









































Aisthesis      Volume 10,  20191

Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Key Influences on a 
Continued Controversial Practice

by Emma Ellis

Introduction
The rise of international migration, coupled 

with recent technological advances, has increased 
awareness of female genital mutilation/cutting 
(FGM/C), along with concern over the mechanisms 
by which the procedure is perpetuated throughout 
society (Burrage 2015). Efforts to better understand 
the cultural context of the practice stem from the 
current push to eradicate the procedure worldwide, 
especially since the United Nations declared FGM/C 
an act of violence against women in 1993 (Shell-
Duncan 2008). The World Health Organization 
(2018) classifies FGM/C into four types based on 
the severity of the procedure performed. Type I, 
a “clitoridectomy,” refers to a partial or complete 
removal of the clitoris and/or prepuce (World Health 
Organization 2018). Also known as an “excision,” 
Type II includes a partial or complete removal of the 
clitoris and labia minora. The most severe form, Type 
III is often referred to as “infibulation” and occurs by 
using a seal, typically created from the labia minora 
or majora, to reduce the size of the vaginal opening. 
Finally, Type IV includes all other procedures 
performed on a woman that lack medical basis, such 
as incising, piercing, or cauterizing female genitalia 
(World Health Organization 2018). 

The scope of FGM/C extends across the globe, 
with 200 million women alive today who have 
undergone some form of the procedure, as well as 
over three million girls who are considered “at risk” 
each year (UNICEF 2016). Among the 200 million 
girls who have undergone FGM/C, 44 million 
were under the age of 15 and over half were from 
Indonesia, Egypt, and Ethiopia (UNICEF 2016). The 
practice is overwhelmingly concentrated in Africa, 
the Middle East, and Asia, though it does occur in 
Europe, Australia, and North America largely among 
individuals who have migrated from areas where 
FGM/C is common (World Health Organization 
2018).
 No health benefits result from FGM/C, but 
short and long-term repercussions often occur 
depending on the severity of the procedure. Short-

term complications range from swelling to infection 
to death, while FGM/C can hinder urination, 
menstruation, and childbirth in the long-run 
(World Health Organization 2018). Additionally, 
women who have undergone FGM/C often exhibit 
psychological issues, such as anxiety, depression, and 
PTSD (World Health Organization 2018; Vloeberghs 
et al. 2012). 
 The prevalence of FGM/C, as well as the severity 
of the complications it imposes on daily life, demands 
analysis and understanding of cultural and societal 
processes. This review strives to explain why FGM/C 
continues to be practiced, specifically by women 
who have undergone the procedure themselves. 
To analyze this issue, recent publications regarding 
underlying cultural influences are explored, as well 
as literature on the role of type, sexual experience, 
psychosocial state, and education level in predicting 
a woman’s propensity to reject the custom. An 
analysis of third-party influences, namely legislation, 
non-governmental organizations, and community 
leaders, will also be completed. The paper concludes 
by suggesting a preventative and reactive response to 
FGM/C as well as suggestions about areas that need 
more research.
      
Cultural Basis
Historical Background and Relation to Current 
Commonalities
 Female genital mutilation/cutting cannot be 
understood without first examining the cultural 
roots of the practice, as the procedure in its most 
elemental form is a tradition. Practiced for thousands 
of years, FGM/C arose almost spontaneously around 
the world, despite geographical barriers preventing 
communication between cultures (Burrage 2015). 
While the foundation of the procedure is often 
associated with religious beliefs, the custom occurred 
long before the creation of modern religions and was 
simply adopted by different faiths in subsequent years. 
In actuality, the commonality between the variety of 
communities that were first to practice FGM/C is 



FGM/C: Key Influences on a Continued Controversial Practice

Aisthesis      Volume 10,  20192

societal structure; the procedure gained popularity 
amid patriarchies where women were defined and 
treated as property (Burrage 2015). Though certainly 
not a causal relationship, the nature of a patriarchal 
society, and the limitations it imposes on women’s 
voices being heard, creates an environment apt for 
the continuation of the procedure (Mackie and 
LeJuene 2008).
 The link between FGM/C and gender roles 
persists today, as countries with a high prevalence of 
FGM/C are associated with lower statuses of women 
at all states of their life course (Prazak 2016; Sultana 
2011). Lack of data tracking specific women’s rights 
throughout all countries with a high prevalence 
of FGM/C makes it difficult to quantify gender 
disparities. Nonetheless, it is clear anecdotally that 
the practice only serves to further the hegemonic 
beliefs on which it was founded. 

Key Form of Socialization - FGM/C Ceremonies
 Though deeply ingrained in a variety of societies, 
the procedure itself differs largely between countries, 
or even among villages, specifically in regard to the 
timing and secrecy of the practice (Burrage 2015). 
While some communities perform FGM/C after 
birth, others wait until right before a wedding, 
framing the procedure as the final step before 
successfully entering into marriage (Burrage 2015). 
Regardless, girls most often undergo the procedure 
before they turn 15 (World Health Organization 
2018). The age at which FGM/C occurs, as well as the 
presence of any legal prohibitions, affects the degree 
to which the event is public. In communities like 
Kuria, Kenya, elders will declare a specific time of 
the year as “Circumcision Season,” hosting festivities 
to celebrate a girl’s transition into womanhood 
that include music, food, and costumes (Wambura 
2018). When the procedure is performed at a later 
age, FGM/C serves as a key component of a girl’s 
socialization process, allowing her to fully understand 
and accept her identity as a future mother and wife. 
Furthermore, a girl’s ability to withstand the physical 
pain of the procedure is even considered an indicator 
of her capabilities to later excel in her role as an elder 
woman (Wambura 2018). 
 In some cases, the shared experience of 
undergoing FGM/C will additionally create new 
bonds and connections among girls. In countries 

like Sierra Leone, undergoing FGM/C allows women 
to even join secret societies (Nyangweso 2014). 
Especially amid patriarchal societies, few moments 
exist that recognize and celebrate the actions of 
women to the extent of these ceremonies (Nyangweso 
2014). The elaborate nature of these ceremonies is 
best illustrated by the fact that one concern about 
fully eradicating FGM/C is the economic losses that 
may result from a decrease in spending without each 
girl’s coming-of-age ceremony (Burrage 2015; Ruiz, 
Martínez, and Belchí 2017).
 The extent to which the procedure serves 
as a means to educate girls on their expected 
contributions to society is demonstrated through 
the songs sung during FGM/C ceremonies. Joyce 
Wambura (2018) conducted a study of the songs 
traditionally performed at FGM/C ceremonies 
in Kuria, Kenya. Several motifs were identified 
which emphasize the binary characterization of 
gender within Kuria. A woman’s desired maternal 
instinct was emphasized through associations with 
hens safeguarding chicks and trees bearing fruit, 
while their role as an object of desire for men was 
expressed through their comparison to flamboyant 
earrings (Wambura 2018). Even expectations for the 
upcoming ceremony are expressed through songs, 
with women classified as a particular type of rock 
depending on their ability to withstand future pain. 
Alternatively, men are often compared to shields or 
iron rods to highlight their role as a confident and 
strong protector (Wambura 2018). The juxtaposition 
of motifs for each gender reveals the expectation that 
males and females will operate in two completely 
separate spheres. The songs thereby illustrate the 
role of FGM/C in outwardly propagating these 
beliefs, before, during, and after the ceremony itself 
(Wambura 2018).
 However, the basis of FGM/C cannot be 
simply understood as a reminder of women’s role 
in society; this argument does not account for the 
violent nature of the procedure. In a southwestern 
Iranian state of Khuzestan, FGM/C disappeared 
organically over the course of several generations 
(Latham 2016). The actual procedure was replaced 
by a new custom, during which a knife is passed 
under a girl’s clothing three times without making 
contact with her skin. This tradition lacks the violent 
nature of an actual FGM/C procedure yet continues 



FGM/C: Key Influences on a Continued Controversial Practice

Aisthesis      Volume 10,  20193

to reinforce societal norms (Latham 2016). Thus, 
needing FGM/C to preserve cultural roles cannot 
be the sole explanation for the practice. Khuzestan 
serves as only one example of the different avenues 
through which this same process of socialization, 
yielding identical results, can occur (Latham 2016; 
Nyangweso 2014).

Deeply-Embedded Myths - The Traditional Male 
Perspective 
 While women serve as the face of FGM/C, tasked 
with both the preparation and the implementation of 
the procedure, an arguably more significant role lies 
with the men who decide what type of girl is or is 
not eligible for marriage (Ruiz et al. 2017). Although 
this role is more passive in nature, determining an 
individual’s likelihood of entering into a suitable 
marriage is especially paramount in communities 
where girls lack the qualifications to independently 
support themselves (Burrage 2015). The connection 
between FGM/C and marriage desirability stems 
from the preferences of not just the men in a girl’s 
immediate community, but among all surrounding 
villages who would be included in the marriage pool 
(Latham 2016). Therefore, an understanding of the 
range of male justifications offered for the procedure 
is paramount in explaining how FGM/C became so 
deeply embedded in society (Nyangweso 2014). 
 After interviewing 25 men from Mali, Senegal, 
Chad, Djibouti, Niger, Ghana, and Morocco, 
researchers have identified nine rationales for 
FGM/C that include health, religion, and sexual 
benefits, as well as the belief that female genitalia is 
most aesthetically pleasing after the procedure (Ruiz 
et al. 2017). For the purposes of this paper, I have 
categorized these justifications according to which 
party is the subject of the purported benefits. As 
such, these justifications can be divided into those 
that note benefits to women, their husbands, and the 
surrounding community. 
 When explaining the value of the procedure for 
the women themselves, men commonly describe the 
use of FGM/C in solidifying a women’s cleanliness, 
both for the purpose of excising genitalia that 
increase a woman’s risk of infection and limit her 
ability to fully engage in religious activity (Ruiz et 
al. 2017). These supposed benefits for women can be 
proven false through textual and scientific analysis, 
which is a key part of the demythologization 

process Ruiz, Martínez, and Belchí propose. Beyond 
diversifying types of information, their approach 
focuses largely on locating the most prevalent 
justifications for FGM/C and designing community-
specific responses that devalue these myths (Ruiz et 
al. 2017).
 The purported benefits for men center around 
the idea that girls who have not undergone the 
procedure will be uncontrollably promiscuous, 
both before and during a marriage. FGM/C is thus 
viewed as a way to ensure the virginity of a future 
wife (Ruiz et al. 2017). Additionally, the aesthetics 
of uncut female genitalia, mainly the clitoris, also 
explain the recurrence of the practice, as FGM/C 
allows the excision of more “masculine-appearing” 
sex organs (Ruiz et al. 2017). The starkly contrastive 
nature of gender roles in these communities, as seen 
in the musical motifs of FGM/C songs, augments the 
fear of a wife demonstrating masculine tendencies 
(Wambura 2018). A final proposed benefit for men 
is that FGM/C heightens pleasure during sexual 
experiences (Ruiz et al. 2017).
 The last category of benefits, or those directed 
towards the community as a whole, includes largely 
the economic benefits of FGM/C ceremonies (Ruiz 
et al. 2017; Burrage 2015). In some communities, 
parents will spend an entire year’s harvest earnings on 
a ceremony to certify their daughter’s marriageability 
(Burrage 2015). Nonetheless, as aforementioned, the 
ceremonies themselves can occur without actually 
mutilating female genitalia, suggesting that the 
violent aspect of the practice could be eradicated 
without significant economic decline (Latham 2016; 
Nyangweso 2014).
 Although Ruiz, Martínez, and Belchí (2018) 
cite demythologization as the solution to these 
fallacious beliefs, they fail to explore if more reliable 
information is unavailable or just ignored. A study 
exploring the social networks which connect sources 
of authority on these issues (such as physicians, 
religious leaders, and husbands of uncut women) to 
the typical man would offer better insight into how 
demythologization might occur.

Intergenerational Retaliation 
Fleeing the Homeland - The Decision to Stay or Leave
      An analysis of the future of an uncut woman 
and her mother is needed to understand the gravity 
of this situation, both in the context of staying or 



FGM/C: Key Influences on a Continued Controversial Practice

Aisthesis      Volume 10,  20194

leaving their homeland. In areas where FGM/C is 
more strictly required, women who fail to undergo 
the procedure will have increased difficulty entering 
into a marriage (Burrage 2015). Without a new male 
figure to replace the financial support of one’s father, 
uncut women may experience extreme isolation 
and be potentially unable to support themselves 
(Burrage 2015). Thus, while mothers can choose to 
raise their daughters in the same community after 
not performing the procedure, mothers will fear the 
retaliation associated with forgoing group norms and 
continue to perform the procedure, as seen through 
Mackie’s convention theory (Hayford 2005; Farina 
and Ortensi 2014).
 Convention theory utilizes a game theory model 
to evaluate the underlying group interdependency 
of individual decisions. In the context of FGM/C, 
though it is best for everyone to forgo the procedure, 
this change will only occur if all villages in the 
marriage pool uniformly make this decision. Two 
positions of equilibria therefore exist: all women are 
uncut, and thereby equally desirable for marriage, 
or all women undergo FGM/C. Fear of transitioning 
between these states of equilibria, namely depriving 
one’s daughter of marriage through individual 
abandonment of FGM/C, paralyzes movement to 
the better state of equilibrium. Mackie and LeJuene 
(2008) argue that until a large enough segment 
of the population rebels against the procedure, 
the community will remain at this more harmful 
equilibrium position. Justifications for FGM/C 
describe the same sentiment as in Mackie’s theory, 
revealing the extent to which fear of isolating one’s 
daughter is present in pro-FGM/C rhetoric (Hayford 
2005).
 The bleak prospects of remaining in a community 
after refusing to perform FGM/C suggest migration 
is essential for rejecting the custom, but both mother 
and daughter will be forced to make significant 
sacrifices if they move (Kahn 2016). Beyond 
the material losses associated with leaving one’s 
homeland, a mother will be forced to abandon her 
family, cultural background, and sometimes other 
children for several decades (Kahn 2016; Lien 
2017). Recognizing the gravity of this decision is 
paramount to understanding how strongly women 
must feel to leave their country, as well as why many 
mothers believe seeking asylum is too costly. As 
long as FGM/C remains as relevant as it is today in 

determining marriageability, a mother can simply 
not win in choosing either future for her daughter 
(Kahn 2016).

The Role of FGM/C Type in Defining a Woman’s 
Perception 
 The type of procedure performed, as well as the 
process through which it is carried out, strongly 
influences a woman’s perception of FGM/C and 
her likelihood of continuing the practice. After 
interviewing seven women who resisted FGM/C, 
Sarilee Kahn (2016) notes that each reported 
anticipatory fear in the days leading up to the 
procedure. This pervasive feeling of lacking control 
over daily life, while simultaneously witnessing the 
state of peers who have undergone the procedure, 
only heightened negative feelings towards FGM/C 
(Kahn 2016). Feelings were additionally amplified 
when girls did not know who had performed their 
procedure, as mutilators often hide their faces during 
the operation (Kahn 2016).  
 Beyond the manner in which the practice 
is carried out, the invasiveness of the procedure 
increases negative emotions toward FGM/C. In 
their study of twenty-eight Ethiopian women, 
Battle, Hennink, and Yount (2017) expound upon 
the mental and physical toll associated with each 
type of FGM/C performed. While no woman who 
experienced Type I FGM/C described the event as 
traumatic, the responses of women with Type II 
FGM/C fluctuated more greatly, with complaints of 
bleeding, pain, and lack of mobility after the procedure 
(Battle et al. 2017). Reports of these physical effects 
were amplified in the accounts of Type III women, 
illustrating the great variance between experiences. 
Thus, a woman’s ability to continue to accept her 
community’s view toward FGM/C largely depends 
on the implementation of her individual procedure 
at all stages (Battle et al. 2017; Kahn 2016).

Sexual Experience and Effect on Marital Relations 
 Beyond the initial recovery period, FGM/C 
poses physical difficulties that affect the act of sexual 
intercourse itself, along with a woman’s perception of 
the experience (Battle et al. 2017). These inhibitions 
can prohibit a woman from fulfilling the obligations 
associated with her role as a wife, namely engaging in 
sexual relations with her husband (Battle et al. 2017). 
Researchers find that the same patterns exist between 



FGM/C: Key Influences on a Continued Controversial Practice

Aisthesis      Volume 10,  20195

type of FGM/C performed and strength of responses. 
As such, while women who experienced Type I did 
not view losing their virginity as traumatic, responses 
varied wildly among women who had experienced 
Type II and were largely negative among Type III 
women (Battle et al. 2017). Negative perceptions 
of sexual intercourse mainly stemmed from the 
physical reality of either vaginal tearing among Type 
II women, or inability to penetrate amid Type III 
women, accentuated by husbands manually cutting 
their wives if penetration was still not possible after a 
week (Battle et al. 2017). 
 The study reveals that the idea of sex was so 
traumatizing for Type III women that they would 
actively avoid relations by distancing themselves 
from their husbands, such as sleeping in their 
children’s beds or encouraging other sexual partners 
(Battle et al. 2017). These behaviors are in contrast to 
that of Type I women, and, to some degree, Type II 
women, who would cook a nice meal or make their 
bed to initiate sex. The fact that all women could not 
vocally express their opinions on sex, but instead 
are forced to engage in behaviors that might align 
their husbands’ wants with their own, highlights the 
power division among genders that is at the heart of 
this issue (Battle et al. 2017). 
 Nonetheless, women’s inability to engage in 
expected sexual behavior often leads to marital 
distress. Beyond keeping multiple wives, husbands 
may even leave their Type III wives on the basis of 
“bad behavior,” which seems to solely represent a 
woman’s inability to uphold societal expectations 
(Battle et al. 2017). The degree to which FGM/C 
affects a woman’s daily life is additionally exemplified 
by Type III mothers who chose to perform Type I 
or II on their daughters. Unable to fully exclude 
their daughter from the practice, changing the 
severity of FGM/C performed allows mothers to at 
least minimize their children’s physical and mental 
distress (Battle et al. 2017).

Psychosocial Responses and Associated Coping 
Mechanisms 
 The psychosocial stress associated with FGM/C 
also determines a woman’s propensity to outwardly 
retaliate against the procedure (Vloeberghs et al. 
2012). Researchers focused on migrants from Egypt, 
Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, and Sudan 
who had experienced all types of FGM/C. The 
researchers categorized women as either adaptive, 

disempowered, or traumatized based on their 
coping abilities (Vloeberghs et al. 2012). “Adaptive” 
women represented those who actively fight against 
FGM/C, while “disempowered” women include 
those who remain in their relationships and distract 
themselves from reality through television or 
substances. Comprised mainly of women who had 
undergone Type III FGM/C, “traumatized” women 
have likely divorced their husbands and now fully 
isolate themselves so as to avoid any triggers that 
might amplify their chronic stress, depression, and/
or anxiety related to the possibility of experiencing 
sex again (Vloeberghs et al. 2012).
      Thus, this study reveals an additional layer to the 
relationship between type of FGM/C and propensity 
to conform. Just as the trauma of experiencing 
Type III motivates women to take action to prevent 
their daughters from receiving the procedure, the 
psychosocial consequences of the practice are 
just as potent in traumatizing women to the point 
of complete disempowerment (Battle et al. 2017; 
Vloeberghs et al. 2012). Therefore, a threshold point 
seems to exist between the two responses, as Type 
III is either more or less conducive to change than 
less severe procedures, depending on the individual 
situation (Battle et al. 2017; Vloeberghs et al. 2012). 
Further studies should be completed to isolate and 
quantify the particular point where the marginal 
benefits outweigh the costs and should include 
women outside of migrant populations who may 
have had less traumatic experiences.

Education Level
 A mother’s educational background additionally 
predicts her likelihood to mandate the practice for her 
daughter, with higher levels of knowledge associated 
with a decreased desire to perpetuate FGM/C (Farina 
and Ortensi 2014). Researchers cite three theories 
that posit different explanations for this negative 
correlation (Hayford 2005; Farina and Ortensi 
2014). Convention theory, as aforementioned, 
focuses on the influence of social norms and group 
interactions in a mother’s decision-making process. 
Convention theorists believe that education allows 
for increased exposure to different groups who do 
not practice FGM/C, which increases doubt over the 
basis for traditional practices (Hayford 2005; Boyle, 
McMorris, and Gómez 2002). Modernization theory, 



FGM/C: Key Influences on a Continued Controversial Practice

Aisthesis      Volume 10,  20196

on the other hand, focuses on the role of education 
in increasing women’s awareness of Western beliefs, 
particularly of the need for human rights and 
autonomy over one’s health (Achia 2013). Finally, 
feminist theory centers around the power of women 
in a community (Hayford 2005). In this context, 
feminist theorists argue that the higher status of 
educated women provides them with greater faith 
in finding opportunities for their daughters beyond 
marriage (Hayford 2005).
 Though higher levels of education are correlated 
with ending intergenerational continuation of 
FGM/C, undergoing the practice also leads to a 
decreased likelihood of finishing school and gaining 
the knowledge to form this conclusion (Burrage 
2015). Particularly among communities where 
FGM/C is performed during puberty, girls will 
withdraw from school after the procedure, often 
due to the physical and psychological toll of the 
operation itself. Without a certain level of education, 
the options for girls outside of marriage upon which 
the feminist theory depends are largely decreased 
(Burrage 2015; Hayford 2005). Thus, FGM/C 
innately undermines a key means by which the 
practice can otherwise be minimized, creating a self-
perpetuating cycle (Burrage 2015).

Third-Party Influences 
Government Involvement - Legislation 
 Though legislation banning the practice of FGM/C 
is widespread, the efficacy of such prohibitions is 
debated. Currently, 26 countries in Africa and the 
Middle East have banned the practice of FGM/C, 
as well as 33 countries with high concentrations 
of migrants who practice the procedure (World 
Health Organization 2018). Locating cases to 
prosecute can be complicated, especially without 
violating doctor-patient confidentiality. Even among 
countries where FGM/C is only practiced by smaller 
migrant populations, officials struggle to acquire 
enough evidence for prosecution as the scars from 
the procedure heal quickly, especially when FGM/C 
is practiced abroad (Lien 2017). Furthermore, 
consequences for violating legislation has its 
own complexities, as high fines can significantly 
incapacitate the poorer families that more 
traditionally practice the procedure. Furthermore, 
incarceration would largely only target women who 
are the active perpetrators of FGM/C (Shell-Duncan 

et al. 2013). Researchers question whether the best 
way to help a recent victim of FGM/C is to force 
her family into a deeper state of poverty or send her 
mother, who is perhaps her strongest advocate, into 
prison (Shell-Duncan et al. 2013).
 Thus, the argument for legislation lies less in 
seeking retribution for past crimes, but instead in 
deterring the continuation of the practice. A three-
year study of legislation banning FGM/C in Senegal 
revealed that the prospect of legal repercussions only 
stopped those who already had reservations about 
the procedure, as they now had a concrete basis for 
ending their involvement (Shell-Duncan et al. 2013). 
The remaining portions of the community, though 
aware of the existence of the law, continued to practice 
FGM/C in secret. The law additionally reduced the 
training of the next generation of mutilators, forcing 
the community to bring in outside personnel (Shell-
Duncan et al. 2013) Results such as these solidify 
UNICEF’s position that legislation is a starting point 
to begin reform, as it creates an environment more 
suitable for later eradicating the procedure (Shell-
Duncan et al. 2013).

Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) 
 While the impact of non-governmental 
organizations (NGOs) varies depending on the 
group, these third-party actors are often viewed as 
ill-informed about the communities which they 
seek to serve. Local women in particular believe 
that organizations advise impractical actions that 
will only get them expelled from their home and 
isolated from society (Kahn 2016). As such, none 
of the women involved in Kahn’s study (2016) 
reported the involvement of NGOs in their decision 
to retaliate against FGM/C. Additional mistrust 
over the potentially neocolonialist intentions of 
NGOs, combined with cultural misunderstandings, 
further the perceptions of these groups acting 
as the condescending “Whiteman” tasked with 
disintegrating age-old customs (Pemunta 2011). 
 The nature of typical projects taken on by NGOs 
additionally facilitates poor relationships with 
communities (Pemunta 2011). Many projects focus 
solely on one issue, such as improving women’s 
education, without examining broader issues like 
water scarcity and malnutrition (Latham 2016). 
By maintaining such a narrow scope, NGOs are 
unable to generate results and are often ridiculed for 



FGM/C: Key Influences on a Continued Controversial Practice

Aisthesis      Volume 10,  2019

having priorities misaligned with that of community 
leaders (Latham 2016). Furthermore, economic 
shortcomings and geographical barriers often limit 
the frequency of trips to more rural communities 
(Pemunta 2011). Unable to fully establish a presence 
in these areas, NGOs lose credibility, and mutilators 
confess to traveling to NGO awareness conferences, 
only for the sake of free lodging and meals (Pemunta 
2011).
 Certainly, the success of NGOs, particularly 
groups like Tostan, which facilitated the abandonment 
of FGM/C in 5,000 Senegalese communities, should 
not be discounted (Nyangweso 2014). However, this 
paper specifically focuses on the factors influencing 
mothers’ decisions to continue the procedure. It 
is crucial to understand their perception of these 
organizations, regardless of whether it accurately 
represents reality.

Community Leaders 
 While the United Nations focuses on the role of 
governmental and nongovernmental organizations, 
researchers also demonstrate the influence of 
prominent actors in each community (Latham 
2016). In countries like Ethiopia, clan leaders are 
deeply entrenched in all facets of their community’s 
daily life through their oversight over each social, 
political, and economic controversy (Andarge 2014). 
Though new government structures are leading to a 
decline in the power of clan leaders, they still hold a 
position of prestige that could be of use in narrowing 
the distance between communities and outside 
organizations (Andarge 2014). 
 Furthermore, the impact of religious leaders 
is significant, particularly in communities where 
FGM/C is commonly justified through religious 
pretexts (Andarge 2014; Latham 2016, Nyangweso 
2014). Repeated reassurance that FGM/C has no 
relation to religious devotion has significantly 
decreased the practice, as seen in Khuzestan (Latham 
2016). Religious leaders are additionally less likely 
to be challenged, as their opinions are considered 
sacred, having evolved from a source of divine 
authority (Nyangweso 2014).
 Thus, community leaders hold a significant 
amount of authority over their villages, which 
can be used to either debase common myths or 
ease third-party relations (Andarge 2014; Latham 
2016, Nyangweso 2014). A repeated theme 

throughout all literature is the need to involve all 
members of the community in a discussion of an 
embedded societal institution. By offering their own 
opinions, community leaders can normalize such 
conversations as well as viewpoints that contradict 
traditionally-held values (Andarge 2014; Latham 
2016, Nyangweso 2014).

Conclusion
 The violent and invasive nature of FGM/C makes 
it extremely easy for outsiders to vilify those involved 
in the custom, blaming prominent women in the 
community for being apathetic and neglectful toward 
their daughters’ strife (Burrage 2015). A deeper 
analysis of the underlying roots of FGM/C instead 
reveals the complexities behind this decision process, 
as the majority of variables are predetermined by the 
community’s husbands, customs, and organizational 
leaders (Ruiz et al. 2017; Wambura 2016; Andarge 
2014; Latham 2016, Nyangweso 2014). Thus, even 
though the elder women in a community are in charge 
of performing the procedure, they actually have very 
little control over the situation (Ruiz et al. 2017). 
The decision to continue FGM/C simply depends 
on which sacrifices a mother deems best for her and 
her daughter to make, as there is no current route 
where either can leave unscathed (Burrage 2015; 
Hayford 2005; Kahn 2016). While international calls 
to eradicate FGM/C are well-intended, the inability 
of the broader community to recognize the complex 
nature of this subject prevents concrete action from 
occurring (Pemunta 2011; Latham 2016). 
 After examining the available literature, I have 
identified two avenues for minimizing FGM/C until 
the practice can be fully eliminated, divided by their 
respective preventative and reactive nature. The 
preventative proposal centers around convention 
theorists’ argument that the driving force for FGM/C 
is fear of condemning daughters who have not 
undergone the procedure to a life of social seclusion 
(Hayford 2005; Farina and Ortensi 2014). Debasing 
the connection between FGM/C and marriageability 
is therefore critical as this is the main consequence 
convention theorists highlight (Hayford 2005; 
Farina and Ortensi 2014). Thus, the male perspective 
on FGM/C, what I argue to be the starting point of 
the entire process, must be altered. Ruiz, Martínez, 
and Belchí (2017) address explanations that break 
down each myth they identify about the need 

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FGM/C: Key Influences on a Continued Controversial Practice

Aisthesis      Volume 10,  2019

for FGM/C. However, resentment of NGOs and 
disregard of legislation suggests that community 
leaders are the most apt conduit to spread these 
notions of change (Pemunta 2011; Latham 2016). As 
aforementioned, studies of the social networks amid 
specific communities should be completed to locate 
individuals in the position to best enact change. By 
changing the image of the ideal bride, parents will be 
able to forgo FGM/C without the fear of sacrificing 
their daughter’s marriageability (Hayford 2005; 
Farina and Ortensi 2014). 
 While changing perceptions of marriageability 
would be effective in limiting the need for FGM/C, 
this process would not alleviate gender divisions, 
which are at the root of the issue. The Khuzestan 
example utilized throughout this paper illustrates 
that gender inequalities do not necessarily leave a 
community once FGM/C is discontinued (Latham 
2016). Thus, this secondary proposal ascribes to the 
feminist theory’s argument of creating additional 
opportunities outside marriage (Burrage 2015; 
Hayford 2005). By improving education and 
employment prospects for women, mothers will not 
feel that marriage is the only route to securing their 
daughter’s fiscal security (Burrage 2015; Hayford 
2005). Future research should be completed to 
correct the current lack of quantitative data on the 
rights and capabilities of women in countries with 
a high prevalence of FGM/C, allowing for more 
targeted responses to improving conditions for 
women. 
 Regardless of the method chosen, the key to 
future movements against FGM/C is contextualizing 
and humanizing all actors involved. The strong hold 
FGM/C has on so many communities brings into 
question whether the problem can be practically 
addressed. However, successes in Senegal and 
Khuzestan exemplify the potential potency of 
properly-designed movements (Nyangweso 
2014; Latham 2016). Certainly, a comprehensive 
understanding of the restraints on a woman’s 
decision-making process will allow for projects 
that facilitate a much more organic and cohesive 
disintegration of FGM/C.

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