7

Knowledge of and Attitudes 
toward Child Trafficking 
in Wolaita Sodo, Southern 
Ethiopia: Insights from the 
Origin Community
Tigist Solomon1, Darge Wole2, and Abebaw Minaye3

Received 17 December 2024 / Accepted 09 June 2025 / Published 27 August 2025
DOI: 10.14426/ahmr.v11i2.2614

Abstract

Child trafficking is a serious violation of children’s rights under international law, particularly 
the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Research on this issue 
in Ethiopia is limited, with few studies assessing public awareness and attitudes. This study 
aims to examine the knowledge and attitudes of residents in Wolaita Sodo town regarding 
in-country child trafficking using a mixed-methods approach with 448 participants. The 
research team collected data through structured questionnaires, focus group discussions, 
and in-depth interviews. For data analysis, the researchers used SPSS 26.0 software, applied 
descriptive and inferential statistical analysis wherever applicable, and analyzed qualitative 
data thematically. The findings revealed that the majority of participants (55%) lacked 
adequate knowledge about child trafficking, with the qualitative results supporting this 
finding. In contrast, 55.9% of participants exhibited positive attitudes toward child trafficking. 
A significant correlation was found between knowledge levels and attitudes, with education 
and personal experiences playing a critical role. Multivariate analysis revealed that individuals 
with a first-degree education or higher were 3.25 times (1.21-8.81, p<0.05) more likely to 
possess a good knowledge of child trafficking compared to those who were less educated. 
Additionally, individuals with trafficked family members had 3.36 times (1.59-6.81) greater 
knowledge of child trafficking. In a similar vein, participants who had a first degree or higher 
educational qualification were 2.31 times (1.29-4.34, p<0.05) less likely to harbor negative 
attitudes toward victims of child trafficking and anti-trafficking initiatives compared to their 
less-educated counterparts. Furthermore, individuals with family members who had been 
trafficked were 0.44 times (0.47-0.27, p<0.05) less likely to display negative attitudes than 
those without such experiences. Despite their positive attitudes, most participants lacked 
comprehensive knowledge of child trafficking, highlighting the gap between awareness 
and actionable understanding. This suggests that positive attitudes may not translate into 
informed action without adequate knowledge. The study recommends targeted educational 
initiatives to bridge this gap and improve public understanding and engagement.

Keywords: child, in-country trafficking, awareness, attitude, multivariate 
analysis, Ethiopia

1 Doctoral candidate, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Corresponding author.  tgsol1999@yahoo.com
2 College of Education and Behavioral Studies, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
3 College of Education and Behavioral Studies, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

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AHMR African Human Mobility Review - Volume 11 No 2, MAY-AUGUST 2025

INTRODUCTION

Child trafficking is a grave injustice that strips children of their rights, safety, and 
future. “Child trafficking refers to the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, 
or receipt of a child for exploitation, regardless of the use of illicit means, either 
within or outside a country” (UN, 2000). Traffickers prey on children’s vulnerability, 
driven by profit and an industry that thrives in secrecy. The true scale of the problem 
is difficult to measure, as many cases go unnoticed, leaving many children trapped 
in cycles of exploitation. It violates fundamental human rights, which are guaranteed 
to children under international law, most notably the United Nations Convention on 
the Rights of the Child (CRC) (Faulkner, 2023). 

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC, 2020) estimates 
in its 2020 Global Report on Trafficking in Persons that a substantial proportion of 
identified trafficking victims are children, constituting almost one-third (28%) of 
identified cases. It remains a pervasive issue across Africa, particularly in East Africa, 
where poverty, conflict, and weak institutional responses exacerbate the problem. It 
constitutes a complex transnational challenge, wherein countries function as origin, 
transit, and destination points for victims. Intra-regional and international migration 
patterns are exploited, leading to the movement of vulnerable individuals across 
borders. According to the Global Report on Trafficking in Persons (UNODC, 2024), 
in East Africa, children make up 69% of detected victims. Studies have systematically 
attributed the pervasive issue of child trafficking in Africa — and East Africa in 
particular — to a constellation of socio-economic factors. For instance, research by 
Terre des Hommes Netherlands (2024) and Munialo (2018) found that economic 
hardship, limited educational opportunities, and displacement due to conflict 
contribute collectively to a situation in which children are rendered particularly 
vulnerable to exploitation. Such vulnerabilities facilitate their recruitment into forced 
labor, domestic servitude, and sexual abuse, all of which result in severe physical and 
psychological trauma, the loss of childhood, and prolonged social exclusion.

Over the past decade, both national and international communities have 
done a lot in the fight against this crime, with transnational trafficking emerging 
as a notably critical aspect of the problem (Mapp, 2020). On the contrary, in-
country trafficking has not received much attention, despite remaining attractive to 
perpetrators due to the ease with which children can be relocated without the need 
for legal documentation. The absence of stringent border controls allows traffickers 
to operate their businesses at minimal costs (Rahel, 2016; Mengstie, 2018). This issue 
is especially significant in Ethiopia, where child out-migration is a common practice. 
For example, in regions such as the Wolaita zone, child trafficking is intricately linked 
with migration dynamics in which marginalized children, particularly those affected 
by poverty, displacement, or migration, are disproportionately targeted.

Several studies (e.g., Gecho and Worku, 2018; Kastro and Dullea, 2018; Tadesse 
and Mengistu, 2021) indicate that southern Ethiopia, particularly the Wolaita zone, 
has become a major source of child migrants, many of whom face risks of exploitation 



9

and trafficking. While economic hardship, notably limited agricultural resources, 
small landholdings, and food insecurity, is a key driver (Zergaw and Asale, 2019; 
Kassa, 2021; Tsegay, 2021), migration is also deeply embedded in the region’s cultural 
and social practices in which families often view migration as a path to economic 
success, sometimes overlooking the risks involved (Candido et al., 2016). 

Children’s migration in southern Ethiopia cannot be fully explained through 
the traditional “push-pull” framework, as it is shaped by complex social and cultural 
dynamics beyond economic hardship. Their migration decisions are influenced by 
aspirations, family expectations, peer pressure, institutional structures, and prevailing 
sociocultural narratives. Research highlights children’s agency in migration, showing 
that they participate actively in decision-making rather than being passive actors. 
Numerous studies (e.g., Kerilyn and Fransen, 2018; Zeleke, 2020; Genovese et al., 
2021; Van der Gaag et al., 2021; Deng et al., 2022; Hitzer et al., 2025) underline 
children’s agency in making decisions related to their migration.

Studies indicate that a significant number of Ethiopian youths express a desire 
to migrate, with urban centers being the most preferred destinations, reflecting 
broader socio-economic trends. In this regard, Schewel and Fransen's (2018) analysis 
of data from the Boyden et al. (2016) longitudinal study in Ethiopia, found that 
two-thirds of the participating youth expressed a desire to migrate. Among these 
young individuals, nearly 60% identified specific preferred destinations, favoring 
predominantly urban areas in Ethiopia. The findings illustrate a clear gradient in 
migration aspirations, with larger urban centers emerging as the most appealing 
destinations for young people. This trend reflects broader socio-economic and 
structural influences on patterns of internal migration.

While some children migrate without parental knowledge (Zeleke, 2020), 
others are encouraged by their families, often due to financial pressures or the 
promise of remittances (Gecho and Worku, 2018). Social influences, including peer 
encouragement and brokers, further drive migration, often without full awareness 
of the associated risks. A lack of knowledge about trafficking and exploitation 
increases children’s vulnerability to forced labor, abuse, and homelessness (Abraha 
and Woru, 2021).

Generally, much attention has been given to this issue over the past decade 
by both national and international communities, as documented by extensive 
research and literature. While the international trafficking of children to destinations 
such as the Middle East, South Africa, and Europe is well recognized, in-country 
child trafficking continues to pose a significant problem. Despite being a lucrative 
opportunity for traffickers, this form of trafficking remains underexplored and 
insufficiently addressed by scholars, governmental bodies, and non-governmental 
organizations dedicated to combating this problem.

Moreover, despite extensive research on child trafficking, most studies focus 
on its scale, causes, victims’ experiences, and government responses, leaving a gap in 
understanding the knowledge and attitudes of origin communities. This perspective 

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AHMR African Human Mobility Review - Volume 11 No 2, MAY-AUGUST 2025

is crucial in combating child trafficking in Wolaita Sodo, as societal perceptions can 
either enable or resist trafficking. Without insight into the community’s awareness, 
misconceptions, and attitudes, interventions may prove ineffective. Given the 
urgency of the issue and the lack of data, this study aims to explore this community’s 
perspectives, assessing the knowledge, prevailing attitudes, and associated factors.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Knowledge of and attitudes toward trafficking

Child trafficking represents a severe violation of human rights, involving the 
exploitation of children for purposes of forced labor, sexual exploitation, or illegal 
activities (Skeels and Bashir, 2024). It robs children of their safety, education, and 
future, often ensnaring them in cycles of abuse and poverty. Despite national and 
international efforts to combat this crime, child trafficking and migration persist. 
This is a widespread problem in Ethiopia, driven by factors such as poverty, lack 
of awareness, and inadequate law enforcement (Mengstie, 2018; Terre des Hommes 
Netherlands, 2023).

Gaining insight into the knowledge and attitudes of communities regarding 
child trafficking is essential for effective prevention and intervention strategies 
(Hynes, 2013). Studies (e.g., Kastro and Dullea, 2018) highlight that communities 
play a crucial role in identifying victims, reporting cases, and providing support 
to survivors. Thus, by examining their knowledge and attitudes, policymakers and 
organizations can tailor educational campaigns, strengthen legal frameworks, and 
enhance protective measures. Numerous studies (e.g., Gezie et al., 2021; Tekalign, 
2021) have shown that gaps in knowledge and misconceptions about trafficking, 
attitudes, beliefs, norms, values, and societal structures contribute to the prevalence 
of child trafficking in Ethiopia. 

Cultural practices, including traditional child fostering, early marriage, and 
migration play a critical role in shaping children’s behaviors and decisions. Many 
are influenced by peer pressure and societal expectations to seek employment in 
urban areas, which renders them particularly vulnerable to traffickers who promise 
them lucrative job opportunities. This dynamic significantly contributes to child 
trafficking in Wolaita and intensifies the overall susceptibility of children (Gebu and 
Ararso, 2016; Gecho and Worku, 2018; Kastro and Dullea, 2018). Moreover, poverty 
and limited economic opportunities elevate the risk of trafficking, while broader 
issues of discrimination and societal inequalities exacerbate the problem. 

Social challenges, such as family conflicts, exposure to violence, low levels of 
awareness, and limited education play critical roles in facilitating child trafficking 
(Tefera, 2019; Tekalign, 2022). The movement of children, whether through 
migration or trafficking, is driven by a complex interplay of economic imperatives 
and sociocultural norms, particularly those related to gender roles and child labor, 
which can inadvertently normalize and facilitate trafficking. For instance, Candido 



11

et al. (2016) highlight that migration within the Wolaita community is deeply rooted 
in cultural and social practices. Complementing this perspective, research by Zewdie 
et al. (2024) shows that migration is widely perceived as a pathway to achieving 
economic success and social mobility. In many rural areas, child-labor migration is 
considered essential for household survival.

However, these cultural norms mask the significant risks that migrant 
children face. Studies, including those by Van der Gaag et al. (2021), reveal that 
migrant children are frequently subjected to various psychosocial challenges, such as 
exploitation and harassment. Moreover, many child migrants endure harsh working 
conditions characterized by employer mistreatment, underpayment, and frequent 
breaches of contractual agreements, leading to wages that are often lower than 
promised or not provided at all (Balcha, 2018; Zewdie et al., 2024). 

Research indicates that traffickers play a significant role in placing migrants 
in exploitative labor conditions, including low wages. The relationship between 
traffickers and suppressed wages is typically intertwined within a broader network 
of intermediaries that facilitate labor migration and employment. Traffickers, along 
with brokers, recruiters, and employers, are often complicit in systems that exploit 
workers and perpetuate conditions of forced labor. In many instances, traffickers 
prey on vulnerable individuals, including children, by promising them well-paying 
jobs. Once these individuals are recruited, they may find themselves trapped in 
exploitative circumstances where their wages are withheld, reduced, or manipulated 
to ensure their ongoing dependency. This practice can be part of a larger framework 
of exploitative labor, in which intermediaries benefit from the vulnerabilities of these 
workers (Fernandez, 2013; Paraskevopoulou et al., 2016).

Furthermore, a lack of knowledge, education, and community tolerance 
further intensifies the issue. Thus, understanding attitudes and knowledge about this 
problem is crucial for identifying misconceptions and empowering communities to 
recognize and report suspicious activities. The literature suggests that inadequate 
knowledge plays a significant role in the continued prevalence of child trafficking 
within vulnerable populations. For instance, Martinho et al. (2021) found that 
knowledge gaps regarding trafficking processes, including recruitment strategies 
and victim mobility, were prevalent among the Portuguese community. Similarly, 
Exeni McAmis et al. (2022) conducted a study examining healthcare professionals’ 
awareness and preparedness in identifying victims of human trafficking. Their 
findings revealed that respondents generally assessed their knowledge of trafficking 
as ranging from average to below average. 

Numerous studies (e.g., Azage et al., 2014; Botchkovar et al., 2016; Sabita et al., 
2021) have shown that vulnerable populations, especially those at an increased risk of 
trafficking, often have limited awareness regarding the issue. Sabita et al. (2021) found 
significant gaps in knowledge among participants, with nearly 40% demonstrating 
an inadequate knowledge of trafficking. Similarly, Davy and Metanji (2022) 
conducted a survey aimed at assessing the knowledge, attitudes, and engagement of 

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AHMR African Human Mobility Review - Volume 11 No 2, MAY-AUGUST 2025

youth in anti-trafficking initiatives across four regions in Albania. They discovered 
that 40% of respondents believed that trafficking occurs within the country, while 
51% acknowledged its prevalence in foreign nations. This study further highlighted 
that, although participants had a solid awareness of the risks associated with human 
trafficking, notable gaps still existed, particularly regarding recruitment strategies 
and less-commonly recognized forms of exploitation.

Research consistently demonstrates that various factors significantly influence 
individuals’ knowledge of and attitudes toward societal issues. Studies conducted by 
Davy and Metanji (2022), Cunha et al. (2019), Sharapov (2019), Exeni McAmis et al. 
(2022), and Wangsnes (2014) highlight the impact of key variables such as gender, 
place of residence, educational attainment, and socio-economic status on people’s 
understanding and perspectives. These factors not only determine individuals’ 
level of knowledge but also shape their attitudes, responses, and engagement with 
pressing social concerns. For example, Davy and Metanji (2022), alongside findings 
from Cunha et al. (2019), indicate that women generally possess a greater knowledge 
of human trafficking and exhibit more favorable attitudes toward combating the 
problem, compared to men.

In contrast, Sharapov (2019) and Mobasher et al. (2022) found that men 
exhibited significantly higher levels of knowledge regarding trafficking than women. 
Furthermore, research by Mazumdar and Mukherjee (2022) suggests that girls 
possess limited knowledge about child trafficking. However, other studies have 
found no significant differences between genders regarding knowledge of trafficking 
(see Wangsnes, 2014; Exeni McAmis et al., 2022). 

Research indicates a positive correlation between educational attainment 
and knowledge of and attitudes toward child trafficking. In essence, individuals 
with higher education levels are generally better informed about the complexities 
of child trafficking and are more likely to adopt critical perspectives regarding its 
underlying issues. Findings from various studies (e.g., Azage et al., 2014; Cunha et 
al., 2019; Sharapov, 2019) revealed that those with higher educational qualifications 
possess a more comprehensive understanding of trafficking in persons, including 
its root causes, prevalence, and ramifications. Building on prior research, Adhikari 
et al. (2023) further highlight the significant role that sociodemographic factors 
play in shaping individuals’ knowledge of human trafficking. Their findings reveal 
that aspects such as education level, economic status, and place of residence are 
linked positively to possessing sufficient knowledge of the issue. This suggests that 
individuals with greater access to education and financial stability, as well as those 
residing in more resourceful environments, are more likely to develop a deeper 
awareness of human trafficking, its causes, and its consequences.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This research employed the knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) model as a 
theoretical framework. The KAP model is a well-established tool for understanding 



13

and predicting human behavior in various contexts, including public health (Poddar 
et al., 2022), environmental conservation (Wang et al., 2013), education (Wagithunu, 
2014; Moti et al., 2016), gender equality (Jahan, 2021), and risk communication (Mushi 
et al., 2021). In this study, the model is applied to the domain of child trafficking to 
examine the knowledge of and attitudes toward victims of child trafficking and anti-
child trafficking activities.

The concept of child trafficking knowledge encompasses the information, 
awareness, and understanding that individuals possess regarding issues related to child 
trafficking. For example, research indicates that the prevalence of child trafficking in 
Wolaita zone is linked significantly to a lack of comprehensive knowledge on the 
problem (Gecho and Worku, 2018). Although there is general awareness of human 
trafficking among the population, existing evidence does not demonstrate a profound 
understanding of the severity of its impact on victims’ livelihoods and overall quality 
of life. Lack of knowledge can lead to misinformation and increased vulnerability 
among at-risk groups (Wangsnes, 2014).

Attitude is an important psychological and social construct in the fight against 
child trafficking. A community’s attitude toward a particular issue encompasses its 
emotional responses, behavioral tendencies, and underlying beliefs, which may be 
either positive or negative. In the context of child trafficking, the collective attitude 
of a community plays a fundamental role in shaping its perceptions about the 
problem and the victims, responses, and level of engagement with efforts to combat 
the phenomenon. The disposition of individuals within a community toward child 
trafficking significantly influences their willingness to acknowledge its severity, 
support preventive measures, and contribute to interventions aimed at mitigating its 
adverse effects. For instance, in some communities, exploitative migration practices 
may be normalized, causing the severity of the issue to go unnoticed due to cultural 
beliefs (DiRienzo and Das, 2017). 

Additionally, Munialo (2018) highlights that cultural acceptance of migration 
can unintentionally raise trafficking risks, as families might overlook potential 
dangers. The practice aspect explores the behaviors and actions that arise from 
knowledge and attitudes, such as prevention strategies, reporting mechanisms, and 
support systems for victims. The current research focuses specifically on knowledge 
and attitudes, recognizing that a community’s knowledge of and attitudes toward 
trafficking are vital to addressing the issue effectively. Without sufficient knowledge, 
awareness, and shifts in attitude, changes in behavior are likely to be limited. The 
practice component, which explores how residents’ level of engagement in preventive 
practices is the focus of a separate article currently under review in another journal, 
enables a more comprehensive examination of community responses to trafficking.

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METHODOLOGY

Study design and population

A mixed-methods study was conducted in Wolaita Sodo town, the capital of the 
Wolaita zone, located approximately 380 kilometers southwest of Addis Ababa, 
from January to April 2022. Based on the 2007 population census by the Central 
Statistics Agency (CSA), the town’s population was estimated at 132,000. This 
area was purposefully selected, since the town has been characterized as a source 
of child trafficking to urban centers and, to a lesser extent, rural areas. The study 
population comprised residents who had lived in the town or had been residents 
for a minimum period of six months. This population is deemed relevant due to 
their direct exposure to local issues, with their awareness shaped by community 
interactions and influenced by sociocultural norms. Their familiarity with trafficking 
patterns and the contributing factors enables them to offer reliable insights into the 
ongoing persistence of this problem in the town. Furthermore, they have access to 
pertinent information sources, which ensures that their responses reflect a well-
informed understanding of trafficking. 

Sample size and sampling technique

The quantitative study employed a multi-stage sampling technique to select 
participants from Wolaita Sodo town. This involved the random selection of one 
kebele (the smallest administrative unit in Ethiopia) from each of the town’s three 
sub-towns, resulting in three kebeles. The researchers then used systematic random 
sampling to select every 35th individual from the resident lists of these three kebeles, 
which collectively had 15,476 residents. The sample size for the study was calculated 
using Yamane’s (1967) formula, considering the population size and desired level of 
precision.

Assuming a 95% confidence level and p =0.5, we get the sample size as 390 
individuals. In addition to these 390 individuals, the researchers added 15% to the 
sample size to ensure an adequate sample in case some participants dropped out or 
provided incomplete information; the final sample size was 448. The selection of 448 
households was carried out using a systematic random sampling method to ensure 
representation from the broader community, rather than targeting only households 
that have experienced child trafficking directly. The aim of the study is not limited 
to examining trafficked children or households with first-hand experiences; instead, 
it seeks to assess the knowledge and attitudes surrounding child trafficking within 
origin communities. Given Wolaita Sodo’s role as both a source and transit hub 



15

for trafficked children, residents, regardless of their direct involvement, were likely 
to have encountered or developed perceptions of trafficking through community 
interactions, media exposure, or indirect experiences.

In the study, 448 individuals completed a questionnaire, which was 
complemented by interviews with two adult and five child key informants, and 
discussions with eight participants in focus groups. The researchers employed a 
purposive sampling method to select participants for both the interviews and the 
focus group discussions (FGDs).

Measures 

This study used qualitative and quantitative data collection tools to complement 
the results from different sources. The internal child trafficking knowledge tool 
was adopted for this study from items used in the Trafficking Awareness Survey 
(2003) and Sharapov’s study (2019). The researchers took careful steps to ensure its 
reliability, accuracy, and relevance within the study’s specific context. To ensure the 
study’s effectiveness and cultural relevance, the research team translated questions 
into the local language while preserving their original meaning. The content was 
modified to fit local customs and beliefs, promoting honest responses. Response 
scales were adapted to align with culturally appropriate ways of expressing attitudes, 
enhancing accuracy. The researchers conducted a pilot test with a sample of the target 
population to identify and resolve comprehension challenges and refine the survey 
for clarity and relevance. 

The instrument has two sections: the first evaluates sociodemographic 
characteristics (age, gender, socio-economic status, years of residence, and education), 
while the second assesses knowledge of internal child trafficking. Following the initial 
compilation of items, the structure and validity of the instrument were evaluated 
using exploratory factor analysis (EFA). A Promax rotation was applied, yielding 
five distinct factors, which collectively accounted for 66.05% of the variance. The 
Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy was 0.82, indicating a 
strong basis for factor analysis, while the Bartlett’s test of sphericity was statistically 
significant (p < .001), confirming the suitability of the dataset for factor extraction. 
Additionally, the scale demonstrated good internal consistency, as evidenced by a 
Cronbach’s alpha of 0.78, ensuring reliability in measurement.

The principal component method provided initial communality estimates, 
with five factors having eigenvalues greater than 1 retained in the final solution. The 
five extracted factors were: knowledge of the definition of child trafficking (24.87% 
variance; eigenvalue = 3.48), knowledge about the victim’s profile (16.92% variance; 
eigenvalue = 2.37), knowledge about the psychosocial plight trafficked children 
experienced (8.83% variance; eigenvalue = 1.47), knowledge about the vulnerability 
to child trafficking (8.50% variance; eigenvalue = 1.23), knowledge about the 
traffickers (6.91% variance; eigenvalue = 1.15). 

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Similarly, the child trafficking attitude scale was developed for this study. After 
initial item compilation, an exploratory analysis with Promax rotation extracted 
three factors, explaining 64.35% of the variance. KMO was 0.82 and the Bartlett 
test was significant (p < .001), indicating factorability. The items were face valid and 
verified by a panel of experts. Cronbach’s alpha for the scale is .83, which indicates 
satisfactory internal consistency. Moreover, the study used 11 semi-structured 
interview guides for key informants, 10 for child interviews, and 10 semi-structured 
FGD guides for FGDs to facilitate effective discussions and encourage sharing of 
personal experiences. Moreover, the knowledge items were face valid and verified by 
a panel of experts.

Data analysis

The study employed concurrent triangulation to embed the quantitative findings with 
qualitative findings. The qualitative data analysis was done side by side and followed 
Creswell’s (2014) spiral model. The research team initially transcribed and organized 
data from interviews and FGDs and subsequently conducted a thorough reading 
of all transcripts to gain an overarching understanding of the data. Concurrently, 
memos were written to capture initial insights and emerging themes. Finally, the 
researchers analyzed the patterns and relationships between these themes to draw 
meaningful interpretations. The research team analyzed the quantitative data using 
SPSS software, focusing on descriptive statistics and logistic regression to assess the 
association between variables while calculating odds ratios at α 95% confidence 
interval (CI).

Ethical considerations

Before the study, participants or their guardians provided informed verbal consent 
after the researchers briefed them on the objectives. The research team interviewed 
only those who consented and collected data anonymously to ensure confidentiality. 
The study obtained ethics approval from the Ethics Committee of the Department of 
Psychology at Addis Ababa University to protect participants from potential harm.

RESULT

Sociodemographic characteristics of study participants

Out of 448 study samples, 444 participants completed the questionnaire, resulting 
in a response rate of 99.10%. As shown in Table 1, among the respondents, 269 
(60.2%) were male, 103 (23.0%) had completed high school, 18.8% had post-
secondary training, and 7.2% had first degrees or higher. The demographic analysis 
reveals significant insights into the socio-economic characteristics of the study 
participants. The majority (53.2%, or 238 participants) reported a monthly income 
ranging from 2,600 to 6,500 ETB, indicating a concentration within this income 
bracket. Additionally, the majority (92.9%) had resided in the town for over four 



17

years, suggesting strong community ties and potential familiarity with local socio-
economic dynamics. In terms of self-perceived socio-economic status, a notable 
distribution emerged: 15.4% considered their status better than most people, 45.6% 
viewed it as comparable to the majority, and 29.3% perceived their socio-economic 
status to be in a lower position. These findings underscore the varied economic 
experiences within the community and highlight the importance of socio-economic 
factors in shaping individual and collective perspectives. 

Table 1: Sociodemographic characteristics of the study participants

Variable Label Frequency Percentage (%)
Sex  Male 

 Female 
269
175

60.2
39.1

Education level Illiterate  
Read and write only 
Grades 1–8
Grades 9–12
Post-secondary training of 
less than 3 years 
First degree and above

70 
86
69
103
84

32

15.7 
19.2
15.4
23.0
18.8

7.2
Socio-economic 
status

Better than most people
Same as most people   
Worse than most people

69
244
131

15.4 
45.6
29.3

Income per 
month

<1,000
1,001–2,500
2,501–6,500
>6,500

36
150
238
20

8.1
34.3
53.2
4.4

Residential 
period

.5–4 
>4 

29
315

6.5
92.9

Source: Authors' own work

Knowledge of in-country child trafficking 

As depicted in Figure 1, the majority of participants (243 or 55%) scored below the 
mean for adequate knowledge of internal child trafficking, indicating a knowledge 
gap in this area. 

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AHMR African Human Mobility Review - Volume 11 No 2, MAY-AUGUST 2025

Figure 1: Level of knowledge of internal child trafficking

Source: Authors' own work

Participants scored an average of 8.57 (SD = 3.53, Min = 3, Max = 14) out of a possible 
14 points on their knowledge of internal child trafficking. The highest scores were in 
knowledge of victims (M = 2.15, SD = 1.41), followed by knowledge of vulnerabilities 
(M = 2.07, SD = 0.89), and traffickers and their methods (M = 1.63, SD = 0.62). In 
contrast, lower scores were noted in defining internal child trafficking (M = 1.45, SD 
= 1.32) and understanding the psychosocial struggles faced by children (M = 1.06, 
SD = 0.80). 

The findings highlight a significant gap in knowledge in defining the 
features of in-country child trafficking among participants. When presented with 
its definition encompassing the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, or 
receipt of children within national borders for exploitative purposes, 314 (70.2%) 
of participants failed to recognize it as accurate. Similarly, when presented with the 
statement, “In-country child trafficking involves the exploitation of a child,” 255 
(57.4%) of the participants incorrectly rated it as false, despite its factual accuracy. 
When asked to assess the statement, “In-country child trafficking may involve abuse 
of power or a position of vulnerability,” 252 (56.4%) participants incorrectly rated it 
as false. 

Participants demonstrated a reasonably solid knowledge of several key 
indicators of child trafficking. Specifically, 231 (51.7%) correctly recognized that 
abused child domestic workers are victims, 263 (55.5%) identified that children 
forced to work excessive hours fall under trafficking, and 277 (62.6%) acknowledged 
that wage withholding constitutes exploitation. These figures indicate a generally 

55%

45% Inadequate

Adequate



19

high awareness, particularly regarding forms of financial exploitation. However, it 
is noteworthy that 259 participants (57.1%) did not recognize that children working 
to repay a loan can also be considered victims of in-country child trafficking. 
Participants’ knowledge of the abuse encountered by trafficked children was assessed 
using separate items on physical and psychological abuse. Results revealed that 177 
(62.0%) of participants correctly identified that victims frequently experience physical 
abuse, while 181 (62.8%) acknowledged that psychological abuse is likewise prevalent.

The study also assessed participants’ knowledge regarding vulnerability factors 
for in-country child trafficking using three items rated as correct or incorrect. The item 
stating that children from urban areas are vulnerable was rated as correct by 63.8% (n = 
285) of participants, while 68.7% (n = 307) agreed that children from poor families are 
most at risk. The highest recognition was observed for the statement that children from 
poor families are more vulnerable, with 74.0% (n = 331) rating it as correct.

Finally, the study assessed participants’ knowledge regarding traffickers 
and recruitment techniques using two distinct items. One item addressed the 
identification of potential recruiters, stating that acquaintances, strangers, friends, 
neighbors/family friends, relatives, and private companies could be involved, while 
the other examined the tactic of recruiting children through false promises. The 
results indicated that 352 participants (78.7%) correctly identified the potential 
traffickers and 374 participants (84.2%) accurately recognized false promises as a 
recruitment strategy (see Table 2).

Table 2: Knowledge of internal child trafficking

No Categories Correct 
N         %

Incorrect
N          %   

A. Knowledge about the definition of child trafficking   
1. In-country child trafficking is the recruitment, 

transportation, transfer, harboring, or receipt of 
children within a country for exploitation

130  29.3                       314         70.7

2. In-country child trafficking involves the exploita-
tion of a child 

189          42.6                       255          57.4 

3. In-country child trafficking may involve abuse of 
power or a position of vulnerability

192            43.0                        252          56.4

B. Knowledge about the victims' profiles
4. Victims of in-country child trafficking are children 

forced to work to repay a loan
185 41.4 259 57.9

5. Victims of in-country child trafficking can be child 
domestic workers who are abused by their employers 

231 51.7 213 47.7

6. Children who are forced to work longer hours than was 
promised can be victims of in-country child trafficking

263 58.8 181 40.5

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7. Working children who do not receive wages or 
have their wages withheld by their employers are 
victims of in-country child trafficking

277 62 167 37.4

C. Knowledge about the psychosocial plight experienced by trafficked children
8. In most cases, victims of in-country child traffick-

ing experience physical abuse
277 62 167 37.4

9. In most cases, victims of in-country child traffick-
ing experience psychological abuse

281 62.9 163 36.5

D. Knowledge about the vulnerability to child trafficking
10. Children from urban areas are vulnerable to in-

country child trafficking 
285 63.8 159 35.5

11. Children from rural areas are most often vulner-
able to in-country child trafficking 

307 68.7 137 30.6

12. Children from poor families are more vulnerable 
to in-country child trafficking than other children 

331 74.0 113 25.3

E. Knowledge about the traffickers and techniques
13. Acquaintances, strangers, friends, neighbors, fam-

ily friends, relatives, and private companies could 
be among recruiters 

352 78.7 92 20.6

14. Children are recruited into trafficking through 
false promises 

374 84.2 70 15.7

Source: Authors' own work

Similarly, the findings from the FGDs indicate a significant knowledge gap regarding 
child trafficking. The data from FGDs indicate that the participants tended to conflate 
child trafficking with child exploitation, labor, and forced begging. For example, 
(FGDP1) said, “Child trafficking is when children migrate from their town/village 
and work for others for free or very little.” Equating child trafficking with migration 
and related concepts was evident among most of the participants. 

In a similar vein, the child participants were asked questions concerning what 
child trafficking is, whether they have — or anyone they know — ever experienced or 
witnessed child trafficking, who the recruiters are, and the tactics used by the traffickers. 

Of the five participants asked, two reported that they had heard about child 
trafficking. A 16-year-old male participant who migrated from Boditi village to Sodo 
when he was just 12 years old, shared his understanding of child trafficking in the 
following way: “Child trafficking is the exploitation of migrant children. It is when 
employers make children earn money but pay them a little while keeping the rest of 
the money for themselves.”

Regarding the gender of trafficked children, participants were asked in the 
semi-structured questionnaire which gender is more trafficked in their locality. As 



21

depicted in Figure 2, the majority (66.8%) indicated that both boys and girls were 
perceived as vulnerable to child trafficking, 24.3% of participants identified girls as 
being more frequently trafficked in their local communities, whereas 9% reported 
boys as the most frequently trafficked gender.

Figure 2: Vulnerability to child trafficking based on gender

Source: Authors' own work

Key informants indicated that children from impoverished rural families, school 
dropouts, or orphans are at high risk of trafficking. They further added that street 
children, those from dysfunctional or abusive households, and children with 
disabilities are also among those at high risk of trafficking. For instance, one of the 
key informants, a police officer from a child protection unit, narrated the following:

 
Children of poor rural families are always at risk. Many disadvantaged rural 
families are willing to send their children away, hoping that their children will 
get an opportunity for education and new skills. Some send [them] away with 
the hope of getting economic support from the remittance (KI1).

The FGD findings confirm the above findings, emphasizing similar characteristics 
of children. Seven out of eight FGD participants noted that being an orphan 
increases children’s vulnerability to trafficking due to the lack of parental care, 
making them more susceptible to exploitation. Both boys and girls are at significant 
risk of trafficking; however, the nature of exploitation differs by gender. Boys are 
more frequently trafficked to fulfill specialized roles that demand particular skills or 

Boys
9%

Girls
24%

Both
67%

Boys

Girls

Both

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AHMR African Human Mobility Review - Volume 11 No 2, MAY-AUGUST 2025

physical attributes, while girls are exploited predominantly for domestic labor and 
related services. 

The interviewed children reported experiencing a range of exploitative 
practices, including wage theft, long working hours, physical and psychological 
abuse, and denial of medical care. In this regard, a 15-year-old child participant 
shared his experience of trafficking and reintegration:

 
I was taken to Hawassa by a maternal relative who assured my parents that 
he would provide me with an education in exchange for my assistance. He 
pledged to enroll me in school and meet all my basic needs. However, these 
promises were entirely false. Instead, he transferred me to another individual 
who subjected me to extensive labor as a weaver, requiring me to work from 
early morning until late at night. After several months, I was eventually 
rescued by labor inspection officers from the Ministry of Labour and Social 
Affairs (CI5).

The results of the study also showed that traffickers often use family, friends, close and 
distant relatives, neighbors, and brokers to recruit children by exploiting children’s 
dreams of a better life elsewhere. According to one of the child participants, 

There are some individuals (facilitators) who are considered “big brothers.” 
These individuals come back to the village during the “Gifata” with children 
who previously migrated from different areas (CI3).

Moreover, the findings of the FGDs and key informant interviews indicate that 
traffickers employ deceptive tactics to attract children and convince parents with 
promises of better opportunities in urban areas. However, reality often contradicts 
these promises, leading to exploitation and profound disappointment. The 
understanding of child trafficking among participants varied, with some providing 
detailed explanations and others focusing on specific aspects.

Sources of information 

The data collected from participants showed that multiple media platforms serve as 
channels for information regarding internal child trafficking. As shown in Table 3, 
more than one-third (35.6%) of the participants cited radio programs as primary 
sources, followed by social networks (30.6%) and television programs (17.4%). The 
internet (6.7%), documentaries (5.4%), and movies (3.1%) also served as sources of 
information and played a role in raising awareness among participants. The findings 
highlight the significant role of various media platforms in disseminating information 
about internal child trafficking.



23

Table 3: Sources of information

No Frequency Percent
1. I personally know someone who was trafficked 137 30.6
2. Someone I know told me about it 2 0.4
3. I watched a news program on TV 78 17.4
4. I watched a documentary on TV 24 5.4
5. I watched a film on TV 14 3.1
6. I listened to a program on the radio 159 35.6
7. I read about it on the internet 30 6.7

Source: Authors' own work

Participants’ attitudes toward internal child trafficking 

For 10 items to assess attitudes toward child trafficking, the scores ranged from 22 
to 46 (mean = 3.08, SD = +.50). The majority of the participants, n = 248 (55.9%), 
tend to score above the mean in attitudes measure scores. The overall attitudes of the 
residents of Wolaita Sodo town concerning internal child trafficking are illustrated 
in Table 4. More than half of the respondents (233 or 52.4%) expressed their concern 
about in-country child trafficking, and 225 (50.6%) believed that the indicators 
of child trafficking in Wolaita Sodo town are easily identifiable. The majority of 
participants exhibited a positive attitude toward taking action, showing an interest in 
attending workshops focused on identifying and preventing child trafficking, as well 
as a willingness to report suspected cases to the authorities. However, nearly half of 
the participants expressed a negative attitude toward the victims of child trafficking. 

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Table 4: Attitudes of participants toward in-country child trafficking
No Items SA A DK SDA DA Mean S. D

F (%) F (%) F (%) F (%) F (%)
1. In-country child 

trafficking is a serious 
problem in Wolaita 
Sodo town

50 
11.3

184 
41.4

104 
23.4

76
7.1

30
6.75 

3.47 0.91

2. If I suspected a child 
was being trafficked, 
I would be hesitant 
to report it to the 
authorities for fear of 
being wrong

38
8.6

176 
39.6

135 
30.4

88 
19.8

7
1.6

3.33 0.94

3. It is not difficult 
to identify a child-
trafficking situation in 
Wolaita Sodo

97 
21.8

168 
37.8

133 
30

46 
10.4

0
0

3.71 0.93

4. Children who end up 
being trafficked do so 
by their own choice

30
6.8

138 
31.1

97 
29.7

132 
41.4

47
10.6

3.15 0.93

5. If those trafficked 
children were poor to 
start with, at least now 
they have a job

25
5.6

101 
22.7

117 
26.4

191 
43

10
2.3

2.86 0.98

6. People I know say 
children who are 
trafficked deserve what 
they get

40
9

109 
24.5

91 
20.5

180 
40.5

23
5.2

2.49 1.13

7. I would be willing to 
report suspected cases 
of child trafficking to 
the authorities

60 
13.5

176 
39.6

139 
31.3

68 
15.3

1
0.2

3.51 0.92

8. I would be willing to 
display informational 
materials about child 
trafficking in my home 
or business

38
8.6

101 
22.7

114 
25.7

186 
41.9

5
1.1 

2.96 1.02



25

9. I would be interested 
in attending a 
workshop on how to 
identify and prevent 
child-trafficking

83 
18.7

154 
34.7

142 
32.0

65 
14.6

0 3.57 0.96

10. I would feel 
comfortable talking 
to my neighbors 
about child trafficking 
prevention

107 
24.1

141 
31.8

161 
36.3

34
7.7

1
0.2

3.72 0.92

Note N= 444, SA= strongly agree, A= agree, DK= don’t know, DA= disagree, SDA= 
strongly disagree. The decision was based on a weighted average of 33.38/10= 3.34

Source: Authors' own work

While some participants viewed child trafficking as voluntary migration driven 
by opportunities, others recognized it as trafficking. Despite their concerns, some 
participants justified it as beneficial migration. For example, FGD participant 3 reported:

 
Migration benefits children differently. In addition to earning money of their 
own and developing their social network, it also helps them to be self-reliant, 
since they have to do a lot of things by themselves. I believe that it helps 
children to be strong and self-reliant and helps them build other qualities that 
would help them in their adult life.

The movement of children, often perceived as a pathway to better opportunities, can 
sometimes result in their exploitation. Societal perceptions, shaped by misleading 
narratives and idealized expectations, may obscure the challenges children face. 
However, these experiences can be significantly more difficult than initially 
anticipated. Participants in FGDs expressed concerns about the severity of the issue, 
whereas the interviewed children framed their experiences as migration journeys, 
emphasizing their resilience, despite facing abuse and exploitation. Child interviewee 
3, a 16-year-old female, said the following:

When a child leaves home, the burden on the family is somehow eased, since 
you entirely depend on your parents for every need, whether they are capable 
of providing it for you or not. On the other hand, some children are brave 
enough to make savings in all the hardship and exploitative conditions they 
have been through, and they make some contributions at critical times. Some 
of them saved for a couple of years to buy their family cattle, which can help 
them produce better on their farm. 

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The interviewed children value independence and self-reliance, even if it comes at 
the cost of their well-being. Despite the hardships, they view their experiences as 
educational and beneficial, believing it has helped them understand urban life and the 
value of their labor in generating income. This underscores the necessity for a nuanced 
understanding of child mobility and the challenges faced by vulnerable individuals. 

Factors associated with knowledge of and attitudes toward child trafficking 

Multivariate logistic regression analysis shows that education level, having trafficked 
family members, and information sources are significantly associated with knowledge 
of child trafficking. Participants with a first degree and above are 3.25 times (1.21-
8.81) more likely to have good knowledge of child trafficking than those with lower 
levels of education. Those with trafficked family members are 3.36 times (1.59-6.81) 
more likely to be knowledgeable. Additionally, those who reported knowing someone 
who had been trafficked are 1.41 times (1.44-1.85) more likely to be knowledgeable 
than those who relied solely on the internet as a source of information. Those who 
followed television news are 1.58 times (1.38-1.76), more likely to be knowledgeable 
than those who relied solely on the internet as a source of information, while those 
who reported movies as a source of information are 1.75 times (1.44-1.85) more 
likely to be knowledgeable than those who relied solely on the internet as a source of 
information. Those who identified the radio as their primary source of information 
are 1.34 times (1.35-1.79) more likely to have higher levels of knowledge of child 
trafficking than those who relied solely on the internet (see Table 5).

Moreover, having adequate knowledge of child trafficking, education level, 
family history of trafficking, and information sources were associated with positive 
attitudes toward child trafficking and anti-trafficking activities. Participants with 
a first-degree education or higher were 2.31 times (1.29-4.34) less likely to hold 
negative attitudes toward victims of child trafficking and anti-child trafficking 
practices compared to those with lower education levels. Those with trafficked 
family members were 0.44 times (0.47-0.27) less likely to exhibit negative attitudes 
toward victims of child trafficking and anti-child trafficking practices than those 
without trafficked family members. Similarly, participants with an adequate level of 
knowledge were 1.26 times (0.86-1.85) less likely to have negative attitudes toward 
victims of child trafficking and anti-child trafficking practices compared to those 
with inadequate knowledge. 

 Furthermore, participants who reported knowing someone who had been 
trafficked are 4.87 times (3.86-6.85) less likely to hold negative attitudes than those 
who learned about child trafficking from the internet, while those who reported 
learning about child trafficking through watching television news are 3.27 times 
(2.88-3.75) less likely to hold negative attitudes. Moreover, those informed by a wide 
range of media sources are less likely to have negative attitudes toward victims of 
child trafficking and anti-child trafficking practices than participants who identified 
the internet as their sole source of information. Those who reported learning about 



27

child trafficking from television documentaries are 3.78 times (2.42–4.63) less likely 
to have negative attitudes toward victims of child trafficking and anti-child trafficking 
practices than participants who identified the internet as their source of information, 
whereas those who reported learning about trafficking from movies  are 2.59 times 
(1.43-3.85) less likely, and those relying on radio programs are 1.82 times (1.65-1.97) 
less likely to hold negative attitudes compared to those who reported learning about 
child trafficking from the internet.

Table 5: Factors associated with knowledge of and 
attitudes toward child trafficking

Variables Knowledge
OR  95% CI    

Upper            Lower                                              

Attitude 
OR   95% CI 

Upper            Lower
Better than most people (Ref.) 1 1 1 1
Same as most people 0.87 0.37–20 0.39 0.51–3.01
Worse than most people 0.77 0.32–1.84 1.94    0.88–7.68
Level of education *
Illiterate (Ref.) 1 1 1 1
Read and write only 0.90 0.354–2.29 0.31 0.49–2.87
Primary education 0.99 0.49–1.98 0.41 0.61–3.30
Secondary education 1.08 0.50–2.32 0.29 0.08–3.81
College diploma 0.88 0.40–1.94 1.16   0.66–2.43
First degree and above 3.25 1.21–8.81 2.31 1.29–4.34
Knowledge**
Inadequate (Ref.) 1 1
Adequate 1.26 0.86–1.85
Have trafficked family members**
No (Ref.)
Yes

1
3.36 

1
1.59–6.81

1
0.44

1
0.456–
0.271

Sources of information*
Internet (Ref.) 1 1 1 1
Knew someone trafficked 1.41 1.27–1.89 4.87 3.86–6.85 
Television news 1.58 1.38–1.76 3.27 2.88–3.75
Television documentary 1.45 1.57–1.89 3.78 2.42–4.63
Television movies 1.75 1.44–1.85 2.59 1.43–3.85
Radio 1.34 1.35–1.79 1.82 1.65–1.97

**=p<.01, *=p<0.05, Ref. = reference category
Source: Authors' own work

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DISCUSSION

Regarding child trafficking knowledge, residents presented an inadequate level of 
knowledge, with a lower score in knowledge about the defining features of in-country 
child trafficking. In contrast to previous studies (e.g., Gonçalves et al., 2019; Davy and 
Metanji, 2022; Adhikari et al., 2023) where participants displayed a good knowledge 
of the issue, the participants of the current study obtained a lower score on overall 
knowledge of child trafficking, in accord with other studies (see Gezie et al., 2021; 
Gonçalves et al., 2021; Exeni McAmis et al., 2022; Mazumdar and Mukherjee, 2022).

Significant gaps in understanding persist, as many study participants did not 
recognize the defining features of in-country child trafficking. The qualitative findings, 
except for the key informant interview results, all lend support to this finding, which 
shows the common misconception that trafficking is synonymous with migration, 
child labor, and forced labor, with some individuals even equating child labor with 
child trafficking. However, it is important to note that not all instances of child labor 
equate to child trafficking. This finding aligns with numerous previous findings (e.g., 
Winrock International Cambodia, 2012; Gecho and Worku, 2018).

Consistent with the earlier findings of Sharapov (2019), participants displayed 
a good knowledge of the victims’ characteristics. In line with previous studies, the 
current finding shows that a significant majority (79%) of participants recognized 
the fact that traffickers can come from diverse sources, including acquaintances, 
strangers, friends, neighbors, family friends, relatives, and private companies. The 
current finding also aligns with previous research by Gecho and Worku (2018) that 
revealed that individuals within a child’s immediate social environment such as 
friends, peers, brokers, relatives, family members, and neighbors often serve as key 
agents in the trafficking process in the Wolaita zone as well as with findings of Sabita 
et al. (2021) and Manju et al. (2024). However, these findings contrast with those 
of Davy and Metanji (2022), where only 48% of participants recognized that family 
members might also act as traffickers. 

Regarding information sources, numerous channels provide information, 
including mass media and social networks. The findings reflect the unique 
information ecosystem and media consumption habits of the study population. 
Primary sources, including trusted local institutions and community organizations, 
appear to be the principal channels for information on child trafficking. This likely 
stems from these sources’ ability to offer reliable, context-specific insights, which 
resonate deeply within the community. Additionally, the significant role of social 
networks (30.6%) highlights the importance of interpersonal communication, where 
word-of-mouth and personal connections play a vital role in shaping understanding. 
In contrast, the relatively lower influence of television, the internet, documentaries, 
and movies may indicate both regional media preferences and variations in access 
or trust in these formats, further emphasizing that information dissemination is 
context-dependent.



29

The study also explored factors influencing knowledge about child trafficking, 
specifically focusing on gender and socio-economic status. It found no significant 
differences linked to these variables, which aligns with the findings of Exeni McAmis et 
al. (2022) and Wangsnes (2014). This outcome contrasts with earlier research by Davy 
and Metanji (2022), Cunha et al. (2019), and Gonçalves and Matos (2021), all of which 
indicate higher trafficking knowledge among females, and Mazumdar and Mukherjee’s 
(2022) finding, which reported a lower level of knowledge among female participants. 

In contrast to previous findings of Azage et al. (2014) and Adhikari et al. 
(2023), which reported a positive association between socio-economic status and 
knowledge, the current study did not reveal any significant differences based on the 
socio-economic status of the participants. This discrepancy may be attributed to the 
larger sample sizes used in the earlier studies, compared to the smaller sample size 
observed in the current study for each group. Furthermore, individuals with higher 
education levels had significantly more knowledge about internal child trafficking 
compared to those with lower educational status. This supports previous findings 
(Botchkovar et al., 2016; Gonçalves et al., 2021; Sabita et al., 2021; Exeni McAmis et 
al., 2022; Mazumdar and Mukherjee, 2022) but contradicts Wangsnes (2014), which 
found no significant differences based on education level.

Knowledge of internal trafficking is also associated with factors such as having 
family members who have been trafficked and sources of information, in which those 
who have trafficked family members seem more knowledgeable than those who do 
not. Participants who reported knowing someone who had been trafficked, coupled 
with their reliance on television news and movies seem to have more knowledge than 
those who used the internet as their primary source of information. This finding is in 
line with the findings of Thainiyom (2011), Shrestha et al. (2015), and Sharapov (2019).

Regarding attitudes toward child trafficking victims and anti-child trafficking 
practices, the residents expressed a higher level of concern about child trafficking 
in their locality and showed empathy toward victims. It challenged harmful beliefs, 
such as children’s complicity and victim-blaming, while highlighting a willingness 
to engage in preventive measures. However, the perception of migration as a normal 
practice complicated the understanding of child movement. This finding is analogous 
to earlier work on attitudes toward human trafficking (e.g., Botchkovar et al., 2016; 
Sharapov, 2019; Davy and Metanji, 2022).

Nevertheless, the qualitative findings highlight participants’ disagreeing 
attitudes toward child trafficking, where it is often confused with migration and seen as 
a way to escape poverty and an opportunity to gain skills and knowledge. This finding 
aligns with previous studies (Walakira et al., 2015; Zewdie et al., 2024) that indicate that 
sending children to towns and cities to improve household income is common.

Consistent with previous findings, significant associations were found 
between demographic factors and attitudes toward child trafficking, revealing that 
education level, knowledge of trafficking, perceived socio-economic status, having 
family members who had been trafficked, and information sources were associated 

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AHMR African Human Mobility Review - Volume 11 No 2, MAY-AUGUST 2025

positively with attitudes toward the issue (Oyeleke et al., 2018; Sharapov, 2019; Davy 
and Metanji, 2022). Conversely, this study’s findings contradict several others (see, 
for example, Winrock International Cambodia, 2012; Cunningham and Cromer, 
2014; Rajji, 2015; Botchkovar et al., 2016; Mazumdar and Mukherjee, 2022).

The finding of the study indicates that there is a statistically significant 
association between knowledge and attitude. Participants who possessed adequate 
knowledge about child trafficking tended to have a desirable attitude toward victims 
of trafficking and a willingness to engage in preventive practices. This finding 
is supported by previous findings (e.g., Winrock International Cambodia, 2012; 
Cunningham and Cromer 2014; Sharapov, 2019; Omoregbe and Aghahowa, 2023) 
that indicate that good knowledge about human trafficking is associated positively 
with a desirable attitude toward phenomena, and individuals with adequate levels of 
knowledge about trafficking were less likely to blame the victim for their situation. 
On the other hand, the current findings do not support some previous findings. For 
instance, research by Rajji (2015) revealed that despite awareness of the negative 
consequences of human trafficking, positive attitudes toward the practice persisted. 
Similarly, Mazumdar and Mukherjee (2022) found that individuals demonstrated 
a higher level of knowledge about child trafficking but failed to exhibit the 
corresponding attitudes and behaviors.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The study examined knowledge and attitudes among the residents of Wolaita Sodo 
town, southern Ethiopia. It found that many residents had inadequate knowledge about 
child trafficking. Misconceptions remained prevalent, as many participants conflated 
trafficking with migration, child labor, and forced labor. Nevertheless, respondents 
exhibited a solid grasp of the issue’s dynamics, including the vulnerabilities that lead 
to the phenomenon, the profiles of traffickers, and their methods.

Education level played a crucial role in shaping knowledge, with a direct 
correlation between higher education and better knowledge. However, factors such 
as gender and socio-economic status did not appear to significantly affect knowledge 
levels. Information sources proved to be vital, with trusted local institutions and 
interpersonal networks being the most relied-upon resources. In contrast, media 
formats such as television and the internet had a less significant impact. 

The study underscores a significant concern and empathy among residents 
regarding child trafficking, highlighting their willingness to engage in preventive 
measures while challenging harmful beliefs such as victim-blaming and the notion of 
children’s complicity. However, misconceptions persisted, particularly surrounding 
migration, which was frequently perceived as an opportunity rather than a potential 
trafficking risk. Divergent attitudes further complicated understanding, as some 
participants equated child mobility with economic escape, reflecting cultural norms 
that support sending children to urban areas for better financial prospects.



31

Moreover, demographic factors such as education level, knowledge of 
trafficking, perceived socio-economic status, and personal experiences with trafficked 
individuals were positively correlated with attitudes toward the issue. Individuals with 
good knowledge displayed more supportive attitudes toward victims and were less 
inclined to blame them, reinforcing the connection between education and awareness.

To address the knowledge gaps surrounding child trafficking, awareness 
campaigns must clarify misconceptions and educate the public about this 
phenomenon’s defining characteristics. Incorporating trafficking education into 
formal curricula can enhance understanding, while community-based information 
channels and social networks can improve outreach efforts. Using various media 
platforms, such as television and film, can further boost awareness. Providing 
educational resources to support victims and their families can empower communities 
in the fight against trafficking.

To enhance residents’ understanding of child trafficking and foster positive 
attitudes toward victims, targeted educational programs should be developed to 
dispel misconceptions, particularly regarding the distinctions between migration 
and trafficking. Community awareness campaigns should focus on dismantling 
harmful beliefs, such as victim-blaming and should promote protective behaviors. As 
knowledge is closely linked to attitudes, integrating trafficking education into schools 
and public forums will help bridge these awareness gaps. Additionally, leveraging 
trusted local institutions and social networks can make information more accessible.

Recognizing that personal exposure significantly influences attitudes, support 
programs for victims should include structured education for affected families to 
strengthen community advocacy. Finally, collaborations between law enforcement, 
policymakers, and social organizations can enhance anti-trafficking initiatives and 
foster broader engagement within the community.

Future research should broaden the scope of this study by including prevention 
components, such as legislation and policy, capacity building, victim support and 
rehabilitation, and collaboration and coordination. Additionally, it should include 
other contextual factors, such as cultural beliefs and practices, previous trauma or 
victimization, social support networks, risk perception, lack of legal protection, 
access to services, and stigmatization and discrimination. Moreover, future research 
should incorporate the perspectives and lived experiences of trafficked children.

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