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An Investigation of Telkwa Coal Limited’s Proposed Tenas 
Project Coal Mine and the Potential Financial Impacts on 
the Bulkley Valley and Wet’suwet’en First Nation

by Emma Barrett and Charles Campbell

I. Introduction
 In 2019, Telkwa Coal Limited (TCL) announced 
its plans to introduce a coal mine to the Bulkley 
Valley in British Columbia. !is project, the Tenas 
Project coal mine, would operate on the Wet’suwet’en 
First Nation land. TCL has publicly committed 
to working with the First Nation throughout the 
proposal, research, and construction phases of the 
mine. However, the Wet’suwet’en First Nation has 
expressed its hesitancy in even considering the Tenas 
Project, due to the potential environmental, social, 
political, and economic impacts. 
 While it is not uncommon for extractive 
industries to introduce projects on Indigenous land, 
the e"ects of these operations vary by region and 
culture. Companies o#en advertise plans to mitigate 
the worst e"ects of their presence, but neglect to 
acknowledge or remedy other e"ects. Wet’suwet’en 
leaders have communicated concern over the 
consequences of TCL’s coal mine and hope to better 
understand all imminent impacts of TCL’s presence 
on their land before moving forward. 
 While TCL’s presence will inevitably yield 
economic, political, cultural, environmental, and 
social e"ects, this paper endeavors to focus on 
potential economic impacts in the Bulkley Valley. 
!ese consequences, both positive and negative, 
must be considered before the First Nation enters 
negotiations with TCL. We intend to address the 
following question: to what extent will the TCL 
proposed Tenas Project coal mine impact the 
economic development of the Wet’suwet’en First 
Nation and the larger Bulkley Valley region?
 !is paper hopes to present the Wet’suwet’en 
Nation with a comprehensive exploration of positive 
and negative economic e"ects of the proposed 
Tenas mine as well as potential solutions that the 
Wet’suwet’en First Nation may introduce during 
negotiations with TCL. To begin, this paper will 
introduce the community capitals framework, a 
method of understanding economic development 

in Indigenous communities. We will derive the 
foundation of our research from testimony, case 
studies, and data from similar resource extraction 
projects involving First Nations and consider 
both conventional and unconventional aspects of 
economic capital to determine the varied economic 
impacts of the Tenas Project on the Wet’suwet’en 
economy. As we discuss each form of economic 
capital, we will present the Wet’suwet’en First Nation 
with potential solutions.

II. Concepts and Methodology
Concepts 
 Economics can be understood as the complex 
systems of resource allocation which drive global 
societies. To truly understand the economic impacts 
that will occur as a result of TCL’s presence, one 
must consider both the economic promises and 
downsides that the presence of extractive industries 
yield. One must also evaluate both the monetary 
and non-monetary capital implications of a resource 
extraction project, as both seriously impact the 
wellbeing of a society. !e economic community 
capitals framework can yield a comprehensive 
understanding of these economic changes and 
account for monetary and non-monetary sources of 
capital.
 Modern economists consider economic 
development to be “the process by which a 
community or nation improves its economic ability 
to sustain its citizens, achieve its sociocultural goals, 
and support its sovereignty and governing process” 
(Begay Jr. et al., 2007, p. 36). !us, when considering 
economic development, it is important to extend 
our understanding of the “economy” beyond the 
monetary economy and consider non-monetary 
forms of capital that underpin economic well-being. 
 !e community capitals framework is a more 
nuanced way of understanding the inherently 
complex nature of economic development. 
!is framework acknowledges that economic 



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Aisthesis      Volume 13,  202267

development does not just refer to the creation of 
jobs or the in$ux and e%ux of &nancial capital in a 
region. Instead, the community capitals framework 
understands economic development through four 
lenses or “capitals”: &nancial, natural, human, and 
social. 
 !e &rst type of capital that extractive 
industries highlight and address in their resource 
extraction projects is “&nancial capital.” When 
presenting potential economic impact to Indigenous 
communities, extractive industries o#en underscore 
the expected revenue, jobs, and markets that 
they expect to create. !ese economic gains are 
described as “&nancial capital” and are the revenue 
generated by the economy as a whole as well as 
extractive industries (Parlee, 2015, p. 427). With the 
introduction of TCL, &nancial capital will consist 
of the number of jobs created by the Tenas Project 
mine, the payment by TCL to local experts for 
research and analytics, and the revenue generated 
by the mine over its 25-year expected lifespan 
(Telkwa Coal Limited, 2021). When considering 
the introduction of extractive industries, &nancial 
capital is o#en at the forefront of the conversation 
because these industries bene&t from advertising the 
&nancial growth that will result from their presence. 
However, Indigenous communities rarely obtain any 
signi&cant percentage of the revenue produced by 
&nancial capital.
 !e other capital that extractive industries 
consider relevant is “natural capital.” !is is the 
inherent value that a certain plot of land carries; it 
is composed of the “renewable and non-renewable 
resources that produce economic opportunities and 
bene&ts'” (Parlee, 2015, p. 427). Indigenous nations 
like the Wet’suwet’en, who reside on resource-rich 
land, are poor in &nancial capital yet rich in natural 
capital. When considering the arrival of extractive 
industries, many analysts attempt to quantify the 
value of the natural capital, because this allows 
extractive companies to negotiate contracts with 
Indigenous people over land. However, as seen 
with the construction of the ESPO pipeline in the 
Yakutia territory in Siberia, Indigenous groups are 
o#en undercompensated for their natural capital; 
it can be di'cult to accurately quantify the value of 
land that sustains a nation’s livelihood (Yakovleva, 
2010). !us, there is a disconnect between &nancial 
capital and natural capital that must be addressed if 

the Wet'suwet'en nation is to consider Telkwa Coal’s 
proposal. 
 !ere is a second set of capitals that must be 
accounted for when considering the economic 
e"ects of extractive industries on indigenous land: 
human and social capital. !ese forms of capital are 
aspects of Indigenous economy that are integral to 
community stability and well-being, yet o#en go 
overlooked. “Human capital,” which can be evaluated 
when analyzing changes to Indigenous populations’ 
workforce, refers to the “contributions of individuals 
as well as the education, skills and knowledge 
acquired by individuals” which contribute to the 
functioning of the economy (Parlee, 2015, p. 427).  
In the 21st century, Indigenous economies are a mix 
of both wage work—o#en found in our modern 
capitalist economy—and subsistence work, typically 
present in traditional Indigenous subsistence 
economies. However, researchers have found that 
the introduction of extractive industries onto 
Indigenous land disrupts this careful balance of wage 
work and subsistence work. As seen with Numto 
Nature Park, the introduction of the Surgutne#egaz 
oil company replaced reindeer herding jobs with 
wage work, contributing to the destruction of a 
centuries-old subsistence economy (Tysiachniouk, 
2019). !e movement towards a capitalist framework 
can have devastating economic impacts long-term, 
as subsistence work is essential to the functioning 
of Indigenous communities. However, this capital 
is rarely addressed by companies when considering 
economic impacts of their proposed industries.     
 Such can be seen with the last form of capital, 
“social capital.” Social capital consists of “features 
of social organization, such as networks, norms, 
and social trust, that facilitate coordination and 
cooperation for mutual bene&t” (Parlee, 2015, p. 432). 
!is is the most abstract capital in an Indigenous 
economy; it is, essentially, the role Indigenous 
culture plays in keeping the local economy intact. 
Researchers have found that “intergenerational 
knowledge sharing, participation in cultural events, 
demonstration of traditional values”—all aspects of 
traditional indigenous communities—are essential to 
the well-being and proper functioning of Indigenous 
economy (Parlee, 2015, p. 432). However, extractive 
industries rarely, if ever, consider the impacts that 
their construction will have on Indigenous culture 
or ways of life.  



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 While all four forms of capital are an integral 
part of Indigenous economy, extractive industries 
rarely address human and social capital. Companies 
such as TCL may advertise positive economic growth 
correlated with their presence in a region, but neglect 
to recognize the impact the industry will have on a 
transition to wage work in the community or the 
disruption of traditional ways of life and Indigenous 
culture. !us, it is vital to recognize that these more 
abstract human and social types of capital are just 
as signi&cant as the “traditional” &nancial or natural 
capital. Only once we understand the e"ect that TCL 
will have on all four capitals for the Wet’suwet’en 
nation can we determine if the existence of a coal 
plant will have largely positive or detrimental 
impacts on the economic situation. !us, the First 
Nation hopes to identify potential economic issues 
that may arise with the Tenas Project so that they 
may address these concerns with Telkwa Coal before 
the project moves further. 

Methodology
 For this report, we will utilize multiple scholarly 
publications regarding Indigenous economics and 
case studies illustrating the impact of resource 
extraction on Indigenous communities. We will 
draw primarily from previous economic studies of 
the region conducted for the Northern Gateway 
Project, a pipeline proposed in 2019 that ultimately 
went undeveloped. Additionally, other secondary 
academic literature, such as “Avoiding the Resource 
Curse: Indigenous Communities and Canada’s Oil 
Sands'' by Brenda L. Parlee will be used to ground 
the aforementioned research in conceptual ideas and 
support these &ndings. 

III. Conventional Capital
Financial Capital
 When considering the e"ects that TCL will 
have on $ows of &nancial capital in the Bulkley 
Valley, it is important to acknowledge the economic 
development that the Tenas Project will bring to 
the local economy. TCL made extensive public 
commitments towards development in the Bulkley 
Valley. !e company has promised to employ 150 
full-time employees during peak construction of 
the mine as well as 170 full-time employees during 
peak operations over 25 years and 355 full-time 
indirect jobs during peak operations. Additionally, 

TCL estimates that CDN$250 million will be 
generated in revenue for federal, provincial, and 
local governments to “support community services 
and infrastructure” (Telkwa Coal Limited, 2021). 
 However, TCL has been less forthcoming about 
potential negative &nancial implications associated 
with the presence of a mine in the Bulkley Valley. 
Economists who study &nancial capital have found 
two primary issues that cause stagnancy or decline 
of a region’s economy and result from the presence 
of extractive industries. !ese issues are revenue 
e%ux and a consistent lack of proper compensation, 
yet neither are mentioned nor addressed on the TCL 
website.
 Revenue e%ux occurs when the revenue 
generated from an extractive industry is not 
reinvested in the local economy. Instead, this 
revenue leaves the region and disperses to other 
areas or among higher-level o'cials in the extractive 
industry. As a result, the local economy experiences 
a loss in natural resources that is not made up for by 
an in$ux in revenue; the potential revenue for the 
community is lost. TCL will operate in the Bulkley 
Valley, but much of the revenue—in the form of raw 
coal—will be shipped to steel mills in Asia. TCL 
o'cials have announced that they plan to reinvest 
CDN$250 million into the Bulkley Valley, but they 
have not released any concrete plans or timelines to 
allocate this money (Telkwa Coal Limited, 2021). 
Nevertheless, CDN$250 million is just a fraction of 
the revenue that will be generated by the coal mining 
process; at the current sale price of CDN$73.33 per 
saleable ton, projections place the Tenas Project 
to earn anywhere between CDN$55 million and 
CN$60 million in revenue each year (Telkwa Coal 
Limited, 2021). As a result, much of the potential 
&nancial capital that will be produced by the Tenas 
coal mine will be lost to the citizens in Bulkley Valley 
over the course of the coal mine’s 25-year life span.  
!e Wet’suwet’en community will reap almost none 
of the bene&ts. 
 A lack of proper compensation is another 
way that extractive industries cause a decline of 
&nancial capital in the local economy. !e presence 
of extractive industries—be they coal mines or 
pipelines—inherently diminish the economic value 
and e'cacy of land practices like farming, hunting, 
and &shing. !is can lead to a substantial &nancial 
loss in both output of production and value of land. 



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While some industries attempt to compensate local 
citizens for the occupation of land, o#entimes they 
fail to consider the exponential loss of resources 
over time. Interrupted land practices compound 
over time, and a one-time compensation does not 
properly address this disruption. As a result, most 
extractive industries fail to compensate citizens 
properly. !is is not a foreign concept in British 
Columbia; according to Ilsa Barrett’s interviews with 
the British Columbian Tahltan community, past 
extractive industries only compensated families “130 
dollars every three months” for the disruption of their 
land (Barrett, 2020, p. 56). Telkwa Coal has cited its 
commitment to hiring locally but has not mentioned 
compensation—let alone fair compensation—to 
those whose land practices will be disrupted by the 
coal mine. TCL has only committed to delivering 
CDN$250 million in “government tax revenues” 
(Telkwa Coal Limited, 2018, p. i). !is failure on 
TCL’s part to compensate the Wet’suwet’en nation 
fairly can lead to losses of thousands of dollars in the 
community during the coal mine lifespan. 
 When considering the implications of TCL’s 
operations on the &nancial capital of the Bulkley 
valley economy, a few key questions emerge. First is 
the issue of reinvestment: into what industries will 
TCL reinvest the revenue from the coal mine, and will 
any of this reinvestment positively impact citizens on 
a local level through proper compensation? Secondly, 
what are the implications of only a mere 25-year life 
span of the coal mine on the longevity of the Bulkley 
Valley economy? If revenue is reinvested into the 
economy, will it be enough to sustain citizens even 
a#er operations cease in the region and the land is 
irrevocably impacted?
 In negotiations with TCL, there are a few 
solutions to &nancial capital issues that can be 
proposed. !ese solutions all fall under the concept 
of bene&t sharing, the idea that industries agree to a 
“distribution back to communities of monetary and 
non-monetary bene&ts generated by the revenue 
companies procure through resource extraction” 
(Tysiachniouk, 2019, p. 59). !is can take many 
forms: direct payments to citizens to o"set the costs 
of operations, the creation of needed infrastructure, 
and agreements to withhold a percentage of revenues 
to be reinvested in certain parts of the community. 
Regardless, there must be a conscious attempt to give 
back to the community for bene&t sharing to work. 

Natural Capital
 While &nancial capital consists of the actual 
monetary revenue generated by an extractive 
industry, natural capital takes into account the more 
abstract “assets” that certain regions are naturally 
endowed with. Examples of these assets can include 
minerals, oil, arable land, and territory well suited 
for solar or wind power. Natural capital includes 
resources that carry an economic value but are not 
yet extracted; they simply hold the potential to yield 
economic value. 
 !e Bulkley Valley is rich in resources, 
particularly raw coal. Resource valuations have 
estimated that the proposed Tenas Project mine site 
contains around 29.1 million tons of raw coal. TCL’s 
proposed mine would extract almost all of this coal; 
with an annual extraction of 775,000-825,000 tons, 
an estimated 20 million tons would be processed 
over the lifespan of the mine. !is would generate 
anywhere between CDN$55 million and CDN$60 
million each year, and as much as CDN$1.5 billion 
over 25 years (Telkwa Coal Limited, 2021).
 Natural capital, when harnessed to bene&t 
First Nations, can be integral to their economic 
development. Historically in Canada, “provincial 
government and industry interests have 
systematically disregarded or opposed e"orts of 
First Nations…to exercise Treaty and constitutional 
rights” (Parlee, 2015, p. 430). Despite Wet’suwet’en 
insistence that the First Nation remains in control 
of land rights and sovereignty, as well as Canada’s 
1997 Supreme Court a'rmation of this claim in 
Delgamuukw v British Columbia, there remain 
ongoing disputes over rights to land when extractive 
industries are involved. While Delgamuukw 
established that the government has a  “duty to 
consult with indigenous peoples” when considering 
extractive projects, many extractive industries make 
agreements to operate on Indigenous land with 
provincial governments (circumventing Indigenous 
input in the process), operate on Indigenous land 
without permission, or receive permission from 
government-created “elected band councils” who are 
not recognized by First Nations as the o'cial leaders 
of their government (Beaudoin and Filice, 2019; 
Davis, 2018). As a result, Indigenous groups are 
not always able to control the development of their 
natural resources “in ways that create or sustain their 
economic futures” (Parlee, 2015, p. 430). !is lack 



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Aisthesis      Volume 13,  202270

of sovereignty makes it very di'cult for First Nation 
groups to employ the resources they were endowed 
with in their best interest. It also makes it very di'cult 
to act sustainably over long periods of time; land that 
could be harnessed for renewable energy uses are 
instead inhabited by extractive industries. Projects 
like the proposed Tenas coal mine, that have very 
limited life spans and are not a sustainable source of 
revenue, are what ultimately end up on Indigenous 
land. !ese projects simply serve to deplete the First 
Nations of their natural capital. 
 When natural capital is assessed by capitalist 
industries, non-renewable, extractive resources are 
o#en prioritized over the renewable resources. On 
Indigenous land, the presence of solar panels or 
windmills could be extremely fruitful for both the 
local community’s economy and the industry that 
implements it. However, Western society has not 
pivoted to these resources, instead choosing to rely on 
extractive industries that will only be functional for 
brief periods of time. When considering the impacts 
that proposed projects would have on the economic 
development of a region, a critical question to ask 
is whether the project would interact with resources 
in a way that does not negatively impact them, or 
whether the project would simply extract from the 
land. !e e"ects of natural capital extraction would 
be felt all around Bulkley Valley. Fishing, hunting, 
and agricultural practices would be impacted by air 
and water pollution, and existing industries, such as 
tourism, would also be a"ected. !us, exploitation 
of natural capital in the form of coal could have a 
detrimental impact on other crucial forms of natural 
capital.
 While TCL has made informal promises to 
consult with the Wet’suwet’en nation on the proposed 
Tenas coal mine, they are not required by law to do so. 
!is makes the Wet’suwet’en community extremely 
vulnerable. With this in mind, it is di'cult to know 
how to solve the issues that accompany natural 
capital. !e ideal solution would be to practice 
“practical sovereignty” and allow decisions about 
natural capital to be made solely by the inhabitants 
of the land. !is would give First Nations the right 
to decide how they wish to develop their land. 
According to economists studying the impacts of 
sovereignty on economic development, engaging 
in practical sovereignty results in “more e'cient 
access and use of capital; improved probability of 

sustainable economic development; [and] more 
successful defense of sovereignty” (Dreveskracht, 
2013, p. 124). While this may not be completely 
possible for the Tenas project to accomplish, there 
are still tangible steps that TCL can take to bene&t the 
Bulkley Valley economy. TCL should be encouraged, 
if not required, to operate on the basis of “Free Prior 
Informed Consent,” the idea that Indigenous groups 
are granted the right “to contest proposed projects 
on their traditional territories…and consult[ed] 
about a proposed project” (Yakovleva, 2010, p. 709). 
!is returns partial autonomy to Indigenous groups. 
Ideally, TCL should enter into a legal agreement with 
the Wet’suwet’en nation and commit to returning 
autonomy to the First Nation, rather than simply 
pledging verbally to work with them.

IV. Unconventional Capital
Human Capital
 Conventional capital such as &nancial and 
natural capital are not the only contributing capitals; 
unconventional capital, such as human and social 
capital, also play an integral role in First Nations’ 
economic development. Human capital describes the 
skills, abilities, and education of the individuals in the 
community (Parlee, 2015). !ese include both skills 
“valued by the ‘marketplace’ (e.g., electrician/trade 
certi&cate); it also includes the knowledge and skills 
valuable by society but not priced in the marketplace 
(e.g., traditional ecological knowledge of Indigenous 
peoples)” (Parlee, 2015, p. 427). !is form of capital 
is o#en only approached in the context of Western 
perceptions of resource extraction and education; 
however, it is important to consider Indigenous 
structures of human capital when assessing the full 
impact of a resource extraction project on Indigenous 
populations.
 Currently, human capital within the Wet’suwet’en 
is on the decline. Cultural elements such as language, 
traditional hunting and &shing practices, and diet 
have all su"ered due to the legacy of institutional 
cultural erosion (criminalization of cultural 
practices and residential schools) as well as climate 
change (drastic weather patterns, pollution, and 
warming waters). In an interview with Wet’suwet’en 
elder Charlotte Euverman, she indicates just this, 
recounting, “When industry comes in, they ruined a 
lot of our hunting areas, berry picking areas, &shing 
spots, the rivers where &shes come from,” (interview, 



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November 10, 2021). Charlotte’s testimony illustrates 
the impacts of previous extractive industries that 
have already contaminated Wet’suwet’en land.
 Wet’suwet’en traditional economics are 
subsistence-based and rely heavily on hunting 
and &shing stocks supported by local ecosystems 
that are now under threat by the Tenas mine. For 
example, “as of 1990, over 25,000 people bene&ted 
from subsistence-based &sheries, primarily salmon, 
in BC. Over three quarters of the total native 
population consumes &sh” (Barrett, 2020, p. 17). 
!is demonstrates the importance of subsistence 
economic structures on Wet’suwet’en wellbeing and 
culture. !e proposed mine site currently transects a 
Wet’suwet’en hunting tract—an area rich in animals 
such as moose, elk, and caribou—and is already 
vulnerable due to encroachments by ranchers 
(C. Euverman, interview, November 10, 2021). 
Additionally, the proposed mining site is located 
within close proximity to important tributaries of 
the Telkwa River. !ough TCL preaches that great 
care will be taken to prevent tailing pond seepage 
from entering these tributaries, the entire region is 
geologically unstable and prone to landslides which 
can pollute water and minimize &sh stocks (Hagen, 
2011). If this hunting tract or these tributaries were 
degraded for the sake of coal extraction, Wet’suwet’en 
culture, which is already at risk, would pay the price 
by further losing ties to their traditional economics 
and practices. 
 Additionally, resource extraction industries in 
Wet’suwet’en territory limit upward mobility and 
maintain systems of economic oppression. !ese 
industries claim to provide work to Wet’suwet’en and 
other Indigenous workers. However, o#en the only 
work available is low wage, low skill, manual labor. 
!is environment fosters a “disincentive to higher 
education, training, entrepreneurship,” especially in 
the context of traditional Wet’suwet’en economics, as 
it limits time and motivation to learn skills in areas 
such as &shing, hunting, and forestry (Parlee, 2005, p. 
428). On Wet’suwet’en land, evidence of this process 
can be seen with the Huckleberry mine. !is mine 
hired numerous Wet’suwet’en for low skilled jobs, 
but many were either laid o" or quit due to poor 
conditions (V. Gellenbeck, interview, November 17, 
2021). !e mine claimed to economically bene&t the 
area, especially the Wet’suwet’en; however, the project 
never yielded long-term bene&ts to Wet’suwet’en 

workers and degraded environmental conditions, 
limiting the continuation of Wet’suwet’en human 
capital in the form of traditional economics.
 Project longevity is an important factor in 
assessing the human implications of a mining 
project. In Barrett’s interviews, for example, she 
describes how other parts of British Columbia have 
experienced the presence of extractive industries:
!e locals that were hired were given low level jobs 
with little chance of moving up. Jobs provided by 
mining companies are only temporary; the average 
lifespan of a mine is only 10-50 years, leaving an 
unemployed workforce, and an unhealthy landscape 
in its wake. (Barrett, 2020, p. 16)
 !is process would inevitably occur in the 
Tenas mine, as its estimated lifespan is only 25 
years (Telkwa Coal Limited, 2021). !is would 
limit the application of the skills workers would 
learn and leave them economically vulnerable post-
closure. An example of this situation is the case 
of Appalachian West Virginia. When their coal 
industry shrunk dramatically, the coal miners of 
West Virginia faced massive economic hardship as 
their skills were rendered useless. !e combination 
of a lack of demand in the coal industry and the 
increased demand in other industries resulted in 
population $ight; the state shrunk by over one 
million people (Lewis, 1993). !ose who remain 
today live in poverty, widely excluded from other 
economic ventures due to the limited applications of 
their skills. !e Bulkley Valley could face a similar 
situation if the Tenas Project is implemented, as 
there are minimal other local industries which could 
accommodate the skills of former coal workers. 
 TCL has pledged to promote local job growth and 
include local experts in cultural and environmental 
wellbeing in the Tenas Project. !ey aspire to source 
most employment locally and invest in community 
services, social programs, and education (Telkwa 
Coal Limited, 2021). Despite these promises, elders 
have little faith that unconventional human capital 
considerations would actually follow through, as 
all mining operations through Wet’suwet’en land 
have only detracted from this aspect of capital (V. 
Gellenbeck, interview, November 17, 2021).
 TCL can consider Wet’suwet’en human capital 
by addressing the possible impacts to traditional 
economic structures caused by their resource 
extraction. !ese impacts would be drastic, such as 



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the decimation of Wet’suwet’en &shing and hunting 
resources. !is demonstrates the need to prevent 
the TCL mine from opening. Resource extraction in 
Wet’suwet’en territory is possible, but only through 
sustainable economic ventures. !is sustainability is 
simply incompatible with the proposed Tenas Project. 
!is mining operation would replace Indigenous 
jobs, not just in the o'cial job market, but also in the 
subsistence and cultural realm as the mine destroys 
natural resources. TCL cannot function in harmony 
with existing sources of Wet’suwet’en human capital, 
so its cancellation is imperative.

Social Capital
 Social capital is de&ned as “the level of trust, 
civil commitment, and capacity for cooperation of 
a community or group” and the “features of social 
organization, such as networks, norms and social 
trust, that facilitate coordination and cooperation 
for mutual bene&t” (Parlee, 2015, p. 427). !ese 
networks and systems of communication are essential 
to building other sources of capital and maintaining 
long-term economic growth and sustainability, as 
they facilitate trade and build mutual respect.
 Currently, Wet’suwet’en traditional social capital 
is maintained through feasts known as balhats 
between and within di"erent clans. !ese clans 
communicate with other people as well through these 
feasts, and they participate in more Western forms of 
communication such as hearings, testimonies, town 
halls, and meetings when necessary. !e Wet’suwet’en 
have limited positive social capital regarding 
resource development; as such, developments rarely 
positively contribute to their community.
 Social capital is signi&cant, especially as a source 
of preserving the human capital of traditional 
economics, practices, and storytelling, and as a 
way of ensuring community stability and cohesion. 
Within Wet’suwet’en culture, for example, a way that 
social capital is maintained between the young and 
old is through group &shing. !e elderly teach the 
young how to &sh and process the catch; through 
this process, they pass on stories and techniques 
pertaining to their cultural practices and traditional 
economics. Among the Wet’suwet’en and other 
Indigenous groups of Northern British Columbia, 
this is an essential form of “renewing kinship” both 
among individual community members and their 
environment (Gergan & McCreary, 2021, p. 5).

 Unfortunately, practices such as this are on decline 
already due to the institutional cultural erosion of 
the Wet’suwet’en and the current decimation of their 
&shing stocks caused by present resource extraction 
e"orts. Without traditional methods of conveying 
social capital, Wet’suwet’en culture faces decimation 
through ignorance and disjunction, as di"erent age 
groups and geographically isolated communities 
struggle to communicate with each other. 
 Within the Wet’suwet’en, a major source of 
tension which erodes internal social capital is 
the competition between the hereditary chiefs 
and government-supported band councils over 
authority regarding resource extraction. When the 
TransCanada Coastal Gaslink project was proposed 
to Wet'suwet'en, TransCanada and the Canadian 
government o"ered the band council monetary 
incentives if the project was approved and guaranteed 
their support (McCreary & Turner, 2018). With the 
support of the band council (whose autonomy is 
established under the Indian Act), the project has 
moved forward, despite the protests of the hereditary 
chiefs and much of the Wet’suwet’en community. 
!is situation has created massive ri#s among the 
Wet’suwet’en; members have sided with hereditary 
chiefs, and many band councils are not speaking to 
each other (V. Gellenbeck, interview, November 17, 
2021). Any other resource extraction e"orts which 
could pose risks to traditional economics, such as 
the Tenas Project, would surely spur more con$ict 
among these competing sources of authority, which 
would only further damage the social integrity of the 
Wet’suwet’en.
 !e Tenas Project can speci&cally impact social 
capital by disrupting traditional economics such 
as &shing or hunting. !ese practices are essential 
not only for community morale and cohesion but 
also for promoting environments which foster 
continued social capital among Wet’suwet’en. TCL 
has not released any analysis regarding their possible 
impacts on this type of capital, demonstrating their 
lack of consideration for non-traditional sources of 
social capital and Wet’suwet’en cultural longevity.
 TCL can address Wet’suwet’en social capital by 
prioritizing internal understanding of Wet’suwet’en 
traditional knowledge and social structures. !is 
should include funding for education regarding 
Wet’suwet’en language and land management. Also, 
Wet’suwet’en social capital can be addressed by 

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Aisthesis      Volume 13,  2022

Canadian governmental entities. !is can be carried 
out through the recognition of Wet’suwet’en forms 
of government, further protection of Wet’suwet’en 
culture, and more solid land recognition and respect 
agreements. !ese strategies could work, as they 
would strengthen Wet’suwet’en autonomy, providing 
them more outlets for internal social capital 
strengthening. Also, no step should be taken without 
proper consultation from Wet’suwet’en community 
members and their input on how social capital 
should be approached.

Conclusion
 Overall, through an analysis of the community 
capitals framework in relation to the Wet’suwet’en 
First Nation and the TCL Tenas Project, we conclude 
that the Tenas Project will have a negative impact on 
the economic development and sustainability of the 
Wet’suwet’en. Conventionally, their natural capital 
will face damage through pollution and habitat 
destruction, and their &nancial capital will be drained 
through revenue e%ux. Unconventionally, their 
human capital will be minimalized through further 
erosion of traditional economics and practices, and 
their social capital faces depletion through loss of 
knowledge and polarization. By reducing these 
forms of capital, the TCL Tenas Project will hinder 
the Wet’suwet’en capacity to develop their economy, 
and continue the settler colonist legacy of external 
resource extraction e"orts plundering the natural 
wealth of the Wet’suwet’en homeland. Because of 
its possible reduction of these four dimensions of 
Wet’suwet’en capital and damage to Wet’suwet’en 
economics, it is imperative that this resource 
extraction e"ort does not proceed. 
       
       
       
       
       
       
       
       
       
       
       
       
       
       

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