


































In ternationa l
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African Journal of Environmental Economics and Management ISSN 2375-0707 Vol. 6 (1), pp. 348-354, 
January, 2018. Available online at www.internationalscholarsjournals.org © International Scholars Journals 

 

Author(s) retain the copyright of this article. 
 
 
 

Full Length Research Paper 
 

Effect of depletion of natural resources in sustainable 
environmental management programmes in Zimbabwe 

 

*Moven Muzenda, Morgan H. Mahachi and Simon Olonga Asante 
 

Department of Physics, Geography and Environmental Science, Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe. 
 

Accepted 16 January, 2017 
 

The depletion of natural resources is one of the greatest challenges with far reaching consequences if 
sustainable environmental management programmes are not properly put into practice in Zimbabwe. The 
major contending issue, however, is how the exigency of sustainable environmental management can be 
contextualised in light of the local indigenous knowledge systems. Although literature is abound on the 
recommended environmental conservation models, it is heavily influenced by western scientific discourses 
whose perspectives are far removed from the existential realities of local populations. In our observations, 
Africans were and still conscious of the devastating consequences of the unsustainable utilisation of natural 
resources, which the Shona people call, zvisikwa. This concept of zvisikwa is constitutive of a deep-seated 
symbolism whose interpretations and meanings are rooted in the religio-cultural milieu of the locals. 
Specifically, this study is carried out among the Ndau, a Shona linguistic group in south-eastern Zimbabwe. 
The traditional utilisation of natural resources is systematic and rational as people acknowledge the ability of 
land to continue to regenerate itself. It is this perceived paradigm of indigenous knowledge systems that the 
study embraces as it guarantees the continuity and harmony of the socio-cultural networks that ensure the 
survival of rural societies. 
 
Key words: Traditional religion, natural resources, indigenous knowledge systems, utilisation and environment. 

 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
The subject of the interrelatedness between traditional 
religion and ecology or environment continues to grow in 
contemporary African scholarship. This study is part of 
the surging debate concerning the link between traditional 
religion and natural resources. The article discusses the 
critical issues on the symbolism and utilisation of natural 
resources among the Shona People, with special 
reference to the Ndau linguistic group in South-eastern 
Zimbabwe. The justification for choosing this distinctive 
linguistic group is that there are very few ethnographical 
studies that were carried out among these people as 
compared with the rest of the Shona Peoples  
(Karanga, Zezuru and Korekore).The Ndau share a common 
 
 
 
 

*Corresponding author. E-mail: moven.mozenda@gmail.com 

 
 
 

 
heritage which tries to explore the vitality of indigenous 
knowledge systems in ecological management, yet they 
have been neglected.  

The focus is on exploring the significance of the 
indigenous knowledge systems concerning the utility of 
natural resources. Dora- Hoppers (2001) as cited in Maila 
and Loubser (2003) defines indigenous knowledge 
systems as ‘knowledge that is characterised by its 
embeddedness in the cultural web and history of a people 
including their civilisation and which forms the backbone 
of the social, economic, scientific and technological 
identity of such people.’ In a traditional African context, 
according to Sibanda (1997; 2000) natural resource use, 
management and conservation are products of people’s 
spirituality, culture, practices, taboo systems and 
knowledge accumulated over centuries. The major 
contention of this study is that the Shona people, as 

represented   by   the   South-eastern   Ndau   linguistic   Group, 



Moven et al.      349 
 
 
 
view themselves as symbiotically related to the physical 
environment since nature is intimately and ultimately 
correlated to the spiritual world. This spiritual world 
manifests itself in the landscape through phenomena 
such as rocks, caves, pools, trees and animals, 
especially lions and eagles (Fontein, 2006). 

In most African societies, as Ranger (1999) has 
observed, nature and culture carry a symbiotic 
relationship with traditional religion. In concrete terms, it 
is this traditional religion that forms the core of a 
particularistic culture of local people in their situatedness. 
Thus, the utilisation of natural resources is more than 
satisfying the immediate needs; but also a part of the 
conservation and celebration of human life (Sibanda, 
1997; 2000). It must be pointed out that the indigenous 
people utilise natural resources in quite systematic ways 
and with deep observance of a ‘rich tradition’ of norms, 
taboo systems and assorted practices that are grounded 
in the religio-cultural milieu. This body of belief system 
shapes local people’s interpretation of their perception of 
the accessibility and utility of the available natural 
resources. On the onset, it must be pointed out that the 
colonial assumptions that prejudiced the Shona people as 
reckless and irresponsible with regard to the use and 
conservation of natural resources were very superficial. In 
our analysis, the colonial assumption was unfortunate 
because it merely expressed an egoistic conviction of the 
settler administration. Moreover, the ontological 
perspective grounded in the western discourse places the 
African humanity in some sort of philosophically informed 
symbiotic context (Light, 1997). It therefore suffices to 
assert that the colonial assumptions, as highlighted 
below, were just a way of alienating Africans from their 
land than an attempt to offer alternative but more viable 
environmental management strategies. 

Such adherence to western perceptions is seen in how 
the significance of indigenous knowledge systems has 
long been, until recently, virtually ignored and maligned 
by the government and international organisations 
(Warren 1992; www.ciesin.org/docs/004-173.html). The 
post colonial government in Zimbabwe adopted and 
extended the colonial pieces of legislation which were 
resented by the local communities as destructive to their 
livelihoods. Wolmer (2007) asserts that the danger is that 
these initiatives will deepen antagonism over land and 
lead to further coercive regulations on natural resource 
use to be at odds with people’s livelihood strategies. The 
perception of scarcity of natural resources is virtually 
distorted as local people view themselves as invisible on 
the landscape they have lived in and identified 
themselves with over centuries. In a related study done 
around Nyanga district, in the Eastern highlands of 
Zimbabwe, Moore (2005) showed that the local women at 
Kaerezi area complained and expressed scarcity of one 
natural resource, huni (firewood). The scarcity of huni 
was perceived to be as a result of mbawu (human 
greediness) that was impacted by the encroachment and 

extension of Nyanga National Park into the local people’s 

 
 
 

 
neighbourhoods.  

As such, the term and concept of zvisikwa (things 
created or rather, natural phenomena) occupies a central 
position in the interpretation of the symbols and utility of 
natural resource use and conservation among the Ndau 
people. Moore (2005) contends that zvisikwa are imbued 
with use-values and take on meaning through people’s 
daily livelihood struggles. There is a sense of collective 
responsibility on meaning that each and every member of 
the community is bound to ensure that he or she extracts 
resources from the physical environment without 
compromising the ability of present and future 
generations to meet their natural needs in a sustainable 
way. Thus, zvisikwa does not posit an historical essence 
of natural resource use but it accommodates a range of 
cosmologies and religious idioms: a supreme being 
known as Mwari, guardian spirits known as mhondoro 
and a plethora of wandering spirits known as mashavi. All 
these spiritual entities are perceived to hold responsibility 
in the process of creation. In light of the study findings, 
therefore, the old colonial hypothesis that Africans are 
reckless and irresponsible in managing their ecology or 
environment is not justified anymore. Rather, it must be 
asserted that the Ndau people were and still conscious of 
the importance of conserving natural environment. This is 
how a paradox of conflicting realities about interpreting 
the environmental crisis comes to the forefront. The 
adoption by Africans of such strategies such as poaching, 
deliberate burning of forests or woodlands and wanton 
killing of straying animals for meat must be understood in 
a wider context. This context ultimately points to an 
expression of resentment on part of the local people. In 
addition, as McGregor (1991) (cited in Alexander, 2006) 
has claimed, resistance is not so much of 
‘misunderstanding’ the science of technical development 
but of seeing it as ‘irrationality involved in ruling Africans 
and robbing them of resources.’ 
 
 
METHODOLOGY AND STUDY DELINEATION 
 
Two interlinked methods, the phenomenological and participant-
observation approaches were used in this study. Both paradigms 
are relevant for field research. The phenomenological method was 
very handy because it is concerned with seeing a phenomenon or 
behaviour or religion as the adherents see them, rather that 
imposing any sort of external value judgement. In fact, the 
phenomeno-logical approach provided a means for investigating the 
way people come to know reality (Cox, 1992). Through the principle 
and process of epoche, that is, we were able to gather data after 
‘bracketing’ any of the value judgements that outsiders can hold. 
Accordingly, the Ndau cultural beliefs and practices on the 
utilisation and management of natural resources were studied as 
pure categories, sui generis. The strength in the application of the 
phenomenological approach was the ability to differentiate between 
noumena (things as they are) from phenomena (things as we 
perceive them). By doing so, the first hand information was 
generated from the local people particularly when juxtaposed with 
the participant observation method. This methodological paradigm 
is located in ethnography as it grapples with the people’s belief 
systems, customs, taboos, fears, interests and cultural practices. 



350     Afr. J.  Envir. Econ. Manage. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
Other districts of Manicaland 
Province  
Study districts where the 
Ndau are located 

 
 
Figure 1. Map showing the Location of Ndau People in Chimanimani and Chipinge Districts of South-

eastern Zimbabwe and an insert of Southern Africa Region. Source: Adapted from Alois Mandondo 

(1997), Institute of Environmental Studies, University of Zimbabwe. 
 

 
In the application of the participant observation approach, we 
undertook a face-to-face interaction with the local people in their 
natural existential settings. We also undertook intensive 
interviewing and critical observation to what the people did when 
expressing their culture and religion vis -à-vis natural resource utility 
and conservation strategies. Through the participant observation 
technique, the research was positively shaped in three ways, which 
are: 
 
1. Field investigation was done in situ, that is, in local people’s 
situatedness and culturedness.   
2. Our interaction with the people was direct and this yielded first 
hand data.  
3. We gained understanding of the socio-cultural milieu that helped 

us to draw findings about their perspectives on natural resource use 

and ecological management.  

 
In light of these two methods, we were able to get deep into the 
‘insider’s point of view’ and decode meaning of cultural beliefs, 
customs, taboos and traditions which govern the way locals use 
and conserve natural resources within their environment. These 
methods were very fruitful when corroborated by integral 
interviewing.  

Literally, we got ‘our hands dirty’ during the six weeks, in-

between March and April 2010, when we conducted fieldwork 

among the Ndau people in south-eastern Zimbabwe. This South- 

 

 
eastern geographical belt shares a ‘hard international border’ with 
Mozambique in the east (Figure 1). It is a hard border because the 
Ndau people are found on either side of it, on account of colonial 
imposition despite their cultural homogeneity. The Ndau people 

have lived in this area at least since the 15
th

 Century and thus have 

a long-standing relationship with the land and its resources (Anstey 
and De Sousa, 2001). Nevertheless, the study focussed on those 
local peoples found on the Zimbabwean side only. Two districts 
were chosen to carry out the study; these are Chipinge and 
Chimanimani districts. Besides participant obser-vation, information 
was also collected through semi-structured interviews in ChiNdau 
dialect. In Chimanimani, interviews were conducted in a number of 
selected villages in Muusha, Chikukwa, Mutambara and Ngorima 
chieftaincies. In Chipinge district interviews were also carried out in 
some selected villages in Musikavanhu, Mutema, Mapungwana and 
Garahwa chieftaincies. Those interviews were targeted at the 
elderly people whom we consider are the credible custodians of 
Ndau history, culture and traditions. 

 
RESULT 
 
The paradox of competing perceptions 
 
Different cultures hold divergent worldviews about the 
place of humanity within the universe. The major contention 



Moven et al.      351 
 
 
 
is on the place of humanity in the context of their 
environment. This raises questions about how humans 
may interact with nature especially vis-à-vis the utilisation 
of natural resources. Two competing notions can be 
identified. On one hand, there is the dominance of the 
western worldview about natural resource conservation 
generated debate because of its failure to address 
environmental concerns and dilemmas especially in 
African communities. The shortcomings, according to 
Schoffeleers (1978), rest on its failure to distinguish what 
is being said and the way it is being said by the Africans 
themselves. On the other hand, there is an African 
perspective and does a call for a radical departure from 
the current understand. This latter perspective gives 
indigenous knowledge systems the importance they 
deserve with regard to natural resources utilisation and 
conservation. But, in as much as we have observed, both 
notions are conscious about the conservation of natural 
environment, the divergence is much on the extent 
humans dominates nature. Both notions somehow 
converge at the anthropocentric idea that humans have 
the right to exploit natural resources, zvisikwa, as this is 
the order of nature that life forms depend on each other 
for survival. Let us start by highlighting the western 
perspectives. 
 
 
Some Western notions 
 
The Western notions about the relationship between 
people and environment construct humans as funda-
mentally isolated from the rest of nature. It perceives 
humanity as quite superior and in charge of the rest of 
creation (Devall and Sessions, 2000). As stated by 
Wolmer (2007), the technocratic-industrial worldview 
constructs a wilderness image in which nature is seen as 
a potentially productive landscape or must be preserved 
in its pristine state. The wilderness is seen as a refuge or 
sanctuary in which those in need of consolation can find 
respite from the pressures of civilisation and modernity. 
To legitimise this kind of thinking, the colonial settlers 
introduced alien territorial paradigms such as private 
ownership and physical boundaries that subsequently 
resulted in land enclosures by way of fencing. As shall be 
highlighted later, this is in sharp contrast with the African 
worldview because this wilderness is also a place of 
human habitation since there were no discrete 
boundaries between people’s communities and natural 
environment. 
 
 
Some African notions 
 
In describing African perspective, Croll and Parkin (1992) 
(Wolmer, 2007) have stated that ‘humans and their 
changing environments are reciprocally inscribed in 
cosmological ideas and cultural understanding, they are 
part of each other: the forest is the people, in thesame 

 
 
 

 
way that ancestors can be, in a sense, extensions of the 
living’. Like the rest of Shona linguistic speakers, the 
Ndau people regard nature and society as inseparable. 
The Ndau have a spiritual veneration of the natural 
landscape as it has a symbol of ancestral (vadzimu) and 
other guardian spirits (mhondoro). They not only live on 
land but also off land since this land is symbolically 
viewed as serving social, economic, religious and 
ecological roles. In other words, the success in managing 
nature is inextricably linked to proper management and 
control of society. Information gathered from fieldwork in 
Chipinge and Chimanimani districts does confirm that the 
Ndau people were sent by their chiefs to perform rituals 
whilst nude, spirit-possessed and where they sat down 
became the boundary of the village. As such, this space 
is a socially and religiously constructed landscape that 
does not need ‘hard-hedged’ boundaries to separate 
humans from nature. 
 
 
Symbolism and utility of natural resources 
 
The Ndau people have a holistic understanding of nature 
that manifests itself in the symbolism and the way they 
utilise natural resources. Like other Shona groups, the 
Ndau people take into account the interests of not only 
sentiment beings but the whole of nature in general 
(Masaka, 2009). The preference of species not only 
depends on the utility of species but also on the symbolic 
meanings and interpretations that are rooted in their 
cosmic vision. As Anstey and De Sousa (2001) have 
claimed, the rules and regulations relating to the use of 
natural resources and the allocation of land are mediated 
through a combination of spiritual considerations and the 
unwritten customary law. As a number of our informants 
for the study have affirmed, the Ndau strongly believe 
that continuity of social, religious and economic aspects 
of life can be sustained by living in harmony with the 
environment itself. Therefore, the Ndau show their 
gesture of veneration by making some forests, animals 
and other parts of the natural landscape sacred.  

The value the Ndau place on the regeneration of the 
environment is inextricably linked to the centrality of 
descendants in their tradition. In other words, the 
continuity of the society rests on the concept of 
descendants and regeneration of the environment. The 
complexity of this relationship always makes the Ndau to 
jealously restrict access to resources by lineage and 
kinship ties in order to regulate competition from 
foreigners. Competition is interpreted as a source of 
mbawu (human greediness). As much as we have found 
out, mbawu is always perceived by the Ndau people as 
very inimical to sustainable utilisation of natural resources 
in their environment. Accordingly, mbawu has no place in 
the proper utilisation of natural resources among the 
traditional Ndau people. The guiding principle is that 
present generations are customarily obliged to even 
reserve some land resources for future generations. 



 
 
 

 
The Ndau have a positive attitude towards non-human 

animals. Their dislike of cruelty to non-humans, animals 
and the environment itself is reflected through taboos 
(Masaka, 2009). Taboos are designed to enforce positive 
societal attitudes towards the environment (Duri and 
Mapara, 2007) . The Ndau, through the observance of 
taboos, were and still are able to control the 
indiscriminate harvesting of forest products, protect water 
sources and species of spiritual, nutritional and medicinal 
value and even rare species. For instance, ordinary 
people do not kill an animal called haka, a pangolin that 
carries special status in Shona communities. Its shells 
are used by n’angas, that is, traditional diviners when 
engaged in divination to get spiritual knowledge on behalf 
of their consultants. Due to its special status, therefore, 
the pangolin is only reserved for chiefs to be eaten on 
special ritual occasions (Anstey and De Sousa, 2001). 
What must be emphasised is that most of the taboos 
were designed in a way that people fear even to make 
negative comments or ridicule anything they see in the 
forests or mountains. Such a view symbolically means 
that the Ndau possess a critical concern for conservation 
of natural resources. This critical concern is part and 
parcel of a venerable attitude that is more or less sacral 
in nature. As we have seen, some animals are given 
honorific titles that are similar to those given to respect 
the elderly members of the society. For instance, 
baboons are given honorific titles such as ‘Sekuru’ 
(grandfather) (Pfukwa, 2001) meaning wisdom. Elders 
are viewed as sources of wisdom among Shona groups. 
For a traveller, an early morning bark of baboon was 
taken as a sign that all was well (Pfukwa, 2001). In 
addition, when one came across a troop of baboons 
whilst on a journey, the Ndau people interpreted it as a 
good omen. 

Like the rest of the other Shona groups, the Ndau 
people have a culture of giving themselves mitupo, that 
is, totems. These totems are usually derived from the 
names of animals or from natural phenomenon such as a 
landscape or a pool. From the sociological perspective, 
the system of totemism is functional. Firstly, it helps to 
protect the environment as well as controlling personal 
behaviour and social arrangements. Secondly, totemism 
fosters the concept of ‘unhuism’. This concept of 
‘unhuism’ is anchored around human notions of virtue. In 
light of our findings, unhuism occupies a central place in 
influencing how people behave and interact with nature 
since the members of the society are socialised to act in 
moderation in all aspects of life. For instance, the use of 
totems helps to control the problem of incest since such 
deviant behaviour is believed to have some linkages with 
incidences of catastrophic events such as drought. 
Thirdly, totemism helps to maintain a sense of identity, 
that is, a feeling of belongingness and which is linked to a 
conviction of collective responsibility in society. It 
therefore symbolically means that the utilisation of natural 
resources is not only a matter of technology but also of 

 

353      Afr. J.  Envir. Econ. Manage. 
 
 
 
an ordered social life (Schoffeleers, 1978) . It must also 
be mentioned that natural resources have both tangible 
and intangible utilities that range from serving the 
physical needs to their significance in the religious lives of 
the people. As Nhira et al. (1998) have observed, trees 
and forests play key roles in household production in the 
rural communities of Zimbabwe. Of particular note is the 
fact that natural environment provides timber and non-
timber forest products, wildlife and water resources, 
among others. The non-timber forest products include 
grazing and browsing, traditional medicines, wild fruits, 
fuel wood, litter leaf, craft materials and construction 
materials.  

Of great note is the fact that the pattern of natural 
resource utility among the Ndau is centred around the 
emphasis they place on the multipurpose of species and 
the sacredness of selected species. In other words, this 
pattern is a by-product of the veneration of socially 
selected sacred species and places as well as the role of 
species to human health as sources of food and 
medicines and their importance in household production 
and reproduction. For instance, as our informant has 
claimed, Mutarara (Gardenia globiflora) tree is not used 
for construction purposes because it is placed on top of 
graves protect the corpses of the dead people against 
witches’. Such selective use of species is deeply rooted 
in the religious worldview of the Ndau people and posits 
an intimate relationship between the social life and 
environmental management.  

It must be highlighted that much of the south-eastern 
region where the Ndau people are located, is dotted with 
several sacred places and whereto ancestors are 
regarded with high esteem in the causal life of the people. 
People are ‘educated’ from cradle to death not to cut 
trees or do any activity that is destructive to the natural 
landscape. However, people are allowed to gather fruits 
and dead wood. Suffice to state that the Ndau people 
through religious prescriptions and prohi-bitions are able 
to regulate patterns of forest products utilization. From 
our observation, such areas are still endowed with forests 
and are abundant with diversity in tree species including 
the common miombo woodland species such as Mnondo 
(Julbernadia globifora), Musasa (Brachystegia 
spiciformis) and Mupfuti (Brachystegia boehmii). 
 

As in many parts of Zimbabwe, the Ndau people have a 
complex system that fuses environmental manage-ment 
into social life. There are traditional arrangements that 
promote sustainable utilization of natural resources. One 
informant summarized that the community ensures that 
everyone has a place to stay and farm. Even when 
people go hunting they share the parts of the killed 
animal regardless of how small it is and how many 
hunters there are. Social life emphasizes collective 
responsibility that is extended to environmental conser-
vation. People have a selfless conviction to conserve and 
safeguard the environment because they acknowledge 



Moven et al.      354 
 
 
 
that the community is the custodian of natural resources 
while the individual belongs to the community. 
Newcomers, for instance, do not apportion themselves 
land but have to consult the ‘indigenous’ people in the 
locality. As one informant said, ‘a person cannot just 
come and peg where to stay because he has to respect 
zvibarirwe zvemwo (those born in the area)’. Such a 
gesture constitutes two implications that are relevant for 
the study. Firstly, it is a gesture of immeasurable respect 
to zvibarirwe zvemwo. Secondly, it regulates and stifles 
the practice of mbawu (human greediness).  

In Ndau cosmic vision, vadzimu, the ancestral spirits, 
are viewed as having a more or less equal role as the 
living with regard to both the utilization of natural 
resources and their conservation. These ancestors are 
many times consulted by people to give advice and 
guidelines on how to share and distribute zvisikwa in 
ways that reflect human values of equity, fairness and 
justice. When there is a lack or an infringement of these 
values ancestors can cause mishaps to befall the 
malcontents. Several mysterious incidents encountered 
by people who break ancestral rules and regulations are 
awash in Ndau society and traditions. Our informant 
narrated a tradition in which a calamity occurred to a 
wayward person. The tradition says that a man bathed in 
a sacred pool in Matsika River with a bar of soap but all 
his belongings mysteriously disappeared, and he 
shamelessly went home in the nude. In evaluating this 
tradition, among others, we see that it acts as a deterrent 
to other would-be ‘lawbreakers’ so that no one would 
never ever attempt to bath in the same sacred pool. In 
functional terms the tradition discourages wayward 
people not to pollute or destroy the environment. This is 
one practical way the Ndau come to conserve their 
environment each time every person is conscious to 
respect the traditions of the people as a collective group 
and as a cultural unit. In our analysis, this is how 
traditions of a people in any cultural milieu are part of a 
rich indigenous knowledge system and when linked to 
natural resources conservation, become an effective 
strategy. 

 
Conclusion 
 
The significance of indigenous knowledge systems in 
environmental management programmes is neglected yet 
it is vital if local communities have to fully participate in 
environmental conservation. As the study has indicated, 
the neglect is not due to irrelevance of the indigenous 
knowledge system in environmental management but it is 
rather the failure to understand environmental concerns 
and dilemmas of the Africans. It was noted that the Ndau 
people have a rich tradition of norms and taboo systems 
that are grounded in the religio-cultural milieu. Their 
relevance and vibrancy in the utilization and conservation 
of natural resources, zvisikwa, should not be underestimated. 

 
 
 

 
The indigenous knowledge systems should be an integral 

part of local community participation in environmental 

management strategies from the foundation of the 

formulation phase to implementation. 
 
 
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