Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023): 127-191 © 2023 Jocelyn Hendrickson. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License, which allows users to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the original authors and source. Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco: Introduction and Critical Edition of an Excerpt from al-Zayyātī’s Selected Jewels* Jocelyn Hendrickson University of Alberta (jnhendri@ualberta.ca) Abstract This article provides an Arabic critical edition of one section of an important but unpublished source for the history of late fifteenth-century Morocco: al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra fī-mā waqaftu ʿalayhi min al-nawāzil bi-Jibāl Ghumāra (Selected jewels: Legal cases I encountered in the Ghumāra Mountains) by the Mālikī jurist ʿAbd al- ʿAzīz b. al-Ḥasan al-Zayyātī (d. 1055/1645). Although this multivolume collection of legal opinions (fatwās) was compiled in the mid-seventeenth century, it includes numerous fatwās from the fifteenth century onward that do not appear in earlier works, including Aḥmad al-Wansharīsī’s (d. 914/1508) famous collection of fatwās, al- Miʿyār al-muʿrib. This excerpt from the chapter on jihād sheds substantial light on Maghribī legal responses to the Portuguese occupation of Moroccan ports beginning in the fifteenth century. An introduction to the Arabic edition explains the importance of this period and offers an English summary of the Arabic text. In his 1978 book The Forgotten Frontier: A History of the Sixteenth-Century Ibero- African Frontier, the Ottoman historian Andrew C. Hess argued that the sixteenth- century Mediterranean was characterized by an increasingly stark border between Latin Christendom and Islamdom. According to him, social and cultural forces produced a widening gap between these two civilizations at the same time as the military conflict between the Spanish Habsburgs and the Ottomans reached its culmination. Shortly after the Battle of Lepanto in 1571,1 the maritime frontier between these two empires ceased to * I am grateful to the editors and anonymous reviewers of this article for their helpful suggestions. I would also like to thank Devin Stewart, Manuela Ceballos, Thomas Burman, Caitlyn Olson, and Armaan Siddiqi for their feedback on various drafts of the article. I am especially grateful to Devin Stewart for working carefully through the Arabic edition. All errors remain my own. 1. Where only one date appears, it refers to the Common Era. Both CE and AH dates are given for the death dates of premodern Muslim scholars, at the first mention of their names, and for some premodern events. mailto:jnhendri%40ualberta.ca?subject= 128 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) be of primary concern to either power and was subsequently “forgotten.” In making this argument, Hess was contesting Fernand Braudel’s vision of the Mediterranean, advanced in his monumental work The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Phillip II (1949), as a fundamentally unified space shaped by a common geography. What I would like to draw attention to here is not the merits of either position but rather Hess’s contention that Braudel’s conclusions were hampered by a lopsided source base. While a sophisticated history could be written for the Latin Christian lands of the Mediterranean, Hess argued, the wealth of documents in the Ottoman archives remained insufficiently explored for the purpose of a comparative or common history. As Hess put it, Braudel made a “valiant attempt to include the preliminary results of research among the mountains of documents held within the Ottoman archives. But modern Turkish historians were in no position to accomplish overnight what their European colleagues had taken centuries to do.”2 Braudel’s conclusions about the Mediterranean as a whole were therefore grounded in predominantly European sources. In the conclusion to The Forgotten Frontier, Hess returned to this point, lamenting that “Mediterranean history during the early modern era is still approached from a European angle,” a problem he attributed to the fact that “Ottoman data remain largely inaccessible to most scholars.”3 More than half a century later, Mediterranean studies is booming, boasting multiple academic societies, journals, book series, annual workshops, and tenure-track positions.4 The Renaissance Society of America, although predominantly associated with late medieval and early modern Europe, has long since redefined its object of study as the entire world during the period between 1300 and 1700.5 Most recently, the field of medieval studies, often associated exclusively with Western Europe, has embarked on a very promising “global turn.”6 All the while, scholars have been hard at work cataloging, editing, and translating the rich manuscript and archival resources of the medieval and early modern Islamic West, alongside those of the Ottoman Empire. As a result of these developments, is Hess’s complaint regarding the availability of sources now happily outdated? Are we no longer bound to approach Mediterranean history from a “European angle”? 2. Andrew C. Hess, The Forgotten Frontier: A History of the Sixteenth-Century Ibero-African Frontier (1978; repr., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 2. 3. Hess, Forgotten Frontier, 208. 4. Societies include the Mediterranean Studies Association (founded 1994), the Society for the Medieval Mediterranean (founded 1997), the Mediterranean Seminar (founded 2004), and the Asian Federation of Mediterranean Studies Institutes (founded 2016). An example of a book series is Palgrave’s Mediterranean Perspectives series, which published its first volume in 2016. Journals include Al-Masāq, the journal of the Society for the Medieval Mediterranean. 5. I am grateful to Carla Zecher, executive director of the Renaissance Society of America, for answering my questions regarding the society’s history. 6. Several medieval studies programs have adopted a global focus, including the Global Medieval and Renaissance Studies program at the University of Pennsylvania, the Global Medieval Studies program at Georgetown University, and the Program in Global Medieval Studies at Rutgers University. The new academic journal The Medieval Globe published its first issue in 2015 (a special issue on the Black Death as a global pandemic), and the history journal Past & Present published a special issue, “Towards a Global Middle Ages,” in 2018. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 129 Although studies based on Ottoman and other Muslim “data” have indeed proliferated, it would be difficult to argue that studies from a North African, Egyptian, or Levantine (or Arab, or Amazigh, or Muslim) “angle” are as well represented in the study of the Mediterranean in any time period as are those that focus on European soil or on European subjects. This imbalance is not fully explained by a lack of sources, since valuable new editions of Arabic primary texts are produced each year, alongside a steady output of academic studies published in Arabic and other non-European languages.7 Yet a wealth of Arabic primary sources remain inaccessible or unknown, especially for medieval and early modern North Africa. In the conclusion to his recent book on the natural sciences in early modern Morocco, Justin Stearns laments that “the vast majority of our materials remain in manuscript, are laborious to access and read . . . the problem of sources is a serious one and explains a good deal of the lag of Middle East intellectual history behind that of its European counterpart: a great deal of work remains to be done simply describing extant materials before broader analytical narratives can be established.”8 The resemblance of Stearns’s observation to that of Hess, written more than four decades earlier, attests to the persistent gap in our source base. The attempt to remedy this imbalance and to inform the rapidly expanding fields of Mediterranean studies and global medieval studies is only one reason to encourage the production and dissemination of critical editions, translations, and studies pertaining to this region. The medieval Maghrib featured a religious landscape of notable sectarian diversity in the ninth and tenth centuries (including the Sharīfian Idrīsids, the Ibāḍī Rustamids, the Sunnī Aghlabids, and the Shīʿī Fāṭimids), witnessed the rise and fall of two of Islamdom’s most important empires in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (the Almoravids and the Almohads), and shared a religious and cultural milieu with both al-Andalus and the Sahara. Too often seen as peripheral—to the Middle East, to Africa south of the Sahara, and to Europe—the Maghrib was also a central crossroads joining civilizations, cultures, peoples, and goods. The more accessible the Maghrib’s rich manuscript heritage becomes, the more fully we will appreciate the centrality and dynamism of this region as well as its interconnections with the broader Islamic, African, and Mediterranean worlds. 7. English-language studies on the Mediterranean have favored European-language sources. Nabil Matar has recently pointed out that Fernand Braudel encouraged later scholars to consult Arabic and Ottoman Turkish sources, acknowledging his own inability to do so in The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World. Yet as Matar notes, more than fifty years later, Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell cited only European-language sources in The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000). This is a nearly eight-hundred-page volume that the authors describe as a history of (and not just in) the entire Mediterranean basin, over half of which is populated by Arabic speakers. A more recent tome, David Abulafia’s The Great Sea: A Human History of the Mediterranean (2011), also of nearly eight hundred pages, cites only a small handful of Arabic sources, in English translation. See Nabil Matar, “The ‘Mediterranean’ through Arab Eyes in the Early Modern Period: From Rūmī to the ‘White In-Between Sea,’” in The Making of the Modern Mediterranean: Views from the South, ed. Judith Tucker, 16–35 (Oakland: University of California Press, 2019), 17. For Horden and Purcell’s description of their work, see Corrupting Sea, 2. 8. Justin K. Stearns, Revealed Sciences: The Natural Sciences in Islam in Seventeenth-Century Morocco (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021), 237. 130 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) In this article, I offer an Arabic edition of one section of an important but unpublished source for the history of late fifteenth-century Morocco: al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra fī-mā waqaftu ʿalayhi min al-nawāzil bi-Jibāl Ghumāra (Selected jewels: Legal cases I encountered in the Ghumāra Mountains, henceforth Selected Jewels), a multivolume collection of legal opinions (fatwās) by the Mālikī jurist ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. al-Ḥasan al-Zayyātī (d. 1055/1645).9 Although al-Zayyātī’s compilation dates from the seventeenth century, he includes in it numerous fatwās from the fifteenth century onward that do not appear in earlier works, including Aḥmad al-Wansharīsī’s (d. 914/1508) famous collection of fatwās, al-Miʿyār al-muʿrib. This critical edition presents one continuous excerpt from the chapter on jihād, which sheds substantial light on Maghribī legal responses to the Portuguese occupation of Moroccan ports that began in the fifteenth century. A summary of the contents of this excerpt will follow a brief introduction to the importance of this period, to this fatwā compilation, and to the compiler. Iberian Expansion into the Maghrib When Hess used the phrase “forgotten frontier,” he was referring to the Habsburg and Ottoman empires’ relative neglect of their shared frontier in favor of more pressing matters after the sixteenth century. Yet the phrase can be aptly applied to historians’ neglect of another Ibero-African frontier: that created by Portuguese incursions into the Maghrib in the fifteenth century. Whereas the sixteenth-century Christian-Muslim frontier, with its pirates, captives, and renegades, has attracted ample scholarly as well as popular attention, the paucity of scholarship on the fifteenth-century Luso-Maghribī frontier suggests that we have perhaps not so much “forgotten” this period as never known it. This is particularly true of English-language scholarship: it would appear that just four English-language monographs focus on the fifteenth century for all of the Maghrib (Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria), and of these only two pay substantial attention to Portuguese conquests in what is now Morocco.10 9. Several Arabic terms commonly appear in the relevant primary sources as synonyms of fatwā (Ar. singular) or fatāwā (Ar. plural). In this article I use fatwā (which I pluralize as fatwās) because this word has entered the English lexicon and because it is the most common technical Arabic term for a legal opinion issued by a qualified jurist in response to a question. The other terms used include nāzila (occurrence, pl. nawāzil), as in al-Zayyātī’s title; jawāb (answer, pl. ajwiba); and masʾala (issue, pl. masāʾil). Occasionally ḥukm (ruling or judgment, pl. aḥkām) is also seen in conjunction with legal opinions, but this term is more properly and commonly used for court judgments. 10. These four books are Jonathan G. Katz, Dreams, Sufism and Sainthood: The Visionary Career of Muhammad al-Zawâwî (Leiden: Brill, 1996); Vincent Cornell, Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998); Scott Kugle, Rebel between Spirit and Law: Ahmad Zarruq, Sainthood, and Authority in Islam (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006); and Jocelyn Hendrickson, Leaving Iberia: Islamic Law and Christian Conquest in North West Africa (Cambridge, MA: Program in Islamic Law and Harvard University Press, 2021). Cornell devotes substantial attention to the Portuguese conquests, as do I in Leaving Iberia. Most studies on Luso-Maghribī relations in the fifteenth century are in Portuguese or French; a more limited number have been published in Spanish and Arabic. The sixteenth century receives far better coverage. The best overall introduction in English to the Portuguese in Morocco is Weston Cook, Jr., The Hundred Years War for Morocco: Gunpowder and the Military Revolution in the Early Modern Muslim World (Boulder, CO: Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 131 An overview of these conquests and their impact on the Maghrib will offer a sense of the importance of this period and provide the historical context for the legal opinions preserved by al-Zayyātī. Following the conclusion of a peace treaty with Castile in 1411, King João I (r. 1385–1433) launched Portugal’s overseas empire by conquering Ceuta, on Morocco’s Mediterranean coast, in 1415. Historians have attributed this first conquest to a range of strategic, economic, and ideological motivations. Ceuta gave Portugal a port on the Mediterranean side of the Strait of Gibraltar, from which to defend against Muslim pirates or Castilian incursions; it was a major trading center and destination for West African gold caravans; and the “reconquest” of Muslim African territory enhanced João’s status as a Catholic king in the eyes of the pope and the populace. Finally, the expedition provided an arena for the attainment of military honors: three of João’s sons were knighted in Ceuta once the congregational mosque had been reconsecrated as a church. Despite the prestige this conquest brought to the House of Avis, Ceuta would remain Portugal’s only possession in Morocco for several decades. The isolated port city proved costly to defend and difficult to supply. King Duarte I (r. 1433–38) attempted to expand Portugal’s foothold on Morocco’s northern coast by attacking Tangier in 1437, supported by a papal bull authorizing a crusade. Yet Abū Zakarīyāʾ Yaḥyā I (d. 1448), the Waṭṭāsid regent for the Marīnid sultan ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq II (b. 1419, r. 1420–65), not only defended Tangier successfully but also extracted a promise from Duarte to relinquish Ceuta. Duarte’s death the following year left the Portuguese throne to six-year-old Afonso V (r. 1438–81) and raised serious questions about Portugal’s future direction in the Maghrib. Duarte’s brother, the Infante Dom Fernando, remained in Marīnid captivity pending Portugal’s promise to withdraw from Ceuta; when that promise went unfulfilled, he eventually died in captivity in 1443. After Afonso V came of age, Portuguese expansion in Morocco resumed and would continue for nearly a century, until nearly all of Morocco’s Mediterranean and Atlantic ports were under Christian Iberian control. In the north, Afonso V conquered Ksar es-Sghir (al-Qaṣr al-Ṣaghīr, Alcacér-Ceguer) in 1458, Asilah (Aṣīla, Arzila) and Tangier in 1471, and Larache (al-ʿArāʾish) in 1473. Portugal’s twin victories over Asilah and Tangier in 1471, which Afonso V celebrated by adopting a new title and commissioning a series of four monumental tapestries, were particularly devastating for Maghribīs.11 An estimated two thousand Maghribīs were killed in the battle for Asilah, and an additional five thousand were taken captive as a result of the conquest.12 Westview Press, 1994). See also Matthew Racine, A Most Opulent Iliad: Expansion, Confrontation and Cooperation on the Southern Moroccan Frontier, 1505–1542 (San Diego, CA: Lake George Press, 2012). 11. Afonso V’s new title was “Rei de Portugal e dos Algarves d’aquem e d’alem mar” (“King of Portugal and the Algarves, both here and across the sea”). The Algarves, from the Arabic for “the west” (al-gharb) is the southernmost region in Portugal. On this title, see Racine, A Most Opulent Iliad, 15. On the tapestries, see Fundación Carlos de Amberes, The Invention of Glory: Afonso V and the Pastrana Tapestries (Madrid: Ediciones El Viso, 2011). 12. The Amazigh poet Muḥammad b. Yaggabsh al-Tāzī (d. 920/1514) composed a moving lament for the captives as part of his Kitāb al-Jihād, a call to armed resistance against the Portuguese. On him, see Abū Bakr al-Būkhuṣaybī, Aḍwāʾ ʿalā Ibn Yaggabsh al-Tāzī (Casablanca: Maṭbaʿat al-Najāḥ al-Jadīda, 1976). Nabil Matar 132 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Tangier was abandoned and captured without a fight in the wake of the brutal conquest of Asilah given the clear inability of any central Muslim power to defend it against the Portuguese. In the interval between the conquests of Ksar es-Sghir and Tangier, the Marīnid dynasty had come to an end. ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq II, the nominal Marīnid sultan since ascending the throne in his infancy in 1420, finally wrested control from a series of Waṭṭāsid viziers in 1459. Although he successfully defended Tangier against a substantial attack in 1460, a revolt in Fez led to ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq’s assassination in 1465. For the next few years, Fez alone was ruled by Muḥammad al-Jūtī, leader of the city’s sharīf community (those claiming descent from the Prophet Muḥammad), while Muḥammad al-Shaykh, a Waṭṭāsid who had survived the murder of most of his family in Fez, sought to establish power over northern Morocco. Muḥammad al-Shaykh signed a peace treaty with Afonso V in 1471, recognizing the king’s sovereignty over Asilah, Tangier, and all other Portuguese holdings. The treaty allowed Muḥammad al-Shaykh to overthrow al-Jūtī and become the first sultan (r. 1472–1504) of the Waṭṭāsid dynasty (1472–1554). It also left the armed jihād to recover Portuguese-held territory in the hands of irregular mujāhidūn (warriors), who established bases of operation in northern towns such as Chefchaouen. Portugal’s sway over Morocco’s Atlantic coast was not limited to direct conquests and port cities. It also included commercial agreements and treaties, as well as the extraction of taxes from the interior. As early as the 1450s, the cities of Salé, Anfa (modern Casablanca), Safi, and Azemmour begin to negotiate commercial partnerships and treaties with Lisbon. Safi formally seceded from Morocco to ally with Portugal in 1460. Treaties preserved in the Portuguese archives show the state of these agreements for Azemmour as of 1486, Safi as of 1488, and Massa (just south of modern Agadir) as of 1497.13 In each case, the local inhabitants of these cities agreed to provide annual tributes including gold, horses, or fish, in addition to allowing free trade and safe passage to Portuguese vessels and merchants. In return, the Maghribīs were promised protection and commercial opportunities, including free passage to Portugal for trade. By the sixteenth century these relatively peaceful agreements gave way to conquests. Anfa was destroyed in 1468–69 in retaliation for an embargo on Portuguese grain purchases. Under Manuel I (r. 1495–1521), Portugal took direct control of Agadir in 1505, Safi in 1508, and Azemmour in 1513. In 1514, Portugal began construction of a new fortress at Mazagan (Mazagão, modern El Jadida) that would remain in their hands until 1769, over 350 years after the conquest of Ceuta and long after the Portuguese had withdrawn from all other holdings in the Maghrib. Meanwhile, Spain had begun to acquire a series of Mediterranean translates a portion of al-Tāzī’s lament in his Europe through Arab Eyes, 1578–1727 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 146–47. On al-Tāzī’s book on jihād, see Manuela Ceballos, “Sufi Lovers as Sufi Fighters: Militant Piety in Muhammad Ibn Yaggabsh al-Tāzī’s Book of Jihād,” Journal of Religion and Violence 2, no. 2 (2014): 333–51. 13. Malyn Newitt introduces and translates an agreement between Manuel I and the inhabitants of Massa in Newitt, ed., The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415–1670: A Documentary History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 31–35. All three of these agreements may be found in Pierre de Cenival, ed., Juillet 1486–Avril 1516, vol. 1 of Les sources inédites de l’histoire du Maroc, ser. 1: Dynastie saʿdienne: Archives et bibliothèques de Portugal (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1934), 1–35. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 133 ports stretching across northern Africa, in the (unfulfilled) hope of reaching Jerusalem. These included Melilla (1497), Oran (1509), Algiers (1510), and Tripoli (1511). Ceuta and Melilla remain Spanish possessions today.14 Portugal’s withdrawal began in 1541, when the Saʿdians won a decisive victory at Agadir. The Saʿdians arose in the early sixteenth century as one of four powers competing for control in southern Morocco alongside the Portuguese, the Waṭṭāsids, and the Hintāta, a tribal confederation that controlled the area around Marrakesh. Their religious and political authority rested on their claims to prophetic descent, the support of a powerful Sufi order founded by Muḥammad al-Jazūlī (d. 869/1465), and their successful campaigns against the Portuguese. The Saʿdians took Marrakesh from the Hintāta in 1525, helped drive the Portuguese out of southern Morocco in the 1540s, then defeated the Waṭṭāsids in Fez to rule a unified Morocco from 1554. The Portuguese king Sebastião (r. 1557–78) made one final attempt to establish Portuguese control in Morocco, but he was killed in the Battle of Three Kings in 1578, along with two rivals for the Saʿdian throne.15 This summary has extended beyond the late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century time frame of the fatwās preserved by al-Zayyātī in order to show the broader arc of Iberian conquests in the Maghrib as well as the shift from Marīnid to Saʿdian rule, a transition that reflected lasting changes in the dominant bases of political legitimacy in the Maghrib. The better-known events of the sixteenth century (their fame due in part to witnesses such as Leo Africanus) also help bring into relief, yet again, the relative obscurity of those of the fifteenth. Fifteenth-century Morocco represents both a geographic periphery and a temporal incongruity, so to speak—a temporal “incongruity” because Portugal’s conquests in Morocco preceded and extended well beyond the 1492 surrender of Granada to Castile, an event normally taken to represent the endpoint to the Christian reconquest of Muslim territory in the western Mediterranean. Portugal’s first overseas conquests in Morocco also preceded Vasco da Gama’s successful voyage to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope in 1498, an achievement that marks the beginning of the Age of Discovery and, in many textbooks, the advent of the early modern world. Iberian conquests in the Maghrib represent a precursor to this age of global empire and long-distance seafaring. Fortunately, this period at the cusp of the late medieval and early modern worlds also provides us with some of the earliest recorded indigenous responses to European empire. Life and Times of al-Zayyātī We know little about ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Zayyātī (d. 1055/1645), the compiler of Selected Jewels. The earliest published sources for his biography appear to be Muḥammad al-Ṣaghīr al-Ifrānī’s (d. ca. 1154/1741) Ṣafwat man intashara min akhbār ṣulaḥāʾ al-qarn al-ḥādī ʿashar and Muḥammad al-Qādirī’s (d. 1187/1773) Nashr al-mathānī li-ahl al-qarn al-ḥādī ʿashar 14. Portugal was controlled by the Spanish crown from 1580 to 1640 in the wake of the Battle of Three Kings (noted below). When Portugal regained its independence in 1640, Ceuta remained a Spanish possession. 15. On this battle, see Mercedes García-Arenal, Ahmad al-Mansur: The Beginnings of Modern Morocco (Oxford: Oneworld, 2009), 6–21. 134 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) wa-l-thānī.16 Both notices are short, but additional details may be gleaned from later sources as well as from the biographical notices for al-Zayyātī’s more prominent family members. The place and date of al-Zayyātī’s birth are not mentioned, but he was probably born in Fez in the late 1580s or, more likely, the 1590s.17 His maternal grandfather was Abū al-Maḥāsin al-Fāsī (d. 1013–14/1604), who founded a zāwiya (Sufi lodge) named for his family (al-Zāwiya al-Fāsiyya) in Fez in the late tenth/sixteenth century.18 The al-Fāsī family produced generations of religious scholars and Sufis, and the zāwiya became a major center for the Shādhilī-affiliated Jazūliyya Sufi order in Fez.19 One of al-Zayyātī’s earliest teachers was his maternal uncle, ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī (d. 1052/1642), best known for composing a hagiography of his father, Abū al-Maḥāsin.20 16. Muḥammad al-Ṣaghīr al-Ifrānī, Ṣafwat man intashara fī akhbār ṣulaḥāʾ al-qarn al-ḥādī ʿashar, ed. ʿAbd al-Majīd Khayyālī (Casablanca: Markaz al-Turāth al-Thaqāfī al-Maghribī, 2004), 157 (entry no. 88); Muḥammad al-Qādirī, Nashr al-mathānī li-ahl al-qarn al-ḥādī ʿashar wa-l-thānī, ed. Muḥammad Ḥajjī and Aḥmad al-Tawfīq (Rabat: Dār al-Maghrib li-l-Taʾlīf wa-l-Tarjama wa-l-Nashr, 1977–82), 2:30. Al-Ifrānī’s notice appears to be the basis of a contemporaneous entry in Muḥammad al-Ḥuḍaygī (d. 1189/1775), Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥuḍaygī, ed. Aḥmad Bū Mazgū (Casablanca: Maṭbaʿat al-Najāh al-Jadīda, 2006), 2:513–14 (entry no. 668). Al-Qādirī’s notice is reproduced in Muḥammad Ḥajjī, ed., Mawsūʿat aʿlām al-Maghrib (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1996), 4:1421. Biographical notices for ʿAbd al-Azīz al-Zayyātī in the following modern works largely repeat the details found in Ṣafwat man intashara and Nashr al-mathānī: Muḥammad Ḥajjī, al-Ḥaraka al-fikriyya bi-l-Maghrib fī ʿ ahd al-Saʿdiyyīn (Rabat: Dār al-Maghrib li-l-Taʾlīf wa-l-Tarjama wa-l-Nashr, 1977–78), 2:421; Khayr al-Dīn al-Ziriklī, al-Aʿlām: Qāmūs tarājim li-ashhar al-rijāl wa-l-nisāʾ min al-ʿarab wa-l-mustaʿribīn wa-l-mustashriqīn, 14th ed. (Beirut: Dār al-ʿIlm li-l-Malāyīn, 1999), 4:16; ʿUmar Riḍā Kaḥḥāla, Muʿjam al-muʾallifīn (Beirut: Muʾassasat al-Risāla, 1993), 2:159; al-ʿAbbās b. Ibrāhīm al-Simlālī, al-Iʿlām bi-man ḥalla Marrākush wa-Aghmāt min al-aʿlām, ed. ʿAbd al-Wahhāb b. Manṣūr, 2nd ed. (Rabat: al-Maṭbaʿa al-Malakiyya, 2002), 8:442–43. 17. This suggested birth date is based on the recorded birth date of al-Zayyātī’s maternal uncle Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī, 988/1580. To have served as one of his nephew’s primary teachers, Muḥammad must have been at least five years older than ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz but was likely closer to ten years older. Al-Zayyātī’s father, born in 964/1557, would have been thirty-three in 1590. Biographical sources for al-Zayyātī’s uncle and father appear below. 18. On the al-Fāsī family, see Bettina Dennerlein, “Al-Fāsī,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 3rd ed. (EI3) and Chibli Pellat, “Al-Fāsī,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (EI2), and the bibliographies offered therein. Al-Zayyātī does not appear as a member of the al-Fāsī family, as they are his maternal relatives. On al-Zayyātī’s grandfather, see E. Lévi-Provençal, “Abuʾl-Maḥāsin Yūsuf b. Muḥammad b. Yūsuf al-Fāsī,” in EI2. Abū al-Maḥāsin’s family emigrated from Malaga to northern Morocco around 880/1473. They acquired the nisba “al-Fāsī” when the family moved from Fez to al-Qaṣr al-Kabīr, where Abū al-Maḥāsin was born (“al-Fāsī” in this case referred to their city of origin, a distinguishing feature in their new town). The family retained the name even after Abū al-Maḥāsin settled in Fez in 988/1580. 19. On the Jazūliyya Sufi order, see Cornell, Realm of the Saint. 20. Biographical notices for Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī (d. 1052/1642) appear in al-Ifrānī, Ṣafwat man intashara, 142–43 (entry no. 72); al-Qādirī, Nashr al-mathānī, 2:10; Muḥammad Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr al-zakiyya fī ṭabaqāt al-Mālikiyya, ed. ʿAbd al-Majīd Khayyālī (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 2003), 1:437–38 (entry no. 1188). Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī’s biography of his father (and al-Zayyātī’s grandfather), for which he is best known, has been published: Muḥammad al-ʿArabī b. Yūsuf al-Fāsī al-Fihrī, Mirʾāt al-maḥāsin min akhbār al-Shaykh Abī al-Maḥāsin: Wa-nubdha ʿan nashʾat al-taṣawwuf wa-l-ṭarīqa al-Shādhiliyya bi-l-Maghrib, ed. Muḥammad Ḥamza b. ʿAlī al-Kattānī (Casablanca: Markaz al-Turāth al-Thaqāfī al-Maghribī and Beirut: Dār Ibn Ḥazm), 2008. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 135 Following his initial education in Fez, al-Zayyātī traveled to Marrakesh and then to Egypt to continue his studies. He became particularly well trained in the ten “readings” or traditions of Qurʾān recitation. Upon completing his education, al-Zayyātī settled in Tetouan, where he devoted himself to teaching and writing. He also served as the imām of the city’s Jāmiʿ al-Qaṣaba.21 Al-Zayyātī composed several works, including a commentary on a qaṣīda (poem) on zakāt (almsgiving) written by his uncle Muḥammad al-ʿArabī, a work on Qurʾān recitation, and Selected Jewels.22 In Ṣafwat man intashara, al-Ifrānī seems concerned to explain away some additional writings in al-Zayyātī’s hand pertaining to incantations and the summoning and use of jinn. He explains that these texts were written at a time when al-Zayyātī was trying to regain some money that he had lost and of which he was in great need. His efforts did not go as planned. Instead, he learned that he had been protected from harm on multiple occasions, from the very jinn he was trying to summon, by a figure whose description matched that of al-Shaykh al-Majdhūb. By telling this story, al-Ifrānī provides al-Zayyātī with a special connection to this saint, who was the spiritual master of his grandfather Abū al-Maḥāsin.23 The tale also allows al-Ifrānī to emphasize al-Zayyātī’s great piety, asceticism, and persistent devotion to the straight path after this incident and for the remainder of his life. Al-Zayyātī died in Tetouan in 1055/1645 and was buried outside of Bāb al-Maqābir, where a domed shrine marks his burial site. Al-Ifrānī notes that his shrine is well known and much visited. Whereas the al-Fāsī family’s zāwiya is said to have maintained good relations with the central government, the same cannot be said of al-Zayyātī’s father, Abū al-Ṭayyib al-Ḥasan al-Zayyātī (d. 1023/1614).24 Al-Ḥasan was born in 964/1557 in a village near Tetouan shortly after the Ottoman incorporation of Tlemcen into the Regency of Algiers; his family belonged to the Banū ʿAbd al-Wād, the Zanāta tribe that had ruled Tlemcen as the Zayyānid dynasty (1235–1557) until its dissolution by the Ottomans. Once in Morocco, the family joined the Banū Zanāta tribe from the Ghumāra region in the north. Al-Ḥasan’s family settled in Fez, where he obtained a thorough education in the religious sciences and authored a number 21. Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad al-Rahūnī, ʿUmdat al-rāwīn fī tārīkh Tiṭṭāwīn, ed. Jaʿfar b. al-Ḥājj al-Sulamī (Tetouan: Manshūrāt Jamʿiyyat Tiṭwān Asmīr, 1998–2006), 4:77; Muḥammad Dāwūd, Mukhtaṣar Tārīkh Tiṭwān (Tetouan: Maʿhad Mawlāy al-Ḥasan, 1953), 279–80. 22. Curiously, Selected Jewels is not mentioned in the earliest biographies for al-Zayyātī. The earliest mention of this work that I have found appears in Muḥammad Dāwūd’s Mukhtaṣar Tarīkh Tiṭwān (279–80), where Dāwūd notes the presence of a four-hundred-page copy in his own library, al-Khizāna al-Dāwūdiyya in Tetouan. Kahhāla records a compilation of nawāzil among al-Zayyātī’s works without naming it, while al-Ziriklī gives the title (al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra) and cites Dāwūd. In a passage that he attributes to al-Qādirī, al-Simlālī also mentions a compilation of nawāzil, but this must have been added by al-Simlālī; the mention does not appear in my edition of al-Qādirī’s Nashr al-mathānī. The Fondation du Roi Abdul Aziz Al Saoud in Casablanca holds four copies of al-Zayyātī’s commentary on his uncle’s qaṣīda: two lithograph copies published in Fez in 1901 (197 Litho and 234 Litho) and two manuscript copies (MS 563.1 and MS 549.3). 23. On al-Majdhūb, see Chibli Pellat, “Al-Madjdhūb,” in EI2, and Fernando Rodríguez Mediano, “Al-Majdhūb, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān,” in EI3. 24. Biographical notices for Abū al-Ṭayyib al-Ḥasan b. Yūsuf b. Mahdī al-Zayyātī (d. 1023/1614) appear in al-Fāsī, Mirʾāt al-maḥāsin, 337–42; al-Ifrānī, Ṣafwat man intashara, 156–57 (entry no. 87); al-Qādirī, Nashr al-mathānī, 1:198–99; and Ḥajjī, Mawsūʿat aʿlām al-Maghrib, 3:1218–19 (reproduction of al-Qādirī’s notice). 136 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) of commentaries on legal and other works. Al-Ḥasan was a close follower of Abū al-Maḥāsin and married one of his daughters, then married a second daughter following the death of the first. The daughters are unnamed in the sources, so it is unclear which one was ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s mother. Al-Ḥasan’s fortunes changed for the worse after the death of the Saʿdian sultan Aḥmad al-Manṣūr in 1012/1603. While three of the sultan’s sons fought for control of the Saʿdian state, one of them, Muḥammad al-Shaykh II al-Maʿmūn, traveled to Spain to negotiate an alliance. Al-Maʿmūn signed an agreement with King Phillip III ceding Larache to Spain in 1019/1610 in exchange for military assistance. Al-Maʿmūn returned to Morocco and summoned the scholars of Fez to Badis, where, backed by Spanish ships, he intimidated them into recognizing his authority. He also demanded that they produce a fatwā declaring it permissible for him to have surrendered Larache in order to ransom his sons, who had been left behind in Spain. The chronicler Aḥmad al-Nāṣirī remarks in his Kitāb al-Istiqṣā that those jurists who complied and composed an opinion justifying the exchange of a city for the ruler’s sons did so only after Larache had been surrendered and only out of fear for their lives.25 Other jurists fled so as not to be implicated in the sultan’s request for a fatwā. Al-Ḥasan al-Zayyātī was in this group; al-Ifrānī and al-Qādirī leave the circumstances vague, stating only that that he fled to preserve his life and religion when the Maghrib came to be in turmoil and the situation in Fez became grave. According to al-Ifrānī, in 1022/1613 al-Ḥasan left for Jabal Kurt (northwest of Fez), where he lived alone until he fell ill and died the following year, in 1023/1614. Al-Qādirī notes that he is buried in a known location at the zāwiya of al-Habṭī in Jabal Kurt.26 Al-Nāṣirī states more directly that al-Ḥasan was among those jurists who fled Fez because of the 1610 fatwā. Al-Ḥasan was in good company. Among the scholars who had left Fez for the same reason was Aḥmad al-Maqqarī (d. 1041/1632), the famous compiler of Nafḥ al-ṭīb, as well as another of al-Zayyātī’s uncles, al-Ḥāfiẓ Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Yūsuf al-Fāsī (d. 1021/1612).27 These jurists had reason to fear for their lives: one scholar who harshly condemned al-Maʾmūn for ceding Larache to the Christians, al-Ḥājj al-Aghsāwī al-Baqqāl, was beaten to death on 25. On these events, see al-Qādirī, Nashr al-mathānī, 1:156–57; Aḥmad al-Nāṣirī al-Salāwī (d. 1897), Kitāb al-Istiqṣā li-akhbār duwal al-Maghrib al-Aqṣā, ed. Muḥammad Ḥajjī, Ibrahīm Bū Ṭālib, and Aḥmad al-Tawfīq (Casablanca: Manshūrāt Wizārat al-Thaqāfa wa-l-Ittiṣāl, 2001), 5:238; Cook, Hundred Years War, 273–79; and Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 219–20. 26. Al-Qādirī, Nashr al-mathānī, 1:199. This may be a zāwiya associated with the reformist Jazūlī Sufi scholar ʿAbd Allāh al-Habṭī (d. 963/1555). 27. Aḥmad al-Maqqarī was born in Tlemcen and settled for a time in Fez, but he wrote most of his works in Cairo after leaving Fez. He is the author of, among other works, Nafḥ al-ṭīb, which consists of a history of Islamic Iberia and a biography of Lisān al-Dīn Ibn al-Khaṭīb (known as Ibn al-Khaṭīb; in this article, I spell out “Ibn” when it begins the part of the name by which an individual is best known). On al-Maqqarī, see Sabahat Adil, “Memorializing al-Maqqarī: The Life, Work, and Worlds of a Muslim Scholar” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2015). Al-Maqqarī appears to have left Fez long enough to avoid al-Maʾmūn’s request, then returned before leaving permanently for the East. Al-Qādirī reports that Abū al-ʿAbbās (referring to al-Zayyātī’s uncle, a son of Abū al-Maḥāsin) left Fez in 1020/1611, before the delegation from the sultan could reach him. See al-Qādirī, Nashr al-mathānī, 1:156–57. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 137 al-Maʾmūn’s orders in 1019/1610.28 Al-Maʾmūn himself was killed in 1022/1613, the same year in which al-Ḥasan fled Fez; al-Maʾmūn’s son ʿAbd Allāh then assumed control of Fez but continued to be shunned by many of the city’s leaders. This crisis faced by al-Zayyātī’s father and uncle is indicative of the sultan’s reliance on the scholars as a source of legitimacy. It demonstrates the scholars’ vulnerability to coercion but also their limited ability to resist through public critique or by refusal to lend their authority to rulers, processes, and opinions they found reprehensible. As we consider al-Zayyātī’s compilation, it is worth keeping in mind the high stakes of being a prominent jurist in times of political intrigue and civil war. Selected Jewels and the Chapter on Jihād What we know of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Zayyātī’s historical context sheds considerable light on the curatorial decisions he made in compiling his chapter on jihād. A typical chapter on jihād in a legal manual contains rules governing the conduct of war in non-Muslim territory (dār al-ḥarb), travel to dār al-ḥarb for trade or transit, and a variety of issues related to Christian and Jewish communities living as dhimmīs subordinate to Muslim rule within Muslim territory. Al-Zayyātī’s chapter contains some of this same material, but also a remarkable concentration of fatwās concerned with the Christian occupation of Muslim territory, including the permissibility of armed resistance without a sultan’s order, the status of Muslims living under Christian authority, and various types of Muslim cooperation with Christian occupiers. Many of these fatwās reveal, directly or indirectly, complicated relationships between the state, society, and the scholarly class. The fatwā crisis that followed the 1610 handover of Larache was likely the impetus for al-Zayyātī to collect and preserve the cluster of legal opinions edited here relating to Portuguese and Spanish occupation of parts of Morocco in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It appears that al-Zayyātī is our only extant source for many of these opinions,29 so he clearly took a special interest in this material. Not only do these earlier fatwās pertain to the Christian occupation of Muslim ports in Morocco; many of them were issued by the most prominent jurists of the Waṭṭāsid state. Moreover, they seem to have run counter to the interests of the Waṭṭāsid sultan at the time, Muḥammad al-Shaykh (r. 1472–1504), who had also ceded territory to Christian conquerors in order to pursue control of Fez. It is quite possible that al-Zayyātī viewed these opinions as worth preserving not only for their practical relevance but also out of a personal resonance with the circumstances of the jurists. More will be said of these particular fatwās below, but here it is worth taking a step back 28. This jurist’s full name is Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. Abī al-Ḥasan, known as al-Ḥajj al-Aghsāwī al-Baqqāl. This report appears in Ḥājjī, al-Ḥaraka al-fikriyya, 2:471. Ḥajjī gives the date of al-Aghsāwī’s death as 1019/1613, but the AH and CE dates are inconsistent; he likely means 1019/1610, the year in which al-Maʿmūn ceded Larache to Spain. Laḥsan al-Yūbī repeats the error in al-Fatāwā al-fiqhiyya fī ahamm al-qaḍāyā min ʿahd al-Saʿdiyyīn ilā mā qabla al-ḥimāya ([Rabat]: Wizārat al-Awqāf wa-l-Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyya, 1998), 133. 29. Some of these opinions appear in later collections, most notably those of ʿAbd al-Salām al-Tasūlī (d. 1258/1842) and Muḥammad al-Mahdī al-Wazzānī (d. 1342/1923), but these later jurists identify al-Zayyātī’s compilation as their source. 138 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) to place al-Zayyātī’s compilation in the broader context of fatwās and fatwā compilations in the Maghrib. As most readers will be aware, fatwās are a question-and-answer legal genre in which professional jurists (muftīs) issue nonbinding opinions in response to legal questions posed to them by individuals, judges, or representatives of the state.30 This genre is quite diverse: a lay person might pose a simple question about ritual observance to a local scholar and receive an immediate, oral, yes-or-no answer (e.g., “Is my fast invalidated by menstrual spotting?”); a judge might consult a muftī on a point of law and receive a formal, written advisory opinion that will inform the court judgment (e.g., “What law applies when one farmer cuts off another farmer’s access to an irrigation channel?”); or a ruler might seek religious sanction for a course of action by framing the issue as a question and asking one or more prominent scholars to respond with an authoritative statement, often in support of a specific policy (e.g., “What is more important for the people of al-Andalus, performing the pilgrimage or waging jihād?”).31 Professional guidelines were developed for the practice of fatwā-giving (iftāʾ), covering such topics as the qualifications required to serve as a muftī and the proper way to respond to different types of questioners. For example, lay persons should receive straightforward answers, whereas fellow jurists should be provided with a fuller accounting of the legal reasoning and evidence shaping the response.32 When al-Zayyātī made the decision to compile Selected Jewels, he was following a well-worn path, especially within the Mālikī school of law. Mālikī scholars began to compile fatwās as early as the tenth century, at first bringing together the fatwās of a single jurist (such as Ibn Rushd al-Jadd) or of a single city or region (such as the scholars of Granada).33 30. The best overview of fatwās as a legal genre remains Muhammad Khalid Masud, Brinkley Messick, and David S. Powers, “Muftis, Fatwas, and Islamic Legal Interpretation,” in Islamic Legal Interpretation: Muftis and Their Fatwas, ed. Masud, Messick, and Powers, 3–32 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996). 31. On muftīs serving as advisors to courts, see Manuela Marín, “Šūrà et al-šūrà dans al-Andalus,” Studia Islamica 62 (1985): 25–51. On the specific fatwā used in the third example concerning pilgrimage, see Jocelyn Hendrickson, “Prohibiting the Pilgrimage: Politics and Fiction in Mālikī Fatwās,” Islamic Law and Society 23, no. 3 (2016): 161–238, esp. 175–82 and 218–22. Jakob Skovgaard-Peterson offers useful typologies of fatwās and muftīs that extend to the contemporary period; see Skovgaard-Peterson, “A Typology of Fatwas,” Die Welt des Islams 55 (2015): 278–85; and idem, “Historical Retrospective on Muftiship: Muftis, State Muftis and Official Muftis,” in Islamic Leadership in the European Lands of the Former Ottoman and Russian Empires: Legacy, Challenges and Change, ed. Egdunas Racius and Antonina Zhelyazkova, 12–37 (Leiden: Brill, 2018). 32. On the conventions of fatwā-giving, see Sherman Jackson, “The Second Education of the Muftī: Notes on Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī’s Tips to the Jurisconsult,” Muslim World 82, no. 3–4 (1992): 201–217; and Alexandre Caeiro, “The Shifting Moral Universes of the Islamic Tradition of Iftāʾ: A Diachronic Study of Four Adab al-Fatwā Manuals,” Muslim World 96, no. 4 (2006): 661–85. 33. On types of fatwā compilations, see Muḥammad al-Ḥabīb al-Hīla, “Classification of Andalusian and Maghribī Books of Nawāzil from the Middle of the Fifth to the End of the Ninth Century AH,” in The Significance of Islamic Manuscripts: Proceedings of the Inaugural Conference of Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation (30th November–1st December 1991), ed. John Cooper, 71–78 (London: Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1992). More recently, Maribel Fierro has traced the development of Mālikī fatwā collections up to the fifteenth century: Fierro, “Compiling Fatāwā in the Islamic West (Third/Ninth–Ninth/Fifteenth Centuries),” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 50 (2021): 43–100. Ibn Rushd al-Jadd (d. 520/1126), the grandfather (“al-Jadd”) of the Ibn al-Rushd known as Averroes, was a prominent jurist in Córdoba under the Almoravids. His fatwās, compiled by one of his students, have been published: Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, Fatāwā Ibn Rushd, ed. al-Mukhtār b. al-Ṭāhir Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 139 The primary impetus for these compilations was to leave an instructive record for later scholars and legal students. In the ninth/fifteenth century, a third type of collection arose: large, comprehensive collections that aimed to assemble the opinions of Mālikī jurists from across the Maghrib over several centuries. The earliest extant example of this type is Abū al-Qāsim al-Burzulī’s (d. 841/1438) Jāmiʿ masāʾil al-aḥkām li-mā nazala min al-qaḍāyā bi-l- muftiyyīn wa-l-ḥukkām, which comprises seven volumes in its modern printed edition.34 The best known example of this type of compilation is Aḥmad al-Wansharīsī’s al-Miʿyār al-muʿrib wa-l-jāmiʿ al-mughrib ʿan fatāwī ahl Ifrīqiyā wa-l-Andalus wa-l-Maghrib, which contains more than five thousand fatwās issued by hundreds of jurists in al-Andalus and North Africa between about 1000 and 1500 CE.35 Al-Wansharīsī’s compilation became an incredibly influential, authoritative text within the Mālikī legal tradition and retained this status for hundreds of years, and it has been the subject of numerous studies.36 Yet fatwā compilations of all three types have continued to be produced through the modern day. Many remain unpublished, and most have received very little scholarly attention.37 In his survey of Mālikī fatwā compilations, both extant and not, Mubārak Jazāʾ al-Ḥarbī lists nearly eighty Maghribī collections; about three dozen of them date from the fifteenth century and later.38 Mohamed Mezzine, who lists more than twenty collections dating from the al-Talīlī (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1987). The second example here is an anonymously compiled collection of fatwās issued by jurists working in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Granada: al-Ḥadīqa al-mustaqilla al-naḍra fī al-fatāwā al-ṣādira ʿan ʿulamāʾ al-ḥaḍra, ed. Jalāl ʿAlī al-Qadhdhāfī al-Juhānī (Beirut: Dār Ibn Ḥazm, 2003). 34. Abū al-Qāsim al-Burzulī, Jāmiʿ masāʾil al-aḥkām li-mā nazala min al-qaḍāyā bi-l-muftiyyīn wa-l-ḥukkām, ed. Muḥammad al-Ḥabīb al-Hīla (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 2002). 35. Aḥmad al-Wansharīsī, al-Miʿyār al-muʿrib wa-l-jāmiʿ al-mughrib ʿan fatāwī ahl Ifrīqiyā wa-l-Andalus wa-l-Maghrib, ed. Muḥammad Ḥajjī et al. (Rabat: Wizārat al-Awqāf wa-l-Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyya, 1981–83). These are David Powers’s estimates for the total number of fatwās and the date range for al-Wansharīsī’s collection. See the introduction to David S. Powers, Law, Society, and Culture in the Maghrib, 1300–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 36. On al-Wansharīsī and his compilation, see Powers, Law, Society and Culture; Francisco Vidal Castro, “Aḥmad al-Wanšarīsī (m. 914/1508): Principales aspectos de su vida,” Al-Qanṭara 12, no. 2 (1991): 315–52; idem, “El Miʿyār de al-Wanšarīsī (m. 914/1508) I: Fuentes, manuscritos, ediciones, traducciones,” Miscelánea de estudios árabes y hebráicos 42–43, no. 1 (1993–94): 317–61; and idem, “El Miʿyār de al-Wanšarīsī (m. 914/1508) II: Contenido,” Miscelánea de estudios árabes y hebráicos 44, no. 1 (1995): 213–46. 37. An example of a modern comprehensive collection is Muḥammad al-Mahdī al-Wazzānī, al-Nawāzil al-jadīda al-kubrā fī-mā li-ahl Fās wa-ghayrihim min al-badw wa-l-qurā, al-musammā bi-l-Miʿyār al-jadīd al-jāmiʿ al-muʿrib ʿan fatāwī al-mutaʾakhkhirīn min ʿulamāʾ al-Maghrib, ed. ʿUmar b. ʿAbbād ([Rabat]: Wizārat al-Awqāf wa-l-Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyya, 1996–2000). 38. Mubārak Jazāʾ al-Ḥarbī, “Namādhij min juhūd fuqahāʾ al-Mālikiyya al-Maghāriba fī tadwīn al-nawāzil al-fiqhiyya,” Majallat al-sharīʿa wa-l-dirāsāt al-islāmiyya 21, no. 64 (2006): 281–364. See also the earlier list compiled by ʿUmar al-Jīdī in his Muḥāḍarāt fī tārīkh al-madhhab al-Mālikī fī al-Gharb al-Islāmī ([Rabat]: Manshūrāt ʿUkāẓ, 1987). These two scholars list compilations known to have existed, whether or not a known copy remains extant. Idrīs al-Kharshāfī has also published a list of Mālikī fatwā compilations in which he includes only those that are listed in the manuscript catalogs of the most prominent Moroccan libraries: Idrīs al-Kharshāfī, “Dalīl al-makhṭūṭāt al-maghribiyya fī ʿilm al-nawāzil,” in al-Nawāzil al-fiqhiyya wa-atharuhā fī al-fatwā wa-l-ijtihād, 79–148 (Casablanca: Jāmiʿat al-Ḥasan al-Thānī, Manshūrāt Kulliyyat al-Ādāb wa-l-ʿUlūm al-Insāniyya, 2001). 140 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) late fifteenth through seventeenth centuries, argues that compilatory activity increased during times of political crisis.39 This increased activity may be explained by three factors: the advent of unprecedented circumstances that raise unanswered questions, the need to reaffirm existing values and doctrines in the face of new challenges, and the desire of political authorities to bolster their own legitimacy by extracting supportive opinions from the religious scholars.40 Al-Zayyātī’s Selected Jewels fits Mezzine’s model of a compilation that clearly reflects the political crises of the early seventeenth century.41 In addition to the Larache controversy of 1019/1610 described above, a second crisis arose around 1630 when jurists were asked to provide potentially high-stakes fatwās backing rival political factions. The background to this incident was the expulsion of approximately three hundred thousand Moriscos from the Iberian Peninsula between 1609 and 1614.42 Many of these Moriscos went, at least initially, to the Maghrib. They were in many cases descended from Muslims who had been forcibly converted to Christianity in the previous century, and they were perceived as cultural and religious others by Maghribī Muslims. Although the Iberian refugees identified as Muslims, they spoke a variety of Romance languages and had adopted a range of Christian practices. Two distinct groups of Moriscos formed an autonomous republic together in Rabat and Salé, where they engaged in piracy against European ships but were also suspected of conspiring with the Christian enemies of Morocco. At a short remove from the fatwās pertaining to the Portuguese conquests of the fifteenth century, al-Zayyātī’s chapter on jihād also contains a cluster of legal opinions relating to the Moriscos of Salé-Rabat. These include two lengthy fatwās issued by al-Zayyātī’s uncle ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī in response to questions posed to “the scholars of Fez” around 1040/1630. At least one of these questions was posed by Sīdī al-ʿAyyāshī (d. 1051/1641), a former governor of Azemmour who declared independence from the Saʿdian sultan Mawlāy Zīdān (r. 1603–27) in 1036/1627. Al-ʿAyyāshī led armed campaigns against the Spanish, including in al-Maʿmūra (now Mehdia) just north of Salé-Rabat. Al-Fāsī provided the sanction that al-ʿAyyāshī was hoping for, authorizing him to attack the Moriscos of Salé- Rabat on the grounds that they had “turned away from God and his prophet, sympathized with the infidel and given them counsel.”43 Al-Zayyātī also includes a counter-fatwā by 39. Mohamed Mezzine, “al-Adab al-fiqhī wa-l-azma (q 17),” in al-Isṭūghrāfiyā wa-l-azma: Dirāsāt fī al-kitāba al-tārīkhiyya wa-l-thaqāfa, ed. ʿAbd al-Ahad al-Sabtī, 61–74 (Rabat: Jāmiʿat Muḥammad al-Khāmis, Manshūrāt Kulliyyat al-Ādāb wa-l-ʿUlūm al-Insāniyya, 1994). 40. I am drawing on Mezzine (“al-Adab al-fiqhī,” 64) here, but modifying his argument. 41. Mezzine places al-Zayyātī in the center of a group of nine jurists who are credited with compiling or issuing a large number of fatwās. Of this group, only the compilation of al-Zayyātī’s cousin ʿAbd al-Qādir has been published: ʿAbd al-Qādir b. ʿAlī al-Fāsī (d. 1091/1680), al-Ajwiba al-kubrā, ed. Jābir b. ʿAlī al-Ḥawsanī (Rabat: Dār Abī Raqrāq li-l-Ṭibāʿa wa-l-Nashr, 2016). 42. On this period, see, for example, Mercedes García-Arenal, “The Moriscos in Morocco: From Granadan Emigration to the Hornacheros of Salé,” in The Expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain: A Mediterranean Diaspora, ed. Mercedes García-Arenal and Gerard Wiegers, 286–328 (Leiden: Brill, 2014). 43. Al-Fāsī, as quoted in Eric Staples, “Intersections: Power, Religion, and Technology in Seventeenth- Century Salé-Rabat” (PhD diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 2008), 164. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 141 Abū Mahdī ʿĪsā al-Suktānī (d. 1062/1651), judge of Marrakesh, who defended the Moriscos against al-ʿAyyāshī. Although these fatwās appear to be better known than the Portuguese fatwās edited below, they remain unedited and untranslated. Al-Zayyātī’s compilation is undated but must have been completed in the final years of his life, most likely between 1642 and 1645. When mentioning his uncle ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī, who died in 1642, he consistently uses the pious phrase for someone who has passed away; al-Zayyātī’s own death followed just three years later. Al-Zayyātī also reports finding materials of his uncle’s, suggesting that he was reviewing his uncle’s papers after the latter’s passing and that he was motivated by a desire to preserve his legacy. Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī’s opinions are particularly well represented in Selected Jewels. In his introduction, al-Zayyātī says very little about his motivation.44 He notes only that he gathered fatwās issued by later jurists from Fez and from other places, and that he added some of the legal opinions that al-Wansharīsī had collected in the Miʿyār, as well as opinions from some other sources. He reports that he arranged his own compilation following the order of subjects in the Mukhtaṣar of Khalīl Ibn Isḥāq (d. 776/1374), though he did not include all of the subjects that appear in that work. He then gives the work’s title, al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra fī-mā waqaftu ʿalayhi min al-nawāzil bi-Jibāl Ghumāra. The title suggests that al-Zayyātī’s compilation is limited to the opinions of jurists from a particular region in northwestern Morocco, where a group of Ghumāra tribes belonging to the Maṣmūda confederacy inhabited the western portion of the Rif mountain range. However, although Selected Jewels does have a special focus on northern Morocco, the compilation contains a broader range of material than the title suggests. For example, it includes quite a few of the opinions of the Granadan chief judge Ibn Sirāj (d. 848/1444–45), as well as of other Granadan scholars whose opinions al-Zayyātī found in the nawāzil of the Almerian judge Ibn Ṭarkāṭ (d. after 854/1450). The primary focus of Selected Jewels is on the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries, but it also contains ample material from before this period. Moreover, the authoritative opinions of earlier Mālikī scholars are frequently cited in the fatwās that al-Zayyātī includes, and he occasionally adds relevant excerpts to further elaborate on an issue at hand. Al-Zayyātī’s compilation is divided into two volumes of comparable size. The first begins with purification for ritual observance (ṭahāra) and contains fourteen subject categories; the second begins with jihād and contains six subject categories. Though the various manuscript copies vary in page count, depending on their size and layout, the chapter on jihād represents about 10.5 percent of the total material in Selected Jewels.45 The material 44. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. al-Ḥasan al-Zayyātī, al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra fī-mā waqaftu ʿalayhi min al-nawāzil bi-Jibāl Ghumāra, Ḥasaniyya Library, MS 5862, 2. ʿAbd al-Khāliq Aḥmadūn reproduces al-Zayyātī’s introduction in Aḥmadūn, “al-Bidaʿ bi-bādiyat al-shamāl min khilāl Alfiyyat al-Habṭī wa-nawāzil al-Zayyātī,” Dafātir al-baḥth 1, no. 1 (1422/2001): 251–52. 45. General Library and Archives of Tetouan MS 178 combines both volumes, for a total of 412 pages; the jihād chapter takes up pages 239–281, or about forty-two pages. Ḥasaniyya MS 5862, also two volumes in one, contains 401 pages, with the jihād chapter occupying pages 225 to 267, or forty-two pages. Moroccan National Library (Bibliothèque nationale du Royaume du Maroc, BNRM) MS 1698D consists of two separate volumes. Volume 1 contains 398 pages and volume 2 contains 318 pages, for a total of 712 pages; the chapter on jihād is on 142 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) in this chapter thus makes up an outsized share of the total compilation, given that jihād is just one of al-Zayyātī’s twenty chapters. At least five full copies of Selected Jewels are found in Moroccan manuscript libraries, which further hold additional copies of the individual volumes.46 Two additional full copies are known to exist outside of Morocco, one each in Algeria and Dubai.47 Of those that bear copy dates, the earliest was copied in 1100/1689 (Ḥasaniyya MS 5862) and the latest was copied in 1313/1895 (Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir University). In addition to circulating independently, al-Zayyātī’s compilation was incorporated into ʿAlī b. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Tasūlī’s (d. 1258/1842) vast, unpublished fatwā compilation al-Jawāhir al-nafīsa fī-mā yatakarraru min al-ḥawādith al-gharība (Precious jewels concerning unusual, recurring cases).48 Muḥammad al-Mahdī al-Wazzānī (d. 1342/1923) also reproduced many of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century fatwās from Selected Jewels in his two collections, al-Miʿyār al-jadīd (The new Miʿyār) and al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā (The minor collection of legal cases), both of which have been published.49 Unsurprisingly for an unpublished compilation, relatively little scholarship has focused on al-Zayyātī’s Selected Jewels. Mohamed Mezzine was perhaps the first to draw attention pages 1–74 of the second volume. Note that these three manuscripts all bear page numbers instead of the more common folio numbers (of which there would be half as many, because each folio comprises the front and back of a physical page). 46. The BNRM holds three full copies (MSS 1698D, 3832D, and 66J); the Ḥasaniyya (Royal) Library holds one full copy (MS 5862), three copies of volume 1 (MSS 2500, 2837, and 2476), and one copy of volume 2 (MS 8509); the General Library and Archives of Tetouan holds one full copy (MS 178) and three partial copies (MSS 12/913, 897, and 1041); and the Dāwudiyya Library in Tetouan and the ʿAllāl al-Fāsī Institute in Rabat (MS 621) each hold a copy according to their catalogs, but I have not consulted these copies and cannot confirm the specific volumes. Finally, the Fondation du Roi Abdul Aziz Al Saoud in Casablanca holds one copy of volume 2, available online through its digital manuscript library. Mohamed Cherif provides additional details on many of these copies in Cherif [Muḥammad al-Sharīf], “Mulāḥiẓāt ḥawl kitāb ‘al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra’ li-ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Zayyātī wa-nusakhihi al-makhṭūṭa,” in Abḥāth fī al-kitāb al-ʿarabī al-makhṭūṭ, 157–95 (Rabat: Manshūrāt Wizārat al-Thaqāfa, [2018]). 47. One full copy is held by Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir University of Islamic Sciences in Constantine, Algeria (MS 3/7/217). This is one of three copies used by Ghaniyya ʿAṭwī in her MA thesis (cited below), defended at the University of Constantine 2 in 2013. According to a database maintained by the Juma Almajid Center for Culture and Heritage, another copy is held by the Mudīriyyat Awqāf (directorate of religious endowments) in Dubai. Aḥmadūn also describes a complete, two-volume, privately held copy that he used in researching his article on reprehensible innovations (bidaʿ). As the copy Aḥmadūn describes was copied in the same month and year (Rabīʿ I, 1237/November 1821) and by the same person (Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣbiḥī) as the Dubai copy, it is likely that these are one and the same. Aḥmadūn, “al-Bidaʿ,” 251. 48. Al-Tasūlī’s multivolume collection is unpublished, and I am unaware of any studies that offer an inventory or overview of its contents. In his introduction, al-Tasūlī mentions al-Zayyātī as one of his primary sources, and the title seems to have been inspired by al-Zayyātī’s title. As noted below, I have consulted two copies of al-Tasūlī’s chapter on jihād: Ḥasaniyya Library MS 12574, and Tunisian National Library MS 5354. 49. These are the commonly used short forms of al-Wazzānī’s two titles. For the full title of al-Miʿyār al-jadīd, see note 37 above; the shorter text is Muḥammad al-Mahdī al-Wazzānī, al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā, al-musammā al-Minaḥ al-sāmiya fī al-nawāzil al-fiqhiyya, ed. Wizārat al-Awqāf wa-l-Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyya ([Rabat]: Wizārat al-Awqāf wa-l-Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyya, 1992–93). The Beirut publisher Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya published editions of both texts in 2014, but my references are to the earlier, Moroccan editions. http://www.fondation.org.ma/web/affichage_numerics/2400/17 http://www.almajidcenter.org http://www.almajidcenter.org Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 143 to the importance of this source, in an award-winning 1979 dissertation on Fez and its environs in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.50 Later, in the 1980s and 1990s, Mezzine published a series of articles drawing on particular portions of al-Zayyātī’s compilation, including a study on funeral practices and beliefs regarding death in fifteenth-century Morocco, as well as two articles related to jihād.51 In the first of these two articles, Mezzine offers a useful overview of al-Zayyātī’s chapter on jihād, noting that most of the cases date to the sixteenth century and concern such topics as the conduct of raids, the sincerity of converts to Islam who return to enemy territory, the sale of cows and weapons to the Christians, the purchase of wine and Arabic books from them, and the treatment of Jewish traders suspected of espionage.52 Mezzine argues that although warfare, in the form of raids and ambushes, was a constant reality in northern Morocco during this period, Christian and Muslim communities also adapted to one another over time and were concerned to maintain mutually beneficial exchanges.53 In his second article, Mezzine draws on Selected Jewels and other sources to argue that the mountainous Ghumāra region, long seen as a refuge for rebels fleeing defeat or fomenting revolt, witnessed a shift in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from a center of rebellion against the central state to one of jihād against the foreign enemies of the Waṭṭāsid, Saʿdian, and ʿAlawī dynasties.54 He also argues that this jihād developed from independent efforts led by local marabouts to a more regularized movement justified and promoted by the elite juristic class, which attempted 50. Mezzine defended his dissertation at the Mohammed V University in Rabat in 1979. Awarded the Maghrib Prize by the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, the dissertation was published in two volumes in 1986: Mohamed Mezzine, Fās wa-bādiyyatuhā: Musāhima fī tārīkh al-Maghrib al-Saʿdī, 1549 m–1637 m (Rabat: Jāmiʿat Muḥammad al-Khāmis, Manshūrāt Kulliyyat al-Ādāb wa-l-ʿUlūm al-Insāniyya, 1986). In this work, Mezzine uses Selected Jewels primarily for questions of economic history, especially currency. Ten years after Mezzine, Omar Benmira also defended a dissertation at the same university, likewise drawing on al-Zayyātī but only as one of many sources. Benmira’s study focuses on land and water use in central Morocco in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. His study was published posthumously: Omar Benmira, al-Nawāzil wa-l-mujtamiʿ: Musāhima fī dirāsat tārīkh al-bādiyya bi-l-Maghrib al-wasīṭ (Rabat: Jāmiʿat Muḥammad al-Khāmis, Manshūrāt Kulliyyat al-Ādāb wa-l-ʿUlūm al-Insāniyya, 2012). 51. The article on funerals and death is Mezzine, “al-Mawt fī Maghrib al-qarn al-ʿāshir min khilāl kitāb ‘al-Jawāhir’ li-l-Zayyātī,” in al-Tārīkh wa-adab al-nawāzil: Dirāsāt tārīkhiyya muhdāh li-l-faqīd Muḥammad Zunaybar, ed. Muḥammad al-Manṣūr and Muḥammad al-Maghrāwī, 107–17 (Rabat: Jāmiʿat Muḥammad al-Khāmis, Manshūrāt Kulliyyat al-Ādāb wa-l-ʿUlūm al-Insāniyya, 1995). Aḥmadūn’s article on reprehensible innovations, mentioned above, focuses primarily on ʿAbd Allāh al-Habṭī’s (d. 963/1556) poem al-Alfiyya al-saniyya, but it includes some material from Selected Jewels, especially from al-Zayyātī’s chapter on funerals; see Aḥmadūn, “al-Bidaʿ,” 251–55. One additional study based on Selected Jewels is Mohamed Monkachi’s short article analyzing seven fatwās from Selected Jewels that pertain to rural women: Mohamed Monkachi, “Lecture des moeurs de la femme rurale marocaine à travers les nawazil de Ziyati: La region de Ghomara au XVIIe siècle,” in Femmes rurales, ed. Aïcha Belarbi et al., 119–26 (Casablanca: Fennec, 1996). 52. Mohamed Mezzine, “Les relations entre les places occupées et les localités de la region de Fès aux XVIème siècles, a partir de documents locaux inédits: Les Nawāzil,” in Relaciones de la Peninsula Ibérica con el Magreb, siglos XIII–XVI: Actas del coloquio celebrado en Madrid, 17–18 de diciembre de 1987, ed. Mercedes García-Arenal and Maria Viguera, 539–60 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1988). 53. Mezzine, “Les relations,” 545–46, 549. 54. Mohamed Mezzine, “Jihād au pays Jbala (XVIème siècles): Effervescence et regulation,” in Jbala: Histoire et société, études sur le Maroc du Nord-ouest, ed. Ahmed Zouggari et al., 61–87 (Paris: Editions du CNRS, 1991). 144 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) to balance the interests of the warriors (mujāhidūn) with those of the central state.55 More detailed studies of these texts would help us explore both of these arguments. Four further scholars have addressed the fatwās preserved in al-Zayyātī’s collection that relate to the Portuguese occupation of parts of Morocco. Hossain Bouzineb was the first to put these fatwās in conversation with those of al-Wansharīsī and others on the subject of Muslims living under Christian rule, in 1989. Unfortunately, he assumed that these opinions pertained to the situation in al-Andalus, not Morocco.56 Laḥsan al-Yūbī discusses many of the opinions preserved in Selected Jewels in his 1998 monograph al-Fatāwā al-fiqhiyya fī ahamm al-qaḍāyā min ʿahd al-Saʿdiyyīn ilā mā qabla al-ḥimāya (Legal opinions on the most important issues from the Saʿdian era until just before the [French] protectorate).57 Though an excellent introduction to a number of fascinating, pressing legal issues in this period, al-Yūbī’s study is of limited utility because of his reliance on later sources in lieu of direct consultation of Selected Jewels.58 He also breaks multipart fatwās into discrete components that are addressed in separate sections of the book, according to the specific legal issue at hand, instead of presenting each fatwā as a coherent whole. More recently, Mohamed Cherif has published two articles (in 2018 and 2021), one with Salwa al-Zāhirī, placing a subset of these opinions (those of Ibn Barṭāl) in the larger context of the Portuguese conquests in Morocco.59 Finally, in my 2021 monograph, Leaving Iberia: Islamic Law and Christian Conquest in North West Africa, I devote substantial attention to these fatwās and their historical context.60 The book contains my translations of many of these opinions, but not the original Arabic.61 To help put this body of scholarship into perspective, it is worth highlighting two sources that do not mention al-Zayyātī’s Selected Jewels. First, the most substantial and prominent Arabic-language monograph on the Portuguese conquests in Morocco is Moroccan historian Ahmed Bouchareb’s Dukkāla wa-l-istiʿmār al-Burtughālī ilā sanat ikhlāʾ Āsafī wa-Āzammūr, 1481–1541 (Dukkāla and Portuguese colonization through the year Safi and Azemmour were relinquished, 1481–1541). In the introduction to this five-hundred-page study, 55. Mezzine, “Jihād,” 81–84. As part of this argument, Mezzine discusses the abovementioned fatwā issued by Muḥammad al-ʿArabī al-Fāsī in response to al-ʿAyyāshī’s question in 1040/1630. 56. Hossain Bouzineb, “Respuestas de jurisconsultos maghrebíes en torno a la inmigración de musulmanes hispánicos,” Hespéris tamuda 16–17 (1988–89): 53–67. The author’s last name, spelled Bouzineb elsewhere, appears as Buzineb in this article. 57. Laḥsan al-Yūbī, al-Fatāwā al-fiqhiyya fī ahamm al-qaḍāyā min ʿahd al-Saʿdiyyīn ilā mā qabla al-ḥimāya ([Rabat]: Wizārat al-Awqāf wa-l-Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyya, 1998). 58. Al-Yūbī’s analysis is based on al-Wazzānī’s reproduction of parts of Selected Jewels, but al-Wazzānī’s text contains many errors, as noted in the edition below. 59. Mohamed Cherif and Salwa al-Zāhirī, “Fatāwā Ibn Barṭāl,” in Dirāsāt fī tārīkh al-Maghrib wa-l-Andalus wa-mabāḥith fī al-turāth al-islāmī: Aʿmāl muhdāh li-l-Ustādh al-Duktūr Aḥmad Shuʿayb al-Yūsūfī, ed. M’hamad Benaboud, Mohamed Cherif, and Driss Bouhlila, 1:47–72 (Tetouan: Manshūrāt Kulliyyat al-Ādāb wa-l-ʿUlūm al-Insāniyya bi-Tiṭwān, 2018); Mohamed Cherif, “Qaḍāyā ḥarija min tārīkh al-Maghrib fī maṭlaʿ al-ʿaṣr al-ḥadīth bayna al-tārīkh wa-l-fiqh,” Ostour 13 (2021): 51–71. 60. Hendrickson, Leaving Iberia, 29–75. 61. Ibid., 267–86. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 145 Bouchareb discusses the major sources for the study of this period. Foremost among these are Portuguese chronicles as well as the documents preserved in Portuguese archives, especially those compiled, translated, and introduced in French as part of the series Les sources inédites de l’histoire du Maroc.62 Although Bouchareb’s focus is on the southern Dukkāla region, it is nonetheless striking that Selected Jewels is not mentioned in the work. Second, Hossain Bouzineb published a volume of primary documents related to the Moriscos of Salé-Rabat in the seventeenth century.63 The book contains an invaluable historical introduction and transcriptions of fifty-one documents from the Simancas archive in Spain. This is a fantastic resource, but it is regrettable that such a volume does not include the available Arabic fatwās regarding this population that are preserved in al-Zayyātī’s chapter on jihād, especially when the author is also one of the few scholars who has written on this compilation. In The History of the Maghrib: An Interpretive Essay, Abdallah Laroui portrayed the two centuries between the death of Marīnid sultan Abū ʿInān (d. 759/1358) and the defeat of the Portuguese at the Battle of Three Kings in 1578 as a period of regression and weakness. “Nothing is more indicative of the decadence of this period than the extreme aridity, and even futility, of contemporary historiography,” he lamented.64 In the absence of a strong central state and its accompanying court historians, historical narratives in this period became scattered and localized, focused on the achievements of more minor tribal and religious leaders. Yet legal writing continued to flourish. Laroui argued not only that Islamic legal works are among our only sources for the political and social conditions of this period, but moreover that “an adequate interpretation of [the] Iberian sources requires a knowledge of the Arabic juridical literature.”65 Writing a decade later, Ahmed Bouchareb cited Laroui’s lament and added his own assessment that two genres flourished in this period of Iberian conquests: hagiography and legal opinions (nawāzil).66 Historians have yet to explore either of these genres adequately, although Vincent Cornell’s groundbreaking Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism is a masterful study of sainthood in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Here I offer a critical edition of a portion of al-Zayyātī’s Selected Jewels as a window onto the unpublished legal 62. Aḥmad Būsharb, Dukkāla wa-l-istiʿmār al-Burtughālī ilā sanat ikhlāʾ Āsafī wa-Āzammūr, 1481–1541 (Casablanca: Dār al-Thaqāfa, 1984), 11–29. There are multiple series and volumes within the Les sources inédites de l’histoire du Maroc (SIHM) project, classified by time period and by the European country in which the documents are found. The volume most relevant here is de Cenival, Juillet 1486–Avril 1516. 63. Hossain Bouzineb, La Alcazaba del Buregreg: Hornacheros, andaluces y medio siglo de designios españoles frustrados ([Rabat]: Publicaciones del Ministerio de Cultura, 2006). Bouzineb subsequently published a version of the same book in Arabic: al-Ḥusayn Būzīnab, al-Mūrīskiyyūn wa-qaṣbat al-Ribāṭ: Wathāʾiq takshif jawānib tārīkhiyya majhūla (Rabat: Dār Abī Raqrāq li-l-Ṭibāʿa wa-l-Nashr, [2011]). 64. Abdallah Laroui, The History of the Maghrib: An Interpretive Essay, trans. Ralph Manheim (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977), 227–28. Laroui’s book was originally published in French as L’histoire du Maghreb: Un essai de synthèse (Paris: Librairie François Maspero, 1970). 65. Laroui, History of the Maghrib, 228. 66. Ahmed Bouchareb, “Les conséquences socio-culturelles de la conquête ibérique du littoral marocain,” in García-Arenal and Viguera, Relaciones de la Peninsula Ibérica, 487–537, at 490–91. 146 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) material that remains to be studied. A brief English summary of the contents of this edition will be followed by a methodological preface and the edition itself. English Summary of the Contents This summary follows the order of the edition and offers a rough guide rather than a paraphrase or translation of the contents.67 As in the edition itself, the titles are my own editorial additions. Biographical and other important references will be given in the footnotes to the edition. 1. First Fatwā of Ibn Barṭāl (d. ca. 901/1495), Fez Question: A group has agreed to a treaty with the Christians. They pay them tribute and are allowed to remain in their lands. Some of them spy for, trade with, or fight for the enemy. Some only pay the tribute; others are exempted from doing so. What is the status of these people’s lives, property, and fitness to lead prayer and offer witness? Answer: This group is disobedient to God and violates the sunna of His prophet. Those who pay the tribute transgress by doing so and by living under Christian rule. They are disqualified from leading prayer or giving testimony, but their lives and property remain inviolable. The acknowledged doctrine regarding those who spy for the enemy is that their lives are licit and their killers are rewarded. Those who fight for the Christians have deviated from the religion, and their status is that of the Christians in terms of their lives and property. Those who trade with them sin by doing so. Religious functionaries and callers to prayer who remain under Christian rule sin by doing so, especially as others emulate them. They are disqualified from leading prayer or giving testimony. They must repent and move away from those areas that have been conquered by the infidels. 2. Fatwā of al-Waryāglī (d. 894/1488–89), Fez Question: What is the status of our Muslim brothers who live under infidel laws and who have not moved to the adjacent Muslim lands? May Muslims shed their blood, or take their women or their property? Are their religious observances valid? Answer: These people are vile, contemptible, and weak in faith. They glorify infidels and expose the word of God to scorn. Our learned authorities agree that it is necessary to kill these people and seize their property. Their wives must also be taken and returned to Muslim territory, where they will be divorced from these men and remarried to others. These people are not our brothers; they are our enemies. 3. Fatwā of al-Māwāsī (d. 896/1491), Fez Question: A group of people continue to live in their homeland, where they are subject to infidel rule, even though they have the means to move elsewhere. Is this permissible for 67. These summaries are patterned after the summaries that Vincent Lagardère provides for the fatwās included by al-Wansharīsī in the Miʿyār. See Lagardère, Histoire et société en occident musulman au moyen âge: Analyse du “Miʿyār” d’al-Wanšarīsī (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1995). Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 147 them? Some of them pay tribute to the enemy, while others trade with them. Others spy for them, and yet others fish with them, saying “May God prolong this period and this hour.” What is the status of each of these groups? Answer: It is not permissible for Muslims to remain under infidel rule or to sign a treaty requiring the payment of tribute to infidels. These people have lost their religion. Their testimony is not accepted, nor is their leading of prayer. Those who trade with the enemy are even worse. There is scholarly disagreement as to the punishment for spying and as to the acceptance of repentance from those who spy for the enemy. Those who show affection toward the infidels are malicious and repugnant. Love for the infidel and praying for his strength and power over the Muslims are among the signs of unbelief. 4. Second Fatwā of Ibn Barṭāl (d. ca. 901/1495), Fez Question: A group of people live in the vicinity of the Christians. Some of these Muslims engage them in war. Others have concluded a treaty with the Christians to the effect that they will pay tribute to them at a later date; members of this group intend to flee to the lands of Islam rather than to pay. A third group intends to remain and pay the tribute to the Christians for as long as the world remains. What is the status of each group? Answer: This horrifying affair has threatened the pillars of Islam and blotted out the very days and nights. The first third are engaged in a powerful act of devotion to God. They are among the Muslims whose intercession is accepted. The actions of the second group are reprehensible; it is not permissible to live under infidel control. If they fulfill their pledge to escape, they will nonetheless be among the saved. The members of the third group have lost their religion and deserve a severe punishment. The commonly accepted doctrinal position is that they should be killed without an opportunity to repent. It is also not permissible to empower the Christians through trade. 5. Excerpts from the Fatwā Collection of Abū al-Qāsim al-Burzulī (d. 841/1438), Ifrīqiyā, and from a Fatwā by Ibn Rabīʿ (d. 719/1319), al-Andalus The first text was found in the same notebook as the preceding one. It comes from the chapter on jihād in al-Burzulī’s fatwā compilation. When the issue of Muslims living under polytheist rule (as a result of conquest) arose, it was assimilated to the case of a non-Muslim who lives outside of Muslim territory (a ḥarbī) and converts to Islam but remains in non-Muslim territory (dār al-ḥarb). According to several Mālikī authorities, the convert’s property remains licit for seizure by Muslims; his property is not granted inviolability until he brings it to Muslim territory. The convert is required to emigrate to Muslim territory as soon as possible. Ibn Rabīʿ was asked about Muslims who choose to remain resident in lands that have been conquered by Christians. Such Muslims are subject to Christian laws, they pay taxes to the Christians, and they are exposed to humiliation. Ibn Rabīʿ answered that the phenomenon of Muslims being subject to Christian power arose only after the first centuries of Islam, after the passing of the founding masters of the Islamic schools of law. Only the cases of converts to Islam and dhimmīs (Christians or Jews living under Muslim rule) had been 148 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) discussed. Only once this new phenomenon arose in the fifth/eleventh century, when Christians conquered Sicily and parts of al-Andalus, were Maghribī jurists questioned about it. They determined that the case of the conquered Muslims follows the same rules as does the case of those who convert to Islam in dār al-ḥarb. The jurists saw no difference between these two groups with respect to their property and children, which are not inviolable and may be taken as booty. For al-Shafiʿī, being Muslim is sufficient to provide inviolability of person and property, but for Mālik, inviolability of property must be established in Muslim territory. If a Muslim fights for the enemy against Muslims, his life is additionally forfeit. If he aids the enemy war effort financially, his women and children should be taken and his children raised as Muslims, free from religious corruption. 6. Third Fatwā of Ibn Barṭāl (d. ca. 901/1495), Fez Question: Some Muslims live near the Christians. A group of these Muslims is at odds with the Christians and secretly cultivates land at the edges of the area under Christian control, profiting thereby at the expense of the Christians. A second group of these Muslims has signed a treaty with the Christians, but they do not intend to pay the tribute that will be due in October. Instead, the members of this group will remain where they are, hoping to be at the forefront of a jihād against the Christians if the Muslims come to aid them; if not, they will relocate to Muslim territory before paying the tribute. A third group has signed a treaty and intends to remain where they are and to pay the tribute. Another question: A man from Christian-occupied Asilah owes a debt, but he has been captured by the enemy. Can the creditor claim his debt from the debtor’s property (in Muslim territory), or must the man be ransomed first? Answer: This horrifying affair has threatened the pillars of Islam and blotted out the very days and nights. The members of the group that is prepared for jihād with the Christians are engaged in a powerful act of devotion to God. They are among the Muslims whose intercession is accepted. The actions of the second group are reprehensible; it is not permissible to live under infidel control. If they fulfill their pledge to escape, they will nonetheless be among the saved. The members of the third group have lost their religion. It is not permissible to conclude a treaty that requires Muslims to pay tribute to infidels. It is obligatory for you (the questioner) and other respected masters who reside in this area to inform these people of their error and to rebuke those among them who hold power and authority. If they do not heed these warnings, they must be rebuked and you must not attend to their legal affairs. You mentioned earlier that within this third group are Muslims who spy for the Christians. They deserve a severe punishment. The commonly accepted doctrinal position is that they should be killed without an opportunity to repent. You also mentioned that they pay tribute to the Christians and trade with them. We answered you: it is not permissible to empower the Christians through trade, especially in goods that strengthen them. Islam must be elevated. Answer to the other question: The creditor must establish the amount he is owed before a judge. Then he may retrieve his due from the debtor’s property. No need to delay in order to pay the man’s ransom. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 149 7. Al-Wansharīsī’s (d. 914/1508) “Berber” Fatwā, Fez Question: A group of Berbers (al-barābir) live in their lands, under infidel rule. They have the means to leave. Is it permissible for them to remain? Some of them merely reside under infidel rule, while others also trade with the enemy. Yet others convey information about the Muslims to the enemy. Another group fishes with them and says to them, “May God prolong your time.” Another question: If the infidels seize Muslim property, is it legitimate for other Muslims to then buy that property? A religious functionary has been buying books from them, so that they are not in the possession of infidels. Answer: Submission to infidel rule is not permitted. Those who have the ability to emigrate to Muslim territory are required to do so. Evidence for this obligation to emigrate (to perform hijra) is found in the Qurʾān, the sunna of the prophet Muḥammad, and the scholarly consensus of the jurists. Qurʾān 4:97–99 (in which the angels ask those who claim to have been abased in the land why they did not migrate, as God’s earth is spacious) is evidence of this obligation. This passage also indicates that those who are unable to emigrate will be forgiven for remaining under infidel rule. As for the sunna, Muḥammad said that he is not responsible for any Muslim who lives among the polytheists. The Qurʾān, sunna, and scholarly consensus all affirm that a convert to Islam in non-Muslim territory is obligated to emigrate from there to Muslim territory, so that he is not subject to infidel laws. This same obligation to emigrate applies to Muslims whose lands are conquered, even if emigration proves very costly. Those who are able to emigrate but do not do so compromise their inviolability and forfeit their integrity. Mālikī scholars have disagreed as to the property rights of Mudéjars (ahl al-dajn, Muslims subject to Christian rule). At issue is whether their ownership over their property is valid and inviolable, as is the case with Muslims living in Muslim territory, or whether they lack valid ownership over their property, because that property is in dār al-ḥarb. One scholar stated that other Muslims should not interact with Mudéjars. Another scholar held that no blood money is owed for the accidental killing of a Mudéjar. Other scholars refused to accept written documents from Mudéjar judges. Entering infidel-ruled territory for trade is not permissible and results in the loss of legal probity (one may not lead prayer or offer testimony). The only permissible reason to travel to enemy territory is to ransom Muslim prisoners. The leaders of the Muslims as well as the community must prevent entry into dār al-ḥarb. They must place observation posts along the route to block anyone from entering. This is especially important to prevent anyone from providing the enemy with contraband materials that would aid them militarily against Muslims. Such materials include horses, weapons, saddles, copper, iron, furnishings, and leather; they also include banners and garments that might be used to intimidate Muslims. Slaves must also not be sold to them, as they may serve as informants. As for spying: some early Mālikī authorities held that those convicted of spying must be killed, without an opportunity to repent. Others held that they should be whipped, imprisoned, and then exiled. Another jurist suggested differentiating between those who 150 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) commit a single offense versus those who are regular informants for the enemy. Others were in favor of excusing an act of espionage if done out ignorance, or recommended referring all such decisions to the ruler. The Mālikī debates on this issue are too complex to be summarized here. As for those who fish with the enemy and take their legal disputes to the enemy’s courts: these acts are extremely reprehensible and result in a loss of probity. This behavior humiliates Islam and Muslims. Praying for the infidel to remain and for this period to be prolonged is a sign of apostasy. Such a prayer indicates contentment with unbelief, and contentment with unbelief is unbelief. These people should be beaten and punished in the hope that they will repent. As for the question about purchasing the former property of other Muslims from a non-Muslim resident of non-Muslim territory (a ḥarbī): the original Muslim owner of a slave or other property has the right to buy that slave or property back from the current owner, who has recovered the property from dār al-ḥarb. The original owner must pay to the current owner the same purchase price that the current owner paid to the ḥarbī in order to acquire the slave or goods. This rule applies to the case of entering dār al-ḥarb in order to recover books. In this case, the person entering dār al-ḥarb for this purpose should prioritize the books in order of importance: copies of the Qurʾān, then ḥadīth, law (fiqh), jurisprudence and theology (uṣūl al-fiqh and uṣūl al-dīn), Arabic, linguistics, medicine, first- rate exegesis, and finally recitation of the Qurʾān. 8. Fatwā of Ḥamdūn (d. 1071/1660–61), Fez Question: A Sunnī, Mālikī man lives among Muslims whose doctrines differ significantly from those of the four recognized Sunnī schools of law. For example, this group holds that congregational Friday prayers are not obligatory at this time, because there are no just rulers in our time. They also deny that the prophet Muḥammad made the night journey to the heavens, and they hold that those who enter hellfire suffer there eternally. Is it permissible for this Sunnī man to continue residing in this area? He has immovable property and possessions there; must he sell them and perform hijra in order to move away from this group? They do not impose their doctrine on him or call him to it; he has his doctrine (Mālikī) and they have theirs. Answer: If this man is able to identify a land free of these beliefs and can move there without difficulty, he must do so. If the widespread corruption of our times leaves him unable to find a more suitable location in which to reside or uncertain of his ability to do so, he should remain where he is and keep to his house, making his home his refuge. This is if the heretical group is discreet and does not expose the man or his family to religious corruption (fitna). But if these people openly implicate themselves in infidelity, they are infidels. In that case, the prohibition on living in their midst is no different from that on living among infidels; in that case, the man must sell his property and emigrate. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 151 9. Excerpt on the Categories of Hijra An excerpt describing several categories of hijra, emigration. Muslims have a continuing obligation to emigrate from infidel territory, or from areas of widespread heresy and disobedience to God, to Islamic territory. The evidence for this obligation includes Qurʾān 4:97–100, which exempts only the weak from emigrating away from oppression, and the ḥadīth according to which Muḥammad declared himself free of any Muslim living among the polytheists. Scholars are particularly obligated to emigrate because God has honored them with knowledge, and it is not permitted for them to disgrace themselves. 10. Fatwā of al-Bijāʾī (d. ca. 901/1495), Fez Question: There is a location full of evildoers and oppressors, where unlawful acts and taxes are widespread. Muslims are debased and infidels are glorified, but the virtuous men in this area are too afraid to condemn reprehensible acts. What should a seeker of knowledge who is compelled to study with the scholars of this region do? May the student remain in this region, even though it is not possible to correct these reprehensible behaviors? Is it permissible for such a student to buy goods there, despite the taxes Muslims are required to pay? Or must he move from this region to another region in order to remain safe from corruption? Answer: A true believer must flee from corruptions with his religion and settle only where exemplary practices are upheld. He must seek knowledge only from worthy teachers. He must travel if needed to seek this knowledge, but the obligation to emigrate is conditional on the ability to do so and on the presence of a suitable destination. If he does not meet the condition of being able to migrate, or there is no suitable, virtuous destination or no rightly guided teacher to study with in another region, then he may remain where he is. In this case, he may be considered among those who are exempt from the obligation to emigrate. The man should patiently persevere, gathering what knowledge he can from anyone who has something to teach him. He may also buy goods, but he must practice discretion in order to contribute as little as possible to a system of unjust taxes. He must be wary not to allow himself too many dispensations from religious requirements. If he can limit himself to the necessities, his religion will not be adversely affected. 11. First Fatwā of al-Zawāwī (d. 815/1412–13), Bijāya Question: Are those who live in Christian territory (arḍ al-Naṣārā) obligated to emigrate? Answer: According to Ibn Rushd, the scholars have come to a consensus that Muslims are prohibited from remaining voluntarily in infidel territory, where they are subject to infidel laws. Those who are able to flee must do so. 12. Second Fatwā of al-Zawāwī (d. 815/1412–13), Bijāya Question: A man lives in Christian territory and wants to emigrate, but he is forbidden to do so by one or both of his parents. May he leave without their permission, against their wishes? Does the answer depend on whether or not he fears losing them? Or on whether they have other children? 152 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Answer: The man does not need his parents’ permission to depart, as he owes no obedience to them in disobeying God. No textual precedent clarifies the issue of the man’s fear of losing his parents. This would no doubt constitute a conflict of obligations, so the principle to be followed is to prioritize the stronger obligation. If the parents have other children, the rule is the same as above: the man’s obligation is to flee, without seeking their permission. 13. Third Fatwā of al-Zawāwī (d. 815/1412–13), Bijāya Question: Please explain the meaning and virtues of hijra. Answer: The well-known hijra was the obligation to emigrate to the prophet Muḥammad prior to the conquest of Mecca. After the conquest of Mecca, that particular hijra lapsed, but the obligation remained to flee from places where one fears for the soundness of one’s religion, or where there is no one to teach the essentials of the religion. It is especially necessary to flee from lands that have been seized by the infidels and from anywhere where infidel laws are applied to Muslims. 14. First Fatwā of Ibn Zakrī (d. 899/1493–94), Tlemcen Question: What is your view of a certain sharīf (descendant of the prophet Muḥammad) who is undertaking command of the jihād now in the Far Maghrib, in the environs of Ceuta and her sister cities? Are this man’s actions permissible, considering that the sultan of these lands has signed a peace treaty with the polytheists? Is the treaty, which was signed for a term exceeding twenty years, legitimate? Answer: This man may continue to fight the infidels if he is safe from those who might try to prevent him from combating the enemy, and if he believes that the enemy is also fighting Muslims elsewhere. The treaty in question is invalid because such treaties may only be signed for a period of two or three years, and because it strengthens the enemy at the expense of Muslims. 15. Second Fatwā of Ibn Zakrī (d. 899/1493–94), Tlemcen Question: What is your view concerning the tribes of the Far Maghrib near Ceuta, Tangier, Asilah, and Ksar es-Sghir that have intermingled their affairs with those of the Christians? When the Muslims plan a raid, these Maghribī tribes inform the Christians, who are able to prepare a defense. Sometimes these tribes fight for the Christians against other Muslims. What is the legal status of their lives, property, women, and children? Should they be exiled from these lands? May they be fought? Answer: This group, considering this description, must be fought and killed like the infidels with whom they have allied. Whoever allies with the infidels is one of them. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 153 Manuscripts and Methodology As noted above, this critical edition presents one continuous excerpt from the chapter on jihād in al-Zayyātī’s Selected Jewels (al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra). This compilation remains unpublished, but at least three partial critical editions that include the chapter on jihād have been produced as student theses. Although I have obtained copies of two of these, an MA thesis defended in 2013 by Ghaniyya ʿAṭwī68 and a PhD dissertation defended in 2019 by ʿAbd Allāh al-Amīn,69 I have made no attempt to note the many discrepancies between our editions.70 As specified below, some of these fatwās also appear in an abridged form in al-Wazzānī’s two published fatwā collections, al-Miʿyār al-jadīd and al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā. I have based this edition on the following three manuscripts of Selected Jewels: Moroccan National Library MS 1698D, 2:40–49 (hereafter BNRM); Ḥasaniyya Library MS 5862, 247–53 (hereafter Ḥ); and General Library and Archives of Tetouan MS 178, 262–68 (hereafter T).71 The Ḥasaniyya and Tetouan manuscripts were both copied by Muḥammad b. Masʿūd al-Tazrūtī al-Waryāglī within two years of each other. The colophon in the Ḥasaniyya manuscript offers a copy date of 4 Jumādā II, 1100 (February 24, 1689), while the Tetouan manuscript was copied in 1102/1691.72 I have drawn on all three manuscripts equally in establishing the Arabic text, and I note each manuscript’s discrepancies from this established text in the footnotes. Arabic words and phrases are given in parentheses in the notes to avoid confusion when they are combined with English punctuation. In the main Arabic text, numbers in brackets indicate page transitions in the BNRM manuscript, since it is the most frequently cited in scholarship on this text. The titles in italics are my own editorial additions. I have emended al-Zayyātī’s text occasionally on the basis of the versions of these fatwās that appear in the following sources: (1) an unpublished edition of a fatwā by the Andalusī 68. Ghaniyya ʿAṭwī, “al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra mimmā waqaftu ʿalayhi min al-nawāzil bi-Jibāl Ghumāra” (MA thesis, University of Constantine 2, Algeria, 2013). ʿAtwī based her edition on three manuscript copies, one held by the University of Constantine 2 and two held by the Moroccan National Library (BNRM 1698D and BNRM 3832D). 69. ʿAbd Allāh al-Amīn, “al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra mimmā waqaftu ʿalayhi min al-nawāzil bi-Jibāl Ghumāra” (PhD diss., University of Sidi Mohammed ben Abdellah, Fez, Morocco, 2019). Al-Amīn, who also consulted ʿ Aṭwī’s thesis, based his critical edition on the following four manuscript copies: Tetouan MS 178, the copy held by the al-Khizāna al-Dāwūdiyya in Tetouan, BNRM 1698D, and the copy of volume 2 held by the Fondation du Roi Abdul Aziz Al Saoud in Casablanca (MS 584). I am grateful to Dr. Muhammad Wassu for his assistance in obtaining a copy of this dissertation. 70. The third thesis that includes al-Zayyātī’s chapter on jihād is mentioned in Cherif, “Mulāhiẓāt,” 167, n. 38. Cherif notes that he is in the process of completing a full edition of both volumes of Selected Jewels (177). 71. This excerpt represents a small portion of al-Zayyātī’s chapter on jihād. As noted above, the page range for the full chapter in the various manuscripts is as follows: BNRM, 2:1–74; Ḥ, 225–67; T, 239–81. All three manuscripts are numbered by pages, not folios. 72. The colophon for the Ḥasaniyya manuscript is located on page 224, at the end of the first volume (ṣafr). Both of al-Zayyātī’s volumes were copied into a single bound volume as MS 5862. There is no additional colophon at the beginning or end of the second volume, which begins on page 225 with the chapter on jihād. For the Tetouan manuscript, I have seen only the chapter on jihād and am relying on the copy date and copyist name recorded in al-Kharshāfī, “Dalīl al-makhṭūṭāt al-maghribiyya,” 120. 154 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Mālikī jurist Ibn Rabīʿ (d. 719/1319) prepared by Sjoerd van Koningsveld, Gerard Wiegers, and Umar Ryad;73 (2) al-Wazzānī’s aforementioned fatwā collections (al-Miʿyār al-jadīd and al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā); and (3) ʿAlī b. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Tasūlī’s fatwā compilation, al-Jawāhir al-nafīsa fī-mā yatakarraru min al-ḥawādith al-gharība. I have consulted two manuscript copies of the latter text, which remains unpublished: Ḥasaniyya Library MS 12574, volume 2, and Tunisian National Library MS 5354.74 I also consulted additional sources cited by the jurists in Selected Jewels and have noted any emendations made on that basis. Biographical references are provided for the jurists who issued the fatwās recorded here, as well as for most of the jurists mentioned in the text. Finally, I provide references for verses of the Qurʾān as well as ḥadīths that are cited or alluded to in the text. 73. I am very thankful to these scholars for generously sharing their unpublished work with me. 74. This manuscript number for the Ḥasaniyya copy (MS 12574) corresponds to six volumes of al-Tasūlī’s compilation (however, this is not a complete set; the full compilation is longer). The Ḥasaniyya card catalog (now replaced by a General Index) referred to this work only as “nawāzil,” while Tunisian National Library MS 5354 is catalogued under the title al-Turjumān al-muʿrib ʿan fatāwā mutaʾakhkhirī ʿulamāʾ al-Maghrib. The title given above (al-Jawāhir al-nafīsa, hereafter Precious Jewels) is found in al-Tasūlī’s introduction. In his critical edition of al-Tasūlī’s responses to the Algerian resistance leader Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf Ṣāliḥ confirms this title, records a portion of al-Tasūlī’s introduction to Precious Jewels, and discusses MS 5354 in particular. See ʿAlī b. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Tasūlī, Ajwibat al-Tasūlī ʿan masāʾil al-Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir fī al-jihād, ed. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf Ṣāliḥ (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1996), 54–58. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 155 اجلواهر املختارة فيما وقفت عليه من النوازل جببال غمارة Selected Jewels: Legal Cases I Encountered in the Ghumāra Mountains ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. al-Ḥasan al-Zayyātī (d. 1055/1645) 1. First Fatwā of Ibn Barṭāl75 ]2:40]76 وســئل77 الفقيــه أبــو احلســن علــي بــن عبــد78 هللا، وأظنّــه املعــروف اببــن برطــال79 – رمحــه هللا – عــن أانس اصطلحــوا مــع النصــارى علــى أن يغرمــوا هلــم مــااًًل وتركوهــم ببالدهــم مقيمــن. وصــاروا معهــم علــى فــرق، فمنهــم مــن يتجّســس علــى املســلمن وينقــل إليهــم أخبارهــم، ومنهــم مــن يتســّوق عندهــم، ومنهــم مــن صــار يقاتــل عليهــم وخيــرج للقتــال مــع عســاكر النصــارى، ومينــع املســلمن مــن الوصــول إىل عدّوهــم، ومنهــم مــن يــؤّدي املغــرم فقــط واًل يفعــل شــيًئا ممـّـا ذُكــر، ومنهــم طائفــة أســقط العــدّو عنهــم اخلــراج كالطلبــة واملؤّذنــون. مــا حكــم هللا يف دمائهــم وأمواهلــم وإمامتهــم وشــهادهتم؟ ومــا خيــّص كّل فريــق مــن هــؤاًلء الفــرق؟ جــوااًًب شافًيا. 75. BNRM, 2:40–41; Ḥ, 247; T, 262. This is the first of three fatwās by Ibn Barṭāl in this portion of al-Zayyātī’s Selected Jewels. Al-Wazzānī appears to have condensed all three of these texts into a single composite fatwā attributed to Ibn Barṭāl in his al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā (1:419). Two recent articles introduce and reproduce Ibn Barṭāl’s three fatwās as they appear in the Tetouan manuscript of Selected Jewels. See Cherif and al-Zāhirī, “Fatāwā Ibn Barṭāl,” 47–72; Cherif, “Qaḍāyā ḥarija,” 51–71. 76. This fatwā begins on line 27 of 33. As noted above, page transitions in brackets refer to the BNRM manuscript. 77. I have standardized the spelling of words such as this, which are written without a hamza in the original. 78.  I have emended (عبــد) from )عبيــد( in BNRM and T on the basis of the spelling of Ibn Barṭāl’s name in the other two fatwās attributed to him in this section. This word is illegible in Ḥ. 79. Abū al-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Aghsāwī, known as Ibn Barṭāl (d. ca. 901/1495), a Mālikī jurist active in Fez. I have not found any bibliographical notices dedicated to Ibn Barṭāl, but the notices for other jurists list him as a contemporary of al-Waryāglī (d. 894/1488–89; see below) and of Mūsā b. al-ʿUqda al-Aghsāwī (d. 911/1506); the latter is further said to have studied with al-ʿAbdūsī (d. 849/1446) and al-Māwāsī (d. 896/1491). On the basis of these details, I place Ibn Barṭāl in Fez and estimate his death date as falling between those of his two known contemporaries. See the entry for Mūsā b. al-ʿUqda al-Aghsāwī in Muḥammad Ibn ʿAskar (d. 986/1578), Dawḥat al-nāshir li-maḥāsin man kāna bi-l-Maghrib min mashāyikh al-qarn al-ʿāshir, ed. Muḥammad Ḥajjī, 3rd ed. (Casablanca: Manshūrāt Markaz al-Tūrāth al-Thaqāfī al-Maghribī, 2003), 37; Muḥammad b. Jaʿfar al-Kattānī, Salwat al-anfās wa-muḥādathat al-akyās bi-man uqbira min al-ʿulamāʾ wa-l-ṣulaḥāʾ bi-Fās, ed. ʿAbd Allāh al-Kāmil al-Kattānī et al. (Casablanca: Dār al-Thaqāfa, 2004), 3:109. Al-Wazzānī mistakenly has “al-Anṣārī” in place of “al-Aghsāwī” (al-Wazzānī, al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā, 1:419). Al-Yūbī repeats this mistake and also writes “Ibn Qarṭāl” instead of “Ibn Barṭāl” (al-Yūbī, al-Fatāwā al-fiqhiyya, 212). 156 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) فأجــاب: القــوم الذيــن عقــدوا الصلــح مــع النصــارى ]2:41[ – دّمرهــم هللا تعــاىل – علــى أن يغرمــوا هلــم قــوم فّســاق عصــاة هلل تعــاىل وخمالفــون لســّنة رســوله. فأّمــا مــن التــزم داره فلــم يــرّدد80 عليهــم للتجــارة81 واًل لغريهــا، إاًلّ أنـّـه يغــرم هلــم، فهــو عــاٍص هلل بغرامتــه وقعــوده حتــت الذلّــة. فــال جتــوز شــهادته واًل تصــّح إمامتــه، غــري أّن حالتــه أخــّف مــن حــال مــن هــو أييت إليهــم ويســتعمل نفســه يف مصاحلهم. وحكم هذا القسم أنّه اًل حيّل ماله ألحد واًل يباح دمه. وأّما الذين يتجّسسون على املسلمن فاملشهور أّن دم اجلاسوس مبــاح وأنـّـه يقتــل ويكــون قاتلــه مأجــورًا. وأّمــا مــن اشــرى الســالح مــع النصــارى وأييت يف عســكرهم، فهــذا القســم قــد مــرق82 مــن الديــن فحكمــه حكــم النصــارى يف دمــه ومالــه. وأّمــا مــن صــار يتســّوق عندهــم، فهــو فاســق وهــو يف اإلمث أقــوى ممـّـن ألــزم نفســه داره. وأّمــا الطلبــة واملؤّذنــون الذيــن رضــوا اًبلقعــود حتــت ذّمــة النصــارى – دّمرهــم هللا – فهــم طلبــة ســوء ومؤّذنــو ســوء، اًل تقبــل شــهادهتم واًل جتــوز إمامتهــم، وهــم أعظــم وزرًا مــن غريهــم ألهّّنــم يقتــدى هبــم، فتجــب عليهــم التوبــة بعــد رحيلهــم مــن تلــك البــالد الــي غلــب عليهــا الكفــرة. واًبهلل التوفيق )اهـ من بعض التقاييد(.83 2. Fatwā of al-Waryāglī84 وســئل الفقيــه أبــو حمّمــد عبــد هللا الورايجلــي،85 وأظنّــه مــن فقهــاء طنجــة – رمحــه هللا – مــا تقــول أئّمــة اهلــدى يف إخواننــا املســلمن املســتوطنن ببالدهــم، حيــث تناهلــم أحــكام أهــل الكفــر، يف بــّر مّتصــل أبهــل اإلســالم، ومل ينتقلــوا مــن بالدهــم إىل غريهــا من بالد اإلســالم، حيث اًل جتري عليهم من الكّفار عوائد واًل أحكام؟ فهل حيّل للمســلمن – أعزّكم هللا – ســفك دمائهم وســي نسائهم وأخذ86 أمواهلم؟ وهل تصّح منهم إقامة الصالة وإيتاء الزكاة وصوم رمضان أم اًل؟ فأجــاب: مــا ذكرمتــوه مــن هــذه الطائفــة الرديئــة اخلسيســة، الّــي طمــس هللا بصائرهــا بعــد اإلبصــار، وأضّلهــا بســراين الكفــر إىل قلوهبــا بعــد ااًلســتبصار، ورضــوا اًباًلســتيطان حتــت الكّفــار األجنــاس الذيــن يكفــرون اًبلرمحــن، ويســّبون نبّينــا ومــواًلان حمّمــد – عليــه أفضــل الصــالة وأزكــى الســالم – ولعمــري، فمثــل هــذا اًل يصــدر إاًّل مــن ضعيــف اإلميــان، ومــن ســبق لــه مــن هللا الغوايــة واحلرمــان. هــذا مــع تعظيمهــم للكّفــار وتعريضهــم »اًل إلــه إاًّل هللا« اًلزدراء عبّــاد األصنــام وكّل هــذا اًبختيارهــم مــن غــري إكــراه. فاملختــار يف حــّق هــؤاًلء اًلئّمتنــا، والفتــاوى الصــادرة فيهــم87 عــن شــيوخنا انـّـه جيــب قتلهــم وأخــذ ماهلــم علــى حكــم الفــيء ألّن الــدار دار الكفــر، وماهلــم 80.  In all three manuscripts: )يقوم). I have emended this word on the basis of the text in the other fatwās. 81.  In all three manuscripts: (لتجارة). I have emended this word for grammatical consistency. 82.  In all three manuscripts: )فرق(. I have emended this word on the basis of the context. 83.  I have preserved the abbreviation )اهـ( for )أنتهى) as it appears in the text, indicating the end of a quotation or paraphrase from another text. 84. BNRM, 2:41; Ḥ, 247–48; T, 262–63. 85. Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Wāhid al-Waryāglī (d. 894/1488–89), a Mālikī jurist active in Fez. See Ibn ʿAskar, Dawḥat al-nāshir, 34–37 (but note the incorrect death date); Aḥmad Ibn al-Qāḍī al-Miknāsī, Jadhwat al-iqtibās fī dhikr man ḥalla min al-aʿlām madīnat Fās (Rabat: Dār al-Manṣūr li-l-Ṭibāʿ wa-l-Wirāqa, 1973–74), 2:439–40; idem, Durrat al-ḥijāl fī ghurrat asmāʾ al-rijāl, ed. Muṣṭafā ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭāʾ (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 2007), 317; al-Kattānī, Salwat al-anfās, 3:386–87; Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr, 1:384; Aḥmad Bābā al-Tinbuktī, Nayl al-ibtihāj bi-taṭrīz al-Dībāj, ed. ʿAlī ʿUmar (Cairo: Maktabat al-Thaqāfa al-Dīniyya, 2004), 1:251–52; Badr al-Dīn al-Qarāfī, Tawshīḥ al-Dībāj wa-ḥilyat al-Ibtihāj, ed. Aḥmad al-Shatīwī (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1983), 111 (spelled al-Wazyāḥī). 86.  In all three manuscripts: )أخذ(. I have emended this word on the basis of the context. 87.  In BNRM and Ḥ: )فيه(. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 157 إمّّنا هو حتت أيدي الكّفار، اًل حتت أيديهم، ألهّّنم ينتزعونه منهم مىت88 أحّبوا، والدار دارهم واإلايلة هلم عليه. وكذالــك تســى نســاءهم وتنــزع مــن أيديهــم حــىّت يصلــوا إىل بــالد املســلمن فيحكــم بطالقهــم، وحيــال بينهــم وبــن أزواجهــم، ويزّوجون، واًل جيوز إبقاء نسائهم معهم.89 وقــد أخطــأت أيّهــا الســائل خطًــا عظيًمــا يف تســميتك هلــم إبخواننــا املســلمن. بــل، هــم أعــداؤان وأعــداء الديــن – خيّــب هللا ســعيهم وحبــس90 ســعدهم. بــل هــم إخــوان91 وأنصــار للكافريــن – أعــّز هللا املســلمن عنهــم ومّكــن ســيوفهم مــن رقاهبــم ورقــاب الكافرين – الذين احنازوا إىل فئتهم ورجعوا إىل جهتهم. والسالم عليك أيّها السائل، واًل92 عليهم. واًل بــّد لنــا مــن جــواب فتيــا معضــودًا93 بنصــوص املتقّدمــن، وفتــاوى األئّمــة املتأّخريــن بعــد هــذا اجلــواب، إن شــاء هللا. وفيه94 يكون الشرح واإليعاب. خّلصنا هللا وإايكم من الزيغ والضالل، وأماتنا على حمّبة دين النّي الصادق يف املقال. اهـ من التقييد املذكور. 3. Fatwā of al-Māwāsī95 وســئل الشــيخ الفقيــه أبــو مهــدي عيســى املاواســى96 – رمحــه هللا – عــن أانس ســكنوا أبوطاهّنــم [2:42] علــى ذّمــة العــدّو الكافــر – دّمــره هللا وبــّدد مشلــه – مــع أهّّنــم يتأتَّــى هلــم ااًلنتقــال مــن تلــك األوطــان وجيــدون للرحيــل منهــا ســبياًل. هــل جتــوز إقامتهــم حتــت ذّمــة العــدّو الكافــر أم اًل؟ وحاهلــم معهــم علــى أقســام: قســم يغــرم هلــم واًل يــرّدد إليهــم، وقســم يــرّدد إليهــم للتجــارة اًل لغريهــا، وقســم يرّدد إليهــم ويعلمهــم أبخبــار املســلمن،97 وقســم يركــب معهــم لالصطيــاد ويقــول هلــم »أطــال هللا هــذه املــّدة وهــذه 88.  In T: )مىت ما(; in Ḥ: )حىت ما(. 89.  All three manuscripts of Selected Jewels omit )جيــوز but this phrase appears in both manuscripts of ,(اًل al-Tasūlī’s Precious Jewels. I have emended al-Zayyātī’s text accordingly, for consistency of meaning. See al-Tasūlī, al-Jawāhir al-nafīsa, Ḥasaniyya Library, MS 12574, 2:233 (numbered by pages); Tunisian National Library, MS 5354, fol. 240b. 90.  All three manuscripts of al-Zayyātī read )حبــش(. I have emended the text for meaning on the basis of al-Tasūlī’s Precious Jewels. See Ḥasaniyya MS 12575, 2:233; Tunisian National Library MS 5354, fol. 240b. 91.  In Ḥ: )أعوان(; unclear in T. 92.  In Ḥ: )بل اًل(; in BNRM: )اًل(. 93.  In BNRM: )واًل بــد لنــا مــن جــواب مــن جــواب معضــود(. In T and Ḥ: )واًل بــد لنــا مــن جــواب الفتيــا معضــود(, with a blank space between .I have emended the latter version by removing the definite article from futyā .)الفتيــا( and )من جــواب( 94.  In Ḥ: )وفيه كفاية يكون(. 95. BNRM, 2:41–42; Ḥ, 248; T, 263. Al-Wazzānī records a version of this fatwā in his al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā, 1:418. 96.  In Ḥ: )املاســوي(. BNRM, T, and both manuscript copies of Precious Jewels read )املاوســي(. I have emended the text to match the spelling of this jurist’s name as it appears in all seven biographical sources I consulted. His full name is Abū Mahdī ʿĪsā b. Aḥmad al-Māwāsī al-Baṭṭūʾī (d. 896/1491); he was a Mālikī jurist who at one time served as chief muftī of Fez. See Kaḥḥāla, Muʿjam al-muʾallifīn, 2:796; al-Qarāfī, Tawshīḥ al-Dībāj, 270; Ibn al-Qāḍī al-Miknāsī, Jadhwat al-iqtibās, 2:502–3; idem., Durrat al-ḥijāl, 378; al-Tinbuktī, Nayl al-ibtihāj, 1:335; idem, Kifāyat al-muḥtāj li-maʿrifat man laysa fī al-Dībāj, ed. Muḥammad Muṭīʿ (Rabat: Wizārat al-Awqāf wa-l- Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyya, 2000), 1:320–21; Muḥammad Ḥajjī, Alf sana min al-wafayāt (Rabat: Maṭbūʿāt Dār al-Maghrib li-l-Taʾlīf wa-l-Tarjama wa-l-Nashr, 1976), 152 and 272. 97. In Ḥ, this portion reads .)قسم يغرم هلم واًل يردد إليهم، وقسم اًل يردد إليهم للتجارة اًل لغريها، وقسم يردد إليهم ويعلمهم أبخبار املسلمن( In T, the same portion reads )قسم يغرم هلم واًل يردد إليهم للتجارة اًل لغريها، وقسم يردد إليهم ويعلمهم أبخبار املسلمن(. BNRM and Ḥ each list four categories, which are fairly (but not entirely) consistent across the two copies, whereas T lists only three categories. Although none of these three versions of the question corresponds 158 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) الساعة«98– اًل قبل هللا دعاءهم. فبّينوا99 لنا حكم هذه األقسام بيااًن شافًيا. فأجاب: أّما مقام املسلمن اختياراً حتت إايلة الكّفار فحرام.100 وإن من ترّدد إىل منازهلم خسر101 دينه ودنياه وخالف مــا أمــره مــواًله، إذ اًل حيــّل للمســلم أن يعقــد الصلــح مــع الكافــر علــى أن يغــرم لــه، اًبتّفــاق يف مذهــب مالــك. فمــن يفعــل ذلــك اًل جتوز شهادته واًل إمامته. هذا حكم القسم األّول، واإلسالم يعلو واًل يعلى عليه. وأّما102 حكم القسم الثاين، وهو من103 يرّدد إىل منازهلم للتجر، ]فهو أسوأ حااًًل من القسم األّول وأقبح منزاًًل. وأّمــا حكــم القســم الثالــث، وهــو الــذي يرّدد إىل منازهلــم للتجــر[104 ويعّرفهــم أبخبــار املســلمن، فهــذا أقبــح الفــرق الثالثــة وأشــبه حــااًًل اًبجلاســوس الــداّل علــى عــورات املســلمن. وهــل105 يكــون خربه106 علــى مضــرّة107 املســلمن كاحلرابــة الي توجــب ملــن قامــت بــه القتــل، درًءا ملضرّتــه ومفســدته؟108 وهــو نظــر مــن قــال بقتــل اجلاســوس. أم109 اًل يقتــل وجيتهــد اإلمــام يف عقوبتــه وزجــره. أو يفــّرق بن مــن اخّّتــذ ذلــك فلتــة واحــدة، خالف معــروف. وهــل تقبــل توبتــه أم اًل؟ يشــابه إىل ديــن110 الزنديــق يف كتمــان فعلــه. وهــو املرّدد هلــم األّود إليهــم ويعّرفهــم اًبلطــرق املوّصلــة إىل أوطــان111 املســلمن، فهــو112 أخبــث113 الفــرق114 وأقبــح، وهــو أقــرب للكافريــن مــن املؤمــنن،115 اًلن احلــّب للكافــر والداعــي اًبلعــزّة لــه وااًلســتطالة116 علــى املســلمن مــن عالمــات117 الكفــر. ونعــوذ اًبهلل مــن ااًلرتــداد وتبّدل ااًلعتقاد.118 اهـ من التقييد املذكور أيضاً. perfectly with the text of the answer, the BNRM version offered above makes the most sense. 98.  In Ḥ and T: )هذه املدة وهذه يف الدنيا(. In BNRM, a mark above )الساعة( may indicate a mistake, but there is similarly a mark under )الدنيا( in Ḥ. 99.  In Ḥ and T: )بينوا(. 100.  In Ḥ and T: )فحرام حمرم(. 101.  Emended; all three manuscripts read )خسري(. 102.  In Ḥ: )وما(. 103.  Ḥ and T omit )من(. 104. The portion in brackets appears only in al-Tasūlī’s Precious Jewels (Ḥasaniyya MS 12574, 2:234; Tunisian National Library MS 5354, fol. 240b). 105.  All three manuscripts read )هل(. 106.  In BNRM: )وهل يكون به). In T, the end of )خربته( appears crossed out, such that it may read )خرب( or )خربه(. In Ḥ: )خربته(. 107.  In all three manuscripts: )نصرانية(. Emended based on al-Tasūlī’s text, but see next note. 108. This sentence contains a number of grammatical inconsistencies and unclear phrases. I suggest reading the passage roughly as follows: .)وهل يكون إخباره النصارى مبضرات املسلمن كاحلرابة، الي توجب ملن قام هبا القتل؟( 109.  In BNRM: )أو(. 110.  In BNRM: )فشابه دين(. 111.  I have emended this word to fit the context. In Ḥ, the word is )إيعــاد(. In BNRM and T: )إجبــار(. In both manuscripts of Precious Jewels: )إســتتار(. In al-Wazzānī: )إســتيالء(. 112.  In BNRM and Ḥ: )فهي(. 113.  In Ḥ: )أبيس(, meaning (أأبس). Illegible in T. 114.  In Ḥ and T: )الفريق(. 115.  In Ḥ and T: )من ااًلميان(. 116.  In T: )ااًلستيطالة(. 117.  In all three manuscripts: )عالمة(. I have emended this word on the basis of the context. 118.  In Ḥ and T: )ااًلشفاء(. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 159 4. Second Fatwā of Ibn Barṭāl119 وســئل الفقيــه أبــو احلســن علــي بــن عبــد هللا بــن برطــال – رمحــه هللا – عــن حكــم أانس ســكنوا أبوطاهّنــم والنصــارى جياوروهّنم، وهم على ثالثة أقســام: قســم أهل فتنة وحرب مع الكّفار كأهل جبل حبيب،120 وقســم، ملا انعقد الصلح مع النصارى، ضربــوا هلــم أجــاًل، ونّيتهــم أهّّنــم اًل يغرمــون121 هلــم مــااًًل، فــإن هــم طولبــوا بــه، فــّروا إىل بــالد اإلســالم. مــا حكــم ســكناهم يف بالدهــم مع هذه النّية؟ وقسم نّيتهم أن يسكنوا بالدهم ويغرموا للنصارى ما بقيت الدنيا. فبّينوا122 لنا حكم هذه األقسام. فأجــاب: اجلــواب عــن املســألة األوىل اهلائلــة، الــي هــّول هبــا أركان123 اإلســالم وطمســت هبــا عيــون الليــايل واألايّم، أّن الثلــث األول هــم املســلمون املشــّفعون إبســالمهم الذيــن جيــب علينــا التــربّك بغبــار أقدامهــم، فإهّّنــم يف عبــادة عظيمــة. فيــا ليتــي كنــت معهم فأفوز فوزاً عظيًما. وأّما الثلث الثاين: الذي عقد بينهم أهّّنم، إن اضطّروا على الغرامة، يفّر بنفسه،124 فقد فعل فعاًل مكروًها125 يف استيطانه ببلــد ميكــن الكافــر فيــه قهــره وغلبتــه، غــري أّن هــذا الثلــث، إن وىََف مــا عاهــدت126 عليــه نّيتــه،127 فإنـّـه مــن الناجــن إن شــاء هللا أنـّـه128 غّر وسلم. وأّمــا الثلــث الثالــث، فإنـّـه خســر129 دينــه ودنيــاه، وخالــف مــا أمــر بــه مــواًله، فهــؤاًلء يســتحّقون العقوبــة العظيمــة. واختلــف يف عقوبتهــم علــى مخســة أقــوال: املشــهور منهــا مــا ذهــب إليــه ابــن القاســم وســحنون، أنــه يقتــل مــن غــري اســتتابة – عافــاان هللا مــن هذه املصيبة. فبينما130 املسلم حرام الدم وإذا به131 يصرّي نفسه حالل الدم. وكذلــك اًل حيــّل ملســلم أن يبيــع ويشــري مــن النصــارى فيتقــّوون بذلــك علــى املســلمن. وكان جيــب علــى أهــل األوطــان الصرب على ما أصاهبم حىّت يقضى هللا أمرًا كان مفعواًًل. اهـ من التقييد املذكور أيًضا. 119. BNRM, 2:42; Ḥ 248; T, 263. Al-Wazzānī combines Ibn Barṭāl’s three fatwās into one composite opinion in al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā, 1:419. 120. Although all three manuscripts read Ḥabīb, this may be an error for Mount Zabīb in the Ghūmara mountain range. 121.  In T: )اًل يركون يغرمون(. 122.  In Ḥ and T: )بينوا(. 123.  In Ḥ and T: )الي هو هبا أو كانت(; in T there appears to be an attempt to correct )أو كانت( to )أركان(. 124.  In Ḥ and T: )ملا عقد بنية أهّنم، إن اضطر على الغرامة، يفر بنفسه(. 125.  In BNRM: )ًفقد فعل مكروها(. 126.  Emended from )عاهد(. 127.  In BNRM: )نيتهم(. 128.  In BNRM: )ألنه(. 129.  In Ḥ and T: )وأما الثلث الثالث فبأس الثلث ألنه خسر(. 130.  In Ḥ and T, this word may be )مبنيهــا( or )بينهــا(, but it is difficult to read; it is more clearly )فبينمــا( where the passage recurs below. 131. Something is missing from the text here. The meaning should be that although a Muslim’s life is normally inviolable, the Muslims in this third group have rendered their lives violable through their intention to remain where they are and to pay the tribute demanded of them. 160 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) 5. Excerpts from the fatwā collection of Abū al-Qāsim al-Burzulī and from a fatwā by Ibn Rabīʿ132 وجدت يف التقييد املذكور أيًضا ما نّصه: وقع يف كتاب اجلهاد من أتليف الشيخ األمام أيب القاسم – رمحه هللا – ما نّصه: وفيــه مــا أصابــه [2:43] املســلمون مــن غاشــية املســلمن الســاكنن حتــت أحــكام املشــركن وبن أظهرهــم، وحكــم أمواهلــم، فأجروهــا علــى مســألة احلــريب الــذي يســلم ومل يهاجــر، وهــو ببلــد احلــرب أبهلــه ومالــه وولــده. ويف كتــاب اجلهــاد مــن املدّونــة،133 يف احلــريب134 الــذي يســلم ومل يهاجــر، أّن مالــه وولــده يفء للمســلمن. فغلــب ابــن القاســم135 عليــه حكــم الــدار، وكان أصبــغ،136 مــن أصحــاب مالــك، يفــي حبّليــة مالــه، وأنّــه اًل يــد لصاحبــه عليــه، وإمّّنــا اليــد للكّفــار. ومبثلــه قــال ابــن رشــد137 لكونــه رضــي اًبإلقامــة بــن املشــركن وضــرب اجلزيــة عليــه، فهــو ومالــه حتــت إايلتهــم، مــع اإلمجــاع علــى وجــوب اهلجــرة عليــه إن وجــد ســبياًل إىل ذلــك. قــال ابــن عرفــة:138 »قلــت: واملشــهور أّن مال احلريب للمسلمن يفء إذا مل خيرج.« قــال الفقيــه أبــو احلســن حمّمــد بــن حيــى بــن ربيعــة139 – رمحــه هللا – وقــد ُســئل عــن اإلقامــة مــع الــروم يف البلــد140 الــذي تعلــوا عليــه أحكامهــم وبقــى املســلمون معهــم حتــت الذمــة واإلذاًلل بســبب أمواهلــم واختيارهــم،141 يعطــون اجلزيــة عليهــا، وهــم صاغــرون ويــؤّدون الزكاة منها للمشركن. فأجــاب – رضــي هللا عنــه: أّن فقهــاء األمصــار ]قالــوا[ إنـّـه لّمــا كانــت هــذه املــوااًلة الشــركية142 مفقــودة يف دار اإلسالم، ومل حتدث إاًّل بعد مضى مئن من السنن، وبعد انقراض أئّمة األمصار اجملتهدين، مل يتعّرض أحد منهم ألحكامها الفقهية، وإمّّنا تفقهوا143 132. BNRM, 2:42–43; Ḥ, 248–49; T, 263–64. The Arabic text of the initial portion of this section may be found in al-Burzulī, Fatāwā al-Burzulī, 2:22–23. On Abū al-Qāsim al-Burzulī (d. 841/1438), a Mālikī jurist active in what is now Tunisia, see al-Burzulī, Fatāwā al-Burzulī, 1:5–46. On Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Ibn Rabīʿ (d. 719/1319) and his fatwā, see P. S. van Koningsveld and Gerard Wiegers, “The Islamic Statute of the Mudejars in the Light of a New Source,” Al-Qanṭara 17, no. 1 (1996): 19–58; Hendrickson, Leaving Iberia, 115–16. 133. The Mudawwana was composed by ʿ Abd al-Salām Saḥnūn b. Saʿīd (d. 240/854), known as Saḥnūn. In this foundational Mālikī text, Saḥnūn records the answers given to him by ʿ Abd al-Raḥmān Ibn al-Qāsim (d. 191/806). Ibn al-Qāsim is said to have spent twenty years in Medina with the Mālikī school’s eponymous founder, Mālik b. Anas (d. 179/795). See M. Talbi, “Saḥnūn,” in EI3; Jonathan Brockopp, “Ibn al-Qāsim,” in EI3. 134.  In Ḥ: )احلرب(. 135. On Ibn al-Qāsim (d. 191/806), see above. 136. Aṣbagh b. al-Faraj b. al-Saʿīd al-Nāfiʿ (d. 225/839) was a prominent Egyptian Mālikī student of Ibn al-Qāsim and other early Mālikī scholars. See Jonathan Brockopp, “Aṣbagh b. al-Faraj,” in EI3. 137. Abū al-Walīd Muḥammad b. Aḥmad Ibn Rushd (d. 520/1126) was a prominent Māliki jurist from Córdoba. He is referred to as Ibn Rushd “al-Jadd” (“the grandfather”) to distinguish him from his grandson of the same name, who was the famous philosopher and jurist known in the west as Averroes. See Delfina Serrano Ruano, “Ibn Rushd al-Jadd (d. 520/1126),” in Islamic Legal Thought: A Compendium of Muslim Jurists, ed. Oussama Arabi, David S. Powers, and Susan A. Spectorsky, 295–322 (Leiden: Brill, 2013). 138. Abū ʿ Abd Allāh Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Ibn ʿ Arafa al-Warghammī (d. 803/1401), known as Ibn ʿ Arafa, was an important Mālikī scholar and muftī of the Great Mosque of Tunis. On him, see Mohammad Fadel, “Ibn ʿArafa al-Warghammī,” in EI3. 139. Although this name is spelled Ibn Rabīʿa in all three manuscript copies, van Koningsveld and Wiegers note that this is a misspelling of Ibn Rabīʿ. Van Koningsveld and Wiegers, “Islamic Statute,” 20. 140.  In Ḥ and T: )يف بلد(. 141.  BNRM omits )إختيارهم(. 142.  In T: )املشركية(. 143.  In Ḥ: )ومل يتفقوا(. In BNRM: )وإمّنا يتفقوا(. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 161 يف أحكام نقيضها، وهو من وااًلان144 منهم أو من دخل ذلياًل صاغرًا يف ذّمتنا وعهدان معّظًما لديننا وغري متعّرض.145 مث لّمــا نبغــت هــذه املــوااًلة النصرانيــة يف املائــة اخلامســة مــن اتريــخ اهلجــرة، وقــت اســتيالء الــروم علــى جزيــرة صقّليــة وبعــض كــور األندلــس، ُســئل عنهــا فقهــاء املغــرب واســتفتوا146 اًبألحــكام الفقهيــة املتعّلقــة مبرتكبهــا،147 فأجابــوا أبّن أحكامهــم148 جاريــة علــى أحــكام مــن أســلم مــن احلربيــن ومل يهاجــر، فأحلقــوا149 هــؤاًلء، أبســوأ الطائفتــن،150 يف األحــكام الفقهيــة املتعّلقــة أبمواهلــم وأواًلدهــم، ومل يــروا فيهــا فرقًــا بــن الفريقــن، وذلــك ألهّّنمــا151 يف مــوااًلة األعــداء ومســاكنتهم ومداخلتهــم وتــرك اهلجــرة والفــرار الواجــب مــن بالدهم152 وسائر األسباب املوجبة هلذه األحكام مبثابة واحدة. واعلم أّن العاصم لدم املسلم وماله وولده هو اإلسالم والدار يف أحد قويل مالك. وذهب الشافعي153 إىل أّن العاصم154 لدمــه ومالــه مجيًعــا اإلســالم،155 واتّفــق أبــو حنيفــة156 أّن العاصــم لدمــه وولــده الــدار واإلســالم، لقولــه تعــاىل: }والذيــن آمنــوا ومل يهاجــروا مــا لكــم مــن واًليتهــم مــن شــيء حــىت يهاجــروا{157 ولقولــه تعــاىل: }فــإن كان مــن قــوم عــدو لكــم وهــو مؤمــن فتحريــر رقبــة مؤمنــة{158 ومل يذكــر ديتــه. فاملــراد هبــذا املؤمــن الــذي مل يهاجــر، ألنـّـه مؤمــن يف قــوم أعــداء، فهــو منهــم، لقولــه تعــاىل: }و مــن يتوهلــم منكــم فإنــه منهم{،159 فإنّه مؤمن من قوم عدّو. وأّما ماله وولده الصغار فذهب مالك، يف رواية ابن القاسم عنه يف املدّونة إىل أّن ماله وولده يفء. وبه قال أبو حنيفة. وســبب هــذا اخلــالف مــا مل حياربــوا، فــإن حاربــوا مــع أوليائهــم، فليــس إاًّل اســتباحة دمهــم. وإن أعانوهــم اًبملــال علــى قتالنــا فليــس إاًّل اســتباحة أمواهلــم وســي ذراريهــم لالســتخالص مــن يــد الكّفــار وإنشــاءهم160 بــن أظهــر املســلمن، آمنــن مــن الفتنــة. وكذلــك نســاؤهم 144.  In Ḥ: )واًلان(. 145. In van Koningsveld, Wiegers, and Ryad’s edition, this sentence continues, ending as follows: .)… وغري متعرض لكلمتنا وصالتنا( 146.  Emended. In all three manuscripts: )استفتوها(. 147.  All three manuscripts read )اًبرتكاهبا(. Emended on the basis of the text in Ibn Rabīʿ, which reads .)واستفهموا عن األحكام الفقهية املتعلقة مبرتكبها( 148.  All three manuscripts of al-Zayyātī's text read )فأجابــوا أبن قالــوا أحكامهــم(; I have emended this sentence on the basis of Ibn Rabīʿ’s text, which omits )قالــوا(. 149.  In T: )فأحلقوها(. 150.  All three manuscripts read )أسوا(. In Ibn Rabīʿ: )مل يهاجروا، فأحلقوا هؤاًلء هبم، وسووا الطائفتن(. 151.  All three manuscripts of al-Zayyātī's text read )وذلــك ألهّنمــا مبســاواهتما(; I have emended this sentence on the basis of Ibn Rabīʿ’s text, which omits )مبســاواهتما(. 152.  All three manuscripts of al-Zayyātī's text read )منهــم بالدهــم مــن الواجــب والفــرار اهلجــرة I have emended this ;)وتــرك sentence on the basis of Ibn Rabīʿ’s text, which omits )وتــرك اهلجــرة والفــرار الواجــب مــن بالدهــم(. This longer phrase makes )منهــم( redundant. 153. Muḥammad b. Idrīs al-Shāfiʿī (d. 204/820), eponymous founder of the Shāfiʿī school of law. 154.  In Ḥ: )إىل العاصم(. 155. This sentence regarding al-Shāfiʿī’s opinion is the only part of these last two paragraphs that matches Ibn Rabīʿ’s text. 156. Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān b. Thābit al-Fārisī (d. 150/767), eponymous founder of the Ḥanafī school of law. 157. Qurʾān 8:72. 158. Qurʾān 4:92. 159. Qurʾān 5:51. 160.  I have emended this sentence on the basis of Ibn Rabīʿ’s text. All three manuscripts read .)اًباًلستخالص من يد الكفار، وأن نساءهم( 162 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) لالسرقاق.161 اهـ صّحح.162 اهـ ما وجدته يف التقييد املذكور بلفظه. 6. Third Fatwā of Ibn Barṭāl163 وســئل الفقيــه أبــو احلســن علــي بــن عبــد هللا بــن علــي األغصــاوي، وأظنّــه املعــروف اببــن برطــال – رمحــه هللا – عــن أانس بالدهــم قريبــة مــن النصــارى وحاهلــم يف الســكىن فيهــا علــى أقســام: قســم ســكنوا علــى الفتنــة مــع النصــارى وحيرثــون يف أطــراف بالد الصلح على وجه السرقة، إذ العدّو اًل يعرف حدود البالد واًل أين حرثهم. وقســم صاحلــوا ولكــن نّيتهــم أهّّنــم اًل يــؤّدون مغرًمــا ألّن النصــارى كانــوا أخّروهــم اًبلغــرم إىل شــهر أكتوبــر وحينئــذ يؤّدونــه [2:44] هلــم فأضمــروا164 يف أنفســهم أهّّنــم يســكنون يف بالدهــم إىل ذلــك األجــل، فإّمــا أن يغيثهــم املســلمون، فيكونــون هــم األّولــون يف اجلهاد، وإّما أن اًل يغيثوهم،165 فريحلون إليهم. فما حكم هللا يف أصحاب هذا القسم؟ وقسم صاحلوا ونّيتهم السكىن على وجه التأبيد وأتدية املغرم كذلك. فما حكم هللا على هذا الوجه املذكور؟ ومســألة أخــرى: رجــل مــن أهــل أصيــال – أعادهــا هللا تعــاىل لإلســالم – ترّتــب عليــه ديــن لرجــل، مث أســره العــدّو ولــه هنــا مال فهل يقتضي رّب الدين من هذا املال دينه أم يفدي األسري أّواًًل؟ بّينوا لنا ذلك. فأجــاب: اجلــواب عــن املســألة اهلائلــة الــي هــّول166 هبــا أركان اإلســالم وطمســت هبــا أعــن167 الليــايل واألاّيم، أّن الثلــث الســاكن علــى جماهــدة العــدّو والتأّهــب جلهادهــم وانتظــار غاراهتــم هــم املســلمون املشــّفعون إبســالمهم الذيــن جيــب علينــا التــربّك بغبــار أقدامهم فإهّّنم يف عبادة ما أعظمها عبادًة. فيا ليتي كنت معهم فأفوز فوزًا عظيًما. وأّما الثلث الثاين الســاكن بنّية أنّه إن أضغطه العدّو168 على الغرامة يفّر، فقد فعل169 مكروهاً يف اســتيطانه ببلد ميّكن170 العــدّو فيهــا قهــره وغلبتــه واســتيطال األهــل واألمــوال. غــري أّن هــذا الثلــث إن وىَف مبــا عقــد عليــه بنّيتــه، فإنـّـه مــن الناجــن إن شــاء هللا تعاىل، إذا قطع الغروم عليهم رأّسا، ألنّه غّر وسلم. وأّمــا الثلــث الثالــث، فبئــس الثلــث ألنـّـه خســر دينــه ودنيــاه، وخالــف مــا أمــر بــه مــواًله، أنـّـه اًل حيــّل ملســلم أن يعقــد الصلــح مــع الكّفــار علــى أن يغــرم هلــم، اًبتّفــاق يف مذهــب مالــك. فمــن فعــل ذلــك كان عاصًيــا هلل تعــاىل وخمالًفــا لرســوله – صلّــى هللا عليــه وســّلم. والواجــب عليكــم وعلــى ســاداتنا املســتوطنن هنالكــم أن يعّرفــوا هــذا الثلــث خبطئــه، وأن يزجــروا أهــل احلــّل والعقــد مــن ذلــك 161.  In BNRM: )نساءهم اًل يسرقون(, but a mark above this word appears to indicate a mistake of some kind. 162.  BNRM omits )اهـ صحح(. 163. BNRM, 2:43–45(a); Ḥ, 249; T, 264. The second BNRM volume repeats page numbers 45 and 46; this fatwā ends on the first instance of page 45, which I refer to as 45(a). Al-Wazzānī combines Ibn Barṭāl’s three fatwās into one composite opinion in al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā, 1:419. The full page range for this fatwā in al-Tasūlī’s Precious Jewels is Ḥasaniyya Library MS 12574, 2:236–38 and Tunisian National Library MS 5354, fols. 241b–242a. 164.  In Ḥ: (فأظهروا). 165.  In Ḥ: )اًل يغيثهم(. 166.  This word has been emended on the basis of Ibn Barṭāl’s second fatwā. Here, all three manuscripts read .)ثلث( 167.  In Ḥ and T: )عن(. 168.  T and Ḥ omit )العدو(. 169.  In Ḥ: )فعلى(. 170. Illegible in Ḥ. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 163 الثلــث171 جهدهــم. فــان خالفــوا، فاهجروهــم، واًل حيــّل لكــم أن تولّــوا172 هبــم واًل أن تشــهدوا هلــم واًل تصلّــوا علــى جنائزهــم واًل تتعّرضــوا ملسائلهم إاًّل أن يرجعوا عن فعلهم املذموم وعن173 رذالتهم اخلسيسة. وكنتــم عّرفتمــوان يف ســؤالكم قبــل هــذا أّن القســم الثالــث منهــم أقــوام ينقلــون خــرب املســلمن للنصــارى وخيربوهّنــم بعوراهتــم174 ويســعون معهــم فيمــا يضــّر املســلمن فهــؤاًلء القــوم يســتحّقون العقوبــة العظيمــة. واختلــف يف عقوبتهــم علــى مخســة أقــوال. املشــهور منهــا مــا ذهــب إليــه ابــن القاســم وســحنون أّن عقوبــة مــن فعــل ذلــك القتــل مــن غــري اســتتابة – عفــاان هللا مــن هــذه املصيبــة العظيمــة. فبينما املسلم حرام الدم وإذا به175 يصري نفسه حالل الدم.176 وكذلــك كنتــم عّرفتمــوان أهّّنــم يغرمــون علــى النصــارى يتبايعــون معهــم وحيملــون هلــم مــا ينتفعــون بــه. وجاوبناكــم أنـّـه اًل حيــّل ملســلم أن حيمــل للنصــارى مــا يتقــّوون بــه علــى املســلمن، واًل يســوغ لــه177 أن يبيــع هلــم واًل أن يشــري منهــم مبوضــع تنالــه فيــه الذلّــة منهــم، كبالدكــم، ألّن اإلســالم يعلــوا واًل يعلــى عليــه. وكان مــن حــّق أهــل تلــك األوطــان الصــرب لدينهــم حــىّت يقــع اإلايس مــن نصــرة ترجــى ألّن بالد املســلمن مّتصلــة، اًل ســّيما وعثمــان178 املــريي قائــم الــعن مرجــّو ااًلنتصــار، شــديد احلــرص علــى اســتخالص بالده، مملــوء األحشــاء أســًفا، مضمــور القرحيــة ألًمــا.179 فــاهلل املســؤول أن يطلــق عقالــه وأن يزيــل واًبلــه وأن يصلــح أمــره وأن يســعد عصــره 171.  In BNRM: )عن ذلك(. 172.  Emended on the basis of al-Tasūlī’s text; all three manuscripts of Selected Jewels read )تركوا(. 173.  In Ḥ and T: )عن(. 174.  In T: )وخيربوهّنم عن عوراهتم(. In Ḥ: )وخيربوهّنم عوراهتم(. 175.  In BNRM: )ذا به(. 176.  T omits )الــدم(. As in Ibn Barṭāl’s second fatwā above, something appears to be missing from this sentence. The meaning is that although a Muslim’s life is normally inviolable, the Muslims in this group have rendered their lives violable through their actions. 177.  In Ḥ and T: )هلم(. 178.  This sentence, unique to Ibn Barṭāl’s third fatwā, appears to be corrupted. All three manuscripts of Selected Jewels (BNRM 2:44, Ḥ 249, and T 264) and the Ḥasaniyya Library manuscript of Precious Jewels (MS 12574, 2:238) read )عماد املريي( )ʿImād al-Marīnī), but no Marīnid ruler was known by that name and Ibn Barṭāl lived in the late fifteenth century, in the (post-Marīnid) Waṭṭāsid era. The mention of events upcoming in October and the reference to occupied Asilah reinforce the conclusion that the fatwā addresses Portuguese occupation in late fifteenth-century Morocco; Portugal captured Asilah in 1471. The Tunisian National Library manuscript of Precious Jewels (MS 5354, fol. 241b) records a blank space instead of ʿImād, indicating a particular problem with this name or word. A fourth manuscript copy of Selected Jewels, recently made available online through the digital manuscript library of the Fondation du Roi Abdul Aziz Al Saoud in Casablanca, also reads ʿImād al-Marīnī (MS 584, p. 47; full fatwā 46–47). I suggest emending the text to read )عثمــان املــريي( (ʿUthmān al-Marīnī). Although the reference to a Marīnid ruler remains anachronistic, the Marīnid sultan Abū Saʿīd ʿUthmān III (r. 1398–1420) was in power in 1415 when Portugal captured Ceuta. It may be that part of a legal response to that earlier conquest was inserted into this fatwā. On this point, see Hendrickson, Leaving Iberia, 275, n. 16. In their editions of this fatwā, ʿAtwī has ʿInān al-Marīnī (ʿAtwī, “al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra,” 132), al-Amīn has ʿImād al-Marīnī (“al-Jawāhir al-mukhtāra,” 1:172), and Cherif and al-Zāhirī have ʿUthmān al-Marīnī (Cherif and al-Zāhirī, “Fatāwā Ibn Barṭāl,” 70; Cherif, “Qaḍāyā ḥarija,” 66). None of these authors note variants or address the anachronism in the text. I have appended to this edition an example image from each manuscript; since readers may wish to see this passage, in particular, I have chosen the page containing this passage to serve as each manuscript’s sample image. 179.  In addition to the name discussed in the preceding note, I have made additional emendations to this passage on the basis of the text in Precious Jewels. For example, the three manuscripts of al-Zayyātī’s text re-emphasize the expectation that the region’s people await al-Marīnī (ااًلنتظــار but the Precious Jewels ,(مرجــوا version, which states that al-Marīnī’s victory is anticipated (مرجــو ااًلنتصــار), makes more sense (Ḥasaniyya Library MS 12574, 2:38). This passage appears as follows in BNRM: http://www.fondation.org.ma/web/affichage_numerics/2400/17 164 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) كما نسأله أن يوّفق بن عباده وأن يتدارك ما هوى180 من بالده. وقد جاوبناكم قبل هذا بفور بلوغ سؤالكم، وبعثناه لكم، فلم يقدر وصوله. واجلــواب عــن املســألة األخرية أّن رّب الديــن يثبــت دينــه عنــد القاضــي، فــإن عــدم القاضــي، فعنــد مجاعــة عــدول البلــد. فــإذا أثبتــه، يتخلّــص مــن دينــه، وقضــى لــه بــه مــن مــال األسري، ويتــوىّل ذلــك القاضــي أو مجاعــة عــدول عنــد عدمــه. واًل يؤّخــر [2:45] قضــاء الديــن اًلســتيفاء الفديــة. نعــم، إن كان األســري قــد قاطــع علــى نفســه مبــال حمــدود، فــاّن ذلــك املــال مــن ســائر ديونــه. إن محــل ماله اجلميع، قضى اجلميع. وإن مل حيمله،181 وقعت اخلاّصة على قدر الديون. اهـ من التقييد املذكور، قائاًل إنّه182 نقل من خّط من نقل من خطّه. 7. Fatwā of al-Wansharīsī (the “Berber Fatwā”)183 وســئل اإلمــام حافــظ زمانــه أبــو العبّــاس أمحــد بــن حيــى الونشريســي184 – رمحــه هللا ورضــي عنــه – عــن قــوم مــن الربابــر أقاموا أبوطاهّنم حتت طاعة العدّو الكافر، وهم جيدون سبياًل إىل اخلروج من تلك األوطان. هل جتوز إقامتهم هنالك أم اًل؟ وهــم مــع185 العــدّو علــى أقســام: منهــم مــن يقيــم بوطنــه واًل يذهــب إليهــم،اًل للتجــارة واًل لغريهــا. ومنهــم مــن يذهــب إليهــم لقصــد التجــارة اًل لغريهــا. ومنهــم مــن يذهــب إليهــم لقصــد التجــارة وتعريفهــم أبخبــار املســلمن. ومنهــم مــن يصطــاد186 معهــم ويبصرهــم أبوطان املسلمن، ويتحاكم إليهم ويقول هلم »هللا يطيل187 مدّتكم.« ومــا احلكــم ســّيدي فيمــا اســتوىل عليــه العــدّو الكافــر مــن أمــوال املســلمن؟ هــل جيــوز شــراءه منهــم أم اًل؟ فــاّن بعــض الطلبــة يذهب إليهم اًلستخالص الكتب من أيديهم اًبلشراء. بّينوا لنا ذلك، ولكم األجر، والسالم عليكم.188 فأجــاب: حاصــل الســؤال مبــا اشــتمل عليــه مــن األنــواع يرجــع إىل أســئلة: األّول املقــام أبرض احلــرب والدخــول حتــت إايلــة الكفــر. والثــاين الدخــول إليهــم للمتاجــرة واإلخبــار بعــورة املســلمن. والثالــث ااًلصطيــاد معهــم والتحاكــم إليهــم والدعــاء هلــم اًبلبقــاء. وهذان السؤااًلن كالنوعن حتت السؤال األّول، واألّول189 كاجلنس هلما. فالرابع يف حكم ما استخلص من أموال املسلمن. )وعماد املريي قائم العن، مرجوا ااًلنتظار، شديد احلرص على استخالص بالده، محلوا األحشاء أسًفا مضمورًا القرحية ألًما( Variant in Ḥ: )مرجوا اًلنتظاره(. Variant in T: )ااًلنتظــار(. This word is smudged, perhaps as a result of an attempt to correct it to )ااًلنتصــار(. As in BNRM, later in the sentence T seems to read )محلــوا األحشــاء(, but the ink here is heavy and may also reflect an attempt to correct the word to read )مملــوا(, corresponding to (مملــوء) in modern orthography. Variant in the Ḥasaniyya Library manuscript of al-Tasūlī's text: the passage ends with )القرحية(, omitting )ألًما(. 180.  In Ḥ: )هدى(. 181.  In Ḥ and T: )إن محل ماله اجلميع، وإن مل حيمله(. 182.  In Ḥ: )ألنه(. 183. BNRM, 2:45(a)–2:45(b); Ḥ, 249–51; T, 264–66. BNRM MS 1698 repeats page numbers 45 and 46. Al-Wansharīsī’s fatwā begins on the first instance of page 45, which I refer to as 45(a) here (2:45 in the Arabic text). The fatwā continues through the first instance of page 46 and ends on the second instance of page 45, which I refer to as 45(b). An abbreviated version of this fatwā is included in al-Wazzānī’s al-Miʿyār al-jadīd, 3:28–31. 184. On Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-Wansharīsī, in addition to the sources cited above, see David S. Powers, “Aḥmad al-Wansharīsī (d. 914/1509),” in Arabi, Powers, and Spectorsky, Islamic Legal Thought, 375–82. 185.  Ḥ omits )مع(. In T )مع( has been corrected from )من(. In BNRM: )مع(. 186.  In BNRM: )من يذهب يصطاد(. 187.  In Ḥ: )يصيل(. 188.  In Ḥ: )ولكم األجر والسالم(. 189.  Ḥ and T omit )واألول(. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 165 فأّمــا األّول، فجوابــه – وهللا ســبحانه املوفّــق للصــواب بفضلــه – أّن الدخــول حتــت طاعــة الكفــر واملقــام بــدار احلــرب مــع التمّكــن مــن النقلــة عنهــا والبعــد منهــا حــرام، اًل جيــوز طرفــة عــن واًل ســاعة مــن هّنــار. والواجــب املتحتّــم الــالزم أن هتجــر بقــاع الكفــر ينتقل عنها إىل دار اإلسالم حبيث اًل جتري أحكامهم. والدليل على ذلك الكتاب190 والسّنة اإلمجاع. أّما الكتاب،191 بقوله تعاىل: }أّن الذين توفّاهم املالئكة ظاملي192 أنفسهم قالوا: »فيما كنتم؟« قالوا: »كّنا مستضعفن يف األرض.« قالوا: »أمل تكن أرض هللا واســعة فتهاجروا فيها؟« فأولئك مأواهم جهّنم وســاءت مصرياً، إاًّل املســتضعفن من الرجال والنســاء والولــدان، اًل يســتطيعون حيلــة واًل يهتــدون ســبياًل. فأولئــك عســى هللا أن يعفــو عنهــم، وكان هللا عفــوًّا غفــورًا{193 إّن الذيــن اًل يهتدون سبياًل يتوّجهون إليه، لو خرجوا هلكوا، فأولئك عسى هللا أن يعفو عنهم. يعي يف إقامتهم ألهّّنم194 بن ظهور املشركن. وأّما السّنة، فقوله – صّلى هللا عليه وسّلم: »أان بريء من كّل مسلم يقيم مع املشركن.«195 وأمجع األئّمة على ذلك. فــإذا وجــب، اًبلكتــاب196 والســّنة وإمجــاع األئّمــة، علــى مــن197 أســلم بــدار احلــرب أن يهجرهــا ويلحــق بــدار اإلسالم، واًل يثــوي198 أو يقيــم بن أظهرهــم لــئاّل جتــري عليــه أحكامهــم، فألن جيــب يف حــّق املســلم األصلــي أحــرى وأوىل. وقــد كــره199 مالــك – رضــي هللا عنــه – الســكىن ببلــد يســّب فيــه الســلف، فكيــف ببلــد يكــون فيــه حتــت طاعــة الشــيطان، وســخط الرمحــن وحيــث يدعــى التثليث وتعبد األواثن؟ اًل تسكن على هذه املرام إاًّل نفس خبيثة العقيدة مريضة اإلميان. ونــّص األئّمــة علــى أنـّـه لــو مل جيــد الســبيل إىل التخلّــص مــن حبــال الكفــرة إاًّل ببــذل مــا لــه مــن املــال، أوجبنــاه عليــه وجــواًًب مضيـًّقــا. فــان مل يفعــل، مل تكمــل حرمتــه، ومل تقبــل شــهادته، ومل يكــن لــه حــّق يف الفــيء واخلمــس. وهلــذا200 اختلــف املذهــب يف أمــوال الدجــن،201 هــل حيكــم هلــا202 حبكــم الــدار، فهــي كأمــوال العــدّو، أو مل تــزل علــى ملكهــم؟ وعــن بعضهــم، اًل جتــوز معاملتهــم، واًل 190.  In Ḥ and T: )الكتب(. 191.  In Ḥ: )الكتب(. 192.  T repeats )ظاملي(. 193. Qurʾān 4:97–99. 194.  In Ḥ: )يف أرد ألهّنم(. In BNRM, there is a blank space with a line through it between )يف( and )ظهورهم(. 195. Muḥammad b. ʿĪsā al-Tirmidhī, Sunan al-Tirmidhī wa-huwa al-Jāmiʿ al-kabīr, ed. Markaz al-Buḥūth wa-Taqniyyat al-Maʿlūmāt (Cairo: Dār al-Taʾṣīl, 2016), 2:601 (abwāb al-siyar, bāb mā jāʾ fī karāhiyat al-muqām bayna aẓhur al-mushrikīn, ḥadīth 1709); Sulaymān al-Azdī al-Sijistānī Abū Dāwūd, Sunan Abī Dāwūd, ed. Shuʿayb al-Arnaʾūṭ and Muḥammad Kāmil Qurra Balalī (Damascus: Dār al-Risāla al-ʿĀlamiyya, 2009), 4:280–83 (kitāb al-jihād, bāb al-nahy ʿan qatl man iʿtaṣama bi-l-sujūd, ḥadīth 2645); Aḥmad b. Shuʿayb al-Nasāʾī, Kitāb al-Sunan al-kubrā, ed. Ḥasan ʿAbd al-Munʿim Shalabī and Shuʿayb al-Arnaʾūṭ (Beirut: Muʾassasat al-Risāla, 2001), 6:347–48 (kitāb al-qasāma, bāb al-qawd bi-ghayr ḥadīda, ḥadīth 6956). 196.  In Ḥ and T: )الكتب(. 197.  T omits )من(. 198.  In T: )ببلــد(. In BNRM and Ḥ: )يبــار(. I have emended this word on the basis of Ibn Rushd al-Jadd’s al-Muqaddimāt al-mumahhidāt, al-Wansharīsī’s source for this paragraph. See Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Muqaddimāt al-mumahhidāt li-bayān mā iqtaḍathu rusūm al-Mudawwana min al-aḥkām al-sharʿiyyāt wa-l-taḥṣīlāt al-muḥkamāt li-ummahāt masāʾilihā al-mushkilāt, ed. Saʿīd Aḥmad Aʿrāb (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1988), 2:153. This work is Ibn Rushd al-Jadd’s commentary on Saḥnūn’s Mudawwana. 199.  Emended on the basis of the context; all three manuscripts read )ذكره(. 200.  In T: )وهذا(. 201.  I have emended this word on the basis of the context. In Ḥ and T: )ديــن(. In BNRM, there is a blank space with a line through it between )أمــوال( and )هــل(. The same term (al-dajn) appears below, so this usage is not anachronistic. 202.  T omits )هلا(. 166 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) الســالم203 عليهــم، كأهــل األهــواء. ونــّص القاضــي أبــو الوليــد الباجــي204 – رمحــه هللا – علــى أّن املســلم، إذا أقــام بــدار احلــرب مــع القــدرة علــى اخلــروج، وقتــل خطــأ، أنّــه اًل ديــة205 لــه. ونــّص أهــل املذهــب أيًضــا علــى امتنــاع قبــول خماطبــة206 أهــل الدجــن، كقضــاة دجن بلنسية [2:46] وطرطوشة207 وقوصرة208 وميورقة.209 وعّللوا اًبن شرط قبول210 القاضي صّحة واًليته مّمن تصّح توليته بوجه. وأّمــا الداخــل إليهــم211 للتجــر وطلــب الدنيــا ومجــع212 حطامهــا، وهــو النــوع األّول مــن نوعــي الســؤال الثــاين مــن خّتليصنــا، وهــو جممــوع الســؤال الثــاين مــن األصــل، وأحــد نوعــي الثالــث منــه. فنــّص – رمحــه هللا – أنـّـه جرحــة فيــه، تســقط هبــا إمامتــه وشــهادتة إذ اًل جيــوز ألحــد دخــول أرض الشــرك، إاًّل ملفــاداة أســارى املســلمن. والواجــب علــى أئّمــة املســلمن ومجاعتهــم – وّفقهــم213 هللا وأعاهّنــم – أن مينعــوا مــن الدخــول إىل أرض احلــرب للمتجــارة ويضعــوا هلــم املراصــد يف الطريــق لذلــك حىّت اًل جيــد أحــد الســبيل إىل ذلك، اًل سّيما إن خشي أن حيمل214 إليهم ما اًل حيّل بيعه منهم، ممّا هو قّوة على أهل اإلسالم، اًلستعانتهم215 به يف حروهبم.216 قــال يف املدّونــة: وشــّدد مالــك الكراهيــة يف التجــارة إىل أرض احلــرب. قــال: جيــري حكــم املشــركن عليهــم، واًل تبــاع مــن احلربّين آلة احلرب من كراع أو سالح وسروج وغريها، ممّا يتقّوون به يف احلرب، من حناس وخرثي وغريه. ويف الواضحــة عــن مطــّرف وابــن املاجشــون:217 اذا كانــت اهلدنــة بيننــا وبــن املشــركن، فــال أبس أن يبــاع منهــم الطعــام. ويكــره أن يبــاع هلــم الكــراع والســالح واحلديــد والنحــاس واخلرثــي واجللــود، وكّل مــا يســتعان بــه يف احلــرب. وأّمــا يف غــري اهلدنــة، فــال حيّل أن يباع منهم الطعام واًل غريه، من كّل ما هو قوت هلم يف دار حرهبم. ويف املّقدمــات،218 اًل جيــوز أن يباعــوا219 شــيًئا ممّــا يســتعينون بــه يف حروهبــم مــن كــراع أو سالح أو حديــد، واًل شــيًئا ممّــا يرهبــون بــه علــى اإلســالم يف قتاهلــم، مثــل الــراايت،220 ومــا يلبســون يف حروهبــم مــن الثيــاب، فيباهــون هبــا علــى اإلســالم. وكذلــك النحــاس، ألهّّنــم يعملــون منــه الطبــول، فريهبــون بــه علــى املســلمن. وكذلــك اًل جيــوز أن يبــاع منهــم العبــد النصــراين، ألنـّـه يكــون دليــاًل 203.  In Ḥ: )ولال سالم(. In T: )ولال لسالم(. 204. Abū al-Walīd al-Bājī (d. 474/1081) was an Andalusī judge and jurist. On him, see Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr, 1:178. 205.  Ḥ repeats )اًل دية(. 206.  In BNRM: )املخاطبة(. 207.  In Ḥ: )طرطوشية(. 208.  T omits )قوصرة(. 209.  In BNRM: )مريومث(. 210.  T omits )قبول(. 211.  In T: )إليهم بوجه(, although )بوجه( appears crossed out. 212.  In Ḥ: )مجيع(. 213.  Emended; all three manuscripts read )وفرهم(. 214.  In BNRM and Ḥ: )جيعلــه(. In T, this word has been corrected but appears to be )حيمــل (, a reading supported by the text in Ibn Rushd’s al-Muqaddimāt al-mumahhidāt (2:154). 215.  In T: )اًلستغاثهم(. 216.  In all three manuscripts: )فرضــوا هبــم(. I have emended the text on the basis of Ibn Rushd’s al-Muqaddimāt al-mumahhidāt (2:154). 217. This text is al-Wāḍiḥa fī al-fiqh wa-l-sunna, composed by the Andalusī jurist ʿAbd al-Mālik b. Ḥabīb al-Sulamī (d. 238/853). The two jurists mentioned here are Muṭarrif b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Muṭarrif (d. 220/835) and ʿAbd al-Mālik b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. al-Mājishūn (d. 212/827 or 214/829), both students of Mālik b. Anas. 218. This text is Ibn Rushd’s al-Muqaddimāt al-mumahhidāt, cited above. 219.  In BNRM: )يبتاعوا(. 220.  In BNRM: )الرايت(. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 167 علــى املســلمن، وعــورة عليهــم. وإمّّنــا جيــوز أن يبــاع منهــم مــن العــروض مــا اًل يتقــّوون هبــا221 يف احلــرب واًل يرهــب بــه يف القتــال، ومــن الكسوة ما يقي احلّر والربد، اًل أكثر، ومن الطعام، ما اًل222 يتقّوت به، مثل امللح والزيت، وما أشبه ذلك. وأّما النوع الثاين من نوعي السؤال الثاين، وهو الذي يدخل223 إليهم للداًللة على املسلمن واإلخبار بعوراهتم، فالواجب علــى مــن ثبــت ذلــك عليــه224 مــن ضعفــة املســلمن وأخّســائهم ببّينــة مرضيّــة اًل مدفــع فيهــا225 القتــل يف قــول ابــن القاســم وســحنون، واًل تقبــل لــه توبــة. قــال ســحنون: واًل ديــة لورثتــه، كاحملــارب. وقيــل: جيلــد نــكااًًل ويطــال ســجنه وينفــى ملــا بعــد مــن دار احلــرب.226 نقلــه ســحنون عــن بعــض أصحابنــا. وقيــل: يقتــل إاًّل أن يتــوب. قالــه227 ابــن وهــب.228 وقيــل: إن كانــت منــه فلتــة، وظــّن جهلــه،229 وعــدم عــوده، وليــس مــن أهــل الضــّر علــى اإلســالم، نــكل وضــرب. وإن كان معتــاًدا، قتــل. قالــه ابــن املاجشــون. وقيــل: يقتــل إاًّل أن يعذر جبهله. وقيل: جيتهد فيه اإلمام، وهي رواية العتي واللخمي،230 بتفصيل231 يف املسألة يطول بنا جلبه.232 وأمــا النوعــان األّواًلن مــن أنــواع الســؤال الثالــث مــن خّتليصنــا،233 وهــي ااًلصطيــاد معهــم والتحاكــم إليهــم، وهــو القســم الرابع من تقسيم املسائل، فحكمها اجلرحة وعظيم الكراهة. واًل يبعد التحرمي، ملا يف ذلك من إذاًلل عزّة اإلسالم وأهله. واإلسالم يزيد واًل ينقص، ويعلوا واًل يعلى عليه. وأّمــا الثالــث مــن الســؤال الثالــث، وهــو الدعــاء للمالعــن الكّفــار234 – أبعدهــم هللا – اًبلبقــاء وطــول املــّدة، فالظاهــر أّن ذلــك عالمــة235 علــى ردة الداعــي وإحلــاده يف فســاد ســريرته236 واعتقــاده،237 ملــا تضّمنــه مــن الرضــى اًبلكفــر، والرضــى اًبلكفــر كفــر. وقــد احلــق الشــيخ238 أبــو احلســن ااًلشــعري239 – رضــي هللا عنــه – إرادة الكفــر اًبلكفــر، كبنــاء الكنائــس ليكفــر فيهــا، أو قتــل نّي240 221.  In al-Muqaddimāt al-mumahhidāt, 2:155: )ما يتقوى به(. 222.  Emended; the manuscripts omit )اًل(. 223.  Emended; the manuscripts read )الداخل(. 224.  T omits )عليه(. 225.  In Ḥ: )هبا(. 226.  In Ḥ: )لدار احلريب(. 227.  In T: )قال(. 228.  In BNRM: )ابن زرب(. ʿAbd Allāh b. Wahb (d. 197/813) was an Egyptian student of Mālik b. Anas. 229.  In Ḥ: )فعله(. 230. Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad al-ʿUtbī (d. 254 or 255/868–69), a Mālikī jurist from Córdoba, wrote the Mustakhraja, also known as the ʿUtbiyya. Abū al-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Ribʿī al-Lakhmī (d. 478/1085–86) was a prominent Mālikī jurist in Ifrīqiyā (modern-day Tunisia). On al-Lakhmī, see Ibrāhīm b. ʿAlī Ibn Farḥūn (d. 799/1397), al-Dībāj al-mudhahhab fī maʿrifat aʿyān ʿulamāʾ al-madhhab, ed. Maʾmūn b. Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Jannān (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1996), 298; Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr, 1:173. 231.  In T: )تفصيل(. In Ḥ: )فتصيل(. 232.  In Ḥ: )حليه(. 233.  In Ḥ and T: )خّتليصها(. 234.  In Ḥ and BNRM: )الكفرة(. 235.  Emended; the manuscripts read )علم(. 236.  In Ḥ and T: )سرائرته(. 237.  In Ḥ: )إشهاده(. 238.  In BNRM: )شيخ(. 239. Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī (d. 324/935–36), eponymous founder of the Ashʿarī school of theology. 240.  In Ḥ and T: )قتل بني(. In BNRM: )بشيء(; the word is unclear. 168 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) مــع اعتقــاد صّحــة رســالته، ليميــت241 شــريعته.242 ومنــه عنــد القــرايف أتخري مــن أتــى243 يســلم علــى يديــك، [2:45]244 فتــشري عليــه بتأخري اإلسالم، اًلّن إرادة إبقاء الكفر، يريد إرادة بقائه، كفر.245 مــن هــذا املعــىن مســألة وقعــت يف أاّيم شــهاب الديــن القــرايف246 – رمحــه هللا – وهــي247 أّن رجــاًل قــال آلخــر248 »أماتــه هللا البعيــد كافــرًا،«249 فأفــىت الشــيخ شــرف الديــن الكركــي250 بكفــره، ملــا تضّمنــه مــن إرادة الكفــر. وهــي يف مســألتكم أوضــح وأبــن. وأدىن حــال هــؤاًلء الفســقة أن يبالــغ يف ضرهبــم وميعــن يف أتديبهــم251 حــىّت يتوبــوا، كمــا فعــل عمــر – رضــي هللا عنــه – بصبيــغ املّتهــم يف اعتقــاده، مــن ضربــه إاّيه، حــىّت قــال: »اي أمــري املؤمنــن، إن كنــت تريــد دوائــي، فقــد بلغــت مــي موضــع الــداء، وإن كنــت تريــد قتلي، فأجهز علّي،« فخّلى سبيله.252 وأّمــا الســؤال الرابــع، وهــو ابتيــاع مــا يف أيديهــم مــن أمــوال املســلمن، مــا حكمــه؟ جوابــه: قــال يف املدّونــه، ومثلــه يف العتبيــة مــن مســاع ابــن القاســم، واللفــظ للمدّونــة: وإذا دخلــت دار احلــرب أبمــان، فابتعــت عبــد املســلم مــن حــريب أســره أو أبــق253 إليــه، أو وهبــه احلــريب لــك، فكافأتــه254 عليــه، فلســّيده أخــذه بعــد أن يدفــع إليــك مــا أديتــه255 مــن مثــن أو عــرض. وإن مل تثــب واهبــك، أخــذه ربّه بغري شيء. اهـ. وإىل اختصار حكم املسألة أشار الشيخ أبو عمرو ابن احلاجب256 بقوله: ومن عاوض يف دار احلرب على مال مسلًما 241.  I n Ḥ: )للميت(. 242.  Emended; the manuscripts read )شريعة(. 243.  In Ḥ: )أن(. In BNRM: )يريد أن(. 244. This is the second instance of page 45 in the second BNRM volume; I refer to it as 2:45(b). 245.  BNRM omits )يريد إرادة بقائه(. 246. Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad b. Idrīs al-Qarāfī (d. 684/1285) was a prominent Egyptian Mālikī scholar. 247.  Ḥ and T omit )وهي(. 248.  In BNRM: )اًبألخر(. 249.  BNRM omits )البعيد(. 250.  In Ḥ: )الكراخــي(. In BNRM and T: (الكرخــي). I have emended this name from al-Karkhī to al-Karkī on the basis of the context and of confirmation in another source. Muḥammad b. ʿUmrān, Abū Muḥammad b. Abī ʿAbd Allāh, known as Sharaf al-Dīn al-Karkī (d. 688 or 689/1289–90), was originally a Mālikī jurist who moved from Fez to Egypt, where he studied Shāfiʿī law and was a contemporary of Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī. The Mālikī jurist Khalīl Ibn Isḥāq al-Jundī (d. 776/1374) relates this same story about al-Karkī in his commentary al-Tawḍīḥ. See Khalīl Ibn Isḥāq, al-Tawḍīḥ: Sharḥ Mukhtaṣar Ibn al-Ḥājib fī fiqh al-Imām Mālik, ed. Muḥammad ʿUthmān (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 2010), 5:187. On al-Karkī, see Ibn Farḥūn, al-Dībāj, 417 (entry no. 578). 251.  In T: )ميكن يف(. BNRM omits )وميعن يف(. 252. ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (r. 634–44) was the second caliph of Islam. This story, in which a man named ʿAbd Allāh Sbīgh al-Tīmī is sent to him after questioning certain passages in the Qurʾān, may be found in Ibn Rushd’s fatwā collection: Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, Fatāwā Ibn Rushd, 2:805. 253.  In Ḥ: )أم وفق(. 254.  I have emended this word on the basis of the context; all three manuscripts read (فكافية( or )فكافيه(. 255.  Emended on the basis of the context; all three manuscripts read )وديته(. 256.  I have emended this name on the basis of al-Tasūlī’s text. All three manuscripts of Selected Jewels read )احلاجــب ابــن عمــرو أبــو indicating a mistake. Jamāl al-Dīn Abū )خليــل( although BNRM has a line above ,)الشــيخ خليل ʿAmr Ibn al-Ḥājib (d. 646/1248-49) was a Kurdish grammarian and Mālikī jurist who spent most of his life in Egypt. He wrote Jāmiʿ al-ummahāt (also known as al-Mukhtaṣar al-farʿī), of which Khālīl Ibn Isḥāq’s Mukhtaṣar is an abridgment. On Ibn al-Ḥājib, see H. Fleisch, “Ibn al-Ḥādjib,” in EI2; Ibn Farḥūn, al-Dībāj, 289–91; Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr, 1:241. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 169 أو ذّميًــا، فلمالكــه أخــذه بثمنــه اتفاقًــا257 فــإن كان بغــري شــيء، أخــذه بغــري شــيء، ولــو اًبعــه258 املعــاوض مضــى، وملالكــه259 الزائــد إن كان. وخــرّج اللخمــي260 متكينــه علــى الغنيمــة، وخّرجــه غــريه261 علــى املوهــوب يبــاع. وفيــه قــواًلن: املشــهور كاملعــاوض، وقيــل: أيخــذه اًبلثمــن ويرجــع علــى املوهــوب لــه جبميــع الثمــن، اًل غــري. وحيــث قلنــا أيخــذه ربـّـه اًبلثمــن، فــإّن املشــري يصــّدق فيــه مــا مل يتبــّن كذبــه، فيأخــذه ربـّـه بقيمتــه يــوم اشــرائه حيــث اشــراه. وإن جهلــت بــه، فألقــرب حمــّل لــه. وإن اّدعــاه، صــدق املبتــاع مــع ميينــه إن أشــبه، وإاًّل، فربّه إن أشبه،262 وإاًلّ، بقيمته. وإن نكل صّدق عليه اآلخر، وإن مل يشبه. وحكــم الدخــول اًلســتخالص الكتــب263 واملتــاع264 يف هــذا املــعىن واحــد، فال مــعىن إلفــراد الــكالم. ويتأّكــد علــى الطالــب الداخــل هلــذا الغــرض اخلاّص أن265 يبــدأ يف اســتخالص مــا ميكنــه266 مــن الكتــب، اًبألهــّم267 فاألهــّم. فأّمّههــا يف ااًلســتنقاذ كتــاب268 هللا، ولو مل يكن مستنقذه269 على طهارة.270 مث حديث رسول هللا271 – صّلى هللا عليه وسّلم. مث الفقه، مث األصالن،272 مث العربية واللغة والطّب وكتب التفسري من الطراز األّول، اًل سّيما تفسري273 إبن عطية،274 وكذلك كتب القراءات. أهـ، من التقييد املذكور. والغالب على ما قّيدت من التقييد املذكور من هذه األجوبة التصحيف،275 فمن وجد نســخة من ذلك، فليصلح ما فسد هنا. وأجره على هللا. 257. Al-Wansharīsī is quoting from Ibn al-Ḥājib’s Jāmiʿ al-ummahāt in this passage, but he omits a sentence at this point regarding the recovery of property without cost from a thief. See Jamāl al-Dīn Abū ʿAmr Ibn al-Ḥājib, Jāmiʿ al-ummahāt, ed. Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Akhḍar al-Akhḍarī, 2nd ed. (Damascus: al-Yamāma li-l-Ṭibāʿa wa-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawzīʿ, 2004), 253. 258.  In BNRM: )اًبعاعه(. 259.  In Ḥ and T: )وملالك(. 260. Abū al-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Ribʿī al-Lakhmī (d. 478/1085–86). On him, see note 230 above. 261.  Ḥ omits )غريه(. 262.  T omits )وإاًّل، فربّه إن أشبه(. 263.  In T: )ما ميكنه من الكتب(. 264.  In T: )املبتــاع(, buyer; in al-Tasūlī and al-Wazzānī, )علــى الطلبــة( is added to the end of this sentence. Together, these two variants change the meaning from an equivalence between the purchase of books and the purchase of other objects (the likely intended meaning, as above) to an equivalence between ṭullāb (students or religious functionaries) and other buyers. 265.  In Ḥ: )وأن(. 266.  In BNRM: )ما عليه(. 267.  In Ḥ: )اًبألعلم(. 268.  In Ḥ and T: )كتب(. 269.  In Ḥ and T: )مستقذه(. 270.  In Ḥ: )طاهرة(. Unclear in T. 271.  T omits )هللا(. 272.  In BNRM: )األصول(. 273.  In T: )يف تفسري(. 274. ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq b. Ghālib Ibn ʿAṭiyya (d. 541/1147) was an Andalusī Mālikī exegete. The full title of his exegesis of the Qurʾān is al-Jāmiʿ al-muḥarrar al-wajīz fī tafsīr al-Kitāb al-ʿAzīz, better known as Tafsīr Ibn ʿAṭiyya. It has been published in numerous editions. 275.  In T: )التضيف(. In BNRM: )التضييف(. 170 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) 8. Fatwā of Ḥamdūn276 وسئل الفقيه األجل أبو العّباس أمحد بن حمّمد األاّبر الفاسي املدّعو277 حبمدون278 – حفظه هللا – مبا نّصه: ســّيدي – حفــظ هللا مقامكــم وأعانكــم علــى مــا فيــه مصلحــة وأقامكــم.279 جوابكــم – أدام280 هللا رعايتكــم – يف رجــل مقيــم ببــالد مشــتملة علــى مداشــر عديــدة، وأهــل البــالد املذكــورة علــى قســمن: قســم أهــل ســّنة يتذّهبــون مبذهــب مالــك يف الفــروع، وقســم يتذّهبــون مبذهــب آخــر خــارج عــن املذاهــب األربعــة املعروفــة يف هــذا الزمــان. وأتّفــق هلــذا281 الرجــل املســؤول عــن حالــه أن كانــت ســكناه مــع أهــل القســم الثــاين، وهــو رجــل ســّي، مالكــي املذهــب، كأهــل القســم األول، إاًّل أّن ســكناه حيــث ذكــر فقــط. فمــا تقــول ســيادتكم يف ســكناه مــع هــؤاًلء القــوم املذكوريــن؟ هــل هــي ممنوعــة أو جائــزة؟282 والفــرض283 أهّّنــم اًل أيمرونــه بشــيء مــن مذهبهــم، واًل جيربونــه بشــيء عليــه، واًل يدعونــه إىل ذلــك، بــل هــم علــى مذهبهــم وهــو كذلــك، ولــه اًبملدشــر املذكــور الــذي هــو ســاكن بــه أصــول وأمالك، إن رحــل منهــا، فســدت واندثــرت.284 وإن أقــام عليهــا، أقــام مــع هــؤاًلء القــوم املذكوريــن. [2:46]285 فهــل جتــب عليه اهلجرة وبيع أمالكه ومجيع ماله هنالك وينتقل اًبلسكىن إىل مداشر أهل السّنة، أم اًل جيب عليه ذلك؟ ومن بدعة هؤاًلء القوم أهّّنم يرون ترك286 السورة يف صالة الظهر والعصر، وأهّنّا اًل تقرأ يف شيء من ركعاهتا وأن اجلمعة اًل جتــب اليــوم يف بلــد مــن ســائر البلــدان، زاعمــن أهّّنــا اًل تصّلــى إاًلّ مــع إمــام عــادل أو يف طاعــة إمــام عــادل، واًل عــادل يف أئّمــة الوقــت، بــل كّلهــم أهــل ظلــم وجــرم، وأّن النــّي – صّلــى هللا عليــه وســّلم – مل يقــع لــه إســراء إىل الســماء، وأن مــن دخــل النــار مــن عصــاة هــذه األّمــة، فهــو خمّلــد فيهــا، اًل خيــرج منهــا أبــداً. هــذا مــا أخــرب بــه الرجــل الســائل عــن حــال إقامتــه اًبلبــالد املذكــورة. فتأّمــل ذلك سّيدي وأجبنا مبا يشفي الغليل إن شاء هللا. ولكم األجر والسالم. فأجاب مبا نّصه: احلمــد هلل.287 اجلــواب – وهللا ســبحانه وتعــاىل ويل التســديد واهلدايــة إىل الصــواب – أّن الــذي تــدّل288 عليــه نصــوص العلمــاء يف النازلــة وأشــباهها أن الواجــب علــى مــن حــّل ببلــد شــاعت هبــا املناكــر والبــدع، ومل يقــدر289 علــى تغيريهــا لوجــود مانــع واختــالل شــرطه، فلينظــر، فــإن وجــد بلــًدا يتحّقــق أنـّـه ســامل مــن هــذه املناكــر وهــذه البــدع وأمثاهلــا، وأمكنــه ااًلنتقــال إليــه مــن غــري مشــّقة فادحــة، تلحقــه اًل مطلــق املشــّقة، فلينتقــل إليــه. وأّمــا إن مل يتحّقــق الســالمة اًبملوضــع الــذي يريــد أن ينتقــل إليــه لشــيوع290 املناكــر 276. BNRM, 2:45(b)–46(b); Ḥ, 251–52; T, 266–67. This fatwā is included in al-Wazzānī’s al-Miʾyār al-jadīd, 3:36–38, with only slight differences. I do not translate this fatwā in Leaving Iberia. 277.  In Ḥ: )املدعوا(. 278. Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Abbār al-Fāsī (d. 1071/1660–61), known as Ḥamdūn, was a muftī and preacher at the mosque of al-Andalus in Fez. On him, see Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr, 1:447; Kaḥḥāla, Muʿjam al-muʾallifīn, 4:1490–91. 279.  Emended slightly, all three manuscripts omit the (و) in (وأقامكم). 280.  In Ḥ and T: )أدم(. 281.  In Ḥ and T: )هذا(. 282.  In Ḥ and T: )أجازة(. 283.  In Ḥ and BNRM: )الفرق(. 284.  Emended on the basis of al-Tasūlī’s Precious Jewels; all three manuscripts read )وانتشرت(. 285. This is the second instance of page 46 in the second BNRM volume. 286.  In Ḥ: )تلك(. 287.  Ḥ and T omit )احلمد هلل(. 288.  In Ḥ and T: )أنزل(. 289.  In Ḥ: )يعرد(. 290.  In Ḥ: )لشويع(. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 171 والبدع يف هذا الزمان بكّل مكان،291 فاألفضل له أن يقيم ببلده. مث ليكن حلس بيته. وهبــذا املــعىن وفّــق بعــض العلمــاء292 – رضــي هللا عنهــم – بن احلديــثن الوارديــن عنــه – صلّــى هللا عليــه وســّلم – يف الفــرار واإلقامــة. فحديــث الفــرار قولــه – صلًــى هللا عليــه وســًلم: »ســيأيت علــى النــاس293 زمــان اًل يســلم لــذي ديــن دينــه إىل أن يفــّر مــن شــاهق إىل شــاهق كطائــر يفــّر294 أبفراخــه وكثعلــب أبشــباله.«295 أو كمــا قــال – صلّــى هللا عليــه وســّلم. فحملــه296 علــى مــا إذا وجــد موضًعــا ســالًما مــن البــدع، فــّر إليــه.297 وحديــث اإلقامــة قولــه – صّلــى هللا عليــه وســّلم – للــذي ســأله ملا ذكــر الــفنت، وقــال: »مــا أتمرين به، اي رسول هللا، إن أدركي ذلك؟« فقال له – عليه298 أفضل الصالة وأزكى السالم – »كن حلًسا من احالس بيتك،«299 ــق علــى مــا إذا عّمــت املناكــر ومل جيــد مهاجــرًا. يــعي أنّــه يتخــذ بيتــه كالثــوب الــذي يــسر بــه عورتــه يف املالزمــة. فحملــه هــذا املوّف والــذي اختــاره ابــن احلاّج يف املدخــل ورجّحــه، عــدم ااًلنتقــال يف هــذا الزمــان، وأّن اإلنســان يعــّوض منــه300 دوام صمتــه ومالزمــة بيتــه، ويرك اخلــوض فيمــا هــم فيــه، فيحصــل لــه بذلــك بركــة امتثــال قولــه – صّلــى هللا عليــه وســّلم – »نعــم الصوامــع301 بيــوت أّمي،«302 كمــا حيصــل لــه السالمــة مــن تبديــد مشــله وحالــه، ومــن تشــويش خاطــره وتــرك الــدؤوب علــى عبــادة ربـّـه. ويــصري كالغائــب عنهــم، ومل يضرّه – بعون هللا وبركة نبّيه – صّلى هللا عليه وسّلم – ما هم فيه. وهــذا كّلــه إذا كان هــؤاًلء القــوم املذكــورون يف النازلــة خيفــون مذهبهــم، واًل يظهرونــه حبيــث أيمــن املقيــم معهــم مــن فتنتــه وفتنــة عيالــه، وإذا مل يــرام هبــم ألســنتهم ملــا يوجــب كفرهــم. وإاًّل، فــإن حكــم بكفرهــم، فــال خــالف يف حتــرمي اإلقامــة معهــم حيــث مل يقــدر علــى قتاهلــم، لتعاضــد اآلي القرآنيــة واألحاديــث النبويــة علــى منــع موااًلهتــم. واًل يعــذر إذ ذاك بضيــاع مالــه وأصولــه، بــل303 حــىّت يكون عذره واضحاً، مبثابة304 املريض واملقعد. وهذا ما أمكن تسطريه يف النازلة، وهللا سبحانه وتعاىل أعلم اًبلصواب. اهـ من خطّه. 291.  In Ḥ: )ما كان(. Illegible in T. 292. This paragraph summarizes a lengthier discussion found in Ibn al-Ḥājj’s al-Madkhal. See Abū ʿAbd ʿAllāh Muḥammad al-ʿAbdarī (d. 737/1336–37), known as Ibn al-Ḥājj, al-Madkhal ilā tanmiyat al-ʿamāl bi-taḥsīn al-niyyā wa-l-tanbīh ʿalā baʿḍ al-bidaʿ wa-l-ʿawāʾid allatī untuḥilat wa-bayān shanāʿatihā, ed. Tawfīq Ḥamdān (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1995), 1:216–18. 293.  In Ḥ: )للناس(. 294.  In Ḥ: )فر(. In T and BNRM: )فر منه(. 295. This ḥadīth appears in ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn ʿAlī al-Muttaqī al-Hindī (d. 975/1567), Kanz al-ʿummāl fī sunan al-aqwāl wa-l-afʿāl, ed. Bakrī Ḥayyānī and Ṣafwat al-Ṣaqqāʾ, 5th ed. (Beirut: Muʾassasat al-Risāla, 1985), 11:154 (kitāb al-fitan wa-l-ahwāʾ wa-l-ikhtilāf min qism al-aqwāl, faṣl fī qatl al-Khawārij . . . , bāb al-fitan min al-ikmāl, ḥadīth 31008). 296.  T omits the foregoing ḥadīth, from )سيأيت( to )وسّلم(. 297.  In Ḥ and T: )فما فر منه(. 298.  Ḥ and T omit )عليه(. 299. This statement is part of a ḥadīth that appears in Muttaqī, Kanz al-ʿummāl, 11:213–14 (kitāb al-fitan min faṣl afʿāl, faṣl fī al-waṣiyya fī al-fitan, ḥadīth 31274). 300.  Ḥ omits )منه(. 301.  In Ḥ and BNRM: )الصوام(. 302. See Ibn al-Ḥājj, al-Madkhal, 1:218; I have been unable to locate this statement in any ḥadīth collection. 303.  T omits )بل(. 304.  In Ḥ and T: )مبنافة(. 172 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) 9. Excerpt on the Categories of Hijra305 ووجدت يف تقييد لبعض الفقهاء ما نّصه: الفصل التاسع يف اهلجرة إىل هللا تعاىل والعزلة عن اخللق. أعلم – وفّقك هللا وإاّيان – أًن اهلجرة على أقسام: هجرة من دار الكفر إىل دار اإلسالم، وهجرة من أرض كثرت فيها البدع والعصيان، وهجرة عن اخللق إىل امللك الداّين. أّمــا األوىل والثانيــة، فواجــب306 حكمهمــا،307 يتــعّن308 أمرهــا.309 قــال هللا تعــاىل: }أّن الذيــن توفّاهــم املالئكــة ظاملــي أنفسهم [2:47] قالوا: »فيما كنتم؟« قالوا: »كّنا مستضعفن يف األرض.« قالوا: »أمل تكن أرض هللا واسعة فتهاجروا فيها؟«{.310 الثعــالي:311 »ظاملــي أنفســهم« برك اهلجــرة، وقــول هــؤاًلء »كنّــا مســتضعفن يف األرض« اعتــذارًا غري صحيــح، إذ كانــوا يســتطيعون احليــل ويهتــدون الســبيل. وقولــه: }جيــد يف األرض مراغًمــا{312 أي مّتســًعا ومتحــّواًًل. وقــال يف قولــه تعــاىل: }فمــن يتوهّلــم منكــم، فإنـّـه اليهــود والنصــارى أوليــاًء يف النصــرة واخللطــة املؤّديــة إىل ااًلمتــزاج اخّّتــاذ منهــم{.313 هّنــى هللا ســبحانه314 املؤمــنن هبــذه اآليــة عــن واملعاضــدة. وحكــم هــذه اآليــة يلــم كّل مــن315 أكثــر خمالطــة هذيــن الصنــفن، فلــه حظّــه مــن هــذا العنــاء الــذي تضّمنــه قولــه تعــاىل »فإنّه منهم.« وقال رسول هللا – صّلى هللا عليه وسّلم – »أان بريء من كّل مسلم أقام بن املشركن.«316 اهـ. واًل يعــارض هــذا احلكــم بقولــه – صلّــى هللا عليــه وســّلم – »اًل هجــرة بعــد الفتــح، لكــن جهــاد ونيّــة.«317 وأيــن اجلهــاد؟ وأيًضــا حيتمــل ذلــك حيــث اًل جتــري عليهــم أحــكام الكّفــار. فأّمــا مــن جــرت عليــه أحــكام الكّفــار، ودخــل حتــت قهرهــم، فــال ينبغــي أن خيتلــف يف وجــوب اهلجــرة يف حّقــه، إاًّل مــن عــذره القــرآن مــن }املســتضعفن مــن الرجــال والنســاء والولــدان،318 اًل يســتطيعون حيلة واًل يهتدون سبياًل{.319 305. BNRM, 2:46–47; Ḥ, 252; T, 267. Al-Wazzānī includes this excerpt in al-Miʿyār al-jadīd, 3:38–39, with only slight differences. 306.  In Ḥ: )فجواب(. 307.  In Ḥ and T: )حكمها(. 308.  In Ḥ: )بتعن(. In BNRM: )تتعن(. 309.  In Ḥ: )أحدها(. 310. Qurʾān 4:97. 311. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad Abī Zayd al-Thaʿlabī (d. 875/1470–71) was a Mālikī exegete born in what is now Algeria. For his exegesis of these verses, see al-Thaʿlabī, Tafsīr al-Thaʿlabī, al-musammā bi-l-Jawāhir al-ḥisān fī tafsīr al-Qurʾān, ed. ʿAlī Muḥammad Muʿawwaḍ, ʿĀdil Aḥmad ʿAbd al-Mawjūd, and ʿAbd al-Faṭṭāḥ Abū Sunna (Beirut: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth, 1997), 2:287–89. 312. Qurʾān 4:100. 313. Qurʾān 5:51. 314.  T omits )سبحانه(. 315.  In Ḥ and T: )بلف وكل من(. 316. For the sources for this ḥadīth, see above, note 195. 317. Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, ed. Muṣṭafā al-Bughā (Damascus: Dār Ibn Kathīr, 1993), 3:1025 (kitāb al-jihād wa-l-siyar, bāb faḍl al-jihād wa-l-siyar, ḥadīth 2631), 3:1040 (kitāb al-jihād wa-l-siyar, bāb wujūb al-nafīr . . . , ḥadīth 2670); Muslim b. al-Ḥajjāj al-Qushayrī al-Nīsābūrī, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, ed. Muḥammad Fuʾād ʿAbd al-Bāqī (Beirut: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Kutub al-ʿArabiyya, 1991), 3:1488 (kitāb al-imāra, bāb al-mubāyaʿa baʿda fatḥ Makka . . . , ḥadīth 86); al-Tirmidhī, Sunan, 2:595 (abwāb al-siyar, bāb mā jāʾ fī al-hijra, ḥadīth 1693). 318.  In Ḥ and BNRM: )من املستضعفن والنساء والولدان(. 319. Qurʾān 4:98. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 173 وقــال ابــن عبــاس: »أان وأّمــي مــن املســتضعفن.«320 قــال مالــك – رمحــه هللا – »اًل أحــّل ألحــد املقــام أبرض يســّب فيهــا السلف وتغرّي فيها السنن ويعمل فيها بغري احلّق.« وإذا تعّن الفرار من بالد الظلم، فبالد الكفر أحرى. اهـ وأّمــا اهلجــرة مــن بــالد الظلــم والــذّل والبــدع،321 فواجبــة كمــا تقــّدم، وإن كانــت األوىل آكــد، واًل ســّيما يف حــّق أهــل العلــم. فال حيّل هلم أن يذلوا أنفسهم، وهللا تعاىل قد أعّزهم وشّرفهم اًبلعلم والقرآن. ولتكن إقامته اًبهلل وخروجه إىل هللا. قال هللا322 تعاىل: }ومن خيرج من بيته مهاجراً إىل هللا ورسوله مث يدركه املوت، فقد وقع أجره على هللا{.323 10. Fatwā of Bijāʾī324 وأريــد325 أن أثبــت ســؤااًًل وجــوااًبً لبعــض العلمــاء، ملوافقتــه ملعــىن326 مــا تقــّدم. كتــب327 الفقيــه الزاهــد ســّيدي أمحــد البجائــي328 – رمحه هللا ورضي عنه – للفقيه العامل العالمة سيدي أمحد بن احلاّج البيدوي329 – رمحه هللا330 – سؤااًًل، هذا نّصه: احلمــد هلل ســّيدي، رضــي هللا عنكــم وأدام مبنّــه عافيتكــم ومتّــع املســلمن ببقائكــم. جوابكــم يف موضــع كثــر فيــه الظــالم331 واألشــرار وانتشــر فيــه الباطــل واملكــس كّل ااًلنتشــار، وذّل332 بــه املســلمون وعــّز بــه الكّفــار، وارتفــع فيــه أهــل اجلــور والظلــم واّتضــع فيــه 320. Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, 1:455–56 (kitāb al-janāʾiz, bāb idhā aslama al-ṣabīy fa-māta . . . , ḥadīth 1291), 4:1675 (kitāb tafsīr al-Qurʾān, bāb “wa-mā lakum lā tuqātilūna . . . ,” ḥadīths 4311 and 4312). 321.  In BNRM: )من بالد الذل الظلم(. 322.  BNRM omits )هللا(. 323. Qurʾān 4:100. 324. BNRM, 2:47–48; Ḥ, 252; T, 267. Al-Wazzānī includes a version of this fatwā in al-Miʿyār al-jadīd, 3:39–41, but mistakenly records the muftī’s name as Aḥmad al-Jāyy. The answer portion is reproduced in Ibn ʿAskar, Dawḥat al-nāshir, 114–15. 325.  In Ḥ: )وأزيد(. 326.  In T: )معىن(. 327.  In T: )مــن كتــب(. In al-Tasūlī: )كتبــه(. Al-Bijāʾī appears to be the questioner in al-Zayyātī’s introduction, but Ibn ʿAskar makes clear that he is actually the muftī. See the biography for al-Bijāʾī in Ibn ʿAskar, Dawḥat al-nāshir, 114–15. 328.  In Ḥ: )اللجائــي(; in BNRM, the name is closer to )اللجائــي( than to (البجائــي). Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Ḥājj al-Bijāʾī (d. ca. 901/1495) was a Mālikī jurist who is described as being “from Bijāya, then Tlemcen,” but who spent much of his career in Fez. The dates of his birth and death are not recorded, but Ibn ʿAskar states that he died at the beginning of the tenth/sixteenth century. On the basis of this information, Muḥammad Ḥajjī estimates his death date as 901/1495. Al-Bijāʾī is said to have studied with the Fez-based scholar ʿAbd Allāh al-ʿAbdūsī (d. 849/1446), and al-Wansharīsī includes in the Miʿyār a response by al-Bijāʾī to a question posed to the scholars of Fez (al-Wansharīsī, al-Miʿyār, 7:305). See Ibn ʿAskar, Dawḥat al-nāshir, 114–15; Ḥajjī, Mawsūʿat aʿlām al-Maghrib, 2:807–8 (a reproduction of Ibn ʿAskar’s entry). Several biographical entries treat the same jurist but render his name as Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. ʿĪsā al-Lajāʾī. See Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr, 1:345; Ibn al-Qāḍī al-Miknāsī, Jadhwat al-iqtibās, 1:122; al-Tinbuktī, Nayl al-ibtihāj, 1:121. 329.  I have not located a biographical notice for this jurist (Aḥmad b. al-Ḥājj al-Baydawī or al-Bayḍāwī), who must have posed the question to al-Bijāʾī and then received his response. His name may also be )البيدري( or a similar variant. In al-Tasūlī, this jurist’s given name is Muḥammad instead of Aḥmad. Ibn ʿAskar identifies the questioner as an Abū al-ʿAbbās al-Bijāʾī; I have not been able to locate a biographical notice under this name, either. 330.  T omits )رمحه هللا(. 331.  This world is unclear in BNRM. In Ḥ: )الكالم(. 332.  In Ḥ: )دل(. 174 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) أهــل املعرفــة العلــم، ومتّكــس جــّل املبيعــات فيــه علــى املســلمن وأشــكل األمــر علــى املسرشــدين.333 ومل يظهــر مــن فضالئــه334 انكــر ملنكــر، فال أدري أخوفًــا علــى أنفســهم أو اســتهزاًء اًبألثــر. مثّ إّن إنســااًن اضطّــر إىل أخــذ العلــم مــن علمــاء املوضــع املذكــور وخشــي علــى نفســه ممّــا هــو قبــل مســطور. فهــل – أعزّكــم هللا – يســوغ لــه املكــث335 بذلــك املوضــع، مــع عــدم قدرتــه علــى تغــيري املنكــر إاًّل قلــياًل؟ ويكــون بذلــك ألمــر ربّــه ممتــثاًل؟ وهــل يســوغ لــه الشــراء مــن بعــض املبيعــات املمّكســات336 إن337 أضطّــر إىل ذلــك، ويكــون آمنًــا مــن الوقــوع يف املهالــك؟ أم جيــب عليــه أن ينتقــل مــن ذلــك املوضــع لــغريه، ألّن الراتــع حــول احلمــى يوشــك أن يقــع فيــه؟338 بّينــوا لنا339 األمر ملن اضطّر إليه واحتاج إليه يف خاّصة نفسه. ولكم األجر. ونّص اجلواب: احلمــد هلل. الواجــب علــى املؤمــن احملّقــق، الناظــر لنفســه نظــر مشــفق، أن يفــّر بدينــه مــن الــفنت، واًل يقيــم إاًّل يف موضــع تقــام فيــه الســنن. واًل أيخــذ مــن علــم دينــه مــا حيتــاج إليــه،340 إاًّل ممـّـن341 تظهــر342 آاثر اخلشــية واخلضــوع عليــه، ويطلــب ذلــك يف أقطــار األرض ونواحيهــا343 بدليــل }أمل تكــن أرض هللا واســعة فتهاجــروا فيهــا؟{.344 هــذا مــع اإلمــكان ووجــود بغيتــه345 يف غري ذلــك [2:48] املكان. ، فليقــم هنالــك فــإن تعــّذر عليــه ذلــك، واشــتّدت عليــه املســالك، ومل جيــد موضًعــا صــاحلًا مرضيًّــا، واًل معّلًمــا انصًحــا مهــدايًّ صابــرًا صربًا مجــياًل، ويكــون مــن }املســتضعفن مــن الرجــال والنســاء والولــدان، اًل يســتطيعون حيلــة واًل يهتــدون ســبياًل.{346 وليقــل ــا، ــا أخرجنــا مــن هــذه القريــة الظــامل أهلهــا، وأجعــل لنــا مــن لدنــك ولًّي ــا علــى الديــن واًل ظــهريًا: }ربّن كمــا قالــوا إذ مل347 جيــدوا معيًن وأجعــل لنــا مــن لدنــك نــصريًا{،348 وأيخــذ مــن العلــم مــا يضطــّر إليــه مــن كّل متصــّدر لألخــذ عنــه، فــرّب حامــل علــم إىل مــن هــو 333.  In Ḥ: )املرشدين(. 334.  Emended from )فضائله( in all three manuscripts. 335.  In Ḥ and BNRM: )الكتب(. 336.  In T: )املماكسات(. 337.  In Ḥ and T: )إىل أن(. 338. The question alludes to a ḥadīth preserved by al-Bukharī and Muslim that emphasizes the need to refrain from actions that are of questionable morality. See al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, 1:28–29 (kitāb al-īmān, bāb faḍl man istabraʾa li-dīnih, ḥadīth 52); Muslim b. al-Ḥajjāj, Ṣaḥīḥ, 3:1219–20 (kitāb al-musāqā, bāb akhdh al-ḥalāl wa-tark al-shubuhāt, ḥadīth 107 [1599]). 339.  Ḥ and BNRM omit )لنا(. 340.  All three copies read )إاًّل مــا حيتــاج إليــه(. I have emended the text on the basis of the context and the text in al-Tasūlī’s Precious Jewels and Ibn ʿAskar’s Dawḥat al-nāshir. 341.  In BNRM: )واًل أيخذ إاًّل مّمن(. 342.  In Ḥ and T: )تظهره(. 343.  In Ḥ: )نواحها(. 344. Qurʾān 4:97. 345. This word is replaced by a line in BNRM. 346. Qurʾān 4:98. 347.  In T: )أمل(, with a mark that may indicate a correction. 348. Qurʾān 4:75. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 175 أعلــم منــه،349 وقــد يتعــاجل املريــض بــدواء الطبيــب الكافــر، وقــد يؤيـّـد هللا الديــن اًبلرجــل الفاجــر.350 ويــشري مــن املبيعــات مــا يضطــّر351 إليــه لبّســا وطعاّمــا ولكــن اًل352 يغشــم املعيشــة غشــماً، وليعــط الــورع حّقــه ويســتعمل يف ذلــك اجتهــاده، ورفقــه،353 وجيتنــب شــراء اجلــزء املأخوذ من املكس من غاصبه، ويشري ممّا بقي على ملك صاحبه، على354 مراعاة قواعد الشريعة املقررّة و مسائل الفقه املسطّرة، والوقــوف علــى حــّد الضــرورة وعــدم اسرســال يف الشــهوات املباحــات، فــضاًل عــن احملظــورات.355 فــان اقتصــر علــى ضرورايتــه،356 مل خيف على دينه اختالاًًل إذ لو كانت الدنيا جيفة، لكان357 قوت املؤمن منها حالاًًل. اهـ حمل احلاجة من التقييد املذكور. 11. First Fatwā of al-Zawāwī358 وســئل الفقيــه العــامل أبــو احلســن علــى بــن عثمــان الــزواوي،359 أحــد فقهــاء جبايــة – رمحــه هللا تعــاىل ورضــي عنــه – عّمــن سكن يف أرض النصارى. هل جيب عليه اهلجرة منها360 أم اًل؟ فأجــاب: قــال القاضــي أبــو الوليــد بــن رشــد – رمحــه هللا: أمجــع املســلمون361 أنّــه اًل حيــّل ملســلم أن يبقــى يف بــالد الكفــر اختيارًا حيثما تناله أحكامهم، فيجب على من قدر على الفرار أن يفّر، واًل يقيم هبا. اهـ من بعض التقاييد. 349. Al-Muttaqī al-Hindī, Kanz al-ʿummāl, 10:258 (kitāb al-ʿilm min qism al-afʿāl, bāb fī faḍl . . . , ḥadīth 29375). 350. The final part of this sentence (“God might further the religion even through a sinful man”) appears in at least four ḥadīths. See, for example, Muslim b. al-Ḥajjāj, Ṣaḥīḥ, 1:105–6 (kitāb al-īmān, bāb ghilaẓ taḥrīm qatl al-insān nafsah . . . , ḥadīth 178); al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, 4:1540 (kitāb al-maghāzī, bāb ghazwat Khaybar, ḥadīth 3967). 351.  In Ḥ: )ما يظهر(. 352.  BNRM omits )اًل(. 353.  In T: )رفقته(. 354.  In Ḥ: )هذا(. Unclear in T. 355.  In Ḥ and T: )احملضورة(. In BNRM: )احملضورات(. I have emended the text on the basis of the context. 356.  In BNRM: )ضروراته(. 357.  In T: )لكانت(. 358. BNRM, 2:48; Ḥ, 252; T, 267. Al-Wazzānī includes a version of this fatwā in al-Miʾyār al-jadīd, 3:41. 359.  Abū al-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. ʿUthmān al-Zawāwī (d. 815/1412–13). All three manuscripts of Selected Jewels read “al-Zarwālī” (الزروايل), a name for which I could not locate a biographical notice. I have emended the nisba on the basis of al-Tasūlī’s Precious Jewels, both manuscript copies of which record the name as al-Zawāwī )الــزواوي(. See the entries for Abū al-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. ʿUthmān al-Zawāwī and for his son Manṣūr b. ʿAlī al-Zawāwī in the following sources: al-Tinbuktī, Kifāyat al-muḥtāj, 1:354 (al-Zawāwī) and 2:251 (son); idem, Nayl al-ibtihāj, 1:373 (al-Zawāwī) and 2:311 (son); Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sakhāwī, al-Ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ li-ahl al-qarn al-tāsiʿ, ed. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf Ḥasan ʿAbd al-Raḥmān (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 2003), 5:232 (al-Zawāwī) and 10:158 (son). In al-Sakhāwī’s first entry, the father’s name is rendered “ʿAlī b. ʿUthmān al-Manjulātī al-Bukhārī,” but in light of all the other notices this may be understood to refer to al-Zawāwī. Although al-Zawāwī lived in Bijāya, these opinions appear to be concerned with Iberian Muslims; they must predate the Portuguese conquests in the Maghrib. I do not translate these three fatwās in Leaving Iberia. 360.  Ḥ omits )منها(. 361.  In Ḥ: )املسلمن(. 176 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) 12. Second Fatwā of al-Zawāwī 362 وســئل أيًًضــا عّمــن كان ســاكًنا يف أرض النصــارى وأراد اهلجــرة منهــا إىل بالد اإلسالم، وأبــواه أو واحدّمهــا مينعانــه مــن ذلــك. هــل جيــوز لــه اخلــروج بــغري إذهّنمــا ورضاّمهــا، أم يفــّرق يف ذلــك بن خــوف الضيــاع عليهمــا أم اًل؟ أو363 بن كوهّنمــا، هلمــا غريه من األواًلد ذكورًا أو إاناًث أم اًل؟ فأجــاب: اًل يتوقّــف خروجــه عــن إذهّنمــا، إذ اًل طاعــة هلمــا يف معصيــة هللا تعــاىل، ومل أر فيمــا ذكــرمت مــن خــوف الضيعــة عليهمــا نصًّــا. واًل شــّك أنّــه قــد تعــارض واجبــان، والقاعــدة يف مثــل ذلــك تقــدمي أقواّمهــا. وأّمــا إذا كان هلمــا غــريه، فاحلكــم مــا تقــّدم من وجوب الفرار وعدم ااًلستئذان. اهـ من التقييد املذكور. 13. Third Fatwā of al-Zawāwī 364 وسئل أيًّضا عن معىن اهلجرة وفضلها. فأجــاب: اهلجــرة املعلومــة أّن خيــرج عــن وطنــه إىل موضــع النــّي – صلّــى هللا عليــه وســّلم – لألغــراض الــي ذكرهــا365 العلمــاء، وهــي واجبــة366 علــى كّل مــن أســلم قبــل فتــح مّكــة.367 وأّمــا بعــد فتــح مّكــة، فقــد قــال – علــه الصــالة والســالم: »اًل هجــرة بعــد الفتــح، ولكــن368 جهــاد ونّيــة.«369 ويبقــى وجــوب الفــرار مــن املوضــع الــذي370 خيــاف علــى دينــه عــدم الســالمة يف موضعــه، أو كان يف موضــع ليــس فيــه مــن يعّلمــه دينــه. ويتأّكــد الفــرار مــن بــالد الكّفــار ملــا جيــري علــى مــن كان هبــا مــن اســتيالء الكفــر علــى اإلميان، وإجراء أحكام الكفر عليه. اهـ من التقييد املذكور. 14. First Fatwā of Ibn Zakrī371 وسئل اإلمام أبو العّباس أمحد بن حمّمد بن زكري372 – رمحه هللا – مبا نّصه: ســّيدي – رضــي هللا عنكــم وأعانكــم علــى مــا بــه أواًلكــم – مــا تــرون يف هــذا الرجــل الشــريف القائــم أبمــر اجلهــاد اآلن يف 362. BNRM, 2:48; Ḥ, 252–53; T, 267. Al-Wazzānī includes this fatwā in al-Miʾyār al-jadīd, 3:41–42. 363. In BNRM: )و(. 364. BNRM, 2:48; Ḥ, 253; T, 267–68. Al-Wazzānī includes this fatwā in al-Miʿyār al-jadīd, 3:42. 365.  In Ḥ: )ذكر(. 366.  Ḥ repeats )واجبة(. 367.  In Ḥ and T: )بعد الفتح، فتح مكة(. 368.  In Ḥ and T: )وإمّنا هو(. 369. Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, 3:1025 (kitāb al-jihād wa-l-siyar, bāb faḍl al-jihād wa-l-siyar, ḥadīth 2631), 3:1040 (kitāb al-jihād wa-l-siyar, bāb wujūb al-nafīr . . . , ḥadīth 2670); Muslim b. al-Ḥajjāj, Ṣaḥīḥ, 3:1488 (kitāb al-imāra, bāb al-mubāyaʿa baʿda fatḥ Makka . . . , ḥadīth 86); al-Tirmidhī, Sunan, 2:595 (abwāb al-siyar, bāb mā jāʾ fī al-hijra, ḥadīth 1693). 370.  In Ḥ and T: )الي(. 371. BNRM, 2:48–49; Ḥ, 253; T, 268. Al-Wazzānī includes this fatwā in al-Miʾyār al-jadīd, 3:42–43. 372. On Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Zakrī al-Tilimsānī (d. 899–900/1493–94), see Ibn ʿAskar, Dawḥat al-nāshir, 108–9; Makhlūf, Shajarat al-nūr, 1:386; al-Tinbuktī, Nayl al-ibtihāj, 1:136–37; idem, Kifāyat al-muḥtāj, 1:125–26; Ibn al-Qāḍī al-Miknāsī, Durrat al-ḥijāl, 48; Ḥajjī, Mawsūʿat aʿlām al-Maghrib, 2:798; M. Hadj- Sadok, “Ibn Zakrī,” in EI2. Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 177 املغرب األقصى من حوز ســبتة وأخواهتا؟ هل فعله اليوم جائز شــرًعا لكون ســلطان تلك ]األوطان[ صاحل373 املشــركن، واملوضع الذي هــو فيــه الشــريف داخــل يف عمالــة الســلطان املذكــور؟ والفــرض أّن هــذا الصلــح مل يقــع إاًّل بعــد اطالع العــدّو علــى [2:49] عــورات املســلمن إطالًعــا كليًــا، وأخــذوا البــالد374 املذكــورة يف غايــة قــّوة اجلنــد والســالح، وبيــت375 املــال علــى خــري. هــل فعــل هــذا الشــريف مبــاح ألجل هذا املعىن، أم اًل؟ والفرض أّن الصلح املذكور376 له مّدة تنيف على العشرين سنة. هل يسوغ ذلك، أم اًل؟ فأجــاب: إن كان الرجــل القائــم اًبجلهــاد آمنًــا يف حزبــه ونفســه آمنًــا مــن غائلــة مــن مينعــه مــن جهــاد العــدّو، جــاز لــه قتــال الكّفــار حبيــث يؤمــن العــدّو أن يقاتــل377 املســلمن يف غــري موضــع الشــريف املذكــور. وأّمــا الصلــح الواقــع، فغــري مــاٍض378 ملــا فيــه مــن تقّوي العدّو وضعف املســلمن يف تلك املّدة، وغاية ما يقع الصلح بن املســلمن وعدّوهم الســنتان والثالثة – وهللا املوّفق للصواب مبّنه وفضله. اهـ من بعض التقاييد. 15. Second Fatwā of Ibn Zakrī379 وسئل أيًًضا: ما تقولون يف قبائل من املغرب األقصى، تلي سبتة وطنجة وأصيال والقصر، امتزجت أمورهم مع النصارى، وصــارت بينهــم حمبّــة حــىّت أّن املســلمن، إذا أرادوا الغــزو، أخــربوا هــؤاًلء القبائــل مــن املغــرب النصــارى، فــال جيدهــم املســلمون إاًّل متحّذرين مهيئن، والفرض أّن املسلمن اًل يتوّصلون إىل اجلهاد يف هؤاًلء النصارى إاًّل من بالد هؤاًلء القبائل، ورمّبا قاتلوا املسلمن مــع النصــارى. مــا حكــم هللا يف دمائهــم وأمواهلــم ونســائهم وأواًلدهــم؟ وهــل ينفــون مــن تلــك البــالد أم اًل؟ وكيــف إن أبــوا مــن النفــي إاًّل اًبلقتال، فهل يقاتلون أم اًل؟ فأجــاب: مــا وصــف بــه القــوم املذكــورون يوجــب قتاهلــم وقتلهــم كالكّفــار الذيــن يتوّلوهّنــم. ومــن يتــوىّل الكّفــار فهــو منهــم. وهللا أعلم. اهـ من التقييد املذكور. 373.  Emended. In BRNM: )لكون السلطان صلح(. In Ḥ and T: )لكون السلكان تلك صاحل(. 374.  In T: )البلد(. 375.  In Ḥ: )وبقيت(. 376.  In Ḥ and T: )املذكورة(. 377.  In Ḥ: )يقتال(. 378.  In Ḥ: )قاض(. 379. BNRM, 2:49; Ḥ, 253; T, 268. Al-Wazzānī includes a version of this fatwā in al-Nawāzil al-ṣughrā, 1:419; this version omits all of the city names. 178 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Example Pages from the Manuscripts General Library and Archives of Tetouan MS 178 (T 264) Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 179 Moroccan National Library MS 1698D (BNRM 2:44) 180 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Ḥasaniyya (Royal) Library MS 5862 (Ḥ 249) Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 181 Tunisian National Library MS 5354, fol. 241b 182 • Jocelyn Hendrickson Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Ḥasaniyya (Royal) Library MS 12574, 2:238 Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 31 (2023) Fatwās on Jihād from Premodern Morocco • 183 Bibliography Manuscript Sources al-Tasūlī, ʿAlī b. ʿAbd al-Salām (d. 1258/1842). Al-Jawāhir al-nafīsa fī-mā yatakarraru min al-ḥawādith al-gharība. 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