The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame Culture In The Siulak Mukai Indigenous Community: An Ethnographic Study Wawan Septian1, Oki Mitra2, Wisnarni3, Muhamad Alfian4 1,2,3Program Pascasaarjan Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Kerinci, Jambi, 4Fakultas Tarbiyah dan Ilmu Keguruan, IAIN Kerinci, Jambi *Corresponding Author. E-mail: wawan.septian@gmail.com Abstract: This study investigates the concept of malu (shame) within the Siulak Mukai indigenous community of Kerinci, to understand its meanings, values, and functions, as well as examine how it is actualized in daily life and transformed in the context of modernization and digital culture. Adopting a qualitative descriptive design with an ethnographic approach, data were collected through observations, semi-structured interviews, and documentation involving customary leaders, elders, and community representatives. The findings reveal that malu functions as a moral and social safeguard, regulating behavior, preserving personal dignity, and maintaining social cohesion. Its actualization is gendered: for boys, it is expressed through responsibilities as protectors and educators within the clan, while for girls, it is reflected in safeguarding personal and familial honor. The intergenerational transmission of malu is sustained through customary education by ninik mamak, teganai, and depati using advice, metaphors, and communal practices. However, the study also identifies significant erosion of malu among younger generations, influenced by globalization, social media, and the weakening role of traditional leaders. This research contributes to the understanding of indigenous moral systems by demonstrating how shame culture, despite facing decline, remains a central ethical and cultural value that underpins social cohesion and identity in Siulak Mukai. The originality of this study lies in highlighting the transformative challenges of malu in the digital age and proposing culturally grounded strategies for its revitalization through customary institutions, intergenerational education, and integration into formal schooling. Keywords: Cultural Transformation; Ethnography; Indigenous wisdom; Shame culture (malu); Siulak Mukai community. Introduction Since ancient times, awareness of the existence of rules encompassing law and moral standards has been recognized by every community worldwide, as these rules are related to the certainty of the continuity of communal life. Law serves as a reference in regulating Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Curup, Indonesia ISSN 2580-3174, (p); 2580-3190 (e) Volume 8, Number 2, 2023 |Page: 425-448 DOI: http://doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v8i2.14682 Academic Journal of Islamic Studies AJIS mailto:wawan.septian@gmail.com http://doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v8i2.11326 426 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 relationships among community members, while moral standards function as norms and doctrines that are believed and passed down from generation to generation. This awareness also contains a system that regulates the legitimacy of social relations and encompasses rules governing individuals and communities. Tom Campbell refers to this as collective consciousness or collective representation1. The values of these norms usually appear in established forms, either written or unwritten, which later become known as customary traditions (adat). These values, believed to be true, are implemented in thought, feeling, and will, and are often difficult to change. Customary laws evolve in tandem with local values, illustrating how deeply such norms can influence community cohesiveness and continuity2. This is known as culture, which ultimately becomes the collective character of each community. Similarly, the Kerinci people have long been familiar with such social structures for centuries. The term "culture" derives from the Sanskrit word buddhayah, the plural form of buddhi (intellect, reason), meaning matters related to human thought and intellect. Culture adheres to a community, passed down through generations, becoming society's collective identity3. This reflects the essence of social structures developed through generations, where customs—defined broadly as the practices or habits existing within a culture—become an essential part of the collective identity. When the Kerinci community encountered Islamic teachings and values later on, they readily embraced them, as Islam was considered not to contradict the pre-existing cultural values. Instead, Islam was seamlessly integrated into Kerinci culture, as reflected in the well-known local saying: "Adat besendi syarak, syarak besendi Kitabullah" (customs are based on religious law, and spiritual law is based on the Qur'an). This illustrates the harmonious relationship between religion and culture in Kerinci society. 1 Mary E. Gallagher, “Mobilizing the Law in China: ‘Informed Disenchantment’ and the Development of Legal Consciousness,” Law & Society Review 40, no. 4 (December 2006): 783–816, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5893.2006.00281.x. 2 Fetrus Fetrus, Basuki Rekso Wibowo, and Fauzie Yusuf Hasibuan, “The Application of Dayak Customary Law In West Kalimantan Towards Fulfilling A Sense of Justice For Victims (Case Study of Indecent Acts),” Asian Journal of Social and Humanities 3, no. 1 (November 2024): 45–55, https://doi.org/10.59888/ajosh.v3i1.424. 3 E. Chumthunglo Yanthan, “Gendered Practice of Naga Customary Laws: A Critical Analysis,” Journal of Education, Society and Behavioural Science 36, no. 8 (June 2023): 36–44, https://doi.org/10.9734/jesbs/2023/v36i81246. Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 427 Indoctrinating and internalizing values—what we now call character education—varies across cultures. In Kerinci tradition, for example, the figure who usually gives advice and life guidance and serves as a role model within the household is the mamak (maternal uncle, in the Siulak dialect). In this sense, character education is not confined to formal institutions such as schools. It begins as soon as individuals use their senses—first through physical recognition, then the recognition of values, and finally understanding distinctions of right and wrong4. This lifelong process places society and family as essential elements, with culture, customs, religion, and the values of the surrounding environment playing an equally important role. Siulak is one of the ethnic groups in Kerinci Regency, distinct for its unique adat perpatih and cultural traditions, slightly different from Kerinci culture in general. Administratively, Siulak is divided into two districts, Siulak and Siulak Mukai, but in terms of custom, it remains part of the same traditional territory, Tigo Luhah Tanah Sekudung. The mamak (maternal uncle) plays a strategic role within this matrilineal cultural system. He is granted authority to guide, manage, and provide character education to his nephews, nieces, and the household at large, holding the title of teganai in the Siulak dialect5. In matrilineal culture, kinship follows the maternal line, and women hold family inheritance. As Radjab explains, the characteristics of matrilineality include: (1) lineage determined by the mother's line; (2) clan membership inherited maternally; (3) prohibition of marrying within the same clan (exogamy); (4) collective responsibility for fines or penalties; (5) theoretical authority rests with women, though rarely practiced; (6) their brothers exercise practical authority; (7) matrilocal marriage patterns, with the husband visiting the wife's residence; (8) inheritance of property passed from the mamak to the nephews and nieces. Research by Benyishay et al. highlights the socio-economic implications of matrilineal inheritance systems, indicating that they can lead to specific demographic patterns, including smaller household sizes and differences in women's empowerment compared to patrilineal societies. However, the evidence for significant empowerment is weak6. 4 Hasnadi Hasnadi, “Penerapan Nilai-Nilai Karakter Melalui Budaya Sekolah,” IDARAH: Jurnal Pendidikan Dan Kependidikan 3, no. 2 (2019): 158–72. 5 Relly Anjar Vinata Wisnu Saputra, “Maintaining Plurality Through the Preservation of the Siulak Kerinci Tradition,” Riwayat: Educational Journal of History and Humanities 6, no. 2 (April 2023): 283–90, https://doi.org/10.24815/jr.v6i2.31422. 6 Ariel BenYishay, Pauline Grosjean, and Joe Vecci, “The Fish Is the Friend of 428 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 Kerinci culture is rich in values and ethics that shape thought, behavior, and emotions, forming a collective character known as uhang Kinci (the Kerinci people). These values become the community's identity and pride. An individual who violates these norms is often labeled as not knowing adat (disrespectful of customs). Among the most critical and distinctive values of the Kerinci people is the concept of shame (malu), which carries a deeper meaning than its usage in Malay or Indonesian. In classical Kerinci oral tradition (parno adat), it is said: "Sumo ti genang paga malu, Surau iluk tempat ibadah" (ponds are fenced with shame, mosques as places of worship), emphasizing shame as a moral safeguard of society. According to the Indonesian dictionary (KBBI), shame is the feeling of unease, inferiority, or dishonor arising after committing an inappropriate act. Psychologically, shame is an emotional state triggered by actions that violate social norms, causing individuals to wish to hide from others. In the Kerinci context, shame is an emotional response and a measure of dignity, honor, and social acceptance. In contemporary society, the value of shame and traditional cultural norms is increasingly overshadowed by the rapid advancement of digital technologies and social media. The evolving landscape reflects a significant shift in priorities, where expressions of hostility, sensuality, and violence often dominate online interactions, compromising modesty and decency7. This shift can be examined through Abraham Maslow's hierarchy of needs, which organizes human motivation into levels, culminating in self-actualization. Many individuals prioritized recognition through social media and "viral" popularity during the digital era, frequently neglecting foundational cultural values and basic psychological needs8. This condition also correlates with numerous social problems, including conflicts, delinquency, and even rising divorce rates linked to excessive use of social media, as reported by various Indonesian media Matriliny: Reef Density and Matrilineal Inheritance,” Journal of Development Economics 127 (July 2017): 234–49, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2017.03.005. 7 Suresh C. Joshi, Steven Woltering, and Jay Woodward, “Cell Phone Social Media Use and Psychological Well-Being in Young Adults: Implications for Internet-Related Disorders,” International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 2 (January 2023): 1197, https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20021197. 8 Aishwarya Shahrawat and Renu Shahrawat, “Application of Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs in a Historical Context: Case Studies of Four Prominent Figures,” Psychology 8, no. 7 (May 2017): 939–54, https://doi.org/10.4236/psych.2017.87061. Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 429 outlets. While technology is value-neutral, its use requires strong moral control and self-discipline. Given these challenges, it is crucial to rediscover and revitalize noble cultural values that form the collective identity of Siulak Mukai, Kerinci. One such value is the culture of shame, which, if understood and practiced, may serve as a moral safeguard against the negative influences of modernization. This aligns with Thomas Lickona's character education framework, which emphasizes three dimensions: knowing, desiring, and doing the good. The concept of shame in Indonesian culture has garnered significant attention, particularly in its role as a mechanism of social control and morality maintenance within various indigenous communities. However, literature often presents a generalized view of shame, with few studies delving into concrete manifestations within specific contexts, such as Siulak Mukai. This gap extends to understanding how shame is intergenerationally transmitted through customary practices and how these dynamics differ across genders, especially in distinct matrilineal societies. Research indicates that the reluctance to disclose personal experiences related to shame, such as victimization and mental health issues, is prevalent. For instance, Rumble et al. emphasize that feelings of shame and fear often inhibit individuals from reporting cases of violence, highlighting cultural barriers that operate within the broader Indonesian societal framework9. The interrelated nature of shame and stigma is significant in understanding these dynamics. Maharani discusses how conservative gender norms contribute to a victim-blaming culture in Indonesia, where women are often held accountable for abuses they suffer, leading to further internalization of shame10. Such societal pressures create a cycle that reinforces both personal and familial feelings of shame, as shown in the studies by Pribadi et al. and Santosa et al., which explore how shame affects the social relationships of individuals diagnosed with mental health issues and their families1112. 9 Lauren Rumble et al., “Childhood Sexual Violence in Indonesia: A Systematic Review,” Trauma, Violence, &Amp; Abuse 21, no. 2 (2018), https://doi.org/10.1177/1524838018767932. 10 Nadhira Putri Maharani, “Analysis of Victim Blaming Culture in Indonesia,” Asian Journal of Engineering, Social and Health 3, no. 12 (2024), https://doi.org/10.46799/ajesh.v3i12.468. 11 Teguh Pribadi et al., “Factors Associated with Internalized Stigma for Indonesian Individuals Diagnosed with Schizophrenia in a Community Setting,” Journal of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing 27, no. 5 (2020), https://doi.org/10.1111/jpm.12611. 430 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 Additionally, the cultural value placed on maintaining personal honor and familial reputation complicates the processes of disclosing traumatic experiences. The work by Wulandari and Wulandari illustrates that in contexts of sexual abuse, children are often socialized to internalize shame, which serves as a deterrent to seeking help13. The concealment of mental health issues within families further reflects the deep-rooted stigma associated with shame, as indicated in Hidayat et al.'s examination of how public perceptions affect individuals with mental health challenges14. Similarly, Sheikh's analysis across different cultures suggests that shame, as a universal emotion, manifests in distinct ways molded by specific cultural values, including those found in Indonesia15. Examination of gendered dimensions reveals additional layers; for instance, the phenomenon of "courtesy stigma" among families of individuals diagnosed with schizophrenia underscores how familial shame can permeate social relations within these cultures16. Cultural narratives surrounding female purity and moral responsibility often exacerbate the shame felt by women, thereby influencing their ability to navigate social spaces post-trauma. Nurjannah et al.'s qualitative findings further affirm that cultural values significantly contribute to the stigma faced by both children and their families when grappling with violence and abuse17. This suggests that the mechanisms of shame are not only instrumental in maintaining social order but are also deeply entrenched in the gendered dynamics of everyday life. Moreover, emphasizing shame as a cultural force that compels 12 Adibah Santosa et al., “Interdisciplinary Perspectives on ‘What Matters Most’ in the Cultural Shaping of Health-Related Stigma in Indonesia,” BMJ Global Health 9, no. 9 (2024), https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2023-012394. 13 Diana Rizki Avita Wulandari and Murfiah Dewi Wulandari, “Children’s Knowledge Regarding Prevention of Sexual Abuse as a Self-Protection Effort,” Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, ahead of print, 2023, https://doi.org/10.2991/978-2-38476-086-2_47. 14 Muhamad Taufik Hidayat et al., “Indonesia Free from Pasung: A Policy Analysis,” International Journal of Mental Health Systems 17, no. 1 (2023), https://doi.org/10.1186/s13033-023-00579-6. 15 Sana Sheikh, “Cultural Variations in Shame’s Responses,” Personality and Social Psychology Review 18, no. 4 (2014), https://doi.org/10.1177/1088868314540810. 16 Pribadi et al., “Factors Associated with Internalized Stigma for Indonesian Individuals Diagnosed with Schizophrenia in a Community Setting.” 17 Nurjannah Nurjannah et al., “Urban Children at Risk of Violence: A Qualitative Study of Experiences of Parents, Teachers, and Service Providers of Collaborative Support,” Narra J 4, no. 2 (2024), https://doi.org/10.52225/narra.v4i2.793. Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 431 ethical behavior illuminates its often-dualistic nature. While shame can motivate individuals toward self-improvement and collective responsibility, as explored by Liyanage and Usoof-Thowfeek, it can also lead to maladaptive behaviors when it pushes individuals to withdraw from societal engagement18. Arli et al. show that understanding shame is critical in fostering ethical consumer behavior, suggesting that cultural values around shame are pivotal for social interactions within Indonesian communities19. During modernization and the rapid influence of digital culture, the traditional values of shame (budaya malu) that once served as a moral compass for the Siulak Mukai community are increasingly at risk of erosion. This study, therefore, aims to examine in depth the concept of shame culture from the perspective of Siulak Mukai's indigenous traditions, by exploring its meanings, values, and functions as a moral and social identity of the community. It also seeks to analyze how the actualization of shame culture is manifested in the daily lives of the Siulak Mukai people, both in individual behavior and in social interaction. Furthermore, the study intends to identify the factors contributing to the decline of shame culture amid the forces of modernization and propose relevant solutions for revitalizing this value so that it remains alive and serves as an ethical foundation in the community's life. Literature Review Concept of shame culture The concept of shame culture (al-ḥayā') in Islamic teachings is regarded as a noble virtue (akhlaq maḥmūdah) that constitutes a distinctive characteristic of a Muslim. Islam positions modesty and the sense of shame as an integral part of faith, as emphasized in the Prophet's ḥadīth that states, "shame is a branch of faith."20 This is illustrated in the ḥadīth of the Prophet Muhammad establishing a clear 18 N. D. B. Liyanage and Ramila Usoof-Thowfeek, “You Should Be Ashamed of Yourself: Culture and Shame Driven Personal Growth,” Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 54, no. 5 (2023), https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221231183151. 19 Denni Arli, Cheryl Leo, and Fandy Tjiptono, “Investigating the Impact of Guilt and Shame Proneness on Consumer Ethics: A Cross National Study,” International Journal of Consumer Studies 40, no. 1 (2015), https://doi.org/10.1111/ijcs.12183. 20 Cintami Farmawati, “Al-Haya’ Dalam Perspektif Psikologi Islam: Kajian Konsep Dan Empiris,” Jurnal Studia Insania 8, no. 2 (2020): 99–118, https://doi.org/10.18592/jsi.v8i2.3865. 432 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 theological link between shame and spirituality21. From this perspective, shame is a crucial moral regulator that steers individuals away from reprehensible acts and encourages virtuous conduct. The Qur'an and various ḥadīth articulate the significance of shame as pivotal to spiritual awareness, interpersonal respect, and self- discipline within the social fabric. Scholars such as al-Ghazālī and Ibn Qayyim emphasize that shame is integral to a person's moral development and indicates the heart's health, implying that a strong sense of shame correlates with ethical integrity. This viewpoint aligns with the psychological literature that delineates the role of shame in moral behavior. For instance, Maggi et al. illustrate that shame, as a psychological construct, inhibits antisocial behavior and fosters the internalization of ethical standards, consistent with Islamic teachings on the importance of moral emotional regulation22. From the Islamic perspective, shame is a moral regulator that prevents individuals from engaging in reprehensible acts while encouraging them to pursue virtuous deeds. Both the Qur'an and the ḥadīth provide numerous explanations regarding the significance of shame, whether as a form of spiritual awareness of God, respect for others, or self-control in social life. Classical scholars such as al-Ghazālī and Ibn Qayyim further underscore that shame is the primary source of goodness and indicates the vitality or decline of one's heart. Thus, in Islam, shame culture is not merely an emotional sentiment but rather a moral and spiritual principle that animates the behavior of the believer. Meanwhile, from the perspective of Kerinci customary law, particularly within the Siulak Mukai community, shame culture also occupies an essential position as a social institution and customary norm. Traditional oral literature expresses metaphorically that "a flooded well is fenced with shame," symbolizing shame as a protective barrier safeguarding human dignity, honor, and morality. The concept of tudung malu (the veil of shame) within the Siulak Mukai tradition is even institutionalized through customary sanctions imposed on those who publicly disgrace others, for instance, in cases where a marriage engagement is unilaterally canceled after all preparations have been 21 Fitri Andaryani and Fitriani Fitriani, “Introvert Self Disclosure and Al-Haya in Islamic Perspective: Study of Takhrij and Syarah Hadith,” Journal of Takhrij Al-Hadith 1, no. 2 (2022), https://doi.org/10.15575/jth.v1i2.22863. 22 S. Maggi et al., “A Narrative Review about Prosocial and Antisocial Behavior in Childhood: The Relationship with Shame and Moral Development,” Children 9, no. 10 (2022), https://doi.org/10.3390/children9101556. Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 433 made. This illustrates that shame culture functions not only as an individual moral compass but also as a social mechanism regulating interpersonal relations within the community. Therefore, in both Islamic teachings and Kerinci customary law, shame emerges as a fundamental value that shapes identity, safeguards honor, and reinforces the social order of society. Indigenous Wisdom in the Context of Siulak Mukai Local wisdom constitutes knowledge, values, and practices passed down across generations within a community, functioning to shape cultural identity and regulate social order. In the context of Siulak Mukai, local wisdom is not merely understood as tradition inherited from one generation to another, but also as a living value system that continuously interacts with the dynamics of changing times. The values embedded within it provide ethical and moral guidance for the community in maintaining social harmony, while simultaneously serving as the foundation for forming a distinctive collective character. Additionally, Holden and Mace emphasize cultural significance, noting that in matrilineal societies, kinship through females is prioritized over male lineage, showcasing a profound aspect of social organization that distinguishes matrilineality from patrilineal norms23. Thus, local wisdom is essential in preserving cultural identity, strengthening social solidarity, and internalizing moral standards such as the culture of shame in everyday life. The customary structure and kinship system of the Siulak Mukai community exhibit a matrilineal pattern, which places the role of the mamak (maternal uncle) as a central figure in caregiving, education, and family decision-making. This system serves as a channel for transmitting customary values, including cultivating respect for the culture of shame as a fundamental principle in safeguarding individual dignity and communal honor. The values rooted in this kinship structure notably include cultivating a culture of shame as a moral guideline. Such societal norms foster respect, responsibility, and intergenerational awareness, maintaining individual dignity while upholding communal honor24. 23 Clare Janaki Holden and Ruth Mace, “Spread of Cattle Led to the Loss of Matrilineal Descent in Africa: A Coevolutionary Analysis,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Series B: Biological Sciences 270, no. 1532 (December 2003): 2425– 33, https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2003.2535. 24 Laura Fortunato, “The Evolution of Matrilineal Kinship Organization,” Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 279, no. 1749 (October 2012): 4939–45, https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2012.1926. 434 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 Through customary mechanisms, social values such as respect, accountability, and collective awareness are instilled from an early age, making the culture of shame function as a personal norm and a binding social institution. This demonstrates that the local wisdom of Siulak Mukai constitutes a cultural force that preserves the continuity of tradition while simultaneously providing a moral foundation for confronting the challenges of modernity. The Transformation of values and traditional values The Transformation of cultural values within society is an inevitable phenomenon in line with the currents of globalization and the influx of external cultural influences. The development of digital technology, cyberspace, the internet, and the flow of electronic information has accelerated shifts in values that often unfold beyond the control of traditional cultural systems. This process occurs most rapidly among the younger generation, who are generally more susceptible to the appeal of new and stimulating elements. This aligns with the view that culture arises from society, implying that no culture exists without the community that sustains it, and conversely, no society exists without its culture. According to Kingsley, as cited by Selo Soemardjan, such phenomena represent social change, namely alterations in the structure and functions of society25. Within this context, the appreciation of local wisdom becomes highly significant, as customary traditions serve to preserve national culture. As noted by Soebadio, local genius constitutes the cultural identity of a nation, enabling a society to adopt and adapt external cultural influences in accordance with its own character and capacity, thereby ensuring that local values remain intact amidst the dynamics of global change.26 Research Methods This research employed a qualitative descriptive design27 with an ethnographic approach, aiming to capture the meanings, values, and 25 Selo Soemardjan, Perubahan Sosial Di Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press., 1990), 336, https://library.stik- ptik.ac.id/detail?id=22005&lokasi=lokal. 26 Haryati Soebadio, “Kepribadian Budaya Bangsa,” in Ayatrohaedi (Ed.). Kepribadian Budaya Bangsa (Local Genius) (1986), 18–25. 27 Patricia Leavy, Research Design: Quantitative, Qualitative, Mixed Methods, Arts- Based, and Community-Based Participatory Research Approaches (New York ; London: Guilford Press, 2017). Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 435 transformations of malu (shame culture) from the perspective of its practitioners through in-depth narratives and lived experiences28. Ethnography was chosen because it enables the researcher to systematically and holistically examine natural behaviors in the daily lives of communities, while directly engaging in the cultural setting under study29. This approach is highly relevant for authentically revealing the' essence, dynamics, and complexity30. The study was conducted in the wilayah adat Siulak Mukai, part of the traditional territory of tigo luhah tanah sekudung and administratively located in the districts of Siulak and Siulak Mukai, Kerinci Regency. Purposive sampling was applied to select informants with cultural competence and authority to represent the community's values and traditions. Criteria included personal experience, cultural knowledge, maturity, physical and mental capability, neutrality, and recognition as respected figures. Informants included customary leaders (depati ninik mamak, teganai), elders, cultural activists, youth representatives, and local government officials. Data was collected through observation, semi-structured interviews, and documentation31. Participatory observation32 captured social interactions and customary practices related to malu, while interviews with ninik mamak, teganai, elders, women leaders, and youth provided intergenerational perspectives. Documentation of local regulations, parno adat, manuscripts, and photographs complemented the findings, which were systematically recorded through field notes and audio materials to ensure validity and comprehensiveness. Data analysis was conducted inductively and interpretively by reducing, organizing, and categorizing field notes, interview transcripts, 28 V. Wiratna Suwarjeni, Metodologi Penelitian Lengkap, Praktis Dan Mudah Dipahami (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Baru, 2014). 29 John W. Creswell and J. David Creswell, Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches (Sage publications, 2017). 30 Stepanus Sigit Pranoto, “Learning Islam from Daâ€TMi Mualaf: From Curiosity to Strengthen Religious Identity,” AJIS: Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 6, no. 2 (December 2021): 225–44, https://doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v6i2.3431. 31 Mahmud Hibatul Wafi et al., “Transformation Of The TahfÄ«dz Tradition In Indonesia: Between Traditional And Contemporary Education,” AJIS: Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 8, no. 1 (May 2023): 123–40, https://doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v8i1.6720. 32 Edriagus Saputra et al., “Respect For The Red White Flag in The Understanding of Syataryah and Muhammadiyah Communities: A Comparative Study,” AJIS: Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 7, no. 2 (December 2022): 307–22, https://doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v7i2.5483. 436 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 and documents. Thematic analysis was applied to identify recurring patterns and cultural meanings of malu, supported by descriptive and interpretive approaches to explain its functions, transmission, and Transformation. Historical tracing connected the continuity of malu from traditional roots to its current form in the digital era. At the same time, heuristic analysis generated new insights and strategies for revitalizing this value within the Siulak Mukai community. The data analysis process followed qualitative procedures, emphasizing descriptive and interpretive methods. Data was analyzed inductively by identifying recurring themes, patterns, and cultural meanings from observations, interviews, and documents. Several analytical strategies were applied, including interpretation (to provide evidence-based explanations of cultural practices), descriptive analysis (to portray social realities as they are), historical continuity (to trace cultural values through their historical development), and heuristic analysis (to explore new insights and deeper meanings of cultural practices)33. Through this combination, the research highlighted the role of budaya malu as an essential cultural value within the Siulak Mukai community and its relevance to preserving Kerinci's indigenous wisdom. Results and Discussions The Character of Shame in the Perspective of the Siulak Mukai Indigenous Community The concept of malu (shame) in the Siulak Mukai tradition is a fundamental pillar in shaping the community's social and moral character. Malu is a cultural safeguard (paga malu) that preserves social harmony within the family and communal life. For boys, malu is manifested in their responsibility as protectors of their clan and community, demonstrated through martial arts (silat), hunting, and readiness to serve as hulu balang tabin negeri (defenders of the land). For girls, malu is expressed through the preservation of self-respect, modesty in dress, and adherence to customary rules, since a woman's honor also reflects the dignity of her family and clan. The cultivation of malu is transmitted across generations through the guidance of ninik mamak, teganai, and other traditional leaders, who instill values through advice, customary literary metaphors (ico pakai), 33 L. J. Moleong, Lexy J Moleong, Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif (Bandung: Remaja Rosda Karya, 2004). Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 437 and social practices during customary ceremonies. Thus, the Siulak Mukai tradition functions not only as a system of law and social regulation but also as a moral education framework that fosters collective awareness of the importance of malu as both a safeguard against deviant behavior and a binding force of social cohesion. The process of internalizing the value of malu is carried out through collective customary education, primarily led by the ninik mamak, teganai, and depati. This education is not limited to everyday advice but is also conveyed through parno adat, rich in literary language, proverbs, and potent symbolism. The role of the ninik mamak is crucial in guiding nephews and nieces, safeguarding young women from improper social interactions, and resolving problems with wisdom. Through this mechanism, malu is inherited as a moral value and upheld as a cultural identity of the Siulak Mukai community, binding individuals to their collective norms. The Siulak Mukai adat emphasizes that malu (shame) is deeply embedded in physical and social infrastructures, reflecting a moral and philosophical framework governing daily life. Expressions such as "Padang bupagar malu" and "Jalan panjang bakandang srak, sumo ti genang paga malu, Surau iluk tempat ibadah" illustrate that even spaces seemingly unobserved, like open fields or wells, are morally regulated, requiring individuals to uphold self-restraint and integrity regardless of external oversight. The well (sumo), primarily used by women, exemplifies the intersection of physical space and moral conduct, with strict rules maintaining gender boundaries and reinforcing malu. Within the Siulak Mukai society, malu is a core component of ico pakai, shaping personal character and guiding behavior according to gender-specific roles, enabling individuals to live harmoniously within the community. Conversely, the absence of malu is socially intolerable; those who fail to adhere to these norms risk exclusion, as reflected in practices such as being expelled from the village. This underscores malu not merely as a personal virtue but as a social necessity essential for communal survival and cohesion, aligning with broader Islamic perspectives that link the presence of shame to the vitality of the soul and moral life34. Actualization of the Character of Malu in the Daily Life of the Siulak Mukai Indigenous Community The research findings indicate that actualizing the cultural value 34 Ibnu Qayyim Al-Jauziyyah, Ad-Daa’wa Ad-Dawaa’ (Jakarta: Pustaka Imam Asy- Syafi’i, 2009). 438 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 of shame (malu) within the Siulak Mukai community remains central to moral conduct and social harmony. However, it has experienced a significant decline among the younger generation. According to local leaders, malu once served as an ethical safeguard, preventing individuals from engaging in immoral or inappropriate actions. However, interviews with community figures reveal concerns that young people today increasingly treat customary values (ico pakai) as mere formalities, without deeper philosophical meaning or practical implementation in daily life. Customary law, once a foundation for wisdom in thought and judgment, is perceived as gradually losing its influence. Informants also emphasized that changes in social behavior— such as the erosion of boundaries in male-female interactions, the influence of modern lifestyles, and the widespread use of social media— have contributed to the weakening of the malu character. For instance, women openly engaging in inappropriate behaviors on social media or youth engaging in casual romantic interactions are seen as indicators of diminishing malu. Traditionally, however, the expression of malu was deeply embedded in social customs, such as when young men, out of modesty, would approach the parents of a girl they admired rather than directly pursuing her. Courtship involved respectful dialogue, poetry exchanges, and participation in family agricultural work, all under communal supervision. These practices reinforced malu as both personal restraint and collective responsibility. Furthermore, customary leaders highlighted that violations of malu remain subject to sanctions under adat law, ranging from social reprimands to formal penalties. For example, a woman receiving a male guest alone at home is considered sumbang (inappropriate), and repeated violations may escalate to sumbang salah (serious misconduct) requiring formal adjudication and fines, such as the payment of cloth or its equivalent value. More severe breaches, such as adultery or public disgrace, trigger community-based sanctions, including social shaming rituals, fines, or even forced marriages. These measures, encapsulated in the Undang Nan Silapan (Eight Adat Laws), aim to preserve communal dignity and reinforce the principle of malu as a cultural safeguard. Ultimately, the findings reveal that while globalization and modern influences have weakened the role of malu among Siulak Mukai youth, traditional leaders continue to emphasize its importance as an essential moral compass. Practices such as tudung malu (compensation for shame), community-based sanctions, and the intergenerational transmission of adat remain crucial mechanisms to uphold social order. Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 439 This demonstrates that the value of malu is not merely an individual trait but a collective cultural identity that sustains moral integrity and preserves the honor of families and the community at large. In the Siulak Mukai community, the concept of malu serves as both a moral compass and a social regulatory mechanism, reflecting the role of cultural norms in maintaining social cohesion. Cultural anthropology and socio-cultural psychology theories illustrate that constructs such as shame and communal expectations are essential for sustaining group identity and social order. Jaenudin and Tahrir emphasize how local cultural values, including elements of religiosity in Sundanese culture, similarly contribute to social regulation and cohesion35. However, modernization, particularly through social media and changing gender dynamics, has challenged traditional practices of malu among younger generations. This influence is documented in literature highlighting the impact of contemporary societal changes on youth perceptions of conventional values36. Despite this decline, practices such as tudung malu—embodying behavioral norms—remain crucial, as they aim to reinforce cultural frameworks in daily life. Efforts to preserve cultural identity amidst external pressures demonstrate resilience, echoing findings by Nurmalinda and Zulfa, who highlight the importance of community and educational institutions in embedding cultural values among youth37. The Siulak Mukai community's reliance on malu illustrates a complex interplay between cultural values, social frameworks, and youth adaptation to modernity. It underscores the transformative power of communal norms in shaping behavior and emphasizes the need to integrate these practices into the discourse on morality within indigenous contexts. 35 Ujam Jaenudin and Tahrir Tahrir, “Studi Religiusitas, Budaya Sunda, Dan Perilaku Moral Pada Masyarakat Kabupaten Bandung,” Jurnal Psikologi Islam Dan Budaya 2, no. 1 (April 2019): 1–8, https://doi.org/10.15575/jpib.v2i1.3445. 36 Cynthia S. Wang and Angela K.-y. Leung, “The Cultural Dynamics of Rewarding Honesty and Punishing Deception,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 36, no. 11 (November 2010): 1529–42, https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167210385921. 37 Nurmalinda Nurmalinda and Zulfa Zulfa, “Analysis of the Enculturation of Mentawai Cultural Values in Elementary School 02 Matotonan, South Siberut Subdistrict, Mentawai Islands District, West Sumatra Province, Indonesia,” International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 07, no. 01 (January 2024), https://doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v7-i01-41. 440 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 Factors of Erosion of the Malu Character in Siulak Mukai Customary Society and Proposed Solutions The research findings indicate several factors contributing to the erosion of the malu character in Siulak Mukai society. According to interviews with local leaders, one major factor is the indiscriminate conferment of customary titles (sko) without regard for the competence or moral behavior of the recipients. In some cases, young men who engage in gambling or cockfighting are nonetheless granted prestigious titles at the insistence of female family members. Such practices undermine the integrity of customary governance and the cultivation of noble character traits, particularly malu. Informants also emphasized that the hierarchical order of title conferment is frequently ignored, such as bypassing intermediate ranks like ninik mamak, which disrupts traditional social and moral structures. The lack of religious awareness or knowledge of customary law among some titleholders further exacerbates the problem, weakening their ability to uphold ethical values and lead responsibly. To address these issues, informants recommended revitalizing the traditional institutions of pubokalo bungkan and restoring their original functions established by ancestors. Customary law should be applied as a philosophical and moral guide, fostering noble character and the cultivation of malu among younger generations. Specific measures include binding customary regulations to guide etiquette, morality, and contemporary social issues interacting with the Siulak Mukai culture. Whether depati or ninik mamak, titleholders must clearly understand their duties and responsibilities, and newcomers should receive guidance and orientation before assuming their roles. Rituals and oaths taken during title conferment, such as the sapo melangga oath, reinforce accountability and the moral expectations of their position. Another proposed solution focuses on intergenerational education. Elders are encouraged to engage youth in regular communal gatherings and discussions, embedding moral instruction and guidance into everyday interactions rather than waiting for transgressions. This approach emphasizes early and continuous moral guidance, akin to nurturing young bamboo (bambo), where proper direction ensures straight growth. Informants highlighted the importance of integrating customary knowledge into formal education, such as including local customs as part of school curricula, teaching younger generations the values, norms, and ethical frameworks upheld by their ancestors. In advocating for active youth engagement in cultural and ethical Wawan Septian et.al : The Actualization And Transformation Of Shame ... | 441 traditions, it becomes evident that communal participation is vital. Studies have shown that environments fostering such engagement can significantly enhance young people's learning and retention of ethical values, thereby encouraging greater social cohesion within indigenous groups38. The research illustrates how cultural practices, when actively preserved and implemented across generations, play a critical role in sustaining societal norms and ethics, reaffirming the community's identity and integrity. Moreover, addressing the multifaceted challenges posed by modernization and external influences on traditional values is essential for ensuring the longevity of malu. The transmission of ethical principles requires concerted efforts to reinforce institutional frameworks and moral education, typifying a dual approach encompassing cultural transmission's systemic and interpersonal dimensions. The involvement of families, educational institutions, and community leaders is crucial in creating a robust environment for moral education and cultural preservation, thus safeguarding the integrity of the Siulak Mukai society in the face of change39. Finally, youth participation in customary rituals, including formal ceremonies, title conferment, and community feasts, is vital to instill a sense of ownership and responsibility toward preserving malu and other noble traits. Regular involvement allows them to observe, learn, and internalize customary law and philosophical principles, gradually cultivating moral maturity and respect for tradition. Collectively, these measures aim to restore the erosion of malu, reinforce ethical behavior, and ensure that future generations uphold the moral and cultural integrity of Siulak Mukai society. Conclusion In the perspective of the Siulak Mukai adat community, malu (shame) is an integral part of ico pakai, serving as a guiding principle inherited from their ancestors, where even uninhabited spaces like padang are morally regulated, reflecting the internalization of malu in daily life. For boys, malu is manifested through maintaining personal 38 Fika Maideja et al., “Integration of Local Cultural Values in Forming Student Morale in Learning Islamic Religious Education in Junior High Schools,” International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research of Higher Education (IJMURHICA) 6, no. 2 (April 2023): 97–105, https://doi.org/10.24036/ijmurhica.v6i2.108. 39 Maideja et al., “Integration of Local Cultural Values in Forming Student Morale in Learning Islamic Religious Education in Junior High Schools.” 442 | AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2023 honor, fulfilling responsibilities as protectors and educators of their dependents, and upholding communal norms. At the same time, for girls, it involves preserving their dignity and their families, with primary responsibility for moral education, particularly the cultivation of malu entrusted to the teganai. This framework aligns with Thomas Lickona's three components of moral education: moral knowing, moral feeling, and moral action. However, the actualization of malu in everyday life has significantly declined, as evidenced by contemporary youth interactions and the limited understanding of adat among some customary leaders, who often perceive adat solely as a set of legal rules. Factors contributing to this erosion include globalization, exposure to external cultures, and the weakening role of the teganai and ninik mamak in upholding traditional functions. To address this, the community is encouraged to return to core adat principles by reinforcing customary regulations through formal local laws (perdes or perda) and by educating future generations on the noble values of malu, thereby preserving the moral and cultural legacy of the Siulak Mukai ancestors. Theoretically, this study contributes to the body of knowledge on moral education and indigenous cultural studies by elaborating the concept of malu (shame) in the Siulak Mukai community as an ethical framework that integrates local wisdom with Thomas Lickona's dimensions of moral knowing, moral feeling, and moral action. It expands scholarly understanding of how shame functions as an emotional response and a moral safeguard embedded in matrilineal traditions and customary authority structures. The findings provide valuable insights for community leaders, policymakers, and educators in revitalizing local wisdom as a foundation for moral education. Strengthening the role of teganai and ninik mamak, integrating cultural values into formal education, and enacting local regulations to reinforce adat are practical steps that can preserve the relevance of malu amid modernization and digital influences. Nevertheless, this study has certain limitations. The ethnographic focus on Siulak Mukai restricts the generalizability of its findings to other contexts, while reliance on qualitative methods limits statistical validation. In addition, challenges such as generational bias and the limited number of active cultural leaders may have influenced the depth of perspectives obtained. 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