirasi anak muda dengan menggabungkan budaya pop dan ajaran islam. ketika berbincang dengan jemaah beberapa majelis habaib di jakarta, sebagian mereka memuji habib-nya yang dianggapnya ‘keren’ dan ‘gaul’. disebut keren karena sang habib memiliki potongan jenggot yang menarik khas anak muda, memakai kostum yang berwarna terang, sorban yang unik, kacamata hitam, dan ornamen lainnya yang menarik; sementara disebut gaul karena ia memakai aksen jakarta ala sinetron yang akrab di telinga anak remaja kota. banyak jemaah muda yang tempat tinggalnya jauh dari lokasi pengajian dan seringkali memakan waktu sampai larut malam. mereka ini leluasa keluar malam dan mendapatkan izin dari orang tuanya dengan alasan mengikuti pengajian. narasi partisipasi mereka di pengajian habib beragam. sebagian terdorong 174 afkaruna ikut karena alasan keagamaan, namun sebagian didorong oleh tujuan memperoleh kesenangan dan pergaulan sosial dari kegiatan majelis. ketika di lapangan, penulis agak kaget melihat jemaah remaja (putra dan putri) yang mengikuti pengajian sampai larut malam (jam 22.00-23.00). dilihat dari padatnya lalu lintas setelah kegiatan majelis dan jarak rumah mereka, maka kemungkinan ada jemaah yang tiba di rumah mereka sekitar jam 12 atau jam 1 malam. mereka mengatakan bahwa orang tua mereka sangat mendukung kegiatan ini, meskipun keluar malam, karena tujuannya untuk mendalami agama (ta’lim). orang tua mereka berharap bahwa dengan pengajian tersebut dapat membawa peningkatan moral dan spiritual sang anak. sikap seperti ini umum di kalangan orang tua muslim di indonesia. menurut parker dan nilan, sikap seperti ini merupakan respon terhadap diskursus ‘kepanikan moral’ (moral panic) yang telah menyebar di kalangan orang tua, media, dan negara.15 oleh karena itu, partisipasi dalam kegiatan agama dan konsumsi islami mendapat dukungan dalam rangka melindungi anak muda-mudi dari pengaruh negatif, seperti kenakalan remaja dan konsumsi obat-obat terlarang. keaktifan anak muda di majelis pengajian telah menjadi wahana bagi mereka untuk menghabiskan masa muda secara menyenangkan, namun bersifat religius. mereka melihat majelis taklim sebagai tempat untuk mempelajari islam dan sekaligus tempat untuk menikmati ‘kesenangan’ dengan kawan sebaya mereka. mereka menikmati kesenangan yang ditujukan untuk kepentingan agama. para anak muda memanfaatkan majelis sebagai medan untuk bersosialisasi atau bergaul, menunjukkan eksistensi, dan menjalani mobilitas sosial. dalam lingkungan seperti ini, para anak muda memiliki kesempatan untuk memperoleh teman, dukungan emosional, dan pengalaman baru.16 mencari berkah sang habib berbagai permasalahan di kota besar juga membuat anak-anak muda mencari naungan spiritual dan berkah orang suci (wali). ini terjadi khususnya pada anak muda dari kalangan kelas menengah kecil ke bawah, baik yang lama di jakarta ataupun pendatang baru (newly urbanized) yang sedang mencari kesejahteraan ekonomi dan kehidupan yang lebih baik. sebagian dari pengikut majelis habib adalah mahasiswa, sebagian pengangguran, dan sebagian adalah buruh atau karyawan rendahan yang bekerja di pertokoan, mall, dan di pabrik. kota besar adalah magnet bagi 175vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 penduduk indonesia yang ingin mencari pekerjaan yang layak dan prestisius. namun, tinggal di kota besar tidaklah langsung menjamin pencapaian kesejahteraan dan masa depan yang lebih baik kepada penghuninya. banyak anak muda yang menganggur atau, paling tidak, memperoleh pekerjaan yang bergaji rendah. menurut ben white, angka pengangguran di indonesia cukup tinggi dan hal ini mengikuti trend perkembangan global dimana pendidikan tinggi tidak menjamin akses ke pekerjaan yang stabil. hal ini disebabkan oleh ketidakseimbangan antara lahan kerja dengan jumlah alumni slta dan universitas yang meningkat setiap tahunnya. kelangkaan lahan kerja formal akhirnya mengarahkan mereka bekerja di sektor-sektor informal meskipun dengan upah rendah.17 dengan kondisi tersebut, penghasilan kaum muda hanya cukup menghidupi kebutuhan sehari-hari untuk dirinya dan keluarganya tanpa ada sisa untuk simpanan atau investasi. kondisi ini menciptakan kecemasan dan ketidakpastian bagi anak muda yang menghadapi kerasnya kehidupan jakarta. hal ini membuat mereka mencari naungan spiritual atau intervensi tuhan dalam rangka memperoleh ketenangan hidup, solusi instant, dan keajaiban untuk memecahkan berbagai masalah duniawi. para pengikut majelis memandang partisipasi di pengajian dan kedekatan dengan habaib mampu mengalirkan keberkahan (barakah). konsep berkah sangat krusial bagi muslim tradisional. ini terkait dengan pimpinan majelis yang memiliki ikatan darah dengan rasulullah. dalam bahasa arab, barakah berarti ‘perkenan ilahi’. kata ini juga berarti kebajikan yang mendatangkan kelimpahan rezeki, kesejahteraan, dan kebahagiaan.18 menurut liyakat takim, berkah juga diasosiasikan dengan “kesejahteraan, keberuntungan, kelimpahan, dan kekuatan yang luar biasa.”19 berkah dipercaya dapat ditemukan pada waktu dan tempat tertentu, atau pada orang suci. orang-orang suci seperti habib, sufi, dan wali dipercaya memiliki keberkahan. berkah bukan hanya pada wali yang hidup dan objek suci, tetapi juga pada wali yang sudah meninggal.20 habaib, khususnya, mewarisi berkah dari nabi melalui ikatan darah. bahkan setelah mereka meninggal, kuburan mereka dimuliakan karena ketinggian spiritualitas, keilmuan, dan pencapaian di masa hidupnya.21 anak-anak muda yang ditimpa ketidakpastian dan kecemasan hidup berharap dengan partisipasinya di majelis taklim dapat membuahkan keberkahan dan kesejahteraan buat mereka. dengan hal tersebut, segala problema hidup mereka dapat dipecahkan. mereka percaya bahwa melihat 176 afkaruna langsung wajah habib dan mencium tangannya mampu mentransmisikan berkah nabi buat mereka. ketika di lapangan, penulis bertemu dengan beberapa jemaah yang bekerja sebagai buruh di mall, toko, dan pabrik. mereka mengatakan meskipun sangat sibuk dalam bekerja dan rumah mereka jauh dari area pengajian, mereka mengupayakan untuk rutin mengikuti pengajian majelis rasulullah paling tidak sekali dalam seminggu, dengan harapan mereka dapat meraih berkah. berkah ini diharapkan mampu membawa perbaikan bagi kehidupan ekonomi dan masa depan kerja mereka yang lebih baik. majelis sebagai sarana ekspresi anak muda para habaib muda di jakarta berupaya menarik jamaah dengan menggunakan berbagai strategi kreatif. strategi yang paling utama adalah menggunakan baliho, spanduk, poster, dan media sosial. sebagian jemaah tertarik mengikuti majelis setelah melihat informasi pengajian di spanduk pinggir jalan dan poster pengumuman di website dan media sosial. website majelis dan halaman komunitas (community page) di media sosial, khususnya facebook, biasanya mengumumkan dan menyebarkan jadwal kegiatan untuk empat minggu berikutnya. penggunaan internet, terutama media sosial, bagi sarana dakwah sangat strategis di indonesia. menurut data kementerian komunikasi dan informasi, pengguna internet di indonesia telah mencapai 63 juta pada tahun 2013. dari jumlah ini, ada 95% menggunakan internet untuk mengakses media sosial. dalam hal pemakaian facebook, misalnya, indonesia berada pada posisi keempat di dunia setelah amerika, brazil, dan india.22 isparmo seo juga melaporkan bahwa kebanyakan pengguna facebook adalah anak muda dengan usia antara 18-34 tahun. dengan popularitas smart-phone saat ini, anak-anak muda sering menggunakan waktu senggang mereka untuk berkomunikasi lewat layanan online seperti bbm (blackberry messenger), whatsapp, line, serta posting status dan mengomentari status kawannya di media sosial.23 kebanyakan pengikut majelis habaib akrab dengan media sosial. mereka memakai media sosial untuk mengikuti perkembangan program majelis dan menjaga komunikasi dan solidaritas dengan kawan seperjuangan. banyak grup/komunitas pecinta majelis, baik yang resmi dan tidak resmi, yang tersedia di media sosial. dengan mengamati percakapan di grupgrup tersebut, saya dapat melihat begitu pentingnya peranan website majelis dan media sosial bagi pengikutnya. melalui medium tersebut, 177vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 mereka dapat mengikuti jadwal terkini majelis, menonton program dakwah yang sebelumnya ataupun yang lagi live, dan mengunduh berbagai lagu shalawat dan tausiyah dari sejumlah penceramah. selain itu, di website juga ada bagian untuk tanya-jawab agama, diskusi, dan sharing informasi di kalangan jemaah. media sosial juga penting untuk mempromosikan berbagai produk majelis dan menggalang dana dengan berbagai program. berikut adalah contoh posting majelis di halaman komunitas fb: “assalamu alaikum jemaah majelis rasulullah. diharapkan untuk membeli produk asli dari majelis rasulullah. karena membeli produk tersebut berarti anda membantu perjuangan dakwah nabi di jakarta. mari kita wujudkan cita-cita guru kita, almarhum habib munzir al-musawa. bagi jemaah yang mau membeli dvd pemakaman habib munzir, anda dapat membelinya di kios nabawi malam ini di majid al-munawar, pancoran. kami berharap anda tidak membeli dvd di tempat lain, kecuali di kios nabawi. jazakallahu khair.”24 selain mengakses media majelis, para jemaah muda juga menggunakaan asesoris majelis, khususnya jaket mr, sebagai simbol kesalehan dan identitas kelompok. anak-anak muda ini bangga memakai jaket mr yang menunjukkan afiliasi mereka ke majelis habib. jaket tersebut menyimbolkan pula bahwa mereka adalah muslim saleh yang berafiliasi ke kelompok islam tradisional, atau yang popular disebut islam aswaja. penggunaan simbol-simbol majelis seperti ini memperkuat apa yang diistilahkan oleh durkheim sebagai ‘representasi sosial’ dari agama.25 habib munzir berinisiatif menggunakan jaket majelis dan merchandise lainnya sebagai sarana untuk syiar agama di kalangan anak muda. kesuksesan habib munzir kemudian menginspirasi munculnya sejumlah habib yang menggunakan metode yang sama. menurut mara einstein, seseorang yang mengonsumsi produk agama tertentu berarti ia mendefinisikan identitas personalnya sebagai konsumer. lanjutnya lagi, “sang penjual lah (marketer) yang memberikan makna pada produk, dan makna inilah yang dikonsumsi oleh pembeli.” 26 terkait dengan teori ini, merek mr (yang mengangkat nabi sebagai simbol dakwah) menunjukkan bahwa habaib membingkai ajaran dan praktek agama mereka murni berasal dari nabi. keterkaitan dakwah mr dengan nabi diperkuat pula oleh para habaib yang memiliki ikatan darah dengan nabi. majelis-majelis habaib di kota besar menyediakan wadah buat anak 178 afkaruna muda untuk mengekspresikan ‘kemudaannya” (youthfulness). konsep kemudaan di sini bukan hanya bermakna tahapan usia, tetapi juga momentum dan ragam aktivitas untuk mengekspresikan identitas dan menikmati kesenangan yang biasanya dijalani oleh kaum muda. di masa lalu, majelis taklim pada umumnya dihadiri oleh jemaah orang tua dan separuh baya. ia lebih populer, khususnya, pada kalangan ibu-ibu rumah tangga di perkotaan. pengajian biasanya di adakan secara rutin dan diadakan di masjid, rumah-rumah jemaah, atau di satu ruangan permanen milik sang penceramah.27 hal ini sangat berbeda dengan model pengajian ala habaib muda belakangan ini yang jemaahnya didominasi oleh anak muda. ini juga berbeda dengan gerakan islam global yang bergairah menyasar anak muda di sekolah-sekolah dan kampus-kampus. jika gerakan-gerakan tersebut mempunyai program rekrutmen dan kaderisasi bagi anggota baru, majelis habaib lebih terbuka ke publik dan tidak membutuhkan keanggotaan resmi. namun demikian, habaib dan stafnya biasanya meminta jemaah untuk komitmen pada majelis mereka agar lebih dalam mempelajari ajaran islam dan ikut andil memperjuangkan “dakwah nabi”. dari interaksi penulis dengan para crew dan jemaah, nampaknya program-program majelis menjadi wahana bagi mereka untuk, apa yang disebut bayat sebagai, “mengklaim dan mengklaim kembali kemudaan mereka (youthfulness)”.28 bayat memaknai ‘youthfullness’ sebagai “sebuah habitus dan disposisi kognitif dan perilaku yang terkait dengan kenyataan untuk menjadi anak muda, yaitu lokasi sosial antara masa kanak-kanak dan masa dewasa, dimana mereka mengalami otonomi relatif, tidak bergantung kepada orang dewasa, namun tidak independen, dan mereka bebas dari tanggung jawab”.29 penulis bertemu dengan beberapa crew majelis yang sangat bangga menjadi bagian dari majelis rasulullah. crew adalah istilah bagi jemaah majelis yang secara rutin bertugas sebagai ‘event organisers” untuk kesuksesan acara. mereka biasanya memakai jaket hitam mr dan di depan jaket mereka tertulis ‘crew’ atau ‘aktivis’. mereka ini biasanya sangat sibuk menyediakan berbagai hal untuk acara pengajian seperti menangani urusan pemasangan spanduk, panggung, audio system, karpet, dan mengatur lalu lintas jemaah yang padat. salah seorang yang saya temui mengatakan bahwa tidaklah gampang menjadi crew seperti dirinya, karena harus mengikuti pengajian rutin khusus di sekretariat majelis dan mereka. mereka biasanya mengenakan jaket mr dipadukan dengan sarung dan 179vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 peci putih, sebuah tampilan yang umumnya diasosiasikan dengan muslim traditionalis di pedesaan. mereka bekerja secara sukarela dalam mempersiapkan segala hal untuk kelancaran kegiatan, termasuk penggalangan dana (fund-raising). seorang crew majelis, syaiful anwar, menyatakan kepada penulis bahwa ia dipercayakan sebagai kordinator ziarah (makam keramat) untuk cabang cidodol, jakarta selatan. ziarah adalah salah satu di antara sejumlah program mr yang diadakan setiap minggu. meski mengaku ia tidak menerima upah sama sekali, namun syaiful merasa sangat bangga dengan posisinya sebagai kordinator ziarah.30 aktivisme, mobilitas, dan kesenangan adalah beberapa unsur dari ekspresi anak muda. di majelis, anak-anak muda dapat bertemu dengan kawan sebayanya dan bersama-sama menyalurkan aspirasi dan bertukar pengalaman. komitmen perjuangan pada majelis membuat mereka aktif dan mobile karena majelisnya diadakan di berbagai tempat. mereka aktif membangun jaringan komunikasi dengan dengan sesama pengikut dan staf mr. dalam hal ini, banyak pengikut, baik itu crew maupun jemaah biasa, menciptakan grup-grup online melalui hp, seperti di bbm dan whatsapp (wa). selama riset, penulis bergabung dalam grup-grup online tersebut dan mampu mengikuti dan memantau percakapan informal dan diskusi yang berkembang di kalangan pengikut mr. di grup whatsapp, misalnya, para anggota aktif berkoordinasi dan sharing informasi tentang berbagai isu yang terkait dengan majelis. sebagian informasi dan percakapan bersifat serius, namun mereka lebih sering bercanda dan saling share cerita dan gambar meme lucu untuk menghibur sesama kawannya. atmosfir di grupgrup online ini sifatnya santai dan para anggota bisa melucu dan saling meledek satu sama lain untuk mengakrabkan diri dengan anggota lainnya. pergaulan sosial dengan para crew dan jemaah lainnya adalah ciri lain dari ekspresi anak muda. program-program rutin majelis menjadi sarana untuk sosiabilitas dan ekspresi sosial. banyak pengikut majelis yang berinteraksi secara online tanpa pernah bertemu satu sama lain. untuk memperkuat hubungan dan komitmen di antara jemaah, khususnya para jemaah online, para staf mr juga mengadakan pertemuan informal yang diistilahkan dengan ‘kopi darat’, disingkat menjadi kopdar. istilah ini mengikuti tren anak muda yang menindaklanjuti pertemanan dunia maya ke dunia nyata. kegiatan kopdar biasanya diadakan di rumah salah satu jemaah yang berminat. kegiatannya mencakup kata sambutan dari tuan rumah dan staf mr, pembacaan teks maulid diiringi musik hadhrah, 180 afkaruna ceramah singkat, doa, dan ditutup dengan makan siang bersama. sesi pra-acara dan makan siang nampaknya menjadi wahana bagi para peserta untuk saling berkenalan dan menceritakan pengalaman hidup masingmasing sebagai jemaah mr. partisipasi di majelis taklim tidak berarti bahwa para anak muda menolak hubungan asmara dan kesenangan di waktu luang. berbeda dengan kelompok dakwah lainnya yang membatasi secara ketat interaksi pria dan perempuan, interaksi antara pengikut majelis habaib yang saya amati nampak cair, meskipun sebagian jemaah wanita memakai cadar. memang selama pengajian ada garis pembatas yang memisahkan jemaah pria dan wanita, tapi sebagian tidak peduli dan mengambil posisi duduk bersebelahan dengan pasangan mereka (suami/isteri atau pacar) selama pengajian. sebelum dan sesudah majelis nampak sebagian jamaah anak muda (kebanyakan remaja) berboncengan dengan pasangan mereka yang juga aktif di majelis. habaib sebagai wali dan teladan moral popularitas majelis rasulullah di kalangan anak muda tidak bisa dilepaskan dari peranan pimpinananya, almarhum habib munzir bin fu’ad almusawa. kebanyakan wawancara dan percakapan para jemaah menunjukkan kalau habib munzir dianggap sebagai ulama karismatik yang ceramah dan karakternya memberikan kesan mendalam bagi pengikutnya. banyak pengikut yang terpesona dengan kepribadian habib munzir yang, menurut mereka, mencerminkan kepribadian rasulullah saw. salah satu jemaah, puput, menceritakan bahwa ia pertama kali tertarik dengan mr karena penasaran melihat spanduk-spanduk mr yang terpasang di beberapa sudut kota jakarta. ia penasaran melihat gambar seorang habib yang nampak saleh, berilmu, dan karismatik. berkat ajakan dari kawan-kawannya di sma, ia mengikuti maulid akbar di lapangan monas. setelah melihat langsung sosok habib munzir dan mendengarkan ceramahnya, ia merasakan adanya pesona dari sang habib. puput mengatakan: “tak pernah saya jumpai sosok yang lemah lembut seperti sosok yang berdiri di atas panggung waktu itu. tak pernah saya jumpai sosok yang ketika memandangnya menambah mahabbah (kecintaan) saya kepada allah dan rasul-nya. tak pernah pula saya jumpai seorang da’i yang ketika ia berbicara seakan-akan beliau bukan berbicara kepada jutaan orang yang hadir, tapi seakan-akan ia berbicara hanya pada diri saya. beliau seakan181vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 akan tahu setiap masalah yang menerpa saya.”31 seorang staf mr juga menggambarkan kesannya terhadap karakter habib munzir ketika mereka bekerja bersama di sekretariat mr: “habib munzir memiliki sifat mulia yang mirip dengan nabi dari berbagai sisi. jika salah satu muridnya melakukan kesalahan, habib hanya tersenyum, memaafkan dan mendoakannya agar ia tidak mengulanginya lagi. ia punya cinta yang sangat besar kepada nabi muhammad dan juga gurunya, habib umar bin hafiz. karena besarnya kecintaan beliau kepada nabi, allah memanggilnya agar ia bisa bertemu dengan kekasihnya. dulu, saya pernah bikin salah dan membuatnya marah, namun beberapa menit kemudian beliau minta maaf karena kemarahannya. beliau sering minta maaf kepada jemaah ketika membatalkan acara karena sakit yang dialaminya.”32 karisma habib munzir dikembangkan dan disebarkan lewat media mr dan penerbitan habaib. silsilahnya sebagai keturunan nabi dan keahliannya dalam ilmu-ilmu agama menjadi ‘modal religius’ (meminjam istilah bourdieu) bagi habib munzir. modal religius dalam istilah bourdieu merujuk kepada qualifikasi agama atau ‘akumulasi buruh simbolik’ yang mana para ahli agama mampu memonopoli kekuatan agama yang legitimate bagi orang awam dan pengelolaan produk dan layanan agama.33 namun demikian, habib munzir tidak akan memperoleh popularitas yang cepat dan modal religious tanpa memanfaatkan strategi marketing dan teknologi media. melalu berbagai media, habib munzir dipromosikan sebagai penceramah baru yang otoritatif, keturunan nabi, dan juga wali yang memiliki karamah. biografi dan foto-fotonya bukan hanya ditampilkan di sejumlah majalah, seperti al-kisah dan cahaya nabawi, namun juga di media sosial. walaupun ayahnya bukan ulama, latar belakang pendidikannya di hadhramaut di bawah asuhan habib umar, menambah daya jual dan otoritasnya di mata umat. otoritasnya makin kuat ketika gurunya dari yaman sering datang mengisi pengajian dan zikir mr setiap tahunnya. iklan media dan produk keagamaan mr sesuai dengan ekspektasi anak muda muslim yang lagi mencari tokoh religius dan panutan moral. mereka melihat bahwa habib munzir menyediakan ajaran islam dan naungan spiritual. meskipun banyak jemaah yang bertujuan memperdalam pendidikan agama, namun mereka juga mengakui bahwa mereka memperoleh perasaan tenang dan damai serta bebannya sedikit berkurang setelah mengikuti pengajian mr. salah satu jemaah mengatakan kepada penulis: “hal yang membuat saya tertarik dengan majelis rasulullah adalah perasaan 182 afkaruna tenang dan damai ketika menghadiri majelis. saya tidak pernah merasakan ketenangan seperti itu di majelis lainnya. bagi saya, majelis rasulullah penuh dengan kedamaian dan ketenangan ditambah dengan nasehat-nasehat agama dan pembacaan salawat nabi.”34 memperjuangkan jakarta sebagai kota nabawi keikutsertaan anak muda di pengajian majelis rasulullah bukan sekedar aktivitas pasif, namun mereka ikut membantu memperjuangkan misi dakwah habib munzir. dalam berbagai program, habib munzir mengajak pengikutnya untuk mengubah jakarta menjadi ‘kota nabawi’. istilah ini bermakna bahwa habib munzir berupaya membawa nilai-nilai islam, sesuai yang diajarkan dan dicontohkan oleh nabi, di jakarta. menurut tim mr dalam bukunya: “intinya, dakwah habib munzir bertujuan memperkenalkan karakter nabi muhammad di kalangan masyarakat jakarta dan kota lainnya yang terlalu sibuk dengan kehidupan duniawi. dengan dakwah ini diharapkan munculnya gairah untuk mencintai dan membela sunnah-sunnah nabi. lambat laun tapi pasti, mereka akan menjadi laskar allah, bukan laskar yang menyebarkan ajaran nabi lewat jalur kekerasan, tetapi lewat teladan akhlak yang dicontohkan oleh nabi.”35 misi dakwah habib munzir sangat terkait dengan ajaran dakwah yang didapatkan dari gurunya di yaman, yaitu habib umar. salah satu ciri utama dari dakwah habib umar adalah penghormatan yang tinggi kepada nabi muhammad dan keturunannnya dengan cara melestarikan tradisi lama para habaib yang sempat dilarang oleh pemerintah yaman di era rejim sosialis.36 habib umar mendirikan lembaga pendidikan tradisional, darul mustafa, yang punya perhatian besar pada dakwah. beberapa habib yang pernah berguru ke habib umar menyatakan bahwa selama nyantri di darul mustafa, mereka seringkali dikirim untuk berdakwah ke beberapa desa di yaman. setelah mereka selesai dari sekolah, para alumni juga diharapkan aktif untuk menyebarkan dakwah melalui berbagai medium, baik melalui lembaga pendidikan, ceramah, atau media. habib umar seringkali mengadakan perjalanan keliling dunia, khususnya di asia tenggara, untuk memantau perkembangan dakwah para muridnya. kesuksesan habib munzir dalam berdakwah bisa difahami dari kemampuannya untuk memobilisasi anak-anak muda untuk membantu dan mendukung misi dakwahnya. dengan slogan “mengubah jakarta 183vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 menjadi kota nabawi”, habib munzir mengajak para anak muda untuk bergabung sebagai staf dan crew majelis rasulullah. para staf majelis menerima pengajaran khusus di sekretariat mr secara rutin dan memperoleh upah dari pekerjaannya. pendidikan agama berkesinambungan yang diperoleh dari habib munzir membuat mereka istiqamah dan berdedikasi untuk membantu perjuangan dakwah sang habib. keakraban dan penghormatan kepada habib munzir bisa dilihat dari panggilan ‘habibana’ (habib kami) atau ‘guru kita’ yang disematkan pada gurunya tersebut. para pengikut mr, baik staf ataupun crew, berperan sebagai event organizer dan produsen produk keagamaan. mereka mensyiarkan dakwah mr lewat strategi marketing dan merchandising. menurut mereka, produkproduk mr seperti buku agama, baju muslim/muslimah, jaket, dan berbagai asesoris islam adalah sarana untuk memperkenalkan ajaran nabi. di samping itu, keuntungan dari produk ini digunakan untuk mendukung dakwah mr sekaligus pemberdayaan ekonomi bagi jemaah mr. selain merchandise, para pengikut mr juga aktif mengadakan program kegiatan yang bertujuan menggalang dana buat pengajian akbar di masa mendatang, khususnya kegiatan tahunan maulid nabi yang membutuhkan biaya besar. mereka, misalnya, mendorong sejumlah grup-gurup informal di bawah mr untuk berlomba-lomba mengumpulkan dana. grup-grup tersebut antara lain: grup ziarah, grup kopdar, grup milis mr, grup helm mr (buat pengendara motor), dan grup lainnya. ada pula sejumlah grup atau komunitas yang berdasarkan daerah seperti mr bekasi, mr depok, mr cijantung, mr cibubur, mr cilincing, dst. setiap grup memobilisasi anggotanya dalam pencarian dana dan saling berkompetisi dengan grup lainnya. salah satu contoh penggalangan dana adalah lewat kegiatan program ziarah di jakarta dan cipanas yang berlangsung tgl 12 januari 2014. di mailing list mr diumumkan bahwa kegiatan tersebut, ditambah dengan kegiatan ‘kopi darat’, telah berhasil mengumpulkan dana sekitar 20 juta rupiah. dalam pandangan para pengikut mr, istiqamah pada majelis rasulullah bermakna sebagai pengabdian dan perjuangan untuk melanjutkan misi nabi. habib munzir dan stafnya membingkai kegiatan keagamaan mereka sebagai jalan untuk menyenangkan nabi atau membuat nabi bahagia. kegiatan tersebut, misalnya, dalam bentuk pembacaan kitab maulid yang berisi kisah dan pujian terhadap nabi. penekanan pada dakwah nabi nampaknya menarik para anak muda di ibu kota. dengan bergabung di 184 afkaruna mr, para pengikut merasa sedang melanjutkan perjuangan dakwah nabi. aktivisme ini menyediakan makna (meaning) bagi anak muda dalam mengarungi kehidupan dunia mereka. bagi mereka, partisipasi tersebut akan membuahkan keberkahan dalam hidup dan pertolongan syafa’at di akhirat. apalagi mengingat pimpinan majelis adalah keturunan nabi yang berarti mampu mentransmisikan keberkahan dari nabi. keberkahan ini diharapkan mampu mengatasi berbagai kesulitan hidup yang mereka alami seperti masalah kesehatan, masalah keluarga, masalah ekonomi, masalah ujian sekolah dan masalah lainnya. kesimpulan artikel ini telah menganalisis pandangan dan pengalaman para pengikut habib munzir di jakarta. hal ini adalah upaya untuk memahami menaiknya pengaruh dan popularitas habaib muda di kalangan anak muda di kota-kota besar. penulis telah menunjukkan bahwa partisipasi anak muda di majelis taklim bukan hanya sebagai daya tarik sufisme atau revivalisme spiritual, seperti yang ditunjukkan oleh beberapa peneliti. penulis berargumen bahwa anak muda muslim melihat mr bukan hanya sebagai wadah untuk mengekspresikan kesalehan, namun juga mengekspresikan ‘kemudaan’ mereka. daya tarik mr kepada anak muda tidak dapat dipisahkan dari strategi sang habib yang memodifikasi secara kreatif dakwahnya melalui berbagai medium yang sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan aspirasi para anak muda kota. medium tersebut mencakup penggunaan media baru (internet dan media sosial), logo, simbol, merchandising, panggung pertunjukan, dan pendirian komunitas-komunitas pengikut. para pengikut bukan hanya berpartisipasi untuk belajar agama, namun juga menikmati ‘kesenangan’ lewat interaksi sosial dengan rekan-rekan seperjuangan mereka di majelis. oleh karena itu, studi ini memperkuat peran media baru dan budaya populer sebagai sarana untuk menarik anak muda ke agama. pada titik ini, islam tradisional, yang biasanya diasosiasikan dengan domain pedesaan, bisa tampil modern dan stylish sehingga memikat kalangan muda di perkotaan. studi ini juga menunjukkan bahwa faktor tokoh tetap penting untuk menarik para pengikut. hal ini beresonansi dengan popularitas para penceramah selebritis di indonesia yang mengandalkan kemampuan public speaking yang dimilikinya. namun demikian, habib munzir memiliki kelebihan khusus, yaitu ia mengkombinasikan aspek silsilah (sayyid) dan 185vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kearaban, latar studi di yaman (murid habib umar), dan popularisasi ‘dakwah nabawi’. beberapa elemen ini menjadi modal kultural bagi habib munzir dan memperkuat otoritasnya di kalangan pengikutnya. para anak muda melihat habib munzir sebagai wali dan tokoh kharismatik, ulama otoritatif, dan teladan akhlak nabi yang darinya mereka mengambil pelajaran, idola, dan berkah. kebanyakan dari pengikut dan jamaah mr berasal dari kalangan ekonomi kelas bawah yang telah terpinggirkan oleh massifnya pembangunan kota, ketidakadilan ekonomi, dan mis-manajemen kota. anak-anak muda ini merasakan ketidakpastian dan ketidakamanan dalam hal masa depan mereka. dengan ikut serta dalam majelis habaib dengan berbagai programnya, mereka menemukan ketenangan batin, identitas kesalehan, dan harapan lewat doa-doa dan berkah habaib yang membuat mereka lebih kuat dan optimis dalam menjalani hidup dan menyongsong masa depan. catatan akhir 1 penulis adalah dosen fakultas ilmu dakwah & ilmu komunikasi, uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta. ia menyelesaikan studi doktoral di jurusan perubahan sosial & politik di australian national university (anu), canberra, australia. 2 lihat misalnya rifki rosyad, a quest for true islam: a study of the islamic resurgence movement among the youth in bandung, indonesia (canberra: anu e-press, 1995); salman, “the tarbiyah movement: why people join this indonesian contemporary islamic movement”. studia islamika, vol. 13, no. 2, (2006), hlm171-241; noorhaidi hasan, laskar jihad: islam, militancy, and the quest for identity in post-new order indonesia (ithaca: cornell southeast asian program, 2006); greg fealy, “hizbut tahrir in indonesia: seeking a ‘total’ islamic identity”, dalam s. akbarzadeh & f. mansouri. islam and political violence: muslim diaspora and radicalism in the west (london: i.b. tauris, 2007); syamsul rijal, “indoctrinating muslim youths: seeking certainty through an-nabhanism”. al-jami’ah, vol. 49, no. 2, (2011), hlm 253-280; eva f. nisa, “embodied faith: agency and obedience among face-veiled university students in indonesia”, the asia pacific journal of anthropology, vol. 13, no. 4, (2012), hlm 366-381; najib kailani, “forum lingkar pena and muslim youth in contemporary indonesia”. review of indonesian and malaysian affairs, vol. 46, no.1, (2012), hlm 33-53; minako sakai, “preaching to muslim youth in indonesia: the ‘dakwah’ activities of habiburrahman el shirazy”, review of indonesian and malaysian affairs, vol. 46, no.1, (2012), hlm 9-31. 3 arif zamhari dan julia day howell, “taking sufism to the streets: majelis zikir and majelis shalawat as new venues for popular islamic piety in indo186 afkaruna nesia”, review of indonesian and malaysian affairs, vol. 46, no. 2, hlm 47-75. 4 ismail fajrie alatas, “becoming indonesians: the ba’alawi in the interstices of the nation”, die welt de islams, vo. 51 (2011), hlm 45-74. 5 ibnu fuad almusawa, meniti jalan pemuda nabawi: biografi pendiri majelis rasulullah saw habib munzir bin fu’ad almusawa (jakarta: majelis rasulullah, 2014), hlm 5. 6 ismail fajrie alatas, securing their place: the ba’alawi, prophetic piety and islamic resurgence. ma thesis. national university of singapore, (2008), hlm 96. 7 wawancara, tim it majelis rasulullah, 5 oktober 2013. 8 ahmad fadhli, ulama betawi (studi tentang jaringan ulama betawi dan kontribusinya terhadap perkembangan islam abad ke-19 dan 20) (jakarta: manhalun nasyi-in press. 2011), hlm 59. 9 wawancara, indry, 19 oktober 2013. 10 kemendagri. “profil propinsi dki jakarta”, diakses pada tgl 5 januari 2015, dari http://www.kemendagri.go.id/pages/profil-daerah/provinsi/detail/31/ dki-jakarta 11 roman cybrwsky & larry r. ford, “city profile: jakarta”, cities, vol. 8, no. 3, hlm 199-210. 12 bappeda jakarta. “statistik kemiskinan”, diakses pada tgl 5 januari 2015, dari http://bappedajakarta.go.id/?page_id=1124 13 lyn parker & pam nilan, adolescents in contemporary indonesia (new york: routledge, 2013). 14 atmodiwirjo, “the use of urban public places in jakarta for adolescents’ hanging out”, journal of asian architecture and building engineering, vo. 7, no. 2, (2008), hlm. 345. 15 parker & nilan, adolescents in contemporary indonesia. 16 manja stephan, “education, youth, and islam: the growing popularity of private religious lessons in dushanbe, tajikistan”, central asian survey, vol. 29, no. 4, (2010), hlm 475; b. bradford brown & reed w. larson, “the kaleidoscope of adolescence: experiences of the worlds youth at the beginning of the 21st century”, dalam b. bradford brown, reed w. larson, and saraswathi (eds.). the world’s youth: adolescence in eight regions of the globe (cambridge: cambridge university press, 2002), hlm 9-10. 17 ben white, “generation and social change: indonesian youth in comparative perspective”, dalam kathryn robionson, youth identities and social transformations in modern indonesia (leiden: brill, 2015), p. 14. 18 g.s. colin, encyclopedia of islam (leiden: e.j. brill,1978), hlm 1032. 19 liyakat n. takim, the heirs of the prophet: charisma and religious authority in shi’ite islam (albany: state university of new york press, 2006), hlm 45. 20 joseph w. meri, “aspects of baraka (blessings) and ritual devotion among medieval muslims and jews”, medieval encounters, vol. 5, no.1, (1999), hlm 46-69. 21 sumit k. mandal, “popular sites of prayer, transoceanic migration, and http://www.kemendagri.go.id/pages/profil-daerah/provinsi/detail/31/ http://bappedajakarta.go.id/?page_id=1124 187vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 cultural diversity: exploring the significance of keramat in southeast asia”, modern asian studies, vol. 46, no. 2, (2012), hlm 357. 22 kominfo, “pengguna internet di indonesia 63 juta orang”, (2013), diakses pada tgl 5 januari 2015, dari http://kominfo.go.id/index.php/content/detail/3415/kominfo+%3a+pengguna+internet+di+indonesia+63+juta+orang/0/berita_satker 23 parker & nilan, adolescents in contemporary indonesia, hlm.166. 24 https://www.facebook.com/majelis-rasulullah-saw, diakses pada tgl 30 september 2013. 25 emile durkheim, “the elementary forms of religious life”, dalam michael lambek (ed.). a reader in the anthropology of religion, (london: blackwell, 2002), hlm 34-47. 26 mara einstein, brands of faith: marketing religion in commercial age (london and new york: routledge, 2008), hlm. 71-72. 27 julian millie, “islamic preaching and women’s spectatorship in west java”. the australian journal of anthropology, vol. 22, no. 2, (2011), hlm 156. 28 asef bayat, being young and muslim: new cultural politics in the global south and north (new york: oxford university press, 2010), hlm 8. 29 ibid, hlm 28. 30 wawancara, syaiful anwar, 16 desember 2013. 31 wawancara, puput, 20 september 2013. 32 tim milist mr, mengenal lebih dekat habib munzir almusawa (jakarta: majelis rasulullah saw, 2013), hlm. 42. 33 pierre bourdieu, “the forms of capital”, diterjemahkan oleh richard nice, dalam handbook of theory of research for the sociology of education (t.t: greenword press). lihat juga david swartz, “bridging the study of culture and religion: pierre bourdieu’s political economy of symbolic power”, sociology of religion, vol. 57, no. 1, (1996), hlm 71-85; terry rey, “marketing the goods of salvation: bourdieu on religion”, religion, 34, (2004), hlm 331343. 34 wawancara, syaiful anwar, 16 desember 2013. 35 guntur & tim majelis rasulullah, habib munzir menanam untuk para kekasih rasulullah (jakarta: qultum media, 2013), hlm 31. 36 alexander knysh, “the tariqa on a landcruiser: the resurgence of sufism in yemen”, the middle east journal, vol. 55, no. 3, (2001), hlm. 408. daftar pustaka alatas, i.f. 2008. securing their place: the ba’alawi, prophetic piety and islamic resurgence. ma thesis. national university of singapore. ————. 2011. becoming indonesians: the ba’alawi in the interstices of the nation. die welt de islams, 51, 45-74. atmodiwirjo, p. 2008. the use of urban public places in jakarta for adolescents’ hanging out. journal of asian architecture and building engineering, 7(2), 339-346. http://kominfo.go.id/index.php/content/dehttps://www.facebook.com/majelis-rasulullah-saw, 188 afkaruna bayat, a. 2010. being young and muslim: new cultural politics in the global south and north. new york: oxford university press. bourdieu, p. 1986. the forms of capital. translated by richard nice. dalam handbook of theory of research for the sociology of education. n.p.: greenword press. brown, b.b. & larson, r.w. 2002. the kaleidoscope of adolescence: experiences of the worlds youth at the beginning of the 21st century. dalam b.b. brown, r.w. larson, and t.s. saraswathi (eds.). the world’s youth: adolescence in eight regions of the globe. cambridge: cambridge university press. bunell, t. & miller, m.a. 2011. jaka r t a in post -suha r to i ndonesia: decentralisation, neo-liberalism and global city aspiration. space and polity, 15(1), 35-48. cybrwsky, r. & ford, l.r., “city profile: jakarta”, cities 8(3), hlm 199-210. durkheim, e. 2002. the elementary forms of religious life. in m. lambek (ed.). a reader in the anthropology of religion (pp. 34-47). london: blackwell. einstein, m. 2008. brands of faith: marketing religion in commercial age. london and new york: routledge. fadhli, a. 2011. ulama betawi (studi tentang jaringan ulama betawi dan kontribusinya terhadap perkembangan islam abad ke-19 dan 20. jakarta: manhalun nasyi-in press. fealy, g. 2007. hizbut tahrir in indonesia: seeking a ‘total’ islamic identity. dalam s. akbarzadeh & f. mansouri. islam and political violence: muslim diaspora and radicalism in the west. london: i.b. tauris. hasan, n. 2006. laskar jihad: islam, militancy, and the quest for identity in post-new order indonesia. ithaca: cornell southeast asian program. kailani, n. 2012. forum lingkar pena and muslim youth in contemporary indonesia. review of indonesian and malaysian affairs 46 (1), 33-53. knysh, a. 2001. the tariqa on a landcruiser: the resurgence of sufism in yemen. the middle east journal, 55(3), 399-414. mandal, s.k. 2012. popular sites of prayer, transoceanic migration, and cultural diversity: exploring the significance of keramat in southeast asia. modern asian studies, 46(2), 355-372. (2011). meri, j.w. 1999. aspects of baraka (blessings) and ritual devotion among medieval muslims and jews. medieval encounters, 5(1), 46-69. millie, j. 2011. islamic preaching and women’s spectatorship in west java”. the australian journal of anthropology, 22(2), 151-169. nisa. e.f. 2012. “embodied faith: agency and obedience among face-veiled university students in indonesia”, the asia pacific journal of anthropology, 13: 4, 366-381. parker, l. & nilan, p. 2013. adolescents in contemporary indonesia. new york: routledge. rey, t. 2004. marketing the goods of salvation: bourdieu on religion. religion, 34, 331-343. rijal, s. 2011. indoctrinating muslim youths: seeking certainty through an189vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 nabhanism. al-jami’ah, 49 (2), 253-280. rosyad, r. 1995. a quest for true islam: a study of the islamic resurgence movement among the youth in bandung, indonesia. canberra: anu e-press. sakai, m. 2012. “preaching to muslim youth in indonesia: the ‘dakwah’ activities of habiburrahman el shirazy”, review of indonesian and malaysian affairs, 46(1), 9-31. swartz, d.1996. bridging the study of culture and religion: pierre bourdieu’s political economy of symbolic power. sociology of religion, 57(1), 71-85. takim, l. n. 2006. the heirs of the prophet: charisma and religious authority in shi’ite islam. albany: state university of new york press. tim milist mr. 2013. mengenal lebih dekat habib munzir almusawa. jakarta: majelis rasulullah saw. white, b. 2015. “generation and social change: indonesian youth in comparative perspective”. kathryn robionson, youth identities and social transformations in modern indonesia. leiden: brill. zamhari, a. & howell, j.d. 2012. taking sufism to the streets: majelis zikir and majelis shalawat as new venues for popular islamic piety in indonesia. review of indonesian and malaysian affairs, 46(2), 47-75. websites: bappeda jakarta. 2014. statistik kemiskinan. diakses pada tgl 5 januari 2015, dari http://bappedajakarta.go.id/?page_id=1124 isparmo. 2014. data statistik pengguna facebook 2014 di indonesia. diakses pada tgl 5 januari 2015, dari http://isparmo.web.id/2014/10/14/data-statistikpengguna-facebook-2014-di-indonesia/ kemendagri. t.t. profil propinsi dki jakarta. diakses pada tgl 5 januari 2015, dari http://www.kemendagri.go.id/pages/profil-daerah/provinsi/detail/31/dkijakarta kominfo. 2013. pengguna internet di indonesia 63 juta orang. diakses pada tgl 5 januari 2015, dari http://kominfo.go.id/index.php/content/detail/3415/ kominfo+%3a+pengguna+internet+di+indonesia+63+juta+orang/0/ berita_satker wawancara indry rahmawati, 19 oktober 2013 puput, 20 september 2013 syaiful anwar, 16 desember 2013 tim it majelis rasulullah, 5 oktober 2013. http://bappedajakarta.go.id/?page_id=1124 http://isparmo.web.id/2014/10/14/data-statistikhttp://www.kemendagri.go.id/pages/profil-daerah/provinsi/detail/31/dkihttp://kominfo.go.id/index.php/content/detail/3415/ jurnal afkaruna vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 rekonstruksi nalar keagamaan; ikhtiar menemukan konteks agama bagi pengembangan sains doi 10.18196/aiijis.2018.0087.190-218 mohammad muslih universitas darussalam gontor email: muslih@unida.gontor.ac.id abstract the development of religion-based science was not only a scientific problem, but also a social and islamic problem. the problem is not merely related to efforts of finding a basis of philosophy of science and methodology support, but also an attempt to reconstruct public mind set and understanding of islam. this article will look at some of the key concepts of islam, which provide a fertile ground for the development of science, although some might view these concepts as barriers for the growth and development of science. the fundamental solution to this problem is urgent to be given to find a wider space for a negotiation between religion (islam) and science. in the end of the day, a higher effort to develop islamic science with its religious and scientific ground can be exerted and achieved. keyword: ethics, religious mission, epistemology, act of worship, paradigm abstrak pengembangan sains berbasis agama, ternyata bukan hanya problem keilmuan semata, tetapi sekaligus merupakan problem kemasyarakatan dan keislaman. sehingga persoalannya bukan hanya terkait upaya menemukan basis filsafat ilmu dan dukungan metodologi, tetapi juga upaya melakukan rekonstruksi pola pikir masyarakat dan pemahaman keislaman. artikel ini akan melihat beberapa konsep kunci keislaman, yang mestinya merupakan “tempat” yang subur bagi pengembangan sains, namun kenyat aannya banyak dimenger ti sebagai penghambat, kalau tidak malah sebagai penghalang, bagi tumbuh-kembangnya sains dalam islam. penyelesaian secara mendasar terhadap problem tersebut mendesak untuk segera diberikan, untuk menemukan kemungkinan irisan dan area negosiasi dengan sains, agar upaya besar pengembangan sains islam dapat landing dengan landai. keyword: akhlak, dakwah, epistemologi, ibadah, paradigma mailto:muslih@unida.gontor.ac.id 191vol. 14 no. 1 juni 2018 pendahuluan gagasan untuk mempertemukan antara sains dan agama telah berkembang menjadi suatu wacana keilmuan, seperti islamisasi ilmu, pengilmuan islam, integrasi-interkoneksi, integrasi ilmu dan agama, dan lain-lain. dalam perspektif filsafat ilmu, wacana keilmuan terkait integrasi agama dan sains itu baru mempunyai signifikansi yang sangat tinggi,jika berlanjut dengan lahirnya ‘produk’ sains baru yang menempatkan agama sebagai bagian tak terpisahkan dari bangunan keilmuannya (scientific building). untuk itu wacana keilmuan juga mesti memperkokoh diri dan melangkah ke tahap berikutnya yaitu menjadi paradigma keilmuan (scientific paradigm). namun harus diakui, hingga hari ini, nyatanya ada banyak nada pesimistis terhadap kemungkinan lahirnya sains baru berbasis agama. alasan yang paling sederhana adalah bahwa sains itu bersifat sainstifik, sedangkan agama adalah ajaran yang normatif-teologis, bahkan lebih tradisional lagi, agama itu tidak lebih dari soal doa, membentengi iman, meratapi dosa, dan menjaga akhlak, terdepan membenci barat, dan menolak keras teori evolusi dan sains modern pada umumnya. dengan pandangan seperti itu, sudah bisa dipastikan penyatuan keduanya tidak akan terjadi, dan apa yang disebut dengan sains islam juga tidak akan pernah terwujud. beberapa hal ini sekaligus menandakan bahwa pengembangan sains berbasis agama, bukanlah problem keilmuan semata, tetapi sekaligus merupakan problem kemasyarakatan dan keislaman. sehingga persoalannya bukan hanya terkait upaya menemukan basis filsafat ilmu dan dukungan metodologi ilmiah, tetapi juga upaya melakukan rekonstruksi pola pikir masyarakat dan pemahaman keislaman. artikel ini akan melihat beberapa konsep kunci keislaman, yang mestinya merupakan “tempat” yang subur bagi pengembangan sains, namun kenyataannya banyak dimengerti sebagai penghambat, kalau tidak malah sebagai penghalang, bagi tumbuh-kembangnya sains dalam islam. penyelesaian secara mendasar terhadap problem tersebut mendesak untuk segera diberikan, untuk menemukan kemungkinan irisan dan area negosiasi dengan sains, agar upaya besar pengembangan sains islam dapat landing dengan landai. sains, bukan soal keyakinan? kata “sains” diadaptasi dari kata inggris “science” yang sebenarnya berasal dari bahasa latin “scientia” yang berarti mengetahui atau pengeta192 afkaruna huan (to know, knowledge) dan perkataan latin juga “scire” yang berarti belajar (to learn).1 dua istilah itu identik atau bisa diidentikkan dengan istilah arab, ‘alima, ‘ilm (mengetahui, pengetahuan)2 dan thalab al’-ilm (belajar atau mencari ilmu), yang dalam tradisi islam, masih dibedakan dengan istilah idrak (persepsi), yang bertumpu pada pencerapan inderawi dan ‘irfan (pengenalan), yang bertumpu pada pengalaman spiritual, sebagaimana dalam tradisi sufi,3 sementara ‘ilm disebut sebagai pengetahuan yang bertumpu pada akal atau gabungan antara akal dengan sensibilitas. pengertian sains sebagai pengetahuan atau sebagai bagian dari pengetahuan ini tampaknya merupakan pengertian paling dasar, sehingga ciri-ciri dasar dari apa yang disebut pengetahuan melekat pada sains, meski begitu sains mempunyai ciri-ciri khusus yang berbeda dengan pengetahuan jenis yang lain.4 selain itu pengertian sains sering dikaitkan dengan ruang lingkup atau isu yang juga menjadi ciri khasnya, yaitu sebagai aktivitas ilmiah, sebagai metodologi, dan sebagai disiplin ilmu. secara konseptual, apa yang disebut pengetahuan merupakan hasil akhir dari proses penyimpulan yang masuk akal dari berbagai bahan informasi dan pengalaman,5 sebagai keputusan ‘pikiran’ dan mempengaruhi sikap perilaku, di mana proses dan bahan-bahannya bisa dipertanggungjawabkan, dan dapat diuji ulang. pengetahuan, dengan demikian, berbeda dengan sekedar informasi atau pengalaman itu sendiri, dan jauh sekali bedanya dengan keyakinan apalagi keimanan. keimanan itu pengakuan hati yang sudah terang benderang bagi akal, sehingga bagi akal, tidak perlu ada pengujian, akali dan indrawi, atau mengujinya adalah sebuah kemubadziran. dalam banyak hal, orang mendapatnya barulah berupa informasi, tapi sudah merasa di tingkat punya pengetahuan dan sikapnya sudah seperti banyak tahu. ada juga, orang mendapatnya barulah berupa pengetahuan, sudah merasa dirinya telah sampai ke tingkat yang kaya pengalaman dan sikapnya itu sudah seperti orang “bijak” yang hidupnya paling matang. dan, banyak yang merasa punya pengetahuan (ilmu), lalu menularkannya (sharing, berbagi), padahal itu barulah berupa informasi, atau justru malah berupa keimanan. secara epistemologis, proses terbentuknya pengetahuan karena manusia mempunyai “pengetahuan” apriori yang dengannya pengetahuan apapun lalu dideduksikan. “pengetahuan” apriori itu merupakan ide bawaan “innate ideas” (descartes) yang clear and distinct,6 substansi 193vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 ilahiyah (spinoza),7 merupakan principles of nature and the grace founded on reason (leibniz),8 dan prinsip-prinsip dasar rasio itu sebagai bawaan untuk pikiran manusia (christian wolff).9 beberapa pemikiran demikian, dalam kajian filsafat disebut dengan aliran rasionalisme, yaitu aliran filsafat yang melihat pentingnya peran ‘akal’, ‘kesadaran’, ‘idea’, ‘substansi’, ‘form’, dalam proses terbentuknya pengetahuan. berbeda dengan rasionalisme yang memposisikan rasio sebagai sarana utama bagi terbangunnya pengetahuan, empirisisme justru memilih pengalaman inderawi sebagai sumber utama pengenalan. di sini, pengalaman inderawi dinilai sebagai awal dari segala pengenalan, sementara pengenalan intelektual merupakan tahap lanjutan sebagi semacam penggabungan data-data inderawi yang sama, dengan cara yang berbeda.10 filsuf yang paling terkenal menawarkan gagasan empirisisme adalah david hume. bagi hume, isi pemikiran itu seluruhnya berasal dari “persepsi.” persepsi itu terdiri dari dua tingkatan, yaitu kesan-kesan (impressions) dan gagasan (ideas). yang pertama bisa disebut ‘pengalaman indrawi’ dan yang kedua merupakan konsep atau ‘makna’. hume membedakan dua jenis kesan (impressions), yaitu sensasi dan refleksi, serta dua jenis gagasan (ideas), yaitu memory dan imaginasi. kesan sensasi muncul dari jiwa yang tidak diketahui sebab musababnya, sedang kesan refleksi diturunkan gagasan-gagasan. memory memiliki posisi yang teratur. adapun imajinasi adalah jenis gagasan yang mengkombinasikan ide (gagasan) yang berasal dari kesan-kesan secara asosiatif, dengan mengikuti hukum asosiasi. menurut hume, manusia memiliki kecenderungan intern untuk menghubunghubungkan gagasan-gagasan yang ada menurut “keserupaan”, “kedekatan”, atau hubungan “efek”. tiga hal inilah yang disebut “relasi natural”. dengan dasar epistemologinya ini, hume menolak konsep substansi dan konsep kausalitas, dari pengikut rasionalisme11. seperti sering terjadi, kesalahan memahami hume dan pemikiran empirisisme pada umumnya adalah karena menganggap hume hanya berhenti di pengalaman inderawi, tanpa melihat kekompleksan proses selanjutnya. selain itu jika pemikiran empirisisme ini memang lemah atau ditemukan banyak kelemahan, tidak semestinya berlanjut dengan menafikan dan mencurigai kerja indrawi sebagai sarana ilmiah. penglihatan manusia sudah tentu terbatas, demikian pula pendengaran, penciuman, perabaan, dan perasaannya, sementara pemikiran manusia itu luas atau lebih luas. maka merenungkan pengalaman indrawi, berarti membawanya 194 afkaruna kepada pengetahuan dan pelajaran yang sangat luas, dan akan membuatnya lebih berarti bagi kehidupan.12 namun demikian, hanya karena ada percobaan, pensil ditaruh di gelas berisi air putih, yang tampak seperti bengkok, orang lalu begitu menyepelekan panca indra, mencurigai cerapan indrawi, dan memusuhinya, karena dianggap biang kebohongan, dan tidak bisa mengantarkan ke pengenalan terhadap tuhan. termasuk pandangan-pandangan yang mencoba menunjukkan kekhasan dan kebermaknaan panca indra13 dianggap merusak iman, dan dianggap bertentangan dengan agama. padahal pancaindra merupakan anugrah ilahiyah, yang luar biasa, yang mesti dimaksimalkan perannya, bahkan hingga sampai ke pengenalan terhadap kebesaran tuhan. mata atau lebih tepatnya indra penglihatan, sudah tentu, adalah hal pokok yang membuat manusia menjadi makhluk yang melihat, yang punya daya melihat. telinga (indra pendengaran) adalah hal pokok yang membuat manusia sebagai makhluk yang mendengar, yang punya daya mendengar. maka, indra penglihatan dan indra pendengaran itu bukanlah sekedar ‘bagian’ dari manusia, tapi manusia itu sendiri atau diri manusia itu sendiri. rasio adalah hal pokok yang membuat manusia menjadi makhluk yang berpikir, yang punya daya berpikir, maka rasio adalah diri manusia itu sendiri, dan berpikir adalah aktivitas wajar manusia yang manusiawi.14 jika ada pemerhati ilmu, meremehkan mata, telinga, dan rasio sebagai sarana ilmiah, berarti meremahkan dirinya sendiri. jika mereka mencurigai mata, telinga, dan rasio, bararti mencurigai dirinya sendiri, jika mereka menolaknya karena dianggap hanya akan menghasilkan pengetahuan yang salah, yang menjerumuskan pada kesalahan, berarti telah menolak dirinya sendiri. diri manusia yang meremehkan, mencurigai, dan menolak dirinya sendiri, tentu itu bukan hanya sebagai diri yang terkandung salah, tetapi benar-benar diri yang salah, benar-benar diri yang telah error. pada pemerhati ilmu yang “religius”, bisa lebih jauh lagi, mereka tidak hanya berhenti dengan meremehkan, mencurigai, dan menolak mata, telinga, dan rasio sebagai sarana ilmiah, tapi mereka bersikap seperti itu, karena lebih memilih kabar agama, dan ajaran agama, sebagai sarana ilmiah, yang memang merupakan kebenaran itu, dan yang pasti benar. yang mereka lupa adalah, bisakah kabar dan ajaran kebenaran yang benar itu dapat sambung, ketemu, kompetabel, apalagi disebut menyatu, dengan diri yang salah dan error itu. mestinya benarnya diri, atau hilangnya keerror-an diri, sebagai prasyarat untuk menyambungnya dan menyatunya 195vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kabar dan ajaran agama yang benar itu dengan dirinya. pengetahuan atau ilmu pengetahuan itu bukan soal yakin apa tidak yakin, juga bukan soal paham apa tidak paham, tapi soal meyakinkan apa tidak, dan soal memahamkan apa tidak, tentu pada orang-orang yang waras akalnya. untuk maksud itu diperlukan bukti-bukti empiris dan penjelasan-penjelasan rasional. meskipun perlu dicatat, bagaimana bisa yakin dan meyakinkan dan bagaimana bisa paham dan memahamkan jika tidak melalui proses yang bertanggungjawab. problematika nalar keagamaan, konteks agama bagi pengembangan sains seperti diuraikan sebelumnya, bahwa sains seringnya diposisikan secara berhadap-hadapan dengan agama. oleh karena itu, semangat mempertemukan sains dengan agama, mesti dibarengi dengan berjalannya nalar agama dan sekaligus nalar sains, agar pengembangan sains tidak jatuh kepada “agamaisasi” sains atau malah terjadi “sainisasi” agama, yang menganggap agama dan sains dapat saling mengisi sebab berada pada posisi setara. imre lakatos, dalam salah satu karyanya, ada satu sub bab khusus, yaitu “science: reason or religion?”,15 bahwa sains tidak akan pernah menghindar dari upaya kritik, sebab sifatnya yang syarat penyangkalan (refutability), penyalahan (falsifiability), bahkan dapat terjadi revolusi sains. namun pada saat yang sama, sains dapat saja mempertahankan diri dari berbagai bentuk kritik itu, atau karena memang sengaja dipertahankan ‘mati-matian’. jika memang demikian kondisinya, disadari atau tidak, sains akan hilang karakter keilmiahannya dan lalu “naik” derajatnya menjadi “agama”.oleh karena itu, posisi agama bukanlah sebagai alat pembenaran bagi sains. “the religion that is married to science today will be a widow tomorrow”, demikian holmes rolston iii16. agama yang menyatu dengan sains, pada saatnya nanti keduanya akan ‘bercerai’ sehingga menjadi mantan,oleh karena itu, antara agama dan sains, mestinya harus tetap menjaga keotonomian integritas dan ketahanan masing-masing, bukan disatukannya.17 sebagai bagian dari aktivitas kemanusiaan atau bahkan kehidupan manusia, pengembangan sains, bagaimanapun, tetap harus berada dalam konteks sosial, dan sebisa mungkin diletakkan pada konteks agama, di satu sisi agar tidak terlepas dari akar sosial budaya sebagai basis etis, dan agar tetap bergelimang makna dalam ruang religiusitas, pada sisi yang 196 afkaruna lain. meski demikian, perlu sekali lagi ditegaskan bahwa problem disintegrasi antara sains dan agama, jelas merupakan problem kemanusiaan, terkait sikap, pola pikir, dan subjektivitas manusia.sebab, dalam konteks islam, antara ilmu dan agama, termasuk antara ilmu agama dan ilmu umum, bukanlah telah benar-benar terpisah, baik pada wilayah doktrin maupun secara historisitas-peradaban, nyatanya menunjukkan bahwa. dalam tradisi islam, bahkan ilmu itu satu sisi dari agama, maka berilmu itu juga merupakan ujud dari beragama. jikalau keduanya tampak terjadi keterpisahan tidak lain karena pandangan agamawan, perspektif ilmuwan, dan persepsi masyarakat muslim telah memisahkan, bahkan telah mempertentangkan keduanya, namun sekarang, pandangan, perspektif, dan persepsi mereka itu sudah mulai mereka koreksi sendiri. sebagai upaya menemukan konteks bagi pengembangan sains, di bawah ini akan dibahas beberapa isu keislaman, yang pada dasarnya merupakan isu populer, bahkan isu awam, dan sangat boleh jadi tidak merupakan masalah serius bagi kalangan ilmuwan, tetapi jika diabaikan, dapat saja menjadi semacam ‘duri dalam daging’ bagi pengembangan sains dalam masyarakat muslim. 1. nalar teks pembahasan ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji bagaimana proses terbangunnya kesadaran teks dalam kehidupan masyarakat muslim, akan tetapi lebih menunjukkan kepada pengakuan bahwa nalar teks telah begitu kokoh sehingga mempengaruhi pola pikir, sikap,dan perilaku umat islam, bahkan pola hidup mereka, baik sebagai individu, masyarakat sosial, maupun dalam bentuk tradisi dan budaya. alasan yang paling mendasar adalah bahwa di dalam islam ada ajaran iman terhadap kitab suci, kemudian ada ajaran bahwa al-qur’an dan hadits itu sumber hukum dan ajaran islam,pedoman hidup manusia sekaligus sebagai sumber ilmu pengetahuan. semua ini menjadikan al-qur’an dan hadits memiliki posisi sentral dalam kehidupan umat islam. terhadap kedua sumber agama itu sudah tentu ada beragam sikap dan ‘perlakuan’ dari umat islam, mulai dari sikap yang harfiah, dzahiriyah, hingga yang ma’nawiyah; dari yang menggunakan jalur tafsir, hingga yang memasuki jalur ta’wil ilmu; dari yang menjustifikasi temuan teori ilmiah dengan ayat al-qur’an, yang menggali konsep-konsep embrional dari al-qur’an, hingga yang lanjut mengembangkan kajian ilmu-ilmu keislaman (islamic studies). pola 197vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 kehidupan seperti ini yang kemudian dikenal dengan istilah hadarat alnash.18 dalam pola kehidupan seperti itu, menjadi wajar jikalau umat islam meniscayakan dirinya untuk selalu berpikir dalam kerangka teks;19 memulangkan segala persoalan kepada teks dan dalam kerangka teks. begitu pula dalam kaitannya dengan pengembangan ilmu, dan aktivitas ilmiah pada umumnya, umat islam akan selalu mengaitkannya dengan nash alquran dan atau al-hadits, bahkan kerja saintifik harus berbasiskan pada kedua sumber pokok itu. persoalannya, ilmu adalah aktivitas manusiawi yang tidak kebal terhadap upaya kritik, falsifikasi, dan refutasi, sedangkan nash tidaklah demikian. oleh karena itu pola hubungan antara keduanya mesti ditemukan, agar pengembangan sains tidak semakin jauh meninggalkan konteks agama, dan sebaliknya agama juga terbuka terhadap pengembangan dan perkembangan sains. persoalan selanjutnya, bagaimana seharusnya mengembangkan sains berbasis nash, atau bagaimana memposisikan nash dalam rancang bangun pengembangan sains. selama ini, upaya mengintegrasi al-qur’an dengan sains dilakukan dengan mengakarkan temuan-temuan ilmiah terhadap ayat-ayat kitab suci, atau dengan menafsirkan ayat kitab suci secara ilmiah (tafsir alilmu) dengan temuan teori ilmiah. pola hubungan seperti ini, meski banyak dilakukan, umumnya masih bersifat individu atau bahkan secara sepihak, mufassir di satu sisi atau ilmuwan di sisi yang lain. sudah tentu kondisi seperti begitu memiliki sejumlah kelemahan, terutama terkait kompetensi dan otoritas keilmuan masing-masing yang sebenarnya berbeda. oleh karena itu dalam kerangka pengembangan ilmu berbasis al-qur’an, mestinya bisa diupayakan dalam bentuk proyek institusional-kolektifkultural. dalam arti, di situ ada kerangka kerja yang disepakati bersama, ada budaya ilmiah yang kokoh, dan merupakan kerja kolaborasi dari banyak ahli (mufassir dan ilmuwan). dengan kata lain, upaya itu bukan proyek sepihak ilmuwan saja, apalagi jika kerja seorang diri secara pribadi, dan bisa dikatakan suatu pemaksaan jika secara pribadi harus mengakarkan temuan ilmiahnya pada ayat-ayat kitab suci, sementara tidak mempertimbangkan keterbatasan kompetensi dan otoritasnya terkait al-qur’an dan ulum al-quran. hal yang sama, jika ada mufassir, apalagi jika hanya seorang diri, sementara ia harus menafsirkan ayat secara ilmiah menggunakan teori-teori ilmiah, padahal tidak memiliki kemampuan untuk menguji terkait rancang bangun teori yang digunakannya itu. terkecuali 198 afkaruna mereka memiliki kemampuan luar biasa, menguasai al-quran dengan segala makna kandungannya, sekaligus menguasai teori-teori ilmiah. oleh karena itu, pola institusional-kolektif-kultural layak dipertimbangkan. dengan pola ini proyek kerja ilmiah demulai dengan terlebih dulu merumuskan basis nash,membangun konsep-konsep embrional (embryonal concepts) berdasar nash dengan memperhatikan ayat-ayat yang berkaitan dan pola-pola hubungannya, sehingga terbangun pemahaman komprehensip tentang isu tertentu, atau paling tidak dapat terhindar dari salah pengertian, karena ditinggalkannya ayat tertentu yang semestinya berkaitan. setelah itu program kerja ilmiah dapat disusun, mulai jangka pendek, jangka menengah, sampai jangka panjang. dalam praktiknya suatu kerja ilmiah, sudah tentu harus dijalankan dengan standar dan etika ilmiah dalam kerangka menjalankan grand project (al-masyru’ al-kabir) yang telah disepakati dan ditetapkan bersama. dengan pola seperti ini, apa yang kemudian disebut “sains berbasis al-quran” atau sains yang dikembangkan dalam kerangka teks, menjadi mungkin terwujud, bahkan sains qur’ani yang tetap saintifik akan dapat dilahirkan. 2. nalar iman barangkali tidak berlebihan jika dikatakan bahwa hal pokok yang membedakan orang beragama dengan yang tidak beragama adalah iman. meski demikian, orang yang mengatakan bahwa dirinya beriman, tetap tidak bisa dijadikan ukuran apalagi jaminan bahwa yang bersangkutan benar-benar beriman. sebagai tanda dan ukurannya, iman mesti diwujudkan dalam sikap dan perbuatan baik dan benar,20 kerja produktif, ilmu yang berkembang, dan kebijaksanaan yang semakin indah.21 iman itu mempercayai atau meyakini hal-hal pokok/mendasar, yang mana kemaslahatan hidup manusia bergantung padanya, dan akal mewajibkan keberadannya, sekalipun akal tidak meminta membuktikannya.dalam ajaran islam, iman itu masuk dalam wilayah ushul al-din (pokok-pokok agama), sehingga iman menjadi dasar dari pelaksanaan ajaran agama, dan hidup umat beragama, yang hakikat sebenarnya juga merupakan sendi-sendi kehidupan. agama akan tegak kokoh jika iman kuat, begitu pula hidup dan kehidupan ini, sebaliknya, agama akan hancur berantakan dan roboh jika tidak ada iman, demikian juga dengan kehidupan ini. umat beragama tidak mungkin meninggalkan iman, seberapa pun intensitasnya. semakin hidupnya dalam kerangka iman, berarti imannya 199vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 semakin kokoh. bahkan yang terjadi di tengah masyarakat, pembicaraan apapun, atau pertemuan apapun, termasuk ceramah yang disebut ceramah agama, akan terasa begitu ‘agama’ jika menyinggung isu iman. meskipun ada juga yang lantas begitu mudahnya orang menyebut sebagai tidak agama, kadang dengan sebutan sekuler, humanis, bahkan ateis, jika di situ tidak disebut kata iman. persoalannya, iman itu percaya, bahkan tinggal mempercayai, lalu di mana posisi usaha manusia, benarkah usaha itu tanda tidak iman, atau apakah dengan semakin berusaha keras itu berarti semakin jauh meninggalkan iman. persoalan tersebut sebenarnya persoalan klasik, tetapi harus diakui, hingga kini masih merupakan persoalan umum di masyarakat. umat beragama, bagaimanapun, hidup di dua “alam” antara alam iman dan alam usaha, antara “hanya tinggal” mempercayai dan harus berpikir dalamdalam, dan usaha keras-keras. memang logika sederhananya, jika lebih banyak yang “hanya tinggal” diimani, tentu lebih sedikit atau berkurang yang dipikirkan atau diusahakan. dan sebaliknya, jika semakin banyak yang masuk dalam wilayah perenungan, akan berkurang yang ada dalam wilayah kepercayaan/keimanan. sudah tentu itu logika sederhana atau logika awam, yang sangat perlu untuk dikoreksi, sebab itu bukan merupakan maksud dari adanya ajaran iman. mestinya semakin kuat iman, semakin berpikir keras, kerja keras, dan berprestasi.pohon yang buahnya lebat, itu bukti akar-akarnya sehat dan kokoh. jika ibarat ini digunakan, maka iman yang benar dan sehat, pasti lebat buahnya, dan buah iman itu adalah perbuatan baik (amal shalih) dan sikap yang mulia lagi memuliakan (akhlak karimah), serta tumbuhnya kreativitas dan produktivitas. dengan pemahaman seperti itu, antara iman dan usaha, bukan hanya bisa berdamai dan berjalan seiring, tetapi bahkan keduanya adalah menyatu. maka penyakit iman yang paling pokok adalah sikap malas, apalagi jika sikap itu diambil dengan dalih iman. jika problem iman dibawa ke wilayah pengembangan ilmu, maka persoalan dasar yang muncul kemudian, apa mungkin ‘ajaran agama’ yang berangkat dari keimanan, bisa disatukan dengan ilmu pengetahuan (dan filsafat) yang mendekatinya atau menyikapinya, mesti dimulai dengan mempertanyakannya atau meragukannya. atas pertanyaan ini, di sini perlu ditegaskan, tidak bisa dibenarkan, karena sifat ilmu pengetahuan yang mesti dipertanyakan, atau dengan alasan ‘keimanan’ agama, lalu bersikap tidak mau ilmu pengetahuan atau malah menolaknya. atau, karena sifat 200 afkaruna agama yang dimulai dengan iman itu, lalu apapun didekati dengan iman, hingga hal-hal yang mestinya perlu terlebih dulu dipertanyakan dari mana asal muasalnya. seperti telah dimaklumi bahwa sains adalah aktivitas manusiawi, usaha manusia yang dalam hal ini adalah ilmuwan. maka sama seperti usaha manusia pada umumnya, kerja sains dapat menyatu dengan iman, dapat sebagai ujud dari keimanan. jika sains menitikberatkan, bahkan menekankan hanya pada hal-hal yang ada, yang real, yang terbukti, yang observable, yang repeatable, yang measurable, dan yang predictable, sudah tentu itu bukan karena menolak adanya hal metafisik, dan bukan soal tidak iman terhadap adanya tuhan dan hal-hal yang ghaib, tetapi soal, hal-hal apa yang mungkin ilmuwan bisa pertanggungjawabkan, atau lebih tepatnya, hal-hal apa yang ilmuwan tidak lagi bisa bohong, main-main, atau menyalahgunakan, dalam upaya meyakinkan dan memahamkan temuan ilmiahnya kepada masyarakat manusia di dunia ini. maka, bahkan ahli metafisika dan kaum beriman, dalam rangka meyakinkan dan memahamkan apa yang diakuinya atau apa yang diimaninya, kalau itu memang harus dilakukan, juga memerlukan hal-hal apa yang sains lakukan, atau jika tidak, meski seandainya tidak ada maksud, tapi bisa saja dinilai sebagai bohong, main-main, dan modus.top of form. meskipun sains sejalan dan menyatu dengan iman, kerja sains itu bukan dimaksudkan untuk membuktikan keimanan, tertentu, karena keimanan bukan untuk dibuktikan, tapi justru menjadi orientasi dan alasan kuat untuk terlaksananya kerja-kerja sains, sekaligus sebagai kebulatan sikap yang mesti diambil oleh manusia sebagai ilmuwan. sains itu ‘bekerja’ untuk mengungkap misteri ilmiah dan bahkan misteri kehidupan, untuk mengerti dan memahami hukum-hukum (alam dan sosial) sebagai pelajaran hidup, untuk memberi kemanfaatan sebesar-besarnya bagi kehidupan, bagi manusia dan kemanusiaan, serta kelestarianalam ini. maka, secara singkat bisa dinyatakan, iman menjadi alasan kuat yang ‘menggerakkan’ aktivitas illmiah. sebagai konsekuensinya, ilmuwan yang beriman, akan tinggi produktivitasnya. jika melihat kenyataan yang berkembang di masyarakat, nyatanya orang yang berpolapikir ilmiah tidak sulit menerima ajaran iman. umumnya mereka lebih mudah mengerti dan menerima penjelasan-penjelasan tentang pentingnya beriman, setidaknya tidak sesulit orang yang katanya beriman jika diajak untuk berpola pikir ilmiah, malah ada yang meng201vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 anggap pola pikir ilmiah itu bertentangan dengan iman, musuh iman, dan merusak iman, padahal seperti diuraikan di atas, mestinya antara beriman dan berpolapikir ilmiah itu berkaitan erat. inilah sebenarnya maksud dari pernyataan bahwa keimanan islam itu bukan buta, tetapi dengan ilmu, tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan ilmu, bahkan dengan amal. pengembangan sains yang dibangun di atas kerangka pikir seperti itu, itulah sains islam. 3. nalar ibadah dalam nash al-qur’an sudah sangat jelas disebutkan, bahwa maksud dan tujuan penciptaan manusia adalah untuk beribadah kepada allah.22 ajaran ini mengharuskan umat islam untuk hidup dengan seluruh aspek kehidupannya dalam kerangka ibadah. namun pada tataran ‘struktur’ kesadaran, yang berkembang di masyarakat, apa yang dimaksud dengan ibadah itu menjadi begitu sempit pada hal-hal yang merupakan ibadah ritual, bahkan sebagai menyembah. dengan kesadaran seperti itu, maka dengan mudahnya meletakkan banyak aspek kehidupan sebagai di luar ranah ibadah. lebih jauh dari itu, umat islam lalu terjebak pada sikap menyepelekan dan meninggalkan banyak bidang kehidupan yang sebenarnya justru merupakan area kehidupan yang sebenarnya, seperti bidang sosial, seni dan budaya, transportasi, teknologi informatika dan komunikasi, dll. dalam kerangka pikir semacam ini, akan sulit agama menerima sains, dan sebaliknya sains juga akan sulit berdamai dengan agama, atau dalam hal ini, sains dalam konteks ibadah menjadi sesuatu yang mustahil. sudah tentu, paham keagamaan hingga menstruktur di kesadaran umat beragama terbentuk tidak dalam waktu singkat, tetapi melalui proses dan praktik kehidupan yang sangat panjang, dan ada banyak hal yang menjadi faktor pembentuknya, mulai yang terdekat misalnya ceramah-ceramah agama, nama mata pelajaran di sekolah, tata letak rak di toko buku, penamaan dan penyelenggaraan program studi dan fakultas, hingga pembidangan ilmu. beberapa hal ini, sampai hari ini tetap menjadi semacam debu, yang meskipun lembut, dan mungkin sepele, tetapi dapat membuat ‘pesawat’ sains islam yang telah terbang kemana-mana menjadi gagal landing, juga dapat membatalkan jadwal penerbangan karena debu itu akan merusak mesin. maka mesti ada upaya pemaknaan baru terhadap apa itu ibadah. secara konseptual, apa yang dimaksud dengan ibadah pada dasarnya 202 afkaruna amal perbuatan manusia yang diabdikan hanya untuk allah.23 sudah tentu ada syarat-syarat, baik dari sisi pelakunya, maupun pada sisi amal perbuatan itu sendiri, yang beberapa hal ini tidak dibahas di sini. namun, kata kunci yang sangat pokok adalah diabdikan hanya untuk allah. kata kunci ini yang kemudian menjadi garis pembeda dari apa yang disebut ibadah dan yang bukan ibadah. sebab pada kenyataanya, perbuatan manusia itu setidaknya ada tiga orientasi, yaitu orientasi pribadi, orientasi sosial (golongan, budaya, bangsa, dll), dan orientasi ketuhanan.tiga orientasi ini mengambil pola berlapis, maka harus dimengerti, ini bukan soal bentuk perbuatan, tetapi soal derajat dan kualitas perbuatan. jika suatu perbuatan, apapun, berorientasi pribadi, maka perbuatan itu akan terhalang untuk untuk dinilai sebagai perbuatan sosial, dan masih jauh untuk disebut sebagai bernilai ketuhanan. selanjutnya, jika perbuatan dilakukan dengan berorientasi sosial, kemungkinan besar akan sekaligus bernilai pribadi, dalam arti ada pengaruh pribadi, ada kepuasan, kebahagiaan, dan kenikmatan pribadi, akan tetapi sangat jelas, itu belum sampai pada nilai ketuhanan. dua lapis ini, jika mampu terlewati, suatu perbuatan akan memperoleh derajat dan kualitas tertinggi, sebab hanya diabdikan hanya pada tuhan, inilah ibadah itu. namun jika tidak terlewati, dua lapis itulah yang menjadi sekutu-nya, yang menjadi penghalang untuk berserah diri. dengan kerangka pikir ini, maka perbuatan apapun dapat dinilai sebagai ibadah jika diabdikan hanya kepada allah, tanpa pamrih pribadi, tanpa sekat kepentingan golongan, dan tanpa berharap ada keuntungan sosial. sebaliknya, hingga shalat, puasa, haji, zakat, ibadah ritual lain, belum dapat dikatakan sebagai ibadah atau belum mencapai derajat sebagai ibadah jika belum dapat melewati sekat pribadi, golongan, dan sosial, makanya sering terdengar kata-kata ‘haji politik’, ‘haji bisnis’ dll. tentu saja, dibanding berdagang, berbisnis, bertani, atau profesi lainnya, amalan seperti puasa, shalat, haji, zakat, membaca al-quran, lebih dimungkinkan sampai ke derajat lillahi ta’ala, makanya beberapa amalan ini yang disematkan kata ibadah, meskipun baru benar-benar merupakan ibadah setelah melewati dua lapis di bawahnya. lebih dangkal lagi, beberapa amalan ‘ibadah’ itu dilakukan hanya dengan pura-pura, akting, dan sandiwara, serta serius bagaikan upacara bendera. jika kerangka pikir ini dipertimbangkan, maka kawasan ibadah menjadi luas, dan bahkan ke seluruh aspek kehidupan manusia. dalam arti, seluruh 203vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 aspek kehidupan ini berkemungkinan sebagai ibadah, dan besar kemungkinan juga seluruh aspek kehidupan ini tidak sebagai ibadah, termasuk apa yang secara awam disebut sebagai ibadah. dengan demikian, tidak berlebihan jika dikatakan, bahwa kerja sains yang selama mengindahkan tata kaidah ilmiah, mewarnainya dengan etika, menjiwainya dengan nilai ketuhanan, juga dapat diletakkan dalam kerangka ibadah dan sebagai ibadah pula. 4. nalar akhlak akhlak menempati posisi sentral dalam agama islam, di samping ibadah dan iman (aqidah). akhlak adalah medan bersikap dan berkarakter benar sekaligus baik, ibadah adalah medan berbuat dan berperilaku benar sekaligus baik, dan iman adalah medan berpikir dan berrefleksi benar sekaligus baik, sedangkan agama adalah medan berhidup dan menjalani kehidupan benar sekaligus baik. oleh sebab itu, dalam iman ada akhlak dan ibadah, dalam akhlak ada iman dan ibadah, dan dalam ibadah ada iman dan akhlak, sebagaimana berpikir, bersikap, dan berperilaku itu singkron dan satu. akhlak adalah missi utama dari risalah islamiyah, kerasulan muhammad saw.24 maka selaku umat muhammad, umat islam melihat, memang semestinya jika akhlak menjadi kesadaran hidup beragama.sebagaimana halnya iman dan ibadah, umat islam melihat akhlak juga mesti ditanamkan sejak dini. meski demikian, pada kenyatannya, perhatian mengenai akhlak barulah secara awam, sehingga kedalaman, keluasan, dan ketinggian dari apa yang disebut akhlak sebenarnya masih menjadi misteri di kalangan umat muhammad hingga kini. sebagai ‘ajaran’ dari agama, akhlak sudah tentu ‘harus’ diamalkan bagi yang mengakui agamanya, atau jika tidak, pasti akan dinilai tidak berakhlak, bahkan menyalahi agamanya. akhlak itu kualitas perbuatan manusia, maka bisa jadi orang telah berbuat, atau bahkan telah berbuat banyak, namun secara kualitas, akan ditentukan oleh akhlaknya, dalam arti, akan dinilai berkualitas jika didasari dengan akhlak. banyak orang menjalani hidup, bahkan melayarinya sampai jauh entah kemana, tapi tidak sedikit yang tidak merasakan makna hidup, hanya karena tidak mendasari hidupnya dengan akhlak. maka akhlak juga bisa dimengerti sebagai “makna” dari kehidupan ini, yang menjadi tangga untuk peningkatan kedewasaan hidup. lebih dalam lagi, akhlak itu adalah wujud eksistensi manusia, sebab dengan akhlak, 204 afkaruna manusia menjadi berada, menjadi wujud, dan sebaliknya tanpa akhlak, adanya dianggap tidak ada, wujuduhu ka ‘adamihi, baik di hadapan manusia, maupun lebih-lebih di hadapan tuhan.25 secara lebih praktis, akhlak itu berbuat berdasarkan aturan, atau bahkan peraturan (termasuk pasal-pasal, undang-undang, dst.), atau jika dilihat dari sisi pelaku, berarti berbuat berdasarkan pertimbangan logis dan realistis. maka perbuatan yang dilakukan tanpa pertimbangan logis dan realistis, dan tanpa aturan, meskipun secara maksud dan tujuan dinilai baik, tetap tidak masuk dalam kategori akhlak, apalagi jika maksud dan tujuannya memang salah. sebaliknya bahkan perbuatan memperturut keinginan nafsu, jika dengan pertimbangan logis dan realistis, dan pakai aturan, itu menjadi sah dan terhormat. meski demikian perlu dicatat, bahwa peraturan ‘yang logis dan realistis’ itu mesti dibangun di atas nilainilai etis dan mengandung pesan moral, sehingga melaksanakan peraturan, belum dinilai sebagai perbuatan berakhlak sebelum ditemukan nilai etis dan pesan moralnya. selanjutnya jika dalam pelaksanaan peraturan ditemukan hal-hal yang bertentangan dengan nilai etis dan moral, maka peraturan harus disesuaikan, sudah tentu, juga dengan cara-cara yang etis, jadi bukan nilai etisnya yang diubah. nilai-nilai etis dalam akhlak itu dibangun bukan tanpa orientasi, sebab bagaimanapun nilai-nilai etis itu bersumber pada tata nilai yang lebih tinggi yaitu tatanilai ketuhanan.26 maka kesadaran etis dalam menjalani hidup beraturan, juga dalam kerangka taat dan taqwa pada tuhan.inilah bangunan akhlak secara sistemik.jika pemikiran itu dibalik, maka wujud taat dan taqwa pada tuhan itu adalah hidupnya kesadaran menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai etis dan diwujudkan dengan perbuatan berdasarkan hukum dan mengikuti tataaturan. pola kesadaran akhlak secara skematik bisa dilihat pada gambar 1. keterpisahan atau apalagi kekaburan mengenai ‘lapis-lapis’ kesadaran akhlak ini menimbulkan perbuatan umat beragama menjadi sempit dan kabur juga. ada sebagian yang sibuk bertanya persoalan hukum, menjalani dan menerapkan hukum-hukum, tetapi jusru abai terhadap nilai-nilai etis dan pesan-pesan moral yang mendasarinya, bahkan hingga tidak ditemukan sambungannya dengan tata nilai ketuhanan seperti ketakwaan dan ketaatan.27 pada sisi yang lain, ada yang merasa taat dan takwa pada tuhan, tetapi abai terhadap peraturan dan hukum-hukum, dan tidak menyadari apa nilai etis dan pesan moral yang dapat digali dari ketaatan dan ketakwaannya. 205vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 persoalan lain yang sering berkembang di masyarakat, mengapa harus mengikuti peraturan dan hukum-perundangan yang nyata-nyata bikinan manusia, bukankah selaku hamba allah, manusia harus menjalani hanya aturan-nya. di sini, dapat disampaikan, aturan memang harus darinya, tapi peraturan boleh dari ‘anda’ atau dari ‘mereka’, atau dari ‘kita’. peraturan itu pem-bahasa-an, atau lebih tepatnya perumusan tataaturan dalam bentuk bahasa dari aturan tuhan, yang mungkin bisa diterima oleh masyarakat manusia, mulai dari kelompok kecil, hingga kelompok besar.disebut bahwa aturan itu dari tuhan, pengertiannya adalah bahwa aturan itu benar-benar steril dari ego pribadi, mau-mau golongan, kepentingan pragmatis, terlebih lagi yang dipaksakan atas namanya. karena memang hanya sekedar dari ‘anda’, ‘mereka’ atau dari ‘kita’, bisa jadi peraturan itu tidak sejalan atau malah bertentangan dengan aturanaturannya, meskipun juga tidak selamanya atau tidak harus terus seperti itu. maka sudah semestinya yang namanya peraturan itu diterima, selama sejalan dengan aturannya, atau selama tidak bertentangan dengan aturannya. pemandangan yang sangat ganjil di masyarakat, orang yang merasa agamis, rata-rata malah sengaja tidak mengindahkan hukum (— perundang-undangan), dan malah hidup dan berjalan dengan hukum sendiri yang katanya hukum agama itu. padahal dunia ini sedang menunggu, keteladanan mereka dalam hal mentaati hukum, dan dalam hal mengembangkan bangsa dan negara menjadi beradab. dengan kerangka berpikir seperti ini, membawa pembicaraan akhlak tidak saja dalam konteks perbuatan baik oleh individu-individu, tetapi dalam konteks hidup bersama, secara sistemik, kolektif, kultural. dalam 206 afkaruna arti, membawa manusia untuk hidup berdasarkan sistem yang berlaku di lingkungan dan masyarakatnya, menahan kediriannya, mengedepankan keamanan dan kenyamanan bersama dalam keindahan budaya. jika ambisi, egoisme, fanatisme, sentimen kesukuan, kedaerahan, kemadzhaban, masih dominan memenuhi ruang publik, berarti terjadi perbuatan unsystem, maka menjadi mustahil terbangun masyarakat etis, agama etis, kampus etis, ilmuwan etis, dst. maka agar akhlak dapat diaplikasikan atau agar kehidupan etis dapat dijalani, sistem harus ada dan dibangun. meski begitu tetap dengan kesadaran bahwa sistem masih mungkin bisa dikembangkan, bahkan harus dikembangkan, tapi mesti secara landai dan berkala, agar tidak timbul kegaduhan, agar tidak terjadi instabilitas sosial. sistem, dengan demikian, merupakan sisi luar dari akhlak, maka keduanya mesti selaras. jika ternyata ditemukan ketidakselarasan, sistem mesti bisa diperbaiki, bukan sebaliknya.selain itu, sistem juga bisa dimengerti sebagai wujud terlaksananya akhlak, sebab kemuliaan akhlak terlihat dari keberjalanan sistem. terkait dengan pengembangan ilmu, sudah tentu etos kerja (ilmiah) dari individu-individu memiliki peran yang sangat penting, tetapi tidak bisa diharapkan bisa bertahan, jika tidak didukung oleh sistem, tradisi, dan budaya ilmiah.bahkan kerja ilmiah itu sangat dapat berkontribusi terhadap pengembangan sistem, tradisi, dan budaya ilmiah itu sendiri, sebaliknya, sistem juga bisa membangkitkan etos kerja (ilmiah) individuindividu sebagai bagian dari komunitas ilmiah. itu artinya, pengembangan ilmu bukan hanya singkron dengan akhlak, tetapi bahkan pengembangan ilmu baru dapat berkembang hanya dengan dukungan akhlak dalam bentuk sistem, tradisi, dan budaya ilmiah. sebagai konsekuensi dari pandangan demikian, maka jika kerja ilmiah sudah dilakukan dengan tingkat keilmiahan yang tinggi, profesional, dan penuh tanggungjawab, maka tidak perlu dipertanyakan di mana akhlak, sebab itu sudah merupakan bentuk pelaksanaan akhlak dalam kaitannya dengan kerja ilmiah. 5. nalar dakwah cukup kuat pandangan masyarakat muslim bahwa islam adalah agama dakwah.kesimpulan semacam itu sudah tentu dapat dengan mudah ditemukan dasar normatif berupa dalil al-qur’an dan hadits, maupun dasar historisnya sepanjang perjalanan dakwah rasul dan shahabat, sehingga sangat wajar jika kemudian menjadi kesadaran umum masyarakat mu207vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 slim.28namun, tidak dapat dipungkiri beberapa persoalan kemudian muncul menyertai pandangan umum itu, yaitu ketika aktivitas dakwah dinilai tidak sejalan dengan aktivitas ilmiah, begitu juga,dengan pandangan bahwa kerja ilmiah itu tidak memiliki unsur dakwah. panda-ngan demikian, pada awalnya terjadi dan mengental pada masyarakat kampus, dan ini yang istimewa.namun karena terus disuarakan dan suaranya terdengar cukup keras, bahkan terus digulirkan, sudah tentu persoalannya lalu menjadi begitu menggelisahkan dan tidak mudah untuk diluruskan. dalam masyarakat muslim dan tradisi islam pada umumnya, kata dakwah, baik sebagai konsep maupun aktivitas, sering diidentikkan dengan pendidikan (tarbiyah), dengan alasan di dalam dakwah ada unsur pendidikan, dan di dalam pendidikan ada unsur dakwah, apalagi dalam praktiknya kedua aktivitas itu memang tidak mengenal usia. antara dakwah dan pendidikan sudah tentu merupakan aktivitas penting bagi kehidupan, sekaligus sama-sama merupakan ajaran penting dalam agama islam.meski demikian, karena yang satu dengan yang lain tidak ada pemilahan wilayah yang jelas, terutama pada konsepnya, maka aktivitas keduanya pada kenyataannya menjadi tidak maksimal. secara konseptual, dakwah dan tarbiyah itu mestinya tidak terpisah, keduanya mestinya dapat berjalan seiring, meskipun tetap harus dibedakan, karena memiliki wilayah ‘garapan’ masing-masing. secara sederhana, dapat disebut bahwa tarbiyah itu garapannya pada wilayah “basic”, sementara dakwah, garapannya pada wilayah lanjutan. sejalan dengan garapannya yang berada pada wilayah “basic”, tarbiyah pada intinya, menyiapkan manusia, atau membuat manusia menjadi siap, baik secara fisik, psikis, mental, dan akal pikirannya, untuk memasuki masa-masa produktif. maka sebenarnya belum dianggap selesai proses pendidikan, jika orang dinilai belum cukup siap memasuki masa-masa produktifnya. demikian pula, pendidikan belum dapat dinilai berhasil jika orang ternyata tidak siap memasuki masa-masa produktif. di sini disebut masa, bukan usia, sebab pendidikan memang tidak mengenal usia, makanya ada adult education.29 meskipun, tetap akan menjadi salah kaprah, jika ada orang yang semestinya sudah cukup siap memasuki masa produktif, tetapi kondisinya masih belum beranjak dari pendidikan.sudah tentu ini merupakan kesalahan hidup. jika dapat diibaratkan dengan sebuah anak tangga misalnya, maka pendidikan itu berada pada anak tangga yang paling bawah. meskipun 208 afkaruna perlu ditegaskan, berada pada wilayah ‘basic’ atau pada anak tangga dasar, bukan berarti pendidikan merupakan persoalan sepele, simpel, atau sederhana.sebaliknya pendidikan merupakan bagian dari hidup manusia yang penting, dan pada tahap ini potensi ‘terpendam’ manusia mesti digali dan ditumbuh-kembangkannya untuk menjadi karakter yang kuat. maka di situlah arti penting dan peran strategis pendidikan dapat diposisikan. setelah pendidikan menyelesaikan perannya pada tahapan perkembangan manusia, mestinya untuk selanjutnya dakwah mulai berperan.wilayah garapan dakwah adalah manusia yang telah siap memasuki masa-masa produktif, dan tentu saja mereka sudah selesai dengan masa persiapannya. dengan begitu, tidak salah jika disimpulkan, bahwa dakwah itu sasarannya adalah orang-orang yang secara usia lebih dewasa. berbeda dengan pendidikan yang segala potensi, kemampuan, dan talenta, masih dalam proses dilatih, ditumbuh-kembangkan, pada dakwah, segala talenta, kreativitas, dan kemampuan (bertahan, menjelajah, beradaptasi, dan lainnya) itu sudah harus siap jalan dan beraksi. dalam praktiknya, dakwah itu dapat berupa aktivitas tertentu, program tertentu, dapat juga dalam bentuk yang sebenarnya atau yang artifisial, dapat berupa ucapan atau tulisan, perbuatan atau sikap, dan lain-lain, yang dapat mengantarkan seseorang, komunitas, masyarakat, tradisi dan budaya, bahkan suatu bangsa, untuk mencapai kesuksesan hidup.30 semua bentuk-bentuk aktivitas dakwah itu dilakukan sesuai dengan posisi, keahlian, kemampuan (subyektif dan obyektif), profesi, dan sarana yang ada. maka orang tua, teman, saudara, tokoh agama, tokoh masyarakat, kolega, pemimpin, segenap profesional, atau siapapun, dapat dinilai menjalankan aktivitas dakwah jika dengan aktivitasnya itu membantu mengantarkan siapapun (sasaran dakwah) mencapai kesuksesan hidup atau membuat hidup sukses lebih sukses lagi. dengan kerangka pikir seperti itu, menjadi sangat jelas bahwa mestinya tidak tepat da’i disebut sebagai suatu profesi, begitu pula sebutan lembaga dakwah mestinya juga tidak ada, dan sudah menjadi salah kaprah juga, sebutan (laqab) da’i untuk para “penceramah agama”. sebab, dari sisi profesi, aktivitas dakwah tidak lain adalah aktivitas profesional dari profesi apapun. jika seorang profesional diharapkan untuk bisa sambil berdakwah, berarti dengan posisi dan kapasitasnya, dia diharapkan perannya dalam ikut membantu orang lain dalam meraih kesuksesan atau meningkatkan kesuksesan hidupnya menjadi lebih sukses lagi. 209vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dengan tetap menyadari banya cukup banyak teori, model, dan strategi dakwah, namun dalam kajian ini hanya akan mengungkap satu hal, yang sebenarnya merupakan elemen penting, namun sering terlewat dari aktivitas dakwah, yaitu terkait hajat dasar hidup manusia. secara sederhana apa yang disebut hajat dasar terdiri dari tiga tahapan, yaitu: pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar hidup, pemantapan eksistensi, dan perwujudan kesadaran partisipatif.31 berkaitan dengan tiga tahapan hajat dasar tersebut, maka secara konseptual, dakwah juga dapat wujudkan dalam tiga tahapan, yaitu dapat disebut: 1). sukses pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar, 2). sukses pemantapan eksistensi, dan 3). sukses perwujudan kesadaran partisipatif. pertama, sukses pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar, yang meliputi kebutuhan pakaian, makan, tempat tinggal, dan pasangan (baca: menikah).32 pada tahap pertama ini dakwah merupakan usaha untuk membuka “ruang gerak” untuk berkembangnya kreativitas dan produktivitas, juga menumbuhkan kemampuan bertahan atas segala rintangan hidup, dan menghindari kegagalan dalam menjalani ujian hidup.33 pada masa-masa pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar ini, menjadi wajar, makanya dapat dimaklumi, jika pada diri seseorang atau komunitas, organisasi, tradisi dan budaya, bahkan suatu bangsa (dalam hal ini, subjek dakwah), ada sikap individualis, agresif, berani, tidak memikir yang lain (the other), dan lain-lain. sikapsikap seperti ini, pada taraf tertentu, tetap penting dipertahankan dan bahkan perlu untuk ditumbuh-kembangkan, sebab tidak mungkin ada upaya memenuhi kebutuhan dasar, jika yang ada hanya sikap pasrah, takut, dan pesimis, umpamanya. meskipun tetap dengan catatan, jangan sampai berlajut menimbulkan sikap resisten, dusta, curang, persaingan tidak fair, permusuhan, dan apalagi pertengkaran. dengan adanya sikap-sikap yang menyertai masa pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar seperti disebutkan itu, maka akan sulit diharapkan dapat tumbuh sikap empati, tenggang rasa, dan kepekaan sosial. oleh karena itu, jika aktivitas yang disebut dakwah itu mengusung tema-tema ini, dijamin tidak akan berhasil, karena memang kondisi subjek dakwah masih belum selesai dengan pemenuhan kebutuhan dasarnya. kedua, sukses proses pemantapan eksistensi.secara sederhana, dakwah pada tahap kedua ini lebih sebagi usaha menumbuhkan sikap empati, simpati, kepekaan sosial, trust, berpikir kebaikan bersama, berpikir kebaikan lingkungan, orientasi jangka panjang, dan seterusnya. beberapa hal itu, terkait hajat dasar manusia dalam hal eksistensi. hajat dasar ini yang 210 afkaruna meniscayakan manusia untuk menemukan kebermaknaan dirinya di tengah-tengah kehidupan masyarakat, lingkungan sosial, serta tradisi dan budayanya.34 tingkat keberhasilan dakwah pada tahap ini, ditandai dengan tumbuhnya sikap berkorban tanpa pamrih, bukan hanya menjadi orang baik tetapi membaikkan lingkungan masyarakatnya, bukan hanya lingkungannya merasakan kebaikannya, tetapi lingkungannya menjadi baik sebab keberadaannya. inilah yang dimaksud dengan eksistensi, yang mana lingkungan dan masyarakatnya telah menempatkan keberadaannya sebagai sosok yang penting karena kebaikan-kebaikannya. pencapaian seperti ini dimungkinkan dapat terwujud karena subjek dakwah sudah “selesai” dengan kebutuhan dasarnya. sebaliknya, jika kebutuhan dasar memang belum terpenuhi, apalagi masih kekurangan, maka kerja sosial, kerja lingkungan, akan sulit diharapkan dapat dilakukan dengan tanpa pamrih atau tanpa maksud pribadi terselubung. maka yang tepat,untuk subjek dakwah yang masih belum selesai dengan pemenuhan kebutuhan dasarnya, sebenarnya tidak perlu sampai diharap seperti itu, bahkan mestinya, pamrih-pamrih dan maksud-maksud terselubung itu aktivitas dakwah berhasil menemukan jalan pemenuhannya. ketiga, tahap sukses perwujudan kesadaran partisipatif. pada tahap ini, aktivitas dakwah diselenggarakan dengan asumsi bahwa subjek dakwah sudah selesai dengan kebutuhan sandang, pangan, papan, dan pasangan, dan sudah tidak butuh pengakuan, apalagi sampai gila hormat, sebab eksistensinya memang sudah begitu terasa. oleh karena itu tema dakwah sudah tidak lagi berkenaan dengan kepekaan sosial, apalagi kerja untuk pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar, tetapi lebih kepada menumbuhkan 211vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 “kesadaran kritis” sasaran dakwah. tujuan akhirnya adalah lahir hasrat kuat dalam bentuk program-program kreatif dalam ikut serta mengangkat harkat martabat kemanusiaan, terlibat aktif dalam mewujudkan nilai kemanusiaan, mengutamakan kemaslahatan universal dan perdamaian dunia.ini semua dilakukan dengan tingkat kearifan dan kebijaksanaan yang tinggi. tiga tahapan dakwah dan kaitannya dengan pendidikan itu dapat ditunjukkan secara lebih sederhana pada gambar 2. antara tarbiyah dan dakwah berikut tahapan-tahapannya seperti diuraikan di atas, sudah tentu tidak bersifat clear cut, dalam arti secara realitasnya benar terpisah antara satu tahapan ke tahapan berikutnya, akan tetapi dengan tidak mempertimbangkan tahapan-tahapannya, aktivitas yang kemudian disebut dakwah itu akan sulit untuk berhasil, atau akan mengalami kegagalan, dan sangat mungkin malah kontraproduktif. dengan karangka pemikiran (conceptual framework) seperti diuraikan di atas, maka peneliti dan ilmuwan, guru dan dosen, termasuk pelajar dan mahasiswa, justru dimungkinkan dapat mengambil peran lebih banyak, dengan ilmu pengetahuan yang dimiliki, juga pelajaran dan pengalamannya. dalam konteks pengembangan sains, sukses pemenuhan hajat dasar manusia yang dilakukan dalam bentuk tiga tahapan dakwah pada dasarnya merupakan orientasi dan tujuan utama dari sains, bahkan secara keseluruhan aktivitas ilmiah adalah dakwah. sedangkan dalam konteks dakwah, aktivitas ilmiah sudah dengan sendirinya akan mengantarkan manusia untuk meraih sukses hidup sebagaimana dimaksudkan oleh dakwah. dengan demikian, antara aktivitas ilmiah dan dakwah ternyata dapat bertemu, bahkan kerja sains sekaligus merupakan aktivitas dakwah juga. pengembangan sains dalam konteks integrasi ilmu agama dan ilmu umum istilah “ilmu agama” adalah gabungan kata “ilmu” dan kata “agama”. meski istilah ilmu agama sudah sedemikian populer, tetapi tetap terkesan sebagai dua kata yang dipaksa dijodohkan, atau bahkan terkesan tidak berjodoh. sebab, sejauh ini, kata agama lebih cocok dengan kata ajaran, yaitu “ajaran agama”, sementara kata ilmu serasinya dengan kata alam, sosial, bahasa, kesehatan, dan lain-lain, sehingga ada ilmu alam, ilmu sosial, ilmu bahasa, ilmu kesehatan, dan lain-lain. jikalau ada proses transisi atau transformasi berupa pengembangan dari agama sebagai ajaran ke agama sebagai ilmu, nyatanya sampai hari ini berjalan lambat, untuk tidak 212 afkaruna mengatakan tidak beranjak, atau malah tidak berhasil, sehingga sekalipun sudah disebut “ilmu agama” masih sangat berasa “ajaran agama”. hal ini menjadi semakin jelas jika melihat pada sosok mereka yang menggeluti bidang ilmu agama (sarjana agama, dan semacamnya), mereka lebih comfy, lebih enjoyable sebagai sosok ‘pengajar agama’ daripada sebagai ‘ilmuwan agama’.demikian juga institusi di segala tingkatan, bahkan lembaga riset, kalau berbasis ilmu agama, atau di lingkungan lembaga keagamaan, semuanya masih belum bisa keluar dari bayang-bayang agama sebagai ajaran.35 dalam tradisi keilmuan islam, apa yang disebut ilmu agama (‘ulum aldin) adalah ilmu yang menjadikan sumber-sumber keagamaan sebagai ‘objek’ kajiannya, yaitu nash al-qur’an dan sunnah rasul. hal ini sudah tentu berbeda dengan sains yang mempelajari fenomena empiris. dalam prosesnya, sumber-sumber keagamaan itu dikaji dalam berbagai aspeknya. upaya ini dalam rangka menggapai maksud dari sumber tersebut. sejauh ini, perangkat metode pengambilan hukum (istinbath) dari kedua sumber tersebut, bisa disebut sejumlah istilah, yaitu ijtihad, qiyas, istidlal, istintaj, tafsir dan ta’wil.sudah tentu beberapa perangkat metode ini memiliki kekhasannya masing-masing, dan karenanya ilmu yang dihasilkannya berbeda-beda pula. karena metodenya yang khas dan objeknya yang istimewa, memang tidak sembarang orang mempunyai kemampuan, bahkan mempunyai hak untuk mengkajinya. ada sejumlah syarat yang harus dimiliki seseorang untuk dapat melakukan kajian terhadap objek ini, apalagi untuk dapat menghasilkan suatu produk ‘hukum’ ilmu agama. maka dalam hal ini, ada dibenarkan seseorang sekedar mengikuti (ittiba’ atau taqlid) pendapat yang sudah ada. sepanjang sejarah islam, ada banyak ragam khazanah keilmuan, baik dalam kelompok ushul maupun furu’, misalnya ilmu fiqh, ilmu kalam, filsafat islam, ilmu tasawuf, ‘ulum al-quran, ‘ulum al-hadits, dll. beberapa ilmu yang termasuk dalam rumpun dirasah islamiyah atau islamic studies ini juga terus dikembangkan hingga hari ini. di kalangan ahli ilmu-ilmu keislaman, belakangan ini muncul trend, dan semangat kuat untuk mengembangkan integrasi ilmu sebagai ‘proyek’ besar keilmuan. untuk proyek ini, memang ada dua trend, yang pertama, memanfaatkan temuan-temuan sains dan metodologi saintifik untuk pengembangan ilmu-ilmu keislaman, dan kedua, mengintegrasikan ilmu keislaman yang masuk dalam rumpun dirasah islamiyah itu dengan apa 213vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 yang disebut dengan ilmu ‘umum’, yang secara lebih riel, aplikasinya adalah mendasarkan, memasukkan, dan mewarnakan ilmu-keislaman kepada ilmu-ilmu ‘umum’. upaya ini dimaksudkan sebagai tahapan awal dari proyek islamisasi ilmu.36 pembahasan ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji tentang apa alasan, dan bagaimana program pengembangan dari dua trend itu. poin kajian ini adalah bahwa prinsip dasar mempertemukan dua atau lebih entitas adalah perhatian tertuju pada segi positifnya, dan dilakukan tidak untuk menang-kalah, artinya jika perhatian pada sebaliknya, misalnya hanya negatifnya yang dilihat, atau agar yang lain kalah, untuk apa ada pertemuan, dan untuk apa dipertemukan, karena pada dasarnya sudah jelas tidak akan bisa ketemu. integrasi keilmuan, pada kenyataannya (penulis tidak tahu pada konsepnya) masih belum berpegangan pada prinsip dasar itu, maka itu suatu ‘proyek’ berat, kecuali yang satu dapat mengalah legowo karena lebih dewasa. kalau yang jadi perhatian hanya sisi negatifnya dan untuk menundukkannya, bahkan persahabatan dan perkawinanpun, mustahil terjadi. sebenarnya setiap ilmu itu mempunyai corak, karakteristik, dan logika sendiri-sendiri, namun meski begitu, masing-masing ilmu tidak sulit untuk bertemu atau dipertemukan jalinannya, maka pertemuan antar ilmu, atau ilmu-ilmu sangat mungkin terjadi, selama itu memang benar-benar ilmu, apapun nama ilmunya. pertemuan ilmu-ilmu itu kemudian disebut interdisipliner dan multidisipliner. maka ini hal biasa bagi ilmu dan ilmuwan, sehingga harus diakui itu sebenarnya bukan ‘proyek’ luarbiasa sebagaimana dihebohkan belakangan ini. mestinya juga tidak perlu muncul kekhawatiran, apalagi penolakan, sebagaimana selama ini sering dialamatkan pada proyek integrasi keilmuan. ilmu-ilmu, seperti sosiologi, antropologi, psikologi, sejarah, memang ilmu-ilmu yang tergolong modern, sudah tentu para mutakallim, para fuqaha, para mufassir tempo doeloe belum mengenal ilmu-ilmu itu, tapi tidak betul jika dikatakan bahwa mereka itu tidak memiliki, dan tidak memakai nalar (termasuk sensitivitas dan taste) sosiologis, antropologis, psikologis, historis dalam kerja ilmiah mereka. kalau ilmu-ilmu tersebut, dan ilmu-ilmu yang tergolong natural siciences, dewasa ini kemudian diupayakan diintegrasikan dengan ilmu-ilmu keislaman, itu berarti untuk membangunkan nalar-nalar itu atau untuk memanfaat temuan-temuannya, bukan sebagai upaya liberalisasi ilmu-ilmu keislaman, apalagi disebut sebagai bentuk infiltrasi ilmu ‘umum’ ke dalam ilmu-ilmu keislaman. 214 afkaruna dengan integrasi keilmuan, bisa jadi, ilmu-ilmu yang disebut ilmu umum itu akan mengalami kemajuan juga, meski awalnya merasa dipaksa kawin paksa dengan ilmu agama, tapi juga bisa sebaliknya, ilmu-ilmu yang disebut ilmu agama itu akan stagnan tidak ada perkembangan, dan cenderung ketinggalan jaman, kalau engganmemberi tempat yang layak untuk ilmuilmu umum di sisinya, apalagi kalau selalu mencurigai hadirnya. penutup ketertinggalan di bidang sains dan teknologi memang suatu persoalan besar dalam hidup, tetapi jika ketertinggalan itu disebut bukan urusan agama, apalagi jika dipahami agama tidak berururan dengan pengembangan sains dan teknologi, maka itu kesalahan terbesar dalam menjalani agama. akan tetapi, tidak hanya kalangan agamawan dan umat beragama pada umumnya, tetapi hingga para sainstis, melihat bahwa pengembangan sains itu hanyalah urusan keilmuan semata, yang hanya berkaitan dengan persoalan teori, metodologi, atau paling tidak urusan fisafat ilmu dan epistemologi, padahal pengembangan ilmu itu tidak dilepaskan dari konteks sosial dan bahkan konteks agama. sehingga pengembangan ilmu bukan hanya problem keilmuan semata, tetapi juga problem kemasyarakatan dan problem keislaman, terkait pola pemahaman masyarakat dan umat beragama mengenai apa itu ilmu dan apa itu agama. maka membangun pola kesadaran keislaman baru mesti terus dilakukan, agar pengembangan ilmu berjalan maksimal dengan tanpa menimbulkan masalah sosial, sebab sudah dapat diletakkan pada konteksnya yang benar, yaitu konteks agama. catatan akhir 1 lihat webster’s new world dictionary of the american language, (cleveland and new york: the world publishing company, 1962), h.1305. 2 mulyadhi kartanegara, menyibak tirai kejahilan, pengantar epistemologi islam, (bandung: mizan, 2003), h. 1. 3 lihat mohammad muslih, logika ketuhanan dalam epistemologi illuminasi suhrawardi, (yogyakarta: lesfi, 2014). 4 menurut jujun s. suriasumantri, knowledge merupakan terminology generic, dan science adalah anggota (species) dari kelompok (genus) tersebut. jujun s. suriasumantri, filsafat ilmu sebuah pengantar populer. (jakarta: sinar harapan, 1990), h. 294. 5 yang dalam terminologi ilmu logika disebut abstraksi (al-tajrid) atau proses immaterialisasi. lihat w. poespoprojo, logika scientifika, pengantar dialektika 215vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 dan ilmu, (bandung: pustaka grafika, 1999), h. 69. 6 steven burgess, “nietzsche and heidegger on the cartesian atomism of thought” dissertation (usa: university of south florida, 2013), h. 66. 7 simon petrus l tjahjadi, tuhan para filsuf dan ilmuwan, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 2007), h. 28-36. 8 g.w.f. leibniz, “the monadology,” in the rationalists, trans. george montgomery, (new york: doubleday, 1960), h. 455-71. 9 disebutkan: “ultimately, wolff believes that the principle of contradiction, the principle of sufficient reason, and the principle of conceptual implication (or principle of the syllogism) are all innate to the human mind.” lihat http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/wolff-christian/ diakses pada selasa 26 juli 2016 jam 03.35. 10 harun hadiwiyono, sari sejarah filsafat barat 2, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 1980), h. 33 11 henry e. allison, custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise, (oxford: oxford university press, 2008). buku ini telah direview oleh paul guyer, book reviews “custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise” dalam hume studies, volume 35, number 1,2 (2009), pp. 236-239. 12 ini maksud david hume dengan idea. lihat shane drefcinski, “a very brief summary of david hume”, dalam http://people.uwplatt.edu/~drefcins/ humeencyclopediaentry.html diakses selasa, 26 juli 2016 jam 05.00. 13 yang dalam kajian filsafat, diajukan oleh aliran empirisisme, sebagaimana disebutkan: “empiricism is a theory that states that knowledge comes only or primarily from sensory experience”. lihat stathis psillos and martin curd, the routledge companion to philosophy of science (1. publ. in paperback ed.), (london: routledge, 2010), h. 129-138. 14 aktivitas berpikir inilah yang secara tradisional dibahas panjang lebar dalam ilmu logika, dan secara lebih khusus dalam kaitannya dengan proses terbentuknya pengetahuan, kajian filsafat modern mengupasnya dalam aliranaliran epistemologi sebagai cabang filsafat yang membicarakan teori pengetahuan. lihat noah porter, ed., “epistemology”. webster’s revised unabridged dictionary, (g & c. merriam co 1913), h. 501. 15 lihat imre lakatos, the methodology of scientific research programmes, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1995),h. 8-9 16 holmes rolston, iii, science and religion: a critical survey, (new york: random house, inc., 1987), h. vii 17 dalam hal ini, rolston menulis: “it needs to keep its autonomous integrity and resilience.” lihat ibid. 18 lihat: m. amin abdullah, islamic studies di perguruan tinggi: pendekatan integratif-interkonektif, (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2006), h. 399-405. 19 dalam satu artikelnya, prof. amin abdullah menulis: “ciri fundamental budaya islam adalah ketergantungannya yang sangat kuat terhadap nash atau text,” lihat m. amin abdullah, “kontribusi ilmu kalam/filsafat islam dalam http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/wolff-christian/ http://people.uwplatt.edu/~drefcins/ 216 afkaruna pembangunan karakter bangsa”, ilmu ushuluddin, volume 13, nomor 2, juli 2014, h. 99. 20 dari ibnu mas’ud ra. berkata, rasulullah saw bersabda, “bukanlah seorang mukmin orang yang suka mencela, orang yang gemar melaknat, orang yang suka berbuat/ berkata-kata keji dan orang yang berkata-kata kotor/ jorok”. (hr at-turmudziy, al-bukhariy, ahmad, dan al-hakim). lihat shahih sunan at-turmudziy: 1610, shahih al-adab al-mufrad: 237, shahih al-jami’ ashshaghir: 5381 dan silsilah al-ahadits ash-shahihah: 320 21 lihat qs. al-mujadilah [58]: 11. 22 lihat qs. al-dzariyat [51]: 56 (dan tidaklah aku ciptakan jin dan manusia kecuali untuk beribadah kepada-ku”) 23 ini dapat digali dari ayat:”katakan, sesungguhnya shalatku, manasikku, hidupku dan matiku hanya demi allah tuhan semesta alam. tidak ada sekutu bagi-nya, dan demikianlah yang diperintahkan kepadaku dan aku adalah orang yang pertama-tama berserah diri.” (qs. al-an‘am [6]: 162-163). 24 hadits tentang akhlak yang paling terkenal; “innama buitstu liutammima makarimal akhlaq” diriwayatkan al-baihaqi oleh abu hurairah dalam sunan baihaqi nomor 20571 25 sebagaimana petunjuk qs.al-baqarah [2]: 112 ((tidak demikian) bahkan barangsiapa yang menyerahkan diri kepada allah, sedang ia berbuat kebajikan, maka baginya pahala pada sisi tuhannya dan tidak ada kekhawatiran terhadap mereka dan tidak (pula) mereka bersedih hati). 26 itulah sebabnya dalam hukum islam, dalam melakukan perbuatan hukum, mukallaf disyarakatkan mengerti hukum taklif, sekaligus mashlahah yang menjadi tujuan dilakukannya. dalam kajian maqâsîd al-sharî‘ah dari sisi shâri‘ (pembuat hukum) disebutkan ada empat aspek, yaitu tujuan syariah adalah untuk kemaslahatan, syariah sebagai sesuatu yang harus dipahami, syariah sebagai hukum taklîf yang harus dilakukan, dan tujuan syariah adalah untuk membawa manusia ke bawah naungan hukum, maka perbuatan etis atau berakhlak itu adalah berbuat berdasarkan hukum. lihat abû ishâq al-shâthiby, al-muwâfaqât min usûl al-sharî‘ah, (kairo: musthafâ muhammad, tth), h. 5 27 sekedar untuk perbandingan, dalam konteks barat, apa yang menjadi kegelisahan friedrich nietzsche tentang matinya tuhan dalam keberagamaan kristiani, adalah karena beragama hanya berhenti pada lapis hukum dan peraturan, tapi tidak menyentuh soal nilai etis dan tatanilai ketuhanan. lihat st. sunardi, nietzsche, (yogyakarta: lkis, 2011), h. 143-147 28 misalnya seperti ditunjukkan dalam qs. ali imran [3]: 104 (“dan hendaklah ada di antara kamu segolongan umat yang menyeru kepada kebajikan, menyuruh kepada yang ma’ruf, dan mencegah dari yang munkar; merekalah orang-orang yang beruntung.”), dan beberapa ayat yang lain: qs. ali imran [3]: 110, qs. al-nahl [16]:125, qs. al-mu’minun [23]: 73, dan lain-lain. 29 sharan, b. merriam & brockett, ralph, g. the profession and practice of adult education: an introduction, (san francisco, ca: jossey-bass, 2007), h. 7 30 lihat asep shodiqin, “membingkai ‘episteme’ ilmu dakwah”, jurnal ilmu dakwah, volume 5 nomor 2, 2011, h. 450 217vol. 14 no. 2 desember 2018 31 bandingkan dengan m. amin abdullah yang menyitir hajat dasar manusia dalam konteks keilmuan, yaitu work (kerja), komunikasi, dan etika. lihat m. amin abdullah, islamic studies...,h. 389-398; bandingkan juga dengan “type of human interest” yang terdiri dari kepentingan teknis, praktis, dan emansipatori, model habermas. lihat f. budi hardiman, kritik ideologi: pertautan pengetahuan dan kepentingan, (yogyakarta: kanisius, 1990). 32 dalam pepatah bahasa orang-orang tua, sering disebut: kebutuhan sandang, pangan, papan, dan ditambah satu lagi, pasangan. 33 lihat aliyudin, “prinsip-prinsip metode dakwah menurut al-qur’an”, jurnal ilmu dakwah volume 4, nomor 15, 2010, h. 1007-1022 34 bandingkan dengan aris risdiana, “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan”, jurnal dakwah, volume xv, nomor 2, 2014, h. 433451. 35 ilmu dan ilmu agama seolah dua entitas yang berlainan dan terpisah satu sama lain, mempunyai wilayah masing-masing, baik objek formal–material keilmuan, metode penelitian, kriteria kebenaran, peran yang dimainkan oleh ilmuwan, bahkan ke tingkat institusi penyelenggaranya. lihat amin abdullah, islamic studies..., h. 92. 36 wan mohd nor wan daud, filsafat dan praktik pendidikan islam, terj. hamid fahmy dkk. (bandung: mizan, 1998), h. 336 daftar pustaka abdullah, m. amin. 2006. islamic studies di perguruan tinggi: pendekatan integratifinterkonektif. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. abdullah, m. amin, 2014.”kontribusi ilmu kalam/filsafat islam dalam pembangunan karakter bangsa”, ilmu ushuluddin, volume 13, nomor 2. aliyudin, 2010.”prinsip-prinsip metode dakwah menurut al-qur’an”, jurnal ilmu dakwah volume 4, nomor 15. allison, henry e, 2008. custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise, oxford: oxford university press. al-shâthiby, abû ishâq, al-muwâfaqât min usûl al-sharî‘ah, kairo: musthafâ muhammad, tth. burgess, steven, 2013.”nietzsche and heidegger on the cartesian atomism of thought” dissertation usa: university of south florida. daud, wan mohd nor wan, 1998. filsafat dan praktik pendidikan islam, terj. hamid fahmy dkk. bandung: mizan. drefcinski, shane, “a very brief summary of david hume”, dalam http:// people.uwplatt.edu/~drefcins/humeencyclopediaentry.html diakses selasa, 26 juli 2016 jam 05.00. guyer, paul, 2009. book reviews “custom and reason in hume, a kantian reading of the first book of the treatise” dalam hume studies, volume 35, number 1,2. hadiwiyono, harun, 1980. sari sejarah filsafat barat 2, yogyakarta: kanisius. hardiman, f. budi, 1990. kritik ideologi: pertautan pengetahuan dan kepentingan, yogyakarta: kanisius. http:// 218 afkaruna kartanegara, mulyadhi, 2003. menyibak tirai kejahilan, pengantar epistemologi islam, bandung: mizan. lakatos, imre, 1995. the methodology of scientific research programmes, cambridge: cambridge university press. leibniz, g.w.f.,1960. “the monadology,” in the rationalists, trans. george montgomery, new york: doubleday. merriam, sharan, b. & brockett, ralph, g. 2007. the profession and practice of adult education: an introduction, san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. muslih, mohammad, 2014. logika ketuhanan dalam epistemologi illuminasi suhrawardi, yogyakarta: lesfi. poespoprojo, w., 1999. logika scientifika, pengantar dialektika dan ilmu, bandung: pustaka grafika. porter, noah, ed., 1913. “epistemology”. webster’s revised unabridged dictionary, g & c. merriam co. psillos, stathis, and martin curd, 2010. the routledge companion to philosophy of science 1. publ. in paperback ed., london: routledge. risdiana, aris, 2014. “transformasi peran da’i dalam menjawab peluang dan tantangan”, jurnal dakwah, vol. xv, no. 2. rolston, iii, holmes, 1987. science and religion: a critical survey, new york: random house, inc. shodiqin, asep, 2011. “membingkai ‘episteme’ ilmu dakwah”, jurnal ilmu dakwah, volume 5, nomor 2. sunardi, st., 2011. nietzsche, yogyakarta: lkis. suriasumantri, jujun s. 1990. filsafat ilmu sebuah pengantar populer. jakarta: sinar harapan. tjahjadi, simon petrus l,2007. tuhan para filsuf dan ilmuwan, yogyakarta: kanisius. webster’s new world dictionary of the american language, 1962. (cleveland and new york: the world publishing company. qs. ali imran [3]: 110. qs. al-nahl [16]:125. qs. al-mu’minun [23]: 73. qs. al-an‘am [6]: 162-163. qs. al-baqarah [2]: 112, qs. al-dzariyat [51]: 56, qs. al-mujadilah [58]: 11. shahih sunan al-turmudziy: 1610. shahih al-adab al-mufrad: 237. shahih al-jami’ al-shaghir: 5381. silsilah al-ahadits al-shahihah: 320. sunan baihaqi: 20571. jurnal afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 sharia bank marketing communication strategies in increasing brand awareness (study on islamic bank in yogyakarta city) doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0122.228-248 syarif as’ad syarif_asad@umy.ac.id universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta abstract building brand awareness in the community is an essential task of a marketing agent. with increased brand awareness, companies can easily create consumer loyalty, which leads to profits from the company. this study aims to describe the pattern of marketing communication strategies that have been carried out by the management of islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta in order to increase the brand awareness of the people of the city of yogyakarta. the informants of this study were 35 employees from 11 islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta and the banking supervisor (ojk), using purposive and snowball sampling techniques through structured interviews and questionnaires. the results of this study describe the marketing communication strategy of islamic banking carried out to reach the layers of society in the city of yogyakarta through location-based mapping, which includes shopping centers, office complexes, housing, educational institutions, tourist objects, restaurants, around places of worship, and other crowd centers. other forms of mapping are based on socio-religious organizations such as muhammadiyah and nahdlotul ulama and economic class. in addition, this study also examines the integrated marketing communication strategy that has been implemented by islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta through advertisements, sales promos, events and experiences, public relations and publicity, direct marketing, interactive marketing, word of mouth, and personal selling with the aim of achieving brand awareness. keywords: marketing communication, islamic bank, brand awareness, yogyakarta introductions communication, as an inseparable part of everyday life, makes it everyone’s 229vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 primary need. communication does not only function towards humans as individuals but also as groups or companies. it is similar to communication companies functioned in the business world to provide information to consumers about various things that are inherent in the products and services offered by the company. priansa emphasizes that other functions of communication in business are very diverse and varied, including; can be a function of socialization, motivation, a form of culture, entertainment, integration, and innovation.1 this is an affirmation that communication in business has a significant value that will encourage increasing brand equity. chinomona explains that advertising professionals in business companies carry out brand communication not only to build brand recognition but also to build a good reputation and a set of standards that companies must maintain or exceed.2 terence states that marketing communication is an important aspect of the overall marketing mission of a company and a major determinant of the company’s success or failure, including the marketing communication programs carried out between business to consumer (b2c), business-to-business (b2b) and marketing communication programs aimed at both individual and business customers (integrated).3 berezan and friends explained that about $ 48 billion per year in us companies spend on marketing communications in order to increase customer loyalty.4 this needs to be a significant concern for islamic bank (ib) as a sharia-based financial service company that has a big challenge in competing with interest-based banks (conventional) in brand placement, advertising, promotion, sales, and so on. in line with the development of islamic banking in indonesia, deden firman hendarsyah as reported by wartakota.com revealed; users of islamic banking products and services have even reached more than 22 million customers.5 in other words, the indonesian people have started to interact with islamic financial services massively and intently. the growth in the number of customers from 2016 to 2017 increased by 20 percent in accordance with the financial services authority (ojk) target of 10-20 percent. the positive impact that accompanies it is a growth in assets (6.57 percent), total financing (7.92), and third party funds reaching 10.59 percent.6 although this can help build a product image in the eyes of the public in recognizing islamic bank products more broadly, various marketing communication strategies through various media are imperative to maintain brand awareness in creating greater brand equity. until now, the challenge that must be anticipated by islamic banks in 230 afkaruna indonesia is the development of digital marketing that must not be underestimated, because the fast and unlimited marketing competition encourages competitors to do everything they can to seize the market, while islamic banks are still in the stage of forming. and developing markets. how to package effective marketing, carry out promotional cost efficiency, design business strategies that must be in accordance with the ethics and basic principles of doing islamic business while still upholding the value of honesty as a basic principle of doing business which illustrates that trust must be maintained under any circumstances is a hard effort still needs to be done continuously by islamic banking.7 yulianto states that the information systems and partnerships that are mostly built by islamic banks in indonesia as a form of commitment are to prioritize the traditional values of silaturrahim as a form of emotional closeness, positioning oneself as part of the environment, culture, religion or emotional closeness to the muslim community because islam is the majority religion.8 sultan explains that the quality of the good relationships built by companies to their consumers makes consumers feel disadvantaged if they switch to using services from other companies.9 from this reason, it can be said that relationship marketing must be built by companies in order to increase brand awareness which leads to customer loyalty. relationship marketing is defined as all marketing activities that are directed at building, developing, and maintaining relationships with consumers.10 for this reason, islamic banks must develop appropriate strategies in implementing effective communication with the aim of not wasting marketing costs but being able to reach and convince potential customers or wider consumers. this is because the obstacles faced by islamic banks with office networks are limited to urban areas and have not reached all levels of society demanding a more precise marketing strategy, however, urban communities as a potential market still need to be reached by islamic banking through targeted information media. thorough. seeing the potential for people in urban areas who are fast in obtaining information, of course it is a very big opportunity for islamic banking in marketing its products and services to the public. however, this golden opportunity has not been fully utilized by islamic banking. this can be seen from the minimal quantity of islamic bank users. the market share that has not reached 6% of the total market share of the national banking industry indicates that efforts to increase the market share of islamic banks have reached 231vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 a dead end. the system and number of service offices that are not as good as conventional banks are indicators of the slow growth of islamic banks in indonesia. not to mention the added switching costs created by conventional banks, making people reluctant to switch to islamic banks. on the other hand, a study by mckinsey shows that in 2030, the need for savings and investment is at the top in terms of the needs of the indonesian people that year.11 this result is certainly an opportunity as well as a challenge for islamic banks to attract new customers and compete with conventional banks and foreign banks. for this reason, islamic banking must prepare a strategy in marketing its products and services in order to market its products to the public as a whole.12 since the establishment of bank muamalat which is the first islamic bank in indonesia, the strategy that has always been used by islamic banks is the economic rent of the majority of indonesians who are muslim.13 however, this strategy is deemed ineffective, seeing that there are still many indonesians who have not used islamic banks. the factors of price, service, and other advantages still dominate people’s interest in connecting and engaging with a bank, when compared to the halal-haram factor of a bank. several previous studies özkan and friends,14 shankar and jebarajakirthy,15 ishak,16 makanyeza and chikazhe17 have proven that the quality of banking services has a positive effect on customer loyalty. for this reason, islamic banks must pay attention to their marketing myopia so that the implementation of the designed strategy can run as expected. to create a building brand entity (brand equity), one of the strategies of islamic banks to compete is to create brand awareness. brand awareness has been researched by œwita³a and friends,18 oppong and phiri,19 porral and lang,20 which have been shown to increase consumer purchase intention, brand equity and increase loyalty. moreover, seeing the high professionalism of conventional bank work in several regions in indonesia palilati said that islamic banks must work extra extra in building brand awareness to create strong brand equity.21 for this reason, the purpose of this study is to describe the pattern of marketing communication strategies that have been carried out by the management of islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta in order to increase brand awareness of islamic banks. theoretical frameworks one of the main elements in marketing is increasing brand equity. islamic 232 afkaruna banking marketing is carried out to meet customer needs for comprehensive information integration about islamic banks as islamic sharia-based financial services business companies to as companies that develop environmental and social developments. the complexity of islamic banking brand equity requires a strong sustainability marketing plan, by fulfilling all elements of equity proportionally in order to achieve the company’s goals. consumers are not aware of the existence of islamic banks, which will have an impact on stagnation and even decline in terms of brand image, especially when the marketing challenges faced are very tough to do branding with information technology that is rapidly changing, then the pattern needed is adjusted to these changes22 or the term used by peter f. drucker in asnawi and fanani is an information wave,23 while kertajaya and sula proposed the term new wave marketing which mentions the pillar of the internet as a foundation in modern marketing currently.24 brand equity components in marketing namely products, retail outlets, services and even geographic locations such as cities, regions, or nations that are referred to as marketing entities will be accepted or created when there is identification of names, terms, symbols, designs, or a combination of these elements. terence illustrates that the concept of brand equity in addition to being based on the customer perspective also emphasizes how companies need to have an internal perspective as a consideration in influencing company and customer behavior. brand equity itself can increase because of the high quality of a product so that it can provide satisfaction to the users of the product. high brand equity of a product indicates the company’s success in promoting a product to the public.25 the most popular definition of brand equity is aaker’s version with its statement that brand equity is “a series of brand assets and liabilities associated with a brand, its name and symbol, which add or reduce the value that a product or service provides to a company and / or customers of the company”26, meanwhile by kotler and keller brand equity is an added value given to products and services which is reflected in how consumers think, feel, and act in relation to brands, prices, and market share, as well as the profitability of the brand for the company.27 this definition by islamic banking can place brand equity as something of value for the internal of the islamic bank (company-based brand equity) and at the same time for customers (customer233vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 based brand equity). brand equity for islamic banking can actually be a superior process in accordance with the foundation in islamic marketing communication ethics emphasized by the indonesian bankers association (ibi), namely: (1) qaulan kariiman (noble words): islamic bank marketers must say in noble words, avoid words that are despicable, such as mocking, making fun, to hurt the feelings of others, (2) qaulan ma’rufan (good words): means talk that is beneficial and causes goodness (maslahat), (3) qaulan sadida (straight and true): the word ‘sadid’ means true, precise, and emphatic sentences, (4) qaulan baligha (correct speech): according to jalaludin rahmat’s expression, he interprets it using words that are effective, right on target, communicative, easy to understand, straight to the point, and not complicated, (5) qaulan maysura (words that are easy to understand): words that are easy to understand and easy to digest, (6) qaulan layyina (gentle words): does not raise your voice or yell.28 effective islamic marketing communication at islamic banks is an inseparable part of the brand equity process, and for customers is the expected value according to sharia principles. brand awareness brand awareness as a knowledge has a scope of discussion about whether a brand’s integration comes to mind when consumers think about a particular product category and there is hope when the brand is raised. kertajaya explains the company’s strategy so that the brand can have value in the hearts of customers. first, brand as a product means that consumers need related product associations to serve as brand identity. second, brand as an organization, meaning that the perspective as an organization is focused on the attributes of islamic banks, such as product innovation, quality awareness movement, attention to the environment, culture, values, and the company’s programs. third, brand as personality, meaning that personality can connect the emotional bonds of consumers with the benefits received from the brand itself which is used as the basis for the required brand differentiation and good customer relationships. fourth, brand as a symbol, which means that a strong symbol produces cohesion and structure in the brand identity, customers need the strength of the symbol as an identity and make a brand easier to recognize and mention because it has been structured with good product and brand associations.29 brand awareness is the first step for a company to create a relationship 234 afkaruna between consumers and certain brands.30 brands that consumers always remember and always become consumers’ preferences in making purchases are a big advantage for a company. developing brand awareness means paving the way for a brand to win its recognition among other brands in the market.31 developing brand awareness can be through advertising both through print and electronic media. several previous studies such as hashim and friends,32 domazet and friends,33 honka and friends,34 clark and friends,35 have confirmed that advertising can affect brand awareness. brand awareness is defined as the ability of a potential customer to recognize and remember that a certain brand belongs to a certain product category.36 given the importance of brand awareness, it is necessary to be an important concern for islamic banking. research methods informants and procedures this study used a survey method, namely the technique of collecting information by means of questionnaires and interviews. the informants in this study were 35 human resources as actors (practitioners) involved in authority (management) in determining or implementing marketing communications at eleven (11) islamic banks (bus, uus, bprs) consisting of bank muamalat, bank syariah mandiri, bank rakyat indonesia syariah, bank bni syariah, bank syariah bukopin, bank panin dubai syariah, bpd diy syariah, bprs bangun derajat warga, bprs dana hidayatullah, bprs mitra harmoni yogyakarta, and bprs madina mandiri sejahtera. as a resource other than islamic banks, this research also digs up information through the financial services authority (ojk) in this case as a supervisor of the bank intermediation function as well as an authority in planning and implementing policies on financial literacy and inclusion, in this case it focuses on public awareness of islamic banking, especially in yogyakarta city. the average research informant of each selected object was 3 people. the selection of informants was carried out to obtain data from sharia banking business actors (practitioners) regarding the steps and strategies of sharia bank marketing communication carried out, and of course by seeking to extract information in depth, especially on the management of islamic banking in yogyakarta city. researchers cross-checked the research data by analyzing informants’ answers in questionnaires and interviews. from the results of the data validity method, the researcher can match the data between the questionnaire and 235vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 the interview, so that the data presented is reliable data. in addition, the researcher also carried out observation extension techniques to gain credibility of the data in the field. extension of observations is carried out by visiting / asking back to informants who have been interviewed and new informants to dig deeper about the findings of previous researchers. this is done in order to establish intimacy between the researcher and the informant, so that no information is hidden and the words of the informants are in accordance with perceived perceptions. the validity of the data has been confirmed and then analyzed the data by reducing, presenting and drawing conclusions from the findings. in addition, we also use source triangulation to validate the data in this study. results and discussions the results of this study were adapted from the marketing strategy process with four stages, namely strategic situation analysis, preparation of marketing strategies, development of marketing programs, and implementation and control of marketing strategies. this stage is based on the statement by cravens & piercy that marketing strategy is a market-driven process of developing a strategy that considers environmental changes and the need to offer superior customer value,37 in other words the view of marketing strategy must pay attention to its basic principles by connecting organizations with the environment and views marketing as a function that has more responsibility than other functions of all business activities or what is known as reach (respect, empathy, audible, clarity, humble).38 the steps used in the discussion of this research are descriptive of the results of the survey, interview, and documentation. the data that has been collected is then reduced by compiling the data, unloading the data, and rearranging (grouping) then interpreting it.39 sharia bank marketing information although nowadays information technology is very easy to access and the marketing process is no longer limited by space and time which can be done anywhere and anytime, the fundamental consideration in communicating with customers is how the communication can be managed effectively, including considering aspects of the organizational level and individual levels. the process in marketing communication is always directed at providing feedback to consumers, the more intense the elements of communication 236 afkaruna and communication feedback which carried out continuously, the higher the level of customer loyalty. one alternative effective marketing communication according to rëklaitis and pilelienë,40 srivastava and sharma,41 batra and keller,42 ibrahim,43 is through the internet or social media. the coverage of islamic banking information is divided into several forms, namely based on location, socio-religious organization, economic class and educational institutions based on strata. location islamic banking in the city of yogyakarta has a very diverse target and market share when seen from the various communication characteristics used according to location. the target locations used include, first, in shopping centers such as traditional markets and malls. activities carried out jointly by most islamic banks are by participating in the ib vaganza expo event organized by ojk and the indonesian sharia bank association (asbisindo) or independently. second, in offices, this is a strategic position for a bank because each office needs banking services to carry out its company operations. in addition, several islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta have also collaborated with several universities and schools to serve student tuition payments and payroll for university and school employees. third, in the housing complex, in line with the high demand for housing for urban communities, islamic banks also manage the financing aspects related to the provision of shelter by collaborating with housing providers through kpr syariah. fourth, in tourist attraction areas, islamic banking has the same opportunity as other business institutions or financial institutions in conducting marketing communications, although not all certain locations or segments eventually become the target market. tourist spots often offer ample opportunities for islamic banking to carry out information and educational activities through recreational activities seeing yogyakarta as a center of culture, arts and entertainment. fifth, in restaurants, restaurants as one of the places that are still frequently used by the public to enjoy culinary offerings, and restaurants with a large enough visitor level are strategic media that can be used as a means of communication between islamic banking and customers and the wider community. sixth, around places of worship, forms of marketing communication to sharia banking customers are not always oriented to the business aspect only, but also in social activities around places of worship, including their development. activities that are usually carried out are training in 237vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 mosque management finance, renovating mosques, worship equipment and carrying out routine recitation activities facilitated by islamic banking. seventh in the other center of the crowd, the many big events organized by asbisindo, ojk, provincial government, and others provide opportunities for islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta to introduce closer and at the same time market products and services owned by islamic banks with a variety of advantages respectively. religious social organizations for islamic banking, especially in indonesia, in establishing closeness with socio-religious organizations such as muhammadiyah, nahdlotul ulama (nu) and persis, it is a necessity that will encourage closeness with their congregations to efforts to effective marketing communication of islamic banks. the cooperation between islamic banking and muhammadiyah has been carried out through cooperation in education, financing and investment, as well as other financial services for the development of muhammadiyah business charities such as muhammadiyah higher education, muhammadiyah hospital, minimarket muhammadiyah, baitul tamwil muhammadiyah by bank muamalat, bank syariah mandiri, bri. syariah, bni syariah, bank syariah bukopin, bpd diy syariah, bprs bdw, and bprs madina. in the nahdlotul ulama environment, several collaborations have been carried out in the form of strategic cooperation in the field of activities using islamic financial products and services by bank muamalat, bni syariah provides sharia banking services to the nahdatul ulama doctors association (pdnu) and provides payment services for students at alma atta university yogyakarta. apart from muhammadiyah and nahdlotul ulama, religious organizations such as the islamic union (persis) and al-irsyad, the hidayatullah central executive board (dpph) are among the socio-religious organizations that have also become marketing targets. marketing is carried out through institutional cooperation in the context of communication and education about islamic financial products and services that can be accessed by the congregation. apart from that, islamic banking in yogyakarta also collaborates with socio-religious institutions by providing sponsorship in activities such as recitation, birthdays and several other activities. economic class a clear mapping of the needs for products and services based on eco238 afkaruna nomic class must be done in order to determine the economic (financial) capacity of customers, so that the marketing communications delivered can be adjusted to the segmentation carried out by islamic banking. products and services that are provided appropriately according to market segments will be able to reduce financial risk and accelerate customer business growth and have an impact on the financial performance of islamic banks. based on the marketing communication of islamic banking in the city of yogyakarta, economic classifications are based on the location and products used, namely the upper class, described as elite housing, elite offices and malls, multi-national companies / entrepreneurs. the products used are commercial products, financing for elite housing and apartment developers, and insurance partnerships. the middle class is described as middle class housing, individual developers, retailers, and shop complexes. the products used are simple retail and housing finance products. meanwhile, the lower class is described as a group of creative industry entrepreneurs, small economic groups, and traditional markets. the products used are micro products and kur syariah, and qord (hasanah) without collateral. education level marketing communication certainly considers who the audience and stakeholders will receive the message from the communication so that the purpose of the communication delivered can be received and responded to according to marketing objectives. the accuracy in using various communication indicators that are adjusted to the perceptiveness of each segment with the level of education will help the realization of communication goals. bank muamalat bni syariah, bs bukopin, bpd diy syariah, bprs bdw conducted a special mapping by trying to separate customers based on education strata of certain products. this requires communication to be carried out with a different approach to the segments of undergraduate, secondary and basic education. meanwhile, panin syariah bank, bprs mitra harmoni, and bprs madina syariah carry out a marketing communication pattern that focuses only on certain segments of education strata. for example, panin syariah bank focuses on marketing communication with the secondary and tertiary education strata segment only, bprs mitra harmoni focuses on primary and tertiary education, while bprs madina focuses on marketing communication with the target of secondary education strata. however, this strategy is not absolutely necessary for some islamic banks 239vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 in conducting marketing communications. marketing communications can also be carried out by separating them based on education strata whose implementation requires extra strategies and with various extra cost consequences. according to the ojk, for islamic banks that are growing and developing with various marketing limitations, especially in marketing communications, integrated solutions in marketing communications are highly recommended to overcome the limitations of their very broad marketing reach. seric and friends explained that marketing communication is not only limited to the advertising field, but can be through public relations, sales promotion, direct marketing, personal selling, sponsorship, and so on.44 in addition, the role of social media is also seen as effective in integrating marketing communication.45 determining media channels in marketing communication mapping the use of communication media which are very numerous, varied, and complex, making the marketing focus of islamic banking cannot be ruled out. marketing communication means which are the choice of service businesses, among others; direct marketing, sales promotion, public relations, advertising, sponsorship, personal selling, electronic marketing, word of muth marketing, social media marketing, experiential marketing and others. of these several strategies, can be combined harmoniously in conducting marketing communications effectively. foroudi and friends explain that the integration of marketing communications can form brand awareness, brand image, brand positioning, brand reputation and brand identification.46 the practice of using communication media found in the field is very diverse and most islamic banks have tried to implement integrated marketing communication. this is done by combining several marketing tools through media channels to communicate messages such as through direct or indirect advertising. advertising on mass media still occupies the highest position with an average rate of twice a week through television, radio, print media (newspapers, magazines, brochures), social media (whatsapp, facebook, youtube, instagram, twitter) and the internet (website), this media channel is widely used as an effort to remind the brand (products and services) of islamic banks. several other media channels were also carried out by optimizing sales promos through stands, bazaars, exhibitions, and cooperation with other business companies such as special facilities plus discounts for users of the hasanah card (bni syariah) at the dafam rohan hotel, discounted fees for 240 afkaruna patients using bank syariah debit mandiri at asri medical center umy. the large number of major activities in yogyakarta are often utilized by most sharia banks by taking part in events and experiences (sponsorship). this can be seen in the anniversary activities of the city of yogyakarta, the anniversary of the major campuses in yogyakarta, national scale activities and events held in yogyakarta, social services, and the commemoration of islamic holidays. apart from that, islamic banking in yogyakarta is often the main sponsor in activities with islamic themes such as the islamic book fair, bazaar and higher education exhibitions. as an inseparable part of islamic banking in the muslim community in yogyakarta, public relations are well maintained through relationships with the public and aspects of publication (public relations and publicity). activities carried out by each islamic bank are milad activities which contain positive activities involving customers and the public in general, these activities include halal product exhibitions, healthy walks, free medical examinations, blood donations, free circumcision, provision of basic foodstuffs, compensation for orphans and the elderly, competitions for kindergarten and elementary school children, and others. positive branding inherent in islamic banking can often be conveyed if it is managed properly so that the information can become public consumption and increasingly flows and runs relay from information and invitations from one person to another (word of mouthwom). seeing the large number of urban communities who use social media as a lifestyle, electronic word of mouth (e-wom) is very influential in the formation of brand awareness.47 increasing islamic bank brand awareness through marketing communication strategy increasing brand awareness is aimed at building customer awareness of the brand through various elements inherent in islamic banks. efforts to achieve brand awareness at both the recognition and recall levels involve two activities, namely: trying to acquire a brand identity and trying to associate it with a particular product class. therefore, the duration in introducing products and services must always be considered so that brand awareness can be created in the minds of consumers. langaro and friends say that awareness is created through repeated and memorable consumer exposure to brand elements, such as names, slogans, types of logos, or packaging.48 in addition, research by martin and strong explains that building consumer trust is impor241vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 tant in increasing brand awareness of a product.49 as some islamic banks have done in increasing consumer awareness by designing the message content properly to the market. for example: bank muamalat as the pioneer of the first islamic bank in indonesia by using the slogan “first pure syariah”, this is an advantage that is used as message content to the wider community as an inherent identity as an attractive slogan to make it easier for consumers to remember. meanwhile, bank syariah mandiri likens itself to the sun, which illuminates every morning and brings goodness continuously and gives blessings to the universe, with the message that bsm always contributes to building the country’s economy, networks and atms throughout the archipelago that continue to grow, capable of serving millions of customer transactions. bni syariah with products marketed in the form of funding and lending always inserts the word ‘hasanah’ which means kindness, the message that bni syariah brings goodness to each product, namely by labeling hasanah on the final name of the product, what bni syariah does in this case is giving strong point according to product category, brand or both. bank syariah bukopin instilled the message to serve with conscience and become the sharia bank of choice with the best service. a unique message made by bprs mitra harmoni with an invitation to save, deposit and finance by inserting pearls of wisdom, hadiths, uniquely designed pieces of al quran verses. delivering messages that are easy to remember by consumers is a determinant of success in making consumers aware of the products offered. a message with a structure, format and source that is unique, special and different, especially when compared to other brands, is an important asset for islamic banks in creating brand awareness. by having high brand awareness, the company already has a valuable asset, especially in creating consumer trust. this opinion is in line with the findings of clark and friends which explains that brand awareness and product quality that consumers perceive are assets of a company.50 conclusions sharia bank marketing communication strategy is carried out to reach layers of society in the city of yogyakarta. establish good communication as an effort to increase and also recall to various segments of islamic banks through location-based mapping which includes shopping centers, office complexes, housing, tourist attractions, restaurants, around places of wor242 afkaruna ship, and other crowded centers. the forms of marketing communication for islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta are not specifically mapped based on government areas, but are focused on more potential locations, socio-religious organizations such as muhammadiyah and nahdlotul ulama, as well as by economic class. the marketing communication strategy of islamic banks in the city of yogyakarta in selecting and determining the media used has been carried out in an integrated manner (integrated marketing communication). in addition, the marketing communication strategy of islamic banking in increasing public brand awareness in the city of yogyakarta is still not optimal, even though many efforts have been made to gain brand awareness both in the recognition and recall levels. the weakness in this study is that the marketing methods of banking industry are very likely to occur in common with one another, so that researchers find it difficult to identify specific marketing strategies for each company. besides that, the second weakness in this study is that data from sharia marketing experts has not been obtained due to the limited access of researchers to expert sources. managerial implications from various dimensions in this research on marketing communication strategies of islamic banking in the city of yogyakarta can contribute to managers. first, optimization of marketing communications by islamic banks needs to be done in order to reach all elements of society and not only limited to customers, so that the reach of marketing communications in increasing brand awareness is not limited. second, considering that integrated marketing communication has a significant impact on marketing, and islamic banking is still limited to certain media such as advertising, it will be much more effective and efficient if integrated marketing communications are also carried out on other media channels with a wider reach and more affordable. third, communication management for old customers is considered to be heavier than new customers, so the marketing communication strategy is carried out proportionally by mapping the customer maintenance field as evidence of the seriousness 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pristup. market trziste, 28(2), pp. 159-172. shankar, a., & jebarajakirthy, c. 2019. the influence of e-banking service quality on customer loyalty. international journal of bank marketing, 37(5), pp. 11191142. srivastava, d., & sharma, r. w. 2017. developing a model for studying the antecedents and effects of word of mouth (wom) and e-wom marketing based on literature review. jindal journal of business research, 6(1), pp. 25-43. sultan, a. 2019. identifying brand touchpoints to increase switching costs in the banking industry. international journal of bank marketing, 38(3), pp. 718 – 736. œwita³a, m., gamrot, w., reformat, b., & biliñska-reformat, k. 2018. the influence of brand awareness and brand image on brand equity–an empirical study of logistics service providers. journal of economics & management, 33(3), pp. 96119. terence a, s. 2014. komunikasi pemasaran terpadu dalam periklanan dan promosi. 248 afkaruna jakarta: salemba empat. yulianto, a. 2011. membangun kemitraan bank syariah dengan pendekatan shariah marketing. walisongo: jurnal penelitian sosial keagamaan, 19(1), pp. 197. https:/ /doi.org/10.21580/ws.19.1.218 zakiy, m. 2019. the moderating effect of switching cost on the influence of price and service quality towards switching intention. in third international conference on sustainable innovation 2019–humanity, education and social sciences (icosihess 2019). atlantis press. https://wartakota.tribunnews.com/2017/10/07/ternyata-ada-22-juta-nasabahbank-syariah https://www.ojk.go.id/id/berita-dan-kegiatan/siaran-pers/pages/siaran-pers-market-share-keuangan-syariah-capai-8-persen.aspx jurnal afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 contestation and the roles of islam in the public sphere: a sociological analysis of religious secularization in indonesia and the west doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0119.154-174 mohammad takdir institut ilmu keislaman annuqayah guluk-guluk sumenep email: mohammadtakdir86@gmail.com abstract this study aims to explain the contestation of islam in the public sphere. as the majority religion, islam always presents a debate about the position of islam in the public sphere which is often misused for political and power interests. this study uses a comparative study between secularization practices in indonesia and the west. the theory used in this study is jurgen habermas’ view of the public sphere, which is an open means of making every citizen a communicative society. this study shows that the contestation of islam in the public sphere is very hard by following the ideology of a country in placing symbols and islamic identities in the public sphere. in indonesian context, restrictions on religious expression cannot be restricted, let alone to be prohibited by the state as the holder of power. keyword: contestation of islam, religious secularization, public sphere abstrak artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan kontestasi islam dalam ruang publik. sebagai agama mayoritas, islam selalu menghadirkan perdebatan tentang posisi islam di ruang publik yang sering disalahgunakan untuk kepentingan politik dan kekuasaan. artikel ini menggunakan studi komparatif antara praktik sekularisme di indonesia dan barat. teori yang dipakai dalam artikel ini adalah pandangan jurgen habermas tentang ruang publik, yang merupakan sarana terbuka untuk menjadikan setiap warga sebagai masyarakat komunikatif. artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa kontestasi islam dalam ruang publik begitu sangat keras sesuai dengan ideologi dari sebuah negara dalam menempatkan simbol dan identitas islam pada ruang publik. dalam konteks indonesia, pembatasan-pembatasan ekspresi keagamaan, tidak bisa dibatasi apalagi sampai dilarang oleh negara sebagai pemegang kekuasaan. kata kunci: kontestasi islam, sekularisme agama, ruang publik 155vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 introduction today, the study about islam increasingly occupies an important position in responding to the issue of nationalism that experiences ups and downs along with the swift intolerance and anarchism in indonesian society. as a religion that is considered tolerant, islam faces a great challenge in dealing with all the accusations addressed to adherents who often act aggressively and radically in solving the problems of this very diverse nation. the diversity of the indonesian nation is undeniable in the midst of the development of a democratic system and the concept of pluralism which is an inevitability of history in an indonesian frame. as a historical necessity, pluralism must be seen as a gift that brings harmony to the lives of religious people.1 although it must be realized that many challenges and threats must be faced in caring for diversity in this motherland. the diversity of the indonesian people must always be the glue of unity and integrity because this nation was formed based on religious nationalism. the thought between nationalism and islam, often giving birth to debates and acts of violence that threaten the pillars of nationalism and the philosophy of pancasila which are the ideology of the nation. before indonesia’s independence, the nation’s founders were directly involved in the formulation of the state ideology as the main philosophy. with the spirit of unity, this nation was formed based on a nation-state as the basis of the state. since then, the debate about the relationship between religion and the state has become a very luxurious issue in the life of the nation and state. the proof, religion in its development is not just a matter of individual beliefs, but also a part of public issues that often cause conflicts among religious communities themselves.2 the issue of religious debate and power, in turn, creates political pragmatism which results in the loss of substantive values from the concept of religion. when the essential values contained in religion are tainted by political interests, then of course it has an impact on the sacral of the teachings of the religion itself. the proof is that when there is a moment for the regional head election, religious language is always used as an instrument to reap votes. many of the people are trapped by the politicization of religion that is played by regional head candidates to smooth the ambition to win in the contest of democratic parties. if the vision of religion is misused to achieve the desires of power, then religion will lose its identity as a guide for human life. islam as a religion is 156 afkaruna not merely formalistic-substantivity but has plagued the political-pragmatic content. the formalistic dimension tends to prioritize form rather than content, which in turn only gives birth to religious symbolism. in the essentialist dimension, islam should prioritize the context rather than the text, which focuses on the practice of the values of religious teachings. islamic repositioning does provide an ideal guarantee for the inner peace of man, on the other hand, he is infected with a virus called the power syndrome. true islam must focus on the essence of transcendental, not trapped in the impression of the eroticism of power, which carries worldly desires rather than spiritual piety. many islamic politicians continue to spread the debate on more universal aspects until they merge in the search for religious and political identity. religious identity does provide personal motivation in building power relations. likewise, with politics as the main vehicle for the ruling elite to embrace and maintain power for personal and group interests. in the aspect of spirituality, the substance of religion must be recognized as far different in the domain of the state (power). islam as religion guides its people to carry out good deeds that bring benefits to others. meanwhile, the state (power) refers more to the realm of interests and satisfaction in achieving personal ambition. not surprisingly, power is synonymous with “hegemony” (the superiority of one country over another country, which has the highest power to show the political domination). religion and true power are related to one another. however, it still raises a very sharp polarization. it can allow the concept of religion to be tarnished by lust for power. this issue requires a meeting point or solution to compromise between religious and political interests (power).3 this fact has logical consequences on religion (islam) being able to enter the wider public sphere and play an important role in the dynamics of plural national life. among the several portraits of religious expansion into the region at the global level is the islamic revolutionary movement in iran,4 the development of a democratic climate, the rampant phenomenon of spirituality, and acts of terrorism that are considered extraordinary crimes.5 the presence of religion in the public sphere can in turn have enormous implications for the life of religious people. in the indonesian context, the presence of islam in a variety of global issues may present a dilemma between maintaining private space and engaging in public space. as well as being a carrier of peace and harmony, islam can also be a source of division, dissension, and exclusivity. it depends on each adherent in practicing the 157vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 teachings of islam by the guidance of the prophet muhammad as a bearer of mercy for the entire universe. the involvement of religion (islam) in the public sphere, can be very dangerous if there is no clear formulation about which areas are included in the privatization space and which are included in the public sphere. on the one hand, the role of religion in public life is so dominant, because it has become a way of life for a human being. that is where critical-transformative studies are important in mapping private and public areas to uphold nationalist values (nationalism) and democracy that do not conflict with the foundation of religion or the state. as a democratic country, indonesia must avoid inculcating nationalism and pluralism values that are tamed by the politics of harmonization for development.6 at this point, the relationship between islam and pluralism often brings problems and conflicts among the people. it can even lead to fatal violence for national unity and integrity. the presence of islam in the context of national plurality must be addressed wisely so that no negative sentiments emerge amid people’s lives. the presence of islam that is too entered into the public sphere, can lead to dangerous public sentiments.7 this article effort to explain the contestation and the role of islam in the public sphere. the contestation of religion (islam) and power (the state) focused on religious symbols and identities that were used as tools to embrace power and political interest. by placing islam in the public sphere as a plural inevitability and reflecting openness of interaction in the reality of pluralism, the goal of creating a healthy process of democratization and integrity can become reality. the concept and contestation of the public sphere: freedom of expression according to jurgen habermas what is the historical context of religious contestations in public spaces that can be consumed by multicultural societies? what does jurgen habermas think about the notion of public space from a sociological perspective? is there an open space that can be entered into religious areas regarding the constraints that are egalitarian and humanist for the creation of freedom and independence in the public sphere? the term public space was first introduced by the german philosopher, jurgen habermas, which is summarized in a book published in 1962 and also in the form of a short article published around 1964.8 in both his works, 158 afkaruna habermas asserted that the birth of democracy in europe originated in public space which grew and developed among bourgeois society. for habermas, public space is a shared space or house that enables the community to be actively involved in fighting for the public interest.9 the emergence of social institutions, print media, and social media that began to develop in europe in the 18th century, provides an opportunity for the creation of a holistic openness to build a culture of political participation (political participation) that is integrative. the rise of capitalism in europe must be recognized as the main embryo and locus for the growth of democracy which gives freedom to express all hidden creativity and skills. the availability of such open space marks the beginning of the development of social networking, which has emerged as the culmination point of the progression of information technology. the development of the concept of public space in the 18th century must be recognized as a synopsis leap of scientific and technological progress that reflects the presence of social media that is developing so rapidly in guarding the interests and needs of the public so large. the dynamics of the public sphere in the 18th century for habermas is an ideal form of community involvement in discussing some issues relating to public interests holistically. in the public sphere, the media plays an important role in controlling state policies that are considered not transparent. media discourse does not merely play in the realm of information and delivery of news but is increasingly widened in the consumer and commodity aspects. the existence of the media can play an important role in providing information and knowledge to the public. however, the media can also be an intellectual syndrome aided by the capitalist hands that accompany it. in other words, the media are misused for propaganda or hidden interests, not as a means to spread information and shared interests.10 habermas analyses the key role of public space in political formations in a climate that is completely open and allows the creation of a communicative society without borders. for habermas, public space is a space of communication to run a democratic system more openly. habermas was very impressed with the views of immanuel kant, who he considered had played an important role in his academic career. habermas cites kant’s view that public space is formed more as a rational argument than about the identity of those who put forward the argument. nevertheless, habermas has criticized kant for his elitist and rather bourgeois understanding of the dynamics of public 159vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 space. according to habermas, kant’s ideas related to public space were based on the bourgeois ideology that placed the elite class.11 nevertheless, habermas remains critical of the dynamics of public space practiced in the modern democratic system. for habermas, the theory of mass communication can open wider public spaces so that people can contribute to the development of a democratic system. while the concern of the development of this communication theory is the expansion of quantitative participation, which means a decrease in quality. the proof, some circulation in the public sphere is difficult to harmonize with the communication model that became kant’s political imagination when he discussed the public sphere as “exchange in the academic field.”12 for habermas, mass democracies in the post-industrial capitalist era in turn can continue the principles of a constitutional liberal state in the hope of being by the mandate of public space that functions as a means of political participation.13 the model of public space defended by kant tended to be hampered by the material conditions of society in the eighteenth centurya condition of society that was not controlled by the mass media, was not globalized and was characterized by differences in the relatively clear demarcation between the political and economic levels. in habermas’s interpretation, these conditions limit kant’s conception of the public sphere, an idea which refers to the participation of individuals in public space being limited in established opinions and moral decisions.14 for habermas, public space concerns the nature of our attention to others and the reach of political involvement. without attention to others, the ideals of involvement, and participation to achieve collective well-being, will only be space without meaning and orientation. the conception of a communicative society substantially modifies the notion of public space. this is because the public sphere provides open space for anyone to contribute together with the community in fighting for the public interest.15 habermas stated that public space is a mass communication that is open to anyone to express their aspirations and views about the common interests as citizens. habermas’s idea of public space not only provides accreditation for individuals and groups to engage in social activities for the common good. that is, public space becomes a medium for every citizen to communicate without being hampered by their background, social status, culture, and religion. 160 afkaruna deprivatization: longing for religious secularization today, public rationality is a catalyst in moving people to participate in the interests of social change. however, public rationality is often misused to position the dominant private sphere to smooth ideological-political interests. there are at least four main prerequisites that are indicators of public space inclusiveness. first, community participation in creating a conducive life climate. second, relationships and interactions with other groups must be based on shared interests. third, the ideas to be echoed in the public sphere must represent the interests of the public at large. fourth, involving the government as the policyholder and controller of every rule in society.16 then, how is the position of the public in the modernization of formal institutions? in the context of secular institutions, public space seems to be increasingly free without limits in managing the diversity of people’s lives. the proof, religious institutions are more regarded as private institutions that cannot be used for the public interest. in other words, religious institutions are displaced by institutions that are very rationalistic and formalistic.17 modern life does have implications for the strengthening of individualistic attitudes and the fading sense of social solidarity in community life. however, it does not necessarily undermine the existence of religion for the lives of individuals and society. in emile durkheim’s view, religion functions as a social glue that can play a role in increasing the spirit of solidarity among the people.18 no wonder religion has an important role in the public sphere, because it can be a social motivator and binder. at first, religion was private, but when it was practiced by the community, it had entered the public sphere. this becomes important to identify areas of religion that are truly private and that resonate in the public sphere. in the context of religious creed and ritual, religion occupies a position in the private sphere and the state does not have the authority to regulate and interfere in matters of public belief. the aspects of belief and ritualistic are subjective and private because it is related to human relations and god.19 in other areas, religion also has an interest in moral issues, attitude, social relations, and a guarantee of life for fellow human beings. this aspect is directly related to the social dimension that influences attitude patterns and ways of acting in people’s lives. in other words, religion is not just private, but it has an interest in the social dimension that reflects the orientation of religion for the benefit of humanity. this is because the presence of religion is not only manifested in the form of human service to god but also service to 161vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 fellow human beings. in the context of religion, secularization calls for privatization, which reflects the private and public spheres separate from one another. private space is an individual territory that no one can intervene in, because everyone has the right to choose and determine his future, including in matters of belief in religion. in a secular context, islam seems to occupy its locus in the private sphere. meanwhile, public space can be understood that every citizen has the freedom to express his views by the will and common interests. as a democratic country, the indonesian government has no right to enter the private dimension, especially about matters of religious belief. the position of the state must be objective and not too enter into the area of belief of its citizens. if a country deals with permits in the construction of places of worship, the state has exceeded its authority as a policyholder in regulating its citizens. although it must be admitted that there are limitations in practicing freedom of belief, it is only limited to the problem of freedom that goes beyond the boundaries of fairness, causes criminal acts, unrest in society.20 the objectivity of religion in the public sphere: a sociological analysis of religious secularism in indonesia and the west what exactly is the concern of religion when it directly touches the public space? this question becomes important to answer doubts about the position of religion that seems to be misused for the sake of power and identity politics which increasingly colors the nation’s contestation on a global scale. the involvement of religion in the public sphere will certainly lead to sectarianism or the practice of identity politics that is deeply rooted in the joints of indonesian people’s lives. likewise, the seeds of authoritarianism can emerge at any time depending on the political situation behind them. in the threat of sectarianism, religion must at least be able to appear as a pioneer of transformation to overcome problems in the public sphere. the existence of religion must be objectified to be involved in life dimensions related to public matters. the objectification of religion allows religion not to appear sectarian, discrimination, and exploitative towards social changes that occur in people’s lives. placing religion in the public sphere does not mean that it wants to injure the sacredness that is contained, but rather seeks to bring religion to the efforts to overcome problems related to the welfare of life and economic inequality that colors the hustle and bustle of the life of 162 afkaruna this nation. then, what about the influence of religion in the life of the state and politics ridden by the interests of power? to objectify the role of religion in the public sphere, the position of the state as the holder of control of power must be neutral, not necessarily nullify the existence of religion. as a pluralistic nation, the state must protect and act fairly for all religions.21 this is because this nation was founded not for the sake of just one religion, but to accommodate all the flow of beliefs and religions. if there are efforts to make indonesia a religious state, it means that it betrayed the legacy of the founders of this nation who had fought for the unity of people from various regions. in countries that adopt secular forms as the basis of the state, it seems that this may be a quite relevant choice. for example, turkey is a secular state that separates from the role of religion. the islamic government system that once reached the culmination of progress, has now been removed and has chosen to become a secular state. during its development, turkey adopted a law banning the families of government officials from wearing headscarves in public spaces. the practice of secularism in turkey is indeed very strict and limits the expression of religious diversity in society. this is different from the united states which does not interfere too much in matters of the beliefs and expressions of the religious diversity of its private citizens.22 the model and practice of secularism in turkey according to azyumardi azra as secularism that is not friendly to religion. since kemal attaturk’s government, the practice of secularism in turkey has been implemented. secularism in turkey is very extreme and in no way reflects harmony with religion. one way is to change adzan from arabic to turkish. such rules become a syndrome in the life of religious people in turkey because the call to prayer does not belong to the territory of the country. extremely secularist practices also occur in france. in a law implemented in france, muslim women are prohibited from wearing headscarves in public places. the wearing of headscarves in public spaces is seen as a reflection of sectarianism, which can divide national solidarity and unity. all forms of religious expressions and actions in the public sphere must not be carried out for any reason, because they are considered as polluting the secular environment. this is because, in many secular countries, where secularism initially emerged as a vehicle for protecting against of religious domination, there has subsequently been a shift toward a more widespread diversity of religious belief.23 163vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 in the indonesian context, restrictions on religious expression are not possible in the public sphere. during the month of ramadan, various religious expressions continue to be carried out according to the schedule, such as the activities of the qur’an and religious lectures using loudspeakers. this condition makes indonesia a muslim-majority country, having an open space to discuss the issue of secularization that is deeply rooted in the community. between religion and the state has a balanced role in regulating its citizens in carrying out all forms of religious expression.24 referring to the condition of the pluralistic indonesian society, the practice of secularism that might be applied is by referring to the american model of secularism that provides guarantees and protections for its citizens to practice religious practices freely. although considered a secular state, america does not intervene in matters of belief or worship that are the right of every human being to choose their respective paths of religion. america gives freedom to every citizen to express religion without anyone prohibiting it. in other words, america is very democratic in matters of religious and political relations.25 the model of secularism adopted in america is considered as secularism that is friendly to religion. although it must be recognized that america has divided political (state) and religious areas. however, it does not eliminate the role of religion in public life. so, as long as it is still related to private matters, there is no prohibition for anyone, including wearing headscarves in public places. as a democratic country, america is an example of a secular state model that is friendly to the opening of freedom and hope for humanity. although considered as a secular state, but america can be a role model of a country that gives freedom for each individual to carry out rituals and religious expressions by their beliefs. america’s status as a secular state has become an advantage for minorities in expressing their religious identity. among some secular countries, america is a portrait of a country that can be neutral and objective in seeing the role of religion in social life that is not separate sectarian or communal issues. in the life of a pluralistic and democratic society, the existence of religion is a matter of life for all policies concerning the public interest. especially regarding obedience to the rules, norms, and religious values that guide the lives of american citizens. in american political life, religious doctrine is relevant to contemporary public issues that try to investigate the influence of religion on political attitude, which increasingly shows the involvement of religion in the public sphere.26 164 afkaruna the objectified religious model in the public sphere can open the way to solving real problems that occur in society. moreover, indonesia is not a secular state and a homogeneous religious state in solving every national problem. indonesia is a pancasila country that accommodates all groups and religions in one motto, namely unity in diversity. the advantage of the nation does not adhere to a secular or religious state, as seen in the dynamics of people’s lives lately. the founders of this nation, of course, have consideration and maturity in building a big ideology that can later influence the nation’s future. soekarno was well aware that indonesia could not be a secular state because the majority of indonesia were religious people. indonesia is also not a homogeneous country, which only adheres to one ideology and religion, but it is a pluralistic nation with all the wealth of identity, tradition, culture, customs, ethnicity, and religion. so, all society must respect the rights of minority groups based on the spirit of kinship and brotherhood.27 although indonesia takes the ideology of pancasila as the basis of the state, it does not denigrate religious teachings as a way of life for pluralistic societies. instead, the philosophical values that are manifested in the ideology of pancasila, reflect religious teachings that are not in conflict, both ideologically, theologically, and sociologically. although indonesia is inhabited by various religions and religious ideologies that are very rich, it does not necessarily make indonesia a religious state. according to azyumardi azra, very difficult to imagine that indonesia could be transformed into an islamic state.28 this is because indonesia appreciates the diversity of religions and ideologies that can support each other in maintaining integrity and national unity. then, every citizen must have an open attitude towards other groups or religions because we are united by the blood of indonesia. every element of the nation in this country must make pancasila a practice and practice that gives freedom of expression based on its beliefs. religion is not a reason to curse each other and close themselves with other groups or religions, because this nation is united not based on religion, but by the spirit to respect the diversity that exists. the presence of religion can be an adhesive between all elements of the nation, as well as a source of divisions because of differences in identity and different religious ideologies. at least, this nation has learned from a variety of possibilities that can threaten the integrity of the nation so that it can manage the diversity of identities in the public sphere.29 165vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 contestation on issues and role of islam in the public sphere: an effort to achieve of peace islam the presence of islam in the dynamics of public space over the past two decades, not only because islam is often associated with various events of violence, radicalism, and acts of terrorism, but also caused by waves of globalization that brought radical changes in people’s lives. the presence of islam in the public sphere seems to increase the dynamics of national politics. beyond the ideology and developing political facts, the dynamics of islam in public spaces is also marked by the expression of cultural symbols, such as religious films, islamic textbooks, islamic defense actions, propaganda and virtual recitation through social media, and the expression of other symbols that participate opening new horizons in the dynamics of islam in the public sphere.30 the presence of islam in the public sphere, very important in making people aware of being mature in addressing any sensitive issues related to islam that are becoming public consumption. in contrast to the concept of secularization which assumes that religion only occupies a position in the private sphere, while democracy requires a limitation between the private sphere and the public. even private issues such as marriage, divorce, maintenance, and relations between parents and children, can become a very important discourse in the political arena when these issues affect gender equality and human rights. a forum for democracy is often fought by religious groups to strengthen the existence and legitimacy of the public sphere.31 in the context of indonesia, the contestation of issues and islamic studies in the public sphere is sufficient to get attention and experience a lot of developments by the climate of democracy which has an extraordinary influence on the future of indonesia. the study of islam in the public sphere is important to provide an integrative understanding to the public that in a country as diverse as indonesia, the reality of religious diversity can potentially lead to problems that require the right formulation of basic philosophies that can accommodate all the aspirations of the community multi-religious. religious diversity is not only influenced by issues present in the public sphere, but also by contestation and negotiation between religious groups with ideological differences and political orientation. with another word, public sphere is not only a contestation between islam and secularism, but also among the proponent of social movements in indonesia.32 since the second half of 1990, the study of islam as a phenomenon in the 166 afkaruna public sphere has emerged coloring the hustle and bustle of this nation’s journey. the development of islamic studies in the public sphere is certainly supported by several figures who are concerned about promoting islamic issues as a religion for human beings. the attention of the figures in researching islam in indonesia is not only due to its uniqueness as a pancasila state but is also influenced by the development of democracy which provides a massive change in the dynamics of politics. among these figures are robert w. hefner, kenneth m. george, and john r. bowen, who aggressively made a breakthrough in making islam in indonesia a major study that was quite attractive. hefner, for example, tried to analyse the ideological struggle between supporters of the media propagation magazine which was controlled by the indonesian islamic propagation council (ddii) and the republika newspaper which was supported by activists from the indonesian muslim intellectuals association (icmi).33 besides, there is also a figure who is very influential in the study of islamic issues in indonesia, namely kennet m. george.34 in a study of islam in indonesia, george analysed the istiqlal festival 1994-1995, which was fully supported by the new order government. in this festival, various performing arts were held and muslim scholars were invited to speak in a dialogue about the islamic culture of the archipelago. what attracted the public’s attention from this festival was a large manuscript called the istiqlal manuscripts. george considered that the istiqlal manuscripts were a good example of how islam was presented in the public sphere at the end of the new order.35 in addition to the two figures mentioned above, there is also a researcher who tries to analyse the development of islamic law in indonesia as a public reasoning process, namely john r. bowen. according to him, there are two types of reasoning tendencies in islamic law in indonesia, namely transcendental (this reasoning is related to god’s will) and comprehensive (reasoning for the benefit of the people).36 these two tendencies become choices in determining the law relating to the benefit of the people. of the several figures who study islam in the public sphere, at least it can be a picture of how the true face of islam when promoted through various media. lately, the role of islam in the public sphere is very dominant to promote a set of islamic nuanced labels. for example, the study of the yellow book is carried out online or virtual by some kyai in islamic boarding school. by using social media, such as facebook, instagram, and youtube, kyai holds live recitations through social media channels that can be reached by stu167vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 dents and muslims as a whole. the followers of virtual recitation that developed lately, not only come from the boarding school, but also from interfaith who are interested in islamic studies that provide peace and coolness for the life of religious people. the phenomenon of virtual recitation is increasingly lively on social media, giving a new alternative to the propaganda of islam in the digital world. virtual recitation is not just an interesting content of the study but also relates to the media used to spread and the promotion of islam to the public sphere. islamic promotion through virtual recitation can influence the public to be involved in the dynamics of the spread of islam which is cool and peaceful. not surprisingly, the discourse of islamic studies in the public sphere is very intense through social media to attract interest for the public to study islam more deeply. the role of islam in promoting religious issues that development is done in many ways that can support islamic involvement when entering the public sphere. in recent years, print media have emerged that specifically promote islamic, both related to the treasures of civilization and the struggle for the spread of islam in various parts of the world. the emergence of the republika, harian umum pelita, suara muhammadiyah, sabili, hidayatullah, annida, is part of the promotion of islam in the public sphere. not to mention the emergence of online media which is very active in voicing islamic with various segments and offerings that interest the public. besides, the phenomenon of publishing islamic books is increasingly being carried out, both academic and popular islamic studies, including storybooks with islamic nuances. in several well-known publishers in indonesia, a line of publishing has appeared that specifically publishes popular islamic books with various scientific disciplines. the publication of popular islamic books is an attraction for readers in exploring the knowledge of islamic studies with a simple, easy-to-understand, and enlightening presentation for the people. the ways of promoting islam are not only done through publishing books based on popular islam, but also through literary works that breathe islam through the presence of religious-style novels. one of the author’s communities who actively voiced the promotion of islam through literary works was the forum lingkar pena (flp), which was the pioneer in publishing religious novels in indonesia. published novels take segments of islamic boarding schools and islamic themes that are of interest to the young generation.37 168 afkaruna the promotion of islam in the public sphere is increasingly felt along with the development of social media, such as facebook, instagram, twitter, and youtube which are widely used as propaganda media in spreading islam with more contemporary models and approaches. media literate people can easily access and absorb islamic offerings that provide enlightenment for the problems of the people. the people’s acceptance of the promotion and propagation of islam through the development of social media greatly influences their perspective in responding to the intense islamic issues in the public sphere. for people who want to deepen their knowledge of islam, it is easy to choose to study content that is scattered on social media with very varied themes. in the muslim community, social media has helped significantly to promote islam because it has the ability to develop their knowledge.38 in the studying of islamic discourse in the public sphere, it is also important to note where these discourses come from. the selection of themes about islamic studies that are scattered on social media is very important to anticipate the entry of radical teachings that are easily accessed by anyone. if we choose the wrong content and religious leaders in the delivery of islamic values without knowing the ideological background and movements, then it can be very dangerous for the presence of islam in the public sphere. this not only has an impact on the image of islam as a cool and peaceful religion but it can also affect the way people look at the promotion strategy and islamic values. and social media has an impact on muslim societies because assumed as a strategy in the spreading of islam in the public sphere.39 islamic movements such as muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama, which were born from the religious traditions of these two organizations, usually offer different islamic discourses from islamic groups such as hti, fpi, and mmi. the nu and muhammadiyah organizations are two islamic organizations that have had a great influence on people’s lives. nu and muhammadiyah not only played an important role in the founding of this nation but were also very consistent in spreading moderate islam as a buffer for the upholding of the pillars of democracy and pancasila which became the basic philosophy of the state. according to robert w. hefner, muhammadiyah and nadhlatul ulama are frequently characterized as moderate islamic organizations in terms of their religious expression.40 in the context of the spread and promotion of islam in the public sphere, the role of the media plays an important role in influencing people’s attitudes. especially if it is supported by religious organizations that move simul169vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 taneously in voicing islamic values. if the community chooses moderate ideology and religious movements, then their perspective on islamic issues will not be radical and tend to display a wise attitude as directed by the prophet muhammad. this is different from a group of people who are easily trapped by radical and extreme ideologies through hard-line islamic organizations that are very vociferous in religious ideologies that tend to oppose the pancasila ideology. so, their attitudes must not be much different from the ideology and religious beliefs they believe in. by presenting the cool face of islam through various media, islam can be accepted as a religion that brings enlightenment and peace to all humanity. the study of islam and pluralism in the public sphere is expected to be able to provide an understanding to the public about the importance of respecting which belongs to the private or public domain. in essence, when looking at the debate over religious issues in the context of public or private space, we must be able to take a middle way (moderate) to avoid conflict and greater disputes. religion is indeed a personal expression derived from subjective beliefs. however, religion is a way of life that is a source of happiness and peace for the people. when religion is practiced by people with different social backgrounds, religion must play a role in strengthening social solidarity in the public sphere so that it can have a positive impact on a shared life. although consensus on public issues often faces many challenges, it can at least provide open space and joint dialogue to reorganize democracy and a family spirit. thus, lest the issue of sharia regulations be used as an obstacle to building democracy based on the principle of pancasila which is the philosophy of this country. although there is heated debate about this sensitive issue, it has not been in vain. this is because, islam is a religion that is by the ideology of pancasila as a philosophy of life that respects all diversity without seeing differences in social, political, cultural, and religious backgrounds. conclusion this article shows that islam faces some challenges in the public sphere, such as negative and positive challenges. islamic challenges in the public sphere are relevant to the background of radical movements that effort to reduce indonesian reputation as a moderate state. some religious organizations will to indonesia became a secular religion, such as turkey, prance, and 170 afkaruna america. indonesia is a democratic state and based on pancasila as state philosophy. so, all society has given liberties to the expression of identity, symbols, and religious rituals in the public sphere. in the end, the presence of islam in the public sphere is a good advantage for all people to support the spirit of tolerance and values of civilization in the indonesian human spirit. if you want the public expression of religion to manifest, then every element of the nation must always accept the presence of religious expression from other religious groups. the internalization of tolerance can be realized in a more inclusive and permissive in the public sphere. moreover, the goal of the state in principle is to prosper civil rights which must be considered together. endnotes 1 mujiburrahman, mengindonesiakan islam: representasi dan ideologi (yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2008), p. 44. 2 m. dawam raharjo, “agama di ranah publik,” in ihsan ali fauzi, syafiq hasyim, dan j.h larmady (ed.), demi toleransi, demi pluralisme, (jakarta: paramadina, 2007), p. 454. 3 mohammad takdir, “politisasi agama dan sindrom kekuasaan,” in abdul wahid bs (ed.), agama dan kekuasaan, (yogyakarta: obsesi press bekerja sama dengan grafindo, 2009), p. 87. 4 although the pan-islamist rhetoric was loudly touted, it was never questioned by the iranian revolutionary movement. the iranian constitution does state that their spiritual leader is not necessarily an iranian, but the citizenship law remains very strict. by using the constitutional modelchanging the theocracy system into a presidential (constitutional theocracy), iran has proven that it has succeeded in finding political space and placing the constitution as decisive for the application of the shari’a. see olivier roy, gagalnya islam politik, (trans.) harimurti & qamaruddin (bandung: serambi, 2005), p. 218-219. 5 terrorism emerged in the last century18, the terms war and violence first colored the long history of religions that sought to establish dominance and hegemony to show their respective strengths. not surprisingly, the history of terrorism was first popularized during the french revolution, at which time, terrorism had a positive connotation. see noam chomsky, menguak terorisme internasional (bandung: mizan, 1991), p. 72 6 mohammad takdir, nasionalisme dalam bingkai pluralitas bangsa: paradigma pembangunan dan kemandirian bangsa (yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media, 2012), p. 23. 7 miriam hoexter, shamuel n. eisenstadt, and nehemia levtzion (ed.) the public sphere in muslim societies, (albany: state university of new york press, 2002), p. 9. 171vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 8 jurgen habermas, “the public sphere: an enclopedia article (1964)”, trans. sara lennox dan frak lennox, in autum, 1974, 49-55. 9 in defining public space, habermas does not explicitly explain the exact formulation of a shared house that can be used as the main centre in discussing something related to the interests of society at large. nevertheless, habermas still makes public space as part of a joint dialogue that encourages openness and freedom of thought among marginalized people and hegemony by authoritarian power. while charles taylor, assessing that public space is a mirror of the progress of science and technology with the development of print and electronic media that allows everyone to meet in the raising of solidarity and public interest. see charles taylor, “modernity and the rise of the public sphere,” in the tanner lecture on human values, no. 14 (1993), pp. 220. 10 ziauddin sardar, membongkar kuasa media (trans.), dina septi utami (yogyakarta: resist book, 2008), p. 18. 11 this elitist quality parallels kant’s concept of public space, which is consistently stated that he relies on an academic background as an ideal model of all exchanges and battles in the dynamics of politics including the public sphere. 12 giovanna borradori, filsafat dalam masa teror: dialog dengan jurgen habermas dan jacques derrida (trans.), alfons taryadi (jakarta: penerbit buku kompas, 2005), p. 83. 13 jurgen habermas, “further reflection on the public sphere,” craig c. valhoun (ed.) habermas and the public sphere (cambridge: mit press, 1992), 441. 14 jurgen habermas, communication and the evolution of society (trans.), thomas mccarthy (london: beacon press, 1979), p. 93; immanuel kant, “perpetual peace,” in hans reiss (ed.), kant’s political writings, (cambridge: cambridge university press, 1970), p. 102. 15 jurgen habermas, the structural transformation of public sphere: an inquiry into a category of bourgeois society (trans.), thomas berger & frederick lawrance (cambridge: polity press, 1989), p. 233. 16 masdar hilmy, islam profetik: substansiasi nilai-nilai agama dalam ruang publik (yogyakarta: impulse, 2008), p. 123. 17 hilman latief, “agama dan ruang publik: antara profanisasi dan sakralisasi,” kompas, 27 februari 2005. 18 emile durkheim, the elementary forms of religious life, (trans.) j. swain (new york: suny press, 1961), p. 475. 19 m. dawam rahardjo, “agama di ranah publik”, p. 453; mohammad takdir, “membumikan spirit kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan”, in saidiman ahmad, husni mubarak, dan testriono (ed.), pembaruan tanpa apologia: esaiesai tentang ahmad wahib, (jakarta: yayasan wakaf paramadina, 2010), p. 102. 20 jose casanova, public religion in the modern world (chicago: university of chicago of press, 1994), p. 56. 21 ibid., 455. 22 dawam rahardjo, in book introduction budhy munawar rachman, reorientasi pembaharuan islam, sekularisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme: paradigma baru is172 afkaruna lam indonesia (jakarta: paramadina, 2010), p. xxx1. 23 judith butler (et.al), the power of religion in the public sphere (new york: columbia university press, 2011), p. 6. 24 ibid., xxxii. 25 david c. leege dan lyman a. kellstedt, agama dalam politik amerika, (trans.) debbie a. lubis dan a. zaim rofiqi (jakarta: kedutaan besar amerika serikat bekerjasama dengan freedom institute dan yayasan obor indonesia, 2006), p. 195-196. 26 christopher gilbert, religious environment and political actors (washington dc: washington university, st. louis, 1991), p. 123. 27 yudi latif, wawasan pancasila, (bandung: mizan, 2018), p. 165. 28 azyumardi azra, indonesia, islam, democracy: dynamics in a global context (london: equinox publishing, 2006), p. 6. 29 budhy munawar rachman, reorientasi pembaharuan islam, sekularisme, pluralisme, dan liberalisme: paradigma baru islam indonesia (jakarta: lsap bekerjasama dengan paramadina, 2010), p. 73. 30 winfried weck, noorhaidi hasan, dan irfan abubakar, islam in the public sphere: the politics of identity and the future of democracy in indonesia (jakarta: center for the study of religion and culture (csrc) universitas islam negeri (uin) syarif hidayatullah jakarta, 2011), p. xiii. 31 ibid., xiv. 32 muhammad ansor, “post-islamism and the remaking of islamic public sphere in post-reform indonesia,” in studi islamika, vol. 23, no. 3 (2016), pp. 471. 33 robert w. hefner, “print islam: mass media and ideological rivalries among indonesian muslim”, indonesia, no. 64 (1997), pp. 77. 34 kennet m. george, “design on indonesia’s muslim communities,” in journal of asian studies, vol. 57. no. 3 (august, 1998), pp. 693. 35 r. william liddle, “the islamic turn in indonesia: a political explanation”, in journal of asian studies, vol. 55. no. 3 (1996), pp. 613. 36 john r. bowen, shari’a and social norms in france and indonesia (leiden: isim, 2001), p. 11; bowen, islam, law, and equality in indonesia: an anthropology of public reasoning (cambridge: cambridge university of press, 2003). 37 mujiburrahman, mengindonesiakan islam, p. 59. 38 m.m. sule, “social media and its effects on muslim students: the case of nasarawa state university, keffi, nigeria,” in umran-international journal of islamic and civilizational studies, vol. 5, no. 2, 2018, pp. 232. 39 md. tarequl islam, “the impact of social media on muslim society: from islamic perspective,” in international journal of social and humanities sciences (ijshs), vol. 3, no. 3 (2018), pp. 95-114. 40 robert w. hefner, “social legacies and possible futures,” in indonesia: the great transition, (ed.), john bresnan, (lanham: rowmah & littlefield publishers, 2005), p. 75. 173vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 references ansor, muhammad. 2016. “post-islamism and the remaking of islamic public sphere in post-reform indonesia.” studi islamika. 23 (3), pp. 471. azra, azyumardi. 2006. indonesia, islam, democracy: dynamics in a global context. london: equinox publishing, 2006. borradori, giovanna. 2005. filsafat dalam masa teror: dialog dengan jurgen habermas dan jacques derrida, trans. alfons taryadi. jakarta: penerbit buku kompas. bowen, john r. 2001. shari’a, and social norms in france and indonesia. leiden: isim. ______________. 2003. law, and equality in indonesia: an anthropology of public reasoning. cambridge: cambridge university of 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(64), pp. 77-103. hefner, robert w. 2005. “social legacies and possible futures.” in indonesia: the great transition, (ed.) john bresnan. lanham: rowmah & littlefield publishers. hilmy, masdar. 2008. islam profetik: substansiasi nilai-nilai agama dalam ruang publik. yogyakarta: impulse. hoexter, miriam, samuel n. eisenstadt, and nehemia levtzion (ed.). 2002. the public sphere in muslim societies. albany: state university of new york press. islam, md. tarequl 2018. “the impact of social media on muslim society: from islamic perspective.” in international journal of social and humanities sciences (ijshs). 3, (3), pp. 95-114. kant, immanuel. 1970. “perpetual peace,” in hans reiss (ed.). kant’s political writings. cambridge: cambridge university press. 174 afkaruna latief, hilman. 2005. “agama dan ruang publik: antara profanisasi dan sakralisasi,” kompas, 27 februari. latif, yudi. 2018. wawasan pancasila. bandung: mizan. leege, david c. dan lyman a. kellstedt. 2006. agama dalam politik amerika (trans.) debbie a. lubis dan a. zaim rofiqi. jakarta: kedutaan besar amerika serikat bekerjasama dengan freedom institute dan yayasan obor indonesia. liddle, r. william. 1996. “the islamic turn in indonesia: a political explanation.” journal of asian studies. 55 (3), pp. 112-138. mujiburrahman. 2008. mengindonesiakan islam: representasi dan ideologi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. rachman, budhy munawar. 2010. reorientasi pembaharuan islam, sekularisme, pluralisme, dan liberalisme: paradigma baru islam indonesia. jakarta: lsap bekerjasama dengan paramadina. rahardjo, dawam. dalam buku kata pengantar budhy munawar rachman. 2010. reorintasi pembaharuan islam, sekularisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme: paradigma baru islam indonesia. jakarta: paramadina. _______________. 2007. “agama di ranah publik.” dalam ihsan ali fauzi, syafiq hasyim, dan j.h larmady (ed.). demi toleransi, demi pluralisme. jakarta: paramadina. roy, olivier. 2005. gagalnya islam politik, terj. harimurti & qamaruddin. bandung: serambi. sardar, ziauddin. 2008. membongkar kuasa media, trans. dina septi utami. yogyakarta: resist book. sule, m.m. 2018, “social media and its effects on muslim students: the case of nasarawa state university, keffi, nigeria.” umran-international journal of islamic and civilizational studies. 5 (2), pp. 232. takdir, mohammad. 2010. “membumikan spirit kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan.” dalam saidiman ahmad, husni mubarak, dan testriono (ed.). pembaruan tanpa apologia: esai-esai tentang ahmad wahib. jakarta: yayasan wakaf paramadina. __________________. 2009. “politisasi agama dan sindrom kekuasaan.” dalam abdul wahid bs dkk (ed.). agama dan kekuasaan. yogyakarta: obsesi press bekerjasama dengan grafindo. __________________. 2012. nasionalisme dalam bingkai pluralitas bangsa: paradigma pembangunan dan kemandirian bangsa. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. taylor, charles. 1993. “modernity and the rise of the public sphere.” the tanner lecture on human values (14), pp. 206. weck, winfried, noorhaidi hasan, dan irfan abubakar. 2011. islam in the public sphere: the politics of identity and the future of democracy in indonesia. jakarta: center for the study of religion and culture (csrc) universitas islam negeri (uin) syarif hidayatullah jakarta. afkarun a vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 a fiqh reconstruction in company zakat accounting doi 10.18196/aiijis.2020.0120.175-208 irfan,1 muhyarsyah 2 fakultas ekonomi dan bisnis, universitas muhammadiyah sumatera utara 1,2 e-mail: irfanumsu@gmail.com abstract the paper aims to explore the concept of the company from the aspects of islamic law (fiqh) and sharia, as the basis in determining the company as muzakki, thus raising the legal obligation for companies to pay zakat through the zakat accounting calculation method. this study is designed to reconstruct the concepts of fiqh and sharia in muamalah (economic) activities within the framework of aqidah, sharia and akhlak through ijtihad. the research uses qualitative analysis, through a literature study approach by exploring various classical and contemporary sources. this paper found that the company is synonymous as syirkah on the basis of syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah (spiritual entity) or syakhshiyyah hukmiyyah, referred to as al-dhimmah, that is, inherent traits of humans, as expert al-form (the right to receive) and syahhshiyyah al-ada (the right to fulfill responsibilities). so, the company as the subject of zakat has an obligation to pay zakat based on five principles inherent in the company as muzakki. the calculations are carried out by using the company zakat accounting method based on established standards (aaoifi), (masb), and (iai). the determination of companies as subjects of zakat, which has the obligation to pay zakat, certainly has positive implications for the realization of a fair and equitable distribution of wealth, as well as the emergence of corporate social responsibility (collectively) and the responsibility of a muslim (individually) in realizing his worship. to allah swt, an increase in community welfare can be achieved. keywords: zakat, company, fiqh, mu’amalah, accounting. abstrak tujuan tulisan ini adalah untuk mengeksplorasi konsep perusahaan dari aspek hukum islam (fiqh) dan syariah, sebagai dasar dalam menetapkan perusahaan sebagai muzakki, sehingga memunculkan kewajiban hukum bagi perusahaan untuk membayar zakat melalui metode perhitungan akuntasi zakat. kajian ini disain untuk melakukan rekonstruksi terhadap konsep fiqh dan syariah dalam aktivitas muamalah (ekonomi) dalam kerangka aqidah, syariah dan akhlak melalui ijtihad. penelitian 176 afkaruna menggunakan analisa kualitatif, melalui pendekatan studi kepustakaan dengan mengeksplorasi berbagai sumberreferensi klasik dan kotemporer. tulisan ini menemukan bahwa perusahaan disinonimkan sebagai syirkah dengan dasar syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah (entitas spritual) atau syakhshiyyah hukmiyyah, disebut sebagai al-dhimmah yaitu terdapat sifat yang melekat pada manusia, sebagai ahliyah al wujud (hak menerima) dan ahliyyah al-ada (hak menunaikan tanggung jawab). maka perusahaan sebagai subjek zakat memiliki kewajiban dalam membayar zakat berdasarkan lima prinsip yang melekat pada perusahaan sebagai muzakki. adapun perhitungannya dilakukan menggunakan metode akutansi zakat perusahaan berdasarkan standar baku yang ditetapkan (aaoifi), (masb), dan (iai). penetapan perusahaan sebagai subjek zakat, yang memiliki kewajiban dalam membayar zakat, tentu memiliki implikasi positif bagi terealisasinya distribusi kekayaan secara adil dan merata, serta munculnya tanggungjawab sosial perusahaan (secara kolektif) dan tanggungjawab seorang muslim (secara individu) dalam merealisasikan ibadahnya kepada allah swt, peningkatan kesejehteraan masyarakata akan dapat tercapai. kata kunci:zakat, perusahaan, fiqh, mu’amalah, akuntansi. introduction islam is a religion revealed by allah swt to the prophet muhammad, to provide guidance and happiness to humanity,1 by conveying his teachings,2 in order to obey the will and will of god, and obey his laws.2 in islamic language comes from the word “salm”(السَّلْم) means peace (qs al anfaal (8): 61; al hujuraat (49): 9), “aslama”( َأَْسلَم) means surrender (surah al baqarah (qs) 2): 112; qs an nisaa ‘(4): 125; qs al an’am (6): 162; qs al imran (3): 83), “istaslama-mustaslimun”( ِلُمْونَ -اْستَْسلَمَ ُمْستَْس ) means submission of totality to allah swt (surah ash shaaffat (37): 26; surah al baqarah (2): 208), “saliim”( ِلیْمٌ سَ ) means holy (surah asy syu’araa ‘(26): 89; surah maryam (19): 47 ; surah ash shaaffat (37): 84; surah al ma’idah (5): 6), “greetings”( ٌَسالَم) means survivors and prosperity (surah maryam (19): 47). the basic essence of islamic teaching (shari’ah islamiyah) is aqidah, sharia, and akhlak 2 and jihad 3 whose implementation is based on the al-quran and as-sunnah (hadith). aqidah as a form of belief and faith of a muslim that can be used as a basic foundation in carrying out mu’amalah (economic) activities in accordance with human nature as caliph fil ardh, which has an honourable position as the caliph of god (qs al baqarah (2): 30) as a substitute for humans before (surah yunus (10): 14) to be the ruler of the earth (surah al an’am (6): 165) in order to carry out the mandate of god (surah al 177vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 ahzab (33): 72) in setting decisions fairly (qs shad (38): 26) so that they can dominate and prosper the earth (qs huud (11): 61). sharia is the norm (rules) governing human relations with god (hablum minallah), humans with humans (hablum minannas), humans with nature (hablum minalam),4 which is based on god’s law 4 so as to realize the benefits and eliminate the harms for humans.5 in the context of mu’amalah (economics), sharia is the source and basis in realizing fiqh as knowledge of allah’s rules on the behavior and actions of the mukallaf, about the obligatory, sunnah, makruh, mubah which are sourced from the qur’an and alhadith,5 as well as the emergence of allegations (zhann),5 concerning shariah laws’ through ijtihad.6 so, in fiqh mu’amalah (economy) required the principles of worship (al-tawhid), equality (al-musawat), freedom (al-hurriyat), justice (al-’adl), help-help (al-ta’awun) and tolerance (al-tasamuh).6 akhlak is a condition that persist in the human psyche,6 consisting of lust,7 which have good moral character (al khuluq al hasan) and bad (al khuluq as sayyi’)8 without the thought process,9 and pondering 10 in obtaining happiness 11 based on place and position, through cosmic evolution.12 the moral position in islam in principle can be an entry point in achieving the benefit of all humanity in muamalah activity. islam instils in the souls of every muslim to apply the nature of honesty, justice, goodness, truth, expediency, happiness, togetherness, balance, responsibility, and wisdom, within the framework of the nature of as-shiddiq, al-amanah, tablig, al-fathanah,13 alistiqamah,14 and qana’ah.15 in arabic lisanul, ibn munzir suggested that muamalah came from the words aamala, yuamilu, muamalat which meant “you work with him/deal with trade”, “associate with him”, “befriend him”, “consult with him”.16 but it is literally interpreted as behavior towards others based on relationships of interest. but the interests that are built must be based on the values of aqeedah, sharia, and morals which are sourced from the koran and al-hadith (dalil naqly) and ijtihad (dalil aqly) in the form of ijma’, qiyas, istihsan, istislah, maslahah murshalah, sududz dzariah), istishab,16 ‘urf.17 basically, mu’amalah activities according to al ghazali,18 in the encyclopaedia of islam is a term that refers to islamic law in bilateral contract activities and ritual worship. furthermore, al-ghazali 19 also stated mu’amalah as a transaction activity in granting and receiving credit to someone with collateral.19 mu’amalah contains islamic law where allah’s rights form the basis of human obligations in carrying out worship (al ibadat) such as sahadat, prayer, 178 afkaruna zakat, fasting, pilgrimage. the rights of beings (humans) are formed from basic habits (al adat) which can be seen from two points of view, namely, first, exchange (al-mu’amalat) such as buyers, sellers, associations, givers, borrowers, debts, etc.. second, contracts (agreements) (al-mu’akada) such as marriage, divorce, freedom from slavery, the right to work, and others. the implementation of mu’amalah activities in economic activities will certainly experience significant developments, both in terms of form, type, model and method of application. this condition certainly needs to be reconstructed against various fiqh concepts in islamic thought, to be able to be elaborated in a time frame and place as long as it does not conflict with the values of aqeedah, sharia and morals, as well as at the level of shak or zhann (still uncertain). islamic scholars have discussed the problem of reconstructing islamic thought in mu’amalah activities, including iqbal,20 carrying out the reconstruction of fiqh (jurisprudence) which has been considered an absolute doctrine due to the closure of the doors of ijtihad, while ibn taymiyyah and sayuti argued that the need for freedom of jihad, so that the rule of law and the rules of religion do not become a unity, as a hegelian and bergasonian concept of the lord’s god, time, and place.21 then it is necessary to continue the reconstruction of fiqh (jurisprudence) by penetrating thinking with a new experience spirit, but by not adjusting to the conditions of modern life.22 faruqi,23 points out that renowned islamic jurists, shafi’i, abu hanifah, imam malik and ahmad ibn hambal who understand and understand about ushul fiqh deeply state that fiqh is not a general principle of islamic law, but is the first principle in understanding islam for life and reality. therefore, changes in the modernization of the social life of society can be done by reconstructing fiqh by legal experts who have the capability, to encourage reconciliation (reform), social reformation of islamic norms and laws.24 reconstruction of fiqh in mu’amalah activities needs to be done in achieving the problem of mursalah in accordance with the objectives of sharia (maqasid syariah).25 the emergence of modernization in worldly life in social and economic activities, of course, the islamic ummah requires the concept of fiqh mu’amalah in order to reduce errors and irregularities in carrying out mu’amalah activities. discussion about fiqh mu’amalah has been widely written by islamic scholars including zuhaily (2007),26 suhendi (2002),27 haroen (2000),28 afandi (2009),29 ayob (2008),30 ghazaly, et al (2010),31 mustofa (2016),32 moh. dali (2008),33 ghazi and ghazi (2016),34 abdullah (2013),35 179vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 hadzami (2012).36 various thoughts in the fiqh of mu’amalah especially in the issue of zakat compiled by muslim scholars have given new insights and enlightenment in mu’amalah activities, especially in the economic aspects especially in the understanding of corporate zakat. however, the discussion of fiqh mu’amalah in the context of zakat has not been arranged specifically, but efforts to understand companies as zakat objects have been written by qardhawi (2014),37 zayas (2008),38 obaidullah (2015).39 the limited discussion regarding company zakat especially its implementation uses zakat accounting, so an in-depth study is needed, through a reconstruction of the concept of fiqh at the level of ijtihad, so that new ideas arise in mu’amalah fiqh, so as to provide a comprehensive solution, in terms of corporate obligations to issue zakat through the method of accounting calculation from the perspective of fiqh and sharia. so, this paper aims to explore the concept of the company from the aspects of islamic law (fiqh) and sharia, as the basis for establishing the company as muzakki, thus raising the legal obligation for companies to pay zakat through the zakat accounting calculation method. companies in the concept of fiqh the characteristics, types, and forms of establishing a company in the modern era and globalization at this time, if referring to the writings of classical scholars in the field of fiqh, can be justified as something new. literally not even existed at the time of the prophet, friends and tabi’ tabi’in. however, fundamentally the discussion about the basic essence of the establishment of a company has been discussed implicitly and in general (not specific). this condition certainly requires an in-depth exploration to get references or in-depth and clear references through studies in the interpretation of the qur’an and hadith and ijtihad from fiqh scholars, so that the meanings of the word “company” or related and synonymous with it can be understood. this is because, information, explanations and research, especially those conducted by the fuqaha (fiqh experts) in the past, have not specifically discussed the characteristics, types, and forms of a company that exist today. but there is no mention of the vocabulary of “companies” at the time, certainly does not mean the connotation of the company as mu’amalah (economic) economic activity is not justified (prohibited) in fiqh and sharia. in the concept of syirkah (company), ulama generally divide into two groups, namely syirakah amlak and syirkah ‘uqud.40 syirkah amlak is very 180 afkaruna closely related to togetherness in ownership, there are those who call it a union in ownership/ownership rights to the substance of goods. meanwhile, syirkah ‘uqud relates to transactions/property rights development, some call it aqad musyarakah/aqad union.41 for example, a company founded by three people, the ownership of the company is owned by the three founders, although in different proportions. thus, if an obligation arises from a company, such as in paying taxes, then the obligation is not charged separately to each of the three people, but rather is borne by the company as a whole.42 the next most important thing is related to the position of corporate legal entities in islamic teaching. because the correlation is related to the determination of companies as subjects of zakat who have the obligation to pay zakat. because the subject of zakat which is subject to obligation in paying zakat is always identified with individuals. then the thought arose regarding the determination of the company as the subject of zakat by identifying the company as an individual. so contemporary scholars bring up the term syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah (spiritual entity) or syakhshiyyah hukmiyyah, which in positive law is called a recht person (legal body).43 in the sense of hafidhuddin,44 companies are considered to have the same characteristics and characteristics as humans, in the term fiqh referred to as al-dhimmah,45 meaning that there are traits inherent in humans, namely as experts of alwujud (right of acceptance) and expert of al-ada (right to fulfill responsibility).46 then the results of the company’s business transactions are shared with the shareholders, as well as the company’s obligations they will share, including obligations to allah in the form of zakat.47 the view of zaid,48 syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah as a separation of investment activities from individuals who fund the investment activities, but the owner of the company automatically has an influence in exercising his rights and obligations in paying zakat. zaid,49 even suggested that syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah also affects syakhshiyyah ma‘nawiyyah which has a significant principle and influences accounting activities and profits from investment. so syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah must be distinguished as a concept and its effect on the rights and obligations of the owner of the company (syirkah). in the history of islam, there are several bodies or institutions that have human-like characteristics. for example, baitul maal which fulfils the characteristics of syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah. because baitul maal is an institution,50 which is managed by a group of people with a specific purpose, so it has rights and obligations like humans. where the right of baitul maal is to be181vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 come an heir for people who do not have an heir, and the obligation is to meet the needs of the poor and needy people who are unable to meet their needs. the company, in the current context, can act like a human being, that is, sue and be sued, have assets and assets separated from shareholders’ wealth, make purchases and sales, and so on. so, it can be concluded that the company, both in the concept of syirkah and syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah, may be a source of contemporary zakat assets. in accordance with the results of the international zakat conference i in kuwait on april 3, 1984, it was confirmed that the company zakat can be paid if it meets the requirements, where the company zakat is analogous to the trade zakat. thus, the nisab is 85 grams of gold, and is released 2.5% once a year. company as a subject of zakat zakat has become an important instrument in the process of distributing wealth among muslims. in principle the collection and distribution of zakat is independently (independently) conducted by an islamic jurist with/without legal entity. the country only functions as a regulator in maximizing the activities of zakat institutions. thus, the payment of zakat is the consciousness arising from the existence of human beings as beings of allah swt to fulfil their obligations in accordance with shariah values, so that zakat is considered a worship of mahdhah and ghairu mahdhah because it covers the forms of zakat al-fitr and zakat al-mal. the payment of zakat is not only an obligation to a muslim who can afford only to the community and the country, but an obligation that must be fulfilled by allah’s command. therefore lewis,51 zakat is not just about donations, but rather its emphasis is on rights (claims) and claims. according to abdul rahim,52 muslim companies are obligated to pay zakat as their contribution to social welfare and fulfill their social responsibility and final responsibility to allah almighty. zakat is one of the basic principles of islam that has a bearing on the accounting system. the reason for valuing an individual’s wealth should be calculated by quantitative value. lewis.53 therefore, calculations should be done through accounting in the islamic perspective, which according to haniffa and hudaib,54 as a guarantee function aimed at upholding social justice through procedures, routines, objective measurements, oversight and formal reporting in accordance with islamic principles of islam. the study of the company as a muzakki or a subject of zakat, is a person subject to the obligation to pay 182 afkaruna zakat, can be seen in terms of compulsory zakat, which is related to two parts. first, the condition of the individual muzakki itself. second, the conditions on the property that the zakat must be issued. calculating zakat by using the zakat accounting method can refer to the basic rules that are used as a concept in calculating corporate zakat. in this case there are two basics on the importance of adherence to using the zakat accounting method. first, make sure to get to the zakat-rich wealth. second, ensuring that only those who qualify are responsible for fulfilling their zakat obligations.55 implementing a fair accounting method and reporting system will ensure equitable redistribution of wealth and income through zakat payments.56 company as a muzakki in the fiqh perspective in islam, property is to be expended in the way of allah (q.s. al-baqarah (2): 267) as it is through zakat payment. the issued zakat works for selfpurification (q.s. at-taubah (9): 103). in addition to the quran, the hadith also provides examples of the obligations and regulations for issuing zakat (bukihari sahih, no. 1308; bukhari sahih, no. 1361; muslim sahih, no. 1784; bukhari sahih, no. 1355). islam encourages zakat to be practiced by every muslim, both personal and corporate. in indonesian law, among the objects of zakat that are required to issue zakat are trade and enterprise activities (law no. 38 of 1999). it can be emphasized that the company can be classified as a party obligated to pay zakat and attach its connotation as a muzakki. zakat collection is no longer limited to individual muzakki. however, muzakki as a subject of zakat can extend its understanding to institutions such as companies.57 companies run by islamic principles are obligated to pay zakat in fulfilling their obligations as a shakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah. this obligation is not confined to shariah awareness and faith, but the obligation to issue zakat can also serve as a contribution to social well-being and fulfil social responsibility and absolute responsibility to god.58 the company is obligated to pay zakat on all valuables and it is a matter of zakatability or wealth. the basic principle of zakat on corporate wealth is based on merchandise (‘urud al-tijarah) which is what is acquired for the purpose of trading for profit.59 the obligatory requirements of zakat are related to the muzakki, according to al-husaini,60 there are two, namely, islam and independence (not slave). further al-zuhaily’s,61 adds two other conditions, namely: baligh and logic. 183vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 while the obligatory zakat requirements related to property are described by qaradawi,62 there are six, namely: full, growing, reasonably priced, more than ordinary, debt-free, and valid in one-year (haul). however, the conditions on the muzakki itself do not automatically give the muzakki the obligation to issue zakat. the obligation arises only when the conditions on the property are fulfilled. that is, in order to establish a zakat obligation, one must take into account the two conditions, the condition of the muzakki and the condition of the property it has. according to qaradawi,63 there are six principles of zakat rules and conditions that can be used to formulate the characteristics of a muzakki as the person or persons required to pay zakat. the six principles are: (1) the principle of confidence, (2) the principle of justice, (3) the principle of productivity or up to the time (haul), (4) the principle of reasoning, (5) the principle of convenience, and (6) the principle freedom (independence). meanwhile, al-zuhaily made six requirements of the muzakki subject to zakat, namely: (1) islam, (2) baligh-minded, (3) free or independent, (4) owning property until nisab and haul, (5) full ownership (al-milkiyah at-tammah), and (6) muzakki already meet basic requirements, before paying zakat. the question is, first of all, when muzakki are required to be muslim, barbaric and independent, then what about unbelievers living in a muslim country, children and crazy people, as well as slaves, when they have the property in terms of compulsory requirements has fulfilled the obligation to pay the zakat. second, while in the past, ownership of property was more individual, while in modern times many ownerships of property were collectively in the form of corporations, foundations, cooperatives and others, then were all subject to zakat? regarding the terms of the muslim muzakki, the jurisprudence sets out zakat obligations for muslims only. the reason is that zakat is one of the pillars of islam, so it is not obligatory for the disbelievers, as well as for prayers and fasting. this statement raised a number of questions, in reports from umar bin khatab and several second-generation people (tabi’in) saying that zakat can be performed for infidels of zimmi. if they can receive zakat, then why muslims may not receive zakat from the rich among them? qaradawi,64 emphasized that there is no reason not to collect zakat from the infidels, in view of the obligation and the use of zakat is monetized as tax from non-muslims (kafir zimmi). with regard to the conditions of puberty and the intellect, according to 184 afkaruna imam abu hanifah, it is not obligatory to pay alms to children and crazy people, since zakat includes worship offered to adults such as prayer, fasting and pilgrimage. however, the imam hanafi obligates tithe zakat for young men and women, if they meet the requirements of zakat (adequate) zakat, and must be paid by their guardian. in worship there must be intentions, while the intentions of children or madmen cannot be accounted for as they do not belong to the mukallaf.65 jumhur scholars believe that children are not only obligated to zakat al-fitr, but also must be zakat al-mal. when the child has a treasure that is a must. the proposition is the prophetic narration of the prophet imam malik of umar bin khatab: “the messenger of allah (may peace be upon him) said:” exercise orphan wealth, so that (alms) may not be eaten alms” (imam malik, no. 523). this hadith has made it clear that the orphan’s property is still obligated to zakat, as did aisha, who always issued zakat from the orphanage that she raised. as for the free provision of zakat, where a slave is not obligated to zakat, because a slave/slave has no legal ability, that is, he has no ownership rights and is not entitled to any transaction. scholars are well-versed in this, which is that slaves are given great gifts by their employers. the hanafi and the shafi’i scholars saw it as compulsory for the zakat to be issued, but the scholars maliki and ahmad, did not require it at all.66 the second issue, on whether or not a company is obligated to issue a zakat, was answered in the first international proceedings of the zakat in kuwait on 29th 1404 h / 3 april 1984, m, that the company was obligated to issue a zakat, due to the existence of the company as a legal entity). the company, according to the results of the muktamar (conference), is either a syakhsan i’tibaran (a legal entity considered by the people) or a hukmiyyah syakhshiyyah. therefore, companies include muzakki or zakat subjects.67 corporate zakat accounting principles based on the exploratory results of the thinking presented in the literature study and considering the principles put forward by the researchers, the principle of accounting for corporate zakat can be summarized in five main principles. these principles include: 1). ownership is dominated by individuals or groups of muslims; 2). business must be lawful; 3). company assets can be valued; 4). the company’s assets can grow and reduce the company’s wealth to 85 grams of gold. 185vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 1. ownership owned by muslims ownership in islam is property owned in accordance with religious values, in the sense that property ownership must be in accordance with shariah rules.68 human property is in fact the property of allah swt, not the absolute possession of man.69 this is revealed by allah almighty in the quran, that it is allah who possesses and dominates the universe (qs al-baqarah (2): 284; qs al-imran (3): 189; qs al-furqan (25): 2). ownership in islam is divided into three parts: 1). individual ownership; 2). public ownership; 3). state ownership.70 this is a condition that has been put forward/established by islamic scholars in the matter of paying the zakat by reference (al-milkut taka). as the word of god says: “.... and give them of the gift of allah that is yours” (q.s. an-nur (24): 33). “you will never achieve good, until you spend some of your precious possessions.” (muslim, muslim no. 1664) the above two verses (and many other passages) can be clearly understood that allah almighty as the owner of the property actually relied on the mention of property as a sign of respect and as a testament to them that a human responsibility arose as the caliph of allah. swt on earth. god created man as caliph on earth, man is blessed with the right of ownership (milikiyyah) over property (mall) so that he can carry out duties and obligations to himself, family, community and god in a lawful way.71 as examples related to ownership of one of these are financial assets, such as currency and currency exchangeable assets, can be the subject of zakat, as currencies can replace gold and silver as intermediaries (tools) in exchange and value-saving.72 ownership is essentially a person’s full power to utilize his or her property through various means of obtaining it in accordance with the rules and conditions that allah almighty has given. similarly, in the above provisions we can understand that ownership of the property that is required to be practiced is only the property of a muslim as described in the terms of the muzakki. therefore, companies that are wholly owned by muslim entrepreneurs are obligated to pay zakat in their honour and glory. in a cooperative (syirkah) company, if the person who attends is all muslim, then zakat is issued before it is distributed to the parties. but when the people involved in the syirkah (syirkah) are non-muslim, then zakat is only issued to muslims if the number exceeds nisab.73 however, in reference to 186 afkaruna qardhawi’s,74 view of zimmi infidelity, corporate zakat expenditure can be made entirely without distinguishing the religious background of the people who do the cooperation (syirkah), but the interpretation of the zakat issued by one company as zakat al-mal while the second as a tax. 2. the field of mandatory laws muslims are obliged to seek and trade in halal ways (q.s. al-baqarah (2): 275; q.s. al-baqarah (2): 16). halal business transactions are all transactions allowed by islamic sharia. obviousness can be seen from two aspects, namely, the objectivity of the object to which it is transacted and the refinement in a transactional way.75 in addition to halal, the business must not raise any doubt (syubhat), either in its indications (qara’in), its consequences (lawahiq), its causes (sawabiq), and its substitutes, exchanges, payments.76 the concept of iwad (counter value in practice) should be the focus of business, which is based on three principles: risk (gharm), liability (dhaman), and effort or value (khiyar).77 the commodity of commodities and commodity trade are absolute in islamic law. its existence is something different and a boon to the shariah economic system of the conventional economy. halal for muslims is a fundamental ideology and necessity, while halal for non-muslims is a protection against preventing anything that can harm individuals and society. the relationship between zakat obligation and product and commodity legalization is closely linked and united. this is not to be overlooked for a number of reasons: first, zakat is worship, then consumption of halal commodities and commodities is worship, therefore the expenditure of zakat on a company is one of products and commodities that produce something halal. secondly, zakat is intended to be lively and halal is the protection of the human being in his life, then the imposition of zakat on the company due to the products and commodities produced does not cause harm and is dangerous to life, so the people feel safe in consuming it. third, zakat would not be possible without ownership and unauthorized ownership of islam without a lawful course, so the zakat determination on the company should be based on ownership obtained through the process authorized by allah swt. thus, it can be concluded that corporate zakat is only derived from halal products. according to hafidhuddin,78 the property should be obtained in a good and lawful way, meaning that the illegal, substantive property of the master or the means of obtaining it will not be subject to zakat, as allah almighty 187vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 will not accept it. illegal properties, whether in substance such as alcohol and pigs or companies that engage in illegal activities such as gambling, are not subject to the provisions of the subject of zakat. 3. assetable company assets selling(البیع) is the exchange of property with property to be their own right,79 proposes as the process of exchanging something with another, by transferring ownership.80 selling is the most important source of sustenance in human life as it was put forth by prophet muhammad. while in the fiqh you do not value the valuable things that cannot be traded so there is no trade and there is no zakat to be issued. the company’s assets must be assessed to be able to be calculated on the basis of the amount of zakat required to be issued. without valuation of assets there is no calculation of zakat rate.81 so, in principle the property paid for by the zakat, its value should reach the nisab, more than the basic necessities, free of debt, and fully owned by the owner. however, while the muzakki is an institution with various asset classifications, liabilities, and business activities, the zakat calculation method also appears to vary with the aim of generating optimal zakat payment figures.82 4. company assets can grow the development of a company’s assets is defined as the incremental value of a product and a commodity. development also means current and non-current assets (fixed assets). so, in the calculation of the zakat the company will pay the zakat based on its current assets. a property develops when a property is able to generate income, profit or additional value to its previous property. growth can also occur through business outcomes such as business items. therefore, property that cannot grow is not obligated to zakat. this immovable property is referred to as property for personal use such as houses, vehicles, furniture and the like.83 the property charged to zakat is a property that develops or has the potential to grow (al-name). zakat-charged property must be the property that is being cultivated to the point of generating profit. the condition of the developing property is based on the assets imposed at the time of the prophet who was relatively fertile. for example, livestock raised for produce, agricultural produce, gold and silver, money and business goods.84 the settlement 188 afkaruna of zakat-based property is also through the efforts of the actions taken to generate income and profit, and the zakat-based property is productive. assignments of the components of the productive property may be presented as follows: cash, non-cash financial instruments, inventory of final goods, fixed assets of the company, net trade receivable, in the case of property management, long-term assets. 5. corporate minimum wealth standard equivalent to 85 grams of gold the minimum standard of ownership of wealth is not something new in the context of zakat. the minimum standard of wealth in the classical fiqh literature for zakat must be met with nisab, the measure in the examination of nisab on the wealth possessed for zakat by the majority of fiqh scholars can be converted to a value of 20 dinars (gold coin at 4.25 grams / dinar). this nisab is the highest nisab in zakat. the ownership of the fortune that the nisab is obliged to make out of his zakat is the wealth that goes beyond the basic needs of a person from the prescribed nisab. therefore, companies with assets of less than 85 grams of gold are not required to pay the zakat and do not include the wealth they deserve. in addition to the five principles of zakat accounting presented above, according to the international proof of accountability in kuwait, other technical requirements are as follows: first, there are laws or regulations that require companies to issue zakat. in the time of the messenger of allah the payment of zakat was governmental authority so that we could find the sanction of the government for those who do not want or refuse to pay zakat, by confiscating some of one’s property. similarly, during abu bakr as-siddiq he proclaimed the power of the government and the state to restore the obedience of a group of people who refused to pay zakat after the death of the messenger of allah. with the government regulation, then the zakat management tools in a country are complete. second, the law of corporate establishment (basic budget and household budget) must state matters related to the corporate zakat expenditure. internal rules can only be implemented when the collective consciousness and desire, collectively of the corporate managers to issue their corporate zakat, therefore internal factors will not prevent the company from issuing zakat in interacting with the system’s rules. 189vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 third, the general meeting of shareholders (agms) held by the company can provide a recommendation of the obligations in the company’s zakat expenditure. this should be supported by all members of the meeting in order to instil a high level of awareness and spirit in carrying out religious orders in order to realize the obligation to issue corporate zakat. shareholders should therefore be aware that others are entitled to the wealth they have, so that corporate zakat spending will positively impact their corporate existence and development. corporate zakat accounting calculation method talks on zakat in general and zakat accounting in the academic sphere in particular have undergone significant development. this is not to be overlooked by the many ideas that come from human innovation to achieve a better life. at present, various forms and types of zakat undergo diversification such as stock zakat, corporate zakat, professional zakat, investment zakat and so on. innovations in the nature of zakat in the span of human life will certainly bring about new types of zakat that are in line with shariah values and not contrary to the requirements of fiqh. thus, zakat is no longer seen solely as being limited to the scope of religious or shariah studies and discussions, but has grown and embraced economic and social issues.85 in relation to accounting and zakat, it has been a widely discussed topic among academics, such as m. h. al-moghaiwli (2001),86 m. sulaiman (2003),87 mursyidi (2003),88 m.a. khan (2003),89 a.a. islahi and m. obaidullah (2004),90 zakaria bahari and zahri hamat (2004),91 s.m. al-habshi (2005),92 a.r. abdul rahman (2002, 2007),93 and nur barizah abu bakar (2007),94 hayashi (1989),95 haniffa and hudaib (2011),96 badsha, et al (2013),97 trokic (2015),98 abdel-karim (1999),99 said, et al (2012),100 hameed (2009),101 ahmed (2012).102 al-mazenderany was one of the first muslim scholars to document accounting practices in the muslim community. (el-halaby and hussainey, 2015),103 found that some accounting works from the islamic point of view can be traced back to their work, such as, bani-sadr (1980),104 ezzati (1982),105 fariduddin (1987),106 sharfuddin (1987),107 shirazi (1988),108 chapra (1992),109 rahman and ai-buraey (1992),110 faridi (1995),111 beekun (1997),112 beekun and badawi (1999),113 al-buraey (2003),114 kazmi (2003),115 and more recently, ather (2005),116 abuznaid (2006),117 and beekun (2006),118 and ata alsid (2007),119 and billah and islam (2011).120 the accounting standards broadly refer to the accounting guidelines that 190 afkaruna various institutions have developed and established. this institution sets the standard for implementing accounting and reporting systems related to financial issues. currently, there are several accounting regulatory bodies. they have issued guidelines for preparing accounting reports. these institutions include the accounting and auditing organization for islamic financial institutions (aaoifi), the malaysian accounting standard board (masb) and the indonesian association of accountants (iai).121 various types of institutions have now been used as the basis for calculating corporate zakat. corporate zakat is a zakat obligation that is required of a company with its status as a legal entity (shakhiyah i’tibariyah) and not as a personal obligation to the owner of the company’s assets. because the benefits of the company are enjoyed together, then its zakat obligations are also borne together.122 every muslim who carries out trade activities either individually or in the federation, such as carrying on mining, logging, manufacturing, carpentry, wholesale, transportation, housing and grocery business is included in his zakat compulsory business if the conditions of his nisab and haul requirements are met. 354 qamariah day.123 thus, the corporate zakat expenditure must be based on the wealth it generates from the profits it generates through its business activities. each company has at least three types of assets. first, property in the form of goods, both in the form of facilities and infrastructure as well as in the form of business commodities. second, the property is in cash, which is usually kept in a bank. third, property in the form of debt. business property that is required to be taxed is the three forms of property, minus the property in the form of facilities and infrastructure and other urgent obligations, such as debt due or payable immediately.124 however, in corporate zakat expenditure must be seen from the existence of the person who performs the syirkah (cooperation). if all who perform the syirkah are muslim then the zakat is first issued before the benefits are distributed to the syirkah party, but instead if there are non-muslim members who perform the syirkah, then the first is released for non-muslim benefit, then the zakat is only released from the muslim members, if the amount exceeds lineage.125 however, in the book of al-amwal it is reported that corporate zakat should be imposed on working capital for a company not just on business items. as maimun bin mahran reports: “when it is time for you to issue a zakat, how much cash do you have, what is the value of the merchandise you have, then evaluate the whole item for cash value, and pay the debt can 191vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 be explained (agreed to pay), and deduct the debt that needs to be paid, and then deduct the remaining zakat”.126 the above explanation, therefore, may give the impression that the corporate zakat calculation pattern, should be based on financial balance sheet reports by reducing the liability on current assets (current assets). in the sense that all property (other than means and infrastructure) is added to profit, minus the payment of debt and other obligations, and is released 2.5% as a zakat. while other opinions suggest that corporate zakat is only profitable. so, the difference in the context of determining the zakat property that the company has to issue is based on the results of the jurisprudence of fiqh scholars and academics. the differences that emerge certainly have their own legal basis in providing a valid argument for making a decision on a zakatbased company property. but fundamentally there is no fundamental difference between the scholars of the fiqh and the contemporary academics regarding the obligation of the company to issue zakat, so the reconstruction in the corporate zakat arrangement made by contemporary fiqh scholars and islamic academics has increased the proficiency of islamic scholars, especially in economic activity. reconstruction of the classical fiqh does not change the essence of the qath’i, but rather adapts to the current development of socioeconomic conditions. therefore, the issue of dzanni (ikhtilaf) can be debated and developed as opposed to the sources of the qur’an and the hadith. the enterprise zakat value is equal to the business zakat value of 2.5%. the importance of the zakat value of the company is based on the haul using the qomariah year. however, the use of the biennial year, then the zakat value of the company needs to be adjusted. in the zakat mira of 1984 m / 1404 h it was agreed that the religious year is longer than the qomariah year around eleven days. therefore, users of the shariah year should be able to take into account these differences in setting up a company’s time for zakat issuance. as this would have a direct relation to the value of the zakat of the company using the yearly average (365 days) of 2.578% which is 2.5% x 365/354, so it does not use the 2.5% value. there are a few things that are central to making a corporate zakat estimate. first, cash or cash equivalents, secondly, ready-to-trade or business items, thirdly, and fourth, debts. the corporate zakat calculation pattern referred to in the above book of al-amwaal can be concluded that the balance sheet report is a current asset minus the current liability. this method of calculation is commonly referred to as the shari’a or net assets method. this 192 afkaruna method is used in saudi arabia and several other islamic countries as an approach to performing corporate zakat assessments. in addition to the net asset method, it is also known that the second method is the opposite of the first method, the net capital method. the following steps to take in calculating a corporate zakat can be presented, as follows: 1. determining and evaluating shariah-compliant zakat or property: according to abu ubaid’s previous opinion, hance the scholars have concluded that the zakat imposed on the company is a current asset. the source of data for determining and assessing zakat-related assets is from the financial balance sheet as can be seen in table 1: table 1. company assets current asset type requirements and adjustments required cash subject to zakat bank savings subjected to zakat after deducting the element of interest temporary investment subject to zakat at a market value account not yet received subject to zakat unless it is truly non-billable inventory all supplies; both those in warehouses, in show rooms, on the streets, and in distributors in the form of consignment; finished goods; goods in the production process; or still in the form of raw materials including assets subject to zakat and all are valued at market prices according to the meaning of the hadith narrated by jabir bin zaid "judge at the price on the day the obligation of zakat falls and then remove the zakat. equipment equipment subject to zakat is equipment which is a component of goods produced; as for equipment which is not a component of goods produced does not include property subject to zakat, but is classified as "qoniyyah". the value used is the market price. shopping pay first excludes assets subject to zakat source: pr ocessi ng results, 2018 the fixed assets of the company do not include the zakat-related property as the prophet (s) had only ordered the zakat to be released on the property that was ready for sale. the fuqaha means “urudh qoniyyah”. 193vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 2. determine and evaluate liabilities that reduce the value of the zakat-charged assets (assets). based on abu ubaid’s earlier opinion, scholars have concluded that deducting liabilities from assets would impose zakat on the company as a current liability. as with any zakat-charged property, the source of data for determining and assessing the deductible liability of the zakat-taxed property is the financial balance as can be seen in table 2: table 2. corporate liability current liability type requirements and adjustments required trade liability asa subtraction with a value of book value promise note asa subtraction with a value of nominal value the liability is still due asa subtraction with a value of book value tax liability as a deduction without the addition of fines or interest advance paid income its value is calculated on the basis of the value recorded in the contract without adding or subtracting it. as for its legal provisions, the following are distinguished: 1. if the income received is in proportion to the price of the goods that have not been delivered and the goods are not included in the zakatcharged property, then it cannot be a deduction. whereas the goods are included in the zakat-rich property, they are included as deductions. 2. if the income received is a payment for services that have not been provided, then that income includes a reduction in the value of the zakat. long-term obligations due asa subtraction with a value of book value liability interest asa subtraction the various methods of assessing the zakat of the company described by harahap,127 as presented by yusuf al-qaradhawi, didin hafidhuddin, te gambling and ra karim, bazis dki, takaful malaysia, atiyah and aaoifi have different assessment techniques, based on calculations of these methods are from financial statements especially financial balance sheet and profit and loss reports. not only does the standard apply to the methods that companies use to calculate zakat-based corporate property, it can certainly cause differences in the methods of zakat calculation for individual companies, and even managing zakat institutions will also make a difference in corporate zakat calculations. some methods for performing a zakat calculation applied in indonesia, can be found in the table 3: 194 afkaruna table 3. method of calculating company zakat standard formulation zakat rate basics of estimation t.e gambling & karim 2,5 % {(capital + reserves fixed assets) + net profit} x 2,5 % yusuf al-qardhawi 2,5 % (capital + net profit) x 2,5% + (net asset profit x10%) bazis dki 2,5 % (capital + net profit) x25%+( net asset profit x10 %) syariat takful malaysia berhand 2,5 % profit before zakat and tax x 2,5 % bank muamalat indonesia 2,5 % profit before tax x 2.5 % didin hafidhuddin 2,5 % {(total the net of current assets + net profit)–current liability}x 2,5 % muhammad kamal atiyah 2.5% of current assets and 10% of fixed assets harta yang berubah (modal + keuntungan bersih) x 2,5% aset tetap keuntungan aset tetap x 10 % qanun n0. 7 year 2004 2,5 % keuntungan yang mencapai nisab dalam masa 1 tahun x 2,5 % aaoifi 2.5% (hijriah) or 2.5775% (masehi) net investment fund method = paid-up capital + excess deductions from assets + profit earned + net income + unpaid liabilities at the end of the loan repayment year (value of fixed assets + unnecessary investments such as farm to rent + accumulated losses). net current asset method = assets liabilities +/adjustments. source: har aha p12 8 conclusion islam is a religion of guidance given by allah almighty to the prophet muhammad, teaching through three basic foundations: aqidah, sharia, and morality. this foundation can be implemented in your (islamic) economic activities using the qur’an and hadith sources, as well as the ijtihad. however, the problem is that the development of forms, types, models and methods of activity must, of course, require a reconstruction of the concept of fiqh through the conception of time and place, as opposed to the values of faith, sharia, morality. such reconstruction can be done in setting up a company as a subject of zakat, which in the classical study of fiqh was not found specifically/specifically about corporate zakat. but contemporary fiqh explores the notion of fuqaha in the past by introducing companies like syirkah, whose members join in with more or less people to work together for profit, thus having the obligation to pay zakat. its essence is the syakhshiyyah i’tibariyyah 195vol. 16 no. 2 desember 2020 (spritual entity) or the syakhshiyyah hukmiyyah which is referred to as aldhimmah which is a trait attached to human beings, namely, ahliyyah alwujud (right to receive) and ahliyyah al-ada (right to discharge responsibility). thus, the position of the company can be set as a muzakki in the subject of zakat based on five principles, namely muslim-owned ownership, must be halal, enterprise assets can be evaluated, enterprise assets can grow and the company’s minimum wealth equals 85 grams of gold and other technical requirements. the valuation of zakat issued by the company can be done through the zakat accounting calculation method issued by various islamic institutions such as the accounting and auditing organization for islamic financial institutions (aaoifi), the malaysian accounting standard board (masb) and the indonesian accounting association (iai). the problem that arises is that there are differences in the corporate zakat calculations set by each accounting standards institution, so that the results of the zakat obligations paid by the company may vary depending on the corporate zakat accounting standard used. but fundamentally, the company’s obligation to pay zakat has been agreed upon by islamic scholars and scholars in the study of contemporary fiqh, and the extent to 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